{"Affiliation":[{"label":"Affiliation","value":"Arts, Faculty of","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#departmentOrSchool","classmap":"vivo:EducationalProcess","property":"vivo:departmentOrSchool"},"iri":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#departmentOrSchool","explain":"VIVO-ISF Ontology V1.6 Property; The department or school name within institution; Not intended to be an institution name."},{"label":"Affiliation","value":"Anthropology, Department of","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#departmentOrSchool","classmap":"vivo:EducationalProcess","property":"vivo:departmentOrSchool"},"iri":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#departmentOrSchool","explain":"VIVO-ISF Ontology V1.6 Property; The department or school name within institution; Not intended to be an institution name."}],"AggregatedSourceRepository":[{"label":"AggregatedSourceRepository","value":"DSpace","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:dataProvider"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The name or identifier of the organization who contributes data indirectly to an aggregation service (e.g. Europeana)"}],"Campus":[{"label":"Campus","value":"UBCV","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#degreeCampus","classmap":"oc:ThesisDescription","property":"oc:degreeCampus"},"iri":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#degreeCampus","explain":"UBC Open Collections Metadata Components; Local Field; Identifies the name of the campus from which the graduate completed their degree."}],"Creator":[{"label":"Creator","value":"Jilek, Wolfgang George","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:creator"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity primarily responsible for making the resource.; Examples of a Contributor include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"DateAvailable":[{"label":"DateAvailable","value":"2011-04-13T22:22:24Z","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"DateIssued":[{"label":"DateIssued","value":"1972","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"oc:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"Degree":[{"label":"Degree","value":"Master of Arts - MA","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#relatedDegree","classmap":"vivo:ThesisDegree","property":"vivo:relatedDegree"},"iri":"http:\/\/vivoweb.org\/ontology\/core#relatedDegree","explain":"VIVO-ISF Ontology V1.6 Property; The thesis degree; Extended Property specified by UBC, as per https:\/\/wiki.duraspace.org\/display\/VIVO\/Ontology+Editor%27s+Guide"}],"DegreeGrantor":[{"label":"DegreeGrantor","value":"University of British Columbia","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#degreeGrantor","classmap":"oc:ThesisDescription","property":"oc:degreeGrantor"},"iri":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#degreeGrantor","explain":"UBC Open Collections Metadata Components; Local Field; Indicates the institution where thesis was granted."}],"Description":[{"label":"Description","value":"This study is based on analysis of ethnographic literature; personal observation of contemporary spirit dance and healing ceremonies in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia; individual interviews with Coast Salish Indian leaders, ritualists, and other spirit ceremonial participants;\r\nand on five years of close contact with the Upper Stalo Indians as physician and regional mental health officer. In the Coast Salish area, the North American Indian guardian spirit complex combined the spirit quest of the Plateau tribes with secret society features of Northwest\r\nCoast culture. The suppression of the traditional ceremonial by church and government authorities in the decades following the White intrusion is briefly illustrated, and the history of the recent revival of spirit dancing in the Fraser Valley is reported. Ethnographic evidence is cited to demonstrate that the achievement of altered states of consciousness was an essential aspect of the traditional ceremonial: the spirit encounter took place in such a psychophysiologic state, and the traditional spirit quest and spirit dance initiation involved conditions and techniques identical\r\nwith, or analogous to, those commonly found in the production of altered states of consciousness elsewhere. The seasonal spirit illness of future spirit dancers in traditional Coast Salish culture was a stereotyped\r\npathomorphic, but not pathologic, prelude to the public exhibition of spirit powers in the dance ceremonial. Today it is often fused with psychic and psychophysiologic symptom formation in the context of cultural and social deprivation, a syndrome which the author describes under the heading of anomic depression. Diagnosis of this condition as spirit illness permits re-identification of an estranged Indian person with the aboriginal culture via initiation into spirit dancing. The author presents contemporary\r\nspirit dance initiation as a healing process based on the therapeutic\r\nmyth of death and rebirth of the neophyte who is made to regress to a state of infantile dependency in order to obtain his spirit power and to grow with it into a more rewarding and healthier existence. Personality\r\ndepatterning and reorientation towards the ideal norms of Salish culture is achieved through shock treatments and various types of sensory deprivation and stimulation, followed by physical exercise and indoctrination.\r\nIn contemporary Salish theory and practice, persons suffering from depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints unresponsive to Western methods of treatment, as well as persons with behaviour problems, are candidates for the initiation procedure which implies considerable expenses and some risks. The revived ceremonial provides the local native population with an annual winter treatment programme integrating several types of therapy which are identified and discussed. Preliminary data suggest that, as far as the Indian clientele is concerned, the therapeutic effectiveness of this indigenous Salish treatment compares favourably with Western medical\r\napproaches, in conditions of ill health in which psychophysiologic mechanisms are prominent, and with Western correctional management of behaviour\r\ndisorders associated with alcohol or drug abuse. Analysis of the changes occurring in the traditional ceremonial since the revival of spirit dancing, shows that what in the past was a ritual with psychohygienic aspects is now an organized Indian effort at culture-congenial psychotherapy. In an attempt to define and localize modern Salish spirit dancing as a social phenomenon within proposed classificatory schemata, it is characterized\r\nas a redemptive movement aiming at total personality change, with nativistic tendencies towards a collective Indian renaissance.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:description"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An account of the resource.; Description may include but is not limited to: an abstract, a table of contents, a graphical representation, or a free-text account of the resource."