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An investigation of delayed language development of a withdrawn blind child Rogow, Sally M. 1971

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AN INVESTIGATION OF DELAYED LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT OP A WITHDRAWN BLIND CHILD by SALLY M. ROGOW B.A., University of Wisconsin, 1951 M.A. , Columbia University, 1953 M.A., Michigan State University, 196k A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n the Department of Special Education We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1971 In presenting t h i s thesis in pa r t ia l fu l f i lment of the requirements fo an advanced degree at the Universi ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shal l make i t f ree ly avai lable for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publ icat ion of th i s thesis for f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ABSTRACT Delay in language development can be the result of failure of a child to use language for purposes of communi-cation. The notion that productive control of language can be considered separately from competence in language emerges as an important investigative concept. A non-verbal blind child whose delay in language was accompanied by indications that language was comprehended is the subject of this study. Demonstration of language acquisition and comprehension of both structural (syntactic) forms and understanding of meaning was achieved by a transformational analysis of spontaneous utterances, sentence completions, word associ-ations, and the Brown and Berko Usage Test. The investigation of the language usage of the subject is considered in terms of social usage and the acquisition of public and private symbol systems. Three major premises emerge from the study: 1. Language may be acquired and competence attained while productive control remains undeveloped. 2. The structural forms employed provide an accurate reflection of deviance in language and speech development. 3. The question of reference to the external world is crucial to the development of language for social commun icat ion. Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v i PART I Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 2 II. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS 9 The Emergence of Language Language Development of Blind Children The Usefulness of Generative or Transformational Grammar PART II III. JEANINE: BIOGRAPHICAL DATA 22 Early Family History Language Behavior Progress Observed General Competence and Behavior PART III IV. LANGUAGE: THE SYNTACTICAL COMPONENT 49 Word Association The Brown-Berko Test Grammatical Competence V. TRANSFORMATION TYPES 65 Sentence Types Open Class-Pivot Words Content and Comprehension Discussion of Syntactical Organization Chapter VI. THE SEMANTIC COMPONENT: VERBAL CONCEPTS . . . 94 S p e c i f i c Verbal Concepts Concept of Time Cause and E f f e c t Relations VII. THE SEMANTIC COMPONENT: PRIVATE MEANINGS . . 114 Semantic Understanding Recurrent Themes Verbalization of Feeling The Sharing of Feeling and Experience Summary of The Semantic Component PART IV VIII. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . 144 S o c i a l Behavior and Language Pronominalization and the Problem of Reference Grammatical Relations IX. CONCLUSION 167 BIBLIOGRAPHY 173 1. Word A s s o c i a t i o n s from C h i l d r e n and Ad u l t s . . . 53 2. J e a n i n e ' s Responses t o Stimulus Words o f Brown-Berko Test 54 3 . Number of Homogeneous Responses t o 123 Stimulus Words 55 4. J e a n i n e f s Word A s s o c i a t i o n s 55-5S 5. Transformation Types Represented i n Sample o f Spontaneous Speech 72 6. Transformation Types Represented i n Responses t o Questions and Sentence Completions . . . . 73 7. T r a n s f o r m a t i o n Types Most R a r e l y Represented . . 73 3. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f J e a n i n e ^ Sentence Types . . . SO 9. Jeanine*s Word D e f i n i t i o n s 98" 10. Words and T h e i r Opposites 100-101 11. Words and T h e i r Synonyms 102 12. Summary o f Jeanine's Mastery of Common Concepts 112-113 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Grateful acknowledgment i s given for the encourage-ment, support and the many helpful suggestions provided by the members of my committee; Dr. David Kendall, Dr. Charlotte David, Dr. Bryan Clarke, Dr. Jane Hastings and Dr. Peggy Koopman. PART I CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The b l i n d c h i l d who does not speak or use language i n any but a fragmentary way i s often misunderstood* To the observer the c h i l d appears withdrawn; h i s behavior i s con-sidered maladaptive, psychotic and stereotyped and the c h i l d i s judged accordingly.""" The absence of language i s perhaps the major c r i t e r i o n upon which the diagnosis of these c h i l d -ren r e s t s . Apparent withdrawal and unresponsiveness to the environment leads to placement i n i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r the retarded or ps y c h i a t r i c h o s p i t a l s . Yet those who are close to the c h i l d are puzzled by h i s excellent memory, capacity f o r rage, and w i l l f u l resistance to change. These a b i l i t i e s are revealing of the ch i l d ' s awareness of h i s environment and are inconsistent with the apparent withdrawal and unresponsiveness. Sensory deprivation, impaired ego development, and brain damage have been offered as the underlying reasons f o r deviant development i n non-verbal b l i n d c h i l d -2 ren. A study of pre-scbool b l i n d children indicates ^Anna S. Elonen and Sarah B. Zwarenstyn, "Appraisal of Developmental Lag i n Certain Children," Journal of  P e d i a t r i c s . 65:4 (October 1964) 599-610. *"k. Sandler, "Aspects of P a s s i v i t y and Ego Develop-ment i n the Blind Infant," The Psychoanalytic Study of the Chi l d , IB (1963) 343-359. that b l i n d children may be more vulnerable to deviant personality development) but that blindness i t s e l f i s not a 3 d i r e c t cause of emotional disturbance or retardation. Elonen and Zwarenstyn dispute the concept of i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y and t h e i r research indicates that these children are respon-sive to consistent intervention. But doubt about the educability of these children p e r s i s t s and lack of compre-hensive eare continues to leave from seven to ten percent of the b l i n d c h i l d population as a " l o s t group."^ As important as language development i s f o r normal development) f o r the congenitally b l i n d c h i l d i t i s the only means of e f f e c t i v e communication. Understanding through gesture, observation, et cetera, i s denied him. His hands and ears are the main channels through which information comes to him. Integrating t a c t i l e and auditory information i s not a simple task and these modes do not have the i n t r i n s i c function of v i s i o n . I t i s here that language emerges as an esse n t i a l mediating process. Studies of the language of bl i n d children r e f l e c t the way young b l i n d children r e l y upon language f o r e s s e n t i a l information.^ Why then, do •^Miriam Morris, P a t r i c i a J . Spaulding and Fern Brodie, Blindness In Children, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1 9 5 7 . ^Doug Guess, "Mental Retardation and Blindness, AL Complex and Re l a t i v e l y Unexplored Dyad," Exceptional Children. 3 3 : 7 (March 1967) 4 7 1 - 4 3 © . ''Dorothy Burlingham, "Some Problems of Ego Development of Blind Children," The Psychoanalytic Study of the C h i l d , 20 (1964) 1 9 4 - 2 0 6 . we f i n d such fragmentary use of language among b l i n d c h i l d -ren, who can be shown to have acquired language? Elonen*s work demonstrated that these children have language but that 6 they do not use speech f o r communication. What are the psychological processes behind delayed speech development? The d i s p a r i t y between the cognitive aspects of language and delay or i n h i b i t i o n of speech compels an examination of the language the non-speaking b l i n d c h i l d does possess. The present study i s an investigation of the delayed language development of a withdrawn b l i n d c h i l d . The c h i l d i s a g i r l of twelve years f o r whom the name Jeanine w i l l be used. Evidence of Jeanine*s capacity to understand and to respond to language w i l l be presented along with the record of emerging expressive language. Most h e l p f u l i n providing a means of ascertaining l i n g u i s t i c competence are the techniques of l i n g u i s t i c 7 analysis offered by Transformational or Generative Grammar.' The components of language development to be considered are syntax and meaning. Meaning can only be derived from an awareness of the s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s governing language. Elonen and Zwarenstyn, Journal of P e d i a t r i c s % 65:4 113-169. ^Noam Chomsky, Aspects of The Theory of Syntax. (Mass.: MIT Press, 1965T. The essence of language is i t s productivity; in the realm of perception and understanding of sentences, i t i s the capacity to recognize structural similarities between familiar and entirely novel word patterns. Thus our criterion for knowing language i s not dependent upon demonstrations that an individual can talk or that he goes through some stereotyped performance upon hearing certain words, but upon evidence that he can analyze novel utterances through the application of structural principles. 5 The aims of the present study are fourfold: 1. To demonstrate the degree of language that a blind child with delayed language has acquired. 2. To examine the structural organization, the degree of differentiation and var i a b i l i t y demonstrated by the language acquired. 3 . To demonstrate the range of understanding revealed by spontaneous utterances (unsolicited remarks), vocabulary, word associations, sentence completions, word definitions, samples of conversations, responses to direct questions and story t e l l i n g . 4. To demonstrate the usefulness of language studies in understanding the processes behind delayed language. The Hypothesis The hypothesis of an investigation can best be defined as a premise, and the premise offered here i s that language Eric H. Lenneberg, Biological Foundations of Language, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967) p. 3 3 0 . behavior not only mirrors cognitive and emotional develop-ment, but that those processes that i n t e r f e r e with develop-ment are r e f l e c t e d i n the very way language i s organized. The more c a r e f u l l y and p r e c i s e l y language i s studied, the more accurate w i l l be our understanding of the processes hindering normal development• S o c i a l and cognitive development are related processes that occur within encounter with environment; interferences and interruption of encounter produce e f f e c t s on a l l processes, but not i n the same way or to the same degree* Studies of the perceptual and cognitive processes of b l i n d c h i l d r e n deprived of the integrating function of v i s i o n may o f f e r insights into the way these processes develop i n the normal c h i l d . C e r t a i n l y such studies w i l l contribute to an appreci-ation of the range of a d a p t a b i l i t y and c a p a b i l i t y of the human mind. The Design This language study needed to be broad enough to permit examination of s o c i a l and emotional behavior while preserving i t s focus on language. In order to present Jeanine fs language i n f u l l dimension, the material has been organized into both syntactic and semantic components. This organization promised the broadest scope f o r discussion, while permitting the most s p e c i f i c means of presenting the data. Procedure The material was gathered from the f a l l of 1967 through the spring of 197©. During the f i r s t year, Jeanine was seen f i v e mornings per week. In the two-hour period with Jeanine, language development, reading and writ i n g s k i l l s , and mobility were stressed. During the second year, 9 I was able to see Jeanine at her home one morning per week. It was at t h i s time that Simon Fraser University President's Research Grant Committee awarded a grant f o r t h i s study. The grant made i t possible to employ four students to work with Jeanine. This meant that f i v e mornings per week, Jeanine was given private i n s t r u c t i o n . Through the good o f f i c e s of the Special Education Supervisor of the d i s t r i c t i n which Jeanine l i v e s , an arrangement was made whereby Jeanine attended the afternoon program of the f i r s t grade i n a nearby elementary school. This arrangement gave Jeanine an oppor-t u n i t y f o r i n t e r a c t i o n with other children, and proved s a t i s f a c t o r y . This plan continued through the t h i r d year of work with Jeanine. The data i s presented chronologically as f a r as possible i n order to convey the sequence of growing f a c i l i t y and use The p r i o r arrangement was made impossible by the cl o s -ing of the special school which Jeanine was attending. The school f o r the b l i n d accepted Jeanine as a f i r s t grade p u p i l , but transportation d i f f i c u l t i e s and Jeanine fs negative response to the school necessitated the making of an a l t e r -native arrangement. of spoken language. This study has been organized i n the following manner: Organization I Theoretical Considerations II Jeanine - Biographical Data III Language A. S y n t a c t i c a l Organization of Language Word Association Transformational Analysis Sentence Types B. Language Content and Usage Conventional (public) usage Private meanings C. Language and S o c i a l i z a t i o n IT Conclusion: Theoretical Issues and Implications CHAPTER II THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Emergence of Language In a series of b r i l l i a n t experiments! L u r i a demon-strated the regulatory function of language.Language emerges as a double signal system as the primary s i g n a l system becomes associated with objects of g r a t i f i c a t i o n . The objects become associated with t h e i r names, and the pro-cess of naming integrates the desire f o r the object with the object i t s e l f . This i s the basis f o r what Luria has named the second signal system, demonstrated by the very young c h i l d ' s a b i l i t y to name (and thus to c a l l ) h i s mother, h i s dinner, his toy. The early r e l a t i o n s h i p s established around the c h i l d ' s a b i l i t y to name the thing he desires 2 merges into h i s developing cognitive system. The regulatory function of language i s c l o s e l y associated with motor control i n the early stages of development. At the e a r l i e s t stage, the c h i l d can s t a r t an action or i n h i b i t i t on verbal command. In the second stage the c h i l d learns to regulate h i s own actions as he accompanies l A . R. L u r i a , The Role of Speech In The Regulation of Normal and Abnormal Behavior, J . Tizard, led.) (New York: L i v e r i g h t Publishing Corp., 1961). 2 ' ^ I b i d . actions with words. A decisive turning point i s reached when the child is around four or fi v e . This is the stage when the discriminatory function of language emerges. Com-mands such as "press strongly," "press gently," "loud," "soft," when spoken together with a corresponding stimuli produce a differential reaction. As speech becomes inter-iorized, the child i s able to organize his behavior without external reinforcement. Luria notes that, "Only a differen-t i a l meaningful speech has an organizing effect . " 3 Pichon considered the "appetition for language,", defined as the direction of desire towards an object or purpose, to be the f i r s t and foremost requirement in order for language to develop. Infants show desire long before they have even rudimentary language. Appetition for language precedes the f i r s t phonetic forms and constitutes the f i r s t stage of speech as a means of communication. The direction of desire is "conspicuously lacking in the autistic or schizo-phrenic child, even though coincidentally the child may have acquired an extremely large vocabulary.""* A "simultaneous unfolding of language" has been •^ A. R. Luria. "Verbal Regulation of Behavior," in Mary A. B. Brazier, (ed.) The Central Nervous System And Behavior> (Princeton, N.J.: Josiah Mary Jr. Foundation, I960) p. 391. "*Pichon is discussed in J. L. Despert, Discussion of L. Kanner, "Irrelevant and Metaphorical Language In Early Infantile Autism," American Journal of Psychiatry, 103 (1946-7). observed i n the language studies of normal and retarded 5 c h i l d r e n . The t r a n s i t i o n from one and two-word phrases to sentence constructions has i t s p a r a l l e l i n the greater d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n and use of parts of speech, noun and verb phrases. Understanding of the s y n t a c t i c a l rules i s perhaps the singlemost important f a c i l i t a t i n g f a c t o r governing a c h i l d ' s a b i l i t y to use language. Without i t , i t i s not possible 6 f o r sentences to be composed. At about four years of age, a c h i l d i s able to understand and use most syntactic structures. He can comprehend the syntactic structure of most sentences, 7 even though i t s meaning may be quite beyond him. This does not mean that the c h i l d has a conscious understanding of grammar, but he has perceived that there are rule s which govern the usage of words. The e f f e c t s of mental deficiency upon language develop-ment have been the subject of several i n t e r e s t i n g studies. Children with IQ's as low as 30 and 40 have developed con-siderable language. Language a c q u i s i t i o n i n children with retarded mental development i s not d i f f e r e n t i n nature from a c q u i s i t i o n i n normal children. The only difference that appears evident i s that the entire developmental process i s Lenneberg, p. 314* Ibid., p. 300 a ' i b i d . , p. 423. Ibid., p. 309. slower among retarded children and i s usually arrested i n the early teens. Lenneberg, Nichols, and Rosenberger studied s i x t y -one Mongoloid children over a three-year p e r i o d . 9 These children a l l l i v e d with t h e i r parents and did not represent an i n s t i t u t i o n a l population. Over a cert a i n IQ threshold value, these authors found that i n t e l l i g e n c e figures do not correlate with language development. Among the Mongoloid population, chronological age seems to be a better predictor of language development than computed IQ's.^"® I f dependence upon adults, extensive babbling and propensity f o r imitation were s u f f i c i e n t f a c t o r s f o r language development, these children should develop better language than others."H The development of language, then, cannot be considered to be a d i r e c t consequence of the c h i l d ' s a b i l i t y to hear "his own utterances and n o t i c i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between h i s 12 own and h i s parents' sounds." Children who cannot speak also a t t a i n a considerable degree of grammatical competence which again makes language a c q u i s i t i o n appear to be r e l a t e d to but not dependent on the a b i l i t y to speak. Language Development of Bl i n d Children The b l i n d c h i l d lacks experience with the one mode 9 I b i d . , p. 311. 1 Q I b i d , . 1 1 I b i d . , p. 312. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 315. wherein d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s of the physical world can most e a s i l y be learned. Nevertheless, deprivation of the v i s u a l mode has not been shown to be associated with deprivation i n l e a r n i n g language. Many b l i n d children develop a ver-bosity that i s often a disguise of great gaps i n conceptual development• Evidence from the study of pre-school b l i n d children conducted by Norris, Spaulding and Brodie supports the hypothesis that favorable opportunities f o r learning are more important i n determining the chil d ' s functioning l e v e l than degree of blindness, i n t e l l i g e n c e (as measured by psychological tests), or the s o c i a l , economic or educational background of h i s parents. When developmental problems are assumed to be caused d i r e c t l y by blindness, the %nderstanding of the nature and treatment of these problems i s obscured."*""•* Grossly retarded functioning, delayed language and extreme emotional problems have been associated with the " f a i l u r e to provide the essentials f o r healthy personality development."""*^ Burlingham observed that b l i n d children show a s l i g h t delay i n the beginning of v e r b a l i z a t i o n and l a t e r there i s a "dramatic forward s p u r t . " ^ By the time young b l i n d • ^Norris. Spaulding and Brodie, p. 66. ^ I b i d . , p. 67. ^Burlingham, Psychoanalytic Study of The C h i l d , XX (1964) p. 202. children enter nursery school t h e i r speech i s flu e n t , and they have good vocabularies, although b l i n d children are observed to use words that have l i t t l e meaning f o r them, e.g. color words. Verbalization may even be stimulated by lack of sight. The b l i n d c h i l d "finds uses f o r speech that the seeing do not require," namely f o r o r i e n t a t i o n , to c o l l e c t information that w i l l enable him to distinguish between persons, and to f i n d out about h i s environment."""^ On the other hand, the bl i n d c h i l d who depends mainly on verbal information may bui l d f a l s e concepts or use words merely i n imitation of the sighted. With none of the bli n d children under our observation did we f i n d any attempt to b u i l d up a language which i s based s t r i c t l y on t h e i r own perceptions and sensations. On the contrary, the use of words and expressions which are d i f f e r e n t from the sighted cause embarrassment to the child r e n as well as to t h e i r mothers.17 The "helplessness" of the b l i n d c h i l d , perceived by the mother, creates a s i t u a t i o n where the mother f e e l s com-pelle d to anticipate every wish, leaving the c h i l d without the "necessity f o r verbal expression." A In a study of si x t y emotionally disturbed b l i n d and v i s u a l l y impaired c h i l d r e n , Haspiel observed that emotionally •^Dorothy Burlingham, "Some Notes On The Development of Bli n d Children, Psychoanalytic Study of The Ch i l d , XVI (1961), p. 134. 1 7 I b i d . i a i b i d . disturbed children do not show the sensory dependence on the environment demonstrated by b l i n d children without other problems. 1 9 The normally developing b l i n d c h i l d i s a l e r t to auditory cues i n the environment and uses them i n the same manner that an a l e r t deaf c h i l d uses v i s u a l cues. Among the children Haspiel studied, auditory functions such as sound l o c a l i z a t i o n , discrimination and figure-ground d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n were intact while retention f o r continuous 20 verbal materials was not adequate. They could not repeat verbal sequences. Two t h i r d s of the children had s l i g h t consonant or vowel d i s t o r t i o n s , unpleasant, whiny or high-21 pitched voices. Those children who were not mentally retarded appeared to have adequate inner language. In periods of quiet, many of the children were observed to "verbalize i n the coded language that i s t y p i c a l of the a u t i s t i c or schizophrenic 22 c h i l d . " Haspiel concluded that two language systems can be described f o r the emotionally disturbed b l i n d c h i l d : an external system that permits communication with the environ-ment and a second private system, demonstrated when they are not i n a contact s i t u a t i o n . 19 ^George S. Haspiel, "Communication Breakdown In The Bli n d Emotionally Disturbed C h i l d , " New Outlook For The Blind. (March, 1965) 93-99. 2 0 21 22 Ibid. I b i d . * Ibid. , p. 99. Autism, confusion, condensation, i n h i b i t i o n , blocking, bizarre irrelevance and neologisms may be the expression of a lack of synthesizing or a d i s s o c i a t i o n of language as a means of communication with the environment. 2^ Such d i s -sociation can be related to a perceived necessity to defend against anxiety. Highly generalized "repressive defenses" can produce a f i x a t i o n to a primitive l e v e l of s e l f - i d e n t i t y and recognition of others "only i n terms of need g r a t i f i c a t i o n . The question of whether d i s s o c i a t i o n i s a complete or p a r t i a l process needs further exploration. There i s a tendency to assume that delayed language or mutism i s the consequence of a lack of development. Silence may be considered a defense f o r both c h i l d and mother to 25 prevent further deterioration of r e l a t i o n s h i p . Wilcox con-sidered autism to be a strategy which successfully wards o f f 26 anxiety and maintains control of the parent. Silence alone, however, does not indicate that language has not been acquired. Lenneberg has demonstrated that language can develop ^Chris. C. Shervanian, "Speech, Thought and Communi-cation Disorders In Childhood Psychoses," Journal of Speech  and Hearing Disorders. 32:4 (Nov. 1967) 303-311. 2 4 I b i d . , p. 310. 2^D. E. Wilcox, "Observations of Speech Disturbances In Childhood Schizophrenia," Disorders of The Nervous System, 17 (1956) 20-23. 2 6 I b i d . i n the absence of the a b i l i t y to speak. Yet f a i l u r e to use language has been used as an important c r i t e r i o n of retardation or psychosis i n ch i l d r e n . This perhaps i s the major reason f o r f i n d i n g other means of determining the extent of language development i n non-speaking or delayed language c h i l d r e n . The a b i l i t y to compose a sentence rests on more than simple imitation of what i s heard i n the environment. Learn-ing language i s a complex process dependent on the mastery of those l i n g u i s t i c rules that govern structure. The Usefulness of A Generative Grammar Knowledge of how to apply the rules implies awareness of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Studies of language a c q u i s i t i o n i n young children demonstrate a develop-mental sequence of successive approximations through which 29 grammar i s acquired. It i s f o r t h i s reason that transform-ation a l or generative grammar may provide a valuable t o o l with which to explore the extent of language development i n non-speaking or non-communicating children. 