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Psychohygienic and therapeutic aspects of the Salish guardian spirit ceremonial Jilek, Wolfgang George 1972

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PSYCHOHYGIENIC AND THERAPEUTIC ASPECTS OF THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT CEREMONIAL by. WOLFGANG GEORGE JILEK M.D. , University of Innsbruck, Austria M.Sc, McGill University, Montreal D.Ps., McGill University, Montreal A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972 In present ing th is thes is in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ive rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y sha l l make it. f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying o f th is t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f th is thes is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion . Wolfgang G. Jil e R Department of Anthropology and Sociology The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ^epf. £> * \9TZ ABSTRACT T h i s study i s based on a n a l y s i s of e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e ; p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n of contemporary s p i r i t dance and h e a l i n g ceremonies i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y of B r i t i s h Columbia ; i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n l e a d e r s , r i t u a l i s t s , and other s p i r i t ceremonia l p a r -t i c i p a n t s ; and on f i v e years of c l o s e contac t w i t h the Upper S t a l o I n d i a n s as p h y s i c i a n and r e g i o n a l mental h e a l t h o f f i c e r . I n the Coast S a l i s h a r e a , the N o r t h American I n d i a n g u a r d i a n s p i r i t complex combined the s p i r i t quest of the P l a t e a u t r i b e s w i t h s e c r e t s o c i e t y f e a t u r e s of N o r t h -west Coast c u l t u r e . The s u p p r e s s i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonia l by church and government a u t h o r i t i e s i n the decades f o l l o w i n g the White i n t r u s i o n i s b r i e f l y i l l u s t r a t e d , and the h i s t o r y of the recent r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y i s r e p o r t e d . Ethnographic evidence i s c i t e d to demonstrate that the achievement of a l t e r e d s t a t e s of consc iousness was an e s s e n t i a l aspect of the t r a d i t i o n a l c e r e m o n i a l : the s p i r i t encounter took p l a c e i n such a p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c s t a t e , and the t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i n v o l v e d c o n d i t i o n s and techniques i d e n -t i c a l w i t h , or analogous t o , those commonly found i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f a l t e r e d s t a t e s of consciousness e l sewhere . The seasonal s p i r i t i l l n e s s of f u t u r e s p i r i t dancers i n t r a d i t i o n a l Coast S a l i s h c u l t u r e was a s t e r e o -typed pathomorphic , but not p a t h o l o g i c , pre lude to the p u b l i c e x h i b i t i o n o f s p i r i t powers i n the dance c e r e m o n i a l . Today i t i s o f t e n fused w i t h p s y c h i c and p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c symptom f o r m a t i o n i n the context of c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l d e p r i v a t i o n , a syndrome which the author d e s c r i b e s under the heading of anomic d e p r e s s i o n . D i a g n o s i s of t h i s c o n d i t i o n as s p i r i t i l l n e s s permits r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of an estranged I n d i a n person w i t h the a b o r i g i n a l i i culture via initiation into spirit dancing. The author presents contem-porary spirit dance initiation as ahealing process based on the thera-peutic myth of death and rebirth of the neophyte who is made to regress to a state of infantile dependency in order to obtain his spirit power and to grow with i t into a more rewarding and healthier existence. Per-sonality depatterning and reorientation towards the ideal norms of Salish culture is achieved through shock treatments and various types of sensory deprivation and stimulation, followed by physical exercise and indoctrina-tion. In contemporary Salish theory and practice, persons suffering from depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints unresponsive to Western methods of treatment, as well as persons with behaviour problems, are candidates for the initiation procedure which implies considerable expenses and some risks. The revived ceremonial provides the local native population with an annual winter treatment programme integrating several types of therapy which are identified and discussed. Preliminary data suggest that, as far as the Indian clientele is concerned,the therapeutic effectiveness of this indigenous Salish treatment compares favourably with Western med-ical approaches,in conditions of i l l health in which psychophysiologic mechanisms are prominent, and with Western correctional management of be-haviour disorders associated with alcohol or drug abuse. Analysis of the changes occurring in the traditional ceremonial since the revival of spirit dancing, shows that what in the past was a ritual with psychohygienic as-pects is now an organized Indian effort at culture-congenial psychotherapy. In an attempt to define and localize modern Salish spirit dancing as a social phenomenon within proposed classificatory schemata, i t is charac-terized as a redemptive movement aiming at total personality change, with nativistic tendencies towards a collective Indian renaissance. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS I Preface 1 II Note on Research Methods Used 3 III Introductory Note on the Traditional Salish Guardian Spirit Complex 5 IV The Revival of Spirit Dancing in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia 11 V The Achievement of Altered States of .Consciousness in the Salish Guardian Spirit Complex as Documented in Ethnographic Literature 17 .-A. Note on the Physiology and Psychology of Altered States of Consciousness 17 B. Spirit Experience and Possession 27 C. Spirit Quest • 35 D. . Spiri t Illness 40 E. Spirit Dance Initiation 46 VI Contemporary Spirit Illness and Anomic Depression 54 A. Note on Anomie and Relative Deprivation 54 B. Anomic Depression as Important Background Phenomenon of Contemporary Spirit Illness 57 C. The Symptomatology of Contemporary Spirit Illness 61 VII. The Therapeutic Process of Contemporary Spirit Dance Initiation 70 A. Death and Rebirth -- The Therapeutic Myth 70 B. Personality Depatterning and Reorientation 73 C. Indications.for Initiation and Selection of Candidates 86 D. Costs and Risks . 9 0 iv VIII Annual Winter Therapy 93 A. Occupational and Activity Therapy 95 B. Group Psychotherapy 96 C. Cathartic Abreaction 99 D. Psychodrama 100 E. Direct Ego-Support 103 F. Physical Exercise . 104 IX Therapeutic Effectiveness 106 X From Psychohygienic Ritual to Ritual Psychotherapy 111 XI Modern Spirit Dancing as a Therapeutic Social Movement " 118 Bibliography 128 1 I PREFACE The purpose of this paper is to e l i c i t and define the psycho-hygienic and therapeutic aspects of the Salish Guardian Spirit Ceremonial, and to evaluate the relative importance of these aspects in traditional and contemporary Coast Salish culture, both for the individual and the collective. While comparative data on most Coast Salish groups w i l l be included in this paper, the population under specific observation here is that of the following Indian bands located in the Upper Fraser Valley of British Columbia, Canada: Aitchelitz, Cheam, Chehalis, Kwaw-kwaw-a-p i l t , Lakahahmen, Ohamil, Peters, Popkum, Scowlitz, Seabird Island, Skulkayn, Skwah, Skway, Soowahlie, Squiala, Sumas, Tzeachten, Yakweak-wioose; Halkomelem division of Salishan linguistic group, Northwest Coast culture area. This region encompasses reserves in the Greater Chilliwack-Agassiz-Harrison d i s t r i c t s and w i l l henceforth be referred to as Upper Stalo region (cf. Duff, 1952). Also involved in the winter ceremonials of the Upper Stalp region are some members of the Douglas band of Northern Harrison Lake (Lillooet Salishan speakers of the Plateau culture area). The total Indian population of the Upper Stalo region amounts to about 1,900. The writer is grateful to his Indian friends, Chief Richard Malloway and Mr. Roy Point of Sardis, B.C., Mr. Joe Washington of Marietta, Washington, and Mr. Walker Stogan of Musqueam, B.C., who 2 invited him to attend at ceremonial occasions as a guest and witness. He has learnt to respect these Indian elders for their warm humanity and devotion to their people, and for the keen psychological insight they displayed. It is their hope that a better understanding of the ceremonial, by health professionals and social scientists, may lead to a f u l l appreciation of i t s merits. To quote one of them: "We have invited here a friend, a doctor, so that he can see what we are doing and how we help our young people. He can be our link to the outside world, he could speak about i t on a medical convention one day. I want the doctor to know that people whom White doctors have given up are s i t -ting among us right here....The doors of this smokehouse are always open for you. You have come here as friend of our people to witness what takes place here in this smokehouse, in order to understand the ways of sya'wan." (Joe Washington, speeches at ceremonials in Wellington, December.23, 1970, and Tzeachten, February 19, 1971.) This work was done under the supervision of Professor Wilson Duff. The author w i l l remain indebted to him, and also to Dr. David F. Aberle and Dr. Michael Kew of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of British Columbia, for their advice and encour-agement . 3 I I N O T E O N R E S E A R C H M E T H O D S U S E D T h e d a t a u p o n w h i c h t h i s s t u d y i s b a s e d w e r e o b t a i n e d : ( 1 ) b y a n a l y s i s o f t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e o n a l l S a l i s h a n - s p e a k i n g p o p u l a t i o n s ; ( 2 ) b y p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y s p i r i t d a n c e a n d h e a l i n g c e r e m o n i e s i n l o n g h o u s e s a n d c o m m u n i t y h a l l s o f t h e S t a l o I n d i a n s d u r i n g t h e w i n t e r s e a s o n s 1 9 6 9 / 7 0 ( m a j o r c e r e m o n i a l s a t t e n d e d : 8 ) , 1 9 7 0 / 7 1 ( 1 4 ) , a n d 1 9 7 1 / 7 2 ( 4 ) . C e r e m o n i a l s w e r e a t t e n d e d u p o n f o r m a l i n v i t a t i o n b y I n d i a n f r i e n d s ; l e a d e r s a n d r i t u a l i s t s a n d o t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t s . O n s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s , t h e w r i t e r w a s a s k e d t o a s s i s t a s a " w i t n e s s " i n i n i t i a t i o n c e r e m o n i e s . D u r i n g t h e c e r e -m o n i a l s p e e c h m a k i n g , s h o r t h a n d n o t e s w e r e m a d e b y t h e w r i t e r . T h e a c c u r a c y o f v e r b a l s t a t e m e n t s q u o t e d c a n b e g u a r a n t e e d w i t h r e g a r d t o c o m p l e t e a n d c o r r e c t k e y w o r d i n g a n d r e n d e r i n g o f s t y l i s t i c f l a v o u r . T h e w r i t e r d i d n o t u s e t a p e r e c o r d i n g e q u i p m e n t a t t h e c e r e m o n i e s a s t h i s ( a n d t h e u s e o f p h o t o g r a p h i c a n d f i l m c a m e r a s ) i s o b j e c t e d t o b y I n d i a n p a r t i c i p a n t s w h o c o n s i d e r s o n g s a n d d a n c e s t o b e t h e o w n e r ' s p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y ; ( 3 ) i n 4 8 p r i v a t e l y c o n d u c t e d i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 2 1 I n d i a n p e r s o n s ( l e a d e r s , r i t u a l i s t s , a n d o t h e r s p i r i t c e r e m o n i a l p a r t i c i -p a n t s ) f r o m t h e w h o l e C o a s t S a l i s h a r e a . T h e i n t e r v i e w e d p e r s o n s w e r e a w a r e o f t h e w r i t e r ' s i n t e r e s t i n t h e t h e r a p e u t i c a s p e c t s o f s p i r i t d a n c i n g , a n d m o s t o f t h e m w e r e s y m p a t h e t i c t o h i s i n t e n t i o n o f m a k i n g t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n a c c e s s i b l e t o a p r o f e s s i o n a l a u d i e n c e . 4 They object, however, to i t being used for gainful purposes in non-scientific publications. No useful purpose would be served by revealing the identity of an Indian person when presenting in this paper the information he or she contributed. In order to safeguard anonymity, references to personal characteristics w i l l be kept at a minimum, and coded i n i t i a l s w i l l be employed in the text; (4) in five years of close contact of the writer with the native pop-ulation of the Fraser Valley, in his capacity of physician and regional mental health officer. During this period, the writer attended 105 local Indian patients. The majority of these were referred for problems which w i l l be discussed under the heading of anomic depression. C l i n i c a l impressions and conclusions, as far as they w i l l be presented in this paper, rest on this exper-ience . 5 III INTRODUCTORY NOTE ON THE TRADITIONAL SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX The "Guardian Spirit Complex" is an ancient phenomenon of considerable cultural, social and psychological significance for the great majority of indigenous American societies. Early European com-mentators considered the American Indian's guardian sp i r i t s to be daemons of infernal provenance. So did Bishop De Herrera in the 16th century and the Jesuit Fathers i n the 17th.century (Benedict 1923) and also Bishop Durieu of British Columbia in the late 1800's (Hill-Tout 1 1902); the latter identified them as familiar s p i r i t s . The young science of anthropology was making the guardian s p i r i t a case of totemism, either as an integral part of collective totemism (Durkheim 1915) or, vice-versa, as a universal precursor of totemism, a link between fetish and totem (Hill-Tout 1901, 1904, 1905). More recently, clarifying re-views of the Guardian Spirit concept were presented for the whole of North America by Benedict (1923), for the Plateau area, including the Interior Salish, by Ray (1939) and for the Coast Salish by Barnett (1938, 1955) and Duff (1952). In comparative analysis of the Guardian Spirit Complex, these authors contrast Salish patterns with the peculiar forms this complex had developed among the Kwakiutl (cf. Spradley 1963). 1. Familiar s p i r i t , or imp, a low-ranking daemon in the shape of an animal given by the Devil to a witch or wizard with whom he had contracted a pact, to serve as advisor, assistant and performer of malicious errands (Robbins 1959, p. 190). 6 Generalizing from their conclusions, we see the following picture emerging with regard to Guardian Spirit practices in the Pla-teau and Northwest Coast culture areas: (1) Prototypical of the Guardian Spirit customs i s the Plateau area with an individual, egalitarian, rather stressful adolescent quest to obtain a life-long supernatural helper, and acquire from him name, power, and song in a visionary experience. (2) Contrasting with this i s the situation i n the Wakashan province of the Northwest Coast area with the Kwakiutl as prototype: highly formalized procedures, in which the Guardian Spirit as a mark of aristocratic rank i s acquired on the basis of hierarchical princi-ples in a dramatically staged group performance of s p i r i t vision and possession in the context of secret-society i n i t i a t i o n . (3) The Coast Salish area, in an intermediate position both geographi-cally and culturally, manifests the Guardian Spirit Complex of the Plateau "re-worked and re-interpreted under the influence of the social and physical environment of the Northwest Coast" (Duff 1952; p. I l l ) , combining elements of the classic s p i r i t quest with the secret-society feature of i n i t i a t i o n to the winter cere-2 monials. In Salish culture the most intimate relationship existed be-tween shamanism and guardian s p i r i t doctrine. Shamanism was, as Bene-dict (1923; p. 67) put i t , "built around the vision-guardian-spirit 2. Among the Fraser River Salish, the winter dancing season was called by the Kwakiutl word Me'itla according to Boas (1894) . 7 complex". The following schema can be constructed for the Salish-speaking peoples from ethnographic literature (Teit 1900; Hill-Tout 1905a; Gunther 1927; Haeberlin 1930; Ray 1932; Olson 1936; Barnett 1938 and 1955; Wike 1941; Duff 1952; Lane 1953; Jenness 1955; Elmendorf 1960; Robinson 1963; Kew 1970): (1) Shamanistic powers and spirit-songs differed essentially from those of the layman. This distinction was carried to i t s logical extreme by the Upper Stalo of the Fraser Valley; their prospective shamans "underwent a long rigorous quest and obtained from a s p i r i t in a dream or vision a specific power", while the same guardian s p i r i t might appear to a lay person in a vision without quest, conferring no powers other than song and dance (Duff 1952; p. 97). (2) The shaman's sp i r i t quest, although taking a similar form, gener-a l l y implied greater efforts, imposed more hardships, and was of a longer duration than that of the layman. (3) The shaman's vision experience was of greater force and intensity than the layman's. (4) Shamans' and laymen's guardian spirits were, as a rule, of the same type or even identical, conferring shamanic powers to one and non-shamanic powers to another seeker. . Shamans usually obtained powers not from one or two, but from several s p i r i t s , and often from spirits who were considered to be especially potent or to have predilection for shamanic powers. A notable exception was presented by Puget Sound groups (Haeberlin 1930; Wike 1941; Elmen-dorf 1960) having two distinct classes of spirits for shaman and 8 layman; and by the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island (Robinson 1963) whose shamans-to-be claimed mythical monsters as tutelaries , (Kwakiutl influence?) while lay seekers had to resort to animal sp i r i t s . Barnett (1955) l i s t s some spirits who gave power almost exclusively to shamans among the Coast Salish of British Columbia, such as the double-headed snake, the thunder-bird, the f i r e , and the land-otter. The winter s p i r i t dance was the major r i t u a l within the guardian s p i r i t complex of Salish-speaking peoples of- the Pacific Northwest Coast area. Spirit dancing was practiced by most Coast Salish groups that maintained effective inter-tribal ties through this cere-monial complex (Suttles 1963). It was also of great importance to the Flathead as "medicine-dance," and to the Okanagan (Teit 1930), but by 1954 i t had become a remnant of a once highly developed a r t i s t i c and religious spectacle (Lerman 1954) . ...Spirit dancing was never a feature of r i t u a l l i f e among the other Interior Salish groups of British Columbia (Ray 1939); however, the Shuswap traditionally engaged in "mystery sing-ing" during wintertime, when a l l men were possessed of some shamanic power (Teit 1905). The Salish Indians recognized winter as the appropriate time for ceremonies concerning the guardian s p i r i t s , when "people draw upon their store of sunlight and their v i t a l i t y i s weakened" (Robinson 1963), to be strengthened again by the annual return of the s p i r i t powers who arrive and depart with the cold season. 9 In Hill-Tout's (1902, 1904) time, the winter s p i r i t ceremon-ia l s were known among the Halkomelem speakers of the Fraser Valley of i British Columbia as su'lia or ul i a dances, "dramatizations of dreams" 3 as Hill-Tout (1904) interpreted this. Today, the native population of the Valley refers to them in English as "Indian Dances", or just as "pow-wows". Under missionary influence, s p i r i t dancing had to yield to Christian customs throughout the Salish region. Bishop Durieu who im-posed a theocratic social order on the Gulf of Georgia Salish in the 1860's and 1870's, proclaimed four commandments to his Indian flock, of which the f i r s t was to give up a l l traditional dancing, the second, to quit potlatching, the third, to cease consulting shamans, and the fourth, to abstain from drinking and gambling (Lemert 1955). I n i t i a l l y there was no prospect of co-existence -- except for the Puget Sound area where a seasonal pattern of religious loyalty developed with s p i r i t singing, in the winter and attendance at the syncretistic Shaker Church in summer (Wike 1941). Spirit dancing was formally outlawed in Washington Territory by decree of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs i n 1871, apparently in the context of fears about anti-White movements in the wake of the Ghost Dance, (cf. Collins 1950). In British Columbia, the 3. Cf. Kluckhohn's general theory of myths and rituals: "The l i t e r -ature i s replete with instances of persons5"dreaming' that super-naturals summoned them, conducted them on travels or adventures, and f i n a l l y admonished them thereafter to carry out certain rites ....To obtain ceremony through dream .is, of course, i t s e l f a pat-tern, a proper traditional way of obtaining a ceremony or power" (1942, p. 51). 10 4 . so-called Potlatch Law was often used as a legal sanction to suppress spir i t dancing. This Section of the Indian Act, which served as an instrument of imposed acculturation in this province (cf. LaViolette 1961) remained on the Statutes of Canada until 1951. The history of s p i r i t dancing among the Lummi, a Coast Salish group in Northern Washington, illustrates the development of this cere-monial under acculturative pressures (Suttles 1954). Church and Indian Agency united forces to discourage this "pagan" ri t u a l : paraphernalia and costumes were confiscated, their owners publicly chastised or sen-tenced to fines and forced labour i f they proved to be recalcitrant dancers. Indoctrination at school was designed to make the young Indian generation consider the ceremonials as vestiges of a bygone age of bar-barism. By 1914, the Indian Agent proudly declared the dances to be obsolete. When, however, he hit upon the idea of using them in a stage performance on "Treaty Day" for the purpose of arousing aversion, this had the paradoxical effect of rekindling a dying f i r e . It was now evi-dent to the people that the U.S. Government had fi n a l l y been forced by the s p i r i t powers to free the dances. There was, however, no resurgence of s p i r i t dancing until much later. 4. "Every Indian or other person who engages in or assists in celebrating the Indian festival known as the "Potlatch" or in the Indian dance known as the "Tamanawas" i s guilty of a misdemeanour, and shall be liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than six nor less than two months i n any gaol or other place of confinement, and any Indian or other person who encourages, either directly or indirectly,.an Indian or Indians to get up such a festival or dance, or to celebrate the same, or who shall assist in the celebration of same, isrguilty of a like offense, and shall be liable to the same punishment" (sec-tion 3, Statutes of Canada, 1884; c i t . LaViolette 1961, p. 43).. 11 IV THE REVIVAL OF SPIRIT DANCING .IN THE FRASER VALLEY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Among the Upper. Stalo Salish of the Fraser Valley, Duff found only 14 active dancers in 1952. Ten years later, 26 new dancers were initiated during one winter in the entire Coast Salish region (Suttles 1963). Kew (1970) recorded eleven initiations at Musqueam Reserve near Vancouver in just three seasons, 1966 to 1969. Our data show that resurgence of s p i r i t dancing on the Indian reserves of the Upper Stalo region started in 1967/68 with the i n i t i a t i o n by Musqueam ri t u a l i s t s of the son of a prominent family, a young man of 20 years, who later was to assume a leading role in local initiatory procedures. In the mid-1960's, there were very few traditional dancers active in the Upper Stalo region, probably not more than four, of whom the most well known were Chief Richard Malloway of Sardis, and Chief Charles Douglas Senior of Rosedale. The legal persecution of active dancers under the Potlatch Law is s t i l l remembered among the older people, and so are pre-sentations to the senior governments made by Chief Malloway and other Indian leaders on behalf of native traditions and of those practicing them. Throughout the period of suppression of s p i r i t dancing by govern-mental and church authorities, the mutual assistance of the traditional dancers from different tribes who sang and drummed for each other, tes-t i f i e s to Salish solidarity. The few active dancers in the Upper Stalo region remained in close contact with their brethren of the Musqueam, Lummi (Northern Washington) and Cowichan (Vancouver Island) tribes, where 12 the ceremonial had survived as an organized group activity. The.lead-ing role of Lummi and Musqueam r i t u a l i s t s in the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region is readily acknowledged by local In-dian leaders: "It started i n the States again, and i t came this way" (C.L.); "As far as i n i t i a t i o n goes, Musqueam has been like a mother to the Chilliwack people...we had to depend on the other tribes to help us, to teach us the Indian way of l i f e again." (Y.I.) Indian leaders are aware of the historical importance of the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region, and pay tribute to the role of r i t u a l i s t s of neighbouring tribes who from the mid-1960's on were practicing i n the southern Coast Salish area: "This i s a great thing what happened here on our reserve, history has been made here. We are so grateful to our bro-thers from the South, from Lummi and from Musqueam and to Ed Brown (senior r i t u a l i s t ) who came a l l the way from Nanai-mo...we'll always remember.that" (Address at f i r s t ceremony on Wellington Reserve, December 23, 1970). At the opening ceremonies of the new longhouse Tzeachten Hall, Sardis, B.C., January 8th and 9th, 1971, we counted approximately 800 people who had come from virtu a l l y a l l Coast Salish regions, as active or passive participants in the dances. To honour the historical event, Sxwaixwe masks and costumes were publicly displayed in a s p i r i t dance ceremonial for the f i r s t time in many decades. Four sxwaixwe dancers appeared dancing four times around the ha l l , their accelerating pace "tamed" by the rhythmic drumming of. sixteen traditionally clad older 13 1 women. The awe-inspiring ceremony was announced by a senior ritua-l i s t : "Everyone off the floor now -- sys'wan is coming out for the f i r s t time...let's the women hear, they're the ones that they're going to follow on their steps....It was in 1892 when this last took place, when they showed sxwaixwe here ....Those of Chilliwack, Tzeachten is your home here, that's our way of opening i t , our own way that we use to open this house." The increasing.number of."new dancers" in the Upper Stalo region not only reflects the proselytizing endeavour of the older r i t u -a l i s t s , but also a changing view of native tradition by the younger Indian generations. Under the headline "Long House to Play Role in Reviving Indian Religion", the local paper devoted a f u l l page to the revival of Indian Spirit ceremonials in the area, from which we quote relevant passages: "Mrs. Point and her husband Roy described the current revi-val of"interest in Indian beliefs and religious ceremonies ....Beliefs and practices which were uniquely Indian, began to die out when white missionaries moved into the area, she said....Mrs. Point said that early Christian missionaries used various means to have native people drop their old be-liefs....She noted that with the completion of the longhouse, Chilliwack