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Psychohygienic and therapeutic aspects of the Salish guardian spirit ceremonial Jilek, Wolfgang George 1972

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PSYCHOHYGIENIC AND THERAPEUTIC ASPECTS OF THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT CEREMONIAL by. WOLFGANG GEORGE JILEK M.D. , University of Innsbruck, Austria M.Sc, McGill University, Montreal D.Ps., McGill University, Montreal  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS i n t h e Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972  In  presenting  this  an advanced degree the I  Library  further  for  shall  agree  thesis  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment  of  at  University  of  Columbia,  the  make  it. f r e e l y  available  that permission for  his  representatives.  of  this  thesis  for  It  financial  is  for  extensive  s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d  by  British  by the  shall  not  requirements  reference copying o f  Head o f  u n d e r s t o o d that  gain  the  I and  this  copying or  be a l l o w e d  Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  ^epf.  £> *  \ TZ 9  thesis or  publication  w i t h o u t my  Wolfgang G. J i l e R  of  that  study.  my Department  written permission.  Department  agree  for  ABSTRACT T h i s study i s based on a n a l y s i s of e t h n o g r a p h i c  literature;  p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n of contemporary s p i r i t dance and h e a l i n g  ceremonies  i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n l e a d e r s ,  r i t u a l i s t s , and o t h e r s p i r i t c e r e m o n i a l  t i c i p a n t s ; and on f i v e y e a r s of c l o s e c o n t a c t w i t h the Upper S t a l o as p h y s i c i a n and r e g i o n a l mental h e a l t h o f f i c e r . area,  I n the Coast  west Coast c u l t u r e .  features of N o r t h -  i n the decades f o l l o w i n g the W h i t e i n t r u s i o n  i s b r i e f l y i l l u s t r a t e d , and the h i s t o r y o f the r e c e n t r e v i v a l o f d a n c i n g i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y i s r e p o r t e d . t h a t the achievement  was an e s s e n t i a l  the  The s u p p r e s s i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l c e r e m o n i a l by c h u r c h  and government a u t h o r i t i e s  to demonstrate  Indians  Salish  the N o r t h A m e r i c a n I n d i a n g u a r d i a n s p i r i t complex combined  s p i r i t quest o f the P l a t e a u t r i b e s w i t h s e c r e t s o c i e t y  par-  spirit  Ethnographic evidence i s  of a l t e r e d  states of  a s p e c t o f the t r a d i t i o n a l c e r e m o n i a l :  cited  consciousness the s p i r i t  encounter  took p l a c e i n such a p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c s t a t e , and the t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i n v o l v e d c o n d i t i o n s and t e c h n i q u e s t i c a l w i t h , o r analogous t o , altered  those commonly found i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f  s t a t e s of c o n s c i o u s n e s s  o f f u t u r e s p i r i t dancers  iden-  elsewhere.  The s e a s o n a l  spirit  illness  i n t r a d i t i o n a l Coast S a l i s h c u l t u r e was a s t e r e o -  typed p a t h o m o r p h i c , but not p a t h o l o g i c ,  p r e l u d e to the p u b l i c e x h i b i t i o n  o f s p i r i t powers i n the dance c e r e m o n i a l .  Today i t i s o f t e n fused w i t h  p s y c h i c and p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c symptom f o r m a t i o n i n the c o n t e x t and s o c i a l d e p r i v a t i o n , a syndrome w h i c h the a u t h o r d e s c r i b e s h e a d i n g o f anomic d e p r e s s i o n .  of c u l t u r a l under the  D i a g n o s i s o f t h i s c o n d i t i o n as s p i r i t  p e r m i t s r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of an estranged  illness  I n d i a n person w i t h the a b o r i g i n a l  ii  culture via initiation into spirit dancing.  The author presents contem-  porary spirit dance initiation as ahealing process based on the therapeutic myth of death and rebirth of the neophyte who is made to regress to a state of infantile dependency in order to obtain his spirit power and to grow with i t into a more rewarding and healthier existence. Personality depatterning and reorientation towards the ideal norms of Salish culture is achieved through shock treatments and various types of sensory deprivation and stimulation, followed by physical exercise and indoctrination.  In contemporary Salish theory and practice, persons suffering from  depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints unresponsive to Western methods of treatment, as well as persons with behaviour problems, are candidates for the initiation procedure which implies considerable expenses and some risks.  The revived ceremonial provides the local native population with  an annual winter treatment programme integrating several types of therapy which are identified and discussed. Preliminary data suggest that, as far as the Indian clientele is concerned,the therapeutic effectiveness of this indigenous Salish treatment compares favourably with Western medi c a l approaches,in conditions of i l l health in which psychophysiologic mechanisms are prominent, and with Western correctional management of behaviour disorders associated with alcohol or drug abuse. Analysis of the changes occurring in the traditional ceremonial since the revival of spirit dancing, shows that what in the past was a ritual with psychohygienic aspects i s now an organized Indian effort at culture-congenial psychotherapy. In an attempt to define and localize modern Salish spirit dancing as a social phenomenon within proposed classificatory schemata, i t is characterized as a redemptive movement aiming at total personality change, with nativistic tendencies towards a collective Indian renaissance.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  I  Preface  1  II  Note on Research Methods Used  3  III  Introductory Note on the T r a d i t i o n a l S a l i s h Guardian S p i r i t Complex  5  The Revival of S p i r i t Dancing i n the Fraser Valley of B r i t i s h Columbia  11  The Achievement of Altered States of .Consciousness i n the S a l i s h Guardian S p i r i t Complex as Documented i n Ethnographic L i t e r a t u r e  17  IV V  .-A.  VI  Altered States of Consciousness  17  B.  S p i r i t Experience and Possession  27  C.  S p i r i t Quest  •  35  D. . S p i r i t I l l n e s s  40  E.  46  S p i r i t Dance I n i t i a t i o n  Contemporary S p i r i t I l l n e s s and Anomic Depression  54  A.  Note on Anomie and Relative Deprivation  54  B.  Anomic Depression as Important Background Phenomenon of Contemporary S p i r i t I l l n e s s The Symptomatology of Contemporary S p i r i t Illness  C.  VII.  Note on the Physiology and Psychology of  57 61  The Therapeutic Process of Contemporary S p i r i t Dance I n i t i a t i o n  70  A.  Death and Rebirth -- The Therapeutic Myth  70  B. C.  Personality Depatterning and Reorientation Indications.for I n i t i a t i o n and Selection of Candidates  73  D.  Costs and Risks  86 .  9  0  iv  VIII  Annual Winter Therapy  93  A.  Occupational and A c t i v i t y Therapy  95  B.  Group Psychotherapy  96  C.  Cathartic Abreaction  99  D.  Psychodrama  100  E.  Direct Ego-Support  103  F.  Physical Exercise  . 104  IX  Therapeutic Effectiveness  106  X  From Psychohygienic Ritual to Ritual Psychotherapy  111  Modern S p i r i t Dancing as a Therapeutic Social Movement "  118  XI  Bibliography  128  1  I PREFACE  The purpose of this paper i s to e l i c i t and define the psychohygienic and therapeutic aspects of the S a l i s h Guardian S p i r i t Ceremonial, and to evaluate the r e l a t i v e importance of these aspects i n t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary Coast S a l i s h culture, both for the i n d i v i d u a l and the collective. While comparative data on most Coast S a l i s h groups w i l l be included i n this paper, the population under s p e c i f i c observation here i s that of the following Indian bands located i n the Upper Fraser Valley of B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada:  A i t c h e l i t z , Cheam, Chehalis, Kwaw-kwaw-a-  p i l t , Lakahahmen, Ohamil, Peters, Popkum, Scowlitz, Seabird Island, Skulkayn, Skwah, Skway, Soowahlie, Squiala, Sumas, Tzeachten, Yakweakwioose; Halkomelem d i v i s i o n of Salishan l i n g u i s t i c group, Northwest Coast culture area.  This region encompasses reserves i n the  Greater  Chilliwack-Agassiz-Harrison d i s t r i c t s and w i l l henceforth be referred to as Upper Stalo region ( c f . Duff, 1952).  Also involved i n the winter  ceremonials of the Upper Stalp region are some members of the Douglas band of Northern Harrison Lake ( L i l l o o e t Salishan speakers of the Plateau culture area).  The t o t a l Indian population of the Upper Stalo  region amounts to about 1,900. The writer i s grateful to his Indian friends, Chief Richard Malloway and Mr.  Roy Point of Sardis, B.C., Mr. Joe Washington of  Marietta, Washington, and Mr. Walker Stogan of Musqueam, B.C., who  2  invited him to attend at ceremonial occasions as a guest and witness. He has learnt to respect these Indian elders for their warm humanity and devotion to their people, and for the keen psychological insight they displayed.  I t i s t h e i r hope that a better understanding of the  ceremonial, by health professionals and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , may a f u l l appreciation of i t s merits.  lead to  To quote one of them:  "We have i n v i t e d here a friend, a doctor, so that he can see what we are doing and how we help our young people. He can be our l i n k to the outside world, he could speak about i t on a medical convention one day. I want the doctor to know that people whom White doctors have given up are s i t ting among us right here....The doors of this smokehouse are always open for you. You have come here as friend of our people to witness what takes place here i n this smokehouse, i n order to understand the ways of sya'wan." (Joe Washington, speeches at ceremonials i n Wellington, December.23, 1970, and Tzeachten, February 19, 1971.) This work was done under the supervision of Professor Wilson Duff.  The author w i l l remain indebted to him, and also to Dr. David F.  Aberle and Dr. Michael Kew of the Department of Anthropology Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, agement .  and  for their advice and  encour-  3 II NOTE ON R E S E A R C H METHODS USED The data upon which this study i s based were obtained: (1) by analysis of the ethnographic literature on all Salishan-speaking populations; (2) by personal observation of contemporary spirit dance and healing ceremonies i n longhouses and community halls of the Stalo Indians during the winter seasons 1969/70 (major ceremonials attended: 8), 1970/71 (14), and 1971/72 ( 4 ) . Ceremonials were attended upon formal invitation by Indian friends; leaders and ritualists and other participants. On several occasions, t h e writer was asked t o assist as a "witness" i n initiation ceremonies. During the ceremonial speechmaking, shorthand notes were made b y t h e writer. The accuracy o f verbal statements quoted c a n be guaranteed with regard to complete and correct key wording and rendering of stylistic flavour. The writer d i d not use tape recording equipment a t the ceremonies as this (and the use of photographic and film cameras) i s o b j e c t e d t o b y I n d i a n p a r t i c i p a n t s who c o n s i d e r s o n g s a n d d a n c e s to be the owner's personal property; ( 3 ) i n 48 p r i v a t e l y c o n d u c t e d i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 21 I n d i a n persons (leaders, ritualists, and other spirit ceremonial participants) from the whole Coast Salish area. The interviewed persons were aware of the writer's interest i n the therapeutic aspects o f spirit dancing, and most of them were sympathetic to h i s intention of making their information accessible to a professional audience.  4  They object, however, to i t being used for gainful purposes i n non-scientific publications. No useful purpose would be served by revealing the i d e n t i t y of an Indian person when presenting i n this paper the information he or she contributed.  In order to  safeguard anonymity, references to personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be kept at a minimum, and coded i n i t i a l s w i l l be employed i n the text; (4)  i n f i v e years of close contact of the writer with the native popu l a t i o n of the Fraser Valley, i n his capacity of physician and regional mental health o f f i c e r .  During this period, the writer  attended 105 l o c a l Indian patients.  The majority of these were  referred for problems which w i l l be discussed under the heading of anomic depression.  C l i n i c a l impressions and conclusions, as  far as they w i l l be presented i n this paper, rest on this experience .  5  III INTRODUCTORY NOTE ON THE TRADITIONAL SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX  The "Guardian S p i r i t Complex" i s an ancient phenomenon of considerable c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l and psychological significance for the great majority of indigenous American s o c i e t i e s .  Early European com-  mentators considered the American Indian's guardian s p i r i t s to be daemons of infernal provenance.  So did Bishop De Herrera i n the 16th  century and the Jesuit Fathers i n the 17th.century (Benedict 1923)  and  also Bishop Durieu of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the late 1800's (Hill-Tout 1 1902); the l a t t e r i d e n t i f i e d them as f a m i l i a r s p i r i t s .  The young  science of anthropology was making the guardian s p i r i t a case of totemism, either as an i n t e g r a l part of c o l l e c t i v e totemism (Durkheim 1915) or, vice-versa, as a universal precursor of totemism, a l i n k between f e t i s h and totem (Hill-Tout 1901, 1904,  1905).  More recently, c l a r i f y i n g re-  views of the Guardian S p i r i t concept were presented f o r the whole of North America by Benedict (1923), for the Plateau area, including the I n t e r i o r S a l i s h , by Ray (1939) and f o r the Coast S a l i s h by Barnett (1938, 1955) and Duff (1952).  In comparative analysis of the Guardian S p i r i t  Complex, these authors contrast S a l i s h patterns with the peculiar forms this complex had developed among the Kwakiutl ( c f . Spradley 1963). 1.  Familiar s p i r i t , or imp, a low-ranking daemon i n the shape of an animal given by the Devil to a witch or wizard with whom he had contracted a pact, to serve as advisor, assistant and performer of malicious errands (Robbins 1959, p. 190).  6  Generalizing from their conclusions, we see the following picture emerging with regard to Guardian S p i r i t practices i n the Plateau and Northwest Coast culture areas: (1)  Prototypical of the Guardian S p i r i t customs i s the Plateau area with an i n d i v i d u a l , e g a l i t a r i a n , rather s t r e s s f u l adolescent quest to obtain a l i f e - l o n g supernatural helper, and acquire from him name, power, and song i n a visionary experience.  (2)  Contrasting with this i s the situation i n the Wakashan province of the Northwest Coast area with the Kwakiutl as prototype:  highly  formalized procedures, i n which the Guardian S p i r i t as a mark of a r i s t o c r a t i c rank i s acquired on the basis of h i e r a r c h i c a l p r i n c i ples i n a dramatically staged group performance of s p i r i t v i s i o n and possession i n the context of secret-society i n i t i a t i o n . (3)  The Coast Salish area, i n an intermediate position both geographic a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y , manifests the Guardian S p i r i t Complex of the Plateau "re-worked and re-interpreted under the influence of the social and physical environment of the Northwest Coast" (Duff 1952;  p. I l l ) , combining  elements of the c l a s s i c s p i r i t quest  with the secret-society feature of i n i t i a t i o n to the winter cere2 monials. In S a l i s h culture the most intimate relationship existed between shamanism and guardian s p i r i t doctrine.  Shamanism was, as Bene-  d i c t (1923; p. 67) put i t , " b u i l t around the vision-guardian-spirit 2.  Among the Fraser River S a l i s h , the winter dancing season was called by the Kwakiutl word Me'itla according to Boas (1894) .  7  complex".  The following schema can be constructed for the S a l i s h -  speaking peoples from ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e (Teit 1900;  Hill-Tout  1905a; Gunther 1927; Haeberlin 1930; Ray 1932; Olson 1936; Barnett 1938 and 1955; Wike 1941; Duff 1952; Lane 1953; Jenness 1955; 1960; Robinson 1963; Kew (1)  Elmendorf  1970):  Shamanistic powers and spirit-songs d i f f e r e d e s s e n t i a l l y from those of the layman.  This d i s t i n c t i o n was carried to i t s l o g i c a l  extreme by the Upper Stalo of the Fraser Valley; t h e i r prospective shamans "underwent a long rigorous quest and obtained from a s p i r i t i n a dream or v i s i o n a s p e c i f i c power", while the same guardian s p i r i t might appear to a lay person i n a v i s i o n without quest, conferring no powers other than song and dance (Duff 1952; p. 97). (2)  The shaman's s p i r i t quest, although taking a similar form,  gener-  a l l y implied greater e f f o r t s , imposed more hardships, and was of a longer duration than that of the layman. (3)  The shaman's v i s i o n experience was of greater force and i n t e n s i t y than the layman's.  (4)  Shamans' and laymen's guardian s p i r i t s were, as a rule, of the same type or even i d e n t i c a l , conferring shamanic powers to one and non-shamanic powers to another seeker. . Shamans usually obtained powers not from one or two, but from several s p i r i t s , and often from s p i r i t s who were considered to be e s p e c i a l l y potent or to have p r e d i l e c t i o n for shamanic powers.  A notable exception was  presented by Puget Sound groups (Haeberlin 1930; Wike 1941; Elmendorf 1960) having two d i s t i n c t classes of s p i r i t s for shaman and  8  layman; and by the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island (Robinson  1963)  whose shamans-to-be claimed mythical monsters as t u t e l a r i e s , (Kwakiutl influence?) while lay seekers had to resort to animal spirits.  Barnett (1955) l i s t s some s p i r i t s who gave power almost  exclusively to shamans among the Coast Salish of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  such as the double-headed snake, the thunder-bird, the f i r e , and the land-otter. The winter s p i r i t dance was  the major r i t u a l within the  guardian s p i r i t complex of Salish-speaking peoples of- the P a c i f i c Northwest Coast area.  S p i r i t dancing was practiced by most Coast Salish  groups that maintained e f f e c t i v e i n t e r - t r i b a l t i e s through this ceremonial complex (Suttles 1963).  I t was also of great importance to the  Flathead as "medicine-dance," and to the Okanagan (Teit 1930), but by 1954 i t had become a remnant of a once highly developed a r t i s t i c and r e l i g i o u s spectacle (Lerman 1954) . ...Spirit dancing was never a feature of r i t u a l l i f e among the other Interior S a l i s h groups of B r i t i s h (Ray 1939); however, the Shuswap t r a d i t i o n a l l y engaged i n "mystery  Columbia sing-  ing" during wintertime, when a l l men were possessed of some shamanic power (Teit 1905). The S a l i s h Indians recognized winter as the appropriate time for ceremonies concerning the guardian s p i r i t s , when "people draw upon their store of sunlight and their v i t a l i t y i s weakened" (Robinson 1963), to be strengthened again by the annual return of the s p i r i t powers who arrive and depart with the cold season.  9  In Hill-Tout's (1902, 1904) time, the winter s p i r i t ceremoni a l s were known among the Halkomelem speakers of the Fraser Valley of i  B r i t i s h Columbia as s u ' l i a or u l i a dances, "dramatizations of dreams" 3 as H i l l - T o u t (1904) interpreted t h i s .  Today, the native population of  the Valley refers to them i n English as "Indian Dances", or just as "pow-wows".  Under missionary influence, s p i r i t dancing had to y i e l d to  Christian customs throughout the S a l i s h region.  Bishop Durieu who im-  posed a theocratic s o c i a l order on the Gulf of Georgia Salish i n the 1860's and 1870's, proclaimed four commandments to h i s Indian flock, of which the f i r s t was to give up a l l t r a d i t i o n a l dancing, the second, to quit potlatching, the third, to cease consulting shamans, and the fourth, to abstain from drinking and gambling  (Lemert 1955).  I n i t i a l l y there  was no prospect of co-existence -- except f o r the Puget Sound area where a seasonal pattern of r e l i g i o u s l o y a l t y developed with s p i r i t singing, i n the winter and attendance at the s y n c r e t i s t i c Shaker Church i n summer (Wike 1941).  S p i r i t dancing was formally outlawed i n Washington  T e r r i t o r y by decree of the Superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s i n 1871, apparently i n the context of fears about anti-White movements i n the wake of the Ghost Dance, (cf. C o l l i n s 1950). 3.  In B r i t i s h Columbia, the  Cf. Kluckhohn's general theory of myths and r i t u a l s : "The l i t e r ature i s replete with instances of persons "dreaming' that supernaturals summoned them, conducted them on travels or adventures, and f i n a l l y admonished them thereafter to carry out c e r t a i n r i t e s ....To obtain ceremony through dream .is, of course, i t s e l f a pattern, a proper t r a d i t i o n a l way of obtaining a ceremony or power" (1942, p. 51). 5  10  4 . so-called Potlatch Law was often used as a legal sanction to suppress s p i r i t dancing. instrument 1961)  This Section of the Indian Act, which served as an  of imposed acculturation i n this province ( c f . LaViolette  remained on the Statutes of Canada u n t i l 1951. The h i s t o r y of s p i r i t dancing among the Lummi, a Coast Salish  group i n Northern Washington, i l l u s t r a t e s the development of this ceremonial under acculturative pressures (Suttles 1954). Agency united forces to discourage  Church and Indian  t h i s "pagan" r i t u a l :  paraphernalia  and costumes were confiscated, their owners publicly chastised or sentenced to fines and forced labour i f they proved to be r e c a l c i t r a n t dancers.  Indoctrination at school was designed  generation consider the ceremonials barism. obsolete.  to make the young Indian  as vestiges of a bygone age of bar-  By 1914, the Indian Agent proudly declared the dances to be When, however, he h i t upon the idea of using them i n a stage  performance on "Treaty Day" f o r the purpose of arousing aversion, this had the paradoxical effect of rekindling a dying f i r e .  I t was now e v i -  dent to the people that the U.S. Government had f i n a l l y been forced by the s p i r i t powers to free the dances.  There was, however, no resurgence  of s p i r i t dancing u n t i l much l a t e r . 4.  "Every Indian or other person who engages i n or a s s i s t s i n celebrating the Indian f e s t i v a l known as the "Potlatch" or i n the Indian dance known as the "Tamanawas" i s g u i l t y of a misdemeanour, and s h a l l be l i a b l e to imprisonment for a term of not more than six nor l e s s than two months i n any gaol or other place of confinement, and any Indian or other person who encourages, either d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , . a n Indian or Indians to get up such a f e s t i v a l or dance, or to celebrate the same, or who s h a l l a s s i s t i n the celebration of same, i s r g u i l t y of a l i k e offense, and shall be l i a b l e to the same punishment" (section 3, Statutes of Canada, 1884; c i t . LaViolette 1961, p. 43)..  11  IV THE REVIVAL OF SPIRIT DANCING .IN THE FRASER VALLEY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  Among the Upper. Stalo Salish of the Fraser Valley, Duff found only 14 active dancers i n 1952.  Ten years l a t e r , 26 new  dancers  were i n i t i a t e d during one winter i n the entire Coast S a l i s h region (Suttles 1963).  Kew  (1970) recorded eleven i n i t i a t i o n s at Musqueam  Reserve near Vancouver i n just three seasons, 1966  to 1969.  Our data  show that resurgence of s p i r i t dancing on the Indian reserves of the Upper Stalo region started i n 1967/68 with the i n i t i a t i o n by Musqueam r i t u a l i s t s of the son of a prominent family, a young man who  l a t e r was  of 20 years,  to assume a leading role i n l o c a l i n i t i a t o r y  procedures.  In the mid-1960's, there were very few t r a d i t i o n a l dancers active i n the Upper Stalo region, probably not more than four, of whom the most well known were Chief Richard Malloway of Sardis, and Chief Charles Douglas Senior of Rosedale. Potlatch Law  The legal persecution of active dancers under the  i s s t i l l remembered among the older people, and so are pre-  sentations to the senior governments made by Chief Malloway and other Indian leaders on behalf of native traditions and of those practicing them.  Throughout the period of suppression of s p i r i t dancing by  govern-  mental and church authorities, the mutual assistance of the t r a d i t i o n a l dancers from d i f f e r e n t tribes who t i f i e s to S a l i s h s o l i d a r i t y .  sang and drummed for each other, tes-  The few active dancers i n the Upper Stalo  region remained i n close contact with their brethren of the Musqueam, Lummi (Northern Washington) and Cowichan (Vancouver Island) tribes, where  12  the  ceremonial had survived as an organized group a c t i v i t y .  ing  role of Lummi and Musqueam r i t u a l i s t s i n the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t  dancing i n the Upper Stalo region i s readily acknowledged  The.lead-  by l o c a l In-  dian leaders: "It  started i n the States again, and i t came this way" (C.L.);  "As far as i n i t i a t i o n goes, Musqueam has been l i k e a mother to the Chilliwack people...we had to depend on the other tribes to help us, to teach us the Indian way of l i f e again." (Y.I.) Indian leaders are aware of the h i s t o r i c a l importance of the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the Upper Stalo region, and pay tribute to the  role of r i t u a l i s t s of neighbouring tribes who from the mid-1960's  on were practicing i n the southern Coast S a l i s h area: "This i s a great thing what happened here on our reserve, history has been made here. We are so grateful to our brothers from the South, from Lummi and from Musqueam and to Ed Brown (senior r i t u a l i s t ) who came a l l the way from Nanaimo...we'll always remember.that" (Address at f i r s t ceremony on Wellington Reserve, December 23, 1970). At  the opening ceremonies of the new longhouse Tzeachten H a l l ,  Sardis, B.C., January 8th and 9th, 1971, we counted approximately 800 people who had come from v i r t u a l l y a l l Coast S a l i s h regions, as active or passive participants i n the dances.  To honour the h i s t o r i c a l event,  Sxwaixwe masks and costumes were publicly displayed i n a s p i r i t dance ceremonial f o r the f i r s t time i n many decades.  Four sxwaixwe dancers  appeared dancing four times around the h a l l , their accelerating pace "tamed" by the rhythmic drumming of. sixteen t r a d i t i o n a l l y clad older  13 1 women.  The awe-inspiring ceremony was  announced by a senior r i t u a -  list: "Everyone o f f the f l o o r now -- sys'wan i s coming out f o r the f i r s t time...let's the women hear, they're the ones that they're going to follow on their steps....It was i n 1892 when this l a s t took place, when they showed sxwaixwe here ....Those of Chilliwack, Tzeachten i s your home here, that's our way of opening i t , our own way that we use to open this house." The increasing.number of."new dancers" i n the Upper Stalo region not only r e f l e c t s the p r o s e l y t i z i n g endeavour of the older r i t u a l i s t s , but also a changing view of native t r a d i t i o n by the younger Indian generations.  Under the headline "Long House to Play Role i n  Reviving Indian Religion", the l o c a l paper devoted a f u l l page to the r e v i v a l of Indian S p i r i t ceremonials i n the area, from which we quote relevant passages: "Mrs. Point and her husband Roy described the current r e v i val o f " i n t e r e s t i n Indian b e l i e f s and r e l i g i o u s ceremonies ....Beliefs and practices which were uniquely Indian, began to die out when white missionaries moved into the area, she said....Mrs. Point said that early C h r i s t i a n missionaries used various means to have native people drop their old beliefs....She noted that with the completion of the longhouse, Chilliwack area Indians w i l l be able to start p r a c t i c i n g winter ceremonial s p i r i t dancing.... .Mrs. Point paid tribute to the r o l e which Chief Malloway has played i n 'keeping the f i r e burning' so that native t r a d i t i o n s would not be l o s t ....She noted that many of the young native people who have dropped out of r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s i n .the established churches are looking forward to the completion of the longhouse so that they can become involved i n ceremonial dancing  1.  Note the role of 4 and 4 x 4 as a quasi-magical number occurring i n S a l i s h ceremonial l i f e . The sxwaixwe masks observed on this occasion were very s i m i l a r to the Cowichan mask photographed 60 years ago by Curtis (1913, p. 114); but obviously of recent manufacture. For the c u l t u r a l implications of the sxwaixwe myth see Duff (1952) and Codere (1948). . ,  14  .....She noted that i n attempting to restore the winter ceremonies, the people were relying somewhat on the r i t u a l s used by the more 'ferocious' Island i n i t i a t o r s . . . " (The C h i l l i wack Progress, July 8, 1970, p. 3B.) These are the number of "new  dancers" from reserves of the  Upper Stalo region whom we were able to i d e n t i f y ad personam: I n i t i a t e d during sya'wan season: 1  1967/68 1968/69  :  3  1969/70  :  4  1970/71  :  16  1971/72  :  10  These figures are f a i r l y complete; however, there may have been a few i n i t i a t i o n s which escaped our notice.  