27Lenneberg, p. 3Q6. 2%oam Chomsky. 29ursula B e l l u g i and Roger Brown, "The Ac q u i s i t i o n of Language," Monograph of The Society For Research In Child  Development, 29:1 (1964). " i d The concept of transformational or generative grammar i s based on the assumption that a c h i l d must f i r s t have mastered the underlying formal laws governing language structure before he i s able to compose a sentence. Gram-matical competence i s achieved when a c h i l d has i n t e r n a l i z e d those r u l e s and i s able to apply them. The formal rules governing a language are f i n i t e and s p e c i f i c . Children learn those rules i n a series of stages analogous to the cognitive process i t s e l f . That i s , a pro-cess of f i n e r and f i n e r discrimination and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . The general r u l e f o r the generation of a kernel sentence i s gradually perceived as a set of s p e c i f i c rules allowing f o r a greater range of forms. Gradually the s i m i l a r i t y of forms are recognized and minute differences noted. The question of how transformations come about i s as d i f f i c u l t to answer as the question of how perception of v i s u a l s i m i l a r i t i e s comes a b o u t T h e o v e r a l l process i s towards greater and greater d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . The c h i l d who i s able to use the range of forms of his language must be assumed to have a knowledge of the under-l y i n g r u l e s . Children with delayed language may have a know-ledge of the r u l e s and s t i l l do not employ them i n speech. It i s important to determine the extent of t h e i r knowledge 3°Noam Chomsky. ^Lenneberg, p. 300. i n order to determine the extent of t h e i r understanding of language. The transformational approach o f f e r s a comprehensive and developmental analysis of language a c q u i s i t i o n * The d i s -t i n c t i o n made between competence and performance brings c l a r i t y to the formulation of some of the problems involved 32 i n delayed language development. Competence i s unaffected by grammatically ir r e l e v a n t conditions such as i n t e r e s t , attention, memory s k i l l s , e t c . When the extent of competence can be established, then those factors retarding (or causing deviance i n development) can then be made e x p l i c i t . For these reasons a transformational analysis i s well-suited to the inves t i g a t i o n of delayed language. The extent to which a c h i l d has acquired the basic notions of what language i s ir r e s p e c t i v e of productive control i s fundamental to the purpose of t h i s study* And t h i s i s pre-c i s e l y what the transformational model provides; a way of looking at language behavior, i r r e s p e c t i v e of production* When competence can be established, then the question of perform-ance can be seen i n the broader context of language development* For not only have the transformational t h e o r i s t s provided a model of establishing competence, they have also explored the developmental stages through which language i s acquired by Noam Chomsky, p. 3* young c h i l d r e n . Comparative studies of deviant with normal language development may provide the needed insights into the nature of delayed language. PART II JEANINE: BIOGRAPHICAL DATA Early Family History Jeanine was the f i r s t - b o r n c h i l d of a very young newly married couple. Jeanine's mother was barely seventeen when Jeanine was born i n December 1957. It i s not known whether the parents completed high school. An automobile accident occurred when Jeanine*s mother was i n the t h i r d ©r fourth month of her pregnancy. Jeanine 1s blindness was detected i n early infancy and i s att r i b u t e d to Optic Atrophy, a possible consequence of the automobile accident. Her general health was reported as good except f o r an early feeding problem and ey e - r o l l i n g . The mother's observation of the extensive eye-r o l l i n g p r e c i p i t a t e d the opthalmic diagnosis of blindness. When Jeanine was f i f t e e n months o l d , she was h o s p i t a l -ized with a very high fever accompanied by drowsiness and vomiting. Recovery seemed complete and Jeanine was observed t r y i n g to walk alone at sixteen months. When f i r s t seen by a s o c i a l worker from the Canadian National I n s t i t u t e f o r the Bl i n d , Jeanine was twenty months o l d . At t h i s time the s o c i a l worker noted that Jeanine seemed f r i e n d l y to adults and was making e f f o r t s to parrot conversation. When another baby daughter was born, Jeanine appeared to greet the b i r t h with d i s i n t e r e s t . The s o c i a l worker noted that Jeanine, at two years and three months (two months a f t e r the b i r t h of her baby s i s t e r ) , was walking alone and feeding h e r s e l f . But when the s o c i a l worker re-turned f o r a v i s i t s i x months l a t e r , Jeanine was refusing to do anything f o r he r s e l f and had stopped t a l k i n g . 1 During the s o c i a l worker's interview with the mother, Jeanine "whined, c r i e d and clawed her mother," and the s o c i a l worker made the observation that Jeanine*s mother "seemed to wait on her hand and foot , l e t t i n g her gain attention by crying and whining." It i s also reported that the young father was highly c r i t i c a l of h i s wife's handling of Jeanine, whose behavior was the cause of heated family quarrels con-2 ducted within Jeanine's hearing. The father worked i n a lumber m i l l and was on a swing s h i f t , which made i t possible f o r him to be home during the day f o r two weeks at a time. Jeanine's father i s a good-looking, serious and humorless young man. A s t r i c t r e l i g i o u s upbringing endowed him with a keen sense of personal respon-s i b i l i t y and a very high standard of personal conduct, which he imposed upon h i s wife. Friends have noted that he never f u l l y disguised h i s resentment of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y he had to assume when he was only 17 years o l d , h i s age at the time x S o c i a l Worker's Report i n the f i l e s of the Canadian National I n s t i t u t e f o r the Blind, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, August, I960. 2 I b i d . of h i s marriage to Jeanine fs mother. Jeanine f s mother i s reported to have a more "•easy-going 1 1 d i s p o s i t i o n and i s described to have suffered f e e l i n g s of inadequacy reinforced by her husband's judgments of her. It seemed to her that she could never please him no matter what she d i d . Her i n c l i n a t i o n with Jeanine was to take the path of l e a s t resistance, since she had l i t t l e understanding of the problems associated with blindness. Jeanine inspired p i t y and compassion from her grandparents; the father's mother i n p a r t i c u l a r expressed her great sympathy f o r Jeanine continually and i n the small g i r l ' s presence. Aunts and uncles are also reported to have viewed Jeanine's blindness as a great family tragedy. With the exception of one of the father's s i s t e r s , who was a nurse, Jeanine was viewed as an object of pity.-' The increasing resistance, the tantrums, and the con-t i n u a l demands f o r her mother's attention by the two and a h a l f year o l d Jeanine made f o r increasing tension i n the home. Family quarrels became frequent and Jeanine's parents sought help from the family physician. R e f e r r a l to another physician brought a diagnosis of progressive brain disease and the suggestion that the l i t t l e g i r l be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d quickly. This diagnosis was made Personal communication. on the basis of an EEG and was never confirmed eith e r by a d d i t i o n a l EEG readings, t e s t s , or the opinions of other physicians. The dismal future now predicted f o r Jeanine l e d her parents to seek i n s t i t u t i o n a l placement at the p r o v i n c i a l school f o r the retarded. And while they were waiting f o r placement, they gave up t h e i r e a r l i e r sporadic e f f o r t s to teach the l i t t l e g i r l . The mother wrote to the s o c i a l worker at t h i s time, "She (Jeanine) i s retarded now. A l l she does i s cry and scream a l l the time. There i s no calming her anymore." 4 Jeanine was accepted by the p r o v i n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the retarded f o r a t h i r t y day assessment period. The school's assessment, made by a psychologist, was that Jeanine was functioning at too high an i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l to warrant placement at the i n s t i t u t i o n . The school's evaluation chal-lenged the physician's prognosis and recommended placement i n a l o c a l community playschool. Jeanine was now nearly three and a h a l f years o l d . After the t h i r t y day assessment period, Jeanine's behavior had improved. She became much more manageable and the screaming and crying had stopped. Jeanine now responded to the play i n i t i a t e d by her parents and would play "Paddy-cake" as long as her hands were held f o r her. When no one ^ S o c i a l Worker's Report, 1961. was with her, Jeanine sat with her hands folded, or turned round and round i n c i r c l e s . A s o c i a l worker's observation of her i n the backyard noted the constant t w i r l i n g . Management of Jeanine had slipped back, at home, to the e a r l i e r pattern of making no demands upon her. Jeanine Ts younger s i s t e r was expected "to wait on" Jeanine. The younger g i r l learned to treat Jeanine as i f Jeanine, and not she, were the younger c h i l d . Jeanine 1s behavior again deteriorated. In September, 1963, Jeanine was enrolled i n a kinder-garten f o r retarded children, where the teacher, a motherly middle-aged woman, tolerated her constant screaming. When Jeanine had a tantrum i n the school, she was put i n a room containing a rocking chair, on which she enjoyed s i t t i n g . The i s o l a t i o n of being placed i n t h i s room was possibly i n t e r -preted by Jeanine as a means of getting to the rocking c h a i r . The persistence of screaming behavior d i d not change u n t i l the teacher stopped using i s o l a t i o n and the rocking chair as 5 a means of changing the behavior. Jeanine Ts behavior improved noticeably during the school year, but the teacher 6 observed that Jeanine "did not r e l a t e to people i n words." Jeanine was observed to play with toys only when they were ^Teacher's Report i n the f i l e s of the Canadian National I n s t i t u t e of the Bli n d , March, 1963. 6 I b i d . put into her hands. She never i n i t i a t e d play with other children. Her f a v o r i t e a c t i v i t y at t h i s time was r i d i n g the t r i c y c l e around the room. During the two years spent at t h i s pre-sehool, Jeanine d i d learn to reply to simple questions, 7 r e c i t e nursery rhymes and say "good-bye" to her teacher. Most of the other children were moderately to profoundly retarded and functioned f o r the most part on a non-verbal l e v e l . The chronological ages of the children were between three and eight years. The next year saw Jeanine enrolled at another school f o r retarded c h i l d r e n . The teacher here observed Jeanine fs extreme a g i t a t i o n when her demands were not immediately met. Her progress at t h i s sehool was good and i n s i x months her teacher described her as "the happiest c h i l d i n the c l a s s . " 7 The s o c i a l worker also f e l t that Jeanine was becom-ing sociable, but again s o c i a l i z a t i o n on a verbal l e v e l may have been l i m i t e d by the fac t that the other children i n Jeanine 1s class were non-verbal. The teacher observed that Jeanine*s best days were those i n which her father came to c a l l f o r her at the school. Jcanine*s father had never given up the hope that 'Ibid. Teacher's observation, November, 1964. 9 I b i d . someday he could f i n d a physician who would restore Jeanine Ts s i g h t . He was very impressed by the writings of a naturopath physician, and he r e s t r i c t e d himself to a diet of raw foods, which he t r i e d to impose upon Jeanine, He had hopes of saving enough money to take Jeanine to South America where the physician practiced. Jeanine*s mother did not agree with t h i s , and family l i f e continued to be strained. A s t r i k e at the lumber m i l l forced the father to look elsewhere f o r work, and he was away from home f o r some months. Plans were made f o r Jeanine to be enrolled i n the p r o v i n c i a l school f o r the b l i n d . The family made plans to move to Vancouver to be near Jeanine. During t h i s summer Jeanine came to l i v e with friends of the family, who l a t e r became Jeanine Ts f o s t e r parents. I t was while Jeanine was l i v i n g i n t h i s home that she was observed to make the most rapid progress. Cane t r a v e l was i n i t i a t e d with the help of the mobility instructor of the CNIB, 1 0 who was amazed at the r a p i d i t y with which Jeanine learned cane techniques. A s o c i a l worker noted at t h i s time that Jeanine "speeded up her actions." She was dressing and feeding her-s e l f , and had learned to be quite e f f i c i e n t with the cane. She was now eight years o l d . Jeanine*s family was s e t t l e d into t h e i r new home a few blocks away from the home of the lOCanadian National I n s t i t u t e of the Bl i n d . f o s t e r family. When Jeanine moved back to l i v e with her family, i t was noted that Jeanine had l o s t the "vague retarded look." Her mastery of cane t r a v e l won not only her mother's praise, but made a noticeable difference i n her s elf-conf idenc e . 1 1 In the f a l l of 1965, Jeanine was enrolled at the school f o r the b l i n d . Her parents decided to return to t h e i r home town, and Jeanine became a boarding p u p i l at the school. Unknown to her teacher and other school s t a f f , an older g i r l i n the dorm took over Jeanine's dressing and feeding. Jeanine f e l l r a p i d l y back into her o l d pattern of l e t t i n g other people wait on her. Progress at the school was very slow, and the teacher reported that Jeanine was d i f f i c u l t to motivate, and required more in d i v i d u a l attention than she was able to provide. Her teacher noted that Jeanine 1s parents seemed uncooperative, and r a r e l y communicated with her. For t h e i r part, Jeanine's parents were hesitant to int e r f e r e with the a f f a i r s of the school and were unaware of the t h i r t e e n year o l d g i r l who had assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Jeanine. Relations on both sides appeared unsatisfactory and Jeanine*s parents were informed that Jeanine was not ready f o r school, and would not be accepted the following September. Jeanine returned to her parents' home i n the summer ^ S o c i a l Worker's Report, Summer, 1965. of 1966. Upon hearing that Simon Fraser University was open-ing a S p e c i a l Education Centre, Jeanine 1s parents agreed to make app l i c a t i o n to the new school. With the advice of the s o c i a l worker, they agreed to place Jeanine i n the care of t h e i r f r i e n d s , who were now to become Jeanine 1s l e g a l f o s t e r parents. This arrangement was to make i t possible f o r Jeanine to attend the Special Education Centre, which was a day school. During the time Jeanine was home with her parents, family quarrels had become intense, and Jeanine was often the subject of the quarrels. A decision to separate accom-panied the plans to send Jeanine to l i v e with the f o s t e r family. Her behavior, as reported by her mother that summer, was a cause of great tension. The gains Jeanine had made seemed to have vanished and her progress seemed to have come "to a s t a n d s t i l l . * " When Jeanine came to the f o s t e r family, her f o s t e r mother described her as being "very introverted and determined to stay that way,""**2 Armed with the knowledge of Jeanine 1 s e a r l i e r progress with them, the f o s t e r mother and father expected Jeanine to function as a member of the family, and to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r dressing and feeding h e r s e l f . The following description was supplied by Jeanine 1s •"•^Foster Mother's comment, i n a personal communication, September, 1967. f o s t e r mother and i s a good i l l u s t r a t i o n of the way the H's made t h e i r expectations known to Jeanine. "I am giving Jeanine things to do which I know she i s p e r f e c t l y capable of doing properly. Such things as drying supper dishes and putting them a l l away co r r e c t l y , and walking alone on the sidewalk from a l l e y to a l l e y . No one bothers her, but she knows she has to do i t , no one i s going to get mad or upset, no one i s going to stand over her, and no one i s going to go running out i f she steps o f f the sidewalk. Sunday she was walking, and got o f f into the f a r a l l e y . A_car was t r y i n g to get around her, so I was forced to go and rescue her. I t o l d her I would have to get cross i f she wasn't going to pay attention to where she was walking. Well, Jeanine promptly walked to the other a l l e y and into i t . Well, we could watch her there, so as no car came, we l e f t her. She wandered a l l over i t , but at a l l times, knew exactly where she was. She would reach out and touch a car parked next door. When getting abreast of a garage, reach out to touch i t . F i n a l l y , a f t e r a long time, when the r e a l i z a t i o n h i t home that I wasn't coming out, Jeanine just walked back onto the sidewalk, and continued her s t r o l l i n g . Then, to top everything, she decided to come i n on her own. I thought, well, t h i s i s great. She's had her fresh a i r , and i s asserting her w i l l . She got as f a r as the door, and then stood there f o r two hours, waiting f o r me to come and t e l l her to come i n . At supper time, D. (her f o s t e r father) asked very loudly i f Jeanine was coming i n , and I answered, oh, " s h e ' l l come i n when she's ready," and c a l l e d out to everyone, "supper's ready.** About f i f t e e n minutes l a t e r , she f i n a l l y opened the door and came i n . D. just said, "Oh, h i , did you have a nice walk?" The answer was a bright "yes" and she paraded i n to supper. She was blue with cold. Later, when I was running her bath, we were t a l k -ing and I said, "What was I supposed to do when you went into the a l l e y ? " and she answered, "Spank me." I said oh, no, and she said, "Gome and get me." So that gave me the opening f o r a discussion about doing things by y o u r s e l f . w l 3 From the very beginning Jeanine r e s i s t e d the demands Personal communication from f o s t e r mother, December, made by her f o s t e r mother. A combination of gentle but firm treatment succeeded i n convincing Jeanine that unless she dressed h e r s e l f , no one would dress her. For months, Jeanine refused to put her own socks on, even though Mrs. H. showed her over and over again how to p u l l on her own soeks. Gradu-a l l y , however, Jeanine yielded to the demands made. Mr. and Mrs. H. l i v e i n a moderate sized and modestly furnished home. They have f i v e children of t h e i r own, ranging i n age from three to seventeen years. The four boys and one g i r l , who i s three years older than Jeanine, followed the pattern set by t h e i r parents of expecting Jeanine to be "another member of the family." Mr. HV, who has had experience as a horse t r a i n e r and farmer, had long ago formed the opinion that Jeanine fs behavior was the consequence of low expectations and indulgence. Mrs. H. regarded Jeanine as a challenge. Patient, soft-spoken, and determined, Mrs. H. created an atmosphere of firm, consistent expectation. Jeanine*s choices were l i m i t e d and reward f o r accomplishment was praise and loving acceptance. Mr. and Mrs. H. were very interested i n Jeanine*s development and sought to cooperate i n every pos-s i b l e way f o r gains i n Jeanine*s development. Many hours were spent i n telephone conversations, planning a c t i v i t i e s and implementation f o r what Jeanine was receiving at the Special Education Centre. My association with.Jeanine began with d a i l y v i s i t s to the Special Education Centre as a consultant. When lack of f i n a n c i a l support forced the Centre to close i t s doors a f t e r one year of i t s operation, work with Jeanine continued at her home. This arrangement has la s t e d f o r three years. Mrs. H. learned b r a i l l e so that she could implement the teaching of reading and wr i t i n g . Jeanine fs parents have since been divorced, and Mr. and Mrs. H. have beeome her court-appointed guardians. Jeanine i s now considered a ward of the province i n the custody of Mr. and Mrs. H. Contact with her parents is l i m i t e d to occasional v i s i t s by the mother or father at the H. home. Relations between the parents and the f o s t e r parents are c o r d i a l . Jeanine's mother confessed her f e e l i n g of inadequacy i n coping with Jeanine and genuine confidence i n the way she i s responding to l i v i n g with the H fs. Both parents appear to share r e l i e f i n the burden that has "been l i f t e d from t h e i r shoulders." Jeanine was nine years o l d when we began our work together. A p h y s i c a l l y a t t r a c t i v e c h i l d , Jeanine presented a small f r a g i l e appearance. Her mobile features were con-tained i n an expressionless face. Her eyes are large and blue, and do not give the appearance of sightlessness. They do not cross, and she appears to have some control over her eye movements. Jeanine fs eyes move r a p i d l y from side to side when she i s most a l e r t . Her "closed" expression changed only when she was y e l l i n g , shouting or crying. Her f a i r skin had a pasty appearance. She was neatly dressed and always had an a t t r a c t i v e appearance. M o b i l i t y was good but Jeanine sought to c l i n g to the nearest adult. It was almost as i f she r e s i s t e d t r u s t i n g h e r s e l f i n her claim f o r dependence. In the large gym, Jeanine could f i n d the walls, and walk from one side of the gym to the other, following the c l i c k i n g of fingers with p r e c i s i o n . She could hop on the r i g h t foot and jump. Skip-ping was awkward. Jeanine*s hands and arms were covered with bruises. When f r u s t r a t e d she b i t hard on her arm. Her concerns seem to revolve around eating, and she punctuated our time together by asking whether i t was lunch time. This was the only question she asked, and was often the occasion of a tantrum. Jeanine offered as l i t t l e of h e r s e l f as possible, and met each new demand with resistance. Persistence won the desired response only a f t e r many sessions, i n which the same demand was made without d i r e c t pressure. The new a c t i v i t y was quickly r o u t i n i z e d , and Jeanine stubbornly r e s i s t e d change. I f we began with a c t i v i t y i n the gym, and then went to work on b r a i l l e , the same procedure was to be followed each day. The order of a c t i v i t y , the requests made, i n f a c t every aspect and d e t a i l was to be repeated.over and over. It was only a f t e r some months had gone by, that i t was possible to introduce any change. At times i t appeared that progress i n any a c t i v i t y would come only a f t e r the a c t i v i t y had become rou t i n i z e d . In the classroom with the other children, Jeanine was alone and aloof and appeared to take no intere s t i n the others. When she was not demanding to eat her lunch or "fussing" she appeared to be content to " s i t and do nothing." Tantrums occurred over not being permitted to "eat her lunch." Her teacher t r i e d to compromise, allowing her to eat part of her lunch during the midday break. But Jeanine i n s i s t e d on eating her whole lunch. A solution was found i n the provision of an extra sandwich and packet of cookies, which she accepted as a "snack." The classroom i h which Jeanine spent most of her day was arranged to accommodate eight severely disturbed children, between the ages of s i x and ten. The teacher was a warm, accepting young woman who had special t r a i n i n g as a pre-school teacher of emotionally disturbed youngsters i n A u s t r a l i a . Her st y l e was to work with the children in d i v i d u -a l l y , making a range of a c t i v i t i e s available at a l l times. Some of the children were extremely demanding, and needed to be watched. The a i d of a student teacher was ava i l a b l e , but unfortunately, Jeanine was able to manipulate her teacher into doing many things f o r her, including carrying her or holding her. Language Behavior Jeanine*s a b i l i t y to follow verbal d i r e c t i o n , her mastery of s p e l l i n g , her growing a b i l i t y to read, her i n t e r e s t i n rhyming were i n d i c a t i v e of an unsuspected degree of language comprehension. The only times she would communicate i n language was when demanding to "eat lunch," or protes-t a t i o n against demands, "I can't do i t . " The spontaneous remarks made by Jeanine at the beginning of our work together seemed to be intrusions rather than remarks appropriate to the s i t u a t i o n . In the middle of a reading lesson, Jeanine would comment, "I don't want to sleep at E's house, I don't l i k e E., I want to l i v e with Mommy." "I want to snore," "I want my snack," "I w i l l not slam the door," "I can't stop moaning and groaning," "I won't t a l k s i l l y , " "I won't b i t e Noochy (he was her dog at home)." These remarks were formed i n complete sentences, but the subject matter r a r e l y varied. The same remark was repeated many times i n the same way, and always i n the middle of some a c t i v i t y . During the f i r s t year a change was noted as Jeanine began to express other ideas v e r b a l l y . Progress toward the verbal communication of f e e l i n g was very slow and the thoughts expressed concerned Jeanine's r e l a t i o n s with her mother. "My Mom makes me angry," "I'm mad at my Mom," " I t makes my Mom angry i f I go whu, whu, whu. I'm a blubber puss," "I'm not a blubber puss." Jeanine's response to questions was usually t e r s e . She would only communicate what was important to her. Question: "What d i d you do t h i s morning?" Jeanine: "I got up," Question: "What d i d you eat f o r breakfast?" Jeanine: "Toast." Question: "Who i s wonderful?" Jeanine: "Me. I am." Question: "What did you do a f t e r school?" Jeanine: "I don't know." Her responses to questions were often stereotyped and r e p e t i t i v e . The same question invariably received the same response. If the question had not been asked previously, the answer usually was, "I don't know." For her part Jeanine r a r e l y asked questions. A game was played with her where she was required to ask a question, a d i f f e r e n t question each time. Her questions were thoughtful and though they d i d not r e a l l y seek answers, they indicated that she d i d understand the meaning of a question. Her use of the word "why" was accompanied by "because" as i f that were a s u f f i c i e n t r e p l y . Her interest i n cause and ef f e c t was never expressed v e r b a l l y . Repetition of verbal patterns and sounds were pleasur-able and she never seemed to t i r e of endless r e p e t i t i o n s of nonsense s y l l a b l e s and rhyming sounds. "Sink, b l i n k , wink, t i n k , kink," provoked merriment and laughter. She shoroughly enjoyed rhyming sounds. n I won't bog Jeanine down," "darn, darn, darn," "slam, ban," were phrases that were frequently repeated. Spooner type "plays" on words were greeted laughingly. "Hamburger buns, hamburger hums" was also enjoyed. Jeanine could volunteer words f o r rhymes, and enjoyed simple rhyming poetry, which was memorized quickly. "Jeanine, Jeanine, are you able, to take your elbows o f f the t a b l e , " soon became a f a v o r i t e game with Jeanine o f f e r i n g substitute words f o r "elbows." She offered "back," "head," "legs," and "jeans." At nine years Jeanine's language behavior was reminiscent of that of a very young c h i l d . I t was most marked by the lack of content and a f f e c t , combined with the capacity to use whole, well-formed but simple sentence structure. Progress Observed Over the three year period of our acquaintance, there has been marked growth i n Jeanine's a b i l i t y to use language. The range and variety of her speech has greatly increased. As language has become more fl u e n t , c e r t a i n patterns have emerged. Her language r e f l e c t s the self-centeredness which characterizes her s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . There i s s t i l l a pre-occupation with mealtimes, snacks and lunches, but t h i s i s now modified by the a b i l i t y to wait, to ask f o r food, and to serve h e r s e l f . Speaking i n "opposites," or expressing the opposite of what she intends has been observed consistently i n verbal communication. "I am reading," (when she has no intention of reading). "I am not stubborn," (when she i s being her most stubborn). Confusion i s most evident when Jeanine i s explaining her f e e l i n g s . The following c o n v e r s a t i o n 1 4 between Jeanine and her f o s t e r mother i s revealing of the way Jeanine f e e l s about h e r s e l f , her family, her younger s i s t e r , and her blindness. E.: "Why do you act s i l l y about doing things you're asked to do?" Jeanine: "Because I want to be l i k e you." E.: "What do you want to do l i k e me?" Jeanine: "Read." E.: "Who else do you want to be l i k e ? " Jeanine: "Cindy," (her younger s i s t e r , a pseudonym). E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "Because I want her to be b l i n d . " E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "Because I want her to see with her hands." ^ T h i s conversation occurred at 6:45 p.m.