area Indians w i l l be able to start practicing win-ter ceremonial s p i r i t dancing.... .Mrs. Point paid tribute to the role which Chief Malloway has played in 'keeping the f i r e burning' so that native traditions would not be lost ....She noted that many of the young native people who have dropped out of religious activities in .the established churches are looking forward to the completion of the long-house so that they can become involved in ceremonial dancing 1. Note the role of 4 and 4 x 4 as a quasi-magical number occurring in Salish ceremonial l i f e . The sxwaixwe masks observed on this oc-casion were very similar to the Cowichan mask photographed 60 years ago by Curtis (1913, p. 114); but obviously of recent manufacture. For the cultural implications of the sxwaixwe myth see Duff (1952) and Codere (1948). . , 14 .....She noted that in attempting to restore the winter cere-monies, the people were relying somewhat on the rituals used by the more 'ferocious' Island i n i t i a t o r s . . . " (The C h i l l i -wack Progress, July 8, 1970, p. 3B.) These are the number of "new dancers" from reserves of the Upper Stalo region whom we were able to identify ad personam: Initiated during sya'wan season: 1967/68 1 1968/69 : 3 1969/70 : 4 1970/71 : 16 1971/72 : 10 These figures are f a i r l y complete; however, there may have been a few initiations which escaped our notice. Fifty would therefore be a rather accurate estimate of the total number of s p i r i t dancers in the Upper Stalo region who have been initiated since the revival of the winter ceremonials, up to March, 1972. The drop in initiations during the 1971/72 season was not due to a lack of candidates, as we could verify, but rather to a deliberate effort on the part of the new in i t i a t o r s to limit the number of novices, in order to " i n i t i a t e them decent, so that they can .better stand that way of l i f e " (father of young i n i t i a t o r ) . According to Musqueam and Lummi r i t u a l i s t s , the trend towards increasing participation in the winter ceremonials has also been present i n other Coast Salish regions. At one "big dance" near Duncan^ Vancouver Island, during the ceremonial season 1970/71, 45 "new dancers" in their tradi-tional robes gathered from a l l over the Coast Salish area. Also indica-tive of the growing interest in reviving the winter ceremonials are the 15 longhouse construction projects which have been started by Coast Salish groups in recent years both in British Columbia (e.g., Musqueam, North Vancouver, Duncan, Tzeachten, Chehalis) and Washington State (e.g., La Conner, Nooksack, Tulalip). The revival of s p i r i t dancing has been accompanied by changes in the. ceremonial and i n i t s organization, which w i l l be mentioned l a -ter. These, are viewed rather c r i t i c a l l y by some of the senior dancers and r i t u a l i s t s ; others again accept them philosophically: "Everything changes, sya'wan changes too, and i t w i l l change further in the future, but I know you'll keep the fires burn-ing, and that's what counts" (Lummi r i t u a l i s t at Tzeachten Hall, January 8, 1971). As a result of the scarcity of traditional dancers, the Upper Stalo region depended entirely on the assistance of older r i t u a l i s t s from the Coast with regard to the in i t i a t i o n procedures. This i s s t i l l the case in the Agassiz-Harrison area. In the Chilliwack d i s t r i c t , however, an e l i t e of dynamic young ri t u a l i s t s emerged from the ranks of those initiated in recent years, prominent among them the f i r s t new dancer of the region who in the eyes of many natives has attained a certain -- positive or negative -- charismatic quality. These young ri t u a l i s t s devoted themselves to their ceremonial duties with great zeal during this past season (1971/72), without more than the formality of a distant supervision by older r i t u a l i s t s . While taking some pride in the feeling that the "Chilliwack people now handle their initiations themselves", even the most sympathetic elders watch this take-over with some apprehension: 16 "The young initiators are just starting and they have a lot to learn...they never used to allow anybody to do that i f he was younger than maybe thirty. These boys are breaking into new territory. They're f u l l of energy to i n i t i a t e new dan-cers, but judging their experience I never trust i t completely -- something serious can happen during the i n i t i a t i o n " (Y.I.). 17 V THE ACHIEVEMENT OF ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX AS DOCUMENTED IN ETHNOGRAPHIC"LITERATURE A. Note on the Physiology and Psychology of Altered States of Conscious-ness To f a c i l i t a t e the interpretation of important phenomena occur-ing in Salish sp i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n procedures, we present here a brief summary of the most relevant biological and psycho-logical data on the genesis, character and function of altered states of consciousness. Ludwig (1968) has explored and described altered states of consciousness in the context of trance and possession. Altered states of consciousness are characterized by the following symptomatology: (1) alterations in thinking, including predominance of archaic modes of . , thought, blurring of cause-effect distinction, and cognitive ambi-valence; (2) disturbed time sense; (3) loss of conscious control and inhibition which may be relinquished .. . in order to. gain a greater, culturally defined power; (4) change in emotional expression towards affective extremes ranging . . from ecstasy to profound fear; (5) body-image changes; feelings of depersonalization, derealization, . . dissolution of boundaries between self and environment, often associated with dizziness, weakness, blurred vision and analgesia; (6) perceptual distortions; hallucinations, illusions, visual imagery, . . hyper-acuteness of perceptions, synaesthetic experiences; (7) change in meaning; attachment of increased or specific significance . . to subjective experience or external cues, leading to t h r i l l i n g feelings of insight, and revelation of "truth" which then carries an unshakeable conviction; 18 (8) sense of the ineffable; the essence of the personal experience is f e l t to not be directly communicable, and this i s often explained by varying degrees, of amnesia; (9) feelings of rejuvenation, of renewed hope or of rebirth; (10) hypersuggestibility: a propensity to accept, or to respond uncri-t i c a l l y to statements of an authority figure via identification, or to cultural and group expectations. Ludwig's altered states of consciousness correspond to what Bleuler (1961) has defined as Bewusstseinsverschiebung (shifting of consciousness), a state of mind attributable to either cerebro-organic or, more frequently, to psychogenic processes. In Western culture, altered states of consciousness of a psychogenic type are mainly observed in (a) hypnosis, (b) religious revelation, (c) "hysterical" dissociation. The term trance state is in usage for a l l these phenomena, while pos-session state has been reserved for non-Western cultures and for cases 1 not approved of by Christian authorities -- an arbitrary convention indicative of "eurocentric bias. The differences between these states are cultural, not psychological or neurophysiological. Schlesinger (1962) has accumulated evidence for a neuropsychological c l a r i f i c a t i o n of these hitherto vaguely defined experiences. His conclusions are briefly summarized here. The term trance designates a "state of double consciousness, i.e., the constricted state of awareness of the personal self which co-exists with the dream-like state of consciousness of the para-personal self". The neuropsychological basis of any trance or possession state 1. Cf. Rodewyk's (1963) recent "differential diagnosis" between r e l i -gious experiences, hysterical states, and daemoniac possessions. 19 is the dissociation of the self, which loses i t s experiential unity and is converted into a secondary "dual system of relational experience", namely, the personal self and the para-personal self. A mild degree of dissociation of the central experiential agency involves the dominant or conscious sphere of mentation only; a more profound dissociation the dominant and the subsidiary or unconscious sphere; and a maximal degree of dissociation would also effect cleavage of the mnemonic sphere, i.e. the memory functions. There is no evidence of cerebro-organic changes as manifested in electroencephalography in either hypnotic or so-called hysterical trance states (Lindsley 1960; Kugler 1966; H i l l 1963 cit.;.Prince 1968). Some authors have found an inhibition of alpha-activity blocking under hypnosis (Loomis et a l . 1936; Titega and Kluyskens 1962). EEG data of this kind which point to specific alterations of attention and conscious-ness were also obtained during Zen exercises in Japan (Kasamatsu and Shimazono 1957; Kasamatsu and Hirai 1966). The capacity of attaining altered states of consciousness is a universal property of the human central nervous system, as evidenced by the ubiquitous occurrence of trance phenomena through time and space. However, the prevalence of these phenomena appears to be a function of socio-cultural variables. Under the impact of rationalistic-positivistLc ideologies, the normal faculty of manifesting with psychogenic dissocia-tion appears to have diminished among members of the Western urban middle-class who would nowadays not be expected to readily enter hysterical twilight reactions, daemoniac possessions, or religious frenzy, while 20 these states are by no means rare in more tradition-oriented pockets of Western culture (cf. Jilek and Jilek-Aall 1970). Experimental studies of hypnotic trance have demonstrated beyond any doubt, (1) that the subject's motivation i s essential for the induction of a hypnotic reaction; (2) that the hypnotist i s of impor-tance only as a culturally-approved sanctioning figure i n whose i n f l u -ence the subject firmly believes, and as a focus for the projection of omnipotence fantasies; (3) that the hypnotic state serves the subject's wish-fulfillment and the achievement of consciously or unconsciously desired goals (Schilder 1953; Barber 1958; Van Der Walde 1965, 1968). Above a l l , hypnotic trance is a "product of situational and cultural demands" (Van Der Walde 1968). This is equally true of non-experimental . . - 2 trance states. Paraphrasing the eminent French Psychiatrist Henry Ey , we may say that in trance the subject makes use of his capacity to enter a dissociative state in order to enact most effici e n t l y a goal-directed role which his culture in certain situations permits or demands him to do. While the induction of psychogenic dissociation unquestionably depends on the subject's motivation, i t may be facilitated by the employ-ment of techniques which result in changes of brain function with demon-strable electroencephalographic indicators. Such "somato-psychological factors" (Ludwig 1968) producing altered states of consciousness are hypoxyventilation (inhaling a i r of. low oxygen content) and hyperventi-2. "Cette theatralite de 1'existence hysterique ou le nevrose joue^ son role comme un acteur" (Ey 1963, p.' 405). 21 lation (forced overbreathing) which both can be carried on until loss of consciousness ensues, and which are associated with stage-specificl EEG changes (Davis et a l . 1938); further, hypoglycemia (low blood sugar level) and dehydration due to fasting; sleep deprivation; exposure to extreme temperatures. The role of rhythmic sensory stimulation in,the production of altered states of consciousness deserves our special at-tention. While photic driving, i.e. the effects of stroboscopic photo-stimulation on electrical brain activity, perception and consciousness, have been the main concern of neurophysiological.research in this f i e l d ever since the pioneering work of Adrian and Matthews (1934), an analo-gous significance of acoustic stimulation has long been surmised by ob-servers of rituals and ceremonies in which rhythmic sounds appeared to have a direct effect on the central nervous system. This was clearly expressed by Aldous Huxley (1961, p. 369): "No man, however highly c i v i l i z e d , can l i s t e n for very long to African drumming, or Indian chanting, or Welsh hymn-singing, and retain intact his c r i t i c a l and self-conscious personality...if exposed long enough to the tom-toms and the singing, every one of our philosophers would end by capering and howling with the savages." The well-known British neuropsychiatrist Sargant noted in 1959: "It should be more widely known that electrical recordings of the human brain show that i t is particularly sensitive to rhythmic stimulation by percussion and bright light among other things and certain rates of rhythm can build up recordable abnormalities of, brain function and explosive states of tension sufficient even to produce convulsive f i t s i n predisposed sub-jects. Some people can be persuaded to dance in time with such rhythms until they collapse in.exhaustion. Furthermore, i t i s easier to disorganize the normal function of the brain by attacking i t simultaneously with several strong rhythms played in different tempos. This leads on to protective i n -hibition either rapidly in the weak inhibitory temperament or 22 after a prolonged period of excitement in the strong exci-tatory one. Rhythmic drumming i s found in the ceremonies of many primitive religions a l l oyer the world. The accompany-ing excitement and dancing is also maintained unt i l the same point of physical and emotional collapse has been reached." (p. 92) In their now classical treatise on rhythmic sensory stimula-tion, Walter and Grey Walter (1949) recorded the following physiolo-gical and psychological effects of such stimulation in their subjects: "1. Visual sensations with characters not present in the s t i -mulus, that i s : (a) Colour; (b) Pattern; (c) Movement. 2. Simple sensations.in other than.the visual.mode: (a) Kinaesthetic (swaying, spinning, jumping, vertigo); . (b) Cuteneous.(tingling, pricking); (c) Auditory (rare); (d) Gustatory and olfactory (doubtful); (e) Visceral (probably connected with (a)). 3. General emotional and abstract experiences: (a) Fatigue; (b) Confusion; (c) Fear; (d) Disgust; (e) Anger; (f) Pleasure; (g) Disturbance.of time sense. 4. Organised hallucinations of various types. 5. C l i n i c a l psychopathic states and epileptic seizures." (p.63) Although these effects were achieved by photic stimulation with rhythmically flickering light, the researchers had reason to assume that the mechanisms dealing with signals' from non-visual sensory receptors were basically similar, and that "rhythmic stimulation i n any mode i s likely to produce impulse volleys at harmonic frequencies somewhere in the central, nervous system, associated with specific i l l u s o r y sen-sations" (p. 83). With regard to acoustic stimulation, they concluded that: "...rhythmic stimulation of the organ of hearing'as a whole can be accomplished only by using a sound stimulus containing components of supra-liminal intensity over the whole gamut of audible frequencies - i n effect a sfceep fronted sound such as that produced by an untuned percussion instrument or an explo-sion." (p. 82, i t a l i c s mine). 23 This lead was not to be followed for some time. Instead of using rhythmic percussion, other, researchers experimented with inter-mittent pure^tone sound stimulation, as, e.g., Gastaut et a l . (1949) who el i c i t e d c l i n i c a l responses in two patients suffering from photo-genic epilepsy, and Goldman (1952) who could show "acoustic driving" in the EEG of two normal subjects. More recently, Kugler (1966) was able to e l i c i t spikes in the EEG of patients suffering from temporal lobe epilepsy when using loud noises-at.a repetition rate of 2 to 6 per second. It was not until Neher"s (1960; 1962) investigations that the neurophysiological effects of rhythmic drumming were demonstrated in controlled experiments. The significance of Neher 1s findings for the anthropological and psychological study of r i t u a l trance and pos-session :states can hardly be over-estimated. Neher (1960) exposed c l i n -i c a l l y and electroencephalographically normal subjects to a low-frequency, high-amplitude stimulus obtained from a snare drum without snares — an instrument quite)similar to the Salish deer skin drums employed at winter ceremonials. Auditory driving responses were demonstrated in the EEG of a l l subjects at the fundamental of each stimulus frequency (3, 4, 6 and 8 beats per second), also at second harmonics and second subharmonics of some stimulus frequencies. Subjective responses were similar to those obtained with photic driving by Walter and Grey Walter (1949), and included "fear, astonishment, amusement, back pulsing, muscle tightening, stiffness in chest, tone in background, humming, rattling, visual and auditory imagery." Due to the presence of theta rhythms 24 (4 to 7 cycles per second) i n the electrical activity of the temporal auditory region of the cerebral cortex, sound stimulation by drumming in this frequency range appears to be most effective and would, there-fore, be expected to predominate in ceremonies associated with trance behaviour. As cited by Neher (1962)' the'response i s heightened by accompanying rhythms reinforcing the main rhythm, and by concomitant rhythmic stimulation in other sensory modes, such as tactual and kinesthetic; susceptibility to rhythmic stimulation i s increased by stress in general, hyperventilation, hypoglycemia and adrenaline secre-tion resulting from exertion and fatigue. At the same time, strong sensory stimulation inhibits the transmission of pain signals to the conscious areas of the brain. In the light of his findings, Neher (1962) reviewed some ethnographic reports on ceremonies involving rhythmic ' drumming from Siberia, Africa, Haiti and Indonesia. A comparison of these data appeared to suggest that "unusual behaviour observed in drum ceremonies i s mainly the result of rhythmic drumming which affects the central nervous system." However, such a" conclusion awaits fi n a l con-firmation by electroencephalographic examination of subjects while participating i n appropriate ceremonies. Prince (1968) discusses the possibility that auditory driving i s a "commonly used portal of entry into the dissociative state". - His practical suggestions for the study of possession states by telemetering the EEG of fu l l y mobile "native" participants in ceremonies have not yet been taken-up by f i e l d researchers. 25 Sargant (1959) explains the induction of states of religious enthusiasm and s p i r i t possession, as well as the so-called brain-washing and related therapeutic techniques, in terms of Pavlovian theory as transmarginal inhibition. He marshals evidence from historical and contemporary reports on methods of religious and ideological conversion and indoctrination* and shows that the basic processes involved are analogous in a l l significant aspects, paralleling.those Pavlov deduced from his experimental observations in dogs. Given the fact that human cerebral organization varies within very narrow limits, we should not be surprised to find the most heterogenous ideologies introduced suc-cessfully by very similar techniques, as Sargant asserts: "Various types of belief can be implanted in many people, after brain function has been sufficiently disturbed by acci-dentally or deliberately induced fear, anger or excitement. Of the results caused by such disturbances,theifimost common one is temporarily impaired judgement and heightened suggestibi-l i t y . . . . I f a complete sudden collapse can be produced by pro-longing or intensifying emotional stress, the brain slate may be wiped clean temporarily of i t s more recently implated pat-terns of behaviour, perhaps allowing others to be substituted for them more easily." (p. 128) Ludwig (1968) presents a classification of factors in the pro-duction of altered states of consciousness under the following headings: a) reduction of exteroceptive stimulation and/or motor activity: e.g. in sensory deprivation, prolonged social isolation, hypnagogic and hypnopompic states, revelatory states during incubation or temple sleep; b) increase of exteroceptive stimulation and motor hyperactivity, emotional arousal leading to exertion and mental fatigue: e.g.. in hyperalert or hyperkinetic trance secondary to tension-induction manoeuvres; trance in response to rhythmic music and drumming; trance in revivalistic meetings;or s p i r i t possession in tr i b a l ceremonies; increased suggestibility and sense-deceptions resulting from prolonged fear; 26 c) focused and selective hyperalertness: e.g. in prolonged vigilance, intense mental absorption or attention to proprioceptive stimuli; d) decreased alertness, relaxation of c r i t i c a l faculties: e.g. i n meditation, day-dreaming and reverie, auto-hypnotic trances; e) • somatopsychological factors (vide supra). From the foregoing we conclude that trance or possession are altered states of consciousness involving the universally human mechanism of mental dissociation without cerebro-organic lesions. Their induction is largely dependent on the subject's motivation and on the situational and socio-cultural context but may be facilitated by certain conditions and techniques, some of which effect temporary changes of brain function. It may be appropriate here to raise the question of the func-tional relevance of altered states of consciousness for the individuum and for the collective. This question has recently been answered by Wittkower (1970) in a discussion of "his observations on trance and possession states in non-Western societies: "Trance and possession states have undoubtedly an adaptive function culturally as well as individually. Their i n d i v i -dual psychological effects consist of drive release, ego support, problem solution, r e l i e f from superego pressures and atonement." "There can be no doubt in anybody's mind that trance and possession states in the countries in which they play part of religious rituals have an important distress relieving, integrative, adaptive function. . As far as mental illness i s concerned, they may be of prophylactic value. An increase in mental illness may have to be expected when as a result of culture change they have ceased to exist." 27 B. S p i r i t Experience and Possession Fundamental to the North American Guardian Spirit Complex is the vision experience as a means of obtaining and controlling superna-tural power (Benedict 1923). Tribal conventionalization and formaliza-tion of the content of the vision and the events surrounding i t cannot obscure the fact that this experience was distinguished from others by intense feelings of significance and " t h r i l l " , and that i t constituted a specific psychic reaction which was socially recognized. The tute-laries were mostly acquired.in a peri-pubertal s p i r i t quest. They were usually seen and/or heard i n a vision encounter and showed them-selves to the power-seeker both i n human and non-human form. After surveying the- literature one w i l l agree with Benedict (1923) that the Guardian Spirits were named entities recruited.from a very wide range of the natural and supernatural universe, making i t impossible to group them under any one type. In Benedict's view the North American In-dian 1 s vision experience was not synonymous with dreaming. Some authors quote informants as expressly referring to visions in a non-sleeping state, e.g. Hill-Tout (1905, p. 144) and Duff (1952, p. 99). Robinson (1963) states for the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island that i t was necessary to f a l l unconscious in order to hallucinate the tutelary and that sleep dreams were considered inadequate. Other authors are less specific and use vision and dream interchangeably. Thus, according to Barnett (1955), among the Coast Salish of British Columbia the "mystic rap-prochement in which the seeker was granted the aid of an animal s p i r i t 28 always took place in a dream or trance". Teit (1900, 1905, 1930) speak of "dreams" or of "dreams' and visions" in connection with Guardian Spirit acquisition among the Thompson, Shuswap, and other Salishan tribes of the Plateau. He refers to the prototypical case of the Thompson when reporting that "the ceremonial rites continued until the lad dreamed of some animal or bird which became his protectors or Guardian Spirits for l i f e " (Teit 1900, p. 320). The Coast Salish youth's vision quest had to go on until he eventually would "see some-thing" (Barnett 1955). "Dreams and visions are the invariable source of the personal totem of the Salish" concludes Hill-Tout (1905, p. . 