}],"DigitalResourceOriginalRecord":[{"label":"DigitalResourceOriginalRecord","value":"https:\/\/circle.library.ubc.ca\/rest\/handle\/2429\/33623?expand=metadata","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:aggregatedCHO"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The identifier of the source object, e.g. the Mona Lisa itself. This could be a full linked open date URI or an internal identifier"}],"FullText":[{"label":"FullText","value":"PSYCHOHYGIENIC AND THERAPEUTIC ASPECTS OF THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT CEREMONIAL by. WOLFGANG GEORGE JILEK M.D. , University of Innsbruck, Austria M.Sc, McGill University, Montreal D.Ps., McGill University, Montreal A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972 In present ing th is thes is in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ive rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y sha l l make it. f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying o f th is t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f th is thes is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion . Wolfgang G. Jil e R Department of Anthropology and Sociology The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ^epf. \u00a3> * \\9TZ ABSTRACT T h i s study i s based on a n a l y s i s of e thnographic l i t e r a t u r e ; p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n of contemporary s p i r i t dance and h e a l i n g ceremonies i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y of B r i t i s h Columbia ; i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n l e a d e r s , r i t u a l i s t s , and other s p i r i t ceremonia l p a r -t i c i p a n t s ; and on f i v e years of c l o s e contac t w i t h the Upper S t a l o I n d i a n s as p h y s i c i a n and r e g i o n a l mental h e a l t h o f f i c e r . I n the Coast S a l i s h a r e a , the N o r t h American I n d i a n g u a r d i a n s p i r i t complex combined the s p i r i t quest of the P l a t e a u t r i b e s w i t h s e c r e t s o c i e t y f e a t u r e s of N o r t h -west Coast c u l t u r e . The s u p p r e s s i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonia l by church and government a u t h o r i t i e s i n the decades f o l l o w i n g the White i n t r u s i o n i s b r i e f l y i l l u s t r a t e d , and the h i s t o r y of the recent r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y i s r e p o r t e d . Ethnographic evidence i s c i t e d to demonstrate that the achievement of a l t e r e d s t a t e s of consc iousness was an e s s e n t i a l aspect of the t r a d i t i o n a l c e r e m o n i a l : the s p i r i t encounter took p l a c e i n such a p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c s t a t e , and the t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n i n v o l v e d c o n d i t i o n s and techniques i d e n -t i c a l w i t h , or analogous t o , those commonly found i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f a l t e r e d s t a t e s of consciousness e l sewhere . The seasonal s p i r i t i l l n e s s of f u t u r e s p i r i t dancers i n t r a d i t i o n a l Coast S a l i s h c u l t u r e was a s t e r e o -typed pathomorphic , but not p a t h o l o g i c , pre lude to the p u b l i c e x h i b i t i o n o f s p i r i t powers i n the dance c e r e m o n i a l . Today i t i s o f t e n fused w i t h p s y c h i c and p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c symptom f o r m a t i o n i n the context of c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l d e p r i v a t i o n , a syndrome which the author d e s c r i b e s under the heading of anomic d e p r e s s i o n . D i a g n o s i s of t h i s c o n d i t i o n as s p i r i t i l l n e s s permits r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of an estranged I n d i a n person w i t h the a b o r i g i n a l i i culture via initiation into spirit dancing. The author presents contem-porary spirit dance initiation as ahealing process based on the thera-peutic myth of death and rebirth of the neophyte who is made to regress to a state of infantile dependency in order to obtain his spirit power and to grow with i t into a more rewarding and healthier existence. Per-sonality depatterning and reorientation towards the ideal norms of Salish culture is achieved through shock treatments and various types of sensory deprivation and stimulation, followed by physical exercise and indoctrina-tion. In contemporary Salish theory and practice, persons suffering from depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints unresponsive to Western methods of treatment, as well as persons with behaviour problems, are candidates for the initiation procedure which implies considerable expenses and some risks. The revived ceremonial provides the local native population with an annual winter treatment programme integrating several types of therapy which are identified and discussed. Preliminary data suggest that, as far as the Indian clientele is concerned,the therapeutic effectiveness of this indigenous Salish treatment compares favourably with Western med-ical approaches,in conditions of i l l health in which psychophysiologic mechanisms are prominent, and with Western correctional management of be-haviour disorders associated with alcohol or drug abuse. Analysis of the changes occurring in the traditional ceremonial since the revival of spirit dancing, shows that what in the past was a ritual with psychohygienic as-pects is now an organized Indian effort at culture-congenial psychotherapy. In an attempt to define and localize modern Salish spirit dancing as a social phenomenon within proposed classificatory schemata, i t is charac-terized as a redemptive movement aiming at total personality change, with nativistic tendencies towards a collective Indian renaissance. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS I Preface 1 II Note on Research Methods Used 3 III Introductory Note on the Traditional Salish Guardian Spirit Complex 5 IV The Revival of Spirit Dancing in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia 11 V The Achievement of Altered States of .Consciousness in the Salish Guardian Spirit Complex as Documented in Ethnographic Literature 17 .-A. Note on the Physiology and Psychology of Altered States of Consciousness 17 B. Spirit Experience and Possession 27 C. Spirit Quest \u2022 35 D. . Spiri t Illness 40 E. Spirit Dance Initiation 46 VI Contemporary Spirit Illness and Anomic Depression 54 A. Note on Anomie and Relative Deprivation 54 B. Anomic Depression as Important Background Phenomenon of Contemporary Spirit Illness 57 C. The Symptomatology of Contemporary Spirit Illness 61 VII. The Therapeutic Process of Contemporary Spirit Dance Initiation 70 A. Death and Rebirth -- The Therapeutic Myth 70 B. Personality Depatterning and Reorientation 73 C. Indications.for Initiation and Selection of Candidates 86 D. Costs and Risks . 9 0 iv VIII Annual Winter Therapy 93 A. Occupational and Activity Therapy 95 B. Group Psychotherapy 96 C. Cathartic Abreaction 99 D. Psychodrama 100 E. Direct Ego-Support 103 F. Physical Exercise . 