F i f t y would therefore be a rather  accurate estimate of the t o t a l number of s p i r i t dancers i n the Upper Stalo region who have been i n i t i a t e d since the r e v i v a l of the winter ceremonials, up to March, 1972.  The drop i n i n i t i a t i o n s during the  1971/72 season was not due to a lack of candidates, as we could v e r i f y , but rather to a deliberate e f f o r t on the part of the new i n i t i a t o r s to l i m i t the number of novices, i n order to " i n i t i a t e them decent, so that they can .better stand that way of l i f e " (father of young i n i t i a t o r ) . According to Musqueam and Lummi r i t u a l i s t s , the trend towards increasing p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the winter ceremonials has also been present i n other Coast Salish regions. At one "big dance" near Duncan^ Vancouver Island, during the ceremonial season 1970/71, 45 "new  dancers" i n their t r a d i -  tional robes gathered from a l l over the Coast Salish area.  Also i n d i c a -  tive of the growing interest i n reviving the winter ceremonials are the  15  longhouse construction projects which have been started by Coast S a l i s h groups i n recent years both i n B r i t i s h Columbia (e.g., Musqueam, North Vancouver, Duncan, Tzeachten, Chehalis) and Washington State (e.g., La Conner, Nooksack, T u l a l i p ) . The r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing has been accompanied  by changes  i n the. ceremonial and i n i t s organization, which w i l l be mentioned l a ter.  These, are viewed rather c r i t i c a l l y by some of the senior dancers  and r i t u a l i s t s ; others again accept them philosophically: "Everything changes, sya'wan changes too, and i t w i l l change further i n the future, but I know y o u ' l l keep the f i r e s burning, and that's what counts" (Lummi r i t u a l i s t at Tzeachten H a l l , January 8, 1971). As a r e s u l t of the s c a r c i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l dancers, the Upper Stalo region depended e n t i r e l y on the assistance of older from the Coast with regard to the i n i t i a t i o n procedures. the  case i n the Agassiz-Harrison area.  ritualists This i s s t i l l  In the Chilliwack d i s t r i c t ,  however, an e l i t e of dynamic young r i t u a l i s t s emerged from the ranks of those i n i t i a t e d  i n recent years, prominent among them the f i r s t new  dancer of the region who i n the eyes of many natives has attained a certain -- positive or negative -- charismatic q u a l i t y .  These young  r i t u a l i s t s devoted themselves to their ceremonial duties with great zeal during this past season (1971/72), without more than the formality of a distant supervision by older r i t u a l i s t s .  While taking some pride  i n the f e e l i n g that the "Chilliwack people now handle t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n s themselves", even the most sympathetic elders watch this take-over with some apprehension:  16  "The young i n i t i a t o r s are just starting and they have a l o t to learn...they never used to allow anybody to do that i f he was younger than maybe t h i r t y . These boys are breaking into new t e r r i t o r y . They're f u l l of energy to i n i t i a t e new dancers, but judging their experience I never trust i t completely -- something serious can happen during the i n i t i a t i o n " (Y.I.).  17  V THE ACHIEVEMENT OF ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX AS DOCUMENTED IN ETHNOGRAPHIC"LITERATURE A.  Note on the Physiology and Psychology of Altered States of Consciousness To f a c i l i t a t e the interpretation of important phenomena occur-  ing i n S a l i s h s p i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n procedures, we present here a b r i e f summary of the most relevant b i o l o g i c a l and psychol o g i c a l data on the genesis, consciousness.  character and function of altered states of  Ludwig (1968) has explored  and described  of consciousness i n the context of trance and possession.  altered states Altered states  of consciousness are characterized by the following symptomatology: (1) .. ,  a l t e r a t i o n s i n thinking, including predominance of archaic modes of thought, b l u r r i n g of cause-effect d i s t i n c t i o n , and cognitive ambivalence;  (2)  disturbed time sense;  (3) .. .  loss of conscious control and i n h i b i t i o n which may be relinquished i n order to. gain a greater, c u l t u r a l l y defined power;  (4) change i n emotional expression towards a f f e c t i v e extremes ranging . . from ecstasy to profound fear; (5) body-image changes; feelings of depersonalization, d e r e a l i z a t i o n , . . d i s s o l u t i o n of boundaries between s e l f and environment, often associated with dizziness, weakness, blurred v i s i o n and analgesia; (6) perceptual d i s t o r t i o n s ; hallucinations, i l l u s i o n s , v i s u a l imagery, . . hyper-acuteness of perceptions, synaesthetic experiences; (7) change i n meaning; attachment of increased or s p e c i f i c significance . . to subjective experience or external cues, leading to t h r i l l i n g feelings of insight, and revelation of "truth" which then c a r r i e s an unshakeable conviction;  18  (8)  sense of the i n e f f a b l e ; the essence of the personal experience i s f e l t to not be d i r e c t l y communicable, and this i s often explained by varying degrees, of amnesia;  (9)  feelings of rejuvenation, of renewed hope or of r e b i r t h ;  (10) hypersuggestibility: a propensity to accept, or to respond u n c r i t i c a l l y to statements of an authority figure v i a i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , or to c u l t u r a l and group expectations. Ludwig's altered states of consciousness correspond to what Bleuler (1961) has defined as Bewusstseinsverschiebung  ( s h i f t i n g of  consciousness), a state of mind attributable to either cerebro-organic or,  more frequently, to psychogenic  processes.  altered states of consciousness of a psychogenic  In Western culture, type are mainly  observed  i n (a) hypnosis, (b) r e l i g i o u s revelation, (c) " h y s t e r i c a l " d i s s o c i a t i o n . The term trance state i s i n usage for a l l these phenomena, while possession state has been reserved for non-Western cultures and for cases 1 not approved of by C h r i s t i a n authorities i n d i c a t i v e of "eurocentric bias.  -- an a r b i t r a r y  convention  The differences between these states  are c u l t u r a l , not psychological or neurophysiological. Schlesinger (1962) has accumulated evidence for a neuropsychological c l a r i f i c a t i o n of these hitherto vaguely defined experiences.  His conclusions are  b r i e f l y summarized here. The term trance designates a "state of double i.e.,  consciousness,  the constricted state of awareness of the personal s e l f which co-  exists with the dream-like state of consciousness of the para-personal self". 1.  The neuropsychological basis of any trance or possession state  Cf. Rodewyk's (1963) recent " d i f f e r e n t i a l diagnosis" between r e l i gious experiences, h y s t e r i c a l states, and daemoniac possessions.  19  i s the d i s s o c i a t i o n of the s e l f , which loses i t s experiential unity and i s converted into a secondary "dual system of r e l a t i o n a l experience", namely, the personal s e l f and the para-personal s e l f .  A mild degree  of d i s s o c i a t i o n of the central experiential agency involves the dominant or conscious sphere of mentation only; a more profound d i s s o c i a t i o n the dominant and the subsidiary or unconscious sphere; and a maximal degree of d i s s o c i a t i o n would also effect cleavage of the mnemonic sphere, i . e . the memory functions. There i s no evidence of cerebro-organic changes as manifested i n electroencephalography i n either hypnotic or so-called h y s t e r i c a l trance states (Lindsley 1960; Kugler 1966; H i l l 1963  c i t . ; . P r i n c e 1968).  Some authors have found an i n h i b i t i o n of alpha-activity blocking under hypnosis (Loomis et a l . 1936; Titega and Kluyskens 1962).  EEG data of  this kind which point to s p e c i f i c alterations of attention and consciousness were also obtained during Zen exercises i n Japan (Kasamatsu and Shimazono 1957; Kasamatsu and H i r a i 1966). The capacity of attaining altered states of consciousness i s a universal property of the human central nervous system, as evidenced by the ubiquitous occurrence of trance phenomena through time and  space.  However, the prevalence of these phenomena appears to be a function of socio-cultural variables.  Under the impact of r a t i o n a l i s t i c - p o s i t i v i s t L c  ideologies, the normal faculty of manifesting with psychogenic d i s s o c i a t i o n appears to have diminished among members of the Western urban middleclass who would nowadays not be expected to readily enter h y s t e r i c a l twilight reactions, daemoniac possessions, or r e l i g i o u s frenzy, while  20  these states are by no means rare i n more tradition-oriented pockets of Western culture ( c f . J i l e k and J i l e k - A a l l 1970). Experimental  studies of hypnotic trance have demonstrated  beyond any doubt, (1) that the subject's motivation i s essential for the induction of a hypnotic reaction; (2) that the hypnotist i s of importance only as a culturally-approved sanctioning figure i n whose i n f l u ence the subject firmly believes, and as a focus f o r the projection of omnipotence fantasies; (3) that the hypnotic state serves the subject's wish-fulfillment and the achievement of consciously or unconsciously desired goals (Schilder 1953;  Barber 1958;  Van Der Walde 1965,  1968).  Above a l l , hypnotic trance i s a "product of s i t u a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l demands" (Van Der Walde 1968). This i s equally true of non-experimental . . 2 trance states. Paraphrasing the eminent French P s y c h i a t r i s t Henry Ey , we may  say that i n trance the subject makes use of h i s capacity to enter  a d i s s o c i a t i v e state i n order to enact most e f f i c i e n t l y a goal-directed role which his culture i n certain situations permits or demands him to do. While the induction of psychogenic d i s s o c i a t i o n unquestionably depends on the subject's motivation, i t may  be f a c i l i t a t e d by the employ-  ment of techniques which r e s u l t i n changes of brain function with demonstrable electroencephalographic indicators. factors" (Ludwig 1968)  Such "somato-psychological  producing altered states of consciousness are  hypoxyventilation (inhaling a i r of. low oxygen content) and hyperventi-  2.  "Cette t h e a t r a l i t e de 1'existence hysterique ou l e nevrose joue^ son role comme un acteur" (Ey 1963, p.' 405).  21  l a t i o n (forced overbreathing) which both can be carried on u n t i l loss of consciousness ensues, and which are associated with s t a g e - s p e c i f i c l EEG changes (Davis et a l . 1938); further, hypoglycemia (low blood sugar level) and dehydration  due to f a s t i n g ; sleep deprivation; exposure to  extreme temperatures.  The role of rhythmic sensory stimulation in,the  production of altered states of consciousness deserves our special attention.  While photic d r i v i n g , i . e . the e f f e c t s of stroboscopic photo-  stimulation on e l e c t r i c a l brain a c t i v i t y , perception and consciousness, have been the main concern of neurophysiological.research  i n this f i e l d  ever since the pioneering work of Adrian and Matthews (1934), an  analo-  gous significance of acoustic stimulation has long been surmised by  ob-  servers of r i t u a l s and ceremonies i n which rhythmic sounds appeared to have a d i r e c t e f f e c t on the central nervous system. expressed by Aldous Huxley (1961, p.  This was  clearly  369):  "No man, however highly c i v i l i z e d , can l i s t e n for very long to A f r i c a n drumming, or Indian chanting, or Welsh hymnsinging, and r e t a i n intact h i s c r i t i c a l and self-conscious p e r s o n a l i t y . . . i f exposed long enough to the tom-toms and the singing, every one of our philosophers would end by capering and howling with the savages." The well-known B r i t i s h neuropsychiatrist Sargant noted i n " I t should be more widely known that e l e c t r i c a l recordings of the human brain show that i t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y sensitive to rhythmic stimulation by percussion and bright l i g h t among other things and c e r t a i n rates of rhythm can b u i l d up recordable abnormalities of, brain function and explosive states of tension s u f f i c i e n t even to produce convulsive f i t s i n predisposed subj e c t s . Some people can be persuaded to dance i n time with such rhythms u n t i l they collapse in.exhaustion. Furthermore, i t i s easier to disorganize the normal function of the brain by attacking i t simultaneously with several strong rhythms played i n d i f f e r e n t tempos. This leads on to protective i n h i b i t i o n either rapidly i n the weak i n h i b i t o r y temperament or  1959:  22  a f t e r a prolonged period of excitement i n the strong excitatory one. Rhythmic drumming i s found i n the ceremonies of many primitive r e l i g i o n s a l l oyer the world. The accompanying excitement and dancing i s also maintained u n t i l the same point of physical and emotional collapse has been reached." (p. 92) In t h e i r now c l a s s i c a l t r e a t i s e on rhythmic sensory stimulat i o n , Walter and Grey Walter (1949) recorded the following physiolog i c a l and psychological e f f e c t s of such stimulation i n t h e i r subjects: "1.  4.  Visual sensations with characters not present i n the s t i mulus, that i s : (a) Colour; (b) Pattern; (c) Movement. Simple sensations.in other than.the visual.mode: (a) Kinaesthetic (swaying, spinning, jumping, v e r t i g o ) ; . (b) Cuteneous.(tingling, pricking); (c) Auditory (rare); (d) Gustatory and olfactory (doubtful); (e) V i s c e r a l (probably connected with ( a ) ) . General emotional and abstract experiences: (a) Fatigue; (b) Confusion; (c) Fear; (d) Disgust; (e) Anger; (f) Pleasure; (g) Disturbance.of time sense. Organised hallucinations of various types.  5.  C l i n i c a l psychopathic states and e p i l e p t i c seizures." (p.63)  2.  3.  Although these e f f e c t s were achieved by photic stimulation with rhythmically f l i c k e r i n g l i g h t , the researchers had reason to assume that the mechanisms dealing with signals' from non-visual sensory receptors were b a s i c a l l y similar, and that "rhythmic stimulation i n any mode i s l i k e l y to produce impulse volleys at harmonic frequencies somewhere i n the central, nervous system, associated with s p e c i f i c i l l u s o r y sations" (p. 83).  sen-  With regard to acoustic stimulation, they concluded  that: "...rhythmic stimulation of the organ of hearing'as a whole can be accomplished only by using a sound stimulus containing components of supra-liminal i n t e n s i t y over the whole gamut of audible frequencies - i n e f f e c t a sfceep fronted sound such as that produced by an untuned percussion instrument or an explosion." (p. 82, i t a l i c s mine).  23  This lead was not to be followed for some time.  Instead of  using rhythmic percussion, other, researchers experimented with  inter-  mittent pure^tone sound stimulation, as, e.g., Gastaut et a l . (1949) who  e l i c i t e d c l i n i c a l responses i n two patients suffering from photo-  genic epilepsy, and Goldman (1952) who i n the EEG of two normal subjects. able to e l i c i t  could show "acoustic d r i v i n g "  More recently, Kugler (1966) was  spikes i n the EEG of patients suffering from temporal  lobe epilepsy when using loud noises-at.a r e p e t i t i o n rate of 2 to 6 per second.  I t was  not u n t i l Neher"s (1960; 1962)  investigations that  the neurophysiological e f f e c t s of rhythmic drumming were demonstrated i n controlled experiments.  The  significance of Neher s findings for 1  the anthropological and psychological study of r i t u a l trance and possession :states can hardly be over-estimated.  Neher (1960) exposed c l i n -  i c a l l y and electroencephalographically normal subjects to a low-frequency, high-amplitude stimulus obtained from a snare drum without snares —  an  instrument quite)similar to the S a l i s h deer skin drums employed at winter ceremonials.  Auditory driving responses were demonstrated i n the EEG of  a l l subjects at the fundamental of each stimulus frequency (3, 4, 6 and 8 beats per second), also at second harmonics and second subharmonics of some stimulus frequencies.  Subjective responses were s i m i l a r to  those obtained with photic d r i v i n g by Walter and Grey Walter (1949), and included "fear, astonishment, amusement, back pulsing, muscle tightening, s t i f f n e s s i n chest, tone i n background, humming, r a t t l i n g , v i s u a l and auditory imagery."  Due  to the presence of theta rhythms  24  (4 to 7 cycles per second) i n the e l e c t r i c a l a c t i v i t y of the temporal a u d i t o r y region of the cerebral cortex, sound stimulation by drumming i n t h i s frequency range appears to be most e f f e c t i v e and would, therefore, be expected to predominate i n ceremonies associated with trance behaviour.  As cited by Neher (1962)' the'response i s heightened by  accompanying rhythms reinforcing the main rhythm, and by concomitant rhythmic stimulation i n other sensory modes, such as tactual and kinesthetic; s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to rhythmic stimulation i s increased by stress i n general, hyperventilation, hypoglycemia and adrenaline secretion resulting from exertion and fatigue.  At the same time, strong  sensory stimulation i n h i b i t s the transmission of pain signals to the conscious areas of the brain.  In the l i g h t of h i s findings, Neher (1962)  reviewed some ethnographic reports on ceremonies involving rhythmic ' drumming from Siberia, A f r i c a , H a i t i and Indonesia. A comparison of these data appeared to suggest that "unusual behaviour observed i n drum ceremonies i s mainly the result of rhythmic drumming which a f f e c t s the central nervous system."  However, such a" conclusion awaits f i n a l con-  firmation by electroencephalographic examination of subjects while p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n appropriate ceremonies.  Prince (1968) discusses the  p o s s i b i l i t y that auditory d r i v i n g i s a "commonly used portal of entry into the d i s s o c i a t i v e state". - His p r a c t i c a l suggestions for the study of possession states by telemetering the EEG of f u l l y mobile "native" participants i n ceremonies have not yet been taken up by f i e l d -  researchers.  25  Sargant (1959) explains the induction of states of r e l i g i o u s enthusiasm and s p i r i t possession, as well as the so-called brain-washing and related therapeutic techniques, transmarginal  inhibition.  i n terms of Pavlovian theory  He marshals evidence from h i s t o r i c a l  as and  contemporary reports on methods of r e l i g i o u s and i d e o l o g i c a l conversion and indoctrination* and  shows that the basic processes involved are  analogous i n a l l s i g n i f i c a n t aspects, paralleling.those Pavlov deduced from his experimental observations  i n dogs.  Given the fact that human  cerebral organization varies within very narrow l i m i t s , we  should  be surprised to find the most heterogenous ideologies introduced c e s s f u l l y by very s i m i l a r techniques,  not suc-  as Sargant asserts:  "Various types of b e l i e f can be implanted i n many people, a f t e r b r a i n function has been s u f f i c i e n t l y disturbed by a c c i dentally or d e l i b e r a t e l y induced fear, anger or excitement. Of the r e s u l t s caused by such disturbances,theifimost common one i s temporarily impaired judgement and heightened suggestibil i t y . . . . I f a complete sudden collapse can be produced by prolonging or i n t e n s i f y i n g emotional stress, the brain slate may be wiped clean temporarily of i t s more recently implated patterns of behaviour, perhaps allowing others to be substituted for them more e a s i l y . " (p. 128) Ludwig (1968) presents a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of factors i n the production of altered states of consciousness under the following headings: a)  reduction of exteroceptive stimulation and/or motor a c t i v i t y : e.g. i n sensory deprivation, prolonged social i s o l a t i o n , hypnagogic and hypnopompic states, revelatory states during incubation or temple sleep;  b)  increase of exteroceptive stimulation and motor hyperactivity, emotional arousal leading to exertion and mental fatigue: e.g.. i n hyperalert or hyperkinetic trance secondary to tension-induction manoeuvres; trance i n response to rhythmic music and drumming; trance i n r e v i v a l i s t i c meetings;or s p i r i t possession i n t r i b a l ceremonies; increased s u g g e s t i b i l i t y and sense-deceptions r e s u l t i n g from prolonged fear;  26  c)  focused and selective hyperalertness: e.g. i n prolonged v i g i l a n c e , intense mental absorption or attention to proprioceptive stimuli;  d)  decreased alertness, relaxation of c r i t i c a l f a c u l t i e s : e.g. i n meditation, day-dreaming and reverie, auto-hypnotic trances;  e) • somatopsychological  factors (vide supra).  From the foregoing we conclude that trance or possession are altered states of consciousness  involving the u n i v e r s a l l y human mechanism  of mental d i s s o c i a t i o n without cerebro-organic l e s i o n s .  Their induction  i s largely dependent on the subject's motivation and on the s i t u a t i o n a l and socio-cultural context but may be f a c i l i t a t e d by c e r t a i n conditions and techniques, some of which effect temporary changes of brain function. I t may be appropriate here to r a i s e the question of the funct i o n a l relevance of altered states of consciousness and for the c o l l e c t i v e .  f o r the individuum  This question has recently been answered by  Wittkower (1970) i n a discussion of "his observations on trance and possession states i n non-Western societies: "Trance and possession states have undoubtedly an adaptive function c u l t u r a l l y as well as i n d i v i d u a l l y . Their i n d i v i dual psychological effects consist of drive release, ego support, problem solution, r e l i e f from superego pressures and atonement." "There can be no doubt i n anybody's mind that trance and possession states i n the countries i n which they play part of r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s have an important d i s t r e s s r e l i e v i n g , integrative, adaptive function. . As far as mental i l l n e s s i s concerned, they may be of prophylactic value. An increase i n mental i l l n e s s may have to be expected when as a result of culture change they have ceased to e x i s t . "  27  B.  S p i r i t Experience and Possession Fundamental to the North American Guardian S p i r i t Complex i s  the v i s i o n experience as a means of obtaining and c o n t r o l l i n g t u r a l power (Benedict 1923).  superna-  T r i b a l conventionalization and formaliza-  t i o n of the content of the v i s i o n and the events surrounding i t cannot obscure the fact that this experience was distinguished from others by intense feelings of significance and " t h r i l l " , and that i t constituted a s p e c i f i c psychic reaction which was s o c i a l l y recognized. l a r i e s were mostly acquired.in a peri-pubertal s p i r i t quest.  The tuteThey  were usually seen and/or heard i n a v i s i o n encounter and showed themselves to the power-seeker both i n human and non-human form.  After  surveying the- l i t e r a t u r e one w i l l agree with Benedict (1923) that the Guardian S p i r i t s were named e n t i t i e s recruited.from a very wide range of  the natural and supernatural universe, making i t impossible to group  them under any one type.  In Benedict's view the North American In-  dian s v i s i o n experience was not synonymous with dreaming. 1  Some authors  quote informants as expressly r e f e r r i n g to visions i n a non-sleeping state, e.g. Hill-Tout (1905, p. 144) and Duff (1952, p. 99).  Robinson  (1963) states for the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island that i t was necessary to  f a l l unconscious i n order to hallucinate the tutelary and that sleep  dreams were considered inadequate.  Other authors are less s p e c i f i c  and use v i s i o n and dream interchangeably.  Thus, according to Barnett  (1955), among the Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia  the "mystic rap-  prochement i n which the seeker was granted the aid of an animal s p i r i t  28  always took place i n a dream or trance". Teit (1900, 1905, 1930)  speak  of "dreams" or of "dreams' and v i s i o n s " i n connection with Guardian S p i r i t a c q u i s i t i o n among the Thompson, Shuswap, and other Salishan t r i b e s of the Plateau.  He refers to the prototypical case of the  Thompson when reporting that "the ceremonial r i t e s continued u n t i l the lad dreamed of some animal or b i r d which became h i s protectors or Guardian S p i r i t s f o r l i f e " (Teit 1900, p. 320).  The Coast Salish  youth's v i s i o n quest had to go on u n t i l he eventually would "see something" (Barnett 1955).  "Dreams and v i s i o n s are the invariable source  of the personal totem of the S a l i s h " concludes H i l l - T o u t (1905, p. . 143).  In h i s writings H i l l - T o u t (1901, 1902, 1904, 1905a, 1905b, 1907)  uses labels l i k e personal totem, guardian, mystery being, essence, guide, tutelary, protector, power, charm, or f e t i s h , for the Halkomelem term s u ' l i a which he derives from the verb u ' l i a to dream ( H i l l Tout 1901, 1902).  This etymology of the Halkomelem term for Guardian  S p i r i t i s confirmed by Duff (1952) for the Upper Stalo -- su'lia, meaning "dream" but possibly also " v i s i o n " ( a ' l i a " v i s i o n " or "prophet") denotes both the Guardian S p i r i t experience and the Guardian S p i r i t ; and by Kew  (1970) for the Musqueam -s'alya, l i t e r a l l y one's v i s i o n or  "what you see i n your dream".  Suttles (1955) gives the t r a n s l a t i o n of  the i d e n t i c a l Katzie word as " v i s i o n " .  The analogous, term i n Twaria  ' w language was s'oClix  , "that which one encounters i n a v i s i o n experi-  ence", from c<li'x , "to obtain power from a Guardian S p i r i t i n a v i s i o n w  encounter".  The Twana made no sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between waking v i s i o n ,  trance, or semi-conscious h a l l u c i n a t i o n .  I t was assumed that the seeke  29  would have to "lose consciousness" as i f dying, i n order to perceive the s p i r i t i n human form and be granted power and song, upon which he would recover from a " f a i n t i n g s p e l l " (Elmendorf 1960).  The powers con-  ferred by the Guardian S p i r i t on the seeker i n h i s v i s i o n experience are s i g n i f i e d and/or embodied i n the s p i r i t song which i n Halkomelem languages was c a l l e d si'wal (Duff 1952), sioCwgn (Suttles 1955) or sya'wan (Kew 1970). Ray (1932) assumes that the majority of guardian s p i r i t experiences among the Sanpoil and Nespelem were dream phenomena, although sleep was not permitted on the quest and the experience was spoken of as " l i k e a dream".  Later on i n h i s review of c u l t u r a l relations i n the  Plateau, Ray (1939) points out that this experience may take place i n a. "half-waking or half-sleeping state and.yet be c u l t u r a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as d e f i n i t e l y dream, or d e f i n i t e l y v i s i o n " - - a c c o r d i n g to intra-group convention, as i t were.  I t appears to be quite plausible that the  v i s i o n was elaborated i n subsequent dreams, as Olson (1936) reports f o r the Quinault youths seeking s p i r i t power.  This has a p a r a l l e l i n Lane's  (1953) findings i n the Cowichan area of Vancouver Island where v i s i o n s occurred i n either a conscious or unconscious appearance i n dreams.  