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Genesis of a man : a drama in miniature of the life of Marcus Tullius Cicero (January 3rd, 106 B.C.,… Haga, Charles Karel 1971

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G E N E S I S O F A M A N A Drama i n Miniature of the L i f e of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero (January 3rd, 106 B.C., to December 7th, 43 B.C.) by CHARLES KAREL HAGA B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF EDUCATION in the Department of SPEECH Faculty of Education We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1971 PUBLICATIONS: AWARDS : In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t freely a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Speech, Faculty of Education The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date A p r i l 28, 1971 ABSTRACT Haga, Charles K., "Genesis of a Man", A Drama i n Miniature of the L i f e of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero The t i t l e "Genesis of a Man" for the drama of Cicero's l i f e suggests the process of growth of the man Cicero i n the course of cert a i n stages of h i s l i f e . The concept of 'Becoming' i s further developed i n the sequential presentations of the events during his consulship i n 63, his farewell to active p o l i t i c s i n 56, and the end of h i s l i f e i n 43 Before C h r i s t . Analogous to t h i s development, are the themes of each of the acts. "A Man's Deeds" i s the central concept of the f i r s t act which shows Cicero's a c t i v i t i e s during the summit of his p o l i t i c a l career. The influence of t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n caused his f o r c e f u l action at a point i n time that the need arose to save the common-wealth from destruction by means of a j u s t a p p l i c a t i o n of natural law. When i n the years to follow the republican form of govern-ment made way for greater c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power due to the f o r -mation of the f i r s t triumvirate, Cicero v o l u n t a r i l y withdrew from active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s , but not before he had expressed his support for the new regime. He deemed his action necessary for the preservation of the state, because consensus of a l l parts of the body p o l i t i c was the guiding p r i n c i p l e i n h i s p o l i t i c a l outlook, even i f the main power was concentrated outside the senate. Since, however, t h i s important l e g i s l a t i v e body had now ABSTRACT (continued) assumed a subordinate role, he dedicated himself to the formu-l a t i o n of h i s concept of the i d e a l state i n h i s t r e a t i s e 'On the Commonwealth'. This period of Cicero's l i f e i s described i n the second act as "A Man's Thoughts". F i n a l l y , following a b r i e f period of resumed, p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y as the undeclared, but r e a l leader of the senate i n i t s indignation about Mark Antony's arrogance, Cicero had to f l e e Rome and was planning, to leave I t a l y . Mark Antony had made Cicero's death a condition 'sine qua non' for the formation of hi s triumvirate with Octavius and Lepidus. Even though Cicero's head and hands appeared i n the Forum following his death, h i s s p i r i t l i v e d on i n the f i n a l scene when his unfortunate, young student, Philologus, became the object of a mock t r i a l i n the market of Rome. "A.Man's S p i r i t ; " or "From Death to Rebirth" thus presents i t s e l f as the f i n a l stage i n t h i s drama. The e x i s t e n t i a l q u a l i t y of t h i s drama may be r e a l i z e d to i t s f u l l e s t extent as a radio play, or, as a stage play supported by multi-media effects, such as s l i d e s projected on one or more screens during the monologues i n the Prologue, i n Act Two, Scenes 1 and 3, and i n Act Three, Scene 1. A f i l m version could readily portray the scenes mentioned while preserving parts or a l l of the spoken scenes. In any case, adaptation of the drama i n i t s present form to the requirements of the various performing media appears a d i s -t i n c t p o s s i b i l i t y . ABSTRACT (continued) Although the l i f e and times of Cicero are better documented than any other period i n c l a s s i c a l antiquity, the figure of Cicero has sofar not become the central theme i n a s i m i l a r study of his l i f e . This i s an astonishing discovery since he himself contributed so extensively by h i s l e t t e r s and diverse works to our present knowledge of his own era. "Genesis of a Man" i s , therefore,, a f i r s t attempt i n t h i s manner to put into perspective the humanness or the man-in-becomingness of t h i s remarkable person i n h i s t o r y . Dr. Irwin R. Shaw, Assistant Professor, Department of Speech, Faculty of Education, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1. H i s t o r i c a l Background p. i 2. Acknowledgments p. i i GENESIS OF A MAN A Drama i n Miniature of the L i f e of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero DRAMATIS PERSONAE p. v i i PROLOGUE p - ix ACT I. A Man's Deeds, p. -1-From T r a d i t i o n a l Religion to Just P o l i t i c s ACT-II. A Man's Thoughts, p. -23-From Defeat of Just P o l i t i c s to the Ideal State ACT I I I . A Man's S p i r i t , p..-43-From Death to Rebirth 1. H i s t o r i c a l Background Whereas many of the passages i n t h i s drama are founded on h i s t o r i c a l facts and-records, Cicero's own words come to mind i n his defense on behalf of Archias, a teacher and philosopher. "Many great men have concentrated t h e i r e f f o r t s on leaving s t a t -ues and p o r t r a i t s behind for p o s t e r i t y . These are the pictures of bodies, , not of souls. Should we not rather endeavour to hand down an image of our thinking and being, rendered i n the best manner of which we are capable?" F i c t i o n a l though the dialogues may be, they are intended to be authentic i n s p i r i t , i f not i n fa c t . The construction of the three acts i s based on h i s t o r i c a l information to be found i n Plutarch's "Lives" (1) and i n "Paulys Real-Encyclopaedie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft" (2). The l a t t e r source was p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n dating events and i n supplying minute d e t a i l s of the households of the brothers Cicero. The l e t t e r to Titus Pomponius Att i c u s (3) of Act Two, Scene 1, and Servius Sulpicius Rufus's l e t t e r to Cicero (4) of Act Three, Scene 1, are adapted versions taken from Tiro's c o l l e c t i o n of Cicero's correspondence. Although the orations to the senate by Publius Vatia Isauficus, by Gnaeus Clodianus, and by Quintus Hortensius i n Act Two, Scene 2 ( i i ) , are f i c t i o n a l , Cicero's ad-dress i s a free rendition of the summation of his actual speech (5). With the exception of a few side remarks to Tyrannio, the outline of "On the Commonwealth" i s an excerpt from the extant volumes written by Cicero (6) -With the exception of the three young students of Publius Figulus, and of the bookseller Chrysostomus, a l l characters men-tioned by name i n the play are h i s t o r i c a l figures. Romulus, founder and f i r s t king of Rome, whose history cannot be proven, was much more a l i v e i n the imagination of the Romans as a symbol of Rome's glorious beginnings than one would suspect from the description of a mere legendary figure. 2. Acknowledgments George Bernard Shaw's "Caesar and Cleopatra" (7) and William Shakespeare's "Julius Caesar" (8) were obvious choices i n dramatic l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to t h i s era and to the atmosphere of the time. The use of colloquies i n Act One, Scene 1, i n Act Two, Scene 2 ( i ) , and i n Act Three, Scene 3, was inspired by T. S. •E l i o t ' s use of choruses i n his "Murder i n the Cathedral" (9). Cara Berkeley's "Some Roman Monuments i n the Light of History" (10) supplied the background information on Jupi t e r Stator i n Act One, Scenes 2a and 2b. M. Mead (11) presented a conception of which generous use was made for the purpose of attain i n g a consistent and workable framework of c u l t u r a l identity within which the characters of the drama have t h e i r being. National Character studies 'attempt to delineate how the innate properties of human beings, the ideo-syncratic elements i n each human being, and the general and i n d i -vidual patterns of human maturation are integrated within a shared s o c i a l t r a d i t i o n i n such a way that c e r t a i n r e g u l a r i t i e s appear i n the behaviour of a l l members of the culture which can be described as a c u l t u r a l l y regular character.' E. Fromm (12) concurs with Mead i n h i s concept of the "s o c i a l character". 'By s o c i a l character I refer to the nucleus of the character structure which i s shared by most members of the same culture i n co n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to the in d i v i d u a l character i n which people belonging to the same culture d i f f e r from each other.' A. H. Maslow (13), i n h i s description of creativeness, states, s p e c i f i c a l l y , the essence of a man l i k e Cicero. In his introduc-tory remarks, he equates S e l f - A c t u a l i z i n g creativeness with health, and he continues '...since s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n or health must u l t i -mately be defined as the coming to pass of the f u l l e s t humanness, or as the "Being" of the person, i t i s as i f S e l f -^Actualizing c r e a t i v i t y were almost synonymous with, or a sine qua non aspect of, or a defining c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of, essential humanness.' Cicero was the Roman innovator who coined the term "humanitas" or human-ness J C. Moustakas (14) i n h i s "Creativity and Conformity" supplied the trend of thought i n the theme of t h i s drama. '...Three cen-t r a l , orienting concepts of s e l f are: i n t r i n s i c nature, being, and becoming. I n t r i n s i c nature refers to the natural, inherent, given, unchanging p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , or p r o c l i v i t i e s of man, whose inte r e s t i s to r e a l i z e these inherent p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , to develop himself as f u l l y and completely as possible. Inner nature i s universally non-comparable, absolute, i n v i o l a t e . I t s focus, orientation, and unity i n any one in d i v i d u a l i s always unique. 