* during a quiet time a f t e r dinner. Jeanine was s i t t i n g close to E. E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "Because I don't l i k e her." E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "Because I f e e l bad about her." (Then Jeanine started to say that Cindy 1'' i s her Mom's baby, but stopped, and said her brother (the youngest i n the family) was her Mom's baby.) E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. "Who do you r e a l l y think i s your Mom's baby?" "I am." "But that's not what you t o l d me before." "Tommy16 i s . " "That's not what you t o l d me eithe r . " "I am." "That's not what you t o l d me." "Cindy i s . " "Who do you want to be your Mom's baby?" "Me." "Why do you want to be your Mom's baby?" "Because she doesn't l i k e me." "Why doesn't she l i k e you?" "Because she hates me." "Why?" A p A pseudonym. 16 A pseudonym. (The following are a l l the answers she gave as explanations. E.'s comments during t h i s time were eithe r that she didn't understand or that her answers did not make sense.) Jeanine: "Because she beats me."(Her mother r a r e l y spanked her.). "Because I want her to send me away." "Because I f e e l bad about being b l i n d . " "Because i t makes her f e e l bad." "I don't remember." "Because I want to be l i k e her." "Because I f e e l bad about her." "I want her to l i k e me." "Because I don't l i k e being good." "Because she gets mad at me f o r being s i l l y . " "Because she spanks me." "Because she t e l l s me what to do." "Because I hate her." "Because I don't l i k e her to be happy." "Because I don't l i k e being good." "Because I don't l i k e being b l i n d . " "Because I f e e l bad." "Because I f e e l sorry about being b l i n d . " "Because I f e e l a f r a i d about being good." "Because I f e e l a f r a i d of doing as I'm t o l d . " "Because I want somebody to leave me alone." "Because I want her to get mad." "Because I want my Mom to help me." "Because I think I am her baby." "Because I think I'm dumb." "Because she feeds me." E.: "Remember when you wouldn't t e l l anybody that you couldn't see with your eyes? And you were a f r a i d of saying i t ? " Jeanine: "Yes." E.: "When you f i n a l l y said i t , i t didn't make you f e e l bad, did i t ? " Jeanine: "No." E.: "Well, i t wouldn't make you f e e l bad to say why you think your Mom hates you, either, and i t won't make her hate you. I t won't make anybody hate you." Jeanine: "Because she t e l l s me to hurry." E.: "What else does she t e l l you?" Jeanine: "She t e l l s me to be good." "Because she t e l l s me where to go. Because she t e l l s me to go somewhere." E.: "Where?" Jeanine: "She t e l l s me to go to the bathroom." E.r "Where else?" Jeanine: "She t o l d me to get a drink." E.: "Where else?" Jeanine: "She t e l l s me to go back to bed," . £•: "Why do you think she hates you?" Jeanine: "Because she t e l l s me what to do," E.: "But why do you think she hates you?" Jeanine: "I t o l d you." E.: "You t o l d me a l o t , but not why you think she hates you," Jeanine: "Because I'm sighted," E.: "Pardon?" Jeanine: "Sighted." E.: "Pardon?" Jeanine: "I'm a b l i n d person." E. got her to say i t r i g h t out i n a sentence. She looked a l i t t l e red of eye, and E. asked i f she'd l i k e to have a b i t of a "blubber." Jeanine said she would, and she c r i e d a l i t t l e . When that was over E. cuddled her and she went o f f to bed. E. reported several conversations of a s i m i l a r nature with Jeanine during the winter of 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 0 * Jeanine seems to want to say what i s on her mind, but she cannot seem to allow h e r s e l f to verbalize her true feelings. Denial of what she knows to be the truth i s becoming more d i f f i c u l t and l e s s possible to disguise. There i s a new quality about Jeanine, as i f she understands what her true fee l i n g s are, but she i s s t i l l reluetant to face them. u General Competence and Behavior There has been marked growth i n a l l areas of develop-ment. Jeanine cares f o r herself w e l l . She i s always clean and neat looking, she makes her own bed, puts her clothes away, takes a turn i n doing the dishes, and i s functioning as a member of the H. family. She w i l l go outside to play alone, and t r a v e l s well around the house. Curiously, when-ever the family goes to v i s i t , Jeanine makes great e f f o r t s to s l i p back into o ld patterns. She gives the impression to strangers that she i s much l e s s able than she t r u l y i s . F i r s t impressions are extremely important to her, and Jeanine i s cunning about f i n d i n g ways to test people. In the presence of a stranger she w i l l drop an object, waiting to see how long i t w i l l take before the new person w i l l pick the object up f o r her. She w i l l r e a d i l y accept as much attention and "doing things f o r her" as that person w i l l o f f e r . And once she establishes a pattern of behavior she w i l l c l i n g to i t . Her perception of how f a r she can go seems almost uncanny. Jeanine r e s i s t e d reading and made i t her " b a t t l e -ground." Thinking that the pressure had become too intense, reading a c t i v i t i e s were withdrawn f o r several months. But since Jeanine seemed to be making l i t t l e progress towards wanting to read by h e r s e l f , i t became evident that reading needed to be reintroduced. It seemed important not to allow Jeanine to have the impression that she could not l e a r n to read. Her own mention of reading was frequent, as i f she wanted i t to be expected of her, while s t i l l hoping to r e s i s t us. When reading was again i n s t i t u t e d , Jeanine was asked to read every day. Once t h i s expectation was announced, i t quickly became obvious that i t was to meet strong resistance. For three days and two nights, Jeanine sat i n the dining room with her book. She made no e f f o r t to read and stubbornly stood her ground. Her f o s t e r parents became very anxious over t h i s behavior and f e a r f u l of hurting her by continued ins i s t e n c e . It was decided to continue to make the demand. To back up would be perceived as reinforcement of using reading as a " b a t t l e . n At the end of three days, Jeanine was u t t e r l y exhausted, but she read a page of b r a i l l e , put her book away and asked to go to bed. Three days l a t e r , she was up f o r an entire day and night, and then read again. A week l a t e r , the same pattern was repeated. At t h i s time Jeanine stated that she wanted to stay up a l l night. Her f o s t e r mother t o l d her that she would not be allowed to stay up, and Jeanine i s now reading d a i l y with her f o s t e r mother. By varying the content and approach to reading, the r o u t i n -i z a t i o n of resistance was avoided. Jeanine was not able to predict what she was to be asked to read; sometimes she was to f i n d a word i n a sentence, read her own composition or an entire page i n a book. Her successes i n reading were i n i t i a l l y accompanied by increased resistance to expectations that had long been resolved. Such matters as dressing, put-t i n g on socks, making her bed once again became reasons f o r fus s i n g . Even her behavior at school had deteriorated f o r a short period. Jeanine has verbalized her fear of growing up, as i f the cost of success i s the dependence which she "wants'* very much to need. German was taught to Jeanine i n the l a s t h a l f of the t h i r d year. The purpose of teaching her a foreign language was twofold: to develop her greatest ca p a c i t i e s , her memory and her keen ear, and to f o s t e r her awareness of language functions. This experiment was successful and Jeanine*s progress was r a p i d . Jeanine began to request that "we have a German lesson." She began to perceive the teaching s i t u -ation as fun. In a few weeks time Jeanine had a German vocabulary of 75 words and was t r a n s l a t i n g short sentences from German to English and from English to German. In the f a l l of 1970, Jeanine was enrolled i n a sp e c i a l class i n a community school, where her progress i s reported as slow but steady. The following study of Jeanine*s language development r e f l e c t s the growth and progress which we have been p r i v i l e g e d to observe. Language as a means of communication cannot develop i n s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . But those aspects of language development, comprehension, grammar a c q u i s i t i o n , etc., not e n t i r e l y dependent on s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n may be retarded, delayed or di s t o r t e d , they are not prevented. It i s t h i s phenomenon which provides the subject of t h i s study. PART I I I LANGUAGE: THE SYNTACTICAL COMPONENT The purpose of t h i s section i s to examine Jeanine*s l i n g u i s t i c competence. Noam Chomsky defines competence as the " i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the system of rules that determine both the phonetic shape of the sentence and i t s i n t r i n s i c semantic content." 1 Since actual performance involves f a r more than under-standing of l i n g u i s t i c rules there w i l l be an unavoidable overlap between the sections on the syntactic and semantic components of Jeanine Ts language samples. L i n g u i s t i c per-formance} dependent on cognitive a b i l i t i e s , can be expected to r e f l e c t Jeanine*s own perceptions of her environment. This i s the major reason f o r presenting the syntactic analysis f i r s t . The term competence refe r s to the a b i l i t y of the speaker to associate sounds and meanings " s t r i c t l y 2 i n accordance with the rules of language. m Discussion of the s t r u c t u r a l (syntactic) and the meaning (semantic) aspects of language, are presented separately i n order to portray the nature of Jeanine*s language behavior i n f u l l e s t dimension. •••Noam Chomsky, "The Formal Nature of Language" Appendix A. i n Lenneberg, B i o l o g i c a l Foundations of Language, p. 393. 2 I b i d . Competence i s only one of many factors determining performance, but without i t , understanding would be, at best, incomplete. The intention of an examination of Jeanine*s competence i s to determine the extent of her a b i l i t y to understand, to associate, and to apply knowledge of l i n g u i s t i c r u l e s . The material to be examined here consists of word associations, the Brown and Berko Word Usage Tests, analysis of the transformation types employed i n a sample of Jeanine Ts spontaneous speech, sentence completions, and r e p e t i t i o n s of correct and incorrect sentences. The focus of discussion i n t h i s section w i l l be Jeanine fs understanding of the conventions of language forms. Any d i v i s i o n between s t r u c t u r a l and meaning analysis i s , of necessity, an a r b i t r a r y one. Language i s organized to convey meaning, and disorders of communication can be r e l a t e d to f a i l u r e to understand the s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s of organizing language. I f i t can be demonstrated that a c h i l d has acquired grammar, and s t i l l does not communicate well, then we could s t i l l expect to f i n d some clues to language delay or i n h i b i t i o n i n those forms that are used well or not used at a l l . The major contention of t h i s section i s that language development i s not an a l l or none process. Just as the i n a b i l i t y to speak i s no indicat i o n that language has not been acquired, a very r e s t r i c t e d or i n h i b i t e d expressive language does not r e f l e c t the f u l l development of language a c q u i s i t i o n that has taken place. The question here i s one of determining the extent of the understanding that has been developed. With children who eithe r cannot or w i l l not verbally communicate, a range of more subtle techniques needs to be found both to explore and to stimulate language development• Word Association The f i r s t clue that Jeanine had f a r more language than was suspected came i n the form of her responses to word associations. Brown and Berko have shown that as children learn the rules governing syntactic structure, syntactic s i m i l a r i t y of words becomes increasingly important as a determinant of word association.-* 1 By the time children are i n the f i r s t grade they are matching nouns with nouns. Children i n the s i x t h grade are following adult patterns by presenting more homogeneous than heterogeneous responses, and responding to the stimulus word with the same part of speech as the stimulus word (Part of speech as used i n the l i n g u i s t i c sense ref e r s ^to " p r i v i l -. 4 ege of occurrence" rather than functional use)• -'Roger Brown and Jean Berko, "Word Association and The Acquis i t i o n of Grammar," Ch i l d Development. 31 (I960) 1-7. Consistent differences between the word associations of adults and those of young children become a useful means of showing awareness of the syntactic s i m i l a r i t y of words. Young children give more "whole—part" responses. By con-t r a s t , adults give more "coordinate," "contrast," and "simi-l a r i t y " responses. The associative responses of adults belong to the same part of speech as the stimulus word f a r more often than do the associative responses of ch i l d r e n . The tables below indicate the significance of the d i f f e r -ences found between adult and c h i l d responses to the same stimulus words. Ibid., p. 2 WORD ASSOCIATIONS FROM CHILDREN AND ADULTS Stimulus Response 1,000 Children 1,000 Adults Table eat chair 353 24 63 274 dark night light 421 33 221 427 man work woman 163 3 17 395 deep hole shallow 257 6 32 130 soft pillow hard 133 27 53 265 mountain high h i l l 390 91 246 184 The children in the Brown and Berko sample were in kindergarten and f i r s t grade classes. Jeanine*s responses are comparable to Brown and Berko*s adult responses and are homogeneous with the part of speech represented. Ibid., p. 3 . JEANINE'S RESPONSES TO STIMULUS WORDS OF BROWN-BERKO TEST7 Stimulus Response table " c h a i r " dark " l i g h t " man "lady" deep "shallow" soft "hard" mountain "ground" Jeanine's interest i n word associations were d i s -covered quite a c c i d e n t a l l y i n the winter of 1967-68 by Jeanine*s f o s t e r f a t h e r . He began by saying words, and when Jeanine responded with another word, he continued. Her response was a surprise since she had never been heard to use any of the words. The f i r s t stimulus words were twelve nouns, names of f a m i l i a r items and two adjectives. A f t e r t h i s f i r s t encouraging response we began to use word association as a game. Jeanine's associations with 1 2 3 stimulus words are l i s t e d on the following pages. 7 I b i d . NUMBER OF HOMOGENEOUS RESPONSES TO 123 STIMULUS WORDS Stimulus Words No. of Homogeneous Responses % of Total Nouns 60 56 92% Verbs 31 24 77% Adjectives 27 25 95$ Adverbs 5 5 100% TABLE 4 JEANINE'S WORD ASSOCIATIONS* a. Winter 1968-1969 Noun Verb Adjective Adverb 1. m i l k — s u g a r . 2. lamp—plant 3. b o y — g i r l 4. shoe—sock 5. t a b l e — c h a i r 6. t a p — y o u r x 7. leg—knee 8. hand--finger 9. T V — r a d i o 10. t o i l e t — p a p e r 11. oven—stove 12. h o t — c o l d 13. r a i n — w a t e r 14. nurse—doctor 15. g a s o l i n e — o i l 16. sand—rock 17. d r e s s — s k i r t 18. i r o n — c l o t h e s x 19. dog—cat... 20. fence—gate a. Winter 1968-1969 Noun Verb Adjective Adverb 21• b e l t — k n o t 22. morning—night 23. s t r i n g — g u i t a r 24. f u n — h a r d 25. bag—groceries 26. t r a f f i c — m o u n t a i n 27. f a s t e r — s l o w e r 28. w o r d — l e t t e r 29. s l e e p y — t i r e d 30. s p e l l — r e a d 31. p a i n t — p a s t e 32. waken—sleeping 33. eat—meat x 34 • nose—pose • 35. whistle—blow 36. s t a n d — s i t 37. jump—hop 38. dance—prance 39. s i n g — k i n g x 4 0 . queen—maid 41. peanut butter—honey 42 • money—honey 43. s q u a r e — c i r c l e 44. b a l l — t a l l 45• t r i a n g l e — r e e t a n g l e 46. l i n e — m i n e 47. row—verse.... 48. happy—mad. 49. angry—pleased 50. s c r e a m — y e l l 51. r e a d — w r i t e 52. r o d s — t i c k t i c k t i c k . . . . . 53. watch—time 54. squiggly l i n e — p a r a l l e l . . 55. shoe—do x 56• sock—shoe NOTE: Several rhyming responses are included here. They suggest a type of response to the phonology noted by Lur i a among very young ch i l d r e n . It would seem that when Jeanine cannot think of a verbal association she responds to the sound of the word, rather than i t s meaning. a. Winter 1968-1969 Noun Verb Adjective Adverb 57* snow—rain 58. sun—cloud 59. school—cool x 60* teacher—brother 61. baby—Sally b. Spring 1969 62. pretty dress—awful dress 63. pretty girl—awful girl.. 64. quiet girl—loud girl, noisy girl 65. quick girl—slow girl.... 66. sweet girl—fresh girl... 67. happy girl—mad girl 68. cheerful girl—sad girl.. 69. crying girl—laughing girl 70. eating girl—talking girl 71. awful girl—pretty girl.. 72. stubborn girl—good girl. 73. good girl—stubborn girl. 74. old girl—new girl c. Fall 1969 75. play—work • 76. night—day 77• sleep—wake 78• read—write 79. story—poem 80. community helper—good helper 81• smart—dumb 82. clever—good 83. sky—sun 84. rain—snow 85. ice—boil x 86. talk—sing.. 87. sentence—word 88. automobile—horse 89. bus—car 90. taxi—bus 91. sweet—sour e. F a l l 1969 Noun Verb Adjective Adverb 92. candy—cooky 93• understand—hear 94. l o u d — s o f t 95. w h i s p e r — y e l l 96. angry—pleased 97. b u s y — l a z y 98. t i r e d — s i c k 99. f i n g e r — h a n d 100• bra i n — h a i r 101. b r a i l l e — F r e n c h 102. r i v e r — s h o r e 103 • t r e e — b u s h 104* seed—weed 105. teacher—principals. 106. to send—away x 107. to b r i n g — t o you x 108. to find—them... x 109. h i t — t h e m x 110. w r i t e — r e a d . 111. to s t a n d — t o s i t 112. to w a l k — t o run 113. to s k a t e — t o s l i d e 114. to come—to go 115. to l i v e — t o eat 116. q u i c k l y — f a s t e r 117. s l o w l y — q u i c k l y 118. s a d l y — h a p p i l y 119. s o f t l y — h a r d l y 120. g e n t l y — q u i c k l y 121. now—after 122. house—school 123. apple—orange TOTAL 60 31 27 5 Heterogeneous Responses 3 0 *Heterogeneous Responses are marked with an "x" The Brown Berko Usage Test The Brown Berko Usage Test reflects the attention given to a part of speech. The general plan of this test is to introduce the subject to a pronounceable nonsense syllable by using i t in two sentences. The subject i s asked to use i t in a sentence of his own creation. The sentence i s scored as correct i f the "new word" is used as the same part of speech i t was given in the original sentence. Brown and Berko suggest that degree of experience with words as "parts of speech" is "the basic determinant of the degree to which that part of speech functions in both Q free association and usage."^ Jeanine was assisted in this test by repetition of direction; she was told to make up a meaning for the non-sense syllable. In each case the meanings given to the nonsense syllables are her own. A clue was offered in the f i r s t two sentences by i t s a r t i c l e , i.e., "A wug." Jeanine completed the f i r s t two sentences. The remaining sentences were entirely Jeanine*s own responses. 1. The dog drinks from a wug. A wug i s Jeanine: "a cup." 2. The lady wears a boff on her head. A boff Jeanine: " i s a hat." a q Ibid., p. 6. Ibid., p. 6. 3. The cat l e t t s the milk. Jeanine: "The cat pours down the milk." 4. The ladies reeg t h e i r boots. Jeanine: "The l a d i e s wear t h e i r boots." 5. The man smokes a stog. Jeanine: "A. stog i s a hog." 6. The man hufts the bundle. Jeanine: "To huft i s to puff." 7. The k i t t e n loves h i s nass. Jeanine: "Nass i s grass." 8. The boy i s angry at h i s s i b . Jeanine: "The boy i s angry at h i s Mom." 9 * The baby sucks his bik. Jeanine: "His bik i s h i s b o t t l e . " 10. The boy icks h i s school. Jeanine: "The boy l i k e s school." 11. The nace looks l o v e l y on the g i r l . Jeanine: "A g i r l . " 12. The boy loves h i s p i l k . Jeanine: " P i l k i s s i l k . " Jeanine scored eleven out of twelve sentences cor-r e c t l y , which puts her i n the adult range of responses according to Brown and B e r k o.^ Brown and Berko, Ch i l d Development. 31» p« 6. Grammatical Competence Grammatical competence can be defined i n terms of a c h i l d ' s a b i l i t y to use language, and employ the range of i t s s t r u c t u r a l forms. Sy n t a c t i c a l models derived from Chomsky's generative grammar have been used to explore the range of s t r u c t u r a l forms used by Jeanine. Chomsky's models are based upon the hypothesis that a c h i l d must f i r s t have learned to abstract the formal laws governing language before he i s able to compose a sentence. The c h i l d i n acquiring language i s acquiring a knowledge of the formal r e l a t i o n -ships between d i f f e r e n t grammatical patterns. It seems p l a i n that language a c q u i s i t i o n i s based on the c h i l d ' s discovery of what from a formal point of view i s a deep and abstract t h e o r y — a generative grammar of h i s language—many of the concepts and p r i n c i p l e s of Which are only remotely related to experience by long and i n t r i c a t e chains of unconscious quasi-i n f e r e n t i a l steps.11 Qn the basis of the best information now a v a i l a b l e , i t seems reasonable to suppose that a c h i l d cannot help constructing a p a r t i c u l a r sort of transformational grammar to account f o r the data presented to him any more than he can control his perception of s o l i d objects or h i s attention to l i n e and angle. Thus i t may well be that the general features of language structure r e f l e c t , not so much the course of one's experience, but rather the general character of one's capacity to acquire knowledge—in the t r a d i t i o n a l sense, one's innate ideas and innate principles. 1 2 •-••-•Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. p. 58. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 59. E i g h t y - f i v e remarks made by Jeanine to the writer, her f o s t e r parents or to her tu t o r s , were selected as a sample of Jeanine's spontaneous speech. These remarks are representative of u n s o l i c i t e d speech. Spontaneous speech i s more l i k e l y to r e f l e c t Jeanine's perceptions of what i s important than remarks s o l i c i t e d by questioning or prompt-ing. Chronology has been preserved to indicate the course of the development we have observed i n Jeanine's expressive language. During the f i r s t year of work with Jeanine her u n s o l i c i t e d remarks were very l i m i t e d and often inappropri-ate i n context. Increasingly, however, Jeanine's interest i n communicating i s becoming more apparent. Spontaneous Remarks (Spring 1967) 1. "I won't bog Jeanine down." 2. "I am s c r i b b l i n g the ch a i r . " 3. "I'm spoofing." 