state followed by s p i r i t  Wike"s (194*) accounts of the Swinomish of Puget  Sound also refer to reappearance i n sleep dream a f t e r i n i t i a l perception of a s p i r i t helper. The dream-vision question remains unresolved, therefore, and may be unresolvable due to an inherent semantic ambivalence i n the nat i v e concepts, an ambivalence which would seem to aptly express the  30  ambivalent nature of altered states of consciousness partaking of properties of the sleep-dream and of normal wakefulness. The Indian informants' accounts r e f l e c t the i n t e n s i t y of the  psychophysiologic reaction experienced by the youthful s p i r i t  seeker i n h i s f i r s t encounter with the supernatural: " . . . i n the middle of the second night there came a roaring as of wind, things came through the a i r and the ground swayed and rocked. . Then I heard the scream of an eagle. He came near and I saw him i n the guise of a man. He went round and round the f i r e and then went away. I was. very much a f r a i d and wanted to run away. Then I heard the seamonster nearby, and he, too, walked around.me. I was a f r a i d he was going to carry me off. Then there came a.monster snake who made a noise l i k e the land otter. F i n a l l y Turtle came and walked around me and went away. Each of them gave me power." (Quinault; Olson 1936, p. 144). "Four winters I endured this penance. Then at l a s t my mind and body became r e a l l y clean. My eyes were opened, and I beheld the whole universe. I had been dancing and had f a l l e n to the ground exhausted. As I lay there, I heard a medicineman singing f a r , f a r away, and my mind travelled towards the voice....My mind returned to my body and I awoke, but now in my hands and wrists I f e l t power. I rose up and danced u n t i l I f e l l exhausted again and my mind l e f t me once more. Now I t r a v e l l e d to a huge tree -- the father of a l l trees, i n v i s i b l e to mortal eyes." (Katzie; Jenness 1955, p. 67). "The owl was so close. I t was s i t t i n g down on a log. When I frightened i t , i t flew.up on top of a tree. I don't know whether I fainted or not. When I got control I went home. That night I dreamed about i t . I t came up to me and talked to me." (Swinomish; Wike 1941, p. 15). "Comes the noise again just l i k e a whirlwind, struck me on my back. I stopped and looked around. Funny, no wind or nothing. I walked again then. I seen.lightning sparkle across the road. I just wondered, what was that? I looked up again, seen the.stars. I t couldn't be thunder. I went on the same and I was r e a l l y hungry. Again i t come, a l i t t l e closer, whirled right across i n front of me. I t gave me c h i l l s through my body the second time i t come. I kept awalking. F i n a l l y the third time i t come and got me, struck  31  me on the right side, shot right into me. I kind of staggered, dropped onto my knees, f e l l over. This man.come to me then, (and said) 'I'm the s p i r i t that your great-grandfather had'; a great t a l i . o l d man with long h a i r l i k e a woman." (Swinomish; Wike 1941, p. 18). . . The s p i r i t may be of immediate assistance, emotionally and materially, i n situations of d i s t r e s s , as i n the case of a deserted, deprived and depressed young Swinomish mother to whom the Deer S p i r i t restored hope and brought hunting luck: "One day a f t e r I ate lunch I lay i n bed, 'Well, what i s l i f e ? I f I should only die I wouldn't have to worry about my l i t t l e ones. But poor l i t t l e ones they need me.' Then that night I dreamed. I saw the l i t t l e deer i n my dream. I almost loved that l i t t l e thing when I saw i t . I t said 'You are going to walk down this morning and.carry a gun and you are going to meet me.'" ( S p i r i t then supplied psychic support together with material provisions.for the family, Wike 1941, p. 16). A f t e r successful completion of the s p i r i t quest the general pattern was  to claim amnesia for, or at least to not reveal, d e t a i l s of  the s p i r i t encounter and of the powers obtained from the supernatural guardians u n t i l one'was seized, perhaps years l a t e r , by the seasonal s p i r i t sickness when the s p i r i t song had to be "brought out" i n either the s p i r i t singing (Plateau) or the winter s p i r i t dance ceremonials (Coast S a l i s h ) . The Twana present a prototypical example of the Southern Coast Salish guardian s p i r i t complex (Elmendorf 1960).  The guardian  spirits,  acquired i n a v i s i o n quest, are l a t e r recalled and controlled during the winter dance season i n a fixed sequence:  the s p i r i t s return early i n  winter, manifesting themselves by the s p i r i t i l l n e s s (see below) which, when f i r s t a f f l i c t i n g a person several years a f t e r h i s s p i r i t v i s i o n ,  32  has to be diagnosed by a•shaman.  From then on, the s p i r i t returns  annually to i t s human owner and i s ceremonially exhibited during.each dancing season.  Seasonal possession upon return of the much e a r l i e r •  acquired s p i r i t at maturity was  also the pattern among three I n t e r i o r  Salish groups of the Plateau (Okanagan, Sanpoil, and K a l i s p e l ) and required shamanistic  intervention to e s t a b l i s h a relationship b e n e f i c i a l  to the owner (Ray 1939).  However, s p i r i t power might prove even too  strong.for a shaman to handle, as i n the case of the o f f i c i a t i n g r i t u a l i s t who. collapsed i n a possession state during an Okanagan Winter Dance (Lerman 1954).  In the Upper Fraser V a l l e y , the t r a d i t i o n a l ways  of acquiring.the s p i r i t song ( s i ' w i l ) -- the i n d i v i d u a l guardian  spirit  power received by most of the Upper Stalo Indians ---were (Duff 1952): (1) s p i r i t song a c q u i s i t i o n i n a spontaneous s e i z u r e - l i k e dream or v i s i o n experience;  (2) a c q u i s i t i o n i n a f i t induced by actions of older  dancers; (3) song heard i n an ordinary dream; (4) song heard emanating from natural objects.  S p i r i t song a c q u i s i t i o n of types (1) and  (2)  occurred only during the winter dancing time, while types (3) and were not r e s t r i c t e d to any season. area (Kew  1970)  The Musqueam i n the Lower Fraser  also knew, and know, the alternative forms of s p i r i t  a c q u i s i t i o n either through i n d i v i d u a l quest or through actions formed by other q u a l i f i e d s p i r i t owners.  The  per-  The s p i r i t u a l force (sya'wan)  resides within the i n d i v i d u a l and i s manifested and seizure".  (4)  i n a "state of trance  spirit-song, conferred i n the f i r s t encounter with  33  the supernatural, has to be sung every year during the ceremonial son.  sea-  Subsequent to i t s f i r s t manifestation, possession by sya'wan may  be triggered by hearing sudden noises or the singing of others.  The  triggering effect of any kind of music during the winter dance period i s f a m i l i a r to the Swinomish of Puget Sound.  Genuine trance states i n  t r a d i t i o n a l Swinomish s p i r i t dancers are indicated by violent f a i n t i n g , acute fatigue, or mad symptoms resembling  sobbing,  frenzy p o t e n t i a l l y leading to accidents,  the c l i n i c a l picture of hysteria (Wike 1941)  c i a l l y with regard to the anaesthetic and analgesic phenomena.  espeThe  possessed dancer's movements appear as "puppet-like" automaton movements even to a casual observer (Altman 1947).  The immediacy of the  possession experience i s reflected i n the accounts of the dancers: "When you sing your breath starts shaking. goes into you. You try to sing, your jaws then you sing i t out, get over i t . When I just follow your power, just follow the way  A f t e r a while i t start to shake, dance 1 don't act, of your power."  "The s p i r i t come right into me. Couldn't hold my breath, began to sing. When I dance the s p i r i t i s i n me so strong. The song i s going i n my ear a l l the time. I'm not myself u n t i l i t raises away from you, then i t ' s clear....The s p i r i t i s so strong I can't stop." (Wike 1941, p. 13/14) Among the Lummi Indians, a l l persons who  acquired s p i r i t songs  from their t u t e l a r i e s between puberty and middle age, became possessed and sang during the winter season (Suttles 1954).  Of the Puyallup-  Nisqually of Puget Sound, Smith (1940) reports that their newly possessed are i n deep trance and appear l i k e dead. 488)  observed  Hill-Tout (1900, p.  that the Squamish s p i r i t dancer i s " p r a c t i c a l l y i n a hyp-  34  notic trance state... moved or prompted by self-suggestion or the mental suggestion of the waiting audience."  However, experienced S a l i s h  dancers learn to exercise some control over their s p i r i t s  spirit  and to.deter--  mine to a certain extent the time of possession (Wike 1941), which i s , of course, not at a l l incompatible with an altered state of .consciousness.  S p i r i t power, especially i n statu nascendi of the song, i s held  to be highly contagious :(Barnett 1955; Kew  1970;.Smith 1940; Stern 1934;  :Suttles 1963; Wike 1941). Barnett (1955) has maintained that genuine possession was. more common i n the southern Coast Salish region, while i n the North (Comox),it was either absent-or pretended.  That genuine possession  states occurred among the Vancouver Island Salish, i s .confirmed by Lane's (1953) data on the Gowichan ("comatose" state of new  dancers  repossessed by their power, automatic singing and barking of the s p i r i t dancers, e t c . ) .  Barnett's conclusion appears to be based on the f a l l a -  cious assumption  that the c u l t u r a l l y conditioned expectation to enter  into a trance state can only, be complied with by 'conscious simulation: "On the island, at least, performers of the winter ceremoni a l s were suppossed to be possessed by their s p i r i t s , and t h i s . . . indicates the pretense and a r t i f i c i a l i t y , entering into many of the winter ceremonials:" (Barnett 1955, p. 272). Neuropsychological research has, however, long demonstrated the error of equating phenomena, brought about by c o l l e c t i v e suggestion, with "pretense and a r t i f i c i a l i t y . "  An extreme but i l l u s t r a t i v e  point i s the phenomenon variously labelled voodoo death,  case i n  thanatomania,  35  mort psychosomatique,  or Vagus-Tod; namely, the l e t h a l outcome of severe  anxiety states, anticipated by the a f f l i c t e d individual as well as by i t s group, and induced and reinforced by the c o l l e c t i v e suggestion of supernatural influences ( c f . Ackerknecht 1943; B i l z 1966; Cannon 1942; Collomb  1965; J i l e k - A a l l 1964; J i l e k and J i l e k - A a l l 1970; Lambo 1956;  Mauss 1950).  C. . S p i r i t Quest We w i l l now examine the S a l i s h Indians' quest f o r guardian s p i r i t s as to the presence of conditions which play a major role i n the production of altered states of consciousness. Conditions of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n associated with prolonged nocturnal vigilance,expectant alertness, and monotony:  The Thompson  youth's practice extended over years which he spent p e r i o d i c i a l l y on lonely v i g i l s i n the mountains (Teit 1900), just as the Flathead had to keep v i g i l i n desolate places (Teit 1930).  Shuswap boys separated  themselves for weeks of nocturnal seclusion i n wild spots (Teit 1905). V i g i l s among the L i l l o o e t might l a s t up to one year (Ray 1939) ; the young seeker would go apart by himself into forest or mountains, t r y ing to keep h i s mind abnormally active and expectant (Hill-Tout 1905a, 1905b).  On the Plateau, v i s i o n s tended to be hypnagogic or hypnopompic  hallucinations, prece'dingg actual sleep or following awakening (Ray 1939).  Among the Coast Salish of B.C.  i t was  the rule to go into the  woods and stay alone i n the wilderness (Barnett 1938).  Comox seekers  were expected to remain away u n t i l they were believed to be dead (Barnett 1955).  Dozens of v i g i l s i n s o l i t a r y places such as mountain tops  36  were held by Sanpoil boys (Ray 1932) ; while the young Quinault had to maintain v i g i l a n c e for several days after long t r i p s i n the mountains, up creeks, or on the shore i n search of a suitable place for his v i s i o n (Olson 1936).  The Twana s p i r i t seeker was  sent out alone at night to  remote locations (Elmendorf 1960) and the Swinomish had to walk by himself many miles through the forest (Wike 1941). and singing propitiated the s p i r i t s (Teit 1900,  Repetitive praying  19305- Olson 1936).  The seekers were advised to play s o l i t a r y games a l l night such as going through the motions of playing l a h a l (e.g. Ray 1932). Conditions of motor hyperactivity and mental excitation, associated with prolonged fear and emotional stress and followed by exhaustion and fatigue:  Thompson Indians during their s p i r i t t r a i n i n g were  often running a l l night u n t i l completely fatigued (Teit 1900).  Shuswap  novices.leaped down mountain sides trying to keep up with r o l l i n g boulders (Teit 1905).  The L i l k o e t s p i r i t seeker engaged i n exhausting bod-  i l y exercises and t r i e d to achieve a general exaltation of his senses, thereby inducing what H i l l - T o u t (1905a, 1905b) labelled "mystic dreams and visions i n an enervated condition".  The "highly sensitized mind"  of a Coast Salish on s p i r i t quest might, especially i n a "weakened and feverish condition"'react to any unusual occurrence i n nature with semi-conscious imagery (Barnett 1955), i n our terminology: state of consciousness.  an altered  Old Pierre-of Katzie i n the Lower Fraser V a l l e y  was worn out and weakened from his unrelenting quest at age ten; he f e l l to the ground exhausted and f i n a l l y had his v i s i o n (Jenness 1955).  37  Swinomish tutelaries often appeared  to people suffering from excessive  fatigue or emotional shock, or to those i n severe stress situations (Wike 1941). expense.of  One young man of the'Klallam obtained great power at the  enduring severe hardships; he l o s t blood, fainted, crawled  home l i k e a baby (Gunther 1927). • We may well assume that nightly v i g i l s i n a spirit-haunted wilderness aroused intense fears i n most youngsters. That such emotional a g i t a t i o n was intended by their mentors as conducive to s p i r i t visions can be gathered from reports of Southern Coast Salish children being sent out on their quest i n stormy weather and thunderj  -  storms (Haeberlin 1930; Gunther 1927).  They were also made to dive i n  presumably shark-infested waters, having to r e l y on sharp sticks of iron-wood  for their defense (Haeberlin 1930). Somatopsychological factors:  Under the following headings  are described techniques by which altered states of consciousness were achieved i n the populations under consideration here.  Such manoeuvres  played an important c a t a l y t i c or f a c i l i t a t i n g role i n the learning of "spontaneous" d i s s o c i a t i v e states.  D i s s o c i a t i o n could l a t e r be entered  into without resorting to the o r i g i n a l somatopsychic  induction methods.  I t may be mentioned here that hallucinogenic or narcotic drugs were not used i n t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast cultures. (1)  Sleep deprivation:  This i s implied i n the extended  v i g i l s of most s p i r i t quests, but i s s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned by some authors (e.g. Barnett 1955, Olson 1936).  38  (2)  Hypoglycemia due to abstention from food intake:  was required on a l l s p i r i t quests.  fasting  I t was prolonged among the I n t e r i o r  S a l i s h up to eight or ten days ( T e i t 1900, 1905, 1930; H i l l - T o u t 1905a, 1905b).  The Coast S a l i s h novice, too, was expected to fast or eat  very l i t t l e (Barnett 1936 and 1955).  When " t r a i n i n g " around ten or  eleven years of age, Old Pierre of Katzie roamed the bush for three weeks without food intake, u n t i l aching with hunger.  Nanaimo boys  starved themselves to the extreme in-order to induce hallucinations (Robinson 1963).  In the Southern Coast Salish area fasting•would be  carried on for several days among the Quinault (Olson 1936); f o r a week by a Swinomish seeker l i v i n g on alder leaves (Wike 1941); f o r two weeks by another Puget Sound candidate (Haeberlin 1930); as long.as a Twana youth could stand i t (Elmendorf I960). (3) Dehydration. a)  Dehydration due to abstention from f l u i d intake i s s p e c i f i c a l l y reported for the Thompson by T e i t (1900), but was also part of the fasting regime i n other Plateau groups.  b)  Dehydration due to forced vomiting:  Emetic, purgative and sudor-  i f i c methods were employed on the quest besides bathing and cleansing in an a l l - o u t e f f o r t at p u r i f i c a t i o n designed to p r o p i t i a t e the spirits.  Vomiting was induced either by mechanical means such as  inserting s t i c k s , willow or vine maple twigs, or feathers into the throat (Interior and Coast Salish groups; T e i t 1900, 1905;  Hill-  Tout 1904, 1905a, 1905b; Jenness 1955) or by swallowing  sea-water  or herbal emetics (Canadian Coast S a l i s h ; Barnett 1938,  1955).  39  c)  Dehydration due to purgation:  the young Thompson and Shuswap  youths used herbal laxatives such as decoctions of the soap-berry (sapindus saponaria) or berberry (berberis) bush to purge themselves (Teit 1900,  1905); d e v i l ' s club (echinopanax horridus) was known  to a l l Coast S a l i s h as having laxative properties. d)  Dehydration due to sweating:  (Jenness  1955)  intensive sweating i n sweat-lodges,  often accompanied by monotonous singing and praying, was a very wide-spread  ingredient of the s p i r i t quest (e.g. T e i t 1900;  H i l l - T o u t 1904, (4)  1905;  1905b; Duff 1952; Barnett 1955).  Hypoxaemia due to hypoventilation i n prolonged diving:  an important procedure i n Coast Salish s p i r i t quest was diving, often to a state of exhaustion or unconsciousness (Barnett 1938).  i n which a v i s i o n was received  Diving i n whirlpools was practised by Twana novices  (Elmendorf I960) and the Sanpbil youth was admonished to stay under water as long as possible (Ray 1932).  To obtain certain s p i r i t s a  Snohomish boy had to dive into deep water carrying a heavy stone and would find himself lying on the beach when he regained consciousness (Haeberlin 1930).  Nanaimo boys sometimes; drowned when using the same  method (Robinson 1963). (5)  Exposure to extreme temperatures:  Bathing i n ice-cold  water was, and s t i l l i s , an even more general feature of the S a l i s h s p i r i t quest than the exposure to the".hot temperatures houses.  of the sweat-  At a very tender age, Old P i e r r e of Katzie bathed i n i c y pools  a l l winter (Jenness. 1955).  A Quinault informant remembered how  formed i n his hair during such p u r i f y i n g baths (Olson 1936).  icicles  40  (6)  S e l f - i n f l i c t e d pain stimuli:  S e l f - t o r t u r e s and s c a r i -  f i c a t i o n s , although not as prominent as on the plains, are recorded as belonging to the s p i r i t quest of several S a l i s h groups.  There i s a  wide range from f l a g e l l a t i o n with n e t t l e s (Teit 1900) to cutting the f i n g e r - t i p s , piercing the legs, slashing the chest (Teit 1905), or lacing the body with knives (Hill-Tout 1904).  The psychophysiological  e f f e c t of s e l f - i n f l i c t e d pain i s referred to by Barnett (1955) who writes of Coast S a l i s h boys that they sometimes s c a r i f i e d t h e i r legs u n t i l feeling "light-footed and exhilarated".  D. . S p i r i t I l l n e s s  We now have to consider references to a condition which i s recorded f o r the e n t i r e s p i r i t dance area, usually under the name of s p i r i t - or power i l l n e s s .  This condition i s i n many respects analogous  to Eliade's (1964) i n i t i a t o r y sickness associated with the " e c s t a t i c i n i t i a t i o n " of shamans.  The phenomenology of i n i t i a t o r y sickness has  been discussed elsewhere, using the example of r i t u a l i z e d inaugural procedures of healers i n non-Western societies, and their Western equivalents; and the condition has been defined as a r i t u a l i z e d pathomorphic, i . e . i l l n e s s r l i k e , but not pathological state ( J i l e k 1971).  The r e l e -  vance of this d e f i n i t i o n f o r the seasonal s p i r i t i l l n e s s of the S a l i s h Indians w i l l be shown by ethnographic  data.  Spier (1930) already asserted  that the i l l n e s s accompanying the a c q u i s i t i o n of power among the Klamath had a p a r a l l e l i n the Yurok shaman novice's "pain sickness", and Barnett (1955) compared the Yurok "doctor-making" dance with S a l i s h winter dance  41  initiations.  For most of the Coast S a l i s h region, the advent of the  winter season i s heralded by the sickening of those who  have acquired  dancing power (Barnett 1955).  They become anorectic, insomnic, distraught,  weak and emaciated.  to Ray  According  (1939) the incidence of  "personal  guardian s p i r i t i l l n e s s " among the Plateau groups of the Columbia River System indicates upriver influences from the Coast; i n the I n t e r i o r Salish region the condition i s known only to the Wenatchi, Okanagan, and Sanpoil.  The return of the personal tutelary at maturity  i s marked  by "physical disturbance varying from a f e e l i n g of lonesomeness to a severe i l l n e s s " ,  and this a f f l i c t i o n may  recur seasonally as among the  Wenatchi, or the Sanpoil whose "thinking about s p i r i t s " i n winter resulted in a nostalgic despondency to be a l l e v i a t e d only by singing and dancing.  When f i r s t appearing to a person, s p i r i t sickness took on a  more severe' form with.localized pains, and required the shaman's a s s i s tance:  the s p i r i t was  removed, the new  song was  revealed to the patient  through the mediating therapist, and.the s p i r i t then "blown" back to the novice, whereupon the l a t t e r gave an inaugural dance.  Uninitiated  participants occasionally became i l l at dances and were diagnosed by the shaman as suffering from guardian s p i r i t v i s i t a t i o n (Ray 1932) . In the southern Coast S a l i s h province, the Twana (Elmendorf 1960)  dis-  tinguished several guardian spirit-connected diseases, of which the "winter i l l n e s s " was  the s p i r i t i l l n e s s  term used here.  shaman's diagnosis was  The  i n the r e s t r i c t e d sense of the "you are being looked at by  a vision-acquired s p i r i t " , or "being made sick by your power". cure of winter i l l n e s s ,  For the  several therapeutic measures were prescribed.  42  The patient had  to sponsor a s p i r i t dance with p a r t i c i p a t i o n of i n v i t e d  guests; the therapist had to summon the guardian s p i r i t who  then pos-  sessed the patient, singing i t s song "from inside", and making him dance. The  patient now  r i t u a l acts.  demonstrated h i s s p i r i t powers by singing, dancing, and  Subsequent winter i l l n e s s e s were diagnosed by the patient  himself and required public exhibition of the s p i r i t power by i t s owner i n the dance ceremonial.  In the Puget Sound area, Haeberlin  found that a clear d i s t i n c t i o n was  (1930)  made between "physical i l l n e s s "  and  the "obligatory seasonal i l l n e s s caused by the return of the sklaletut s p i r i t s at winter dance time i n November. sult a shaman as the patient was  I t was  not. considered  not necessary to con-  to be " r e a l l y i l l " ;  treated himself by singing h i s song and performing his dance. Puyallup-Nisqually, strate i t s e l f , was  disease due  Among the  to the desire of a s p i r i t power to demon-  diagnosed by shamans but curable by the patient; the  power could be that of the patient or that of a deceased r e l a t i v e . ness or ailment was which was  he  the f i r s t sign of possession  Weak-  by "ceremonial power"  to be displayed i n the "power - or s p i r i t - s i n g " (Smith 1940).  Wike (1941) relates the case of an 18 year old Swinomish g i r l whose depressive mourning reaction with severe anxiety and conversion was  not recognized  by the U.S.  symptoms  Indian Health Service physician, but  was  diagnosed and "doctored" by her father, a shaman, as "power i l l n e s s " . The patient was  cured by overcoming her acculturative resistance and f i -  n a l l y manifesting  her "warrior power" i n s p i r i t singing.  become a " f i n e g i r l i n the Old Indian Way", the ancestors appearing i n a dream.  She chose to  for which she was  praised by  The alternative to becoming a s p i r i t  43  singer, she knew, would have been death. as "that sick man",  Descriptive expressions such  "he i s l i k e crazy", or "I've been sick so many  times with that tune", are used by the Swinomish when speaking of s p i r i t i l l n e s s (Wike 1941).  As a r u l e , the older singers a s s i s t the novice  without shamanic aid; they determine the nature of the s p i r i t power by the new dancer's "sighs". sula, when f a l l i n g i l l  S i m i l a r l y , the Klallam of the Olympic Penin-  i n winter through v i s i t s of t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s ,  do not c a l l the shaman but i n v i t e their friends to help them sing and restore health by s a t i s f y i n g the s p i r i t s (Gunther 1927).  "Power i l l n e s s " ,  relieved by. p u b l i c l y singing the songs.received from potent s p i r i t s , also i d e n t i f i e d by the Quinault (Olson 1936).  was  In the 1950's, the Lummi  Indians would s t i l l attribute chronic i l l n e s s during winter time to possession by a s p i r i t demanding the patient to sing i t s song as a new dancer; a l l owners of s p i r i t songs were assumed to become possessed i n winter and to suffer an i l l n e s s treatable only by singing and dancing (Suttles 1954).  We  find analogous concepts of s p i r i t i l l n e s s i n the  Canadian sector of the Coast S a l i s h province.  In Curtis' (1913, p.  time, s p i r i t i l l n e s s among the Cowichan (Vancouver  103)  Island) always f o l -  lowed a previous v i s i o n experience: "The r e c o l l e c t i o n of a v i s i o n remains constantly i n the mind, and a f t e r an i n d e f i n i t e length of time i t becomes oppressive. The breath comes with great d i f f i c u l t y . I t i s then necessary for the parents of the sufferer to invite.the people to their house for a dance, and i f t h i s were not done he would become r e a l l y i l l and would d i e . " Robinson (1963) enumerates symptoms of "power sickness" among the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island, caused by siawsn —  possession:  rest-  lessness, f a i n t i n g s p e l l s , uncontrollable crying, heavy breathing, sighing  44  and moaning.  L o d g i n g i n the owner's c h e s t , the power ascends to the  t h r o a t i n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the w i n t e r season, to " b u r s t f o r t h as  sound,  s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t a k i n g p o s s e s s i o n o f i t s owner and t u r n i n g him i n t o a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e power i t s e l f " ,  The shaman's h e l p i s t h e n  sought  to " b r i n g o u t " the dance song through i n i t i a t i o n p r o c e d u r e s , o r t o " b u r y " the song t e m p o r a r i l y i n the patient:'s back u n t i l  such time as  to s p i r i t d a n c i n g might more c o n v e n i e n t l y be a r r a n g e d . the newly i n i t i a t e d siawan which may  initiation  F o r some y e a r s  dancer can expect d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c o n t r o l l i n g h i s  suddenly be aroused and a g a i n cause power i l l n e s s i f  not q u i c k l y p a c i f i e d by s i n g i n g and d a n c i n g .  The l i n e o f d e m a r c a t i o n  between c o n s c i o u s and u n c o n s c i o u s m o t i v a t i o n ' i s q u i t e t h i n , as e v i d e n c e d by Robinson's  (1963, p. 139) r e f e r e n c e t o the young g i r l s who make an  e f f o r t to o b t a i n i n i t i a t i o n p r e m a t u r e l y . . S e a s o n a l l a s s i t u d e , l a c k o f a p p e t i t e , c h e s t p a i n s , c r y i n g s p e l l s and " s i n g i n g " , d u r i n g s l e e p a r e t a k e n as symptoms o f s p i r i t i l l n e s s by the n e i g h b o u r i n g . C o w i c h a n 1953).  I n d i a n s (Lane  As w i t h the Nanaimo, the shaman c o n f i r m s the cause o f the m a l a i s e  and e i t h e r p r e p a r e s the a f f l i c t e d  f o r s p i r i t d a n c i n g o r " h i d e s " the  power i n the p a t i e n t ' s back, t h e r e b y o n l y d e l a y i n g s p i r i t dance i n d u c t i o n which e v e n t u a l l y has to t a k e p l a c e i f the r e l a p s e i n t o s p i r i t  sick-  ness w i t h i t s c u l t u r a l l y expected l e t h a l outcome i s to be p r e v e n t e d . Sometimes a d i a g n o s t i c e r r o r may  o c c u r and l e a d to the i n d u c t i o n o f a  p e r s o n w i t h o u t s p i r i t power, s u f f e r i n g , from "some " o r d i n a r y s i c k n e s s " . To the Musqueam hear Vancouver,  B.C.  (Kew  1970), sya'wan power has the  n a t u r e o f a f o r c e i n i t s e l f , v e r y much l i k e a c o n t a g i o u s i l l n e s s , c u r a b l e o n l y by " b r i n g i n g out t h e sya'wan" i n p r o p e r s i n g i n g and d a n c i n g .  "Getting  45  the sya'wan straight" by correct costume, song and dance, removes the symptoms of s p i r i t i l l n e s s which include feelings of weakness, unrest, spastic pains i n thorax and back, even unconsciousness, and which may lead to death i f manifestation of the power i s not achieved.  This i s  reported to have-happened to an Upper Stalo woman who was i n the c i t y when surprised by her song; "she fought i t o f f and they brought her home i n a c o f f i n " (Duff 1952, p.. 107). of seasonal (Duff 1952).  Fainting as a cardinal symptom  s p i r i t i l l n e s s was mentioned by other Upper Stalo informants Power-sickness was given as the major reason for s p i r i t  dance i n i t i a t i o n i n Musqueam, and i s seen as coming each f a l l down the Fraser River to Chilliwack, then turning southward to Lummi, from there to Musqueam and f i n a l l y crossing over to Vancouver Island (Kew 1970). The power "seems to come from the East" as one of Duff's (1952) i n f o r mants put i t ; i t i s perceived as spreading  down the Fraser Valley to the  P a c i f i c Coast and to the Island l i k e a seasonal epidemic.  The Katzie  of the Lower Fraser Valley (Jenness 1955) amalgamated the concept of s p i r i t i l l n e s s with that of " v i t a l i t y - l o s s " manifested by depressive brooding, s e l f - i s o l a t i o n , general d e b i l i t y ; and attributed to the v i t a l i t y leaving the patient's body and lingering at the guardian s p i r i t ' s home. Shamanic dream analysis provided  the diagnostic clues, and f a c i a l paint-  ing i n accordance with the s p e c i f i c a l i t y back.  s p i r i t dance pattern lured the v i t -  The patient, who immediately intoned the power-song given  to him by the guardian s p i r i t , was i n i t i a t e d as a dancer, whereupon the s p i r i t restored his health.  