UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Migrants and urban poverty issues in Latin America Brecher, Thomas Franklin 1972

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MIGRANTS AND URBAN POVERTY ISSUES IN LATIN AMERICA by THOMAS FRANKLIN BRECHER B.A. (Hons.), McGill University, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y a n d ' S o c i o l o g y We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1972 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a llowed w ithout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada To ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s t r e a t s a w ide v a r i e t y o f s o c i o l o g i c a l i s s u e s w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f urban L a t i n A m e r i c a . The s e l e c t e d and u t i l i z e d u r b a n i z a t i o n - m i g r a t i o n m a t e r i a l s c o n -verge around a common d e n o m i n a t o r , p o p u l a r l y known as p o v e r t y . The c h a p t e r s a re d e s i g n e d t o p r o v i d e renewed e x a m i n a t i o n s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f d i s c u s s i o n s r e l a t i n g to poor u r b a n i t e s . Opening passages r e v e a l s e v e r a l w i d e l y s h a r e d e m p i r i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about u r b a n i z a t i o n . Th roughout the t h e s i s , i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o keep i n mind t h a t urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n L a t i n A m e r i c a a re i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d l y , t h a t the poor component t o urban p o p u l a t i o n s i s e x t r e m e l y l a r g e and c o n t i n u e s t o e x p a n d , and t h a t the tenement s l u m s , shack s lums and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a re s w e l l i n g . Because i t c o n t r i b u t e s h e a v i l y t o the growth o f urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n g e n e r a l and urban p o v e r t y segments i n p a r t i c u l a r , the p r o c e s s o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n h o l d s an i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n f o r t o p i c a l a n a l y s e s i n t h i s s t u d y . C r u c i a l p o i n t s t o g rasp a re the n o t - s o - r u r a l o r i g i n s o f i i m i g r a n t s , the t y p i c a l s t e p - w i s e p a t t e r n o f c i t y - w a r d move-ment, the r e l i a n c e on a m i x t u r e o f f o r m e r and newly a c q u i r e d e x p e r i e n c e s and i n t e r a c t i o n s f o r s u i t a b l e urban e x i s t e n c e , the v a r i a b l e mo t i ve s f o r m i g r a t i o n , and the he te r ogeneou s r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s o f r e c e n t and e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s . T h e o r e t i c a l and c o n c e p t u a l e x a m i n a t i o n s p o r t r a y and c o n t r a s t two s i d e s o f a debate o ve r p o v e r t y p e r s p e c t i v e s . A l o o k a t the " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e , as c l e a r l y a p p l i e d i n Oscar L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " m o d e l , r e v e a l s t he need to c r i t i c a l l y q u e s t i o n v a l u e - l a d e n c l a i m s such as p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e i n f e r i o r i t y and d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , p s y c h o -s o c i a l b reakdown, p e r s o n a l u n w o r t h i n e s s and r e s i s t a n c e t o change wh ich a re s u p p o s e d l y p r e v e n t i n g the e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y . The " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e r e p r e -s e n t s an a t t empt to u n d e r s t a n d many poor u r b a n i t e s ' a t t i t u d e s , a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s i n terms o f a d a p t i v e r e spon se s t o c o n s t r a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n s imposed on them by t o t a l s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s . The e f f e c t i v e e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y r e l i e s on an e x t e n s i v e m o d i f i c a t i o n o f s t r u c t u r a l f l a w s and an immed ia te i n t r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c i m -provements t o the d e s e r v i n g p o o r . E m p i r i c a l r e - a n a l y s e s o f p o s i t e d " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s and o f r e c e n t and e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t i i i p o l i t i c a l d e s t a b i 1 i z a t i o n c a s t s e r i o u s doubts on the v a l i d -i t y , e x c l u s i v e n e s s and e x p l a n a t o r y p o t e n t i a l o f such n o t o r -i ou s p o v e r t y images . " S i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " c o n s i d e r a -t i o n s o f e x i s t i n g d a t a f u r n i s h more r e a l i s t i c e x p l a n a t i o n s o f s p e c i f i c urban p o v e r t y c o n d i t i o n s , as w e l l as s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r s d i s p l a y e d by poor u r b a n i t e s . L a s t l y , a c a r e f u l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f v a r i o u s k i n d s o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g schemes wh i ch i n t e n d to c a t e r t o l o w e r -income f a m i l i e s d i s c l o s e s an e l a b o r a t e a s s o r t m e n t o f un -n e c e s s a r y prob lems b e i n g l e v i e d on both poor u r b a n i t e s and urban s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . When c o n s i d e r e d o b j e c t i v e l y , t h e r e are r e m a r k a b l y v a l u a b l e l e s s o n s t o be l e a r n e d f rom the p r a c t i c a l and s e n s i b l e h o u s i n g approaches b e i n g f a v o u r e d and employed by so many L a t i n Amer i c an urban s q u a t t e r s . TABLE OF CONTENTS P a g e ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i C h a p t e r 1 INTRODUCTION 1 2 SETTING - . 7 Some Prob lems o f U r b a n i z a t i o n 7 Demographic H i g h l i g h t s 19 3 INTERNAL MIGRATION TOPICS. . 22 M i g r a n t O r i g i n s and R e l a t e d T h e o r e t i c a l D i s p u t e s 22 M o t i v e s f o r I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n 33 Re s i dence s and Re s i dence P a t t e r n s 39 4 TWO POVERTY PERSPECTIVES 54 The " P s y c h o - C u l t u r a l " P e r s p e c t i v e . . . . . . 54 The " S i t u a t i o n a l - S t r u c t u r a l " P e r s p e c t i v e . . . 68 5 A RE-EXAMINATION OF SOME NOTORIOUS POVERTY IMAGES 78 v C h a p t e r Page P o s i t e d " C u l t u r e o f P o v e r t y " T r a i t s 79 The r e l a t i o n s h i p between " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " members and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y 79 The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a t the l o c a l community l e v e l . 84 The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a t the f a m i l y l e v e l 89 The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a t the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l 93 P o l i t i c a l D e s t a b i 1 i z a t i o n and the Urban Poor 98 Recent m i g r a n t s 99 E s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s . . . . . 105 6 GOVERNMENT/POPULAR URBAN ACCOMMODATION CONTROVERSIES 116 S q u a t t e r S e t t l e m e n t s as a P u r p o r t e d P rob l em . . . . . . 1 1 6 " I n s t a n t Deve lopment " Hous ing as a V e r i t a b l e P rob lem 135 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS • . . 144 FOOTNOTES — C h a p t e r 2 . ' . . . ." 161 C h a p t e r 3 166 C h a p t e r 4 169 C h a p t e r 5. . 174 C h a p t e r 6 176 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 177 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I w i s h t o e x t end many thank s and much a p p r e c i a t i o n to my A d v i s o r , B l a n c a M u r a t o r i o ( S o c i o l o g y ) w i t h o u t whose u n l i m i t e d g u i d a n c e , c o - o p e r a t i o n and a s s i s t a n c e t h i s t h e s i s wou ld not have been p o s s i b l e . I a l s o w i s h t o thank Robe r t P o k r a n t ( S o c i o l o g y ) and A l f r e d S iemens (Geography) f o r so e f f e c t i v e l y and r e l i a b l y a c t i n g as members o f my t h e s i s c o m m i t t e e . F i n a l l y , t hank s t o S h a r i H a l l e r f o r he r v e r y f i n e t y p i n g o f the mas te r d r a f t o f t h i s s t u d y . v i i 1 Chap te r 1 INTRODUCTION There i s an e v e r - e x p a n d i n g s u p p l y o f u r b a n i z a t i o n -m i g r a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e f o r T h i r d Wor ld a r e a s . At l e a s t i n the case o f L a t i n A m e r i c a , the most p r e s s i n g p rob lem i s not a l a c k o f r e s e a r c h . R a t h e r , the majo r s e t b a c k s appear t o l i e i n the h i g h l y q u e s t i o n a b l e t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l q u a l i t y o f much o f the c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h , i n the i n a b i l i t y o f many r e s e a r c h e r s to e f f e c t i v e l y and a c c u r a t e l y s y n t h e s i z e a wide gamut o f d a t a and a r gument s , and i n a n a t u r a l t endency to g e n e r a l i z e on i s s u e s wh ich r e a l l y demand more p r e c i s e and s o p h i s t i c a t e d d i s t i n c t i o n s . As s u c h , a g e n e r a l pu rpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t o r e - e x a m i n e and r e - e v a l u a t e the a s s u m p t i o n s , f i n d i n g s and i m p l i c a t i o n s advanced i n a l a r g e number o f e x i s t i n g s t u d i e s so t h a t b a s i c weaknesses and s h o r t c o m i n g s may be i d e n t i f i e d . Four i n t e r - r e l a t e d l e v e l s o f a n a l y s i s p r o v i d e c o -he rence to t h i s s t u d y . Each may be r e ga rded as a n o t h e r a s p e c t o f the urban p o v e r t y m o t i f wh i ch so c o n s i s t e n t l y p redomina te s i n a s i g n i f i c a n t m a j o r i t y o f u r b a n i z a t i o n - m i g r a -t i o n 1 i t e r a t u r e . 2 F i r s t o f a l l , one l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s f o c u s e s a round the p r o c e s s o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n wh i ch r e p l e n i s h e s and boo s t s p o v e r t y segments i n L a t i n Amer i can c i t i e s . In o r d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d why m i g r a n t s depend upon c e r t a i n r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s and e x h i b i t c e r t a i n r e spon se s w i t h i n t he urban e n v i r o n m e n t , i t i s c r u c i a l to r e c o n s i d e r t h e i r o r i g i n s , t h e i r p a t t e r n s o f c i t y - w a r d movement, t h e i r i m p o r t e d and newly a c q u i r e d t ype s o f e x p e r i e n c e and modes o f i n t e r a c t i o n , and t h e i r mo t i ve s f o r m i g r a t i o n . C a r e f u l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s and da t a shed new l i g h t on such i s s u e s wh ich o f t e n have been i m p r o p e r l y i n t e r p r e t e d and i n a d e q u a t e l y s u p p o r t e d . A second l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h i l l u s t r a t i n g L a t i n Amer i can urban p o v e r t y i n terms o f h e t e r o -g e n e i t y . As i n many o t h e r b ranche s o f s o c i a l s c i e n c e , a No r th Amer i can m i d d l e - c l a s s c o n c e p t i o n o f bo th t he urban poor and t h e i r ne i ghbou rhoods seems to have i n v a d e d t he L a t i n Amer i c an l i t e r a t u r e . T h i s No r th Amer i can c o n c e p t i o n i s one o f homogene i t y . That i s , No r th Amer i c an p o v e r t y ne i ghbourhoods a re s i m p l y l a b e l l e d as s lums o r u rban g h e t t o s and t h e i r r e s i d e n t s are c a l l e d " t h e p o o r . " These t ype s o f s i m p l i s t i c models are b e i n g r i g o r o u s l y c h a l l e n g e d w i t h i n Nor th A m e r i c a and cannot be t r a n s f e r r e d to t he L a t i n Amer i can urban scene w i t h o u t h a r m f u l c on sequence s . / 3 Urban p o v e r t y i n L a t i n Amer i c a i s a h i g h l y complex m a t t e r . By and l a r g e , p o v e r t y ne i ghbou rhoods t h e r e do not con fo rm to the s lum s t e r e o t y p e s o f No r th Amer i can c i t i e s . There i s a g r e a t d i v e r s i t y among l o w e r - c l a s s L a t i n Amer i can h o u s i n g - s e t t l e m e n t t y p e s , wh ich i n c l u d e bo th tenement and s q u a t t e r r e s i d e n c e s . These c a t e r t o v a r i o u s groups o f peop l e and d i f f e r n o t i c e a b l y i n terms o f l o c a t i o n , s i z e , d e n s i t y , permanency, and p h y s i c a l and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s . A n o t i o n o f h e t e r o g e n e i t y encourages one to p r o p e r l y t a k e i n t o a ccoun t b e h a v i o u r a l v a r i a t i o n s wh i ch a re o b v i o u s l y i n f l u e n c e d by the r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s i n wh i ch t hey o c c u r . Such an approach c o n t r i b u t e s to a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d -i n g o f the p rob lem o f L a t i n Amer i can urban p o v e r t y and i t s many r e l a t e d i s s u e s , and c o u l d a l s o shed some l i g h t on the d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s o f poor peop l e i n the No r th Amer i can s i t u a t i o n . A t h i r d l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s c o n c e n t r a t e s on the c o n -c e p t u a l , t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l q u a l i t y o f a f a l l a c i o u s p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e p e r s p e c t i v e wh i ch has swayed much o f the con tempora ry l i t e r a t u r e . On the one hand , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o f u l l y u n d e r s t a n d the f o u n d a t i o n s o f p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e r e a s o n i n g so t h a t i t may be c h a l l e n g e d c o n c e p t u a l l y and t h e o r e t i c a l l y . On the o t h e r hand , i t i s a l s o e s s e n t i a l to c l o s e l y examine the e n s u i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s o f a p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e approach and 4 the da t a on wh i ch they are based so t h a t i t may be q u e s t i o n e d e m p i r i c a l l y . Both t ypes o f c r i t i c i s m are v a l u a b l e and s h o u l d be used to complement one a n o t h e r . B a s i c q u e s t i o n s a t t h i s l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s a re d i r e c t e d a t v a l u e - l a d e n p e r c e p t i o n s o f c u l t u r e , b e h a v i o u r and change . The urban poor appear t o o f t e n be b randed as a c u l t u r a l l y i n f e r i o r p o p u l a t i o n whose b e h a v i o u r s s u p p o s e d l y r e p r e s e n t a l l k i n d s o f s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l p a t h o l o g y . A d e f i c i e n t l i f e - s t y l e e x c l u s i v e t o the poor a l l e g e d l y i n -duces p e r s o n a l u n w o r t h i n e s s and r e s i s t a n c e to change , and p r o v i d e s the g r e a t e s t o b s t a c l e f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y . As s u c h , the way to overcome p o v e r t y i s t o f i r s t s l o w l y a l t e r o r d e s t r o y the u n r e g e n e r a t e p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e and r e p l a c e i t w i t h a f f l u e n t l i f e - s t y l e s t a n d a r d s , and then to i n t r o d u c e e s s e n t i a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c improvement s . T h i s s t u d y s t r o n g l y opposes such r e a s o n i n g . A d r a m a t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t v i e w p o i n t i s r e v e a l e d i n an a l t e r n a t e p o v e r t y p e r s p e c t i v e wh i ch c o n -s i d e r s p o v e r t y and i t s c o n c o m i t a n t a s p e c t s i n r e l a t i o n to c o n s t r a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n s imposed on peop l e by t o t a l s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s . A c c o r d i n g l y , the emphas i s s h i f t s f rom " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " images o f breakdown to " s i t u a t i o n a l -s t r u c t u r a l " images o f a d a p t a t i o n . A f o u r t h l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s o f f e r s a c r i t i c a l c o n -s i d e r a t i o n o f the urban model and o f poor u r b a n i t e s ' r e a c t i o n s 5 to i t . A c o n s i s t e n t i m p l i c a t i o n seems to be t h a t a f f l u e n t l i f e - s t y l e s t a n d a r d s d i c t a t e a q u a l i t y to be sought and c h e r i s h e d by a l l u r b a n i t e s . Hence, poor urban c i t i z e n s a re r e l e g a t e d t o one o f two g r o u p s , each g r o u p ' s u n i f o r m i t y r e s t i n g i n the fo rm o f r e a c t i o n e x h i b i t e d by i t s members toward the a f f l u e n t urban mode l . F i r s t , t h e r e a re t ho se who a s s i m i l a t e o r a c c e p t the urban model i n i t s e n t i r e t y , and whose b e h a v i o u r s con fo rm t o the s t a n d a r d s waved b e f o r e them. S e c o n d , t h e r e a re t ho se who r e s i s t o r r e j e c t the urban m o d e l , and whose b e h a v i o u r s t h r e a t e n the s t a b i l i t y o f t ho se same s t a n d a r d s . Such a s p u r i o u s d e s i g n i s t o t a l l y s i m p l i s t i c , and f a i l s to i d e n t i f y and comprehend o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s . F i r s t o f a l l , poor i n d i v i d u a l s may a c c e p t some a s p e c t s o f the a f f l u e n t urban model and oppose o t h e r s . That i s , t hey may r e - a s s e s s s t a n d a r d s b e i n g p r e s e n t e d and p i c k and choose between them. They may s u b s t i t u t e d i s p l a c e d s t a n d a r d s w i t h s e l f - s t y l e d mechanisms and a c c e p t a m o d i f i e d v e r s i o n o f the urban mode l . O r , they may a c t t o c o n s t r u c -t i v e l y t r a n s f o r m the urban model so t h a t s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d i s c r e p a n c i e s can be m i n i m i z e d . A c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f such o p t i o n s p r o v i d e s c r u c i a l i n s i g h t s f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g s h o r t - and l o n g - t e r m b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s , p o v e r t y p o l i t i c s , and h o u s i n g i s s u e s i n urban L a t i n A m e r i c a . 6 Poor u r b a n i t e s have r e p e a t e d l y been examined as p rob lem c i t i z e n s o r as r e a l o r p o t e n t i a l l i a b i l i t i e s on the t o t a l s o c i e t i e s wh i ch c o n t a i n them. They have been d e s c r i b e d and a n a l y s e d i n terms o f the p r e c o n c e i v e d n o t i o n s wh ich s t i g m a t i z e them. There i s an u r gen t need to b reak t h e s e c h a i n s o f m i s a p p r e h e n s i o n and to r e v e a l a more humanized s i d e to the s t o r y . T h i s t h e s i s p r o v i d e s such a p r e l i m i n a r y a t t e m p t . 7 C h a p t e r 2 S E T T I N G Some Prob lems o f U r b a n i z a t i o n Throughout the v a s t a r r a y o f u r b a n i z a t i o n l i t e r a -t u r e i n the T h i r d W o r l d , and more s p e c i f i c a l l y L a t i n A m e r i c a , ve ry few p o i n t s r e c e i v e unanimous agreement . There a r e , however , at l e a s t t h r e e e m p i r i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t do appear t o be w i d e l y s h a r e d . F i r s t , i t i s unan imous l y a c c e p t e d t h a t the urban p o p u l a t i o n s o f T h i r d Wor ld c o u n t r i e s are i n c r e a s i n g drama-t i c a l l y . For the w o r l d as a w h o l e , a c c o r d i n g to 1968 U n i t e d N a t i o n s e s t i m a t e s , p o p u l a t i o n i n urban a reas o f more than 20,000 i n h a b i t a n t s i n c r e a s e d f rom 253 m i l l i o n i n 1920 t o 752 m i l l i o n i n 1960 ( U . N . , 1 9 6 8 a : 9 - 3 5 ) . M o r e o v e r , the popu -l a t i o n o f b i g c i t i e s (500,000 o r more i n h a b i t a n t s ) grew f rom 96 m i l l i o n to 351 m i l l i o n — t he se e xpan s i on s o c c u r i n g w i t h i n an o v e r a l l t o t a l f o r the w o r l d o f 1860 m i l l i o n p e o p l e i n 1920 to a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 b i l l i o n i n 1960 (Ward, 1 9 6 9 : 5 6 ) . Between 1920-1960, the impac t o f u r b a n i z a t i o n has been s i g n i f i c a n t l y 8 g r e a t e r i n the T h i r d W o r l d . For examp le : " B i g c i t i e s grew about two and o n e - h a l f t imes i n the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d . But i n t he d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s , t he i n c r e a s e has been more than e i g h t f o l d " (Ward, 1 9 6 9 : 5 7 ) . One a u t h o r has s u c c i n c t l y s t a t e d the m a t t e r : Virtually everywhere in the developing world, regardless of level of urbanisa-tion already achieved, cities are grow-ing at rates of from 5 to 8 per cent annually. ( N e l s o n , 1969:1) For i n s t a n c e , Santo Domingo had a 7.3% p o p u l a t i o n growth r a t e d u r i n g the 1950 ' s w h i l e Panama C i t y grew a t a r a t e o f 7 .9%. In t he 1950 ' s and 1 9 6 0 ' s , B o g o t a ' s and Ca l i ' s • p o p u l a t i o n s •• r o s e , r e s p e c t i v e l y , a t ave rages o f 6.8% and 6.3% pe r annum ( N e l s o n , 1969:71 — f n . 1 ) . In P e r u , between 1940 -1961 , the u rban p o p u l a t i o n grew f rom 35.4% to 47.4% ( D e l g a d o , 1 9 6 9 : 3 5 ) . Or i n terms o f a c t u a l numbers , L i m a ' s p o p u l a t i o n , f o r e x amp le , i n c r e a s e d f rom 700,000 i n 1940 to 2 ,100,000 i n 1965 — a t h r e e f o l d e x p a n s i o n . Guatemala C i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n doub l ed to. 600,000 between 1952-1966 ( R o b e r t s , 1 970 : 349 ) . Frank r e p o r t s : " L a t i n A m e r i c a a l r e a d y has a g r e a t and g r ow ing urban p o p u l a t i o n wh i ch i n s e v e r a l o f i t s c o u n t r i e s exceeds 50 pe r c e n t " ( F r a n k , 1 966 : 215 ) . Such f i g u r e s , though a l a r m -i n g t o many, are no l o n g e r o f g r e a t s u r p r i s e to s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ; t he se f i g u r e s a re t y p i c a l o r even modest p o r t r a y a l s 9 o f a ve r y r e a l s i t u a t i o n . One f o r e c a s t e d e s t i m a t e warns t h a t by the y e a r 2000, L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s urban p o p u l a t i o n w i l l have i n c r e a s e d f rom 144 m i l l i o n ( i n 1960) t o 650 m i l l i o n — a lmos t a 400% i n c r e a s e w i t h i n a 40 y e a r p e r i o d (Abrams, 1 9 6 6 : 1 6 ) . A n o t h e r f o r e c a s t c l a i m s t h a t by 1980, "18 c i t i e s i n L a t i n Amer i c a w i l l be beyond the m i l l i o n mark; Lima w i l l have more than 3 m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s , Bogota" 5 m i l l i o n , Buenos A i r e s 9 m i l l i o n " (Ward, 1 9 6 9 : 5 7 ) . 1 Why urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n L a t i n Amer i c a a re g row ing so r a p i d l y i s a much more complex q u e s t i o n . Some, f o r example A r r i a g a ( 1 9 6 8 ) , s u g ge s t t h a t n a t u r a l growth i n c o u n t r i e s such as M e x i c o , V e n e z u e l a and C h i l e d u r i n g 1950-1960 a c c o u n t s f o r 58% to 70% o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e i n c i t i e s o f o v e r 2,000 (Mo r se , 1 971a : 17 ) . A n o t h e r e a r l i e r s t u d y a l s o c o n -c l u d e s t h a t L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s d r a m a t i c r a t e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i s l a r g e l y a f u n c t i o n o f the phenomena l l y h i gh r a t e o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h : . . . total populations increased by about 4/5 between 1920 and 1950, a rate of growth well above the world average; and. . .the population of Latin America, growing at a rate of 2.5% per year, may double within the next 30 years. ( U . N . , 1961:76) On a n o t h e r t a n g e n t , the P o p u l a t i o n Branch o f the U n i t e d N a t i o n s Bureau o f S o c i a l A f f a i r s has s u g ge s t ed t h a t , c o n t r a r y to f r e q u e n t p o p u l a r b e l i e f : ( i ) the e x c e s s i v e r a t e s o f 10 urban p o p u l a t i o n growth cannot be a t t r i b u t e d to e x c e p t i o n a l l y h i g h urban f e r t i l i t y r a t i o s , and m o r e o v e r , ( i i ) i n most o f the 20 L a t i n Amer i can c o u n t r i e s i t documented, " e f f e c -t i v e f e r t i l i t y . . . i s u n i f o r m l y l o w e r i n urban l o c a l i t i e s than e l s e w h e r e . . . " (U .N . P o p u l a t i o n B r a n c h , 1 961 : 102 ) . By f a r , the most f r e q u e n t l y r e c o r d e d and the most w i d e l y a c c e p t e d r ea son f o r the f a n t a s t i c r a t e s o f L a t i n Amer i can urban p o p u l a t i o n growth i s t h a t the r a t e s o f m i g r a -t i o n t o c i t i e s have r eached and c o n t i n u e to r each s t u n n i n g p r o p o r t i o n s . I t has been l o o s e l y c o n j e c t u r e d t h a t a t l e a s t 1/2 to 2/3 o f r e c e n t (1950 to 1970) c i t y p o p u l a t i o n growth i n L a t i n A m e r i c a has depended on i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n s ( M o r s e , 1965 :43 ; Mo r se , 19 71 a : 1 7 ) . D e l g a d o , r e f e r r i n g t o a 1967 s t udy c onduc ted by m e t r o p o l i t a n L i m a - C a l l a o ' s Oficina Nacional de Plane amiento, p r o v i d e s an i n t e r e s t i n g c a s e : The volume of migration to the metropolitan area in the five year period 1956-1961 showed an increase of 300 per cent over the number of migrants that arrived in the five year period 19 41-1946. It is estimated that during 1967 there has been an influx of approximately 75,000 people to the capital city, an increase equivalent to the total population of such important Peruvian c i t i e s as Euancaya. ( D e l g a d o , 1969:43 — f n . 6) Or Morse (1971a:18 ) r e p o r t s e x i s t i n g d a t a wh i ch show t h a t : ( i ) Du r i n g the 1 9 4 0 ' s , i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n s a c c o u n t e d f o r more than 70% o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e o f B r a z i l ' s s i x l a r g e s t / 11 c i t i e s , and ( i i ) Over 2/3 o f C a l i ' s p o p u l a t i o n growth d u r i n g the 1950 ' s r e l i e d on i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n s . Robe r t s e x p l a i n s t h a t much o f the i n c r e a s e i n the t w o f o l d e x p a n s i o n o f Guatemala C i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n to 600,000 between 1952-1966 was " p r o d u c e d by m i g r a t i o n f rom s m a l l towns and v i l l a g e s t o the c i t y " ( R o b e r t s , 1 970 : 349 ) . Mangin sums up the g e n e r a l p o i n t ve r y c o n c i s e l y : "The c i t i e s o f the w o r l d a re g row ing a t a r a p i d r a t e and much o f the growth i s d i r e c t l y 2 a t t r i b u t a b l e t o . . . m i g r a t i o n " ( M a n g i n , 1 9 7 0 a : x x x ) . A second g e n e r a l i z a t i o n about u r b a n i z a t i o n i s t h a t the u n s t a b l e , l ow- i ncome s e c t o r s o f urban a reas a re d r a s t i c a l l y r i s i n g . That f a c t may be c o n s i d e r e d as a f u n c t i o n o f t he e v e r - g r o w i n g , d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t e x i s t s between e x c e s s i v e r a t e s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n and s t u n t e d r a t e s o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . For e xamp le : In country after country 3 the percentage of population in towns is considerably higher than the percentage of men working in industry. In Brazil in 1960 the pro-portions were 28.1 and 9.5; in Venezuela in 1961 a fantastic contrast of 47.2 and 8.8 per cent. (Ward, 1969:57) I t can be f a i r l y s a i d t h a t , c o n t r a r y t o the 19th c e n t u r y European and No r th Amer i can e x p e r i e n c e s , the T h i r d Wor ld c i t i e s e x i s t ahead o f an i n d u s t r i a l f o u n d a t i o n w h i c h , 100 y e a r s ago, p r o v i d e d c i t i e s w i t h a f i r m base f o r economic l i f e . 12 Due to the g r e a t i m b a l a n c e between L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , s o - c a l l e d t e r t i a r y economic a c t i v i t i e s a re r a p i d l y e x p a n d i n g . W h i l e a l a r g e t e r t i a r y s e c t o r i s supposed to be an i n d e x o f h i g h economic d e v e l o p m e n t , i t i s c o n f u s i n g t h a t L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s t e r t i a r y s e c t o r i s l a r g e r t han t h a t o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s . As one a u t h o r a d e p t l y e x p l a i n s t h i s anomaly: . . . on closer examination this turns out to be the petty hawking, shoe-shining 3 message-running type of employment which keeps the man from absolute starvation but contributes all but nothing either to the economy 's development or to his own acqui-sition of s k i l l s and confidence. o (Ward, 1969 : 5 7 ) J Frank (1966) has l a b e l l e d t ho se who s u r v i v e i n the t e r t i a r y s e c t o r as members o f an urban " f l o a t i n g p o p u l a t i o n . " Under c o n d i t i o n s wh i ch p r o v i d e an o v e r - a b u n d a n t urban l a b o u r f o r c e and a s i m u l a t a n e o u s l a c k o f j o b s , p e o p l e i n the " f l o a t i n g p o p u l a t i o n " a re t he l a s t to be h i r e d and the f i r s t t o be f i r e d — h e n c e , t h e i r u n s t a b l e s t a t u s . 4 Ward ( 1 9 6 9 : 5 7 ) r e f e r s t o a r e c e n t I n t e r - A m e r i c a n Development Bank e s t i m a t e wh i ch s ugge s t s t h a t 30% o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s urban l a b o u r f o r c e may be u n d e r - o r un - emp loyed . The p o i n t t o s t r e s s he re i s t h a t because L a t i n Amer i can c i t i e s a l r e a d y cannot p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t employment to a h i g h p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e i r c u r r e n t p o p u l a t i o n s , the number 13 o f poor u r b a n i t e s i s e x t r e m e l y l a r g e and w i l l c o n t i n u e to grow even l a r g e r as urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n c r e a s e d y n a m i c a l l y . The t h i r d g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i s a c o r o l l a r y o f the p r i o r two. I t says t h a t because urban p o p u l a t i o n s a re grow-i n g e x t r e m e l y r a p i d l y and because the number o f poor u r b a n i t e s i s a l s o i n c r e a s i n g , t h e r e f o r e : ( i ) the c i t y tenement s lums are g e t t i n g more and more o v e r c r o w d e d , and ( i i ) the numbers o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and s q u a t t e r s a re c o n t i n u o u s l y s w e l l i n g . ^ Tenement s lums r e f e r t o the c l a s s i c , l ow - i n come urban L a t i n Amer i can ne i ghbou rhoods t h a t a re found i n the c e n t r a l a reas o f l a r g e c i t i e s (20 ,000 o r more p e o p l e ) - — o r ve r y c l o s e t o p r i n c i p a l b u s i n e s s and employment m a r k e t s . These tenement s lums a re ve ry d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d , s q u a l i d and p h y s i c a l l y d e p r e s s e d d i s t r i c t s t h a t a re n o t o r i o u s f o r t h e i r m i s e r a b l e l i v i n g q u a r t e r s (wh ich a re g e n e r a l l y i n o r c e n t r e d around o l d , d i l a p i d a t e d b u i l d i n g s ) and h i g h r e n t s . As a s i n g l e , i d e n t i f i a b l e h o u s i n g - s e t t l e m e n t c a t e g o r y , t hey remain the l e a s t r e s e a r c h e d and the p o o r e s t i n terms o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and p h y s i c a l l a c k s and a b s e n c e s . They have a l t e r n a t e l y been c a l l e d " c e n t r e - c i t y s l u m s , " " i n n e r - c i t y s l u m s , " and " i n d i v i d u a l s l u m s " i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Some L a t i n Amer i can examples a r e : conventillos ( A r g e n t i n a and C h i l e ) , tugurios ( C o l o m b i a , P e r u , M e x i c o ) , vecindades ( M e x i c o ) , barrios insalubres3 oasas subdividas, decaidas. 14 quint as3 callejones3 corralones ( P e r u ) , casas decadentes3 oasas de comodo3 corticos3 cabeaux de porco ( B r a z i l ) . 7 There i s v e r y l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l d a t a t o s u p p o r t the f a c t t h a t tenement s lums a re g e t t i n g more and more o c rowded ; most w r i t e r s seem to j u s t t a ke t h a t f o r g r a n t e d . For e x a m p l e , Robe r t s (1970:349) l o o s e l y c l a i m s t h a t as urban e x p a n s i o n o u t r u n s the a v a i l a b l e s u p p l y o f h o u s i n g , o l d e r c i t y ne i ghbou rhoods ( e . g . , tenement s l ums ) become more d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d . One t h i n g seems c e r t a i n , t h o u g h . Even i f tenement s lums a re not becoming a s t o n i s h i n g l y o v e r -p o p u l a t e d a t e x t r e m e l y r a p i d r a t e s , t hey a re i n no way becoming l e s s d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d . Tenement s l u m s , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , a re as o l d a phenomenon as the L a t i n Amer i c an c i t i e s i n wh i ch t hey e x i s t . As l o n g as t h e r e are poor u r b a n i t e s and not enough s u i t a b l e p l a c e s t o accommodate them, t h e r e w i l l a lways be tenement s l u m s . With t h e s e t h o u g h t s i n m ind , one ve ry r e v e a l i n g h o u s i n g s t a t i s t i c f o r the G r e a t e r Lima a r ea i s t h a t o n l y 45,712 d w e l l i n g s were b u i l t between 1949 -1956 , whereas the p o p u l a t i o n t h e r e i n -c r e a s e d by 76,000 f a m i l i e s ( D o r i c h , 1 961 : 281 ) . M o r e o v e r , o f the t o t a l number o f d w e l l i n g s b u i l t i n a l l o f Peru d u r i n g t h a t same p e r i o d , o n l y 5,746 houses were b u i l t by the P e r u v i a n government : . . . less than one per cent of the housing deficit during those years3 and at a unit cost that made repayment by the average 15 urban family impossible. And that is an exceptionally active period in government b u i l d i n g work. ( T u r n e r et al.3 1 9 6 3 : 3 8 9 ) 9 As urban c o n c e n t r a t i o n s r i s e , unemployment p r o b -lems r e g r e s s , and h o u s i n g d e f i c i t s s t a g n a t e o r d e t e r i o r a t e , many poor u r b a n i t e s a re encouraged o r even c o m p e l l e d t o f i n d s h e l t e r i n s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . For t h i s p a p e r , " a s q u a t t e r i s one who s e t t l e s on the l a n d [ p u b l i c o r p r i v a t e ] o f a n o t h e r w i t h o u t any l e g a l a u t h o r i t y " ( s q u a t t i n g ) ; the h o l d i n g o c c u p i e d by a s q u a t t e r i s termed a s qua tmen t ; and , t he c o n g r e g a t i o n o f many s q u a t t e r s (and thus many squa tment s ) i n a s i n g l e , i d e n t i f i a b l e urban space — e i t h e r w i t h i n a c i t y o r t oward i t s p e r i p h e r y — may be c a l l e d a s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t . ^ 0 The d a t a and e v i d e n c e o f f e r e d t i l l now, w i t h r e s p e c t to s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n g e n e r a l , a re s t i l l s k e t c h y i n many a reas and are f a r f rom c o n c l u s i v e . Some L a t i n Amer i can examples o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a r e : favelas ( B r a z i l ) , barriadas ( P e r u ) , ranchos ( V e n e z u e l a ) , barrios clandestinos ( C o l o m b i a ) , jacales, colonias prole-tar i as 3 barrios paracaidistas ( M e x i c o ) , callampas ( C h i l e ) , v i l l a s miserias ( A r g e n t i n a ) , barrios brujas ( Panama) , contegriles ( U r u g u a y ) , arrabales ( P u e r t o R i c o ) , invasiones (Bogota") , mucombos ( R e c i f e ) . ^ I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o f u r t h e r q u a l i f y the s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t c o n c e p t . There a re a t l e a s t two b road t ype s t o 16 d i s t i n g u i s h : shack slums and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments . Shack slums r e f e r to the p o s t - 1 9 2 0 , s q u a t t e r n e i g h -bourhoods t h a t are found i n both the c e n t r a l ( e . g . , h i l l -s i d e favelas o f R i o ) and p e r i p h e r a l s e c t i o n s o f , p r e d o m i -n a n t l y , l a r g e c i t i e s — u s u a l l y c l o s e t o majo r o r m ino r commerc i a l z o n e s . These shack s lums h o l d the anomalous p o s i t i o n o f s i m u l t a n e o u s l y r e s e m b l i n g tenement s lums i n terms o f t h e i r d i r e , p h y s i c a l and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c p r i v a t i o n s , ^ and r e c e n t l y formed p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n terms o f t h e i r f l i m s y h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n ( s h a n t i e s ) and ambiguous l e g a l s t a t u s . These shack slums a re t y p i c a l l y the p o o r e s t o f the s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . They have a l t e r -n a t e l y been c a l l e d " p r o v i s i o n a l s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , " "slummy s q u a t t e r s han ty towns , " and " s l u m a r e a s " i n the 1 3 l i t e r a t u r e . P r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s r e f e r t o the p o s t - 1 9 2 0 , i n t r i c a t e l y p l a n n e d and o r g a n i z e d " i n v a s i o n s " o f p u b l i c l y / p r i v a t e l y owned l a n d , l o c a t e d a lmo s t e x c l u s i v e l y i n p e r i p h e r a l urban s i t e s . As l a n d t enancy becomes more c e r t a i n and as economic r e s o u r c e s p e r m i t , t he o r i g i n a l make-s h i f t h o u s i n g m a t e r i a l s ( e . g . , s t r a w , m a t t i n g , t i n , mud, s c r a p wood, c l a y , e t c . ) a re r e p l a c e d by more s o l i d , modern and permanent c o n s t r u c t i o n . These p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are r e m a r k a b l e f o r the degrees t o wh i ch t hey u l t i m a t e l y come t o v e r y c l o s e l y r e semb le more a f f l u e n t , urban and suburban r e s i d e n t i a l z o n e s . They have a l t e r n a t e l y been 17 c a l l e d " p e r i p h e r a l s l u m s , " " i n c o m p l e t e - m o d e r n ( o r i n c i p i e n t ) 14 s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , " " i n v a s i o n s , " and " towns i n f o r m a t i o n . " Rober t s (1970:349) c l a i m s t h a t j u s t as t he i n -c r e a s i n g d e n s i t i e s i n o l d urban ne i ghbou rhood s a r e a c o n s e -quence o f d r a m a t i c urban e x p a n s i o n , so too the p r o l i f e r a -t i o n o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s may be c o n s i d e r e d as a p r o d u c t o f s o c i e t y ' s f a i l u r e t o match h o u s i n g s u p p l i e s w i t h h i g h r a t e s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n . T u r n e r p r e s e n t s a s i m i l a r c a s e , a r g u i n g c o n v i n c i n g l y t h a t : ( i ) the u n c o n t r o l l e d growth o f s q u a t t e r commun i t i e s r e p r e s e n t s an i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t o f the gap t h a t e x i s t s between the p o p u l a r demand f o r accom-modat ion and t h a t l ow - i n come accommodat ion o f f e r e d by g o v e r n -ment s , and ( i i ) s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s ( o f v a r i o u s t y p e s , l o c a t i o n s , s i z e s and d e n s i t i e s , and a t v a r y i n g degrees o f p h y s i c a l and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c deve lopment ) may be v i ewed as a " s o l u t i o n f o r l a r g e and dominant s e c t o r s o f t he urban p o p u l a t i o n s whose h o u s i n g needs a re i n a d e q u a t e l y s e r v e d by s o c i e t y ' s f o rma l i n s t i t u t i o n s " ( T u r n e r , 1968b : 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 ) . 1 5 A common p o i n t to s t r e s s i n bo th o f the above cases i s t h a t s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s r e p r e s e n t a l o g i c a l r e spon se by poor u r b a n i t e s to d e f e c t s i n the t o t a l economic and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . Matos Mar ( 1 9 6 1 : 1 7 1 ) , a c c o u n t i n g f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n L i m a , and Mangin ( 1 9 6 7 a : 6 7 ) , a c c o u n t i n g f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s t h r o u g h -out L a t i n A m e r i c a , add s u p p o r t to t h a t g e n e r a l p o i n t . 18 Du r i n g the 1 9 2 0 ' s , as urban a reas began t o f e e l the i n i t i a l waves o f m i g r a t i o n , the l ow- i ncome re spon se to h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e s seems to have m a n i f e s t e d i t s e l f i n what may be c o n s i d e r e d the f i r s t s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s as we know them t o d a y . These e a r l y s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s con fo rm to what have p r e v i o u s l y been c a l l e d shack s l u m s . Between 1930-1940, t h e s e shack s lums began t o appear on a r a t h e r w i d e -s p r e a d b a s i s t h r o u g h o u t most o f L a t i n A m e r i c a , i n tempo w i t h the i n c r e a s i n g r a t e s o f m i g r a t i o n . Between 1940 -1950 , shack s lums were a l r e a d y a w e l l - k n o w n h o u s i n g - s e t t l e m e n t phenomenon, and the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s were now g a i n i n g t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n . The o l d e s t p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a r e , as a g e n e r a l r u l e , not more than about 25 y e a r s o l d . They appeared not so much as s u r v i v a l c e n t r e s f o r r e c e n t m i g r a n t s bu t as p l a c e s where more e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s c o u l d c o n g r e g a t e t o , a t f i r s t c o l l e c t i v e l y and l a t e r more i n d i v i d u a l l y , s e c u r e l a n d , p r o p e r t y , and more p r e s t i g i o u s s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t a t u s e s . W h i l e the tenement s lums have been around f o r a v e r y l o n g t i m e , the s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s (and i n p a r t i c u l a r the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s ) r e p r e s e n t a r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t , h o u s i n g - s e t t l e -ment phenomenon. To the b e s t o f t h i s w r i t e r ' s k now ledge , t h e r e are no t h o r o u g h , s y s t e m a t i c a c coun t s o f the h i s t o r i c a l e n t r a n c e and sub sequen t deve lopment o f L a t i n Amer i c an s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . ^ 19 Demographic H i g h l i g h t s A b r i e f l o o k a t some o f the s t a r t l i n g , s q u a t t e r popu -l a t i o n f i g u r e s f o r L a t i n Amer i c an c o u n t r i e s i s now w a r r a n t e d . F i r s t o f a l l , t h o u g h , the r e a d e r must be c a u t i o n e d t h a t a l l n u m e r i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n s a re u n f o r t u n a t e l y bound to be i n a c c u r a t e b e c a u s e : ( i ) I t seems i m p o s s i b l e t o keep c l o s e t r a c k o f the number o f p e o p l e s q u a t t i n g f rom day t o day. S q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a r e formed and d i s m a n t l e d a lmos t d a i l y ; ( i i ) Very f r e q u e n t l y , many s q u a t t e r s go u n r e p o r t e d . That i s , t hey do not a lways appear i n normal census d a t a , due to the amb iguous , l e g a l s t a t u s o f t h e i r h a b i t a t s . In L i m a , between 1940 -1965 , w h i l e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d by 300% f rom 700,000 t o 2 , 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 , the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n grew to be 25% o f the 1965 t o t a l . In 1940 the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n i n L ima was u n r e c o r d e d and r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 3 ) . 1 7 In A r e q u i p a , between 1940 -1965 , the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d f rom an e s t i -mated 22%-23% to a r e p o r t e d 50% o f the 1965 t o t a l p o p u l a -t i o n o f 200,000 ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 3 ) . And d r a m a t i c a l l y , f rom 1940-1960, " t h e number o f s q u a t t e r s i n Peru s p u r t e d f rom 45,000 to 958,000 o r , an i n c r e a s e o f 2150 p e r c e n t " (Abrams, 1 9 6 6 : 2 ) . Delgado (1969:43 — f n . 