1 'There i s no such thing as a type of person (except for "useful" abstracting purposes). The experience of one's separate-ness as a human being represents both the necessity and the op-portunity for the person to manifest basic tendencies, to develop a personality. The continuing creation of man's uniqueness i s guided by values, based upon the unconscious or preconscious per-ceptions of our own nature, of our own " c a l l " i n l i f e . ' Last but not least, Dr. Irwin R. Shaw, Assistant Professor, Department of Speech, the Faculty of Education, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, urged the writer to render Cicero's l i f e i n dramatic form, and was responsible for many improvements i n i t s f i n a l presentation. Dr. K. Stockholder, Assistant Professor, Department of English, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, suggested i n s e r t i o n of a Prologue and several other valuable improvements. Dr. P. C. F. Guthrie, Professor, Department of C l a s s i c s , Univer-s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, also gave the writer continuous moral support and encouragement, and gave freely of his time to discuss at length the problems p r e v a i l i n g at t h i s period i n Roman history; t h i s project had added inter e s t to him as there i s no evidence av a i l a b l e that the l i f e of Cicero has been the central theme of a work of a s i m i l a r nature. This i s the more curious since a great many of h i s works have been preserved and more of h i s correspon-dence has been handed down to us than that of any other h i s t o r i c a l figure i n c l a s s i c a l antiquity. (1) Plutarch, F a l l of the Roman Republic, Six Lives, Translated by Rex Warner, London, Penguin Books, 1958. (2) Wissowa, Georg, Paulys Real-Encycfopaedie der Classischen  Altertumswissenschaft, Zweiter Reihe (R - Z), Siebter Band, A l f r e d Druckenmueller Verlag i n Waldsee (Wuertt.), 1948. (3) Cicero, Marcus T u l l i u s , Select Letters, Edited, revised, and annotated by W. W. How, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1966. (4) Cicero, Marcus T u l l i u s , Letters of Cicero, A Selection i n Translation, edited by L. P. Wilkinson, London, Arrow Books, 1959. (5) Cicero, Marcus T u l l i u s , The Speeches, Pro Caelio - De  P r o v i n c i i s Consularibus - Pro Balbo, Translated by R. Gardner, Wm. Heinemann Ltd., London, 1965. (6) Cicero, Marcus T u l l i u s , On the Commonwealth, Translated by George Holland Sabine and Stanley Barney Smith, The Bobbs-Merrill Comp., Inc., New York, 1929. (7) Shaw, G. B., Caesar and Cleopatra, Brentano's, New York, 1906. (8) Shakespeare, Wm., J u l i u s Caesar, Introduction by Geo. Brandes, Wm. Heinemann, London, 1904. (9) E l i o t , T. S., Murder i n the Cathedral, Faber and Faber, London, 1935. (10) Berkeley, Cara, Some Roman Monuments i n the Light of  History, F; Gough, Hanwell, Banbury, Stanhope Press Ltd., Rochester, England, 1931. (11) Mead, M., "National Character", i n A. L. Kroeber (Ed.) Anthropology Today, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953. (12) Fromm, E., "Psychoanalytic Characterology and I t s A p p l i -cation to the Understanding of Culture", Dictionary of the  So c i a l Sciences, J . Gould and Win. L. Kolb (Ed.), The Free Press, New York, 1965. (13) Maslow, A. H., Toward a Psychology of Being, Second Edition, D. Van Nostrand Comp., Inc., Princeton, 1968. (14) Moustakas, C., C r e a t i v i t y and Conformity, The Merrill-Palmer I n s t i t u t e , D. Van Nostrand Comp., Inc., Princeton, 1965. DRAMATIS PERSONAE (in order of appearance) Narrator Romans, eight i n number,.of various walks of l i f e Quintus (Tullius) Cicero, praetor-elect for 62, brother of Marcus Cicero Marcus (Tullius) Cicero, consul for 63, j u r i s t , writer, orator Publius (Nigidius) Figulus, senator, philosopher Decimus (lunius) Silanus, senator, consul-elect for 62, orator Terentia, Marcus Cicero's wife Caius (Calpurnius) Piso, senator, former consul (67) Caius Sulpicius, praetor, new chief of p o l i c e King Romulus, legendary founder of the c i t y of Rome Lucius (Sergius) C a t i l i n a , senator, leader of the so-called " C a t i l i n a r i a n " rebels Marcus (Tullius) Tiro, freedman, secretary to Marcus Cicero Junior Members of the Senate, three young patr i c i a n s Publius ( S e r v i l i u s Vatia) Isauricus, senator, former consul (79) Gnaeus (Cornelius Lentulus) Clodianus, senator, former consul (7 2) Quintus Hortensius, senator, former consul (69) , j u r i s t , famous for h i s Asianic s t y l e of rhe t o r i c Tyrannio, Phoenician slave to Terentia, student of A r i s t o t l e ' s works Caius P o p i l i u s (Laenas), son of a freedman, m i l i t a r y tribune Caius Herennius, freedman, centurion Philologus,' young Greek student of l i t e r a t u r e and philosophy with Marcus Cicero Young Aulus, ) ) Young Bestius,) Students of Publius Figulus ) Young Crispus,) Chrysostomus, Greek freedman, owner of bookstore i n Rome Narrator: Rome was a c i t y already considered eternal, long before the early C h r i s t i a n church was established there. When Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero was a young boy, h i s father led him through the streets of the 650 year old c i t y , then counting about 500,000 inhabitants. Almost 40 years l a t e r , i n 63 Before C h r i s t , * he would become i t s consul. By t h i s time, the c i t y had reached the s i z e of about 1,000,000 people, the largest centre of the world. Its sphere of influence had replaced that of much of the Alexandrian empire of the eastern Mediterranean. Since his early childhood, Rome had expanded, notwithstanding an increasing s t r i f e between the senato-r i a l party and the plebeians or popular party. In fact, t h i s breach dated back to the days of the Younger S c i p i o and of the popular tribunate of the Gracchus brothers when Cicero's father grew up. These two factions i n Rome were locked i n an ever see-sawing b a t t l e , now allowing the one, then the other the upper hand. A poorly developed economy and the increased i n f l u x of slaves f o l -lowing the many Roman conquests caused the well-known r i s e of armies of slaves under Spartacus, merely a few years p r i o r to Cicero's consulship. Agrarian reform and peaceful conditions were necessary to expand a prospering commonwealth. C a t i l i n a , a degen-erate Roman p a t r i c i a n , was the f i r s t such man to succeed i n cre-ating a considerable following among a l l layers of the population for the pursuit of h i s own unbridled pleasures and whims. Caesar's *A11 dates are Before C h r i s t so that henceforward no reference to C h r i s t ' s B i r t h year w i l l be given. connections with t h i s man were not known, but his attitude may have been somewhat sympathetic for reasons of an opportunistic policy, that i s to say, Caesar espoused the cause of the pl e -beians and, as such, was p o l i t i c a l l y opposed to Cicero who had committed himself e n t i r e l y to the p a t r i c i a n party. Nevertheless, Cicero wanted popular support as much as Caesar did, because he believed i n "the harmony of the ranks", h i s p o l i t i c a l motto throughout h i s l i f e . When Cicero turned out to be successful i n his handling of the C a t i l i n a r i a n revolt, l i t t l e did he expect that Appius Clodius "the Handsome One" was to continue C a t i l i n a ' s cause. Due to Clodius' p o l i t i c a l intrigues, Cicero was exiled from Rome i n 58. Following 16 months of e x i l e i n Greece, he was ca l l e d back i n the most honourable fashion. Having offended Caesar already i n 59 when he had been i n v i t e d to lend h i s moral support to the formation of a triumvirate, i t became obvious that, sooner or lat e r , Cicero would have to recant his previous antag-o n i s t i c p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. This oc-curred i n 56, a turning point i n his l i f e as portrayed i n Act Two. His public support for Caesar meant for him - and for Rome - the end of the republican period. For him personally, t h i s also meant that h i s a c t i v i t i e s should best be directed towards writing h i s ideas on society i n h i s work "On the Commonwealth", Soon he was to add volumes on rhet o r i c and philosophy, p a r t i c u l a r l y dating from 49 when Caesar became d i c t a t o r for the f i r s t time. Following Caesar's death i n March of 44,. Mark Antony was i n i -t i a l l y successful i n arrogating a l l the powers vested i n Caius J u l i u s Caesar. Cicero, however, was the f i r s t to attack him for the outrageous use which he, Mark Antony, made of t h i s J u l i a n "inheritance". Octavius, at t h i s time, was Cicero's self-appointed student and f r i e n d who accused Mark Antony of treasonous behaviour as he himself claimed the inheritance of his uncle. Meanwhile, Brutus had soon l e f t I t a l y for Greece as he was loath to s t a r t another c i v i l war. Singlehandedly, Cicero managed to r a l l y the senate against Antony's d i c t a t o r i a l aspirations by means of h i s fourteen P h i l i p p i c s . These orations, modelled a f t e r Demosthenes' speeches against Philippus, King of the Macedonians, became i n -creasingly b i t t e r i n tone and content. In May of 43, however, the s p l i n t e r factions of the senate made any guidance by t h i s body impossible. In the meantime, Octavius opened negotiations with Antony and the r i c h Lepidus, leading to the formation of Rome's second triumvirate i n the f a l l of the same year. One of Mark Antony's conditions was that Marcus Cicero and h i s brother were to head the l i s t of proscriptions. Cicero had written his own death penalty with h i s P h i l i p p i c s . Octavius, according to Plutarch, i s said to have pleaded for his former teacher's l i f e for three suc-cessive days, but f i n a l l y acceded to Antony's wishes. Mark Antony's insistence on having Cicero's hands and head displayed on the Speaker's platform i s Rome, s i g n i f i e d his hatred as well as his fear of a man who - i n h i s l i f e - used h i s head, his tongue, and his hands i n the formulation of h i s thoughts as his only weapons. I t was small comfort to the Romans - and, perhaps, to us as well - to learn that Antony ordered an immediate h a l t i n the proceedings of the remaining proscriptions. The order came too l a t e for Quintus Cicero. He and h i s l i t t l e son had already been k i l l e d at F r a s c a t i . The brothers were to meet again soon, but, i f they did, i t was not i n t h i s l i f e . ACT I. - A MAN'S DEEDS Scene 1. The Forum of Rome on a December day i n the year (63 B.C.) of the consulship of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero and of Caius Antonius. A number of Romans are converging near a merchant's booth and are discussing the topic of the day. 1st Roman (worried): How can we go on l i v i n g . i n t h i s c i t y , the greatest of the world, i f people aren't safe walking the streets? I f even senators are being attacked on t h e i r way from here, how can we who are without any protection, be sure that nothing w i l l happen to us when we f i n i s h our business and return home? 2nd Roman (reassuring): Haven't you heard yet that Lentulus, the magistrate, has been arrested on orders of the Senate? He's been . found g u i l t y of sedition^ 1st Roman (relieved somewhat, but s t i l l doubtful): Thank the gods for action at last.' But what about the others, and i s C a t i l i n a s t i l l i n Rome? 3rd Roman ( i r r i t a t e d ) : Of course not, he l e f t several days ago. But i s Lentulus the only prisoner? How can we tr u s t h i s p o l i c e force? He must have many fellow conspirators spread a l l over town. 4th Roman (calm): Patience, friends, patience. Although a con-sul, Cicero had to produce proof of g u i l t b e f o r e a c t i o n c o u l d be taken a g a i n s t these r e b e l s . And many of them are members of the o l d e s t f a m i l i e s . 5th Roman (angry): .I'm f e d up wit h t a l k l i k e t h a t . When w i l l C i c e r o show h i m s e l f a man a t l a s t , and show these b a n d i t s a t h i n g or two? 4th Roman: A h , . i f t h i n g s were as simple as a l l t h a t , we would go back to the C i v i l Wars of S u l l a and Marius. I'm sure you wouldn't l i k e t o see Romans k i l l i n g Romans again.' No, no, j u s t i c e i s to take i t s course. 5th Roman: That sounds good, but meanwhile no one i s sure of the f u t u r e . Tomorrow we may f i n d our b u s i -nesses i n ashes, and our womenfolk a t t a c k e d a t home i n our absence1 Rome has s u r v i v e d these p a s t 700 years, w e ' l l p u l l through t h i s c r i s i s , too.! Besides, we're i n good hands. -Cicero i s f i g h t -i n g the mobsters i n an a l l - o u t e f f o r t . You should hear how e f f e c t i v e l y he accused them i n the Senate. 6th Roman: 7th Roman: 5th Roman: That may be so, but what we need i s someone who doesn't t a l k , but takes a c t i o n now, and r o l l s up the whole band of them. 1st Roman ( f e a r f u l ) : Hush, hush, cert a i n ideas are better l e f t unexpressed; that's dangerous talk.' I t might be better i f we abandoned the subject. A l l these arguments are l i a b l e to worsen the si t u a t i o n for us. Maybe, i f everyone were just pretending to ignore the whole thing... 8th Roman (indignant): ... Not on your l i f e . ' That's the un-Roman thing to do. Anyway, far from quieting down the present condition, your kind would s t i r these rascals to greater and,graver action.' Besides, some of you seem to forget that Cicero never shrinks from speaking up for what i s r i g h t . In the courts he used to take on formidable opponents, and at one time he at-tacked Dictator Sulla's right-hand man, at the p e r i l of his own l i f e . That was a long time ago, when he was a young and ambitious lawyer who had yet to make his mark i n public l i f e . He was one of these un-known young men from the country as there are thir t e e n to a dozen. 