104 IX Therapeutic Effectiveness 106 X From Psychohygienic Ritual to Ritual Psychotherapy 111 XI Modern Spirit Dancing as a Therapeutic Social Movement \" 118 Bibliography 128 1 I PREFACE The purpose of this paper is to e l i c i t and define the psycho-hygienic and therapeutic aspects of the Salish Guardian Spirit Ceremonial, and to evaluate the relative importance of these aspects in traditional and contemporary Coast Salish culture, both for the individual and the collective. While comparative data on most Coast Salish groups w i l l be included in this paper, the population under specific observation here is that of the following Indian bands located in the Upper Fraser Valley of British Columbia, Canada: Aitchelitz, Cheam, Chehalis, Kwaw-kwaw-a-p i l t , Lakahahmen, Ohamil, Peters, Popkum, Scowlitz, Seabird Island, Skulkayn, Skwah, Skway, Soowahlie, Squiala, Sumas, Tzeachten, Yakweak-wioose; Halkomelem division of Salishan linguistic group, Northwest Coast culture area. This region encompasses reserves in the Greater Chilliwack-Agassiz-Harrison d i s t r i c t s and w i l l henceforth be referred to as Upper Stalo region (cf. Duff, 1952). Also involved in the winter ceremonials of the Upper Stalp region are some members of the Douglas band of Northern Harrison Lake (Lillooet Salishan speakers of the Plateau culture area). The total Indian population of the Upper Stalo region amounts to about 1,900. The writer is grateful to his Indian friends, Chief Richard Malloway and Mr. Roy Point of Sardis, B.C., Mr. Joe Washington of Marietta, Washington, and Mr. Walker Stogan of Musqueam, B.C., who 2 invited him to attend at ceremonial occasions as a guest and witness. He has learnt to respect these Indian elders for their warm humanity and devotion to their people, and for the keen psychological insight they displayed. It is their hope that a better understanding of the ceremonial, by health professionals and social scientists, may lead to a f u l l appreciation of i t s merits. To quote one of them: \"We have invited here a friend, a doctor, so that he can see what we are doing and how we help our young people. He can be our link to the outside world, he could speak about i t on a medical convention one day. I want the doctor to know that people whom White doctors have given up are s i t -ting among us right here....The doors of this smokehouse are always open for you. You have come here as friend of our people to witness what takes place here in this smokehouse, in order to understand the ways of sya'wan.\" (Joe Washington, speeches at ceremonials in Wellington, December.23, 1970, and Tzeachten, February 19, 1971.) This work was done under the supervision of Professor Wilson Duff. The author w i l l remain indebted to him, and also to Dr. David F. Aberle and Dr. Michael Kew of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of British Columbia, for their advice and encour-agement . 3 I I N O T E O N R E S E A R C H M E T H O D S U S E D T h e d a t a u p o n w h i c h t h i s s t u d y i s b a s e d w e r e o b t a i n e d : ( 1 ) b y a n a l y s i s o f t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e o n a l l S a l i s h a n - s p e a k i n g p o p u l a t i o n s ; ( 2 ) b y p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y s p i r i t d a n c e a n d h e a l i n g c e r e m o n i e s i n l o n g h o u s e s a n d c o m m u n i t y h a l l s o f t h e S t a l o I n d i a n s d u r i n g t h e w i n t e r s e a s o n s 1 9 6 9 \/ 7 0 ( m a j o r c e r e m o n i a l s a t t e n d e d : 8 ) , 1 9 7 0 \/ 7 1 ( 1 4 ) , a n d 1 9 7 1 \/ 7 2 ( 4 ) . C e r e m o n i a l s w e r e a t t e n d e d u p o n f o r m a l i n v i t a t i o n b y I n d i a n f r i e n d s ; l e a d e r s a n d r i t u a l i s t s a n d o t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t s . O n s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s , t h e w r i t e r w a s a s k e d t o a s s i s t a s a \" w i t n e s s \" i n i n i t i a t i o n c e r e m o n i e s . D u r i n g t h e c e r e -m o n i a l s p e e c h m a k i n g , s h o r t h a n d n o t e s w e r e m a d e b y t h e w r i t e r . T h e a c c u r a c y o f v e r b a l s t a t e m e n t s q u o t e d c a n b e g u a r a n t e e d w i t h r e g a r d t o c o m p l e t e a n d c o r r e c t k e y w o r d i n g a n d r e n d e r i n g o f s t y l i s t i c f l a v o u r . T h e w r i t e r d i d n o t u s e t a p e r e c o r d i n g e q u i p m e n t a t t h e c e r e m o n i e s a s t h i s ( a n d t h e u s e o f p h o t o g r a p h i c a n d f i l m c a m e r a s ) i s o b j e c t e d t o b y I n d i a n p a r t i c i p a n t s w h o c o n s i d e r s o n g s a n d d a n c e s t o b e t h e o w n e r ' s p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y ; ( 3 ) i n 4 8 p r i v a t e l y c o n d u c t e d i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 2 1 I n d i a n p e r s o n s ( l e a d e r s , r i t u a l i s t s , a n d o t h e r s p i r i t c e r e m o n i a l p a r t i c i -p a n t s ) f r o m t h e w h o l e C o a s t S a l i s h a r e a . T h e i n t e r v i e w e d p e r s o n s w e r e a w a r e o f t h e w r i t e r ' s i n t e r e s t i n t h e t h e r a p e u t i c a s p e c t s o f s p i r i t d a n c i n g , a n d m o s t o f t h e m w e r e s y m p a t h e t i c t o h i s i n t e n t i o n o f m a k i n g t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n a c c e s s i b l e t o a p r o f e s s i o n a l a u d i e n c e . 4 They object, however, to i t being used for gainful purposes in non-scientific publications. No useful purpose would be served by revealing the identity of an Indian person when presenting in this paper the information he or she contributed. In order to safeguard anonymity, references to personal characteristics w i l l be kept at a minimum, and coded i n i t i a l s w i l l be employed in the text; (4) in five years of close contact of the writer with the native pop-ulation of the Fraser Valley, in his capacity of physician and regional mental health officer. During this period, the writer attended 105 local Indian patients. The majority of these were referred for problems which w i l l be discussed under the heading of anomic depression. C l i n i c a l impressions and conclusions, as far as they w i l l be presented in this paper, rest on this exper-ience . 5 III INTRODUCTORY NOTE ON THE TRADITIONAL SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX The \"Guardian Spirit Complex\" is an ancient phenomenon of considerable cultural, social and psychological significance for the great majority of indigenous American societies. Early European com-mentators considered the American Indian's guardian sp i r i t s to be daemons of infernal provenance. So did Bishop De Herrera in the 16th century and the Jesuit Fathers i n the 17th.century (Benedict 1923) and also Bishop Durieu of British Columbia in the late 1800's (Hill-Tout 1 1902); the latter identified them as familiar s p i r i t s . The young science of anthropology was making the guardian s p i r i t a case of totemism, either as an integral part of collective totemism (Durkheim 1915) or, vice-versa, as a universal precursor of totemism, a link between fetish and totem (Hill-Tout 1901, 1904, 1905). More recently, clarifying re-views of the Guardian Spirit concept were presented for the whole of North America by Benedict (1923), for the Plateau area, including the Interior Salish, by Ray (1939) and for the Coast Salish by Barnett (1938, 1955) and Duff (1952). In comparative analysis of the Guardian Spirit Complex, these authors contrast Salish patterns with the peculiar forms this complex had developed among the Kwakiutl (cf. Spradley 1963). 1. Familiar s p i r i t , or imp, a low-ranking daemon in the shape of an animal given by the Devil to a witch or wizard with whom he had contracted a pact, to serve as advisor, assistant and performer of malicious errands (Robbins 1959, p. 190). 