143). In his writings Hill-Tout (1901, 1902, 1904, 1905a, 1905b, 1907) uses labels li k e personal totem, guardian, mystery being, essence, guide, tutelary, protector, power, charm, or fetish, for the Halko-melem term su'lia which he derives from the verb u ' l i a to dream ( H i l l -Tout 1901, 1902). This etymology of the Halkomelem term for Guardian Spirit i s confirmed by Duff (1952) for the Upper Stalo -- su'lia, mean-ing "dream" but possibly also "vision" ( a ' l i a "vision" or "prophet") denotes both the Guardian Spirit experience and the Guardian Sp i r i t ; and by Kew (1970) for the Musqueam -s'alya, l i t e r a l l y one's vision or "what you see in your dream". Suttles (1955) gives the translation of the identical Katzie word as "vision". The analogous, term in Twaria ' w language was s'oClix , "that which one encounters in a vision experi-ence", from c<li'x w, "to obtain power from a Guardian Spirit in a vision encounter". The Twana made no sharp distinction between waking vision, trance, or semi-conscious hallucination. It was assumed that the seeke 29 would have to "lose consciousness" as i f dying, in order to perceive the s p i r i t in human form and be granted power and song, upon which he would recover from a "fainting spell" (Elmendorf 1960). The powers con-ferred by the Guardian Spirit on the seeker in his vision experience are signified and/or embodied in the s p i r i t song which i n Halkomelem languages was called si'wal (Duff 1952), sioCwgn (Suttles 1955) or sya'wan (Kew 1970). Ray (1932) assumes that the majority of guardian s p i r i t ex-periences among the Sanpoil and Nespelem were dream phenomena, although sleep was not permitted on the quest and the experience was spoken of as "like a dream". Later on in his review of cultural relations in the Plateau, Ray (1939) points out that this experience may take place in a. "half-waking or half-sleeping state and.yet be culturally classified as definitely dream, or definitely vision" --according to intra-group convention, as i t were. It appears to be quite plausible that the vision was elaborated in subsequent dreams, as Olson (1936) reports for the Quinault youths seeking s p i r i t power. This has a parallel i n Lane's (1953) findings in the Cowichan area of Vancouver Island where visions occurred in either a conscious or unconscious state followed by sp i r i t appearance in dreams. Wike"s (194*) accounts of the Swinomish of Puget Sound also refer to reappearance in sleep dream after i n i t i a l perception of a sp i r i t helper. The dream-vision question remains unresolved, therefore, and may be unresolvable due to an inherent semantic ambivalence in the na-tive concepts, an ambivalence which would seem to aptly express the 30 ambivalent nature of altered states of consciousness partaking of pro-perties of the sleep-dream and of normal wakefulness. The Indian informants' accounts reflect the intensity of the psychophysiologic reaction experienced by the youthful s p i r i t seeker in his f i r s t encounter with the supernatural: " . . . i n the middle of the second night there came a roaring as of wind, things came through the a i r and the ground swayed and rocked. . Then I heard the scream of an eagle. He came near and I saw him in the guise of a man. He went round and round the f i r e and then went away. I was. very much afraid and wanted to run away. Then I heard the sea-monster nearby, and he, too, walked around.me. I was afraid he was going to carry me off. Then there came a.monster snake who made a noise like the land otter. Finally Turtle came and walked around me and went away. Each of them gave me power." (Quinault; Olson 1936, p. 144). "Four winters I endured this penance. Then at last my mind and body became really clean. My eyes were opened, and I beheld the whole universe. I had been dancing and had fallen to the ground exhausted. As I lay there, I heard a medicine-man singing far, far away, and my mind travelled towards the voice....My mind returned to my body and I awoke, but now in my hands and wrists I f e l t power. I rose up and danced unti l I f e l l exhausted again and my mind l e f t me once more. Now I travelled to a huge tree -- the father of a l l trees, invisible to mortal eyes." (Katzie; Jenness 1955, p. 67). "The owl was so close. It was sitting down on a log. When I frightened i t , i t flew.up on top of a tree. I don't know whether I fainted or not. When I got control I went home. That night I dreamed about i t . It came up to me and talked to me." (Swinomish; Wike 1941, p. 15). "Comes the noise again just like a whirlwind, struck me on my back. I stopped and looked around. Funny, no wind or nothing. I walked again then. I seen.lightning sparkle across the road. I just wondered, what was that? I looked up again, seen the.stars. It couldn't be thunder. I went on the same and I was really hungry. Again i t come, a l i t t l e closer, whirled right across in front of me. It gave me c h i l l s through my body the second time i t come. I kept a-walking. Finally the third time i t come and got me, struck 31 me on the right side, shot right into me. I kind of staggered, dropped onto my knees, f e l l over. This man.come to me then, (and said) 'I'm the s p i r i t that your great-grandfather had'; a great t a l i . o l d man with long hair like a woman." (Swinomish; Wike 1941, p. 18). . . The s p i r i t may be of immediate assistance, emotionally and materially, in situations of distress, as in the case of a deserted, deprived and depressed young Swinomish mother to whom the Deer Spirit restored hope and brought hunting luck: "One day after I ate lunch I lay in bed, 'Well, what is l i f e ? If I should only die I wouldn't have to worry about my l i t t l e ones. But poor l i t t l e ones they need me.' Then that night I dreamed. I saw the l i t t l e deer in my dream. I almost loved that l i t t l e thing when I saw i t . It said 'You are going to walk down this morning and.carry a gun and you are going to meet me.'" (Spirit then supplied psychic support together with material provisions.for the family, Wike 1941, p. 16). After successful completion of the s p i r i t quest the general pattern was to claim amnesia for, or at least to not reveal, details of the s p i r i t encounter and of the powers obtained from the supernatural guardians u n t i l one'was seized, perhaps years later, by the seasonal s p i r i t sickness when the s p i r i t song had to be "brought out" in either the s p i r i t singing (Plateau) or the winter s p i r i t dance ceremonials (Coast Salish). The Twana present a prototypical example of the Southern Coast Salish guardian s p i r i t complex (Elmendorf 1960). The guardian s p i r i t s , acquired i n a vision quest, are later recalled and controlled during the winter dance season in a fixed sequence: the sp i r i t s return early i n winter, manifesting themselves by the s p i r i t illness (see below) which, when f i r s t a f f l i c t i n g a person several years after his s p i r i t vision, 32 has to be diagnosed by a•shaman. From then on, the s p i r i t returns annually to i t s human owner and is ceremonially exhibited during.each dancing season. Seasonal possession upon return of the much earlier • acquired s p i r i t at maturity was also the pattern among three Interior Salish groups of the Plateau (Okanagan, Sanpoil, and Kalispel) and re-quired shamanistic intervention to establish a relationship beneficial to the owner (Ray 1939). However, s p i r i t power might prove even too strong.for a shaman to handle, as in the case of the off i c i a t i n g r i t -ualist who. collapsed in a possession state during an Okanagan Winter Dance (Lerman 1954). In the Upper Fraser Valley, the traditional ways of acquiring.the s p i r i t song (si'wil) -- the individual guardian s p i r i t power received by most of the Upper Stalo Indians ---were (Duff 1952): (1) s p i r i t song acquisition in a spontaneous seizure-like dream or vision experience; (2) acquisition in a f i t induced by actions of older dancers; (3) song heard in an ordinary dream; (4) song heard emanating from natural objects. Spirit song acquisition of types (1) and (2) occurred only during the winter dancing time, while types (3) and (4) were not restricted to any season. The Musqueam in the Lower Fraser area (Kew 1970) also knew, and know, the alternative forms of s p i r i t acquisition either through individual quest or through actions per-formed by other qualified s p i r i t owners. The spiritual force (sya'wan) resides within the individual and is manifested in a "state of trance and seizure". The spirit-song, conferred in the f i r s t encounter with 33 the supernatural, has to be sung every year during the ceremonial sea-son. Subsequent to i t s f i r s t manifestation, possession by sya'wan may be triggered by hearing sudden noises or the singing of others. The triggering effect of any kind of music during the winter dance period is familiar to the Swinomish of Puget Sound. Genuine trance states in traditional Swinomish s p i r i t dancers are indicated by violent sobbing, fainting, acute fatigue, or mad frenzy potentially leading to accidents, symptoms resembling the c l i n i c a l picture of hysteria (Wike 1941) espe-c i a l l y with regard to the anaesthetic and analgesic phenomena. The possessed dancer's movements appear as "puppet-like" automaton move-ments even to a casual observer (Altman 1947). The immediacy of the possession experience is reflected in the accounts of the dancers: "When you sing your breath starts shaking. After a while i t goes into you. You try to sing, your jaws start to shake, then you sing i t out, get over i t . When I dance 1 don't act, just follow your power, just follow the way of your power." "The s p i r i t come right into me. Couldn't hold my breath, began to sing. When I dance the s p i r i t is in me so strong. The song is going in my ear a l l the time. I'm not myself until i t raises away from you, then i t ' s clear....The s p i r i t is so strong I can't stop." (Wike 1941, p. 13/14) Among the Lummi Indians, a l l persons who acquired s p i r i t songs from their tutelaries between puberty and middle age, became possessed and sang during the winter season (Suttles 1954). Of the Puyallup-Nisqually of Puget Sound, Smith (1940) reports that their newly pos-sessed are in deep trance and appear like dead. Hill-Tout (1900, p. 488) observed that the Squamish s p i r i t dancer is "practically in a hyp-34 notic trance state... moved or prompted by self-suggestion or the mental suggestion of the waiting audience." However, experienced Salish s p i r i t dancers learn to exercise some control over their spirits and to.deter--mine to a certain extent the time of possession (Wike 1941), which i s , of course, not at a l l incompatible with an altered state of .conscious-ness. Spirit power, especially in statu nascendi of the song, is held to be highly contagious :(Barnett 1955; Kew 1970;.Smith 1940; Stern 1934; :Suttles 1963; Wike 1941). Barnett (1955) has maintained that genuine possession was. more common in the southern Coast Salish region, while in the North (Comox),it was either absent-or pretended. That genuine possession states occurred among the Vancouver Island Salish, is .confirmed by Lane's (1953) data on the Gowichan ("comatose" state of new dancers repossessed by their power, automatic singing and barking of the s p i r i t dancers, etc.). Barnett's conclusion appears to be based on the f a l l a -cious assumption that the culturally conditioned expectation to enter into a trance state can only, be complied with by 'conscious simulation: "On the island, at least, performers of the winter ceremon-ia l s were suppossed to be possessed by their s p i r i t s , and this... indicates the pretense and a r t i f i c i a l i t y , entering into many of the winter ceremonials:" (Barnett 1955, p. 272). Neuropsychological research has, however, long demonstrated the error of equating phenomena, brought about by collective suggestion, with "pretense and a r t i f i c i a l i t y . " An extreme but i l l u s t r a t i v e case in point i s the phenomenon variously labelled voodoo death, thanatomania, 35 mort psychosomatique, or Vagus-Tod; namely, the lethal outcome of severe anxiety states, anticipated by the af f l i c t e d individual as well as by i t s group, and induced and reinforced by the collective suggestion of supernatural influences (cf. Ackerknecht 1943; Bilz 1966; Cannon 1942; Collomb 1965; Jilek-Aall 1964; Jilek and Jilek-Aall 1970; Lambo 1956; Mauss 1950). C. . Spirit Quest We w i l l now examine the Salish Indians' quest for guardian sp i r i t s as to the presence of conditions which play a major role in the production of altered states of consciousness. Conditions of social isolation associated with prolonged nocturnal vigilance,expectant alertness, and monotony: The Thompson youth's practice extended over years which he spent periodicially on lonely v i g i l s in the mountains (Teit 1900), just as the Flathead had to keep v i g i l i n desolate places (Teit 1930). Shuswap boys separated themselves for weeks of nocturnal seclusion in wild spots (Teit 1905). Vigi l s among the Lillooet might last up to one year (Ray 1939) ; the young seeker would go apart by himself into forest or mountains, try-ing to keep his mind abnormally active and expectant (Hill-Tout 1905a, 1905b). On the Plateau, visions tended to be hypnagogic or hypnopompic hallucinations, prece'dingg actual sleep or following awakening (Ray 1939). Among the Coast Salish of B.C. i t was the rule to go into the woods and stay alone in the wilderness (Barnett 1938). Comox seekers were expected to remain away until they were believed to be dead (Bar-nett 1955). Dozens of v i g i l s in solitary places such as mountain tops 36 were held by Sanpoil boys (Ray 1932) ; while the young Quinault had to maintain vigilance for several days after long trips in the mountains, up creeks, or on the shore in search of a suitable place for his vision (Olson 1936). The Twana s p i r i t seeker was sent out alone at night to remote locations (Elmendorf 1960) and the Swinomish had to walk by himself many miles through the forest (Wike 1941). Repetitive praying and singing propitiated the spirits (Teit 1900, 19305- Olson 1936). The seekers were advised to play solitary games a l l night such as going through the motions of playing lahal (e.g. Ray 1932). Conditions of motor hyperactivity and mental excitation, asso-ciated with prolonged fear and emotional stress and followed by exhaus-tion and fatigue: Thompson Indians during their s p i r i t training were often running a l l night until completely fatigued (Teit 1900). Shuswap novices.leaped down mountain sides trying to keep up with ro l l i n g boul-ders (Teit 1905). The Lilkoet s p i r i t seeker engaged in exhausting bod-i l y exercises and tried to achieve a general exaltation of his senses, thereby inducing what Hill-Tout (1905a, 1905b) labelled "mystic dreams and visions in an enervated condition". The "highly sensitized mind" of a Coast Salish on s p i r i t quest might, especially in a "weakened and feverish condition"'react to any unusual occurrence in nature with semi-conscious imagery (Barnett 1955), in our terminology: an altered state of consciousness. Old Pierre-of Katzie in the Lower Fraser Valley was worn out and weakened from his unrelenting quest at age ten; he f e l l to the ground exhausted and f i n a l l y had his vision (Jenness 1955). 37 Swinomish tutelaries often appeared to people suffering from excessive fatigue or emotional shock, or to those in severe stress situations (Wike 1941). One young man of the'Klallam obtained great power at the expense.of enduring severe hardships; he lost blood, fainted, crawled home like a baby (Gunther 1927). • We may well assume that nightly v i g i l s in a spirit-haunted wilderness aroused intense fears in most youngsters. That such emotional agitation was intended by their mentors as conducive to s p i r i t visions can be gathered from reports of Southern Coast Salish children being sent out on their quest in stormy weather and thunder-j -storms (Haeberlin 1930; Gunther 1927). They were also made to dive in presumably shark-infested waters, having to rely on sharp sticks of iron-wood for their defense (Haeberlin 1930). Somatopsychological factors: Under the following headings are described techniques by which altered states of consciousness were achieved in the populations under consideration here. Such manoeuvres played an important catalytic or f a c i l i t a t i n g role in the learning of "spontaneous" dissociative states. Dissociation could later be entered into without resorting to the original somatopsychic induction methods. It may be mentioned here that hallucinogenic or narcotic drugs were not used in traditional Northwest Coast cultures. (1) Sleep deprivation: This is implied in the extended v i g i l s of most s p i r i t quests, but is specifically mentioned by some authors (e.g. Barnett 1955, Olson 1936). 38 (2) Hypoglycemia due to abstention from food intake: fasting was required on a l l s p i r i t quests. It was prolonged among the Interior Salish up to eight or ten days (Teit 1900, 1905, 1930; Hill-Tout 1905a, 1905b). The Coast Salish novice, too, was expected to fast or eat very l i t t l e (Barnett 1936 and 1955). When "training" around ten or eleven years of age, Old Pierre of Katzie roamed the bush for three weeks without food intake, until aching with hunger. Nanaimo boys starved themselves to the extreme in-order to induce hallucinations (Robinson 1963). In the Southern Coast Salish area fasting•would be carried on for several days among the Quinault (Olson 1936); for a week by a Swinomish seeker living on alder leaves (Wike 1941); for two weeks by another Puget Sound candidate (Haeberlin 1930); as long.as a Twana youth could stand i t (Elmendorf I960). (3) Dehydration. a) Dehydration due to abstention from fluid intake is specifically reported for the Thompson by Teit (1900), but was also part of the fasting regime in other Plateau groups. b) Dehydration due to forced vomiting: Emetic, purgative and sudor-i f i c methods were employed on the quest besides bathing and cleansing in an all-out effort at purification designed to propitiate the s p i r i t s . Vomiting was induced either by mechanical means such as inserting sticks, willow or vine maple twigs, or feathers into the throat (Interior and Coast Salish groups; Teit 1900, 1905; H i l l -Tout 1904, 1905a, 1905b; Jenness 1955) or by swallowing sea-water or herbal emetics (Canadian Coast Salish; Barnett 1938, 1955). 39 c) Dehydration due to purgation: the young Thompson and Shuswap youths used herbal laxatives such as decoctions of the soap-berry (sapindus saponaria) or berberry (berberis) bush to purge themselves (Teit 1900, 1905); devil's club (echinopanax horridus) was known to a l l Coast Salish as having laxative properties. (Jenness 1955) d) Dehydration due to sweating: intensive sweating in sweat-lodges, often accompanied by monotonous singing and praying, was a very wide-spread ingredient of the s p i r i t quest (e.g. Teit 1900; 1905; Hill-Tout 1904, 1905b; Duff 1952; Barnett 1955). (4) Hypoxaemia due to hypoventilation in prolonged diving: an important procedure in Coast Salish s p i r i t quest was diving, often to a state of exhaustion or unconsciousness in which a vision was received (Barnett 1938). Diving in whirlpools was practised by Twana novices (Elmendorf I960) and the Sanpbil youth was admonished to stay under water as long as possible (Ray 1932). To obtain certain spirits a Snohomish boy had to dive into deep water carrying a heavy stone and would find himself lying on the beach when he regained consciousness (Haeberlin 1930). Nanaimo boys sometimes; drowned when using the same method (Robinson 1963). (5) Exposure to extreme temperatures: Bathing in ice-cold water was, and s t i l l i s , an even more general feature of the Salish s p i r i t quest than the exposure to the".hot temperatures of the sweat-houses. At a very tender age, Old Pierre of Katzie bathed in icy pools a l l winter (Jenness. 1955). A Quinault informant remembered how i c i c l e s formed in his hair during such purifying baths (Olson 1936). 40 (6) Sel f - i n f l i c t e d pain stimuli: Self-tortures and scari-fications, although not as prominent as on the plains, are recorded as belonging to the s p i r i t quest of several Salish groups. There i s a wide range from flagellation with nettles (Teit 1900) to cutting the finger-tips, piercing the legs, slashing the chest (Teit 1905), or lacing the body with knives (Hill-Tout 1904). The psychophysiological effect of s e l f - i n f l i c t e d pain i s referred to by Barnett (1955) who writes of Coast Salish boys that they sometimes scarified their legs unt i l feeling "light-footed and exhilarated". D. . Spirit Illness We now have to consider references to a condition which i s recorded for the entire s p i r i t dance area, usually under the name of s p i r i t - or power il l n e s s . This condition i s in many respects analogous to Eliade's (1964) initiatory sickness associated with the "ecstatic i n i t i a t i o n " of shamans. The phenomenology of initiatory sickness has been discussed elsewhere, using the example of ritualized inaugural procedures of healers in non-Western societies, and their Western equi-valents; and the condition has been defined as a ritualized pathomorphic, i.e. i l l n e s s r l i k e , but not pathological state (Jilek 1971). The rele-vance of this definition for the seasonal s p i r i t illness of the Salish Indians w i l l be shown by ethnographic data. Spier (1930) already asserted that the illness accompanying the acquisition of power among the Klamath had a parallel i n the Yurok shaman novice's "pain sickness", and Barnett (1955) compared the Yurok "doctor-making" dance with Salish winter dance 41 initiations. For most of the Coast Salish region, the advent of the winter season is heralded by the sickening of those who have acquired dancing power (Barnett 1955). They become anorectic, insomnic, distraught, weak and emaciated. According to Ray (1939) the incidence of "personal guardian s p i r i t i l l n e s s " among the Plateau groups of the Columbia River System indicates upriver influences from the Coast; in the Interior Salish region the condition is known only to the Wenatchi, Okanagan, and Sanpoil. The return of the personal tutelary at maturity is marked by "physical disturbance varying from a feeling of lonesomeness to a severe il l n e s s " , and this a f f l i c t i o n may recur seasonally as among the Wenatchi, or the Sanpoil whose "thinking about s p i r i t s " in winter re-sulted in a nostalgic despondency to be alleviated only by singing and dancing. When f i r s t appearing to a person, s p i r i t sickness took on a more severe' form with.localized pains, and required the shaman's assis-tance: the s p i r i t was removed, the new song was revealed to the patient through the mediating therapist, and.the spi r i t then "blown" back to the novice, whereupon the latter gave an inaugural dance. Uninitiated participants occasionally became i l l at dances and were diagnosed by the shaman as suffering from guardian s p i r i t v i s i t a t i o n (Ray 1932) . In the southern Coast Salish province, the Twana (Elmendorf 1960) dis-tinguished several guardian spirit-connected diseases, of which the "winter il l n e s s " was the s p i r i t illness in the restricted sense of the term used here. The shaman's diagnosis was "you are being looked at by a vision-acquired s p i r i t " , or "being made sick by your power". For the cure of winter illness, several therapeutic measures were prescribed. 42 The patient had to sponsor a s p i r i t dance with participation of invited guests; the therapist had to summon the guardian s p i r i t who then pos-sessed the patient, singing i t s song "from inside", and making him dance. The patient now demonstrated his s p i r i t powers by singing, dancing, and r i t u a l acts. Subsequent winter illnesses were diagnosed by the patient himself and required public exhibition of the s p i r i t power by i t s owner in the dance ceremonial. In the Puget Sound area, Haeberlin (1930) found that a clear distinction was made between "physical i l l n e s s " and the "obligatory seasonal illness caused by the return of the sklaletut spirits at winter dance time in November. It was not necessary to con-sult a shaman as the patient was not. considered to be "really i l l " ; he treated himself by singing his song and performing his dance. Among the Puyallup-Nisqually, disease due to the desire of a s p i r i t power to demon-strate i t s e l f , was diagnosed by shamans but curable by the patient; the power could be that of the patient or that of a deceased relative. Weak-ness or ailment was the f i r s t sign of possession by "ceremonial power" which was to be displayed in the "power - or spirit-sing" (Smith 1940). Wike (1941) relates the case of an 18 year old Swinomish g i r l whose depressive mourning reaction with severe anxiety and conversion symptoms was not recognized by the U.S. Indian Health Service physician, but was diagnosed and "doctored" by her father, a shaman, as "power i l l n e s s " . The patient was cured by overcoming her acculturative resistance and f i -nally manifesting her "warrior power" in s p i r i t singing. She chose to become a "fine g i r l i n the Old Indian Way", for which she was praised by the ancestors appearing in a dream. The alternative to becoming a s p i r i t 43 singer, she knew, would have been death. Descriptive expressions such as "that sick man", "he is like crazy", or "I've been sick so many times with that tune", are used by the Swinomish when speaking of spi r i t i llness (Wike 1941). As a rule, the older singers assist the novice without shamanic aid; they determine the nature of the s p i r i t power by the new dancer's "sighs". Similarly, the Klallam of the Olympic Penin-sula, when fall i n g i l l i n winter through v i s i t s of their guardian s p i r i t s , do not c a l l the shaman but invite their friends to help them sing and restore health by satisfying the s p i r i t s (Gunther 1927). "Power ill n e s s " , relieved by. publicly singing the songs.received from potent sp i r i t s , was also identified by the Quinault (Olson 1936). In the 1950's, the Lummi Indians would s t i l l attribute chronic illness during winter time to possession by a s p i r i t demanding the patient to sing i t s song as a new dancer; a l l owners of s p i r i t songs were assumed to become possessed in winter and to suffer an illness treatable only by singing and dancing (Suttles 1954). We find analogous concepts of s p i r i t illness in the Canadian sector of the Coast Salish province. In Curtis' (1913, p. 103) time, s p i r i t illness among the Cowichan (Vancouver Island) always f o l -lowed a previous vision experience: "The recollection of a vision remains constantly in the mind, and after an indefinite length of time i t becomes oppressive. The breath comes with great d i f f i c u l t y . It i s then necessary for the parents of the sufferer to invite.the people to their house for a dance, and i f this were not done he would become really i l l and would die." Robinson (1963) enumerates symptoms of "power sickness" among the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island, caused by siawsn — possession: rest-lessness, fainting spells, uncontrollable crying, heavy breathing, sighing 44 and moaning. Lodging i n the owner's chest, the power ascends to the th r o a t i n the beginning of the w i n t e r season, to " b u r s t f o r t h as sound, simultaneously t a k i n g possession of i t s owner and t u r n i n g him i n t o a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the power i t s e l f " , The shaman's help i s then sought to " b r i n g out" the dance song through i n i t i a t i o n procedures, or to "bury" the song t e m p o r a r i l y i n the patient:'s back u n t i l such time as i n i t i a t i o n to s p i r i t dancing might more conveniently be arranged. For some years the newly i n i t i a t e d dancer can expect d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c o n t r o l l i n g h i s siawan which may suddenly be aroused and again cause power i l l n e s s i f not q u i c k l y p a c i f i e d by s i n g i n g and dancing. The l i n e of demarcation between conscious and unconscious motivation' i s q u i t e t h i n , as evidenced by Robinson's (1963, p. 139) reference to the young g i r l s who make an e f f o r t to o b t a i n i n i t i a t i o n prematurely. . Seasonal l a s s i t u d e , l a c k of a p p e t i t e , chest pains, c r y i n g s p e l l s and "singing", during sleep are taken as symptoms of s p i r i t i l l n e s s by the neighbouring.Cowichan Indians (Lane 1953). As w i t h the Nanaimo, the shaman confirms the cause of the malaise and e i t h e r prepares the a f f l i c t e d f o r s p i r i t dancing or "hides" the power i n the p a t i e n t ' s back, thereby only delaying s p i r i t dance induc-t i o n which e v e n t u a l l y has to take place i f the r e l a p s e i n t o s p i r i t s i c k -ness w i t h i t s c u l t u r a l l y expected l e t h a l outcome i s to be prevented. Sometimes a d i a g n o s t i c e r r o r may occur and l e a d to the i n d u c t i o n of a person without s p i r i t power, s u f f e r i n g , from "some "o r d i n a r y s i c k n e s s " . To the Musqueam hear Vancouver, B.C. (Kew 1970), sya'wan power has the nature of a f o r c e i n i t s e l f , very much l i k e a contagious i l l n e s s , curable only by " b r i n g i n g out the sya'wan" i n proper s i n g i n g and dancing. " G e t t i n g 45 the sya'wan straight" by correct costume, song and dance, removes the symptoms of s p i r i t illness which include feelings of weakness, unrest, spastic pains in thorax and back, even unconsciousness, and which may lead to death i f manifestation of the power i s not achieved. This i s reported to have-happened to an Upper Stalo woman who was i n the city when surprised by her song; "she fought i t off and they brought her home i n a coffin" (Duff 1952, p.. 107). Fainting as a cardinal symptom of seasonal s p i r i t illness was mentioned by other Upper Stalo informants (Duff 1952). Power-sickness was given as the major reason for s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i n Musqueam, and i s seen as coming each f a l l down the Fraser River to Chilliwack, then turning southward to Lummi, from there to Musqueam and fin a l l y crossing over to Vancouver Island (Kew 1970). The power "seems to come from the East" as one of Duff's (1952) infor-mants put i t ; i t i s perceived as spreading down the Fraser Valley to the Pacific Coast and to the Island like a seasonal epidemic. The Katzie of the Lower Fraser Valley (Jenness 1955) amalgamated the concept of sp i r i t illness with that of " v i t a l i t y - l o s s " manifested by depressive brooding, self-isolation, general debility; and attributed to the v i t a l i t y leaving the patient's body and lingering at the guardian sp i r i t ' s home. Shamanic dream analysis provided the diagnostic clues, and facial paint-ing in accordance with the specific s p i r i t dance pattern lured the v i t -a l i t y back. The patient, who immediately intoned the power-song given to him by the guardian s p i r i t , was initiated as a dancer, whereupon the spi r i t restored his health. Old Pierre the famous Katzie medicine-man, was able to make the differential diagnosis between "real sickness" and sia'w an -f sickness: 46 "Jack i s not really i l l . He has only lost his v i t a l i t y . Some guardian spi r i t has i t . He needs...an old dancer who has a pow.erful guardian spirit., to restore him to health." "When we came to where Gus was lying, my uncle said: 'You had better chant one of your medicine songs and summon your medicine-power.1 I f e l t Gus' stomach, however, and replied: 'No, I shall not chant for my medicine s p i r i t , but for my dance.spirit. 