Old Pierre the famous Katzie medicine-man,  was able to make the d i f f e r e n t i a l diagnosis between " r e a l sickness" and sia'w n -f sickness: a  46  "Jack i s not r e a l l y i l l . He has only l o s t his v i t a l i t y . Some guardian s p i r i t has i t . He needs...an old dancer who has a pow.erful guardian spirit., to restore him to health." "When we came to where Gus was l y i n g , my uncle said: 'You had better chant one of your medicine songs and summon your medicine-power. I f e l t Gus' stomach, however, and replied: 'No, I s h a l l not chant for my medicine s p i r i t , but for my dance.spirit. " 1  1  Old Pierre confirmed that s p i r i t i l l n e s s was nosed and managed appropriately:  f a t a l i f not  "In recent years...several Indians  have died, or nearly died, because t h e i r songs became confused and not issue."  (Jenness 1955;  diag-  pp. 41, 48, 43).  could  Of great interest i s the  history of a s u p e r f i c i a l l y acculturated Katzie woman raised i n a Catholic convent and married to a white American, mother of highly educated c h i l dren.  This lady suffered from what appears to have been a post-menopausal  depression with somatization, unsuccessfully treated and presumably misdiagnosed by medical s p e c i a l i s t s , but revealed to the discerning mind of Old Pierre as caused by c u l t u r a l estrangement.  Health was  restored  with Old Pierre's assistance when the patient exhibited the Thunder S p i r i t already possessed by her (unacculturated) P.  E.  uncle (Jenness  1955;  59).  S p i r i t Dance I n i t i a t i o n  I f guardian s p i r i t possession i s , as we have seen,  conceived  of as causing an i l l n e s s curable only by s p i r i t dancing, then Suttles (1963, p. 519)  i s right i n stating.that "the i n i t i a t i o n of a new  i s a form of shamanistic  treatment."  dancer  Robinson (1963) speaks of the  i n i t i a t e s as of "patients", "treated" by old dancers some of whom are  47  shamans.  The i n i t i a t i o n of a new s p i r i t dancer i s also, as Kew  (1970)  has termed i t , a " c l a s s i c r i t e de passage which marks a change i n l i f e status."  To many contemporary S a l i s h Indians i t i s s t i l l equivalent to  death and r e b i r t h .  The neophyte does i n r e a l i t y pass through an altered  state of consciousness and i n the process he often actually suffers a 3 temporary loss of consciousness  as we ourselves observed during i n i t i a -  t i o n ceremonies at l o c a l winter dances i n the Upper Stalo region.  In  this context i t should be remembered that both John Slocum, the (Salish) founder of the Shaker c u l t , and Smohalla, the (Sahaptin) prophet.of the "Ghost Dance" r e l i g i o n , were legitimized i n t h e i r mission by death and resurrection, i . e . , by losing and regaining consciousness -- the one i n an accident, the other i n combat.(cf. Mooney 1896; Barnett 1957). Loss of consciousness during s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l s i s frequently reported i n the ethnographic.literature on S a l i s h cultures. The i n i t i a t e was "by any means possible rendered unconscious", he  was  "beaten, smothered and choked u n t i l he was unconscious" and said to be "paralyzed, dead" (Barnett 1955, p. 278; 1938, ago, Curtis (1913, p.. 104) was  p. 137).  Some 60 years  told of the winter dance i n i t i a t i o n pro-  cedure of the Cowichan on Vancouver Island: "A number of men; usually f i v e ; who at some previous time have passed through what the young man i s now to experience, dance backward i n a l i n e , and then forward toward the young man, each one blowing into h i s face as they approach him, and making motions at h i s face with s t i c k s . • A f t e r a while he becomes unconscious and r i g i d . The dance ceases, and the parents put 3.  The kind of " l i t t l e death", a collapse phenomenon seen by the neurop s y c h i a t r i s t Sargant (1967) during i n i t i a t o r y procedures i n A f r i c a , which reminded him of.abreactive techniques i n psychiatry.  48  the young man to bed, where he remains as long as three or J o u r days, s t i l l unconscious." Unconsciousness  or f a i n t i n g of s p i r i t dance novices i s also  mentioned by Duff (1952), H i l l - T o u t (1900), Jenness (1955) , Lane (1953), Robinson (1963), Stern (1934) and Wike (1941). As before i n the case of the guardian s p i r i t - v i s i o n - q u e s t , we now have to consider the forces at work i n the production of altered states of consciousness during s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n s .  Above a l l ,  we  must not overlook one force, never mentioned but ever-present at the ceremonials, namely that of c u l t u r a l l y conditioned c o l l e c t i v e suggestion.  The meaning of c u l t u r a l l y conditioned c o l l e c t i v e suggestion i n  the context of therapy i s best characterized by quoting Leighton (1968, P. 1177): "Every individual i s prepared during the course of h i s l i f e by a set of expectancies regarding i l l n e s s and treatment which are part of h i s culture. These are inculcated long before h i s own condition as a patient comes about. They are heightened, however, as he approaches being a patient and increase the suggestive power of many of the experiences he undergoes." C o l l e c t i v e suggestion i s b u i l t into any e f f e c t i v e  psychotherapy  anywhere as an important prerequisite f o r the success of i n d i v i d u a l treatment procedures which are largely s p e c i f i c to culture area, h i s t o r i c a l period, and. prevailing ideology:  ah agnostic r a t i o n a l i s t i s not  l i k e l y to be cured when shipped to Lourdes, nor a Pavlovian when placed on a psychoanalyst's couch.  By the same token, our l o c a l S a l i s h Indians  would not expect urban middle-class Whites to catch s p i r i t i l l n e s s and to be genuinely possessed even a f t e r repeated exposure to the spectacle  49  of  s p i r i t dancing.  However, to the average young Indian person of the  Upper Stalo region i t i s s t i l l  r e a l i t y that old dancers and Indian Doc-  tors can make him dance and sing whether he wants i t or not, for t h e i r paraphernalia hold dancer s power and i f they h i t him with the cane or 1  r a t t l e he w i l l faint or " d i e " to be resurrected as a dancer, the r i t u a l "workers" never f a i l to produce the intended e f f e c t ( c f . Duff 1952; Jenness 1955).  This omnipresent c o l l e c t i v e suggestion i s the background  against which the conditions operant i n the production of altered states of  consciousness i n s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t e s have to be seen. The following categorization of ethnographic observations i s  based on neuropsychological findings ( c f . Ludwig 1968) and includes conditions of increased exteroceptive stimulation and motor hyperactiv i t y , alternating with those of reduced exteroceptive stimulation and motor hypoactivity, both associated with somato-psychological factors. (1) of cer.  Psychic shock:  "grabbing" or "clubbing", the f i r s t act  i n i t i a t i o n , consists of a surprise attack on the prospective new danHe i s , at least i n theory, not apprized of h i s fate, but at an  unexpected moment seized by husky r i t u a l i s t - a i d e s with blackened faces who rush at him and l i f t him up h e l p l e s s l y , whereupon he expects to be "clubbed" with the power-filled cane or r a t t l e of the o f f i c i a t i n g  rit-  u a l i s t or Indian Doctor, possibly to be manhandled, or even thrown into ice-cold water ( c f . Barnett 1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Kew 1970; Lane 1953; Stern 1934). (2)  Seclusion and r e s t r i c t e d mobility:  the i n i t i a t i o n period  proper l a s t s 4 to 5 days i n the Canadian Coast S a l i s h area ( c f . Barnett  50  1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Lane 1953; Robinson.1963), up to 8 days i n some Puget Sound groups (Wike 1941).  During, much of  this time the i n i t i a t e i s secluded i n a compartment or "cubicle, guarded by h i s attendants and kept i n a c t i v e ; except for bouts of physical exertion he has to l i e s t i l l and avoid body movements (Barnett 1955; Lane 1953). (3) .. .  Forced hypermotility: 4  to disappear into the woods  the i n i t i a t e i s sent on a "run"  accompanied by attendant(s).  He trots through  the bush for hours u n t i l exhausted and "half-crazed" (Jenness 1955). This "run" may last for the whole day and include swimming*and diving (Barnett 1955), i t may be repeated on four consecutive mornings as among the  Swinomish (Wike 1941); i n modern, times i t may be substituted by a  chase round the longhouse (Kew 1970).  During the "run" the neophyte may  obtain h i s new song (Duff 1952). . (4)  Visual-sensory deprivation:  the novice i s blindfolded  with a dark kerchief (Kew 1970), a protective device against the harmful glances of menstruating women (Lane 1953).  In h i s cubicle he i s also  t o t a l l y covered with blankets (Barnett 1955; Kew 1970). (5)  Sleep deprivation:  the candidate sleeps very l i t t l e .for  several days during the i n i t i a t i o n period (Haeberlin 1930). (6)  K i n e t i c stimulation:  the "grabbed" i n i t i a t e i s held h o r i -  zontally at chest height by the helpers, often thrown up i n the a i r , and 4.  Cf., C.G. Jung s comment on t h i s archetype: "Das Verschwinden und Verstecken.im Wald...deutet auf Tod und Wiedergeburt" ("Disappearing and hiding i n the woods...points' to death and r e b i r t h " , Jung 1952, p. 411). 1  51  hurriedly carried around ( c f . Barnett 1955; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Lane 1953). (7) Acoustic stimulation:  the i n i t i a t i n g "workers" chant and  pray loudly (Jenness 1955), make stereotyped sounds, sing their songs for hours (Kew 1970) or even days (Barnett 1955), continuously shaking t h e i r deer hoof r a t t l e s or-beating their sticks ( c f . Barnett 1955; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941).  The monotonous beating of cedar  boards at Squamish dances sent the dancers into "hypnotic trances" (Hill-Tout 1900). Rhythmic drumming i s of paramount importance i n Coast Salish winter ceremonials, and the loud beating of rapid rhythms on dozens of deer-hide drums, some quite close to the novice, i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n s ( c f . Barnett 1938, 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941). . (8)  A l g e t i c stimulation:  The novice i s beaten (Barnett 1938,  1955), h i t with the ceremonial deer hoof cane or r a t t l e on stomach or head (Duff 1952); he i s b i t t e n on the exposed chest and abdomen (Kew 1970), or even poked there with hot s t a f f s to force out h i s song (Lane 1953). (9)  Temperature stimulation:  (a) Cold:  New dancers arecimade  to bathe i n wintry r i v e r s , pools, or i n the sea every morning ( c f . Jennness 1955; Kew 1970; Wike 1941).  During the i n i t i a t i o n ceremony  they are unexpectedly showered with cold water and t h i s hydrotherapeutic shock drives-them into a frenzy (Jenness 1955) and brings out the a n t i cipated involuntary cry (Kew 1970).  (b) Heat:  the novice has to l i e  52  covered with blankets from head to feet, he i s "roasted" and  "overheated"  (Barnett 1955, p. 278). (10)  Asphyxiation:  the^candidate i s subjected to suffocating  treatment; he may be held under water, or several old dancers may  ex-  hale t h e i r breath, i.e.. their power, into h i s mouth (Barnett 1955); u n t i l he "blackens out" and then experiences a v i s i o n -- a "fool-proof" but expensive method to obtain s p i r i t power among the Nanaimo (Robinson 1963, p. 123).  However, the blowing of power unto the novice i n s p i r i t  dance i n i t i a t i o n i s foremost an act.of symbolic significance and does -  not, as a r u l e , involve the breathing of exhaled a i r . (11)  Dehydration:  throughout the i n i t i a t i o n period, i . e .  for at least 4 to 5 days, neophytes/ are allowed to drink only a minimum ( c f . Barnett 1955; Duff 1952; Jenness 1955; Kew  1970; Wike 1941).  They  have to suck water through bone tubes or hollow branches -- today also through glass or p l a s t i c tubes t i e d around t h e i r neck -- while at the same time perspiring heavily when dancing or running.  A Sanpoil.initiate  was not permitted to take any f l u i d at a l l during the 4-night period of his inaugural dance (Ray 1932). (12)  Hypoglycemia due to fasting:  t o t a l abstention from food  intake f o r 4 to 5 days i s customary i n many S a l i s h s p i r i t dance i n i t i a tions ( c f . Barnett 1955; Haeberlin 1930; Jenness 1955; Kew 1932; Wike 1941).  The neophytes'  1970;  Ray  subjection to t h i s s t r i c t fasting i s  Hill-Tout's (1900) explanation f o r the ease with which they pass into "hypnotic" states.  The regime of m o r t i f i c a t i o n i s rendered more d i f f i -  cult to tolerate by manoeuvres and prescriptions which have a f r u s t r a t i n g  53  effect on the i n i t i a t e :  bit's of food, when f i n a l l y placed i n h i s mouth  a f t e r repeated f a i n t s , have to be spit out (Jenness 1955; Kew 1970); water i s handed to him i n leaking containers and taken away again before he can quench h i s t h i r s t (Duff 1952).  54  VI CONTEMPORARY. SPIRIT ILLNESS AND A.  ANOMIC DEPRESSION  Note on Anomie and Relative Deprivation The concept of anomie, introduced i n 1897  by Durkheim i n i t s  o r i g i n a l form, has found a c l a s s i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by Talcott Parsons: "Not merely contractual r e l a t i o n s , but stable social r e l a t i o n s i n general, and even the personal equilibrium of the members of a social group are seen to be dependent on the existence of a normative structure i n r e l a t i o n to conduct, generally accepted as having moral authority by the members of the community, and upon t h e i r e f f e c t i v e subordination to these norms.... .When t h i s c o n t r o l l i n g normative structure i s upset and disorganized, individual conduct i s equally disorganized and c h a o t i c . . . Anomie i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s state of disorganization where the hold of norms over i n d i v i d u a l conduct has broken down" (Parsons 1949, p. 377). "The pdar antithesis of f u l l i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n i s , however, anomie...the complete breakdown of normative order i n both senses" (Parsons 1951, p. 39). Durkheim s concept of anomie as absence of s o c i e t a l norms was 1  widened by Merton (1938) to include a pre-stage:' t i o n of the means —  and - - g o a l s  the lack of  coordina-  phases of the s o c i a l structure, f i n -  a l l y leading to " c u l t u r a l chaos or anomie". . He viewed such a "dissoc i a t i o n between c u l t u r a l l y defined aspirations and  s o c i a l l y structured  means" as generating both s o c i a l and psychic pathology.  I t i s hardly  coincidental that analogous conclusions were drawn i n the f i e l d of psychopathology by Homey (1937). made t h e i r observations put i t :  Both the s o c i o l o g i s t and the p s y c h i a t r i s t  i n North America where, as Merton (1938, p.  680)  55  "...the channels of v e r t i c a l mobility are closed or narrowed i n a society which places a high premium on economic a f f l u ence and s o c i a l ascent for a l l i t s members....The same body of success-symbols' i s held to be desirable for a l l . These goals are held.to transcend class l i n e s , not to be bounded by them, yet the actual social* organization i s such that there e x i s t class d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of these common success-symbols. F r u s t r a t i o n and thwarted aspiration lead to the search for avenues of escape from a c u l t u r a l l y induced intolerable s i t u a t i o n ; or unrelieved ambition may eventuate i n i l l i c i t attempts to acquire the dominant values. The American stress on pecuniary success and ambitiousness for a l l thus i n v i t e s exaggerated anxieties, h o s t i l i t i e s , neuroses and a n t i s o c i a l behaviour." I t appears permissible to-conclude on the basis of Merton's formulations,  that individuals who  r e a l i z e that the goal of material  success and affluence, widely advertised and emphasized as universally attainable i n the society they l i v e i n , i s actually beyond their reach by the means sanctioned  i n this very society, suffer from what Aberle  (1966, pp. 322-329) has termed r e l a t i v e deprivation: : "a negative  dis-  crepancy between legitimate expectation and a c t u a l i t y , or between l e g i timate expectation and anticipated, aactuality, or both."  I f the members  of a c u l t u r a l l y or r a c i a l l y defined minority group within the larger society, are encouraged to legitimately expect this to be a "Just Society" with equally good opportunities for everybody regardless of his r a c i a l or c u l t u r a l properties, but i n a c t u a l i t y perceive themselves as disadvantaged because of these properties, then this whole group w i l l suffer from, r e l a t i v e deprivation, which, as Aberle points  out,  i s "measured by a comparison of the actual or expected condition of an individual or a group with his, or i t s , legitimate  expectations."  Aberle stresses that r e l a t i v e deprivation i s a " s o c i a l and  cultural  56  phenomenon". However, insofar as individuals react to this phenomenon, i t has important psychological correlates just as Durkheim's absence of a normative structure and Merton s means-goals disjunction have. 1  In over 1 0 years of psychiatric epidemiological investigation in the Stirling County Study, the Leighton's  (1963)  and their multi-  disciplinary team have found a significant association of psychiatric  1 symptom formation with sociocultural disintegration.  Of relevance to  our discussion is that the research findings suggested to them a prominent role of the following mechanisms by which sociocultural disintegration fosters psychopathology: a)  "by interfering with the achievement of socially valued ends by legitimate means";  b)  "by interfering;with the individual's sense of membership in a moral order';');  also, although less pronounced: c)  "by interfering with a person's orientation regarding his place in society"; and  d)  "by interfering with a person's membership in a definite human group". Among the indicators of sociocultural disorganization found  to be of relevance to the established higher prevalence of psychiatric disorder in disintegrated communities,, were secularization and cultural confusion, which both refer to Durkheim's concept of anomie.' Cultural 1.  For the indicator-definitions of sociocultural disintegration see Leighton et a l . ( 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 3 6 9 - 3 8 9 .  57  confusion was defined as "weakening of norms derived from membership i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l group when the members of this group are brought into close contact with the contrasting norms of a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l g r o u p e d are unable to integrate the two sets" (op. c i t . , p. 387).  Here we should be reminded that "contacts between groups of  r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t culture often involve deprivation for some or many members of one of these groups". (Aberle. 1966, p. 326). B.  Anomic Depression as Important Background Phenomenon of Contemporary Spirit Illness In this section we s h a l l try to demonstrate how,  i n the pop-  ulation under discussion, experiences of c u l t u r a l confusion and r e l a t i v e deprivation p r e c i p i t a t e the psychic state we propose to c a l l anomic depression.  Anomic depression i s a chronic dysphoric state character-  ized by feelings of e x i s t e n t i a l frustration,discouragement, defeat, lowered  self-esteem and sometimes moral d i s o r i e n t a t i o n .  This state  i s often the basis of the s p e c i f i c psychic and psychophysiologic symptomformation manifested by contemporary sufferers from s p i r i t i l l n e s s  who  turn to s p i r i t dancing for genuinely therapeutic reasons. The reader f a m i l i a r with ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e w i l l wonder why  anomic depression should be given such a prominent place i n a d i s -  cussion of Coast Salish s p i r i t i l l n e s s .  I t would indeed be d i f f i c u l t  to find i n the^ older ethnographic reports anything l i k e s p i r i t i l l n e s s with.depressive symptoms i n the context of c u l t u r a l and social, deprivation.  To be sure, the signs of s p i r i t i l l n e s s were always expressive  58  of d i s t r e s s and suffering.  Nevertheless, i t was  the essence of t r a d i -  t i o n a l s p i r i t i l l n e s s that such sufferings were actually a reward, anticipated by those who had previously sought s p i r i t power i n d i v i d u a l l y ; and the so-called i l l n e s s was not more than the s t r i c t l y seasonal, highly stereotyped pathomorphic prelude to the public exhibition of this power in the dance ceremonial. e a r l i e r ethnographers.  This i s the impression conveyed to us by the However, i n more recent reports we occasionally  read case descriptions which would f i t into our category of anomic depression.  There i s , e.g. Wike's (1941, vide supra) story of the de-  pressed g i r l who, Way";  through s p i r i t singing,, found back to the "Old Indian  or the cure through s p i r i t dancing of the melancholic lady who  had become estranged from her Indian culture, related by Jenness (1955, vide supra).  This i s the type of case history which we often encoun-  tered i n our own investigations i n the Upper Stalo region and which caused us to consult the l i t e r a t u r e on the anomie -- question and to formulate our concept of anomic depression. The following samples of Indian statements w i l l  illustrate  the character of anomic depression: "The non-Indian might have pain, but there generally seems to be a time when i t l e t s up. But i n our people, i t ' s been a continuous pain, i t ' s a continuous painful existence for the Indian...many of them say I don't belong anywhere, where am I going, what i s my purpose? I'm e x i s t i n g , that's a l l . I suffered i t myself, i t ' s r i g h t i n the stomach, i t ' s p l a i n confusion....It i s painful to not f e e l worth and belonging, the Indian person grows up most of his l i f e with nothing, but he sees the White.men around him have so much that he would l i k e to have. A f t e r a while the Indians quit wanting anything, they give up hope...to want i s wrong, so they use a l cohol, but i t ' s depression...." (L.S.)  "The main reason for depression among Indians i s loneliness, no more togetherness, and bitterness that they took away our land and our culture....The people should have a better l i f e for what they have had to s a c r i f i c e i n this country, this i s one of the biggest reasons of why people are so b i t t e r . . . . Most young people have no idea of their background and language,, they go home to their l i t t l e old shacks and half the time they're intoxicated, so they lose a l l their pride.... My sons have always complained to me that they are the underdogs, no matter where they go they f e e l they are discriminated, the only way they can be happy i s i n an Indian l i f e ( i . e . s p i r i t dancing)....1 guess they (new dancers) were depressed because they were bored by the sort of l i f e they had." (Y.I.) " I f I had kept up with my Indian ways I could have accepted things better than I do now....I can't.seem to accept myself ....I myself as a c h i l d looked down on anything l i k e the Indian, way, i t came from the teaching that was put into me . . . i t r e a l l y began when I was working out and the people looked down at me because I was an Indian...but I kept on being my quiet l i t t l e s e l f not showing anything almost as i f I was saying please be nice to me....I have had so much hate i n me, a f t e r a while I do not even know what the hate i s about....It was against the Church to believe i n the Indian and to do. these things ( s p i r i t dancing) .1 went to the p r i e s t yesterday, and f e l t good, but a f t e r a l i t t l e while I was so sick again." (N.B.) "I got integrated into white society, away from the reserve. I.was put i n a place that I r e a l l y wanted, but i n order to. get i t I had to leave my people. I can't go back to my people's place, they c a l l me down, but I don't think I am better than they are....I think I want to be an Indian dancer because I am so lonely....I often dream I am getting clubbed I can't sleep and I sweat,.I get up.3 or.4 o'clock i n the morning and there i s t h i s pain i n there, i t makes me want to cry, I f e e l i t right i n my stomach. This thing comes on through the sorrow that you've b u i l t up inside you, i t makes you want to holl e r . I f I go to be an Indian dancer, they won't have to club me, i t s siwi'1 (supernatural power) as they c a l l i t i n Indian.' (D.O.) ' . . "I was Indian before I went away from home to go to resident i a l school, and there they punished me f o r talking Indian. When they beat that Indian s p i r i t out of me, my whole body went to sleep, I got.paralyzed, l a i d helpless. One of the doctors i n the medical profession took me to an Indian doctor, and by gosh, the feelings came back to my legs....I  60  hated that Indian language...when I came back my grandmother wanted to pick up where she l e f t o f f , but I got mad and said I'm a White man now,, don't bother me with that Indian.. .they'd knocked that Indian out of me and put the White man's way of l i f e there, but i t didn't do me any good....I was already singing when I was 17, i t was a l l there, but then I said t h i s : nobody i s going to see me jumping up and down l i k e an old monkey ( i . e . , s p i r i t dancing) — that's what I thought of my own people. But then I was sick for seven years, my face j u s t dead color as you see a person laying i n the c o f f i n , no l i f e i n me 'cause I was not.eating....1 wanted to be a White man, was ashamed that I was Indian, I had that low down f e e l i n g i n me. I t took me 7 years to wake up to that I was I n d i a n . . . a l l they had to do was to sing and drum for me as soon as I say I was w e l l . . . i f i t wasn't that I woke up i n time to the fact that I was Indian I'd be dead now, 'causes there i s a time when i t i s too l a t e . " (Prominent r i t u a l i s t ) Most of the case h i s t o r i e s obtained on severe s p i r i t i l l n e s s reveal the following pattern, which may be called the psychodynamics of anomic depression: cation; b)  a)  acculturation imposed through western edu-  attempt at White i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ( " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the  aggressor" i n psychoanalytic terms), or vying for acceptance by Whites; c)  subjective experience of rejection and discrimination -- awareness  of r e l a t i v e deprivation i n White.society; d) sion; e)  c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y confu-  moral d i s o r i e n t a t i o n , often with acting-out behaviour; f)  g u i l t about denial of Indian-ness -- depressive and psychophysiologic symptom formation -- i n e f f i c i e n c y of Western remedies; g)  diagnosis  as s p i r i t i l l n e s s permitting r e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with aboriginal culture v i a i n i t i a t i o n into s p i r i t dancing ("death and r e b i r t h " ) ; h)  alter-  natively, i f i n i t i a t i o n prevented by outside factors, ongoing symptom formation, often with intrafamily c o n f l i c t .  61  C.  The Symptomatology of Contemporary S p i r i t I l l n e s s  The symptoms of s p i r i t i l l n e s s , as e l i c i t e d from our i n f o r mants, resemble those of neurotic depressions i n Western cultures. They include anorexia, insomnia, apathy alternating, with restlessness; dysphoric moods with crying spells and nostalgic despondency?, somatizations such as pain i n abdomen, chest or back, sometimes also conversion reactions (psychogenic paralyses and f a i n t i n g . s p e l l s ) .  When  occurring; during the ceremonial season, any of these symptoms may be attributed to sya'wan possession.  There are other signs which we found  to be of diagnostic significance, and these w i l l be discussed below. In the foreground of the syndrome and generally emphasized i s the melancholia aspect of s p i r i t i l l n e s s .  The depressive reaction  appears often to be triggered or aggravated by mourning, or by memories of deceased ancestors and other old-timers, or of the Indian past which  2 i n retrospect appears as a Golden Age.  Nostalgic and melancholic  ruminations of this type preoccupy the patient's mind more and more as s p i r i t i l l n e s s progresses.  A few quotations from case h i s t o r i e s suf-  f i c e to demonstrate t h i s : "When we bring back the names of our old people we s t a r t to cry...." ( R i t u a l i s t at p o s t - i n i t i a t i o n ceremonial) "I started going into moods-of crying...here am I now i n this world and there on that side i s people that have gone a long time ago and i t i s so sad, and I am i n between, sometimes I am here and sometimes over there." (N.B.) 2.  