6 Generalizing from their conclusions, we see the following picture emerging with regard to Guardian Spirit practices in the Pla-teau and Northwest Coast culture areas: (1) Prototypical of the Guardian Spirit customs i s the Plateau area with an individual, egalitarian, rather stressful adolescent quest to obtain a life-long supernatural helper, and acquire from him name, power, and song in a visionary experience. (2) Contrasting with this i s the situation i n the Wakashan province of the Northwest Coast area with the Kwakiutl as prototype: highly formalized procedures, in which the Guardian Spirit as a mark of aristocratic rank i s acquired on the basis of hierarchical princi-ples in a dramatically staged group performance of s p i r i t vision and possession in the context of secret-society i n i t i a t i o n . (3) The Coast Salish area, in an intermediate position both geographi-cally and culturally, manifests the Guardian Spirit Complex of the Plateau \"re-worked and re-interpreted under the influence of the social and physical environment of the Northwest Coast\" (Duff 1952; p. I l l ) , combining elements of the classic s p i r i t quest with the secret-society feature of i n i t i a t i o n to the winter cere-2 monials. In Salish culture the most intimate relationship existed be-tween shamanism and guardian s p i r i t doctrine. Shamanism was, as Bene-dict (1923; p. 67) put i t , \"built around the vision-guardian-spirit 2. Among the Fraser River Salish, the winter dancing season was called by the Kwakiutl word Me'itla according to Boas (1894) . 7 complex\". The following schema can be constructed for the Salish-speaking peoples from ethnographic literature (Teit 1900; Hill-Tout 1905a; Gunther 1927; Haeberlin 1930; Ray 1932; Olson 1936; Barnett 1938 and 1955; Wike 1941; Duff 1952; Lane 1953; Jenness 1955; Elmendorf 1960; Robinson 1963; Kew 1970): (1) Shamanistic powers and spirit-songs differed essentially from those of the layman. This distinction was carried to i t s logical extreme by the Upper Stalo of the Fraser Valley; their prospective shamans \"underwent a long rigorous quest and obtained from a s p i r i t in a dream or vision a specific power\", while the same guardian s p i r i t might appear to a lay person in a vision without quest, conferring no powers other than song and dance (Duff 1952; p. 97). (2) The shaman's sp i r i t quest, although taking a similar form, gener-a l l y implied greater efforts, imposed more hardships, and was of a longer duration than that of the layman. (3) The shaman's vision experience was of greater force and intensity than the layman's. (4) Shamans' and laymen's guardian spirits were, as a rule, of the same type or even identical, conferring shamanic powers to one and non-shamanic powers to another seeker. . Shamans usually obtained powers not from one or two, but from several s p i r i t s , and often from spirits who were considered to be especially potent or to have predilection for shamanic powers. A notable exception was presented by Puget Sound groups (Haeberlin 1930; Wike 1941; Elmen-dorf 1960) having two distinct classes of spirits for shaman and 8 layman; and by the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island (Robinson 1963) whose shamans-to-be claimed mythical monsters as tutelaries , (Kwakiutl influence?) while lay seekers had to resort to animal sp i r i t s . Barnett (1955) l i s t s some spirits who gave power almost exclusively to shamans among the Coast Salish of British Columbia, such as the double-headed snake, the thunder-bird, the f i r e , and the land-otter. The winter s p i r i t dance was the major r i t u a l within the guardian s p i r i t complex of Salish-speaking peoples of- the Pacific Northwest Coast area. Spirit dancing was practiced by most Coast Salish groups that maintained effective inter-tribal ties through this cere-monial complex (Suttles 1963). It was also of great importance to the Flathead as \"medicine-dance,\" and to the Okanagan (Teit 1930), but by 1954 i t had become a remnant of a once highly developed a r t i s t i c and religious spectacle (Lerman 1954) . ...Spirit dancing was never a feature of r i t u a l l i f e among the other Interior Salish groups of British Columbia (Ray 1939); however, the Shuswap traditionally engaged in \"mystery sing-ing\" during wintertime, when a l l men were possessed of some shamanic power (Teit 1905). The Salish Indians recognized winter as the appropriate time for ceremonies concerning the guardian s p i r i t s , when \"people draw upon their store of sunlight and their v i t a l i t y i s weakened\" (Robinson 1963), to be strengthened again by the annual return of the s p i r i t powers who arrive and depart with the cold season. 9 In Hill-Tout's (1902, 1904) time, the winter s p i r i t ceremon-ia l s were known among the Halkomelem speakers of the Fraser Valley of i British Columbia as su'lia or ul i a dances, \"dramatizations of dreams\" 3 as Hill-Tout (1904) interpreted this. Today, the native population of the Valley refers to them in English as \"Indian Dances\", or just as \"pow-wows\". Under missionary influence, s p i r i t dancing had to yield to Christian customs throughout the Salish region. Bishop Durieu who im-posed a theocratic social order on the Gulf of Georgia Salish in the 1860's and 1870's, proclaimed four commandments to his Indian flock, of which the f i r s t was to give up a l l traditional dancing, the second, to quit potlatching, the third, to cease consulting shamans, and the fourth, to abstain from drinking and gambling (Lemert 1955). I n i t i a l l y there was no prospect of co-existence -- except for the Puget Sound area where a seasonal pattern of religious loyalty developed with s p i r i t singing, in the winter and attendance at the syncretistic Shaker Church in summer (Wike 1941). Spirit dancing was formally outlawed in Washington Territory by decree of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs i n 1871, apparently in the context of fears about anti-White movements in the wake of the Ghost Dance, (cf. Collins 1950). In British Columbia, the 3. Cf. Kluckhohn's general theory of myths and rituals: \"The l i t e r -ature i s replete with instances of persons5\"dreaming' that super-naturals summoned them, conducted them on travels or adventures, and f i n a l l y admonished them thereafter to carry out certain rites ....To obtain ceremony through dream .is, of course, i t s e l f a pat-tern, a proper traditional way of obtaining a ceremony or power\" (1942, p. 51). 10 4 . so-called Potlatch Law was often used as a legal sanction to suppress spir i t dancing. This Section of the Indian Act, which served as an instrument of imposed acculturation in this province (cf. LaViolette 1961) remained on the Statutes of Canada until 1951. The history of s p i r i t dancing among the Lummi, a Coast Salish group in Northern Washington, illustrates the development of this cere-monial under acculturative pressures (Suttles 1954). Church and Indian Agency united forces to discourage this \"pagan\" ri t u a l : paraphernalia and costumes were confiscated, their owners publicly chastised or sen-tenced to fines and forced labour i f they proved to be recalcitrant dancers. Indoctrination at school was designed to make the young Indian generation consider the ceremonials as vestiges of a bygone age of bar-barism. By 1914, the Indian Agent proudly declared the dances to be obsolete. When, however, he hit upon the idea of using them in a stage performance on \"Treaty Day\" for the purpose of arousing aversion, this had the paradoxical effect of rekindling a dying f i r e . It was now evi-dent to the people that the U.S. Government had fi n a l l y been forced by the s p i r i t powers to free the dances. There was, however, no resurgence of s p i r i t dancing until much later. 4. \"Every Indian or other person who engages in or assists in celebrating the Indian festival known as the \"Potlatch\" or in the Indian dance known as the \"Tamanawas\" i s guilty of a misdemeanour, and shall be liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than six nor less than two months i n any gaol or other place of confinement, and any Indian or other person who encourages, either directly or indirectly,.an Indian or Indians to get up such a festival or dance, or to celebrate the same, or who shall assist in the celebration of same, isrguilty of a like offense, and shall be liable to the same punishment\" (sec-tion 3, Statutes of Canada, 1884; c i t . LaViolette 1961, p. 43).. 