4. "I won't bi t e Lulu." 5. "I won't b i t e my dress." 6. "Lulu l i k e s l i c k i n g s . " 7. "I want to sing a song." 8. "I can make a l o t of noise." (Winter 1968) 9. "I do so need to blubber." 10. "I do so need to ask." 11. "We should t e l l me." 12. "I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you a story." 13. "I didn't ask." 14. "I want to ask." 15. "I don't want to read by myself." 16. "I want to read i t with you." 17. M I want to go f o r a car r i d e . " 18. "I am going to bump my head." 19. "I am funny." 20. "My Mom taught me to tap my cane." 21. "I get up." 22. "I don't l i k e to t e l l you what foods I l i k e to eat." 23. "I'd l i k e you to read with me." ( F a l l 1968) 24. "I want you to help me read." 25. "I want you to help me." 26. "I want to leave to get a drink." 27. "I want you to do i t f o r me." 28. "I was being s i l l y . " 29. "I'm s i t t i n g l i k e a lump." 30. "I scream." 31. "I don't stay naughty a l l the time." 32. "I don't stay mad." 33. "Are you glad I am back?" 34. "I'm a f r a i d of you getting happy." 35. "I'm a f r a i d of getting b i g . " 36. "I don't l i k e to go to the stores." 37. "I don't want i t to r a i n . " 38. "I'm saying something." 39. "I am going to school today." 4 0 . "Are you going home today?" 41. "Is the laundry in?" 42. " I t isn ' t r a i n i n g today." 43. "I w i l l do as I'm t o l d . " if4. "My Mom didn't come camping with us." ( F a l l 1969) 45. "E. won't p o l i s h the f l o o r . " 46. "A. takes me to school every morning." 47. "I want to bi t e him." 48. **I f e e l l i k e swatting you." 49. "I want B. to come on Saturday." 50. "I want to go f o r a car r i d e . " 51. "The milkman brings the bottle of milk." 52. "I had pie and ice cream at your house." 53. "I am so thinking." 54. "I am l i s t e n i n g . " 55. "Would you l i k e me to help you?" 56. " I do my homework." 57. "I l i k e school." 1 58. "I do fingerpainting i n school." 59* "I am f i n d i n g my place. t t 6©. "You w i l l take me f o r a r i d e . " 61. " I l i k e working with Carol i n the dining room." 62. "I w i l l vaccuum l a t e r . 63. W E . was angry with me l a s t night." 64. "E. i s n ' t going shopping today." 65. "Do you have something f o r me?" 66. "I go out with Bev." 67. "E. pushed me around the room." 68. "Mrs. L. w i l l come next week." 69. "I want a truck f o r Christmas." 70. "I w i l l work today, Mrs. R." 71. rtI am so happy." 72. "I did show my story to Miss W." 73. ttI want to read with you. 74. M E . i s making a l o t of noise." 75• "My Mom i s coming next week." 76. "E., w i l l you get f i s h and chips f o r supper?" 77. "I l i k e going to school." 78. "I did get dressed by myself." 79• " I tore up the papers f o r my homework." 80. "I want B. to come on Saturday." 81. "I want to give you a hug and k i s s . " 82. "I don't want E. t o be mad." 83. "E., I love you." 84. n I am going to set the table." 85. "I did put the knife on the ri g h t way." TRANSFORMATION TYPES A sequence of developmental stages has been described f o r children's mastery of grammar,""" The order i s from the simple one and two word phrases to the more complex noun phrase and verb phrase constructions, which i n turn are applied to the development of the kernel sentence* These stages represent successive approximations of the rules f o r 2 the generation of language. Transformations are operations performed on the kernel sentence f o r the purpose of elabor-a t i o n , extension, negation or shortening. The rules govern-ing the transformational operations are s p e c i f i c and f i n i t e , and vary from simple additions to complex operations. Transformations are derived from knowing the organiz-ing p r i n c i p l e s of language and as such r e f l e c t the a b i l i t y to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between structures. Transformations underly the composing or generating of sentences. For these reasons a study of the transformations that are employed can demon-strate a ch i l d ' s competence and f a c i l i t y with language. Transformations may also be expected to r e f l e c t the s p e c i f i c 1Paula Menyuk, "Acquisition of Grammar by Children" i n Kurt Salzinger and Suzanne Salzinger (Eds.) Research In  Verbal Behavior and Some Neurophysiolog;ical Implications, New York: Academic Press, 1967. 2 I b i d . , p. 104. ways language has been inhibited. A total of eighty transformations representing nine categories of Transformation Types are contained in Jeaninefs sample. There were eighty declarative statements and five questions. The most frequently observed transfor-mations were participial and infinit ival complements. Twenty-eight Transformation Types which most commonly appear in the language structure have been chosen for dis-cussion. Most of these types are observed in the language 3 of four and five-year-old children.^ Transformation Types4 1. Passive 2. Negation 3. Question 4. Contraction 5. Inversion 6. Relative Question 7. Imperative 8. Pronominalization 9. Separation 10. "Got" 11. Auxiliary "Be" Placement 12. Auxiliary "Have" Placement 13. "Do" 14. Possessive 15. Reflexive 16. Conjunction 17. Conjunction deletion 18. "If" conjunction 19. "So" conjunction ^Paula Menyuk, "Comparison of Grammar of Children with functionally Deviant and Normal Speech." Journal of  Speech and Hearing Research. 7:2 (June 1964) 109-121. ^Ibid. 20. Cause conjunction 21. Pronoun i n conjunction 22. Adjective 23. Relative Clause 24* I n f i n i t i v a l Complement 25. P a r t i c i p i a l Complement 26. I t e r a t i o n 27. Nominalization 28. Nominal Compound The developing language of young children commonly shows many r e s t r i c t e d forms such as the ommission, sub-s t i t u t i o n , or redundancy of noun, verb, preposition, a r t i c l e or p a r t i c l e . No r e s t r i c t e d forms were represented i n the sample of Jeanine"s spontaneous speech. P a r t i c i p i a l and i n f i n i t i v a l complements enrich the kernel sentence by adding to i t and giving further d e f i n i t i o n of the action performed. P a r t i c i p i a l and i n f i n i t i v a l complements are embedded i n the kernel sentence. "I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you a story." "I want to ask." "I want you to help me."; "I'm saying something." S i m i l a r l y the Transformation "do" performs an enrich-ing function, by emphasizing the action. "I do so need to ask." "I do fingerpainting i n school." A u x i l i a r y "Be" Placement and "Have" Placement charac-t e r i z e a c t i o n . Contraction and negation are verb forms used to characterize action by combining the verb with the negative form. "E. i s making a l o t of noise.** "My Mom i s coming next week." "You w i l l take me f o r a r i d e . " "E. i s n ' t going shopping today." Negation, p a r t i c i p i a l and i n f i n i t i v a l complements, question, a u x i l i a r y "be," contraction, "do," "got," require one a d d i t i o n a l operation to the kernel sentence. Separation and inversion, on the other hand, require a series of operations, and normally occur l a t e r i n the language of 5 young c h i l d r e n . The comparative complexity of structures i s defined by the number of operations needed to generate them.^ The transformations represented i n the sample are "embedded" i n the kernel sentence and involve the rules f o r the generation of a s t r i n g . But they do involve the rearrangement of noun and verb phrases within the kernel sentence. " I f , " "so," and "cause" conjunctions are most con-spicuously absent and generally r e f l e c t i n t e r e s t , i n f e r r i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s of cause and e f f e c t . That such rel a t i o n s h i p s are understood by Jeanine i s indicated by a series of sentence completions. The phrases i n quotation marks are %enyuk i n Salzinger and Salzinger (Eds.), p. 104. 6 I b i d . Jeanine 1s. 1. E. l i k e s Jeanine because "I'm good." 2 . E. r o l l s cigarettes because "she l i k e s i t . " 3 . E. i s a good cook because "she cooks g r i l l e d cheese sandwiches." 4. Miss W;. i s a nice teacher because "she teaches the kids how to l e a r n . " 5. Jeanine i s learning to read because "I'm smart." 6. Jeanine i s happy because "you are." 7. Sometimes Jeanine doesn't l i k e to work because "she's s i l l y . I do l i k e to work." 8. Jeanine i s a wonderful g i r l because "you are happy." The way i n which Jeanine completed the sentences demonstrates an understanding of the "because" phrase as an expression of caus a l i t y . But Jeanine's perception of a causal r e l a t i o n s h i p i s highly personal. In sentence #8, "you are happy" refers to Jeanine being wonderful. She i s wonderful because she i s doing good work and her good work i s enjoyed by those who work with her. Jeanine understands that others are happy when she i s working; therefore Jeanine i s wonderful because she makes others happy. E. i s a good cook because "she cooks g r i l l e d cheese sandwiches." E. i s not a good cook because she l i k e s to cook, or knows how to cook. The reference is to what E. cooks that Jeanine l i k e s . A g a i n — E . r o l l s cigarettes because "she l i k e s i t " and not to have cigarettes, or because she wants to make them. Jeanine i s happy because "you are" deserves some explanation here. There i s a genuine desire on Jeanine's part to please, to do things that w i l l make her fost e r parents and her teachers "proud" of her. It i s only i n the l a s t year that t h i s desire has emerged and i t i s helping to supply the motivation that had been submerged f o r so long. Understanding of l i n g u i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s precedes t h e i r use. Yet children experiment with s y n t a c t i c a l forms and the word "cause" i s notable i n children's speech. In the f i r s t year of work with Jeanine, she used the word "because" as i f i t were s u f f i c i e n t response to a question. Even at the present time, there i s l i t t l e concern r e f l e c t e d i n Jeanine's spontaneous speech f o r cause and e f f e c t , or f o r q u a l i f i c a t i o n and elaboration. Nevertheless, Jeanine does demonstrate an understanding of the concepts underlying the transformations not represented i n the sample of her spontaneous speech. Those transformations have been observed i n Jeanine's speech. A u x i l i a r y "Have" Placement "I've already been there." (the response to a question) Possessive n I am writing Daddy's name." (response to question during a b r a i l l e lesson) Reflexive "I did i t myself.*1 (response to question) I t e r a t i o n "You have to eat to be strong." (response to question) Pronominalization "There i s n ' t any more." (response to question) Inversion "Here i s the toothpaste." (response to question) Of the twenty-eight categories of transformation 7 types found i n the speech of four to f i v e year o l d children; only nine were represented i n the sample of Jeanine's spontaneous speech. Twenty-two transformation types are represented i n other speech samples (responses to questions and sentence completions). Six transformation types were r a r e l y used. There were no r e s t r i c t e d forms or ungrammatical usages represented i n the sample. The tables below indicate the transformation types most frequently employed and those that are comprehended but r a r e l y used i n spontaneous speech. 7 I b i d . TABLE 5 TRANSFORMATION TYPES REPRESENTED IN SAMPLE OF SPONTANEOUS SPEECH Type Frequency Negation 11 P a r t i c i p i a l Complements 10 Quest ion 5 A u x i l i a r y "Be" 8 I n f i n i t i v a l Complement 24 Contraction 10 »»Dort 1 "Got" 1 Total 80 TRANSFORMATION TYPES REPRESENTED IN RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS AND SENTENCE COMPLETIONS Negation P a r t i c i p i a l Complements A u x i l i a r y "be" I n f i n i t i v a l Complement Contraction "Do" "Got"! Possessive Reflexive I t e r a t i o n Pronominalization Inversion Conjunction " I f " Conjunction (Sentence Completions) "So" Conjunction (Sentence Completions) Cause (Sentence Completions) Pronoun i n conjunction Adjective Relative Clause Nominalization Nominal Compound Separation TABLE 7 TRANSFORMATION TYPES MOST RARELY REPRESENTED Inversion Relative Question " I f , " "so," and "cause" Conjunctions Nominalization The transformation types contained i n the sample of Jeanine's spontaneous speech concern operations performed on the verb phrase. Negation, p a r t i c i p i a l and i n f i n i t i v a l complements, a u x i l i a r y "be" contractions, "do" and "got" elaborate the verb. Relative clauses, nominalization, passive voice, "if,** "so," and cause conjunctions pertain to the elaboration of the noun phrase. Those structures necessary for description, modifi-cation, and explanation of people and things are most con-spicuously absent in the sample of spontaneous speech. That the rules for generating the range of transformations are understood can be demonstrated in the form of sentence completions. But the restricted use of noun phrase elabor-ations cannot be explained in terms of understanding of syn-tactic structure alone. Recognition of Grammatical Error A series of ungrammatical sentences were read to 8 Jeanine. Each sentence demonstrates a type of omission, redundancy, or substitution children commonly make. Jeanine was asked to repeat each sentence after i t was read. No advice was given on how she was to respond. Jeanine repeated each sentence, correcting those which appeared incorrect to her. Menyuk's ungrammatical sentences and Jeanine*s responses. 1. He wash his dirty face. "He washes his dirty dace." 2 . They sleeping in their beds. "They're sleeping in their beds." These sentences were used in the study described by Paula Menyuk, in Sentences Children Use, (Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1969) p. 119. 3. They get mad and then they pushed him. "They get mad and then they pushed him." 4. The barber cut o f f his hair o f f . "The barber cut o f f h i s h a i r . " 5. I want to go New York i n the morning. "I want to go to New York i n the morning." 6. He l i k e s to look at. "He l i k e s to look at." 7. My daddy has new o f f i c e downtown. 8. He growed bigger and bigger. "He grew bigger and bigger." 9. He l i k e t e d that funny game. "He l i k e d i t at the funny game." 10. The l i t t l e boy i s washing h i s s e l f . "The l i t t l e boy i s washing himself." 11. You pick up i t . "You picked i t up." 12. What name you're writing? "I'm w r i t i n g love J . " 13. There's three trees. "There are three trees." 14. Two brothers and one s i s t e r have I. "Two brothers and s i s t e r s I have." 15. Don't put the hat. "Don't put the hat." 16. I want a milk. "I want cookies." 17. He took me at the circus today. "He took me to the circus today." 18. Where are the peoples? "Where are the peoples?" 19;. Mommy was happy so he kissed Betty. "Mommy was happy so she kissed me." 20. The teacher writes that numbers. "The teacher writes the numbers." 21. It i s n ' t any more r a i n . 22. You can't put no more water i n i t , "You can't put more water i n i t . " 23. He took the knife from f a l l i n g . "He took the knife from f a l l i n g . " 24. This dress green. 25. She took i t away the hat. "She took i t away the hat." Jeanine corrected eleven of the twenty-five sentences, changed the meaning of four, f a i l e d to respond to three, and repeated s i x as given. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the sentences to which Jeanine responded with incorrect changes or did not change at a l l contained noun form redundancies, omissions or s u b s t i t u t i o n s . Jeanine c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d and corrected: #14. Verb Phrase omission 3. P a r t i c l e redundancy 5. Preposition omission 8. Verb Form substitution 10. Reflexive substitution 11, Preposition 13. Verb Form substitution 17, Preposition form 20. Adjective r e s t r i c t i o n 22, Double negative Jeanine repeated the errors of: #6. Noun Phrase omission 15, P a r t i c l e omission 18, Noun Form redundancy ( 23. Verb Phrase substitution 24. Verb Phrase omission 25. Noun Phrase redundancy The sentences not responded to at a l l contained errors of: A r t i c l e Omission, Pronominalization Substitution, and Verb Phrase Omission. Recognition of Complete Sentences Jeanine was asked to i d e n t i f y which of the follow-ing sentences were complete. She was asked to indicate those which were by saying "yes." 1. Ned had l o s t h i s dog. "Yes." 2. He looked and "No." 3 . The dog "No." 4. Ned asked h i s father to help him. "Yes." 5. His father telephoned the "No." Active and Passive Voice A series of sentences i l l u s t r a t i n g active and passive voice was read to Jeanine. She was asked to l i s t e n to the sentences and to change them, while retaining t h e i r meaning. Assistance was given by supplying Jeanine with the subject word and asking her to complete the sentence. At the very beginning of the exercise, Jeanine had d i f f i c u l t y understanding what was expected of her, but as soon as the pattern became cl e a r , Jeanine caught on quickly. Passive voice i s a transformation that Jeanine r a r e l y employs. Her concern i s with the action and since the pronoun " I " i s most consistently the subject of u n s o l i c i t e d speech, i t i s the action with which she i s involved that she wants to express. The following sentences indicate Jeanine Ts understanding of the passive voice. Jeanine was asked to change the sentences below from active to passive voice. Some of her responses were given as sentence completions; others were given as whole sentences. 1. Mrs. R. loves Jeanine. Jeanine i s loved by "you.'* 2. You gave the Smarties to me. The Smart ies were given to "you** or "me." 3. You put the sweater on. "I put the sweater on." The sweater i s put on "me." 4. "I can't think of a sentence." A sentence cannot be thought of "by me." 5. E i l e e n gave me candy. "Candy was given to me by E i l e e n . " 6. Jeanine took a walk. A walk i s "good," "fun." A walk i s "taken by me." 7. Jeanine ate her peanut butter and honey sandwich. The peanut butter and honey sandwich "was eaten by me." 8. Jeanine ate a Smartie. A Smartie was "eaten by me." 9. Jeanine put on the dress. The dress was "put on by me." 10. Jeanine drank hot chocolate. "Hot chocolate i s drunk by me." 7The use of the passive voice i s not common i n the speech of chi l d r e n . However the use of "got" implies under-standing of the subject as re c i p i e n t of an ac t i o n . Sentence Types Further insight into language usage may be gained by looking at the patterns of Jeanine's sentences. Laura Lee demonstrated the use of "developmental Sentence Types" i n defining areas of a t y p i c a l development i n children with language problems. 1^ The kernel sentence combines the basic elements of sentence structure, the Noun Phrase and Verb Phrase. It i s a simple, active, and declarative sentence which may be modified by a locat o r , demonstrator, i d e n t i f i e r or a d d i t i o n a l noun phrase. The order which i s followed c l a s s i f i e s the kernel sentence into a designative, p r e d i c t i v e or verb phrase sentence. The Designative Sentence i d e n t i f i e s or locates a subj ect. "There's the car." Locator + i s ¥ Noun Phrase "This i s a car." Demonstrator " I t ' s a car." I d e n t i f i e r The important feature i s that the c h i l d has learned to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the elements which can be made into a noun phrase and those which must precede i t . The predicative sentence i s formed by placing the Noun Phrase f i r s t . This phrase names the item of attention and predicates something • L ULaura Lee, "Developmental Sentence Types. A Method For Comparing Normal and Deviant Syntactic Development." Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 31:4 (Nov. 1966) 311-329. ao about i t . The formulation of the Verb Phrase as a separate grammatical construction probably occurs before i t i s joined to the Noun Phrase to form a basic kernel sentence."*""" Concepts of transformation are c l e a r l y indicated by the c h i l d ' s early substitutions of pronouns f o r NP, s e r i a l -i z i n g items and increasing use of transformations. Trans-formational structures, described by Chomsky, are accomplished by the addition, deletion, or rearrangement of words i n 12 these basic kernel sentences. A c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Jeanine fs eighty-five spontaneous sentences under the headings of the developmental sentence 13 types described by Laura Lee are shown i n Table 8 . TABLE 8 CLASSIFICATION OF JEANINE*S SENTENCE TYPES Sentence Types # Designative Sentences Locator + i s +• NP Demonstrator none Predicative Sentences NP and VP (kernel) NP and VP and trans-formations NP -f- i s + Locator Demonstrator 10 10 65 n I b i d . , p. 319. 1 2 N . Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, pp 17-ia . 13 Lee, Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 31*4. Open G l a s s — P i v o t Words Studies of the developmental patterns of the language of young children show the j o i n i n g of two words i n a single u t t e r a n c e . 1 4 The i n i t i a l global category i s s p l i t into 15 two f u n c t i o n a l l y d i s t i n c t categories. One of the two words has a higher frequency of occurrence and appears to act as a grammatical "functor." The second word comes from a pool of l e x i c a l items with a great variety of meanings. "Here Mommy." "Here chair." "Here ice cream." The functor word has been c a l l e d a pivot--because i t i s around t h i s word that an ever greater variety of phrases are b u i l t . / - , , W ± pivot pivot + W Subj. -f- Pred. I | W . W By the time the c h i l d i s using three-word sentences, a further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of categories has taken place. This category W has been s p l i t into a modifier and a noun. pivot / / W \ m +- n 1 4 B e l l u g i and Brown, Monograph of The Society For Research In C h i l d Development, 29:1. ^Lenneberg, p. 293* There is a very restricted use of modification in Jeanine's sentences. Locator and demonstrator words such as "here," "there," are rarely used. Other forms of modifi-cation are also scarcely represented. Only four descriptive adjectives are represented in the sample. Jeanine's speech developed as ful l blown sentence constructions,developed around an act. The absence of pivotal constructions may reflect the way Jeanine has acquired grammar. In a comparison of speech samples of a normal and a delayed language child, Laura Lee noticed significant dif-16 ferences. The children compared by Lee were four years old. Lee noted that the child with normal speech used a greater variety of constructions and many more designative constructions combined with use of locators, demonstrators, and identifiers, while the delayed language child showed a strong preference for verb phrase constructions and a large discrepancy between vocabulary and syntax.^ No designative sentences are represented in Jeanine's sample, and there is a very restricted use of locators, demonstrators and identifiers. Most of the noun phrases of Jeanine's sentences consist 1 DLee, Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 31:4. 1 7 I b i d . , p. 327. of the pronoun "I" which appears in seventy-three sentences. In the remaining twelve sentences, "You," "Mom," "Lulu" and "laundry" were used. The noun phrases employed are rarely modified. It is as i f Jeanine were mainly interested in communicating information about herself and an action she chooses or chose to perform. Syntactic organization does not reflect the increas-ing differentiation characteristic of the speech of children. This is particularly true of the NP subject. Lack of dif-ferentiation of noun phrases reflects the use of more general rules for the generation of sentences. Noun phrase and verb phrase constructions and the predicative sentence require less differentiation than does the designative construction, which is more open to combin-ation with modifiers such as adjectives and adverbs. Adjec-tives and adverbs are precisely those parts of speech which lend themselves to finer and finer discrimination. They are those parts of speech upon which the English language is dependent for expansion and the application of the elaboration principle. The "repetitive application of an identical principle" ("recursiveness") and the "splitting up elements by introducing other elements, which may in turn be split up" (nested dependencies) are consequences of differentiation.' -^Lenneberg, p. 295 Ibid., p. 296. The f a i l u r e to use designative constructions i n h i b i t s narrative speech, association between an event and the words which can be used to describe i t . F a i l u r e to use desig-native sentences may also l i e behind the f a i l u r e to use questions. The l a t t e r were absent from Jeanine's speech u n t i l very recently. L u r i a examined the content of the speech of twins 2 0 with delayed language. He divided t h e i r speech into three categories, synpraxic, planning and narrative. Synpraxic speech i s connected with action, requests, wishes, evalu-atory or indicatory of a f e e l i n g state. Planning speech i s regulating of the c h i l d ' s behavior; i t i s related to a s i t u a t i o n and i s a n t i c i p a t o r y . Narrative speech i s con-nected with a s i t u a t i o n and i s de s c r i p t i v e , or else i t i s r e c o l l e c t i v e and imaginative. L u r i a found that 92.9 and 94.3% of the twins* speech was s y n p r a x i c . 2 1 F i f t y - f i v e of Jeanine's eighty-five sentences can be considered either synpraxic or regulatory. They are action bound, but they indicate what Jeanine i s planning to do about her actions. She " w i l l read," she " w i l l get a drink," 2 0 A. R. L u r i a and F. Ia. Yudovich, Speech and The  Development of Mental Processes In The C h i l d , (Joan Simon, ed.) London: Staples Press, 1966. 