1" Old Pierre confirmed that s p i r i t illness was fatal i f not diag-nosed and managed appropriately: "In recent years...several Indians have died, or nearly died, because their songs became confused and could not issue." (Jenness 1955; pp. 41, 48, 43). Of great interest i s the history of a superficially acculturated Katzie woman raised i n a Catholic convent and married to a white American, mother of highly educated c h i l -dren. This lady suffered from what appears to have been a post-menopausal depression with somatization, unsuccessfully treated and presumably mis-diagnosed by medical specialists, but revealed to the discerning mind of Old Pierre as caused by cultural estrangement. Health was restored with Old Pierre's assistance when the patient exhibited the Thunder Spirit already possessed by her (unacculturated) uncle (Jenness 1955; P. 59). E. Spirit Dance Initiation If guardian s p i r i t possession i s , as we have seen, conceived of as causing an illness curable only by s p i r i t dancing, then Suttles (1963, p. 519) is right in stating.that "the i n i t i a t i o n of a new dancer i s a form of shamanistic treatment." Robinson (1963) speaks of the initiates as of "patients", "treated" by old dancers some of whom are 47 shamans. The i n i t i a t i o n of a new s p i r i t dancer is also, as Kew (1970) has termed i t , a "classic r i t e de passage which marks a change in l i f e status." To many contemporary Salish Indians i t i s s t i l l equivalent to death and rebirth. The neophyte does in reality pass through an altered state of consciousness and in the process he often actually suffers a 3 temporary loss of consciousness as we ourselves observed during i n i t i a -tion ceremonies at local winter dances in the Upper Stalo region. In this context i t should be remembered that both John Slocum, the (Salish) founder of the Shaker cult, and Smohalla, the (Sahaptin) prophet.of the "Ghost Dance" religion, were legitimized i n their mission by death and resurrection, i.e., by losing and regaining consciousness -- the one in an accident, the other in combat.(cf. Mooney 1896; Barnett 1957). Loss of consciousness during s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n rituals i s frequently reported in the ethnographic.literature on Salish cultures. The i n i t i a t e was "by any means possible rendered unconscious", he was "beaten, smothered and choked unt i l he was unconscious" and said to be "paralyzed, dead" (Barnett 1955, p. 278; 1938, p. 137). Some 60 years ago, Curtis (1913, p.. 104) was told of the winter dance i n i t i a t i o n pro-cedure of the Cowichan on Vancouver Island: "A number of men; usually five; who at some previous time have passed through what the young man is now to experience, dance backward in a line, and then forward toward the young man, each one blowing into his face as they approach him, and making mo-tions at his face with sticks. • After a while he becomes un-conscious and r i g i d . The dance ceases, and the parents put 3. The kind of " l i t t l e death", a collapse phenomenon seen by the neuro-psychiatrist Sargant (1967) during initiatory procedures in Africa, which reminded him of.abreactive techniques in psychiatry. 48 the young man to bed, where he remains as long as three or J o u r days, s t i l l unconscious." Unconsciousness or fainting of s p i r i t dance novices is also mentioned by Duff (1952), Hill-Tout (1900), Jenness (1955) , Lane (1953), Robinson (1963), Stern (1934) and Wike (1941). As before i n the case of the guardian spirit-vision-quest, we now have to consider the forces at work in the production of altered states of consciousness during s p i r i t dance initiations. Above a l l , we must not overlook one force, never mentioned but ever-present at the ceremonials, namely that of culturally conditioned collective sugges-tion. The meaning of culturally conditioned collective suggestion in the context of therapy is best characterized by quoting Leighton (1968, P. 1177): "Every individual i s prepared during the course of his l i f e by a set of expectancies regarding illness and treatment which are part of his culture. These are inculcated long before his own condition as a patient comes about. They are heightened, however, as he approaches being a patient and increase the suggestive power of many of the experiences he undergoes." Collective suggestion is built into any effective psychotherapy anywhere as an important prerequisite for the success of individual treatment procedures which are largely specific to culture area, his-torical period, and. prevailing ideology: ah agnostic rationalist i s not li k e l y to be cured when shipped to Lourdes, nor a Pavlovian when placed on a psychoanalyst's couch. By the same token, our local Salish Indians would not expect urban middle-class Whites to catch s p i r i t illness and to be genuinely possessed even after repeated exposure to the spectacle 49 of s p i r i t dancing. However, to the average young Indian person of the Upper Stalo region i t i s s t i l l reality that old dancers and Indian Doc-tors can make him dance and sing whether he wants i t or not, for their paraphernalia hold dancer 1s power and i f they hit him with the cane or rattle he w i l l faint or "die" to be resurrected as a dancer, the ritual "workers" never f a i l to produce the intended effect (cf. Duff 1952; Jenness 1955). This omnipresent collective suggestion i s the background against which the conditions operant i n the production of altered states of consciousness in s p i r i t dance initiates have to be seen. The following categorization of ethnographic observations is based on neuropsychological findings (cf. Ludwig 1968) and includes conditions of increased exteroceptive stimulation and motor hyperacti-vity, alternating with those of reduced exteroceptive stimulation and motor hypoactivity, both associated with somato-psychological factors. (1) Psychic shock: "grabbing" or "clubbing", the f i r s t act of i n i t i a t i o n , consists of a surprise attack on the prospective new dan-cer. He i s , at least in theory, not apprized of his fate, but at an unexpected moment seized by husky ritualist-aides with blackened faces who rush at him and l i f t him up helplessly, whereupon he expects to be "clubbed" with the power-filled cane or rattle of the officiating r i t -ualist or Indian Doctor, possibly to be manhandled, or even thrown into ice-cold water (cf. Barnett 1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Kew 1970; Lane 1953; Stern 1934). (2) Seclusion and restricted mobility: the i n i t i a t i o n period proper lasts 4 to 5 days in the Canadian Coast Salish area (cf. Barnett 50 1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Lane 1953; Robinson.1963), up to 8 days in some Puget Sound groups (Wike 1941). During, much of this time the in i t i a t e is secluded in a compartment or "cubicle, guarded by his attendants and kept inactive; except for bouts of physical exer-tion he has to l i e s t i l l and avoid body movements (Barnett 1955; Lane 1953). (3) Forced hypermotility: the i n i t i a t e is sent on a "run" .. . - 4 to disappear into the woods accompanied by attendant(s). He trots through the bush for hours unt i l exhausted and "half-crazed" (Jenness 1955). This "run" may last for the whole day and include swimming*and diving (Barnett 1955), i t may be repeated on four consecutive mornings as among the Swinomish (Wike 1941); in modern, times i t may be substituted by a chase round the longhouse (Kew 1970). During the "run" the neophyte may obtain his new song (Duff 1952). . (4) Visual-sensory deprivation: the novice i s blindfolded with a dark kerchief (Kew 1970), a protective device against the harmful glances of menstruating women (Lane 1953). In his cubicle he is also totally covered with blankets (Barnett 1955; Kew 1970). (5) Sleep deprivation: the candidate sleeps very l i t t l e .for several days during the i n i t i a t i o n period (Haeberlin 1930). (6) Kinetic stimulation: the "grabbed" i n i t i a t e i s held hori-zontally at chest height by the helpers, often thrown up in the air, and 4. Cf., C.G. Jung 1s comment on this archetype: "Das Verschwinden und Verstecken.im Wald...deutet auf Tod und Wiedergeburt" ("Disappearing and hiding i n the woods...points' to death and rebirth", Jung 1952, p. 411). 51 hurriedly carried around (cf. Barnett 1955; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Lane 1953). (7) Acoustic stimulation: the in i t i a t i n g "workers" chant and pray loudly (Jenness 1955), make stereotyped sounds, sing their songs for hours (Kew 1970) or even days (Barnett 1955), continuously shaking their deer hoof rattles or-beating their sticks (cf. Barnett 1955; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941). The monotonous beating of cedar boards at Squamish dances sent the dancers into "hypnotic trances" (Hill-Tout 1900). Rhythmic drumming is of paramount importance in Coast Salish winter ceremonials, and the loud beating of rapid rhythms on dozens of deer-hide drums, some quite close to the novice, i s a characteristic feature of s p i r i t dance initiations (cf. Barnett 1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941). . (8) Algetic stimulation: The novice i s beaten (Barnett 1938, 1955), h i t with the ceremonial deer hoof cane or rattle on stomach or head (Duff 1952); he i s bitten on the exposed chest and abdomen (Kew 1970), or even poked there with hot staffs to force out his song (Lane 1953). (9) Temperature stimulation: (a) Cold: New dancers arecimade to bathe in wintry rivers, pools, or in the sea every morning (cf. Jennness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941). During the i n i t i a t i o n ceremony they are unexpectedly showered with cold water and this hydrotherapeutic shock drives-them into a frenzy (Jenness 1955) and brings out the anti-cipated involuntary cry (Kew 1970). (b) Heat: the novice has to l i e 52 covered with blankets from head to feet, he i s "roasted" and "overheated" (Barnett 1955, p. 278). (10) Asphyxiation: the^candidate i s subjected to suffocating treatment; he may be held under water, or several old dancers may ex-hale their breath, i.e.. their power, into his mouth (Barnett 1955); unti l he "blackens out" and then experiences a vision -- a "fool-proof" but expensive method to obtain s p i r i t power among the Nanaimo (Robinson 1963, p. 123). However, the blowing of power unto the novice in s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n - i s foremost an act.of symbolic significance and does not, as a rule, involve the breathing of exhaled a i r . (11) Dehydration: throughout the i n i t i a t i o n period, i.e. for at least 4 to 5 days, neophytes/ are allowed to drink only a minimum (cf. Barnett 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941). They have to suck water through bone tubes or hollow branches -- today also through glass or plastic tubes tied around their neck -- while at the same time perspiring heavily when dancing or running. A Sanpoil.initiate was not permitted to take any fluid at a l l during the 4-night period of his inaugural dance (Ray 1932). (12) Hypoglycemia due to fasting: total abstention from food intake for 4 to 5 days is customary i n many Salish s p i r i t dance i n i t i a -tions (cf. Barnett 1955; Haeberlin 1930; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Ray 1932; Wike 1941). The neophytes' subjection to this s t r i c t fasting i s Hill-Tout's (1900) explanation for the ease with which they pass into "hypnotic" states. The regime of mortification i s rendered more d i f f i -cult to tolerate by manoeuvres and prescriptions which have a frustrating 53 effect on the i n i t i a t e : bit's of food, when fi n a l l y placed i n his mouth after repeated faints, have to be spit out (Jenness 1955; Kew 1970); water i s handed to him in leaking containers and taken away again be-fore he can quench his thirst (Duff 1952). 54 VI CONTEMPORARY. SPIRIT ILLNESS AND ANOMIC DEPRESSION A. Note on Anomie and Relative Deprivation The concept of anomie, introduced in 1897 by Durkheim in i t s original form, has found a classical interpretation by Talcott Parsons: "Not merely contractual relations, but stable social relations in general, and even the personal equilibrium of the members of a social group are seen to be dependent on the existence of a normative structure in relation to conduct, generally ac-cepted as having moral authority by the members of the community, and upon their effective subordination to these norms.... .When this controlling normative structure is upset and disorganized, individual conduct i s equally disorganized and chaotic... Anomie i s precisely this state of disorganization where the hold of norms over individual conduct has broken down" (Parsons 1949, p. 377). "The pdar antithesis of f u l l institutionalization i s , however, anomie...the complete breakdown of normative order i n both senses" (Parsons 1951, p. 39). Durkheim1s concept of anomie as absence of societal norms was widened by Merton (1938) to include a pre-stage:' the lack of coordina-tion of the means — and --goals phases of the social structure, f i n -a l l y leading to "cultural chaos or anomie". . He viewed such a "disso-ciation between culturally defined aspirations and socially structured means" as generating both social and psychic pathology. It i s hardly coincidental that analogous conclusions were drawn in the f i e l d of psy-chopathology by Homey (1937). Both the sociologist and the psychiatrist made their observations in North America where, as Merton (1938, p. 680) put i t : 55 "...the channels of vertical mobility are closed or narrowed in a society which places a high premium on economic af f l u -ence and social ascent for a l l i t s members....The same body of success-symbols' is held to be desirable for a l l . These goals are held.to transcend class lines, not to be bounded by them, yet the actual social* organization is such that there exist class differentials in the accessibility of these common success-symbols. Frustration and thwarted aspiration lead to the search for avenues of escape from a culturally induced intolerable situation; or unrelieved ambition may eventuate in i l l i c i t attempts to acquire the dominant values. The American stress on pecuniary success and ambitiousness for a l l thus invites exaggerated anxieties, h o s t i l i t i e s , neuroses and antisocial behaviour." I t appears permissible to-conclude on the basis of Merton's formulations, that individuals who realize that the goal of material success and affluence, widely advertised and emphasized as universally attainable in the society they live in, is actually beyond their reach by the means sanctioned in this very society, suffer from what Aberle (1966, pp. 322-329) has termed relative deprivation: : "a negative dis-crepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality, or between le g i -timate expectation and anticipated, aactuality, or both." If the members of a culturally or racially defined minority group within the larger society, are encouraged to legitimately expect this to be a "Just Society" with equally good opportunities for everybody regardless of his racial or cultural properties, but in actuality perceive themselves as disadvantaged because of these properties, then this whole group w i l l suffer from, relative deprivation, which, as Aberle points out, is "measured by a comparison of the actual or expected condition of an individual or a group with his, or i t s , legitimate expectations." Aberle stresses that relative deprivation is a "social and cultural 56 phenomenon". However, insofar as individuals react to this phenomenon, it has important psychological correlates just as Durkheim's absence of a normative structure and Merton1s means-goals disjunction have. In over 1 0 years of psychiatric epidemiological investigation in the Stirling County Study, the Leighton's (1963) and their multi-disciplinary team have found a significant association of psychiatric 1 symptom formation with sociocultural disintegration. Of relevance to our discussion is that the research findings suggested to them a pro-minent role of the following mechanisms by which sociocultural disinte-gration fosters psychopathology: a) "by interfering with the achievement of socially valued ends by legitimate means"; b) "by interfering;with the individual's sense of membership in a moral order';'); also, although less pronounced: c) "by interfering with a person's orientation regarding his place in society"; and d) "by interfering with a person's membership in a definite human group". Among the indicators of sociocultural disorganization found to be of relevance to the established higher prevalence of psychiatric disorder in disintegrated communities,, were secularization and cultural confusion, which both refer to Durkheim's concept of anomie.' Cultural 1 . For the indicator-definitions of sociocultural disintegration see Leighton et al. ( 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 3 6 9 - 3 8 9 . 57 confusion was defined as "weakening of norms derived from membership in a particular cultural group when the members of this group are brought into close contact with the contrasting norms of a different cultural grouped are unable to integrate the two sets" (op. c i t . , p. 387). Here we should be reminded that "contacts between groups of radically different culture often involve deprivation for some or many members of one of these groups". (Aberle. 1966, p. 326). B. Anomic Depression as Important Background Phenomenon of Contemporary  Spi r i t Illness In this section we shall try to demonstrate how, in the pop-ulation under discussion, experiences of cultural confusion and relative deprivation precipitate the psychic state we propose to c a l l anomic  depression. Anomic depression is a chronic dysphoric state character-ized by feelings of existential frustration,discouragement, defeat, lowered self-esteem and sometimes moral disorientation. This state is often the basis of the specific psychic and psychophysiologic symptom-formation manifested by contemporary sufferers from s p i r i t illness who turn to s p i r i t dancing for genuinely therapeutic reasons. The reader familiar with ethnographic literature w i l l wonder why anomic depression should be given such a prominent place in a dis-cussion of Coast Salish s p i r i t i l l n e s s . I t would indeed be d i f f i c u l t to find in the^ older ethnographic reports anything like s p i r i t illness with.depressive symptoms in the context of cultural and social, depri- vation. To be sure, the signs of s p i r i t illness were always expressive 58 of distress and suffering. Nevertheless, i t was the essence of tradi-tional s p i r i t illness that such sufferings were actually a reward, anticipated by those who had previously sought s p i r i t power individually; and the so-called illness was not more than the s t r i c t l y seasonal, highly stereotyped pathomorphic prelude to the public exhibition of this power in the dance ceremonial. This is the impression conveyed to us by the earlier ethnographers. However, in more recent reports we occasionally read case descriptions which would f i t into our category of anomic  depression. There i s , e.g. Wike's (1941, vide supra) story of the de-pressed g i r l who, through s p i r i t singing,, found back to the "Old Indian Way"; or the cure through s p i r i t dancing of the melancholic lady who had become estranged from her Indian culture, related by Jenness (1955, vide supra). This is the type of case history which we often encoun-tered in our own investigations in the Upper Stalo region and which caused us to consult the literature on the anomie -- question and to formulate our concept of anomic depression. The following samples of Indian statements w i l l i llustrate the character of anomic depression: "The non-Indian might have pain, but there generally seems to be a time when i t lets up. But in our people, i t ' s been a continuous pain, i t ' s a continuous painful existence for the Indian...many of them say I don't belong anywhere, where am I going, what is my purpose? I'm existing, that's a l l . I suffered i t myself, i t ' s right in the stomach, i t ' s plain confusion....It is painful to not feel worth and belonging, the Indian person grows up most of his l i f e with nothing, but he sees the White.men around him have so much that he would like to have. After a while the Indians quit wanting any-thing, they give up hope...to want is wrong, so they use a l -cohol, but i t ' s depression...." (L.S.) "The main reason for depression among Indians is loneliness, no more togetherness, and bitterness that they took away our land and our culture....The people should have a better l i f e for what they have had to sacrifice in this country, this i s one of the biggest reasons of why people are so bitter.... Most young people have no idea of their background and lan-guage,, they go home to their l i t t l e old shacks and half the time they're intoxicated, so they lose a l l their pride.... My sons have always complained to me that they are the under-dogs, no matter where they go they feel they are discrimina-ted, the only way they can be happy is in an Indian l i f e (i.e. s p i r i t dancing)....1 guess they (new dancers) were depressed because they were bored by the sort of l i f e they had." (Y.I.) "If I had kept up with my Indian ways I could have accepted things better than I do now....I can't.seem to accept myself ....I myself as a child looked down on anything like the In-dian, way, i t came from the teaching that was put into me . . . i t really began when I was working out and the people looked down at me because I was an Indian...but I kept on being my quiet l i t t l e self not showing anything almost as i f I was saying please be nice to me....I have had so much hate in me, after a while I do not even know what the hate i s about....It was against the Church to believe in the Indian and to do. these things ( s p i r i t dancing) .1 went to the priest yesterday, and f e l t good, but after a l i t t l e while I was so sick again." (N.B.) "I got integrated into white society, away from the reserve. I.was put in a place that I really wanted, but in order to. get i t I had to leave my people. I can't go back to my peo-ple's place, they c a l l me down, but I don't think I am better than they are....I think I want to be an Indian dancer because I am so lonely....I often dream I am getting clubbed I can't sleep and I sweat,.I get up.3 or.4 o'clock in the morning and there is this pain in there, i t makes me want to cry, I feel i t right in my stomach. This thing comes on through the sor-row that you've built up inside you, i t makes you want to hol-ler. If I go to be an Indian dancer, they won't have to club me, i t s siwi'1 (supernatural power) as they c a l l i t in Indian.' (D.O.) ' . . "I was Indian before I went away from home to go to residen-t i a l school, and there they punished me for talking Indian. When they beat that Indian s p i r i t out of me, my whole body went to sleep, I got.paralyzed, laid helpless. One of the doctors in the medical profession took me to an Indian doc-tor, and by gosh, the feelings came back to my legs....I 60 hated that Indian language...when I came back my grandmother wanted to pick up where she l e f t off, but I got mad and said I'm a White man now,, don't bother me with that Indian.. .they'd knocked that Indian out of me and put the White man's way of l i f e there, but i t didn't do me any good....I was already singing when I was 17, i t was a l l there, but then I said this: nobody is going to see me jumping up and down like an old monkey (i.e., s p i r i t dancing) — that's what I thought of my own people. But then I was sick for seven years, my face just dead color as you see a person laying in the coffin, no l i f e in me 'cause I was not.eating....1 wanted to be a White man, was ashamed that I was Indian, I had that low down feeling in me. I t took me 7 years to wake up to that I was Indian...all they had to do was to sing and drum for me as soon as I say I was well...if i t wasn't that I woke up in time to the fact that I was Indian I'd be dead now, 'causes there i s a time when i t is too late." (Prominent r i t u a l i s t ) Most of the case histories obtained on severe s p i r i t illness reveal the following pattern, which may be called the psychodynamics of anomic depression: a) acculturation imposed through western edu-cation; b) attempt at White identification ("identification with the aggressor" in psychoanalytic terms), or vying for acceptance by Whites; c) subjective experience of rejection and discrimination -- awareness of relative deprivation in White.society; d) cultural identity confu-sion; e) moral disorientation, often with acting-out behaviour; f) guilt about denial of Indian-ness -- depressive and psychophysiologic symptom formation -- inefficiency of Western remedies; g) diagnosis as s p i r i t illness permitting reidentification with aboriginal culture via i n i t i a t i o n into s p i r i t dancing ("death and rebirth"); h) alter-natively, i f i n i t i a t i o n prevented by outside factors, ongoing symptom formation, often with intrafamily conflict. 