11 IV THE REVIVAL OF SPIRIT DANCING .IN THE FRASER VALLEY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Among the Upper. Stalo Salish of the Fraser Valley, Duff found only 14 active dancers in 1952. Ten years later, 26 new dancers were initiated during one winter in the entire Coast Salish region (Suttles 1963). Kew (1970) recorded eleven initiations at Musqueam Reserve near Vancouver in just three seasons, 1966 to 1969. Our data show that resurgence of s p i r i t dancing on the Indian reserves of the Upper Stalo region started in 1967\/68 with the i n i t i a t i o n by Musqueam ri t u a l i s t s of the son of a prominent family, a young man of 20 years, who later was to assume a leading role in local initiatory procedures. In the mid-1960's, there were very few traditional dancers active in the Upper Stalo region, probably not more than four, of whom the most well known were Chief Richard Malloway of Sardis, and Chief Charles Douglas Senior of Rosedale. The legal persecution of active dancers under the Potlatch Law is s t i l l remembered among the older people, and so are pre-sentations to the senior governments made by Chief Malloway and other Indian leaders on behalf of native traditions and of those practicing them. Throughout the period of suppression of s p i r i t dancing by govern-mental and church authorities, the mutual assistance of the traditional dancers from different tribes who sang and drummed for each other, tes-t i f i e s to Salish solidarity. The few active dancers in the Upper Stalo region remained in close contact with their brethren of the Musqueam, Lummi (Northern Washington) and Cowichan (Vancouver Island) tribes, where 12 the ceremonial had survived as an organized group activity. The.lead-ing role of Lummi and Musqueam r i t u a l i s t s in the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region is readily acknowledged by local In-dian leaders: \"It started i n the States again, and i t came this way\" (C.L.); \"As far as i n i t i a t i o n goes, Musqueam has been like a mother to the Chilliwack people...we had to depend on the other tribes to help us, to teach us the Indian way of l i f e again.\" (Y.I.) Indian leaders are aware of the historical importance of the revival of s p i r i t dancing in the Upper Stalo region, and pay tribute to the role of r i t u a l i s t s of neighbouring tribes who from the mid-1960's on were practicing i n the southern Coast Salish area: \"This i s a great thing what happened here on our reserve, history has been made here. We are so grateful to our bro-thers from the South, from Lummi and from Musqueam and to Ed Brown (senior r i t u a l i s t ) who came a l l the way from Nanai-mo...we'll always remember.that\" (Address at f i r s t ceremony on Wellington Reserve, December 23, 1970). At the opening ceremonies of the new longhouse Tzeachten Hall, Sardis, B.C., January 8th and 9th, 1971, we counted approximately 800 people who had come from virtu a l l y a l l Coast Salish regions, as active or passive participants in the dances. To honour the historical event, Sxwaixwe masks and costumes were publicly displayed in a s p i r i t dance ceremonial for the f i r s t time in many decades. Four sxwaixwe dancers appeared dancing four times around the ha l l , their accelerating pace \"tamed\" by the rhythmic drumming of. sixteen traditionally clad older 13 1 women. The awe-inspiring ceremony was announced by a senior ritua-l i s t : \"Everyone off the floor now -- sys'wan is coming out for the f i r s t time...let's the women hear, they're the ones that they're going to follow on their steps....It was in 1892 when this last took place, when they showed sxwaixwe here ....Those of Chilliwack, Tzeachten is your home here, that's our way of opening i t , our own way that we use to open this house.\" The increasing.number of.\"new dancers\" in the Upper Stalo region not only reflects the proselytizing endeavour of the older r i t u -a l i s t s , but also a changing view of native tradition by the younger Indian generations. Under the headline \"Long House to Play Role in Reviving Indian Religion\", the local paper devoted a f u l l page to the revival of Indian Spirit ceremonials in the area, from which we quote relevant passages: \"Mrs. Point and her husband Roy described the current revi-val of\"interest in Indian beliefs and religious ceremonies ....Beliefs and practices which were uniquely Indian, began to die out when white missionaries moved into the area, she said....Mrs. Point said that early Christian missionaries used various means to have native people drop their old be-liefs....She noted that with the completion of the longhouse, Chilliwack area Indians w i l l be able to start practicing win-ter ceremonial s p i r i t dancing.... .Mrs. Point paid tribute to the role which Chief Malloway has played in 'keeping the f i r e burning' so that native traditions would not be lost ....She noted that many of the young native people who have dropped out of religious activities in .the established churches are looking forward to the completion of the long-house so that they can become involved in ceremonial dancing 1. Note the role of 4 and 4 x 4 as a quasi-magical number occurring in Salish ceremonial l i f e . The sxwaixwe masks observed on this oc-casion were very similar to the Cowichan mask photographed 60 years ago by Curtis (1913, p. 114); but obviously of recent manufacture. For the cultural implications of the sxwaixwe myth see Duff (1952) and Codere (1948). . , 14 .....She noted that in attempting to restore the winter cere-monies, the people were relying somewhat on the rituals used by the more 'ferocious' Island i n i t i a t o r s . . . \" (The C h i l l i -wack Progress, July 8, 1970, p. 3B.) These are the number of \"new dancers\" from reserves of the Upper Stalo region whom we were able to identify ad personam: Initiated during sya'wan season: 1967\/68 1 1968\/69 : 3 1969\/70 : 4 1970\/71 : 16 1971\/72 : 10 These figures are f a i r l y complete; however, there may have been a few initiations which escaped our notice. Fifty would therefore be a rather accurate estimate of the total number of s p i r i t dancers in the Upper Stalo region who have been initiated since the revival of the winter ceremonials, up to March, 1972. The drop in initiations during the 1971\/72 season was not due to a lack of candidates, as we could verify, but rather to a deliberate effort on the part of the new in i t i a t o r s to limit the number of novices, in order to \" i n i t i a t e them decent, so that they can .better stand that way of l i f e \" (father of young i n i t i a t o r ) . According to Musqueam and Lummi r i t u a l i s t s , the trend towards increasing participation in the winter ceremonials has also been present i n other Coast Salish regions. At one \"big dance\" near Duncan^ Vancouver Island, during the ceremonial season 1970\/71, 45 \"new dancers\" in their tradi-tional robes gathered from a l l over the Coast Salish area. Also indica-tive of the growing interest in reviving the winter ceremonials are the 15 longhouse construction projects which have been started by Coast Salish groups in recent years both in British Columbia (e.g., Musqueam, North Vancouver, Duncan, Tzeachten, Chehalis) and Washington State (e.g., La Conner, Nooksack, Tulalip). The revival of s p i r i t dancing has been accompanied by changes in the. ceremonial and i n i t s organization, which w i l l be mentioned l a -ter. These, are viewed rather c r i t i c a l l y