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The Chilcotin uprising: a study of Indian-white relations in nineteenth century British Columbia Hewlett, Edward Sleigh 1972

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THE  CHILCOTIN UPRISING:  A STUDY OF  INDIAN-WHITE RELATIONS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY BRITISH COLUMBIA  by  EDWARD SLEIGH HEWLETT B.A,, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of History  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1972  In p r e s e n t i n g an the  this  thesis in partial  advanced degree at the Library  University  s h a l l make i t f r e e l y  f u l f i l m e n t of the  of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r extensive for  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may  by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be  g r a n t e d by  thesis for financial  written  permission.  gain  s h a l l not  Department of History The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a  the  Head o f my  Columbia  be  that  thesis  Department  copying or  for  study.  copying of t h i s  I t i s understood that  of t h i s  requirements  or  publication  allowed without  my  ill ABSTRACT This thesis deals with a disturbance which broke out i n A p r i l of 1864 when a group of ChJLlcotin Indians massacred seventeen^workmen on a t r a i l being b u i l t from Bute I n l e t to the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  The main endeavours of this thesis are three-fold. It seeks to provide an accurate account of the main events: the k i l l i n g s and the para-military expeditions which r e s u l t e d from them.  I t attempts to e s t a b l i s h as f a r as possible the  causes of the massacres.  F i n a l l y , i t examines the attitudes  of whites towards the Indians as revealed i n the actions they took and the views they expressed i n connection with the u p r i s i n g and the r e s u l t i n g expeditions to the C h i l c o t i n territory. Published and unpublished primary source material has given a d e t a i l e d and v e r i f i a b l e picture of the events of the C h i l c o t i n Uprising, and of various background events. I t has revealed, besides, the verbal reactions of many whites and even of Indians who were involved. To seek the underlying causes of the u p r i s i n g and to get a clear view of white attitudes i t has been necessary to probe both C h U c o t l n and European backgrounds.  The studies  of others have helped to shed l i g h t on C h i l c o t i n society p r i o r to the time of the uprising, on European thought as i t developed i n the Nineteenth Century, and on the general development of relationships between the white man and the Indian i n B r i t i s h Columbia up to the period with which t h i s thesis deals.  iii-a The causes, o f t h e u p r i s i n g I have summarized under f i v e main h e a d i n g s .  The " c h i e f m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r " was t h e  r a s h t h r e a t "by a w h i t e man t o b r i n g s i c k n e s s on the I n d i a n s . The " p r e d i s p o s i n g causes" were e v e n t s and c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h i c h had no d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e Chile©tins' d e c i s i o n : to  kill  t h e w h i t e s b u t w h i c h must have h e l p e d to shape t h e i r  adverse a t t i t u d e s towards  the w h i t e s .  The " a g g r a v a t i n g  g r i e v a n c e s " were a number o f o c c u r r e n c e s d i r e c t l y  connected  Tjiwith the t r a i l - b u i l d i n g e n t e r p r i s e w h i c h may be r e g a r d e d as g r i e v a n c e s from the O h i l c o t i n s  1  viewpoint, aggravating the  harm done by the t h r e a t made a g a i n s t t h e O h i l c o t i n s .  The  " m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e " o f plunder played i t s p a r t i n encouraging the u p r i s i n g .  F i n a l l y , t h e r e were a number o f " f a c i l i t a t i n g ;  f a c t o r s " w h i c h made t h e u p r i s i n g p o s s i b l e — f a c t o r s making f o r the i n i t i a l weakness o f t h e w h i t e s and the s t r e n g t h o f t h e Chllcotins., The a t t i t u d e s o f t h e w h i t e s towards t h e I n d i a n s as r e v e a l e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f t h e C h l l cot i n . U p r i s i n g a r e d i f f i c u l t t o summarize w i t h o u t d i s t o r t i o n . have been made i n t h i s t h e s i s j •  B u t f i v e main p o i n t s  (1) The w h i t e s a t t h i s  time  d i s p l a y e d , i n v a r y i n g forms, a u n i v e r s a l confidence i n the I n h e r e n t s u p e r i o r i t y o f European c i v i l i z a t i o n ,  (2) Only t o  a l i m i t e d e x t e n t c a n we i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e s e x p r e s s e d towards t h e I n d i a n s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s e s o r groups o f colonial, society.  (3) P r e j u d i c e and q u e s t i o n i n g s r e g a r d i n g  w h i t e a c t i o n s towards the I n d i a n b o t h emerged as a r e s u l t o f the u p r i s i n g . in  There i s e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e r e were many w h i t e s  N i n e t e e n t h Century B r i t i s h Columbia who n o t o n l y used  ill-b I n d i v i d u a l judgement i n making g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about t h e I n d i a n b u t were w i l l i n g t o " t e s t t h e i r s t e r e o t y p e s  against  r e a l i t y " when they had d e a l i n g s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r I n d i a n s o r I n d i a n groups.  (4) There was no ..really g e n e r a l f e a r f o r  p e r s o n a l safety;; among t h e Europeans d u r i n g t h e C h i l c o t l n Uprising.  (5) As a g e n e r a l r u l e we may say t h a t those whom  c i r c u m s t a n c e s c a s t i n the r o l e of a d v e r s a r i e s o f t h e O h i l c o t i n s came t o adopt i n c r e a s i n g l y h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards the I n d i a n s .  Those who were l e s s d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d o r who  were c a s t i n r o l e s n e c e s s i t a t i n g some u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e O h i l c o t i n s tended to adopt l e s s h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards them.  Iii-C  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I would l i k e to express my indebtedness to the s t a f f of the P r o v i n c i a l Archives, p a r t i c u l a r l y  to Mr. George Newell, whose suggestions  f i r s t led me to sources on the C h i l c o t i n Uprising. I also owe much to the s t a f f of the Special Collections D i v i s i o n of the l i b r a r y of the University of B r i t i s h  Columbia.  My thanks i s due also to Dr. M. Ormsby and Mr. K. Ralston of the History Department of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r benefit of their time spent and experienced advice given. Especially I wish to thank my advisor, Dr. R. V. Kubicek, who made me aware of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a study of Indian-white relationships and white attitudes to Indians.  His constructive c r i t i c i s m ,  encourage-  ment, and stimulus to thought during the time I have spent writing this thesis have been much appreciated.  iv PREFACE This thesis deals with a disturbance which broke out i n A p r i l of 1864 when a group of C h i l c o t i n Indians massacred seventeen workmen on a t r a i l being b u i l t from Bute Inlet to the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia. The C h i l c o t i n Uprising at the time i t occurred s t a r t l e d and shocked p r a c t i c a l l y the whole white population of c o l o n i a l B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island.  Overwhelmingly outnumbered by the Indians, the whites  were bound to take seriously any uprising which might threaten to become an Indian war such as the Americans to the south had experienced.  The  further k i l l i n g s which followed the i n i t i a l massacre and the adventures and rumoured adventures of the resulting expeditions to the C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y gained much public notice and f o r many months took up most of the  attention of Governor Seymour and the top o f f i c i a l s of the infant  colony of B r i t i s h Columbia. the  As time went on and i t became evident that  uprising was u n l i k e l y to involve more of the native population than  a portion of the C h i l c o t i n t r i b e , the white colonists became increasingly concerned at the, to them, enormous cost of the extensive operations i n Chilcotin territory. Today, though neither i t s threat to the European populace nor i t s effect on the c o l o n i a l budget seem i n retrospect to be important, the C h i l c o t i n Uprising i s of s i g n i f i c a n c e for other reasons. The story of the C h i l c o t i n Uprising i s the best-documented account of  c o n f l i c t between Indians and whites i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Accounts  published i n the Nineteenth Century together with a large amount of  V  unpublished material give a detailed and v e r i f i a b l e picture of the events of the uprising.  We  also have detailed narratives of various background  events, and of the verbal reactions of the whites and even of Indians  who  were involved. Variously referred to i n the accounts of the time as a series of massacres, as an insurrection, and as a war, type of reaction  the C h i l c o t i n Uprising was  the  to the inroads of Europeans which certain modern historians  would prefer to l a b e l as a "resistance,"  I have chosen "uprising" as a  term I consider adequately descriptive yet not r e f l e c t i n g any p a r t i c u l a r theory of s o c i a l action. The main endeavours of this thesis are three-fold. an accurate account of the main events: expeditions  which resulted from them.  I t seeks  the k i l l i n g s and the  to provide  para-military  This has seemed to be of  considerable  importance, since no narrative of the uprising exists which t e l l s a l l the events as accurately as available documents enable one  to do today.  A  second thing this thesis attempts i s to e s t a b l i s h as far as i s possible causes of the massacres which occurred.  The immediate cause was  the  discovered  by the enquiries of Judge Begbie after the surrender of a number of the Chilcotins involved i n the uprising.  The underlying  causes, though not so  obvious at the time, throw a good deal of l i g h t on the reaction of group of native people to the Europeans whom they encountered.  The  one third  main task of this thesis has been to examine the attitudes of whites towards the Indians as revealed  i n the actions they took and the views they expressed  i n connection with the uprising and the r e s u l t i n g expeditions cotin t e r r i t o r y .  to the C h i l -  vi  To seek the underlying causes of the uprising and to get a clear view of white attitudes i t has been necessary to probe both C h i l c o t i n and European backgrounds.  I t has only been possible to do t h i s , of course,  because others have carried out s t u d i e s — h i s t o r i c a l , anthropological, and s o c i o l o g i c a l i n nature—which have shed l i g h t on C h i l c o t i n society p r i o r to the time of the massacres, on European thought as i t developed i n the Nineteenth Century, and on the general development of relationships between white man and Indian i n B r i t i s h Columbia up to the period with which this thesis deals. The early historiography of the C h i l c o t i n Uprising I have discussed i n the b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l essay which accompanies this thesis.  Seymour's  despatches to Cardwell contain the most accurate account of a l l the major events of the Uprising. only p a r t i a l .  A l l other contemporary  accounts of the Uprising are  Lundin Brown's i s the most complete and accurate published  account of the nineteenth century, but i s not to be completely r e l i e d on. Twentieth century accounts are either popularized versions of limited accuracy which have appeared i n newspapers or periodicals or are necessarily c u r t a i l e d i n their scope because the C h i l c o t i n Uprising i s narrated as an event of l i m i t e d significance i n the history of B r i t i s h Columbia as a whole.  F. W. Howay i n B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the  Present gives a f a i r l y f u l l and accurate account, but there are a number of factual errors i n his work. This thesis attempts to give a more detailed and accurate account of the events than has been given i n the past.  At the same time, though i t  i s centred around one t r i b e and a single set of events, i t i s hoped i t may,  along with the studies of others, contribute to a greater understanding  of the development of Indian-white relationships.  vii TABLE OF CONTENTS  ABSTRACT  I l l  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  iii-C  PREFACE  iv  LIST OF MAPS  viii  LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHIC PLATES CHAPTER L.  BACKGROUND:  ix  THE CHILCOTINS IN THEXR NATIVE ENVIRONMENT  1  CHAPTER I I . PRE-GOLD-RUSH RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHILCOTINS AND EUROPEANS CHAPTER I I I .  22  THE IMPACT OF THE GOLD RUSH ON RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND INDIANS IN VANCOUVER ISLAND AND BRITISH COLUMBIA  CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER V.  THE BUTE INLET TRAIL THE MASSACRES AND THEIR CAUSES  CHAPTER VI. CHAPTER VII.  THE WHITE REACTION TO THE MASSACRES  45 88 116 151  WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE INDIANS AS REVEALED AND EXPRESSED DURING THE CHILCOTIN UPRISING  193  A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON CHIEF SOURCES USED IN WRITING THIS THESIS. . . A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY  220 225  viii  LIST OF MAPS  Map  Page  1.  D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Northern Athapaskan Indians . ,  2  2.  The Chilcotins and Their Neighbours  4  3.  Waddington's Bute Inlet T r a i l  109  ix  LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHIC PLATES  Plate  To Follow Page  1.  Governor Frederick Seymour  161  2.  Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie  208  CHAPTER I BACKGROUND:  THE CHILCOTINS IN THEIR NATIVE ENVIRONMENT  S t a r t l i n g as the events of t h e C h i l c o t i n u p r i s i n g were t o t h e w h i t e populace o f Vancouver  I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia, t h e p a t t e r n o f t h o s e  events becomes, by h i n d s i g h t , more e x p l i c a b l e i n t h e l i g h t o f an e x a m i n a t i o n of  t h e background  t o t h e massacres.  An i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h a t  i s s u p p l i e d by a s t u d y o f the C h i l c o t i n I n d i a n s themselves:  background  their ethnic  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l way o f l i f e , and t h e e f f e c t s o f e a r l y European c o n t a c t on t h e i r l i v e s and a t t i t u d e s .  L i n g u i s t i c Group The C h i l c o t i n s form p a r t o f a r e m a r k a b l y w i d e - s p r e a d group o f l i n g u i s t i c a l l y r e l a t e d I n d i a n s , t h e Dene's o r Athapaskans, whose t e r r i t o r y  extended  to Hudson Bay on t h e e a s t , to t h e t e r r i t o r y o f the Eskimo on t h e n o r t h , and up to the d e l t a o f t h e Yukon R i v e r on t h e west."*" of  The Apache and Navaho  t h e s o u t h w e s t e r n U n i t e d S t a t e s and a number o f i s o l a t e d groups i n P a c i f i c  c o a s t a l s t a t e s a r e s o u t h e r n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e DenesMost o f t h e Athapaskan I n d i a n s o f Canada l i v e d n o r t h o f the f i f t y f i f t h p a r a l l e l , b u t the t e r r i t o r y o f t h e w e s t e r n De^es i n B r i t i s h extended much f u r t h e r s o u t h .  Columbia  The C h i l c o t i n s were the most s o u t h e r l y Dene'  t r i b e ; i n Canada w i t h the p r o b a b l e e x c e p t i o n o f the N i c o l a , a s m a l l group w h i c h seems to have been o r i g i n a l l y Athapaskan  i n speech b u t w h i c h was 2  absorbed by n e i g h b o u r i n g I n d i a n s i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  From Cornelius Osgood, "The D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Northern Athapaskan Indians," Yale University Publications i n Anthropology, VII (1936), 4.  - 2 -  s  Map  1  D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Northern Athapaskan Indians  - 3 -  P h y s i c a l Appearance R e l i a b l e e a r l y information i s scarce regarding the p h y s i c a l characteri s t i c s o f t h e C h i l c o t i n s , and Lane d e c i d e s  t h a t ". . . t h e r e i s l i t t l e  point  3 i n attempting  a p h y s i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n . "  c a r e f u l observer  and i s u s u a l l y a r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a n t ,  M o r i c e was a  though he d i d n o t have  4 c o n t a c t w i t h t h e C h i l c o t i n s t i l l 1883 and was more f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e C a r r i e r s whose t e r r i t o r y l i e s immediately  to the north of the C h i l c o t i n s ' .  The C h i l c o t i n s . . . [Morice s a y s ] a r e o f lower s t a t u r e [than the C a r r i e r s ] , b r o a d - c h e s t e d , w i t h square s h o u l d e r s , heavy f e a t u r e s and f l a t t i s h f a c e s . . . He c o n s i d e r e d  t h a t t h e C h i l c o t i n s (as w e l l as t h e C a r r i e r s ) had become modi-  f i e d i n t h e i r p h y s i c a l appearance due t o i n t e r m i x t u r e w i t h t h e c o a s t  Indians.  He a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e C h i l c o t i n s had i n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h the S a l i s h t o the s o u t h .  Speaking o f the Athapaskans g e n e r a l l y , M o r i c e says t h a t they a r e  ". . . r e m a r k a b l e f o r t h e s c a r c i t y o f t h e i r f a c i a l h a i r , " though he-mentions 6 some e x c e p t i o n s . Territory F o r a number o f reasons i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o i n d i c a t e t h e b o u n d a r i e s of C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y w i t h much p r e c i s i o n .  The C h i l c o t i n s d i d have a  concept o f t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t s , b u t these l i m i t s c o u l d n o t have been p r e c i s e l y d e f i n e d except where they were marked o f f by c l e a r l y n a t u r a l boundaries.  recognizable  Then t o o , much i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e C h i l c o t i n s '  of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i a l b o u n d a r i e s ^  ideas  has come t o us r a t h e r l a t e , and, v a l u a b l e  though i t i s , s h o u l d be t r e a t e d w i t h some c a u t i o n .  A f u r t h e r p o i n t t o be  borne i n mind i s t h e f a c t t h a t b o u n d a r i e s c o u l d and d i d s h i f t when one t r i b a l group abandoned t e r r i t o r y and another o c c u p i e d i t .  From Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the C h i l c o t i n Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953), p. 64. Microfilms, 1953).  CAnn Arbor, University  - 5 I t i s p o s s i b l e , however, t o i n d i c a t e i n g e n e r a l terms the  boundaries  o f C h i l c o t i n - o c c u p i e d c o u n t r y i n the p e r i o d from f i r s t c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s 8 to  the time of t h e 1864  uprising.  The C h i l c o t i n s i n h a b i t e d the  drainage  b a s i n o f the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r above a p o i n t t h i r t y o r f o r t y m i l e s up C h i l c o t i n from the F r a s e r ( t h a t i s , near p r e s e n t - d a y  Hanceville).  the In  a d d i t i o n , they o c c u p i e d  t h e Dean R i v e r from Anahim Lake s o u t h , and 9 upper reaches of the Homathko and K l i n i k l i n i R i v e r s .  the  Population I t seems i m p o s s i b l e to make an e s t i m a t e of any g r e a t r e l i a b i l i t y the p o p u l a t i o n of t h e C h i l c o t i n s at any we  for  time d u r i n g the p e r i o d w i t h w h i c h  are concerned. The p o p u l a t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n s b e f o r e c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s i s a  m a t t e r of v e r y d o u b t f u l c o n j e c t u r e .  Kroeber,  f o l l o w i n g MoOney, g i v e s  e s t i m a t e of 2,500"^, b u t Lane g i v e s what appear t o be v e r y v a l i d for  an  reasons  r e j e c t i n g t h i s f i g u r e as g i v i n g much too h i g h a p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y . ^  Lane's own  e s t i m a t e f o r t h e p o p u l a t i o n of the  pre-nineteenth-century  12 C h i l c o t i n s i s a f i g u r e of from 1000  to 1500  , w h i c h seems a more p r o b a b l e  number i n v i e w of t h e e x t e n t of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y compared to t h a t o f o t h e r Athapaskans, and the l i m i t s of the C h i l c o t i n s ' food r e s o u r c e s , and i n v i e w of t h e p o p u l a t i o n e s t i m a t e s we have f o r l a t e r p e r i o d s . The  t o t a l number of- f a m i l i e s w h i c h George McDougall r e p o r t e d 13  v i s i t e d and heard o f i n 1822 was  about 196.  Should  having  t h e r e have been an  average of f o u r persons per f a m i l y t h i s would g i v e a t o t a l of about individuals.  784  There were p r o b a b l y many f a m i l i e s w h i c h he d i d not v i s i t  h e a r o f , s i n c e he w r i t e s o f what was  o n l y p a r t of the C h i l c o t i n  or  territory.  I t would seem, t h e n , t h a t t h e r e must have been c o n s i d e r a b l y more than-  - 6 -  the approximately  800 Chilcotins he reported on at that time.  I t should  be noted, however, that most of his information on population was based on information given by Indians he met rather than on first-hand  experience.  Ross Cox i n his Adventures on the Columbia River passes on information on the Chilcotins which he obtained from Joseph M c G i l l i v r a y , and which may have been derived from information obtained during the 1822 McDougall took.  According to McGillivray's information, though i t was  "impossible to ascertain with accuracy the number of men i t was  t r i p which  thought that the "number of men  be under one hundred and eighty.  i n the t r i b e , "  capable of bearing arms could not  Assuming that each of these men  the head of a family, the t o t a l reported by M c G i l l i v r a y would be close to that given by McDougall.  was  reasonably  A table, also attributed to M c G i l l i v r a y ,  showing the population of the tribes "about Fraser's River" contains a note stating: Our census of the Chilcotins i s imperfect; but we reckoned two chiefs, 52 heads of f a m i l i e s , and 130 married men between the age of twenty and f o r t y . ^ If the " c h i e f s , " "heads of f a m i l i e s , " and "married men between the age of twenty and f o r t y " were a l l separate individuals the t o t a l would be men,  agreeing with McGillivray's previously-given t o t a l .  184  (Lane i n error 16  cites Cox as reporting 252 as the estimated Douglas estimated the population i n 1837  population.) at 600, a figure which Lane  accepts for the estimated population of the Chilcotins i n the early nineteenth century.  This seems a rather d r a s t i c reduction i n numbers from  the time of McDougall's 1822 v i s i t , though inter-rtribal f i g h t i n g and periods of starvation had intervened, and William Connolly did observe evidence of 18 a great reduction during his v i s i t of 1829,  M o r i c e p l a c e d the C h i l c o t i n p o p u l a t i o n b e f o r e the s m a l l p o x  outbreak  o f the 1860's as " f u l l y 1500," w h i c h seems too h i g h t o agree w i t h any the p r e v i o u s l y - g i v e n e s t i m a t e s o f e a r l y a u t h o r i t i e s .  of  According to Morice 19  the s m a l l p o x outbreaks  reduced the p o p u l a t i o n by t w o - t h i r d s . 20  the f i r s t outbreak was  i n 1862  probable  t h a t he was  <, not as M o r i c e v i n d i c a t e s i n 1864.)  more c e r t a i n of the number who  s u r v i v e d the  than of the o r i g i n a l number, and t h a t he o b t a i n e d t h e "1500" by backwards.  (Incidentally,  P o s s i b l y t w o - t h i r d s was  r e s u l t s o f the s m a l l p o x were.  I t seems  outbreaks working  too h i g h a p r o p o r t i o n , " d r a s t i c as  Therefore  500  ( o n e - t h i r d of M o r i c e ' s  c o u l d be a f a i r l y a c c u r a t e number f o r the p e r i o d a f t e r the s m a l l p o x  the  1500) visita-  t i o n s and immediately  b e f o r e t h e u p r i s i n g . S i n c e the B r i t i s h Columbia 21 Athapaskan p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e d t i l l 1895, and s i n c e T e i t e s t i m a t e d the 22 p o p u l a t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n s as about 534 to e s t i m a t e t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n i n 1864 .-  Way  i n 1906  , i t would seem  as between 500 and  reasonable  600.  of L i f e  Even a c u r s o r y e x a m i n a t i o n l i f e of the C h i l c o t i n s impresses  of what i s known of the p r e - c o n t a c t way  of  one w i t h the g r e a t c o n t r a s t between t h a t -  a b o r i g i n a l e x i s t e n c e and the c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e w h i c h one would assume a European c u l t u r e might impose once i t began t o make i t s impact f e l t . O b t a i n i n g Food The Athapaskan peoples  o f Canada were as a whole c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  nomadic e x i s t e n c e w h i c h the s e a r c h f o r food imposed upon them. was  a dependence upon f i s h i n g , however, t h i s wandering was  a  Where t h e r e  m o d i f i e d by  need t o v i s i t r e g u l a r f i s h i n g s p o t s a t c e r t a i n times o f the y e a r .  the  The  C h i l c o t i n s o b t a i n e d food by f i s h i n g , h u n t i n g , and g a t h e r i n g r o o t s and  berries.  - 8 Their l i f e was semi-nomadic.  Their f i s h i n g a c t i v i t i e s led to p a r t i c u l a r  groups of Chilcotins becoming associated with certain s p e c i f i c spots which they used during f i s h i n g seasons and established a type of ownership to through use.  Their hunting, though, led to wide-ranging  t r a v e l s , as  their f i s h i n g a c t i v i t e s also did when the salmon run f a i l e d on the C h i l cotin River.  Salmon f i s h i n g was apparently an important a c t i v i t y f o r the  C h i l c o t i n s , and the frequent f a i l u r e of the salmon runs, as w i l l be seen, 23 helped to determine their relationships with coastal Indians. Salmon as well as roots and berries were dried and preserved for use during times when food was scarce, but times of hunger and starvation were s t i l l  experienced.  The l i v e s of the Chilcotins were not those of constant a c t i v i t y , but of  a c t i v i t y alternating with l e i s u r e .  A general impression from a white  view-point of Dene''life as l a t e r witnessed by Father Morice i s given i n his  book The Great Dene Race when he remarks: ...we see that few people in-the northern lands have more l e i s u r e , or manage to take l i f e so easy as the Denes that have made i t their home. For weeks and weeks they w i l l do nothing but smoke their pipe, v i s i t and gossip, or lay i d l e i n camp. Yet, as time f l i e s and a moon succeeds another, the Dene i s reminded by the change i n the weather or the length of h i s hyperborean days that some p a r t i c u l a r kind of work l i e s i n store f o r him, to which he must attend under ^ pain of exposing himself and his family to the danger of starvation. In a r t i s t r y and craftsmanship the Chilcotins were undistinguished  compared with neighbouring coast tribes such as the B e l l a Coola and Kwakiutl. In  the craft of basketry, however, the Chilcotins had developed considerable  s k i l l , and produced work comparable to that of neighbouring I n t e r i o r S a l i s h people. of  Baskets could be used f o r holding berries and carrying a variety  loads—and for cooking, f o r they could be used f o r b o i l i n g water.  Cradles were also made of basket-work. L i t t l e decoration was used on C h i l c o t i n clothing.  Clothing was f r e -  quently quite scanty i n the summer, but i n the winter robes of f u r were worn. C h i l c o t i n canoes, l i k e those of the Carrier people, had "high rounded 25 stems and sterns."  But they were smaller and less s k i l l f u l l y made than 26  those of coastal peoples. Like those of the- Canadian Bene generally, the tools of the Chilcotins were rather roughly made, though weapons f o r the hunt and f o r warfare were more carefully fashioned.  During pre-contact times there were some iron  tools i n what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia, ". . . most l i k e l y obtained by way 27 of native trade routes from Asia"  i n the judgement of Duff.  But anthro-  pological and archaeological l i t e r a t u r e examined makes no mention of these tools i n connection with the C h i l c o t i n .  They were apparently dependent  on stone, animal products, and wood and other plant material f o r t o o l making. The C h i l c o t i n s , l i k e the Carriers, constructed weirs to trap f i s h , and they also b u i l t traps to capture mammals. Apparently the horse had reached the Chilcotins and they had begun 28 to make use of i t before their f i r s t recorded meeting with the white men. Religion Like other Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, the Chilcotins were dominated i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s by the idea of the importance of various s p i r i t s whose favour had to be sought or whose malevolence had to be avoided.  Among  the C h i l c o t i n s , as among other Indian t r i b e s , i t was important to obtain a guardian s p i r i t .  And, l i k e other Indians, they believed that through  - .10 s p i r i t s i t was  p o s s i b l e t o cause harm t o o t h e r s .  They shaman who  members of h i s band w i t t i h i s apparent s u p e r n a t u r a l powers c o u l d  impressed exert  considerable influence. . The C h i l c o t i n s b e l i e v e d i n an e x i s t e n c e beyond d e a t h , though t h e i r concepts o f t h e n a t u r e of t h i s e x i s t e n c e seem t o have been r a t h e r vague. They sometimes cremated the b o d i e s of t h e i r dead and sometimes p l a c e d them i n s h a l l o w graves and covered  them w i t h  stones.  Mythology 29 Farrand's the two  collection  c h i e f sources  p u b l i s h e d i n 1900  and Lane's t h e s i s o f 1953  f o r C h i l c o t i n mythology.  i n b o t h works a r e the same:  The main i m p r e s s i o n s  C h i l c o t i n mythology i s not marked by  are  conveyed  richness  of q u a n t i t y or a r t i s t i c q u a l i t y , and i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t i t draws h e a v i l y from n e i g h b o u r i n g , mythology, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t of the B e l l a C o o l a There i s no way  of t e l l i n g j u s t how  s i n c e t h e a r r i v a l of the w h i t e man,  much o f t h e myth-borrowing was but s i n c e we know e x t e n s i v e  c o n t a c t w i t h the B e l l a Coolas antedated suppose t h a t The r o l e was  the p r o c e s s  Indians. done  friendly  his arrival, i t i s logical  to  of b o r r o w i n g d i d t o o . '  c u l t u r e hero p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t  p a r t i n C h i l c o t i n myths.  f r e q u e n t l y p l a y e d by a c r e a t u r e p a r t man  and p a r t dog, who  s a i d t o have come to the C h i l c o t i n c o u n t r y from^the Socio-political  This was  north-west.  Life  There i s much disagreement i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e on the C h i l c o t i n s r e g a r d i n g the q u e s t i o n of t h e i r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e .  But i t i s c l e a r  t h a t the C h i l c o t i n s were made up o f r a t h e r l o o s e l y - k n i t bands, and the f a m i l y was  the most i m p o r t a n t  u n i t f o r most a c t i v i t i e s .  that  More than one a u t h o r i t y suggest t h a t t h e c l a n system had s p r e a d t o the C h i l c o t i n s , b u t Lane found no e v i d e n c e i n q u e s t i o n i n g i n f o r m a n t s  that  30 such a system had ever e x i s t e d .  