7) s u g ge s t s t h a t by 1980 the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n o f m e t r o p o l i t a n Lima ( L i m a - C a l 1 a o ) 20 c o u l d c o n s t i t u t e as much as 40% o f the t o t a l m e t r o p o l i t a n p o p u l a t i o n . In R i o , between 1950 -1960 , the favela p o p u l a t i o n grew f rom about 203 ,000 , o r 8.5% o f R i o ' s 1950 t o t a l popu -l a t i o n , t o about 6 00 , 000 , o r about 16% o f R i o ' s 1960 t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n (Mo r se , 1 9 6 5 : 5 0 ) . Salmen (1969:74) e s t i m a t e s t h a t i n 1969 about one m i l l i o n p e o p l e were i n h a b i t i n g R i o ' s favelas. In Mex i co C i t y , o ve r 1/2 o f the 1966 t o t a l popu -l a t i o n , o r 1.5 m i l l i o n p e o p l e , l i v e d i n colonias proletarias 1 8 ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 3 ) . C h a r l e s Abrams ' p i o n e e r i n g s t udy o f f e r s some o t h e r r e v e a l i n g s t a t i s t i c s about the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a -t i o n s o f some p r i n c i p a l L a t i n Amer i can c i t i e s . In h i s own w o r d s : In Caracas, Venezuela, the squatters numbered, according to official figures, more than 263,000 in 1962, with the un-official estimates going as high as 400,000. Squatters would thus consti-tute about 35 percent of Caracas ' popu-lation. In Maracaibo, Venezuela's second largest city, 50 percent are squatters. Cali, Colombia has a squat-ter population that makes up about 30 percent of its total population; in Santiago, Chile, squatters represent an estimated 25 percent of the popula-tion. . . . (Abrams, 1966:2)19 Due to i t s s i g n i f i c a n t s i z e , the s q u a t t e r component t o urban p o p u l a t i o n s i s i n c r e a s i n g l y a t t r a c t i n g the a t t e n -t i o n o f s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and c i t y a u t h o r i t i e s . Any s i n c e r e 21 e f f o r t s t o comprehend urban p o v e r t y i s s u e s must c a r e f u l l y t ake i n t o a c c o u n t the e x p e r i e n c e s and prob lems wh i ch are f a c i n g i m p r e s s i v e numbers o f L a t i n Amer i can urban s q u a t t e r s . C o n s t r u c t i v e p r e s e n t a t i o n s cannot n e g l e c t such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . 22 Chap te r 3 INTERNAL MIGRATION TOPICS M i g r a n t O r i g i n s and R e l a t e d T h e o r e t i c a l D i s p u t e s As l a t e as the m i d - 1 9 6 0 ' s , the most commonly p r e -s e n t e d t h e o r y o f m i g r a n t o r i g i n s was s i m p l y t h a t m i g r a n t s come f rom " r u r a l " a reas and move d i r e c t l y t o " u r b a n " a r e a s . Th i s s o - c a l l e d " d i r e c t m i g r a t i o n " t h e o r y v iews the m i g r a n t as the p e a s a n t - f a r m e r who i s l e a v i n g the hoe and axe t r a d i -t i o n t o seek " g r e e n e r p a s t u r e s " i n the e n t i c i n g c i t i e s . O r , i n an even g r e a t e r economic s e n s e , pea san t s en masse a r e , w i t h o u t any p r i o r urban e x p e r i e n c e , l e a v i n g a s u b s i s -t e n c e economy f o r a money-market economy. One a u t h o r wa rn s : " V e r i t a b l e i n v a d i n g hordes — s w o l l e n f a r beyond mere m i g r a t -i n g bands — o f l a n d l e s s r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s are moving upon the c i t i e s . . . " ( S z u l c , 1 9 6 5 : 4 6 ) . A n o t h e r w r i t e r c l a i m s : " . . . p o o r r u r a l p eop l e have f l o c k e d to the c i t i e s , f ound no o p p o r t u n i t i e s but s t a y e d on i n urban f r i n g e s h a n t y - t o w n s " ( S chu lman , 1966 :1004 ) . Fanon (1965:90) a d v i s e s t h a t the w o r l d ' s c i t i e s a re b e i n g swarmed by r u r a l mobs. And even 23 o c c a s i o n a l l y , as r e c e n t as 1969, w r i t e r s are d e s c r i b i n g a c o n s i s t e n t l y r u r a l t o u r b a n , d i r e c t form o f m i g r a t i o n . C a s a s c o ' s (1969:89) r e v e a l i n g q u e s t i o n , "Why do r u r a l p e o p l e move to c i t i e s ? , " i s but one such examp le . As a s c i e n t i f i c t h e o r y , " d i r e c t m i g r a t i o n " i s g r e a t l y l a c k i n g i n bo th e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e and e x p l a n a t o r y p o t e n t i a l . The e a r l y 1960 ' s w i t n e s s e d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a f r e s h e r , more p l a u s i b l e and r e a l i s t i c t h e o r y o f m i g r a n t o r i g i n s . C o n t r a r y t o " d i r e c t m i g r a t i o n " b e l i e f s , t h a t newer s c h o o l o f t hough t wh ich may be l a b e l l e d as " s t e p - m i g r a t i o n " p o i n t s out t h a t most m i g r a t i o n s t o l a r g e c i t i e s a re e s t a b -l i s h e d by s t a ge s o f p r o x i m i t y t o the u l t i m a t e urban d e s t i n a -t i o n . What t h i s means i s t h a t b e f o r e l o c a t i n g i n major urban a r e a s , most m i g r a n t s make tempora ry s t op s a l o n g the way. The most t y p i c a l l y r e p o r t e d cases o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a -t i o n t o L a t i n Amer i can urban c e n t r e s i n v o l v e e i t h e r the move-ment o f pea san t s to t own s , s m a l l c i t i e s and f i n a l l y t o l a r g e m e t r o p o l i s e s a l l w i t h i n a s i n g l e g e n e r a t i o n , o_r the movement o f pea san t s to towns and s m a l l c i t i e s f o l l o w e d by t h e i r s i b l i n g s ' moves t o l a r g e c i t i e s . Mangin (1965) i n d i c a t e s t h a t Lima m i g r a n t s a re not moving d i r e c t l y f rom mounta in commun i t i e s such as V i c o s . R a t h e r , " i n d i v i d u a l s l e a v i n g V i c o s - t y p e commun i t i e s g e n e r a l l y go t o s m a l l towns o r c i t i e s o f the same mounta in v a l l e y o r t o a commerc i a l fa rm on the 24 c o a s t . They , o r more l i k e l y t h e i r c h i l d r e n , may l a t e r m i g r a t e to L i m a " (Mang i n , 1 9 6 5 : 2 1 ) . B ree se (1966:83) l o o s e l y comments t h a t t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e e v i d e n c e to s ugge s t s t e p - b y - s t e p m i g r a t i o n i n T h i r d Wor ld c o u n t r i e s . B u t t e r w o r t h e x p r e s s e s t h a t , w i t h Mex ico as an e x c e p t i o n , the g e n e r a l p a t t e r n o f L a t i n Amer i can m i g r a t i o n has been " s t e p - w i s e m i g r a t i o n f rom v i l l a g e to s m a l l c i t y to c a p i t a l c i t y " ( B u t t e r w o r t h , 1 962 : 101 ) . Frank (1966: 216) m a i n t a i n s t h a t t ho se m i g r a n t s i n h a b i t i n g L a t i n Amer i can s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s have not come d i r e c t l y f rom r u r a l s e t -t i n g s . Mangin (1967a:69) r e p o r t s t h a t L i m a ' s m i g r a n t s , though o f t e n o r i g i n a l l y f rom r u r a l p r o v i n c e s , have m i g r a t e d to the c a p i t a l c i t y f rom towns and not f a r m s . Matos Mar (1961:173) s p e l l s out a m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n , ve ry s i m i l a r t o M a n g i n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n , t h a t i n v o l v e s the movement o f l a r g e numbers o f peop l e f rom a g r i c u l t u r a l a reas to the n e a r e s t c e n t r e s o f p o p u l a t i o n , and f rom t h e r e to the l a r g e s t r e g i o n a l t owns , and f i n a l l y t o Lima i t s e l f . A. Leeds (1969:62 ) c o n -tends t h a t s t e p - m i g r a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n Peru and a lmos t u n i v e r s a l i n B r a z i l . Some p a r t i c u l a r cases are e x t r e m e l y r e l e v a n t . Germani ( 1 9 6 1 : 2 1 2 ) , commenting on the o r i g i n s of m i g r a n t s i n a Buenos A i r e s v i l l a miseria, s t a t e s t h a t the m a j o r i t y d i d not come from r u r a l a r e a s . In h i s s a m p l e , o n l y about 25 15% had m i g r a t e d f rom areas o f l e s s than 2,000 i n h a b i t a n t s ; more than 33.3% had m i g r a t e d f rom areas o f 2,000 to 20,000 r e s i d e n t s ; and , 50% had come t o Buenos A i r e s f rom l a r g e towns (20,000 o r more p e o p l e ) . P e a t t i e ( 1 9 6 8 : 1 3 ) , i n he r s t udy o f the La L a j a barrio i n V e n e z u e l a , ment i on s t h a t w h i l e o n l y 10% o f t h e b a r r i o ' s r e s i d e n t s had come f rom the r u r a l s t a t e o f Suc re a l o n g V e n e z u e l a ' s n o r t h e a s t c o a s t , about 30% had come f rom towns s u r r o u n d i n g the d e l t a o f O r i n o c o . Havens and F l i n n (1970a:215) r e l a t e t h a t i n t h e i r s t udy o f two Bogota" barrios, E l G a v i l a n and E l Carmen, o ve r 40% o f the r e s i d e n t s i n each barrio had m i g r a t e d f rom towns and c i t i e s whose p o p u l a t i o n s exceeded 2,000 i n h a b i t a n t s . A. and E. L e e d s , commenting on the o r i g i n s o f m i g r a n t s r e -s i d i n g i n R i o ' s favelas , p r o p o s e : . . . it is not surprising that truly rural migrants in Rio favelas are so few. What is surprising is how very few there are. Our guess is that they constitute no more than 5% of the popu-lation of the favelas . (A. and E. Leeds , 1970:232) W i t h o u t b e l a b o u r i n g the i s s u e , s u f f i c e i t t o say t h a t t h e r e now e x i s t s a c o n v i n c i n g s u p p l y o f m a t e r i a l t o s t r e s s " s t e p - m i g r a t i o n " and to u n d e r s c o r e " d i r e c t m i g r a t i o n . " The p o i n t i s not t h a t m i g r a n t s l e a v e a l l o f t h e i r p r e - m i g r a -t i o n h e r i t a g e b e h i n d when they move to urban c e n t r e s , bu t r a t h e r t h a t t h e i r l o c a t i o n s i n t ho se urban s e t t i n g s n o r m a l l y /' / 26 r e p r e s e n t a sequence o f c a l c u l a t e d moves i n s t e a d o f a f a t a l jump f rom a f r i e n d l y , r u r a l t o an a l i e n , urban m i l e u . Cases o f d i r e c t r u r a l to urban m i g r a t i o n appear t o be t h e e x c e p t i o n and not the norm. Some e a r l i e r s t u d i e s employ such ph ra se s as " r u r a l c u l t u r e i n the c i t y " (Matos Mar , 1961:174) and " r u r a l s l um w i t h i n the c i t y " ( B o n i l l a , 1961) t o i n d i c a t e the l a c k o f p r i o r urban e x p e r i e n c e s u p p o s e d l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f L a t i n Amer i can m i g r a n t s . B ree se (1968:87 ) a t t r i b u t e s m i g r a n t prob lems i n the c i t i e s o f T h i r d Wor ld n a t i o n s t o the i n -adequate r u r a l c u l t u r e b r ough t by them to the c i t i e s , and to t h e i r i g n o r a n c e o f and unfami 1 i a r i t y w i t h the urban ambience and way o f l i f e . Very r e c e n t l y , o ve r t he l a s t f i v e y e a r s , Anthony Leeds (1967) and Anthony and E l i z a b e t h Leeds (1970) have been p r o v i d i n g e x p l a n a t i o n s and e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e , i n e s p e c i a l l y R io favelas and L ima ba.vviad.as3 to c o n t r a d i c t such f a l l a c i o u s c l a i m s — o r , what t hey te rm " t h e myth o f urban r u r a l i t y . " A. and E. L e e d s ' l a t e s t i d e a s f u r n i s h a ma jo r b r e a k t h r o u g h f o r the u r b a n i z a t i o n -m i g r a t i o n theme. F i r s t o f a l l , A. Leeds (1967:72) e x p l a i n s t h a t the who le c oncep t o f " r u r a l " i s ambiguous and c o n f u s i n g because i t equates some d r a s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s wh ich a re r e a l l y urban s i t u a t i o n s 27 i n the c o u n t r y s i d e w i t h t ho se s i t u a t i o n s wh i ch a re more s p e c i f i c a l l y t r u l y r u r a l ( e . g . , s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m i n g ) . He l i s t s , f o r e xamp le , the p l a n t a t i o n as an e s s e n t i a l l y i n d u s -t r i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n out i n the f i e l d t h a t f a m i l i a r i z e s i t s wo rke r s w i t h m a n a g e r i a l h i e r a r c h i e s and o p e r a t i o n s i n a money m a r k e t , wh ich i n t u r n , a re a l l v a l u a b l e s o u r c e s o f e x p e r i e n c e f o r peop l e m i g r a t i n g t o c i t i e s . Morse (1971a :19 ) s t r o n g l y s u p p o r t s such r e a s o n i n g . A. Leeds (1967) and A. and E. Leeds (1970) con tend t h a t when c l o s e l y e xam ined , most m i g r a n t s have not moved to l a r g e urban c e n t r e s f rom r u r a l p l a c e s where they were j u s t f o r m e r l y w o r k i n g w i t h p i c k - a x e and hoe i n the f i e l d s . A. Leeds (1967:72) e s t i m a t e s t h a t o f the favela and barriada r e s i d e n t s he spoke w i t h , about 90% had i m p r e s s i v e p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h money, money m a r k e t s , e x change s , cash c r o p s , urban o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l t i e s , commun ica t i on n e t w o r k s , and the c i t y . R e p o r t i n g a t y p i c a l c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h a poor m i g r a n t , A. and E. Leeds (1970:233) note t h a t the r e s p o n d e n t had f o r m e r l y worked on a f a r m , had s o l d c rops i n a money m a r k e t , was aware o f and f a m i l i a r w i t h b u s i n e s s d e a l i n g s , the urban ambience and urban i n s t i t u t i o n s — such as p o l i c e , b u r e a u c r a t s , l i c e n s i n g o f f i c e r s , t r a d e , exchange and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . F u r t h e r m o r e , A. and E. Leeds (1970:242) a s s e r t t h a t t ho se m i g r a n t s coming f rom a g r a r i a n p a r t s o f the c o u n t r y 28 most f r e q u e n t l y had h e l d s e c o n d a r y , f o rme r j ob s such as b a r b e r i n g , s t o r e - k e e p i n g and s e l l i n g i n town m a r k e t s . O the r s had s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e fa rm e x p e r i e n c e and i n s t e a d had worked i n nearby towns as c l e r k s , masons, b r i c k l a y e r s , e l e c t r i c i a n s , t r u c k d r i v e r s , s e c r e t a r i e s and d o m e s t i c a i d s . T h e r e f o r e , such m i g r a n t s have n o r m a l l y g a i ned c o n s i d e r a b l e p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h money, e xchange , t a x e s , m ino r a u t h o r -i t i e s , o f f i c i a l documents , modern w o r k i n g t o o l s , communica-t i o n s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , e t c . As w e l l , i t s h o u l d be added t h a t m i g r a n t s ve r y f r e q u e n t l y r e t a i n t i e s w i t h t h e i r f o r m e r h o m e - p l a c e s , r e t u r n i n g o c c a s i o n a l l y to v i s i t f r i e n d s and/or . r e l a t i v e s , o r t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n s p e c i a l f e s t i v i t i e s . Through c o n v e r s a t i o n s and v i s u a l c o n t a c t s , t ho se who have no t y e t moved t o the c i t i e s a re f u r t h e r exposed to urban ways .^ The e s s e n t i a l , o v e r a l l p o i n t i s . w e 11 summed up by the f o l l o w i n g s t a t e m e n t : In other words, migrants from all -places except for the most stagnant backland villages and rural areas have been con-tinuously experiencing the urbanization process before they ever left their points of origin. (A. and E. L e e d s , 1 9 7 0 : 3 2 7 ) In g e n e r a l , ve r y few m i g r a n t s i n d e e d are as unaware o r u n i n -formed o f the i n s and outs o f urban e x i s t e n c e as some w r i t e r s 2 would t r y to have us b e l i e v e . J u s t as i t has been i l l u s t r a t e d t h a t m i g r a n t s a re not g e n e r a l l y t r u l y r u r a l i n o r i g i n and t h a t they do pos se s s 29 urban e x p e r i e n c e p r i o r t o m i g r a t i o n , i t may be shown t h a t m i g r a n t l i f e i n L a t i n Amer i can urban a reas r e p r e s e n t s an i n t r i c a t e mesh ing between f o r m e r and newly a c q u i r e d c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s and modes o f i n t e r a c t i o n . A. Leeds i s a l l bu t too e x p l i c i t on t h a t b a s i c p o i n t : The rural-urban migrants [ i n R i o ] are NOT THAT r u r a l . They do NOT behave in rural ways, and that includes the fact that they have both the face-to-face r e l a t i o n s which you are c a l l i n g ' r u r a l ' (but which are just as common in c i t i e s ) , and the impersonal r e l a t i o n s which, pre-sumably, are more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of urban than of rural l i f e . (A. L e e d s , 1967:68) B u t t e r w o r t h ( 1 9 6 2 ) , Mangin (1962) and 0. Lewi s (1952) compare the l i v e s l e d by m i g r a n t s i n t h e i r f o r m e r h o m e - s i t e s and i n t h e i r new c i t y s e t t i n g s . A l l t h r e e a u t h o r s , though e m p h a s i z i n g d i f f e r e n t e x a m p l e s , come up w i t h ve ry s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s . The m i g r a n t i n the c i t y i s l i v i n g by a c o m b i n a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , v a l u e s and customs t h a t r e f l e c t s the r e t e n t i o n o f some f o r m e r f e a t u r e s i n m o d i f i e d v e r s i o n s , the o u t r i g h t r e j e c t i o n o f o t h e r l e s s u s e f u l and/or l e s s c h e r i s h e d f e a t u r e s , and the a d o p t i o n o f some new urban 3 f e a t u r e s . By making p e r s o n a l c h o i c e s and d e c i s i o n s , m i g r a n t s a t t empt to f i n d a b a l a n c e between p r e v i o u s l i f e - s t y l e s and c u r r e n t urban c h a l l e n g e s . Morse r e f e r r i n g to R o g l e r ( 1 9 6 7 ) , p roposes a ve ry f i t t i n g and p e r c e p t i v e remark : 30 For him [ R o g l e r ] the critical issue is not whether rural community patterns are sometimes imported into the city. . . 3 but the conditions under which quasi-rural patterns are sometimes recreated in the city as an aggressive response to the progressive limitation of options. (Mo r s e , 1965:55) There a r e , a t the same t i m e , s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f -f e r e n c e s between peop l e who have m i g r a t e d t o c i t i e s and peop l e who have rema ined away f rom c i t i e s . The pe r s on who has m i g r a t e d to and t a k e n up r e s i d e n c e i n o r a round a c i t y i s n e i t h e r e x c l u s i v e l y r u r a l nor urban i n terms o f l i f e -4 s t y l e . He may be c o n s i d e r e d as a r a t h e r un ique m i x t u r e o f some o f both s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . On the q u e s t i o n o f p e r s o n a l modes o f i n t e r a c t i o n , i t has been i n t i m a t e d e l s e w h e r e t h a t i f such a f e a t u r e appears c o n s i s t e n t l y i n L a t i n Amer i can urban s o c i e t i e s , t h a t i s not r e a l l y because m i g r a n t s i m p o r t i t but because i t has i n f a c t a l r e a d y p e n e t r a t e d whole n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s (Mo r s e , 1971b:34) . In any e v e n t , one f a c t seems e v i d e n t . M i g r a n t s i n L a t i n Amer i can urban a reas do make o p t i m a l use o f p e r s o n a l f a c e - t o - f a c e r e l a t i o n s . S i l b e r s t e i n (1969) s t r e s s e s t h a t a t l e a s t i n B r a z i l , m i g r a n t s t o Sao P a u l o and R i o who r e s i d e i n favelas e l a b o r a t e l y a p p l y and depend upon p e r s o n a l s o l u t i o n s t o the prob lems o f c i t y l i f e f a c i n g them. By e s t a b l i s h i n g c l o s e , r e l i a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h a few good f r i e n d s who can h e l p 31 out i n c r i s e s , by e n t e r i n g i n t o two-way dependency " f r i e n d -s h i p s " w i t h tho se who p r o v i d e urban goods and s e r v i c e s , by m a i n t a i n i n g good r e l a t i o n s w i t h a boss who can s u p p l y e x t r a b e n e f i t s i n a g g r a v a t i n g , f i n a n c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and by g a i n i n g t he c o n f i d e n c e and dependency o f o t h e r favelados th rough the p r o v i s i o n o f i n f o r m a l a s s i s t a n c e o r c o - o p e r a t i o n i n q u a s i - l e g a l a c t i v i t i e s , favela r e s i d e n t s are a b l e t o r e a l i z e n e c e s s a r y advantages and r e w a r d s . That i s t h e i r way o f r e n d e r i n g l i f e i n the favela l i v e a b l e . A. and E. Leeds ( 1970 :233 -234 ) c a l l a t t e n t i o n to s o - c a l l e d " r u r a l v a l u e s " wh i ch a re i n g e n i o u s l y used by many m i g r a n t s . For e xamp le , " p e a s a n t s h r ewdne s s " and the p a t e r -n a l i s t i c mode o f r e l a t i o n s h i p wh i ch a re f r e q u e n t l y assumed t o be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f B r a z i l ' s r u r a l i t i e s , may be used i n ve r y e l a b o r a t e ways f o r c o u n t e r - e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the s o c i o -economic and p o l i t i c a l systems i n urban a reas — "by m i l k i n g a patrao ( ' b o s s ' o r ' p a t r o n ' ) , a s o c i a l s e r v i c e a gency , a w e l f a r e body , a chu r ch o r women's g r o u p , a Peace C o r p s , a US-AID, a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , and o t h e r s " (A. and E. L e e d s , 1970: 2 3 4 ) . O r , w i t h i n h i s own n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a favelado may i n s t a l l , f o r e xamp le , a T .V . i n h i s home and pay f o r i t s c o s t s by c h a r g i n g a m in ima l e n t r a n c e f ee t o any o t h e r r e s i -dents who w i s h t o watch the T .V . In a d d i t i o n , among m i g r a n t s who t a k e up r e s i d e n c e i n , f o r e xamp le , B r a z i l ' s favelas, t h e r e e x i s t s an e l a b o r a t e s o r t o f semi-money economy wh i ch 32 e n a b l e s the favelados t o somehow n o u r i s h . t h e m s e l v e s . T h i s s upp l emen ta r y economy i s based on the f a c t t h a t the favela r e s i d e n t s "have a s t e a d y s u p p l y o f emergency r e s o u r c e s c o n -s i s t i n g o f p i g s , c h i c k e n s , and o t h e r an ima l s and b i r d s , f r u i t t r e e s , v e g e t a b l e s , and the l i k e , under the haza rdous c o n d i t i o n s o f urban employment i n s t a b i l i t y " (A. L e e d s , 1 9 6 7 : 2 4 ) . As w e l l , i n and around L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s c i t i e s m i g r a n t s c o n t i n u e to d a i l y a c q u i r e new e x p e r i e n c e and t o l e a r n more and more about the c o m p l e x i t i e s o f urban l i f e . That i s a c h i e v e d by both t h e i r f a c e - t o - f a c e and l e s s p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s w i t h f o r m a l work ( t r a d e s and s k i l l s , emp loye r s and f e l l o w - e m p l o y e e s ) , s u p p l e m e n t a r y economic a c t i v i t i e s , b a n k s , s t o r e s , l o c a l s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s , r e g i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s (wh ich c r o s s - c u t s o c i o-economi c .1 e v e l s , urban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , and k i n s h i p l i n e s ) , c u l t u r a l e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , s p o r t s , c l u b s , mass media c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , government a g e n c i e s , h o s p i t a l s , p o l i c e , and o t h e r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s . B r i e f l y , many L a t i n Amer i can m i g r a n t s c a l l upon both f o r m e r and newly a c q u i r e d e x p e r i e n c e s i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to adapt t o urban s o c i e t y . ^ I t has been argued above t h a t many o f the p rob lems so commonly a p p l i e d to the u r b a n i z a t i o n - m i g r a t i o n theme do not h o l d up under c a r e f u l i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The r e a l p rob lems to be examined are NOT embedded i n the e r r oneou s a s s umpt i on s 33 of m i g r a n t s ' r u r a l o r i g i n s , i n t h e i r supposed l a c k o f p r i o r urban e x p e r i e n c e , i n the n a t u r e o f an a l l e g e d r u r a l way o f l i f e i n the c i t y , or i n the use of p e r s o n a l modes o f i n t e r -a c t i o n . The obv i ou s q u e s t i o n to r a i s e becomes w h a t , t h e r e -f o r e , are the v e r i t a b l e p rob lems? Chap te r s 4, 5 and 6 a re d e d i c a t e d to e x p o s i n g how L a t i n Amer i can m i g r a n t s ' b a s i c prob lems do not stem from b u i l t - i n , c u l t u r a l l a c k s and absences i m p o r t e d by a d u l t s t o the c i t i e s and i n h e r i t e d by c h i l d r e n , but r a t h e r f rom the c o n s t r a i n i n g p e r s o n a l c i r c u m -s t a n c e s imposed on them i n the c i t i e s by t o t a l s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s . Mo t i ve s f o r I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n One s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t o f the m o d e r n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i s t h a t the average non -u rban community i n L a t i n Amer i c a becomes very open to the i n f l u e n c e s d i s p l a y e d by urban l i v i n g ( e . g . , v i a the m e d i a , market r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n t e r -r e g i o n a l c o n t a c t s , e t c . ) . In t h i s way, p o t e n t i a l u r b a n i t e s are a b l e to more c l e a r l y r e a l i z e t h a t , i n t h e i r p r e s e n t l o c a t i o n s , they are not b e n e f i t i n g e q u a l l y f rom as many goods and s e r v i c e s as are a v a i l a b l e i n the l a r g e c i t i e s . As peop le have the o c c a s i o n to compare themse l ve s w i t h b e t t e r -o f f r e f e r e n c e g r o u p s , they tend to seek ways f o r i m p r o v i n g t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i t u a t i o n s . 34 Those L a t i n Amer i can s who do not r e s i d e i n o r around major c i t i e s , and who a re a b l e to v i s u a l i z e i n a d e -q u a c i e s and i n e q u a l i t i e s by compa r i s on w.ith more a f f l u e n t r e f e r e n c e g r o u p s , can pursue a t l e a s t t h r e e modes o f a t t a c k o r "ways o u t . " They can remain i n p r e d o m i n a n t l y r u r a l a reas and e v e n t u a l l y b e n e f i t f rom l a n d re fo rms ( i f e f f e c -t i v e l a n d re fo rms do e x i s t ) . They may d e c i d e to e n t e r t a i n a c t i v e b e h a v i o u r i n the c o u n t r y s i d e by e n c o u r a g i n g and/or p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n o r g a n i z e d pea san t movements. O r , they can head f o r the c i t i e s wh ich h o l d a monopoly on the b e n e f i t s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . T h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n conce rn s i t s e l f w i t h the t h i r d o f t he se "ways o u t . " To c o n s i d e r i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n as a r e spon se by v a s t numbers o f peop l e t o the o m n i p r e s e n t f o r c e s o f m o d e r n i -z a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l . The f a c t t h a t so many each y e a r do choose the m i g r a t i o n a l t e r n a t i v e — as i n d i c a t e d i n C h a p t e r 2 — makes i t a ve r y i m p o r t a n t r e spon se to u n d e r s t a n d . Un-f o r t u n a t e l y , the l i t e r a t u r e on the mo t i v e s f o r i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n t h r o u g h o u t L a t i n A m e r i c a rema ins e x t r e m e l y s u p e r -f i c i a l . Only the most obv i ou s avenues have been probed and the most b a s i c i d e a s p r o p o s e d . A b r i e f summary o f the c u r r e n t s t a n d i n g o f t h a t f a c e t i n the u r b a n i z a t i o n - m i g r a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e now f o l l o w s . For some, m i g r a t i o n may r e f l e c t a r e spon se t o a l t e r a t i o n s i n l e v e l s o f a s p i r a t i o n s ; f o r o t h e r s i t may me re l y / / 35 r e f l e c t the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f a p r i o r a s p i r a t i o n ; and s t i l l f o r o t h e r s i t may be a d e s p e r a t e a c t i o n f o r c e d i n t o e x i s t e n c e by u n d e s i r a b l e economic and/or p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . M i g r a -t i o n may r e f l e c t hope f o r the f u t u r e o r i t may r e f l e c t d e s p a i r about the p r e s e n t . Whatever the case may b e , t h e r e appear t o be s e v e r a l f e a t u r e s about urban s o c i e t y t h a t are a p p e a l i n g to tho se v/ho do choose to m i g r a t e . Matos Mar (1961:182) l i s t s at l e a s t s i x rea sons why many P e r u v i a n s m i g r a t e t o L i m a : e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , m i l i t a r y , h e a l t h and h o u s i n g r e a s o n s . Tha t i s , P e r u v i a n s m i g r a t e to the c a p i t a l c i t y t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r chances f o r employment , to en j o y c u l t u r a l e n t e r t a i n m e n t s and to a c h i e v e a h i g h e r s o c i a l s t a t u s s i m p l y by l i v i n g i n an urban a r e a , t o r e c e i v e e d u c a t i o n f o r t h e m s e l v e s bu t e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t o j o i n the m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e wh i ch t eache s them to read and w r i t e , to r e c e i v e more l o w -c o s t p r o f e s s i o n a l m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s and t r e a t m e n t , and to l i v e i n houses t h a t a re a t l e a s t as c o m f o r t a b l e as t h e i r f o r m e r d w e l l i n g s bu t more c o n v e n i e n t i n terms o f e l e c t r i c i t y , g a s , w a t e r , and so on . Matos M a r ' s s u r v e y i n d i c a t e s a n o t i c e a b l e emphas i s on the e c o n o m i c , e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l a s p e c t s , t h a t i s , 61.05% o f the r e s ponden t s o f f e r an economic r e a s o n , 22.85% o f f e r a s o c i a l r e a s o n , 8.62% o f f e r an e d u c a -t i o n a l r e a s o n . In o t h e r w o r d s , 92.5% o f f e r a r ea son t h a t r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y to e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l o r e d u c a t i o n a l i s s u e s . / . / 36 Germani ( 1961 :212 -213 ) s t a t e s t h a t m i g r a n t s t o Buenos A i r e s are coming to f i n d b e t t e r j o b s , to s i m p l y change the pace o f t h e i r l i v e s , and to j o i n many o f t h e i r f r i e n d s and/or r e l a t i v e s who have p r e v i o u s l y m i g r a t e d . W h i l e most m i g r a n t s a re o p t i m i s t i c about f i n d i n g work i n Buenos A i r e s , ve ry few have any w e l l d e v e l o p e d p l a n s about how to a c h i e v e t h a t t a s k . The s o l e rea son f o r many o f them appears to r e l a t e d i r e c t l y to " t h e f a c t t h a t they had r e l a -t i v e s o r f r i e n d s o r both i n Buenos A i r e s " ( G e r m a n i , 1961: 213) . B u t t e r w o r t h (1962:106) s t r e s s e s the economic and e d u c a t i o n a l a s p e c t s . M i x t e c m i g r a n t s f rom T i l a n t o n g o a re moving to Mex i co C i t y t o e scape a p r e d o m i n a n t l y s u b s i s t e n c e economy and to come i n t o c l o s e r c o n t a c t w i t h urban money-markets and wage-employment , as w e l l as to o b t a i n b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n and t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s c h i l d r e n , e t c . Mangin (1963:47) s u gge s t s t h a t P e r u v i a n s a re w e l l aware t h a t c i t i e s such as L ima c e n t r a l i z e s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , e c o n o m i c , and c u l t u r a l r e w a r d s . T h e i r m i g r a t i o n s r e f l e c t a s t r o n g d e s i r e t o be where the g r e a t e s t s u p p l y o f rewards i s i n o r d e r t o max imize on and b e n e f i t f rom them. And a c c o r d i n g to Mang i n , the most h i g h l y v a l u e d rewards are ones wh i ch r e l a t e t o j o b s and money, to i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l s t a t u s 37 by s i m p l y b e i n g an u r b a n i t e , and to e d u c a t i o n a l and t r a i n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s . H u t c h i n s o n (1963) emphas i zes t h a t B r a z i l i a n m i g r a n t s move to the c i t i e s to a t t a i n economic improvements and to s a t i a t e t h e i r d e s i r e s to e x p e r i e n c e the v i t a l i t y and romances o f c i t y l i f e wh ich they hea r so much a b o u t . Ward, i n a g r e e -ment w i t h the v i t a l i t y - r o m a n c e p r o p o s i t i o n , p r e s c r i b e s : So people in the developing world move to the big c i t i e s not so much because of the pull of employment — although the b e l i e f in non-existent opportuni-t i e s i s part of the a t t r a c t i o n — but rather because, l i k e Everest3 the c i t i e s are just there. (Ward, 1969:62) Abrams (1966 :19 -20 ) s ugge s t s t h a t m i g r a n t s i n T h i r d Wor ld c o u n t r i e s are a t t r a c t e d to the c i t i e s by wage-employment, the d e s i r e t o t r a d e i n m a r k e t s , the urge to be w i t h k insmen who are a l r e a d y i n c i t i e s , the l o n g i n g f o r l a n d and the hope o f o b t a i n i n g i t , and the w i sh t o r e c e i v e v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g and to p r o v i d e c h i l d r e n w i t h s c h o o l i n g . C l e a r l y , t h e r e are o n l y two g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t may be made f rom a l l t h i s . F i r s t o f a l l , no two m i g r a n t s come to a c i t y f o r e x a c t l y the same r e a s o n s . There i s no " m o t i v e s f o r m u l a " f o r m i g r a n t s as a w h o l e . To d e l i m i t m i g r a n t s as a s p e c i f i c s t udy group must not f a l s e l y convey a homogene i ty o f mo t i ve s f o r i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . I t must 38 not be o v e r l o o k e d t h a t m i g r a n t s are i n d i v i d u a l s who d e c i d e t o adopt s i m i l a r forms o f a c t i o n f o r d i v e r s e r e a s o n s . S e c o n d l y , the e x p l a n a t i o n b e h i n d any p a r t i c u l a r m i g r a n t ' s c h o i c e f o r moving t o a majo r urban a rea most o f t e n c o n s i s t s o f a m i x t u r e between a c o n c r e t e , w i d e l y v a l u e d s e t o f s o c i o - c u l t u r a l , economic and e d u c a t i o n a l commitments , on the one hand , and a ve ry i n d i v i d u a l s e t of p e r s o n a l wh ims, on the o t h e r hand. J u s t as wage-employment , e l a b o -r a t e money m a r k e t s , l a n d and home o w n e r s h i p , urban s t a t u s , s c h o o l i n g f o r c h i l d r e n , r a d i o s , T . V . ' s , s p o r t s , c u l t u r a l e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , and so on a re h i g h l y p r i z e d by u r b a n - b o r n and r a i s e d i n d i v i d u a l s , so a re they h i g h l y p r i z e d by m i g r a n t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , i t i s p l a u s i b l e t o s ugge s t t h a t such f e a t u r e s are o f t e n t r e a s u r e d by m i g r a n t s because p r i o r urban e x p e r -i e n c e has j u s t managed to wet t h e i r a p p e t i t e s f o r the c e n t r e s o f a l l s o r t s o f a t t r a c t i o n . C i t y - w a r d movement, f o r many m i g r a n t s , appear s to be a way o f a t t e m p t i n g to s a t i s f y v a r y i n g a p p e t i t e s i n t r o d u c e d and i n t e n s i f i e d by e v e r - g r o w i n g urban e x p o s u r e . As w e l l , assuming t h a t p r o x i m i t y o f f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s i s a n o t h e r f e a t u r e v a l u e d e x t e n s i v e l y i n both urban and non -u rban r e g i o n s , m i g r a t i o n p r o v i d e s a way t o r e - e s t a b l i s h f o r m e r o u t - o f - t h e - c i t y k i n and f r i e n d r e l a t i o n -s h i p s . And a l l t h e s e are o n l y some o f the most s a l i e n t / / 39 f e a t u r e s o f a t t r a c t i o n ; l e s s obv i ou s ones remain to be d i s c o v e r e d and i n v e s t i g a t e d . Re s i dence s and Re s i dence P a t t e r n s I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o keep i n mind t h r e e b road t ype s o f L a t i n A m e r i c a n , poor u r b a n i t e s : ( i ) r e c e n t o r new m i g r a n t s (wh ich i n c l u d e s t h i e r c h i l d r e n born p r i o r t o m i g r a -t i o n but s o c i a l i z e d i n the c i t y ) ; ( i i ) e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s ; ( i i i ) u r b a n - b o r n poor i n d i v i d u a l s . Th roughout t h i s paper t h e r e i s a d e l i b e r a t e emphas i s on the f i r s t two t y p e s . The l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e i n the c i t y , wh i ch a c t s as a d i v i d -i n g l i n e between r e c e n t and e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s , " i s c l e a r l y a r b i t r a r y , and may va r y a c c o r d i n g t o the fo rm i n wh i ch the d a t a a re a v a i l a b l e " ( N e l s o n , 1969:74 — f n . 3 ) . The t h i r d t ype o f poor u r b a n i t e i s both born and s o c i a l i z e d i n t h e c i t y e n v i r o n m e n t . In most c a s e s , newly a r r i v i n g m i g r a n t s a re the p o o r e s t L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s . Such p e o p l e are i n i t i a l l y p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h and m o t i v a t e d by two pr ime c o n c e r n s : ( i ) To q u i c k l y f i n d a p l a c e to use as a b a s e , ( i i ) To f i n d employment — c a s u a l , s e a s o n a l o r s t e a d y . These conce rn s a re most l i k e l y to be s a t i s f i e d i f the r e c e n t m i g r a n t can t e m p o r a r i l y l o c a t e i n o r ve r y c l o s e to the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s and commerc i a l d i s t r i c t s , o r i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o o t h e r 40 p r i n c i p a l a reas o f e n t e r p r i s e s i t u a t e d e l s e w h e r e i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n . Tenement s lums and shack slums s e r v e as the majo r r e c e p t i o n c e n t r e s f o r poor r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . 7 Those who cannot f i n d room i n the ove rc rowded tenement s lums o r who have f r i e n d s and/or r e l a t i v e s i n a shack s lum who are w i l l -i n g t o a c t as tempora ry h o s t s , o r who s i m p l y cannot a f f o r d to pay the e x o r b i t a n t tenement r e n t s and c i t y t a xe s a re u s u a l l y c o m p e l l e d to f o l l o w the shack s lum s o l u t i o n . Both tenement and shack slums may be t hough t o f as " b r i d g e h e a d s " ; t h e i r r e s i d e n t s may b e . t h o u g h t o f as " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " : The very poor [ a r e p r o v i d e d ] with s t r a -t e g i c a l l y located 'bridgeheads ' from which they stand t h e i r best chance of getting jobs and solving t h e i r immediate and overwhelming problem — s u r v i v a l . A l l the 'bridgeheader' and his dependents need i s a place to sleep and leave t h e i r few belongings while looking for and picking up odd gobs on which t h e i r imme-, diate survival and ultimate progress depend. It i s essential for the extremely poor, a s p i r i n g to become f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t -ing c i t i z e n s with r e l a t i v e l y adequate and secure l i v i n g standards3 to concentrate whatever energies they may have on getting and holding jobs. ( T u r n e r , 1968b :117) That i s , tenement and shack s lums a l l o w the r e c e n t m i g r a n t to p r a c t i c a l l y approach the s a t i s f a c t i o n of h i s i n i t i a l p r ime c o n c e r n s . There i s rea son to b e l i e v e t h a t r e c e n t a d u l t m i g r a n t e x p e c t a t i o n s a re not g e n e r a l l y so h i gh as 41 commonly assumed. Once they have found a home, r e c e i v e d employment , and e n r o l l e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l , most r e c e n t a d u l t m i g r a n t s have a c h i e v e d a l a r g e p o r t i o n o f t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s . F u r t h e r , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t many tenement and shack s lum d w e l l e r s c o n s i d e r t he se poor urban accommodat ions to be as good o r b e t t e r than what they had o b e f o r e m i g r a t i o n . S e v e r a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s a re w a r r a n t e d . F i r s t l y , tenement and shack s lums do not a lways o n l y r e c e i v e r e c e n t m i g r a n t s ; they may a l s o a c t as the r e f u g e o f poor f a m i l i e s t h a t have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the ma in tenance and improvement , o r the f o r m a t i o n o f a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h has been f o r c i b l y d i s m a n t l e d by government a u t h o r i t i e s . In t he se c a s e s , homeless peop l e need t empo ra r y d o m i c i l e s u n t i l a new p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t has been p l a n n e d , o r g a n i z e d and i n i t i a t e d . As w e l l , a g row ing p a r t o f t e n e -ment and shack s lum p o p u l a t i o n s c o n s i s t s o f u r b a n - b o r n c i t i z e n s who have b y - p a s s e d the whole p r o c e s s o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . S e c o n d l y , no te t h a t i n d i v i d u a l r e c e n t m i g r a n t s h a v i n g f r i e n d s and/or r e l a t i v e s whose f a m i l i e s a re e s t a b -l i s h e d i n p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , o r t h o s e r e c e n t m i g r a n t f a m i l i e s wh ich a re w e a l t h i e r , may not have t o l o c a t e / 42 a t a l l i n the tenement o r shack s l u m s . For e x a m p l e , A. and E. Leeds s u g g e s t : « . . . in the favelas of Rio, we also encountered a goodly number of persons who had come d i r e c t l y from some point of o r i g i n outside the c i t y . This was ; e s p e c i a l l y • true of the Northeasterners from the state of Paraiba whose l a t e r migrants often appeared to be family segments or friends of the e a r l i e r mi-grant groups and who would move to the same house or l o c a t i o n as the l a t t e r . (A. and E. L e e d s , 1970:23) E l s e w h e r e , Havens and F l i n n (1970a:208) r e p o r t t h a t t he r e l a t i v e l y more a f f l u e n t m i g r a n t s o f t e n s e t t l e i m m e d i a t e l y i n B o g o t a ' s p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . T h i r d l y , w h i l e the tenement s lums ( u n l e s s e r a d i -c a t e d ) a lways rema in as s l u m s , not a l l shack s lums do. Somet imes , due t o the e f f o r t s o f e n t e r p r i s i n g a d u l t s who w i sh t o a c h i e v e s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t s w i t h o u t a l t e r i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s , and due to an i n c r e a s e d l e g a l a c c e p t a n o f t h a t s e t t l e m e n t , a shack s lum may ve r y s l o w l y be t r a n s -formed i n t o a q u a s i - l e g a l , r e s p e c t a b l e community . Fo r e xamp le : The very poor shanty-dweller may very well become a wage-earner, quite able to afford a few d o l l a r ' s worth of build-ing materials every week. If t h i s change of economic status takes place without a change of l o c a t i o n , and i f the o r i g i n a l shanty s i t e i s large enough and s u f f i c i -ently accessible, the shanty w i l l be 43 replaced by a more solidly built house, which results in a mixture of shacks and solid structures. ( T u r n e r , 1968b :116) As w e l l , Ne l son s t a t e s : Where squatters are not harassed by the police and where terrain and i n i t i a l density of settlement permit, many shanty-towns evolve over 10 or 15 years into acceptable working class neighborhoods. ( N e l s o n , 1969:56) Delgado (1969:38) a ccoun t s f o r such p o s s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n the L ima-Cal lao m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a . A g e n e r a l s u r v e y o f the l i t e r a t u r e does not p e r m i t f o r any c o n c l u s i v e s t a t e m e n t to be made on the f r e q u e n c y o f such o c c u r r e n c e s . A l l t h a t may be d e f i n i t e l y s a i d i s t h a t such cases do e x i s t . L a s t l y , the p o p u l a t i o n s of tenement and shack s lums are c o n s t a n t l y f l u c t u a t i n g . Some peop l e a re moving i n and o t h e r s are moving o u t . Recent m i g r a n t s a re l o o k i n g f o r i n s t a n t q u a r t e r s ; more e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s a re e x i t i n g t o t a ke p a r t i n the f o r m a t i o n o f new p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . Land e v i c t i o n s a re f o r c i n g whole t r o o p s o f peop l e t o f i n d havens i n o t h e r d e p r e s s e d l o c a l e s . Some are t r y i n g out l i f e i n p u b l i c hou s i n g p r o j e c t s ; o t h e r s a re g o i n g back t o t h e i r o r i g i n a l urban l o c a t i o n s . A p a r t f rom tho se o c c a s i o n a l m i g r a n t s who do seem to meet c o n t i n u a l d i s a s t e r , such as the c h a r a c t e r r e s i d i n g i n L i m a ' s La Pa rada tenement s lum d e p i c t e d by Pa t ch (1967a) o r the w e l l - k n o w n 44 C a r o l i n a M a r i a de Je su s (1962) o f the f o rmer Can inde f a v e l a i n Sao P a u l o , t h e r e i s f o r the tenement and shack s lums a p e r p e t u a l i n - a n d - o u t f l o w o f a l l s o r t s o f p e o p l e . Whereas the p o o r e s t and l e a s t s e c u r e r e c e n t m i g r a n t s t y p i c a l l y seek r e s i d e n t i a l accommodat ions wh i ch w i l l p r o v i d e them w i t h s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d " b r i d g e h e a d s , " the more s t a b l e and more e c o n o m i c a l l y sound e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s who have " s e c u r e d a minimum o f o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a b -i l i t y " ( P o r t e s , 1970:12) a re l o o k i n g f o r ways and means t o f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h t h e i r c u r r e n t s o c i o - e c o n o m i c advances and to a t t a i n even g r e a t e r s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t s . For e xamp le : . . . many of those who migrate from the authorized o i t y to the favelas. . .are the more enterprising, those who are more aware of urban, economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i -cal, and administrative facts and p o l i c i e s ; . . .some of those who migrate are doing so to preserve or improve t h e i r social and economic s i t u a t i o n under the regnant d i f f i c u l t i e s of the B r a z i l i a n economy and s o c i a l system. (A. and E. L e e d s , 1970:235) Mangin v iews t h i s e ven t "as a p r o c e s s o f s o c i a l r e c o n s t r u c -t i o n th rough p o p u l a r i n i t i a t i v e " ( M a n g i n , 1 9 6 7 a : 6 7 ) . P r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s c a t e r t o the i n t e r e s t s o f such e n t e r p r i s i n g p e r s o n s . C o n t r a r y t o o f t e n p o p u l a r b e l i e f , and as i m p l i e d above , o n l y ve r y few o f t ho se s e t t l e r s have not a l r e a d y l i v e d i n a c i t y . In f a c t , most w r i t e r s g e n e r a l l y agree t h a t p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r / / 45 s e t t l e m e n t d w e l l e r s have f i r s t r e s i d e d i n the more i n t e r n a l 9 s e c t i o n s o f major c i t i e s f o r up to ten y e a r s . "The p e r i p h e r a l s e t t l e m e n t i s o f t e n an a rea sought a f t e r , r a t h e r than e scaped f r o m " ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 1 2 ) . These p e o p l e s ' f l i g h t s f rom the tenement slums and the p o o r e r shack s lums r e f l e c t f i r m d e s i r e s to escape h i gh r e n t s and/or o v e r c r o w d e d , u n b e a r a b l e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , to be a b l e to b u i l d and own t h e i r d w e l l i n g s , and to be a b l e t o a t t a i n more s p a c e , l i g h t , a i r and p r i v a c y a t home. In b r i e f , the g e n e r a l c once rn f o r such s e t t l e r s i s t o en su re the c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y , l a n d , d w e l l i n g s and' economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . As such i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h i n k of p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s as " c o n s o l i d a t i o n " a r e a s ; t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s may be t hough t o f as " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " : . . . the permanently established, self-improving [ c o n s o l i d a t i o n ] settlements suit the more r e g u l a r l y employed. These s e t t l e r s . . .are less troubled by hunger and the problem of physical survival than they are of l o s i n g t h e i r jobs or t h e i r savings and of s l i p p i n g back down into the depths of poverty. The self-improv-ing settlements of securely held land and permanent b u i l d i n g construction are the means by which these 'consolidators ' invest t h e i r savings and protect them-selves, from some of the consequences of unemployment — e v i c t i o n and homelessnes.s, which can have far more serious social and vsychological consequences for the established and s e l f - r e s p e c t i n g household 46 than for the unestablished very poor who have nothing to lose and no status to defend. ( T u r n e r , 1968b:117) The p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are r a t h e r un ique i n the manner i n wh ich they a re s e t up. They a re formed by groups o f u n i t i n g f a m i l i e s who have c a r e f u l l y p l anned and o r g a n i z e d to i n vade p u b l i c l y o r p r i v a t e l y owned l a n d , sometimes i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n to p o l i c e o r m i l i t a r y u n i t s . A t y p i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n and p l a n n i n g i n v o l v e d i n the f o r m a t i o n of p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s runs as f o l l o w s : The organizational work involved in planning and organizing an invasion includes a l e r t i n g newspapers, one of which can always be assumed to be anti-government and w i l l i n g to feature embar-rassing news, and c a l l i n g for help from, or at least the blessing of, some prominent p o l i t i c a l or popular figures — for ex-ample , a bishop or the president's wife. These are l a s t minute d e t a i l s that top off long months of secret planning and organizing. Some of the early invasions were probably spontaneous and .involved t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r learning. Now the matter i s f a i r l y well established. •., (Mang i n , 1968:1 80-1 81 ) 1 1 These s e t t l e m e n t s are most t y p i c a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n p e r i p h e r a l urban s i t e s , but more c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d ones have been r e -p o r t e d . Examples o f the l a t t e r a re San Lo renzo i n Guatemala C i t y ( R o b e r t s , 1 9 7 0 ) , and Mar i ano Me l ga r and El A u g u s t i n o i n Lima (Caminos et a l . , 1969 ) . As a m a t t e r o f i n t e r e s t , a 47 wide v a r i e t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s i s r e p o r t e d i n the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s wh ich may run anywhere f rom c o n s t r u c -t i o n wo rke r s and f a c t o r y l a b o u r e r s , i n the most normal c a s e s , to the o c c a s i o n a l p o l i c e m a n , government o f f i c i a l , b u s i n e s s m a n , o r bank manager, i n the more e x c e p t i o n a l 12 ' i n s t a n c e s . As w e l l , i t i s i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t a g row-i n g p o r t i o n of t he se n e i g h b o u r h o o d s ' p o p u l a t i o n s c o n s i s t s o f c h i l d r e n born e l s e w h e r e i n the c i t y and c h i l d r e n bo rn w i t h i n t ho se ve r y s e t t l e m e n t s . These i n v aded ne i ghbou rhoods have l o c a l l y e l e c t e d s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s wh ich p r o t e c t the g e n e r a l w e l f a r e o f r e s i d e n t s , c o l l e c t dues f o r community p r o j e c t s , m e d i a t e l a n d d i s p u t e s , a t t empt to p r e v e n t l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n , r e p r e -s e n t the s e t t l e m e n t i n p u b l i c e n c o u n t e r s , and s c r e e n new 1 3 a p p l i c a n t s . I n d i v i d u a l a d u l t s w i s h i n g to c o n s t r u c t d w e l l -i ng s w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t may be e f f e c t i v e l y p r e v e n t e d f rom d o i n g so by an a c t i v e s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n . For e x a m p l e , w i t h r e s p e c t t o the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s { b a r r i a d a s ) o f L i m a : " C h i l d l e s s c o u p l e s a re r a r e i n b a r r i a d a s and s i n g l e a d u l t s not p a r t o f a l a r g e r h o u s e h o l d a re u s u a l l y b a r r e d from i n v a s i o n groups and e x c l u d e d f rom l a t e r r e s i d e n c e , where p o s s i b l e , by the b a r r i a d a a s s o c i a t i o n s " (Mang i n , 1 968b : 414 ) . The e s t a b l i s h e d p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t a s s o c i a t i o n s 48 f a v o u r n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s w i t h employed male f a m i l y - h e a d s (Mang i n , 19 6 7 a : 70) . But even t ho se e l i g i b l e f a m i l i e s t h a t w i s h to s e t t l e i n an a l r e a d y - e s t a b l i s h e d p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t must approach the e l e c t e d a s s o c i a t i o n to o b t a i n e n t r a n c e con sen t and a p p r o v a l . S hou l d t h a t be d e n i e d any p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y , i n most cases i t w i l l have to make s i m i l a r e n t r a n c e a t t e m p t s e l s e w h e r e o r w i l l have t o p a r -t i c i p a t e i n the f o r m a t i o n o f a n o t h e r p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t ! e m e n t . There a re some c r i t i c a l p o i n t s t h a t must be made e x p l i c i t . F i r s t l y , t o e n d u r e , a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ment must l i e on l a n d wh ich i s not s l a t e d f o r m e t r o p o l i t a n e x p a n s i o n . O t h e r w i s e , i t s i n h a b i t a n t s f a c e the p r o b a b l e m i s f o r t u n e s o f e v e r - p r e s e n t o p p o s i t i o n and o f t h r e a t e n i n g e v i c t i o n . S e c o n d l y , t o e n d u r e , a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -1 4 ment must p r o g r e s s i v e l y a c h i e v e l e g a l s t a t u s . The more l e g a l l y r e c o g n i z e d a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t b e -comes, the more p r a c t i c a l and w i s e r i t i s f o r the r e s i d e n t s to magn i f y the c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l d w e l l i n g s and o f com-mun i t y i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . As economic r e s o u r c e s p e r m i t and as l a n d tenancy becomes more c e r t a i n and pe rmanent , t empor -ary m a k e s h i f t d w e l l i n g s are r e p l a c e d by more s o l i d , modern c o n s t r u c t i o n s . As p e r s o n a l and community deve lopment p r o c e e d , 49 p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t d w e l l e r s d e v e l o p some s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the c e n t r a l c i t y ( e . g . , u s i n g u t i l i t i e s , w o r k i n g , bu y i n g and s e l l i n g i n p r i n c i p a l m a r k e t s , f r e -q u e n t i n g c u l t u r a l / e n t e r t a i n m e n t a t t r a c t i o n s , e t c . ) and t h e i r ne i ghbourhoods come to i n c r e a s i n g l y re semb le the more r e p u t -a b l e p a r t s o f the c i t y ( e . g . , b a n k s , s t o r e s , s c h o o l s , r o a d s , T .V . a n t e n n a s , e l e c t r i c c i r c u i t i n g , d w e l l i n g d e s i g n s , e t c . ) . R e g a r d l e s s o f the a c h i e v e d s t a g e o f p e r s o n a l and c o l l e c t i v e c o n s o l i d a t i o n , and d e s p i t e the t y p i c a l i n c r e a s e o f f a m i l y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s , most p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t d w e l l e r s seem to p e r c e i v e t h e i r c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n s as a s t e p ahead and t h e i r d w e l l i n g s as improvements o ve r what they i n h a b i t e d b e f o r e . T h i r d l y , as a c o r o l l a r y of the above a r gumen t s , s u c c e s s f u l p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are s e l f - i m p r o v -i n g , l ow- i ncome ne i ghbou rhoods ( i n a word " n o n s l u m s " ) t h a t u s u a l l y have more i n common w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs than w i t h tenement o r dep re s s ed shack s l u m s . In T u r n e r ' s wo rd s : Cuevas, along with at least 2/3 of the barriadas of Peru, the majority of colonias p r o l e t a r i a s of Mexico City. . . can be more appropriately des c r i b ed as self-improving suburbs than as 'slums. ' ( T u r n e r , 1967:5) Henry Di e t z o f f e r s : 15 50 The improving 'suburban ' barriadas . . .contain over 1/2 a m i l l i o n people, with (at a rough estimate) a good deal more than one half of them housed in permanent, s o l i d l y b u i l t structures . ( D i e t z , 1959:364) And , i n terms o f s t a n d a r d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c i n d e x e s , Mangin and T u r n e r (1968:155) c l a i m t h a t i n P e r u ' s p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s (nons lum b a r r i a d a s ) employment r a t e s , wages , l i t e r a c y and e d u c a t i o n are a l l h i g h e r than i n both the tenement and shack s lums and exceed the n a t i o n a l a v e r -age. As w e l l , such a c t i v i t i e s as c r i m e , j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n c y , g amb l i n g and p r o s t i t u t i o n are r a r e i n the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , and the i n c i d e n c e o f p e t t y t h i e v e r y i s g r e a t e r i n o t h e r p a r t s o f urban c e n t r e s . A c c o r d i n g l y , by no means are a l l l o w - i n c o m e , urban L a t i n Amer i can ne i ghbou rhoods " s l u m s " o r even l i k e s l u m s . There are w i t h i n L a t i n Amer i can urban a rea s many s e t t l e m e n t s , c a t e r i n g to the needs and f i n a n c i a l c a p a b i l i t i e s of many l e s s a f f l u e n t u r b a n i t e s , t h a t are not c h a r a c t e r i z e d by e v e r - p r e s e n t , d e t e r i o r a t i n g s q u a l o r bu t by e v e r - i n c r e a s -i n g , g r a d u a l , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and p h y s i c a l b e t t e r m e n t . The s u c c e s s f u l p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , and the r e -p o r t e d i m p r o v i n g shack s l u m s , p r o v i d e r e l e v a n t e x a m p l e s . I f the " s l u m " c oncep t must c o n t i n u e to be used i n such c a s e s , i t s h o u l d be i n the c o n t e x t o f , f o r e x a m p l e , " s l ums o f hope " and not " s l ums o f d e s p a i r . " ^ 7 A. Leeds s u g g e s t s : / / 51 In general3 favelas3 barriadas3 barrios and arrabates. . .are areas of urban growth and development3 areas of slow improvement both of i n d i v i d u a l houses and of neighborhood as a whole. (A. Leeds , 1971:238) To n e g l e c t t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , as has too f r e q u e n t l y been the c a s e , i s to d r a s t i c a l l y m i s r e p r e s e n t an e v e r - e x p a n d i n g segment o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s poor urban p o p u l a t i o n . In t h i s r e s p e c t , D i e t z o f f e r s two e x t r e m e l y a p p r o p r i a t e and p e r t i -nent i n c i t e s : The English word 'slum' has no conno-t a t i o n of. . .self-improvement. To equate the Peruvian word barriada with slum i s therefore to do more than to mistranslate; i t i s to commit a serious error3 and to express what may be a r i g i d and narrow point of view. ( D i e t z , 1969:364) 'Slum' in general usage connotes social and physical decay; such an image3 how-ever, may be inaccurate. If the term 'slum' i s loosely applied to any area of burgeoning urban growth i t i s inade-quate and may be misleading. •, o ( D i e t z , 1 9 6 9 : 3 6 3 ) 1 0 S i m i l a r l y , i t must be noted t h a t i n g e n e r a l , t he term " s h a n t y t o w n " i s o f t e n too f r e e l y used i n the l i t e r a -t u r e t o denote any e x i s t i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t . Though a l l s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s do b e g i n as. shanty towns ( c h a r a c -t e r i z e d by f l i m s y d w e l l i n g s and l a c k o f i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ) , and a d m i t t e d l y some remain a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y s o , the 52 shan ty town n o t i o n " o b s c u r e s the f a c t t h a t most s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a re c o n s t a n t l y i m p r o v i n g t h e i r e n v i r onmen t s and t h a t they r e p r e s e n t a tremendous s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n v e s t m e n t i n community o r g a n i z a t i o n as w e l l as a m u l t i -m i l l i o n d o l l a r i n v e s t m e n t i n house c o n s t r u c t i o n , the d e v e l o p -ment o f s e r v i c e s , and the c r e a t i o n o f s m a l l b u s i n e s s e s " ' (Mang i n , 1968b : 176 ) . Rober t s (1970:367) s u p p o r t s such a s t a t e m e n t . The i n c o n s i s t e n t use o f " s h a n t y t o w n " makes i t an ambiguous v e r b a l t o o l . For examp le , Schulman r e f e r s t o the shanty town as " t h e r u d e s t k i n d o f s lum c l u s t e r i n g l i k e a d i r t y b e e h i v e a round the edges o f any p r i n c i p a l c i t y i n L a t i n A m e r i c a " ( S chu lman , 1966 :1004 ) . Ward (1969) and Fanon (1965) use the shan ty town n o t i o n to d e p i c t what t h i s w r i t e r i s c a l l i n g shack s l u m s . Havens and F l i n n (1970a) use shan ty town to r e p r e s e n t B o g o t a ' s p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . The e s s e n t i a l p o i n t t o o f f e r i s t h a t the shan ty town te rm must be used ve r y c a u t i o u s l y ; i t and the s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t concep t s h o u l d not be a u t o m a t i c a l l y employed as synonyms. A major s o u r c e of c o n t e n t i o n f o r L a t i n Amer i can urban p o v e r t y t o p i c s appears to l i e i n the i m p r e c i s e mean-i ng s e x p l i c i t l y o r i m p l i c i t l y a p p l i e d to the " s l u m " and " s h a n t y t o w n " t e r m s . Such c o n c e p t u a l i n a c c u r a c i e s ve r y o f t e n tend to i m p r o p e r l y lump a l l urban p o v e r t y ne i ghbou rhoods 53 under a s i n g l e t y p o l o g y o f s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l decay wh ich s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e s t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s on b e -h a v i o u r . Hence, b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s d i s p l a y e d by a l l poor u r b a n i t e s are t r e a t e d as a homogene i ty o f e x c e s s i v e l y n e g a t i v e q u a l i t i e s . To amb i guou s l y u t i l i z e c o n v e n t i o n a l p o v e r t y c oncep t s i s t o g r e a t l y h i n d e r the s e a r c h f o r ob -j e c t i v e r e a l i t y . / / 54 Chap te r 4 TWO P O V E R T Y P E R S P E C T I V E S W i t h i n the g e n e r a l s t u d y a r ea o f L a t i n Amer i can urban p o v e r t y t h e r e has d e v e l o p e d an e l a b o r a t e debate o v e r p e r s p e c t i v e s . The two s i d e s o f t h a t debate a re r e p r e -s e n t e d by what may be termed the " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " and " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e s . The f o l l o w i n g passages p o r t r a y and c o n t r a s t t he se two p e r s p e c t i v e s wh i ch d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n a s s u m p t i o n s , d e r i v e d c o n c l u s i o n s and i m p l i c a t i o n s . The " P s y c h o - C u l t u r a l " P e r s p e c t i v e A " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e assumes t h a t poor p e o p l e s ' r e a c t i o n s to change are e x c l u s i v e l y i n terms o f e x i s t i n g v a l u e s and b e h a v i o u r a l norms p r o v i d e d f o r them by t h e i r c u l t u r e . A c c o r d i n g l y , i t i s s a i d t h a t peop l e adopt o n l y t ho se changes t h a t do not d i s t u r b and are c o n g r u e n t w i t h t h e i r c u l t u r e . C u l t u r e r e c e i v e s a b e h a v i o u r a l d e f i n i -t i o n t h a t emphas i zes the l i m i t e d ways poor pe r sons a c t i n 55 o r d e r to p r e s e r v e the l i f e - s t y l e common to them, and t h a t n e g l e c t s the e x i s t e n c e o f a s p i r a t i o n s wh ich r e a l l y a re common to bo th the poor and non -poo r a l i k e . As w e l l , c u l t u r e i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a h o l i s t i c sy s tem o f i n t r i c a t e l y r e l a t e d p a r t s , so t h a t a change o f any s i n g l e c u l t u r a l e lement a p p a r e n t l y cannot be a c h i e v e d w i t h o u t r e s u l t i n g i n r a m i f i c a t i o n s a c r o s s the e n t i r e s y s t e m . " C u l t u r e becomes i t s own c a u s e , and change i s p o s s i b l e o n l y i f the c u l t u r e as a whole i s somehow changed " (Gans , 1 969 : 209 ) . I t i s c r u c i a l t o note t h a t : ( i ) Very l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d to the c o n d i t i o n s wh i ch may i n d u c e a p a r t i c u l a r b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n (a symptom), or t o the c o n -d i t i o n s wh ich may i n f l u e n c e the a l t e r a t i o n of a g i v e n , human a c t i o n o r r e a c t i o n ; ( i i ) Change i s v iewed as a v e r y d i f f i c u l t p r o c e s s , so t h a t the d i m i n i s h m e n t o r e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y can o n l y be a c h i e v e d s l o w l y . A " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f urban p o v e r t y and o f i t s v i c t i m s m a i n t a i n s t h a t the c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s o f p o v e r t y a re g e n e r a t e d w i t h i n and a l ong k i n s h i p l i n e s . That i s , t he mechanisms by wh ich b e h a v i o u r and a t t i t u d e s a r e n e c e s s a r i l y t r a n s m i t t e d a c r o s s g e n e r a t i o n s are s t r e s s e d . The f a m i l y , and s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n g e n e r a l , p r o v i d e s the n u c l e u s around wh i ch c u l t u r e i s most e a s i l y ob se r ved and at wh i ch c h a n g e - i n d u c i n g s t i m u l i must be d i r e c t e d . 56 For too l o ng now, L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s poor u r b a n i t e s and ne i ghbou rhoods have been t r e a t e d as homogenous e n t i t i e s , and have been c h a r a c t e r i z e d e x c e s s i v e l y by n e g a t i v e images . I t seems t h a t the pe rmanent , u n s i g h t l y n a t u r e o f some o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s most n o t i c e a b l e , l ow- i ncome ne i ghbou rhoods ( " b r i d g e h e a d s " — e . g . j tenement s lums and shack s l ums ) have i n f l u e n c e d the n o t o r i o u s d e r o g a t o r y r e p u t a t i o n s i r o n -i c a l l y h e l d by even the most advanced o f the " c o n s o l i d a -t i o n " commun i t i e s ( e . g . , p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s ) . The b e h a v i o u r o f t ho se poor u r b a n i t e s r e s i d i n g i n e i t h e r " b r i d g e h e a d " o r " c o n s o l i d a t i o n " h a b i t a t s i s presumed to not o n l y d e v i a t e f rom i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y ' s n o r m a t i v e s t a n d a r d s but a l s o t o be p a t h o l o g i c a l , i r r a t i o n a l , and i l l o g i c a l . Such g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s f a l s e l y equate i n h a b i t a n t s ' b e h a v i o u r s a c c o r d i n g t o the o b s e r v a b l e s t a n d a r d s o f t h e i r h a b i t a t s , f a i l t o comprehend why urban poor peop l e a re c o n s c i o u s l y , d e l i b e r a t e l y and r a t i o n a l l y d e c i d i n g t o do much o f what they do, and do not r e a l i z e o r a c c e p t the d i s t i n c t i o n s about ne i ghbou rhoods and poor u r b a n i t e s a l r e a d y 2 p r e s e n t e d . One o f the more u n f o r t u n a t e r e s u l t s i s t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s o f s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n s , a l l o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s become known by such d i s t a s t e f u l terms a s : " f e s t e r i n g s o r e s , " " f e s t e r i n g p o c k e t s ( o r r i n g s ) o f / ; 57 m i s e r y , " " b e l t s o f mushrooming m i s e r y , " " l i t t l e k ingdoms o f m i s e r y , " " m a l i g n a n t wounds , " " s o c i a l a b e r r a t i o n s , " " s w e a t i n g s l u m s , " " s w e l t e r i n g c u l t u r e b a t h s , " " c a n c e r o u s growths on the c i t y , " e t c . One e x t r e m e l y pungent a c c o u n t reads as f o l l o w s : Sometimes the modern highway passes above them. Looking down, the traveller catches a glimpse3 under a pall of smoke from cooking pots in backyards, of mile on mile of l i t t l e alleys snaking through densely pocketed huts of straw, crumbling brick or beaten tin cans. Or the settle-ments are above the route, clinging to hillsides reached only by endless l i t t l e stairways carved from the mud, down which the waters rush, in the rainy season, scouring away rubbish and dirt and pour-ing, as often as not, through the shacks themselves. Or the main road slices through some pre-existent shanty town and, for a brief span, the visitor looks down the endless length of rows of huts, sees the holes, the mud, the rubbish in the alleyways, skinny chickens picking in the dirt, multitudes of nearly naked children, hair matted, eyes dull, spindly legs, and above them, pathetic lines of rags and torn garments strung up to dry between the stunted trees. (Ward, 1969 :56 ) A second adve r s e consequence i s t h a t a l l l ow - i n come u rban L a t i n Amer i can s become the t a r g e t o f v e r b a l and w r i t t e n abuse , b e i n g r e f e r r e d t o a s , f o r e xamp le : e v i l , mean, s o r d i d , v i o l e n t , h o p e l e s s , m i s e r a b l e , f a t a l i s t i c , d e s p a i r -i n g , d i s o r d e r l y , d i s o r g a n i z e d , p o l i t i c a l l y d e s t a b i l i z i n g , 58 s u f f e r i n g , and i n f e r i o r . In B o n i l l a ' s words , a d d r e s s i n g f a v e l a d o s i n g e n e r a l : As a group, the favela population i s on the wrong side of every standard index of social dis organization , whether i t be i l l i t e r a c y , malnutrition, disease, job i n s t a b i l i t y , i r r e g u l a r sexual unions, alcoholism, criminal violence, or al-most any other of the f a m i l i a r l i s t . . ~ ( B o n i l l a , 1961 :1b)* T h i s and o t h e r s i m i l a r n e g a t i v e a t t a c k s s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t the l i t e r a t u r e t r e a t L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s poor u r b a n i t e s a s . " s o c i a l p r o b l e m s " — " d e s i g n a t e d as breakdowns o r d e v i a t i o n s o f s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r , i n v o l v i n g a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f p e o p l e , wh i ch are o f s e r i o u s c once rn t o many members o f the s o c i e t y i n wh i ch the a b e r r a t i o n s o c c u r " ( E i s e n s t a d t , 1966: ' 23) . The " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " approach blames the e x i s t -ence o f the urban p o o r ' s supposed d e v i a n t and s o c i a l l y p a t h o l o g i c a l b e h a v i o u r on a s e t o f b a d , u n d e s i r a b l e , i l l o g i -c a l , i r r a t i o n a l o r i n f e r i o r ( f r om a more a f f l u e n t p o i n t o f v iew) c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t are s a i d t o b e l o n g o n l y to them. Change i s r e ga rded as a u n i - d i r e c t i o n a l p r o c e s s , so t h a t i t i s c l a i m e d t h a t L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s urban poor must p roceed a l ong a " p a t h " o f deve lopment to become c u l t u r a l l y , then s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a l l y l i k e the urban n o n - p o o r . 59 The s u gge s t ed way to overcome p o v e r t y i s to e l i m i n a t e a f a u l t y , poor way o f l i f e wh i ch i s supposed to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the poor u r b a n i t e ' s u n f o r t u n a t e p l i g h t i n s o c i e t y ; b a s i c s o c i e t y - w i d e s t r u c t u r a l f l a w s o r i n j u s -t i c e s are i g n o r e d o r d e n i e d . I t i s a s s e r t e d t h a t once the c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the urban poor are moulded t o more c l o s e l y re semb le the c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the more a f f l u e n t s e c t o r s , i n e q u i t a b l e s i t u a t i o n s w i l l b e g i n t o fade away and w i l l be r e p l a c e d by more advantageous s i t u a t i o n s , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s f o r the urban poor w i l l i m p r o v e , and the poor w i l l then be a b l e to e l i m i n a t e the remnants o f p o v e r t y l a r g e l y by t h e i r own e f f o r t s . The g e n e r a l t a c t i c p roposed and f o l l o w e d by i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y seems to be t o r e s o c i a l i z e the urban poor so t h a t when u l t i m a t e l y o f f e r e d more oppo r tune s i t u a t i o n s , they w i l l a c t and r e a c t i n s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e ways (by i n s t i t u -t i o n a l s o c i e t y ' s s t a n d a r d s ) . As the l a t e Oscar L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " concep t i s the e s sence of a w e l l - k n o w n , w i d e l y d i s c u s s e d , and at t i m e s , hea ted c o n t r o v e r s y , a c l e a r s t a t e m e n t of some of i t s more s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s i s w a r r a n t e d . I t i s perhaps the most obv i ou s example o f the a p p l i c a t i o n o f a " p s y c h o -c u l t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e c u l m i n a t i n g i n n e g a t i v e images o f the 4 poo r . 60 L e w i s ' most d i s t u r b i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s t h a t he beg i n s by p r e t e n d i n g t h a t the b e h a v i o u r o f the poor i n a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " (wh ich may appear i n both r u r a l and urban s e t t i n g s ) r e p r e s e n t s an a d a p t a t i o n and e x p e c t e d r e a c t i o n by them to t h e i r u n j u s t p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y , and c o n c l u d e s by c o n t e n d i n g t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " poor are d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e by a l l s o r t s o f s o c i a l and p s y c h o -l o g i c a l b reakdown. In the open i ng pa rag raph s o f La V i d a , Lewis s t a t e s : The culture of poverty -is both an adapta-tion and a reaction of the poor to t h e i r marginal position in a c l a s s - s t r a t i f i e d , highly individuated c a p i t a l i s t society. It represents an e f f o r t to cope with f e e l i n g s of hopelessness and despair which develop from the r e a l i z a t i o n of the improbability of achieving success in terms of the values and goals of the larger society. Indeed, many of the t r a i t s of the culture of poverty can be viewed as attempts at local solutions for problems not met by e x i s t i n g i n s t i -tutions and agencies. ( L e w i s , 1970a:69) E l s e w h e r e , Lewis i n t i m a t e s t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s " p o s i t i v e i n the sense t h a t i t has a s t r u c t u r e , a r a t i o n a l e , and de fen se mechanisms w i t h o u t wh ich the poor c o u l d h a r d l y c a r r y o n , " " a way o f l i f e , r e m a r k a b l y s t a b l e and p e r s i s -t e n t . . . " ( L e w i s , 1 9 6 1 : x x l v ) . Perhaps one o f h i s be s t - known / 61 s t a t e m e n t s i s t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s a " c u l t u r e i n the t r a d i t i o n a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l sense i n t h a t i t p r o -v i d e s human be i n g s w i t h a d e s i g n f o r l i v i n g , w i t h a r e a d y -made s e t o f s o l u t i o n s f o r human p r o b l e m s , and so s e r v e s a s i g n i f i c a n t a d a p t i v e f u n c t i o n " ( L e w i s , 1 9 6 8 c : 4 0 6 ) . To the r e a d e r ' s c h a g r i n , i n the l a s t a n a l y s i s the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " p i c t u r e i s s t r i k i n g l y d i f f e r e n t . The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " becomes the c a t c h - a l l te rm f o r a t t r i b u t i n g a l l s o r t s o f p s y c h o - s o c i a l p a t h o l o g y and weak-ness to a g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f poor p e o p l e . For e xamp le : . . . on the whole, i t seems to me that i t [ t h e ' c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y ' ] i s a t h i n , r e l a t i v e l y s u p e r f i c i a l culture. There i s a great deal of pathos, s u f f e r i n g and emptiness among those who l i v e in the culture of poverty. It does not provide much support or s a t i s f a c t i o n and i t s en-couragement of mistrust tends to magnify helplessness and i s o l a t i o n . Indeed the poverty of culture i s one of the c r u c i a l aspects of the culture of poverty. ( L e w i s , 1970a:78) Or i n t he words o f one o f L e w i s ' most n o t o r i o u s and b i t i n g c r i t i cs : Group d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , social disorganiza-t i o n , resignation, f a t a l i s m and lack of purposeful action seem to be the major t r a i t s that f i n a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h the un-regenerate poverty culture. ( V a l e n t i n e , 1969:77) 62 These i n f a c t are the n e g a t i v e s i t u a t i o n s t y p i c a l l y denoted by the p o p u l a r usage o f the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " c o n c e p t . 7 The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y , " as p r e s e n t e d by L e w i s , i s s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g — " a way o f l i f e handed on f rom g e n e r a t i o n t o g e n e r a t i o n a l ong f a m i l y l i n e s " ( L e w i s , 1968c: 4 06 ) . I t i s emphas i zed t h a t c h i l d r e n i n h e r i t t h e i r p a r e n t s ' l o w l y s o c i o - e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n s and l i v e by the same s e t o f o c u l t u r a l t r a i t s — p r e v e n t i n g the e f f e c t i v e u t i l i z a t i o n o f b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s o r the r e a l i z a t i o n o f newly o f f e r e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s : Once i t [ t he ' c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y ' ] comes into existence, i t tends to -perpetuate i t s e l f from generation to generation be-cause of i t s effect on the children. By the time slum children are six or seven years old, they usually have absorb ed the basic values and attitudes of t h e i r subculture and are not .psychologically geared to take f u l l advantage of chang-ing conditions or increased opportunities which may occur in t h e i r l i f e t i m e . ( L e w i s , 1970a:69) W i t hou t i n t e n d i n g i t , L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " n o t i o n t a k e s on the semblance o f a " c h i c k e n and the egg " d i s p u t e . There i s t h r o u g h o u t h i s " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " m a t e r i a l s a g l o w i n g d i cho tomy between the c a u s e / e f f e c t n a t u r e o f t h a t c o n c e p t . Does the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " cause p o v e r t y to p e r s i s t o r does the p e r s i s t e n c e o f p o v e r t y cause the " c u l -t u r e o f . p o v e r t y " t o deve l op ? Posed s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l y , i s g the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a cause o r an e f f e c t o f p o v e r t y ? 63 For Lev/is, the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s a d i s t i n c -t i v e c u l t u r e ^ 0 because the v a l u e s , a c t i o n s , r e a c t i o n s , e t c . ( t r a i t s i n L e w i s ' j a r g o n ) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i t a re s up -p o s e d l y a t t r i b u t a b l e and p e c u l i a r o n l y to many poor f a m i l i e s : There i s an awareness of middle-class values. People t a l k about them and even claim some of them as t h e i r own. On the whole, however, they do not l i v e by them. ( L e w i s , 1968c:406) F u r t h e r m o r e , any a s p i r a t i o n s they might have , m a n i f e s t them-s e l v e s i n the form o f f e e l i n g s such as a p a t h y , d e s p a i r , and h e l p l e s s n e s s wh i ch are c l a i m e d t o be " so d i a g n o s t i c o f urban s lums i n the c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " ( L e w i s , 1 9 7 0 a : 7 5 ) . I t comes as no g r e a t s u r p r i s e t h a t Lewis l i s t s the supposed l a c k o f e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n o f the poor i n s o c i e t y ' s majo r i n s t i t u t i o n s as one o f the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y ' s " c r u c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( Lew i s , 1970a:70) . Three i m p o r t a n t p o i n t s r e q u i r e s p e c i a l ment i on h e r e . F i r s t l y , L e w i s ' model o f c u l t u r e — the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " — i s based s o l e l y on f a m i l y s t u d i e s . He makes ve ry g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t s about a p o s i t e d whole way o f l i f e , a l i f e - s t y l e , f rom the r e s u l t s o f h i s s e v e r a l f a m i l y case s t u d i e s w i t h i n Mex ican vecindades and one San Juan s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t . Not o n l y may such a f a m i l y approach c u l m i n a t e i n p a r t i a l o r i n a c c u r a t e s t a t e m e n t s , but a l s o (as some / / 64 w r i t e r s have a l r e a d y argued) the f a m i l i e s s e l e c t e d f o r i n -v e s t i g a t i o n by Lewis and h i s r e s e a r c h teams — e . g . , t he R ios f a m i l y i n La V i d a — seem ve r y p o s s i b l y to be a t y p i c a l S e c o n d l y , t h a t Lewis lumps t e n e m e n t - t y p e n e i g h -bourhoods and s q u a t t e r commun i t i e s under the g e n e r a l and vague c a t e g o r y o f " u rban slums." i s q u i t e c l e a r t h r o u g h o u t h i s w r i t i n g s . In f a c t , f o r e xamp le , i n the e n t i r e " S e t t i n g o f La V i d a ( L e w i s , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 6 6 : x x i i - x l i i ) the o n l y p a s s i n g remark to i n d i c a t e t h a t La P e r l a i n San Juan i s a s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t reads as f o l l o w s : Unlike other slums studied, in which four out of f i v e f a m i l i e s were i l l e g a l squatters who had b u i l t or purchased t h e i r homes on government land, in La Esmeralda only about 15% of the r e s i -dents owned t h e i r house. L e w i s ' c o n c e p t i o n o f the poor h o u s i n g - s e t t l e m e n t t ype s i n urban L a t i n Amer i c a appears t o be ve ry ambiguous and c o n -f u s i n g . There i s e x t r e m e l y m in ima l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n , 1 2 f o r e x a m p l e , a r r a b a l e s and vecindades. As a r e s u l t , L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i d e a s draw e x t e n s i v e c r i t i c i s m f rom tho se r e s e a r c h e r s whose s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s t u d i e s are now p r o p e r l y d e m o n s t r a t i n g h i g h l y v a r i a b l e , poor h o u s i n s e t t l e m e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s wh i ch Lewis h i m s e l f f a i l s to c o n s i d e r . 65 T h i r d l y , Lewis a t t empt s to d i s t i n g u i s h between p o v e r t y per se and the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " For examp le : Some of the confusion r e s u l t s from the f a i l u r e to d i s t i n g u i s h between poverty per se and the culture of poverty. ( L e w i s , 1970a:68) I have t r i e d to document a broader generalization, namely that i t i s a serious mistake to lump a l l poor people together. ( L e w i s , 1970a;79) But many o f the t r a i t s a t t r i b u t e d by Lewis t o the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " poor are so g e n e r a l t h a t t hey may be r e a d i l y found among a l l s o r t s o f a f f l u e n t and d e p r i v e d peop l e s a l i k e . " C u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s w i t h e r i n i m p o r t a n c e because o f t h e i r n o n - e x c l u s i v e n e s s , t h a t i s , t h e i r i n a b i l i t y ( s i n g l y o r as a t o t a l s e t ) t o a d e q u a t e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e any 1 3 group o f peop l e f rom o t h e r g r o u p s . M o r e o v e r , w h i l e Lewis c a u t i o n s the r e a d e r t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s not d e f i n e d by any one, d i s t i n c t i v e t r a i t but r a t h e r by the c o n j u n c t i o n , f u n c t i o n and p a t t e r n i n g o f many t r a i t s t o -g e t h e r ( L e w i s , 1 9 7 0 a : 7 3 ) , he does not t e l l us wh ich t r a i t s a re p a r t i c u l a r t o and most e s s e n t i a l l y d i s p l a y e d by " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " d w e l l e r s . B r i e f l y , Lewis f a i l s t o s p e c i f y any i d e n t i f i a b l e t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n , thus weaken ing o r n u l l i f y -i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s he has hoped to o f f e r between p o v e r t y pe r 14 se and the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " 66 C o n s i s t e n t i n L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " w r i t -i ng s i s the i m p l i c i t a s sumpt i on t h a t the c u l t u r e b e i n g matched w i t h many poor peop l e i s d e f i c i e n t and t h a t i t s b e a r e r s are not d e s e r v i n g o f a d m i t t a n c e to a f f l u e n t s o c i e t y as e q u a l s , w i t h a l l the e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l 1 5 r e d i s t r i b u t i o n such a s i t u a t i o n s u g g e s t s . A c c o r d i n g l y , the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " poor must r e n d e r t hemse l ve s o r must be made d e s e r v i n g . The c u l t u r e wh i ch makes i t " i m p o s -s i b l e f o r poor peop l e to deve l op the b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s and v a l u e s t h a t wou ld e n a b l e them to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the a f f l u e n t s o c i e t y " (Gans , 1969:203) must f i r s t be a l t e r e d o r r e p l a c e d b e f o r e the c o n d i t i o n s wh ich gua r an tee s o c i o - e c o n o m i c h a r d -s h i p s and ensu re t h a t many c h i l d r e n are made i n the image o f t h e i r p a r e n t s may be e f f e c t i v e l y changed . The image o f the n o n - d e s e r v i n g poor p l a c e s most o f the blame f o r p o v e r t y on the poor so t h a t the onus f o r change f a l l s h e a v i l y on them. " C u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " r e a s o n i n g ( a n d , i n g e n e r a l , any " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " argument p o r t r a y i n g n e g a t i v e images) c a l l s f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n o f the s uppo sed , d e f i c i e n t l i f e -s t y l e o f the p o o r , p r i o r t o the e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y : In the end, Lewis chooses to lay a l t his emphasis not on eliminating poverty but rather on doing away: with the 'culture of poverty. ' ( V a l e n t i n e , 1969:73) / / / 67 P r e s u m a b l y , p o v e r t y w i l l then d e c l i n e as a f f e c t e d peop l e are a l l o w e d , i n d e e d e n c o u r a g e d , t o escape u n d e s i r a b l e c u l -t u r a l p a t t e r n s . In L e w i s ' own wo rd s : . . . i t i s much move d i f f i c u l t to eliminate the cultuve of povevty than to eliminate povevty pev se. ( Lewi s , 1970a:77) . . . the elimination of physical povevty pev se may not be enough to eliminate the cultuve of povevty which i s a whole way of l i f e . ( L e w i s , 1970a:78) The c u l t u r e o f many o f the poor i s , f o r L e w i s , the e s sence o f an endemic p s y c h o - s o c i a l p a t h o l o g y wh ich must be c u r e d where i t e x i s t s and p r e v e n t e d where i t m ight o c c u r . The s e c r e t s u c c e s s - f o r m u l a seems to r e s t i n d i s c o v e r i n g ways to make the poor c u l t u r a l l y l i k e the more a f f l u e n t . That i s s t r o n g l y h i n t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g s t a t e m e n t by L e w i s : The [ p o v e r t y ] subculture develops mechanisms that tend to perpetuate i t , e s p e c i a l l y because of what happens to the world view, aspira-tions, and character of the children who grow up in i t . For t h i s reason, improved economic opportunities. . . are not s u f f i c i e n t to a l t e r b a s i c a l l y or eliminate the subculture of pov-erty. Moreover, elimination i s a process that w i l l take more than a s i n g l e generation, even under the best of circumstances. . . . ( L e w i s , 1 970a : 79) 68 The " S i t u a t i o n a l - S t r u c t u r a l " P e r s p e c t i v e In c o n t r a s t t o the " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e , the " s i t u a t i o n a - 1 - s t r u c t u r a l " p o v e r t y p e r s p e c t i v e i s more o b j e c t i v e i n approach and l e s s d e r o g a t o r y ( t o the poor ) i n d e p i c t i o n . Urban poor L a t i n Amer i cans and t h e i r h a b i t a t s are not u n i f o r m l y t r e a t e d as i n f e c t i o n s o f s o c i e t y t h a t must be s u p p r e s s e d and s t i f l e d . I n s t e a d , both " b r i d g e -h e a d e r s " and " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " a re r e g a r d e d as normal i n d i -v i d u a l s who a l l n a t u r a l l y f a c e l i v i n g problems and who are more and l e s s s u c c e s s f u l at v a r i o u s t imes i n h a n d l i n g and p r o v i d i n g p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n s to t ho se p r o b l e m s . ^ I t i s a s s e r t e d t h a t , upon c l o s e r e x a m i n a t i o n , the urban poor and the more a f f l u e n t i n L a t i n A m e r i c a s t r i v e (each i n t h e i r own ways) t o p r o t e c t s e l f - i n t e r e s t s and to approach c o v e t e d g o a l s . P o r t e s p r o v i d e s i n s t r u c t i v e examples o f an academic commitment to humanize d i s c u s s i o n s o f urban poor L a t i n A m e r i c a n s : The cons-is tent theme. . .