by some of the senior dancers and r i t u a l i s t s ; others again accept them philosophically: \"Everything changes, sya'wan changes too, and i t w i l l change further in the future, but I know you'll keep the fires burn-ing, and that's what counts\" (Lummi r i t u a l i s t at Tzeachten Hall, January 8, 1971). As a result of the scarcity of traditional dancers, the Upper Stalo region depended entirely on the assistance of older r i t u a l i s t s from the Coast with regard to the in i t i a t i o n procedures. This i s s t i l l the case in the Agassiz-Harrison area. In the Chilliwack d i s t r i c t , however, an e l i t e of dynamic young ri t u a l i s t s emerged from the ranks of those initiated in recent years, prominent among them the f i r s t new dancer of the region who in the eyes of many natives has attained a certain -- positive or negative -- charismatic quality. These young ri t u a l i s t s devoted themselves to their ceremonial duties with great zeal during this past season (1971\/72), without more than the formality of a distant supervision by older r i t u a l i s t s . While taking some pride in the feeling that the \"Chilliwack people now handle their initiations themselves\", even the most sympathetic elders watch this take-over with some apprehension: 16 \"The young initiators are just starting and they have a lot to learn...they never used to allow anybody to do that i f he was younger than maybe thirty. These boys are breaking into new territory. They're f u l l of energy to i n i t i a t e new dan-cers, but judging their experience I never trust i t completely -- something serious can happen during the i n i t i a t i o n \" (Y.I.). 17 V THE ACHIEVEMENT OF ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE SALISH GUARDIAN SPIRIT COMPLEX AS DOCUMENTED IN ETHNOGRAPHIC\"LITERATURE A. Note on the Physiology and Psychology of Altered States of Conscious-ness To f a c i l i t a t e the interpretation of important phenomena occur-ing in Salish sp i r i t quest and s p i r i t dance i n i t i a t i o n procedures, we present here a brief summary of the most relevant biological and psycho-logical data on the genesis, character and function of altered states of consciousness. Ludwig (1968) has explored and described altered states of consciousness in the context of trance and possession. Altered states of consciousness are characterized by the following symptomatology: (1) alterations in thinking, including predominance of archaic modes of . , thought, blurring of cause-effect distinction, and cognitive ambi-valence; (2) disturbed time sense; (3) loss of conscious control and inhibition which may be relinquished .. . in order to. gain a greater, culturally defined power; (4) change in emotional expression towards affective extremes ranging . . from ecstasy to profound fear; (5) body-image changes; feelings of depersonalization, derealization, . . dissolution of boundaries between self and environment, often associated with dizziness, weakness, blurred vision and analgesia; (6) perceptual distortions; hallucinations, illusions, visual imagery, . . hyper-acuteness of perceptions, synaesthetic experiences; (7) change in meaning; attachment of increased or specific significance . . to subjective experience or external cues, leading to t h r i l l i n g feelings of insight, and revelation of \"truth\" which then carries an unshakeable conviction; 18 (8) sense of the ineffable; the essence of the personal experience is f e l t to not be directly communicable, and this i s often explained by varying degrees, of amnesia; (9) feelings of rejuvenation, of renewed hope or of rebirth; (10) hypersuggestibility: a propensity to accept, or to respond uncri-t i c a l l y to statements of an authority figure via identification, or to cultural and group expectations. Ludwig's altered states of consciousness correspond to what Bleuler (1961) has defined as Bewusstseinsverschiebung (shifting of consciousness), a state of mind attributable to either cerebro-organic or, more frequently, to psychogenic processes. In Western culture, altered states of consciousness of a psychogenic type are mainly observed in (a) hypnosis, (b) religious revelation, (c) \"hysterical\" dissociation. The term trance state is in usage for a l l these phenomena, while pos-session state has been reserved for non-Western cultures and for cases 1 not approved of by Christian authorities -- an arbitrary convention indicative of \"eurocentric bias. The differences between these states are cultural, not psychological or neurophysiological. Schlesinger (1962) has accumulated evidence for a neuropsychological c l a r i f i c a t i o n of these hitherto vaguely defined experiences. His conclusions are briefly summarized here. The term trance designates a \"state of double consciousness, i.e., the constricted state of awareness of the personal self which co-exists with the dream-like state of consciousness of the para-personal self\". The neuropsychological basis of any trance or possession state 1. Cf. Rodewyk's (1963) recent \"differential diagnosis\" between r e l i -gious experiences, hysterical states, and daemoniac possessions. 19 is the dissociation of the self, which loses i t s experiential unity and is converted into a secondary \"dual system of relational experience\", namely, the personal self and the para-personal self. A mild degree of dissociation of the central experiential agency involves the dominant or conscious sphere of mentation only; a more profound dissociation the dominant and the subsidiary or unconscious sphere; and a maximal degree of dissociation would also effect cleavage of the mnemonic sphere, i.e. the memory functions. There is no evidence of cerebro-organic changes as manifested in electroencephalography in either hypnotic or so-called hysterical trance states (Lindsley 1960; Kugler 1966; H i l l 1963 cit.;.Prince 1968). Some authors have found an inhibition of alpha-activity blocking under hypnosis (Loomis et a l . 1936; Titega and Kluyskens 1962). EEG data of this kind which point to specific alterations of attention and conscious-ness were also obtained during Zen exercises in Japan (Kasamatsu and Shimazono 1957; Kasamatsu and Hirai 1966). The capacity of attaining altered states of consciousness is a universal property of the human central nervous system, as evidenced by the ubiquitous occurrence of trance phenomena through time and space. However, the prevalence of these phenomena appears to be a function of socio-cultural variables. Under the impact of rationalistic-positivistLc ideologies, the normal faculty of manifesting with psychogenic dissocia-tion appears to have diminished among members of the Western urban middle-class who would nowadays not be expected to readily enter hysterical twilight reactions, daemoniac possessions, or religious frenzy, while 20 these states are by no means rare in more tradition-oriented pockets of Western culture (cf. Jilek and Jilek-Aall 1970). Experimental studies of hypnotic trance have demonstrated beyond any doubt, (1) that the subject's motivation i s essential for the induction of a hypnotic reaction; (2) that the hypnotist i s of impor-tance only as a culturally-approved sanctioning figure i n whose i n f l u -ence the subject firmly believes, and as a focus for the projection of omnipotence fantasies; (3) that the hypnotic state serves the subject's wish-fulfillment and the achievement of consciously or unconsciously desired goals (Schilder 1953; Barber 1958; Van Der Walde 1965, 1968). Above a l l , hypnotic trance is a \"product of situational and cultural demands\" (Van Der Walde 1968). This is equally true of non-experimental . . - 2 trance states. Paraphrasing the eminent French Psychiatrist Henry Ey , we may say that in trance the subject makes use of his capacity to enter a dissociative state in order to enact most effici e n t l y a goal-directed role which his culture in certain situations permits or demands him to do. While the induction of psychogenic dissociation unquestionably depends on the subject's motivation, i t may be facilitated by the employ-ment of techniques which result in changes of brain function with demon-strable electroencephalographic indicators. Such \"somato-psychological factors\" (Ludwig 1968) producing altered states of consciousness are hypoxyventilation (inhaling a i r of. low oxygen content) and hyperventi-2. \"Cette theatralite de 1'existence hysterique ou le nevrose joue^ son role comme un acteur\" (Ey 1963, p.' 405). 