E.g., "The Indian used to be a d i f f e r e n t kind of a person, he l i v e d in a Garden of Eden here...." (Y.I.)  62  "I l o s t my f i r s t c h i l d , that's the f i r s t time I- sang...most of the songs are sorrow.... Some Catholic women said that sya'wan, that's the d e v i l ' s -- but when there i s a death i n . their family and they're crying, invariably they s t a r t to sing...." (L.S.) "Sadness and sorrow i s the very beginning of sya'wan-illness." (E.S.) "You get nervous, you can no longer laugh, i t ' s said, i t ' s a sad thing....You are always a f r a i d of something." (C.L.) "When my aunt died I was f e e l i n g so bad that I did not go to her funeral up the lake...my mother used to t e l l me 'when somebody of our people dies you got to be there and try to h e l p , now I blame myself... that's when i t started r e a l bad." (D.O.) 1  "I come here tonight with a troubled mind.... Sleep i s something I have departed from i n the l a s t weeks. I expect I w i l l need more help than I ever wanted a l l my l i f e . . . t o d a y my l i f e i s going to ruin me, I am going through h e l l . Why did this happen to me? Death i s not far away....1 know two people, the most happy people I know. Pow-wow, that i s the l i f e these two people lead...." (Prospective dancer two months before i n i t i a t i o n , addressing A.A. meeting) Symptoms peculiar to s p i r i t i l l n e s s as manifested today, i . e . symptoms of c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c and pathognomic significance, are: a)  singing and " h o l l e r i n g " in.sleep: "I was heard to be singing i n my sleep a l l the time...like these people (hospitalized Indian patients) they were h o l l e r ing, as soon as they l a i d down to go to sleep they'd s t a r t singing." (E.S.) "She started singing i n her sleep when she was 16, her father used to have to wake her up because she'd holler and cry — she dreamt about her song."' (G.N.) "When I first'came to the hospital, I f e l t l i k e singing.but I could not....I sang the song quietly to myself that helped me to get r i d of the pain, a pressure i n the chest...they say I sang i n sleep." (R.L.)  63  hallucinatory or i l l u s i o n a l perceptions of a psychogenic (nonschizophrenic) type and of c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c content; such as v i s i o n s of guardian s p i r i t s , deceased dancers, ceremonial paraphernalia and acts; hearing of s p i r i t songs: "Whatfs^known as Sasquatch, I'd seen him around a l l the time, he was talking English to me....I wouldn't t e l l anybody, they'd think I am losing my mind." (E.S.) "When I was out hunting,and I saw the deer i t seemed to change, i t seemed to watch me and i t was l i k e winter dance s p i r i t . . . . I got scared... ..I hear that song when I l i s t e n to the wind and to the w a t e r f a l l . Once I went right underneath the waterf a l l and I c r i e d , I wanted to be relieved by dancing." (D.O.) • "I started hearing this Indian song i n j a i l , so I sang i t too. I t was a very, sad song, I cried....I could hear them in the hospital, too, a l l old songs and they were a l l so~sad ....the pipes from the laundry, they were making anoise, a l l day and a l l night on, songs going through my head because of i t . I f e e l so bad when I hear the song, but when I sing i t I f e e l better... sometimes I see food coming towards my mouth, i t i s so r e a l that I open my mouth'to bite ( i . e . , as i f fed during i n i t i a t i o n ) i t means something the Indian way, a bad sign of serious i l l n e s s . " (N.B.) Another quite t y p i c a l finding i s that of dyspnea with sighing respiration.  This has also been described i n some severe depressions  of Europeans and White Americans ( c f . Burns 1971; Ayd 1961). • I t s frequent occurrence i n contemporary s p i r i t i l l n e s s underlines the depression-like character of this condition.  A culture-specific  explanation for this symptom i s the supernaturally caused lack of air  around the patient a f f l i c t e d by s p i r i t i l l n e s s :  " M o s t l y there's no a i r . I'd catch myself gasping, trying to absorb more a i r , I would l i g h t a match and i t would go out for lack of oxygen...there j u s t wasn't any a i r . " (Prominent ritualist)  64  This type- of dyspnea i s quite dramatic and often arouses the concern of those who observe i t .  One young Indian defendant and pro-  spective s p i r i t dancer started to "sigh" during.a court procedure (Chilliwack 1971) and asked to be- remanded on account of sickness -- his request was granted.  In one of the patients with s p i r i t  i l l n e s s , admitted to Chilliwack General Hospital, respiratory d i s t r e s s was so prominent that cardiac disease and congestive f a i l u r e had been suspected, but was ruled out. Today, the diagnosis of s p i r i t i l l n e s s i s largely made per exclus-ionem:  i f physician and laboratory f a i l to e l i c i t an underlying  organic disorder, but also i f medical attention affords no r e l i e f , the above-mentioned syndrome w i l l be c l a s s i f i e d as "Indian sickness" or "sya'wpn sickness".  In other words, d i f f e r e n t i a l diagnosis between  "ordinary i l l n e s s " and s p i r i t sickness i s mainly based on negative physical findings, as i s the "diagnosis" of psychiatric disorder by poor c l i n i c i a n s i n Western medicine. in diagnostic acumen by the r i t u a l i s t s  This i s recognized as a deficiency themselves:  "The old-timers used to know when a person has got Indian sickness but us guys, we go by the medical doctor unless we hear thanholler -- then we know he's got i t . The only other way we know nowadays i s when a medical doctor can't find nothing wrong with him." (L.O.) Perhaps the most terse of modern d e f i n i t i o n s of s p i r i t ness was given us by R.E.: "What White doctors cannot cure and don't recognize, just give you b.s. talk-or some a s p i r i n f o r , that i s very often s p i r i t sickness. Only Indians get i t , only Indian Doctors recognize i t , but often the people themselves already know  ill-  65  True s p i r i t sickness c a l l s for i n i t i a t i o n into s p i r i t dancing. However, i f there are v a l i d reasons for postponing this necessary step, the Indian Doctor or r i t u a l i s t can "work" on the a f f l i c t e d to "set the power back", a l b e i t not for a long time and not repeatedly (E.S., L.S.).  S p i r i t i l l n e s s may also be a l l e v i a t e d temporarily by leaving  one's song i n trust with an older, family member (D.O.).  But any attempt  to take' away the power i n order to. prevent the a f f l i c t e d from s p i r i t dancing, i s made at the p e r i l of the patient's l i f e as the following story of. an instant i n i t i a t i o n  tells:  "Dad brought her into the big smokehouse to Doctor Mac, he was a r e a l strong Indian Doctor i n Chehalis. Dad offered to pay $200.00 to take that Indian Power away from her, he didn't want her to become a dancer. Doctor Mac sat her.down, put a blanket oyer her head, then took the blanket away and took her power out — and she dropped, she j u s t died right "there, lay there s t i f f , r e a l l y dead. Doctor Mac told my Dad 'That's the way s h e ' l l be a l l the time if.you take that power out'. Dad said 'put i t back there!' so Doctor Mac got a feather, stuck i t i n her hair and she j u s t started to h o l l e r and sing; she rose and started to dance, and they put the uniform on her and the hat." (D.O.) 3  S p i r i t i l l n e s s can be contracted through close contact with a powerful s p i r i t dancer.  This was to play a major role i n the r e v i -  v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the Upper Stalo region:  3.  the f i r s t new dancer  The t r a d i t i o n a l garb of Coast Salish S p i r i t dancers i s today only worn by newly i n i t i a t e d novices i n the Upper Stalo region. I t i s s t i l l e s s e n t i a l l y the.type of. uniform depicted on C u r t i s ! (1913, p. 74) photograph although the headdress.is more often made of wool now than of human hair. , An innovation are the c o l o r f u l ribbons with the i n i t i a t e ' s r e b i r t h dates, e.g. "T. of Chehalis. taken at LaConner Feb. 5, 1970". The authentic S p i r i t dance "uniform" i s not displayed on non-ceremonial occasions, except for rare public performances such as that of Indian Dancers at the yearly Cultus Lake F e s t i v a l which takes place every June when syg'wan has l e f t .  66  to be i n i t i a t e d here i s said to have f a l l e n i l l while a s s i s t i n g Chief Malloway.  The young man's parents were taken by surprise, and l a t e r  elaborated on these events i n an interview with Mr. Lloyd Mackay of the l o c a l newspaper: "Mr. Point indicated that two of their sons have already been i n i t i a t e d preparatory to being s p i r i t dancers. He and h i s wife related the unusual experience involving the i n i t i a t i o n of son J e f f . Jeff had been suffering acute depressions and would sometimes go into convulsions, said Mrs. Point. In addition he would sometimes break into a strange song. Doctors could find nothing wrong and they consulted with Chief Richard Malloway who suggested that the young man was trying to r e l a t e to h i s s p i r i t . The Points took J e f f to Musqueam reserve near Vancouver where there i s a longhouse. He entered the i n i t i a t i o n procedure and when i t was complete 'he was completely there'." (The Chilliwack Progress, July 8, 1970, p. 36). In general, s p i r i t power i s considered to be p o t e n t i a l l y contagious.  S p i r i t sickness has been caught by laymen who  volunteered  to a s s i s t the workers i n l i f t i n g up the novice during the i n i t i a t i o n ' procedure (L.O.), or who  "inadvertently" touched a dancer's " s t i c k " ,  headdress or other paraphernalia charged,with s p i r i t power. Sensitive persons have shown symptoms of sya'wan possession when just attending a "pow-wow" (R.L.)' where " a l l sorts of power i s f l o a t i n g around" (R.U.), or even when only l i s t e n i n g to old Indian songs at a s o c i a l gathering i n winter time (D.O.).  We saw one Indian  patient with acute anxiety and strange body sensations triggered by s i t t i n g on a new 4.  dancer's blanket at a ceremonial  (N.L.).  There i s  t l u x i l or "tom-tom s t i c k " , ceremonial s t a f f with supernatural properties; may c a l l i t s owner home i n an emergency (C.L.). Usually a carved s t a f f decorated with i n d i v i d u a l designs, on top a human or animal head and deer hoof pendants.  67  also the b e l i e f that s p i r i t i l l n e s s may be a c t i v e l y transferred by dancers who point their finger and "shoot s p i r i t u a l l y " at vulnerable spectators: "They've done that to my son, he was watching the dances, and he f e l t i t right i n the side, somebody pointed at him...now he goes into tantrums l i k e i f you should become a singer." (R.T.) We conclude this chapter by making the following points to c l a r i f y the concept of anomie depression: 1)  The l a b e l anomie depression i s introduced here not to suggest the existence of a new c l i n i c a l e n t i t y , but to denote a psychic, psycho-physiologic and behavioural syndrome encountered i n the population under discussion; a syndrome which e s s e n t i a l l y corresponds to s p i r i t i l l n e s s as presenting today i n the Upper Stalo area.  2)  The term depression i s used to denote a cluster of symptoms  5 similar to that£labelled neurotic or reactive depression i n the language of modern Western psychiatry.  Our data on symptom  formation and behaviour p r i o r to s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n (vide i n f r a , pp. (89).64); suggest that candidates with  predominantly  depressive-psychophysiologic and with predominantly  5.  aggressive-  a n t i s o c i a l manifestations are approximately equally represented. No clear d i s t i n c t i o n can be made between reactive and neurotic depression; c f . Bleuler 1960, p. 461, who uses the pertinent term "psychoreactive disturbances" to distinguish conditions of a reactive and neurotic type from cerebro-organic, somatopsychic, and "endogenous" disorders.  68  However, i n either of these two groups we find cases with both depressive and aggressive reactions, a l b e i t with one of these two responses i n the foreground of the picture.  In e s t a b l i s h -  ing indications for s p i r i t dance therapy, senior r i t u a l i s t s tend to consider both depressive and aggressive behaviour to be i n the same category (vide i n f r a , p. /86) .  In the context of  anomie depression, these modes of behaviour may be conceived of as intrapunitive and extrapunitive reactions. 3)  The term anomie denotes that the psychodynamics involved r e f l e c t the prominent influence of those s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l processes which were sketched i n the/.note preceding'^ t h i s chapter.  The  syndrome of anomie depression i s seen as a s p e c i f i c pattern of individual reactions to systemic and inter-systemic events. 4)  C l i n i c a l experience and research data convey the impression that i n the Upper Stalo population the symptom formation denoted  by  the term anomie depression, i s c l o s e l y related to the individual's subjective experience of what was defined above as anomie, r e l a tive deprivation, and c u l t u r a l confusion. 58-63) i l l u s t r a t e how  Sample quotations (pp.  these socio-cultural phenomena are exper-  ienced by Coast S a l i s h Indians. 5)  Credit f o r having discovered the relevance of these socioc u l t u r a l phenomena to the syndrome of anomie depression among Coast S a l i s h Indians i s not due to this author, but to the S a l i s h r i t u a l i s t s of our day who therapy — t h e  recognize the need f o r a culture-congenial  revived s p i r i t dance ceremonial -- to combat the  69  pathogenic effects of c u l t u r a l confusion, anomie, and r e l a t i v e deprivation among their people.  70  VII THE THERAPEUTIC PROCESS OF CONTEMPORARY SPIRIT DANCE INITIATION  A.  Death and Rebirth -- The Therapeutic Myth The death-and-rebirth myth i s the central theme of the c o l -  l e c t i v e suggestions surrounding the S p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n .  In the  view of contemporary S a l i s h r i t u a l i s t s , the g i f t of obtaining power, and of healing through power, was universal to a l l Indians i n the distant past as part of t h e i r "Indian ways", but has been l o s t by most of them today as a result of their emulation of the White man, who, by d e f i n i t i o n , lacks t h i s "Indian power". healing power was a divine compensation  The genuine shamanic  for the technological assets  of White c i v i l i z a t i o n : "The Indian was so strong i n the old days, just about every.old man and every old woman was an Indian Doctor in them days, they were a powerful people. God did not overlook the Indians because he gave them a few words and he blessed t h e i r hands whereby they can overcome sickness with words and i f not, they can take i t away. This was the power the Indian had." (E.S.) In  times s t i l l remembered by the oldtimers, shamanic power  was concentrated i n the Indian Doctors whose feats^are s t i l l to  the young i n i t i a t e s as part of sy a'wan l o r e .  recounted  The senior r i t u a l i s t s  prefer to be called "Indian leaders" or "elders" and make no claim to  the t i t l e of Indian Doctor^(E.S., L . 0 . , C.L.).  They are "looked  upon by other Indians as leaders that are doing treatments" (Y.I.)-. If  questioned, they w i l l state that "true Indian Doctors" are no longer  71  active i n the Coast Salish area, with the possible exception of Mr. Isidor Tom of Lummi.  However, among the l o c a l Indian population,  r i t u a l i s t s are widely referred to as Indian Doctors, or are at least assumed to possess "doctoring power" to an extent that i t would be presumptuous to compete with them, e.g., at the l a h a l game: "They have a powerful mind, i t ' s no use playing when them Indian Doctors are there...they just look at you and read what side you got i t on right now and that's i t . . . t h a t ' s not just guessing, this i s knowing, you see, you can't f o o l them." (L.T.) In contemporary sya'wan theory, as taught by the r i t u a l i s t s , i t i s sya'wan which acts through the i n i t i a t o r on the i n i t i a t e , and i t i s sya'wan, not the i n i t i a t o r , which cures the novice, burying his  ailments and c o n f l i c t s together with h i s old personality and at  the same time giving him r e b i r t h into a new l i f e : "We came to help put him into sya'wan, to take h i s l i f e , make a better l i f e f o r himself. So you see my dear ones that's what this can do to a man or woman when you are sick with this sya'wan, the help you can get, i t can stand you right, up and make you walk again.. This sya 'wan i t does work, i t does save l i v e s where the doctors and hospitals have given up...you come into sya'wan and your l i f e i s saved!" (Senior r i t u a l i s t at i n i t i a t i o n ceremony) The i n i t i a t o r here i s a healer by the power of sya'wan  —  just as i n Christian* t r a d i t i o n the physician i s a healer only by the 1 power of God. As such an instrument of sya'wan the i n i t i a t i n g r i t u 1.  The t r a d i t i o n a l Christian theory of the physician's healing power has found a c l a s s i c a l expression i n the words of the great Paracelsus* (1537, p. 172): "on got wird nichts...darumb so muss der arzt seine principia: im selben auch nemen -und on i n i s t er nichts-als e i n pseudomedicus und e i n errant;eins fliegenden g e i s t s " (Nothing w i l l be achieved without God...therefore the physician must take the essential elements of h i s a r t from. God, and without Him he i s nothing but a fake doctor and the errant of a f l i g h t y mind).  72  a l i s t i s empowered to "club to death" the i n i t i a t e ' s faulty and d i s eased old s e l f , to l e t him awaken with a new p o t e n t i a l for t o t a l change, and to guide him on the path of Indian t r a d i t i o n through the teachings of h i s elders.  The "new born" i n i t i a t e i s not only c a l l e d  "baby" and "helpless", he i s also treated as such:  bathed, l a t e r fed  and dressed, constantly attended and guarded by "babysitters".  Re-  gression to a.state of complete i n f a n t i l e dependency i s at f i r s t imposed on the i n i t i a t e who i n the quasi^uterine shelter of the dark longhouse cubicle, hatches his power, prepared to grow with i t into a more rewarding and healthier existence.  Henceforth, he w i l l count  his s p i r i t u a l age from the day h i s i n i t i a t i o n started.  The general  b e l i e f i n death and r e b i r t h through sya'wan i s reinforced by comments l i k e these: " I ' l l t e l l you what happened to one of my daughters.. We clubbed her l a s t winter, she for a fact died, there was no movement i n her body, not even a breath, she was s t i f f as a a board. When the s p i r i t came i n , i t had to change her body, her l i f e , everything changed... some people were c a l l i n g for a doctor from the town, just lack of knowledge of taking care of one that f i n a l l y travels to the land of sya'wan... she came back, when she opened up she sang her song." (E.S.) "They ( i n i t i a t o r s ) k i l l you as an e v i l person, they you to a new human being, that's why when they club you just go and pass out, but you come back...there to be e v i l thinking after they're through with you, think i s I'm s t a r t i n g l i f e a l l over again." (L.T.)  revive you, i s not a l l you  " I t does change your l i f e , just l i k e a r e b i r t h , you f e e l completely changed, your mind changes, your ways change... I was only one month old just now." ( I n i t i a t e , "grabbed" , one month previously.) "You c a l l a new dancer a baby because he i s s t a r t i n g out his l i f e again, they also c a l l ' him a baby because he i s helpless. As a rule we bath the baby....You have a funny  73  f e e l i n g (as i n i t i a t e ) , that's the way they treated you l i k e a newborn. The way they explain this i s that you die and wake up to a new l i f e . " (L.O.) "Our young brother stood up to spread h i s feathers, when he came into sya'wan he received a new l i f e , these are our young brother's f i r s t steps i n h i s new l i f e . " (Ritua l i s t at i n i t i a t i o n ceremonial) B.  Personality Depatterning and Reorientation The techniques employed today i n S p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n s  in the Upper Stalo region are patterned after t r a d i t i o n a l models provided by the l i t t o r a l Salish tribes whose r i t u a l i s t s were i n s t r u mental i n reviving S p i r i t dancing irt the region.  In the whole pro-  cess of i n i t i a t i o n , three major therapeutic approaches cerned:  1)  can be d i s -  depatterning through shock treatments; followed by 2)  physical training with 3) indoctrination. The candidate i s kept i n the longhouse, secluded i n a dark cubicle or "smokehouse tent" for a period of usually 10 days, which i n a few privileged cases may be reduced to 4 days but which may be prolonged for several weeks, or even for the whole season.  also  The  length of this seclusion, which a f t e r 4 days of passive endurance i s interrupted by frequent strenuous exercises, varies with candidates and r i t u a l i s t s . tion and h i s — his  I t seems to depend mainly on the novice's motiva^unconscious or conscious —  cooperation i n "finding  song and dance" which i s the professed purpose of the i n i t i a t i o n  process.  The p r i n c i p a l therapeutic functions of this process  personality depatterning and reorientation — ritualists.  —  are not unknown to the  In the words of a senior p a r t i c i p a n t :  74  " I t i s an Indian treatment, i t i s a kind of brainwashing, four to ten days of torture. Through this torture they soften up, their brain gets s o f t . During that time you're the weakest and your brain i s back to n i l , anything you're taught during those 10 days i s going to s t i c k with you, y o u ' l l never forget i t . There i s always someone with you during that time, a l ways t e l l i n g you to change your l i f e . This i s when you're taught a l l rules of your culture... the harder the torture the stronger you get." (Y.I.) Personality depatterning starts with an i n i t i a l shock t r e a t ment known as the "clubbing", "grabbing" or "doctoring up" of the candidate, aiming at rapid induction of an altered state of consciousness, often v i a temporary  loss of consciousness.  In the cases we  witnessed this was the result of a repeated and prolonged treatment which included (a) sudden bodily seizure of the allegedly unexpecting candidate; (b) immobilization of h i s limbs by physical r e s t r a i n t ; (c) b l i n d f o l d i n g ; (d) h i t t i n g , b i t i n g and t i c k l i n g of exposed body parts (abdomen, sides, foot soles) while the candidate was at the same time subjected to (e) k i n e t i c stimulation -— u p l i f t e d and lowered, hurr i e d l y carried around the longhouse; whirled about and swayed — (f) intensive acoustic stimulation —  and to  loud drumming and r a t t l i n g i n  rapid rhythms, singing and howling close to h i s ears.  This treatment  i s administered by two teams of eight "workers" taking turns "working" on the candidate under the supervision of the senior r i t u a l i s t signals orders by shaking h i s ceremonial s t a f f .  who  This "grabbing" pro-  cedure i s repeated at least four times, each time the workers complete four c i r c l e s around the longhouse h a l l with their candidate, whose moaning cries become progressively weaker u n t i l he appears pale and r i g i d when f i n a l l y bedded i n the cubicle.  lifeless,  75  When the black-painted ceremonial workers seize him, the candidate i s touched or "marked" (E.S.) with a wooden hammer or a ceremonial s t a f f wielded by the r i t u a l i s t or h i s assistant.  Although  t h i s i s not more than a gentle gesture, merely imitating the "clubbing to  death" of a victim, some candidates react as i f they had actually  been k i l l e d ; they immediately f a l l into motionless r i g i d i t y and are l i f t e d up s t i f f  as a board.  they wake up from "death".  They usually sing and dance as soon as I t appears that these candidates had  previously shown signs of very severe spir.it i l l n e s s , and that they derive a certain prestige from their instant i n i t i a t i o n . R i t u a l i s t s and novices comment oh these procedures i n the, following terms: "You'd put a person down and as soon as you touch him l i t t l e b i t he'd s t a r t quivering and die, for hours sometimes; and not only that, h e ' l l s t a r t singing right away, that thing was j u s t laying there, ready to come out..." (E.S.) "You l i f t him (candidate) up and hold him up, and you blow a l l over on him the power, i t s i n your breath. They lose consciousness, sometimes they are only mumbling the moment they come to. Sometimes you get a person that got a strong w i l l , doesn't give up l i k e , you bath them i n hot water, then pour cold water over them....The power part i s always there but there are d i f f e r e n t ways of doing i t . On Kuper Island, they s p i l l cold water on you and you pass out. You do i t to surprise him (candidate), he becomes s t i f f l i k e a board." (L.O.) "I did not have to be forced to become a dancer, they did not have to chew my sides or to l i f t me up, he (senior r i t u a l i s t ) just touched me with the deerhoof s t a f f and I f e l l unconscious for about 20 minutes they say. When I woke up I sang and danced right away." (E.M.) "I did not know that I was going to be a dancer...my mother had asked me to go down to the h a l l and watch, Icthought they'd get somebody else...then they came a f t e r me, i t was such a shock to me. Before they grabbed me I fainted, I  76  just got so scared that I fainted, when I came to I was blindfolded and they had me up i n the a i r . " (R.L.) "They (R.L. and N.A.) were clubbed by my cousin, the bear dancer. No trouble clubbing R.L., but l o t s of trouble with N.A., he fought, they dragged him right from h i s house to the h a l l . While they worked on N.A. i n the tent, they grabbed R.L., then she hollered once and she passed right out, stiffened right up. They worked on N.A., four times they had to go round the h a l l with him before he was out." (D.O.) During h i s seclusion i n the longhouse, the i n i t i a t e i s sub-  2  jected to physical and psychological treatments  for which the terms  "torture" and "brainwashing", used by some participants, appear to be quite appropriate, as long as we keep i n mind that the purpose i s a therapeutic one: "It's a sort of a torture, i n order to remember things. I guess i t ' s a l i f e a l l at once, that i s : the tough part of l i f e . We a l l get our aches and pains through l i f e , so the new dancers get i t a l l on one heap here." (L.T.) Through the four days of the depatterning phase, the i n i t i a t e i s blindfolded, he has to l i e s t i l l , i s forbidden to talk or to move even i n sleep or when sweating under h i s heavy covers on the fringes of which s i t the "babysitters" or "watchmen". He i s starved and his  f l u i d intake i s r e s t r i c t e d ; at the same time he i s "teased" and  "tested" with tasty salmon b i t s held close to his mouth. Every day he i s again exposed to the i n i t i a l shock of the "grabbing" procedure; he i s l i f t e d up and moved around i n a chase, he i s "tortured" — hit,  t i c k l e d and pinched —  i n order to make him " d i e " again.  bitten,  The  novice's re-entry into the desired altered state of consciousness i s 2.  According to Information by E.S.; L.O.; C.L.; D.O.; Y.I.; E.M. and L.T.  77  f a c i l i t a t e d by the ceremonial workers' frequent to him",  "singing and drumming  not only during the repeated "grabbing" ordeal, but also i n  front of the immobilized i n i t i a t e ' s cubicle, so that the singing might " h i t " him.  These manoeuvres aim at bringing forth the novice's song.  They are supplemented by more subtle methods such as placing two eager candidates together with one r e c a l c i t r a n t fellow or by 3 anxiety and g u i l t feelings:  instilling  "When they had me down they could not get me started. Then one old uncle of mine, he came into my tent and started c a l l i n g me names, trying to make me f e e l r e a l bad; he said I . looked l i k e a rotten log l y i n g there....What got me was my . granny, I could hear them talking how she gave a shawl and some money f o r me (for the i n i t i a t i o n ) . As soon as I heard that I f e l t l i k e crying, the old lady, about 112 years, thinking of me l i k e that. Things l i k e that they work on a person, w i l l make you f e e l sad and the song w i l l come." (L.O.) While l y i n g i n his "tent", the i n i t i a t e perceives his song, dance movements and face-painting i n an oneroid state between sleepdream and wakefulness.  I t i s of utmost importance that both the  new  dancer and the "workers" know h i s song and dance c o r r e c t l y , for f a u l t y singing and drumming w i l l be fraught with dangers for the  novice.  Incorrect face-painting, too, w i l l estrange the guardian s p i r i t s : "My son got the Wolf Song when he was i n i t i a t e d t h i s season. He heard the wolves howling a l l night when he was i n i t i a t e d , a l l the others ( i n the longhouse) heard them, too. Then he dreamt that his.face painting was not r i g h t , so he changed i t to the right way, and the wolves stopped howling." (Y.I.)  3.  Cf. Sargant (1959, p. 130); "Brain-washers use a technique of conversion which does not depend only on the heightening of group sugg e s t i b i l i t y , but also on the fomenting i n an i n d i v i d u a l of anxiety, of a sense of real or imaginary guilt...strong and prolonged enough to bring about the desired collapse."  78  The s t r i c t regime of " s a c r i f i c e s " and "torture" i s continued u n t i l the i n i t i a t e "gets h i s song s t r a i g h t " — days —  to be duly invested then with the t r a d i t i o n a l "uniform, hat and  s t i c k " i n sign of h i s " r e b i r t h i n sya'wan" . itself —  usually within four  The guardian s p i r i t  today, referred to by the young dancers as the Indian or the  Power-Animal —  appears i n a "dream" to the novice i n the longhouse  cubicle, or i n a visionary experience under conditions of physical exertion i n the.context of the training which follows the i n i t i a t e ' s investiture. The phase of physical training i s associated with intense indoctrination, and i s supposed to "make the newborn baby strong".  