T h i s may be e x p l a i n e d by t h e l a t e n e s s o f  h i s r e s e a r c h , b u t i t would seem t h a t i f t h e c l a n system d i d a t one t i m e e x i s t i t was n o t o f g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e , s i n c e i t a p p a r e n t l y has faded so completely  from t h e C h i l c o t i n s , ! memory.  The n a t u r e o f l e a d e r s h i p among t h e C h i l c o t i n s i s n o t c l e a r e i t h e r . I t i s apparent t h a t i t c o u l d be q u i t e informal-=but t h a t t h e h e r e d i t a r y 31 p r i n c i p l e also played a part  , at l e a s t i n the post-contact  period.  I t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e r e was some c l a s s f e e l i n g among t h e C h i l c o t i n s . A p e r s o n might r a i s e h i s s o c i a l s t a n d i n g by p o t l a t c h i n g , though t h i s p o t l a t c h i n g d i d n o t r e a c h t h e same p r o p o r t i o n s i t reached among t h e c o a s t Indians.  Among t h e C h i l c o t i n s t h e r e were some s l a v e s .  Of these a l l o r  most might have been o b t a i n e d by c a p t u r e , though i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t some c o u l d have been purchased from t h e B e l l a C o o l a s . so many o t h e r f e a t u r e s o f p r e - c o n t a c t  About s l a v e r y , as about  C h i l c o t i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , there i s  a l a c k o f agreement among, a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s .  Lane c a u t i o n s  that the p i c t u r e  he g i v e s o f C h i l c o t i n s l a v e r y may i n c l u d e some m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n "...because 32 s l a v e r y ceased p r i o r t o t h e l i v e s o f . . . [ h i s ] i n f o r m a n t s . " Lane says t h a t  /  men were n o t t a k e n as s l a v e s by t h e C h i l c o t i n s , and speaks as though they had no male s l a v e s . However, t h e s o u r c e s on t h e C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g mention 33 a male s l a v e o f t h e C h i l c o t i n s . s l a v e s were h e l d i n p r e - c o n t a c t  Of c o u r s e ,  t h i s does n o t p r o v e t h a t male  times.  Trade and Trade Routes Before Chilcotins.  t h e coming o f the Europeans t r a d e was a l r e a d y i m p o r t a n t  to the  Some o f i t s e x t e n t may be i n d i c a t e d by t h e f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n :  - Salmon was obtained from the Shuswaps and B e l l a Coola i n exchange for dried b e r r i e s . Furs went to the Coast, and woven blankets came back. Cedar-bark mats and clothing, stone pestles, wooden boxes, and baskets entered the C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y ^ J o be kept or r e d i s t r i b u t e d to other groups farther i n the I n t e r i o r . The extensive trade with the B e l l a Coola was  an important means by  which the culture of the coast Indians influenced that of the C h i l c o t i n s .  Relations with Surrounding Tribes. Considerable c o n f l i c t marked the relationship of the Chilcotins with neighbouring t r i b e s .  A number of geographic, p o l i t i c a l , and economic facts  help to explain the predominance of t h i S a V c o n f l i c t . All  around the Chilcotins were a l i e n t r i b e s — a l i e n p a r t i c u l a r l y i n  that they spoke languages  d i s t i n c t from that of the C h i l c o t i n s .  this sort of position the Chilcotins were by no means unique. bia  In occupying B r i t i s h Colum-  was marked by i t s m u l t i p l i c i t y of l i n g u i s t i c groups l i v i n g i n close  proximity to one another.  But then, what we know of the Indian history of  B r i t i s h Columbia i s marked by considerable c o n f l i c t .  To compare two  situ-  ations which i n other respects have l i t t l e i n common we might say that aboriginal Indian society was marked by the sort of international  anarchy  we have i n the world of modern nations. Furthermore  there was no p o l i t i c a l organization or paramount authority  to resolve c o n f l i c t s within the C h i l c o t i n t r i b e or to s e t t l e c o n f l i c t s with surrounding tribes on behalf of a l l the C h i l c o t i n s .  In t h i s too the C h i l -  cotins were not unique, since most of the surrounding tribes were s i m i l a r l y lacking i n unity.  But this simply added to the potential'-for c o n f l i c t ,  since l i t t l e feuds were easy to start and hard to stop. Murder and feuding might be brought on by the desire for booty.  35  - 13 "  Economic factors played a part i n s t i r r i n g up c o n f l i c t .  The Chilcotins  l i v e d i n a section of the i n t e r i o r plateau which at times supplied their needs abundantly. threatened. River f a i l e d .  But at other times the food supply f a i l e d and starvation  This frequently occurred when the salmon run on the C h i l c o t i n Then the Chilcotins sought out the more dependable f i s h i n g  grounds beyond their own  territory.  In places where they could use these  peacefully they might do so, but where i t required force to make use of them force might be employed. With two groups of Indians the Chilcotins had mainly f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n ships.  These were the B e l l a Coolas and the Canyon Shuswap.  The B e l l a  Coolas were a group of Salish-speaking Indians with a coastal culture.  They  formed a numerically powerful t r i b e which i t would have been dangerous for the Chilcotins to attack.  Their t e r r i t o r y with i t s sea fishery was much  richer than that of the C h i l c o t i n s , so that there was l i t t l e economic i n centive f o r the B e l l a Coolas to invade C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y .  With these  Indians the Chilcotins managed to establish a f r i e n d l y relationship marked by trading which was of mutual advantage.  During times of starvation on  the plateau C h i l c o t i n individuals- and families sought refuge among the B e l l a Coolas, and i n the 1860's i t was  common f o r them to winter with  these coastal Indians. With the Canyon Shuswap the Chilcotins formed not only relationships of friendship but also many intermarriages.  The Canyon Shuswap l i v e d on  Riske Creek and i n two v i l l a g e s at the foot of the C h i l c o t i n canyon.  The  Chilcotins traded with these Indians and v i s i t e d with them on a f r i e n d l y basis.  Teit i n 1909 wrote:  - 1.4 -  The Ganon d i v i s i o n , about f i f t y y e a r s ago, were s t r o n g l y mixed w i t h the C h i l c o t i n , so much so t h a t the people o f the N o r t h Canon band spoke c h i e f l y C h i l c o t i n i n many houses; and t h e o t h e r bands a l o n g t h e F r a s e r had a l s o a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f C h i l c o t i n admixture. According  to Lane,  . . . C h i l c o t i n who had r e l a t i v e s among the Canyon Shuswap o f t e n came down t o f i s h at the canyon. When t h e r e was s t a r v a t i o n on the P l a t e a u , many C h i l c o t i n f a m i l i e s a l s o took r e f u g e among the Canyon Shuswap.^7 The  C h i l c o t i n s ' r e l a t i o n s w i t h o t h e r Shuswap I n d i a n s were i n c o n t r a s t  to those w i t h the Canyon v i l l a g e s .  Although  t h e r e were p e r i o d s o f peace,  these were i n t e r m i t t e n t l y b r o k e n by c o n f l i c t i n t h e form of murders  and  blood-feuds. S i m i l a r f r e q u e n t f e u d i n g e x i s t e d w i t h the L i l l o o e t I n d i a n s ,  another  S a l i s h group, and w i t h those of the C a r r i e r s to the n o r t h w i t h whom the C h i l c o t i n s came i n c o n t a c t . I n the a r e a where the C h i l c o t i n , Shuswap, and L i l l o o e t met  t h e r e seem to have been almost c o n s t a n t k i l l i n g s .  territories  T e i t remarks t h a t  A t a p l a c e . . . l o o k e d upon as a boundary-point between the grounds o f the L i l l o o e t , C h i l c o t i n , and Shuswap, members o f these t r i b e s murdered one another every time they had a chance.... However, t h e F r a s e r R i v e r bands c l a i m t h a t they avenged a l l murders p e r p e t r a t e d on them by the C h i l c o t i n , and t h a t t h e l a s t f i g h t was i n 1861 o r 1862, when they k i l l e d i n revenge f o r murders, and i n s p i t e of the Canon I n d i a n s , some C h i l c o t i n who had come t o t h e Canon to t r a d e . . . . I t seems t h a t had i t . n o t been f o r the Canon I n d i a n s , who a c t e d as peace-makers, t h e r e would have been an almost c o n s t a n t s t a t e of w a r f a r e between t h e F r a s e r R i v e r bands and the C h i l c o t i n . I n t h e v a l l e y s o f the Homathko and Southgate R i v e r s l i v e d  the  Homathko I n d i a n s , a b r a n c h o f the Comox s u b d i v i s i o n o f the Coast How  Salish.  f a r up the Homathko t h e i r t e r r i t o r y extended i s u n c e r t a i n , but p o s s i b l y  i t . a t one  time reached beyond the j u n c t i o n of the East and West Branches  of the r i v e r .  I t seems t h a t the C h i l c o t i n s p r i o r to t h e i r m e e t i n g w h i t e s  1-5 ~ .  had c o n t a c t w i t h the Homathko, and t h a t t h i s c o n t a c t was  sometimes p e a c e f u l  T r a d i n g w i t h the Homathko seems t o have been c a r r i e d on by t h e C h i l c o t i n s b e f o r e 1822, 1822  f o r George M c D o u g a l l , w r i t i n g o f a t r i p t a k e n i n January  of  t o t h e C h i l c o t i n c o u n t r y r e p o r t e d as f o l l o w s : Ammunition I t h i n k t h e y . w i l l f r e e l y p u r c h a s e , some took a l i t t l e even now, one of them had a Gun...he says he and s e v e r a l o t h e r s have had Guns from I n d i a n s who came from the Sea, a t the e x t r e m i t y o f t h i s Lake o f t h e i r s [which from the p r e c e e d i n g p a r t o f McDougall's l e t t e r appears to have been C h i l k o L a k e ] , they c r o s s over a M o u n t a i n , w h i c h p o r t a g e t a k e s them from 5 to 6 days l i g h t , where they f a l l upon a R i v e r r u n n i n g i n a S o u t h e r l y d i r e c t i o n [no doubt |b^e Homathko o r the Southgate] & s a i d t o empty i t s e l f i n t o the Sea. R e l a t i o n s w i t h the Homathko, however, appear to have been m a i n l y  hostile.  F a i l u r e o f salmon runs i n the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r caused the  c o t i n s i n t e r m i t t e n t l y t o invade Homathko f i s h i n g grounds on the reaches of the Homathko R i v e r . for  Chil-  lower  The C h i l c o t i n s were f e a r e d by the Homathko,  the C h i l c o t i n s had o f t e n k i l l e d members of the c o a s t a l group.  1840's, f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e C h i l c o t i n s k i l l e d a number o f Homathko  In the fishermen.  Between the C h i l c o t i n s and the n e i g h b o u r i n g K w a k i u t l s t h e r e seems to have been l i t t l e  c o n t a c t and l i t t l e  r e l a t i o n s h i p s to develop.  chance f o r e i t h e r h o s t i l e o r f r i e n d l y  An absence of r e f e r e n c e s to the K w a k i u t l marks  most l i t e r a t u r e t h a t d e a l s w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s , and Lane concludes  i n his  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study t h a t : i> Among s u r r o u n d i n g groups, K w a k i u t l seem to have had the l e a s t c o n t a c t w i t h the C h i l c o t i n . N o t h i n g i n e i t h e r c u l t u r e p o i n t s i n any t a n g i b l e way to m u t u a l i n f l u e n c e s . We have seen t h a t a number of causes might l e a d t o c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the C h i l c o t i n t r i b e o r w i t h o u t s i d e r s .  Murder and f e u d i n g were engaged  i n against C h i l c o t i n s or n o n - C h i l c o t i n s . B e f o r e the coming of the w h i t e man  the weapons w h i c h might be used  a g a i n s t enemies were c l u b s , s p e a r s , d a g g e r s , and bows and arrows.  After  European goods reached them, guns began t o be added t o t h e i r a r s e n a l s . C h i l c o t i n s used a t y p e o f armor made o f h i d e and s l a t s .  The  F o r combat, 42  according  t o Lane, 'the f a c e was p a i n t e d r e d , b l a c k , o r r e d and b l a c k . "  Lane's d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e manner o f c o n f l i c t i s p e r t i n e n t , s i n c e , as we w i l l  s e e , so much t h a t o c c u r r e d  i n the C h i l c o t i n u p r i s i n g followed the  n a t i v e p a t t e r n o f combat. A t t a c k s commenced a t dawn [he w r i t e s ] and once u n d e r t a k e n u s u a l l y were c a r r i e d out w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e . t e n a c i t y . I f t h e f i g h t ended i n v i c t o r y f o r t h e r a i d e r s , they c e l e b r a t e d a t t h e s c e n e , f e a s t i n g on t h e enemy's s u p p l i e s and d a n c i n g and s i n g i n g o f t h e i r exploits. I f a r a i d was r e t a l i a t o r y , s c a l p s m i g h t be t a k e n and the b o d i e s of t h e enemy dead m u t i l a t e d . En r o u t e home, t h e s c a l p s were l e f t under r o c k s i n a s w i f t f l o w i n g s t r e a m ; and o f t e n body p a r t s o f t h e enemy dead were hung i n t r e e s a l o n g t h e t r a i l . M o r i c e n a r r a t e s an i n c i d e n t o f w h i c h he had been t o l d t h a t took p l a c e b e f o r e t h e time o f t h e f i r s t recorded!: C h i l c o t i n c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s , the y e a r 1745 a c c o r d i n g  to h i s reckoning.  (Archaeological  excavation  r e p o r t e d by Borden, however, i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t may have o c c u r r e d nearer  t h e end o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h  A t the c o n f l u e n c e  about  "...  •  century.")^  o f t h e S t u a r t and Nechako R i v e r s was a s i z e a b l e  C a r r i e r v i l l a g e known as C h i n l a c . . F o r some time t h e i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h i s v i l l a g e had expected t h a t t h e C h i l c o t i n s would a t t a c k t o avenge t h e d e a t h of one o f t h e i r c h i e f men.  The a t t a c k came one morning and almost t h e  whole p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e v i l l a g e was wiped o u t . K h a d i n t e l , t h e "head c h i e f " o f t h e C a r r i e r v i l l a g e , was absent d u r i n g the a t t a c k . The s p e c t a c l e which, met K h a d i n t e l ' s eyes on h i s r e t u r n t o h i s v i l l a g e [ w r i t e s M o r i c e ] was indeed h e a r t - r e n d i n g . On t h e ground, l y i n g bathed i n p o o l s o f b l o o d , were t h e ' b o d i e s o f h i s own two w i v e s and o f n e a r l y a l l h i s countrymen'; w h i l e hanging on t r a n s v e r s a l p o l e s r e s t i n g on s t o u t f o r k e d s t i c k s p l a n t e d i n t h e ground, were t h e b o d i e s  - 17 of t h e c h i l d r e n r i p p e d open and s p i t t e d through t h e o u t - t u r n e d r i b s i n e x a c t l y t h e same way as salmon d r y i n g i n t h e sun. Two such p o l e s were l o a d e d from end t o end w i t h t h a t gruesome burden. M o r i c e goes on t o t e l l how, i n t h e t h i r d y e a r a f t e r  this  t h e C a r r i e r s took e q u a l l y gory revenge on a C h i l c o t i n v i l l a g e ,  massacre, erecting  three poles loaded w i t h the bodies of c h i l d r e n . Summary The C h i l c o t i n s , we have seen, were a semi-nomadic t r i b e who, p r i o r to t h e i r c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s , had a l r e a d y m o d i f i e d t h e i r Athapaskan Indians.  rudimentary  c u l t u r e by a c c e p t i n g elements o f the c u l t u r e o f n e i g h b o u r i n g Trade was o f some importance t o them.  They had had m a i n l y f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s w i t h some o f t h e i r but r e c u r r i n g c o n f l i c t s w i t h o t h e r s .  neighbours,  These c o n f l i c t s were marked by  sudden r e t a l i a t o r y a t t a c k s , t h e m u t i l a t i o n o f b o d i e s , and p l u n d e r . The C h i l c o t i n s '  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was l o o s e r a t h e r than r i g i d .  