4th Roman: 5th Roman: 4th Roman: But he achieved a miracle. Here we have an example of an able, self-made man who has suc-ceeded i n penetrating the walls of conserva-tism that protect the o l d - l i n e aristocracy of a C a t i l i n a . Being a "new-man", he i s s t i l l suspected of middle class envy and d i s l i k e towards the pa t r i c i a n s i n the Senate. In order to avoid even the appearance of a class struggle, he i s at pains to s a t i s f y h is c r i t -i c s by means of the most elaborate and" con-vincing proofs of alleged misconduct. And that, my friends, i s what's happening r i g h t now. 2nd Roman: Lah-di-dah.1 You're a l l s k i r t i n g the re a l i s -sue. Don't you r e a l i z e that we have here a t y p i c a l example of a struggle for power? 5th Roman: I f you're so smart, why don't you explain what i t i s that we haven't been able to f i n d out ourselves? 8th Roman: I t ' d better be good.! 2nd Roman: Well, don't you see? I t ' s a l l part of"a f i g h t at the top between Caesar and Cicero. Caesar i s born out of old, noble stock. He was a proven o f f i c e r at the age of 18 years. He has been elected to the highest o f f i c e s i n the state but one, that of consul. Meanwhile, he joined the people's party. Two years ago, when he was i n charge of the state's recre-ation programme, he organized huge, but expen-sive games for the people. This vote-getting gimmick landed him into debt with the finan-c i a l octopus Crassus who i s Pompey's enemy, therefore also Cicero's enemy. Cicero, on the other hand, i s of humbler b i r t h . He be-came a t r i a l lawyer who, through his success i n the courts, has now achieved the highest p o s i t i o n of consul. He has always associated himself with the a r i s t o c r a t i c p a t r i c i a n party in the senate. In a l l respects, he has shown himself a man of moderation, i n private and in public l i f e . He has an unquestioning f a i t h i n the Great Pompey because of t h i s man's af-f i l i a t i o n s with the p a t r i c i a n s . 4th Roman: Your assessment i s correct, but needs expand-ing. When e a r l i e r t h i s year Caesar had the agrarian b i l l brought up, i t s purpose was to exclude Pompey from the all-powerful board of i t s administration. Cicero, however, r e a l i z e d i t s p o t e n t i a l danger, and k i l l e d the b i l l . Again i n the popular assembly, a procedural b i l l was introduced for the e l e c t i o n of Roman pr i e s t s , t h i s time with good success for Caesar since he was elected chief p r i e s t of the state. And, t h i r d l y , when Caesar had suc-ce s s f u l l y prosecuted senator Rabirius for an Alleged crime of almost 40 years ago, sentence could not be passed.because on the day of the f i n a l session, Metellus, a fr i e n d of Cicero's, managed to bring down the red f l a g at the gathering. This event precluded pronouncement of sentence for a l l times, and once more a seemingly well l a i d scheme of Caesar's was obstructed. 2nd Roman: Anyway, you understand by now what I meant. Also, i t should be obvious why C a t i l i n a i s bound to have a powerful a l l y i n the heart of Rome. 7th Roman: 8th Roman: No doubt i t ' s true that p e r s o n a l i t i e s are playing a part i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Neverthe-less, both of you have given ample evidence of two s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s : one, that we can put our tr u s t i n a high-minded fellow c i t i z e n who at the present i s our consul, and, two, that Cicero's past history guarantees that j u s t i c e w i l l be done. :Listen.' 'I think the senators are leaving the buil d i n g . (The group i s turning towards the crowd approaching from the other side of the Forum. A swelling noise of enthusiastic shouts i s heard; throngs of people surround the senators. In the d i s -tance Lentulus is. led away with his guarantor-senators, boos from the crowd 'are heard) . Scene 2 . An informal meeting of friends at the home of Quintus Cicero. The day's events are discussed, and the strategy for the days to come i s under hot debate. Quintus Cicero (hot): How could you be so lenient with Caius Caesar, Marcus.' F i r s t of a l l , you allow him to act as a guarantor for the captured revo-luti o n a r i e s , then you give him free r e i n to plead a safe conduct for these scoundrels to far-away places i n I t a l y , and you create the impression that you are so naive as to believe that these unreliable individuals can be held down.' Quietly working behind the scenes, he i s the greatest t r a i t o r of them al l . ! Marcus Cicero: There i s no proof for the things you said, Quintus. Quintus Cicero: He wants to spare C a t i l i n a ' s l i f e , doesn't he? And you don't c a l l him a traitor.' What fur-ther proof do you need? Marcus Cicero: Much more, Quintus, i f proof I needed. But as things stand, Caius Caesar i s innocent. As a v i c t o r i n the b a t t l e f i e l d , he has often shown the greatest clemency to the vanquished. What i n your eyes appears to be h i s sympathy for a nefarious cause, may well.be his p i t y Publius Figulus Quintus Cicero: Marcus Cicero: Decimus Silanus: I t seems to me that the pit y you are speaking of i s the reason why you were protecting Caesar with your, own l i f e when you placed yourself between him and an ugly crowd who had drawn t h e i r swords. Did I say "lenient"? "Reckless" i s a better word. Cato's f i e r y indictment of the man might have cost you your l i f e i From l e f t and right the senators, incensed, started to crowd in on Caius Caesar, but you, with your soft heart, had to step i n on his behalf.' Obviously. A f t e r a l l , i t ' s sad enough that the senate at times i s used for verbal clashes and b a t t l e s of the mind, l e t alone that physi-c a l struggles take t h e i r place. And as for h i s disagreement with our proposal to pass a death sentence on the prisoners, I pointed out i n my speech that-Caius' request for l i f e l o n g incar-ceration would be more cruel than death. In t h i s connection, I wish to o f f e r my. sincere apologies to you, Marcus, for my mistaken be-l i e f i n what Caesar stated i n h i s counter pro-posal. I s t i l l can't understand how I could be so short-sighted. Here I was, early i n the morning, vigorously.supporting you i n your campaign for the severest action against the prisoners. Then, a f t e r hearing Caesar speak, I permitted myself to support h i s motion. But fortunately, Cato lashed out against him, so that I was reminded i n time . to take the proper stand. -Publius Figulus (smiling): We a l l know and honour your o r a t o r i -c a l talents, Decimus. Allow me to suggest, however, that even the choicest selection of words of which Caius Caesar and Marcus, here, both are capable, should not detract from your f a i t h i n Marcus's cause for the good of the . state. (ENTER Terentia, i n a state of extreme excite-ment) Terentia: Marcus, the Good Goddess has spoken.' Marcus Cicero: My dear, what are you saying? Terentia ( s t i l l somewhat breathless): What were you discussing just now? Marcus Cicero: The fate of the prisoners, and the well-being of the state. Terentia (jubilant) : I knew i t , I knew it..' I t o l d them soi Marcus Cicero: Quintus, have someone please prepare a cup of medicinal s p i r i t s for my upset wife. Now, then, Terentia... Terentia (determined): And what did you decide? W i l l they be k i l l e d ? Marcus Cicero ( r e a l i z i n g - following a short h e s i t a t i o n - that a d i r e c t answer i s now c a l l e d f o r ) : Yes, I think I may say that t h i s was our unanimous opinion. Terentia (with a sigh of r e l i e f ) : Thank you, Good Goddess. Quintus Cicero: This w i l l steady your nerves. (Gives her a cup of medicinal drink). Marcus Cicero: Now, l e t ' s s t a r t from the beginning. -What happened? Terentia (takes a gulp, inhales deeply, and becomes relaxed): Everything i n the ceremony was marked by propitious signs. F i r s t of a l l , every one of the i n v i t e d Roman matrons turned up at our home as arranged. When the l a s t of them ar-rived, the Vestal V i r g i n s could at once begin with the celebration i n honour of the Good Goddess. The ceremony went well and the sac-r i f i c e showed favourable signs. Marcus Cicero (turning to h i s host, Caius P i s o ) : So far, I haven't heard anything r e a l l y extraordinary to excuse my wife's behaviour, Caius. Are those events so d i f f e r e n t from those during your consulship four years ago? Caius Piso ( r e f l e c t i n g ) : No, I can't say they are. Caius Su l p i c i u s ( o f f i c i o u s , h i s ego being expended by outer gar-ments rather than by inner convictions): Well...(coughing modestly), maybe my consta-bles are e n t i t l e d to some of the credi t i n providing s p e c i a l assistance and escort of the Vestal Virgins with t h e i r sacred attributes early t h i s afternoon. That may help to explain the speedy beginning of the ceremonies. You understand (coUghing again) that i n these troubled times the safety of the Vir g i n s i s of the utmost importance. You w i l l remember how C a t i l i n a has been manipulating r e l i g i o u s omens to his own advantage i n the past. I decided, therefore, not to take any r i s k that his gang might i n t e r f e r e with the safety of the Vestal Virgins on t h e i r way to the consul's residence for thi s well-known r e l i g i o u s obser-vance. Marcus Cicero: That was a wise decision, Caius. Also, a l l of us owe you a great deal for the manner i n which you have been able to furnish us with the necessary evidence against the conspirators and the f i v e prisoners i n p a r t i c u l a r . I have the greatest admiration for your handling of the p o l i c e force when you had to take charge at a moment's notice a f t e r we d i s -covered your fellow magistrate Lentulus 1 treasonous involvement. But (addressing Terentia) i s there nothing else to report? Terentia (smiling s e c r e t i v e l y ) : I never said that I had finished my report. Marcus Cicero ( i r r i t a t e d ) : Terentia, you are impossible. (regaining his control).Come on, we're l i s t e n i n g . Terentia (once again enjoying being the centre of i n t e r e s t ) : Marcus, I t o l d you t h i s morning that today was going to be an eventful day. T u l l i a had the same premonition, and you know that your daugh-ter and I do not agree too often. Quintus Cicero: Good heavens, woman, come to the pointJ Terentia .