It  l a s t s at least for one week and consists of (a) d a i l y "runs" around the longhouse h a l l or outside; often barefoot i n snow "to cope with the cold l i k e the oldtimers did"; (b) d a i l y swimming; the new dancers have to jump into the ice-cold waters of Soowahlie Creek, Chilliwack Lake, or Chehalis River and then to rub their bodies with cedar boughs; (c) frequent rounds of dancing i n the longhouse, to the fast rhythms of manyydrums which drive the novice to exhaustion. The following account by an Indian g i r l not only conveys a genuine picture of the i n i t i a t i o n procedures practiced i n the Upper Stalo region today, but also of the immediate subjective experiences of a young i n i t i a t e : "They use the old dancers to work on you because they've got the power, and they b i t e on your side to put their power i n side you. You f e e l a l o t of pain when they work on you; when they b i t e you, you have to scream and h o l l e r , and pretty soon your song comes. I f e l t the pain i n my stomach where they b i t me, they tighten i t and then they p u l l on i t , and then your  79  •vv  song comes out stronger. Then they slap you r e a l l y hard on the stomach....I passed out about three times while they worked on me, they kept doing that tome, every morning and every night for 4 days, on the fourth day they just l i f t e d me up and blew on me a l l over. I t ' s just a f t e r they work on you the song comes to you, you hear i t and you sing i t , i t was the second day that I heard mine, and i t came on the t h i r d night. I t was the third.day that I saw how my face was to be painted, i t was i n my sleep, i n a dream, I saw the way I was supposed to dance; I saw myself and I heard my song. Then they put the hat and uniform on you and then take your stick, when, you start to sing the stick just moves to the beat of your song and that's how they get to drum f o r you. You have to sing your song because i t comes to you, you can hear i t and you voice i t , but i t ' s something else, not you, that makes you voice i t . For four days they don't feed you.nothing, we were i n our tents, you can hear them eating outside, i t bothers you. A f t e r the fourth day they give you the salmon and you have to just spit i t back out; even i f you wanted to, you couldn't eat i t , i t would make you sick. I f e l t l i k e throwing up, only I did not have anything i n my stomach. You have to go swimming every morning, usually go up Chilliwack Lake. The f i r s t couple of times i t ' s real cold but you've your power and you get strong, the water doesn't bother you, your power protects you. Sometimes a f t e r we came from swimming they run us i n the h a l l , or we went f o r a run or go for a long walk, and sometimes you see something there. Your babysitter, that one that watches, you a l l the time, don't see anything, just yourself. We c a l l i t your Indian, everybody's i s d i f f e r e n t , i t ' s your PowerAnimal, but you could see anything, l i k e one's got the L i z a r d , partly animal, p a r t l y human; another's got the Ocean Animal, a black f i s h . " (R.L.) Released from t h e i r incubation, the i n i t i a t e s f e e l t h e i r newly  acquired power when the song bursts forth from them and the leaping steps of their f i r s t dance carry them through the longhouse, spurred on by the rhythms of deerhide drums and the chanting and clapping of the crowd.  One new dancer likened this b l i s s f u l experience to that of  a chemically induced altered state of consciousness: "I was jumpting three feet high and I had such a t h r i l l , a t e r r i f i c feeling as i f you were f l o a t i n g , as i f you were i n the a i r , you f e e l r e a l l y high. I've only had such a feeling once before i n my l i f e when I was on heroin mainlining, but then I went through h e l l afterwards, i t was t e r r i b l e — but  80  with sya'wan you get this f e e l i n g without the t e r r i b l e a f t e r math." (E.M.) In view of Neherl.s-]\. (1960) findings on the neurophysiological e f f e c t s of rhythmic drumming (vide supra, pp. 23/24), t h i s type of sensory stimulation, so very prominent i n S a l i s h s p i r i t dancing, has to be considered as a major factor operating i n the induction of altered states of consciousness;-; during s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n . may  r e c a l l , Neh'errV(1960) demonstrated auditory driving  As the reader i n the EEG of  a l l subjects exposed to one percussion instrument of a type very s i m i l a r to the S a l i s h deer skin drum.. He also e l i c i t e d various subjective i.  responses, some of them corresponding to those reported i n altered states of consciousness.  As a stimulus frequency i n the theta range of the EEG  (4 to 7 cycles per second) i s expected to be most e f f e c t i v e i n the production of trance states, Neher assumed drumming rhythms close to such frequencies to be preponderant behaviour.  i n ceremonies associated with trance  It need not be emphasized that rhythmic acoustic stimulation  i n this ceremonial i s f a r more intensive than i n Neher's experiments: not one, but many drums are employed. drumming may  Indeed, the effects of rhythmic  contribute to the "contagiousness" of a s p i r i t power which  often seizes u n i n i t i a t e d persons present at ceremonials. Let itiation.  us now  Modern s p i r i t dancers refer to the i n i t i a t i o n  learning experience: well-being"  turn to the didactic aspects of s p i r i t dance i n as a salutary  " I t teaches you physical, emotional, and mental  (L.S.). While much of this learning i s effected  through  non-verbal conditioning processes, t h e o r e t i c a l indoctrination also plays  81  an important  role.  I t includes (a) the direct teaching of the rules and  sanctions of sya'won, and (b) the i n d i r e c t reinforcement of c o l l e c t i v e suggestion by recounting of sya'wan — works of s p i r i t , or " s p i r i t u a l " , power.  l o r e , presenting examples of the Furthermore, i t also includes  (c) what may be c a l l e d culture propaganda; we s h a l l deal with this interesting aspect of sya'wan teaching l a t e r .  Theoretical indoctrina-  tion takes place i n the smokehouse cubicle as a personally focused persuasion, and coram populo when ceremonial speakers p u b l i c l y address . the new dancers assembled i n the longhouse. indoctrination are the r i t u a l i s t s .  The main agents of formal  In our experience, the senior r i t -  u a l i s t s display considerable s k i l l i n suggestive psychotherapy and in overcoming the c l i e n t ' s resistance. of  I t was no exaggeration when one  these therapists asserted: "Being with people I can size them up and t e l l 'em words that's needed....If there's going to be the s l i g h t e s t doubt i t ' s no use working (on candidates), so you got to make them aware of what w i l l or should take place, because i t ' s bad enough to work on a sick person, l e t alone the doubt — i n other words, you got to have one mind i n anything you do i n order to succeed. By this teaching, we'd f i x a person to sing; club him, pack him around, s i t him down and h e ' l l sing; we'll take care of him step by step, so people w i l l look up to i t and t h e y ' l l think w e l l , there must be something i n the Indian." When teaching the new dancers, the r i t u a l i s t s speak with  ancestral s p i r i t u a l authority, they "have to r e f l e c t the word of our old  people" (E.S.).  Among the sya'wan rules taught are t r a d i t i o n a l  prescriptions and proscriptions regarding avoidance of menstruating women; ways of talking, eating and drinking, which are today subject to various r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s (e.g., avoid the intake of hot or ice-cold  82  l i q u i d s i n order to protect your teeth; avoid looking at the sun i n order to protect your eyes).  More relevant to behavioural reorienta-  tion i s the i n s t i l l i n g i n the i n i t i a t e of a sense of personal respons i b i l i t y towards his elders and h i s people: "We t e l l the young people the other tribes w i l l look at us, t h e y ' l l say those people don't know how to bring up their new dancers. We don't want the other tribes talking about us and that's why the rules are s t r i c t . . . they are.supposed to be binding for one year anyway." (L.O.) "Resting on the shoulders of this man ( i n i t i a t e ) i s the reputation of a l l you people, a l l the t r i b e of Chilliwack, a l l the people that went before him. This i s why you are.instructed to take care of this i n sya'wan. Once you open your mouth to sy 'wan you are not to have a mean bone i n your body, you are not to use these hands to hurt any of your people, you are not to use this voice to hurt any other dancer's f e e l i n g s ! " (Senior r i t u a l i s t addressing new dancer) 3  "As a dancer, you f e e l responsible to a l l the people, you f e e l g u i l t y i f you don't keep the rules; you harm the whole group that you belong to." (Y.I.) The new dancer i s , above a l l , obliged to "respect sya'wan" by not revealing anything about i t to outsiders; he has to do honour to h i s elders by behaving "decently", and to f a i t h f u l l y observe the ceremonial by attending as many dances as he can.  Qf utmost therapeutic  importance i s the p r o h i b i t i o n of alcohol intake (and also of smoking and i l l i c i t drugs).  The alcohol taboo i s supposed to be v a l i d for a l l  active dancers during sya'wan season; but i s s t r i c t l y enforced only for the i n i t i a t e s while they are i n uniform, i . e . throughout the season of their i n i t i a t i o n , although they are expected to stay away from liquor at least for one year.  I t appears noteworthy that p r o h i b i t i o n of a l -  cohol did not originate from considerations of health and welfare, but from the need to outlaw disruptive behaviour:  83  " I t was a rule i n them days that you are not supposed to make a f o o l of yourself or make.fun of anybody....We did not allow any.drunken people, so they made i t a r u l e that when you are drunk you are not supposed to come i n . You got so used to i t , so you never drink anyway." (Traditional dancer) Whereas abuse of alcohol by a l l participants during sya'wan season i s strongly discouraged and frowned upon, off-season abstention i s not emphasized.  Nevertheless, the achievement even of seasonal  abstention through s p i r i t dancing would be of considerable public health 4 significance for the Indian population of B r i t i s h Columbia. Besides these general sya'wan rules there are i n d i v i d u a l rules of conduct for each new  dancer, taking into account the p a r t i c u l a r  problems, by which his i n i t i a t i o n was motivated.  The theme of t o t a l  personality change, i n t r i n s i c to the therapeutic myth of death and r e b i r t h , i s repeated i n the r i t u a l i s t s ' public admonitions of i n d i v i d u a l novices. Observance of general and i n d i v i d u a l sya'wan rules i s enforced by (a) social, and (b) supernatural sanctions.  During the i n i t i a t i o n  period, the "babysitters" or "watchmen" have to supervise the novice's behaviour, but also to protect him: "The watchman has to watch him a l l the time, wherever he goes, see that he don't smoke or drink or break the r u l e s . Not only that, the new dancer might get frightened and get s t a r t l e d and h e ' l l run...that's why the watchman i s there." (L.O.) Equally, or probably more e f f e c t i v e i n keeping the new i n l i n e , i s the group pressure exerted on him. 4.  A novice who  dancer  reneges by  For the contributing role of alcohol i n the alarmingly high a c c i dental death rates among B r i t i s h Columbia Indians see Schmitt et a l . (1966).  84  leaving the ceremonial and breaking the sya'wQn rules i s not only i n v i t ing supernatural r e t a l i a t i o n and a l l kinds of s o c i a l troubles — which he invariably gets as expected —  into  but also r e j e c t i o n by h i s group:  "That g i r l ran away after she was i n i t i a t e d , so now she's gone from bad to worse, she got into a l l kinds of trouble recently, she has three charges and now she got into a car accident. She becomes almost the black sheep i n the family, the other dancers shun her i f she don't s t i c k to the rules... but s t i l l i f she does return i t ' s t h e i r rule that they've got to accept her again and t r y to help her." (Y.I.) A highly e f f i c i e n t group sanction i s a shaming procedure, the threat of which usually s u f f i c e s to ensure better compliance with rules. If a young dancer continues to misbehave, h i s sponsors warn him they are going to i n v i t e people to a potlatch, where prominent leaders w i l l elaborate on h i s wrongdoings and "preach" to him, which i s f e l t to be a public shame. To v i o l a t e the rules means to i n s u l t sya'wan, and this brings  5 a l l kinds of harm upon the c u l p r i t , and also upon those close to him. R i t u a l i s t s and old dancers t e s t i f y to sya'wan's r e t a l i a t o r y power by reporting s t o r i e s of i t s vengeance.  Sya'wan may  "go away" from deviant  dancers and "leave people l i k e that the biggest tramps there i s " . Sya'wan i s said to have punished defectors by causing t h e i r children to die; to have i n f l i c t e d i l l n e s s or other bodily harm on those who i n fringed upon i t s rules; or to have prevented songs to issue from the g u i l t y ones while at the same time giving them a p a i n f u l urge to sing. At ceremonial occasions, the new dancers are admonished to be genuine and sincere i n t h e i r b e l i e f i n , and practice of, sya'wan, and to fear its  revenge:  5.  Information obtained from E.S.; L.O.;  Y.I.; R.L.;  D.O.  85  "I know what sya'wan means to me. I must l i v e the l i f e my ancestors want me to, I don't make a show out of sya'wan. That's the way my grandfather taught me before he went, he t o l d me 'Son, I don't want you.to make mockery out of sya'wan, don't you ever make fun put of sya'wan because i t can cut o f f your l i f e right now, i t can get along without you just as well as i t can get along with you'. So therefore that's what I hope, that you believe i n the things you w i l l t e l l to your grandchildren." (Indian Doctor's address, Tzeachten) The i n i t i a t i o n process ends with the disrobing ceremony. The new dancer i s supposed to stay i n uniform u n t i l the end of the season during which he was "grabbed".  However, exceptions are made today f o r  vocational reasons, not without the r i t u a l i s t ' s public announcement of the i n i t i a t e ' s pledge to observe the rules of sya'wan and to "keep on singing u n t i l the season i s over".  At the disrobing ceremony, wit-  nesses are called up to "help this young man here to s t r i p h i s uniform, take o f f h i s b e l t and h i s cane"; f o r their symbolic assistance witnesses receive kerchiefs as "souvenirs".  The r i t u a l i s t and workers  who gave the "newborn baby" h i s f i r s t bath, take the bathing utensils as their share.  The ceremony i s concluded with'speeches by r i t u a l i s t s  and witnesses who address the i n i t i a t e by h i s Indian name. The therapeutic implication of this ceremony i s that i t documents the candidate's successful cure from s p i r i t i l l n e s s through a duly performed i n t i a t i o n treatment.  Together with h i s uniform, the i n i t i a t e  sheds the l a s t vestiges of h i s old personality as the snake sloughs o f f i t s o l d skin.  The new dancer i s presented to the public as yet another  t e s t i f i e r to the healing and regenerating power of sya'wan. of the r i t u a l i s t s :  In the words  86  "S. (Indian name) i s the one standing here, as you know he was a.very sick man, he was unable to move...and now you see the difference; the change that has taken him into h i s sya'wan l i f e has made a new man put of him....S. wants to thank each and everyone for coming together at his party to take o f f his uniform, that's the reason why you are asked to witness what we have done, to witness that he stripped h i s uniform; so nobody can say anything. Next year y o u ' l l hear of S. again .'A 1  "If you did not complete this season and take o f f this uniform, you'd f e e l dizzy, l i k e you're going to f a l l ; there i s some that I know that did not f i n i s h l i k e t h i s , they have this sickness and they w i l l carry i t for the rest of their l i v e s . Now that you have come this f a r , when your uniform i s taken off everyone of the bad habits you had, i f you listened i s going to go, you are going to come out a brand new man...so prove to your people that there i s something i n sya'wan because this sya'wan proved i t to you now! From now on to the end of your l i f e take care of this g i f t that was given to you!" (Senior r i t u a l i s t s at ceremonial, Wellington Reserve) C.  Indications for I n i t i a t i o n and Selection of Candidates Senior r i t u a l i s t s working i n the region recognize the follow-  6  ing  types of legitimate candidacy for s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n :  1)  Volunteering, with or without s p i r i t  2)  "Sickness", i . e . c l e a r l y defined s p i r i t  3)  Behaviour harmful to s e l f and/or others.  illness. illness.  Various forms of psycho- and socio-pathology are considered i n this l a t t e r category: "It's when you don't regard your l i f e . . . y o u mistreat yourself and those around you, and probably you're going to.be a candidate f o r suicide. People w i l l see this and w i l l say i t would be safer i f you come i n sya'wan and change your l i f e . "  6.  According to E.S. and L.O.; additional information by Y.I., C.L., D.O., L.S., N.L., R.L..and L.T.  87  When questioned f o r examples of candidates belonging i n t h i s category, informants referred to cases of (a) manifest and chronic depressive symptomatology; (b) a n t i s o c i a l acting-out behaviour with alcohol and drug abuse; (c) adjustment problems of adolescence; (d) maltreatment of spouse — (4)  i n that order of decreasing frequency.  Mockery of the ceremonial or provocation of p a r t i c i p a n t s .  There are numerous instances, of unconscious s e l f - s e l e c t i o n by quasidefiant persons who  engage i n the very acts they know w i l l make them  l i a b l e to s o c i a l and supernatural punishment by imposed i n i t i a t i o n . These candidates are mostly young men displaying aggressive attitudes. With a l l their bragging of alleged immunity to sya'wan power, t h e i r ambivalently expressed motivation i s , of course, apparent to the r i t u alists:  "That's one way of saying 'I want to become a dancer, t o o " ; 1  "the more you f i g h t i t , the better dancer y o u ' l l be".  Indeed, cases of  this description which we observed (one fellow dared the r i t u a l i s t s to "grab" him; another mocked the r i t u a l and announced he would defend himself with a hatchet, yet another threatened to shoot whoever would try to d i s c i p l i n e him through i n i t i a t i o n ) turned out to become most active participants i n the ceremonial and ardent believers i n sya'wan power.  Besides assuming a strong unconscious motivation i n these cases  we have to take into account that their defiant posturing exposes them to an especially s e v e r e ' i n i t i a t i o n treatment.  One of the most r e c a l c i -  trant candidates, now quite vocal i n praising the merits of s p i r i t dancing, had to be "dragged" to the longhouse and was subjected to more i n t e n s i f i e d high frequency drumming than the other i n i t i a t e s .  88  Young women sometimes reveal their ambivalent motivation by demonstrative c u r i o s i t y about sya'wan while they profess their d i s i n c l i n ation to become dancers.  This also i s generally interpreted as camou-  flaged volunteering: "They more or less would l i k e to see how i t works, they are. very interested i n i t and yet say they don't want i t . Once the Indian Doctor r e a l i z e s that, he says well she wants i t and we might just as well give i t to her." (L.T.) (5) or i n i t i a t e .  Being the spouse or the prospective spouse of a dancer This i s looked upon as a v a l i d reason f o r i n i t i a t i o n i n  order to bolster marital harmony,' especially i f other indications are also present.  In the case of young couples or fiances, j o i n t induction  may be deemed advisable from a r e a l i s t i c point of view: " I t i s usually best to take young people together that are s t a r t i n g to i n v i t e ; we figure i f we take him we'll take her, too, so there wouldn't be any hard feelings between him and her. I f we didn't take her she might s t a r t running around because (during i n i t i a t i o n ) he i s not allowed to go anywhere" (Senior r i t u a l i s t ) . Whatever the reasons for someone to be considered a candidate for s p i r i t dancing, unless he i s sponsored h i s i n i t i a t i o n i s unlikely to ever take place.  In the Upper Stalo region today, a candidate i s  supposed to have i n d i v i d u a l and personal sponsor(s).  Anonymous spon-  soring through c o l l e c t i o n s ("putting down the drum i n the smokehouse") i s apparently \permissible i n special cases, but not practiced here. Senior r i t u a l i s t s f e e l that "somebody has to stand behind a person as an anchor"; and "even i f you volunteer you have to have somebody there to take care of you".  When exploring the grounds on which some volun-  teers are' rejected, the basic objection i n these cases turns out to be that there was no "good s o l i d sponsor" behind them.  The sponsor, usually  89  a parent, senior r e l a t i v e or close friend of the family, assumes paedagogic as well as f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s :  he must be capable and  w i l l i n g to back up the i n i t i a t o r s , encouraging or, i f necessary, enforcing the candidate's cooperation i n the treatment procedures of i n i tiation.  The outcome of the i n i t i a t i o n process depends to a consider-  able degree on the sponsor's attitude; h i s lack of firmness may  en-  courage the candidate to "drop out", as i n the case of two g i r l s during the 1971/72 season.  The sponsor may,  therefore, be looked upon as the  guarantor of therapeutic success, and the importance attributed to him by the r i t u a l i s t s bespeaks their r e a l i s t i c judgement. The following summary of p r e - i n i t i a t i o n behaviour and symptom formation i s based on twenty-four "modern" s p i r i t dancers on whom relevant data could be obtained from r e l i a b l e sources.  This sample  encompasses between 50% and 80% of those i n i t i a t e d since the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the Upper Stalo region.  No r e l i a b l e data  indicat-  ing the presence of psychic or behavioural p r e - i n i t i a t i o n problems could be obtained on further ten of the thirty-four  i d e n t i f i e d "modern"  dancers ( t o t a l number of active s p i r i t dancers i n the Upper Stalo region i s estimated at between 40 to 50). Predominant symptom formation before s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n : In 11 candidates: Depression, anxiety, psychogenic somatization often associated with alcohol and/or drug abuse.  In 13 candidates: Behaviour problems with aggressive or a n t i s o c i a l tendencies, usually associated with alcohol and/or drug abuse.  90  D.  Costs and Risks  In many cultures, including those of the Western world, treatment expenses are of considerable therapeutic relevance e s p e c i a l l y in disorders of psychogenic nature.  Frequently, the investment i n a  patient's cure can be said to be d i r e c t l y related to i t s success, i f the investment i s the patient's own or that of persons meaningful to him.  A consideration of the costs of sya'wan i s therefore also part  of an exploration of i t s therapeutic aspects. The t o t a l expenditure f o r the i n i t i a t i o n of one candidate i s said to be between $1,000 and $2,000 for the whole season, or about $20 for each gathering.  This sum includes expenses for feeding many  guests many times; g i f t s and payments to "workers" and "babysitters", "souvenirs" for the "witnesses", etc. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , this was paid i n kind and by giving away woven goods or Hudson's Bay Co. blankets.  Handicrafts of the donor's  own  make are s t i l l highly appreciated as g i f t s or souvenirs but.have become rare.  In the Upper Stalo region, obligations towards those who  assisted  i n the i n i t i a t i o n ceremonials are expected to be met u n t i l the end of the next winter season.  Compensation f o r the —  actual or symbolic  —  services rendered to the i n i t i a t e s of the previous season i s part of the annual winter dance ceremonial, an elaborate r i t u a l of public display and giving-away of stacks of blankets and other items.  This part of  the winter ceremonial i s more than just reminiscent of the t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast potlatch, i t i s also often referred to as such by the participants.  91  For many Indian families i n the Valley these expenses mean considerable f i n a n c i a l hardships, and may, therefore, discourage some from "giving away" their sons and daughters.  Quite a few, however,  would argue, "Do you think our r e l i g i o n and our higher power i s n ' t worth $2,000?  I t ' s worth more than that."  (L.T.).  For those i n i t i a t e s  who hold jobs throughout the year, the material s a c r i f i c e i s substantial. However, they are a small minority because the predominantly seasonal type of employment i n the area puts the greater part of Indian manpower out of work i n winter time, an economic factor which c e r t a i n l y f a c i l i tated the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the Upper Stalo region. Nonf i n a n c i a l r i s k s are also associated with s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n s .  In  the case of young mothers, the children's welfare has to be considered, and r i t u a l i s t s w i l l be reluctant to accept such candidates unless adequate provision for c h i l d care has been made. In spite of the very s t r e s s f u l procedures the novices are subjected to, no serious accident has occurred during i n i t i a t i o n procedures i n the Upper Stalo region.  So f a r , four new dancers had to be  admitted to medical-surgical wards of Chilliwack General Hospital i n the course of their i n i t i a t i o n , for the following reasons: January 1971; woman age 18; on admission acute abdominal pain; diagnosis — c h o l e c y s t i t i s . December 1971; woman age 19; on admission c h i l l y , shivery, coughing, abdominal tenderness; diagnosis — b r o n c h i t i s ; exposure and psychological stress reaction. December 1971; woman age 19; on admission cold, t i r e d , hungry, sore knee,,- scratchmarks on abdomen; diagnosis — soft tissue injury of right knee j o i n t ; skin lesions, possible human b i t e s ; exhaustion.  92  February 1972; man age 20; on admission pain, sweating, edematous swelling and numbness of both feet and ankles; diagnosis — f r o s t b i t e . None of the above patients dropped out of the program.  A skwani'lac healing ceremony was  initiation  performed for the g i r l  who  had to have cholecystectomy, the patient's "uniform" taking her place i n this r i t u a l while she was  in hospital.  The participants were con-  vinced that this would help and the patient herself told us she great r e l i e f . i t may  At any rate, her recovery was  speedy.  In  felt  parenthesis  be mentioned that one male i n i t i a t e died i n c i r c u l a t o r y collapse  at LaConner, Washington, during the ceremonial season 1970/71; he i s reported to have suffered from a chronic cardiac condition unbeknownst to the r i t u a l i s t s .  93  VIII ANNUAL WINTER THERAPY  Although the number of active s p i r i t dancers i s s t i l l  rela-  t i v e l y small i n the Upper Stalo region, the winter ceremonials already now involve the majority of the native population i n some way or other: the r e l a t i v e s or friends of dancers, or other invited guests.  Not only  for those who have become active dancers through i n i t i a t i o n and continue to dance at the gatherings of each subsequent  season, but also f o r t h e i r  r e l a t i v e s and for many other Indian families, the winter time now brings every year an immersion i n group a c t i v i t i e s , which i n scope and duration i s unparallelled i n non-Indian society.  As some p a r t i c i p a t i o n  i s expected from the audience, too, the ceremonial holds more than entertainment value even for the casual spectator. T  In the Upper Fraser Valley, winter unemployment i s prevalent not only among the Indian population.  The association of such imposed  idleness with marital and intrafamily c o n f l i c t s , alcohol and drug abuse, increasing demands for medical attention and h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n due to psychogenic symptom formation, i s obvious to a l l s o c i a l agencies and health professionals i n the area.  In this s i t u a t i o n , the holding of  s p i r i t dances throughout the winter season represents a most valuable annual therapeutic enterprise for the benefit of the l o c a l Indian population. (A) (B) (C) (D) CE) (p)  This enterprise integrates the following therapeutic techniques: Occupational and a c t i v i t y therapy; Group psychotherapy; Cathartic abreaction; Psychodrama; Direct ego-support; Physical exercise.  94  Before discussing our own observations on these techniques i n Upper Stalo s p i r i t dancing, l e t us again refer to pertinent ethnographic reports. There are many references i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e which unmistakably report native views of s p i r i t dancing as a means of annual restoration or preservation of physical and emotional well-being. I t i s certainly s i g n i f i c a n t that the Salish winter s p i r i t ceremonials are often associated with s p e c i f i c shamanistic curing performances  such  as the sbEtEtda'q of. the Puget Sound tribes (Haeberlin 1918); the sk a n i ' l a c procedures we have seen i n l o c a l dances (vide i n f r a ) and which were previously observed at Musqueam by Kew r i t e recorded by Lerman (1954) i n the Okanagan.  (1970); or the healing More generally, however,  i t i s part of Salish ideology that s p i r i t dancing and singing i n i t s e l f have curative and prophylactic effects on the p a r t i c i p a n t s .  The F l a t -  head Indians viewed their winter medicine dance as preventing sickness and destroying "bad medicine" (Teit 1930) ; Shuswap mystery singing was done to discover i l l n e s s , bewitchment and e v i l , and to boost the s e l f confidence of the young (Teit 1905).  Musqueam dancers gather i n sym-  pathy for sorrowing or bereaved persons to "help them sing"; s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i s f e l t to be b e n e f i c i a l to health (Kew 1970). songs may  Spirit  come unsought to Lummi Indians i n g r i e f , and s p i r i t singing  after, a tragedy i s known to give a f e e l i n g of well-being (Suttles 1954). Several observers have underlined the psychotherapeutic role of s p i r i t dancing.  Thus, Kew  for the participant who  (1970) notes the unanimous group support  often manifests a v i o l e n t expression of anguish  95  and despair; Stern (1934) remarks on the women dancers' display of, and thereby r e l i e f from, marital d i s t r e s s ; Wike (1941) relates how gestures of a c t i v i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of physical well-being, associated with p a r t i c u l a r s p i r i t s , are u t i l i z e d i n the dances of the Swinomish.  I t i s foremost the emotionally and materially deprived who be-  come singers among the Swinomish:  "You use that song to straighten  the mind l i k e a prayer to l i v e , l i k e doctoring your mind" (Wike 1941, p. 41). There can indeed be no doubt about the psychotherapeutic value of the Warrior Dance i f enacted by a discouraged and depressed young g i r l , nor about the ego-strengthening effect of the proud Warrior Song: "I am great I am great It's true that I am great."  (Wike, 1941, p. 78)  The induction of alcoholics into the winter dance ceremonial i s understood i n terms of cure rather than punishment by the Cowichan (Lane 1953).  The Puyallup-Nisquaily f e e l the s p i r i t power's s a t i s f a c -  t i o n through dance ceremonies i s necessary for i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e well-being (Smith 1940).  We r e a l i z e , therefore, why Suttles (1963,  p. 519) views s p i r i t dancing as "attempts by individuals and k i n groups to maintain psychic i n t e g r i t y and s o c i a l status", and why Robinson (1963, p. 126) sees i t as a "kind of therapy devised to prevent as w e l l as cure general malaise or.mitigate excessive grief or anxiety". (A)  The occupational- and activity-therapeutic function of  s p i r i t dancing i n the vocational off-season of the Upper Stalo region i s evident from what was outlined e a r l i e r .  Excerpts from a probation  o f f i c e r ' s case report i l l u s t r a t e the importance  of f u l l - t i m e occupation  with the ceremonial, i n the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of young Indian offenders:  96  "When looking at Subject's schooling and work record, one i s l e f t with the impression that subject i s lazy and lacking goals or direction....Subject has become a c t i v e l y involved i n the Indian dancing r i t u a l s . This has taken up most of his time since December and he i s absent from home f o r most of the weekends." One year l a t e r : "Subject's behaviour considerably improved, no further o f fences, no evidence of alcohol or drug use." (B) 1959)  The p r i n c i p l e s of group therapy (Frank and Powdermaker  are operant i n the s p i r i t dance ceremonial:  i t provides the par-  t i c i p a n t with support, protection, acceptance, and stimulation.  Perhaps  the most relevant group-therapeutic aspect of the winter dance ceremonial i s that the participant i s turned from egocentric preoccupations to c o l l e c t i v e concerns and the pursuit of c o l l e c t i v e goals:  "The s p e c i a l r e l e -  vance of dependency of man on society i n this context i s to d i r e c t man's 1 i n d i v i d u a l s t r i v i n g s toward p a r t l y c o l l e c t i v e goals" (Aberle 1972). Group s o l i d a r i t y i s stressed i n speeches held during ceremonial gatherings.  Non-dancing participants contribute to the success of the cere-  monial as much as the active dancers.  Not only are non-dancers involved  i n organizing the dances and making the uniforms, i n longhouse  mainte-  nance, tending the f i r e s , and catering the meals, etc., many of them drum and sing for hours, accompanying one dancer a f t e r another on h i s counterclockwise dancing tour around the longhouse h a l l ; others shield the tranced dancers from the f i r e or help them back to their seats. Those i n the audience clap hands or beat sticks i n time with the dancer's chant. 1.  They a l l share i n the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s a t i s f y i n g sya'wan, l e s t  Personal communication; comments on this paper, May 14, 1972.  97  i t might be angered by faulty rhythms or some, other i r r e g u l a r i t y and then bring harm upon the dancer and h i s people: "There i s a way i n which you can mistreat the s p i r i t , and some don't know enough to take care of the s p i r i t , enough for him to stay and r e a l l y help somebody; not only that, as a help f o r the whole group, the whole t r i b e . " (Senior r i t ualist) In  the case of an unforseen event —  cer's ceremonial s t a f f was dropped —  such as once when a dan-  the affected person's k i n group  and friends immediately take action, undoing the occurrence by appropriate r i t u a l action and announcing their obligation for assistance and testimony through the r i t u a l i s t . by dancers and non-dancers  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the ceremonial,  a l i k e , i s often motivated by the strong  group support they experience: "My sons f e e l l i k e belonging to a great club now, they have friends everywhere i n the S a l i s h area, they a l l consider themselves brothers and s i s t e r s . When they enter a longhouse they know they belong to a l l these people. That gives them security, a sense of belonging." (Y.I.) Indeed, there i s no loneliness i n sya'wan; the mutual interest of  the participants i n each other i s renewed every year.  As the r i t -  u a l i s t assures at the end of the season: "Remember, next year sya'wan w i l l be looking f o r you, f o r everyone here someone w i l l be looking f o r ! " (Tzeachten, 1971) The use of a group-psychotherapeutic approach can also be W  v  c l e a r l y seen i n the sk anilac procedure, a shamanistic curing r i t e which has become part of the annual s p i r i t dance ceremonial i n the Upper Stalo region, performed only on special occasions by the same Lummi "Indian Doctor".  The audience i s called upon by the Indian Doctor  98  to render active assistance through mental concentration on the patient i n order to "help him".  During the healing manipulations, the patient  i s surrounded by r e l a t i v e s and friends, who support him a f f e c t i o n a t e l y and accompany him home.  In the r i t u a l s we observed (Rosedale, March  1970 and Tzeachten, January 1971), the violent force of the power2 charged paraphernalia was demonstrated used as therapeutic tools:  to the public before they were  two pairs of husky assistants, each pair  holding on to one instrument with a l l their might, were unable to tame i t s wildness.  As drums beat fast rhythms and women s a c r i f i c e d food  by throwing i t into the f i r e , the two instruments seemed to s w i f t l y drag their bearers through the h a l l .  P u l l i n g together with i r r e s i s -  t i b l e magnetic a t t r a c t i o n , the powerful tools could only be severed again and handled by the Indian Doctor himself.  Soon the instruments  moved toward the persons singled out for treatment, gently stroking the heads and bodies of the c l i e n t s .  At one time, the focus of thera-  peutic e f f o r t was a r e c a l c i t r a n t i n i t i a t e with serious behaviour problems; on another occasion i t was a patient of ours.  This l a t t e r case  deserves s p e c i a l mention, having had the attention of various phys i c i a n s , and eight hospital admissions from 1967 to 1970 with severe neurotic and psychosomatic symptom formation, including three s u i c i dal attempts i n depressive reactions.  Shortly after the healing r i t e ,  the patient, who had been anorectic and insomnic, stated: "I don't remember much, i t was l i k e a nightmare, I was not r e a l l y conscious but I f e l t something l i k e power. I don't know how I came home, f e l l asleep right away. I woke up i n the morning and f e l t stronger. The f i r s t thing was I was 2.  Two loop-shaped wooden instruments bandaged with s c a r l e t cloth.  99  hungry. I r e a l l y f e l t the power, a great b i g load taken o f f my shoulders." The patient became a regular participant i n the winter ceremonial's and has been able to function without r e h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n since 1970, i n s p i t e of severe outside stress. (C)  Cathartic abreaction i s defined by Bleuler (1960, p. 144)  as an a f f e c t i v e abreaction "aiming at the l i b e r a t i o n from emotional tension by the a f f e c t i v e l y charged act of remembering and r e - l i v i n g the s i t u a t i o n i n which the tension was generated".  Such an abreaction  w i l l be a therapeutic experience for the patient i f bystanders show t o t a l acceptance and benevolent empathy. winter s p i r i t ceremonial:  This s i t u a t i o n obtains at the  the learning experience of i n i t i a t i o n  enables  the dancer to reenter an altered state of consciousness without i n i t i a tory preparation; and i n this state he r e - l i v e s the coming of h i s song which then breaks forth from him i n a tremendous a f f e c t i v e and motor discharge, i n front of an interested and h e l p f u l audience.  Through-  out the ceremonial season, these a f f e c t i v e discharges take place at every s p i r i t dance gathering.  Hundreds of spectators watch a young  mother tremble, sob and moan, then hand her baby to a neighbour and leap up into a wild dance with a f i n a l arc de cercle before she i s c a r e f u l l y guided back to her seat, s t i l l sobbing but soon cheerful and reaching for her c h i l d ; or a stout man,  jumping high and light-footed  i n h i s dance, b l a r i n g out h i s song open-mouthed and throwing h i s arms vehemently  as i f pushing everyone aside.  Although sya'wan i s supposed  to make i t s established round as announced by the r i t u a l i s t , possessing one dancer a f t e r another, the drummers w i l l come to a young dancer's  100  assistance who, as yet unable to control the power, i s shaking v i o l e n t l y , r a t t l i n g the deer-hoof s t a f f and b l u r t i n g out the song; or i s howling and writhing on the bench, to be p a c i f i e d only by an extrac u r r i c u l a r dance out of turn.  The tension-releasing e f f e c t of "sing-  ing out one's song" i s akin to that of crying: "In sya'wan you are supposed to c r y . . . i t helps me, I sing and I cry, and I f e e l better afterwards." (L.S.) "The old-timers used to express their feelings i n tunes and movements. A l l the dancers s t i l l do t h i s . . . i f you go to a funeral, the o l d dancers, they cry and i t changes to song, same song as i n the dances." (L.O.) By expressing h i s affects i n a recognized and r i t u a l i z e d form to a sympathetic audience, the dancer learns to accept h i s emotions and at the same time, to control them.  A senior r i t u a l i s t put i t this  way: "The s p i r i t i s there, the thing i s to accept i t by voicing i t to somebody; i t ' s going to be well received by the people that's going to hear i t , and i t ' s going to be taken care of." (D) Psychodrama.  Dramatic acting-out i s a most conspicuous  feature of the s p i r i t dancers' performance i n the ceremonial.  Self-  expressive dramatization of affects through the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of supernatural beings who are c u l t u r a l l y at hand for r i t u a l possessions, so to speak, has been u t i l i z e d for psychotherapeutic purposes i n many cultures.  As a paradigm of such ceremonial therapy, Haitian Voodoo 3  i s the favourite subject of ethnopsychiatric investigation.  Yap (1960)  provides us with a useful formulation of the function of dramatic acting3.  For a discussion of the psychotherapeutic r o l e of Voodoo see J i l e k (1971).  101  out i n the t r a n s - c u l t u r a l " p o s s e s s i o n syndrome", w h i c h he s t u d i e d i n  ,4 the c o n t e x t o f Hong Kong Chinese c u l t u r e , ' . p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t on the audience  He notes the p o w e r f u l  o f the m y t h o l o g i c a l d r a m a t i s  personae e n t e r i n g the s t a g e of the Chinese p o p u l a r opera through  the  s o - c a l l e d "Ghost Door", and r e l a t e s a t r a d i t i o n of a c t o r s b e i n g p o s s e s s e d by t h e s p i r i t s they impersonate.  At the annual w i n t e r ceremonial,  each s p i r i t dancer r e p e a t s h i s f i r s t sya'wan p o s s e s s i o n , a t e v e r y dance he a g a i n becomes p o s s e s s e d ,  i . e . he r e - e n t e r s a t r a n c e - l i k e s t a t e i n  o r d e r t o f e e l and d i s p l a y the p e r s o n a l s p i r i t power o r i g i n a l l y a c q u i r e d i n the a l t e r e d s t a t e of c o n s c i o u s n e s s  i n d u c e d by i n i t i a t i o n  procedures.  Some dancers a r e e x p e r i e n c e d v i r t u o s i i n a c h i e v i n g such a s t a t e ; work themselves  they  up w i t h l o u d h y p e r v e n t i l a t i o n and vehement commotion,  t o pass i n t o song and dance when dozens o f d e e r - h i d e drums s t r i k e i n . The dancer's  s p i r i t f i n d s i t s d r a m a t i z e d e x p r e s s i o n i n dance s t e p s ,  tempo, movements, miens and g e s t u r e s :  i n the s n e a k i n g p a c e , then  f l y i n g l e a p s o f the f e r o c i o u s l y y e l l i n g " w a r r i o r " , o r i n the swaying t r o t of the plump, s a d l y weeping "bear mother"; i n t h e r u b b e r - l i k e 4.  "The ' a c t i n g o u t ' more o r l e s s d i r e c t l y o f f a n t a s i e s must be r e g a r ded as an i n t e r m e d i a t e s t e p towards reasoned, d i s c r i m i n a t i v e and cons c i o u s l y p u r p o s e f u l a c t i o n aimed a t s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t t h a t has g i v e n r i s e t o the f a n t a s i e s i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e . T h i s then i s the meaning of the p r o c e s s o f d r a m a t i z a t i o n w h i c h i s so e v i d e n t i n poss e s s i o n . I t i s an e x p r e s s i o n of a d a p t i v e , p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g b e h a v i o u r r a n g i n g from the a c t i n g out o f a ' w i s h - f u l f i l m e n t ' , through an exp e r i m e n t a l , p r o b i n g t y p e of conduct w i t h v a r y i n g degrees of a b r e a c t i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n , to the d i r e c t m a n i p u l a t i o n o f o t h e r persons i n v o l v e d i n the s u b j e c t ' s p e r s o n a l problems. I t may be e x p e c t e d t h a t p a t i e n t s w i l l e x h i b i t c l o u d i n g of c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f d i f f e r e n t degrees " (Yap 1960, p. 130).  102  r e p t i l i a n writhing of the "double headed serpent" as well as i n the desperate wailing and g e s t i c u l a t i o n of the "mother seeking her just as i n the " l i z a r d " who  child";  sheds tears over his devoured o f f s p r i n g  or i n the mighty "whale" who  grabs smaller  fish.  The choreographic drama of the s p i r i t dance i s therapeutic psychodrama, by v i r t u e of i t s combination with a cathartic abreaction i n an appropriate group setting.  I t i s c e r t a i n l y not coincidental that the  founder of modern psychodramatic therapy himself drew p a r a l l e l s between shamanistic  transactions of North American Indians and psychodramatic  sessions (Moreno 1959).  His d e f i n i t i o n of psychodramatic action as a  therapeutic, controlled acting-out  taking place under the guidance of  therapists i n a safe treatment s e t t i n g (Moreno 1955) the winter s p i r i t ceremonial.  i s applicable to  We recognize i n the s p i r i t dance p a r t i -  cipants the dramatis personae of Moreno's c l i n i c a l psychodrama:  pro-  tagonists (the dancers), auxiliary.egos (babysitters or a s s i s t a n t s ) , director ( r i t u a l i s t ) and group (audience).  Mumford's (1951) dictum,  "psychodrama i s the essence of the dream", w i l l remind us of the sya'wan teaching that s p i r i t song, face painting, and dance movements are revealed to the novice i n a dream.  Psychic p u r i f i c a t i o n or catharsis was  f i r s t perceived as a function of drama by A r i s t o t l e (384-322 B.C.)  in  his "Poetics", where drama i s characterized as the imitation of an action which by arousing sympathy and fear e f f e c t s a p u r i f i c a t i o n , i . e . cath5 a r s i s , of the spectators' ^affects. Modern spontaneous psychodrama, on the other hand, intends to achieve cathartic abreaction i n the actors: 5.  Cf. Vorlander's (1932) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Greek text of the complete e d i t i o n of A r i s t o t l e ' s works by the B e r l i n Academy of Science.  103  " I t (psychodrama) produces a healing e f f e c t — n o t i n the spectator...but i n the producer — actors who produce the drama and, at the same time, l i b e r a t e themselves from i t . " (Moreno 1923) We do not consider i t presumptuous to conclude from our observation of Coast Salish s p i r i t dancing that i t combines A r i s t o t l e ' s and Moreno's c r i t e r i a by providing f o r affective catharsis, both i n spectators and actors. (E)  Ego-support accrues out of the group-therapeutic and  cathartic-psychodramatic facets of s p i r i t dancing.  Direct  ego-support  results from the positive attention the r i t u a l i s t leaders and the people  focus on the. active dancers throughout the winter ceremonial: "Many people are going to see your face tonight. You might say the people do not know me, but everybody w i l l know you tonight. We, the Lummi people, the LaConner people, .the Musqueam people, the Chilliwack people, w i l l a l l know you! Before you came into sya'wan, you were s i t t i n g behind, no one knew who you was. Your people put you out i n front, and they stand behind you, a l l the people now know your names...." "We are very proud of you, top-l-A y o u ' l l be, you standing before us! I thank you, each and everyone of you." (Lummi Indian Doctor) The young Salish Indian w i l l find public recognition by  "coming into sya'wan and dancing i n front of the people". hope for direct material gain — inclined —  He cannot  unless h i s personal s p i r i t power i s so  but he can hope for prestige among h i s peers who may say  of him: "He's got a l o t . o f friends, he's r i c h that way, i n that organi z a t i o n he's valued high" (Y.I.).  Even the most i n s i g n i f i c a n t dancer  w i l l command respect when possessed by his s p i r i t ; he may conduct an orchestra of drummers, and when he (and h i s s p i r i t ) passes by i n the dance, the audience w i l l raise from their seats, clap hands and hum  104  i n the rhythm of his tune. justly  Of each new  dancer, the r i t u a l i s t  can  proclaim:  "Now  everybody knows him, before nobody knew him." T r a d i t i o n a l concepts of the benefits of guardian s p i r i t  power (vide Duff 1952,  pp. 97ff) are s t i l l held by modern s p i r i t dance  participants i n the Upper Stalo region i n p r i n c i p l e :  s p i r i t powers  afford the owner protection, good luck, and success i n whatever l i f e s i t u a t i o n and task he wants to rely on them.  They are generally cre-  dited with promoting his s p i r i t u a l and physical well-being, sometimes (CL.)  also his material wealth.  As can be gathered from the  ritualists'  warnings at ceremonials, s p i r i t powers are understood to be e a s i l y offended by any neglect or infringement  of the sya'wan rules.  They re-  act by withdrawal or by supernatural r e t a l i a t i o n against the c u l p r i t and often also against h i s group.  The c o l l e c t i v i t y , therefore, has a  legitimate i n t e r e s t i n preventing behaviour c o n f l i c t i n g with sya'wan rules which a l l imply a personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards one's group. Our data (vide supra, pp. :.80-85) suggest that guardian s p i r i t power i s seen as b e n e f i t t i n g the responsible and harming the irresponsible owner, and as p o t e n t i a l l y a f f e c t i n g the c o l l e c t i v e i n l i k e manner.  I t follows,  therefore, that a n t i - s o c i a l uses of guardian s p i r i t power (uses directed against the interests of the c o l l e c t i v e ) are excluded i n sya'wan theory. (F)  The physical exercise and t r a i n i n g the active s p i r i t  dancers go through from f a l l to spring every year i s unparalleled by any amateur sport among the rest of the population.  The degree of  physical f i t n e s s and a t h l e t i c proficiency achieved by some of the older  105  dancers, such as Chief Malloway (age 65 years), would embarrass most middle-aged men.  We have seen improvement of a r t h r i t i c conditions  prevalent among the often poorly housed Indian people — dancing.  —  through s p i r i t  The psychohygienic effect of physical f i t n e s s has been well  known since the days of the Romans ("mens sana i n corpore sano") and the depression-generating r o l e of physical impairment i s generally 6 recognized.  6.  Cf. Bleuler (1960; p. 99).  106  IX THERAPEUTIC EFFECTIVENESS  Approximately  three-quarters of a l l active s p i r i t dancers i n  the Upper Stalo region have been i n i t i a t e d  since 1970; i t would there-  fore be premature to draw d e f i n i t e conclusions regarding the therapeutic effectiveness of modern s p i r i t dancing.  The new dancers are said to  "get stronger each year" according to sya'wgn theory, and indeed the seasonally reinforced conditioning process should i n time result i n the firm establishment of the expected response patterns and i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the "sy 'w n rules". a  a  I t i s obvious, therefore, that our data on  therapeutic results provide only tentative clues.  Follow-up reports were  obtained on the p o s t - i n i t i a t i o n condition of the twenty-four "modern" s p i r i t dancers on whom objective data regarding p r e i n i t i a t i o n behaviour and symptom formation were a v a i l a b l e .  The following picture emerged:  (1) Of 11 "modern" s p i r i t dancers i n whom depression, anxiety, . . somatization, often associated with alcohol and/or drug . abuse, were manifest before i n i t i a t i o n : -- 3 have been free from symptom formation since the time of t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 2 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 5 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n less than one year ago); -- 1 shows no change ( i n i t i a t i o n more than one year ago). (2)  Of 13 "modern" s p i r i t dancers i n whom behaviour problems with aggressive or a n t i s o c i a l tendencies, usually associated with alcohol and/or drug abuse, were manifest before i n i t i a t i o n : -- 7 have been behaviourally r e h a b i l i t a t e d since the time of t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -'- 3 show improvement ( i n i t i a t i o n one or more years ago); -- 1 shows improvement.(initiation less than one year ago); -- 1 shows no change ( i n i t i a t i o n more than onejyear ago); . -- 1 deteriorated ( i n i t i a t i o n more than one year ago, t e r minated p a r t i c i p a t i o n ) .  107  Among the f u l l y r e h a b i l i t a t e d cases are two who were considered as serious correctional problems by law-enforcement  agencies, one of .  them with a long record of confinements because of multi-delinquency and narcotic addiction. One young patient who  previouslyihad not recovered when hospi-  t a l i z e d for severe psychoneurotic-depressive symptoms, has been functioning without medical attention ever since i n i t i a t i o n two years ago.  We  have already mentioned the case of a post-menopausal depression with numerous hospitalizations', improving a f t e r healing r i t e s were performed on her during a winter dance ceremony. The balance of evidence, anecdotal and preliminary as i t may be by (^epidemiological standards, suggests that the indigenous therapeutic procedures of the s p i r i t dance ceremonial are superior to Western methods, as f a r as Indian c l i e n t e l e i s concerned, i n the management of two symptom complexes: 1)  conditions of i l l health.in which psychoneurotic and l o g i c mechanisms are prominent.  psychophysio-  These are the patients who  figure  i n syg'wan lore as miraculous cures a f t e r having been " i n and out of hospitals, given up by the doctors"; 2)  a n t i s o c i a l and aggressive behaviour usually associated with alcohol or drug abuse, and emotionally or physically destructive to s e l f and kin. Different as these two syndromes may appear, psychotherapeutic  contacts with Indian patients of either type has made us r e a l i z e that anomie depression i s often underlying both the intrapunitive and the aggressive responses which may alternate i n some cases.  108  Indian r i t u a l i s t s , while acknowledging Western medicine to be e f f e c t i v e i n "ordinary", i . e . not spirit-connected diseases, consider native people with the above syndromes -- a l b e i t under labels d i f f e r e n t from those applied here -- as candidates f o r s p i r i t dance Clinical  initiation.  experience, too, would suggest that i n these cases "Indian  treatment" compares favourably with Western therapeutic or correctional approaches. When looking at the "Indian alcohol problem", the extent of  1 which  may be taken as epidemiologic indicator of the prevalence of  anomie depression i n the native population of North America, i t must be admitted  that orthodox Western medical and psychiatric treatment  attempts  have been rather i n e f f e c t i v e and are as a rule limited to p a l l i a t i v e c r i s i s intervention. The influence of s p i r i t dance therapy on periodic excessive drinking -- which, rather than c l i n i c a l addiction to alcohol, i s s t i l l the predominant pattern of alcohol abuse among Upper Stalo Indians --• should therefore be of considerable i n t e r e s t to health and social s c i e n t i s t s a l i k e .  •  I t may be mentioned f i r s t that many prominent p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the ceremonial  freely admit to heavy indulging i n the past.  This by no  means detracts from their reputation i n Indian communities, or from the reputation of s p i r i t dancers as a group i n which the most prestigious 1.  The extent of this problem i n North America i s discussed i n a report of the Indian Health Service Task Force on Alcoholism (1969) which concludes that "alcoholism i s one.of the most serious„health problems facing the Indian people today". Regarding the r e f l e c t i o n of this problem i n B r i t i s h Columbia v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s , see Schmitt et a l . (1966).  109  native families are represented.  On the contrary, i t c r e d i t s the s p i r i t  of svs'w n with greater power than that inherent i n the s p i r i t s of the 2 White man's alcohol. The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of some hard drinkers may i n a  popular opinion be attributed to the healing power of the r i t u a l i s t s : "I know the Lummi o u t f i t , they had men down there with real serious alcohol problems and they came out of i t through dancing. I don't know what does i t , whether the Indian Doctors give them something to hold i t (alcohol) off.them.... There's supposed to be power i n t h e i r (Indian Doctors') minds, a l o t of power." (L.T.) The following general statements can be made concerning a l c o 3 hoi intake and s p i r i t dance p a r t i c i p a t i o n : 1)  The leading r i t u a l i s t s and some prominent p a r t i c i p a n t s are t o t a l abstainers.  2)  A l l but a few of the active "modern" s p i r i t dancers i n the Upper Stalo region abstain throughout ceremonial  3)  seasons.  A l l of the new dancers who completed t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n i n the Upper Stalo region have kept sobriety during the season of their i n i t i a tion.  4)  Inebriated persons are not permitted to attend ceremonials, even i f they are not active dancers.  This has a general discouraging effect  on Indian drinking i n the Upper Stalo region during winter time, as (a) intake of small amounts of. l i q u o r h o l d s . l i t t l e a t t r a c t i o n ; (b) the major ceremonial occasions c o n f l i c t with bigger drinking parties, both being customarily scheduled on weekends. 2. 3.  S a l i s h Indians had no alcoholic beverages i n pre-contact times. Based on own direct observation and information obtained from C.L., L.O., L.S., Y.I.; confirmed by senior Indian A.A. members.  110  5)  To several participants, the culture propaganda associated with the modern winter ceremonial (vide i n f r a ) , suggests an active involvement i n off-season native enterprises, such as.Indian f e s t i v a l s , canoe races and other Indian sports which require them to stay sober during training periods i n summer months.  