sense o f u n i t y as a t r i b e was weak.  Their  They d i d have a concept o f t e r r i t o r i a l  b o u n d a r i e s , and, w i t h i n t h e t r i b e , a r u d i m e n t a r y sense o f "ownership," or p o s s e s s i o n through use, o f p a r t i c u l a r  f i s h i n g areas.  - 18 Footnotes for Chapter I See Figure 1, i n f r a , p. 2 , from Cornelius Osgood, "The D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Northern Athapaskan Indians," Yale University Publications i n Anthropology . VII (1936), 4. 1  2 A[drian] Gfabriel] Morice, "Notes on the Western Denes," Transactions of the Canadian I n s t i t u t e , IV, 23-24. 3 Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the C h i l c o t i n Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , University of Washington, 1953), p. 40. (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953). 4  •" • [De l a Seine] D.L.S. [pseud..],,-Fifty Years ~j.n Western Canada: being the Abridged Memoirs-of Rev. A.G^Morice> Gv.M.I. ~ l(Tbroht6, "Ryersbn Press , 1930),'pp. 24-25'. " " " ~ ;  ~*A[drian] G[abriel] Morice, The Great Bene Race (Vienna: Administration of Anthropos," St. Gavriel-Modling, Near Vienna, A u s t l r a , n.d.), p. 63. ^Ibid., p.  76.  ^found i n Lane, "Cultural Relations", pp. 63-119, passim. See Figure 2, i n f r a , p. 4  , after Lane, "Cultural Relations," p.  64.  g See Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 63-69; also Wilson Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vol. I: The Impact of the White Man ( V i c t o r i a , P r o v i n c i a l Museum of Natural History and Anthropology, 1964), Table 2, " B r i t i s h Columbia Tribes and Bands, 1850-1963," p. 33. A l f r e d L. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. I (Berkeley, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1939), p. 138, cited i n Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 39. 1 0  1:L  1 2  Lane, "Cultural Relations," p.  I b i d . , p.  39.  40.  George McDougall to John Stuart, cited i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " typescript, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 1-4.  - 19 " 14 Ross Cox, The Columbia River or Scenes and Adventures During a Residence of Six Years on the Western Side of the Rocky Mountains Among Various Tribes of Indians Hitherto Unknown; Together with "A Journey Across the American Continent," edited and with an introduction by Edgar I. Stewart and Jane R. Stewart, the American Exploration and Travel Series, (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1957), p. 374. 1 5  16  I b i d . , p. 383. L a n e , "Cultural Relations," p. 39.  "^Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 39-40, c i t i n g James Douglas, "New Caledonia Spring, 1839," Private Papers, Microfilm A092, Frame 9, University of Washington Library, Seattle. 18 William Connolly to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/123, fos. 80d-81d., c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 5. 19  • * A.G. Morice, The Great Dene Race, p. 39, cited i n Lane, "Cultural  Relations," p. 39. 20 See l e t t e r , Matt[hew] B, Begbie [to F. Seymour], Quesnellemouth, Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 21 Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vol. I , The Impact of the White Man, p. 39. 22 "Appendix: Notes on the C h i l c o t i n Indians" i n James Alexander T e i t , The Shuswap, ed. by Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, V o l . IV, Part VII (reprint from Vol. I I , Part VII of the Jessup North P a c i f i c Expedition( (Leiden, E.J. B r i l l Ltd., 1909), p. 760, referred to i n Lane, "Cultural Relations," footnote, p. 40.' Lane i n error makes Teit give 450 as the estimated C h i l c o t i n population. But a quick reading and calculation of his figures shows that T e i t estimates i t at about 534. 23 William Connolly to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D. 4/123, fos. 80d.-81d., cited i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n " , typescript, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 24 / • Morice, The Great Dene Race, p. 203, cited i n B r i t i s h Columbia Provinc i a l Archives and P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Dene, B r i t i s h Columbia Heritage Series, Series I: Our Native Peoples ( V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Education; 1951), p. 46.  - ?.o 25 A l i c e Ravenhill, The Native Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia ( V i c t o r i a , Charles F. Banfield, Printer to King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1938), p.  138.  26 B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives and P r o v i c i a l Museum, Dene, p.  28.  27 Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vol. I: the White Man, p. 56.  The Impact of  28 Simon Fraser, The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808, edited and with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb, Pioneer Books (Toronto, Macmillan Company of Canada, 1960), p. 69. See Chapter II of this thesis. 29 Livingstone Farrand, "Traditions of the C h i l c o t i n , " Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV: "Anthropology"; Vol. I l l : "Publications of the Jessup North P a c i f i c Expedition", I.  •}0 Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 186-187. 3 1  I b i d . , pp. 205-209.  32 Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 33 Evidence of "George" taken at the inquest proceedings on the Homathko at Waddington, May 23, 1864, enclosure i n C[hartres] Brew to Colonial Secretary [for B r i t i s h Columbia], May 23, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia; also testimony of George i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians Telloot, Klatsassin, Chessus, P i e l l or P i e r r e , Tah-pit a Chedekki," enclosure with l e t t e r , Matt[hew] B [ a i l l i e ] Begbie [to F. Seymour], Quesnellemouth, Sept. 30, 1864. B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives 35  L a n e , "Cultural Relations," p.  and P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Dene, p.  25.  James [Alexander] T e i t , The Shuswap, p. 469, Relations," p. 75. 37  L a n e , "Cultural Relations," p. T e i t , The Shuswap, p. 541,  52.  c i t e d i n Lane, "Cultural  76.  c i t e d i n Lane, "Cultural Relations," p.  79.  39 George McDougall to John Stuart, Jan. 18, 1822, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, B. 188/b/l, fo. 33, cited i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 3. The words i n square brackets are mine.  - 21 -  Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 89. 4 1  I b i d . , p. 31.  42 Ibid., p. 54. 43 Ibid.. p. 55. 44 Charles E. Borden, "Results of Archaeological Investigations i n Central B r i t i s h Columbia," Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, No. 3, 1952 ( V i c t o r i a : B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Department of Education), p. 34.  - 22 CHAPTER I I PRE-GOLD-RUSH RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHILCOTINS AND P r i o r to t h e f l o o d of European i m m i g r a t i o n r u s h , European i n f l u e n c e had territory.  Even b e f o r e  though, the C h i l c o t i n s  comparatively  EUROPEANS  t h a t came w i t h the g o l d  l i t t l e effect  in Chilcotin  the coming of the Europeans t o t h e i r f e l t some of the e f f e c t s  region,  of t h e i r p r o x i m i t y , s i n c e ,  as we have seen, European t r a d e goods were a b l e t o r e a c h  them through  the c o a s t a l I n d i a n s .  F i r s t C o n t a c t between C h i l c o t i n and  European  A l e x a n d e r Mackenzie on h i s e x p e d i t i o n t o the P a c i f i c i n 1793 Chilcotins  t h a t we  know o f .  H i s p a t h to the p r e s e n t - d a y s i t e of  C o o l a l a y to the n o r t h of C h i l c o t i n  I n d i a n s , who  no  Bella  territory.  Simon F r a s e r ' s t r i p down the r i v e r w h i c h was w i s e bypassed C h i l c o t i n  met  t o b e a r h i s name l i k e -  c o u n t r y . . But he a p p a r e n t l y  d i d meet  Chilcotin  seem t o have been v i s i t i n g t h e i r Shuswap n e i g h b o u r s , and i t  i s i n Simon F r a s e r \ s j o u r n a l t h a t we have our f i r s t mention of them. the e n t r y f o r June 1, 1808 we  In  read:  The I n d i a n s seemed p l e a s e d i n our Company. They c a r r y no arms, and t h i s c o n f i d e n c e I suppose was meant as a t e s t i m o n y of t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p . There i s a t r i b e of " C a r r i e r s " among them, who i n h a b i t the banks of a L a r g e R i v e r t o the r i g h t . They c a l l themselves C h i l k - h o d i n s [ C h i l c o t i n s ] . L a t e r the e x p l o r e r m e n t i o n s , i n the June 4 t h e n t r y , t h a t they ...passed a s m a l l r i v e r [ t h e C h i l c o t i n ] on the r i g h t . The same upon w h i c h t h e - C a r r i e r s we saw the o t h e r day, l i v e . I t runs through a f i n e c o u n t r y abounding w i t h p l e n t y of a n i m a l s such as o r i g n a l s [moose], Red Deer, C a r r i b o u x [ c a r i b o u ] , Beaver &e. The N a t i v e s make use of h o r s e s . ^  - 23 Plans f o r a C h i l c o t i n Trading Post I n 1821; thessame y e a r t h a t saw t h e u n i o n o f t h e N o r t h West and 3 Hudson's Bay Companies, F o r t A l e x a n d r i a was b u i l t on t h e F r a s e r R i v e r . T h i s p o s t o f t h e new Hudson's Bay Company among t h e C a r r i e r s was t h e base from w h i c h d i r e c t t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e C h i l c o t i n s were l a t e r e s t a b l i s h e d on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . In November o f 1821 C h i e f F a c t o r John S t u a r t w r o t e from S t u a r t Lake to George McDougall  at A l e x a n d r i a g i v i n g permission f o r a t r i p to the  C h i l c o t i n country.  A c c o r d i n g l y , on J a n u a r y 2, 1822, McDougall  w i t h a p a r t y o f men t o v i s i t t h e C h i l c o t i n I n d i a n s .  s e t out  The t r i p was made  too l a t e i n t h e w i n t e r season f o r i t to y i e l d many f u r s , b u t McDougall f e l t t h a t f u t u r e p r o s p e c t s were good. I t i s [he wrote] by f a r t h e p o o r e s t t r i p o f i t s k i n d I ever made, however I have every r e a s o n t o t h i n k i t w i l l be a t t e n d e d by many s a l u t a r y advantages a t a f u t u r e p e r i o d , they a r e c e r t a i n l y a f i n e b r a v e l o o k i n g s e t o f Indians,-whose l a n d s a r e f a r from b e i n g poor e i t h e r , as t o Beaver o r L a r g e A n i m a l s . ^ The C h i l c o t i n s appeared  anxious t o i n c r e a s e t r a d e w i t h t h e w h i t e s  and a p p a r e n t l y gave a g l o w i n g account o f t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y .  McDougall  was s u f f i c i e n t l y impressed t o suggest t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of ^ ' e s t a b l i s h i n g a t r a d i n g p o s t among them. . . . i f a p e r s o n c o u l d b e l i e v e them [he r e m a r k s ] , t h e i r Lands abound w i t h M i l k & honey b u t w i t h o u t doubt t h e y , when once s u p p l i e d w i t h p r o p e r implements t o work t h e Beaver, w i l l be a great a c q u i s i t i o n to t h i s Establishment [Alexandria] & p o s s i b l y i n time might deserve an E s t a b l i s h m e n t among thems e l v e s ... . -> I n 1823 a r e s o l u t i o n was passed a t t h e C o u n c i l o f t h e N o r t h e r n Development t h a t a t r a d i n g p o s t be e s t a b l i s h e d among t h e C h i l c o t i n s , b u t because s e v e r a l Company employees were k i l l e d by I n d i a n s a t F o r t George  -2k  -  and F o r t S t . J o h n , S t u a r t d e c i d e d t o c o n c e n t r a t e h i s f o r c e s i n t h o s e more n o r t h e r l y areas. The new head o f t h e New C a l e d o n i a d i s t r i c t , W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y , v i s i t e d t h e C h i l c o t i n c o u n t r y h i m s e l f i n 1825, and r e p o r t e d "a p r o s p e c t o f f u t u r e advantage,"  b u t h o s t i l i t i e s w h i c h had b r o k e n o u t between  C h i l c o t i n s and t h e C a r r i e r I n d i a n s around F o r t A l e x a n d r i a p r e v e n t e d t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a t r a d i n g p o s t among them a t t h a t time. By e a r l y 1828 a t t h e l a t e s t t h e c o n f l i c t between t h e C h i l c o t i n s and the I n d i a n s o f F r a s e r R i v e r had come t o an e n d , Connolly again v i s i t e d the C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y . were n o t n e a r l y so f a v o u r a b l e .  7  and i n 1829 C h i e f F a c t o r T h i s time h i s i m p r e s s i o n s  The salmon r u n had f a i l e d them a t l e a s t  once i n t h e i n t e r v e n i n g p e r i o d . ...T saw n e a r l y t h e whole o f t h e I n h a b i t a n t s whom I found g r e a t l y reduced i n numbers s i n c e my v i s i t i n 1825, and i n a s t a t e o f utmost i n d i g e n c e [he r e p o r t e d t o t h e Governor and C o u n c i l o f t h e N o r t h e r n Department]. The i n f o r m a t i o n I r e c e i v e d from them on t h i s o c c a s i o n i n r e g a r d t o t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e i r c o u n t r y v a r i e d m a t e r i a l l y from t h a t w h i c h they had f o r m e r l y g i v e n . . . t h e y now acknowledge t h a t t h e i r r e s o u r c e s f o r s u b s i s t e n c e were so e x t r e m e l y s c a n t y and p r e c a r i o u s t h a t when salmon f a i l e d . . . t h e y were reduced t o the n e c e s s i t y o f d e s e r t i n g t h e i r l a n d s and o f f l y i n g f o r r e l i e f t o some o t h e r q u a r t e r near t h e s e a c o a s t . . . i t c o u l d be o f l i t t l e advantage t o occupy a country,-the I n h a b i t a n t s o f w h i c h a r e s u b j e c t t o such frequent m i g r a t i o n s . ^ C o n n o l l y c o u l d see no advantage t o a permanent p o s t , and thought i t was more advantageous t o t r a d e w i t h t h e C h i l c o t i n s by u s i n g  "Derouins"—  presumably s h o r t e x p e d i t i o n s t o t h e m — a n d by h a v i n g t h e I n d i a n s resume the p r a c t i c e o f v i s i t i n g F o r t A l e x a n d r i a .  N e v e r t h e l e s s he d i d d e c i d e t o  e s t a b l i s h a temporary p o s t among them under t h e d i r e c t i o n o f George  McDougall.  I n C o n n o l l y ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s t o M c D o u g a l l a t A l e x a n d r i a he wrote. I n October, 1829:  0  From the knowledge you have had o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f a c q u i r i n g of t h e C h i l c o t i n s [ s i c ] and t h e p e r s o n a l a c q u a i n t a n c e you have w i t h t h e p r i n c i p a l Men o f t h e T r i b e , you a r e . . . b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d f o r opening up a r e g u l a r Trade w i t h those'people than any o t h e r Gentleman i n t h e D i s t r i c t . . . . • As soon as p o s s i b l e . . . y o u w i l l . . . p l e a s e t o r e p a i r to t h e C h i l c o t i n R i v e r w i t h the men named i n t h e l i s t h e r e w i t h t r a n s m i t t e d . . . .9 McDougall l e f t A l e x a n d r i a f o r t h e C h i l c o t i n t h a t same month, and t h e temporary post was d u l y e s t a b l i s h e d , b u t t h e r e t u r n s i n f u r s t h a t season were d i s a p p o i n t i n g , and by January o f 1830 C o n n o l l y was w r i t i n g t h a t t h e post s h o u l d be abandoned as soon as p o s s i b l e w i t h t h e promise t o t h e I n d i a n s t h a t they would see t h e t r a d e r s a g a i n t h e n e x t summer."*"^ R e l a t i o n s h i p s between F u r T r a d e r s and I n d i a n s a t F o r t C h i l c o t i n The h i s t o r y o f F o r t C h i l c o t i n from t h e time o f i t s e s t a b l i s h m e n t was marked by f r e q u e n t abandonments and r e - o c c u p a t i o n s i n i t s e a r l y y e a r s , and by a c h r o n i c l a c k o f s u c c e s s u n t i l i t was f i n a l l y r e p l a c e d by a f o r t o u t s i d e the C h i l c o t i n s ' t e r r i t o r y . of success:'  There were a number o f reasons  f o r i t s lack  t h e m i g r a t i o n o f I n d i a n s i n times o f s t a r v a t i o n ,  shortage  of p e r s o n n e l , t h e u n w i l l i n g n e s s o f t h e I n d i a n s t o f i t i n t o t h e f u r t r a d e r s ' p l a n s f o r them, and p o s i t i v e a n i m o s i t y between t h e I n d i a n s and f u r t r a d e r s . We have a l r e a d y seen t h a t C h i e f F a c t o r C o n n o l l y was aware o f t h e i  disadvantages  t o t h e f u r t r a d e caused by t h e C h i l c o t i n s ' m i g r a t i o n s .  