61 C. The Symptomatology of Contemporary Spirit Illness The symptoms of s p i r i t illness, as eli c i t e d from our infor-mants, resemble those of neurotic depressions in Western cultures. They include anorexia, insomnia, apathy alternating, with restlessness; dysphoric moods with crying spells and nostalgic despondency?, somati-zations such as pain in abdomen, chest or back, sometimes also conver-sion reactions (psychogenic paralyses and fainting.spells). When occurring; during the ceremonial season, any of these symptoms may be attributed to sya'wan possession. There are other signs which we found to be of diagnostic significance, and these w i l l be discussed below. In the foreground of the syndrome and generally emphasized is the melancholia aspect of s p i r i t illness. The depressive reaction appears often to be triggered or aggravated by mourning, or by memories of deceased ancestors and other old-timers, or of the Indian past which 2 in retrospect appears as a Golden Age. Nostalgic and melancholic ruminations of this type preoccupy the patient's mind more and more as sp i r i t illness progresses. A few quotations from case histories suf-fice to demonstrate this: "When we bring back the names of our old people we start to cry...." (Ritualist at post-initiation ceremonial) "I started going into moods-of crying...here am I now in this world and there on that side is people that have gone a long time ago and i t is so sad, and I am in between, sometimes I am here and sometimes over there." (N.B.) 2. E.g., "The Indian used to be a different kind of a person, he lived in a Garden of Eden here...." (Y.I.) 62 "I lost my f i r s t child, that's the f i r s t time I- sang...most of the songs are sorrow.... Some Catholic women said that sya'wan, that's the devil's -- but when there is a death i n . their family and they're crying, invariably they start to sing...." (L.S.) "Sadness and sorrow is the very beginning of sya'wan-ill-ness." (E.S.) "You get nervous, you can no longer laugh, i t ' s said, i t ' s a sad thing....You are always afraid of something." (C.L.) "When my aunt died I was feeling so bad that I did not go to her funeral up the lake...my mother used to t e l l me 'when somebody of our people dies you got to be there and try to help 1, now I blame myself... that's when i t started real bad." (D.O.) "I come here tonight with a troubled mind.... Sleep is some-thing I have departed from in the last weeks. I expect I w i l l need more help than I ever wanted a l l my life...today my l i f e is going to ruin me, I am going through h e l l . Why did this happen to me? Death is not far away....1 know two people, the most happy people I know. Pow-wow, that is the l i f e these two people lead...." (Prospective dancer two months before i n i t i a t i o n , addressing A.A. meeting) Symptoms peculiar to s p i r i t illness as manifested today, i.e. symptoms of culture-specific and pathognomic significance, are: a) singing and "hollering" in.sleep: "I was heard to be singing in my sleep a l l the time...like these people (hospitalized Indian patients) they were holler-ing, as soon as they laid down to go to sleep they'd start singing." (E.S.) "She started singing in her sleep when she was 16, her father used to have to wake her up because she'd holler and cry — she dreamt about her song."' (G.N.) "When I first'came to the hospital, I f e l t like singing.but I could not....I sang the song quietly to myself that helped me to get r i d of the pain, a pressure in the chest...they say I sang in sleep." (R.L.) 63 hallucinatory or i l l u s i o n a l perceptions of a psychogenic (non-schizophrenic) type and of culture-specific content; such as visions of guardian s p i r i t s , deceased dancers, ceremonial paraphernalia and acts; hearing of s p i r i t songs: "Whatfs^known as Sasquatch, I'd seen him around a l l the time, he was talking English to me....I wouldn't t e l l anybody, they'd think I am losing my mind." (E.S.) "When I was out hunting,and I saw the deer i t seemed to change, i t seemed to watch me and i t was like winter dance s p i r i t . . . . I got scared... ..I hear that song when I listen to the wind and to the waterfall. Once I went right underneath the water-f a l l and I cried, I wanted to be relieved by dancing." (D.O.) • "I started hearing this Indian song in j a i l , so I sang i t too. I t was a very, sad song, I cried....I could hear them in the hospital, too, a l l old songs and they were a l l so~sad ....the pipes from the laundry, they were making anoise, a l l day and a l l night on, songs going through my head because of i t . I feel so bad when I hear the song, but when I sing i t I feel better... sometimes I see food coming towards my mouth, i t is so real that I open my mouth'to bite (i.e., as i f fed during initiation) i t means something the Indian way, a bad sign of serious i l l n e s s . " (N.B.) Another quite typical finding is that of dyspnea with sighing res-piration. This has also been described in some severe depressions of Europeans and White Americans (cf. Burns 1971; Ayd 1961). • Its frequent occurrence in contemporary s p i r i t illness underlines the depression-like character of this condition. A culture-specific explanation for this symptom is the supernaturally caused lack of air around the patient af f l i c t e d by s p i r i t i l l n e s s : "Mostly there's no air. I'd catch myself gasping, trying to absorb more air, I would light a match and i t would go out for lack of oxygen...there just wasn't any a i r . " (Prominent ri t u a l i s t ) 64 This type- of dyspnea is quite dramatic and often arouses the con-cern of those who observe i t . One young Indian defendant and pro-spective s p i r i t dancer started to "sigh" during.a court procedure (Chilliwack 1971) and asked to be- remanded on account of sickness -- his request was granted. In one of the patients with s p i r i t i l l n e s s , admitted to Chilliwack General Hospital, respiratory distress was so prominent that cardiac disease and congestive failure had been suspected, but was ruled out. Today, the diagnosis of s p i r i t illness is largely made per  exclus-ionem: i f physician and laboratory f a i l to e l i c i t an underlying organic disorder, but also i f medical attention affords no r e l i e f , the above-mentioned syndrome w i l l be classified as "Indian sickness" or "sya'wpn sickness". In other words, differential diagnosis between "ordinary i l l n e s s " and s p i r i t sickness is mainly based on negative physical findings, as is the "diagnosis" of psychiatric disorder by poor clinicians in Western medicine. This is recognized as a deficiency in diagnostic acumen by the r i t u a l i s t s themselves: "The old-timers used to know when a person has got Indian sickness but us guys, we go by the medical doctor unless we hear thanholler -- then we know he's got i t . The only other way we know nowadays is when a medical doctor can't find nothing wrong with him." (L.O.) Perhaps the most terse of modern definitions of s p i r i t i l l -ness was given us by R.E.: "What White doctors cannot cure and don't recognize, just give you b.s. talk-or some aspirin for, that is very often s p i r i t sickness. Only Indians get i t , only Indian Doctors -recognize i t , but often the people themselves already know 65 True s p i r i t sickness calls for i n i t i a t i o n into s p i r i t dancing. However, i f there are valid reasons for postponing this necessary step, the Indian Doctor or r i t u a l i s t can "work" on the af f l i c t e d to "set the power back", albeit not for a long time and not repeatedly (E.S., L.S.). Spirit illness may also be alleviated temporarily by leaving one's song in trust with an older, family member (D.O.). But any attempt to take' away the power in order to. prevent the af f l i c t e d from s p i r i t dancing, is made at the p e r i l of the patient's l i f e as the following story of. an instant i n i t i a t i o n t e l l s : "Dad brought her into the big smokehouse to Doctor Mac, he was a real strong Indian Doctor in Chehalis. Dad offered to pay $200.00 to take that Indian Power away from her, he didn't want her to become a dancer. Doctor Mac sat her.down, put a blanket oyer her head, then took the blanket away and took her power out — and she dropped, she just died right "there, lay there s t i f f , really dead. Doctor Mac told my Dad 'That's the way she'll be a l l the time if.you take that power out'. Dad said 'put i t back there!' so Doctor Mac got a feather, stuck i t in her hair and she just started to holler and sing; she rose and started to dance, and they put the uniform on her and the hat." 3 (D.O.) Spi r i t illness can be contracted through close contact with a powerful s p i r i t dancer. This was to play a major role in the revi-val of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region: the f i r s t new dancer 3. The traditional garb of Coast Salish S p i r i t dancers is today only worn by newly initiated novices in the Upper Stalo region. I t is s t i l l essentially the.type of. uniform depicted on Curtis! (1913, p. 74) photograph although the headdress.is more often made of wool now than of human hair. , An innovation are the colorful ribbons with the initiate's rebirth dates, e.g. "T. of Chehalis. taken at LaConner Feb. 5, 1970". The authentic Spirit dance "uniform" is not displayed on non-ceremonial occasions, except for rare public performances such as that of Indian Dancers at the yearly Cultus Lake Festival which takes place every June when syg'wan has l e f t . 66 to be initiated here is said to have fallen i l l while assisting Chief Malloway. The young man's parents were taken by surprise, and later elaborated on these events in an interview with Mr. Lloyd Mackay of the local newspaper: "Mr. Point indicated that two of their sons have already been initiated preparatory to being s p i r i t dancers. He and his wife related the unusual experience involving the i n i t i a t i o n of son Jeff. Jeff had been suffering acute depressions and would sometimes go into convulsions, said Mrs. Point. In addition he would sometimes break into a strange song. Doctors could find nothing wrong and they consulted with Chief Richard Malloway who suggested that the young man was trying to relate to his s p i r i t . The Points took Jeff to Musqueam reserve near Vancouver where there is a longhouse. He entered the i n i t i a t i o n proce-dure and when i t was complete 'he was completely there'." (The Chilliwack Progress, July 8, 1970, p. 36). In general, s p i r i t power is considered to be potentially contagious. Spirit sickness has been caught by laymen who volunteered to assist the workers in l i f t i n g up the novice during the initiation' procedure (L.O.), or who "inadvertently" touched a dancer's "stick", headdress or other paraphernalia charged,with s p i r i t power. Sensitive persons have shown symptoms of sya'wan possession when just attending a "pow-wow" (R.L.)' where " a l l sorts of power is floating around" (R.U.), or even when only listening to old Indian songs at a social gathering in winter time (D.O.). We saw one Indian patient with acute anxiety and strange body sensations triggered by si t t i n g on a new dancer's blanket at a ceremonial (N.L.). There is 4. t l u x i l or "tom-tom stick", ceremonial staff with supernatural properties; may c a l l i t s owner home in an emergency (C.L.). Usually a carved staff decorated with individual designs, on top a human or animal head and deer hoof pendants. 67 also the belief that s p i r i t illness may be actively transferred by dancers who point their finger and "shoot spi r i t u a l l y " at vulner-able spectators: "They've done that to my son, he was watching the dances, and he f e l t i t right in the side, somebody pointed at him...now he goes into tantrums like i f you should become a singer." (R.T.) We conclude this chapter by making the following points to c l a r i f y the concept of anomie depression: 1) The label anomie depression is introduced here not to suggest the existence of a new c l i n i c a l entity, but to denote a psychic, psycho-physiologic and behavioural syndrome encountered in the population under discussion; a syndrome which essentially cor-responds to s p i r i t illness as presenting today in the Upper Stalo area. 2) The term depression is used to denote a cluster of symptoms 5 similar to that£labelled neurotic or reactive depression in the language of modern Western psychiatry. Our data on symptom formation and behaviour prior to s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n (vide  infra, pp. (89).64); suggest that candidates with predominantly depressive-psychophysiologic and with predominantly aggressive-antisocial manifestations are approximately equally represented. 5. No clear distinction can be made between reactive and neurotic depression; cf. Bleuler 1960, p. 461, who uses the pertinent term "psychoreactive disturbances" to distinguish conditions of a reactive and neurotic type from cerebro-organic, somato-psychic, and "endogenous" disorders. 68 However, in either of these two groups we find cases with both depressive and aggressive reactions, albeit with one of these two responses in the foreground of the picture. In establish-ing indications for s p i r i t dance therapy, senior r i t u a l i s t s tend to consider both depressive and aggressive behaviour to be in the same category (vide infra, p. /86) . In the context of anomie depression, these modes of behaviour may be conceived of as intrapunitive and extrapunitive reactions. 3) The term anomie denotes that the psychodynamics involved reflect the prominent influence of those social and cultural processes which were sketched in the/.note preceding'^ t h i s chapter. The syndrome of anomie depression is seen as a specific pattern of individual reactions to systemic and inter-systemic events. 4) Cl i n i c a l experience and research data convey the impression that in the Upper Stalo population the symptom formation denoted by the term anomie depression, i s closely related to the individual's subjective experience of what was defined above as anomie, rela-tive deprivation, and cultural confusion. Sample quotations (pp. 58-63) il l u s t r a t e how these socio-cultural phenomena are exper-ienced by Coast Salish Indians. 5) Credit for having discovered the relevance of these socio-cultural phenomena to the syndrome of anomie depression among Coast Salish Indians is not due to this author, but to the Salish r i t u a l i s t s of our day who recognize the need for a culture-congenial therapy — t h e revived s p i r i t dance ceremonial -- to combat the 69 pathogenic effects of cultural confusion, anomie, and relative deprivation among their people. 70 VII THE THERAPEUTIC PROCESS OF CONTEMPORARY SPIRIT DANCE INITIATION A. Death and Rebirth -- The Therapeutic Myth The death-and-rebirth myth is the central theme of the col-lective suggestions surrounding the Spirit dance i n i t i a t i o n . In the view of contemporary Salish r i t u a l i s t s , the g i f t of obtaining power, and of healing through power, was universal to a l l Indians in the distant past as part of their "Indian ways", but has been lost by most of them today as a result of their emulation of the White man, who, by definition, lacks this "Indian power". The genuine shamanic healing power was a divine compensation for the technological assets of White c i v i l i z a t i o n : "The Indian was so strong in the old days, just about every.old man and every old woman was an Indian Doctor in them days, they were a powerful people. God did not overlook the Indians because he gave them a few words and he blessed their hands whereby they can overcome sickness with words and i f not, they can take i t away. This was the power the Indian had." (E.S.) In times s t i l l remembered by the oldtimers, shamanic power was concentrated in the Indian Doctors whose feats^are s t i l l recounted to the young initiates as part of sy a'wan lore. The senior r i t u a l i s t s prefer to be called "Indian leaders" or "elders" and make no claim to the t i t l e of Indian Doctor^(E.S., L . 0 ., C.L.). They are "looked upon by other Indians as leaders that are doing treatments" (Y.I.)-. If questioned, they w i l l state that "true Indian Doctors" are no longer 71 active in the Coast Salish area, with the possible exception of Mr. Isidor Tom of Lummi. However, among the local Indian population, r i t u a l i s t s are widely referred to as Indian Doctors, or are at least assumed to possess "doctoring power" to an extent that i t would be presumptuous to compete with them, e.g., at the lahal game: "They have a powerful mind, i t ' s no use playing when them Indian Doctors are there...they just look at you and read what side you got i t on right now and that's it...that's not just guessing, this is knowing, you see, you can't fool them." (L.T.) In contemporary sya'wan theory, as taught by the r i t u a l i s t s , i t i s sya'wan which acts through the in i t i a t o r on the i n i t i a t e , and i t i s sya'wan, not the i n i t i a t o r , which cures the novice, burying his ailments and conflicts together with his old personality and at the same time giving him rebirth into a new l i f e : "We came to help put him into sya'wan, to take his l i f e , make a better l i f e for himself. So you see my dear ones that's what this can do to a man or woman when you are sick with this sya'wan, the help you can get, i t can stand you right, up and make you walk again.. This sya 'wan i t does work, i t does save lives where the doctors and hospitals have given up...you come into sya'wan and your l i f e i s saved!" (Senior r i t u a l i s t at i n i t i a t i o n ceremony) The i n i t i a t o r here is a healer by the power of sya'wan — just as in Christian* tradition the physician is a healer only by the 1 power of God. As such an instrument of sya'wan the in i t i a t i n g r i t u -1. The traditional Christian theory of the physician's healing power has found a classical expression in the words of the great Paracelsus* (1537, p. 172): "on got wird nichts...darumb so muss der arzt seine principia: im selben auch nemen -und on in i s t er nichts-als ein pseudomedicus und ein errant;eins fliegenden geists" (Nothing w i l l be achieved without God...therefore the physician must take the essential elements of his art from. God, and without Him he is nothing but a fake doctor and the errant of a flighty mind). 72 a l i s t is empowered to "club to death" the initiate's faulty and dis-eased old self, to let him awaken with a new potential for total change, and to guide him on the path of Indian tradition through the teachings of his elders. The "new born" i n i t i a t e is not only called "baby" and "helpless", he is also treated as such: bathed, later fed and dressed, constantly attended and guarded by "babysitters". Re-gression to a.state of complete infantile dependency is at f i r s t imposed on the i n i t i a t e who in the quasi^uterine shelter of the dark longhouse cubicle, hatches his power, prepared to grow with i t into a more rewarding and healthier existence. Henceforth, he w i l l count his spiritual age from the day his i n i t i a t i o n started. The general belief in death and rebirth through sya'wan is reinforced by comments like these: " I ' l l t e l l you what happened to one of my daughters.. We clubbed her last winter, she for a fact died, there was no movement in her body, not even a breath, she was s t i f f as a a board. When the s p i r i t came in, i t had to change her body, her l i f e , everything changed... some people were calling for a doctor from the town, just lack of knowledge of taking care of one that f i n a l l y travels to the land of sya'wan... she came back, when she opened up she sang her song." (E.S.) "They (initiators) k i l l you as an e v i l person, they revive you to a new human being, that's why when they club you, you just go and pass out, but you come back...there is not to be e v i l thinking after they're through with you, a l l you think i s I'm starting l i f e a l l over again." (L.T.) "It does change your l i f e , just like a rebirth, you feel completely changed, your mind changes, your ways change... I was only one month old just now." (Initiate, "grabbed" , one month previously.) "You c a l l a new dancer a baby because he is starting out his l i f e again, they also call' him a baby because he is helpless. As a rule we bath the baby....You have a funny 73 feeling (as i n i t i a t e ) , that's the way they treated you like a newborn. The way they explain this i s that you die and wake up to a new l i f e . " (L.O.) "Our young brother stood up to spread his feathers, when he came into sya'wan he received a new l i f e , these are our young brother's f i r s t steps in his new l i f e . " (Ritu-a l i s t at i n i t i a t i o n ceremonial) B. Personality Depatterning and Reorientation The techniques employed today in Spirit dance initiations in the Upper Stalo region are patterned after traditional models provided by the l i t t o r a l Salish tribes whose r i t u a l i s t s were instru-mental in reviving Spirit dancing irt the region. In the whole pro-cess of i n i t i a t i o n , three major therapeutic approaches can be dis-cerned: 1) depatterning through shock treatments; followed by 2) physical training with 3) indoctrination. The candidate is kept in the longhouse, secluded in a dark cubicle or "smokehouse tent" for a period of usually 10 days, which in a few privileged cases may be reduced to 4 days but which may also be prolonged for several weeks, or even for the whole season. The length of this seclusion, which after 4 days of passive endurance is interrupted by frequent strenuous exercises, varies with candidates and r i t u a l i s t s . It seems to depend mainly on the novice's motiva^-tion and his — unconscious or conscious — cooperation in "finding his song and dance" which is the professed purpose of the i n i t i a t i o n process. The principal therapeutic functions of this process — personality depatterning and reorientation — are not unknown to the r i t u a l i s t s . In the words of a senior participant: 74 "It i s an Indian treatment, i t is a kind of brainwashing, four to ten days of torture. Through this torture they soften up, their brain gets soft. During that time you're the weakest and your brain i s back to n i l , anything you're taught during those 10 days is going to stick with you, you'll never forget i t . There is always someone with you during that time, a l -ways telling you to change your l i f e . This is when you're taught a l l rules of your culture... the harder the torture the stronger you get." (Y.I.) Personality depatterning starts with an i n i t i a l shock treat-ment known as the "clubbing", "grabbing" or "doctoring up" of the candidate, aiming at rapid induction of an altered state of conscious-ness, often via temporary loss of consciousness. In the cases we witnessed this was the result of a repeated and prolonged treatment which included (a) sudden bodily seizure of the allegedly unexpecting candidate; (b) immobilization of his limbs by physical restraint; (c) blindfolding; (d) hitting, biting and tickling of exposed body parts (abdomen, sides, foot soles) while the candidate was at the same time subjected to (e) kinetic stimulation -— uplifted and lowered, hur-riedly carried around the longhouse; whirled about and swayed — and to (f) intensive acoustic stimulation — loud drumming and rattling in rapid rhythms, singing and howling close to his ears. This treatment is administered by two teams of eight "workers" taking turns "working" on the candidate under the supervision of the senior r i t u a l i s t who signals orders by shaking his ceremonial staff. This "grabbing" pro-cedure is repeated at least four times, each time the workers complete four circles around the longhouse h a l l with their candidate, whose moaning cries become progressively weaker unt i l he appears l i f e l e s s , pale and rigid when f i n a l l y bedded in the cubicle. 75 When the black-painted ceremonial workers seize him, the candidate is touched or "marked" (E.S.) with a wooden hammer or a ceremonial staff wielded by the r i t u a l i s t or his assistant. Although this is not more than a gentle gesture, merely imitating the "clubbing to death" of a victim, some candidates react as i f they had actually been k i l l e d ; they immediately f a l l into motionless r i g i d i t y and are l i f t e d up s t i f f as a board. They usually sing and dance as soon as they wake up from "death". It appears that these candidates had previously shown signs of very severe spir.it i l l n e s s , and that they derive a certain prestige from their instant i n i t i a t i o n . Ritualists and novices comment oh these procedures in the, following terms: "You'd put a person down and as soon as you touch him l i t t l e b i t he'd start quivering and die, for hours sometimes; and not only that, h e ' l l start singing right away, that thing was just laying there, ready to come out..." (E.S.) "You l i f t him (candidate) up and hold him up, and you blow a l l over on him the power, i t s in your breath. They lose consciousness, sometimes they are only mumbling the moment they come to. Sometimes you get a person that got a strong w i l l , doesn't give up lik e , you bath them in hot water, then pour cold water over them....The power part is always there but there are different ways of doing i t . On Kuper Island, they s p i l l cold water on you and you pass out. You do i t to surprise him (candidate), he becomes s t i f f like a board." (L.O.) "I did not have to be forced to become a dancer, they did not have to chew my sides or to l i f t me up, he (senior r i t -ualist) just touched me with the deerhoof staff and I f e l l unconscious for about 20 minutes they say. When I woke up I sang and danced right away." (E.M.) "I did not know that I was going to be a dancer...my mother had asked me to go down to the h a l l and watch, Icthought they'd get somebody else...then they came after me, i t was such a shock to me. Before they grabbed me I fainted, I 76 just got so scared that I fainted, when I came to I was blindfolded and they had me up in the ai r . " (R.L.) "They (R.L. and N.A.) were clubbed by my cousin, the bear dancer. No trouble clubbing R.L., but lots of trouble with N.A., he fought, they dragged him right from his house to the h a l l . While they worked on N.A. in the tent, they grabbed R.L., then she hollered once and she passed right out, stiffened right up. They worked on N.A., four times they had to go round the h a l l with him before he was out." (D.O.) During his seclusion in the longhouse, the i n i t i a t e i s sub-2 jected to physical and psychological treatments for which the terms "torture" and "brainwashing", used by some participants, appear to be quite appropriate, as long as we keep in mind that the purpose is a therapeutic one: "It's a sort of a torture, in order to remember things. I guess i t ' s a l i f e a l l at once, that i s : the tough part of l i f e . We a l l get our aches and pains through l i f e , so the new dancers get i t a l l on one heap here." (L.T.) Through the four days of the depatterning phase, the i n i -tiate i s blindfolded, he has to l i e s t i l l , is forbidden to talk or to move even in sleep or when sweating under his heavy covers on the fringes of which s i t the "babysitters" or "watchmen". He is starved and his f l u i d intake is restricted; at the same time he is "teased" and "tested" with tasty salmon bits held close to his mouth. Every day he i s again exposed to the i n i t i a l shock of the "grabbing" procedure; he i s l i f t e d up and moved around in a chase, he i s "tortured" — bitten, h i t , tickled and pinched — in order to make him "die" again. The novice's re-entry into the desired altered state of consciousness i s 2. According to Information by E.S.; L.O.; C.L.; D.O.; Y.I.; E.M. and L.T. 77 facilitated by the ceremonial workers' frequent "singing and drumming to him", not only during the repeated "grabbing" ordeal, but also in front of the immobilized initiate's cubicle, so that the singing might " h i t " him. These manoeuvres aim at bringing forth the novice's song. They are supplemented by more subtle methods such as placing two eager candidates together with one recalcitrant fellow or by i n s t i l l i n g 3 anxiety and guilt feelings: "When they had me down they could not get me started. Then one old uncle of mine, he came into my tent and started calling me names, trying to make me feel real bad; he said I . looked l i k e a rotten log lying there....What got me was my . granny, I could hear them talking how she gave a shawl and some money for me (for the i n i t i a t i o n ) . As soon as I heard that I f e l t like crying, the old lady, about 112 years, thinking of me like that. Things like that they work on a person, w i l l make you feel sad and the song w i l l come." (L.O.) While lying in his "tent", the i n i t i a t e perceives his song, dance movements and face-painting i n an oneroid state between sleep-dream and wakefulness. It i s of utmost importance that both the new dancer and the "workers" know his song and dance correctly, for faulty singing and drumming w i l l be fraught with dangers for the novice. Incorrect face-painting, too, w i l l estrange the guardian spir i t s : "My son got the Wolf Song when he was initiated this season. He heard the wolves howling a l l night when he was initiated, a l l the others (in the longhouse) heard them, too. Then he dreamt that his.face painting was not right, so he changed i t to the right way, and the wolves stopped howling." (Y.I.) 3. Cf. Sargant (1959, p. 130); "Brain-washers use a technique of con-version which does not depend only on the heightening of group sug-ge s t i b i l i t y , but also on the fomenting in an individual of anxiety, of a sense of real or imaginary guilt...strong and prolonged enough to bring about the desired collapse." 