21 lation (forced overbreathing) which both can be carried on until loss of consciousness ensues, and which are associated with stage-specificl EEG changes (Davis et a l . 1938); further, hypoglycemia (low blood sugar level) and dehydration due to fasting; sleep deprivation; exposure to extreme temperatures. The role of rhythmic sensory stimulation in,the production of altered states of consciousness deserves our special at-tention. While photic driving, i.e. the effects of stroboscopic photo-stimulation on electrical brain activity, perception and consciousness, have been the main concern of neurophysiological.research in this f i e l d ever since the pioneering work of Adrian and Matthews (1934), an analo-gous significance of acoustic stimulation has long been surmised by ob-servers of rituals and ceremonies in which rhythmic sounds appeared to have a direct effect on the central nervous system. This was clearly expressed by Aldous Huxley (1961, p. 369): \"No man, however highly c i v i l i z e d , can l i s t e n for very long to African drumming, or Indian chanting, or Welsh hymn-singing, and retain intact his c r i t i c a l and self-conscious personality...if exposed long enough to the tom-toms and the singing, every one of our philosophers would end by capering and howling with the savages.\" The well-known British neuropsychiatrist Sargant noted in 1959: \"It should be more widely known that electrical recordings of the human brain show that i t is particularly sensitive to rhythmic stimulation by percussion and bright light among other things and certain rates of rhythm can build up recordable abnormalities of, brain function and explosive states of tension sufficient even to produce convulsive f i t s i n predisposed sub-jects. Some people can be persuaded to dance in time with such rhythms until they collapse in.exhaustion. Furthermore, i t i s easier to disorganize the normal function of the brain by attacking i t simultaneously with several strong rhythms played in different tempos. This leads on to protective i n -hibition either rapidly in the weak inhibitory temperament or 22 after a prolonged period of excitement in the strong exci-tatory one. Rhythmic drumming i s found in the ceremonies of many primitive religions a l l oyer the world. The accompany-ing excitement and dancing is also maintained unt i l the same point of physical and emotional collapse has been reached.\" (p. 92) In their now classical treatise on rhythmic sensory stimula-tion, Walter and Grey Walter (1949) recorded the following physiolo-gical and psychological effects of such stimulation in their subjects: \"1. Visual sensations with characters not present in the s t i -mulus, that i s : (a) Colour; (b) Pattern; (c) Movement. 2. Simple sensations.in other than.the visual.mode: (a) Kinaesthetic (swaying, spinning, jumping, vertigo); . (b) Cuteneous.(tingling, pricking); (c) Auditory (rare); (d) Gustatory and olfactory (doubtful); (e) Visceral (probably connected with (a)). 3. General emotional and abstract experiences: (a) Fatigue; (b) Confusion; (c) Fear; (d) Disgust; (e) Anger; (f) Pleasure; (g) Disturbance.of time sense. 4. Organised hallucinations of various types. 5. C l i n i c a l psychopathic states and epileptic seizures.\" (p.63) Although these effects were achieved by photic stimulation with rhythmically flickering light, the researchers had reason to assume that the mechanisms dealing with signals' from non-visual sensory receptors were basically similar, and that \"rhythmic stimulation i n any mode i s likely to produce impulse volleys at harmonic frequencies somewhere in the central, nervous system, associated with specific i l l u s o r y sen-sations\" (p. 83). With regard to acoustic stimulation, they concluded that: \"...rhythmic stimulation of the organ of hearing'as a whole can be accomplished only by using a sound stimulus containing components of supra-liminal intensity over the whole gamut of audible frequencies - i n effect a sfceep fronted sound such as that produced by an untuned percussion instrument or an explo-sion.\" (p. 82, i t a l i c s mine). 23 This lead was not to be followed for some time. Instead of using rhythmic percussion, other, researchers experimented with inter-mittent pure^tone sound stimulation, as, e.g., Gastaut et a l . (1949) who el i c i t e d c l i n i c a l responses in two patients suffering from photo-genic epilepsy, and Goldman (1952) who could show \"acoustic driving\" in the EEG of two normal subjects. More recently, Kugler (1966) was able to e l i c i t spikes in the EEG of patients suffering from temporal lobe epilepsy when using loud noises-at.a repetition rate of 2 to 6 per second. It was not until Neher\"s (1960; 1962) investigations that the neurophysiological effects of rhythmic drumming were demonstrated in controlled experiments. The significance of Neher 1s findings for the anthropological and psychological study of r i t u a l trance and pos-session :states can hardly be over-estimated. Neher (1960) exposed c l i n -i c a l l y and electroencephalographically normal subjects to a low-frequency, high-amplitude stimulus obtained from a snare drum without snares \u2014 an instrument quite)similar to the Salish deer skin drums employed at winter ceremonials. Auditory driving responses were demonstrated in the EEG of a l l subjects at the fundamental of each stimulus frequency (3, 4, 6 and 8 beats per second), also at second harmonics and second subharmonics of some stimulus frequencies. Subjective responses were similar to those obtained with photic driving by Walter and Grey Walter (1949), and included \"fear, astonishment, amusement, back pulsing, muscle tightening, stiffness in chest, tone in background, humming, rattling, visual and auditory imagery.\" Due to the presence of theta rhythms 24 (4 to 7 cycles per second) i n the electrical activity of the temporal auditory region of the cerebral cortex, sound stimulation by drumming in this frequency range appears to be most effective and would, there-fore, be expected to predominate in ceremonies associated with trance behaviour. As cited by Neher (1962)' the'response i s heightened by accompanying rhythms reinforcing the main rhythm, and by concomitant rhythmic stimulation in other sensory modes, such as tactual and kinesthetic; susceptibility to rhythmic stimulation i s increased by stress in general, hyperventilation, hypoglycemia and adrenaline secre-tion resulting from exertion and fatigue. At the same time, strong sensory stimulation inhibits the transmission of pain signals to the conscious areas of the brain. In the light of his findings, Neher (1962) reviewed some ethnographic reports on ceremonies involving rhythmic ' drumming from Siberia, Africa, Haiti and Indonesia. A comparison of these data appeared to suggest that \"unusual behaviour observed in drum ceremonies i s mainly the result of rhythmic drumming which affects the central nervous system.