-is the fund-mental s i m i l a r i t y between i n d i v i d u a l s in the Latin American urban slum and those in the more integrated middle and upper quarters of the same c i t i e s . Slum s e t t l e r s and more established groups share the same emphasis on de-fense and promotion of s e l f i n t e r e s t s and the same r a t i o n a l l o g i c in going about the task. ( P o r t e s , 1970:18) 69 As w e l l , such a v iew c a s t s a t h e o r e t i c a l blow a g a i n s t t ho se o u t s i d e r s who i n s i s t on s e e i n g the i n t r i n s i c e x p e r i e n c e s o f l o w - i n c o m e , L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s f rom e x t e r n a l , a f f l u e n t v i s o r s . A " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e expands the d e f i n i t i o n o f c u l t u r e t o more p r o p e r l y i n c l u d e not o n l y v a l u e s t h a t a re l i v e d by ( i n t e r n a l i z e d b e h a v i o u r a l norms) but a l s o v a l u e s t h a t e x p r e s s the d e s i r e f o r a l t e r n a t e forms o f b e h a v i o u r ( a s p i r a t i o n s ) . C u l t u r e comes to c o n s i s t o f a t l e a s t two i d e n t i f i a b l e a s p e c t s : " b e h a v i o u r a l c u l -t u r e " and "as p i r a t i o n a l c u l t u r e . " ^ 7 I t i s emphas i zed t h a t w h i l e poor peop l e d e s i r e and v a l u e ( a s p i r e t o ) g o a l s and ends t h a t are s i m i l a r t o t ho se a s p i r e d to by the more a f f l u -e n t , t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s are f o r c e d to remain l a t e n t — b e i n g c o v e r e d by s o c i a l l y l e a r n e d , immed ia te r e spon se s t h a t a re a d a p t a t i o n s t o p r e s e n t i n j u s t i c e s . In V a l e n t i n e ' s wo rd s : We may view behaviours and values peculiar to the poor as responses to the experiences of t h e i r special socioeconomic environment and as adaptations to t h i s environment. ( V a l e n t i n e , 1969 :1 16) That many o f the urban poor i n L a t i n A m e r i c a f r e -q u e n t l y e x h i b i t b e h a v i o u r t h a t d e v i a t e s f rom the a c c e p t e d norms o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y i s not d e n i e d ; t h a t t h e i r b e h a v i o u r i s p a t h o l o g i c a l , b e i n g based on i r r a t i o n a l , / 70 i l l o g i c a l , i n f e r i o r , e t c . c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s r e -j e c t e d . R a t h e r , because t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s are so d e p r e s s i n g , d e p r i v e d , and d e g r a d i n g , the urban poor must f i n d s h o r t -term ways to r e n d e r l i f e p o s s i b l e and m e a n i n g f u l . In Rodman's w o r d s , members o f the l ow- i ncome s e c t o r s " s h a r e the g e n e r a l v a l u e s o f the s o c i e t y w i t h members o f o t h e r c l a s s e s , bu t i n a d d i t i o n have s t r e t c h e d t he se v a l u e s , o r d e v e l o p e d a l t e r n a t i v e v a l u e s , wh i ch h e l p them to a d j u s t t o t h e i r d e p r i v e d c i r c u m s t a n c e s " (Rodman, 1 963 : 209 ) . T h i s p r o c e s s o f " v a l u e s t r e t c h " i s , to a l a r g e e x t e n t , r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i d i n g the a s p i r a t i o n s o f the urban poor f rom the r e s t o f s o c i e t y . These a l t e r n a t i v e o r " s t r e t c h e d " v a l u e s l e a d to b e h a v i o u r t h a t i s b e i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y , p o p u l a r l y e x p r e s s e d as r a t i o n a l , l o g i c a l , p r a c t i c a l , and e x p e c t e d under the 1 8 r e gnan t n e g a t i v e c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Everyday v a l u e s o f the urban poor are f o r c e d to be d i f f e r e n t f rom the e ve r yday v a l u e s o f the more a f f l u e n t , but s i m i l a r l o n g - t e r m d e s i r e s are common to b o t h . I f c u l t u r e i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d i n terms o f i t s " b e h a v i o u r a l " and "as p i r a t i o n a l " a s p e c t s , i t may be c r e d i b l e t o speak o f a " b e h a v i o u r a l c u l t u r e , " but not o f an "as p i r a t i o n a l c u l t u r e , " wh ich i s o f n e c e s s i t y p a r t i c u l a r t o many poor 19 L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s . . The c o n c e i v a b l e p r e v a l e n c e o f such a " b e h a v i o u r a l c u l t u r e " may r e p r e s e n t a d i s p l a y o f 71 b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s wh ich are most t y p i c a l o f many l o w -income d w e l l e r s , bu t t h a t d i s p l a y r e f l e c t s d e c i s i o n s made to meet immed ia te c o n s t r a i n t s as b e s t as p o s s i b l e . In o t h e r w o r d s , i t becomes u n r e a l i s t i c t o speak o f an i n d e -penden t , w h o l l y d i s t i n c t " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " — o r i n P o r t e s 1 t e r m s , " a un ique 'way o f b e i n g ' o r a ' d e v i a n t c u l -t u r e o f i r r a t i o n a l i t y ' " ( P o r t e s , 1 970 : 18 ) . Would-be c u l -t u r a l l y e n g r a i n e d a t t i t u d e s , a c t i o n s , r e a c t i o n s , e t c . wh ich are f r e q u e n t l y r e ga rded as r e s i s t a n t to change by " p s y c h o -c u l t u r a l " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , are here c o n s i d e r e d as r e a l l y o n l y tempora ry de fence mechanisms t h a t may be q u i c k l y r e -l i n q u i s h e d under i m p r o v i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . The p o i n t i s e l o q u e n t l y e x p r e s s e d by Mang in : There seems to be evidence that the culture of poverty i s more of a quasi-culture in that i t can be thrown off so fast with changes in economic and social opportunities. (Mang i n , 1968b:428) Or A. L e e d s , i n h i s t ho rough c r i t i q u e o f L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y , " contends t h a t the t r a i t s a t t a c h e d by Lewi s to t h a t c o n c e p t u a l model " d i s a p p e a r r a p i d l y when the c o n s t r a i n t s weaken o r a re removed" (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 256 ) . Here , one q u a ! i f i c a t i o n r e q u i r e s s p e c i a l m e n t i o n . I t i s o c c a s i o n a l l y o v e r l o o k e d by " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p roponent s t h a t some i m p o v e r i s h e d i n d i v i d u a l s become so used 72 to a p p l y i n g c e r t a i n de fence mechan i sms, i n o r d e r t o cope w i t h a l i f e i n p o v e r t y , t h a t they may g e n u i n e l y have g r e a t d i f f i c u l t y i n r e l i n q u i s h i n g tho se l o n g - u s e d , r e l i e d o n , de fence mechan i sms. To say t h a t a l l t he b e h a v i o u r a l norms d e v e l o p e d to cope w i t h p o v e r t y c o n d i t i o n s w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y be d i s c a r d e d by a l l poor i n d i v i d u a l s , upon the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f more d e s i r a b l e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s and o p p o r t u n i -t i e s , i s i n deed an o v e r - s i m p l i f i c a t i o n . Mo reove r , not a l l i n d i v i d u a l s can be e x p e c t e d to r e a c t i d e n t i c a l l y t o new imp rovement s ; peop l e are not au tomaton s . I n s t e a d o f as suming the d e f i c i e n c y o f a p o s i t e d " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y , " a " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n o f urban p o v e r t y and o f i t s v i c t i m s s t i p u l a t e s the d e f e c t i v e n e s s o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . For examp le : At Lima3 as in other c a p i t a l s in South America, various factors, which' are  generally representative of defects in  the economic and social structure of  the nation as a whole, have given r i s e to colonies of dwellings that are known by d i f f e r e n t names but are, as a r u l e , f a i r l y s i m i l a r . [my emphasis] (Matos Mar, 1961:171) Many p o s i t e d " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s and n e g a t i v e d e p i c -t i o n s i n g e n e r a l , a t t r i b u t e d by " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " s t u d e n t s to the p o o r , are here t r e a t e d not as i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f an i n f e r i o r way o f l i f e but as r e f l e x e s wh i ch are s ymptomat i c / / / 73 of s t r u c t u r a l d e f e c t s . Most o f the blame f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f p o v e r t y , and the onus f o r s u p p l y i n g the impetus to change the s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f s o c i e t y t h a t d e p r i v e so many f rom s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s wh ich s h o u l d be more r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , f a l l s h e a v i l y on the n o n - p o o r . Wh i l e the f a m i l y remains but one of the many i n s t i t u t i o n s a f f e c t i n g the l i v e s o f the urban poor t o be 20 c o n s i d e r e d , t h e r e i s no c l a i m o f a n e c e s s a r y i n t e r g e n e r a -t i o n a l t r a n s m i s s i o n o f pe rmanen t l y h e l d , c u l t u r a l l y d e r i v e d v a l u e s , b e h a v i o u r and a t t i t u d e s . The o b s t a c l e ( s ) t o change i s ( a r e ) not a r i g i d p o v e r t y l i f e - s t y l e but r a t h e r the un -w i l l i n g n e s s on the p a r t o f the more a f f l u e n t t o encourage and i n i t i a t e changes t h a t wou ld e f f e c t i v e l y b e n e f i t t he urban p o o r , the e v e r - w o r s e n i n g , i n a d e q u a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s , the l a c k o f " e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y " and " e q u a l i t y of r e s u l t s " f o r the p o o r , the p r e s e n t l y i n -e v i t a b l e deve lopment o f some d e e p l y embedded p o v e r t y b e -h a v i o u r a l norms o r de fence mechanisms t h a t have been and c o n t i n u e to be r e i n f o r c e d by a g g r a v a t i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and so on . In s h o r t , the urban poor i n L a t i n A m e r i c a are " c i t i z e n s m inus " whose u n j u s t p o s i t i o n i n the t o t a l s o c i e t y i s g e n e r a t e d and s t r e n g t h e n e d by s o c i e t y ' s s t r u c t u r a l i n -a d e q u a c i e s o r f l a w s . A p o i n t t o u n d e r l i n e i s not so much 74 t h a t many o f the urban poor are c u l t u r a l l y and s o c i o -e c o n o m i c a l l y i s o l a t e d f rom i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y (a f a c t wh ich i n c i d e n t a l l y i s f r e q u e n t l y opposed and d i s p r o v e d i n 21 the l i t e r a t u r e ) but r a t h e r i t i s t h a t r e g a r d l e s s o f the e x t e n t o f t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n , the urban poor are c a s t t o the bot tom o f the l a r g e r c o l l e c t i v i t y o f wh ich they are a p a r t : . . . lack of work, lack of -income and the rest -pose conditions to which the poor must adapt through whatever socio-c u l t u r a l resources they control. That is, these conditions are phenomena of the environment in which the lower class l i v e s , determined not so much by  behaviour and values of the poor as by  the structure of the t o t a l social  system. [my emphasis] ( V a l e n t i n e , 1969:116) D e s p i t e the sometimes v i s u a l l y d i s c o n c e r t i n g and m o r a l l y u p s e t t i n g ( f o r o u t s i d e r s ) n a t u r e o f some L a t i n Amer i can poor urban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , both the p o o r e s t " b r i d g e -h e a d e r s " and the most s u c c e s s f u l " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " a re d e -s e r v i n g and p r e s e n t l y p r e p a r e d f o r a d m i t t a n c e to urban s o c i e t y as e q u a l s — w i t h a l l the new-found e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l b e n e f i t s t h a t e n t a i l s . I n deed , both " b r i d g e -h e a d e r s " and " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " a re a c t i v e l y t a k i n g i t upon t hemse l ve s t o c u r r e n t l y seek t h e i r own s e l f - s t y l e d means o f f a i r e r a d m i t t a n c e and o f becoming upward l y m o b i l e . 75 The c o n d i t i o n s wh i ch gua r an tee s o c i o - e c o n o m i c h a r d s h i p s and too f r e q u e n t l y cause c h i l d r e n to be made i n t h e i r p a r e n t s ' images must be c o r r e c t e d now. The need f o r c o p i n g w i t h and r e f u r b i s h i n g s t r u c t u r a l f a u l t s , and f o r p r o v i d i n g the urban poor w i t h a much more j u s t p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y as a w h o l e , i s i m m e d i a t e . Change i s v i ewed as u r g e n t so t h a t the d i m i n i s h m e n t o r e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y must be a c h i e v e d r a p i d l y . And s t r u c t u r a l r e a d j u s t m e n t s may r e s u l t i n the d i s p l a c e m e n t o f one o r more p o v e r t y , b e h a v i o u r a l de fence mechan i sms, c a u s i n g n e i t h e r s o c i e t y -wide r e v e r b e r r a t i o n s nor c h a o t i c no rm le s s ne s s (anomie) w i t h i n poor urban c o m m u n i t i e s . The c r u c i a l message i s t h a t , j u s t as they manage t o cope w i t h p e r s o n a l p rob lems — r a n g i n g f rom s u r v i v a l t o employment t o h o u s i n g t o community and f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n — and p r o v i d e i m m e d i a t e , p r a c t i c a l r e spon se s t o d e p r i v e d s i t u a t i o n s , many o r most o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s urban poor are p r e s e n t l y c a p a b l e o f m a x i m i z i n g on the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f l o n g - a w a i t e d , u r g e n t l y needed and j u s t l y demanded o p p o r t u n i t i e s . That p o i n t i s w e l l - m a d e by T u r n e r , g e n e r a l l y a d d r e s s i n g the prob lems o f urban p o v e r t y and o f h o u s i n g the urban poor i n T h i r d Wor ld c o u n t r i e s : A poor man's d i g n i t y i s not damaged by his poor house but by his poverty (a modern house exacerbates' rather than eliminates the problem). But enable I I I 76 the poor man to get a job by helping him to l i v e (no matter how poorly) where he can find one, or i f he al-ready has one, provide him with a piece of b u i l d i n g land and advice where needed, and he w i l l then make the best use of his opportunities and, slowly but surely, w i l l cease to be poor.- As he ceases to be poor, he w i l l cease to l i v e in a poor house. ( T u r n e r , 1968b:127) L a s t l y , i m p l i c i t by now and o f key i m p o r t a n c e , the " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p r oponen t c a l l s f o r the immed ia te e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y , and not f o r the p r i o r e l i m i n a t i o n o f an i l l u s i v e " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " The f r o n t a l a t t a c k i s not t o be a g a i n s t the c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and b e -h a v i o u r o f the urban poor ( i . e . , t o make them c u l t u r a l l y then s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a l l y l i k e the more a f f l u e n t ) ; nor i s i t t o be s i m p l y a g a i n s t the o b v i o u s , p h y s i c a l symptoms o f p o v e r t y ( e . g . , w e l f a r e - t y p e programs and m e d i c a l a i d do h e l p t o impede, but not to e l i m i n a t e and p r e v e n t the growth 2 2 o f p a r t i c u l a r p o v e r t y symptoms) . R a t h e r , i t must be a g a i n s t the s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f s o c i e t y wh ich d e m o r a l i z e v a s t numbers o f urban L a t i n Amer i cans and keep them i n s ub -o r d i n a t e and dependent p o s i t i o n s . The o c c u p a t i o n a l s y s t e m , and s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n g e n e r a l , s u p p l y the f o c a l p o i n t o f c o n c e r n . P o l i c i e s s h o u l d aim a t i m p r o v i n g and c o -o r d i n a t i n g government e f f o r t s i n c r u c i a l and i n t r i c a t e l y 77 r e l a t e d a reas such as employment, h o u s i n g , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , e d u c a t i o n , and l o a n / c r e d i t f i n a n c i n g . I f f u t u r e government endeavours to e f f e c t i v e l y a s s i s t L a t i n A m e r i c a ' s urban poor are d e s t i n e d to r e semb le t ho se e f f o r t s f rom the p a s t , then the l i k e l i h o o d o f such a s t r u c t u r a l a t t a c k m a t e r i a l i z i n g i s not o v e r l y e n c o u r a g i n g . M e a n w h i l e , the common u n w i l l i n g n e s s or f a i l u r e o f i n s t i t u -t i o n a l s o c i e t y t o expose i t s e l f to e s s e n t i a l s t r u c t u r a l r e fo rms o r a l t e r a t i o n s — w h i c h wou ld p r o p e r l y b e n e f i t tho se now l i v i n g as " c i t i z e n s m inus " — c r e a t e s an atmo-sphe re i n wh ich the urban poor a re i n d u c e d to m o b i l i z e and u n i t e ( l o c a l l y , p r o v i n e i a l l y , and even n a t i o n a l l y ) i n o r d e r t o more c l e a r l y and l o u d l y v o c a l i z e t h e i r r i s i n g e x -p e c t a t i o n s . Wh i l e i t i s not f e a s i b l e i n t h i s paper t o e n t e r t a i n a tho rough c r i t i q u e o f the s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f L a t i n Amer i can s o c i e t y , Chap te r 6 w i l l examine and g e n e r a l l y c r i t i c i z e some o f the urban accommodat ion s t r a t e g i e s t h a t have been o f f e r e d by L a t i n Amer i can governments i n t h e i r a t t empt s t o m i n i m i z e s t r u c t u r a l i m b a l a n c e s . 78 C h a p t e r 5 A R E - E X A M I N A T I O N O F SOME N O T O R I O U S P O V E R T Y I M A G E S The f o l l o w i n g r e - e x a m i n a t i o n i s meant t o be i l l u -s t r a t i v e r a t h e r than e x h a u s t i v e . Two b road t o p i c s a re d e a l t w i t h and may be r e f e r r e d to a s : ( i ) P o s i t e d " C u l t u r e o f P o v e r t y " T r a i t s , and ( i i ) P o l i t i c a l D e s t a b i 1 i z a t i o n and the Urban Poo r . By t r e a t i n g t ho se two t o p i c s , and c a p i t a l -i z i n g on the m e r i t s o f " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n s , t he p r e s e n t a n a l y s i s c o n c e n t r a t e s on e x p o s i n g t h r e e e s s e n t i a l m a t t e r s . F i r s t l y , s e r i o u s doubts about the e m p i r i c a l v a l i d i t y o f p a r t i c u l a r p o v e r t y images a re r a i s e d . S e c o n d l y , the appearance o f o t h e r p o v e r t y images are p roposed to be l o g i c a l consequences o f adve r s e c i r c u m -s t a n c e s . That i s , i t i s a rgued t h a t many p o v e r t y images are not g e n e r i c p a r t s o f a p o o r , whole way of l i f e bu t a re p r a g m a t i c ad j u s tmen t s and r e a c t i o n s by poor peop le t o s t r u c -t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s . And t h i r d l y , i t i s s u g g e s t e d t h a t some images a t t r i b u t e d e x c l u s i v e l y t o the poor are not p a r t i c u l a r 79 to them but appear i n s t e a d to be w i d e l y found t h r o u g h o u t a l l s t r a t a o f s o c i e t y . P o s i t e d " C u l t u r e o f P o v e r t y " T r a i t s The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s o f c r i t i c i s m r e l a t e t o the f o u r v i e w p o i n t s f rom wh i ch Osca r Lewis ( 1970a :70 -74 ) chooses t o s t udy the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " My d i s c u s s i o n o f p o s i t e d " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s conforms as c l o s e l y as p o s s i b l e t o the o r d e r i n wh i ch those t r a i t s a re p r e -s e n t e d by Lewi s . ^ The r e l a t i o n s h i p between " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y "  members and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y : Lewis cha rges t h a t the poor i n a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " s u f f e r f rom a Tack o f e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n i n s o c i e t y ' s major i n s t i t u t i o n s . Low wages , c h r o n i c unemployment and underemployment , low i n come , l a c k o f p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p , absence o f s a v i n g s , absence o f f ood r e s e r v e s i n the home, and a c h r o n i c s h o r t a g e o f cash a re l i s t e d as the pr ime c u l t u r a l o b s t a c l e s t o e f f e c t i v e i n v o l v e -ment. T r a i t s t h a t are supposed to r e f l e c t a l a c k o f s o c i a l i n v o l v e m e n t and membership i n a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a re i l l i t e r a c y , p r o v i n c i a l i s m , f r e e u n i o n s , abandonment o f 80 women and c h i l d r e n , l a c k o f membership i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o -c i a t i o n s beyond the ex tended f a m i l y . F u r t h e r m o r e , t r a i t s t h a t a l l e g e d l y appear as r e s u l t s o f t h i s l a c k o f s o c i a l engagement are a h i gh i n c i d e n c e o f pawning o f p e r s o n a l goods , b o r r o w i n g f rom l o c a l money l e n d e r s at u s u r i o u s r a t e s o f i n t e r e s t , spontaneous i n f o r m a l c r e d i t d e v i c e s o r g a n i z e d by n e i g h b o u r s , the use o f s e cond -hand c l o t h i n g and f u r n i t u r e , and the p a t t e r n o f p u r c h a s i n g s m a l l amounts o f f ood many t imes d a i l y as needs a r i s e . I F i r s t l y , low wages and c h r o n i c un - and/or u n d e r -employment are not p a r t o f a p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e . These a re c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t o t a l economies s t r u c t u r e d by e x i s t i n g t e c h n o l o g y , a v a i l a b l e c a p i t a l r e s o u r c e s , l o c a t i o n o f e n t e r -p r i s e s , t he number and q u a l i t y o f t r a i n i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l a b o u r demand, t r a d e and m a r k e t i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s , and a c a p i t a l i s t p r o f i t e t h i c . Low wages say n o t h i n g about a c u l t u r e , but much about the consequences o f o v e r - a b u n d a n t l a b o u r f o r c e s i n u n d e r d e v e l o p e d econom ie s . I t i s the s t r u c t u r e o f who le s o c i e t i e s and not imag i ned p o v e r t y -c u l t u r e s wh ich p roduces employment prob lems and d e p r e s s e d wages. N a t u r a l l y , the p o o r e s t and l e a s t s k i l l e d segments are a f f e c t e d the most. S i m i l a r l y , low i n c o m e s , l a c k o f p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p , absence o f s a v i n g s , absence o f f ood r e s e r v e s i n the home, and a c h r o n i c s h o r t a g e o f cash a re not 81 s e p a r a t e c u l t u r a l e l e m e n t s , bu t are l o g i c a l l y d e r i v a b l e f rom the s t r u c t u r a l r e a l i t i e s o f un - and under -employment and low wages. None o f t he se p o r t r a y an i n f e r i o r , i r r a -t i o n a l way o f l i f e but r a t h e r s t i p u l a t e some o f the g l a r i n g e f f e c t s o f d e p r e s s e d c o n d i t i o n s . S e c o n d l y , one cannot deduce a n y t h i n g about a p o s i t e d p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e by r e m a r k i n g a h i gh i n c i d e n c e o f i l l i t e r a c y , p r o v i n c i a l i s m , f r e e u n i o n s , abandonment o f women and c h i l d r e n , and a l a c k o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n membersh ip. A g a i n , t he se are a l l r e f l e x e s o f the s o c i o -economic s t r u c t u r e wh ich c r e a t e s and m a i n t a i n s poor p o e p l e . These t r a i t s r e q u i r e f u r t h e r q u a l i f i c a t i o n . L i t e r a c y r a t e s , f o r e x a m p l e , va ry f rom c i t y t o c i t y , poor ne i ghbou rhood to n e i g h b o u r h o o d , and g e n e r a t i o n to g e n e r a t i o n . For i n s t a n c e , Mangin and T u r n e r (1968 :155 ) r e p o r t s u r p r i s i n g l y h i g h l i t e r a c y r a t e s i n the L ima b a r r i a d a s they i n v e s t i g a t e d . A r e l i a n c e on p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s i s a n e c e s s a r y , a d a p t i v e f e a t u r e wh i ch h e l p s poor u r b a n i t e s to s u r v i v e and to s o l v e p r o b l e m s . H e r e , an i n s t r u c t i v e case i s p r o v i d e d i n S i 1 b e r s t e i n ' s (1969) e x a m i n a t i o n o f f a v e l a d o s ' p e r s o n a l ( l o c a l l y o r i e n t e d ) approaches t o ve ry r e a l p o v e r t y s i t u a t i o n s ( p r e v i o u s l y ment ioned i n Chap te r 3 ) . Free un ions a re not e x c l u s i v e t o the urban poor o r to any subgroup o f the urban p o o r , and / / 82 as such are not i l l u s t r a t i v e o f a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " ; t h a t m a r i t a l phenomenon appears u b i q u i t o u s l y a c r o s s a l l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r a t a o f L a t i n Amer i can s o c i e t y . Abandon-ment o f women and c h i l d r e n s h o u l d be a n a l y s e d not as a c u l t u r a l component but as a s t r u c t u r a l r e sponse to a s y s tem o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n s t r a i n t s . H igh r a t e s of abandonment among the poor r e p r e s e n t s one o f many symptoms whose r o o t s l i e d e e p l y i n the ha r sh r e a l i t i e s o f p o v e r t y , and NOT i n the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s o f a s u p p o s e d , s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g l i f e -s t y l e . Lack o f membership i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s does not h e l p t o d e s c r i b e a p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e . Where poor u r b a n i t e s do choose t o r e f r a i n f rom j o i n i n g v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , t h a t c h o i c e r e p r e s e n t s a r a t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l s c a r c e r e s o u r c e s — t ime and money. Mo reove r , t he assump-t i o n o f a b s t e n t i o n f rom membership i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a -t i o n s i s e m p i r i c a l l y e r r oneou s i n the case o f many " b r i d g e -h e a d e r s " and " c o n s o l i d a t o r s . " Mangin (1965) and Doughty ( 1970 :34 -42 ) c o n v i n c i n g l y demons t r a te t h a t many poor L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s do j o i n r e g i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s and do e x p e r i m e n t s o c i a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y i n them. T h i r d l y , a c t i v i t i e s such as pawning o f p e r s o n a l goods , b o r r o w i n g f rom l o c a l money l e n d e r s a t u s u r i o u s r a t e s o f i n t e r e s t , the use o f s econd -hand c l o t h i n g and f u r n i t u r e , and so o n , do not pass as c u l t u r a l e n t i t i e s . Where poor 83 u r b a n i t e s cannot m o b i l i z e cash w i t h i n the f o rma l s t r u c t u r e o f c r e d i t a g e n c i e s , bank s , l o an and s a v i n g s a s s o c i a t i o n s , they must e i t h e r d e v i s e t h e i r own r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n systems or_ must r e l y on i n t e r m e d i a r i e s to p r o v i d e s u b s t i -t u t e s y s t e m s . A c c o r d i n g l y , pawning p e r s o n a l goods and b o r r o w i n g f rom l o c a l money l e n d e r s at e x o r b i t a n t i n t e r e s t r a t e s become n e c e s s a r y a l t e r n a t i v e s . A. Leeds (1971:249) l o o k s a t t he se as samples o f s t r u c t u r a l p a r a s i t i s m wh i ch " a r e among the few s e m i - f o r m a l cou r se s open to the poor f o r moving r e s o u r c e s and q u i t e r a t i o n a l ones t o u s e . " S i m i l a r l y , where t h e r e i s a c h r o n i c s h o r t a g e o f c a s h , the urban poor are c o m p e l l e d to reduce c o s t s however p o s s i b l e . Buy i ng used c l o t h i n g and f u r n i t u r e must be v iewed as two o f those c o s t - r e d u c i n g mechanisms. In l i k e f a s h i o n , w i t h o u t r e f r i g e r a t o r s , w i t h o u t s u f f i c i e n t amounts o f money to buy l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f f o o d , w i t h l i m i t e d o r t o t a l l a c k o f s t o r a g e room, and w i t h the o p e r a t i o n o f o u t d o o r market s s e l l i n g f r e s h food i tems as they become a v a i l a b l e , poor u r b a n i t e s are encouraged to buy s m a l l q u a n t i t i e s o f f ood as needs a r i s e . 2 F o u r t h l y , s t u d i e s by Mangin ( 1 9 6 7 a ) , T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 8 b ) , Ne l son ( 1 9 6 9 ) , A. Leeds (1971) and A. and E. Leeds (1970) adamant ly argue t h a t a l a c k o f e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a -t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n i n s o c i e t y ' s majo r i n s t i t u t i o n s r e f l e c t s 84 a n e c e s s a r y , t empora ry c o n d i t i o n f o r " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " who are p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h the prob lems o f j o b - h u n t i n g and h o u s i n g . Over t i m e , poor u r b a n i t e s do a c q u i r e j o b s , do s o l i d i f y employment c o n t a c t s , do deve l op complex t r a d e and market r e l a t i o n s , do f r e q u e n t the a t h l e t i c and e n t e r t a i n m e n t a t t r a c t i o n s , do pu rcha se and r e l y on newspape r s , r a d i o s , t e l e p h o n e s and T . V . ' s , do u t i l i z e t r a n s i t s y s t e m s , b a n k s , s t o r e s , s c h o o l s , p o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n , h o s p i t a l s and government a g e n c i e s . These are a l l o ve r and above i n c r e a s i n g l e v e l s o f membership i n v o l u n t a r y , r e g i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . Where r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n o c c u r s , i t cannot be e x p l a i n e d by a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a rgument ; and i n many o t h e r i n s t a n c e s , r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n i s an e x a g g e r a t e d p r e s u m p t i o n . The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " at the l o c a l community l e v e l : The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s c o n s i g n e d t o the l o c a l community l e v e l i n c l u d e poor h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s , c r o w d i n g , g r e g a r i o u s n e s s , and a minimum of o r g a n i z a t i o n beyond the l e v e l o f the n u c l e a r and ex tended f a m i l y . C l e a r l y , t ho se f i r s t t h r e e f e a t u r e s are not a t t r i b u t a b l e t o o r d e -d u c i b l e f rom any s p e c i a l p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e . Poor h o u s i n g i s an u n f o r t u n a t e r e a l i t y f a c i n g anybody who, i n a c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m , l a c k s s t e a d y employment '•/ • / / 85 and/or s u f f i c i e n t f u n d s . And i n the case o f many s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , poor h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s do g i v e way to s t u r d i e r and m'ore adequate d w e l l i n g s t r u c t u r e s as p e r s o n a l r e s o u r c e s and l a n d tenancy p e r m i t . Crowdedness has no l o g i c a l i n d e -pendence as a t r a i t . Where p e r s o n a l f i n a n c e s are d e f i c i e n t and j ob a t t a i n m e n t i s u r g e n t , poor u r b a n i t e s are f o r c e d to the most crowded and c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d q u a r t e r s . Those who cannot a f f o r d to l i v e i n t e n e m e n t - t y p e r e s i d e n c e s a re f r u t h e r c o m p e l l e d to seek tenuous a sy lum i n shack s l u m s . The e x i s t e n c e and p e r s i s t e n c e o f c r owd i ng among the poor i s a f u n c t i o n o f the t o t a l economic s i t u a t i o n . M o r e o v e r , dense h a b i t a t i o n i s not r e s t r i c t e d to the poor o r t o any segment o f the poor who are lumped i n t o a supposed " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " A. Leeds (1971:253) p o i n t s out t h a t i n B r a z i l , l a r g e numbers o f a f f l u e n t u r b a n i t e s c ong r ega te a round Copacabana wh i ch has a l i v i n g d e n s i t y o f c l o s e t o 3,000 per sons pe r h e c t a r e . In t h i s c a s e , however , i t i s the p r e s t i g e and p l e a s u r e o f l i v i n g by the sea and beach — and NOT the c o n s t r a i n i n g r e a l i t i e s o f economic d e p r i v a t i o n — wh i ch r e s u l t i n c r o w d i n g . S i m i l a r l y , g r e g a r i o u s n e s s i s a f u n c t i o n of crowdedness and must be v iewed as a p r a g m a t i c way f o r poor u r b a n i t e s to e s t a b l i s h e f f e c t i v e commun i ca t i on s between k i n , f r i e n d s and n e i g h b o u r s . G r e g a r i o u s n e s s a c t s as 86 an e s s e n t i a l r e q u i s i t e f o r i n t r a - c o m m u n i t y r e s o u r c e m o b i l i -z a t i o n , w i t h o u t wh ich many o f the urban poor wou ld not be a b l e t o manage. A low l e v e l o f community o r g a n i z a t i o n i s not a measure o f c u l t u r a l i n f e r i o r i t y o r i r r a t i o n a l i t y . On t h a t m a t t e r , P o r t e s ( 1970 :6 -10 ) p r o v i d e s a m a s t e r l y a n a l y s i s w i t h i n the L a t i n Amer i can c o n t e x t . H i s d i s c u s s i o n f o c u s e s around the l ow- i ncome communal a s s o c i a t i o n s wh ich are v iewed not as ends i n t hemse l ve s but as means f o r a c h i e v i n g e n d s , o r as l o c a l i n s t r u m e n t s to be u t i l i z e d when n e c e s s a r y . F i r s t l y , r e f e r r i n g t o a 1968 government s t u d y o f s e ven teen p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n S a n t i a g o , C h i l e , d a t a are p r e s e n t e d by P o r t e s to e x p l a i n the l e v e l s o f a c t i v i t y found i n Juntas de Veoinos (Commit tees o f N e i g h b o u r s ) . In t h a t S a n t i a g o s t u d y , L e v e l o f Communal P a r t i c i p a t i o n was o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d as an i n d e x o f : f r e q u e n c y o f a t t e n d a n c e at m e e t i n g s , degree of c o - o p e r a t i o n i n a s s o -c i a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s , and amount o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a s s o -c i a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n s . That i n d e x was c r o s s - t a b u l a t e d w i t h the r e s p o n d e n t ' s e v a l u a t i o n o f d w e l l i n g q u a l i t y , w i t h a r e p o r t of b e i n g o r not b e i n g the l e g a l owner o f the d w e l l -i n g , and w i t h the l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e i n the s q u a t t e r community. C o n s i s t e n t w i t h the a s sumpt i on t h a t p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n communal a s s o c i a t i o n s r e f l e c t s a r a t i o n a l a t t e m p t 87 to a t t a i n i n d i v i d u a l g o a l s , d a t a p r o v i d e d by P o r t e s (1970: T a b l e 1) s u p p o r t the a n t i c i p a t e d c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t ho se l i v i n g i n the w o r s t h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e more than tho se whose h o u s i n g prob lems are not so u r g e n t . S i m i l a r l y , l o n g - t e r m r e s i d e n t s and d w e l l i n g owners who have begun to c o n s o l i d a t e and who have a l r e a d y s o l v e d t h e i r most c r i t i c a l h o u s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s a re l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n u s i n g the s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s as a way to approach p e r s o n a l ends . The same da t a s u p p o r t the s u g g e s t i o n t h a t , f o r r a t i o n a l - u t i 1 i t a r i a n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , a s s o c i a t i o n a l p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r among n o n - p r o p r i e t o r s and new s q u a t t e r s . S e c o n d l y , as suming t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s i s l a r g e l y d e t e r m i n e d by r a t i o n a l d e l i b e r a t i o n s , o t h e r d a t a f rom the same S a n t i a g o s t u d y s t r o n g l y s u p p o r t the p r e d i c t i o n t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the a c t i v i t i e s o f s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s r i s e s d i r e c t l y as the p e r c e p t i o n o f t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y i n p r o m o t i n g p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s i n c r e a s e s ( P o r t e s , 1970 :Tab le 2 ) . That r e p r e s e n t s an obv i ou s f a c t o r i n d e t e r -m i n i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n l e v e l s f o r i n n u m e r a b l e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s among a l l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r a t a o f s o c i e t y ; but too f r e q u e n t l y , i n the cases of poor u r b a n i t e s , i t i s t o t a l l y n e g l e c t e d . T h i r d l y , a c c o r d i n g t o the i n v e s t i g a t i o n by G o l d r i c h et al. ( 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 6 8 : 1 8 5 - 1 8 8 ) , P o r t e s (1970:8 ) r e p o r t s t h a t / / / 88 p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the communal o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the more advanced l ow- i ncome commun i t i e s (Pampa Seca and San to Domingo) reaches l e v e l s o f 10% and 6%. In c o n t r a s t , p a r -t i c i p a t i o n i n the a s s o c i a t i o n s o f the l e s s d e v e l o p e d n e i g h -bourhoods ( E l E s p i r i t u and 3 de Mayo) s u r p a s s e s 20% i n both c a s e s . Once a g a i n , assuming t h a t r a t i o n a l i t y gu ide s member-s h i p i n communal a s s o c i a t i o n s , G o l d r i c h et a l . ' s d a t a ( 1967 -1968) a r t i c u l a t e t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n appears t o be at i t s h i g h e s t i n the l ow- i ncome ne i ghbou rhoods h a v i n g the most p r e s s i n g , c o l l e c t i v e l y s o l v a b l e p r o b l e m s . Both G o l d r i c h et a l . ( 1967 -1968 :185 ) f o r Lima and S a n t i a g o , and Mangin (1960:550) f o r L i m a , s u g ge s t t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l o c a l v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s tends to n a t u r a l l y w i t h e r as the community becomes e s t a b l i s h e d . F o u r t h l y , P o r t e s (1979:9 ) d i s c u s s e s r e s u l t s o f h i s own r e c e n t ( u n p u b l i s h e d ) s t u d y o f f o u r p e r i p h e r a l l y l o c a t e d , l ow- i ncome commun i t i e s i n S a n t i a g o . V i l l a No r t e f i t s t he t y p i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f a d e t e r i o r a t i n g shack s lum out o f wh ich f a m i l i e s are a t t e m p t i n g t o e s c a p e . V i l l a S u r - O e s t e i s an o l d , r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l government hou s -i n g p r o j e c t f o r the ve ry p o o r , p o s s e s s i n g d w e l l i n g s and s e r v i c e s o f s u p e r i o r q u a l i t y to tho se i n any o f the o t h e r s t udy a r e a s . V i l l a Oeste i s a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ment wh i ch at the t ime o f the s u r v e y was , at b e s t , i n the i n c i p i e n t s t a ge s o f c o n s o l i d a t i o n . V i l l a S u r - E s t e i s a 89 gove rnmen t - s pon so red a t t empt to p r o v i d e poor f a m i l i e s w i t h a l o t on wh ich to b u i l d t h e i r homes. Each community has i t s own Junta de Vecinos (Committee o f N e i g h b o u r s ) . P o r t e s ' d a t a ( 1 9 7 0 : T a b l e 3) show t h a t V i l l a S u r - E s t e — the newes t , most t r o u b l e d a r ea w i t h the g r e a t e s t need f o r the Junta — y i e l d s the h i g h e s t r a t e o f a s s o c i a t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ( 7 2% ) . V i l l a Oeste — though o l d e r and more e s t a b l i s h e d than V i l l a S u r - E s t e — s t i l l i s p l a gued by many prob lems and f o l l o w s i n second p l a c e w i t h a r a t e o f 54%. The l o w e s t l e v e l s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n o c c u r i n V i l l a Nor te (39%) where the Junta l a c k s s u p p o r t because r e s i d e n t s do not w i s h t o s e t t l e p e r m a n e n t l y , and i n V i l l a S u r - O e s t e (46%) wh i ch i s t he o l d e s t , most e s t a b l i s h e d , and b e s t a r ea i n terms o f d w e l l i n g and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e q u a l i t y . F i n d i n g s such as t h e s e , and NOT a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " model , h e l p t o e x p l a i n where and why community o r g a n i z a t i o n among the poor i s e x p e c t e d to be l o w . The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a t the f a m i l y l e v e l : At the f a m i l y l e v e l , Lewis l i s t s as majo r " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s the absence o f c h i l d h o o d as a s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o l o n g e d and p r o t e c t e d s t a ge i n the l i f e c y c l e , e a r l y i n i t i a t i o n i n t o s e x , f r e e un ions o r c on sen sua l m a r r i a g e s , a r e l a t i v e l y h i gh i n c i d e n c e o f the abandonment o f w i ve s and 90 c h i l d r e n , a t r e n d toward f e m a l e - o r m o t h e r - c e n t r e d f a m i l i e s , a s t r o n g p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m , l a c k o f p r i v a c y , and a v e r b a l emphas i s upon f a m i l y s o l i d a r i t y wh i ch i s o n l y r a r e l y a c h i e v e d due to s i b l i n g r i v a l r y and c o m p e t i t i o n f o r l i m i t e d goods and m a t e r n a l a f f e c t i o n . The absence o f c h i l d h o o d as a s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o -l onged and p r o t e c t e d s t a g e i n the l i f e c y c l e as w e l l as an e a r l y i n i t i a t i o n t o sex are not e x p l a i n e d by an a l l e g e d p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e but by the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s wh i ch compel poor f a m i l i e s t o mod i f y b e h a v i o u r s f o r a d a p t i v e p u r p o s e s . Where c h i l d h o o d i s accompan ied by so many h a r d -s h i p s and h a n d i c a p s , t h e r e i s o b v i o u s l y l i t t l e r ea son t o p r o l o n g and de fend i t . Where f a m i l y cash i s s c a r c e , t h e r e i s e ve r y rea son t o encourage c h i l d r e n to seek employment and t o b r i n g home money as soon as p o s s i b l e . Where the hard r e a l i t i e s o f l i f e are so g l a r i n g a t so e a r l y an age , t h e r e i s no reason to " p r o t e c t " c h i l d r e n f rom the r e a l i t y o f s e x u a l e x p e r i e n c e s . M o r e o v e r , the t r a i t o f e a r l y i n i t i a -t i o n t o sex r e f l e c t s a s t r i k i n g m i d d l e - c l a s s v a l u e - j u d g e m e n t wh ich i s now b e i n g c h a l l e n g e d by a l l s t r a t a t h r o u g h o u t a t l e a s t the e n t i r e Western w o r l d . The m a r r i a g e and abandonment t r a i t s have a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d above. On the l a t t e r t r a i t , one f u r t h e r i s s u e r e q u i r e s m e n t i o n . R e f e r r i n g t o L e w i s ' La V i d a , A. Leeds (1971:270) s u g ge s t s t h a t i t i s not c l e a r whe the r t he man 91 a lways o r even most o f t e n does the abandon i ng . Lewis ( 1966 -1 9 6 7 : x l v i ) h i m s e l f c o n t r a d i c t s the t r a i t o f male abandonment o f women and c h i l d r e n , p o i n t i n g out t h a t women f r e q u e n t l y i n i t i a t e the d i v i s i v e p r o ce s s by r e f u s i n g f o r m a l m a r r i a g e , by r e m a i n i n g f l e x i b l e and f r e e i n the m a r i t a l s i t u a t i o n , by r e t a i n i n g the u n w r i t t e n r i g h t to l e a v e t h e i r male p a r t n e r s , and by m a i n t a i n i n g p r o p e r t y r i g h t s i n , f o r e xamp le , the house . Whether f o r economic and/or p s y c h o l o g i c a l m o t i v e s , and d e s p i t e the d i r e c t i o n o f i n i t i a t i o n , abandon-ment i s a s t r u c t u r a l and NOT a c u l t u r a l f a c t . The d i v i s i v e p r o ce s s cannot be e x p l a i n e d by p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e r e a s o n i n g , nor may i t be e x a l t e d as e m p i r i c a l s u p p o r t o f a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " In t h i s r e s p e c t , a t r e n d toward f e m a l e - o r m o t h e r - c e n t r e d f a m i l i e s i s a n a t u r a l consequence o f a s t r u c -t u r a l r e a l i t y . A s t r o n g p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m i s i r r e l e v a n t to any d e f i n i t i o n o f an a l l e g e d p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e . In the L a t i n Amer i can a reas where t h a t t r a i t does p r e v a i l , i t appears t o permeate a l l s t r a t a o f s o c i e t y . For e x a m p l e , A. Leeds (1971:265) s u gge s t s t h a t i n M e x i c o , the s t r u c t u r e and p r o c e d u r e s o f the Partido Revolucionario I n s t i t u c i o n a l ( P R I ) , the p a t e r n a l c o n t r o l s o ve r g i r l s i n a f f l u e n t s t r a t a , the d o c t r i n e s o f the C a t h o l i c C h u r c h , o r the v a r i o u s t ypes o f c o r p o r a t i v i s t - f a s c i s t i d e o l o g y a l l r e f l e c t a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t A. L e e d s ' own e x p e r i e n c e i n 92 R io f a v e l a s p o i n t s t o much h i g h e r l e v e l s o f a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m among the upper and m i d d l e c l a s s e s than among the urban p o o r . That s i t u a t i o n i s p a r t l y e x p l a i n e d by the f a c t t h a t poor urban B r a z i l i a n s e xp re s s a s t r o n g v a l u e f o r i n d e p e n -dence and l i b e r t y , and are i n c l i n e d to s t r i v e f o r g r e a t e r e q u a l i t y i n the p a r e n t - s i b l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p and to m i n i m i z e f a m i l i a l d i s c i p l i n e whe reve r p o s s i b l e . Lack o f p r i v a c y i s not a p o v e r t y c u l t u r a l e l ement but i s a l o g i c a l consequence o f r e s i d e n t i a l crowdedness and c o n c o m i t a n t g r e g a r i o u s n e s s . A. Leeds s u gge s t s t h a t p r i v a c y i s not s p e c i f i c a l l y a v a l u e o f the urban p o o r , though i n c e r t a i n c o n t e x t s i t seems to be p r e f e r r e d : . . . privacy i s a p o s i t i v e disadvantage to the urban poor, as a large number of them recognized when h e l t e r - s k e l t e r urban renewal3 or removal to other r e s i -dential locations without regard to p r i o r community l i v i n g patterns, broke them away from t h e i r old neighbourhood t i e s consisting of linked kin- and non-kin domiciles and friendship networks. . . 