2 1The twins who were the subjects of Luria's study were younger than Jeanine. An e f f e c t i v e gestural system functioned as communication between them. The system was so e f f e c t i v e that i t substituted f o r speech. she " w i l l l i s t e n , " e t c . The thoughts expressed concern the a c t i v i t i e s of other people, and what she hopes they w i l l do fo r her, "I want you to read with me," "I want you to help me." "My Mom w i l l come next week." There i s very l i t t l e i n Jeanine's speech i n d i c a t i v e of her awareness of rela t i o n s h i p s between people that do not concern her. There i s very l i t t l e narration of events that "transcend the bounds of the s i t u a t i o n " i n which the speech 22 occurs. Content and Comprehension Jeanine verbalizes what she wants to do and what she wants others to do f o r her. She i s concerned with doing or r e f u s i n g to do. The action i s not always associated with the reason f o r the ac t i o n . Jeanine l i k e s pushing a grocery cart through a supermarket, not the purchasing of food items. Tb Jeanine, the purchase of food i s separate from the t r i p to the supermarket. Pol i s h i n g the f l o o r i s fun with the e l e c t r i c p o l i s h i n g machine. The act of p o l i s h -ing i s separate from the goal of pol i s h i n g the f l o o r . Jeanine's comment that E. did not p o l i s h the f l o o r r e f e r s not to the polish i n g of the f l o o r , but with annoyance at E. fo r not l e t t i n g her have fun with the po l i s h e r . Jeanine also l i k e s to put soap into the laundry and l i s t e n to the 2 2 I b i d . , p. 9 2 . washing machine. Her reference to the laundry i s to her enjoyment of the a c t i v i t y . At the same time there i s very l i t t l e self-consciousness about her enjoyment of these a c t i v i t i e s . They are done f o r her pleasure, and l i t t l e thought i s given to why clothes are washed or why the f l o o r needs to be polished. These concerns are reminiscent of those of a very young c h i l d , but they lack the playfulness and the ro l e playing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of young ch i l d r e n . In only one instance have we observed Jeanine, taking r e a l enjoyment i n imaginative r o l e play. For one entire afternoon, she pretended she was a cat. She walked on her arms and legs, sat under the table, made meowing sounds and l i c k e d milk from a bowl. Her enjoyment was evident i n the way she r e l i s h e d her r o l e , E. asked Jeanine i f she was pretending and Jeanine answered, n I am pretending to be a cat." When Jeanine i s asked to pretend that she i s a story book character, she does. But her role playing i s f l a t and she makes no e f f o r t to characterize by tone of voice or sty l e of speech. When she i s asked to speak i n a loud voice, or an angry voice, she responds by varying the inten-s i t y of her voice. But she plays the r o l e p r e c i s e l y i n terms of what i s asked of her. I f she i s pretending to be angry, she says, "I am angry,** and does not vary t h i s with any discussion of what could occasion the anger. " I am happy" i s her description of f e e l i n g good or content with work she has accomplished. Designative 'constructions are rela t e d to what L u r i a c a l l s "narrative" speech, language that i s used to describe a s i t u a t i o n or r e c a l l an action or an object and i s imagin-a t i v e . A study of Jeanine's language i s impressive i n i t s lack of playfulness or inventiveness. There i s very l i t t l e e f f o r t made to describe people or events. In t e l l i n g a story, Jeanine remarks only on single events. The Three Bears, (Spring 1968): "The Three Bears, Poppa Bear, Momma Bear and Baby Bear. They f e l l f a s t asleep." The Three L i t t l e Pigs, (Winter 1968): Once upon a time, there were three l i t t l e pigs. The wolf said, " I ' l l huff and I ' l l puff and I ' l l blow the house down. The sun i s shining. I t o l d you (the s t o r y ) . " 23 The Noisy Book, ' (Winter 1968): "There was a band-age on his (Muffin's) eyes." Sinbad the S a i l o r , (Spring 1968): "Sinbad the S a i l o r i s naughty because he c r i e d . He got hi s mates mad." Sing A Song of Sixpence. (Spring, 1968): "The maid was i n the garden." ^Margaret Wise Brown, The Noisy Book, New York: Harper & Row, 1939). PL. Sun Up, (Winter 1969): " I t was early i n the morning.. The l i t t l e boy went to sleep. He walked through the barn." The Shoemaker and the E l v e s , 2 ^ (Winter 1969): "They came back to the shop. They make leather. They didn't have any money. The elves wanted to help them." Jeanine comprehends f a r more story content than her descriptions indicate. Requests f o r more information produce answers containing both d e t a i l and descr i p t i o n . When asked f o r more information about The Shoemaker and the Elves, Jeanine r e p l i e d , "They got l o t s of money f o r the shoes. They got more leather." Question: "How did the shoemaker f i n d out who made the shoes?" Jeanine: "They asked. They saw the elves make the shoes." When asked to t e l l more about The Three Bears, Jeanine r e p l i e d , "Qnce upon a time there were three bears. Mama, Papa, and Baby. Mama Bear made porridge. The porridge was very hot. They went out f o r a walk." Questions containing requests f o r s p e c i f i c information about the s t o r i e s were answered appropriately. Comprehension of the story, Sun Up, was tested with the following questions. Jeanine*s r e p l i e s indicate both understanding and appreciation of the events described and t h e i r e f fects upon the main 2-*Alvin T r e s s e l t , Sun Up, New York: Lothrop, 1949. 25jacob Grimm, The Shoemaker and the Elves, New York: Seribners, I960. character, a l i t t l e boy. Question: "What i s the story about?" Jeanine: "A l i t t l e boy." Question: "Where did he l i v e ? " Jeanine: "On a farm." Question: "What time of year does the story t e l l about?" Jeanine: "Summertime." Question: "How do you know?" J eanine: "The story was about a hot day." Question: "Where did the l i t t l e boy f i s h ? " Jeanine: "In the water." Question: "Why did the f i s h hide i n the deep cool water? Jeanine: "The sun was very hot." Question: "Was there a thunderstorm?" Jeanine: "Yes." Question: "Is thunder loud?" Jeanine: "Loud." Question: "Was the boy a f r a i d of the r a i n ? * Jeanine: "The r a i n came on his head. He got wet i n the r a i n . " S i m i l a r l y , Jeanine was questioned about The Lost 26 Grandfather, a short story about a l i t t l e boy who gets l o s t while he i s shopping with h i s grandfather. ''"The Lost Grandfather, a children's book f o r which we used a b r a i l l e t r a n s c r i p t i o n . No facts of publication were given. Question: "Who got l o s t ? " Jeanine: "Teddy got l o s t , " Question: "Do you think he was frightened when he could not f i n d h i s grandfather?" Jeanine: "Yes*" Question: "Do you l i k e to go to stores?" Jeanine: "Yes. I don't l i k e to go to stores." Question: "Where did Teddy f i n d his grandfather?" Jeanine: "Teddy found his grandfather i n the shoe store." (This was correct.) A discrepancy between comprehension and production must be noted, e s p e c i a l l y when the extent as well as subtlety of Jeanine's understanding i s made c l e a r . Jeanine's responses to d i r e c t questions reveals a si m i l a r terseness. Question: "What did you do on the f e r r y boat?" Jeanine: "I had lunch. I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you. I had a salmon sandwich. My Mom and Dad made the sand-wich. I had milk to drink." ( A p r i l 22, 1969) "I went f o r a boat r i d e . The boat goes fwhee, whee.* I walked up a l l the s t a i r s . My Dad i s waiting on the boat. I was waiting f o r my Dad. I don't want to t e l l you. I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you," Question: "Do you want to t e l l me a story?" Jeanine: "I don't want to t e l l you about Mary Poppins. I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you. I don't want to think." (May, 1969) Discussion of Syn t a c t i c a l Organization Certain features of Jeanine's language organization are notable. Grammatical competence seems to have been achieved, but i n a manner which r e f l e c t s a loss i n the communication function of language. In speech: 1. There i s a contrast between the development of verb phrases into d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g forms, and noun phrases, which remain as approximations of general r u l e s . The transformational forms are applied to verb phrase constructions. Negatives, contractions, p a r t i c i p i a l and i n f i n i t i v a l complements are applied to verb forms. Jeanine demonstrates an a b i l i t y to make f i n e discriminations between those forms communicating action, and at the same time she shows a lack of interest i n the noun phrase. The understand-ing of noun phrase constructions i s demonstrable when a framework i s supplied to Jeanine, but she does not employ many variations of noun phrases i n speech. 2 . Understanding of words as parts of speech, having equivalent values, i s demonstrated by performance on the Brown Berko free association and word usage t e s t s . But i n her spontaneous speech, Jeanine r a r e l y uses words that describe or modify feelings, conditions or objects. It is as i f she doesn't perceive the putting of these into a verbal or "formalized" context as relevant. The learning process viewed as an encounter of the learner assumes an active learner. The passive learner may be active in incor-porating what he is learning, but he does not act in application of his learning. 3. Sentence development reveals a parallel deviance. The absence of those constructions which lend themselves most readily to the narration of an event is marked. The designative sentence is the form which, when reversed, becomes interrogative. The absence of the designative sentence can be associated with the lack of pivotal con-structions or functor phrases. Jeanine's perceptions are very closely related to herself. Those people or events which have no direct association with her do not s t ir her interest. The presence of language, even when it has not become the major tool of communication, s t i l l has a profound effect on socialization. It does indicate that a child has been "hooked in" on an environment, even when apparently not interacting with the environment. Apathetic or passive appearance may be deceiving in the case of non-verbal blind children. 4. Jeanine does not enjoy verbal communication. Putting words together i n a meaningful way i s an e f f o r t . " I don't l i k e t e l l i n g you," i s Jeanine's way of expressing the d i f f i c u l t y she finds i n putting words together. Most children learn that i t i s fun to t a l k and gain s e l f -s a t i s f a c t i o n and pleasure from playing with words. THE SEMANTIC COMPONENT: VERBAL CONCEPTS Nowhere i s the personality component of language made more e x p l i c i t than i n i t s semantic component. The matter of reference and reasoning behavior i s one of meaning, and words are the items of meaning. Vocabulary, verbal concepts, reasoning behavior and the understanding of present and past, opposites, time and space are expressions of the a b i l i t y to organize i n terms of reference. Meaning i s derived from encounter with environment, and the process of perception and concept formation are functions of the way meaning i s derived. "Words tag the processes by which the species deals co g n i t i v e l y with i t s environment." 1 Jeanine's Mode of Language Usage In those f i r s t months of work with Jeanine, the only clue she offered of her understanding of language was the fa c t that she could understand d i r e c t i o n . Her spoken vocabu-l a r y was l i m i t e d to such phrases as "No," "I don't know," "I want a cookie," "I want my lunch." These phrases were spoken during the lesson and indicated both her unwilling-ness to work and desire to eat. Refusal to permit her to Lenneberg, p. 334» stop work produced a tantrum, Jeanine more frequently expressed her resistance i n a tantrum rage than v e r b a l l y . When given d i r e c t i o n s , Jeanine often repeated them as she followed them. She would say "jump," when she jumped and "hop" when she hopped. Food words seemed to have the most meaning and got the greatest response. For t h i s reason, i n i t i a l b r a i l l e lessons concerned food. They e l i c i t e d a strong response and Jeanine seemed to enjoy repeating them. Nonsense s y l l a b l e s also had a great appeal, e s p e c i a l l y i f they could be rhymed. Rhyming words was one a c t i v i t y that seemed to be thoroughly enjoyed. Pork, pork, cork, stork Sink, b l i n k , kink, mink, ink Buck, buck, buck, pakety, pakety, pakety were made vo l u n t a r i l y and accompanied by laughter. By the spring of 1968, i t became obvious that Jeanine had a much larger vocabulary than we had suspected. Tasks given i n the form of sentence completions or word as s o c i -ations were responded to r e a d i l y . Through sentence comple-tions we were able to explore the extent of Jeanine's know-ledge of verbal concepts such as "before" and "after,'* "how** and "then," "because" and " i f , " e t c . Whereas i f Jeanine were simply asked a question, she would not respond, or would respond by saying "1 don't know." For instance, i f Jeanine were asked to " t e l l about an object or a person" she would say n I don't know," But i f the question were put i n the 2 form of "Miss W. i s ." Jeanine usually provided the missing word c o r r e c t l y . Jeanine enjoyed making word associations. She regarded a series of stimulus words as a game, and her responses came without h e s i t a t i o n . The words she used were the semantic as well as the syntactic equivalents of the stimulus words. Her responses to adjectives and adverbs were a l s o equivalents. A complete discussion of "meaning" includes those meanings which are c u l t u r a l l y defined and serving as com-munication, and the private, "emotionally invested" meanings unique to an i n d i v i d u a l , which may or may not serve communi-cation. These aspects w i l l be discussed separately. Shared or public (conventional) meanings are verbal concepts which are shared with others. Word d e f i n i t i o n s , sentence completions, and general verbal concepts such as "before" 1 and " a f t e r , " words that have opposite or the same meanings, etc., w i l l be discussed under t h i s heading. The issue here i s Jeanine's a c q u i s i t i o n of those concepts of language that are conventionally defined. These are meanings defined by usage and underlie formal language. Miss W. was the teacher to whose class Jeanine was assigned. This was a combined f i r s t and second grade class with whom Jeanine spent afternoons from 1:00 to 3:00 p.m. The second aspect of the semantic component are those personal meanings derived from Jeanine's perception of her own experience. These personal meanings are r e f l e c t e d i n the conversations that have been recorded on tape or written down as they occurred. The issue here i s the associations formed between words and f e e l i n g s . The cognitive and a f f e c t i v e aspects of language development are i n t r i c a t e l y bound together, making the organization of t h i s section an a r b i t r a r y one. The intention of the organization i s to highlight each aspect with those materials most i l l u s t r a t i v e of either cognitive or a f f e c t i v e f u n c t i o n . To accommodate the large area of overlap, r e f e r -ence w i l l be made to both functions as appears necessary f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n . S p e c i f i c Verbal Concepts Associations between words and concepts, the a b i l i t y to abstract, to c l a s s i f y and to name are revealing not only of language a c q u i s i t i o n , but of underlying cognitive structures. The major theme of t h i s chapter i s an examin-ation of how Jeanine does i n fact handle the conventional ( c u l t u r a l l y defined) semantic aspects of language. Table 9 contains a l i s t of words which Jeanine was asked to define. TABLE; 9 A LIST OF JEANINE'S WORD DEFINITIONS Word Defined Jeanine's Definitions 1. wiener 2. t e l e v i s i o n 3. radio 4• crayon 5• book 6• comb 7. school 8. supermarket 9. clay 10. plate 11. dish 12. cup 13. saucepan 14. scream 15. laugh 16. shoe 17. button 18. key 19. chair 20. safety pin 21. Christmas 22. airplane 23. t r a i n 24. Christmas tree 25. telephone "I eat i t . It i s a hot dog. n "I watch t e l e v i s i o n . I turn i t on." "a s t a t i o n , CKLG. I hear music." " I draw a c i r c l e with a crayon." "I read a book. Books have s t o r i e s i n them." "a h a i r comb. I comb my h a i r . " "a b u i l d i n g " "a Safeway. Groceries are i n Safeway." "That i s a plasticene." "made of p l a s t i c or glass. I clean i t o f f . " "to wash i t . " "You eat breakfast on i t . " "to drink milk." "to make sandwiches i n a f r y i n g pan." " i t ' s a sound." " i t ' s a happy sound." "My feet stay dry when I use shoes." "I use shoes to put on my f e e t . " "I use a button to do up." "I use a key to turn a car on." "I s i t on a chair." "I use a safety pin to s t i c k with. I use a safety pin to t e l l that i t ' s on r i g h t . a "Eve" "An airplane i s what I play with." "I r i d e i n i t . " ! "I decorate a Christmas tree."' "I t a l k on a telephone."' a T h i s r e f e r s to use of safety pin as guide i n putting s k i r t s and slacks on c o r r e c t l y . Jeanine-* was asked to use the words "stop," "go," " s t a r t , " " r e s t , " "think," i n sentences. Stop "Don't stop giving me Smarties." Go "Go to the bathroom." "I have to go." Start "Start Reading." "I want to s t a r t . " Rest "I have to r e s t . " Think "Pay attention." "Think about how I am." "Think about what I am doing." Observations Jeanine usually assigns very concrete meanings to words. Object word d e f i n i t i o n s are given i n terms of usage, and usage i s defined i n terms of the use Jeanine makes of the object she i s describing. The action involved i n using the object i s associated with the object i t s e l f . T r a i n . "I ride i n i t . " Telephone "I t a l k on a telephone." Crayon "I draw a c i r c l e with a crayon." Shoe "My feet stay dry when I use shoes." "I use shoes to put on my fee t . " Wiener "I eat i t . It i s a hot dog." ^Immediately a f t e r she supplied the d e f i n i t i o n s f o r words #21 to 25» Jeanine was asked to give me some words and I would give her d e f i n i t i o n s . She gave me, "Easter bunny," "toy," "bed." The way Jeanine used "stop," "go," "think," " r e s t " and " s t a r t " i n sentences r e f l e c t s an accurate knowledge of the meaning of the words. But the actions described concern h e r s e l f . She ("I") i s the subject of the sentences. The action again r e f e r s to h e r s e l f . Table 10 contains a l i s t of words f o r which Jeanine supplied opposite meanings. TABLE 10 A LIST OF WORDS AND THEIR 0PP0SITES a Stimulus Word Antonyms clean f a s t dark daytime have a nice play shorter pretty stupid boy fo up augh a l o t push hard happy laughing s i l l y smiling sleeping stubborn naughty enjoy r i g h t sad , blubber 1 3 l i g h t loud skinny time " d i r t y " "slow" " l i g h t " : "nighttime"' "have a bad time" "work"' " longer "? "ugly" ! "smart boy"' "go down"' "cry a l o t " 1 "push s o f t " "mad" "crying"' "good"' "crabby" "talking"' "nice" "good" "read" "wrong" "happy" "laugh" : "dark" "soft'* " f a t " Stimulus Word Antonyms happy sleepy kind terrible nice lazy wake up be hungry freezing cold good and mad dumb very able very energetic love to go to school very tired "angry" "hungry" "unkind" "beautiful" "bad" "tired" "go to sleep"' "be f u l l " "boiling hot"' "good and happy"1 "smart" "not very able" "not very energetic" "not love to go to school" "hot very tired" aThese words were presented to Jeanine in the Spring and Fall of 1969. ^The word "blubber" refers to Jeanine's habit of whining, which was called blubbering by her foster mother. It should be noted that "blubbering™ had been a manner of refusal. Whining in response to a request very often pre-ceded a tantrum and became an effective means of controlling the demands made on her. The word "blubber" was used frequently, and since whining did not prevent her foster family from expecting appropriate behavior, Jeanine learned that while she could blubber, it was no longer an effective controlling device. Blubbering now occurs infrequently. Table 11 is a l i s t of words for which Jeanine supplied Synonyms. A. LIST OF WORDS AND THEIR SYNONYMS Stimulus Word Synonym t h i n "skinny" round " c i r c l e " t a l l "long*" happy " b l i n d " a hurry "be quick" "Hurry means to be slow," "I walk extra f a s t . " b be quick "scurry" l i s t e n "pay attention" cook with gas c "be smart"' slow "not to hurry" a P o s s i b l e reference to discussions about b l i n d people i n which e f f o r t was made to convey the idea that b l i n d people can be happy. ^Jeanine's response that "hurry means to be slow" also requires explanation. As indicated i n the parenthesis, Jeanine f i r s t said "be quick," She then modifies her state-ment by adding "Hurry means to be slow" which i s wishful thinking. Jeanine often r e s i s t e d an a c t i v i t y by delaying or carrying i t out so slowly, that her exasperated mother, or teacher, would do i t f o r her. The kind of reversal of meaning i s t y p i c a l of many of Jeanine's verbal expressions, giving the opposite meaning than what i s intended. It i s her way of conveying her approval or disapproval of what she thinks i s being asked of her. Other i l l u s t r a t i o n s of t h i s w i l l be given. c"cook with gas" was a term used to convey praise to Jeanine. "You are r e a l l y cooking with gas today." The verbal concepts of opposite and the same are well understood and are recognizable i n terms of conventional usage. The association of the negative with "very able," "very energetic," "love to go to school"' and "very t i r e d " indicates a thoughtful ap p l i c a t i o n of a conventional form which worked well and was used when she could not think of a word which expressed an "opposite" meaning. The way sentences are completed also indicates the appropriateness of usage. Sentence Completions This i s a story about a very nice g i r l . The g i r l ' s name i s "Jeanine," She goes to "school" every day. When she goes to school she "works," Her teacher's name i s "Miss W." Miss W. i s a "teacher," She i s happy when the children are "quiet." Sometimes the children are noisy, and then Miss W. says, "How are  you?" Jeanine sometimes gets "stubborn." Jeanine i s a good g i r l when she "asks a question." 4 (Firemen work to put out .) "I don't know." (Fishermen work to .) "catch f i s h . " (Doctors work to .) "catch f i s h . " (What i s your doctor's name?) "Dr. Berkeley. He put a band-aid on my f e e t . Dr. Webster. Doctors see 5 with t h e i r eyes."' (Teachers .) "They do good work." "They teach ^These sentence completions were given to Jeanine i n the spring of 1969. 5Spring, 1969. children to read." (Mothers .) "do laundry and dishes. She makes the bed and nothing." 6 The wind i s blowing "the a i r . " The a i r i s "up." The flowers are "growing." The sun i s "warm." The sun i s "shining;." The season i s "springtime." Soon i t w i l l be "summer." The children go on a "hike." They hike through the "bushes."^ Jeanine 1s responses are generally appropriate to the context of the supplied sentences. Her observation of "doctor's work" i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t and somehow asso-ciated with her view of blindness. The reference to being good when she "asks a question" i s probably r e l a t e d to the encouragement she has been given about t a l k i n g , and learn -ing about things by "asking questions." It i s noteworthy that when Jeanine does not want to t a l k about a p a r t i c u l a r subject, she responds with the word "nothing." The response, "nothing" i s frequently associated with subjects about which she has very strong f e e l i n g s . After an unusually productive session with Jeanine, the following sentences were presented to her. Her responses were given without h e s i t a t i o n . •Spring, 1969. ' F a l l , 1969. Sentence Associations Stimulus Sentence Jeanine's Response 1. "Wind blowing off trees." "Sun shining brightly." 2. "Snow falling on my face," "Rain falling on my face."1 3. "My feet are slipping on the ice." "My toes are slipping on the ice." 4. "My finger is freezing in "The sun is shining in the the cold, cold a i r . " 5. "My toes are as cold as my nose." warm a ir . " "My toes are as warm as my nose." 6. "My back is warm from the "My back is cold from the sun." 7. "The wind almost blew me down the street." wind." "The wind is blowing in the trees." 8. "A clap of thunder sounds "The rain goes pitter, patter like a drum." 9. "The snow is as quiet as a creeping mouse." 10. "The rain is pouring on my face." 11. "The air is cool and soft." 12. "The wind blows hard." on the window." "The rain comes leaping down in the house." "The snow is pouring on my face." "The air is warm and soft." "The wind blows soft." It is interesting to note that each response has a structure parallel to the stimulus sentence. Jeanine also provides parallel content and confines herself to the experience content of the stimulus sentence, giving the opposite of the action described, as in sentence #9, or simply changing the descriptive word as in sentence #12, or the subject, as in sentence #10. Concepts of Time Morning, afternoon and evening are conventional representations of time. Children learn to apply the con-cept of time as they learn to associate certain activities with the part of the day in which they occur. Jeanine indicates awareness of the passage of time and time of the day in her replies to questions such as the following. Question: "Do you go to school in the morning or the afternoon?" Jeanine: "Afternoon." Question: "What do you do in the nighttime?" Jeanine: "I go to sleep." Question: "What do you do in the morning?" Jeanine: "I get up." Question: "How old were you when you were born?" Jeanine: "Eleven." Question: "What does long ago mean?" Jeanine: (no response) Question: "Does i t mean a short time?" Jeanine: "No." Question: "Which i s longer ago, twenty years or ten years?" Jeanine: "Twenty years." Question: "Could you walk when you were a baby?" Jeanine: "No." Question: "Could you t a l k when you were a baby?" Jeanine: "No." Question: "What did you do when you were a baby?" Jeanine: "I got fed when I was a baby." "Before" and "After" Jeanine's understanding of the concepts of "before" and " a f t e r " are shown by her completion of the sentences below. Before you brush your teeth, you "wash." Before you eat, you " s i t at the table ." Before you b r a i l l e , you " s i t down." Before you speak, you "open your mouth." Before you eat,a candy, "I do my work." Before you set the table, you "get the silverware." Verb Forms Associated With Past and Present Action Jeanine was asked whether the action described by the following verb forms happened "now" or "before." She was asked to say "now" or "before" i n response to the following verb forms. Jeanine c r i e d . Jeanine smiled. Jeanine sang. Jeanine sings. Jeanine ate. "before" "now" "before" "before" "before" "now" Jeanine eats. Jeanine walks. Jeanine walked. Jeanine k i c k s . Jeanine kicked. "before" "now" "before" now" Jeanine was then given "now" (present) form of the following words and was asked to give the "before" (past) form of the same words. Her responses are enclosed i n quotes. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Noun and Verb Forms That Jeanine can d i s t i n g u i s h between a thing and an action i s indicated by her a b i l i t y to i d e n t i f y a series of words as either subject (noun form) or action (verb form) words. stop go "stopped" "went" st a r t rest think "started" "rested" "thought" Word Presented Jeanine's Response day night was runs candy jumps school go food eat "subject" "subject" "action" "action" "subject" "action" "subject" "action" "subject" "action" S p e l l i n g Backwards The best i n d i c a t i o n o f Jea n i n e ' s knowledge o f the concept o f backwards and frontwards i s her response t o a word game, i n which she was asked t o s p e l l the f o l l o w i n g words backwards. She was a b l e t o do t h i s p e r f e c t l y and without h e s i t a t i o n s tap "p-a-t" top "p-o-t" f o o t " t - o - o - f " 1 eat «t-a-e w day "y-a-d" l e g "g-e-1" egg "g-g-e" s c h o o l "I-o-o-h-c-s" Cause and E f f e c t R e l a t i o n s Cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s a re expressed i n the usage of " i f and "because" c o n n e c t i v e s . Jeanine's d i s -cernment o f cause and e f f e c t i s i n d i c a t e d by the sentences below. Understanding o f " i f " and "because (Sentence Completion) R. : " I f you f e l t some f i n e v e l v e t c l o t h , i t would f e e l (rough, s o f t , s l i c k , s c r a t c h y , h a r d ) . " J e a n i n e : " S o f t . " R.:: " I f you f e l t the seat o f a c a r t h a t had been stand-i n g i n the sun a l o n g time, i t would f e e l (damp, c o l d , hot, moist, wet)."' The author Jeanine R. Jeanine R. Jeanine R. Jeanine R:. Jeanine R. Jeanine R. Jeanine "It would feel hot." "If it is raining, then—" "the cloud comes up." "Because it is raining,—" "I will wear a hood." "Because E. is cooking, she—" "sets the table." "If Jeanine works—" "If I work, you'l l give me a candy." "Because you are growing—" "Because I am growing, I am talking." "Because you are cooking with gas, you are—" "I am doing things." Responses to Statements and Questions R.: "If a pile of dishes f e l l , what kind of sound would you hear? (Crashing, squeaking, scraping, whistling?)" Jeanine: "Crashing." R.: "A l i t t l e g i r l went out in the rain. Her dress got a l l wet so she went home to change i t . Then she went back out in the rain. What do you suppose happened?" Jeanine: "I don't know. She got it wet." R.: "What did she do?" Jeanine: "She went outside with an umbrella." R.: " I f you went on a f e r r y , you would, be f l y i n g . " Jeanine: "I would r i d e on the f e r r y . " R.: " I f you went to school, you'd be on a merry-go-round ." Jeanine: "No, I wouldn't. I would be reading." R.: " I f you were eating hot soup, you would freeze your tongue." Jeanine: "I would eat i t . R.: "What was the wrong word?" Jeanine: "Freeze my mouth." R.: " I f you were eating a chocolate, i t would taste very sour." Jeanine: "Chocolate i s sweet." R.: " I f i t were raining outside, you would put on a bathing s u i t . " Jeanine: "No, I would put on a hood." Concept Development A discussion of language development would not be complete without the in c l u s i o n of those aspects of language which mediate thought, problem-solving and concept develop-ment • Table 1 2 i s a summary of Jeanine's mastery of the concepts involved i n : 1. Discrimination by shape, size, and texture. 2. Perceptual constancy. 3. Grouping and classifying. 4. Body Image. TABLE 12a SUMMARY OF JEANINE'S MASTERY OF COMMON CONCEPTS Concept Development Tactile Discrimination 1. Shapes squares circles cylinders triangles 2• Textures 3. Common household objects cups, spoons, plates, scissors, etc. food items dol l , book, cigarette package, etc. 4. Sequin form board Concept 5. Abstract Line Concepts row, straight vertical, straight horizontal, squiggly lines, curved lines, clock hands (12, 9, 6, 3) 6. Perceptual Constancy conservation of form conservation of matter water day Concept Development 7. Posture (with Barbie doll) sit stand l i e down right leg up, down, left leg up, down, right side left side 8. Body Image name parts of body 9. Concept of Grouping number groups different combinations within ten buttons blocks candies, etc, 1 0 , Concept of Naming flowers birds animals things that grow aThe more abstract concepts of straight lines, direction, time, have been tested by asking Jeanine to walk in a straight l ine, draw a straight line and arrange objects in a straight l ine. Perceptual constancy was tested by giving Jeanine three Piaget conservation tasks (water, day, and blocks representing buildings on a farm). A Barbie Doll was used to test Jeanine's understanding of postural relation-ships and body image. THE SEMANTIC COMPONENT: PRIVATE MEANINGS Conversations with Jeanine Material drawn from Jeanine's conversations with her fos t e r mother, the other children i n her fost e r family and her teachers are r i c h with private meanings. It i s not only the words themselves, but the p a r t i c -u l a r usages given to many of her expressions that r e f l e c t the way Jeanine has narrowed her inner world. Jeanine r a r e l y has i n i t i a t e d conversations. Many of her most expressive remarks seem to come from "out of the blue."' Nevertheless when the remarks are s c r u t i n i z e d , i t becomes clear that they have very s p e c i f i c meanings. As such, they o f f e r subtle clues to an inner world that has been very t i g h t l y c o n s t r i c -ted. Often, however, she w i l l say the opposite of what she t r u l y wants to express, or what she thinks we want to hear. It i s only i n her conversation with E.,*'" her fo s t e r mother, that she permits some of her own feelings to be revealed. Jeanine: "I want to walk wrong." E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "I want to go back to my Mom." E.: "I won't send you away i f you're naughty. Do you E. designates Jeanine's f o s t e r mother. believe me?" Jeanine: "No." E.: "Do you know anyone who sends kids away when they're naughty?" Jeanine: "Yes." E.: "Who?" Jeanine: "My Mom." (This conversation was held while E. was tucking Jeanine into bed.) Aft e r a short two-day v i s i t with her Dad, Jeanine t o l d E. r i g h t a f t e r her father l e f t : Jeanine: "They (her parents) won't v i s i t you." E.: "No." Jeanine: "They w i l l v i s i t me." Jeanine: "My Mom t o l d me I'm naughty and stubborn. (E. sat down next to Jeanine.) Jeanine: "I make you grouchy sometimes." E.: "That's r i g h t . You get grouchy and so do I . You get pretty mad at me, don't you? Do you get mad at other people?" Jeanine: "Judy and Russell and Brett, my Mom." (E. asked why Jeanine got mad at them.) E.: "Judy?" Jeanine: "For singing." E.: "Russell?" Jeanine: "He leaves me in the alley." 1 E,: "Brett?" Jeanine: "He hurries me from school." £.: "Your Mom?" Jeanine: "Because I have to stay here." (After Jeanine returned from a v i s i t with her Mom) E.: "Did you have a good t a l k with your Mom?" Jeanine: "My Mom talked about being good. My Mom talked about being good at your house." (Jeanine seems uncertain when she ta l k s about her Mom. E remarked that you can almost f e e l the release of tension when she has f i n i s h e d talking.) Jeanine: E.: Jeanine: E.: Jean ine: E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine "I don't stay naughty a l l the time." "I don't stay mad a l l the time." "I don't stay mad."' "Does anybody stay mad a l l the time?" "No one." (pause) "My Mom." (This was almost shouted.) "Are you a f r a i d of anything?" "Yes."! "What are you a f r a i d of?" "I'm a f r a i d of you getting happy." "That doesn't make sense." "I'm a f r a i d of getting b i g . " (The reference i s to E. fs remark that Jeanine makes her happy when she i s being a "big g i r l . " ) Jeanine: "How are you f e e l i n g , E.?" E.: "I'm f i n e , thank you." Jeanine: "Mrs. B., I'm saying something. It's a statement." (This conversation was held i n the middle of a teaching session.) (Summer, 1968) Jeanine: "I don't want to be s i l l y . I want to be s i l l y . " E.: "What i s being s i l l y ? " Jeanine: "Being stubborn." E.t " I t ' s not s i l l y to be stubborn." Jeanine: " I t ' s good to be good. I don't want to see C.. (her s i s t e r ) t h i s summer. I want to see her tomorrow. I don't want to go home on the f e r r y . " (Winter, 1969) Jeanine: "I am b l i n d . C. i s not b l i n d . C i s with my Mom." Jeanine: "E., did you pay s i x t y pounds f o r me?" (Remark made af t e r having seen the movie Oliver.) (Spring, 1969) E.: "When people are angry, what should they do? Jeanine: "They should y e l l at you." Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine; E.: Jeanine: E, Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine "What do you do when you are happy?" "I read." "What do you do when you are angry?" "I cry." "How do you know that you are bigger than you were l a s t year? "I mustn't know." "What do you l i k e to eat?" "Fish and chips." "I don't l i k e to t e l l you what foods I l i k e to eat." "How do you f e e l when you have a cold? "I f e e l bad." "How do you f e e l when you have done good work?" "I f e e l good when I do good work."' "How do you f e e l when you touch ice?" "I f e e l bad when I touch i c e . " "When i s Christmas?" "Pretty soon." " T e l l me four things you hate to do." "Put on pants. I l i k e to put toothpaste on. I l i k e to buckle shoes. I love to read." (These are four a c t i v i t i e s Jeanine does not l i k e to do.) Remarks Made During Teaching Sessions (1968,1969) Jeanine: "I want to read." (She was s i t t i n g and juggling a rod i n her hand.) E.: Jeanine: Jeanine: Jeanine: Jeanine: Jeanine: Jeanine: E.: Jeanine: E.: Jeanine: "What are you doing?" "I'm reading." (yawns) "I'm j i g g l i n g a rod. I'm reading." (places her f i n g e r on dots and smiles to herself, then laughs, removes her f i n g e r from word.) "I'd l i k e you to read with me." "I don't want to stay home. I want i t to warm up." (spoken i n middle of reading lesson, attempt to change subject.) "Mrs. R. I'm going to read now. I'm going to read." (makes no attempt, yet refuses to change to another a c t i v i t y . ) "I want you to help me." (meaning, You read f o r me.) "I want you to do i t f o r me." (she f i n a l l y expressed what she wanted to say a l l along. She was not glad that she had said i t , as i f i t had been an admission she did not want to make.) "I want to leave to get a drink. I want to read. I'm mad because I didn't read. I was being s i l l y . " "I want to read. I'm reading. I'm not. I'm s i t t i n g l i k e a lump." "What would you do i f you gave me a card, and I would not read i t ? What would you do?" "I would take i t away from you." "What do you l i k e to read?" "Rhyming words." (Fall, 1969) Jeanine: "Is the laundry in?" "I want you to put the laundry in—to put clothes in the washing machine." (stated in the middle of language work.) "I want to use the vacuum cleaner." "She (refers to Mrs. L., a friend) will come next Wednesday. I want her to come next Wednesday." (refused to acknowledge that Mrs. L. had gone home•) "I feel like blubbering." (This is a term used for making a loud whining noise.) "Ifm very happy." (stated with real feeling during a reading lesson.) "My Mom didn't come camping with us." (said while she was alone in the dining room on the Exercycle.) "I will do as I'm told. E. won't polish the floor." "A. takes me to school every morning. A. will take me to school again." (refers to man who drove her to school two years ago.) E.: "You're growing up." Jeanine:. "No, I'm not." Mrs. R.: "Where are the gerbils?" Jeanine: "They died." (This was not true. They had been taken to the school f o r a week. This had been explained to Jeanine.) "They didn't have any water. I didn't give them any water. The cage i s n ' t gone." (It was.) (Right a f t e r Jeanine and two-year-old E r i c had a f;ight, E r i c p u l l e d Jeanine's h a i r . She laughed and didn't quite seem to know what to do.) E.: "Is E r i c angry?" Jeanine: "I pulled h i s h a i r . Because I l i k e d i t . I pulled his hair f o r nothing." E.: "What do you f e e l l i k e doing to E r i c ? " Jeanine: "I want to bi t e him." (This comment was made loudly.) E.: "Why didn't you?" Jeanine: "Because I want you to." E.: "Are you f e e l i n g angry?" Jeanine: "No, I'm f e e l i n g happy." (to E r i c ) "I f e e l l i k e swatting you." "I f e e l l i k e slapping you." "I f e e l l i k e swatting you." E.: "What would you say i f you were pretending to be angry?" Jeanine: "I am angry." "I am angry." "I am angry." (shouted in a loud voice.) E . reported that Jeanine i s beginning to use the word " h a t e . " The f i r s t time she used i t , she smiled and s a i d i t q u i e t l y , as i f she was not sure how i t would be r e c e i v e d . Jeanine: "I don't love y o u . " (February, 1969) E . : "I l o v e y o u . " Jeanine: "No, you d o n ' t . I don't want you to love me. Don't love me." Semantic Understanding The r e a l i z a t i o n that f e e l i n g s can be expressed i n words i s slow i n coming. Jeanine w i l l often state the opposite of what she i s r e a l l y f e e l i n g . The a s s o c i a t i o n of "being happy" with reading i s a reference to E . being happy to see Jeanine r e a d i n g , more than to her own f e e l i n g s . Reading or indeed any a c t i v i t y which has been "imposed" on Jeanine had always been the occasion o f c o n f l i c t . C o n f l i c t was handled at f i r s t by complete r e f u s a l , then g r a d u a l l y by delay, p r o c r a s t i n a t i o n , e t c . , u n t i l the imposed a c t i v i t y ( r e a d i n g , o r d r e s s i n g , or eating) was done f o r h e r . Her mother always fed and dressed h e r . The conversations over reading are c l e a r statements of her d e s i r e to be h e l p e d , to have the reading done f o r h e r . "I want to r e a d , (long pause) I want you to help me r e a d . " Along with the d i f f i c u l t y of p u t t i n g things i n t o words, ("I don't want t o t e l l . " "I don't know.") i s the pleasure Jeanine seems to experience a f t e r she has expres-sed an intense f e e l i n g . "I f e e l l i k e swatting you," was said to l i t t l e E. (Mrs. H.'s youngest son) with great glee. "When I am angry, I shout," i s said with laughter. "I don't want to make you happy," was frequently said to E. E. has t o l d Jeanine that when she does things f o r h e r s e l f (goes outdoors, dresses h e r s e l f , sets the t a b l e , brushes her teeth, etc.) E. i s happy and proud of her. Several references to Jeanine's not wanting E. to love her seem to be associated with her e f f o r t s "to make E. happy." There i s a suspicion t o o — t h a t i f E. loved her she would want to keep her. Jeanine r a r e l y speaks of her own mother or father, or even of going home to v i s i t . Her f e e l -ings seem confused and somehow associated with blindness. Blindness i s i n f a c t what led to her f o s t e r placement. She had to go to a r e s i d e n t i a l school Caway from her family) because she was b l i n d . She had to go to the Simon Fraser Sp e c i a l Education Centre and l i v e with the H's because she is. b l i n d . And she had to have the present teaching arrangement because she i s b l i n d . Jeanine knows that her s i s t e r and her brother are not b l i n d and l i v e with her mother. The fa c t that she i s comfortable with her f o s t e r family and wants to stay with them has not mitigated the r e j e c t i o n experienced by being sent away. This was recently expressed to E. when Jeanine said, "C. (her s i s t e r ) i s not b l i n d . She i s with my Mom."1 There had been a great deal of discussion about Jeanine's blindness, and she overheard much of i t . Her parents a t t r i b u t e d Jeanine's behavior to her blindness. The handling of Jeanine was an issue of dissension. The younger children were expected to "behave" while Jeanine's demands were met. At the same time, the younger s i s t e r was expected to wait on Jeanine and t h e i r roles were reversed. Jeanine's s i s t e r often "baby sat" with Jeanine, fed her and dressed her. So that while blindness i s associated with r e j e c t i o n , i t was also the explanation f o r why she could not do things f o r h e r s e l f . It became a way to insure that people would continue doing things f o r her. It was her helplessness. Jeanine i s rejected because she i s b l i n d , she i s not enjoyed as her brother and s i s t e r because she i s b l i n d , and she i s being punished because she i s b l i n d . Blindness was used to explain so many of the things that happened to her. Jeanine's comments are terse and offered with very l i t t l e explanation. Her spontaneous comments are not pre-planned • Jeanine's written work i s very s i m i l a r to her spoken language• Jeanine i s a competent b r a i l l e r . The following are some samples of l e t t e r s and compositions she has written. Dear Mrs. L. I had supper at Mrs. R.'s house. I had pie and ice cream. W i l l you come soon again? Love, Jean ine Bear Mrs. L. Thank you f o r the cookies. I l i k e school. I do some fin g e r p a i n t i n g . Love, J eanine Written Compositions The milkman brings the bottle of milk. I l i k e milk. He holds the glass f o r me. The milkman gives milk to me. The busdriver takes me to school. He takes people to the stores to buy donuts. I l i k e B. I go out with C. I go out with B. I go out with L. Thank you f o r the t o f f y and cake and milk. I l i k e t o f f y and cake and milk. I l i k e working with C. i n the dining room. One day Muffin got a cinder i n hi s I. He herd every-thing i n the room that made a noise. They took him to the dog doctor. But when you take i t o f f your I wont hert you any more.* Why do I l i k e Halloween and why do I l i k e school. I l i k e Chrismas. I l i k e easter. I l i k e being good i n school. I l i k e coming home from school. I l i k e eating supper at your house. I l i k e you. I l i k e l i v i n g . I l i k e going shopping. I l i k e taking the grosrees i n the house. I l i k e taking the f i s h and chips i n the house. I l i k e going babysitting. ( F a l l , 1970) ^Note Jeanine's substitution of " I " f o r "eye." Jeanine i s writing about The Noisy Book, the f i r s t story to excite her i n t e r e s t . This composition was written i n the Spring of 1969. Recurrent Themes "Being b l i n d " and "being stubborn" are recurrent themes i n conversations with Jeanine. In the past few months she has begun to t a l k more frequently about being b l i n d . Her confusion over the meaning of her blindness to her and other people i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the following conversation with her 3 f o s t e r mother. E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jean ine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. Jeanine E. (putting her arm around Jeamine) "You're my g i r l . " "No. I'm a b l i n d g i r l . " : : "Why can't a b l i n d g i r l be my g i r l ? " "Because they don't l i k e me."' "Who are they?" "You don't l i k e me when I'm a brat." "But why can't a bl i n d person be my g i r l ? " "Because they are smart. They're too b i g . " "But T. (E's daughter) i s my g i r l and she's big." "Because they're (long, long pause) bad." "Do you think a l l b l i n d people are bad?" "Yes." "Why?" "Because they wouldn't do as they're t o l d . " "Do a l l b l i n d people do that?" ^This conversation was recorded i n the evening a f t e r Jeanine had her bath and came to s i t with E. (Spring, 1970) Jeanine: "No." E.: "Then why are they bad? Do you think a l l b l i n d persons are bad or i s i t bad to be blind ? " Jeanine: "I t ' s bad." E.: "Why?" Jeanine: " I t ' s bad enough." E.: "But why? Is i t bad f o r you to be blind?" Jeanine: "No." E.: "Ire you saying opposites or are you saying what you r e a l l y f e e l ? " Jeanine: "I am saying opposites." E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "I want you to t e l l me."' E.: "What?" Jeanine: "I want you to t e l l me the question."' E.: "The question i s why i s i t bad to be b l i n d . " Jeanine: "Because I want i t to be."; E.: "That doesn't make sense. Who says i t ' s bad to be blind?" Jeanine: "I s a i d . " E.: "Did anybody else say i t ? " J eanine: "No." E.: "Not anybody?" J eanine: "You."f E.: "Not me." Jeanine: "E." (E.'s youngest c h i l d who i s 3 years old.) E.: "Who?" Jeanine: "My Mom.n E.: "Who did she say i t to?" Jeanine: "She said that to me. She said i t by being bad.**1 E.: "I don't under stand."' Jeanine: "She said i t to me by being a bad g i r l . " E.t "You say i t l i k e she said i t . " ! Jeanine: "She said, 'Jeanine, stop being bad.'" E.: "Go ahead. Stop being bad what?" Jeanine: "Stop being bad or e l s e . I did t e l l you." E.: "What were you doing when she said 'Stop being bad."' Jeanine: "I was making a fuss." On another occasion, Jeanine expressed the wish that E. were b l i n d too. Jeanine does not want to be the only person who "has to use her hands." E. began to use her hands to f e e l Jeanine's face when she comes to show E. that "she has washed her face properly." This seems to be very pleasing to Jeanine. Ver b a l i z a t i o n of Feeling Jeanine associates "being stubborn" with "being b l i n d . " This association dominates Jeanine's thinking about her blindness, and i s best i l l u s t r a t e d i n Jeanine's own words. E. inquired why Jeanine was "stubborn with everybody." Jeanine: "Because I want to be somebody's g i r l , " E.: "Whose?" Jeanine: "My Mom's." E,: "Aren't you?" Jeanine: "No, Because I'm a bl i n d person," E.t "What does being stubborn do?" Jeanine: " I t makes her (her mother) f e e l bad," E,: "What does she do when she f e e l s bad," Jeanine: "She c r i e s , " E.: "Why do you want her to f e e l bad?"' Jeanine: "Because I don't l i k e her." E.: "Why?" Jeanine: "Because I want her to spank me." E.: "Why?"' Jeanine: "Because I wanted her to help me. Because I want to be b l i n d . " E.: "Pardon?" Jeanine: "I'm mad about being b l i n d . " E.: "Why?"' Jeanine: " I want to be my Mom's g i r l . I am my Mom's g i r l . " Jeanine's explanations are not c l a r i f y i n g of her f e e l i n g s . They seem only to add other reasons. I t i s only within the past year that Jeanine has begun to t a l k about her f e e l i n g s , However when she expresses her wish to be loved i t i s only to E., who by "prompting" i s helping Jeanine to put her feelings into words. It i s as i f Jeanine i s just learning how to account f o r her feel i n g s v e r b a l l y , although she can acknowledge the way she f e e l s on a verbal l e v e l , Jeanine " f e e l s bad about being b l i n d , " and t h i s idea i s expressed over and over again, but there i s a curious lack of f e e l i n g i n her manner of expression. On the other hand her resistance to the wish of others betrays the int e n s i t y of her f e e l i n g s . The word Jeanine chooses to describe r e s i s t a n t behavior i s "stubborn."' It i s important to Jeanine to be "stubborn." E.: "What good does being stubborn do?" Jeanine: "Being stubborn does no good. I want i t to be good, I want i t to do me good." E.: "How? What do you want i t to do?" Jeanine: "I want i t to do me good to be stubborn." E.: "How?™ Jeanine: "I don't know how. By being bad. n i E.: "What would that do?" Jeanine: " I t would make you mad." E.: "How about when you're stubborn with other people?" Jeanine: " I t would make D. (her f o s t e r father) mad." E.: "Why do i t then?" Jeanine: "Because I wanted to be l i k e you."; E.: "Why were you stubborn before you came here?" Jeanine: "I wanted to be l i k e C."(her s i s t e r ) E . : "Why?" Jeanine: "It's because I don't like her. Because I want to be sighted." Jeanine cannot seem to untangle the reasons for her behavior from the behavior i tself . Jeanine had gone swim-ming with one of her tutors. 4 Dinner was almost ready when she returned. Jeanine had her towel in a plastic bag which she handed to E. E . : "Oh, I don't want that. Put i t away."1 (Jeanine then put the towel in a cupboard in the kitchen. When told to put i t in the laundry, Jeanine carried it to the dresser in E.'s room. Then dropped it on the floor saying to E . , "I don't know where i t goes. I want you to t e l l me where it goes.") Jeanine: "Do you feel bad, E.?" ; E . : "No, do you?" Jeanine: "Yes. (pause) I feel bad right now." E . : "What would make you feel good?" Jeanine: "Putting my bag away." E . : "Well, go ahead."' Jeanine: "I want you to put it away." E . : "It's not my bag. I don't have to put i t away. ^Spring, 1970. Do I ask you to put my bag away when I go swimming?" Jeanine: "I can do i t . I should put i t by the wall ." E . : "You're trying to trick me into doing your think-ing for you and I'm not going to do that. Hurry up please Jeanine. Jeanine: "You're not nagging." E . : "Hurry up." Jeanine: "I'm not s i l l y . " E . : "You're awfully slow." Jeanine: (hand on door knob to the laundry room) "I don't know where I should put it E . " E . : "Yes you do, Jeanine." Jeanine: "Why do I know where to put i t . " E . : "Because you are smart." Jeanine: "I want you to t e l l me where to put i t . " E . : "No." (Jeanine moves away from the laundry, then comes back again.) "Hurry up, Jeanine. Your supper is getting ruined." Jeanine: "I don't want it to get ruined."1 E . : "Well, it wil l be sitting on the table getting cold." Jeanine: (moving back to door leading to laundry) " E . " E . : "What?" Jeanine: "It's not hard to put i t away." (backs out of laundry room s t i l l holding the towel) E . : "Jeanine, wil l you please hurry up?" (Jeanine has gone back to E. 