As  f o r t h e s h o r t a g e o f p e r s o n n e l , t h i s might have been remedied had F o r t C h i l c o t i n proved  as p r o f i t a b l e as some o f t h e o t h e r  forts.  The u n w i l l i n g n e s s o f t h e I n d i a n s t o f i t i n t o t h e f u r t r a d i n g p a t t e r n and the a n i m o s i t y t h a t was demonstrated a r e two phenomena w o r t h i n v e s t i g a t i o n , as they may throw some l i g h t on t h e a t t i t u d e s o f C h i l c o t i n s and w h i t e s  towards one  a n o t h e r , and t h u s , i n d i r e c t l y , on t h e causes of the  Chilcotin  Uprising. I n e x p l a i n i n g the reasons f o r h i s o r d e r i n g the C h i l c o t i n p o s t abandoned e a r l y i n 1830  C o n n o l l y w r o t e to the Governor and  C o u n c i l of the N o r t h e r n  Department t h a t s i n c e the onset of w i n t e r the C h i l c o t i n s  had  ...done n o t h i n g , nor w i l l they resume t h e i r Hunts b e f o r e the commencement of May. As we would n e c e s s a r i l y be o b l i g e d to w i t h d r a w the p o s t b e f o r e t h a t t i m e , as I would c o n s i d e r i t v e r y u n s a f e to l e a v e a s m a l l e s t a b l i s h m e n t amongst a p e o p l e w i t h whom we are not y e t much a c q u a i n t e d , and of whose a u d a c i t y we have s u f f i c i e n t p r o o f s , I i n consequence o r d e r e d its'abandonment. . . .11 The  f a i l u r e of the C h i l c o t i n s at t h i s time to f i t i n t o the p a t t e r n  of a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h the f u r t r a d e r s d e s i r e d was Indians. fur  n o t p e c u l i a r to t h e s e  M o r i c e g i v e s a number of examples of the d i s g u s t w i t h w h i c h the-  t r a d e r s f r e q u e n t l y r e g a r d e d the I n d i a n s f o r t h e i r i n d o l e n c e  (which i n  the f u r t r a d e r s ' terms meant f a i l u r e to b r i n g i n f u r s ) and of the mindedness of many f u r t r a d e r s w h i c h p r e v e n t e d them from s e e i n g I n d i a n i n any l i g h t o t h e r t h a n t h a t of a f u r - p r o c u r e r . Dears, a s e n i o r c l e r k who  singlethe  A l e t t e r from Thomas  had been l e f t i n charge a t S t u a r t Lake i n the  absence of h i s s u p e r i o r , t e l l s how  s i x Babine Indians  came t o the p o r t a g e  between Babine and S t u a r t Lakes to k i l l some of the l o c a l I n d i a n s . Dears had been t o l d t h a t a f t e r s t a b b i n g one young man themselves t o be appeased by p r e s e n t s . events Dears remarks:  "On  they had  But  allowed  R e g a r d i n g t h i s f o r t u n a t e t u r n of  h e a r i n g t h i s i t gave me  s a t i s f a c t i o n , f o r had  they succeeded i n t h e i r h o r r i d i n t e n t i o n s i t would have p r e v e n t e d many 12 from  hunting." Apparently  the C h i l c o t i n t r a d i n g p o s t was  a g a i n o p e r a t e d i n the  w i n t e r of 1830-31, but a g a i n the r e s u l t s were not  encouraging.  Chief Factor Dease, w r i t i n g to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, blamed the poor returns on a shortage of gentlemen  to  man  the posts and the lack of respect of the C h i l c o t i n s for the common servants of the company, as well as on the fact that the C h i l c o t i n s had been forced by starvation to leave their lands and "resort to the neighbouring  Tribes."  Apparently Fort C h i l c o t i n showed i t s e l f to be more p r o f i t a b l e i n some of the succeeding  seasons, but i t was  the poor r e l a t i o n s between the fur  traders and the Indians which were the main cause of i t s ultimate f a i l u r e . The poor r e l a t i o n s between Chilcotins and fur traders may have had t h e i r beginning i n 1826  perhaps  during the c o n f l i c t already mentioned  between the C h i l c o t i n s and the Carriers around Fort Alexandria (who were of the Talkotin subdivision).  Ross Cox, apparently basing his account  on Chief Trader Joseph McGillivray's "Narrative and Sketch of the C h i l c o t i n 14 Country,"  provides us with an account of the c o n f l i c t .  In the winter of 1826 [he t e l l s ' us] four young men of the Talkotins proceeded on a hunting excursion to the C h i l c o t i n lands. A quarrel, the cause of which we could never ascertain, occurred between them, and three of the young men were butchered. The fourth, who escaped dangerously .wounded, arrived at the f o r t on the 19th March, and immediately communicated the disastrous i n t e l l i g e n c e to his countrymen. One  C h i l c o t i n , who was  at the f o r t at the time, was  concealed from the  Carriers by the traders u n t i l he could escape. There followed a number of forays by Carriers (Talkotins) and C h i l cotins against one another.  In September of 1826  a large band of C h i l c o t i n s  made up of about eighty warriors appeared and attacked" a f o r t i f i e d l o g house of the C a r r i e r s . Although the Chilcotins suffered severe losses they pressed the attack and might have been successful against the Carriers had  the traders not sent the Carriers some arms and ammunition with which they checked the invaders.  A C h i l c o t i n woman who had been at the f o r t  reported  to her countrymen the assistance the traders had given their enemies. The departing C h i l c o t i n s , Cox wrote, "...pronounced vengeance against us, and threatened  to cut off a l l white men that might thereafter f a l l i n their  .,16 way. The restoration of peace between themselves and the Carriers may have somewhat assuaged the h o s t i l e feelings of the C h i l c o t i n s towards the whites, but i t seems l i k e l y that their desire for a close relationship with the traders remained somewhat dampened, and their less c o r d i a l feelings explained their reluctance to co-operate i n the winter of 1829-30. At any rate, the reports of Fort C h i l c o t i n that we have, fragmentary as they are, indicate continued  frequent  tension between the fur traders  and their customers. . . . i t would appear from a l e t t e r dated June 27., 1836, from Governor George Simpson to Chief Factor Peter Ogden, who was then i n charge of the New Caledonia D i s t r i c t , that the trade had had to be abandoned, presumably sometime during o u t f i t 1835-36, as "the.Indians of Frazers Lake and the C h i l c o t i n s " had been Vtroublesome and disorderly."1^ In 1837 we f i n d John Mcintosh, a young man of mixed blood, at Fort C h i l c o t i n , with Alex Fisher at Fort Alexandria as his immediate superior. Apparently Mcintosh had written to Fisher expressing  fears for his own  safety and desiring to r e t a i n one of the men whom Fisher wished to return to Alexandria.  Fisher brushed his fears aside.  One moment's r e f l e c t i o n [he wrote] would have told you that surely your story of the b u l l , the cow, the c a l f , the poisonous roots, the drowning of an Indian, the intention to murder a white man for the sake of revenge, etc., had nothing to do with the detention of my man....1°  M c i n t o s h may w e l l have had cause t o be n e r v o u s , i n v i e w o f t h e w i d e s p r e a d f e e l i n g among t h e I n d i a n s o f New C a l e d o n i a t h a t t h e d e a t h o f a c l o s e r e l a t i v e demanded revenge, whether o r n o t t h e r e was e v i d e n c e o f the death b e i n g caused by another p e r s o n .  D a n i e l Harmon a t S t u a r t Lake  among t h e more n o r t h e r l y Athapaskans, w r i t i n g i n 1813, t o l d o f t h e s h o o t i n g of an o l d woman o f t h e S i k a n i t r i b e who had h e r s e l f been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r an a c t o f "revenge" such as M c i n t o s h i n 1837 f e a r e d t h e C h i l c o t i n s were planning. A l l t h e savages, who haye had a near r e l a t i o n k i l l e d [wrote Harmon i n 1813], a r e n e v e r q u i e t u n t i l they have avenged t h e d e a t h , e i t h e r by k i l l i n g t h e murderer o r some p e r s o n n e a r l y r e l a t e d t o him. T h i s s p i r i t o f revenge has o c c a s i o n e d t h e death o f t h e o l d woman, above mentioned, and she u n d o u b t e d l y , deserved t o d i e ; f o r , t h e l a s t summer, she persuaded h e r husband t o go and k i l l t h e c o u s i n o f h e r murderer, and t h a t , merely because h e r own son had been drowned-. ^ M c i n t o s h w h i l e l i v i n g among t h e C h i l c o t i n s may w e l l have added t o the p e r i l o f h i s s i t u a t i o n by h i s own f o l l y .  He was l a t e r k i l l e d by t h e  S i k a n i I n d i a n s , and a l e t t e r o f Governor Simpson's  c a r r i e s a comment  w h i c h , i f i t i s j u s t , may throw l i g h t on M c i n t o s h ' s c h a r a c t e r . I n o t i c e what you say [Simpson w r o t e ] about t h e cause o f t h e l a t e John M c i n t o s h ' s d e a t h , w h i c h , from a l l I can c o l l e c t , a r o s e i n a g r e a t degree from h i s own want o f sense i n unneces s a r i l y p r o v o k i n g t h e n a t i v e s by t h r e a t s o f "bad m e d i c i n e " ^2Q o t h e r i n j u d i c i o u s c o n d u c t , f o r w h i c h he was l o n g c o n s p i c u o u s . an  Lack o f harmony a t F o r t C h i l c o t i n was f a r t o o common f o r us t o blame i t s o l e l y on t h e f o l l y o r l a c k o f t a c t o f any one i n d i v i d u a l .  Warlike  and p l u n d e r i n g p r o p e n s i t i e s f o s t e r e d by t h e a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e may w e l l have been aroused by t h e w h i t e s ' a i d t o t h e C h i l c o t i n s ' enemies i n 1827, and i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h e l a c k o f p e r s o n n e l a t F o r t • C h i l c o t i n c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e f u r - t r a d e r s ' d i f f i c u l t i e s by making them appear weak and r e l a t i v e l y  - 30 defenceless.  The r e c o r d s r e g a r d i n g F o r t C h i l c o t i n appear too f r a g m e n t a r y  f o r us to come t o any r e a l c o n c l u s i o n s about the wisdom o r o t h e r w i s e o f a c t i o n s of the Company men probability  w h i l e i n the C h i l c o t i n s '  territory.  But  the  the  i s h i g h t h a t these were not always c o n d u c i v e to p e a c e f u l  r e l a t i o n s , i f they f o l l o w e d the p a t t e r n m a n i f e s t e d t r a d i n g d i s t r i c t of New Donald McLean, who d u r i n g t h e 1840's, was  elsewhere i n the f u r -  Caledonia. was  i n charge of F o r t C h i l c o t i n at v a r i o u s  an example o f the k i n d o f f u r t r a d e r who  times  was  little  l i k e l y t o c o n t r i b u t e to a s p i r i t o f peace and of mutual r e s p e c t between w h i t e s and  Indians.  Apparently  the f i r s t mention o f McLean i n any of the f u r - t r a d e manu-  s c r i p t s o c c u r s i n a l e t t e r from C h i e f F a c t o r P e t e r , Skene Ogden t o John McLeod dated F e b r u a r y 25, 1837:  "A young man,  by name M a c l e a n — h i s f a t h e r 21  was  k i l l e d i n Red R i v e r - — i s i n the Snake c o u n t r y . "  McLean i n New  I n 1849  we  find  C a l e d o n i a at the head o f an avenging p a r t y i n s e a r c h o f  I n d i a n named T l e l ( T l h e l h ) who  had shot a Company man  named  an  Belanger.  McLean's concept of j u s t i c e to the I n d i a n s he l a t e r summarized in^.the words "...hang f i r s t , and then c a l l a j u r y t o f i n d them g u i l t y o r  not  22 guilty." One r e v e a l i n g passage from M o r i c e ' s account o f t h e avenging e x p e d i t i o n , the "most m i n u t e d e t a i l o f w h i c h " he says was "vouched f o r by <  eye-witnesses,"  23 s .gives us an i d e a of McLean's " j u s t i c e " i n a c t i o n .  A r r i v e d a t the Quesnel v i l l a g e , they n o t i c e d t h a t , though t h i s was d e s e r t e d , t h r e e h u t s on the o p p o s i t e (or r i g h t ) s i d e of the r i v e r seemed to be i n h a b i t e d . R e p a i r i n g t h i t h e r , they e n t e r e d one, where they found T l h e l h ' s u n c l e w i t h h i s s t e p daughter and babe. "Where i s T l e l ? " c r i e d out McLean through h i s i n t e r p r e t e r , J e a n - M a r i e Boucher, as he rushed i n . " T l h e l h i s n o t h e r e , " answered Nadetnoerh.  - 31 -  "Well, where i s he? T e l l me quick," i n s i s t e d McLean. "How can I know his whereabouts?" replied the old man; " a l l I know i s that he i s not here." "Then you s h a l l be T l e l f o r to-day," declared the white man, who, f i r i n g with" two p i s t o l s he held concealed about him, missed the mark, but f i n a l l y shot the Indian dead with his musket.24 Such was had to do.  the nature of one of the fur-traders with whom the C h i l c o t i n  Certainly he was not t y p i c a l — r a t h e r , he was  but the avenging expedition was  an extreme example—  t y p i c a l of the fur-trade method of dealing  with Indian acts of violence towards Company personnel.  In other words,  the fur traders engaged i n the blood-feud as the Indians did rather than introduce the more cumbersome c i v i l i z e d method of t r i a l , sentence,  and  punishment. The Introduction of Alcohol among the Indians of New  Caledonia  Another feature of white c i v i l i z a t i o n they were not so slow to i n t r o duce.  The opinion of observers of the l a t e r nineteenth century seems  v i r t u a l l y unanimous as to the disastrous effects of alcohol on the Indians once i t gained an important place i n their society.  The fragmentary  records  extant which deal with Fort C h i l c o t i n appear to throw no l i g h t on the place of alcohol i n the trade of that post. New  But the history of the fur trade i n  Caledonia i n general does disclose practices which must have had some  effect on the Chilcotins during the pre-gold-rush period. Indian reaction to i n t o x i c a t i o n before they t r i e d alcohol, as w e l l as Indian attitudes to whites are revealed by an account of Harmon's i n h i s journal for January 1, 1811 when he was  stationed at Fraser Lake.  - 32 g  This being the f i r s t day of another year [he wrote], our people have passed i t , according to the custom of Canadians, i n drinking and f i g h t i n g . Some of the p r i n c i p a l Indians of the place, desired us to allow them to remain at the f o r t , that they might see our people drink. As soon as they began to be a l i t t l e intoxicated, and to quarrel among themselves, the Natives began to be apprehensive, that something unpleasant might b e f a l l them also. They, therefore hid themselves under beds, and elsewhere, saying, that they thought the white people had run mad, for they appeared not to know what they were about.^ The following New Year's, Harmon,rafter  the fur traders had dined,  i n v i t e d a number of Sikani and C r r i e r chiefs to partake df- the food and drink that was l e f t , and he was, he says, "...surprised to see them behave with much decency, and even proprietry, while eating, and while drinking a flagon or two of s p i r i t s . In  the years that followed alcohol came to be,used by traders as an  incentive to keep the Indians coming to the forts and to induce them to hunt.  In 1831 William Todd at McLeod Lake wrote: Mr. Connolly—the o f f i c e r i n charge of the d i s t r i c t — p r e v i o u s to h i s departure from here, made them [the Sekanais Indians] very l i b e r a l promises of s p i r i t s and tobacco should t h e i r hunt, on his a r r i v a l in the f a l l , be found equal to his expectations.27 Apparently the practice of granting allowances of alcohol to the  Indians became quite a regular a f f a i r , since we f i n d Paul Fraser, tempora r i l y i n charge of the whole d i s t r i c t , advising as follows i n 1842: Regarding rum to be given to the Indians, I would recommend that the usual allowance be given to. those who pay their debts. Some e f f o r t was  apparently made by Company o f f i c i a l s — t h o u g h  intensive an e f f o r t i t was .liquor to Indians.  