(shrugging o f f the in t e r r u p t i o n ) : Your medicine slowed down my tongueJ As I was saying, the Vestals were reading favorable signs from the s a c r i f i -c i a l o f f e r i n g . When they had doused the flames and had fi n i s h e d the prayer of thanks, we prepared to leave the atrium. Imagine our surprise when someone cr i e d out, "Look, the f i r e i s s t a r t i n g up again.' " We a l l turned back. There was no doubt about i t . There i t was, the embers were ablaze againJ Caius Piso (amazed): I have never heard of anything so unusual1 Publius Figulus: How was t h i s interpreted? Terentia: I am coming to that. The Vestals were as as-tounded as we were. They retreated for a l i t t l e while into your study, Marcus, so that they could consult one another i n regards to th i s miracle. When they came out, they said they were unanimous i n t h e i r conclusion. •Marcus Cicero: The Roman state i s going to survive the i n t e r -nal struggles. Terentia (disappointed): How did you know that? (regaining her sense of triumphant superiority) Yes, but there was more. I thought there was. I counted on that. Remenber when I asked you what you were d i s -cussing when I came in? Well, that was of the greatest s i g n i f i c a n c e . -Whatever you were d i s -Marcus Cicero: Publius Figulus: Terentia: Marcus Cicero (nods and stares unseeingly ahead) Decimus Silanus: We were discussing what to do with the pr i s - ' • -> oners. •Terentia (stormy): I thought you said you were go.ing to execute them.' Marcus Cicero (sighing): Not exactly, but i t amounts to that. Terentia (worried): What does that mean? Are you or aren't you? (while no answer i s forthcoming immediately) A l l the women agree that you w i l l have to take a firm stand, Marcus. And (smiling v i c t o -riously) both Rome and y o u r s e l f . w i l l earn fame with posterity for abiding by the Goddess's omen. Marcus Cicero: Ah, but won't our opponents say that i t was we who are d i r e c t i n g the omens to expedite our cause? Fame, based on divine manifestation alone, i s not enough. Terentia (pressing for a d e f i n i t e answer): What are you going to do? Marcus Cicero (firmly now): The deity has spoken. The prisoners w i l l be executed. T'erentia: At l a s t you've given a firm answer; a l l the women are s t i l l waiting at our home, and I can face them honourably. Not one of the t r a i t o r s s h a l l live.' (EXIT Terentia, pleased with the success of her mission) . Quintus Cicero: The road i s cleared to proceed now with the extreme penalty. Marcus Cicero: This may be so, but have you.thought of the consequences? We have to remember that three of them belong to the oldest, a r i s t o c r a t i c families, two of them belong to the famous Cornelians. Do you r e a l i z e what many senators w i l l say of me, that I, a middle-class man, am using my consular powers to get even with my superiors? They may blame t h i s on my envy or my. ambition, they may even suspect me of put-ting more middle-class men into the senate by decimating t h e i r ranks. Already I heard a rumor that I was setting myself up as a hang-ing judge of the upper cl a s s . Publius Figulus: Aren't you over-reacting to the point of show-ing weakness, Marcus? Caius Piso (also p r o t e s t i n g ) : No, no, Marcus. Don't forget that i t was Quintus Catulus who as chief of the Senate today spoke on behalf of the entire body of senators when he named you the Defender of the Fatherland. An equally excel-lent man, Lucius Publicola, stated that you had earned the decoration of the c i v i c crown. This d i s t i n c t i o n , usually earned for saving the l i f e of a fellow c i t i z e n , was more than r i g h t f u l l y yours, he said, because you had saved Rome for a l l i t s c i t i z e n s . I'm sure you remember the thundering applause you received following the speeches. Marcus Cicero: Thank you, my dear friends, for reminding me of my obligations to my supportors and to my continued concern for Rome's well-being. How-ever, I want to share with you a l l the p e r t i -nent information at my disposal. Then you w i l l be i n a better p o s i t i o n to understand and appreciate the d i f f i c u l t y of the decision which I, as your consul, w i l l have to make. What i s at stake i s the l e g a l i t y of the death penalty. For the past few months I have studied the jurisprudence on t h i s matter. There i s no Roman law on seditious intent, nor have I been able to f i n d h i s t o r i c evidence applicable to our present dilemma. I have, therefore, to r e l y on my experience as a j u r i s t on the one hand, on the other, I have to attempt to interpret law as i t i s founded i n r e l i g i o n , divine w i l l , t r a d i t i o n , j u s t i c e , and our way of l i f e . To be s p e c i f i c , these are the horns of my dilemma: am I morally j u s t i f i e d i n condemning anyone to death as long as he has not thrown the state into chaos? Or, i f I were not to take d r a s t i c action, do I stand condemned for exposing the citizen-body to the whims of a handful of outlaws who then w i l l be free to k i l l , plunder, and destroy to t h e i r hearts 1 content? Quintus Cicero: You must act now, Marcus. The time for aca-demic reasoning i s over. Your obligations to the good people of Rome leave no doubt. I f we can make up our own minds, so should youJ Publius Figulus (sideways to Caius S u l p i c i u s ) : W i l l you now t e l l Marcus what you mentioned to me e a r l i e r today? And l e t your report be a testimony for a l l of us here tonight.' Caius S u l p i c i u s : In the beginning of thi s year of your consul-ship, Marcus, you had ordered a statue of the Great J u p i t e r . I t so happened, that t h i s morning when the prisoners i n t h e i r chains were led by my policemen across the Forum, the new statue was put i n i t s place on the upper part of the Sacred Way. Scene 2a. (Phaze in) Decimus Silanus: Remember the Elder Cato's "Origin of Rome" i n (Narrator) which he describes how Jupiter's name was i n -voked by Romulus on the present s i t e of the Temple of Jupit e r the Stayer? King Romulus had been swept away by the mass of his fellow Romans who were f l e e i n g from the f i e r c e l y at-tacking Sabines, a year a f t e r the Romans had carried o f f the Sabine maidens to t h e i r c i t y . On t h i s spot, Romulus l i f t e d up his hands to heaven, and exclaimed: Romulus (enter) : Oh Jupiter.' I t was thy omen I obeyed when here on the Palatine H i l l I l a i d the founda-tions of the c i t y . Thou, Father of gods and men, drive, I pray thee, our foes from here, .and, while banning ter r o r from Roman hearts, stay our shameful f l i g h t J Here do I vow a temple to thee, Jup i t e r the Stayer, as a memorial for generations to come that i t was thy help that saved the c i t y . Narrator: Then, as though he knew that his prayer had been heard, he c r i e d : Romulus: Back, Romans.' Jupiter, the All-Good and A l l -Great, commands you to take your stand and renew the b a t t l e . Narrator: The f l e e i n g Romans stopped, turned around, and drove t h e i r enemies back. (Phaze out, exit Romulus). Scene 2b. (Phaze in) Publius Figulus: One month ago, Marcus, you warned C a t i l i n a i n (Narrator) t h i s temple to leave the c i t y at once, when you addressed him i n these words: Marcus Cicero (steps forward) : While I_ employ only words, and you weapons, there should at least be the c i t y walls between us. Narrator: Since you didn't have the necessary proof at the time, you wanted C a t i l i n a to show his hand by j o i n i n g Manlius' camp outside the c i t y , and thus give evidence of open r e b e l l i o n . Your very words were: Marcus Cicero: Oh C a t i l i n a , continue as you have begun. At long l a s t , leave t h i s c i t y . The gates are open: go. This Manlian camp of yours has been waiting long enough for you who are i t s stra t e -g i s t . You can stay no longer among us. I . won't suffer your presence any longer, I won't permit i t , I won't to l e r a t e it.' We bring thanks to our immortal gods, to t h i s very Jupi t e r Stator i n whose temple we are, that so often we, i n the commonwealth, have es-caped an enemy, so foul, so horr i b l e , so deadlyi Narrator: And while the assembled senators c r i e d "Traitor, fiend.'" a f t e r him, C a t i l i n a dashed out of the building, gnashing h i s teeth and muttering: C a t i l i n a (enter): For t h i s , I w i l l quench the f i r e surrounding me by a conflagration of my own.' Narrator: That same night he stole out of the ci t y on his way to Manlius. (Phaze out, exit of C a t i l i n a , back to the gathering at Quintus Cicero's house). Publius Figulus: :Everyone present r e a l i z e d the implication of the event. Jup i t e r Stater, the Great Stayer of enemy forces, was put i n i t s proper place at a time when Rome had captured most of the leaders of t h i s insurection. A sign from the heavens has been given. Marcus Cicero: When the gods decide, men abide. We must proceed with our o r i g i n a l plans. My cons-cience i s at peace. **** (End of Act I.) ACT I I . - A MAN'S THOUGHTS Scene 1. Cicero i s d i c t a t i n g a l e t t e r to his secretary, Tiro, i n his v i l l a near Anzio, May 698 Since the Founding of Rome, or 56 years be-fore the C h r i s t i a n era began. -Marcus Cicero: This w i l l be another l e t t e r for my fr i e n d T i t u s . Marcus T i r o : I'm ready for i t , Marcus Marcus Cicero: Date i t : Anzio, Ides of May of the year 698 Since the Founding of the City of 'Rome. From Cicero to Atticus, Greetings. WhatJ Do you really, believe that I'd rather have someone else read my writing for approval? "But then, " you'd ask me, "Why do you send i t to Pompey f i r s t ? " For the simple reason that he had been a f t e r me to get i t r i g h t away, and I didn't have an extra copy for you. "And i s that a l l ? " Well, no, I have nibbled enough at the b i t t e r p i l l , and now I must swallow i t , as long as you don't get the idea that I enjoyed my public r e t r a c t i o n of my senatorial policy i n regards to Pompey; that was bad enoughi However, we must say goodbye to everything that i s f a i r , straightforward, and honest. We simply cannot t r u s t those ambitious, so-called "leaders", they have no idea what loyalt y i s a l l about. I should have r e l i e d more on my hunches. As a matter of fact, I was almost sure that they would lead me on, and then they could get r i d of me at the e a r l i e s t op-portunity. A l l the same, I made up my mind to go along with them i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. I should have known better.' They were the same as always, solely intent on t h e i r own s e l f - i n t e r e s t . So now, thanks to you, I.have come to my senses. You w i l l no doubt react by saying, "I t o l d you so and I hope y o u ' l l keep your mouth shut, too." Anyhow, you cer t a i n l y would have warned me not to commit myself on paperJ But, damn i t a l l , I f e l t I had to com-mit myself to the triumvirs. -The reason i s that I wanted -to cut my connections with the pa t r i c i a n s who are continuously jealous of me. Instead, they should sympathize with me be-cause there i s no other way i n which to keep the state together. Nonetheless, I have been moderate i n my praise of the leaders. "But;" y o u ' l l say, "you have committed your feelings i n black-and-white." True, and I s h a l l be generous with my compli-ments to Caesar as long as he appreciates them, even i f i t costs me wry faces among those who complain:that I now own a house that once belonged to the great p a t r i c i a n Catulus. They claim I shouldn't have remodelled his home; I should have done the honourable thing and sold the whole property because of my a l -leged change of heart- The irony o f • i t a l l i s that I bought the place from a. certain Vettius, a p o l i t i c a l nobody 1 But a l l of t h i s i s nothing compared with t h e i r hypocrisy. Whenever I made speeches expounding the p a t r i -cian point of view which was displeasing to Pompey, they were j u b i l a n t . I won't do that any more. As long as the p a t r i c i a n s behave in t h i s fashion, they w i l l never regain power i n the state. They do not r e a l l y wish me as t h e i r f r i e n d . They leave me no choice: I have to a l l y myself with the two men who do have the power. You w i l l say, "I wish you had done so long ago." I know i t now, and I r e a l i z e that I have been a.complete ass. From my f e l -low senators I can no longer expect anything worthwhile. I t ' s high time that I s t a r t thinking f i r s t of a l l of myself and of my own hobbies. I'm glad to hear you say that. You have done more than your share for Rome's sake. And look where i t ' s got you I Well, I ' l l have to accept the bad of the pres-Marcus T i r o : Marcus Cicero: ent along with the good of the past. Except for Titus A t t i c u s and yourself, however, few people w i l l be able to understand my so-called "treasonous change of heart" that has since cost me the goodwill of the p a t r i c i a n s i n the senate. Many w i l l think that a l l I'm doing is to j o i n the power group merely to s u i t my own private•ends. They forget that any other decision on my part would amount to the sen-ate's ruination, as Pompey and Caesar would s t a r t r i d i n g roughshod over a l l of the sen-ate's counsels, (to himself) We have to keep the commonwealth together, even i f i t means that my image emerges as that of a s e n i l e statesman