\" However, such a\" conclusion awaits fi n a l con-firmation by electroencephalographic examination of subjects while participating i n appropriate ceremonies. Prince (1968) discusses the possibility that auditory driving i s a \"commonly used portal of entry into the dissociative state\". - His practical suggestions for the study of possession states by telemetering the EEG of fu l l y mobile \"native\" participants in ceremonies have not yet been taken-up by f i e l d researchers. 25 Sargant (1959) explains the induction of states of religious enthusiasm and s p i r i t possession, as well as the so-called brain-washing and related therapeutic techniques, in terms of Pavlovian theory as transmarginal inhibition. He marshals evidence from historical and contemporary reports on methods of religious and ideological conversion and indoctrination* and shows that the basic processes involved are analogous in a l l significant aspects, paralleling.those Pavlov deduced from his experimental observations in dogs. Given the fact that human cerebral organization varies within very narrow limits, we should not be surprised to find the most heterogenous ideologies introduced suc-cessfully by very similar techniques, as Sargant asserts: \"Various types of belief can be implanted in many people, after brain function has been sufficiently disturbed by acci-dentally or deliberately induced fear, anger or excitement. Of the results caused by such disturbances,theifimost common one is temporarily impaired judgement and heightened suggestibi-l i t y . . . . I f a complete sudden collapse can be produced by pro-longing or intensifying emotional stress, the brain slate may be wiped clean temporarily of i t s more recently implated pat-terns of behaviour, perhaps allowing others to be substituted for them more easily.\" (p. 128) Ludwig (1968) presents a classification of factors in the pro-duction of altered states of consciousness under the following headings: a) reduction of exteroceptive stimulation and\/or motor activity: e.g. in sensory deprivation, prolonged social isolation, hypnagogic and hypnopompic states, revelatory states during incubation or temple sleep; b) increase of exteroceptive stimulation and motor hyperactivity, emotional arousal leading to exertion and mental fatigue: e.g.. in hyperalert or hyperkinetic trance secondary to tension-induction manoeuvres; trance in response to rhythmic music and drumming; trance in revivalistic meetings;or s p i r i t possession in tr i b a l ceremonies; increased suggestibility and sense-deceptions resulting from prolonged fear; 26 c) focused and selective hyperalertness: e.g. in prolonged vigilance, intense mental absorption or attention to proprioceptive stimuli; d) decreased alertness, relaxation of c r i t i c a l faculties: e.g. i n meditation, day-dreaming and reverie, auto-hypnotic trances; e) \u2022 somatopsychological factors (vide supra). From the foregoing we conclude that trance or possession are altered states of consciousness involving the universally human mechanism of mental dissociation without cerebro-organic lesions. Their induction is largely dependent on the subject's motivation and on the situational and socio-cultural context but may be facilitated by certain conditions and techniques, some of which effect temporary changes of brain function. It may be appropriate here to raise the question of the func-tional relevance of altered states of consciousness for the individuum and for the collective. This question has recently been answered by Wittkower (1970) in a discussion of \"his observations on trance and possession states in non-Western societies: \"Trance and possession states have undoubtedly an adaptive function culturally as well as individually. Their i n d i v i -dual psychological effects consist of drive release, ego support, problem solution, r e l i e f from superego pressures and atonement.\" \"There can be no doubt in anybody's mind that trance and possession states in the countries in which they play part of religious rituals have an important distress relieving, integrative, adaptive function. . As far as mental illness i s concerned, they may be of prophylactic value. An increase in mental illness may have to be expected when as a result of culture change they have ceased to exist.\" 27 B. S p i r i t Experience and Possession Fundamental to the North American Guardian Spirit Complex is the vision experience as a means of obtaining and controlling superna-tural power (Benedict 1923). Tribal conventionalization and formaliza-tion of the content of the vision and the events surrounding i t cannot obscure the fact that this experience was distinguished from others by intense feelings of significance and \" t h r i l l \" , and that i t constituted a specific psychic reaction which was socially recognized. The tute-laries were mostly acquired.in a peri-pubertal s p i r i t quest. They were usually seen and\/or heard i n a vision encounter and showed them-selves to the power-seeker both i n human and non-human form. After surveying the- literature one w i l l agree with Benedict (1923) that the Guardian Spirits were named entities recruited.from a very wide range of the natural and supernatural universe, making i t impossible to group them under any one type. In Benedict's view the North American In-dian 1 s vision experience was not synonymous with dreaming. Some authors quote informants as expressly referring to visions in a non-sleeping state, e.g. Hill-Tout (1905, p. 144) and Duff (1952, p. 99). Robinson (1963) states for the Nanaimo of Vancouver Island that i t was necessary to f a l l unconscious in order to hallucinate the tutelary and that sleep dreams were considered inadequate. Other authors are less specific and use vision and dream interchangeably. Thus, according to Barnett (1955), among the Coast Salish of British Columbia the \"mystic rap-prochement in which the seeker was granted the aid of an animal s p i r i t 28 always took place in a dream or trance\". Teit (1900, 1905, 1930) speak of \"dreams\" or of \"dreams' and visions\" in connection with Guardian Spirit acquisition among the Thompson, Shuswap, and other Salishan tribes of the Plateau. He refers to the prototypical case of the Thompson when reporting that \"the ceremonial rites continued until the lad dreamed of some animal or bird which became his protectors or Guardian Spirits for l i f e \" (Teit 1900, p. 320). The Coast Salish youth's vision quest had to go on until he eventually would \"see some-thing\" (Barnett 1955). \"Dreams and visions are the invariable source of the personal totem of the Salish\" concludes Hill-Tout (1905, p. . 143). In his writings Hill-Tout (1901, 1902, 1904, 1905a, 1905b, 1907) uses labels li k e personal totem, guardian, mystery being, essence, guide, tutelary, protector, power, charm, or fetish, for the Halko-melem term su'lia which he derives from the verb u ' l i a to dream ( H i l l -Tout 1901, 1902). This etymology of the Halkomelem term for Guardian Spirit i s confirmed by Duff (1952) for the Upper Stalo -- su'lia, mean-ing \"dream\" but possibly also \"vision\" ( a ' l i a \"vision\" or \"prophet\") denotes both the Guardian Spirit experience and the Guardian Sp i r i t ; and by Kew (1970) for the Musqueam -s'alya, l i t e r a l l y one's vision or \"what you see in your dream\". Suttles (1955) gives the translation of the identical Katzie word as \"vision\". The analogous, term in Twaria ' w language was s'oClix , \"that which one encounters in a vision experi-ence\", from c