how  i s d o u b t f u l — t o put a stop to the s e l l i n g of  Among the 1831 resolutions passed at the Annual Council,  held at Norway House, i s one issuing such a.prohibition and r u l i n g that  - 33 -  "not more than two  g a l l o n s of s p i r i t u o u s l i q u o r s and f o u r g a l l o n s of w i n e  be s o l d at the depots to any i n d i v i d u a l i n the Company's s e r v i c e , of what 29 rank s o e v e r he may  be."  E i g h t y e a r s l a t e r the b r e w i n g o f b e e r and the 30  d i s t i l l i n g of l i q u o r s a t Hudson's Bay Company p o s t s was p r o h i b i t e d . I n s p i t e - o f t h e s e o f f i c i a l . r e s o l u t i o n s , however, the use of a l c o h o l i n the f u r t r a d e a p p a r e n t l y  continued.  The Fur Traders  and  I n t e r - t r i b a l Warfare  I t seems c l e a r t h a t the f u r t r a d e r s of New  Caledonia  cannot as a  group be accused o f d e l i b e r a t e l y f o s t e r i n g w a r f a r e between I n d i a n The h i n d e r a n c e to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of F o r t C h i l c o t i n imposed by  tribes. the  c o n f l i c t between the C h i l c o t i n s and the C a r r i e r s around F o r t A l e x a n d r i a has  a l r e a d y been n o t e d .  I t i s c l e a r from the s u r v i v i n g r e c o r d s  regarding  F o r t C h i l c o t i n t h a t c o n f l i c t between the C h i l c o t i n s and nearby t r i b e s  was  a r e c u r r i n g source o f danger and d i f f i c u l t y to the f u r t r a d e r s .  According  to the " F o r t C h i l c o t i n " t y p e s c r i p t i t appears t h a t the t r a d e had  t o be  t e m p o r a r i l y abandoned some time d u r i n g 1835-36, s i n c e " t h e I n d i a n s of F r a z e r s 31' Lake and the C h i l c o t i n s " were " t r o u b l e s o m e and d i s o r d e r l y . " McBean at the C h i l c o t i n p o s t found h i s t a s k made d i f f i c u l t by the f a c t t h a t  the  32 C h i l c o t i n s were h o s t i l e t o n e i g h b o u r i n g  Indians.  I t i s o b v i o u s t h a t n o t o n l y d i d h o s t i l i t i e s between t r i b e s endanger the f u r t r a d e r s ' l i v e s , but a l s o t h e time taken by the I n d i a n s i n w a r f a r e was  so much t i m e l o s t to the hunt f o r f u r s .  I n 1811 we  f i n d Daniel Williams  Harmon r e a s o n i n g w i t h the l e a d e r of a p a r t y o f S i k a n i s who a r a i d on the I n d i a n s of F r a s e r Lake.  were  contemplating  - 34 -  I asked him [he w r i t e s ] whether he supposed t h a t we s u p p l i e d them w i t h guns and ammunitions, t o enable them t o d e s t r o y t h e i r f e l l o w c r e a t u r e s , o r t o k i l l the b e a v e r , &c. I added t h a t s h o u l d t h e y , i n t h e f a l l , b r i n g i n an hundred s c a l p s , they c o u l d n o t , w i t h them a l l , p r o c u r e a p i n t o f rum, o r a p i p e f u l l o f t o b a c c o ; b u t , i f they would b r i n g beaver s k i n s , thev would be a b l e t o p u r chase t h e a r t i c l e s w h i c h they would need. I n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t i t was i n t h e f u r t r a d e r s ' i n t e r e s t s n o t t o encourage i n t e r - t r i b a l w a r f a r e ,  the s a l e of firearms to the Indians  i n e v i t a b l y l e d t o t h e i r u s i n g t h e new weapons a g a i n s t one a n o t h e r , and on o c c a s i o n a g a i n s t t h e w h i t e man. the arms t r a d e d by t h e w h i t e s  The t r i b e s who gained  achieved  easy a c c e s s t o  a p o s i t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y over other  t r i b e s , as t h e T a l k o t i n groups o f C a r r i e r s d i d o v e r t h e C h i l c o t i n s i n t h e i r b a t t l e near F o r t A l e x a n d r i a .  The C h i l c o t i n s , out o f t h e f u r - t r a d i n g  main s t r e a m , were bound t o be a t a d i s a d v a n t a g e b e f o r e F o r t C h i l c o t i n was e s t a b l i s h e d and a g a i n a f t e r i t was d i s p l a c e d by another f o r t .  T h i s was  e s p e c i a l l y t r u e f o r t h o s e C h i l c o t i n s who were a t a g r e a t d i s t a n c e from the t r a d i n g p o s t s o u t s i d e t h e i r  territory.  The  Fur Traders'  The  f u r t r a d e r s had come i n o r d e r t o make a p r o f i t , n o t t o change t h e  Indians' society.  I n f l u e n c e , on t h e I n d i a n s ' Way o f L i f e  Y e t t h e n a t u r e o f t h e goods they i n t r o d u c e d was such t h a t  the n a t i v e s o c i e t y was bound t o be changed.  I n d i a n s who had p r e v i o u s l y  hunted t o o b t a i n t h e i r own food and m a t e r i a l f o r c l o t h i n g now hunted a l s o to o b t a i n f u r s t o exchange f o r European goods. to exert important  F i r e a r m s and a l c o h o l began  i n f l u e n c e s on t h e I n d i a n s ' way o f l i f e i n New  I n a d d i t i o n , w h i t e f u r t r a d e r s formed l i a i s o n s w i t h , o r m a r r i e d , women.  Caledonia. Indian  - 35 -  Generally speaking, the fur traders did not i n t e r f e r e deliberately i n Indian customs, but there were exceptions. encouraged  For example, they eventually  the Carriers to abandon the practice of cremation, one example  of a humanitarian interference, since widows suffered great mistreatment 3 ^\ at such cremations.  The Hudson's Bay Company eventually provided some  support for Catholic missionaries i n New  Caledonia, whose work w i l l be  examined. There i s l i t t l e detailed evidence of the fur"traders' influence on the Chilcotins i n s p e c i f i c areas of culture.  Yet the general pattern that  emerges points to a s i m i l a r i t y between the influence of the fur traders on the neighbouring i n t e r i o r Indians such*as the Carriers and t h e i r influence on the Chilcotins with their rather similar c u l t u r a l and economic bases. The greatest differences appear to be i n the degree and duration of their influence.  The Chilcotins were subjected to a much less intense and pro-  tracted influence.  Frequent h o s t i l e feelings between Indians and fur  traders were not limited to the C h i l c o t i n region, but the Chilcotins experienced these h o s t i l e feelings without their developing a relationship of continued dependence of the white  man.  The Abandonment of Fort C h i l c o t i n In 1844 Fort C h i l c o t i n was abandoned i n favour of a new f o r t at Lake Tluz-cuz, or "Sluz-cuz."  In recommending the change Alexander  Anderson had written i n 1843 to S i r George Simpson as follows: To maintain the [Chilcotin] post, owing to the e v i l d i s p o s i t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n Indians...an o f f i c e r and at least two men are necessary; a number that would s u f f i c e at Tluz-cuz, where the natives, on the contrary, are well disposed, industrious, and extremely urgent that we should s e t t l e among them.35  - 36 -  Fourteen years after i t s establishment as a temporary post, then, Fort C h i l c o t i n was  replaced i n the Hudson's Bay Company trading network  36 by another f o r t .  During those years i t had not been manned continuously,  and when i t had been manned i t had'apparently been frequently understaffed. Now  the Chilcotins' connection with white c i v i l i z a t i o n was  even more remote,  especially for those l i v i n g f a r from Alexandria or the new f o r t of Tluz-cuz. E a r l i e s t Religious Influences of Europeans If C h i l c o t i n country was enterprise, i t was endeavour.  a backwater i n the stream of fur-trading  even more d i s t i n c t l y so i n the stream of missionary  Yet i t i s l i k e l y that the Chilcotins heard of Christian teachings  long before the a r r i v a l of those who  came as missionaries. Among the fur  traders were some whose devotion to C h r i s t i a n i t y was them to attempt  ardent enough to move  the i n s t r u c t i o n of the surrounding Indians.  fur traders was Daniel Williams Harmon, who west Company i n New  Among these  i n the early days of the North-  Caledonia was stationed at Stuart's Lake and Fraser's  Lake among Indians to the north of the Chilcotins.  In September of 1813  he experienced a conversion which altered his previously skeptical attitude towards C h r i s t i a n i t y .  In h i s entry f o r October 13, 1815 he t e l l s of v i s i t -  ing a sick young Indian woman at the request of people from her v i l l a g e . I understood [he writes] that her relations had said, that a certain Indian, by his magic, had caused her i l l n e s s , and that he would f i n a l l y take her l i f e . I therefore, took this opportunity of repeating again, what I had often t o l d them before, that God, the i n f i n i t e l y powerful being, who made every thing, had alone the power of causing their d i s s o l u t i o n whenever he thought proper.37  - 37 -  The wife of Peter Skene Ogden i s credited by Morice with doing much from 1834 on to the 1840's towards preparing the way  for the Catholic  missionaries by "...communicating her r e l i g i o u s knowledge to the aborigines 38 who  repaired to Fort St. James, on Stuart Lake...."  The spread of r e l i g i o u s  teachings also occurred, Morice points out, through the intermarriage of whites and Indians. The Chilcotins may well have f i r s t heard of Christian teachings through natives who had had more d i r e c t contact than they with devout members of the fur-trading community such as Harmon and Mrs. Ogden.  But they probably  also heard, more d i r e c t l y , the preaching of William B. McBean, who as 1825 was  apparently a s s i s t i n g George McDougall at Alexandria.  as early According  to the,"Fort C h i l c o t i n " typescript i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Archives, a William McBean who must have been either he or his son was apparently i n charge 39 at Fort C h i l c o t i n at a l a t e r date. McBean was of part white, part Cree o r i g i n , and his r e l i g i o n , according  to Father Morice, was of a hybrid v a r i e t y , consisting "...mostly of  vague notions about the Deity and the primary precepts of the natural law, coupled with vain observances, 40 shouting and dance." Indians to whom he  the main burden of which was reduced to  Apparently he made quite an impression on the  preached.  About the year 1834 the southern Carriers were being s t i r r e d by a r e l i g i o u s movement which was likewise a hybrid composed of some Christian teachings and practices derived from native culture.  Apparently  two  natives of Oregon were responsible f o r i t s i n i t i a l propagation i n New Caledonia.  Singing and dancing were prominent i n this r e l i g i o u s movement,  and i t s a p p e a l was  apparently  great, s i n c e i t spread w i t h great  rapidity.  Whether or not i t a f f e c t e d t h e C h i l c o t i n s , o r to what e x t e n t , i s n o t c l e a r but i t was  i n f l u e n t i a l among the I n d i a n s around For  Alexandria.  M i s s i o n a r y E n t e r p r i s e among the C h i l c o t i n s The  f i r s t w h i t e m i s s i o n a r y whom we  find visiting^the Chilcotins with  the purpose of p r e a c h i n g  to them i s a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t named Modeste Demers  I n response t o a r e q u e s t  f o r f i n a n c i a l h e l p , a number of Hudson's  Company men  i n New  Caledonia,  i n c l u d i n g W i l l i a m McBean, had  Bay  c o n t r i b u t e d to  the s u p p o r t of the Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s s t a t i o n e d on the l o w e r Columbia R i v e r .  I n 1842  F a t h e r Demers j o i n e d t h e f u r b r i g a d e  l e a v i n g f o r the n o r t h e r n p o s t s .  that  Demers t r a v e l l e d as f a r n o r t h as  Lake, then r e t u r n e d to F o r t A l e x a n d r i a , where on h i s t r i p n o r t h he  was Stuart had  been impressed by the c o r r u p t i o n of the mixed p o p u l a t i o n of t h a t p l a c e . The F o r t A l e x a n d r i a j o u r n a l r e c o r d s October of 1842  t h e f a c t t h a t F a t h e r Demers i n  p a i d a v i s i t t o the C h i l c o t i n s , l e a v i n g on the s i x t h  and  42 r e t u r n i n g on t h e t w e n t y - s e v e n t h of the month. Demers gave a g l o w i n g  Of t h i s b r i e f  visit  account i n a l e t t e r t o the B i s h o p of Quebec, though  he does n o t mention the C h i l c o t i n s by name. God heaped H i s b e n e d i c t i o n s upon me t h e r e [he w r o t e ] and made me f e e l comforts such as I never f e l t s i n c e He deigned t o c a l l me to. make known H i s h o l y name. H i s m e r c i f u l g r a c e showed i t s e l f q u i t e v i s i b l y j i n t h e s i g h t of those good n a t i v e s , and seemed to havevshaped q t i i t e p u r p o s e f u l l y t h e i r s i m p l e s o u l s f o r the yoke of the g o s p e l . A f t e r s i x t e e n days of h a p p i n e s s spent i n c o n d u c t i n g t h a t m i s s i o n I r e t u r n e d on October 27 t o Alexandria. ^ :  ;  I n F e b r u a r y of 1843  Demers s e t out on t h e r e t u r n j o u r n e y  to the Columbia.  - 39 -  The next and apparently the only other Roman Catholic p r i e s t to v i s i t the Chilcotins p r i o r to 1864 was Father N o b i l i , whose f i r s t v i s i t to New Caledonia was i n 1845.  N o b i l i probably v i s i t e d the Chilcotins i n 1847,  though the date i s uncertain. of  Apparently he v i s i t e d three  the C h i l c o t i n s , blessed at least*one burying-ground  baptized a number of individuals i n this tribe.  meeting-places  f o r them, and  Morice comments that  "Father N o b i l i baptized among the Chilcotins a number of adults whom he would undoubtedly have l e f t longer under probation had he possessed more 44 experience of t h e i r natural f i c k l e n e s s . "  .,.  Father N o b i l i returned to the Columbia i n 1847V His was the l a s t recorded v i s i t of a Catholic p r i e s t to the t e r r i t o r y of the Chilcotins prior to the outbreak of the C h i l c o t i n Uprising.  In fact they received  no v i s i t s i n t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y from any missionary up to the time of the uprising, as f a r as we can t e l l .  The v i s i t s that had been paid them,  as w i l l have been seen, were short, and probably l e f t only s u p e r f i c i a l impressions.  • The Prophet Movements  But, though missionaries were lacking i n New Caledonia, r e l i g i o u s leaders of a d i f f e r e n t sort did not f a i l to arise.  Prophet movements,  here, as i n many other parts of North America, seemed to develop spontaneously as a r e s u l t of the s u p e r f i c i a l contact of native peoples with C h r i s t i a n teachings and as a result of factors which are more d i f f i c u l t to explain. These "prophets", l i k e the shamans of the aboriginal culture, claimed supernatural powers and a knowledge of revelations which they experienced in dreams.  according to Morice " A l l v i l l a g e s of any importance,  especially  - 40 -  irictthe north of New Caledonia, boasted at a time the presence of some such 45 self-appointed p r i e s t . "  To what extent the Chilcotins i n the south of  New Caledonia were affected i s not clear, but i t would seem l i k e l y that some of them were influenced. However, even among those Indians most influenced, the prophet movements i n New Caledonia were short-lived because the interest of the prophets' adherents waned and the prophets, around whom the movements had centred, died. Results of Pre-Gold-Rush Contacts of Chilcotins and Europeans Well before the C h i l c o t i n uprising the influence of the fur traders on the Chilcotins had waned and v i s i t s from missionaries to their t e r r i t o r y had apparently ceased.  The s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of white contacts with the  Chilcotins meant that i n the years preceeding the gold rush the way of l i f e of most Chilcotins was s t i l l b a s i c a l l y unaltered.  The Chilcotins before  the gold rush seem to have suffered less from the effects of disease and must have suffered less from the effects of alcohol than did other Indians who were i n more intensive contact with the f u r traders.  