's bedroom and puts towel on E.'s dresser. E. sends her back and Jeanine begins to cry.) E , : "What are you crying about?" Jeanine: "A better reason." E . : "What?" Jeanine: "For nothing." E . : "Okay, but I donTt think so. People have a reason for crying." Jeanine: "I want my supper." E . : "Well, hurry up and put that away." Jeanine: "I want supper E . " E . : "Hurry up and get done then." D. : (foster father) "I don't think she does. She's just standing there doing nothing." (long pause) (Jeanine then puts the towel on the floor, picks i t up and takes i t to the laundry room and comes out without the towel. She has put i t on the floor in the hallway leading to the room.) E. : "Put it a l l the way away." Jeanine: " E . , I want some chicken." E . : "Well, put the towel away." (Jeanine then put the towel away and came to the table. After she finished her supper and was clearing her dishes, Jeanine: she dropped her cup.) ''I dropped my cup. E.: "What do you want me to do about i t ? " Jeanine: "Pick i t up. E.: "No way, Jeanine. Jeanine then picked up her cup and went about her business. Resistance to demand i s often accompanied by a verbal statement of willingness to comply. "I am reading," or "I do want to read," stated when she would not read, "I am hurrying," when she dawdled, made i t appear as i f Jeanine was t r y i n g to comply. It i s as i f Jeanine believed that "saying, i t w i l l make i t true." Jeanine who d i s l i k e d r a i n used to^ i n s i s t , "I want the r a i n to stop," "The r a i n w i l l stop." When E. admonished Jeanine that being stubborn w i l l do her no good, Jeanine r e p l i e d , "I want i t to do me good."' Words deny feelings as they sometimes deny r e a l i t y . There i s a confusion about the word and the act i t represents. Negative feelings are expressed as i f they were p o s i t i v e . "I am happy about being b l i n d . " "I want to hurry," was often repeated when Jeanine dawdled. There i s a pattern of t a l k i n g i n opposites, saying that which Jeanine knows i s not true. It i s as i f Jeanine substituted the words f o r the ac t i o n . "I do want to read," "I w i l l put i t away," etc. were often repeated but were r a r e l y paired with the approp-r i a t e action. When Jeanine came to l i v e with her fost e r family, she never asked f o r anything. She waited u n t i l she was asked i f she wanted a cookie or f r u i t . It was as i f Jeanine simply did not know that a verbal request would bring g r a t i f i c a t i o n . Food was and s t i l l i s t e r r i b l y important to Jeanine. While she i s eating, there i s no conversation. Jeanine's attention i s concentrated on her food. Yet she never asked f o r something to eat. Good fe e l i n g s about people are increasingly f i n d i n g expression. "I am happy." "I am your g i r l . " Strong p o s i t -ive f e e l i n g s about herself are beginning to be expressed i n words. "You are proud of me. I do good work." The Sharing of Feeling;.and Experience The a b i l i t y to i d e n t i f y with a storybook character i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of a b i l i t y to share experience by "putting oneself" into the storybook s i t u a t i o n . Defining the motiv-ation of storybook characters i n order to account f o r the events of a story depends upon the a b i l i t y to project one-s e l f . Jeanine seemed to have l i t t l e interest i n the motiv-ation of storybook characters. A description of the sequence of events leading up to the main point of a story was never given without a great deal of support and prompting. It would seem that Jeanine appreciates those events as happening, but does not attach importance to t h e i r related-^ ness. It i s the s p e c i f i c actions contained i n a story with which Jeanine i s concerned. Her description of a story re f e r s to events as isola t e d actions. The Three Bears. Momma Bear, Poppa Bear, Baby Bear. They f e l l f a s t asleep. Once upon a time there were three l i t t l e p i gs. The wolf said " I ' l l huff and I ' l l puff and I ' l l blow the house down I The sun was shining. There, I t o l d you." It was early i n the morning. The l i t t l e boy went to sleep. He walked to the barn.-> Jeanine seemed to"1 be intensely interested i n the story of Helen K e l l e r . For several weeks af t e r a child' s biography of Helen K e l l e r was read to Jeanine, she asked to "talk about Helen K e l l e r . " When asked what i t was about Helen K e l l e r that she wanted to discuss, Jeanine r e p l i e d , "Helen K e l l e r . " When asked questions about the story, Jeanine remembered many d e t a i l s as well as f e e l i n g s . Question: "How did Helen K e l l e r f e e l about her teacher?" Jeanine: "Bad. She f e l t bad about her teacher." Question: "What did her teacher make her do?" Jeanine: No answer. Question: "Did Helen's mother make her do things too?" Jeanine: "No." Al v i n Tresselt, Sun Up. Question: "Do you remember the f i r s t word Helen learned to f i n g e r s p e l l ? " Jeanine: "No. The teacher put water on her hand." Jeanine wrote a story about Helen K e l l e r . I l i k e Helen K e l l e r . I remember Helen K e l l e r , I l i v e with Helen K e l l e r . I l i k e Helen K e l l e r . I l i k e her baby s i s t e r . This was the f i r s t time that a genuine i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a human storybook character was observed. It i s i n t e r -esting to note that Helen had a baby s i s t e r whom she thought had usurped her place as "baby" of the family. Description Although Jeanine has many descriptive words i n her vocabulary, she r a r e l y uses adjectives i n her sentences. What has taken place i s more important to Jeanine than either to whom i t has happened or how i t has happened. Neither does Jeanine seem to be concerned with the cause of the events taking place. Jeanine is n ' t always careful to rel a t e the action to the actor. She frequently w i l l substitute a pronoun f o r a noun without concern that her l i s t e n e r w i l l know to whom she i s r e f e r r i n g . Pronoun substitutions are often i n c o r r e c t . "They" i s frequently used i n place of a more appropriate singular pronoun, "he" or "she." Although Jeanine preserves the correct form; a dative "them" i s not substituted f o r "they," she i s not careful to establish the referent in pronominalization.^ In describing the action of The Shoemaker and the Elves, Jeanine referred to the characters as "they." They came back to the shop. They make leather. They didn't have any money. The elves wanted to make them. Comprehension, when explored through a series of questions, is indicated by the fact that Jeanine remembers both important and unimportant details and the order in which they occur. But she appears to attach equal value 7 to a l l events. Another aspect of the ability to project oneself is the composing of a story. Here again Jeanine reveals l i t t l e interest in f i l l i n g in the details of characterization. Jeanine's story about a "pretend" g i r l is interesting. The pretend g ir l ' s name is Joan. Joan's a happy g i r l . She goes home. She goes on a picnic. She goes with (pause] Judy. Happy girls live in loco. (Jeanine now lives in loco.) Sad girls live nowhere. Joan lives with her mother. Joan lives nowhere, (pause) That's right because she's a pretend. Joan reads brail le . Joan is blind. Jeanine has projected herself into her story. Joan is a thinly disguised Jeanine, but Joan is doing what Jeanine would like to do. Joan lives with her mother. °Pronominal izat ion wil l be discussed in more detail in Part IV. ?See Jeanine's descriptions of stories on p. 87-88. Jeanine's interpretation of where Joan l i v e s i s l i t e r a l . Joan l i v e s nowhere, because Joan does not r e a l l y e x i s t . "She's a pretend." Jeanine's class had talked about "community helpers," and Jeanine wrote about the milkman, the j a n i t o r , postman, busdriver and teacher. Again there i s l i t t l e description provided, and emphasis i s placed upon the actions of the "community helpers." It i s noteworthy that Jeanine pays p a r t i c u l a r attention to actions she would l i k e performed fo r her. The milkman brings the bottle of milk. I l i k e milk. He holds the glass f o r me. The milkman gives milk to many people. He comes i n a l i t t l e truck. (The Bus Driver) She's a lady. She takes me home from school. They take people to the stores to buy donuts or clothes. The policeman t e l l s the cars where to go. He helps the schoolchildren cross the s t r e e t . The heaterman (school janitor) turns the heater on. A projection of Jeanine's own desires can also be found i n her s t o r i e s . There was a l i t t l e g i r l that v i z i t e d my Mom. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s to v i z i t my Mom. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s eating supper at my Mom's. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s to play at my Mom's.° The s p e l l i n g i s Jeanine's. This story was written i n the summer of 1970. Summary of the Semantic Component The semantic component of Jeanine's language reflects a development parallel to its structure. Language for Jeanine is an undeveloped tool. She is competent in handl-ing language as a tool, while at the same time, is unclear over what its use should be. It is as i f Jeanine developed language independently of the social purposes language serves, such as the gratification of desire, the seeking of information, or the expression of feeling. For the first nine years of her l i f e , Jeanine's expressive language served negative purposes. "I don't know." and "I don't want to." comprised the bulk of her verbal statements. Play with language was limited to play with sounds. Rhyming simple sounds brought pleasure for their sounds alone. "Rink, sink, mink, kink" "Sail , mail, gail , f a i l , r a i l , pai l" These rhymes had no meanings as words and were the only voluntary verbal offerings in the first months of work with Jeanine in the Fall of 1967. Most of the simple stories that were told to Jeanine at this time also had l i t t l e mean-ing for her. Simple poetry or nursery rhymes with a strong rhyme were immensely enjoyed for their sound patterns. The first story which engaged Jeanine was the Noisy Book, a story of a l i t t l e dog who was blindfolded. The events described in the story a l l concerned the dog's ability to guess the origins of the sounds around him. Jeanine enjoyed this story and asked to hear i t many times. Jeanine could remember the rhymes with ease, remem-bering them many months after she had learned them. Intrinsic to normal language development are those social functions that accompany a l l forms of interaction with the environment, e.g. relations with adults and other children. It is the social function of language which permits expressive language to develop. The social functions of language require opportunit-ies for development. A major aspect of that development is the chance to explore social roles other than one's own, to pretend and to project oneself into the larger world. Children's play is a glimpse into a miniature adult world. The opportunities for this kind of play are often difficult for blind children, who do not learn about the roles of others from firsthand visual observation. They understand the roles of adults through the ways in which adults relate to them. The process of learning about how other people relate to one another apart from the child takes longer for blind children. Many words do not carry the same meanings for the blind child as they do for others, narrowing the sphere of common knowledge shared by the blind child and his world. Where opportunities for social interaction are also severely limited, the blind child becomes so isolated that he is not l ikely to develop verbal communication with his world. Dramatic play, "pretend games," playing with puppets and dolls in anything more than a physical way were never a part of Jeanine's early experience. The task in this section has been to present the syntactic and semantic components of Jeanine's language. A mastery of the underlying rules governing the construction of meaningful language, understanding of the range of syntactical forms, and the abil ity to use those forms in speech have been demonstrated. The elements of language production that appear to be minimally represented in Jeanine's expressive language are those which are related to the social functions of language. These functions, which are so easily taken for granted as they unfold naturally in normal development never were developed in Jeanine's early experience. The essence of the socialization process is communi-cation. For communication in words to develop, the child must be aware of words as carrying the messages of the mutuality of shared experience. PART IV THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS The concept of "competence" as distinct from "per-formance" is fundamental to the understanding of language production and productive control of speech. Competence refers to the speaker-hearer's understanding of his language. For this reason the concept of "competence" is valuable for the understanding of delayed or deviant language development. That children's achievements in organizing linguistic data go well beyond what is normally produced in speech has been stressed by Chomsky."*" In the present study, the con-trast between linguistic competence and what is produced in speech raises several issues for discussion. The semantic content of Jeanine's spontaneous language impresses one with the narrow range of ideas expressed. Confusion and conflict over the question of her blindness, her being stubborn, her efforts to control the events of her l i f e , to remain dependent are beginning to find verbal expression. But the very manner of their expression is tinged with confusion and an uncertainty of what should be expressed. Language performance is a com-posite behavior, reflecting not only linguistic competence, but the social and intellectual forces of an individual's l i f e . Noam Chomsky, "Aspects of The Theory of Syntax," 1965. Social interaction is an important component of language performance. The desire for verbal interaction, the quest for need fulfillment, curiosity and imagination a l l find verbal expression in very young children. There is then a social development which accompanies the process of language acquisition. Language functions not only- as a means of communi-cation; it is also regulatory of thought and behavior and functions to organize and categorize experiences. According to Luria, speech becomes interiorized at about four and a half or five years of age. A social level of organizational behavior via speech control is formed in the process of behavior with changes at different levels. Initial ly the self-regulatory influence of speech is very weak and does not play any decisive role in the organization of these processes, but in the later stages of behavior, i t becomes a potent organizing factor.^ If Jeanine's language is viewed against the background of the social and psychological functions intrinsic to language, then certain of those functions wil l appear undevel-oped. The social components of language may best be demon-strated within the framework of social behavior. A. R. Luria, The Central Nervous System and Behavior, (edit. Mary A. B. Brazier) (Princeton, N.J. : Josiah Macy -Jr. Foundation, I960) p. 385. Social Behavior and Language As with the regulation of behavior, language assumes a regulatory function over social behavior. The play of young children offers rich illustration of the way children master social relationships. The manner of speech as well as the expression of the role of "mother," "father,** "policeman," etc., is an important aspect of how these social roles are perceived. The observation that children often "act out" the role by simply announcing its t i t l e emphasizes the function that language performs in the early development of the child. The primary mechanism by which a child learns to internalize the behavior of others is play. The important fact about play, insofar as development of self is concerned, is that the individual comes to act toward himself as the person whose role he plays has acted toward him.3 The blind child misses many nuances of parental inter-action. The language of gesture and facial expression is unknown to him, along with the style of interaction between his parents and his siblings. His own experience is limited to those adults who interact with him. In addition the important experience of putting oneself in the position of another and learning to view oneself from the outside are part of the socialization process. Along with acting out ^Robert A. Scott, "The Socialization of Blind Children," Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research, David A. Gosiin Ed., (New York: Rand McNally & Company, 1969) p. 1034. familiar social roles is the verbal expression given to these roles. With regard to those roles which he (the blind child) is able to grasp, he faces the problem that the evalu-ation which he receives is notably distorted.4-Jeanine has never been observed to role play. When she is asked to pretend, or to describe the feelings of other people, her responses have been limited. It is almost as i f the capacity to identify with another person is unformed. It should be noted that the physical activity of dramatic play is an important component of playing. The actions that accompany a role, e.g. feeding the doll , dress-ing up, etc., are not observed by the blind child, but need to be explained to him. Dramatic Play Jeanine does understand the concept of pretending. It is notable that the pretending she is most adept at involves physical imitations, which she has been shown and which she enjoys. Jeanine loves to imitate a cat walking, a duck walk, a chicken, etc. One afternoon Jeanine announced that she was a cat; she purred, walked on a l l fours and did not tire of the game until it was time for dinner. ^Scott, p. 1041. This is the only instance of spontaneous pretending that was observed. Her interest in "Trick or Treat" at Halloween is the obtaining of candy. She had l i t t l e interest in the costume in which she was dressed or having make-up applied. This type of dressing up is , of course, a visual experience. Jeanine also seemed not to be interested in the dressing up of the other children, although she was quite happy at being a part of a group who were "Trick and Treating." Jeanine takes l i t t l e initiative in responding to "pretend" play involving verbal role playing. Jeanine was familiar with the story of The Litt le Red Hen and agreed to take the hen's part while E. and I played the Goose and the Pig. Jeanine was smiling and appeared to enjoy the role, but wanted to be prompted. When asked to make up her own questions, she replied, "I want you to t e l l me the questions." Her need or desire for prompting in role playing contrasts with her responses to word associations or word definitions, where she never needs to be prompted. Productive Control The notion of competence in language is not to be considered as an a l l or none phenomenon. The present study indicates that competence while unaffected in its receptive aspect may indeed be assumed to be incomplete or distorted in those instances where language has not assumed its regulatory and communication functions. In other words, it is hypothesized that language development proceeds not simply as a consequence of maturity of mind and personality, but is an active contributor to mental and social development. The distorted effect that is produced by lack of development in the social and communicative aspects of language will be reflected in the syntactic as well as semantic components of language. Grammatical Competence Productive Control is the outcome of the mastery of the underlying rules governing the way words are put together to form sentences. The concept of specific rule evolves from Chomsky's model of level of complexity in syntax.'5 The first level involves phrase structure or the formation of nests or subdivided units, e.g., predicates, verb phrases, etc. On this level Jeanine's language con-structions reflect an understanding of the rules as well as a range of variability in applying appropriate forms. NP VP NP I am finding my place. NP VP NP I like going to school. NP VP NP NP I tore up the papers for my homework. Noam Chomsky, Aspects of The Theory of Syntax, 1965 NP VP NP I am going to set the table. NP VP NP NP I did put the knife on the right way. There is also a use of descriptive (adjectival and adverbial) forms, although this use is restricted. Both possessive and descriptive adjectives are used in connection with NP and with forms of the verb "to be." "I don't stay naughty a l l the time." "I don't stay mad." "I'm afraid of getting big." "E . was angry with me last night." Appropriate understanding of parts of speech, the form class categories derived from sentence construction has also been demonstrated in the Brown-Berko Usage Test, as well as in word associations. On the second level of complexity, the application of rules is governed by more specific rules, and there are more complex relations between the phrases within one sent-ence. The second level of complexity involves greater dif-ferentiation and acknowledgement of relationships, expressed in order inversions, complex and compound sentences, passive forms, etc.^ Analysis of Jeanine's spontaneous language indicates Chomsky, 1965 that the transformation types used most frequently are those which involve operations performed on the verb phrase and do not depend upon reference to other parts of the sentence. They are performed directly upon the verb and involve the addition of the infinitival or participial complement. Auxiliary forms, such as the auxiliary "be," "do," "got," negative forms, and contractions are operations performed on the verb. Jeanine used these transformations in the following order of frequency in the sample of spontaneous sentences. Infinitival Complement 24 Negations 11 Contractions 10 Participial Complement 10 Auxiliary "be" 8 Question 5 Do 1 Got 1 Of twenty-eight categories of transformation types, pronominalization, inversion, relative questions and " i f " and "so" and cause conjunctions were the most rarely repre-sented. Cause conjunctions, however, appear frequently in 7 sentence completions.' 7 A detailed description of Jeanine's use of trans-formation types was given in Part III. Pronominalization and The Problem of Reference There are some peculiarities to be noted in Jeanine's usage of pronominalization. She frequently wil l use a pro-noun that refers to the speaker of the sentence rather than to its subject. In completing sentences Jeanine wil l sub-stitute the pronoun "I" and "she" when the subject of the sentence is Jeanine herself. E. likes Jeanine because "I'm good." E. rolls cigarettes because "she likes i t . " Jeanine is learning to read because "I'm smart." Sometimes Jeanine doesn't like to work because "she's s i l l y . I do like to work." Jeanine is a wonderful g i r l because "you are happy." Jeanine did not correct pronoun errors included in Menyuk's "ungrammatical constructions." "She took it away the hat." and "It isn't any more rain." include pronoun errors, which were not corrected by Jeanine. Pronominalization requires that the listener make a decision about the reference pronouns in the sentence he hears. Therefore there must be awareness of the word to which the pronoun refers. In an examination of pronominal reference in children's grammar, Carol Chomsky found that the system of rules underlying pronominalization is acquired at a later stage of development than other transformational 'Menyuk, p. 319. forms. The subject is not identified by or identifiable from the pronoun itself . Carol Chomsky illustrated this principle with the sentence, "If he wins the race, John wil l be happy."7 The pronoun "he" is not identifiable within the context of the sentence; "he" may or may not refer to John. The person to whom the pronoun refers may be identified only with reference to the sentences that either precede or follow the pronoun. The notion of nonidentity restrict-ion must be applied selectively to those cases where the pronoun is not identified. 1^ .The rules for pronominal reference "pertain to no specific word or class of words, but derive from principles which apply to whole S's, very generally, on the basis of their structure. In order to learn then the child must deal with a general principle, rather than with lexical exceptions." Carol Chomsky also postulates that since "a basic prin-ciple of language is involved, rather than a facet relating to a specific lexical item, or class of items, the child may acquire i t at a certain maturational level . It is perhaps as i f pronominalization is a basic tool of the language, yCarol Chomsky, The Acquisition of Syntax in Children  from 5 to 10, (Mass.: MIT Press, 1969) p. 20. l ° I b i d . i : L Ib id . , p. 109. 154 12 whereas our other constructions are specialized skills.'