3 which operated as mutual information and s e c u r i t y systems. (A. L e e d s , 1971:254) F u r t h e r m o r e , where l i m i t e d p r i v a c y does p r e v a i l — f o r example i n some p a r t s o f R i o , B r a z i l — i t appears t o be common among a l l c l a s s e s . L a s t l y , i t i s ab su rd to even i n s i n u a t e t h a t a v e r b a l emphas is upon f a m i l y s o l i d a r i t y i s a c u l t u r a l t r a i t e x c l u s i v e t o any group o f p e o p l e . S u r e l y , a c r o s s the e n t i r e 93 w o r l d , f a m i l i e s — i n v a r i o u s ways — s t r i v e f o r and v e r -b a l i z e s t r o n g p r e f e r e n c e s f o r f a m i l y s o l i d a r i t y . Th i s i s g e n e r a l l y t r u e o f bo th the r i c h and the poor i n any one s o c i e t y . Mo reove r , w h i l e s i b l i n g r i v a l r y and c o m p e t i t i o n f o r l i m i t e d goods and ma te r na l a f f e c t i o n may be i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s b e h i n d the l a c k o f s o l i d a r i t y among c e r t a i n poor f a m i l i e s , t ho se same f a c t o r s a p p l y t o f a m i l y d i f f i c u l t i e s e n c o u n t e r e d by more a f f l u e n t g r o u p s . T h i s s e t o f t r a i t s i s so w i d e s p r e a d among a l l s t r a t a o f many s o c i e t i e s t h a t i t cannot h e l p t o s u p p o r t o r e x p l a i n any w o u l d - b e , d i s t i n c t " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " at t he i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l : Among the s a l i e n t t r a i t s a t t r i b u t e d to the i n d i -v i d u a l l e v e l by Lewi s a r e : a s t r o n g f e e l i n g o f m a r g i n a l i t y , o f h e l p l e s s n e s s , o f dependence, and o f i n f e r i o r i t y , a sense o f r e s i g n a t i o n and f a t a l i s m , and a s t r o n g p r e s e n t - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n w i t h l i t t l e a b i l i t y to d e f e r g r a t i f i c a t i o n and p l a n f o r the f u t u r e . C l e a r l y , f e e l i n g s o f m a r g i n a l i t y , h e l p l e s s n e s s , dependence , and i n f e r i o r i t y are a l l r e f l e c t i o n s o f a common o u t l o o k — a l i e n a t i o n . On the one hand , i f poor u r b a n i t e s do f e e l a l i e n a t e d f rom i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y , t h a t i s because they are s t r i k i n g l y aware o f t h e i r u n j u s t p o s i t i o n i n the 94 t o t a l s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s . The e x i s t e n c e o f r e a l i t y - b a s e d f e e l i n g s and o b s e r v a t i o n s i s not i l l u s t r a t i v e o f a s p e c i f i c way o f l i f e . But Lewis f a l l a c i o u s l y d e r i v e s the p r e s ence o f a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " f rom a s i m p l e f a c t t h a t poor peop l e r e c o g n i z e t h e i r r e l a t i v e e x c l u s i o n f rom s i g n i f i c a n t i n s t i t u t i o n s o f s o c i e t y . On. the o t h e r hand, f e e l i n g s o f a l i e n a t i o n do seem to d i m i n i s h o ve r t ime as p e r s o n a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s improve and as i n s t i t u -t i o n s c o n t a i n more r e l e v a n c e f o r the l e s s a f f l u e n t . T h i s i s o n l y too e v i d e n t i n the case o f " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " l i v i n g i n p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . Such p s y c h o l o g i c a l p e r -c e p t i o n s r e p r e s e n t l o g i c a l , t empora ry r e sponse s t o d e p r i v e d s i t u a t i o n s and do NOT appear as autonomous c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s o f a s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g p o v e r t y l i f e - s t y l e . R e s i g n a t i o n and f a t a l i s m , where t hey a re found among the p o o r , have l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s . On the one hand, peop l e who a re s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a l l y o s t r a c i z e d , t r e a t e d w i t h p r e j u d i c e and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and c o n t i n u a l l y l a b e l l e d as w o r t h l e s s and/or i n f e r i o r n a t u r a l l y d e v e l o p r e s i g n e d and f a t a l i s t i c a i r s . "The most t e r r i b l e t h i n g t h a t p r e j u d i c e can do to a human b e i n g i s t o make him tend to become what the p r e j u d i c e d image o f him says t h a t he i s " ( B e r g e r , 1 9 6 3 : 1 0 2 ) . On the o t h e r hand , e x p e r i e n c e c o n s t a n t l y i m p r e s s e s on the urban poor t h a t r e s i g n e d and f a t a l i s t i c b e h a v i o u r h e l p s t o p r o t e c t them f rom i n s u l t s , i m p r i s o n m e n t , b e a t i n g s , 95 and so on . R e s i g n a t i o n and f a t a l i s m are s i t u a t i o n a l a d j u s t -ments o r de fence mechanisms wh ich s h o u l d d i m i n i s h q u i c k l y as soon as s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n s t r a i n t s weaken o r d i s a p p e a r . A. Leeds i l l u s t r a t e s the p e r c e p t i v e n e s s on the p a r t o f many poor u r b a n i t e s who r e a l i z e ve ry c l e a r l y the o b s t a c l e s m a i n t a i n i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g t h e i r s u b m i s s i v e a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r s : Although the B r a z i l i a n poor i n d i c a t e f a t a l i s m when they say, ' 0_ pohre ndo  tern vez ' ('The poor man has no chance') or that doing something 'nao adiante ' ('doesn't get you anywhere'), they are in fact also recognizing that they could have his chance i f the very real b a r r i e r s were not in the way (Lewis f a i l s to recognize t h i s posi-t i v e aspect of the cognition). Thus the moment a constraint i s removed or changes, a behaviour changes, too. (A. Leeds , 1971:256) In t h i s l i g h t , r e s i g n a t i o n and/or f a t a l i s m are o b v i o u s l y not i n d i c a t i v e o f a p o s i t e d " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " One avenue o f r e s i g n a t i o n / f a t a l i s m c r i t i c i s m r e m a i n s . E m p i r i c a l l y , t ho se t r a i t s appear to l a c k v a l i d i t y . E x a m i n a t i o n s and r e - e x a m i n a t i o n s o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n , f o r e xamp le , R i o , L i m a , Bogota", S a n t i a g o , Mex i co C i t y , Buenos A i r e s , and San Juan do not s u p p o r t L e w i s ' g e n e r a l f i n d i n g s and i n s t e a d s ugge s t t h a t w h i l e poor u r b a n i t e s a re not u n i f o r m l y r e s i g n e d and f a t a l i s t i c , i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s may be . Many s q u a t t e r s t h r o u g h o u t L a t i n Amer i c a — r e g a r d l e s s 96 of d e m o r a l i z i n g c o n s t r a i n t s — w o r k ha rd a t f i n d i n g and r e t a i n i n g j o b s , o b t a i n b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s , improve t h e i r homes, and c o n t r i b u t e to the b e t t e r m e n t o f t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s . For e xamp le , La P e r l a — the San Juan s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t d i s c u s s e d i n L e w i s ' La V i d a — i n 1967 c o n t r a d i c t s L e w i s ' 1965-1966 " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a s s e r t a t i o n s , b e i n g c h a r -a c t e r i z e d not by s t a g n a t i o n o r d e t e r i o r a t i o n but by n o t i c e -4 a b l e p h y s i c a l improvements and s o c i a l c o - o p e r a t i o n . As w e l l , i t i s wor th r e - n o t i n g t h a t the d e c i s i o n to t a ke p a r t i n a s q u a t t e r i n v a s i o n r e f l e c t s a g g r e s s i v e n e s s and d e t e r -m i n a t i o n i n the a t t a i n m e n t o f p e r s o n a l ends . T h a t , t o o , runs c o m p l e t e l y c o n t r a r y t o the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " Of a l l L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s , perhaps the l e a s t u n d e r s t o o d and the most c o n f u s i n g i s the c l a i m o f p r e s e n t - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n w i t h l i t t l e a b i l i t y t o d e f e r g r a t i f i c a t i o n and p l a n f o r the f u t u r e . H e r e , t h e r e are a t l e a s t two c r i t i c a l approaches t o f o l l o w . F i r s t l y , i t may be f a i r l y a rgued t h a t i n many cases a s t r o n g p r e s e n t - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n i s not a c u l t u r a l c h o i c e bu t a s t r u c t u r a l n e c e s s i t y . Where the p r e s e n t i s so d i f f i c u l t and the f u t u r e seems so f a r away, t h e r e i s no sense i n d e l a y i n g g r a t i f i c a t i o n . For e x a m p l e , " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " a re c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the t a s k o f urban s u r v i v a l ; f o r t ho se who must wor r y about mere e x i s t e n c e f rom day to day , l o o k i n g to the f u t u r e s e r v e s no p u r p o s e . P l a n n i n g a f u t u r e w i t h an / / / 97 i n s u f f i c i e n t s o c i o - e c o n o m i c f o u n d a t i o n seems an e x e r c i s e i n f u t i l i t y . A p r e s e n t - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n a l l o w s the most d e p r i v e d to t a c k l e immed ia te prob lems and to u n d e r t a k e the deve lopment o f t h a t b a s i c f o u n d a t i o n . O r , a l t e r n a t i v e l y , some poor u r b a n i t e s are e x t r e m e l y s k e p t i c a l about what the f u t u r e ho l d s — o r more p r e c i s e l y f a i l s to h o l d — i n s t o r e f o r them. Once a g a i n , the most l o g i c a l r e spon se i s t o make the b e s t o f immed ia te c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In any e v e n t , i f c e r t a i n i m p o v e r i s h e d i n d i v i d u a l s do d i s p l a y p r e s e n t - t i m e a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r , i t i s e s s e n t i a l to u n d e r s t a n d why. The " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " does not s a t i s f y t h a t r e q u i r e m e n t . S e c o n d l y , a t l e a s t i n the case o f " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e rea son to b e l i e v e t h a t not p r e s e n t -t ime but f u t u r e - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n p r e v a i l s . The f o r m a t i o n o f a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t r e p r e s e n t s a f i r m commitment to p l a n f o r and b e n e f i t f rom improvements i n the f u t u r e . I n c i d e n t a l l y , such a c t i o n f r e q u e n t l y i n v o l v e s h i gh l e v e l s o f r i s k — w h i c h are commonly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h 5 f u t u r e - t i m e o r i e n t a t i o n and de fe rment o f g r a t i f i c a t i o n . For a l o ng w h i l e , the i n v a d e r s o f p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s neve r c e r t a i n l y know f rom day to day whe the r t h e i r d w e l l i n g s and community w i l l be p e r m i t t e d t o rema in by the a u t h o r i t i e s . In the a reas o f d w e l l i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and community de ve l opmen t , " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " show a r e m a r k a b l e a b i l i t y to de l a y g r a t i f i c a t i o n s . T h e i r houses b e g i n as 98 s c a n t y s t r u c t u r e s wh i ch improve i n tune w i t h the a m e l i o r a -t i o n o f p e r s o n a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s i t u a t i o n s and the permanency o f l a n d h o l d i n g s . T h e i r commun i t ie s commence as i l l - d e f i n e d a g g l o m e r a t i o n s o f m u t u a l l y i n t e r e s t e d u r b a n i t e s and a l s o r e c e i v e o n l y very g r adua l improvement s . The c o m f o r t s o f a modern home and the advantages o f a modern community a re po s tponed u n t i l such t ime as they may be l o g i c a l l y and p r a c t i c a l l y a t t a i n e d . High l e v e l s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s d u r i n g the se s t a ge s o f i n c i p i e n t c o n s o l i -d a t i o n show a keen i n t e r e s t i n s h a p i n g l o n g - t e r m , p e r s o n a l s i t u a t i o n s . In the a r ea o f e d u c a t i o n , " c o n s o l i d a t o r " p a r e n t s r e v e a l g r e a t i n t e r e s t i n the f u t u r e mere l y by so e a r n e s t l y p u r s u i n g the goa l o f p r o v i d i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n w i t h f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n . P a r e n t s o f t e n d e f e r o r even r e l i n q u i s h p o t e n t i a l p e r s o n a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n s so t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n may be b e t t e r p r o v i d e d f o r and e n r o l l e d i n the b e s t p o s s i b l e s c h o o l s . Such examples are d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to L e w i s ' p r e s e n t -t ime o r i e n t a t i o n t r a i t i n p a r t i c u l a r , and r a i s e s e r i o u s doubts about the e m p i r i c a l v a l i d i t y and l o g i c o f the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " model i n g e n e r a l . P o l i t i c a l D e s t a b i 1 i z a t i o n and the Urban Poor Ne l son (1969) and i m p r e s s i v e a n a l y s i s p r o v i d e s a p a r t i a l but s t i m u l a t i n g o f t h e o r i e s about the a l l e g e d 99 p o l i t i c a l d e s t a b i 1 i z a t i o n among m i g r a n t s i n T h i r d Wor ld c o u n t r i e s . Wi th the a s s i s t a n c e o f some m a t t e r s d i s c u s s e d i n e a r l i e r s e c t i o n s o f the c u r r e n t p r e s e n t a t i o n and w i t h some a d d i t i o n a l L a t i n Amer i can m a t e r i a l s , a c u r s o r y c o n -s i d e r a t i o n o f some o f N e l s o n ' s b a s i c t e n e t s i s i n s t r u c t i v e . Recent m i g r a n t s : F i r s t o f a l l , Ne l son a t t a c k s the v iew o f the s u p -posed d i s r u p t i v e r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . That v iew i s w e l l i l l u m i -na ted i n the f o l l o w i n g c i t a t i o n s : The utter misery in many of the rural areas, where m i l l i o n s l i v e outside the money economy and produce only the bare minimum they must have to subsist, sends a mounting wave of the peasant population migrating to the c i t i e s . Their presence in the urban centers creates an added demand for food that the country side cannot s a t i s f y , be-cause those who remain behind do not pro-duce enough to spare. Shelter and gobs are not a v a i l a b l e , either, to the migrating f a m i l i e s in the c i t i e s . A parasite popula-tion of m i l l i o n s i s thereby created., which offers superb breeding grounds for every type of p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n . ( S z u l c , 1965:48) The men whom the growing population of the country d i s t r i c t s and colonial expropria-tion have brought to desert t h e i r family holdings c i r c l e t i r e l e s s l y around the dif-ferent towns, hoping that one day or another they w i l l be allowed i n s i d e . . . It i s within t h i s mass of humanity, t h i s people of the shanty towns, at the core of the lumpen p r o l e t a r i a t , that the r e b e l l i o n 100 w i l l find i t s urban spearhead. For the lumpen-proletariat 3 that horde of starving men3 uprooted from t h e i r t r i b e and from t h e i r clan, constitutes one of the most spontaneous and radi-c a l l y revolutionary forces of a g c o l o n i z e d people. ( F anon , 1965:103) A c c o r d i n g to N e l s o n , the a s sumpt i on t h a t r e c e n t m i g r a n t s t end to be p o l i t i c a l l y d i s r u p t i v e i s based on images o f m i g r a n t u p r o o t e d n e s s , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , d e p r i v a t i o n , anomie ( n o r m l e s s n e s s ) , f r u s t r a t i o n , and h i g h p r o b a b i l i t i e s o f v e n t i n g d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n t h rough p o l i t i c a l r o u t e s . I n -a c c u r a c i e s i n t he se images s t i p u l a t e e s s e n t i a l f l a w s em-bedded i n the v iew o f p o l i t i c a l l y d i s r u p t i v e , r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . Wh i l e i t i s l o g i c a l t o c o n s i d e r r e c e n t m i g r a n t s u p r o o t e d , t h a t i n no way s u gge s t s t h a t they are i l l - p r e p a r e d o r t o t a l l y unp repa red f o r c i t y l i f e . Nor can i t be presumed t h a t r e c e n t m i g r a n t s are p l a gued by exce s s anomie. As Chap te r 3 has i n d i c a t e d , the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f L a t i n Amer i can m i g r a n t s are not moving d i r e c t l y f rom t r u l y r u r a l a reas bu t are i n s t e a d p r o c e e d i n g towards l a r g e urban c e n t r e s i n s t a g e s . As they move, they are a c q u i r i n g a l l s o r t s o f urban e x p e r -i e n c e a l o n g the way. Even t ho se who a re coming f rom p r e -d o m i n a n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s a c q u i r e urban e x p e r i e n c e f rom wage-market r e l a t i o n s h i p s and f rom s u p p l e m e n t a r y j o b s h e l d i n t h e i r v i l l a g e s o r i n nearby towns . P r e - m i g r a t i o n expo su re to the urban ambience a c t s to c o n s i d e r a b l y reduce p o t e n t i a l a n x i e t i e s o f shock and anomie. 101 Though new m i g r a n t s are l i k e l y t o i n i t i a l l y f e e l more s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d than e s t a b l i s h e d u r b a n i t e s , Ne l son s ugge s t s t h a t t h e r e i s reason to b e l i e v e t h a t t hey s u f f e r much l e s s f rom s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n than commonly b e l i e v e d . Recent m i g r a n t s t y p i c a l l y do have k i n o r f r i e n d c o n t a c t s i n the c i t i e s when they a r r i v e . As w e l l , they make new c o n t a c t s i n r e g i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s wh ich a c t as s o c i a l forums f o r u r b a n i t e s s h a r i n g common o r i g i n s . P r i o r urban e x p e r i e n c e s u b s t a n t i a l l y eases the i n i t i a l p rob lems o f r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n , p e r m i t t i n g t he se " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " t o m i n i m i z e p s y c h o l o g i c a l traumas and to max imize on urban a d a p t a t i o n and the t a s k o f a t t a i n i n g employment, e d u c a t i o n a l and h o u s i n g a s p i r a t i o n s . S o c i a l i s o l a t i o n i s an u n f o r t u n a t e , tempora ry r e a l i t y but does not appear t o be so d e v a s t a t i n g t h a t " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " w i l l r a l l y b e h i n d any d i s r u p t i v e move-ment t h a t comes a l o n g . R a t h e r , the t i m e - c o n s u m i n g e f f o r t s i n v o l v e d i n i n i t i a l c i t y a d j u s tmen t s wou ld seem to l e a v e l i t t l e exces s t ime f o r p o l i t i c a l l y s u b v e r s i v e a c t i o n . "The b r i d g e h e a d e r s seem too p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h t h e i r immed ia te problems to conce rn t hemse l ve s w i t h [ e x t r a - c o m m u n i t y ] p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s . . . " ( T u r n e r , 1968b :119 ) . The a s sumpt i on t h a t new m i g r a n t s are d i s a p p o i n t e d and f r u s t r a t e d by economic c o n d i t i o n s i n the c i t y i s u n d e r -s c o r e d by e x i s t i n g m a t e r i a l s . F i r s t o f a l l , r e c a l l i n g f rom Chap te r 3, most " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " e xp re s s t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s o f 102 t h e i r t ype o f h a b i t a t , urban r e s i d e n c e r e p r e s e n t s a g e n e r a l improvement o ve r what t hey had b e f o r e . S e c o n d l y , Ne l s on p r e s e n t s i n t e r e s t i n g e v i d e n c e t o s ugge s t t h a t many r e c e n t m i g r a n t s s e e k i n g urban employment f i n d i t r e a s o n a b l y q u i c k l y . " M o r e o v e r , the g r e a t m a j o r i t y f i n d t h e i r new work an improvement o ve r t h e i r p o s i t i o n s b e f o r e mov i n g , i n terms o f w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and , l e s s u n i f o r m l y , s t a t u s and e a r n -i n g s " ( N e l s o n , 1 9 6 9 : 1 8 ) . Job s i t u a t i o n s a l s o e n a b l e r e c e n t m i g r a n t s t o form new s o c i a l c o n t a c t s and to d i m i n i s h degrees o f i s o l a t i o n . T h i r d l y , the e x i s t e n c e o f p e t t y - c a p i t a l i s t a c t i v i t i e s and a semi-money economy p r o v i d e r e c e n t m i g r a n t s w i t h a d d i t i o n a l s o u r c e s o f l i v e l i h o o d . I t wou ld be n a i v e t o deny t h a t some r e c e n t m i g r a n t s do e x p e r i e n c e i n i t i a l p e r i o d s o f s t r u g g l i n g t o s u r v i v e on odd j o b s , but t h a t c a n -not c o v e r the f a c t t h a t many o t h e r r e c e n t m i g r a n t s b r i n g commendable s k i l l s and e d u c a t i o n to the urban c e n t r e s and q u i c k l y manage q u i t e w e l l . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , e x i s t i n g s t u d i e s do not dea l a d e q u a t e l y w i t h the ways by wh i ch new u r b a n i t e s a c q u i r e employment. E xam in i ng how r e c e n t m i g r a n t s o b t a i n t h e i r f i r s t j o b s c o u l d expose e l a b o r a t e and sometimes s u b t l e mechanisms o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n to be i n v e s t i g a t e d and u n d e r s t o o d . Where f e e l i n g s o f anomie , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n o r f r u s t r a t i o n do e x i s t among r e c e n t m i g r a n t s , i t does not f o l l o w t h a t b i t t e r n e s s w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be e x p r e s s e d t h rough / 103 p o l i t i c a l c h a n n e l s . There i s an a lmos t i n f i n i t e number o f ways to show t e n s i o n s — imp lemented by both poor and a f f l u e n t segments o f s o c i e t y : They may turn t h e i r anger inward in withdrawal and defeat; they may beat t h e i r wives or quarrel with t h e i r neighbours; they may seek o b l i v i o n in alcohol or solace in r e l i g i o n . In addition to these i n d i v i d u a l reactions, there are many associational responses with l i t t l e or no p o l i t i c a l relevance. P o l i t i c a l action, whether i n d i v i d u a l or associational, moderate or extrem-i s t , legal or i l l e g a l , i s only one class of reactions to f r u s t r a t i o n a-mong many others. The point i s obvious yet i t i s often overlooked. ( N e l s o n , 1969:21) F u r t h e r , any p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r s e x h i b i t e d by r e c e n t m i g r a n t s i n c i t i e s are not so much r e f l e c t i o n s o f e m o t i o n a l shocks i n v o l v e d w i t h the p r o ce s s o f m i g r a t i o n but r a t h e r are com-b i n e d consequences o f the p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r i m p o r t e d by them, on the one hand , and o f t h e i r e xpo su re t o p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n the c i t y , on the o t h e r hand. For e xamp le , Hobsbawm (1967 :60 -61 ) argues t h a t r e c e n t m i g r a n t s l a c k f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h s o c i a l i s t / a n a r c h i s t o r l a b o u r movements and i n s t e a d t y p i c a l l y u n i t e w i t h i n c i t i e s around the h a b i t s and r e a c t i o n s o f f o rme r k i n s h i p and communal l i f e . That i s e x e m p l i f i e d by t h e i r s e t t l i n g i n groups f rom the same v i l l a g e o r p r o v i n c e , and by t h e i r r e l i a n c e on mutual a i d f o r i n i t i a l d w e l l i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n s . " Bu t i t [ r e l i a n c e on f o r m e r k i n s h i p 104 and communal l i f e ] does n o t . . . r e a ch up f a r enough s o c i a l l y t o be a p o l i t i c a l g u i d e " (Hobsbawm, 1 9 6 7 : 6 1 ) . I t wou ld appear t h a t the gu ide b e h i n d r e c e n t m i g r a n t p o l i t i c a l b e -h a v i o u r s stems much more f rom i m p o r t e d t r a d i t i o n s o f po-l i t i c a l pa t r onage and p e r s o n a l l e a d e r s h i p . Recent m i g r a n t s may be e x p e c t e d to o f f e r l o y a l t y t o any l e a d e r o r movement — t r a d i t i o n a l o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y — w h i c h can p r o v i d e them w i t h r e a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c b e n e f i t s i n r e t u r n f o r t h e i r s u p p o r t . As w e l l , Hobsbawm sugge s t s t h a t the c a u t i o u s and f l u c t u a t -i n g p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and a l l e g i a n c e s o f r e c e n t m i g r a n t s are d i c t a t e d by t h e i r p o v e r t y , t h e i r i n s e c u r i t y , t h e i r p r e -c a r i o u s l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , and t h e i r d i s a f f e c t i o n w i t h a l a r g e and e v e r - g r o w i n g urban p r o l e t a r i a t . I t i s a l s o c r u c i a l t o s t r e s s t h a t the degrees o f s u b v e r s i o n and/or a g g r e s s i v e n e s s a p p e a r i n g i n r e c e n t m i g r a n t , p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r s may be e x p e c t e d to va ry both g e o g r a p h i -c a l l y and t e m p o r a l l y . Those who warn o f r e c e n t m i g r a n t d i s r u p t i o n s i n T h i r d Wor ld c i t i e s are v i c t i m s o f o v e r -g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . To i d e n t i f y the e x i s t e n c e o f s u b v e r s i o n i n one p l a c e at one t ime i s not to n e c e s s a r i l y demon s t r a t e a norm. S u b v e r s i v e b e h a v i o u r grows as a r e s u l t o f v a r y i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and demands d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , and p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e s i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s o ve r t i m e . F u r t h e r -more, when s u b v e r s i o n does e x i s t , i t i s not u s u a l l y r e s t r i c t e d to r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . 105 F i n a l l y , s u r e l y the most r e a l i s t i c v i e w p o i n t to e n t e r t a i n i s t h a t under the p r o p e r c o n d i t i o n s , i n the r i g h t p l a c e , a t the oppo r tune t i m e , and gu i ded by e f f i c i e n t l e a d e r -s h i p , r e c e n t m i g r a n t s can be ve ry s u s c e p t i b l e to mass m o b i l i -z a t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l ends . M o r e o v e r , t o u n e q u i v o c a l l y r e g a r d p o l i t i c a l a g g r e s s i v e n e s s on the p a r t o f r e c e n t m i g r a n t s as a d i s f a v o u r a b 1 e re sponse i s i n deed a misnomer. F r e q u e n t l y , f o r masses o f u r b a n i t e s who are most d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by the e x i s t e n c e and i m p o s i t i o n o f e x o r b i t a n t s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s , the most s e n s i b l e , the most e f f e c t i v e means o f c o m p l a i n t i s v i a e x t e n s i v e and u n i f i e d o p p o s i t i o n . E s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s : A c e n t r a l q u e s t i o n Ne l son poses i s t h a t i f r e c e n t m i g r a n t s do not r e p r e s e n t so p o l i t i c a l l y d e s t a b i l i z i n g a f a c t o r as commonly b e l i e v e d , what happens to t h e s e p e o p l e and t h e i r c h i l d r e n a f t e r p r o l o n g e d urban expo su re ? R a d i c a l i -z a t i o n t h e o r i s t s c o n s i d e r t h a t the a c t u a l t h r e a t o f p o l i t i c a l u n r e s t does not l i e i n the c o n s t a n t f l o w o f m i g r a n t s t o c i t i e s bu t r a t h e r i n the a b s o r p t i o n o f them and t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n a h o s t i l e urban e n v i r o n m e n t . As the gap between a s p i r a -t i o n s and the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f a s p i r a t i o n s w i d e n s , i t i s c o n c l u d e d t h a t peop l e w i l l r e v e r t t o p o l i t i c a l e x t r e m i s m out o f d e s p e r a t i on . 106 The r a d i c a l i z a t i o n o u t l o o k i s p o r t r a y e d c l e a r l y i n the f o l l o w i n g c i t a t i o n s : Feelings of r e l a t i v e reward are replaced by f e e l i n g s of r e l a t i v e deprivation as urban l i v i n g makes socio-economic inequal-i t y more v i s i b l e . The rewarding compari-son with a rural l i f e fades into the past, and gives way to a damaging comparison with higher standards of l i v i n g . . .LThese ob se r ved s t a n d a r d s ] probably tend to heighten the level of a s p i r a t i o n of many. To the extent that these aspirations are frustrated, they are open to extreme l e f t -i s t i n d o c t r i n a t i o n . . . .The process of r a d i c a l i z a t i o n seems to be dependent upon the race between urbanization, which heightens the level of aspirations for i n -creasing numbers of people, and i n d u s t r a i l i -zation, which s a t i s f i e s them. ( S o a r e s , 1964:192,195) Several factors work against these youths adapting e a s i l y to t h e i r barrio status. They have grown up. . .in the c i t i e s and are not aware of how much less s a t i s f a c t o r y l i f e in the countryside can be. Their education i s more advanced than t h e i r elders1. And they have had far more exposure to the world of party p o l i t i c s than t h e i r parents had at the same age: a s i g n i f i c a n t number have already had experience in p o l i t i c a l action, and the parties providing t h i s experience usually are not the t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s . As these barrio youths grow older and are obliged for the f i r s t time to face the hard r e a l i -t i e s of barrio l i f e , t h e i r s i t u a t i o n w i l l seem worse to them than i t did for t h e i r parents; they w i l l be more aware than the preceding generation of what they want and what they do not have. Although they should also be more q u a l i f i e d for employ-ment, they w i l l s t i l l find jobs very dif-f i c u l t to secure. . . .Their formal school-ing and t h e i r l i f e - l o n g exposure to urban 107 p o l i t i c s w i l l have l e f t them more a l e r t • to t h e i r p o l i t i c a l strength and the means a v a i l a b l e for voicing t h e i r demands. (Ray , 1969:175) For the most part clustered in pockets. . . l a r g e l y in dislocated c i t y slums, the teeming poor are a ripe f i e l d for Castroist and Communist p o l i t i c a l ex- -. p l o i t a t i o n . ( P a r k s , 1 9 6 1 : 8 6 ) ' Those are the t ype s o f d e s c r i p t i o n w r i t e r s such as Mangin ( 1 9 6 7 a ) , Mangin and T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 8 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 ) , and P o r t e s (1970) are now a r d e n t l y a t t e m p t i n g to d i s c r e d i t i n t h e i r a n a l y s e s o f L a t i n Amer i can s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . Much r e s e a r c h on the dominant p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a -t i o n o f " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " l i v i n g i n p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s u n d e r s c o r e s or even r e j e c t s the w e i g h t y assump-t i o n s o f r a d i c a l i z a t i o n . G o l d r i c h , r e f e r r i n g to B o n i l l a ( 1 9 6 1 ) , makes the p o i n t t h a t , c o n t r a r y t o p o p u l a r b e l i e f , many R io f a v e l a d o s e xp re s s apathy towards n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s and d i s i n t e r e s t i n u t i l i z i n g r a d i c a l maneuvers f o r goa l a ch i e vemen t : In the swelling favelas of Rio de Janeiro, where observers have imagined p o l i t i c i z a -tion to be high, nearly half the residents interviewed in a recent study saw nothing to be gained through p o l i t i c a l action, and less than one f i f t h had discussed p o l i t i c s heatedly with a friend in the previous six months. . . . ( G o l d r i c h , 1965:364) 108 But i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o add t h a t w h i l e i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s and i n r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y may be l o w , many , f a v e l a d o s s t i l l e x h i b i t i m p r e s s i v e degrees o f p o l i t i c a l shrewdness at the l o c a l l e v e l . A. Leeds i s p r e c i s e on t h a t p o i n t : . . . they [ f a v e l a d o s ] are e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y astute p o l i t i c i a n s ; there i s no place that i s more p o l i t i c a l than a favela. They're just as p o l i t i c a l as other urban residents, and probably more than most, e s p e c i a l l y the so-called middle sectors. They know most of the p o l i t i c a l rope.s, but they do not have access to some of the information of the p o l i t i c a l and economic systems at the top, of the e l i t e . This i s where the main b a r r i e r s come i n , in the j u r i d i c a l system, for example, but the moment they acquire these s k i l l s , they use them as s l i c k l y as anybody else. (A. L e e d s , 1967:73) G o l d r i c h et a l . ( 1967 -1968 :206 ) p r e s e n t d a t a to i n d i c a t e the a p p a r e n t weakness o f l e f t i s t r a d i c a l i s m i n L ima and S a n t i a g o p o v e r t y n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . R a d i c a l a t t i t u d e s r e f l e c t e d by d i s a g r e e m e n t w i t h the p h r a s e , " V i o l e n c e s h o u l d neve r be the way t o r e s o l v e p o l i t i c a l p r o b l e m s , " were a m i n o r i t y i n each o f the f o u r s t u d y s i t e s . The p e r c e n t a g e s o f d i s a g r e e m e n t were 34%, 38% and 15% f o r the p r o g r e s s i v e squatter s e t t l e m e n t s o f Pampa S e c a , El EspTritu and 3 de Mayo, r e s p e c t i v e l y and 12% f o r the C h i l e a n h o u s i n g p r o j e c t , Santo Domingo. S i m i l a r l y , d i s a g r e e m e n t w i t h the s t a t e m e n t , " S o c i a l change i s a c c e p t a b l e o n l y i f i t does not p rovoke / / / 109 d i s o r d e r , " were r e p o r t e d a t 20%, 28%, 6% and 5% f o r Pampa S e c a , E l E s p f r i t u , 3 de Mayo and Santo Domingo, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Ne l s on ( 1969 :37 ,38 ) r e f e r s to two q u e s t i o n s u t i l i z e d i n a Mex ican s t udy to a p p r o x i m a t e e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s ' w i 1 1 i n g n e s s t o e x e r t s t r o n g p r e s s u r e o r v i o l e n c e . When p r e s e n t e d w i t h f i v e t e c h n i q u e s o f i n f l u e n c i n g the government — w o r k i n g th rough p e r s o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s , w r i t i n g to p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s , f o r m i n g an i n t e r e s t g r o u p , w o r k i n g t h rough an e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , o r d e m o n s t r a t i n g — o n l y 11% o f a 235 r e sponden t sample chose the d e m o n s t r a t i o n o p t i o n . When asked to d e s c r i b e the b e s t way to i n f l u e n c e the gove rnment , o n l y 5% of the same sample s u g g e s t e d v i o l e n c e . F u r t h e r m o r e , where p o l i t i c a l d e m o n s t r a t i o n s and the l i k e do t ake p l a c e i n c i t i e s , r e s e a r c h e r s have not been a b l e t o s u b s t a n t i a t e g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t s about h i gh c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f l owe r c l a s s s u p p o r t w i t h e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e . Wi th t he se t hough t s i n m ind , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t N e e d i e r chooses t o a t t r i b u t e the i n s t i g a t i o n o f v i o l e n c e i n L a t i n Amer i c a not on the urban poor pe r se but on s t u d e n t s : P o l i t i c a l violence has, of course, been taking place in many of the urban areas of Latin America in the forms of demon-s t r a t i o n s , r i o t s , and even organized terrorism, but, as in the gubernatorial nomination in Sonora, in 1967, the i n s t i -gators have frequently not been the poor at a l l , but rather, the students. ( N e e d i e r , 1970:293) 110 P o r t e s ( 1 9 7 0 : 1 4 ) , commenting on h i s own s t udy o f a S a n t i a g o p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t , i n d i c a t e s t h a t r e p o r t e d membership i n the e x t r e m e - l e f t Communist o r S o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s reaches o n l y 7% o f the e n t i r e sample o f r e s i d e n t s . S i m i l a r l y , r e f e r r i n g to Germani ( 1 9 6 1 ) , P o r t e s (1970:16) notes t h a t the l a r g e m a j o r i t y o f A r g e n t i n i a n m i g r a n t s q u e s t i o n e d are s u p p o r t e r s o f Pe ron i sm and not Communism. Ne l son ( 1969 :36 ,37 ) adds that l ow- i ncome s u p p o r t o f a r a d i c a l p a r t y i n any s i n g l e e l e c t i o n may a l s o r e p r e s e n t an i n a c c u r a t e i n d e x o f s u s t a i n e d r a d i c a l i s m . For e xamp le , an e x p r e s s e d p r e f e r e n c e f o r the B r a z i l i a n Labour P a r t y (PTB) among manual worke r s i n R io does i n d i c a t e i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l r e f o r m , but i n no way i m p l i e s an a u t o m a t i c y e a r n -i n g f o r r a d i c a l s o c i a l and economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f the t o t a l B r a z i l i a n s o c i e t y . O r , as a n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y , s u p p o r t o f r a d i c a l p a r t i e s may r e f l e c t t h a t poor peop l e a re r e s p o n d -i n g t o h i n t s and p romi se s o f b e t t e r m e n t more than t hey are condon ing and/or s u p p o r t i n g e x t r e m i s m . As s t a t e d e a r l i e r i n C h a p t e r 3, a c o n s i s t e n t f i n d -i n g o f s t u d i e s on L a t i n Amer i can p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments i s t h a t " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " e v a l u a t e t h e i r p r e s e n t s i t u a -t i o n s as improvement s . T h i s i s i n p a r t due to the r e l a -t i v e l y modest scope o f a s p i r a t i o n s found among them — h o u s i n g , o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a b i l i t y and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s I l l f o r s i b l i n g s . L i v i n g i n a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t , o b t a i n i n g s t e a d y urban employment , and e n t e r i n g c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l are a l l r e g a r d e d as e x t r e m e l y p o s i t i v e a c h i e v e -ments : Aspiration l e v e l s for many adult migrants are very low and many of them feel that when they have a steady income, a house of t h e i r own, and t h e i r children in school, they have achieved more than they had be-l i e v e d p o s s i b l e . (Mang i n , 1967a:85) T h i s appears t o have a l i m i t i n g e f f e c t on degrees o f a f f i l i a -t i o n w i t h r a d i c a l and/or e x t r e m i s t a c t i v i t i e s . A l s o , among " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " t h e r e appears t o be an i n d i v i d u a l i s t e t h i c o f s e l f - p r o m o t i o n . "The c r u c i a l c once rn i s not c o l l e c t i v e p r o g r e s s f o r the p o o r e r c l a s s e s , but i n d i v i d u a l advancement away f rom them" ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 1 6 ) . Wh i l e " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " g e n e r a l l y have a v e s t e d i n t e r e s t i n the community — so f a r as community advancement encourages i n d i v i d u a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c improvements - — they have many reasons t o remain p o l i t i c a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e . U n l i k e " b r i d g e -h e a d e r s " who are f a c i n g a l l s o r t s o f i n i t i a l h a r d s h i p s , " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " have i n c r e a s i n g p e r s o n a l a ch i evement s to promote and d e f e n d . The g e n e r a l p o i n t i s s t a t e d s u c c i n c t l y by Mang in : The dominant ideology of most of the active barriada people appeared to be very s i m i l a r to the b e l i e f s of the operator of a small I 7 112 business in 19th century England or the U.S. These can be summed up in the f a m i l i a r and accepted maxims: 'Work hard, save your money, trust only family • members (and them not too much), outwit the state, vote conservatively if pos-s i b l e , but always in your own economic s e l f - i n t e r e s t ; educate your children for t h e i r future and as old age insur-ance for yourself. (Mang i n , 1967a: 84-8.5) Such an i d e o l o g y tends to d e f l e c t the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o t e n t i a l o f f r u s t r a t i o n s by e x a c t i n g the blame f o r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c f a i l u r e s more on i n d i v i d u a l o r a c c i d e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s , r a t h e r g than on the w i d e r s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s . Two m a t t e r s r e g a r d i n g the e d u c a t i o n and o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y o f s e c o n d , t h i r d , e t c . , g e n e r a t i o n poor u r b a n i t e s r e q u i r e s p e c i a l m e n t i o n . F i r s t l y , one o f the most p o t e n -t i a l l y d e s t a b i l i z i n g f a c t o r s i n the l i v e s o f s q u a t t e r s f o c u s e s around the u n r e a l i t y o f the a s p i r a t i o n s h e l d by p a r e n t s f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n s ' f u t u r e s . For e xamp le , 54% to 73% o f a d u l t male faveI ados in B o n i l l a ' s (1961) s u r v e y exp re s s ' t h a t favela c h i l d r e n can become l a r g e b u s i n e s s owne r s , l a w y e r s , u n i v e r s i t y p r o f e s s o r s , h i g h - r a n k i n g g o v e r n -ment o f f i c i a l s , o r members o f the Chamber o f D e p u t i e s . S i m i l a r l y , Ne l son (1969:60) r e p o r t s e v i d e n c e to show t h a t 80% to 90% o f a d u l t rancho r e s ponden t s i n a Caracas s t u d y e xp re s s t h a t any i n i t i a t i v e young per son i n V e n e z u e l a can become the owner o f a s m a l l e n t e r p r i s e , a l a w y e r , a h i g h 113 o f f i c i a l , an army o f f i c e r , o r a p o l i t i c i a n . But as Mangin p e r c e p t i v e l y i n d i c a t e s i n L i m a , though b a r r i a d a p a r e n t s say they want t h e i r c h i l d r e n to become p r o f e s s i o n a l s and e x e c u -t i v e s , " i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y t h a t they w i l l b e , u n l e s s t h e r e are monumental changes i n P e r u " (Mang i n , 1 963 : 54 ) . S e c o n d l y , a n o t h e r a d m i t t e d l y p o t e n t i a l s o u r c e o f u n r e s t may l i e i n the r e a l i z a t i o n by u r b a n - b o r n s q u a t t e r s t h a t they cannot and w i l l not be a b l e t o e x a c t l y s a t i s f y the e x p e c t a t i o n s imposed on them by t h e i r p a r e n t s : . . . when the children come to t h i s r e a l i z a t i o n , they may f u l f i l l the presently paranoid prophecy of many middle and upper class Peruvians who see the barriada population as rebel-l i o u s and revolutionary. (Mang i n , 1963:54) That appears t o be Ray ' s (1969) major c once rn f o r the urban Venezue l an s c e n e . But a g a i n , Ne l son (1969:55) d i s c l o s e s f r a g m e n t a r y e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t i n g t h a t w h i l e poor urban c h i l d r e n are l i k e l y t o be l e s s s a t i s f i e d w i t h manual work and l e s s s o c i a l s t a t u s than t h e i r p a r e n t s w e r e , o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y f o r each g e n e r a t i o n i s l i k e l y t o be p r o g r e s s i v e l y b e t t e r . Wh i l e N e l s o n ' s d a t a f o r Sao Pau l o and Buenos A i r e s ( d a t i n g back to 1960) cannot s u p p o r t any f i n e c o n c l u s i o n s , i t does remain c l e a r t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t m a j o r i t y ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y 69% i n the Sao P a u l o s a m p l e , and 79% i n the Buenos A i r e s 114 sample) o f t ho se born i n t o the l o w e r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r a t a e scaped and moved upward: Most became s k i l l e d manual workers, but substantial f r a c t i o n s found t h e i r way into lower- or higher-level non-manual jobs, and a few broad-jumped into higher administrative, business, or professional p o s i t i o n s . ( N e l s o n , 1969:55) As s u c h , the p o s s i b i l i t y i s l e f t open t h a t poor c h i l d r e n s ' h i g h e r a s p i r a t i o n s f o r o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y are i n p a r t matched by t h e i r h i g h e r l e v e l s of a c h i e v e m e n t . That does not n u l l i f y d i s c o n t e n t , but may h e l p t o reduce i t . Most t h e o r i e s o f r a d i c a l i z a t i o n s i m p l y assume and do not e x p l a i n the p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . R a d i -c a l i z a t i o n t h e o r i s t s , by and l a r g e , f a i l t o r e a l i z e t h a t not a l l s o c i a l and economic d i s c o n t e n t c u l m i n a t e s i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . Much f r u s t r a t i o n i s e x p r e s s e d i n a p o l i t i c a l ways not o n l y by e s t a b l i s h e d Tow- incomers but by a l l segments o f urban s o c i e t y . ^ 0 Mo r eove r , not a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y e x p r e s s e s f r u s t r a t i o n . For e x a m p l e , t h e a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e found i n s i d e many s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t s hope f o r and conce rn about the f u t u r e , and i s g u i d e d more by o p t i m i s m than by d i s c o n t e n t . But even when f r u s t r a t i o n s do l e a d t o p r o t e s t forms o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , such a c t i v i t y s h o u l d o f t e n be v iewed as an e x p r e s s i o n o f r a t i o n a l and p r a g m a t i c r e sponse s t o s t r u c t u r a l d e f i c i e n c i e s . W i th t h i s ; / 115 i n m i n d , the f undamenta l d e c i s i o n made by " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " to t a k e p a r t i n s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t i n v a s i o n s must be c o n -s t r u e d as an a c t i v e r e p l y t o l i m i t e d and i n s u f f i c i e n t accommodat ion a l t e r n a t i v e s , and not as a c o n c e r t e d a t t e m p t to c r e a t e o r i n t e n s i f y havoc f o r urban s o c i e t y . ^ To u n i -f o r m l y equa te a c t i v e b e h a v i o u r among e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s w i t h v i o l e n c e and/or r a d i c a l i s m i s t o be s i m p l i s t i c and t o m i s i n t e r p r e t a w ide range o f e x p e r i e n c e s : . . . the p r o b a b i l i t y that p o l i t i c a l pro-test w i l l take the s p e c i f i c forms of violence and/or radicalism i s strongly conditioned by the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l climate and i n s t i t u t i o n s . ( N e l s o n , 1959:45) T h e o r i e s o f r a d i c a l i z a t i o n , w a r n i n g o f mount ing urban d i s c o n t e n t and e x p l o s i v e c l i m a x e s , 'may be v a l i d under some c o n d i t i o n s ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h o u g h , nowhere a r e t ho se c o n d i t i o n s c l e a r l y s t i p u l a t e d . In t h e i r p r e s e n t , p a r t i a l and l o o s e l y a r t i c u l a t e d s t a t e , h ypo the se s o f r a d i c a l i s m among e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s cannot be p r o p e r l y t e s t e d . 116 Chap te r 6 GOVERNMENT/POPULAR URBAN ACCOMMODATION CONTROVERSIES S q u a t t e r S e t t l e m e n t s as a P u r p o r t e d P rob lem L a t i n Amer i can governments seem to be e x p r e s s l y t r o u b l e d by the e v e r - g r o w i n g numbers o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and s e t t l e r s . So many government h o u s i n g p l an s and de s i g n s i m p l i c i t l y convey an a s sumpt i on t h a t a l l s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments r e p r e s e n t d i s r e p u t a b l e commun i t i e s wh i ch must be e l i m i n a t e d and r e s t r a i n e d . T h e i r app roaches ' to the h o u s i n g di lemma t e n d t o be based on a v iew o f modern urban e x i s t e n c e wh ich f a i l s t o p r o p e r l y t ake a ccoun t o f many poor u r b a n i t e s ' p a r t i c u l a r e x p e r i e n c e s , needs and p o s s i b i l i t i e s . What poor f a m i l i e s want i n the a r ea o f urban accommodat ion and what h o u s i n g a u t h o r i t i e s a re f r e q u e n t l y o f f e r i n g are two ve r y d i f f e r e n t th i ngs . Many L a t i n Amer i can s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " t e c h n i q u e s "by wh ich l ow- i ncome f a m i l i e s b u i l d t h e i r h o u s i n g and t h e i r 117 community i n s t a ge s as t h e i r r e s o u r c e s p e r m i t , the more i m -p o r t a n t e lement s f i r s t " ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 1 ) . These c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o c e d u r e s , l o g i c a l l y s e l e c t e d by poor urban s e t t l e r s who are a c t i n g i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e i r own need s , p e r m i t s y n -c h r o n i z a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l and community i n v e s t m e n t s , on the one hand , and the rhythm o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c change s , on the o t h e r hand. C o n v e r s e l y , " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t , " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f so many p u b l i c h o u s i n g schemes, c o m p l i -c a t e s c u r r e n t h o u s i n g prob lems "by r e q u i r i n g minimum modern s t a n d a r d s t r u c t u r e s and i n s t a l l a t i o n s p r i o r to s e t t l e m e n t " and "by d i s r e g a r d i n g the economic and s o c i a l needs o f the mass o f urban s e t t l e r s . . . " ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 1 ) . " P r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t " i s based on a s e t o f " p o p u l a r " h o u s i n g norms, o r p r i o r i t i e s d e s i r e d and e x p r e s s e d by l ow- i ncome f a m i l i e s s t r u g g l i n g t o e s t a b l i s h a home i n the urban e n v i r o n m e n t : " l a n d t e n u r e , community f a c i l i t i e s , an adequate d w e l l i n g and u t i l i t i e s i n t h a t o r d e r " ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 1 5 ) . " I n s t a n t deve l opmen t " i s based on a s e t o f " o f f i c i a l " norms ( o p p o s i t e to " p o p u l a r " n o r m s ) , o r accom-modat ion s t a n d a r d s s t i p u l a t e d by government a u t h o r i t i e s : " a modern (bu t minimum) house i n the f i r s t p l a c e , some community f a c i l i t i e s ( g e n e r a l l y a t l a t e r s t a g e s ) , and e v e n -t u a l l y t i t l e t o p r o p e r t y a f t e r t he .mo r t g age has been p a i d " ( T u r n e r , 1 967 : 15 ) . On t he se grounds a l o n e , i t i s no g r e a t / 118 s u r p r i s e t h a t so many poor u r b a n i t e s choose to r e j e c t many government h o u s i n g p rog rams . When s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are u n e q u i v o c a l l y r e -garded as p r o b l e m a t i c f o r urban s o c i e t y , t h e r e a re at l e a s t two government s t r a t e g i e s t h a t appea r . The l e a s t a c t e d upon but most v e r b a l l y common s t r a t e g y i s t o e r a d i c a t e the e x i s t i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s one by one and to send t h e i r r e s i d e n t s back t o the f i e l d s . Th i s s o - c a l l e d " e r a d i c a t i o n -d e p o r t a t i o n " government " s o l u t i o n " not o n l y f a i l s t o i d e n t i f y any f a v o u r a b l e a s p e c t s o f s q u a t t i n g but a l s o f a l l s i n t o the t r a p o f assuming t h a t s q u a t t e r s e t t l e r s were a l l p e a s a n t -f a rme r s p r i o r to i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . Such an a s s umpt i on i s n e a r l y c o n s i s t e n t l y wrong i n both the shack s lum and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t c a s e s . The " e r a d i c a t i o n -d e p o r t a t i o n " s t r a t e g y i s not examined f u r t h e r i n t h i s p r e -s e n t a t i o n because so f a r i t remains but a con ve r s a t i on c o n -t r o v e r s y ; t h e r e i s no da t a t o check and i n t e r p r e t . ^ The second and most commonly imp lemented s t r a t e g y , " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n , " i n v o l v e s the d i s m a n t l i n g o f e x i s t -i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and the r e s e t t l e m e n t o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t s i n s p o n t a n e o u s l y p r o v i d e d , " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " s i t e s . In such a s t r a t e g y , L a t i n Amer i can governments a re e i t h e r unaware o f o r a re d e l i b e r a t e l y n e g l e c t i n g the f a v o u r -a b l e a s p e c t s o f s q u a t t i n g . M o r e o v e r , the t ypes o f " i n s t a n t deve l opmen t " h o u s i n g b e i n g s pon so r ed by government a g e n c i e s 119 are i n many ways not s u i t a b l e f o r most o f t h e i r i n t e n d e d t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n s . These government hou s i n g schemes i n c l u d e the h i g h - r i s e apa r tment complexes and the s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s b e i n g b u i l t t o e s p e c i a l l y re-accommodate s q u a t t e r p o p u l a -t i o n s . E x a m i n a t i o n s o f such government hou s i n g schemes i l l u s t r a t e how and why they are g e n e r a l l y h i n d e r i n g and 2 a g g r a v a t i n g poor u r b a n i t e s i n s t e a d o f h e l p i n g them. S a f a (1964) s t i p u l a t e s some o f the p rob lems i n -v o l v e d w i t h the r e l o c a t i o n of P u e r t o R i c a n shan ty town d w e l l e r s to p u b l i c h o u s i n g apa r tment p r o j e c t s . She shows how urban r e l o c a t i o n r e i n f o r c e s a t r e n d toward m a t r i f o c a l i t y by f u r t h e r weaken ing the m a l e ' s s t a t u s i n the l ow- i ncome f a m i l y . For e xamp le , women no l o n g e r r e l y on husbands to p r o v i d e d w e l l -i ng s and now t u r n to management f o r home r e p a i r s and m a i n -tenance — p r e v i o u s l y a p a r t o f the man's r o l e i n the s h a n t y -town ( S a f a , 1 9 6 4 : 9 ) . Mo reove r , ne i ghbou rhood a f f a i r s i n the p u b l i c h o u s i n g s i t e s a re now i n the hands o f management and not o f the male r e s i d e n t s ( S a f a , 1 9 6 4 : 9 ) . On ly f a m i l i e s w i t h s p e c i f i e d l i m i t e d incomes are e l i g i b l e f o r a d m i s s i o n to the p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t , and p e r s o n a l economic i n -c r ea s e s are p e n a l i z e d by h i g h e r r e n t s o r even e v i c t i o n . As a r e s u l t , the c o m p a r a t i v e l y w ide range o f incomes found i n the shan ty town i s d r a s t i c a l l y r educed i n the p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t ( S a f a , 1 9 6 4 : 9 - 1 0 ) . Men i n the p u b l i c h o u s i n g a r e a f r e q u e n t l y e xp re s s a d e c l i n e i n the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r making f r i e n d s , as w e l l as a d e c l i n e i n the avenues o f c o - o p e r a t i o n 120 wh ich f o r m e r l y e x i s t e d i n the s h a n t y t o w n . S a f a ' s o v e r a l l p o i n t i s not so much t h a t many new prob lems a r i s e i n the r e l o c a t i o n s i t e , but r a t h e r t h a t prob lems a l r e a d y found i n the s han ty town become worse i n the r e l o c a t i o n s i t e : Job i n s t a b i l i t y , l i m i t e d opportunities for upward mobility, the s t r i c t d i v i s i o n of labour in the household and the strong emotional bond between a mother, her children and her female r e l a t i v e s a l l con-t r i b u t e to the marginal position of the man in both the shanty town and project household. In public housing his status i s weakened further by a p a t e r n a l i s t i c project management which takes over many of his r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s while the woman's role in running the houshold and rearing the children i s l e f t l a r g e l y i n t a c t . ( S a f a , 1964:13) H o l l i n g s h e a d and R o g l e r (1963) examine p o o r , urban P u e r t o R i c a n s ' a t t i t u d e s towards p u b l i c hou s i n g apa r tmen t s { c a s e r i o s ) v e r s u s shack s l u m s . A g e n e r a l f i n d i n g i s t h a t f o r t h e i r s a m p l e , 65% o f the men and women l i v i n g i n the shack s lums l i k e t ho se s e t t l e m e n t s , w h i l e 86% o f the men and 71% o f the women i n c a s e r i o s d i s l i k e t ho se r e s i d e n c e s . The b a s i c d i s l i k e o f c a s e r i o s i s r e f l e c t e d i n r e s pon se s t o q u e s t i o n s f o c u s i n g a round r e l a t i o n s w i t h n e i g h b o u r s , pe r son s caserio r e s i d e n t s wou ld p r e f e r not t o have as n e i g h b o u r s , b e h a v i o u r e x h i b i t e d by ne i g hbou r s t h a t husbands and w i ve s oppose , the s u i t a b i l i t y o f c a s e r i o s f o r r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n , and the d e s i r e t o r e t a i n o r a l t e r r e s i d e n c e t ype s and l o c a -t i o n s ( H o l l i n g s h e a d and R o g l e r , 1963 :238-239) . / / 121 In a d d i t i o n , the P u e r t o R i c a n government has i m -posed a s e t o f i r r i t a t i n g r e g u l a t i o n s on c a s e r i o i n h a b i t a n t s . For e x a m p l e , c a s e r i o s are r e n t e d t o n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s wh i ch are not p e r m i t t e d to accommodate s t r a y k i n smen . " [ F o r the c a s e r i o f a m i l y ] to t u r n away a r e l a t i v e i s r e p r e h e n s i b l e ; t o d i s r e g a r d a government r e g u l a t i o n i s n o t " (Hoi 1 i n g s head and R o g l e r , 1 963 :240 ) . O r , i n a n o t h e r a r e a , Hou s i ng A u t h o r i t y r u l e s p r o h i b i t the r e t e n t i o n o f l i v e s t o c k i n c a s e r i o q u a r t e r s . However, c a s e r i o f a m i l i e s keep a l l s o r t s o f s u b s i s t e n c e a n i m a l s i n t h e i r bathrooms and on t h e i r b a l c o n i e s u n t i l such v i o l a t i o n s are r e p o r t e d by a n e i g h b o u r . Then , manage-ment f o r c e s the f a m i l y to get r i d o f i t s a n i m a l s , and as a r e s u l t , i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s between the a n i m a l ' s owner and the r e a l or s u s p e c t e d i n f o r m e r are s e r i o u s l y damaged (Hoi 1 i n g s head and R o g l e r , 1 963 : 240 ) . In s t i l l a n o t h e r a r e a , economic c e i l i n g s encourage c a s e r i o d w e l l e r s t o have p e r s o n a l incomes t h a t do not s u r pa s s s t i p u l a t e d maximums, o r t o c o n c e a l some economic a s s e t s f rom management o f f i c i a l s . And month ly r e n t a l s are very r i g i d so t h a t the p o l i c y o f " . . . ' p a y o r get o u t , ' c o u p l e d w i t h the r u l e o f maximum e a r n i n g s , e l i m i -nates t ho se who cannot pay r e n t , as w e l l as t ho se who can a f f o r d p r i v a t e h o u s i n g (Hoi 1 i n g shead and R o g l e r , 1963:241 ). The g e n e r a l d i s p l e a s u r e w i t h and d i s a p p r o v a l o f c a s e r i o s , on the one hand, and the r e l a t i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h and p r e f e r e n c e f o r shack s l u m s , on the o t h e r hand , l e a d 122 H o l l i n g s h e a d and R o g l e r to p ropose two very s i g n i f i c a n t c o n c l u s i o n s . F i r s t l y , c a s e v i o f a m i l i e s want homes o f t h e i r own and do not d e s i r e more and b e t t e r c a s e r i o s ; s e c o n d l y , shack s lum f a m i l i e s a l s o want homes o f t h e i r own, but not i n c a s e r i o s ( H o l l i n g s h e a d and R o g l e r , 1 963 :242 ) . B r y c e - L a p o r t e (1970) c o n s i d e r s the u n d e s i r a b l e e f f e c t s o f a p u b l i c h o u s i n g apa r tment p r o j e c t ( E l C a s e r f o ) on P u e r t o R i can s f o r m e r l y r e s i d i n g i n a shack s lum ( E l A r r a b a l ) . Urban r e l o c a t i o n to E l C a s e r f o e l i m i n a t e s k i n c o n t i g u i t y o r a f f i n i t y , thus d e s t r o y i n g a f o r m e r l y s t a b l e , c o n j u g a l , c o r e s i d e n t i a l f a m i l y u n i t . Not o n l y does urban r e l o c a t i o n d i s r u p t the normal c l o s e n e s s o f k i n t i e s , but a l s o i n the absence o f economic o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a l means i t l e a d s t o new and more e x t e n s i v e v i s i t i n g p a t t e r n s , d e -c r e a s e s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s u p e r v i s i n g c h i l d r e n , and com-p l i c a t e s the t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f a u t h o r i t y and r e s p o n -s i b i l i t y . By remov ing the f o rme r f e a t u r e o f c l o s e l y - k n i t f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n , urban r e s e t t l e m e n t c r e a t e s d i f f i c u l t i e s o f commun i ca t i on and c o n t r o l between p r o f e s s i o n a l s and l o w -income c l i e n t s . Because i t s e p a r a t e s r e l a t i v e s , urban r e -l o c a t i o n c r e a t e s h a r d s h i p s wh ich i n f l u e n c e peop le t o r e v e r t to an ex tended f a m i l y p a t t e r n a t i r r e g u l a r o c c a s i o n s . Urban r e l o c a t i o n exposes i t s t a r g e t t o a ve ry d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r a l - e c o l o g i c a l s e t t i n g and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , by e n f o r c -i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , d e p r i v e s t ho se peop l e o f f o rme r a d a p t i v e 123 means f o r ove rcoming o b s t a c l e s b e i n g p r e s e n t e d by t h e i r new e n v i r o n m e n t . And f i n a l l y , by s t i p u l a t i n g a maximum income l e v e l , urban r e l o c a t i o n f o r c e s r e s i d e n t s to behave d e v i o u s l y and s e c r e t i v e l y w i t h r e g a r d to a c t i v i t i e s t h a t n o r m a l l y i n d i c a t e " d r i v e , i n g e n u i t y , and i ndependence b e l i e v e d to be so n e c e s s a r y f o r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c advancement and f a m i l y autonomy i n a s o c i e t y based on f r e e e n t e r p r i s e " ( B r y c e -L a p o r t e , 1 970 : 95 ) . In s h o r t , r e g a r d l e s s o f perhaps a nob l e and s i n c e r e government a t t empt to h e l p poor u r b a n i t e s , E l C a s e r i o c r e a t e s a v a r i e d s e t o f s t r e n u o u s and h i g h l y p r o b l e m a t i c c u l t u r a l and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r i t s t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n . Osca r Lewis (1966b) e x p r e s s e s how, f o r the s u b j e c t i n q u e s t i o n , a move f rom the La E smera lda shack s lum i n San J u a n , P u e r t o R i c o t o the V i l l a Hermosa h o u s i n g p r o j e c t r e a l l y r e p r e s e n t s a move f rom s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n to s h e e r d i s a s t e r . For e xamp le , Cruz the c r i p p l e d m u l a t t o g i r l who r e l o c a t e s i n V i l l a Hermosa ha te s to go out because of the g r e a t d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f i n d i n g he r way back home, even w i t h the p r o p e r a d d r e s s . A l s o , r e n t s i n V i l l a Hermosa must be c o n s i s t e n t l y p a i d on t i m e : I'm j i t t e r y , r e a l l y nervous} because i f you f a i l to pay the rent even once here, the following month you're thrown out. [ I f I d i d e ve r get b e h i n d i n r e n t pay -ments i n La E s m e r a l d a ] , I knew that they wouldn't put me out in the street. ( L e w i s , 1966b :22) / / / 124 By p r o v i d i n g them w i t h houses t h a t p h y s i c a l l y con fo rm to m i d d l e - c l a s s s t a n d a r d s , the V i l l a Hermosa h o u s i n g p r o j e c t f o r c e s i t s r e s i d e n t s t o compare t hemse l ve s t o r i c h e r u r b a n i t e s i n o t h e r a s p e c t s o f t h e i r l i f e - s t y l e and to become d e p r e s s e d about a l l t hey l a c k and w i l l l i k e l y neve r have . The p e r s o n a l i z e d t i e s t h a t peop l e r e l i e d upon so much i n La E smera lda do not e x i s t as o f t e n i n V i l l a Hermosa: "I have f r i e n d s but t h e y ' r e s o r t o f a r t i f i c i a l , p a s t e d on f r i e n d s . I c o u l d n ' t c o n f i d e i n them at a l l " ( L e w i s , 1966b: 2 3 ) . These and o t h e r s t a t e m e n t s made by Cruz i l l u s t r a t e the p o t e n t i a l l i a b i l i t i e s o f r e l o c a t i o n schemes — s o c i a l , economic and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l i a b i l i t i e s . Such a r e l o c a t i o n move i s n o r m a l l y not r e g a r d e d by the v i c t i m as a p r o g r e s s i o n but as a r e g r e s s i o n . T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 4 ) , T u r n e r et a l . ( 1963 :373 -374 ) and Mangin (1967a :86 ) argue t h a t h i g h - r i s e apa r tment com-p l e x e s p r o v i d e d d u r i n g the l a t e 1950 ' s and e a r l y 19 6 0 ' s i n , f o r e x amp le , .Caracas , V e n e z u e l a t o accommodate poor u r b a n i t e s were m i s e r a b l e f a i l u r e s f rom m u l t i - a n g l e p e r s p e c t i v e s . F i r s t l y , C a r a c a s ' sv.vevbloqv.es were too much o f a s t e a d y d r a i n on government f u n d s ; the month ly ma in tenance c o s t s pe r apa r tment ave raged $U.S. 53.44 i n 1959, w h i l e the average c o n s t r u c t i o n c o s t per apa r tment was i n the a rea o f $U.S. 10 ,000. Mo reove r , because t e n a n t s ' average month ly incomes 125 were not g e n e r a l l y g r e a t e r than $U.S. 170, ve ry few were a b l e t o c o n t r i b u t e to the upkeep and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o s t s even i f t hey w i s h e d t o . S e c o n d l y , the l a b o u r demand encouraged by the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f superb toques s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n c r e a s e d m i g r a -t i o n t o C a r a c a s . And , w h i l e the 1959 superbloques p o p u l a t i o n was r e c o r d e d a t 160 ,000 , i t i s d o u b t f u l t h a t C a r a c a s ' rancho p o p u l a t i o n d e c r e a s e d by t h a t amount: " . . . thousands i n the S u p e r b l o c k s have had no d i m i n i s h i n g e f f e c t on m i g r a t i o n t o Ca racas o r on the p o p u l a t i o n e x p a n s i o n i n the ranchos" (Mang in , 1 967a : 86 ) . Wh i l e v a s t sums o f money were expended , the superbloque p r o j e c t s o n l y ve ry s u p e r f i c i a l l y s c r a t c h e d the e v e r - g r o w i n g h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e i n C a r a c a s . T h i r d l y , t h e r e i s r ea son to b e l i e v e t h a t h i g h -r i s e accommodat ion i n Caracas p r o v i d e d poor r e s i d e n t s w i t h m in ima l o r no r e a l improvements i n t h e i r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s : ... the l i f t s were usually out of order, the s t a i r w e l l s were frequently used as l a t r i n e s , garbage was thrown i n d i s c r i m i -nately from the b u i l d i n g (from consider-able heights), and the blocks were dominated by gangs, which e f f e c t i v e l y prevented p o l i c e s u r v e i l l a n c e . ( T u r n e r , 1968b:125) B r i e f l y , c o n s i d e r i n g the magnanimous.pub 1 i c i n v e s t -ments t h a t went i n t o the superbloques , ve ry few b e n e f i t s were reaped f o r anybody — i n d i v i d u a l t e n a n t s o r urban 126 s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . P r o v i d i n g " i n s t a n t , " modern r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s i n Ca racas d i d not seem to s o l v e ve ry much but d i d seem to c r e a t e new prob lems and to c o n t r i b u t e to the c o m p l i c a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s . Frank (1966 :220 -224 ) s u g ge s t s some o f the d i f f i -c u l t i e s embedded i n L a t i n Amer i can p u b l i c h o u s i n g , r e l o c a -t i o n p r o j e c t s . F i r s t l y , r e s i d e n t s o f such p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s too f r e q u e n t l y s u f f e r f rom many o f the same d e f i c i e n c i e s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e some shack slums — such as l a c k o f u r b a n , e d u c a t i o n a l , h e a l t h and r e t a i l f a c i l i t i e s . S e c o n d l y , the r e n t s wh ich t ho se peop l e have to pay a re too s t e e p . Poor u r b a n i t e s cannot a f f o r d such h i gh month l y r e n t s ; s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are much cheape r f o r poor u r b a n i t e s i n t h a t d w e l l i n g s and community may be improved i n s t a g e s as economic r e s o u r c e s and t enancy p e r m i t . T h i r d l y , too many r e l o c a t i o n h o u s i n g complexes f a i l t o improve o r even h i n d e r t h e i r r e s i d e n t s ' employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s by not p r o v i d i n g employment i n t ho se r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s , by i n c r e a s i n g the d i s t a n c e to o t h e r r e p u t a b l e employment c e n t r e s , and by not o c c u r r i n g i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h n e c e s s a r y a l t e r a t i o n s i n the s t r u c t u r e o f the t o t a l s o c i e t y and economy. F o u r t h l y , the e v e r y - d a y s o c i a l prob lems o f urban l i f e i n the h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s become more i m p o r t a n t than the l a c k o f work . C o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s do appear i n the h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s , though not so much to h e l p de fend and l o c a t e employment but / 127 to improve l o c a l l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s and to h e l p r e s i d e n t s s u r v i v e i n a r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g wh ich commonly seems h o s t i l e t o them. The g e n e r a l p o i n t t o s t r e s s i s t h a t too many L a t i n Amer i can p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s do not ease u n j u s t c i r c u m s t a n c e s but magn i f y them. L i f e i n the p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s becomes more d i f f i c u l t and l e s s a t t r a c t i v e . Salmen (1969) d i s c u s s e s cases o f s q u a t t e r r e s e t t l e -ment i n two B r a z i l i a n s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s — V i l a Kennedy, c o s t i n g $U.S. 10 m i l l i o n and l o c a t e d 31 m i l e s f rom the c e n t r e o f R i o , and V i l a E s p e r a n c a , c o s t i n g about the same but l o c a t e d j u s t 40 m inutes f rom the c e n t r e o f R i o . S a l m e n ' s m a j o r , s i n g l e f i n d i n g was t h a t more than 1/3 o f the pe r sons asked i n V i l a Kennedy and a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1/5 o f t ho se asked i n V i l a E spe ranca s t a t e d t h a t they wou ld p r e f e r t o l i v e once aga i n i n a favela i n s t e a d o f i n the v i l a . And, i f favela t e n u r e c o u l d be a s s u r e d , even more r e sponden t s i n each sample wou ld l i k e l y p r e f e r t o move back to t h e i r s q u a t t e r communi t i e s . Reasons f o r s a t e l l i t e c i t y d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n range f rom economic c o m p l a i n t s i n both v i l a s t o d i s t a n c e and i s o l a t i o n c o m p l a i n t s i n V i l a Kennedy. Houses i n bo th v i l a s s o l d f o r about $U.S. 2,000 e a c h . A f a m i l y was e x p e c t e d to pay o f f i t s mortgage at an annua l r a t e of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 15% o f p e r s o n a l i ncome; i n t h i s way, i t wou ld t a ke c l o s e to 15 y e a r s o f occupancy to gua ran tee house o w n e r s h i p . V i l a 128 Kennedy ' s 31 m i l e d i s t a n c e f rom R i o ' s c e n t r e r e s u l t e d i n the c u r t a i l m e n t o f j ob o p p o r t u n i t i e s , the t ime and f i n a n c i a l i n c r e a s e s o f back and f o r t h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and the s e p a r a -t i o n f rom the e x c i t e m e n t and a t t r a c t i o n o f b i g c i t y l i f e . Such s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s have t u r n e d out to be too e x p e n s i v e , i m p r a c t i c a l and d i s h e a r t e n i n g f o r t h e i r poor t a r g e t popu -1 a t i o n s : 3 . . . serious problems have developed in these communities . They are in i s o l a t e d suburban areas, far from the favela dwellers' jobs. There are no large local i n d u s t r i e s , and unemployment i s r i f e . Transportation costs to jobs take up 20 per cent or more of take-home pay. (de Onis , 1966:1 2) The s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s of V e n t a n i l l a (Lima), Ciudad Kennedy (Bogota.), and V i l a Kennedy and Esperanca (Rio). . .have turned out to be s t i l l too expensive for poor people. They have met the needs of some of the more affluent working class and white-c o l l a r members of the population, but have had l i t t l e effect on the housing shortages experienced by masses of c i t y dwellers. (Mang i n , 196 8b:191) Robe r t s ( 1 9 7 0 : 3 6 5 - 3 6 7 ) , compar ing San Lo renzo (a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t l o c a t e d near the c e n t r e o f Guatemala C i t y ) and P l a n i f i c a d a (a government a l l o t e d , l o w -income ne i ghbou rhood l o c a t e d at some d i s t a n c e f rom the c e n t r e o f Guatemala C i t y ) e x p l a i n s a number o f the l a t t e r ' s s h o r t c o m i n g s . A g r e a t e r l i v i n g d e n s i t y i n San Lo renzo a l l o w s f o r e a s i e r and f a s t e r m o b i l i z a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t s f o r 129 communal p r o j e c t s and m e e t i n g s ; P l a n i f i c a d a f a m i l i e s keep more to t hemse l ve s and o f f e r l i t t l e community c o - o p e r a t i o n . San Lo renzo b e t t e r m e n t c o m m i t t e e s , even though San Lo renzo l a c k s l e g a l s t a t u s , are a b l e t o e x e r t g r e a t e r p r e s s u r e on the s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y t o h e l p i n s t a l l w a t e r f a u c e t s , t o p r o v i d e b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s and m e d i c a l a s s i s t a n c e . P l a n i f i c a d a , even though an o f f i c i a l l y s e t t l e d l e g a l com-m u n i t y , l a c k s adequate sewage f a c i l i t i e s , a s u f f i c i e n t w a t e r s u p p l y , and paved r o a d s . As w e l l , P I a n i f i c a d a 1 s g r e a t e r d i s t a n c e f rom c e n t r a l Guatemala C i t y means t h a t i t s r e s i d e n t s spend c o n s i d e r a b l y more t ime commuting t o and f r om.emp loyment , and have much l e s s t ime f o r communal a c t i v i -t i e s , r e s i d e n t i a l r e c r e a t i o n , and c e n t r e - c i t y e n t e r t a i n m e n t . P l a n i f i c a d a i s supposed t o be a more d e s i r a b l e ne i ghbou rhood f o r l ow - i ncome u r b a n i t e s , but i s i n f a c t i n f e r i o r i n many ways to the i l l e g a l , s q u a t t e r community o f San L o r e n z o . I n s t r u c t i v e case s t u d i e s o f s u c c e s s f u l p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s have o n l y appeared s p o r a d i c a l l y o ve r the l a s t decade . T u r n e r et a l . ( 1 9 6 3 : 3 7 6 - 3 7 7 ) , c on tend t h a t the Pampa de Comas bavviada ( L i m a ) , f o r e x a m p l e , i s a b l e t o a p p r e c i a b l y s a t i s f y poor u r b a n i t e s ' d e s i r e s f o r l a n d , s h e l t e r and then u t i l i t i e s . Each f a m i l y has a p l o t o f l a n d and a t empora r y s h e l t e r o r h a l f - b u i l t house wh i ch g r a d u a l l y i s c o n v e r t e d i n t o a s t u r d y , b r i c k and c o n c r e t e home. W i t h i n the s e t t l e m e n t t h e r e a re a few s c h o o l s and o t h e r b a s i c / / / 130 community f a c i l i t i e s . P u b l i c u t i l i t i e s such as e l e c t r i c i t y , tap w a t e r and sewage d i s p o s a l a re l a c k i n g but r e s i d e n t s a re c o n f i d e n t t h a t t he se w i l l d e v e l o p i n good t i m e . The i m p o r -t a n t message i s c l e a r l y e x p r e s s e d as f o l l o w s : S o c i a l l y and q u a n t i t a t i v e l y , even i f not a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y speaking, the barriadas are, undoubtedly3 the most e f f e c t i v e - , solution yet offered to the problem of urbanization in Peru. ( T u r n e r et a l . , 1963:376) P e a t t i e ( 1 968 : 14 , 29 , 33 ) shows t h a t the La L a j a b a r r i o ( V e n e z u e l a ) p r o v i d e s i t s r e s i d e n t s w i t h the s e c u r i t y n e c e s s a r y f o r the e v e n t u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f s o l i d d w e l l i n g s wh i ch demand f i n a n c i a l l y s i z e a b l e , l o n g - t e r m i n v e s t m e n t s . Mo reove r , as o f 1962 (some 15 y e a r s a f t e r i t s c r e a t i o n ) , La L a j a has a modern two-room e d u c a t i o n a l u n i t , a community c e n t r e , a v o l l e y b a l l c o u r t , a b a s e b a l l d i amond, a p l a y g r o u n d , a w a t e r l i n e c onnec ted t o n i n e p u b l i c t a p s , and e l e c t r i c power i n s t a l l e d by the n a t i o n a l e l e c t r i c i t y agency . By u t i l i z i n g " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " t e c h n i q u e s and a p p l y i n g " p o p u l a r " p r i o r i t i e s La L a j a r e s i d e n t s are s l o w l y a b l e t o a c h i e v e much o f what they w i s h t o a c h i e v e . By e x a m i n i n g the case o f Segundo and h i s f a m i l y i n the E l M a r i s c a l zone o f the Pampa de Arena b a r r i a d a ( L i m a ) , D i e t z (1969:364) c o n c l u d e s t h a t a s t r o n g p r i d e o f owne r sh i p and the p r o s p e c t o f permanence c r e a t e an atmosphere c o n d u c i v e to p e r s o n a l and community deve l opmen t . Segundo ' s 131 s a l i e n t conce rn s are a t t a i n i n g a r e a s o n a b l e l e v e l o f s e c u r i t y f o r h i m s e l f and h i s f a m i l y , and c o m p l e t i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h i s home ( D i e t z , 1969 :359 ) . W i t h i n one y e a r o f r e s i d e n c e ( 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 ) , Segundo has h i s own p l o t o f l a n d , h i s own semi -pe rmanent two-room house , and a s e l f - c o n s t r u c t e d s t o n e w a l l s u r r o u n d i n g h i s p r o p e r t y . When he has the money, he p l an s t o r e p l a c e the s tone w a l l w i t h a seven f o o t h i gh b r i c k w a l l , t o b u i l d some e x t r a rooms at the f r o n t o f the l o t , and to c a s t a r e i n f o r c e d c o n c r e t e r o o f wh i ch wou ld s u p p o r t a second f l o o r . The e n t i r e p r o ce s s may run f rom f i v e t o ten y e a r s and depends on Segundo ' s own e f f o r t s , as w e l l as on the e f f o r t s o f f r i e n d s , r e l a t i v e s , ne i ghbou r s o r even o u t s i d e c o n t r a c t o r s who may be r e q u i r e d p e r i o d i c a l l y ( D i e t z , 1 969 : 362 ) . There i s o n l y one s c h o o l f o r a l l e i g h t zones o f Pampa de A r e n a . There are no u t i l i t i e s as s u c h , bu t Segundo ' s d i s t r i c t , t h rough community e f f o r t , manages to s u p p l y i t s e l f w i t h w a t e r by i n t e r c e p t i n g a nearby w a t e r ma i n . There a re n e i t h e r p r o p e r sewage systems nor e l e c t r i c i t y , though both are f o r t h c o m i n g f rom the n a t i o n a l h o u s i n g a u t h o r i t y ( D i e t z , 1969 :358 ) . Segundo and h i s f a m i l y seem happy w i t h t h e i r c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n s , and l ook f o r w a r d to a f u t u r e o f g r a d u a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c advancement and community deve l opmen t . T u r n e r ( 1967 :4 -15 ) r e l a t e s the case o f the Pampa de Cuevas b a r r i a d a ( L i m a ) . At Cueva s 1 i n c i p i e n c e i n 1960, 132 each f a m i l y has a d e l i m i t e d p l o t o f r e n t - f r e e l a n d w i t h m in ima l f e a r o f e v i c t i o n , a t empora r y s e l f - b u i l t s h e l t e r w i t h more s p a c e , s u n l i g h t and f r e s h a i r than i n the f o r m e r tenement r e s i d e n c e s , and acce s s to a manual w a t e r s u p p l y , p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , an e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l and some r e t a i l f a c i l i t i e s . By 1965, 80% o f the d w e l l i n g s are r e c e i v i n g s e l f - h e l p permanent c o n s t r u c t i o n , w i t h 40% a l r e a d y h a v i n g w a l l s c omp le ted to r o o f l e v e l . As w e l l , t h e r e a re now a number o f s c h o o l s ( p r i m a r y and s e c o n d a r y ) , a m e d i c a l p o s t , a p o l i c e p o s t , a c h a p e l , a t l e a s t 218 r e t a i l shops and 14 a r t i s a n wo rk shop s . E l e c t r i c i t y i s s t i l l an e x c e p t i o n a l l u x u r y , and a p r o v i s i o n a l tap w a t e r s u p p l y , though i n s t a l l e d by the n a t i o n a l government , i s no t y e t o p e r a b l e . S u c c e s s f u l deve lopment i n Cuevas f o l l o w s a " p o p u l a r " sequence o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p , community f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s , d w e l l i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , and pub 1 i c u t i 1 i t i e s . A c c o r d i n g to p e r s o n a l f i n a n c e s and to the degrees o f l o c a t i o n a l permanency, Cuevas f a m i l i e s p r o v i d e t hemse l ve s w i t h what they b e l i e v e i s most u r gen t and most d e s i r e d . Mangin and T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 8 : 1 5 6 - 1 6 1 ) , by c o n s i d e r i n g the example o f the Pe rez f a m i l y i n the Benav ide s b a r r i a d a ( L i m a ) , c o n v i n c i n g l y demons t r a te t h a t such s e l f - e s t a b l i s h e d ne i ghbou rhoods meet the s p a t i a l r e q u i r e m e n t s of many poor u r b a n i t e s d u r i n g t h e i r p e r i o d s o f s e r i o u s need : / / 133 As Patrick Geddes observed in 1917 ( i n India) and as confirmed by. . the demand for space by the Perez family: 'The essential need of a family and a house i s room and. . . the essential improvement of a house and a family i s more room. ' (Mangin and T u r n e r , 1968:158) A r e n t - o r m o r t g a g e - f r e e p l o t o f l a n d wh ich i s not b e i n g t h r e a t e n e d by government i n t e r v e n t i o n encourages the Pe re z f a m i l y t o p r o g e s s i v e l y i n v e s t i t s own s a v i n g s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and manual s k i l l s , and spa re t ime f o r d w e l l i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and community a m e n i t i e s . Benav ide s p r o v i d e s i t s r e s i d e n t s w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a d v a n t a g e s . For i n s t a n c e , the Pe re z f a m i l y reduces i n d i v i d u a l expenses by a c t i n g as i t s own g e n e r a l c o n t r a c t o r , by b u i l d i n g w i t h o u t c o s t l y c r e d i t , by e l i m i n a t -i n g e x o r b i t a n t p r o f e s s i o n a l / l e g a l f ee s and t a x e s , by e v a d i n g c o s t - i n f 1 a t i n g b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , and by p r o v i d i n g s e l f -h e l p l a b o u