6)  However, the rank and f i l e of participants, including the majority of the s p i r i t dancers, continue to consume liquor outside the ceremonial season.  Most "modern" dancers apparently f e e l free to do so  a f t e r their f i r s t year i n sya'wan i s over; although they are genera l l y credited with having reduced t h e i r intake as compared to preinitiation  times.  The few s p i r i t dancers who  are also staunch mem-  bers of Indian A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous groups remain abstinent. Some senior participants, therefore, recommend adherence to A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous during summer i n addition to active p a r t i c i p a t i n i n the winter ceremonial, for those with serious alcohol  problems.  The fact that the winter s p i r i t ceremonial for at least five months every year provides most active dancers with sobriety and reduces the r i s k of alcohol abuse i n many other participants, ranks i t with the major therapies of alcoholism.  I t can be said that, with the  exception of A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous, nothing.of equal therapeutic effectiveness has ever been undertaken to combat the Indian alcohol i n the Coast S a l i s h area.  problem  Ill  X FROM PSYCHOHYGIENIC RITUAL TO RITUAL PSYCHOTHERAPY  At  t h i s point i t w i l l be appropriate to draw some generaliz- .  ing conclusions from ethnographic data and our own observations i n an e f f o r t to delineate the main psychosocial functions of the S a l i s h guardian s p i r i t ceremonial, both i n the past and i n our time.  In t r a d i t i o n a l  Coast S a l i s h culture, the s p i r i t quest had a prominent place i n the ceremonial complex and was the main path toward a c q u i s i t i o n of power and f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r i t u a l . As for the importance of the s p i r i t quest f o r personality development, we can r e l y on the assessment of an authority l i k e Driver who asserts that: "In the process of acquiring the many markers of maturity, no experience was as important as the a c q u i s i t i o n of a s p i r i t helper i n a v i s i o n quest...without i t , a man would f a i l i n a l l important undertakings, such as hunting, warfare, and curing the sick." "The function of the v i s i o n i n education was to i n s t i l l confidence i n a young person so that he would attempt things considered impossible before such a r e l i g i o u s experience. With a s p i r i t helper at h i s beck and.call, an insecure adolescent would become more s e l f r s u f f i c i e n t and would take more i n i t i a t i v e i n such necessary a c t i v i t i e s as war and the chase." (Driver 1969,. pp. 391-392) The quest f o r , and the acquisition.of, s p i r i t helpers had to be completed i n adolescence or young adulthood.  I t i s at this stage  that the young individual has to achieve a sense of sexual and socioc u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y from which feelings of emotional security and social belonging can be derived. When returning from his successful s p i r i t  112  quest at the age of 14 years, Old Pierre f e l t sure that he was going to be a real man, a true Katzie Indian, and a great medicine-man. As Erikson (1950) has formulated, and as many a l i f e history shows, the danger of t h i s developmental  stage l i e s i n r o l e confusion with i t s  psychopathological and sociopathological sequelae. their social and c u l t u r a l role, and the " i n a b i l i t y  Confusion about to s e t t l e on an occu-  pational i d e n t i t y " (Erikson 1950) are major disturbing factors i n the personality development of young people i n modern Western s o c i e t i e s . "In  their search for a new sense of continuity and sameness, adolescents  ...are every ready to i n s t a l l l a s t i n g i d o l s and ideals as guardians of a final identity."  (Erikson 1950, p. 261; i t a l i c s mine.)  c i s e l y the tutelary s p i r i t ' s  This was pre-  role i n S a l i s h culture; namely, to act as  guardian of the young Indian's f i n a l i d e n t i t y and thus to ward o f f the  i' f r u s t r a t i o n and depression which accompanies role confusion.  The a l -  tered state of consciousness of the v i s i o n experience was s t r i v e n after only as means to a t t a i n a s p i r i t helper; i t was not an end i n i t s e l f . The Indian youth's quest f o r a guardian s p i r i t , therefore, was 1 a quest for h i s i d e n t i t y and meaning  in life.  As we have seen, the t r a d i t i o n a l Salish s p i r i t quest involved conditions and techniques suitable f o r the induction of altered states of consciousness, and the s p i r i t encounter t y p i c a l l y took place i n such a state.  S p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n ,  with techniques analogous to those  of the vision-quest, l a t e r recreated t h i s altered state of consciousness, 1. "Meaning" i n the sense used by Frankl (1963) as "logos" or "meaning of human existence".  113  repeating the previous learning experience of the adolescent s p i r i t quest.  This experience thereafter f a c i l i t a t e d the new dancer's re-  entering into r i t u a l trances so that he could display h i s s p i r i t power or powers, which were always seen as enhancing the dancer's welfare and preventing or a l l e v i a t i n g physical, emotional, and s o c i a l d i s t r e s s . In more recent ethnographic reports, we see the s p i r i t quest receding i n importance behind the i n i t i a t i o n .  In Upper Stalo culture  (vide Duff 1952, pp. 97; 102ff) guardian s p i r i t power was never conceived of as innate i n the i n d i v i d u a l , nor was i t held to be i n h e r i t a b l e . I t had to be acquired through s p i r i t quest, or was bestowed by the guardian s p i r i t upon the individual i n an altered state of consciousness, without previous quest.  "Dancer's power" could also be i n s t i l l e d  through actions of old dancers (Duff, op. c i t . , p. 105), but according to information we obtained from the most prominent  senior dancer i n  the region, such procedures were very rarely resorted to i n the era of t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t dancing.  Today, the s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n  i s the  main delivery system of s p i r i t power to candidates, while i n the past i t was understood, as a test or confirmation of power previously obtained elsewhere from supernaturals through individual e f f o r t s or as a " g i f t " . This change i n the ceremonial i s frequently commented upon by senior participants, e.g.: "In the older days you got your song from the woods, i n the forest; the power seemed to come natural to them, without anybody working on them....Then they tested i t i f you r e a l l y got i t , you had to prove i t ( i n the i n i t i a t i o n ) ; i f you could do i t , they accepted you." (C.L.) "Now instead of the young man going out and looking for h i s s p i r i t i n the woods, we can ho longer do that because the places they went are no longer free -- so now we only have the initiation." (L.S.)  114  Some formal alterations of the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial, such as the predominant use of English ("this foreign language") i n l i e u of Salish tongues i n r i t u a l speech making, or the disappearance of texts from the s p i r i t dance songs, appear of lesser importance than this fading away of a separate s p i r i t quest.  However, i t must not be overlooked  that guardian s p i r i t a c q u i s i t i o n has become a most essential feature of the i n i t i a t i o n process i t s e l f . Another s i g n i f i c a n t change i s that s p i r i t i l l n e s s , culture a s t r i c t l y seasonal, stereotyped pathomorphic  i n the old  goal-directed  state inevitably leading to s p i r i t singing and dancing, i s now', i n many 1  cases the t r a d i t i o n a l label for the depressive syndrome associated with experiences of r e l a t i v e deprivation and i d e n t i t y confusion which we have c a l l e d anomic depression.  This condition has a tendency towards chron-  i c i t y , and i s i n many cases not r e s t r i c t e d to a b r i e f seasonal course. I t i s e s s e n t i a l l y a depressive reaction with s u f f i c i e n t patho-plastic c u l t u r a l coloring of i t s symptoms to permit i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as s p i r i t i l l n e s s and provide an i n d i c a t i o n f o r treatment by s p i r i t dance i n i t i a tion.  Our data bear out that t h i s depression-anxiety syndrome i s recog-  nized by the r i t u a l i s t s  and by those concerned about the patient, as  an i n d i c a t i o n for sya'wan therapy.  Moreover, c l i n i c a l experience sug-  gests that Indian patients who outwardly show disruptive behaviour associated with alcohol or drug abuse, are often b a s i c a l l y depressed.  We  can, therefore, assume that anomic depression i n i t s various manifestations i s today a major factor i n bringing young Indians into sya'wan. While the model f o r the therapeutic role of s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n was  115  provided by t r a d i t i o n a l culture (obligatory cure of a l l s p i r i t i l l n e s s ) , i n i t i a t i o n was i n the past not conceived of primarily as a healing procedure, rather as a necessary test of the personally acquired s p i r i t powers the candidates wanted to display i n t h e i r dances.  Senior par-  t i c i p a n t s agree that ""torturing to bring out the song" was not and was not a general practice i n bygone days.  necessary  I t seems plausible that  procedures i n the service of personality depatterning have to be made more e f f i c i e n t now  i n order to pave the way  for the reorientation of  emotionally and s o c i a l l y maladjusted.candidates  towards the ideal norms  of Indian culture as conceptualized by the leaders.  The task of i n i t i a -  t i o n i s no longer, only to provide•'.entrance into a ceremonial, v i a the cure of a r i t u a l i z e d pathomorphic ,state, through rebirth as a new human being, but to overcome sickness and f a u l t y behaviour contracted by exposure to an a l i e n culture, through r e b i r t h as a true Indian. i s the r i t u a l i s t s ' message at the namesgiving ceremony — the i n i t i a t i o n process — solemnly proclaimed and "You have a new 1970)  This  today part of  i n which the r e v i v a l of ancestral names i s witnessed:  l i f e as an Indian now!" (Rosedale, Dec. '_ • .  12,  "He remembered h i s grandmother's Indian name, he wants h i s granddaughter to carry t h i s Indian name. A l l of you that were called as witnesses tonight:. this young lady w i l l be known as S.,"this was the grandmother of this friend of ours. This name w i l l come back to l i f e and i t ' s going to be carried by this young g i r l . . . . " "When i t comes to sya'wan l i k e t h i s , the parents s t a r t to think back. The father of t h i s boy i s going to bring back the name of his-great-great-grandfather: 0. His-name i s coming back to be known and carried by t h i s young man...this name has become a l i v e once more, this, name i s something that you w i l l be proud of because.it comes from our ancestors!" (Tzeachten, February 19, 1971)  116  "Last weekend Tzeachten was invited to LaConner and there was t h i s young man receiving h i s Indian name. His father wanted this Indian name remembered i n Chilliwack, so tonight t h i s boy i s here f u l f i l l i n g the wish of h i s ancestors. Those who are c a l l e d as witnesses, we ask you to remember the name i n the language of. our peoplel" (Tzeachten, February 27, 1971) Through s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n the young native,  estranged  from his t r a d i t i o n a l culture as he may be, not only acquires h i s Indian Power; i n the namesgiving ceremony an ancestral name comes to l i f e again and with i t the i n s i g n i a of an Indian i d e n t i t y are bestowed on the new dancer -- he has been reborn as an Indian and has made the c r u c i a l step i n h i s quest for i d e n t i t y and meaning i n l i f e . In the past, the length of sya'wan season was r i g i d l y fixed . 2 according to region, and dancing out of season was highly exceptional i t was also unnecessary, as everybody's urge to dance ended with the ceremonial season.  I f we assume modern s p i r i t dancing to f i l l genuine  therapeutic needs i n genuinely pathological conditions, then we should find the duration of what we described as annual winter therapy adjusted to i n d i v i d u a l needs. region:  This i s exactly:what now happens i n the-Upper Stalo  some dancers continue  to practice.long a f t e r the o f f i c i a l end  of the season, or resume "singing" i n early f a l l , assisted by friends who drum for them p r i v a t e l y . With the near extinction of other forms of native healing, the winter s p i r i t ceremonial has become the only major non-Western therapy at the disposal of the Coast S a l i s h Indians.  I t s therapeutic scope  has been widened by integrating an old shamanic curing r i t e ( s k a n i * l a c ) ; W  2.  According  to senior dancers who frown upon such i r r e g u l a r i t y .  117  by more extensive use of depatterning and reconditioning procedures i n the i n i t i a t i o n process; and also by a new focus on those Indian patients for whom Western medicine has l i t t l e to o f f e r . In conclusion:  What i n the past was a r i t u a l with psychohy-  gienic aspects i s now an organized Indian e f f o r t at culture-congenial psychotherapy.  118  XI MODERN SPIRIT DANCING AS A THERAPEUTIC SOCIAL MOVEMENT  In an attempt to define and l o c a l i z e modern S a l i s h  spirit  dancing as a s o c i a l phenomenon, general analyses of c u l t u r a l and r e l i gious movements were reviewed.  In t h i s task the student i s assisted by  the work of Aberle (1966; pp. 315--333) who not only provides the r e l e vant references, but also a comprehensive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of s o c i a l movements.  Aberle defines a s o c i a l movement as "an organized e f f o r t  by a group of human beings to effect change i n the face of resistance by other human beings", and c l a s s i f i e s such movements according to the dimensions of locus and amount of change they aim at, as 1)  transformative:  t o t a l change i n supra-individual systems ( i n the 1  context of therapy: 2)  reformative:  cure of c o l l e c t i v e s ) ;  p a r t i a l change i n supra-individual systems  (improve-  ment of c o l l e c t i v e s ) ; 3)  redemptive:  t o t a l change i n individuals (cure of i n d i v i d u a l s ) ;  4)  alterative:  p a r t i a l change i n individuals (improvement of i n d i v i -  duals) . These are, of course, a n a l y t i c a l categories, and componential elements of one type of movement may be found i n others.  What Aberle  stresses as more important, however, i s that "any given movement may change i n type over time".  We might, therefore, see a redemptive move-  ment reaching beyond i t s o r i g i n a l aim of effecting a cure of the i n d i v i 1.  A l l references to therapy added by present author.  119  dual and work towards curing the socio-cultural system.  In fact, as  Aberle points out, " v i r t u a l l y a l l redemptive movements, l i k e the transformative movements, reject at least some features of the current society".  B a s i c a l l y , however, the "defining c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " of redemptive  movements " i s the search f o r a new inner state" and t h e i r common doctrine i s that "changes i n behaviour can result only from a new state of grace". Constant features of redemptive movements are organized e f f o r t s (1) to overcome the i n d i v i d u a l ' s resistant or apathetic attitude v i s - a - v i s the desirable change; (2) to increase the in-group contacts and/or decrease the out-group contacts of p a r t i c i p a n t s . The reader who has followed our description of the resurgence, growth, and current practice of the winter ceremonial  i n the Upper Stalo  region, w i l l recognize the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of A b e r l e s characterization 1  of redemptive movements to contemporary S a l i s h s p i r i t dancing:  An or-  ganized e f f o r t by r i t u a l i s t s , active dancers and other b e l i e v e r s i n sya'wan, to effect a t o t a l personality change, a " r e b i r t h " i n i n d i v i duals whose apathy or resistance to t h i s change has to be overcome by the depatterning and reorientation procedures of the i n i t i a t i o n process; further, an attempt at sheltering the candidates from out-group i n f l u ences, and at safeguarding t h e i r l o y a l t y and future p a r t i c i p a t i o n through appropriate indoctrination and organizational arrangements, buttressed by s o c i a l and supernatural sanctions. . We have e a r l i e r referred to Aberle's concept of r e l a t i v e deprivation i n the context of contemporary s p i r i t i l l n e s s .  Through our con-  tacts with l o c a l Indians we have obtained the impression that the majority  120  of native Canadians i n the Upper Stalo region feel they suffer r e l a t i v e deprivation i n the areas of possessions, status, behaviour, and worth; i n evaluating t h e i r s i t u a t i o n , they use the dominant White Canadian 2 society as their "reference f i e l d " .  However, when gauging Indian con-  sciousness of r e l a t i v e deprivation we found this most pronounced i n the statements of the active propagandists of the s p i r i t dance movement.  This i s i n l i n e with Aberle's assumption that r e l a t i v e deprivation  i s "the seed-bed for social movements".  While r e a l i z i n g that modern  Salish s p i r i t dancing does not q u a l i f y as a transformative movement, we may  draw attention to the presence i n the modern s p i r i t dance movement  of important tendencies no longer aiming merely at the " r e b i r t h " of i n dividual Indians, but at a c o l l e c t i v e Indian renaissance.  These tenden-  cies are associated with ideological concepts implying r a d i c a l changes i n the goal-orientation of native groups and i n the relationship between native and dominant society.  Such "renaissant" trends were not active  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial, but are gaining momentum since i t has been revived i n the Upper Stalo region.  Partisans of the modern s p i r i t  dance movement refer to "membership i n sya'wan", and to the creation of a "bigger s o c i a l family for a l l S a l i s h t r i b e s " through sya'wan; they believe that the " r e v i v a l of Indian customs and t r a d i t i o n s " i s the answer to many Indian problems, and they f e e l an o b l i g a t i o n . to "work together to revive the Old Indian ways" and to "teach the young Indian that the Indian Way  does have a meaning" (L.S.; C.S.;  Y.I.; E.S.).  There can  indeed be no doubt about the significance of the s p i r i t dance movement 2.  Cf. Aberle op. c i t . , p.  324.  121  for the development of a national consciousness  i n the " S a l i s h Nation"  -— a term often heard now at ceremonial gatherings i n the Fraser V a l l e y . Conscious e f f o r t s are. made by Indian leaders to revive the S a l i s h h e r i tage and to uphold to the young native generation the exemplary ideal of Indianness, a Pan-Indian r a l l y i n g sign akin to the Pan-African negritude of Cesaire and Senghor. at s p i r i t dance ceremonials  In their, espousal of Indianness, spokesmen follow the example of outstanding Indian  figures l i k e George C l u t e s i or Chief Dan George, who  confront Indian  and White audiences with an idealized image of aboriginal culture, jux3 tapositional to the obvious defects of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , way  i n this  creating what Schwimmer (1970) has termed an opposition ideology.  This ideology contrasts the " s p i r i t u a l " and a l t r u i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n of Indian culture with the " e g o i s t i c materialism" prevailing i n Western civilization. Not long a f t e r the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the region, a reporter of the l o c a l newspaper was  told by active supporters of the  ceremonial: "Ingrained into the nature of an Indian person i s the idea that l i v i n g i s for g i v i n g . We always took only what was needed. We preserved food for winter together. Everyone was h i s brother's keeper...an Indian house i s never too small to take i n another person, or.even another family...the wealthy man was the man who could give most. In white society, the wealthy man i s the one who can keep the most for himself. This i s where our cultures c o n f l i c t . " (The Chilliwack Progress, J u l y 8, 1970, p. 36) 3.  Cf., e.g.: Dr. Clutesi's convocation address at the University of V i c t o r i a , May 1971; and Chief Dan George's address at a recent d i n ner meeting (The Indian Voice, March 1972, p. 13).  122  As the knowledge of Salishan languages i s on the wane among the younger Indian generations, adherence to a " s p i r i t u a l l i f e " according In  to the "Old Indian Ways" has become the hallmark of Indianness. the Upper Stalo region, to display an active interest i n the winter  ceremonial today means to profess one's Indian i d e n t i t y , and also one's b e l i e f i n the r e b i r t h of Indian culture and i n the future of the Salish nation.  What may be c a l l e d culture propaganda has a d e f i n i t e place i n  the modern s p i r i t ceremonial.  Thus i s the r i t u a l i s t s ' message to the  people: "The Salish nation has a l o t to be proud of; l e t us be proud of our Indian waysl" (Rosedale, Dec.. 12, 1970) "This i s our way, the Indian way. This i s the way of our ancestors. Only by being proud of i t can we stay Indian. We Indians are not looking for material goods, we look f o r a free l i f e . We don't seek material things, we seek s p i r i tual powerl" (Seabird Island, Jan. 12, 1970) "Our Indian culture i s not dead, i t i s a l i v e today, our ancestors feel happy about what they see. When I was young, when the o l d people died the f i r e s burnt down and the o l d smokehouses f e l l down, so keep the f i r e s burning again!., s Everything changes, sya'wan changes, too, but I know y o u ' l l keep the f i r e s burning....There i s every reason you should be proud of your Indian culture. As long as the sun r i s e s i n the East and sets i n the West,-and as,long as the streams go to the ocean these f i r e s w i l l burn." (Tzeachten, Jan. 8, 1971) "Your great-great-grandparents have started the, f i r e s to burn i n these smokehouses i n bygone days. You carry the heritage, of your ancestors. These Indian names, the names of a great people, these names were known throughout the land and they w i l l be known again! Nowadays we are a l l related i n one way or another, this i s why the words come out, because our Indian people a l l belong together. Those i n sya'wan here turn around to teach the young that's coming behind; without that our Indian ways would a l l be forgotten....Help one another at a l l times so that the Indian ways w i l l grow!" (Tzeachten, Feb. 19, 1971)  123  The promoters of the s p i r i t dance movement stress i t s appeal to a l l Indians l i v i n g i n the area.  While only a selected group  —  "those who need i t " --• are expected to become active dancers, the leader culture propaganda aims at a broad Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n by mass attendance and involvement ceremonial.  of many native people i n tasks connected with the  On the other hand, some of the younger s p i r i t  dancers  m i l i t a t e f o r the elimination of whatever, they perceive as "White" i n fluence and interference. The most radical among them are against any sort of cooperation even with sympathetic  "White" therapeutic and s o c i a l  agencies; they discourage Indian clientage of such agencies and demand 4 the exclusion of a l l White guests from the ceremonial. Here the voice of a young r a d i c a l : "No White man can help an Indian, no White man r e a l l y wants to help an Indian. The Indians who don't know what's there for them ( i n s p i r i t dancing) are stupid, because that's the only thing that can help them, i f they come back to their own culture. No White man can help an Indian, only Indians can do that. I had to find that out, only Indians can help an Indian, White people only get them.into.trouble." (N.A.) A l l these s t r i v i n g s , which go beyond the goals usually set i n a therapeutic enterprise, reveal a keynote of nativism, i . e . , an attitude of systematic favouring of the c u l t u r a l in-group as opposed to the c u l t u r a l out-group ( c f . Ames 1957).  4.  Specific characteristics  A few Whites are invited by t h e i r Indian friends to attend as guests There are also a couple of Caucasian s p i r i t dancers from Washington State who are related to Indians and l i v e i n Indian communities (reverse acculturation) . Recent anti-White sentiment among young r a d i cals tends to d i f f e r e n t i a t e on a r a c i a l rather than on a c u l t u r a l or ideological b a s i s .  124 o  of social movements with n a t i v i s t i c orientation can be.identified i n the development of s p i r i t dancing i n the Upper Stalo region: 1)  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a r e v i v a l i s t i c - n a t i v i s t i c movement, (Linton 1943), namely a "conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to revive...selected aspects of i t s culture", i n a " s i t u a t i o n of inequality between the societies i n contact";  2)  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a r e v i t a l i z a t i o n movement (Wallace 1956), namely a "deliberate, organized, conscious e f f o r t by members of a society to construct a more s a t i s f y i n g culture", i n type both n a t i v i s t i c ("elimination of a l i e n persons, customs, values")and r e v i v a l i s t i c ( " i n s t i t u t i o n of customs, values, and even aspects of nature which are thought to have been i n the mazeway of previous generations but are not now present");  3)  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a r e s i s t i v e n a t i v i s t i c movement (Ames 1957) with "resistance to the b e l i e f s , values, and practices of the dominant society". These pertinent characterizations can be included i n a c l a s s i -  f i c a t o r y schema of the s p i r i t dance movement, a schema which combines the typologies of Aberle (op. c i t . , p. 316) and Clemhout (1964, p. 14), and which i s intended to provide clues f o r predicting potential future developments.  In considering future developments orelmay be reminded  that the living-space of the Salishan speaking peoples has i n the 19th century been the arena of an important r e l i g i o u s movement, the Prophet  125 5 Dance;  6 from which originated the (transformative) Ghost Dance,  a  series of often m i l i t a n t l y anti-White movements of " s a c r o - n a t i v i s t i c " type sweeping through native North America.  I t i s as yet unclear whe-  ther a secularized analogy w i l l be provided i n our time by transformative r e v i t a l i z a t i o n movements of " p o l i t i c o - n a t i v i s t i c " type, inspired by the so-called "Red Power" ideology, which appeals to some of the younger s p i r i t dancers. The Coast S a l i s h area has i n the past also seen the r i s e of 7 Shakerism,  a redemptive movement of the "sacro-syncretic" type i n which  shamanic practices, guardian-spirit b e l i e f s , catholic lithurgy and protestant ethic blended to form a r e l i g i o u s c u l t , eventually established as a church.  Developments i n such a d i r e c t i o n would require a d e l i b e r -  ate amalgamation of contemporary  sya'wan doctrines with trends i n mod-  ern Western Z e i t g e i s t which already exercise a s i g n i f i c a n t yet concealed influence on Indian thought, into a sacro-syncretic b e l i e f system, or into an ethico-syncretic ideology. In the post-imperialist era, ideolog i c a l currents i n contemporary Western societies suggest the abandonment of eurocentric, p o s i t i v i s t i c and " m a t e r i a l i s t i c " world-views, concomitant with an upgrading, even i d e a l i z a t i o n , of the Western image of 5.  6.  7.  Cf. Spier's (1935) research on the Prophet Dance and the o r i g i n of the Ghost Dance; also Suttles (1957); both authors have s p e c i f i c references to the Prophet Dance i n the Upper Stalo region, but do not examine the relationship between Prophet Dance and s p i r i t dancing. Cf. Du Bois (1939) for the Ghost Dance of the 1870s; f o r the l a t e r movements around 1890 see the c l a s s i c a l t r e a t i s e by Mooney (1896). G u a r i g l i a (1959, pp. 149-171; 190-193) provides a comprehensive _ review with geographical maps. Cf. Gunther (1949), C o l l i n s (1950), and above a l l , Barnett (1957).  126.  non-Western cultures.  These currents are r e f l e c t e d i n a changing Indian-  White relationship and may eventually effect the merging of the Indian "opposition ideology" with that of the younger White generation.  Modern S p i r i t Dance Movement  (Aim: Modern Western — Zeitgeist  Redemptive movement cure of the individual)  r I  4/  Syncretism  Sacro-syncretic  Renaissant trends c o l l e c t i v e Indian renaissance) Culture  I  /  (Aim:  \  Ethico-syncretic  revitalisation  Nativism: r e s i s t i v e and r e v i v a l i s t i c  Sacro-nativistic  Politico-nativistic  ho  128  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Aberle, D.F.: The Peyote Religion Among the Navaho (Aldine, Chicago 1966). . ' .. Ackerknecht, E.H.: Psychopatholqgy, Primitive Medicine and Primitive Culture. B u l l e t i n of the I n s t i t u t e of the History of Medicine 14: 30-67 (1943). . Altman, G.J.: Guardian-spirit Dances of the S a l i s h . dian Lore and History 21: 155-160 (1947).  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