78 The s t r i c t regime of "sacrifices" and "torture" is continued unt i l the i n i t i a t e "gets his song straight" — usually within four days — to be duly invested then with the traditional "uniform, hat and stick" in sign of his "rebirth in sya'wan" . The guardian s p i r i t i t s e l f — today, referred to by the young dancers as the Indian or the Power-Animal — appears in a "dream" to the novice in the longhouse cubicle, or in a visionary experience under conditions of physical exertion in the.context of the training which follows the initiate's investiture. The phase of physical training i s associated with intense indoctrination, and is supposed to "make the newborn baby strong". It lasts at least for one week and consists of (a) daily "runs" around the longhouse h a l l or outside; often barefoot in snow "to cope with the cold like the oldtimers did"; (b) daily swimming; the new dancers have to jump into the ice-cold waters of Soowahlie Creek, Chilliwack Lake, or Chehalis River and then to rub their bodies with cedar boughs; (c) frequent rounds of dancing in the longhouse, to the fast rhythms of manyydrums which drive the novice to exhaustion. The following account by an Indian g i r l not only conveys a genuine picture of the i n i t i a t i o n procedures practiced in the Upper Stalo region today, but also of the immediate subjective experiences of a young i n i t i a t e : "They use the old dancers to work on you because they've got the power, and they bite on your side to put their power in -side you. You feel a lot of pain when they work on you; when they bite you, you have to scream and holler, and pretty soon your song comes. I f e l t the pain in my stomach where they b i t me, they tighten i t and then they pull on i t , and then your 79 song comes out stronger. Then they slap you really hard on the stomach....I passed out about three times while they worked on me, they kept doing that tome, every morning and every night for 4 days, on the fourth day they just l i f t e d me up and blew on me a l l over. It's just after they work on you the song comes to you, you hear i t and you sing i t , i t was the second day that I heard mine, and i t came on the third night. It was the third.day that I saw how my face was to be painted, i t was in my sleep, i n a dream, I saw the way I was supposed to dance; I saw myself and I heard my song. Then they put the hat and uniform on you and then take your stick, when, you start to sing the stick just moves to the beat of your song and that's how they get to drum for you. You have to sing your song because i t comes to you, you can hear i t and you voice i t , but i t ' s something else, not you, that makes you voice i t . For four days they don't feed you.nothing, we were in our tents, you can hear them eating outside, i t bothers you. After the fourth day they give you the salmon and you have to just spit i t back out; even i f you wanted to, you couldn't eat i t , i t would make you sick. I f e l t like throwing up, only I did not have anything in my stomach. You have to go swimming every morning, usually go up Chilliwack Lake. The f i r s t couple of times i t ' s real cold but you've your power and you get strong, the water doesn't bother you, your power protects you. Some-times after we came from swimming they run us in the ha l l , or • v v we went for a run or go for a long walk, and sometimes you see something there. Your babysitter, that one that watches, you a l l the time, don't see anything, just yourself. We c a l l i t your Indian, everybody's i s different, i t ' s your Power-Animal, but you could see anything, like one's got the Lizard, partly animal, partly human; another's got the Ocean Animal, a black f i s h . " (R.L.) Released from their incubation, the initiates feel their newly acquired power when the song bursts forth from them and the leaping steps of their f i r s t dance carry them through the longhouse, spurred on by the rhythms of deerhide drums and the chanting and clapping of the crowd. One new dancer likened this b l i s s f u l experience to that of a chemically induced altered state of consciousness: "I was jumpting three feet high and I had such a t h r i l l , a t e r r i f i c feeling as i f you were floating, as i f you were in the ai r , you feel really high. I've only had such a feeling once before in my l i f e when I was on heroin mainlining, but then I went through hell afterwards, i t was terrible — but 80 with sya'wan you get this feeling without the terrible after-math." (E.M.) In view of Neherl.s-]\. (1960) findings on the neurophysiological effects of rhythmic drumming (vide supra, pp. 23/24), this type of sen-sory stimulation, so very prominent in Salish s p i r i t dancing, has to be considered as a major factor operating in the induction of altered states of consciousness;-; during s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n . As the reader may r e c a l l , Neh'errV(1960) demonstrated auditory driving in the EEG of a l l subjects exposed to one percussion instrument of a type very similar to the Salish deer skin drum.. He also e l i c i t e d various subjective i. responses, some of them corresponding to those reported in altered states of consciousness. As a stimulus frequency in the theta range of the EEG (4 to 7 cycles per second) is expected to be most effective in the production of trance states, Neher assumed drumming rhythms close to such frequencies to be preponderant in ceremonies associated with trance behaviour. It need not be emphasized that rhythmic acoustic stimulation in this ceremonial is far more intensive than in Neher's experiments: not one, but many drums are employed. Indeed, the effects of rhythmic drumming may contribute to the "contagiousness" of a s p i r i t power which often seizes uninitiated persons present at ceremonials. Let us now turn to the didactic aspects of s p i r i t dance i n -i t i a t i o n . Modern s p i r i t dancers refer to the i n i t i a t i o n as a salutary learning experience: "It teaches you physical, emotional, and mental well-being" (L.S.). While much of this learning i s effected through non-verbal conditioning processes, theoretical indoctrination also plays 81 an important role. It includes (a) the direct teaching of the rules and sanctions of sya'won, and (b) the indirect reinforcement of collective suggestion by recounting of sya'wan — lore, presenting examples of the works of s p i r i t , or "s p i r i t u a l " , power. Furthermore, i t also includes (c) what may be called culture propaganda; we shall deal with this interesting aspect of sya'wan teaching later. Theoretical indoctrina-tion takes place in the smokehouse cubicle as a personally focused per-suasion, and coram populo when ceremonial speakers publicly address . the new dancers assembled in the longhouse. The main agents of formal indoctrination are the r i t u a l i s t s . In our experience, the senior r i t -ualists display considerable s k i l l in suggestive psychotherapy and in overcoming the client's resistance. It was no exaggeration when one of these therapists asserted: "Being with people I can size them up and t e l l 'em words that's needed....If there's going to be the slightest doubt i t ' s no use working (on candidates), so you got to make them aware of what w i l l or should take place, because i t ' s bad enough to work on a sick person, let alone the doubt — in other words, you got to have one mind in anything you do in order to succeed. By this teaching, we'd f i x a person to sing; club him, pack him around, s i t him down and h e ' l l sing; we'll take care of him step by step, so people w i l l look up to i t and they'll think well, there must be some-thing in the Indian." When teaching the new dancers, the r i t u a l i s t s speak with ancestral spiritual authority, they "have to reflect the word of our old people" (E.S.). Among the sya'wan rules taught are traditional prescriptions and proscriptions regarding avoidance of menstruating women; ways of talking, eating and drinking, which are today subject to various rationalizations (e.g., avoid the intake of hot or ice-cold 82 liquids in order to protect your teeth; avoid looking at the sun in order to protect your eyes). More relevant to behavioural reorienta-tion i s the i n s t i l l i n g in the i n i t i a t e of a sense of personal respon-s i b i l i t y towards his elders and his people: "We t e l l the young people the other tribes w i l l look at us, they'll say those people don't know how to bring up their new dancers. We don't want the other tribes talking about us and that's why the rules are s t r i c t . . . they are.supposed to be binding for one year anyway." (L.O.) "Resting on the shoulders of this man (initiate) is the rep-utation of a l l you people, a l l the tribe of Chilliwack, a l l the people that went before him. This i s why you are.in-structed to take care of this in sya'wan. Once you open your mouth to sy3'wan you are not to have a mean bone in your body, you are not to use these hands to hurt any of your people, you are not to use this voice to hurt any other dancer's feelings!" (Senior r i t u a l i s t addressing new dancer) "As a dancer, you feel responsible to a l l the people, you feel guilty i f you don't keep the rules; you harm the whole group that you belong to." (Y.I.) The new dancer i s , above a l l , obliged to "respect sya'wan" by not revealing anything about i t to outsiders; he has to do honour to his elders by behaving "decently", and to fa i t h f u l l y observe the cere-monial by attending as many dances as he can. Qf utmost therapeutic importance is the prohibition of alcohol intake (and also of smoking and i l l i c i t drugs). The alcohol taboo is supposed to be valid for a l l active dancers during sya'wan season; but is s t r i c t l y enforced only for the initiates while they are in uniform, i.e. throughout the season of their i n i t i a t i o n , although they are expected to stay away from liquor at least for one year. It appears noteworthy that prohibition of a l -cohol did not originate from considerations of health and welfare, but from the need to outlaw disruptive behaviour: 83 "It was a rule in them days that you are not supposed to make a fool of yourself or make.fun of anybody....We did not allow any.drunken people, so they made i t a rule that when you are drunk you are not supposed to come in. You got so used to i t , so you never drink anyway." (Traditional dancer) Whereas abuse of alcohol by a l l participants during sya'wan season is strongly discouraged and frowned upon, off-season abstention is not emphasized. Nevertheless, the achievement even of seasonal abstention through s p i r i t dancing would be of considerable public health 4 significance for the Indian population of British Columbia. Besides these general sya'wan rules there are individual rules of conduct for each new dancer, taking into account the particular problems, by which his i n i t i a t i o n was motivated. The theme of total personality change, intrinsic to the therapeutic myth of death and re-birth, is repeated in the r i t u a l i s t s ' public admonitions of individual novices. Observance of general and individual sya'wan rules is enforced by (a) social, and (b) supernatural sanctions. During the i n i t i a t i o n period, the "babysitters" or "watchmen" have to supervise the novice's behaviour, but also to protect him: "The watchman has to watch him a l l the time, wherever he goes, see that he don't smoke or drink or break the rules. Not only that, the new dancer might get frightened and get startled and h e ' l l run...that's why the watchman is there." (L.O.) Equally, or probably more effective in keeping the new dancer in line, i s the group pressure exerted on him. A novice who reneges by 4. For the contributing role of alcohol in the alarmingly high acci-dental death rates among British Columbia Indians see Schmitt et a l . (1966). 84 leaving the ceremonial and breaking the sya 'wQn rules is not only i n v i t -ing supernatural retaliation and a l l kinds of social troubles — into which he invariably gets as expected — but also rejection by his group: "That g i r l ran away after she was initiated, so now she's gone from bad to worse, she got into a l l kinds of trouble recently, she has three charges and now she got into a car accident. She becomes almost the black sheep in the family, the other dancers shun her i f she don't stick to the rules... but s t i l l i f she does return i t ' s their rule that they've got to accept her again and try to help her." (Y.I.) A highly efficient group sanction is a shaming procedure, the threat of which usually suffices to ensure better compliance with rules. If a young dancer continues to misbehave, his sponsors warn him they are going to invite people to a potlatch, where prominent leaders w i l l elaborate on his wrongdoings and "preach" to him, which is f e l t to be a public shame. To violate the rules means to insult sya'wan, and this brings 5 a l l kinds of harm upon the culprit, and also upon those close to him. Ritualists and old dancers testify to sya 'wan's retaliatory power by reporting stories of i t s vengeance. Sya'wan may "go away" from deviant dancers and "leave people like that the biggest tramps there i s " . Sya'wan is said to have punished defectors by causing their children to die; to have i n f l i c t e d illness or other bodily harm on those who i n -fringed upon i t s rules; or to have prevented songs to issue from the guilty ones while at the same time giving them a painful urge to sing. At ceremonial occasions, the new dancers are admonished to be genuine and sincere in their belief in, and practice of, sya'wan, and to fear i t s revenge: 5. Information obtained from E.S.; L.O.; Y.I.; R.L.; D.O. 85 "I know what sya'wan means to me. I must live the l i f e my ancestors want me to, I don't make a show out of sya'wan. That's the way my grandfather taught me before he went, he told me 'Son, I don't want you.to make mockery out of sya'wan, don't you ever make fun put of sya'wan because i t can cut off your l i f e right now, i t can get along without you just as well as i t can get along with you'. So therefore that's what I hope, that you believe in the things you w i l l t e l l to your grandchildren." (Indian Doctor's address, Tzeachten) The i n i t i a t i o n process ends with the disrobing ceremony. The new dancer i s supposed to stay in uniform unt i l the end of the season during which he was "grabbed". However, exceptions are made today for vocational reasons, not without the r i t u a l i s t ' s public announcement of the initiate's pledge to observe the rules of sya'wan and to "keep on singing un t i l the season i s over". At the disrobing ceremony, wit-nesses are called up to "help this young man here to strip his uniform, take off his belt and his cane"; for their symbolic assistance wit-nesses receive kerchiefs as "souvenirs". The r i t u a l i s t and workers who gave the "newborn baby" his f i r s t bath, take the bathing utensils as their share. The ceremony is concluded with'speeches by r i t u a l i s t s and witnesses who address the i n i t i a t e by his Indian name. The therapeutic implication of this ceremony i s that i t docu-ments the candidate's successful cure from s p i r i t illness through a duly performed intiation treatment. Together with his uniform, the i n i t i a t e sheds the last vestiges of his old personality as the snake sloughs off i t s old skin. The new dancer i s presented to the public as yet another t e s t i f i e r to the healing and regenerating power of sya'wan. In the words of the r i t u a l i s t s : 86 "S. (Indian name) i s the one standing here, as you know he was a.very sick man, he was unable to move...and now you see the difference; the change that has taken him into his sya'wan l i f e has made a new man put of him....S. wants to thank each and everyone for coming together at his party to take off his uniform, that's the reason why you are asked to witness what we have done, to witness that he stripped his uniform; so nobody can say anything. Next year you'll hear of S. again1.'A "If you did not complete this season and take off this uni-form, you'd feel dizzy, like you're going to f a l l ; there i s some that I know that did not finish like this, they have this sickness and they w i l l carry i t for the rest of their lives. Now that you have come this far, when your uniform is taken off everyone of the bad habits you had, i f you listened is going to go, you are going to come out a brand new man...so prove to your people that there i s something in sya'wan be-cause this sya'wan proved i t to you now! From now on to the end of your l i f e take care of this g i f t that was given to you!" (Senior r i t u a l i s t s at ceremonial, Wellington Reserve) C. Indications for Initiation and Selection of Candidates Senior r i t u a l i s t s working in the region recognize the follow-6 ing types of legitimate candidacy for s p i r i t dance in i t i a t i o n : 1) Volunteering, with or without s p i r i t i llness. 2) "Sickness", i.e. clearly defined s p i r i t i llness. 3) Behaviour harmful to self and/or others. Various forms of psycho- and socio-pathology are considered in this latter category: "It's when you don't regard your life...you mistreat yourself and those around you, and probably you're going to.be a can-didate for suicide. People w i l l see this and w i l l say i t would be safer i f you come in sya'wan and change your l i f e . " 6. According to E.S. and L.O.; additional information by Y.I., C.L., D.O., L.S., N.L., R.L..and L.T. 87 When questioned for examples of candidates belonging in this category, informants referred to cases of (a) manifest and chronic de-pressive symptomatology; (b) antisocial acting-out behaviour with alco-hol and drug abuse; (c) adjustment problems of adolescence; (d) mal-treatment of spouse — in that order of decreasing frequency. (4) Mockery of the ceremonial or provocation of participants. There are numerous instances, of unconscious self-selection by quasi-defiant persons who engage in the very acts they know w i l l make them liable to social and supernatural punishment by imposed i n i t i a t i o n . These candidates are mostly young men displaying aggressive attitudes. With a l l their bragging of alleged immunity to sya'wan power, their ambivalently expressed motivation i s , of course, apparent to the r i t u -a l i s t s : "That's one way of saying 'I want to become a dancer, too 1"; "the more you fight i t , the better dancer you'll be". Indeed, cases of this description which we observed (one fellow dared the r i t u a l i s t s to "grab" him; another mocked the r i t u a l and announced he would defend himself with a hatchet, yet another threatened to shoot whoever would try to discipline him through initiation) turned out to become most active participants in the ceremonial and ardent believers in sya'wan power. Besides assuming a strong unconscious motivation in these cases we have to take into account that their defiant posturing exposes them to an especially severe'initiation treatment. One of the most recalci-trant candidates, now quite vocal in praising the merits of s p i r i t danc-ing, had to be "dragged" to the longhouse and was subjected to more intensified high frequency drumming than the other i n i t i a t e s . 88 Young women sometimes reveal their ambivalent motivation by demonstrative curiosity about sya'wan while they profess their d i s i n c l i n -ation to become dancers. This also i s generally interpreted as camou-flaged volunteering: "They more or less would like to see how i t works, they are. very interested in i t and yet say they don't want i t . Once the Indian Doctor realizes that, he says well she wants i t and we might just as well give i t to her." (L.T.) (5) Being the spouse or the prospective spouse of a dancer or i n i t i a t e . This i s looked upon as a valid reason for i n i t i a t i o n in order to bolster marital harmony,' especially i f other indications are also present. In the case of young couples or fiances, joint induction may be deemed advisable from a r e a l i s t i c point of view: "It is usually best to take young people together that are starting to invite; we figure i f we take him we'll take her, too, so there wouldn't be any hard feelings between him and her. If we didn't take her she might start running around be-cause (during initiation) he is not allowed to go anywhere" (Senior r i t u a l i s t ) . Whatever the reasons for someone to be considered a candidate for s p i r i t dancing, unless he is sponsored his i n i t i a t i o n i s unlikely to ever take place. In the Upper Stalo region today, a candidate i s supposed to have individual and personal sponsor(s). Anonymous spon-soring through collections ("putting down the drum in the smokehouse") is apparently \permissible in special cases, but not practiced here. Senior r i t u a l i s t s feel that "somebody has to stand behind a person as an anchor"; and "even i f you volunteer you have to have somebody there to take care of you". When exploring the grounds on which some volun-teers are' rejected, the basic objection in these cases turns out to be that there was no "good solid sponsor" behind them. The sponsor, usually 89 a parent, senior relative or close friend of the family, assumes paeda-gogic as well as financial responsibilities: he must be capable and willing to back up the i n i t i a t o r s , encouraging or, i f necessary, en-forcing the candidate's cooperation in the treatment procedures of i n i -tiation. The outcome of the i n i t i a t i o n process depends to a consider-able degree on the sponsor's attitude; his lack of firmness may en-courage the candidate to "drop out", as in the case of two g i r l s during the 1971/72 season. The sponsor may, therefore, be looked upon as the guarantor of therapeutic success, and the importance attributed to him by the r i t u a l i s t s bespeaks their r e a l i s t i c judgement. The following summary of pre-initiation behaviour and symptom formation is based on twenty-four "modern" s p i r i t dancers on whom relevant data could be obtained from reliable sources. This sample encompasses between 50% and 80% of those initiated since the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region. No reliable data indicat-ing the presence of psychic or behavioural pre-initiation problems could be obtained on further ten of the thirty-four identified "modern" dancers (total number of active s p i r i t dancers in the Upper Stalo region i s estimated at between 40 to 50). Predominant symptom formation before s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n : In 11 candidates: In 13 candidates: Depression, anxiety, Behaviour problems with psychogenic somatization aggressive or antisocial often associated with tendencies, usually associated alcohol and/or drug abuse. with alcohol and/or drug abuse. 90 D. Costs and Risks In many cultures, including those of the Western world, treatment expenses are of considerable therapeutic relevance especially in disorders of psychogenic nature. Frequently, the investment in a patient's cure can be said to be directly related to i t s success, i f the investment is the patient's own or that of persons meaningful to him. A consideration of the costs of sya'wan is therefore also part of an exploration of i t s therapeutic aspects. The total expenditure for the i n i t i a t i o n of one candidate is said to be between $1,000 and $2,000 for the whole season, or about $20 for each gathering. This sum includes expenses for feeding many guests many times; gifts and payments to "workers" and "babysitters", "souvenirs" for the "witnesses", etc. Traditionally, this was paid in kind and by giving away woven goods or Hudson's Bay Co. blankets. Handicrafts of the donor's own make are s t i l l highly appreciated as gifts or souvenirs but.have become rare. In the Upper Stalo region, obligations towards those who assisted in the i n i t i a t i o n ceremonials are expected to be met un t i l the end of the next winter season. Compensation for the — actual or symbolic — services rendered to the initiates of the previous season is part of the annual winter dance ceremonial, an elaborate r i t u a l of public display and giving-away of stacks of blankets and other items. This part of the winter ceremonial is more than just reminiscent of the traditional Northwest Coast potlatch, i t is also often referred to as such by the participants. 91 For many Indian families in the Valley these expenses mean considerable financial hardships, and may, therefore, discourage some from "giving away" their sons and daughters. Quite a few, however, would argue, "Do you think our religion and our higher power isn't worth $2,000? It's worth more than that." (L.T.). For those initiates who hold jobs throughout the year, the material sacrifice i s substantial. However, they are a small minority because the predominantly seasonal type of employment in the area puts the greater part of Indian manpower out of work in winter time, an economic factor which certainly f a c i l i -tated the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region. Non-financial risks are also associated with s p i r i t dance initiations. In the case of young mothers, the children's welfare has to be considered, and r i t u a l i s t s w i l l be reluctant to accept such candidates unless ade-quate provision for child care has been made. In spite of the very stressful procedures the novices are subjected to, no serious accident has occurred during i n i t i a t i o n pro-cedures in the Upper Stalo region. So far, four new dancers had to be admitted to medical-surgical wards of Chilliwack General Hospital in the course of their i n i t i a t i o n , for the following reasons: January 1971; woman age 18; on admission acute abdominal pain; diagnosis — cholecystitis. December 1971; woman age 19; on admission c h i l l y , shivery, coughing, abdominal tenderness; diagnosis — bronchitis; exposure and psychological stress reaction. December 1971; woman age 19; on admission cold, tired, hungry, sore knee,,- scratchmarks on abdomen; diagnosis — soft tissue injury of right knee joint; skin lesions, possible human bites; exhaustion. 92 February 1972; man age 20; on admission pain, sweating, edematous swelling and numbness of both feet and ankles; diagnosis — frostbite. None of the above patients dropped out of the i n i t i a t i o n program. A skwani'lac healing ceremony was performed for the g i r l who had to have cholecystectomy, the patient's "uniform" taking her place in this r i t u a l while she was in hospital. The participants were con-vinced that this would help and the patient herself told us she f e l t great r e l i e f . At any rate, her recovery was speedy. In parenthesis i t may be mentioned that one male i n i t i a t e died in circulatory collapse at LaConner, Washington, during the ceremonial season 1970/71; he is reported to have suffered from a chronic cardiac condition unbeknownst to the r i t u a l i s t s . 