At the same  time they were perhaps less able to assess the potential power of the whites—and  certainly less cowed and more convinced that their own way  of l i f e could be preserved. * The relationships they had experienced with fur traders had frequently been strained or h o s t i l e ones.  The f l e e t i n g nature of their experience  with missionaries hardly gave opportunity f o r trust to develop.  The  Chilcotins were i l l - p r e p a r e d f o r the torrent of European influence that was to sweep i n with the gold rush, affecting even t h e i r hitherto isolated tribe.  - 41 Footnotes  f o r Chapter I I  Simon F r a s e r , The L e t t e r s and J o u r n a l s o f Simon F r a s e r , 1806-1808, e d i t e d and w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n by W. Kaye Lamb, P i o n e e r Books ( T o r o n t o : M a c m i l l a n Company o f Canada, 1960), p. 69. The word " C h i l c o t i n s " i n square b r a c k e t s i s s u p p l i e d by Lamb. 2 I b i d . , p. 73.  The words i n square b r a c k e t s a r e Lamb's.  3 A [ d r i a n ] G [ a b r i e l ] M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f t h e N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , F o r m e r l y New Caledonia (Toronto: W i l l i a m B r i g g s , 1904), p. 122. ^ L e t t e r , George McDougall t o John S t u a r t , J a n . 18, 1822, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s B. 1 8 8 / b / l , f o . 34-34d, c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n " , t y p e s c r i p t , A r c h i v e s o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , p. 2. ~*Ibid. , p. 3. 6  ' " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 4, c i t i n g Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/119, f o . 65-65d.; T h e - P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , V o l . X: Simpson's" 1828 Journey to the Columbia (London: Champlain S o c i e t y f o r t h e Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , 1947), p. 216. ^ M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia , p. 156. R e p o r t - o f W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y t o t h e Governor and C o u n c i l o f t h e N o r t h e r n Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/123, f o s . 80d.81d., c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 5. 9 L e t t e r , W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y t o George M c D o u g a l l , J a n . 28, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s B.188/b/7, f o s . 6d.-9d., c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 6. " ^ L e t t e r , . W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y to George M c D o u g a l l , J a n . 2 8 j 1830, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s B.188/b/7, f o s . 19-20 c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n " , pp. 9-10. E. 0. S. S c h p l e f i e l d , B r i t i s h Columbia from t h e E a r l i e s t Times to t h e P r e s e n t (Vancouver, W i n n i p e g , M o n t r e a l , C h i c a g o : S. J . C l a r k e P u b l i s h i n g Company, n. d . ) , pp. 402-403. S c h o l e f i e l d w r i t e s t h a t S i r George Simpson i n an 1826 memorandum f o r t h e R i g h t Honourable Henry A d d i n g t o n , Secretary of State f o r Foreign A f f a i r s , reported t h i r t e e n establishments  - 42 -  e a s t of the Rocky M o u n t a i n s , among them C h i l c o t i n . However, i t i s c l e a r t h a t e i t h e r Simpson was c o u n t i n g t h i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t b e f o r e i t hatched o r he made a s i m p l e e r r o r , s i n c e i t i s c l e a r b o t h from C o n n o l l y ' s remarks i n h i s March 4, 1830 r e p o r t to the Governor and C o u n c i l of t h e N o r t h e r n D e p a r t ment (quoted above) and from Simpson's own statement elsewhere t h a t C h i l c o t i n had n o t been e s t a b l i s h e d at t h e time he w r o t e the 1826 memorandum to A d d i n g t o n . See Simpson's 1828 Journey t o t h e Columbia, p. 216. The e x a c t l o c a t i o n o f the C h i l c o t i n p o s t i s d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e . C o n n o l l y a d v i s e d t h a t i t be e s t a b l i s h e d a t the " f i r s t p o i n t o f woods" one came t o a f t e r r e a c h i n g the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r . ( L e t t e r , W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y to George M c D o u g a l l , Oct. 1, 1829, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s B.188/b/7, f o s . 6d.-9d., c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 8) However, McDougall found this precise location unsuitable. " . . . I went [he r e p o r t s ] some d i s t a n c e above a l o n g t h e banks o f b o t h r i v e r s [He may r e f e r t o the C h i l c o t i n and C h i l k o R i v e r s . ] , but found the c o u n t r y s t i l l more b a r r e n o f wood t o answer our purpose, the o n l y e l i g i b l e p l a c e I have been a b l e t o f i n d i s a c l u s t e r of p o p l a r s below the monte...." ( L e t t e r , George McDougall to W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y , Oct. 18, 1829, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s B.188/b/7, f o s . 25d.-26, c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 8 ) . A t t h i s spot he d e c i d e d to b u i l d t h e i r w i n t e r h u t s , but suggested t h a t a more s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n might be l o o k e d f o r l a t e r . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t a new s i t e was chosen l a t e r . The 1871 "Map of. B r i t i s h Columbia" of t h e B r i t i s h Columbia Lands and Works O f f i c e p l a c e s Fbr-t«Chilcotin a t the f o o t o f C h i z i cut Lake. ( B r i t i s h Columbia, "Map o f B r i t i s h Columbia to t h e 56th P a r a l l e l , N o r t h L a t i t u d e " , V i c t o r i a : Lands and Works O f f i c e , 1871) However, t h i s map i s g r o s s l y i n a c c u r a t e f o r t h e C h i l c o t i n c o u n t r y . A c c o r d i n g to Palmer i n h i s 1863 R e p o r t , " t h e s i t e o f o l d f o r t C h i l c o t i n " was t h i r t y - s e v e n m i l e s from P u n t z e e . ( P u n t z i L a k e ) . (H[enry] Spencer Palmer, R e p o r t of a Journey of Survey from V i c t o r i a to F o r t A l e x a n d e r v i a N o r t h B e n t i n c k Arm; V i c t o r i a : Lands and Works O f f i c e , 1871) H i s " S k e t c h o f the Route from N o r t h B e n t i n c k Arm to F o r t A l e x a n d e r " marks the " P r o b a b l e s i t e of; o l d H. B. s t a t i o n " a t a p o i n t about at the "confluence of t h e C h i l c o and C h i l c o t i n R i v e r s , on t h e n o r t h bank o f the C h i l c o t i n . ( H f e n r y ] S f p e n c e r ] Palmer, " S k e t c h o f t h e Route from N o r t h B e n t i n c k Arm to F o r t A l e x a n d e r , " drawn by J . T u r n b u l l ; B r i t i s h Columbia: "To accompany Report o f 24th November 1862"). "'""''Letter, W i l l i a m C o n n o l l y t o the Governor and C o u n c i l of the N o r t h e r n Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/123, f o . 81d, c i t e d i n "For C h i l c o t i n , " p. 10. 12 MS l e t t e r , Thomas Dears to P e t e r Warren Dease, J u l y , 1831, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 161-62. L e t t e r , P e t e r Warren Dease t o the Governor and C o u n c i l o f t h e N o r t h e r n Department, A p r i l 19, 1831, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/125, f o . 24'24d., c i t e d i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 11.  - 43 -  14  See Joseph M c G i l l i v r a y , " N a r r a t i v e and S k e t c h o f the C h i l c o t i n C o u n t r y , " The P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , Volume X: Simpson's 1828 Journey t o the Columbia (London: Champlain S o c i e t y f o r t h e Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , 1947), Appendix A, pp. 213-216. "*"^Ross Cox, The Columbia R i v e r , o r Scenes and A d v e n t u r e D u r i n g a R e s i d e n c e of S i x Y e a r s on the Western S i d e of the Rocky Mountains among V a r i o u s T r i b e s o f I n d i a n s H i t h e r t o Unknown; Together w i t h "A J o u r n e y a c r o s s the American C o n t i n e n t , " e d i t e d and w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n by Edgar I . S t e w a r t and Jane S t e w a r t , The American E x p l o r a t i o n and T r a v e l S e r i e s (Norman: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma P r e s s , 1957), p. 372. ^ I b i d . , p. 373. ^ " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13, c i t i n g l e t t e r , Governor George Simpson t o P e t e r , Skene Ogden,.. June 27, 1836, Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/22, f o . 36. 18 Letter, A l e x . F i s h e r to John M c i n t o s h , June 11, 1837, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 178. 19 D a n i e l W i l l i a m Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and T r a v e l s i n t h e I n t e r i o r o f N o r t h A m e r i c a between t h e 4 7 t h and 58th Degrees of N. L a t . , E x t e n d i n g from M o n t r e a l N e a r l y to' the P a c i f i c , a D i s t a n c e o f about 5,000 m i l e s , . I n c l u d i n g an Account o f the P r i n c i p a l O c c u r r e n c e s D u r i n g a R e s i d e n c e of N i n e t e e n Y e a r s i n D i f f e r e n t P a r t s o f t h e Country (New Y o r k : Barnes and Company, 1903) , p. 193. 20  - • ••• L e t t e r , George Simpson t o Donald Manson', J u l y 1, 1847, c i t e d by  M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of the NOrthern I n t e r i r o o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 181. 21 L e t t e r , P e t e r Skene Ogden t o John McLeod, Feb. 25, 1837, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f t h e N o r t h e r n I n t e r l r o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 171. 22 ' MS l e t t e r , Donald McLean t o Donald Manson, Mar., 1850, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of t h e N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p.  267.  23 M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of t h e N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r . o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 266. 24 I b i d . , p. 265. 25 Harmon, A J o u r n a l o f Voyages and T r a v e l s i n t h e . I n t e r i o r of N o r t h A m e r i c a , pp. 162-53, c i t e d by M o r i c e i , The H i s t o r y of the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 85. p.  :  - 44 -  2 6  I b i d . , p.  179.  27 L e t t e r , W i l l i a m Todd to P e t e r Warren Dease, Aug. 28, 1831, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 113. The words i n square b r a c k e t s are s u p p l i e d by M o r i c e . 28 L e t t e r , P a u l F r a s e r to H. M a x w e l l , Mar. .29, 1832 ( s i c f o r 1842), c i t e d . b y M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 113-14. 29 Hudson's Bay Company, " R e s o l u t i o n 95," Annual C o u n c i l , Norway House, 1831, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of t h e N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 114. 30 Hudson's Bay Company, " R e s o l u t i o n 78',' Annual C o u n c i l , June 7, 1845, c i t e d by M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y o f the N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 114. 31 " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13, c i t i n g Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s D.4/22, fo.  36. 3 2  " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13.  33  1  Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and T r a v e l s i n t h e I n t e r i o r o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , p. 169. M o r i c e , The H i s t o r y of t h e . N o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 89. M o r i c e here r e t e l l s from Harmon t h e s t o r y of the c r e m a t i o n o f a man who was s u r v i v e d by two widows... : " A f t e r the f i r e had been l i g h t e d , h i s w i v e s , one o f whom s t o o d a t the head and the o t h e r a t the f e e t of t h e c o r p s e , kept p a t t i n g i t , w h i l e b u r n i n g , w i t h b o t h hands a l t e r n a t e l y , a ceremony w h i c h was i n t e r r u p t e d by t u r n s of f a i n t i n g a r i s i n g from the i n t e n s i t y of the heat. ' I f they d i d n o t soon r e c o v e r from t h e s e t u r n s and commence t h e o p e r a t i o n o f s t r i k i n g the c o r p s e , ' ... 'the men would s e i z e them by the l i t t l e r e m a i n i n g h a i r on t h e i r heads and push them i n t o the flames i n o r d e r t o compel them t o do it. T h i s v i o l e n c e was e s p e c i a l l y used toward one of t h e w i v e s of the deceased, who had f r e q u e n t l y r u n away from him w h i l e he was l i v i n g . "' • M o r i c e s t a t e s st-hat. the account c o n f i r m e d what he h i m s e l f had l e a r n e d from i n f o r m a n t s of h i s own t i m e . (He remarks i n a f o o t n o t e t h a t f o r p a t t i n g , "Harmon, not.knowing the r e a s o n f o r the a c t , says ' s t r i k i n g . ' M o r i c e c i t e s from Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and T r a v e l s i n t h e I n t e r i o u r of N o r t h America. . . (Andover: F l a g g and Gould, 1820), p. 89.  - 44a 35  Letter, Alexander C a u l f l e l d Anderson to S i r George Simpson, Jan. 21, 1843. Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.5/8, fo. 40-40d., cited in "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 17. 36 Note: l e t t e r , James Douglas to Captain J . Sheppard, May 28, 1849, cited i n E.O.S. S c h o l e f i e l d , B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present (Vancouver, Winnipeg, Montreal, Chicago: S. J . Clarke Publishing Company, n.d.), pp. 375-80. This l e t t e r makes one wonder whether Fort C h i l c o t i n was not re-occupied some time after 1844, since Douglas l i s t s C h i l c o t i n among the Company's trading posts. However, i n giving an estimate of the annual imports Douglas i n the same l e t t e r says that he has no books to refer to, so that i t seems h i s l i s t i n g of the forts was from memory. Douglas, in r e c a l l i n g the names of the Company's f o r t s , seems to have inadvertently used information that was no longer v a l i d , thus l i s t i n g C h i l c o t i n rather than Tluz-cuz. 37 Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels i n the I n t e r i o r of North America, pp. 215-16. jMorice, Afdrian] G f a b r i e l ] , History of the Catholic Church i n Western Canada, from Lake Superior to the P a c i f i c (1659-1895) (2 v o l s . ; Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1910), I I , 280. 3  39  "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " pp. 13-15. If the William McBean referred to i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n " i s the same William McBean referred to by Morice throughout The History of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, then there i s an inexplicable c o n f l i c t i n the dates given. The "Fort C h i l c o t i n " typescript (p. 13) states that William McBean went to Fort C h i l c o t i n ". . . t o take charge of the Company's business" i n October of 1837 (Reference i s made to the Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.5/a/4; B.37/a/l, fo.3.). Yet according to Morice, William McBean appears to have been at Fort Kilmers on Babine Lake from as early as 1836 u n t i l 1842 (The History of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 205-207). An  Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 221. ^ J o h n M'Lean, Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service i n the Hudson's Bay T e r r i t o r y (London: Richard Bentley, 1849), I, 263, referred to i n Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 221. See new e d i t i o n : John McLean, Notes of a Twenty-fives Years' Service i n the Hudson's Bay T e r r i t o r y , ed. by W. S. Wallace (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1932), p. 159. 4 2  " F o r t C h i l c o t i n " , p. 16.  A3 Letter, Modeste Demers to the Bishop of Quebec, Dec. 20, 1842, i n Notices and Voyages of the Famed Quebec Mission to the P a c i f i c Northwest, trans, and ed. by Carl Landerholm (Portland: Campoeg Press, Reed College, for the Oregon H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1956), p. 161.  - 44b 44  Morice, History of the Catholic Church i n Western Canada, I I , 2940295.  