who i s hanging on to h i s former fame and glory. My time as an active p o l i t i c i a n i s pretty well a thing of the past, barring a fluke of fate. The tyranny of three - by a l l means, l e t ' s not forget the despotic wealth of Crassus - w i l l keep my p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s largely nominal. Marcus T i r o : And what did you intend doing as far as hob-bies are concerned? Marcus Cicero (waking up out of his r e v e r i e ) : Yes, at l a s t I can dedicate myself to my f a v o r i t e studies of the Ideal State, and, l a t e r , of the Just Law. This i s the time that I w i l l put down my thoughts on paper. Remind me to write to Tyrannio. I would l i k e him to bring my books from Rome and Fr a s c a t i , provided of course that Terentia w i l l l e t him go and that he i s w i l l i n g to interrupt his studies of A r i s t o t l e . Marcus T i r o : I hope that t h i s can be arranged. You couldn't get a better man to a s s i s t you i n your research, Marcus. Marcus Cicero: Well, then, l e t ' s f i r s t f i n i s h A t t i c u s ' l e t -t er before we take the next step. Scene 2(i) On the steps of the Senate Building are groups of senators d i s -cussing current events. One group of the younger set of p a t r i -cians appears i n the spotli g h t . F i r s t Young P a t r i c i a n : Well, i t ' s going to be an inter e s t i n g toss-up: three men to be nominated governors for four provincesJ Second Young P a t r i c i a n : Some of the old guard, l i k e Clodianus and Hortensius, would prefer to see the can-didates reduced to two, leaving the four provinces to Piso and Gabinius, and none to Caius CaesarJ Third Young P a t r i c i a n : Yes, but they, thank heaven, represent not a l l of the factions i n the senate. And even they disagree.' Second Young P a t r i c i a n : . True, Clodianus i s not quite as extreme as our s l i c k lawyer Hortensius. F i r s t Young P a t r i c i a n : Isauricus i s a moderate, and h e ' l l prob-ably defend Caesar 's entitlement to Gaul, but that s t i l l leaves Cicero. What would he rec-ommend? Second Young P a t r i c i a n : I don't think anyone knows h i s p o s i t i o n . He's kept quite a b i t to himself, of l a t e . But then, I suppose, the recent marriage of his beloved daughter T u l l i a to Furius must have kept him busy, what with the arrangements and a l l . . . F i r s t Young P a t r i c i a n : And don't forget how.much a high-fashion wedding costs these days.! Second Young P a t r i c i a n : I f he's a businessman, h e ' l l a l i g n him-s e l f with the triumvirs; h e ' l l have h i s debts paid i n no time at a l l with Crassus ' help.1 Third Young P a t r i c i a n : That kind of bargain i s the l a s t thing h e ' l l consider. Second Young P a t r i c i a n : I was just joking. Everyone knows he'd rather go broke than beg favours from that influence-peddlar. As a matter of fact, he's probably disgusted with Caesar's wheeling-and-dealing t a c t i c s at Lucca where Pompey and Crassus were p r a c t i c a l l y assured of becoming next year's consuls. Just imagine, those two as consuls and Caesar next year i n charge of a l l of Gaul.' Rome, no, I t a l y and the whole state under complete domination of the trium-v i r s 1 Third Young P a t r i c i a n : Yes, I think we a l l r e a l i z e the implica-tions of that power block. But - under the circumstances - what al t e r n a t i v e would provide a better arrangement? F i r s t Young P a t r i c i a n : None, I believe we are caught i n the middle of two hazards. The commonwealth w i l l be governed either by a triumvirate that po-l a r i z e s power i n the hands of the strongest man, or by a divided senate where the ru l i n g power i s tossed.from one warring f a c t i o n to another.. Therefore, he who w i l l presently propose an acceptable manner of accommodation w i l l not only carry the senate, but w i l l p i l o t the ship of state safely through our present S c y l l a and Charybdis. Scene 2 ( i i ) In the Senate chamber, over three hundred members are i n attend-ance. Publius Isauricus: (Eldest ex-consul therefore, F i r s t i n Seniority) Gnaeus Clodianus; (Second i n Seniority) ...In conclusion, senators, I move that the former consuls Piso and Gabinius be given the governorship of Syria and Macedonia respec-t i v e l y , and that Caesar continue i n charge of the provinces of Inner and Outer Gaul, (boos and hurrays) ...We ought to see t h i s war against the Gauls in i t s proper perspective. The mopping-up operations against the Gauls at the A t l a n t i c sea-coast have to come to a successful end. I s h a l l , therefore, cast my vote f o r C a e s a r as mi l i t a r y governor of Outer Gaul and of any other province except for Inner Gaul. A f t e r a l l , h i s second command does not necessarily have to be i n the adjacent t e r r i t o r y of Inner Gaul, (boos by the Caesarean party) I t i s bad enough that we have to submit to a law which e n t i t l e s him to the charge of two provinces at a time, (boos continue and become stronger)-, but i t does not prescribe the distance between them. In my opinion, Caius Caesar should not be given f u l l power over the two provinces of Gaul j o i n t l y , since they would constitute the equivalent of a state within the state. (Shouts of assent from the p a t r i c i a n s , and outcries of disapproval from the Caesarean faction) Quintus Hortensius (noted for his flowery, o r a t o r i c a l s t y l e ) : (Third i n Seniority) Fellow senators. How pleasant would i t be for me to concur with the speakers before me. Their d i s t i n c t i o n I, then, could c a l l mine. A f t e r a l l , they are noted for t h e i r past achievements during t h e i r consulship, for t h e i r attainments abroad, and for t h e i r r i c h funt of wisdom. As i t turned out, however, they voiced divergent opinions and, conse-quently, l e f t you i n a quandary. How unfor-tunate a p o s i t i o n I would f i n d myself in, i f I were to take the side of one, and had to oppose the other.' No, senators, t h i s w i l l not be my l o t . Instead, I f i n d that I may appear to add to the present confusion of choices, and thus share t h e i r odious record. Indeed, i t i s my duty to present to t h i s august body my modest proposal. Piso Caesoninus and Gabinius, our consuls of two years ago, are men of a p o l i t i c a l orientation which i s favourable i n the eyes of the major-i t y of our membership. I grant you that Gabinius did not execute your d i r e c t i v e s when he r e i n s t i t u t e d Ptolomy as king of Egypt. However, he has never engaged .in negotiations leading to'the-formation of a triumvirateJ Now then, i f we s c r u t i n i z e Caesar's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , we must a r r i v e at a d i f f e r e n t con-clusion. During a meeting at Lucca, Caesar strengthened the bond of an u l t r a v i r e s trium-v i r a t e between himself, Pompey, and Crassus. (notwithstanding loud reactions from both sides of the house, he continues i n a s a r c a s t i c tone) You should be well informed on t h i s score since 200 of your number have been there, paying your respects to them i n s l a v i s h homageJ (boos) The quantity of t h i s treason i s equalled by i t s q u a l i t y , (tumult arises) As for numbers, I would remind you of the extraordinary turnout of 417 Senators l a s t year when our esteemed colleague Cicero was unanimously r e c a l l e d from e x i l e . Also, for the benefit of the greenhorns and ostriches amongst you, l e t me add that Lucca was the breeding place for the new con-suls. In one great caesarean operation, the Pompey and Grasses twins were conceived ahead of scheduleI (prolonged interruptions) In summary, I move that Outer Gaul be a l l o t t e d to our f a i t h f u l and competent Piso Caesoninus, Inner Gaul to Gabinius who w i l l be safely controlled from t h i s short distance, and that Macedonia and Syria w i l l be i n good hands with Caesar at that safe distance, (boos and applause) Marcus Cicero (summing up h i s address to the senate): ...And (Fourth i n Seniority) here then i s my concluding remark. .Even i f I entertained feelings of animosity towards Caius Caesar, then I should - under the pre-v a i l i n g circumstances - - f i r s t of a l l be mind-f u l of the state's i n t e r e s t . Also, i f I were a truely enlightened person, I should be above h o s t i l i t y . But, I have never been hi s enemy.' On the contrary, h i s f r i e n d l y attitude to me should d i s p e l any idea of my wishing him harm. If , therefore, i t becomes a matter of apprais-ing Caesar, I pay t r i b u t e to a great man. I f i t i s a matter of assessing his great merits, I f i r s t wish to receive the consensus of opin-ion from the Senate: i f you so decide, I s h a l l support the t r a d i t i o n a l p r actice of t h i s House i n i t s decision to confer honours upon him by extending his m i l i t a r y command i n Gaul. I con-sider i t i n the state's best i n t e r e s t that the war i n Gaul w i l l benefit from his continued leadership. Speaking for myself, I w i l l be pleased to of f e r my personal services i n any way I can. Yes, fellow senators, I strongly urge you to accept my view. I f there are some of you,who collaborated with my enemy Clodius to the detriment of the res publica, I do not expect to convince them. And i f there are those who are Caesar's enemies and who would want to cause a r i f t i n the harmony bet-ween Caesar and myself, a l l they do i s place themselves on the side of a t r a i t o r l i k e Clodius. Their dissenting votes do not d i s -turb me. Senators, i t i s now up to you. (An overwhelming majority of the senators present r i s e from t h e i r seats and a thundering applause honours the speaker as he resumes his seat) Scene 3. In the f a l l of the same year, Cicero i s back i n Anzio where he has retreated to write h i s f i r s t major philosophical t r e a t i s e to be known, as "On the Commonwealth". In hi s l i b r a r y , he i s giving an outline of hi s work to Tyrannio who i s making notes i n shorthand and who i s expected to make h e l p f u l comments as a widely-read student of Greek l i t e r a t u r e . Marcus Cicero: Service to the state, based on a sense of f u l f i l l i n g one's task, has always been Rome's strength, witness the contributions by the Scipios who successfully fought Carthage, our former arch-enemy, and by men l i k e Cato the Elder who might have enjoyed a l i f e of tran-q u i l l i t y at hi s home i n be a u t i f u l F r a s c a t i , but spent instead a l i f e of demanding work i n the Senate. I t follows, therefore, that upright behaviour and r e l i g i o u s observance as such are not the entire answer. Education, courage of -one's conviction, and perseverance i n the face of adversity are additional requirements to govern a res publica. These q u a l i t i e s constitute man's greatest v i r t u e . In the course of my career, I have kept t h i s high i d e a l i n mind. During my consulship i n p a r t i c u l a r , I had the memorable opportunity to test and pr a c t i s e my . c i v i c . r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Consequently, I am s u f f i c i e n t l y f a m i l i a r with the subject of government to present to my readers a d i s -cussion, rather than a new theory, of how to conduct the state's business. I intend doing t h i s i n the form of a conversation between some eminently q u a l i f i e d individuals of some three generations past. The Younger Sc i p i o Africanus and h i s c i r c l e of friends seem to me id e a l l y suited for the main char-acters. By way of introduction, I propose to s t a r t them o f f on a seemingly extraneous topic, such as a report of, and an explana-t i o n for, the phenomenon of the sun and i t s halo. In the ensuing discussion Socrates, the Pythagoreans, and Plato w i l l be introduced, each with h i s or t h e i r views on nature and on human a f f a i r s . The favourite Greek studies of philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy, should then be projected into the sphere of c i v i c af-f a i r s and