93 VIII ANNUAL WINTER THERAPY Although the number of active s p i r i t dancers i s s t i l l rela-tively small in the Upper Stalo region, the winter ceremonials already now involve the majority of the native population in some way or other: the relatives or friends of dancers, or other invited guests. Not only for those who have become active dancers through i n i t i a t i o n and continue to dance at the gatherings of each subsequent season, but also for their relatives and for many other Indian families, the winter time now brings every year an immersion in group ac t i v i t i e s , which in scope and duration i s unparallelled in non-Indian society. As some participation is expected from the audience, too, the ceremonial holds more than entertainment value even for the casual spectator. T In the Upper Fraser Valley, winter unemployment is prevalent not only among the Indian population. The association of such imposed idleness with marital and intrafamily conflicts, alcohol and drug abuse, increasing demands for medical attention and hospitalization due to psychogenic symptom formation, i s obvious to a l l social agencies and health professionals in the area. In this situation, the holding of s p i r i t dances throughout the winter season represents a most valuable annual therapeutic enterprise for the benefit of the local Indian pop-ulation. This enterprise integrates the following therapeutic techniques: (A) Occupational and activity therapy; ( B) Group psychotherapy; (C) Cathartic abreaction; ( D ) Psychodrama; C E) Direct ego-support; (p) Physical exercise. 94 Before discussing our own observations on these techniques in Upper Stalo s p i r i t dancing, let us again refer to pertinent ethnographic reports. There are many references in the ethnographic literature which unmistakably report native views of s p i r i t dancing as a means of annual restoration or preservation of physical and emotional well-being. It is certainly significant that the Salish winter s p i r i t ceremonials are often associated with specific shamanistic curing performances such as the sbEtEtda'q of. the Puget Sound tribes (Haeberlin 1918); the sk ani'lac procedures we have seen in local dances (vide infra) and which were previously observed at Musqueam by Kew (1970); or the healing r i t e recorded by Lerman (1954) in the Okanagan. More generally, however, i t is part of Salish ideology that s p i r i t dancing and singing in i t s e l f have curative and prophylactic effects on the participants. The Flat-head Indians viewed their winter medicine dance as preventing sickness and destroying "bad medicine" (Teit 1930) ; Shuswap mystery singing was done to discover il l n e s s , bewitchment and e v i l , and to boost the self -confidence of the young (Teit 1905). Musqueam dancers gather in sym-pathy for sorrowing or bereaved persons to "help them sing"; s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n is f e l t to be beneficial to health (Kew 1970). Spirit songs may come unsought to Lummi Indians in grief, and s p i r i t singing after, a tragedy is known to give a feeling of well-being (Suttles 1954). Several observers have underlined the psychotherapeutic role of s p i r i t dancing. Thus, Kew (1970) notes the unanimous group support for the participant who often manifests a violent expression of anguish 95 and despair; Stern (1934) remarks on the women dancers' display of, and thereby r e l i e f from, marital distress; Wike (1941) relates how gestures of activities characteristic of physical well-being, associa-ted with particular s p i r i t s , are util i z e d in the dances of the Swino-mish. It is foremost the emotionally and materially deprived who be-come singers among the Swinomish: "You use that song to straighten the mind like a prayer to l i v e , like doctoring your mind" (Wike 1941, p. 41). There can indeed be no doubt about the psychotherapeutic value of the Warrior Dance i f enacted by a discouraged and depressed young g i r l , nor about the ego-strengthening effect of the proud Warrior Song: "I am great I am great It's true that I am great." (Wike, 1941, p. 78) The induction of alcoholics into the winter dance ceremonial is understood in terms of cure rather than punishment by the Cowichan (Lane 1953). The Puyallup-Nisquaily feel the s p i r i t power's satisfac-tion through dance ceremonies i s necessary for individual and collec-tive well-being (Smith 1940). We realize, therefore, why Suttles (1963, p. 519) views s p i r i t dancing as "attempts by individuals and kin groups to maintain psychic integrity and social status", and why Robinson (1963, p. 126) sees i t as a "kind of therapy devised to prevent as well as cure general malaise or.mitigate excessive grief or anxiety". (A) The occupational- and activity-therapeutic function of s p i r i t dancing in the vocational off-season of the Upper Stalo region is evident from what was outlined earlier. Excerpts from a probation officer's case report i l l u s t r a t e the importance of full-time occupation with the ceremonial, in the rehabilitation of young Indian offenders: 96 "When looking at Subject's schooling and work record, one is le f t with the impression that subject is lazy and lacking goals or direction....Subject has become actively involved in the Indian dancing rituals. This has taken up most of his time since December and he is absent from home for most of the weekends." One year later: "Subject's behaviour considerably improved, no further of-fences, no evidence of alcohol or drug use." (B) The principles of group therapy (Frank and Powdermaker 1959) are operant in the s p i r i t dance ceremonial: i t provides the par-ticipant with support, protection, acceptance, and stimulation. Perhaps the most relevant group-therapeutic aspect of the winter dance ceremonial is that the participant i s turned from egocentric preoccupations to col-lective concerns and the pursuit of collective goals: "The special rele-vance of dependency of man on society in this context is to direct man's 1 individual strivings toward partly collective goals" (Aberle 1972). Group solidarity i s stressed in speeches held during ceremonial gather-ings. Non-dancing participants contribute to the success of the cere-monial as much as the active dancers. Not only are non-dancers involved in organizing the dances and making the uniforms, in longhouse mainte-nance, tending the fir e s , and catering the meals, etc., many of them drum and sing for hours, accompanying one dancer after another on his counterclockwise dancing tour around the longhouse h a l l ; others shield the tranced dancers from the f i r e or help them back to their seats. Those in the audience clap hands or beat sticks in time with the dancer's chant. They a l l share in the responsibility of satisfying sya'wan, lest 1. Personal communication; comments on this paper, May 14, 1972. 97 i t might be angered by faulty rhythms or some, other irregularity and then bring harm upon the dancer and his people: "There is a way in which you can mistreat the s p i r i t , and some don't know enough to take care of the s p i r i t , enough for him to stay and really help somebody; not only that, as a help for the whole group, the whole tribe." (Senior r i t -ualist) In the case of an unforseen event — such as once when a dan-cer's ceremonial staff was dropped — the affected person's kin group and friends immediately take action, undoing the occurrence by appro-priate r i t u a l action and announcing their obligation for assistance and testimony through the r i t u a l i s t . Participation in the ceremonial, by dancers and non-dancers alike, i s often motivated by the strong group support they experience: "My sons feel like belonging to a great club now, they have friends everywhere in the Salish area, they a l l consider themselves brothers and sisters. When they enter a long-house they know they belong to a l l these people. That gives them security, a sense of belonging." (Y.I.) Indeed, there i s no loneliness in sya'wan; the mutual interest of the participants in each other is renewed every year. As the r i t -ualist assures at the end of the season: "Remember, next year sya'wan w i l l be looking for you, for everyone here someone w i l l be looking for!" (Tzeachten, 1971) The use of a group-psychotherapeutic approach can also be W v clearly seen in the sk anilac procedure, a shamanistic curing r i t e which has become part of the annual s p i r i t dance ceremonial in the Upper Stalo region, performed only on special occasions by the same Lummi "Indian Doctor". The audience is called upon by the Indian Doctor 98 to render active assistance through mental concentration on the patient in order to "help him". During the healing manipulations, the patient is surrounded by relatives and friends, who support him affectionately and accompany him home. In the rituals we observed (Rosedale, March 1970 and Tzeachten, January 1971), the violent force of the power-2 charged paraphernalia was demonstrated to the public before they were used as therapeutic tools: two pairs of husky assistants, each pair holding on to one instrument with a l l their might, were unable to tame i t s wildness. As drums beat fast rhythms and women sacrificed food by throwing i t into the f i r e , the two instruments seemed to swiftly drag their bearers through the h a l l . Pulling together with i r r e s i s -tible magnetic attraction, the powerful tools could only be severed again and handled by the Indian Doctor himself. Soon the instruments moved toward the persons singled out for treatment, gently stroking the heads and bodies of the clients. At one time, the focus of thera-peutic effort was a recalcitrant i n i t i a t e with serious behaviour prob-lems; on another occasion i t was a patient of ours. This latter case deserves special mention, having had the attention of various phy-sicians, and eight hospital admissions from 1967 to 1970 with severe neurotic and psychosomatic symptom formation, including three s u i c i -dal attempts in depressive reactions. Shortly after the healing r i t e , the patient, who had been anorectic and insomnic, stated: "I don't remember much, i t was like a nightmare, I was not really conscious but I f e l t something like power. I don't know how I came home, f e l l asleep right away. I woke up in the morning and f e l t stronger. The f i r s t thing was I was 2. Two loop-shaped wooden instruments bandaged with scarlet cloth. 99 hungry. I really f e l t the power, a great big load taken off my shoulders." The patient became a regular participant in the winter cere-monial's and has been able to function without rehospitalization since 1970, inspite of severe outside stress. (C) Cathartic abreaction is defined by Bleuler (1960, p. 144) as an affective abreaction "aiming at the liberation from emotional tension by the affectively charged act of remembering and re-living the situation in which the tension was generated". Such an abreaction w i l l be a therapeutic experience for the patient i f bystanders show total acceptance and benevolent empathy. This situation obtains at the winter s p i r i t ceremonial: the learning experience of i n i t i a t i o n enables the dancer to reenter an altered state of consciousness without i n i t i a -tory preparation; and in this state he re-lives the coming of his song which then breaks forth from him in a tremendous affective and motor discharge, in front of an interested and helpful audience. Through-out the ceremonial season, these affective discharges take place at every s p i r i t dance gathering. Hundreds of spectators watch a young mother tremble, sob and moan, then hand her baby to a neighbour and leap up into a wild dance with a f i n a l arc de cercle before she is carefully guided back to her seat, s t i l l sobbing but soon cheerful and reaching for her child; or a stout man, jumping high and light-footed in his dance, blaring out his song open-mouthed and throwing his arms vehemently as i f pushing everyone aside. Although sya'wan is supposed to make i t s established round as announced by the r i t u a l i s t , possessing one dancer after another, the drummers w i l l come to a young dancer's 100 assistance who, as yet unable to control the power, i s shaking vio-lently, rattling the deer-hoof staff and blurting out the song; or is howling and writhing on the bench, to be pacified only by an extra-curricular dance out of turn. The tension-releasing effect of "sing-ing out one's song" i s akin to that of crying: "In sya'wan you are supposed to cry...it helps me, I sing and I cry, and I feel better afterwards." (L.S.) "The old-timers used to express their feelings in tunes and movements. A l l the dancers s t i l l do t h i s . . . i f you go to a funeral, the old dancers, they cry and i t changes to song, same song as in the dances." (L.O.) By expressing his affects in a recognized and ritualized form to a sympathetic audience, the dancer learns to accept his emotions and at the same time, to control them. A senior r i t u a l i s t put i t this way: "The s p i r i t i s there, the thing i s to accept i t by voicing i t to somebody; i t ' s going to be well received by the people that's going to hear i t , and i t ' s going to be taken care of." (D) Psychodrama. Dramatic acting-out i s a most conspicuous feature of the s p i r i t dancers' performance in the ceremonial. Self-expressive dramatization of affects through the personification of sup-ernatural beings who are culturally at hand for r i t u a l possessions, so to speak, has been uti l i z e d for psychotherapeutic purposes in many cultures. As a paradigm of such ceremonial therapy, Haitian Voodoo 3 is the favourite subject of ethnopsychiatric investigation. Yap (1960) provides us with a useful formulation of the function of dramatic acting-3. For a discussion of the psychotherapeutic role of Voodoo see Jilek (1971). 101 out i n the t r a n s - c u l t u r a l "possession syndrome", which he s t u d i e d i n , 4 the context of Hong Kong Chinese culture,'. He notes the powerful p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t on the audience of the m y t h o l o g i c a l dramatis  personae e n t e r i n g the stage of the Chinese popular opera through the s o - c a l l e d "Ghost Door", and r e l a t e s a t r a d i t i o n of a c t o r s being pos-sessed by the s p i r i t s they impersonate. At the annual w i n t e r ceremonial, each s p i r i t dancer repeats h i s f i r s t sya'wan possession, at every dance he again becomes possessed, i . e . he re-enters a t r a n c e - l i k e s t a t e i n order to f e e l and d i s p l a y the personal s p i r i t power o r i g i n a l l y acquired i n the a l t e r e d s t a t e of consciousness induced by i n i t i a t i o n procedures. Some dancers are experienced v i r t u o s i i n a c h i e v i n g such a s t a t e ; they work themselves up w i t h loud h y p e r v e n t i l a t i o n and vehement commotion, to pass i n t o song and dance when dozens of deer-hide drums s t r i k e i n . The dancer's s p i r i t f i n d s i t s dramatized expression i n dance st e p s , tempo, movements, miens and gestures: i n the sneaking pace, then f l y i n g leaps of the f e r o c i o u s l y y e l l i n g " w a r r i o r " , or i n the swaying t r o t of the plump, sadly weeping "bear mother"; i n the r u b b e r - l i k e 4. "The 'acting out' more or l e s s d i r e c t l y of f a n t a s i e s must be regar-ded as an intermediate step towards reasoned, d i s c r i m i n a t i v e and con-s c i o u s l y purposeful a c t i o n aimed at s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t that has given r i s e to the f a n t a s i e s i n the f i r s t p l a c e . This then i s the meaning of the process of d r a m a t i z a t i o n which i s so evident i n pos-se s s i o n . I t i s an expression of adaptive, problem-solving behaviour ranging from the a c t i n g out of a ' w i s h - f u l f i l m e n t ' , through an ex-p e r i m e n t a l , probing type of conduct w i t h v a r y i n g degrees of abreac-t i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n , to the d i r e c t manipulation of other persons i n -volved i n the s u b j e c t ' s personal problems. I t may be expected that p a t i e n t s w i l l e x h i b i t clouding of consciousness of d i f f e r e n t de-grees " (Yap 1960, p. 130). 102 reptilian writhing of the "double headed serpent" as well as in the des-perate wailing and gesticulation of the "mother seeking her child"; just as in the "liz a r d " who sheds tears over his devoured offspring or in the mighty "whale" who grabs smaller fish. The choreographic drama of the s p i r i t dance is therapeutic psycho- drama, by virtue of i t s combination with a cathartic abreaction in an appropriate group setting. It is certainly not coincidental that the founder of modern psychodramatic therapy himself drew parallels between shamanistic transactions of North American Indians and psychodramatic sessions (Moreno 1959). His definition of psychodramatic action as a therapeutic, controlled acting-out taking place under the guidance of therapists in a safe treatment setting (Moreno 1955) i s applicable to the winter s p i r i t ceremonial. We recognize in the s p i r i t dance parti-cipants the dramatis personae of Moreno's c l i n i c a l psychodrama: pro-tagonists (the dancers), auxiliary.egos (babysitters or assistants), director (ritualist) and group (audience). Mumford's (1951) dictum, "psychodrama is the essence of the dream", w i l l remind us of the sya'wan teaching that s p i r i t song, face painting, and dance movements are re-vealed to the novice in a dream. Psychic purification or catharsis was f i r s t perceived as a function of drama by Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) in his "Poetics", where drama is characterized as the imitation of an action which by arousing sympathy and fear effects a purification, i.e. cath-5 arsis, of the spectators' ^affects. Modern spontaneous psychodrama, on the other hand, intends to achieve cathartic abreaction in the actors: 5. Cf. Vorlander's (1932) interpretation of the Greek text of the com-plete edition of Aristotle's works by the Berlin Academy of Science. 103 "It (psychodrama) produces a healing e f f e c t — n o t in the spectator...but in the producer — actors who produce the drama and, at the same time, liberate themselves from i t . " (Moreno 1923) We do not consider i t presumptuous to conclude from our ob-servation of Coast Salish s p i r i t dancing that i t combines Aristotle's and Moreno's c r i t e r i a by providing for affective catharsis, both in spectators and actors. (E) Ego-support accrues out of the group-therapeutic and cathartic-psychodramatic facets of s p i r i t dancing. Direct ego-support results from the positive attention the r i t u a l i s t leaders and the peo-ple focus on the. active dancers throughout the winter ceremonial: "Many people are going to see your face tonight. You might say the people do not know me, but everybody w i l l know you tonight. We, the Lummi people, the LaConner people, .the Musqueam people, the Chilliwack people, w i l l a l l know you! Before you came into sya'wan, you were sitting behind, no one knew who you was. Your people put you out in front, and they stand behind you, a l l the people now know your names...." "We are very proud of you, top-l-A you'll be, you standing before us! I thank you, each and everyone of you." (Lummi Indian Doctor) The young Salish Indian w i l l find public recognition by "coming into sya'wan and dancing in front of the people". He cannot hope for direct material gain — unless his personal s p i r i t power i s so inclined — but he can hope for prestige among his peers who may say of him: "He's got a lot.of friends, he's rich that way, in that organ-ization he's valued high" (Y.I.). Even the most insignificant dancer w i l l command respect when possessed by his s p i r i t ; he may conduct an orchestra of drummers, and when he (and his spirit) passes by in the dance, the audience w i l l raise from their seats, clap hands and hum 104 in the rhythm of his tune. Of each new dancer, the r i t u a l i s t can justly proclaim: "Now everybody knows him, before nobody knew him." Traditional concepts of the benefits of guardian s p i r i t power (vide Duff 1952, pp. 97ff) are s t i l l held by modern s p i r i t dance participants in the Upper Stalo region in principle : s p i r i t powers afford the owner protection, good luck, and success in whatever l i f e situation and task he wants to rely on them. They are generally cre-dited with promoting his spiritual and physical well-being, sometimes (CL.) also his material wealth. As can be gathered from the r i t u a l i s t s ' warnings at ceremonials, s p i r i t powers are understood to be easily offended by any neglect or infringement of the sya'wan rules. They re-act by withdrawal or by supernatural retaliation against the culprit and often also against his group. The c o l l e c t i v i t y , therefore, has a legitimate interest in preventing behaviour conflicting with sya'wan rules which a l l imply a personal responsibility towards one's group. Our data (vide supra, pp. :.80-85) suggest that guardian s p i r i t power is seen as benefitting the responsible and harming the irresponsible owner, and as potentially affecting the collective in like manner. It follows, therefore, that anti-social uses of guardian s p i r i t power (uses directed against the interests of the collective) are excluded in sya'wan theory. (F) The physical exercise and training the active s p i r i t dancers go through from f a l l to spring every year is unparalleled by any amateur sport among the rest of the population. The degree of physical fitness and athletic proficiency achieved by some of the older 105 dancers, such as Chief Malloway (age 65 years), would embarrass most middle-aged men. We have seen improvement of art h r i t i c conditions — prevalent among the often poorly housed Indian people — through s p i r i t dancing. The psychohygienic effect of physical fitness has been well known since the days of the Romans ("mens sana in corpore sano") and the depression-generating role of physical impairment i s generally 6 recognized. 6. Cf. Bleuler (1960; p. 99). 106 IX THERAPEUTIC EFFECTIVENESS Approximately three-quarters of a l l active s p i r i t dancers i n the Upper Stalo region have been initiated since 1970; i t would there-fore be premature to draw definite conclusions regarding the therapeutic effectiveness of modern s p i r i t dancing. The new dancers are said to "get stronger each year" according to sya'wgn theory, and indeed the seasonally reinforced conditioning process should i n time result in the firm establishment of the expected response patterns and internalization of the "sya'wan rules". It i s obvious, therefore, that our data on therapeutic results provide only tentative clues. Follow-up reports were obtained on the post-initiation condition of the twenty-four "modern" sp i r i t dancers on whom objective data regarding preinitiation behaviour and symptom formation were available. The following picture emerged: (1) Of 11 "modern" sp i r i t dancers in whom depression, anxiety, . . somatization, often associated with alcohol and/or drug . abuse, were manifest before i n i t i a t i o n : -- 3 have been free from symptom formation since the time of their i n i t i a t i o n ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 2 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 5 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n less than one year ago); -- 1 shows no change ( i n i t i a t i o n more than one year ago). (2) Of 13 "modern" s p i r i t dancers in whom behaviour problems with aggressive or antisocial tendencies, usually asso-ciated with alcohol and/or drug abuse, were manifest before in i t i a t i o n : -- 7 have been behaviourally rehabilitated since the time of their i n i t i a t i o n ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -'- 3 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 1 shows improvement.(initiation less than one year ago); -- 1 shows no change ( i n i t i a t i o n more than onejyear ago); . -- 1 deteriorated ( i n i t i a t i o n more than one year ago, ter-minated participation). 107 Among the fu l l y rehabilitated cases are two who were considered as serious correctional problems by law-enforcement agencies, one of . them with a long record of confinements because of multi-delinquency and narcotic addiction. One young patient who previouslyihad not recovered when hospi-talized for severe psychoneurotic-depressive symptoms, has been function-ing without medical attention ever since i n i t i a t i o n two years ago. We have already mentioned the case of a post-menopausal depression with numerous hospitalizations', improving after healing rites were performed on her during a winter dance ceremony. The balance of evidence, anecdotal and preliminary as i t may be by (^epidemiological standards, suggests that the indigenous therapeutic procedures of the s p i r i t dance ceremonial are superior to Western methods, as far as Indian clientele i s concerned, i n the management of two symptom complexes: 1) conditions of i l l health.in which psychoneurotic and psychophysio-logic mechanisms are prominent. These are the patients who figure in syg'wan lore as miraculous cures after having been " i n and out of hospitals, given up by the doctors"; 2) antisocial and aggressive behaviour usually associated with alcohol or drug abuse, and emotionally or physically destructive to self and kin. Different as these two syndromes may appear, psychotherapeutic contacts with Indian patients of either type has made us realize that anomie depression is often underlying both the intrapunitive and the aggressive responses which may alternate i n some cases. 108 Indian r i t u a l i s t s , while acknowledging Western medicine to be effective in "ordinary", i.e. not spirit-connected diseases, consider native people with the above syndromes -- albeit under labels different from those applied here -- as candidates for s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n . C l i n i c a l experience, too, would suggest that in these cases "Indian treatment" compares favourably with Western therapeutic or correctional approaches. When looking at the "Indian alcohol problem", the extent of 1 which may be taken as epidemiologic indicator of the prevalence of anomie depression in the native population of North America, i t must be admitted that orthodox Western medical and psychiatric treatment attempts have been rather ineffective and are as a rule limited to palliative c r i s i s intervention. The influence of s p i r i t dance therapy on periodic excessive drinking -- which, rather than c l i n i c a l addiction to alcohol, i s s t i l l the predominant pattern of alcohol abuse among Upper Stalo Indians --• should therefore be of considerable interest to health and social scientists alike. • It may be mentioned f i r s t that many prominent participants in the ceremonial freely admit to heavy indulging in the past. This by no means detracts from their reputation in Indian communities, or from the reputation of s p i r i t dancers as a group in which the most prestigious 1. The extent of this problem in North America i s discussed in a re-port of the Indian Health Service Task Force on Alcoholism (1969) which concludes that "alcoholism i s one.of the most serious„health problems facing the Indian people today". Regarding the reflection of this problem in British Columbia v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s , see Schmitt et a l . (1966). 109 native families are represented. On the contrary, i t credits the s p i r i t of svs'wan with greater power than that inherent in the spir i t s of the 2 White man's alcohol. The rehabilitation of some hard drinkers may in popular opinion be attributed to the healing power of the r i t u a l i s t s : "I know the Lummi outfit, they had men down there with real serious alcohol problems and they came out of i t through dancing. I don't know what does i t , whether the Indian Doc-tors give them something to hold i t (alcohol) off.them.... There's supposed to be power in their (Indian Doctors') minds, a lot of power." (L.T.) The following general statements can be made concerning alco-3 hoi intake and s p i r i t dance participation: 1) The leading r i t u a l i s t s and some prominent participants are total abstainers. 2) A l l but a few of the active "modern" sp i r i t dancers in the Upper Stalo region abstain throughout ceremonial seasons. 