* The rule underlying pronominalization refers to the subject for which the pronoun must substitute. And while Jeanine is able to substitute a pronoun for a noun, and frequently does in her speech, she is not careful to sub-stitute the appropriate pronoun. n E . likes Jeanine because "I'm good." "Jeanine is learning to read because "I'm smart." When the sentence refers to Jeanine herself as either subject or object of the verb, Jeanine substitutes "I" for "she," ignoring the third person form of the sentence. Jeanine also changed the pronoun when she converted sentences from active to passive voice. (Jeanine put the forks on the table.) The forks were "put on the table by me." (You ate an apple.) "The apple was eaten by me." (You put on a sweater.) "The sweater was put on by me." It can be assumed then, that Jeanine makes use of the process of pronominal reference, and is aware, at least in part, of underlying relationships. Her point of reference however, is herself. In sentence completions when the pronoun "you" is involved, Jeanine changes it to " I . " In doing this she is ignoring the verb form and the fact that the meaning of the sentence is changed. When you are reading, "I feel fine." When you are angry, "I feel sad." Grammatical Relations The more complex grammatical relations involve oper-ations performed on the entire sentence and are represented by such transformations as inversions, conjunctions, use of relative clause and pronominalization. It is here that the arbitrary distinctions made between syntax and semantics become blurred. Syntax is the form made available by the language structure to express the fu l l range of thought relationships. So that the fact of the absence of those transformations from the sample of Jeanine's spontaneous language, is not by itself an indication that she is unaware of those relationships. The absence of the use of functor or pivot words in the speech of delayed language children is also notable in the sample of Jeanine's spontaneous sentences. Functor or pivot words become functional when the child's interest is turned outward. The use of designative sentence types similarly involves reference to objects and events external to the speaker. Lee1-7 observed an absence of designative sentences among children with delayed language and l^Lee, Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 31:4» Luria"*""* found narrative speech to be r a r e l y used by the twins of h i s study. Designative sentence types and narrative speech constitute a functional category of language, which B e l l u g i and Brown c a l l reference.""'"' Developmental Sentence Types The simple declarative sentence becomes designative when a locator, demonstrator, or i d e n t i f i e r word i s included. "Here i s a truck" i s a designative sentence. The sentence that i s comprised of a noun phrase and verb phrase alone i s a closed construction. The addition of an i d e n t i f i e r or demonstrator word points outward to an object of the environ-ment. Locator and demonstrator words, such as "here" and "there" are r a r e l y represented i n Jeanine's spontaneous language. Lee noted that the speech of four year o l d children were r i c h i n designative constructions but that the speech of delayed language children was mostly comprised of verb 16 phrase constructions. This was also found to be true of """**Luria and ludovich, 1966. 1 5 g r o w n a n c i B e l l u g i define three functional categories of language: 1. Reference, naming or describing, which may be accompanied by pointing. 2. Direction, commands and utterances. 3. Responsive Discourse, which includes informational responses and r e p l i e s to questions. See Monographs of the Society f o r Research i n Child Development, 29:1. Lee, Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 31:4. Jeanine's spontaneous sentences. Fifty-five of Jeanine's sentences could be described as synpraxic, emphasizing the verb phrase and constructed around action. There is l i t t l e description in Jeanine's spontaneous language and l i t t l e reference to the objects and events of the external world, Description The manner of description is another illustration of reference. Young children most frequently describe by refer-ring to the action or use to which an object can be applied, rather than form, color or the category of things to which the object belongs. Jeanine's mode of description is reminiscent of that of the young child. Jeanine's descriptions of the following objects illustrate her concern with the use to which the objects can be put, rather than to the class or category to which they belong. Object Jeanine's description Shoe "I use shoes to put on my feet. My feet stay dry when I use shoes." Button "I use a button to do up." Key "You could use it to jiggle." "I use the key to turn the car on." Chair "I sit on a chair." Safety Pin "I use a safety pin to stick with." The manner of description involves a frame of refer-ence that is learned through experience. The child whose experience has been limited or fragmented will learn his frame of reference accordingly. And one may suspect that the limitations placed on experience (and the knowledge that the experience is shared), rather than an intrinsic inability to formulate adequate terms of reference, are responsible for the inadequacy. Further evidence for this contention comes from Jeanine's demonstrated ability at word associations. In this instance the terms of reference are explicit. The term of reference is structured by a single quality of mean-ing that is associated with either the same or an opposite quality. When the association is structured by the present-ation of a stimulus word, Jeanine's responses indicate a much richer vocabulary than can be demonstrated in her expressive speech. In word associations Jeanine is able to give range to far more subtlety and variety of meaning. Word Associations Stimulus Word Jeanine's Responses light dark loud soft skinny fat sleepy hungry kind unkind (This response is a good illustration of Jeanine's ability to use a special rule, the use of the prefix Munrt to denote a word of opposite meaning.) Stimulus Word Jeanine's Responses terrible nice neat lazy be hungry freezing cold good and mad dumb very able very energetic love to go to very tired beautiful bad messy tired be fu l l boiling hot good and happy smart not very able not very energetic not love to go to school not very tired Jeanine uses very few adjectives in spontaneous language. Words such as "stubborn," "bad," "happy," and "good" are most frequently used. These words are applied to a great variety of situations such as feeling states or the taste of foods. The presence of a stimulus word behaves as an external structure, a framework which helps to assist Jeanine in choos ing from her vocabulary. Spontaneous language on the other hand, has no such external structure on which to depend. Jeanine's ability to make fine verbal distinctions is demon-strated in word associations. When asked to choose a word with the same or similar meaning from the following l i s t of stimulus words, Jeanine chose the most accurate response. "I feel good when I read." "It (an orange) tastes good. tt thin round t a l l skinny circle long pay attention slender, chubby smooth, big short, wide think about something else hurry, go slow listen take a long time listen be quick learn slow scurry pay attention not to hurry The process by which a child learns to refer to the objects and events external to him becomes central to dis-cussion of delay in speech in the absence of auditory or speech motor impairments. The findings that delayed language children do not 17 18 use designative sentence types or pivotal constructions have particular relevance. Luria fs observation of the lack of narrative speech is likewise illustrative of the fact that children can f a i l to develop an awareness of the exter-nal world, such that they can incorporate that awareness into a framework of relationships. The ability to comprehend underlies the ability to use symbolic structures, represented by their phonological, syntactic, and semantic components. Competence however, is distinct from performance, and for the latter, the ability to manipulate symbolic material is essential. 1 7 L a u r a Lee, Journal of Speech and Hearing; Disorders, 31:4. 18-Paula Menyuk, 1967. In the present study there are many illustrations of the ability of the subject to use symbols. A private symbol system also involves the ability to use symbols. The reference for this private system is unique to the individual and is not part of a shared experience. Yet the emergence of such a private system is supported by the child's own experience, and in this sense, his experience is shared with those who are close to him. Upon close scrutiny, there is reason to believe that the experience of shared communi-cation exists between the child and those who care for him. Understanding his gestures and anticipating his needs can remove the necessity for verbal communication. In so doing, the possibility of learning more conventional meanings is reduced. Jeanine's confusion about being blind illustrates her lack of reality testing about blindness. In her relations with her own family, Jeanine learned to think about blind-ness as setting her apart. It made her different and it won her special attentions. She was waited on "hand and foot" and her younger sister became the big sister in the family. Jeanine was never permitted to cope with frustration and her mother was unable to cope with Jeanine's growing demands. Negativism and resistance, temper tantrums and tears brought results, while they became a central issue of marital dis-cord. Not able to work through a conflict of feelings, Jeanine became its prisoner. It is to be noted that Jeanine was developing normally until after the birth of her sister. Jeanine was observed to be able to parrot words 19 clearly when she was 26 months old. At this time she was able to walk alone. Shortly after this observation was made, Jeanine began to regress. The Social Worker noted in August, I960 that Jeanine "whined, cried and clawed her mother and deliberately stood there and wet her pants although she had been trained for some time." The social worker felt that this was a normal two year old phase and advised her mother accordingly. Jeanine's mother however continued to "wait on Jeanine hand and foot, letting her 20 gain attention by whining and crying." When Jeanine was left alone, she was observed to sit with her hands in her lap or turning in circles. She did 21 not "seem to know how to play," Jeanine rarely spoke at a l l but a social worker heard her to say, "I want to stay out." during her visit in July 1962. Jeanine was then four and a half years old. On this occasion, Jeanine was observed to spend her time running in the backyard. She appeared physically capable and ^Social Worker's Report, Feb. I960. 2 0 Social Worker's Report, August I960. 2^Social Worker's Report, November 1961. active, and was not afraid to be alone outdoors. Jeanine's relationship with her mother seemed dis-turbed. Both her teacher and the social worker noted that in her mother's presence Jeanine was "continually fussing." At the kindergarten where Jeanine was enrolled, it was noted that "she never communicated with people in words." She was interested in the toys, could put blocks in holes, wash clothes, etc., but she never "initiated an activity." 2 ^ It should be noted that there seemed to be no consistent attempt at either home or school to encourage speech. Jeanine's demands were met; her teacher placed objects in her hands to encourage her to play. The fact that few of the other children in the school were speaking also meant that verbal stimulation was lacking. Jeanine is described as being "passive." Her language seemed to be at a standstill . In the 'social worker's report of April 29, 1964, i t was noted that Jeanine could answer simple questions. She stated that she "liked" her baby brother (who was born that year) and said "Good-Bye." The use of language suggests that Jeanine had indeed acquired language. Her simple answers were in sentence form. But she never initiated speech and no one seemed to expect it of her. ^Teacher's Report, June 14, 1963. 2 3Teacher's Report, June 14, 1963. Jeanine's "passiveness" refers to her not initiating activity or involvement. The external world provided basic needs. Relatedness to Jeanine was in terms of other people waiting on her and she could perceive her dependence. Successful, meaningful verbal communication is not easily mastered within so uncertain, so rigidly maintained but inadequate environment. In a study of three blind children (who were des-cribed as having autistic disorders), Green and Schecter defined the most notable defect as inadequate verbal com-24 munication. The mothers of these children were noted to understand the private symbol systems of their children. This observation led Green and Schecter to consider the "shared autism" between mother and child as a primary factor in the failure of speech to develop. There was l i t t l e need or opportunity for them (the children) to develop "public" or conventional symbols, "which would be subject to validation by response from the world outside."2^ There was " l i t t l e opportunity for them to learn by t r i a l and error or by consensual validation." ^Maurice R. Green and David E. Schecter, "Autistic and Symbiotic Disorders In Three Blind Children," Psychiatric  Quarterly 31 (1957) 628-646. 2 5 I b i d . , p. 640. 2 6 Ib id . Only when Jeanine came to live in an environment where she was expected to communicate verbally, did she begin to develop her expressive language. The closed world in which Jeanine was "locked" slowly began to open. Com-munication needed language to be effective, and Jeanine began to recruit the language she had acquired for purposes of communication. The years of isolation had taken their t o l l , and the normal expression of feeling needed to find the verbal outlets that are well developed by the time a child is nine years old, Jeanine's age when she came to her present home. It is only recently, after three years of living in a new environment that Jeanine is becoming able to express feelings in words. To be able to say "I feel bad" or "I feel happy" is to be in touch with the well spring of communication. That Jeanine experiences intense feelings of rejection, anxiety, remorse and guilt is i l lus-trated by the very confusion she feels about "being blind." Her longing for her mother is being expressed in spoken desire. She no longer seems to deny the intensity of feeling and is able to acknowledge feelings openly. In a composition, Jeanine expressed the true depth of her feeling. There was a l i t t l e g i r l that vizitet with my mom. A l i t t l e g i r l likes vizit with my mom. A l i t t l e g i r l likes eating supper at my moms. A l i t t l e g i r l likes to play at my mom." A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s h a v i n g l u n c h . A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s h a v ing supper. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s h a v ing a bath. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s p l a y i n g games. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s s i n g i n g songs. A l i t t l e g i r l l i k e s a s k i n g q u e s t i o n s . A l i t t l e , g i r l l i k e s t e l l i n g s t o r i e s . 2 ' 2 7 T h i s composition was w r i t t e n i n the s p r i n g o f 1970, .and was w r i t t e n spontaneously on the b r a i l l e r . In terms of the d e f i n i t i o n o f synpraxic v s . n a r r a t i v e speech, the above s t o r y can be d e s c r i b e d as s y n p r a x i c speech i n n a r r a t i v e form. CHAPTER IX CONCLUSION The emergence of informational statements or the verbal acknowledgements of events that take place outside of one's self are a normal part of developing language. When this emergence does not take place, then some form of isolation needs to be considered as a factor in the delay of speech and expressive language. Egocentric speech can be seen as an early emergent of language as part of the process of socialization. Using language in play performs the important function of defining social roles. The name of the role, e.g. playing mother, is often substituted for the action of play. The child who claims, "I'm the Mommy, you be the Daddy," is often content with the designation alone. It is this early use of language that is not observed among children who do not use speech in their early years. As suggested previously, the absence of dramatic play, and the experimentation with social role playing which it involves is prominent in its absence. Even now, when Jeanine handles a dol l , she makes no effort to endow the doll with personality. It is an object to be manipulated rather than "played with."""" This was noted in observation of Jeanine with Barbie dol l , Fal l 1970. Communication with language is so much a part of human development that it is assumed to be a part of language i tsel f . The desire to speak, to be in verbal communication, is i tself part of the socialization process. And when that process is not developing normally, then the desire to speak in order to communicate may be profoundly and adversely affected. The speech of children described as solipsistic and echolalic has been the subject of many studies. "Word salad" speech, private and unshared symbol systems can only be understood i f one understands the terms of reference the speaker is using. Solipsistic speech may also be considered as a function of a failure of effective verbal communication to develop between the child and his world. The observation made throughout this study is that language in both its semantic and syntactic aspects is a sensitive gauge of a child's experience. His language pro-vides important insights into the manner of his relations with the world external to him. In the presence of some reason, such as blindness, which can lessen the experience that is "shared" with other people, language wil l develop in a manner reflecting the isolation. Those forms of language which are dependent upon shared experience will accordingly be impoverished. A frame of reference, to be functional, requires relatedness to the external world. The child who is unable to progress from "I" to "we" and "you" may not perceive himself as a participant in sharing. An understanding of language, in which the acquisition of grammar, vocabulary and language concepts are incorporated can be demonstrated through the use of transformational analysis, word associations, sentence completions and a systematic investigation of conventional and private idioms. The investigative tools derived from a structural language analysis are invaluable in establishing Linguistic compet-ence. The complex relationships between communication and social experience are not as easily clarified. This is the issue of impoverished performance, in the presence of competence. The relationships of social experience in the develop-ment of communication skills does not lend itself to short term research studies. On the basis of the material presented here, it is only possible to hypothesize about the effects of deprivation of shared experience. The nature of the data itself presents difficulties since i t is only possible to hypothesize on the basis of the experiences Jeanine has not had. Blindness needs to be considered as a factor to the degree that it has the effect of rendering "shared experiences" more difficult and more limited. Delayed language is observed among those blind children who are also described as having other developmental problems. There is always the suspicion that those developmental problems which can be defined as behavior problems, immaturity, and functional retardation, are not as closely associated with the absence of vision as they are with overprotection, anxiety, depression and rejection on the part of those who have cared for the child in his early years. Exploration, discovery, and the manipulation of the objects in the external world are more difficult for the blind child. It takes longer to establish a tactual schema of an object than it does to recognize that same object visually. The tactual schema that is established needs to be consistent in certain qualities with the visual mode. Qualities of size and shape need to be emphasized for purposes of grouping and categorizing in ways commensurate with the seeing world, in which the child is expected to function. Attention to auditory patterns can be hindered by the nature of auditory stimulus itself . The awareness of the origin and cause of auditory stimuli requires mediation by the sense of touch and tactile manipulation in order to establish the relationship of the stimuli to its source. The investi-gation of space, of objects, and the social world requires active encouragement and a sensitive understanding of the needs of the blind child. When a supportive external environment is not perceived by the child, he becomes vul-nerable to a pervading sense of isolation created by the barrier of his physical blindness. That such is the case is indicated by the correlations noted in studies of blind 2 children. There is also the fact that much of the research conducted on blindness has rested on the assumption that the effects of blindness on personality and social develop-ment wil l be devestating.-' This view has persuaded many of those who advise the parents of blind children not to expect normal development. It has created the expectation of deviance. Fortunately this view is not quite as prevalent as i t once was. It is postulated here that it is the isolation and its consequent deprivation of social experience that is the source of delay in language production. Ski l l in communi-cation is developed as part of social interaction and the desire to interact verbally is generated in its process. It is interesting to note that many children are able to respond verbally in order to refuse, but not in order to request. "No," "I don't know" are negative comments which can serve to further isolation. The isolation becomes routinized and is the familiar world such children inhabit. Reference has been made to some of the most important studies: Green and Schecter (1957), Elonen and Zwarenstyn (1964) and Norris, Spaulding and Brodie (1957), Haspiel (1965). 3Sandler (1963), Burlingham (1964). Change is disturbing because then it becomes impossible to predict and thus to control the environment. Isolation precludes the kind of social interaction out of which language communication develops. The negative behavior of children like Jeanine can be considered more as positive actions because negative behavior is a means of assertion of self. It is often the only way these children experience having an impact upon the environment. If a child is to succeed in perceiving of himself as a competent individual, capable of having an impact upon his environment, capable of learning and mastery, then his environment must be supportive of that effort. The fact that a child does not use speech is not indicative that he has not acquired language. There is a great need for more intensive research in the development of communication as part of language development. To become functional, language must have a functionally meaningful role for growth and learning. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bellugi, Ursula, and Brown, Roger, "The Acquisition of Language," Monograph of the Society For Research In  Child Development, 29, No.l (1964). Brown, Roger and Berko, Jean, "Word Association and The Acquisition of Grammar," Child Development, 31 (I960) 1-14. ' " Burlingham, Dorothy, "Some Notes On The Development of Blind Children," The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, XVI (1961) 121-14^. " ~ ~ Burlingham, Dorothy, "Some Problems of Ego Development of Blind Children," The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, XX (1964) 194-208: ! — Chomsky, Carol, The Acquisition of Syntax in Children from . 5 to 10, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1969. Chomsky, Noam, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1965 ! Elonen, Anna S. and Cain, Albert C. "Diagnostic Evaluation and Treatment of Deviant Blind Children," American  Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 24, No.4 (July, 1964) 625-633. Elonen, Anna S. and Zwarenstyn, Sarah B., "Appraisal of Developmental Lag In Certain Blind Children," Journal  of Pediatrics, 65, No.4 (Oct. 1964) 599-610. Fraiberg, Selma and Freedman, David A . , "Studies In The Ego Development of Congenitally Blind Children," The  Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, XIX, (19647TT-3-169. Green, Maurioe R. and Schecter, David E. "Autistic and Symbiotic Disorders In Three Blind Children," Psychiatric  Quarterly, 31, (1957) 628-646. Guess, Doug, "Mental Retardation and Blindness: A Complex and Relatively Unexplored Dyad," Exceptional Children, 33, No.7 (March.,1967) 471-480. Haspiel, George S., "Communication Breakdown In The Blind Emotionally Disturbed Child," New Outlook For The Blind, (March,1965) 98-99. ~~ Lee, Laura. "Developmental Sentence Types: A Method For Comparing Normal and Deviant Syntactic Development," Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, Vol . 31, No. 4 (Nov. 1966) 311-329. Lenneberg, Eric H. Biological Foundation of Language. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967. Luria, A. R. "The Directive Function of Speech In Develop-ment and Dissolution, Parts I and II in Language, R. C. Oldfield and J. C. Marshall (edit.) England: Penguin Books, 1968. Luria, A. R. and Yudovich, F. Ia. Speech and the Development  of Mental Processes In The Child: An Experimental  Investigation, (ed. Joan Simon) London: Staples Press. 1966. Menyuk, Paula. "Comparison of Grammar In Children With Functionally Deviant and Normal Speech," Journal of  Speech and Hearing, 7, No. 2, (June, 1964) 109-121. Menyuk, Paula. "Acquisition of Grammar By Children." In Salzinger, Kurt and Salzinger, Suzanne, (edit.) Research In Verbal Behavior and Some Neurophysiological  Implications, New York: Academic Press, 1967. Menyuk. Paula. Sentences Children Use, Mass.: MIT Press, Moor, Pauline. "Blind Children With Developmental Problems," Children, 8, No. 1, (January-February, 1961) 9-13. Norris, Miriam, Spaulding, Patricia J. and Brodie, Fern H. Blindness In Children, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957. Oldfield (edit.). Language, England: Penguin Books, (1968). Sandler, A, "Aspects of Passivity and Ego Development in the Blind Infant," Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, XVIII, (1963), 343-359. Scott, Robert A. "The Socialization of Blind Children," in Goslin, David A. (ed.) Handbook of Socialization Theory  and Research, New York: Rand McNally and Co., 1969. Shervanian, Chris C. "Speech, Thought and Communication Disorders In Childhood Psychoses," Journal of Speech  and Hearing Disorders, 3 2 , No. 4» (November, 1967) 303-311. Wilcox, D. E. "Observations of Speech Disturbances In Childhood Schizophrenia," Disorders of the Nervous  System, 17 (1956) 20-23. 

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