of the commonwealth. More important, therefore, w i l l i t be to ask ourselves, why there aren't two senates i n one state since we have two factions, the pat r i c i a n s and the pl e -beians, the sun and i t s halo i n the sky. The question presents i t s e l f : what form of government do we prefer, and why? Having de-fined the commonwealth as the people's a f f a i r , S c i p i o goes on to give a h i s t o r i c a l background of the various governments i n many parts of the world. He reminds us that c i v i l law i s born out of the law of nature. Man, because of h i s gregarious impulses, avoids solitude, but seeks communion. Groups of human beings look for and b u i l d on an advantageous s i t e where t h e i r dwel-lings and shrines take care of t h e i r physical and s p i r i t u a l needs. A town or city, i s then created. Every community i s a number of men united i n t h i s way. Every state i s an organi-zation of in d i v i d u a l s . .Every commonwealth i s the people's business, that i s to say that the authority, i n a state i s based on free delibera-tions, and thus secures the state's permanence. O r i g i n a l l y , t h i s authority was bound to a spe-c i f i c l o c a t i o n and was delegated to either a single person, or a select group of people, or the entire membership of the community. This concept i s indeed expounded by A r i s t o t l e i n h i s " p o l i t i c s " . I agree with him, Tyrannio. Now, then, we f i n d that these kinds of authority correspond with monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. For fac-t u a l examples, we may refer to the rule of Cyrus, the ju s t and wise monarch of the Persians, to our pr o v i n c i a l s of Marseilles who are governed with a great measure of j u s t i c e by a group of a r i s t o c r a t s , and to the Athenians, at the time when a l l public business was trans-acted democratically by the entire body of voters. I s h a l l also dwell on the degenera-t i v e types of society, that i s dictatorship, plutocracy, and mob rule . Instances of these unfortunate conditions are many, too many.' A fourth type of government, however, w i l l be best i n Scipio's opinion: i t i s the combined rule of a l l three l e v e l s of society. You understand, of course, that i n my proposed ideal society our existing system of dual con-sulship represents the royal power. Tyrannio: Obviously. But neither A r i s t o t l e nor anyone else has ever come up with the suggestion to unite these forces 1 And I thought that - ac-cording to what you said yourself - you didn't intend to set up a new theoryJ Marcus Cicero: What do you want me to do? Simply rehash p o l i t i c a l history, or put down my studies and experiences i n a creative blend? Tyrannio (bewildered): No, but>..1 need some time to digest t h i s revolutionary approach. Marcus Cicero: Perhaps, Tyrannio, "evolutionary" may be a better description- You see, we, Romans, too have t r i e d a l l the known forms of government, and i n the end, they didn't work. Sooner or la t e r dissension arose. The cause appears to be: guidance from the top without popular par-t i c i p a t i o n and support, or, continuous d e l i b -eration by the people, r e s u l t i n g i n a lack of control. And, as f a r as the,novelty of my idea i s concerned, I believe that we don't de-serve to take our place under the sun unless we make a worthwhile contribution to society. The Greeks have been f e r t i l e thinkers; i s n ' t i t up to us, Romans, to prove wliat we are capable of doing i n organizing ourselves, the more so, since we have already proved ourselves to be superior to them i n t h i s f i e l d of en-deavor? Tyrannio (with renewed respect): Yes, you are right, I am sorry I brought the matter up. Marcus Cicero: No, you shouldn't be sorry for thati In fact, I'm grateful you did because you made me re-a l i z e how necessary i t w i l l be to focus the reader's attention to the subject of the har-mony of the classes, as a means to achieve the best possible government i n a commonwealth. Yet, I s h a l l have to dwell at quite some length on each form of rul e . The reason for my solution of the problem w i l l then become apparent. The conclusion w i l l culminate i n the t r i n i t y of royal power for both consuls, limited, however, by the chief powers of gov-ernment i n ,the hands of the senate, and v o l -u n t a r i l y supported i n the popular assembly. Then, I want to look at the relationship bet-ween man and state, to what extent a j u s t man contributes to a just society. Reason makes man superior to the animal and gives him speech, arts, and sciences. Whereas reason and speech are the fundamentals of law and society, wisdom i s the study of the arts, the sciences, law, and government. The summit of human excellence, however, i s reached by the man who combines scholarly tastes and p r a c t i -c a l achievement. He and his kind are the p i l -l a r s of a j u s t society, the viable form of living-together that makes the commonwealth truely the people's business. I also propose to stress interpersonal r e l a -tions i n society and extend these into the f i e l d of education. Man being possessor of reason i s the only animal having the g i f t of language. His vaguely formed concepts based on the senses are misleading to the unedu-cated. Proper t r a i n i n g makes the senses the servants of man's mind. .1 agree, therefore, with Plato that t r a i n i n g of the mind takes precedence over physical education. But I d i f f e r with him, insofar as h i s equalitarian view of women i s concerned. The best among the c i t i z e n s deserve the highest positions i n the state. And f i n a l l y , I w i l l describe the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the type of leader i n a commonwealth. In his "Republic", Plato made use of the f i c t i o n a l hero Er, the Pamphylian, and h i s return to l i f e . I s h a l l conclude my work also with a dream story, but my main char-acter w i l l be the h i s t o r i c a l figure of the Elder S c i p i o manifesting himself to his son from the other side of l i f e . The poetry of his words w i l l have a deeper and more l a s t i n g e f f e c t on the reader than any argument I could add to the proposed format of my work. "On you alone, Africanus, the safety of the state w i l l r e s t . " - ' " A l l men who have saved or benefited t h e i r native land, or have enhanced i t s power, are assigned a s p e c i a l place i n heaven where they may enjoy a l i f e of eternal b l i s s . " - "And how sh o r t - l i v e d w i l l be the speech even of those who speak your.name;" - "Excellence i t s e l f , by i t s own inherent charm, must draw you towards true glory;" .- "Know that your true nature i s divine." - "Train the soul i n the noblest ways 1" > **** (End of Act II.) ACT I I I . - A MAN'S SPIRIT Scene 1. On a mild, sunny December afternoon, 43 B.C., t w i l i g h t i s not far o f f . Quintus Cicero has just arisen from h i s carriage, Marcus relaxes i n his own, af t e r t h e i r servants had put the carriages down near a grove on the banks of the Astura River. While the brothers are talking, the slaves are exchanging banal-i t i e s amongst one another at a respectful distance. Quintus Cicero (anxious): What w i l l happen to us i f Mark Antony's sold i e r s f i n d us here? Marcus Cicero (in a quiet, but firm tone): Well, they've t h e i r orders, of course, but with Antony, you never know what those are. However, there i s a bet-ter than average chance that we w i l l reach Astura on the coast before t h e y ' l l catch up with us. Once there, we'll be able to h i r e a boat to bring us to Brutus i n Macedonia. Quintus Cicero: That would be a good plan a l r i g h t , but I have hardly any money on me. How are you set for cash? Marcus Cicero: I've got some 800 sesterces along, which, I grant you, won't take us fa r . •Quintus Cicero: Eight hundredi That won't be any helpj I ' l l just have to go back, the money i s just l y i n g there, .waiting for me as I ordered i t . And my son; h i s l i f e i s n ' t safe, either' Marcus Cicero: I f i t wasn't for your son, I would urge you to come along to my v i l l a i n Astura where I ' l l be able to take up s u f f i c i e n t funds for the two of us. Quintus Cicero: No, thanks.' I can't leave my boy behind. I ' l l have to return to F r a s c a t i to take him along to a safe spot. Marcus Cicero: Quintus Cicero: Marcus Cicero: A l a s i We are a sorry l o t , you and I. The i n -j u s t i c e of i t a l l i s that you can not be held responsible for what I say and write. Look, Marcus, that i s only part of the truth. My true feelings about that wretched man have been expressed i n your P h i l i p p i c s against him better and more completely than i f I had been the author. I t follows, therefore, that I am g u i l t y as much as you are. Thank you,. Quintus. I wish, though, that we, also, could say "Old age gives me no cause for complaint," as the sophist Gorgias stated on his one hundred seventh birthday. Twenty years ago t h i s month -we were meeting at your home on the feast day of the Good Goddess during the C a t i l i n a r i a n c r i s i s . Five years l a t e r you were my only company during my e x i l e from I t a l y . And when I made up with Caesar i n order to keep th e commonwealth together, you were ready to of f e r him your services as a common token of our goodwill. .He gave you many honourable commissions i n the f i e l d i n Gaul, and you proved yourself a capable commander. So he wrote to me himself, and so I found out for myself when you were commanding my troops i n C i l i c i a during my governorship there. On the Ides of March l a s t year we l o s t our dictator, and, instead of gaining a united front i n the senate, our senators - through disuse or s e n i l i t y - demonstrated a lack of manliness. With the sense of a predator, Mark Antony has designated time, space and l i f e to those whom he d i g n i f i e d as hi s enemies. -Quintus Cicero: I f Antony were only h a l f as decent as Caesar, I might s t i l l have been an o f f i c e r with my own legion. To die fight i n g , was a r i s k of my profession; but now, I'm already h a l f dead as a non-combatant.' And would his troops spare my son? Marcus Cicero (producing a yellowed parchment out of his toga, and s t a r t i n g to read from i t ) : : "When I was t o l d of your daughter T u l l i a ' s death, you can imagine how shocked I was, and how sad i t made me. I f e l t i t was my_ tragedy, too, and i f I'd been there you know I would, of course, have been at your side to express ray feelings i n person. Every condolence i s a wretched and pai n f u l business i n any case, because the re l a t i v e s and friends from whom condolence i s expected are just as downcast as the next of kin. Due to t h e i r own state of sadness, they are hardly capable of conveying sympathy, and -instead of being t h e i r friend's comforters - i t is they who need to be comforted. A l l " the same, I have decided to put some thoughts on paper as these occurred to me, not because they are very o r i g i n a l , but i n case your sorrow might tempo-r a r i l y have obscured your v i s i o n . " Quintus Cicero: Who wrote you that l e t t e r ? Marcus Cicero: My good f r i e n d Servius Su l p i c i u s when he was i n Athens as governor of Greece, two years ago. He goes on as follows: -" F i r s t o f a l l , what i s so special about your personal loss that i s moving you so deeply? Keep i n mind how rudely fate has already treated us by taking away those things that we hold as dear as our c h i l d -ren - our country, our good name, our position, in fact, our whole career. Could t h i s one drop r e a l l y 'add to our cup of woe? Isn't i t so that our mind, trained i n hardship, should by now be Quintus Cicero: And what blows haven't we had already.' Marcus Cicero: "Or i s i t because you are mourning for her sake? No doubt, i t must have occurred to you, too, that - i n times l i k e ours - people are well o f f i f they are allowed to die painlessly.' And what prospect or consolation might she have been able to look forward to i n