3) A l l of the new dancers who completed their i n i t i a t i o n in the Upper Stalo region have kept sobriety during the season of their i n i t i a -tion. 4) Inebriated persons are not permitted to attend ceremonials, even i f they are not active dancers. This has a general discouraging effect on Indian drinking in the Upper Stalo region during winter time, as (a) intake of small amounts of. liquor h o l d s . l i t t l e attraction; (b) the major ceremonial occasions conflict with bigger drinking parties, both being customarily scheduled on weekends. 2. Salish Indians had no alcoholic beverages in pre-contact times. 3. Based on own direct observation and information obtained from C.L., L.O., L.S., Y.I.; confirmed by senior Indian A.A. members. 110 5) To several participants, the culture propaganda associated with the modern winter ceremonial (vide infra), suggests an active involve-ment in off-season native enterprises, such as.Indian festivals, canoe races and other Indian sports which require them to stay sober during training periods in summer months. 6) However, the rank and f i l e of participants, including the majority of the s p i r i t dancers, continue to consume liquor outside the cere-monial season. Most "modern" dancers apparently feel free to do so after their f i r s t year i n sya'wan is over; although they are gener-a l l y credited with having reduced their intake as compared to pre-i n i t i a t i o n times. The few s p i r i t dancers who are also staunch mem-bers of Indian Alcoholics Anonymous groups remain abstinent. Some senior participants, therefore, recommend adherence to Alcoholics Anonymous during summer in addition to active participatin in the winter ceremonial, for those with serious alcohol problems. The fact that the winter s p i r i t ceremonial for at least five months every year provides most active dancers with sobriety and reduces the risk of alcohol abuse in many other participants, ranks i t with the major therapies of alcoholism. It can be said that, with the exception of Alcoholics Anonymous, nothing.of equal therapeutic effec-tiveness has ever been undertaken to combat the Indian alcohol problem in the Coast Salish area. I l l X FROM PSYCHOHYGIENIC RITUAL TO RITUAL PSYCHOTHERAPY At this point i t w i l l be appropriate to draw some generaliz- . ing conclusions from ethnographic data and our own observations in an effort to delineate the main psychosocial functions of the Salish guar-dian s p i r i t ceremonial, both in the past and in our time. In traditional Coast Salish culture, the s p i r i t quest had a prominent place in the cere-monial complex and was the main path toward acquisition of power and f u l l participation in the r i t u a l . As for the importance of the s p i r i t quest for personality development, we can rely on the assessment of an authority lik e Driver who asserts that: "In the process of acquiring the many markers of maturity, no experience was as important as the acquisition of a s p i r i t -helper in a vision quest...without i t , a man would f a i l in a l l important undertakings, such as hunting, warfare, and curing the sick." "The function of the vision in education was to i n s t i l l con-fidence i n a young person so that he would attempt things considered impossible before such a religious experience. With a s p i r i t helper at his beck and.call, an insecure adol-escent would become more self rsufficient and would take more in i t i a t i v e in such necessary activities as war and the chase." (Driver 1969,. pp. 391-392) The quest for, and the acquisition.of, s p i r i t helpers had to be completed i n adolescence or young adulthood. It is at this stage that the young individual has to achieve a sense of sexual and socio-cultural identity from which feelings of emotional security and social belonging can be derived. When returning from his successful s p i r i t 112 quest at the age of 14 years, Old Pierre fe l t sure that he was going to be a real man, a true Katzie Indian, and a great medicine-man. As Erikson (1950) has formulated, and as many a l i f e history shows, the danger of this developmental stage li e s in role confusion with i t s psychopathological and sociopathological sequelae. Confusion about their social and cultural role, and the "in a b i l i t y to settle on an occu-pational identity" (Erikson 1950) are major disturbing factors in the personality development of young people in modern Western societies. "In their search for a new sense of continuity and sameness, adolescents ...are every ready to i n s t a l l lasting idols and ideals as guardians of  a fin a l identity." (Erikson 1950, p. 261; i t a l i c s mine.) This was pre-cisely the tutelary spirit's role in Salish culture; namely, to act as guardian of the young Indian's final identity and thus to ward off the i' frustration and depression which accompanies role confusion. The a l -tered state of consciousness of the vision experience was striven after only as means to attain a s p i r i t helper; i t was not an end in i t s e l f . The Indian youth's quest for a guardian s p i r i t , therefore, was 1 a quest for his identity and meaning in l i f e . As we have seen, the traditional Salish s p i r i t quest involved conditions and techniques suitable for the induction of altered states of consciousness, and the s p i r i t encounter typically took place in such a state. Spirit dance i n i t i a t i o n , with techniques analogous to those of the vision-quest, later recreated this altered state of consciousness, 1. "Meaning" in the sense used by Frankl (1963) as "logos" or "meaning of human existence". 113 repeating the previous learning experience of the adolescent s p i r i t quest. This experience thereafter facilitated the new dancer's re-entering into r i t u a l trances so that he could display his s p i r i t power or powers, which were always seen as enhancing the dancer's welfare and preventing or alleviating physical, emotional, and social distress. In more recent ethnographic reports, we see the s p i r i t quest receding in importance behind the i n i t i a t i o n . In Upper Stalo culture (vide Duff 1952, pp. 97; 102ff) guardian s p i r i t power was never con-ceived of as innate in the individual, nor was i t held to be inheritable. It had to be acquired through s p i r i t quest, or was bestowed by the guar-dian s p i r i t upon the individual i n an altered state of consciousness, without previous quest. "Dancer's power" could also be i n s t i l l e d through actions of old dancers (Duff, op. c i t . , p. 105), but according to information we obtained from the most prominent senior dancer in the region, such procedures were very rarely resorted to in the era of traditional s p i r i t dancing. Today, the s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i s the main delivery system of s p i r i t power to candidates, while in the past i t was understood, as a test or confirmation of power previously obtained elsewhere from supernaturals through individual efforts or as a " g i f t " . This change in the ceremonial i s frequently commented upon by senior participants, e.g.: "In the older days you got your song from the woods, in the forest; the power seemed to come natural to them, without anybody working on them....Then they tested i t i f you really got i t , you had to prove i t (in the in i t i a t i o n ) ; i f you could do i t , they accepted you." (C.L.) "Now instead of the young man going out and looking for his s p i r i t i n the woods, we can ho longer do that because the places they went are no longer free -- so now we only have the i n i t i a t i o n . " (L.S.) 114 Some formal alterations of the traditional ceremonial, such as the predominant use of English ("this foreign language") i n lieu of Salish tongues in ritual speech making, or the disappearance of texts from the sp i r i t dance songs, appear of lesser importance than this fad-ing away of a separate s p i r i t quest. However, i t must not be overlooked that guardian spi r i t acquisition has become a most essential feature of the i n i t i a t i o n process i t s e l f . Another significant change i s that s p i r i t i l l n e s s , in the old culture a s t r i c t l y seasonal, stereotyped pathomorphic goal-directed state inevitably leading to sp i r i t singing and dancing, i s now'1, in many cases the traditional label for the depressive syndrome associated with experiences of relative deprivation and identity confusion which we have called anomic depression. This condition has a tendency towards chron-i c i t y , and i s in many cases not restricted to a brief seasonal course. It i s essentially a depressive reaction with sufficient patho-plastic cultural coloring of i t s symptoms to permit identification as s p i r i t illness and provide an indication for treatment by s p i r i t dance i n i t i a -tion. Our data bear out that this depression-anxiety syndrome i s recog-nized by the r i t u a l i s t s and by those concerned about the patient, as an indication for sya'wan therapy. Moreover, c l i n i c a l experience sug-gests that Indian patients who outwardly show disruptive behaviour asso-ciated with alcohol or drug abuse, are often basically depressed. We can, therefore, assume that anomic depression in i t s various manifesta-tions is today a major factor in bringing young Indians into sya'wan. While the model for the therapeutic role of s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n was 115 provided by traditional culture (obligatory cure of a l l s p i r i t i l l n e s s ) , i n i t i a t i o n was i n the past not conceived of primarily as a healing pro-cedure, rather as a necessary test of the personally acquired s p i r i t powers the candidates wanted to display in their dances. Senior par-ticipants agree that ""torturing to bring out the song" was not necessary and was not a general practice i n bygone days. It seems plausible that procedures i n the service of personality depatterning have to be made more efficient now in order to pave the way for the reorientation of emotionally and socially maladjusted.candidates towards the ideal norms of Indian culture as conceptualized by the leaders. The task of i n i t i a -tion i s no longer, only to provide•'.entrance into a ceremonial, via the cure of a ritualized pathomorphic ,state, through rebirth as a new human being, but to overcome sickness and faulty behaviour contracted by ex-posure to an alien culture, through rebirth as a true Indian. This is the r i t u a l i s t s ' message at the namesgiving ceremony — today part of the i n i t i a t i o n process — in which the revival of ancestral names i s solemnly proclaimed and witnessed: "You have a new l i f e as an Indian now!" (Rosedale, Dec. 12, 1970) '_ • . "He remembered his grandmother's Indian name, he wants his granddaughter to carry this Indian name. A l l of you that were called as witnesses tonight:. this young lady w i l l be known as S.,"this was the grandmother of this friend of ours. This name w i l l come back to l i f e and i t ' s going to be carried by this young g i r l . . . . " "When i t comes to sya'wan like this, the parents start to think back. The father of this boy is going to bring back the name of his-great-great-grandfather: 0. His-name is coming back to be known and carried by this young man...this name has become alive once more, this, name i s something that you w i l l be proud of because.it comes from our ancestors!" (Tzeachten, February 19, 1971) 116 "Last weekend Tzeachten was invited to LaConner and there was this young man receiving his Indian name. His father wanted this Indian name remembered in Chilliwack, so tonight this boy is here f u l f i l l i n g the wish of his ancestors. Those who are called as witnesses, we ask you to remember the name i n the language of. our peoplel" (Tzeachten, February 27, 1971) Through spi r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n the young native, estranged from his traditional culture as he may be, not only acquires his Indian Power; i n the namesgiving ceremony an ancestral name comes to l i f e again and with i t the insignia of an Indian identity are bestowed on the new dancer -- he has been reborn as an Indian and has made the crucial step in his quest for identity and meaning i n l i f e . In the past, the length of sya'wan season was rigidly fixed . 2 according to region, and dancing out of season was highly exceptional i t was also unnecessary, as everybody's urge to dance ended with the ceremonial season. If we assume modern s p i r i t dancing to f i l l genuine therapeutic needs in genuinely pathological conditions, then we should find the duration of what we described as annual winter therapy adjusted to individual needs. This is exactly:what now happens in the-Upper Stalo region: some dancers continue to practice.long after the o f f i c i a l end of the season, or resume "singing" in early f a l l , assisted by friends who drum for them privately. With the near extinction of other forms of native healing, the winter s p i r i t ceremonial has become the only major non-Western ther-apy at the disposal of the Coast Salish Indians. Its therapeutic scope has been widened by integrating an old shamanic curing r i t e (sk Wani*lac); 2. According to senior dancers who frown upon such irregularity. 117 by more extensive use of depatterning and reconditioning procedures in the i n i t i a t i o n process; and also by a new focus on those Indian patients for whom Western medicine has l i t t l e to offer. In conclusion: What in the past was a ri t u a l with psychohy-gienic aspects i s now an organized Indian effort at culture-congenial psychotherapy. 118 XI MODERN SPIRIT DANCING AS A THERAPEUTIC SOCIAL MOVEMENT In an attempt to define and localize modern Salish s p i r i t dancing as a social phenomenon, general analyses of cultural and r e l i -gious movements were reviewed. In this task the student i s assisted by the work of Aberle (1966; pp. 315--333) who not only provides the rele-vant references, but also a comprehensive classification of social movements. Aberle defines a social movement as "an organized effort by a group of human beings to effect change in the face of resistance by other human beings", and classifies such movements according to the dimensions of locus and amount of change they aim at, as 1) transformative: total change in supra-individual systems (in the 1 context of therapy: cure of collectives); 2) reformative: partial change in supra-individual systems (improve-ment of collectives); 3) redemptive: total change in individuals (cure of individuals); 4) alterative: partial change in individuals (improvement of i n d i v i -duals) . These are, of course, analytical categories, and componential elements of one type of movement may be found in others. What Aberle stresses as more important, however, is that "any given movement may change in type over time". We might, therefore, see a redemptive move-ment reaching beyond i t s original aim of effecting a cure of the i n d i v i -1. A l l references to therapy added by present author. 119 dual and work towards curing the socio-cultural system. In fact, as Aberle points out, "virtually a l l redemptive movements, like the transformative movements, reject at least some features of the current society". Basically, however, the "defining characteristic" of redemptive movements " i s the search for a new inner state" and their common doctrine is that "changes in behaviour can result only from a new state of grace". Constant features of redemptive movements are organized efforts (1) to overcome the individual's resistant or apathetic attitude vis-a-vis the desirable change; (2) to increase the in-group contacts and/or decrease the out-group contacts of participants. The reader who has followed our description of the resurgence, growth, and current practice of the winter ceremonial i n the Upper Stalo region, w i l l recognize the applicability of Aberle 1s characterization of redemptive movements to contemporary Salish s p i r i t dancing: An or-ganized effort by r i t u a l i s t s , active dancers and other believers in sya'wan, to effect a total personality change, a "rebirth" i n i n d i v i -duals whose apathy or resistance to this change has to be overcome by the depatterning and reorientation procedures of the i n i t i a t i o n process; further, an attempt at sheltering the candidates from out-group i n f l u -ences, and at safeguarding their loyalty and future participation through appropriate indoctrination and organizational arrangements, buttressed by social and supernatural sanctions. . We have earlier referred to Aberle's concept of relative depri-vation in the context of contemporary s p i r i t i l l n e s s . Through our con-tacts with local Indians we have obtained the impression that the majority 120 of native Canadians in the Upper Stalo region feel they suffer relative deprivation in the areas of possessions, status, behaviour, and worth; in evaluating their situation, they use the dominant White Canadian 2 society as their "reference f i e l d " . However, when gauging Indian con-sciousness of relative deprivation we found this most pronounced in the statements of the active propagandists of the s p i r i t dance move-ment. This is i n line with Aberle's assumption that relative deprivation is "the seed-bed for social movements". While realizing that modern Salish s p i r i t dancing does not qualify as a transformative movement, we may draw attention to the presence in the modern s p i r i t dance movement of important tendencies no longer aiming merely at the "rebirth" of i n -dividual Indians, but at a collective Indian renaissance. These tenden-cies are associated with ideological concepts implying radical changes in the goal-orientation of native groups and in the relationship between native and dominant society. Such "renaissant" trends were not active in the traditional ceremonial, but are gaining momentum since i t has been revived in the Upper Stalo region. Partisans of the modern s p i r i t dance movement refer to "membership in sya'wan", and to the creation of a "bigger social family for a l l Salish tribes" through sya'wan; they believe that the "revival of Indian customs and traditions" i s the answer to many Indian problems, and they feel an obligation. to "work together to revive the Old Indian ways" and to "teach the young Indian that the Indian Way does have a meaning" (L.S.; C.S.; Y.I.; E.S.). There can indeed be no doubt about the significance of the s p i r i t dance movement 2. Cf. Aberle op. c i t . , p. 324. 121 for the development of a national consciousness in the "Salish Nation" -— a term often heard now at ceremonial gatherings in the Fraser Valley. Conscious efforts are. made by Indian leaders to revive the Salish heri-tage and to uphold to the young native generation the exemplary ideal of Indianness, a Pan-Indian rallying sign akin to the Pan-African negri-tude of Cesaire and Senghor. In their, espousal of Indianness, spokesmen at s p i r i t dance ceremonials follow the example of outstanding Indian figures like George Clutesi or Chief Dan George, who confront Indian and White audiences with an idealized image of aboriginal culture, jux-3 tapositional to the obvious defects of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , in this way creating what Schwimmer (1970) has termed an opposition ideology. This ideology contrasts the " s p i r i t u a l " and a l t r u i s t i c orientation of Indian culture with the "egoistic materialism" prevailing i n Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . Not long after the revival of s p i r i t dancing i n the region, a reporter of the local newspaper was told by active supporters of the ceremonial: "Ingrained into the nature of an Indian person i s the idea that living i s for giving. We always took only what was needed. We preserved food for winter together. Everyone was his brother's keeper...an Indian house is never too small to take in another person, or.even another family...the wealthy man was the man who could give most. In white society, the wealthy man i s the one who can keep the most for himself. This is where our cultures conflict." (The Chilliwack Pro-gress, July 8, 1970, p. 36) 3. Cf., e.g.: Dr. Clutesi's convocation address at the University of Victoria, May 1971; and Chief Dan George's address at a recent din-ner meeting (The Indian Voice, March 1972, p. 13). 122 As the knowledge of Salishan languages i s on the wane among the younger Indian generations, adherence to a "sp i r i t u a l l i f e " accord-ing to the "Old Indian Ways" has become the hallmark of Indianness. In the Upper Stalo region, to display an active interest in the winter ceremonial today means to profess one's Indian identity, and also one's belief in the rebirth of Indian culture and in the future of the Salish nation. What may be called culture propaganda has a definite place i n the modern s p i r i t ceremonial. Thus is the r i t u a l i s t s ' message to the people: "The Salish nation has a lot to be proud of; let us be proud of our Indian waysl" (Rosedale, Dec.. 12, 1970) "This i s our way, the Indian way. This i s the way of our ancestors. Only by being proud of i t can we stay Indian. We Indians are not looking for material goods, we look for a free l i f e . We don't seek material things, we seek s p i r i -tual powerl" (Seabird Island, Jan. 12, 1970) "Our Indian culture i s not dead, i t i s alive today, our an-cestors feel happy about what they see. When I was young, when the old people died the fires burnt down and the old smokehouses f e l l down, so keep the fires burning again!., s Everything changes, sya'wan changes, too, but I know you'll keep the fires burning....There i s every reason you should be proud of your Indian culture. As long as the sun rises in the East and sets i n the West,-and as,long as the streams go to the ocean these fi r e s w i l l burn." (Tzeachten, Jan. 8, 1971) "Your great-great-grandparents have started the, fi r e s to burn in these smokehouses in bygone days. You carry the heritage, of your ancestors. These Indian names, the names of a great people, these names were known throughout the land and they w i l l be known again! Nowadays we are a l l related i n one way or another, this i s why the words come out, because our In-dian people a l l belong together. Those in sya'wan here turn around to teach the young that's coming behind; without that our Indian ways would a l l be forgotten....Help one another at a l l times so that the Indian ways w i l l grow!" (Tzeachten, Feb. 19, 1971) 123 The promoters of the s p i r i t dance movement stress i t s appeal to a l l Indians living in the area. While only a selected group — "those who need i t " --• are expected to become active dancers, the leader culture propaganda aims at a broad Indian participation by mass atten-dance and involvement of many native people i n tasks connected with the ceremonial. On the other hand, some of the younger s p i r i t dancers militate for the elimination of whatever, they perceive as "White" in-fluence and interference. The most radical among them are against any sort of cooperation even with sympathetic "White" therapeutic and social agencies; they discourage Indian clientage of such agencies and demand 4 the exclusion of a l l White guests from the ceremonial. Here the voice of a young radical: "No White man can help an Indian, no White man really wants to help an Indian. The Indians who don't know what's there for them (in s p i r i t dancing) are stupid, because that's the only thing that can help them, i f they come back to their own culture. No White man can help an Indian, only Indians can do that. I had to find that out, only Indians can help an Indian, White people only get them.into.trouble." (N.A.) A l l these strivings, which go beyond the goals usually set in a therapeutic enterprise, reveal a keynote of nativism, i.e., an attitude of systematic favouring of the cultural in-group as opposed to the cultural out-group (cf. Ames 1957). Specific characteristics 4. A few Whites are invited by their Indian friends to attend as guests There are also a couple of Caucasian s p i r i t dancers from Washington State who are related to Indians and live in Indian communities (re-verse acculturation) . Recent anti-White sentiment among young radi-cals tends to differentiate on a racial rather than on a cultural or ideological basis. 124 o of social movements with nativistic orientation can be.identified in the development of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region: 1) characteristics of a revi v a l i s t i c - n a t i v i s t i c movement, (Linton 1943), namely a "conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to revive...selected aspects of i t s culture", in a "situa-tion of inequality between the societies in contact"; 2) characteristics of a revitalization movement (Wallace 1956), namely a "deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture", in type both nativistic ("elimination of alien persons, customs, values")and revi v a l i s t i c ("institution of customs, values, and even aspects of nature which are thought to have been in the mazeway of previous generations but are not now present"); 3) characteristics of a resistive nativistic movement (Ames 1957) with "resistance to the beliefs, values, and practices of the dominant society". These pertinent characterizations can be included in a c l a s s i -ficatory schema of the s p i r i t dance movement, a schema which combines the typologies of Aberle (op. c i t . , p. 316) and Clemhout (1964, p. 14), and which is intended to provide clues for predicting potential future developments. In considering future developments orelmay be reminded that the living-space of the Salishan speaking peoples has in the 19th century been the arena of an important religious movement, the Prophet 125 5 6 Dance; from which originated the (transformative) Ghost Dance, a series of often militantly anti-White movements of "sacro-nativistic" type sweeping through native North America. It is as yet unclear whe-ther a secularized analogy w i l l be provided i n our time by transforma-tive revitalization movements of "p o l i t i c o - n a t i v i s t i c " type, inspired by the so-called "Red Power" ideology, which appeals to some of the younger s p i r i t dancers. The Coast Salish area has in the past also seen the rise of 7 Shakerism, a redemptive movement of the "sacro-syncretic" type in which shamanic practices, guardian-spirit beliefs, catholic lithurgy and pro-testant ethic blended to form a religious cult, eventually established as a church. Developments in such a direction would require a deliber-ate amalgamation of contemporary sya'wan doctrines with trends i n mod-ern Western Zeitgeist which already exercise a significant yet concealed influence on Indian thought, into a sacro-syncretic belief system, or into an ethico-syncretic ideology. In the post-imperialist era, ideolo-gical currents in contemporary Western societies suggest the abandon-ment of eurocentric, p o s i t i v i s t i c and "materialistic" world-views, con-comitant with an upgrading, even idealization, of the Western image of 5. Cf. Spier's (1935) research on the Prophet Dance and the origin of the Ghost Dance; also Suttles (1957); both authors have specific references to the Prophet Dance in the Upper Stalo region, but do not examine the relationship between Prophet Dance and s p i r i t dancing. 6. Cf. Du Bois (1939) for the Ghost Dance of the 1870s; for the later movements around 1890 see the classical treatise by Mooney (1896). Guariglia (1959, pp. 149-171; 190-193) provides a comprehensive _ review with geographical maps. 7. Cf. Gunther (1949), Collins (1950), and above a l l , Barnett (1957). 126. non-Western cultures. These currents are reflected in a changing Indian-White relationship and may eventually effect the merging of the Indian "opposition ideology" with that of the younger White generation. 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