r . O the r b e n e f i t s i n c l u d e the s e c u r i t y o f a house ( a l b e i t i n c o m p l e t e ) wh i ch i s more s p a c i o u s and f a r s u p e r i o r t o the o v e r c r o w d e d , d e c r e p i t tenement and shack s l u m s ; the a b i l i t y o f a f a m i l y to b u i l d what i t r e q u i r e s most u r g e n t l y i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h chang i n g s t y l e s o f hou se -h o l d l i f e ; and , the i n v a l u a b l e u t i l i t y of a s e l f - b u i l t d o m i c i l e and ne i ghbou rhood as agents o f f a m i l y and i n t r a -community u n i f i c a t i o n and deve l opment . .1 34 U n p r e j u d i c e d o b s e r v a t i o n s o f many f a m i l y e x p e r i -ences s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the P e r e z ' c o n v i n c e Mangin and T u r n e r (1968:161) t h a t " t h e env i r onmen t s s e l e c t e d and b u i l t by o r d i n a r y p e o p l e , when f r e e to i n v e s t t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s i n t h e i r own way s , a re h i g h l y e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e s f o r s o c i a l c hange . " P r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s such as Benav ide s are e x t r e m e l y r e s p o n s i v e to t h e i r r e s i d e n t s ' s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s and a s p i r a t i o n s . A number o f g e n e r a l p o i n t s a r i s e f rom the p r e c e d -i n g d i s c u s s i o n s . F i r s t l y , " i n s t a n t deve l opment " p u b l i c h o u s i n g schemes seem t o s u b j e c t i n d i v i d u a l s (and e n t i r e l o w -income commun i t i e s ) t o many o f the same s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , c u l t u r a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t p r e v a i l e d i n t h e i r f o rme r r e s i d e n c e s . Very o f t e n , t ho se d i f f i c u l t i e s become even worse i n the " i n s t a n t deve l opmen t " p r o j e c t and a re accompan ied by new a g g r a v a t i n g p r o b l e m s . As a r e s u l t , t h e r e i s f o r a m u l t i t u d e o f reasons a g e n e r a l d i s l i k e o f and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h such p u b l i c h o u s i n g schemes. S e c o n d l y , immense government funds have been expended f o r l i t t l e a v a i l to anyone; a ccomp l i s hment s i n most " i n s t a n t deve l opmen t " p r o j e c t s seem to have been m in ima l o r non -e x i s t e n t . Such accommodat ion endeavours ve ry f r e q u e n t l y f a i l t o c a t e r t o the p o o r e s t u r b a n i t e s . T h i r d l y , i n compa r i s on to the " i n s t a n t deve l opmen t " p u b l i c hou s i n g a p p r o a c h , the 135 s e l f - h e l p " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " s t r a t e g y bares r e m a r k a b l e s o c i a l and m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s f o r l a r g e numbers o f poor u r b a n i t e s . A s t r o n g p r e f e r e n c e by the urban poor f o r " p r o -g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " accommodat ion i s l o g i c a l , e c o n o m i c a l l y f e a s i b l e , and s o c i a l l y advan tageou s . And, f o u r t h l y , an u n i n t e n d e d but c o s t l y outcome o f the " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " p r o j e c t s has been to i n d i c a t e the u rgency f o r c o - o p e r a t i o n between government f i n a n c i a l , t e c h n i c a l and human a s s i s t a n c e , on the one hand, and p o p u l a r need s , d e s i r e s and i n i t i a t i v e , on the o t h e r hand. " I n s t a n t Deve lopment " Hous ing as a V e r i t a b l e P rob l em The f l a w s and i n a d e q u a c i e s o f " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " government h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s are now w e l l - k n o w n t h r o u g h o u t L a t i n A m e r i c a . Newer government s t r a t e g i e s , i n v o l v i n g the u t i l i z a t i o n o f " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " t e c h n i q u e s and the a p p l i c a t i o n o f " p o p u l a r " p r i o r i t i e s , a re b e i n g d e s i g n e d and t r i e d . Th i s s e c t i o n o f Chap te r 6 b r i e f l y l o o k s a t two types o f such government h o u s i n g p o l i c y — the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o r r edeve l opmen t o f e x i s t i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s t h a t c o n t a i n h i gh deve lopment p o t e n t i a l , and the p r o v i s i o n o f s u i t a b l e accommodat ion to e v i c t e d s q u a t t e r s and to p o t e n t i a l s q u a t t e r s . / / 136 The 1966 AID Hous ing Repo r t p r o v i d e s a majo r o p p o s i t i o n t o the " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n " p h i l o s o p h y . A c c o r d i n g t o that U.S. r e p o r t , i n 1966 the 185 r e p o r t e d f a v e l a s s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t R i o , B r a z i l r e p r e s e n t a t o t a l i n v e s t m e n t o f more than $U.S. 50 m i l l i o n f o r the 500,000 c i t i z e n s i n h a b i t i n g them. I t i s a d v i s e d t h a t the c o s t s o f r e h a b i l i t a t i n g e x i s t i n g R io f a v e l a s wou ld be cheape r than the c o s t s o f e r a d i c a t i n g tho se s e t t l e m e n t s and r e l o c a t i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n t s i n government , " i n s t a n t " h o u s i n g s i t e s : The minimal cost of the new housing would be $1,000 a unit while state housing engineers estimate that the favelas could be r e b u i l t at an average cost of $500 a unit, along with salvage of large invest-ments already made by the dwellers. (de O n i s , 1966:12) R e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o j e c t s c a l l f o r community i n v o l v e m e n t , c o l l e c t i v e c o - o p e r a t i o n , and government t e c h n i c a l and f i n a n -c i a l (easy c r e d i t and l o w - c o s t l o a n s ) a s s i s t a n c e . The u l t i m a t e s u c c e s s o f r edeve l opment p r o j e c t s depends on the a b i l i t y o f the community , w i t h the encouragement o f g o v e r n -ment a s s i s t a n c e , t o u n i t e and max imize i t s p o t e n t i a l human and economic r e s o u r c e s — i n i t i a t i v e , e f f o r t , s k i l l s and s m a l l s a v i n g s . There are e x t r e m e l y l i m i t e d da ta on the r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n p r o j e c t s . The few cases t h a t a re s k e t c h i l y r e p o r t e d appear t o i n v o l v e " m u n i c i p a l i z a t i o n , " or i n o t h e r w o r d s , the 137 i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t i n t o the s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y . In t h i s way, the s e t t l e m e n t a c h i e v e s l e g a l s t a t u s and becomes e l i g i b l e f o r m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s ; r e s i d e n t s are g ua r an teed o f f i c i a l t e n u r e to t h e i r homesteads as soon as improvement c o s t s are p a i d back to the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Cuevas , E l E r m i t a n o , Pampa S e c a , San M a r t i n de P o r r e s (L ima) and Mar i ano Me l ga r ( A r e q u i p a ) p r o v i d e 4 p e r t i n e n t e x a m p l e s . Government e f f o r t s i n t he se p r o j e c t s complement p e r s o n a l e f f o r t s and e x p e c t a t i o n s and do not f i g h t a g a i n s t them, as do the t y p i c a l " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t , " " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n " p r o j e c t s . C l e a r l y , the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n t a c t i c cannot be a p p l i e d i n a l l c a s e s . Some s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s l a c k any s o l i d f o u n d a t i o n and are d e s t i n e d to remain as e x t r e m e l y dep re s s ed ne i ghbou rhoods ( e . g . , the p o o r e s t , most permanent shack s l ums ) and o t h e r s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are l o c a t e d so t h a t they i n t e r f e r e w i t h major m e t r o p o l i t a n e x p a n s i o n p l a n s . The more s u c c e s s f u l r e l o c a t i o n schemes a l l o w r e s e t t l e d peop le t o work towards " p o p u l a r " p r i o r i t i e s and to a p p l y " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s . E l G a l l o ( V e n e z u e l a ) , a deve lopment s pon so red i n 1964 as p a r t o f the C i udad Guayana Development Program by the Covpovacion Venezolana de Guayana ( C . V . G . ) , p e r m i t t e d r e l o c a t e d r e s i -dents t o b u i l d t h e i r d w e l l i n g s i n s t a ge s and to g r a d u a l l y improve community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . By 1967, a lmos t a l l the 138 p r o v i s i o n a l d w e l l i n g s had been r e p l a c e d by pe rmanent , com-p l e t e d w e l l i n g s , and the community c o n t a i n e d r o a d s , e l e c -t r i c i t y , a sewage d i s p o s a l s y s t e m , a s c h o o l , and so on (Caminos et a l . 3 1 969 : 215 - 228 ) . The V a l d i v i e s o (L ima) p r o j e c t , s t a r t e d i n 1960, l o c a t e d i t s r e s i d e n t s o n l y a few m i l e s f rom downtown L i m a , and p r o v i d e d p l o t s o f l a n d and p r o v i s i o n a l d w e l l i n g s o f cane m a t t i n g and bamboo f o r 700 f a m i l i e s . The o n l y a d d i t i o n a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e d a t the e a r l i e s t s t a ge s o f the p r o j e c t was a number o f s t r a t e g i c a l l y p l a c e d d r i n k i n g w a t e r s p i g o t s . The c o s t t o each f a m i l y was about $U.S. 450 — $U.S. 260 f o r the d w e l l i n g s t r u c t u r e and a c o n c r e t e f l o o r , $U.S. 75 f o r the l a n d , and $U.S. 115 f o r the w a t e r . As an i n c e n t i v e , a c r e d i t on t ho se payments was p r o v i d e d f o r up to 12 y e a r s a t a modest annua l i n t e r e s t o f 6 per cen t ( T u r n e r , 1 968b :124 ) . T u r n e r (1967:12) m a i n -t a i n s t h a t such " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " h o u s i n g programs can be at l e a s t 100% cheape r than the " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " c o u n t e r p a r t s , f o r i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s and on urban s o c i e t y p u b l i c f u n d s . R e c e n t l y , L a t i n Amer i can governments are t r y i n g to a n t i c i p a t e and check the growth o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n s by p r o v i d i n g h o u s i n g programs t h a t t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the p o p u l a r p r e f e r e n c e f o r " p r o -g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t . " Because t h e s e programs aim a t p r e v e n t i n g the e x p a n s i o n o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t segments by 139 s u p p l y i n g a s s i s t a n c e and gu idance to p o t e n t i a l s q u a t t e r s , they may be l a b e l l e d as " p r e v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " , p rog rams . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h o u g h , s i m p l y abandon ing the " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p -m e n t " / " o f f i c i a l " p h i l o s o p h y f o r the " p r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t " / " p o p u l a r " p h i l o s o p h y does not a u t o m a t i c a l l y mean t h a t " p r e -v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " p r o j e c t s w i l l a t t a i n t h e i r a s p i r e d s u c c e s s e s . There are a number o f d i f f i c u l t i e s to watch out f o r . F i r s t o f a l l , w h i l e f i n a n c i a l l oan s may be a v a i l a b l e t o h o u s i n g c a n d i d a t e s , t ho se l oan s f r e q u e n t l y s t i p u l a t e u n r e a s o n a b l e c o n d i t i o n s . For e xamp le , poor urban s e t t l e r s p r e f e r t o have e l e c t r i c i t y b e f o r e ba t h r ooms , o r bo th i f p o s s i b l e . But many f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l o n l y p r o v i d e l oan s on houses t h a t have bathrooms (Mangin , 1968b : 424) . Or , many l oan s r e q u i r e m a r r i a g e and b i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e s f rom a p p l i c a n t s . Hope fu l c o u p l e s a r r ange to marry l e g a l l y and do o b t a i n the n e c e s s a r y m a r r i a g e p a p e r s , o n l y t o r e a l i z e t h a t they are s t i l l i n e l i g i b l e f o r a l o an because t hey l a c k the n e c e s s a r y b i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e s . And even t ho se who do q u a l i f y f o r l oan s may l o s e a l l f a i t h i n urban s o c i e t y when they are n e g l e c t e d because o f b u r e a u c r a t i c n e p o t i s m o r red t a p e . E f f e c t i v e h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s e l i m i n a t e such absu rd r e q u i r e m e n t s . S e c o n d l y , too many " p r e v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " p r o j e c t s do not a l l o w r e s i d e n t s to do t h e i r own b u i l d i n g . R e s i d e n t s 140 may be f o r c e d to not o n l y pu rcha se b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s but a l s o t o pay f o r s u p p l i e d o u t s i d e l a b o u r ( F r a n k , 1 966 : 229 ) . S u c c e s s f u l p r o j e c t s must s u p p l y m a t e r i a l s and a r c h i t e c t u r a l / c o n t r a c t u a l s e r v i c e s , but a l s o must employ the owner-o c c u p i e r s and pay them e i t h e r i n the form o f r e a l money wages o r o f l e g a l r i g h t s t o one o f the comp le ted d w e l l i n g s upon f u l f i l m e n t o f a s p e c i f i e d amount o f c o n s t r u c t i o n t i m e . Th i s t ype o f approach has r e c e i v e d some o p t i m i s t i c s u c ce s s i n the C iudad Guayana case ( T u r n e r , 1 968b : 126 ) . T h i r d l y , w h i l e many o f the " p r e v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " schemes are l o o s e l y r e f e r r e d to as l o w - c o s t h o u s i n g , the c o s t s i n a l a r g e number o f cases a re s t i l l too e x c e s s i v e f o r the p o o r e s t u r b a n i t e s . That becomes c l e a r when one r e a l i z e s t h a t i n some i n t r i c a t e l y p l anned h o u s i n g schemes, s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s appear on the s i t e p r i o r t o p r o j e c t i m p l e m e n t a -t i o n . G o l d r i c h et a l . ( 1967 -1968 :182 ) r e c o u n t the C h i l e a n gove rnmen t ' s c o n s t e r n a t i o n and d i s p l e a s u r e upon d i s c o v e r i n g t h a t t h e i r e l a b o r a t e l y p l a n n e d 1960 Santo Domingo h o u s i n g p r o j e c t had been i n v a d e d by a mas s i ve group o f s q u a t t e r s , b e f o r e the r e g i s t e r e d f a m i l i e s were a b l e to move on to the s i t e . Casasco (1969 :101 -102 ) d e s c r i b e s the r e v e a l i n g case o f B r a s i l i a , wh i ch even p r i o r to becoming a new c i t y and B r a z i l ' s c a p i t a l , had a l a r g e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t p o p u l a -t i o n . Low-income s p e c u l a t o r s a n t i c i p a t e d an a t t r a c t i v e o p p o r t u n i t y and a c t e d b e f o r e government p l an s were 141 ready f o r i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . Mang i n , add i ng a r e f e r e n c e to the C i udad Guayana c a s e , m a i n t a i n s : B r a s i l i a and Ciudad Guayana, Venezuela, are spectacular attempts to decentralize, and have been more or less successful, but squatter settlements had developed in both places before the planned c i t i e s were c o n s t r u c t e d . (Mang i n , 1967a:86) And f o u r t h l y , because they o f t e n do not c a t e r t o the p o o r e s t u r b a n i t e s and because urban b i r t h r a t e s and m i g r a t i o n r a t e s are c o n s t a n t l y on the upsv/ing, t h e r e i s rea son to b e l i e v e t h a t " p r e v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " schemes may not have much o f a dampening e f f e c t on the n u m e r i c a l g rowth o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and the demograph ic growth o f s q u a t t e r s . F u r t h e r m o r e , i t i s even c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t " p r e -v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " schemes may i n d i r e c t l y add to the growth o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and p o p u l a t i o n s by a t t r a c t i n g even g r e a t e r numbers o f m i g r a n t s t o c i t y l i f e and by p r o v i d i n g new, s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d spaces f o r both shack s lums and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . I t seems h i g h l y p r o b a b l e t h a t s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s , a l o n g w i t h the m o d e r n i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n o f L a t i n Amer i c a and the T h i r d Wor ld i n g e n e r a l , have an e x t r e m e l y l ong h i s t o r y ahead. As a c o n c l u d i n g r e f l e c t i o n , the urban poor and t h e i r s q u a t t i n g t a c t i c s have f o r . t o o l o n g been o n l y c o n -s i d e r e d as l i a b i l i t i e s on urban s o c i e t y . T h e i r a c t i o n s have 142 been l o a t h e d and/or vehement l y opposed by o f f i c i a l ranks o f s o c i e t y . Now, L a t i n Amer i can a u t h o r i t i e s (some b u r e a u -c r a t s , p o l i t i c i a n s , a r c h i t e c t s , e n g i n e e r s , p l a n n e r s , e t c . ) are b e g i n n i n g t o become c o g n i z a n t o f some o f the a s s e t s wh i ch must be a t t r i b u t e d to the d r i v e , t a l e n t , i n i t i a t i v e and d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f l e s s a f f l u e n t u r b a n i t e s . P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the a r ea o f l ow- i ncome h o u s i n g , poor p e o p l e s ' p r i o r i t i e s and methods have paved the way f o r r e f o r m s , a l t e r a t i o n s and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n . I t i s becoming more and more e v i d e n t t h a t t h e i r own approach to the complex m a t t e r o f urban accommodat ion r e f l e c t s a m i x t u r e o f r a t i o n a l , l o g i c a l and p r a c t i c a l r e spon se s — the r e s u l t s o f s i n c e r e and commi t ted e f f o r t s t o s u c c e s s f u l l y adapt t o one o f the g r e a t e s t c h a l -l enge s o f urban e x i s t e n c e . " P r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s and " p o p u l a r " h o u s i n g norms are g r a d u a l l y becoming the key symbols o f urban h o u s i n g s t r a t e g y . Wi th the p r o p e r c o m b i -n a t i o n s o f government a s s i s t a n c e and p o p u l a r r e s o u r c e s , t h e r e are r ema r kab l e s o c i a l and economic b e n e f i t s t o be s h a r e d by both i n d i v i d u a l u r b a n i t e s and by urban s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . I n s t e a d o f the p e r s i s t e n c e o f e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g t e n s i o n and h o s t i l i t y between the urban poor and o f f i c i a l c i r c l e s , t h e r e i s the hope o f e v e r - i m p r o v i n g c o - o p e r a t i o n and c o m p l e m e n t a t i o n . There are s t i l l p rob lems o f q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y i n l ow - i n come h o u s i n g , bu t at l e a s t t ho se 143 prob lems are s t a r t i n g t o be t a c k l e d more i n t e l l i g e n t l y . The f u t u r e c o n t a i n s a wide gamut o f s u r e l y i n t r i g u i n g urban accommodat ion i s s u e s and d e b a t e s . 144 Chap te r 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS A g e n e r a l s e t t i n g o r backg round has r e v e a l e d t h r e e w i d e l y s ha red e m p i r i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about u r b a n i z a t i o n . F i r s t l y , urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n T h i r d Wor ld a reas i n g e n e r a l , and i n L a t i n A m e r i c a i n p a r t i c u l a r , a re g row ing d r a m a t i c a l l y . Ma jo r reasons f o r dynamic p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s i n L a t i n Amer i ca appear t o r e l a t e to a phenomena l l y h i gh r a t e o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h , on the one hand , and to s t u n n i n g r a t e s o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n , on the o t h e r hand. S e c o n d l y , due t o an e v e r - w i d e n i n g gap between the r a t e s o f i n d u s t r i a l i -z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n , the number o f poor urban L a t i n Amer i cans i s e x t r e m e l y l a r g e and c o n t i n u e s to grow. T h i r d l y , as the number o f poor L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s g rows , more and more peop l e must t ake up r e s i d e n c e i n tenement s l u m s . And as unemployment prob lems and h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e s s t a g n a t e o r i n t e n s i t y , many poor u r b a n i t e s a re encouraged and com-p e l l e d to f i n d s h e l t e r i n shack s lums and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . / / 145 A g l i m p s e a t some o f the s t a r t l i n g p o p u l a t i o n f i g u r e s f o r L a t i n Amer i can s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s has p r o v i d e d two n o t a b l e o b s e r v a t i o n s . F i r s t , s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t popu -l a t i o n s appear t o be i n c r e a s i n g " as r a p i d l y as o r even more r a p i d l y than the urban a reas i n wh ich they are s i t u a t e d . S e cond , a f t e r 1960, many s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t p o p u l a t i o n s a c coun t f o r anywhere f rom 10% to 50% o f a g i v e n c i t y ' s t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . The s q u a t t e r component to urban p o p u l a -t i o n s i s c l e a r l y s i z e a b l e enough to w a r r a n t e x t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s . An i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n t h e o r i e s and da ta has shed new l i g h t on a wide scope o f i s s u e s . F i r s t l y , the t h e o r y o f " d i r e c t m i g r a t i o n " has been c h a l l e n g e d . I t has been a rgued t h a t , i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , the most t y p i c a l cases o f c i t y - w a r d movement are not s i m p l e r u r a l t o urban s h i f t s but r a t h e r con fo rm to what has been c a l l e d " s t e p - m i g r a t i o n " or m i g r a t i o n by s t a g e s . F u r t h e r , i t has been shown t h a t ve ry few m i g r a n t s i n deed appear to have t r u l y r u r a l o r i g i n s , and t h a t the v a s t m a j o r i t y (whethe r f o r m e r l y l i v i n g i n a g r i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e s o r s m a l l towns) have been exposed to and have g a i ned c o n s i d e r a b l e urban e x p e r i e n c e d u r i n g t h e i r s t a ge s o f c i t y - w a r d m i g r a t i o n . C o n t r a r y t o the b e l i e f s o f t ho se who accuse m i g r a n t s o f i m p o r t i n g an i n a d e q u a t e r u r a l c u l t u r e to the c i t y , i t has 146 been argued t h a t m i g r a n t a d a p t a t i o n s to the urban e n v i r o n -ment r e l y on an i n t r i c a t e meshing between f o rmer and newly a c q u i r e d modes o f i n t e r a c t i o n . That m i x t u r e i n c l u d e s t h e i r p e r s o n a l , f a c e - t o - f a c e r e l a t i o n s h i p s as w e l l as t h e i r more f o rma l c o n t a c t s w i t h s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i -t u t i o n s . H e r e i n l i e s one example o f how poor peop l e may r e - s h a p e the urban model t o more c l o s e l y s u i t t h e i r p e r -s ona l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . S e c o n d l y , m i g r a t i o n has been c o n s i d e r e d as one o f s e v e r a l a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s used by many L a t i n Amer i cans i n r e sponse to the a l 1 - e n c o m p a s s i n g f o r c e s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . I t has been argued t h a t the mo t i ve s f o r m i g r a t i o n are many and vary f rom case to c a s e . The most obv i ou s and f r e q u e n t l y r e p o r t e d m o t i v e s r e l a t e to such f a c t o r s as j o b s , h o u s i n g , s c h o o l i n g , k i n and f r i e n d p r o x -i m i t y , urban s t a t u s , c i t y l u x u r i e s , and e n t e r t a i n m e n t s . These s h o u l d not be a c c e p t e d as the o n l y s ou r ce s o f m o t i v a -t i o n , but a t t h i s s t a g e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l i n q u i r y they appear t o be the o n l y i n v e s t i g a t e d one s . T h i r d l y , a n o t i o n o f h e t e r o g e n e i t y has emphas i zed d i s t i n c t i o n s between " b r i d g e h e a d " and " c o n s o l i d a t i o n " p o v e r t y ne i ghbou rhoods — the f o rmer c a t e r i n g u s u a l l y to the p o o r e s t and l e a s t s e cu re r e c e n t m i g r a n t s , the l a t t e r to the more e c o n o m i c a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s . 147 " B r i d g e h e a d e r s " have been p r e s e n t e d as those r e c e n t m i g r a n t s t y p i c a l l y s e e k i n g tempora ry a sy lum and u r g e n t l y needed urban employment. I t has been demon s t r a t ed t h a t the t e n e -ment and shack s lums s e r v e as the most p r a c t i c a l r e s i d e n c e s f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f such c o n c e r n s . " C o n s o l i d a t o r s " have been d e p i c t e d as t ho se who t y p i c a l l y have a l r e a d y e x p e r i e n c e d the " b r i d g e h e a d " s i t u a t i o n and are now s e e k i n g pe rmanent , more s p a c i o u s homes, and who are c once rned w i t h r e t a i n i n g t h e i r j o b s and s t a y i n g above the depths o f a b j e c t p o v e r t y . I t has been shown t h a t the p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s s e r ve as the most p r a c t i c a l r e s i d e n c e s f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f t he se i n t e r e s t s . F i n a l l y , the e x i s t e n c e o f many s u c c e s s f u l p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments and some i m p r o v i n g shack s lums wh ich g r a d u a l l y come to c l o s e l y re semb le modern r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s , as w e l l as the s t r o n g s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t d e v e l o p between tho se p o v e r t y commun i t i e s and the c e n t r a l c i t y , have i n d i c a t e d the urgency to more c a u t i o u s l y use the amb ig -uous " s l u m " and " s h a n t y t o w n " t e r m s . A t h e o r e t i c a l and c o n c e p t u a l e x a m i n a t i o n has p o r t r a y e d b a s i c f e a t u r e s o f a " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " p o v e r t y p e r s p e c t i v e . That p e r s p e c t i v e has been v iewed as a s ub -j e c t i v e 'or b i a s e d a t t e m p t to s i n g l e out the urban poor as a d e v i a n t and s o c i a l l y p a t h o l o g i c a l p o p u l a t i o n whose 148 b e h a v i o u r s are f a l s e l y a t t r i b u t e d to a s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g s e t o f d i s t i n c t l y i l l o g i c a l , i r r a t i o n a l o r i n f e r i o r c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . " C u l t u r e " becomes synonymous w i t h the l i m i t e d ways poor peop l e a c t t o p r o t e c t t h e i r e x c l u s i v e l i f e - s t y l e . The e x i s t e n c e o f a s p i r a t i o n s i s n e g l e c t e d , and poor p e o p l e s ' a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s are t r e a t e d as r e s i s t a n t to change. Images o f breakdown and a l l s o r t s o f v e r b a l abuse a re d i r e c t e d a t poor u r b a n i t e s i n g e n e r a l , and a t a l l t ypes o f p o v e r t y ne i ghbou rhoods — i n c l u d i n g s u c c e s s f u l p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . S u p p o s e d l y , t he e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y i s n e c e s s a r i l y a s l ow p r o c e s s , dependent on the r e s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f the poor who must become c u l t u r a l l y and then e c o n o m i c a l l y l i k e the more a f f l u e n t . The e l i m i n a t i o n o f a f a u l t y and d e f i c i e n t p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e w i l l r e n d e r the poor d e s e r v i n g o f f a i r e r t r e a t m e n t and must p recede the e f f e c t i v e e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y . As i n f e r i o r v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r s are r e m o d e l l e d to more c l o s e l y re semb le a f f l u e n t s t a n d a r d s , p o v e r t y w i l l b e g i n to d i s a p p e a r . The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a t e r i a l i m p r o v e -ments must w a i t t i l l poor p e o p l e have been p r o p e r l y t r a i n e d to re spond to them i n s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e ways . A p r e l i m i n a r y l ook at the t h e o r e t i c a l f ramework b e h i n d O sca r L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " model has p r o v i d e d a g l o w i n g example o f how a " p s y c h o - c u l t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e 149 appears as the backbone f o r a l a r g e and h i g h l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l body o f p o v e r t y a n a l y s i s . L e w i s ' has been d i s c u s s e d as a r e l a t i v e l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d a p p l i c a t i o n wh ich must be examined c a r e f u l l y f o r i t s i n h e r e n t a s s u m p t i o n s , c o n c l u d i n g emphases, and i mp l i c a t i ons . A d r a m a t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t and more r e a l i s t i c v i e w -p o i n t has been o u t l i n e d i n a " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p o v e r t y p e r s p e c t i v e . F i r s t l y , the urban poor are t r e a t e d as normal i n d i v i d u a l s who a l l e n c o u n t e r l i v i n g p r o b l e m s , some of wh ich are hand l ed and s o l v e d b e t t e r than o t h e r s . " S i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p o v e r t y a n a l y s i s i d e n t i f i e s not o n l y v a l u e s t h a t are l i v e d by but a l s o a s p i r a t i o n s w h i c h , i n the case o f the urban p o o r , are h i dden by s i t u a t i o n a l re sponses t o c u r r e n t i n j u s t i c e s . Poor p e o p l e s ' b e h a v i o u r s wh i ch may o f t e n d e v i a t e f rom s o c i e t y ' s n o r m a t i v e s t a n d a r d s r e a l l y r e p r e s e n t immed ia te or s h o r t - t e r m re sponse s t o r e n d e r l i f e i n p o v e r t y m e a n i n g f u l and p o s s i b l e . Such r e a s o n i n g has s u p p l i e d a f u r t h e r example of some o f the o p t i o n a l r e a c t i o n s — r e - a s s e s s i n g and r e - d e s i g n i n g — wh i ch f a l l between a s s i m i l a t i o n to and r e s i s t a n c e o f the a f f l u e n t urban mode l . S e c o n d l y , when " c u l t u r e " i s d i v i d e d i n t o i t s " b e h a v i o u r a l " and " a s p i r a t i o n a l " a s p e c t s , i t becomes c o n -c e i v a b l e t o speak o f a " b e h a v i o u r a l c u l t u r e " wh ich may o f t e n 150 be found p r e d o m i n a n t l y among p o v e r t y segment s . However , the a t t i t u d e s , a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s wh ich wou ld f i t i n t o t h a t c a t e g o r y do not r e f l e c t a l l s o r t s o f s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l b reakdown, but r a t h e r r e f l e c t d e c i s i o n s t h a t are r a t i o n a l l y , l o g i c a l l y and p r a c t i c a l l y made each day by poor u r b a n i t e s i n o r d e r t o cope w i t h p r e s s i n g c o n s t r a i n t s as b e s t as p o s s i b l e . - Those d e c i s i o n s are m a n i f e s t e d i n the form o f de fence mechan i sms , many o f wh i ch are e x p e c t e d t o d e c l i n e when c o n s t r a i n t s a re removed and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s i m p r o v e d . The tempora r y n a t u r e o f so many a t t i t u d e s , a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s r ende r s i t m i s l e a d i n g t o speak o f an i n d e p e n d e n t , t o t a l l y d i s t i n c t , s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g p o v e r t y l i f e - s t y l e . Poor u r b a n i t e s a re not the v i c t i m s o f a d e f i c i e n t o r s u b s t a n d a r d way o f l i f e . T h i r d l y , a " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p e r s p e c t i v e s t r e s s e s the d e f e c t i v e n e s s o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . I t i s the a f f l u e n t who must i n i t i a t e s t r u c t u r a l a l t e r a t i o n s wh ich wou ld r e d i s t r i b u t e s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s more e q u i t a b l y . The urban poor are t hough t o f as " c i t i z e n s m inus " whose u n j u s t s i t u a t i o n a t the bot tom o f the t o t a l s o c i e t y i s g e n e r a t e d and r e i n f o r c e d by s t r u c t u r a l weaknesses and s h o r t c o m i n g s . These " c i t i z e n s m inus " a re r e ga rded as p r e s e n t l y wo r thy o f and p r e p a r e d f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c changes and new o p p o r -t u n i t i e s wh i ch wou ld p r o p e r l y b e n e f i t them. 151 L a s t l y , s t r u c t u r a l a d j u s t m e n t s and the e l i m i n a -t i o n of p o v e r t y are c o n s i d e r e d to be complementary p r o c e s s e s t h a t r e q u i r e r a p i d a c t i o n . The " s i t u a t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l " p r oponen t c a l l s f o r the immed ia te e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y and does not advoca te w a s t i n g t ime and money on a t t e m p t i n g t o e l i m i n a t e an i l l u s i v e p o v e r t y - c u l t u r e . W i t h o u t a r r e s t -i n g the s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t p h y s i c a l . p o v e r t y symptoms, the a l l - o u t a t t a c k must be on the s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f s o c i e t y wh i ch d e m o r a l i z e and a g g r a v a t e v a s t numbers o f urban L a t i n Amer i cans and keep them i n s u b o r d i n a t e and dependent p o s i t i o n s . Most c r i t i c i s m s o f Osca r L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t end to p r o v i d e a b s t r a c t , t h e o r e t i c a l and c o n c e p t u a l d i s -c u s s i o n s and s t op t h e r e . Th i s w r i t e r has o f f e r e d a p r e -l i m i n a r y a t tempt to advance more c o n c r e t e c r i t i c i s m s based on o u t s t a n d i n g t r a i t s p o r t r a y e d i n the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " model . " C u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s , i n g e n e r a l , do not p r o v i d e e v i d e n c e f o r o r s u b s t a n t i a t e the e x i s t e n c e o f an i n f e r i o r , i r r a t i o n a l way o f l i f e but i n s t e a d s t i p u l a t e some o f the obv i ou s e f f e c t s o f s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s and p o v e r t y . Many t r a i t s may be t hough t o f as r e f l e x e s o f t o t a l s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s wh ich c r e a t e and m a i n t a i n poor p e o p l e . Most of t he se appear as r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f b e h a v i o u r a l 152 and p h y s i c a l p o v e r t y symptoms whose r o o t s o f c a u s a t i o n a re i n c o r r e c t l y c o n s t r u e d as a d e f e c t i v e l i f e - s t y l e . Many o t h e r s e p a r a t e l y l i s t e d t r a i t s t u r n out to r e a l l y be l o g -i c a l l y d e r i v a b l e o r d e d u c i b l e f rom e a r l i e r - m e n t i o n e d t r a i t s . Some t r a i t s va ry f rom case to case and cannot be so e a s i l y g e n e r a l i z e d . Some appear as n e c e s s a r y and h i g h l y a d a p t i v e f e a t u r e s wh ich t e m p o r a r i l y h e l p poor u r b a n i t e s t o s u r v i v e ; some are based on p r a g m a t i c , r a t i o n a l - u t i 1 i t a r i a n d e l i b e r a -t i o n s . Many a re not e x c l u s i v e t o the urban poor o r t o any ] segment o f the urban p o o r , but i n s t e a d permeate a l l l e v e l s o f s o c i e t y . And l a s t l y , a number o f t r a i t s appear t o be e m p i r i c a l l y i n a c c u r a t e s u r m i s e s . T r e a t i s e s on p o v e r t y p o l i t i c s w i t h i n L a t i n A m e r i c a have been i n u n d a t e d w i t h f e a r s o f urban u n r e s t . I t i s o f t e n warned t h a t the s w e l l i n g masses o f poor u r b a n i t e s w i l l p rove t o be p o l i t i c a l l y d e s t a b i l i z i n g . That i s , t he urban poor are e x p e c t e d to p r o v i d e mass s u p p o r t f o r r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , o r t o f r e q u e n t l y and v i o l e n t l y p a r t i c i -pate i n s u b v e r s i v e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s wh i ch t h r e a t e n p o l i t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and may c o n c e i v a b l y even o ve r t h r ow g o v e r n -ments. Th i s e x a g g e r a t e d c o n c e r n , wh ich c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s a narrow i m p r e s s i o n o f r e a c t i o n s t o the a f f l u e n t urban mode l , has been r e - e x a m i n e d and r e - e v a l u a t e d s e p a r a t e l y f o r the cases o f r e c e n t and e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s . 1 53 t F i r s t , the a s sumpt i on s and arguments b e h i n d the v iew o f p o l i t i c a l l y d i s r u p t i v e , r e c e n t m i g r a n t s have been c h a l l e n g e d . I t has been s u g ge s t ed t h a t r e c e n t m i g r a n t up roo tedne s s does not i m p l y u n r e a d i n e s s f o r c i t y l i f e . P r i o r urban e x p e r i e n c e and p r e - m i g r a t i o n expo su re t o the urban ambience h e l p to s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduce m i g r a n t f e e l i n g s of. shock and anomie. Those who are w i t n e s s i n g the " b r i d g e -head " e x p e r i e n c e do seem to be s u b j e c t e d to t empora r y i s o -l a t i o n , but t h i s c o n d i t i o n does not i n c i t e " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " t o i n v o l v e t hemse l v e s i n any d i s r u p t i v e movements wh i ch s i m p l y happen to a p p e a r . There i s r ea son to b e l i e v e t h a t " b r i d g e h e a d e r s " a re too busy f a c i n g the immed ia te prob lems o f s u r v i v a l . Recent m i g r a n t s are not so d i s a p p o i n t e d and f r u s t r a t e d by urban economic c o n d i t i o n s as i s commonly assumed. Many seem p l e a s e d by the mere f a c t o f urban r e s i -d ence , do l o c a t e j o b s r a t h e r q u i c k l y , and do t a ke advantage o f p e t t y - c a p i t a l i s t a c t i v i t i e s and semi-money economies wh i ch o p e r a t e t o p r o v i d e them w i t h e x t r a s o u r c e s o f l i v e l i -hood. Such f e a t u r e s r e f l e c t a p a r t i a l a c c e p t a n c e o f the a f f l u e n t urban mode l . On the one hand , where r e c e n t m i g r a n t d i s a f f e c -t i o n s do e x i s t , i t has been s u g ge s t ed t h a t b i t t e r n e s s need not be e x p r e s s e d t h rough p o l i t i c a l c h a n n e l s . On the o t h e r hand , i t has been argued t h a t p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r s wh i ch a re e x h i b i t e d by r e c e n t m i g r a n t s r e l a t e t o the s t y l e s o f p o l i t i c a l / / 154 knowledge i m p o r t e d by them, and to the degrees o f p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d i n the c i t y . When, under the p r o p e r c l i m a t e and s e t o f c o n d i t i o n s , a g g r e s s i v e and/or s u b v e r s i v e p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r s do e x i s t , t he se d i s p l a y s a re not u s u a l l y e x c l u s i v e t o r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , i n the case o f t ho se poor u r b a n i t e s who are most d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s , p o l i t i c a l a g g r e s s i v e -ness and u n i f i e d o p p o s i t i o n o f t e n r e p r e s e n t s e n s i b l e and e f f e c t i v e r e sponse s aimed at c o n s t r u c t i v e urban t r a n s f o r -mat i ons . S e cond , the a s sumpt ion s and arguments b e h i n d the v iew o f r a d i c a l , e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s have been c h a l l e n g e d . I t has been s u g ge s t ed t h a t w h i l e i m p r e s s i v e degrees o f p o l i t i c a l shrewdness seem to e x i s t at l o c a l , l ow - i ncome community l e v e l s , e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s e xp re s s ve ry n e g l i g -i b l e i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s and i n r a d i c a l maneuver s . Many c u r r e n t s t u d i e s have r e v e a l e d low l e v e l s o f e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s u p p o r t f o r v i o l e n c e , d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , and e x t r e m e -l e f t Communist o r S o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s . As w e l l , e x p r e s s e d p r e f e r e n c e s f o r r a d i c a l p a r t i e s can o n l y i n d i c a t e i n t e r e s t s i n s o c i a l r e f o r m or c o n s t r u c t i v e a l t e r a t i o n s , and not a u t o -m a t i c commitments t o e x t r e m i s t u p h e a v a l . For t ho se who are w i t n e s s i n g the " c o n s o l i d a t i o n " e x p e r i e n c e , s e v e r a l f a c t o r s have appeared wh ich h e l p t o reduce degrees o f a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h r a d i c a l o r e x t r e m i s t 155 a c t i v i t i e s . For e xamp le , a r e l a t i v e l y modest scope o f a s p i r a t i o n s found among " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " o f t e n l e a d s them to be e x t r e m e l y p l e a s e d w i t h any n o t i c e a b l e h o u s i n g , o c c u -p a t i o n a l and e d u c a t i o n a l improvement s . As w e l l , an i n d i -v i d u a l i s t e t h i c o f s e l f - p r o m o t i o n l e ad s them to be ve r y c a u t i o u s and f r e q u e n t l y c o n s e r v a t i v e i n t h e i r e x p r e s s i o n s of p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r . On the o t h e r hand , two a d m i t t e d l y p o t e n t i a l s ou r ce s o f u n r e s t wh ich c o u l d c u l m i n a t e i n r a d i c a l b e h a v i o u r appear t o f ocus around u n r e a l i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n s h e l d by p a r e n t s f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n and around the r e a l i z a -t i o n by u r b a n - s o c i a l i z e d c h i l d r e n t h a t they w i l l not be a b l e t o e x a c t l y s a t i s f y e x p e c t a t i o n s imposed on them by t h e i r p a r e n t s . L a s t l y , r a d i c a l i z a t i o n t h e o r i e s do not e x p l a i n the p r o ce s s o f p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i . z a t i o n , do not t a k e i n t o a ccoun t a p o l i t i c a l forms o f e x p r e s s i n g f r u s t r a t i o n , f a i l t o unde r s t and some t ype s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y wh i ch a re not e x p r e s s i n g f r u s t r a t i o n , and do not a r t i c u l a t e c o n d i - . t i o n s under wh i ch mount ing urban t e n s i o n and e x p l o s i v e c l i m a x e s are e x p e c t e d to be v a l i d p r e d i c t i o n s . W i t h i n the f i e l d o f L a t i n A m e r i c a n , l ow - i n come accommodat ion a c l a s h between poor p e o p l e s ' d e s i r e s and gove rnment s ' s t a n d a r d s has p r e v a i l e d . " P r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p -ment" b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s have been c o n s i d e r e d as an e x p r e s -s i o n of " p o p u l a r " d e s i r e s , ve ry c l e a r l y e x e m p l i f i e d i n many 1 56 s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s ; " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " t e c h n i q u e s have been c o n s i d e r e d as an e x p r e s s i o n o f " o f f i c i a l " s t a n d a r d s , ve ry c l e a r l y e x e m p l i f i e d i n many p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s . When s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y r e ga rded as burdens on s o c i e t y , at l e a s t two government h o u s i n g s t r a t e g i e s have a p p e a r e d . One, an e x t r e m e l y ha r sh and i n s e n s i t i v e v e r b a l p l a n , advoca te s the e r a d i c a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g . s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s c o u p l e d w i t h the d e p o r t a t i o n of t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s t o the c o u n t r y s i d e . I t has been r e -f e r r e d to as " e r a d i c a t i o n - d e p o r t a t i o n . " The o t h e r , a some-what m o d i f i e d but s t i l l u n p e r c e p t i v e , imp lemented p l a n , recommends the e r a d i c a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s and the r e l o c a t i o n o r r e s e t t l e m e n t o f r e s i d e n t s t o a p a r t -ment h i g h - r i s e s o r s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s . T h i s l a t t e r s t r a t e g y , " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n , " has been examined i n some d e t a i l . " E r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n " d o c u m e n t a t i o n has shown t h a t many o f the same prob lems a p p e a r i n g i n s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments r e a p p e a r i n the r e l o c a t i o n s i t e s , sometimes i n even worse degrees and o f t e n accompan ied by new s o c i o - e c o n o m i c , c u l t u r a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l h a r d s h i p s . I n s t e a d o f e f f e c t i v e l y i m p r o v i n g them, many r e l o c a t i o n p r o j e c t s h i n d e r o r a g g r a v a t e poor u r b a n i t e s ' s i t u a t i o n s . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t among i n v o l v e d f a m i l i e s t h e r e i s a g e n e r a l d i s a p p r o v a l o f and d i s p l e a s u r e w i t h such government h o u s i n g schemes. Vas t sums o f p u b l i c money have been s pen t i n r e s e t t l e m e n t programs / / 1 5 7 which have p r o v i d e d s u b s t a n t i a l g a i n s t o n e i t h e r the urban poor nor t o urban L a t i n Amer i c a as a w h o l e . Compar i sons w i t h the g l a r i n g l i a b i l i t i e s o f " i n s t a n t deve l opmen t " accommodat ion have i n d i c a t e d t h a t poor p e o p l e s ' p r e f e r e n c e s f o r " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " accommodat ion l e a d to re-markab le s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c , p e r s o n a l and community b e n e f i t s More r e c e n t government h o u s i n g s t r a t e g i e s have a t t e m p t e d to u t i l i z e " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " t e c h n i q u e s and to a p p l y " p o p u l a r " p r i o r i t i e s . One such s t r a t e g y i n -v o l v e s the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o r r edeve l opmen t o f e x i s t i n g s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s which, c o n t a i n a p p r e c i a b l e deve lopment p o t e n t i a l . R e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o j e c t s demand h i gh l e v e l s o f p e r s o n a l i n i t i a t i v e , e f f o r t s , s k i l l s and s m a l l s a v i n g s ( p o p u l a r r e s o u r c e s ) , as w e l l as s u i t a b l e and s u f f i c i e n t government t e c h n i c a l , f i n a n c i a l and human a s s i s t a n c e . Re-h a b i l i t a t i o n appears t o imp l y t h a t a f f e c t e d s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments ( u s u a l l y p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s ) a re i n c o r -p o r a t e d i n t o a s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y so t h a t s e t t l e m e n t l e g a l s t a t u s , community s e r v i c e s and home owner sh i p may be r e a d i l y a t t a i n e d . Of utmost i m p o r t a n c e , government e f f o r t s i n t he se p r o j e c t s work i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h p o p u l a r commit -ments and e x p e c t a t i o n s , u n l i k e the " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t " " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n " p r o j e c t s . As w e l l , t h e r e i s r ea son to b e l i e v e t h a t , i n compar i s on t o many " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i 1 58 p r o j e c t s , s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s a much l e s s c o s t l y v e n t u r e . A n o t h e r s t r a t e g y aims a t p r o v i d i n g s u i t a b l e accom-modat ion to both e v i c t e d and p o t e n t i a l s q u a t t e r s . When p a r t i c u l a r s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s must be e l i m i n a t e d , the most s u c c e s s f u l examples o f r e - a ccommoda t i ng e v i c t e d s q u a t t e r s seem to be where l i t t l e more than a p l o t o f l a n d , a b a s i c s h e l t e r and c r e d i t i n c e n t i v e s are p r o v i d e d . In t h i s way, both d w e l l i n g s and community f a c i l i t i e s improve i n g r a d u a l s t a g e s . Poor f a m i l i e s a re a b l e t o f u r n i s h t hemse l ve s w i t h the hou s i n g de s i g n s and s e r v i c e s they w i s h , i n o r d e r o f p e r s o n a l p r i o r i t y . In c o n t r a s t t o t h e i r " i n s t a n t d e v e l o p -ment" c o u n t e r p a r t s , t he se " p r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t " examples demand s u b s t a n t i a l l y l e s s e x p e n d i t u r e s f r o m b o t h i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s and h o u s i n g c o r p o r a t i o n s . Those h o u s i n g programs wh i ch aim a t p r e v e n t i n g the e xpan s i on o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t segments by s u p p l y i n g a s s i s t a n c e and gu idance to p o t e n t i a l s q u a t t e r s have been r e f e r r e d to as " p r e v e n t i o n - g u i d a n c e " p rog rams . Though such programs do c o n s i d e r the p o p u l a r p r e f e r e n c e f o r " p r o g r e s s i v e deve l opmen t " t e c h n i q u e s , they may o f t e n e x p e r i e n c e any o f a number o f d i f f i c u l t i e s . For e xamp le , some o f the a v a i l a b l e f i n a n c i a l l o an schemes o p e r a t e under absu rd r e g u l a t i o n s ; some o f t he se h o u s i n g programs r e q u i r e r e s i d e n t s to buy 159 e x p e n s i v e b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s and to pay f o r o u t s i d e l a b o u r ; t o t a l c o s t s i n g e n e r a l a re f r e q u e n t l y too e x c e s s i v e f o r the p o o r e s t u r b a n i t e s ; and , s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t p o p u l a t i o n s seem to remain h i g h and may even c o n t i n u e to grow. A l ook at the m a n y - f a c e t e d L a t i n Amer i can h o u s i n g q u e s t i o n has r e v e a l e d t h a t many poor u r b a n i t e s a p p l y l o g i c a l , p r a c t i c a l and r a t i o n a l approaches to the s o l u t i o n o f a s e r i o u s urban p r o b l e m . Though urban s q u a t t e r s have so f r e q u e n t l y r e j e c t e d government h o u s i n g s t a n d a r d s , i t has become e v i d e n t t h a t t h e i r own approaches t o the h o u s i n g di lemma do not r e p r e s e n t a t t empt s to t h w a r t o r t o p p l e the a f f l u e n t urban m o d e l , but r a t h e r s i g n i f y d e t e r m i n e d e f f o r t s t o c o n s t r u c t i v e l y r e a d j u s t the h o u s i n g component t o t h a t model so t h a t i t more g e n u i n e l y c o i n c i d e s w i t h the r e a l i t i e s o f p o v e r t y . Poor p e o p l e s ' h o u s i n g p r i o r i t i e s and methods have p roved to be a g r e a t a s s e t t o t hemse l v e s and to urban s o c i e t y , and have a l s o l e d the way to s u b s t a n t i v e , l o w -income h o u s i n g r e fo rms and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n . W h i l e q u a n t i -t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f i c u l t i e s s t i l l remain i n h o u s i n g programs f o r the urban p o o r , i t has been s u g ge s t ed t h a t some L a t i n Amer i can o f f i c i a l s a re s l o w l y coming to r e a l i z e t h a t c o - o p e r a t i o n between government a s s i s t a n c e and p o p u l a r r e s o u r c e s not o n l y h e l p s t o l e s s e n t e n s i o n s and h o s t i l i t i e s , but a l s o encourages a l l s o r t s o f s o c i a l and economic advan -tages f o r poor i n d i v i d u a l s and f o r urban s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l . / 1 60 In c l o s i n g , l e t i t be s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e r e has been no i n t e n t i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s t o i d e a l i z e o r r o m a n t i c i z e the r o l e o f poor urban L a t i n A m e r i c a n s . Such an e l a b o r a -t i o n wou ld o n l y r e p l a c e one e x a g g e r a t e d scene w i t h a n o t h e r . I n s t e a d , t h e r e has been a d e l i b e r a t e a t t empt to humanize the r o l e o f poor L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s w i t h i n a w ide s pec t r um o f s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l e x p e r i e n c e s wh i ch are p a r t and p a r c e l o f t h a t u n f o r t u n a t e r e a l i t y we c a l l p o v e r t y . Through r e - e x a m i n a t i o n s and r e - e v a l u a t i o n s t h i s t h e s i s has endeavoured to i n d i c a t e some o f the ways t o r e c t i f y l i b e l o u s p o v e r t y p o r t r a y a l s . 161 FOOTNOTES Chap te r 2 1. One ve r y g r e a t p rob lem w i t h urban p o p u l a t i o n f i g u r e s i s t h a t t h e r e are v a r i o u s ways t o d e f i n e " u r b a n " d i s t r i c t s — e . g . , as 2,000 o r more p e o p l e , as 20,000 o r more p e o p l e , as 100,000 o r more p e o p l e , i n terms o f i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , o r w h a t e v e r . Rega rd -l e s s o f what the b e s t d e f i n i t i o n may b e , the g e n e r a l p o i n t remains the same: Urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n T h i r d Wor ld a r e a s , f o r example L a t i n A m e r i c a , are d e f i n i t e l y i n c r e a s i n g ve ry q u i c k l y . For d e f i n i t i o n s o f " u r b a n " based on v a r y i n g p o p u l a t i o n s i z e s , s e e : (U.N. P o p u l a t i o n B r a n c h , 1961:91-117) and ( U . N . , 1 9 6 8 : 9 - 3 5 ) . A. and E. Leeds (1970:231) a p p l y a d e f i n i t i o n o f " u r b a n " t h a t i n c l u d e s what they c a l l an " u rban e t h o s , " a l o c a l i z e d complex i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p o f v a r i o u s s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s , and a s e t o f p h y s i c a l appa ra tu s ( i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ) . 2. M i g r a t i o n s f rom e x t e r n a l c o u n t r i e s ( i . e . , i m m i g r a t i o n ) have been e x c l u d e d . In the case o f a t l e a s t one L a t i n Amer i can c o u n t r y , A r g e n t i n a , i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o note t h a t i m m i g r a t i o n has p l a y e d an e x t r a o r d i n a r y . r o l e i n the u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . 1 1 . . . i n A r g e n t i n a f o r more than 60 y e a r s f o r e i g n e r s r e p r e s e n t e d around 70 per cen t o f the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n i n the c a p i t a l c i t y . . . " ( G e r m a n i , 1 970 :289 ) . 3. R e f e r a l s o t o : (Mo r se , 1 965 : 44 ) . 4. Frank (1966) a l s o speaks o f a r u r a l p a r t t o the " f l o a t i n g p o p u l a t i o n . " That i s e x c l u d e d f rom the p r e s e n t d i s c u s s i o n . 5. The " p o v e r t y " c oncep t i s a r e l a t i v e one: r e l a t i v e t o p l a c e , t ime and r e f e r e n c e g roup . To say t h a t someone i s " p o o r " i m p l i e s t h a t he/she i s b e i n g compared to o t h e r s , 162 i n a p a r t i c u l a r m i l e u and a t a p a r t i c u l a r t i m e . P o v e r t y r e p r e s e n t s an i n v o l u n t a r y d e p r i v a t i o n f rom a g i v e n , known s u p p l y o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s , as w e l l as a whole s e t o f e x p e r i e n c e s whose deve lopment i s l a r g e l y i n f l u e n c e d by the degrees o f t h a t r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n . Mangin (1970a) d i s c u s s e s the " p o v e r t y " c oncep t as i t a p p l i e s t o the L a t i n A m e r i c a n , and more g e n e r a l l y T h i r d W o r l d , s c e n e . 6. The l ow- i ncome h o u s i n g - s e t t l e m e n t t ype s i n urban L a t i n Amer i c a c o v e r a v a s t and v a r y i n g r a n g e . T h i s p r e s e n -t a t i o n i s l i m i t e d to d i s c u s s i o n s f o c u s i n g on the t e n e -ment s l u m s , shack slums and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments i n t r o d u c e d i n Chap te r 2 , and the p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s e l a b o r a t e d i n Chap te r 6. Examples o f the l a t t e r are the caserios i n P u e r t o R i c o , the superbloques i n V e n e z u e l a , the v i l a s i n B r a z i l ( e . g . , V i l a s E s pe r anca and Kennedy ) , P l a n i f i c a d a i n G u a t e m a l a , Santo Domingo i n C h i l e , and V a l d i v i e s o i n P e r u . These p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s are s pon so red by L a t i n Amer i can gove rnmen t s , u s u a l l y i n the form of a h o u s i n g a u t h o r i t y o r c o r p o r a -t i o n . 7. Pa t ch (1970a) s u gge s t s t h a t the r e a l s lums o f L a t i n A m e r i c a are not the s q u a t t e r commun i t i e s but the t e n e -ment s l u m s , o r as he' c a l l s them, " c e n t r e - c i t y s l u m s " o r " i n n e r - c i t y s l u m s . " 0. Lewis ( e . g . , 1952,1959,1961) has examined f a m i l y l i f e i n L a t i n Amer i can vec-indades. Delgado (1969) has employed the term " i n d i v i d u a l s l u m s " [tugurios i n S p a n i s h ) , i d e n t i f y i n g f i v e main c a t e g o r i e s i n L i m a : a l l e y s l u m s , c o u r t y a r d s1 u rn s , roo f top s l u m s , s u b d i v i d e d h o u s e s , and d e t e r i o r a t e d r u r a l houses i n the urban zone ( D e l g a d o , 1 9 6 9 : 4 4 — f n . 2 1 ) . Frank ( 1 9 6 6 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 7 1 ) , A. and E. L e e d s ( 1 9 7 0 ) , T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 5 ) , and G o l d r i c h et al. (1967-1968) a l s o p r o v i d e some L a t i n Amer i can terms f o r the tenement s l u m s . 8. Pa tch (1967a) argues t h a t tenement s lums c o n t i n u e to become more and more d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d i n L i m a , P e r u . 9. Pea r se (1961 :191 -193 ) comments on the g r e a t h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e i n R i o , B r a z i l between 1920-1957. / 163 10. See: (Abrams, 1 966 : 15 ) . A number of no tes a re r e q u i r e d h e r e . F i r s t l y , no two s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s are the same. " Squatments va r y enormous l y i n f o r m , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and s t a t e o f deve l opment " (A. L e e d s , 1 9 6 9 : 4 9 ) . S e c o n d l y , t h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n i s c once rned w i t h urban s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ments accommodat ing l ow - i n come peop l e i n L a t i n Amer i c a and p u r p o s e l y e x c l u d e s : ( i ) " p e r i p h e r a l s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n r u r a l a r e a s " ( D e l g a d o , 1 9 6 9 : 3 8 ) , and ( i i ) " s e m i - l e g a l " or " s e m i - s q u a t t e r " s e t t l e m e n t s wh i ch a t t r a c t m o s t l y m i d d l e - i n c o m e peop l e who w i sh t o c i r -cumvent l e g a l r e q u i r e m e n t s and c o s t - i n f 1 a t i n g r e g u l a -t i o n s ' ( T u r ne r , 1968b :115 ) . T h i r d l y , i n much o f the l i t e r a t u r e , the terms " s q u a t m e n t " and " s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -ment" are used i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y when s p e a k i n g o f i l l e g a l l y i n h a b i t e d , l ow- i ncome urban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . On t h a t m a t t e r , see f o r examp le : A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 ) , (A. and E. L e e d s , 19 7 0 : 2 62 , 263 , f n . 1 ) , and (A. L e e d s , 1971 :236 -237 , and f n . 7 ) . F o u r t h l y , t o the b e s t o f t h i s w r i t e r ' s know ledge , o n l y f o u r E n g l i s h m a t e r i a l s p r o v i d e u s e f u l d i s c u s s i o n s about the l e g a l a s p e c t s i n v o l v e d i n the s q u a t t i n g p r o c e s s : (Abrams, 1966: P a r t I I I ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 ) , Cohn ( 1 9 6 9 ) , Mana s te r ( 1 9 6 8 ) . 11. Sou rces o f f e r i n g L a t i n Amer i can terms f o r s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a r e , f o r examp le : Frank ( 1 9 6 6 ) , Abrams ( 1 9 6 6 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 7 1 ) , A. and E. Leeds ( 1 9 7 0 ) , Mangin ( 1967a , 1970b ) , G o l d r i c h et al. ( 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 6 8 ) , Morse ( 1 9 6 5 ) , and T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 8 b ) . The E n g l i s h term " s h a n t y t o w n " i s sometimes used to gen -e r a l l y r e f e r t o L a t i n Amer i can s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . That t e r m ' s weaknesses and i n a c c u r a c i e s are i n d i c a t e d i n Chap te r 3. 12. S a f a (1968:338) compares and c o n t r a s t s between what have here been c a l l e d " tenement s l ums " and " s hack s l u m s , " as they a p p l y t o the San J u a n , P u e r t o R i c o cas e. 13. The terms " p r o v i s i o n a l s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t " and "slummy s q u a t t e r s h a n t y t o w n " have been p o p u l a r i z e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e by T u r n e r ( 1968a , 1968b ) . Delgado ( 1 969 ) has chosen to employ the term " s l u m a r e a s . " 164 14. P o r t e s (1970) had used the term " p e r i p h e r a l s l u m s . " Ray ( 1 969 ), Mangin ( 1 967a , 1 967b , 1968b) , T u r n e r ( 1968b ) , Mangin and T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 8 ) , D i e t z ( 1 9 6 9 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 7 1 ) , A. and E. Leeds ( 1 9 7 0 ) , Ne l son ( 1 9 6 9 ) , f o r e xamp le , have employed the " i n v a s i o n " c o n c e p t . Delgado (1969) has s e l e c t e d the term "towns i n f o r m a -t i o n . " G o l d r i c h et al. (1967-1968) have made use o f both the l a t t e r a l t e r n a t e c o n c e p t s . 15. At t h i s s t a g e i t s h o u l d be no ted t h a t not o n l y are the s u p p l i e s o f d w e l l i n g s o f f e r e d by L a t i n Amer i can g o v e r n -ments g r o s s l y i n s u f f i c i e n t , but a l s o the t ype s o f d w e l l i n g s p r o v i d e d are ve ry o f t e n i n a d e q u a t e f o r poor u r b a n i t e s i n terms o f , f o r e xamp le , c o s t s , r e q u i r e m e n t s , p r o x i m i t y to employment c e n t r e s , s u i t a b l e n e i g h b o u r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and d e s i r e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n . These prob lems are a l l t r e a t e d i n Chap te r 6. 16. Pea r se ( 1961 :191 -193 ) p r o v i d e s a ve ry b r i e f a c c o u n t o f the h i s t o r i c a l appearance and subsequent deve lopment o f B r a z i l ' s ( i . e . , R i o ' s ) shack s l ums . Morse (1965) s ugge s t s t h a t i n the case o f R i o , a t l e a s t , favelas appeared even b e f o r e 1920 — d a t i n g f rom the 1 8 9 0 ' s . As w e l l , he s u s p e c t s t h a t " p e r i p h e r a l c l u s t e r s o f s q u a t t e r s o r r u r a l - t y p e d w e l l i n g s are a t r a d i t i o n a l urban f e a t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the I n d i a n c o u n t r i e s " (Mo r se , 1 965 : 49 ) . S a f a (1968:337) c l a i m s t h a t the arrabales , o r as she says " s h a n t y t o w n s , " o f San Juan a re a ve ry r e c e n t phenomenon, a t t a i n i n g a n o t o r i o u s r e p u t a t i o n d u r i n g the i n i t i a l , peak m i g r a t i o n y e a r s o f 1935-1940. 17. Delgado (1969:43 — f n . 7) a l s o e s t i m a t e s L i m a ' s barriada p o p u l a t i o n at 25% of he r t o t a l , but i n 1969 i n s t e a d o f 1965. E i t h e r T u r n e r ' s 1965 e s t i m a t e was too g r e a t , o r D e l g a d o ' s 1969 e s t i m a t e too s m a l l . For a d d i t i o n a l comments on the Lima c a s e , s e e : ( D o r i c h , 1961:281 ), (Matos Mar, 1961 : 1 72 ,1 7 8 ) , (Morse , 1965 : 50) , (Mang i n , 1 96 7a:68) , (Mang i n , 1 967b : 3) . 18. For a d d i t i o n a l comments on the R io c a s e , s e e : ( P e a r s e , 1 961 : 191 - 193 ) . For a d d i t i o n a l comments on the Mex ico C i t y c a s e , s ee : (Mo r se , 1 965 : 50 ) . 1 65 For a d d i t i o n a l comments on the Caracas and S a n t i a g o c a s e s , s e e : (Mo r se , 1 965 : 50 ) . Morse (1965:50) a l s o o f f e r s some c a l c u l a t e d guesses about the s i z e o f Buenos A i r e s ' s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n . Mangin (1967a:68) i s a good, g e n e r a l s o u r c e to c o n s u l t . He d i s c u s s e s the s q u a t t e r p o p u l a t i o n s f o r v a r i o u s w e l l - k n o w n L a t i n Amer i can m e t r o p o l i s e s . 166 Chap te r 3 1. For e xamp le . 0. Lewis (1952) and B u t t e r w o r t h (1962) r e f e r t o such mechanisms o f urban e x p o s u r e . 2. Matos Mar (1961:73) concedes t h a t as e a r l y as the l a t e 1 9 5 0 ' s , mass media were b e g i n n i n g t o have n o t i c e a b l e e f f e c t s on I n d i a n groups i n the more remote a reas o f h i g h l a n d P e r u . In h i s own wo rd s : " t h e age o f p i o n e e r s has p a s s e d . . . . " 3. Pea r se ( 1961 :196 -198 ) d i s c u s s e s f e a t u r e s o f f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e and o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t remain the same o r ve ry s i m i l a r i n R io favelas as they were p r i o r to mi g r a t i on . 4. For some s p e c i f i c examples t a ken f rom B u t t e r w o r t h ( 1 9 6 2 ) , Mangin (1962) and 0. Lewis ( 1 9 5 2 ) , see my u n p u b l i s h e d te rm paper e n t i t l e d , "Urban Slum D w e l l e r s ' A d a p t a t i o n s From a Ru ra l t o Urban S e t t i n g : The L a t i n Amer i c an S c e n e . " That m a n u s c r i p t i s a v a i l a b l e on r e q u e s t . 5. Pea r se ( 1961 :200 -202 ) a l s o makes the p o i n t t h a t m i g r a n t s i n R io favelas c o n t i n u e to r e l y on p a t e r n a l i s t i c r e l a -t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n t h e i r own ne i ghbou rhoods and i n the c i t y as a w h o l e . 6. These i n - t h e - c i t y c o n t a c t s t h a t m i g r a n t s h a v e , ment i oned b r i e f l y h e r e , r e c e i v e a d d i t i o n a l t r e a t m e n t i n Chap te r 5. P a r t s o f Chap te r 5 w i l l be devo ted to showing ways i n wh ich r e s i d e n t s o f some s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s do p a r -t i c i p a t e i n l o c a l ( i . e . , w i t h i n the s e t t l e m e n t ) and c i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . 7. See , f o r examp le : (Havens and F l i n n , 1 970a :207 -208 ) , ( T u r n e r , 1968b:116,117) and ( P o r t e s , 1 970 : 12 ) . 167 8. For i n s t a n c e , s e e : 0. Lewis ( 1 9 5 2 , 1 9 5 9 , 1 9 6 1 ) , Germani ( 1 9 6 1 : 2 2 8 ) , Pear se ( 1 9 6 1 ) , and Hobsbawm ( 1 9 6 7 : 6 4 ) . 9. There are many r e f e r e n c e s t h r o u g h o u t much o f the l i t e r a t u r e t o i n d i c a t e t h a t most p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t d w e l l e r s have f i r s t l i v e d i n the more c e n t r a l , l ow- i ncome urban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . Some o f the more p e r t i n e n t r e f e r e n c e s a r e , f o r exampl e: (Turner, 1967:4), (Mang i n , 1 960 : 913 ) , (Mang i n , 1 9 6 7 a : 6 8 ) , (Mangin 1967b: 3 ) , (Mang i n , 1 9 6 8 a : 5 5 ) , (Mang i n , 1968b : 410) , (Mangin and T u r n e r , 1 9 6 8 : 1 5 5 ) , ( P a t c h , 1 9 6 7 a : 2 ) , ( D i e t z , 1969: 3 6 0 ) , ( N e l s o n , 1 9 6 9 : 5 6 ) , (A. and E. L e e d s , 1 9 7 0 : 2 3 5 ) , ( G o l d r i c h et al., 1 967 - 1968 : 183 - 184 ) . 10. Mangin (19 6 7b :5) , T u r n e r ( 1 9 6 7 : 6 ) , D i e t z (1969:357) and G o l d r i c h et al. ( 1967 -1968 :181 -182 ) r e c o u n t the v i o l e n c e sometimes i n v o l v e d w i t h the f o r m a t i o n o f a p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t . Some examples o f p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s a r e : Cuevas , San M a r t i n de Porres, Pampa S e c a , E l E s p f r i t u , E l E r m i n t a n o , El A u g u s t i n o ( L i m a ) , Ma r i ano Me l ga r ( A r e q u i p a ) , V i l l a Oeste ( S a n t i a g o ) , E l G a v i l a n , E l Carmen ( B o g o t a ) . 11 . For o t h e r such d e s c r i p t i o n s , s e e : ( D i e t z , 1969 :356 -3 5 7 ) , ( D e l g a d o , 1 9 6 9 : 3 8 ) , ( T u r n e r , 1 9 6 7 : 6 , 7 ) , (Matos Mar, 1961:1 76-1 77) and (Mangin., 1 963:50-51 ). 12. S ee , f o r e xamp le : (Mang in * 1 9 6 7 a : 75) and ( M a n g i n , 1968b :183 ) . 13. The l o c a l l y e l e c t e d s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s h a v e , i n the l i t e r a t u r e , been a l t e r n a t e l y c a l l e d " l o c a l a s s o c i a -t i o n s , " "communal a s s o c i a t i o n s , " "Junta de Vecinos" and "Cornite de Vecinos" (Commit tee o f N e i g h b o u r s ) , "Asociacion de la Barriada" ( B a r r i a d a A s s o c i a t i o n ) . For d i s c u s s i o n s o f the s t r u c t u r e and purposes o f s q u a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n s , see f o r e xamp le : (Matos Mar, 1961 :176 -1 7 7 ) , (Mang i n , 1 967b: 5) , (Mangin and T u r n e r , 1968:1 5 5 ) , ( G o l d r i c h et al. , 1967-1 968:1 85-1 8 8 ) , ( P e a t t i e , 1968: Chap te r 6 ) , ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 6 - 1 1 ) , (Ray , 1 9 6 9 : 4 3 - 4 6 ) , and ( D i e t z , 1 969 : 369 ) . 14. On the q u e s t i o n o f l e g a l s t a t u s f o r p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s r e f e r t o : (Abrams, 1 9 6 6 : 3 9 - 4 2 ) , Manas te r ( 1 9 6 8 ) , Cohn ( 1 9 6 9 ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 6 9 ) . 168 15. For p a r t i c u l a r examples s e e : (Matos Mar, 1 9 6 1 : 1 8 0 - 1 8 1 ) , (de O n i s , 1966:1 2 ) , (Mang i n , 1 967a:76 ,77 ,79 ) , (Mang i n , 1 9 6 7 b : 7 , 8 ) , (Mang i n , 1968b:407 ,416) , (Mangin and T u r n e r , 1 968 : 155 ) , (A. L e e d s , 1 9 6 9 : 4 6 ) , ( P e a t t i e , 1 968 : 56 ) . 16. For e xamp le , s e e : (Mang i n , 1 9 6 5 b : 2 7 ) , ( T u r n e r , 1967: 7 , 1 1 ) , ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 1 2 ) , (Havens and F l i n n , 1 970a :211 ) . 17. S tokes (1962) was the f i r s t to employ the ph ra se s " s lums o f hope" and " s lums o f d e s p a i r . " S i n c e t h e n , T u r n e r (1968b:119 -120 ) and Casasco ( 1969 :94 -96 ) have a p p l i e d tho se terms to the L a t i n Amer i can s c e n e . 18. T u r n e r (1965) and Morse (1971a:54) draw ve ry c r u c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between L i m a ' s corralones ( s l ums ) and p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s (nons lum barriadas) . Delgado ( 1 9 6 9 : 4 2 ) , i n h i s r e v i s e d scheme o f m e t r o p o l -i t a n unde rdeve lopment i n L i m a , c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s between " s l u m s " ( i . e . , S o c i a l U n i v e r s e o f Slum Forma-t i o n ) and " n o n s l u m s " ( i . e . , Nonslum S o c i a l U n i v e r s e ) . 169 Chap te r 4 1. See , f o r examp le : ( R o s s i and B l um, 1 969 : 57 ) . 2. T u r n e r ( 1968b:117 — f n . 6) warns a g a i n s t the e r r o r o f e q u a t i n g i n h a b i t a n t s ' b e h a v i o u r s to the o b s e r v a b l e s t a n d a r d s o f t h e i r h a b i t a t s . " R a t i o n a l " r e f e r s to " a d e l i b e r a t e c a l c u l a t i o n of means and ends " ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 2 ) . C o n v e r s e l y , " i r r a t i o n a l " r e f e r s to i m p u l s i v e , e m o t i o n - b a s e d a c t i o n t h a t does " n o t i n v o l v e a c a l c u l a t e d sequence of a c t s e x c l u s i v e l y aimed a t s e c u r i n g a t t a i n -ment o f a p u r p o s e " ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 4 ) . 3. For s i m i l a r c i t a t i o n s , s e e : (Mang i n , 1 9 6 8 a : 5 6 ) , (Dough ty , 1 9 7 0 : 4 2 , 4 3 ) . 4. I t wou ld c u r r e n t l y be too l e n g t h y and arduous a t a s k t o p r e s e n t a b i b l i o g r a p h y o f m a t e r i a l s wh ich i n c l u d e d i s c u s s i o n s o f the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " I n s t e a d , i n t e r e s t e d r e a d e r s are r e f e r r e d to 0. L e w i s ' works l i s t e d i n t h i s p a p e r ' s "BIBLIOGRAPHY" and to some o f the f o l l o w i n g key s o u r c e s a l s o l i s t e d : V a l e n t i n e ( 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 7 1 ) , V a l e n t i n e et al. ( 1 9 6 9 ) , 0. Lewis et al. ( 1 967 ) , Roach and G u r s l i n ( 1 967 ) , G. K. Lewis ( 1 9 67 ) , O p l e r ( 1968) , A. Leeds (1971) . No te : A. Leeds (1971) i s e s p e c i a l l y r e l e v a n t t o the L a t i n Amer i can s c e n e . As w e l l , a d d i t i o n a l s o u r c e s may be found i n the e x t e n s i v e b i b l i o g r a p h i e s p r o v i d e d by Morse (1971a,1971b).. 5. Lewis i n c u r s o t h e r n o t a b l e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . For examp le : ( i ) He s t a t e s o f t ho se peop l e l i v i n g i n a " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " : They have a c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e toward some of the basic i n s t i t u t i o n s of the dominant classes, hatred of p o l i c e , mistrust of government, and those in a high p o s i t i o n , 1 70 and a cynicism which extends even to the church. This gives the culture of •poverty a high potential for protest and for being used in p o l i t i c a l move-ments aimed against the e x i s t i n g social order. ( L e w i s , 1970a : 71) L a t e r , i n the same a r t i c l e , he i n d i c a t e s t h a t " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " members are c o n s e r v a t i v e and l a c k i n g i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y f e r v o u r : My own studies of the urban poor in the slums of San Juan do not support the generalization of Fanon. I have found l i t t l e revolutionary s p i r i t or radical ideology among low-income Puerto Ricans. On the contrary3 most of the f a m i l i e s I studied were quite conservative p o l i t i -c a l l y . . . . ( L e w i s , 1970a:76) ( i i ) Lewis a d v i s e s t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s a p r o d u c t o f c a p i t a l i s m ; a t the same t i m e , he d e p l o r e s the absence o f s t u d i e s w i t h i n s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s . For more on t h i s p o i n t , s e e : (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 231 ) . ( i i i ) Lewis speaks s i m u l t a n e o u s l y about a " p r edom inance o f the n u c l e a r f a m i l y " and a " t r e n d toward mo the r -c e n t r e d f a m i l i e s " w i t h i n the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " C l e a r l y , a m o t h e r - c e n t r e d f a m i l y h o u s e h o l d i s not a n u c l e a r f a m i l y h o u s e h o l d . F u r t h e r , L e w i s ' own s t a t i s -t i c s r a i s e s e r i o u s doubts about the " p redominance o f the n u c l e a r f a m i l y " and about the no rma lcy o f hou se -ho l d s exam ined . In one very poor Mex ican vecindad, s i x out o f t h i r t e e n hou seho ld s had immediate f a m i l i e s as t h e i r s o c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n . Yet i n a b e t t e r - o f f vecindad, 72% o f the 71 sampled hou seho ld s were n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s ( L e w i s , 1 9 5 9 : 2 6 , 2 7 ) . For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f t h i s p o i n t , r e f e r t o : (A. L e e d s , 1971: 267 and f n . 9 ) . " A d a p t a t i o n " r e f e r s t o " t h e p r o c e s s e s by wh i ch a popu -l a t i o n or group a l t e r s i t s r e l a t i o n to i t s h a b i t a t " (Cohen, 1 9 6 8 : 4 ) . " B reakdown " r e f e r s to the e f f e c t s o f a p o p u l a t i o n ' s or g r o u p ' s i n a b i l i t y to f a v o u r a b l y a l t e r i t s r e l a t i o n to i t s h a b i t a t . For e x a m p l e , s e e : ( P o r t e s , 1 9 7 0 : 2 ) . 171 8. For a d i s c u s s i o n and c r i t i c i s m o f t r a i t a n a l y s i s , i n g e n e r a l , and a l s o more p a r t i c u l a r l y o f the t r a i t s a t t a c h e d to the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " v i c t i m s by L e w i s , s e e : (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 229 - 277 ) . 9. In the words o f J . L . Roach and O.R. G u r s l i n : An important d i s t i n c t i o n is that be-tween the causal and des c r i p t i v e con-ceptions of a culture of poverty. Many students of poverty tend to confuse these conceptions and conclude in effect that the t r a i t s of the poor are the cause of the t r a i t s of the poor. (Roach and G u r s l i n , 1967:392) 10. A c o n c e p t u a l c o n t r o v e r s y has d e v e l o p e d ove r L e w i s ' a p p l i c a t i o n o f " c u l t u r e . " Lewis (1970a:68 — f n . 3; 1 9 6 6 a : f n . 1) c l a i m s t h a t h i s c h o i c e o f the " c u l t u r e " , c oncep t o ve r the " s u b c u l t u r e " c oncep t i s a m a t t e r o f c o n v e n i e n c e . I f we r e c a l l L e w i s ' c o n t e n t i o n s t h a t the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " i s a c u l t u r e i n the t r a d i -t i o n a l a n t h r o p o l i g i c a l s e n s e , and i f we a c c e p t R a i n w a t e r ' s meaning f o r " s u b c u l t u r e " — . . . a d i s t i n c t i v e pattern of exis-t e n t i a l and evaluative elements, a pattern d i s t i n c t i v e to a p a r t i c u l a r group in a larger c o l l e c t i v i t y and consequential for the way t h e i r l i f e d i f f e r s from that of others in the c o l l e c t i v i t y . The d i s t i n c t i v e pattern consists of elements that are shared with the larger c o l l e c -t i v i t y and ones that are peculiar to the group — i t is the configura-tion of both kinds of elements that is d i s t i n c t i v e to the lower class. ( R a i n w a t e r , 1969:241) — i t becomes c l e a r t h a t " s u b c u l t u r e " wou ld not r e a l l y a c c u r a t e l y i d e n t i f y what Lewi s i s a d d r e s s i n g . For c r i t i c i s m s o f L e w i s ' i m p r e c i s e usage o f c u l t u r e / s u b c u l t u r e , s e e : ( V a l e n t i n e , 1 9 6 9 : 1 0 4 , 1 0 7 - 1 2 0 ) , (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 231 ) , ( V a l e n t i n e e t a l . , 1 969 : 198 ) . T h i s l a s t r e f e r e n c e i s e x t r e m e l y c l e a r and to the p o i n t : / 172 On culture and sub culture, the major issue is that, regardless of termi-nology, Lewis often writes about the subject as if he had a f u l l culture in mind. 11. For a d i s c u s s i o n and c r i t i c i s m of the f a m i l y / c u l t u r e p r o b l e m , s e e : ( V a l e n t i n e , 1969 :50 -67 ,118 ) and (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 232 ) . 12. For f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t i o n o f t h i s c r i t i c i s m , s e e : (A. L e e d s , 1 971 : 235 - 238 ) . 13. The n o n - e x c l u s i v e n e s s o f " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " t r a i t s r e c e i v e s a d d i t i o n a l commentary i n Chap te r 5. 14. O the r u n s u c c e s s f u l a t t empt s by Lev/is t o d i s t i n g u i s h between p o v e r t y per se and the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " a re l i s t e d i n A. Leeds (1971 :263 -264 — f n . 2 5 ) . A most r e v e a l i n g and i n t e r e s t i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y ' s " i n a b i l i t y t o i d e n t i f y a t a r g e t i s p r o v i d e d by A. Leeds ( 1 9 7 1 ) . He s a r c a s t i c a l l y wonders t h a t because u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s o f t e n d i s -p l a y many o f the t r a i t s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y , " s h o u l d they too be c o n s i d e r e d as " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y " members? "Or do they l a c k some c r i t i c a l t r a i t f o r such membersh ip ? " (A. L e e d s , 1971: 271 — f n . 3 1 ) . For a g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n o f L e w i s ' f a i l u r e t o d e l i m i t a " c u l t u r e of p o v e r t y " p o p u l a t i o n , s e e : (A. Leeds , 1971 : 261 -262) . 15. See: (Gans , 1969:202,20 3 ) . 16. S i l b e r s t e i n ( 1969) , -Turner (1967 , 1 968b ) , A. Leeds ( 1 9 7 1 ) , A. and E. Leeds ( 1 9 7 0 ) , Mangin ( 1967a , 1968b) and D i e t z ( 1 9 6 9 ) , f o r e xamp le , a l l s t r e s s s i m i l a r p o i n t s . Lewis (1952) i r o n i c a l l y s u p p o r t s t h i s t ype o f a rgument . H i s 1952 c o n c l u s i o n s run c o u n t e r to " f i n d i n g s [ t h a t ] on the whole h i g h l i g h t e d the n e g a t i v e a s p e c t s , such as p e r s o n a l m a l a d j u s t m e n t , breakdown o f f a m i l y l i f e , d e c l i n e of r e l i g i o n , and i n c r e a s e o f d e l i n q u e n c y " ( L e w i s , 1 952 : 413 - 414 ) . Oddly enough, though, Lewis ' p o s t - 1952 p u b l i c a t i o n s d e f i n i t e l y c o n -t r a d i c t the very c o n c l u s i o n s he had so t a l e n t l y m a i n -t a i n e d i n 1952. 173 17. R e f e r t o : (Gans , 1 969 : 211 - 213 ) . 18. One o f the b e s t and most c o n v i n c i n g a r t i c l e s d e a l i n g w i t h the p r a g m a t i c b e h a v i o u r a l approaches u t i l i z e d by poor L a t i n Amer i can u r b a n i t e s i s P o r t e s ' (1970) u n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r . 19. Gans (1969:213) a p p l i e s t h a t p o i n t t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s , urban p o v e r t y s c e n e . 20. M a t e r i a l s such as t ho se by S i l b e r s t e i n , Mang i n , A. L e e d s , A. and E. L e e d s , P e a t t i e , F r a n k , P o r t e s , R o b e r t s , Ge rman i , Doughty, D i e t z , T u r n e r , Matos Mar , P e a r s e , Mangin and T u r n e r , and others ( a l l a p p e a r i n g i n t h i s p a p e r ' s "B IBLIOGRAPHY") do not l i m i t t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s t o o n l y f a m i l y i s s u e s . I n s t e a d , they expand t h e i r e x a m i n a t i o n s t o i n c l u d e a much w i d e r network o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s : — e . g . , employee/ e m p l o y e r ; f r i e n d / f r i e n d ; i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s ; i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h l o c a l l e a d e r s ; i n v o l v e -ment w i t h s t a t e and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n s and b u r e a u -c r a t s ; i n d i v i d u a 1 s / m o n e y l e n d e r s ; games p l a y e d i n the l o c a l communi ty ; e n t e r t a i n m e n t , b u s i n e s s and t r a d e c o n t a c t s between l ow- income ne i ghbourhoods and m e t r o -p o l i t a n c e n t r e s , e t c . 21 . That i s s u e i s d i s c u s s e d i n Chap te r 5. 22. In no way i s i t b e i n g s ugge s ted t h a t the b a t t l e a g a i n s t p o v e r t y ' s d e v a s t a t i n g p h y s i c a l symptoms s h o u l d be s t o p p e d . C o n v e r s e l y , a r r e s t i n g the growth of p h y s i c a l p o v e r t y symptoms s h o u l d be a supp lement t o , and not a s u b s t i t u t e f o r , the s o r t o f s t r u c t u r a l o f f e n s i v e b e i n g a d v o c a t e d . 174 CHAPTER 5 1. Some o f the c u r r e n t s e c t i o n s o f c r i t i c i s m a p p l y the m e r i t s o f A. L e e d s ' (1971) comprehen s i ve a t t a c k on L e w i s ' " c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y . " A. Leeds has p r o v i d e d a b i t i n g , r e v e a l i n g and c o n v i n c i n g a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c r i t i q u e . 2. A. Leeds (1971:252 — f n . 16) e x p l a i n s t h a t favela r e s i d e n t s ' f o o d - s h o p p i n g p a t t e r n s a re c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to b u y e r - s e l l e r b a r g a i n i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the s t r u c -t u r e o f the m a r k e t i n g and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s y s t e m s , the f l u c t u a t i n g t imes o f a r r i v a l f o r d i f f e r e n t s t o c k s o f f o o d , the t y p i c a l s h o r t a g e o f f ood i tems i n the m a r k e t s , and the o c c a s i o n a l appearance o f p e d d l e r s . 3. The f o l l o w i n g i s the C h i l e a n government s t u d y u t i l i z e d by P o r t e s ( 1 9 7 0 ) : A. C a b a l a Dorghan, Estudio sobre P a r t i -cipacion dentro de un Tipo de Asociacion Voluntaria: Junta de Vecinos, C o n s e j e r i a N a c i o n a l de P romoc ion P o p u l a r , D i v i s i o n de E s t u d i o s , S a n t i a g o , 1968 (m imeo . ) . 4. See: (A. L e e d s , 1971 :274 ) . 5. See: ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1 961 : 210 ) . 6. See a l s o : (Ward, 1 964 : 191 , 192 ) . 7. See a l s o : Schulman ( 1 9 6 6 ) . 8. Survey q u e s t i o n s wh ich probe f o r measures o f d e m o n s t r a t -i n g and v i o l e n c e among e s t a b l i s h e d m i g r a n t s must be i n t e r p r e t e d w i t h c a u t i o n . I t i s ve ry p o s s i b l e t h a t some r e sponden t s have very d e l i b e r a t e l y c o n c e a l e d r a d i c a l / 175 a t t i t u d e s and t h a t o t h e r s have p r o v i d e d b l a t a n t l y f a l s e an swer s . R e s u l t s o f such q u e s t i o n i n g may l a c k c o n -s i d e r a b l e v a l i d i t y and u t i l i t y . 9. T u r n e r urges t h a t p r o g r e s s i v e s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s c a t e r i n g to " c o n s o l i d a t o r s " not be v iewed as r e v o l u -t i o n a r y b r e e d i n g g rounds : Rather than being a 'misery belt ' of the dispossessed, waiting only for that revolutionary spark to drive them to the destruction of the citadels of society which they surround, the [ c o n s o l i d a t i o n ] settlements could more accurately be described as social safety belts. ( T u r n e r , 196 8b:119) 10. R e f e r t o the same p o i n t made i n the p r e c e d i n g d i s -c u s s i o n f o r r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . 11. Some advantages o f s q u a t t e r approaches to the s o l u t i o n o f urban accommodat ion prob lems become e v i d e n t i n Chap te r 6. 176 i CHAPTER 6 1. Mangin ( 1 967a : 85 ; 1968b:188) r e f e r s to the " e r a d i c a t i o n -d e p o r t a t i o n " s t r a t e g y . He l i s t s i t s more c o l l o q u i a l synonym as the " f e s t e r i n g s o r e - h a r d no sed " s t r a t e g y . 2. Mangin (1967a :85 -86 ; 1968b:189-191) r e f e r s to the " e r a d i c a t i o n - r e l o c a t i o n " s t r a t e g y . He l i s t s i t s more c o l l o q u i a l synonym as the " f e s t e r i n g s o r e - b l e e d i n g h e a r t " s t r a t e g y . 3. In r e f e r e n c e to an a r t i c l e by Lance B e l v i l l e i n The  New York Times (November 2 1 , 1 965 ) , Mangin r e p r i n t s an e m o t i o n a l , d i s g r u n t l e d appea l by a f o rmer favela d w e l l e r who now r e s i d e s i n the V i l a A l i a n c e s a t e l l i t e c i t y ( R i o ) : I hate it here. . .they brought me to this yla.ee in handcuffs. . . .it's too far from my work. . . .My old shack had plenty of room for me and the family. . .and the shack didn't leak. . . .I'm too far from the beach to go find crabs. . . .Sometimes I just can't make the payments on the house. . . .The house can wait. My children cannot wait. (Mang i n , 1968b:190) 4. 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V a l e n t i n e , C h a r l e s A. 1969 Culture and Poverty: C r i t i q u e and Counter Proposals, The U n i v e r s i t y o f Ch i cago P r e s s . Second I m p r e s s i o n . 1971 " O s c a r L e w i s ' P o v e r t y C u l t u r e R e - e x a m i n e d , " i n E.B. Leacock ( ed . ) , 1971 . 192 V a l e n t i n e , C h a r l e s A. et al. 1969 A Current Anthropology Book Review on " C u l t u r e and P o v e r t y : C r i t i q u e and Coun te r P r o p o s a l s , " Current Anthropology, 10(2 & 3) : 181-201 ( A p r i 1 - June , 1 969) . Wagner, B e r n a r d , D. McEvoy and G. Edwards 1966 "Guanabara Hous ing and Urban Deve l opmen t , " Aid Rousing Report, J u l y 1, 1966. 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