t h i s day and age? To get married to some distinguished young man? On account of your position, ob-viously, you would have had ample choice, pro-vided that you could f i n d someone r e l i a b l e to take proper care of your c h i l d . Or i s i t , because she might have.had children and seen them r i s e to success? ~ Would her children, how-ever, be able to enjoy the free use of t h e i r grandfather's inheritance, that i s , would they have the opportunity to follow i n your foot-steps? Could they take up a p o l i t i c a l career l i k e yours, enjoy freedom of action i n public l i f e , and, i n general, l i v e the l i f e of a gentleman? A l l these promises for the future have been snatched away, t h e i r f u l f i l l m e n t has been rendered impossible. To lose your c h i l d , y o u ' l l say, i s a personal calamity. True; but Quintus Cicero: That's a l l very well for you and for your p o l i t i c a l career, but... Marcus Cicero: Wait, Quintus, what follows applies to a l l of us and w i l l put personal losses into t h e i r proper perspective. "There i s one thought I would l i k e to pass on to you that has been a great consolation to me. I hope i t may also give you some comfort. On my return t r i p from Asia Minor I was s a i l i n g from Aegina towards Megara. With the Piraeus on my right, and Corinth on my l e f t , I began to look at the lands round about me. At one time, these were a l l f l o u r i s h i n g c i t i e s ; now they are l y i n g i n dust and ruins. I began to think,.'What a contrast.! How small are we i n our s e l f -centered resentment when someone close by, who i s bound to die sooner or l a t e r anyway, dies or i s k i l l e d , . whereas here, from t h i s one ob-servation point, are v i s i b l e the remains of so many c i t i e s that were razed to the ground, population and a l i i Come, control yourself, Servius, (I said to myself) and remember that you were born a mortal.' I assure you, I f e l t considerably better for that thought. Allow yourself to v i s u a l i z e what I t o l d you. Not so long ago, many outstanding men died at one and the same time with Cato, and the Roman nation sustained a c r i p p l i n g loss throughout the empire: are you then so distressed i n the loss of the f r a i l l i f e of one tiny woman? Since she was mortal, she was bound to die, and, i f not now, then a few years l a t e r . " Quintus Cicero (pensive): Yes, I think I understand what he i s driving at... Marcus Cicero: "Now then, take your mind o f f these things, and turn your thoughts to matters worthy of your place i n l i f e . She has l i v e d as long as l i f e had something to of f e r her. We were s t i l l a free people. She saw you, her father, hold-ing o f f i c e , as praetor, as consul, and as augur of Rome. She was married to young men of the f i r s t f a m i l i e s . She experienced almost every happiness. And when the commonwealth was dying, she l e f t t h i s l i f e . What possible quar-r e l , can you, or she herself, have with fate on t h i s issue?" And here Servius goes on with some personal advice to me. Quintus Cicero: Come on, Marcus, I l i k e what he said; what else has he to say? Marcus Cicero: A l l right, you asked for i t . I t i s the hard-est part to put into practice, but I admit i t i s the crown of the l e t t e r . L i s t e n . (Now declaims by heart) "Fi n a l l y , don't forget that you are Cicero, the man who used to give others advice. Don't be l i k e those bad" doc-tors who claim to be s k i l l e d p r a c t i t i o n e r s , but who when they are sick themselves are des-perate about t h e i r own cureJ Take to heart the counsel you always give to others, and ap-ply i t to yourself. There i s no sorrow that the passing of time w i l l not diminish .and s o f t -en. I t i s not worthy of you to l e t i t come to t h i s ; instead, y o u ' l l f i n d i t makes more sense to meet the s i t u a t i o n head-on. I f there's any consciousness a f t e r death, you may be sure that she, with her love for you and her devotion to a l l of her family, does not want you to go to pieces. For the sake of your l o s t one, of your friends and of the others i n your environment who are saddened because of your sorrow, do the right thing and give your country the benefit of your counsel and help wherever i t i s needed." Quintus Cicero: He i s a wise man, that Servius. Marcus Cicero: I'm fortunate.indeed, to have him as a frfendJ Quintus Cicero: By the way, you weren't even reading from.the l e t t e r any more; besides, i t ' s getting dark already- Have you memorized his l e t t e r ? Marcus Cicero: Yes, I had t h i r t y long months to do that i n . And every time I threatened to lose my vision, as he put i t so well, I re-read his words. I'm sure y o u ' l l believe me when I say that there have been many such occasions. •Quintus Cicero: I know there were; she was a dear g i r l . Marcus Cicero (feeling warm and s o f t ) : You've said so much i n so few words, Quintus. Quintus Cicero (reciprocating his brother's mood as a matter of course): And you have consoled me already be-fore I l o s t my dear l i t t l e sonJ (after a s l i g h t pause) Well, i t ' s getting late, I'd better be off to my l i t t l e Quintus. Whatever may happen, I f e e l I am better able to face the future. Farewell, Marcus, may we soon meet again i n Greece. Marcus Cicero: I'm looking forward to your company wherever that may be; u n t i l we meet again, QuintusJ (They are c a l l i n g t h e i r servants back- Once both l i t t e r s have been l i f t e d upon the slaves' shoulders, Quintus' l i t t e r i s seen to go back from where i t had come, whereas Marcus' carriage i s taken i n downstream d i r e c t i o n on the same shore of the Astura River) --53-- Scene 2. •A small guard of soldiers under command of a m i l i t a r y tribune and a centurion are marching the shaded lanes of fashionable Monte Circeo. Their object i s the summer residence, one of several, of Marcus Cicero. Caius Popilius, Tribune (smug): Well, i t won't be long now, or we'll have Cicero trappedI Centurion Herennius ( s a r c a s t i c ) : You'd better.' Caius P o p i l i u s : Tut, tut, remember whom you're speaking to'. Centurion Herennius: I_ don't forget, p a r t i c u l a r l y not my orders from Mark Antony. Caius P o p i l i u s (quotes) : : "Both of you are to stay within each other's sight for the purpose of the execution of my command. My command to you, Caius Po p i l i u s Laenas, i s to bring back to me i n Rome the head and hands of Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero as proof of the l a t t e r ' s death." ( f l i p -pant) . Our commander Antony i s quite the d i f f i -dent type, i s n ' t he? Herennius (shrugging h i s shoulders): He's treated me r e a l good.' Caius P o p i l i u s : I wonder i f Antony knew that at one time Cicero defended me when I was accused of k i l l -ing my father. Herennius: He did. -Caius P o p i l i u s : How do you know? Herennius: He t o l d me so himself. -Caius P o p i l i u s : You mean to t e l l me that Mark Antony i s using t h i s occasion as a test case of my loyalty? (incredulous) Is that i t ? Herennius ( i n d i f f e r e n t ) : So? Caius P o p i l i u s : I don't think I l i k e t h i s kind of a treatment. And you, with your smug a i r of lording i t over me, although you are just a centurion... Herennius: Watch i t J ... Besides, i f i t wasn't for us, centurions, where would the Roman legions beJ . Caius P o p i l i u s (grim and determined): Well, Mark Antony, t h i s past history w i l l make no difference to me-! Herennius ( i n s o l e n t ) : -We'll see. (knocks on v i l l a door. No answer. Rattles door latch, and forces door open. Enters building, while Caius ;Popilius with the soldiers stay outside waiting) (Herennius returns accompanied by a young Greek slave) Philologus: I f you continue the road down to the coast, y o u ' l l catch up with my master. Herennius: Do you know what we want him for? Philologus: I can guess what i t i s . -Caius P o p i l i u s : Doesn't that mean anything to you? Herennius: I ' l l keep that Greek boy with me so that he won ,'t play any t r i c k s behind our backs. Philologus: Oh s i r s , I wouldn't anyway.' Herennius (cool): As long as you stay at sword's distance from me.' Caius P o p i l i u s (contemptuously pointing.in Herennius' d i r e c t i o n ) : Why did you give your master's whereabouts away to him? Herennius: Whose side are you on? Remember your orders.' Philologus (answering P o p i l i u s ) : Because he asked me, and what's the use of lying? Caius P o p i l i u s : Even a s l i g h t delay might save your master's l i f e . Philologus: I didn't know that there might have been a difference. Herennius (interrupting): Come on, l e t ' s pursue Cicero down there. Caius P o p i l i u s : What do you know? Philologus: I learned about the Trojan War and Ulysses 1 wanderings, the glorious h i s t o r i e s of Thebes, of Sparta, of Argos and of Athens. I have learned to see them through h i s eyes. Caius P o p i l i u s (unbelieving): And now you are leading us straight to him? Philologus: Someone was going to do i t sooner or l a t e r , so i t might as well be me. Herennius ( s a r c a s t i c ) : .Most obliging, I'm sure. Caius P o p i l i u s ( s t i l l incredulous): What makes you such a w i l l i n g t o ol i n our hands? I can't say I t r u s t you. Philologus: I agree with you. I don't t r u s t myself. Herennius (matter-of-fact): We haven't much choice. We'll take his word for now and see i f we can f i n d Cicero farther down that path. Philologus Herennius: Caius Popilius .Philologus : You can take my word for thatJ I hope so, for your own good.! That's exactly what worries me. I t a l l sounds too good to be true. In my short l i f e , I have seen him at the pin-nacle of his greatness. I was there as he taught Octavius the splendid q u a l i t i e s and Caius P o p i l i u s : But I thought Marcus and Caius were arch enemies.' Philologus: What l i t t l e you know.' Herennius (triumphantly): There he is.' Halt, there.' (pointing at a carriage ahead while i t i s set down) Marcus"Cicero (pushing aside the curtain of the carriage): Ah, there you are at l a s t , (shading his eyes with one hand) Why, i s that you, Caius Popilius? Caius P o p i l i u s : Yes, Marcus, Mark Antony sent me. Marcus Cicero: I have one request, Caius. Herennius (to P o p i l i u s ) : Are you going to do i t , or s h a l l I? I Caius P o p i l i u s : Wait, Herennius. What were you going to say, Marcus? Marcus Cicero: W i l l you recommend my son Marcus' safety to Octavius for h i s protection? As you may know, he i s for h i s studies i n Athens and'I have high hopes for h i s future. .Caius P o p i l i u s : I promise I ' l l do that, Marcus. Marcus Cicero: Thank you. Now t e l l your centurion to do h i s Herennius Come on, tribune, give me the order--Caius "Popilius: Herennius, you know what you came for. Herennius (stubborn): I'm waiting for your orders. Caius P o p i l i u s : I have never given an order to take the l i f e of an unarmed man. Herennius: And I have never taken a defenseless man's l i f e . Caius P o p i l i u s : What are we going to t e l l Mark Antony? Marcus Cicero: That you did as you were to l d . Herennius: But no one t o l d us, not at t h i s time. Marcus Cicero: Well, then. I_ t e l l you to take my l i f e i n the proscribed manner. How are you supposed to go about i t ? Herennius: We are to lop o f f your head and hands. Caius "Popilius (shocked): My god, how can you be so cold-blooded about i t ? Marcus Cicero: So be i t . I won't look at you, so my stare won't hurt you. And as for my hands, I ' l l seize the v e r t i c a l posts to make i t easier to separate them at the wrist. Now I command you to be merciful and s t r i k e a mighty blow each time, Herennius. (pause) Thank you, oh god of gods, for the l i f e you have granted me. (While Herennius executes his order, Popilius i s turning to Philologus who i s sobbing softly) Caius P o p i l i u s (angry): You. w i l l come along with me to Rome.! Your tears have come too la t e to be of any use. .Quit that s n i v e l l i n g . drivel.! Philologus: Would you please t e l l me what I'm guilt y of? Caius P o p i l i u s : Yes, I w i l l . You are responsible for his deathi Philologus: I think he has forgiven me already. Caius P o p i l i u s : Let's wait and see what Mark Antony has to say about a slave who betrays h i s own masteri (Curtain) Scene 3. In the shade of a colonnade facing a bookstore. A sign'"Closed for the day" i s hanging at an angle from a column. Three young Romans, obviously of p a t r i c i a n background, are discussing the event of the day with mixed feel i n g s . A venerable man, with a .grey-white beard, i s occupied i n f i n d -ing out the whereabouts of the store owner who i s nowhere to be seen at t h i s moment. The old man i s Marcus Cicero's f r i e n d and fellow philosopher, Publius Nigidius Figulus. Young Aulus: How can Mark Antony, display head and hands of a man l i k e Marcus Cicero.! Young Bestius: He can and he did, didn't he? Young Crispus: Chrysostomus: T can see i t wasn't someone close to youJ You-hou, what's going on here? (hiccups, i s obviously drunk) Why are you gathering at my doorstep? You're at the wrong address. I f you wanted to put the record straight - i f that were possible - go and obstruct the traf-f i c i n front of Caesar's palace.! Publius Figulus: Ah, here i s our bookseller Chrysostomus at last.' But, what's the matter with you today? Chrysostomus Haven't you heard? They've nailed Marcus T u l l i u s Cicero's remains on the Speaker's platform down i n the market. And I don't mind Young Aulus: Chrysostomus: t e l l i n g you I'm a coward. I can't stand the sight of blood. And i f i t ' s the blood of a fri e n d of mine... Did you know Marcus Cicero personally? Of course I did. And - ( l a l l i n g ) begging your pardon - i f a l l of Rome has the stomach to watch, t h i s barbaric display of my friend's remains, then there i s something r a d i c a l l y amiss i n our society. The sight of i t a l l made me vomit, and I hurried to the nearest wineshop for reinforcement. That might not be such a bad idea. •But only i f you know what you're doing i t f o r i You see, somehow I think that you, young whip-persnapper, have no idea what i s r e a l l y going on r i g h t now... Publius Figulus: From the mouths of babes and drunks... Chrysostomus ( s t i l l addressing Young Bestius): For instance, i f i t had been your head and hands hanging there, i t wouldn't have made the s l i g h t e s t dent on me. Young Bestius Chrysostomus: Young Bestius: Watch your tongue, you impudent fool.' Chrysostomus: But look, Publius, even i f my store were open and you could buy a l l of Cicero's works, that s t i l l wouldn't provide you with a l i f e -s i ze opportunity to work with a truely Ciceronian problem l i k e the one presenting i t s e l f near the Speaker's podium. Young Crispus ( d i s d a i n f u l l y ) : Couldn't we. talk about something else than a person's severed extremities? Chrysostomus: Don't rush me, give a man time to explain. You w i l l find, not far from there, a young, very well educated Greek bound i n a stockade, facing his master from a distance. Young Aulus: Why does he have to face his poor master? Chrysostomus: He had betrayed his master's whereabouts. • Publius Figulus: Let's go and speak to t h i s unfortunate, young man. Crispus and Aulus (shocked): Speak to himJ Publius Figulus: Have you already passed judgment on him, before hearing his side of the story, or even seeing him? Crispus and Aulus: Well, no... But how could he? (Publius Figulus and his three students leave Chrysostomus day-dreaming i n front of his bookstore, and go down into the market, where they soon f i n d Philologus with h i s name written on the stockade) Publius Figulus: Young Philologus, what are you g u i l t y of? Philologus Young Bestius: Publius Figulus: Of f a c i l i t a t i n g the death of a man who knew how to l i v e . Why don't you cut the double-talk, and say that you betrayed your master? Stop right here.! Even i f he gave away • the secret of his master's escape route, does that mean that he betrayed his master, .or his mas-ter's secret? Young Aulus: His master's secret, obviously. Publius Figulus: In other words, i t i s quite conceivable that t h i s young man may have given away many more . secrets of h i s master's, without betraying his master. Would you go along with that? The Students: Philologus: Publius Figulus Yes, that's possible. May I speak to you alone, master? (to Publius Figulus) You've been doing t h i s admirably for the past l i t t l e while, so you might as well continue i n the same way. Besides, so many of so l i t t l e understanding take a dim view of two people communing with one another. For me, i t doesn't .Philologus: matter, I'm too old to be hurt. For you, hopefully, i t may s t i l l matter, although your rights have been abridged most force-f u l l y . I want you to know that Marcus Cicero -shortly before his death - had gone into Caesar's v i l l a near Mount Circeo. Publius Figulus ( a n t i c i p a t i n g ) : Did he intend to take h i s own l i f e facing Octavius' ancestral gods? Philologus: Yes, but thank the heavens that the necessary force f a i l e d him.' Publius Figulus (pensive): Marcus would never have forgiven him-s e l f for such an emotional i r r a t i o n a l i t y . ' The Students: Publius Figulus: What are you blabbing about?.'? See what I meant with speaking alone with me? You just t o l d me another of your master's secrets, and these w i l t i n g flowers of Roman-hood aren't even participating.' Listen, you.! Each one of you i s going to ask young Philologus a probing question, and following everyone's turn, we are going to f i n d out what the truth of the matter i s . Young Crispus: As i n a court of law? 'Publius Figulus: As i n the true search of j u s t i c e . Young Bestius (in h i s best lawyer's tone): Did you, or did you not, lead the troops where they could f i n d your master, Marcus Cicero? Philologus: I did. Young Bestius: Well, that s e t t l e s that i n a hurry for me. Young Crispus (hesitating): Did you want them to f i n d him? Philologus: I don't know i f I can give a straight ' "Yes" Young Crispus (disappointed): Are you so in s e n s i t i v e that you can't decide between a right answer and a wrong one? or' "No" for an- answer. Young Bestius: Or are you tr y i n g to be clever and do you want us to have pit y with you instead of with your master? Young Aulus: Let us assume that you did want the soldiers to f i n d Cicero for humanitarian reasons. A l l right then, explain, i f you can, what motivated you. Philologus: I don't think you re a l l y want to know my ans-wer. Young Aulus: Try meJ Philologus: Young Aulus: Philologus: Young ;Crispus Philologus: I hoped for a swift death. And did he get i t ? Yes, but not swift enough f or my_ feelings. What do you mean? I t wasn't your l i f e that was at stake at the time? So, what does i t matter that your feelings were hurt? To me, i t mattered a great deal to have to see my master go through an agony of a few moments even. Why had you decided to give him away i n the f i r s t place? That was exactly my dilemma. I knew, though, that i f T didn't tel-1 the soldiers, someone else would. Publius Figulus: Y o u ' l l have to explain everything, to the l a s t t i t t l e and iota, to these students 1 Young Aulus: Philologus; Philologus: You see, I loved my master so much that I couldn't stand the thought of some heartless person showing Herennius the way. I knew that Marcus Cicero wanted me to be the one to t e l l them. Young Crispus: That doesn't make sense! Philologus: Young Crispus Philologus: Young Aulus: Philologus: Young .Crispus: Philologus: Young Crispus: Publius Figulus: Young Crispus: Philologus: I was a f r a i d of a reaction l i k e that. You'd better be a f r a i d of my_ reaction.' Oh, I am perplexed.! I didn't mean that I was f e a r f u l of people reacting the way you are doing, but rather I anticipated misunderstand-ings to heap upon misunderstandings.' Give us a concrete example of some possible misunderstanding. I couldn't have stood the sight of Marcus, re-minding Popilius, h i s arresting o f f i c e r , of the record of his past services. A f t e r a l l , he had defended him i n a case of p a t r i c i d e . You mean to say that you were a f r a i d that he might have bartered for his l i f e . The thought, I'm af r a i d , had occurred to me.. You despicable... Stop.' Nobody here i s to engage i n a mud-sl i n g i n g contestJ I knew I didn't l i k e you, but now... I f you don't l i k e me, how would you l i k e to be i n my_ place d i s l i k i n g myself? Young Aulus: But, how could you decide to play god and lead Philologus: the m i l i t a r y to t h e i r prey? That's another burden I have to carry. Young Aulus (smug): Your culture has a name for i t : . "hybris". You were elevating yourself to a superhuman l e v e l which a subhuman in d i v i d u a l l i k e Mark Antony could abuse. Publius Figulus: I believe that, by now, you have had ample opportunity to c o l l e c t a l l the necessary data to form your judgment. What ±s_ your judgment, gentlemen? (ENTER'Chrysostomus, hiccupping louder than before) ,Chry s ostomu s Young gents, I brought you some l i q u i d re-freshment. A f t e r a l l , we were a l l Marcus's friends. -Publius Figulus: Give Philologus something to drink f i r s t . Philologus (drinking): Thank you, master Figulus. Publius Figulus: Don't mention i t , Philologus. -We owe you the debt of today's lesson. Gentlemen, for the l a s t time, what i s your judgment? Young Bestius: .Guilty. Publius Figulus: Of what? Young Bestius: Of betraying the whereabouts of his master to the soldiery, and of, as he put i t himself, f a c i l i t a t i n g his master's death-Young Aulus: Guilty of his c u l t u r a l background of "hybris". But saying t h i s , I f i n d myself at a loss how to explain the l e g a l i t y of Mark Antony's pres-c r i p t i o n order which f o r f e i t e d Marcus Cicero's l i f e along with his worldly goods. In other words, i f he, a Greek, i s g u i l t y for c u l t u r a l reasons, we, Romans, are g u i l t y for reasons of lack of culture by destroying.Cicero. Publius Figulus: And how about you? Young Crispus: Guilty of some sort of i n s e n s i t i v i t y . I'm not sure that I understood everything that Philologus was tr y i n g to say. I t seemed to me, however, that he t r i e d to outguess his master's reactions, but that he wasn't r e a l l y sure of anything! Now, i f i t i s true that we have d i f f i c u l t y i n defining our own fate and how to evaluate i t s merits, how much harder i s t h i s to do i n the case of someone else.' Why, then, step i n and become responsible for his master's apprehension and death? Chrysostomus: Allow me, Publius, to ask your students a few simple questions. Publius Figulus: By a l l means, Chrysostomus. Chrysostomus (passing out the f i l l e d cups to the master and h i s three students): Would Marcus Cicero have l i v e d at t h i s very moment, i f he had escaped from I t a l i a n s o i l ? The Students Not l i k e l y , but he might have a chance i f he got away to Greece, on board of a ship. Chrysostomus How much longer would i t have been before Marcus Cicero would have been arrested and k i l l e d ? The Students: One or two months at the most. Chrysostomus Might Marcus Cicero have escaped death? By delaying t a c t i c s , for example? The Students Only for a l i t t l e while, but he certainly would not have succeeded i n the long run. Chrysostomus: Did Marcus Cicero die an honourable death? Philologus (crying) : He did, a splendid deathJ That' s where I went wrongJ I had been i n doubt of his strengthJ Chrysostomus: Gentlemen of the jury, may I request a motion for acquittal? The Students: I, I, I Philologus (smiling through h i s t e a r s ) : Thank you, good friends. Publius Figulus: In Rome, the harmony of the classes which Cicero has exemplified i n h i s l i f e has become a matter of past history, but among our l i t t l e group we have, at l a s t , attained h i s harmony of the ranks... **** (End) 

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