45 Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 234.  - 45 CHAPTER I I I THE IMPACT OF THE GOLD RUSH ON RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND INDIANS IN VANCOUVER ISLAND AND BRITISH COLUMBIA The Gold Rush o f 1858 had an immediate and r e v o l u t i o n a r y e f f e c t on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between I n d i a n and w h i t e man i n what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia.  I t s long-term e f f e c t ,  t o o , was t o a l t e r i r r e v o c a b l y the e x t e n t  and n a t u r e of w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t i n t h e a r e a and t o change i t s economic b a s i s from one o f I n d i a n p r o d u c t i o n o f p e l t s t o w h i t e p r o d u c t i o n o f m i n e r a l and agricultural  wealth.  The C h i l c o t i n s a t f i r s t , compared to o t h e r t r i b e s , were l i t t l e  affected  by t h e g o l d r u s h . But u l t i m a t e l y and somewhat i n d i r e c t l y they t o o were t o be d r a s t i c a l l y  affected.  A t t h i s p o i n t , i f we are. t o g a i n as f u l l an u n d e r s t a n d i n g as p o s s i b l e of t h e C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g and w h i t e r e a c t i o n s t o i t , we ought t o take a w i d e r l o o k a t events and c o n d i t i o n s i n Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columb i a as a whole as they a f f e c t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s between w h i t e s and I n d i a n s . T e n s i o n between M i n e r s and I n d i a n s F o r some y e a r s b e f o r e the 1858 Gold Rush, g o l d had been found i n s m a l l q u a n t i t i e s i n v a r i o u s p a r t s o f what I s now B r i t i s h Columbia.  Gold  d i s c o v e r i e s i n t h e Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s r e s u l t e d i n a f l u r r y o f p r o s p e c t i n g i n 1852, w h i c h , however, ended i n d i s a p p o i n t m e n t . I n a d e s p a t c h dated A p r i l 16, 1856 James D o u g l a s , Governor o f Vancouver I s l a n d , communicated t o London news o f t h e d i s c o v e r y of g o l d on t h e Columbia 2 River i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y .  I n a l a t e r despatch Douglas, speaking of  t h i s same a r e a , makes an e a r l y r e f e r e n c e t o a n i m o s i t y - f e l t by t h e I n d i a n s  - 46  -  f o r American m i n e r s : . . . I have h e a r d . . . t h a t the number of persons engaged i n g o l d d i g g i n g i s y e t extremely l i m i t e d , i n consequence o f the t h r e a t e n i n g a t t i t u d e of the n a t i v e t r i b e s , who b e i n g h o s t i l e t o the A m e r i cans, have u n i f o r m l y opposed the e n t r a n c e o f American c i t i z e n s i n t o t h e i r country. . . . Ther;?persons at p r e s e n t engaged i n the s e a r c h of g o l d a r e c h i e f l y o f B r i t i s h o r i g i n and r e t i r e d s e r v a n t s of the Hudson's Bay Company, who, b e i n g w e l l a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the n a t i v e s , and connected by o l d a c q u a i n t a n c e s h i p and the t i e s of f r i e n d s h i p , a r e more d i s p o s e d to a i d and a s s i s t each o t h e r i n t h e i r common p u r s u i t s than t o commit i n j u r i e s a g a i n s t persons or property."^' Douglas goes on t o speak o f " . . . t h e s u c c e s s f u l r e s u l t o f experiments made i n washing g o l d from the sands o f t h e t r i b u t a r y streams of F r a s e r ' s River."  He even e n t e r t a i n s hopes t h a t the w e a l t h w i l l perhaps come to 3  e q u a l t h a t o f the g o l d f i e l d s of  California.  I n a l e t t e r dated J u l y 15, 1857,  Douglas c o n f i r m s  the  gold-bearing  n a t u r e of " . . . c e r t a i n d i s t r i c t s of the c o u n t r y on t h e r i g h t bank o f  the  Columbia R i v e r , and of the e x t e n s i v e t a b l e l a n d w h i c h d i v i d e s i t from Fraser's R i v e r . I n . t h e  same l e t t e r Governor Douglas showed h i s a l e r t -  ness t o t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s of t r o u b l e between miners and I n d i a n s . A new element of d i f f i c u l t y i n e x p l o r i n g the g o l d c o u n t r y has been i n t e r p o s e d [he w r o t e ] through the o p p o s i t i o n of the n a t i v e I n d i a n t r i b e s o f Thompson's R i v e r , who have l a t e l y taken the high-handed, though p r o b a b l y n o t unwise c o u r s e , o f e x p e l l i n g a l l the p a r t i e s of g o l d d i g g e r s , composed c h i e f l y of persons from the American t e r r i t o r i e s , who.had f o r c e d an e n t r a n c e i n t o t h e i r country. They have a l s o openly expressed a d e t e r m i n a t i o n to r e s i s t a l l attempts a t w o r k i n g g o l d i n any of the streams f l o w i n g i n t o Thompson's R i v e r , b o t h from a d e s i r e t o m o n o p o l i z e t h e p r e c i o u s m e t a l f o r t h e i r own b e n e f i t , and from a w e l l - f o u n d e d i m p r e s s i o n t h a t the s h o a l s o f salmon w h i c h a n n u a l l y ascend these r i v e r s . . . w i l l be d r i v e n o f f , and p r e v e n t e d from making t h e i r annual m i g r a t i o n s from the s e a / Douglas went on to a s s u r e Labouchere t h a t t h e r e was  n o t h i n g t o f e a r from  the a c t i o n s of Hudson's Bay. Company s e r v a n t s , s i n c e the Company's o f f i c e r s had been o r d e r e d not to employ them i n washing out g o l d w i t h o u t I n d i a n s ' consent.  the  He f e l t . , ..though, t h a t peace might w e l l be t h r e a t e n e d  by  - 47 the "motley a d v e n t u r e r s " from t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and went on t o suggest t h a t i t might become n e c e s s a r y to a p p o i n t an o f f i c e r f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of the n a t i v e s . As a Hudson's Bay Company man,  Douglas might be expected to have  more c o n f i d e n c e i n Company s e r v a n t s than i n t h e newcomers, b u t h i s f e a r s r e g a r d i n g the p r e s e r v a t i o n of peace i n t h e f a c e of t h e i n f l u x of miners were w e l l - f o u n d e d . I n December o f 1857 Douglas r e p o r t e d t h a t the w e a l t h found i n t h e i n t e r i o r mines i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y was  c a u s i n g g r e a t e x c i t e m e n t i n the  t e r r i t o r i e s of Washington and Oregon i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s .  He had  taken  the i n i t i a t i v e o f i s s u i n g a p r o c l a m a t i o n f o r b i d d i n g the d i g g i n g o r d i s t u r b i n g of t h e s o i l i n s e a r c h of g o l d u n l e s s a u t h o r i z e d by Her  Majesty's  Government.^ I n a despatch dated A p r i l 6 , ;  , 1858, Douglas r e p o r t e d t h a t even  r e t i r e d Hudson's Bay Company men had been p r e v e n t e d from o b t a i n i n g g o l d i n the Thompson's R i v e r D i s t r i c t .  A p p a r e n t l y the I n d i a n s , a c c o r d i n g to  t h e accounts Douglas had r e c e i v e d , had c a r r i e d out a c a l c u l a t e d  and  c a r e f u l p o l i c y , h u s t l i n g and crowding out the w h i t e s a f t e r they had excavated t o t h e g o l d - b e a r i n g s t r a t a . Such conduct [Douglas remarked] was u n w a r r a n t a b l e and exc e e d i n g l y t r y i n g t o t h e temper of s p i r i t e d men, but the savages were f a r too numerous f o r r e s i s t a n c e , and they had t o submit t o their dictation. I t i s , however, worthy of remark, and a c i r cumstance h i g h l y honourable to t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h o s e savages, t h a t they have on a l l o c c a s i o n s s c r u p u l o u s l y r e s p e c t e d the persons and p r o p e r t y of t h e i r w h i t e v i s i t o r s , a t the same time t h a t they have e x p r e s s e d a d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o r e s e r v e t h e g o l d f o r t h e i r own benefit.6 Douglas was  c e r t a i n t h a t t h e i n f l u x of more g o l d - s e e k e r s would make  n e c e s s a r y " t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f Her M a j e s t y ' s Government" i n o r d e r to  - 48 -  "restore and maintain the peace."^ Meanwhile reports of gold i n the B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y to the north had reached and were c i r c u l a t i n g i n C a l i f o r n i a .  The month of A p r i l saw the  beginning of a mass immigration of miners, many of whom arrived by steamer from the gold-fields of C a l i f o r n i a .  7  Others came overland through the  interior. H o s t i l i t i e s between Miners and Indians One of the parties that followed the inland route was led by David McLaughlin, son of John McLaughlin of Oregon, who had been a Chief Factor i n the Hudson's Bay Company.  David McLaughlin, according to one who  claimed  to have known him, "...was considered a fast young man to drink, gamble and carouse, and a great Indian f i g h t e r and scout i n several Indian wars on the P a c i f i c coast."  He was,  i n c i d e n t a l l y , of mixed blood himself.  McLaughlin's party, which started from Walla Walla, was organized on a m i l i t a r y basis and consisted of one hundred and s i x t y well-armed with about three hundred horses and mules.  men  The m i l i t a r y nature of i t s  organization was due to the reputed h o s t i l i t y of the tribes through whose lands the party was  to pass.  On the Columbia plains one member of  the expedition who had lagged behind was seized and k i l l e d by the Indians. Near the boundary l i n e the party was attacked by Indians who were protected by crude f o r t i f i c a t i o n s on either side of the road where they had to pass through a canyon.  An a l l - n i g h t f i g h t ensued, with the whites and Indians  setting f i r e s i n an attempt to burn one another out. were k i l l e d .  Three of the whites  Two or three days l a t e r , on the west side of the Okanagan  River, the expedition was attacked by a hundred mounted Okanagan Indians, who  attempted  to separate them from their animals but were thwarted.  -  Peace was  made, b u t i m m e d i a t e l y  49  -  a f t e r w a r d s two I n d i a n s were caught j e r k i n g  beef from c a t t l e s t o l e n from the e x p e d i t i o n .  The  two were t a k e n p r i s o n e r s ,  though they were r e l e a s e d a t t h e r e q u e s t o f C h i e f Trader McDonald o f F o r t C o l v i l l e who  happened to come a l o n g on h i s way  t o F o r t Hope.  The  Okanagans  c o n t i n u e d to f o l l o w the p a r t y to w i t h i n t h r e e days' j o u r n e y from the 9  Thompson R i v e r . Herman F r a n c i s R e i n h a r t ' s account  of h i s j o u r n e y through the i n l a n d  r o u t e r e v e a l s the l a w l e s s n e s s and b r u t a l i t y t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e d some of the miners from C a l i f o r n i a . Our advance guards saw some I n d i a n s j u s t l e a v i n g t h e i r camp and c r o s s the l a k e Okanagan i n canoes f o r f e a r o f us [he writes]..*- The boys saw a c o u p l e o f t h e i r dogs a t t h e i r o l d camp ground, and shot them down, and they saw some o l d h u t s where t h e I n d i a n s had s t o r e d a l o t of b e r r i e s f o r t h e w i n t e r , b l a c k b e r r i e s and n u t s , f i f t y o r a hundred b u s h e l s . They h e l p e d themselves t o t h e b e r r i e s and n u t s , f i l l i n g s e v e r a l sacks to t a k e a l o n g , and t h e b a l a n c e they j u s t emptied i n t o the l a k e , d e s t r o y i n g them so t h a t t h e I n d i a n s s h o u l d not have them f o r p r o v i s i o n f o r the w i n t e r . - ^ R e i n h a r t and many of the o t h e r miners r e m o n s t r a t e d w i t h those who s t o l e n and d e s t r o y e d t h e I n d i a n s ' s t o r e s , but a p p a r e n t l y made l i t t l e sion.  L a t e r t h e I n d i a n s t r i e d to c u t o f f one of t h e men  had impres-  from t h e r e s t o f  the'company but he succeeded i n r e j o i n i n g h i s companions. A f t e r the p a r t y moved on from t h e i r campsites  on the bank of the l a k e  i n the mornings the I n d i a n s would come to get what o l d s u p p l i e s o r s c r a p s of f o o d t h e m i n e r s had thrown away.  One morning t w e n t y - f i v e miners d e c i d e d t o  remain b e h i n d to ambush t h e I n d i a n s who formed the ambush l a t e r r e l a t e d  came t o the camp-site.  The men  how-  ...they were a l l l y i n g down i n the g u l c h , t o be out of s i g h t , and they got to t a l k i n g t o each o t h e r and f o r g o t about the I n d i a n s to be ambushed, and they were s u r p r i s e d as w e l l as t h e I n d i a n s . . . . ...some w h i t e happened t o r a i s e up to see i f the I n d i a n s had landed y e t , when b e h o l d ! the I n d i a n s were w i t h i n e i g h t o r t e n f e e t from him [ s i c ] , and they d i d not see the w h i t e s t i l l they a l l r a i s e d and made a r u s h f o r the I n d i a n s W i t h t h e i r guns and p i s t o l s a l l ready t o shoot.11  who  - 50 The w h i t e s s h o t down t h e unarmed I n d i a n s i n c o l d b l o o d . affair  " I t was  a brutal  [ R e i n h a r t comments], b u t the p e r p e t r a t o r s o f the o u t r a g e  thought 12  they were h e r o e s , and were v i c t o r s i n some w e l l - f o u g h t b a t t l e . " i n c i d e n t s r e l a t e d by R e i n h a r t took p l a c e i n the summer of  These  1858.  Meanwhile t h e F r a s e r Canyon had seen i t s share of s l a u g h t e r . miners of H i l l ' s Bar had shown themselves  The  aware o f t h e dangerous p o s s i b i -  l i t i e s of d i s o r d e r , and, i n the absence of any v i s i b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f B r i t i s h government, had.enacted t h e i r own ment of any who  laws w h i c h p r o v i d e d f o r the p u n i s h -  might abuse the I n d i a n s o r p r o v i d e them w i t h l i q u o r .  A  few  days a f t e r these r u l e s had been p o s t e d Douglas a r r i v e d a t F o r t Hope and began c a l l i n g a t t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g m i n i n g camps.  I t was  p l a i n that Indian  t r o u b l e t h r e a t e n e d , and Douglas took a c t i o n i n an attempt .materializing.  to p r e v e n t i t  B e s i d e s making George P e r r i e r a j u s t i c e of t h e peace,  Douglas a p p o i n t e d I n d i a n m a g i s t r a t e s who charged w i t h o f f e n c e s .  were t o b r i n g t o j u s t i c e n a t i v e s  A f t e r some p l a i n s p e a k i n g to b o t h w h i t e s  and  I n d i a n s , Douglas l e f t . But t h r e a t e n i n g d e m o n s t r a t i o n s  by the I n d i a n s and the s l a u g h t e r of  m i n e r s up t h e canyon, whose b o d i e s came f l o a t i n g downstream, aroused miners.  the  E a r l y i n August f o r t y miners from Y a l e o r g a n i z e d under C a p t a i n  Rouse and s e t out to f o r c e a passage to t h e f o r k s ( p r e s e n t - d a y L y t t o n ) . They combined w i t h miners from Boston Bar and met  a body o f I n d i a n s n e a r  the head o f B i g Canyon, where a f i g h t ensued, r e s u l t i n g i n t h e  killing  o f a number of I n d i a n s and t h e e x p u l s i o n of a l l I n d i a n s from t h a t p a r t o f the canyon. A t Y a l e over two thousand m i n e r s met i n d e a l i n g w i t h the I n d i a n s .  Snyder, who  to d e c i d e on a c o u r s e of a c t i o n f a v o u r e d more moderate measures,  - 51 was  supported  by the m a j o r i t y .  a smaller following.  -  Graham, f a v o u r i n g more extreme a c t i o n , had  Over one hundred and f i f t y men  s e t out the same day  and camped a t Spuzzum, where the n e x t day Snyder c a l l e d a meeting and  gained  overwhelming support  men.  f o r h i s p l a n of a c t i o n from an augmented body of  Some of the d e t a i l s of what f o l l o w e d d i f f e r i n v a r i o u s a c c o u n t s , the upshot was  but  t h a t the more moderate miners succeeded i n making t r e a t i e s  w i t h many groups of I n d i a n s , . w h i l e Graham's p a r t y was himself k i l l e d . .  f i r e d , on and Graham  The m i n e r s ' " t r e a t i e s " w i t h the I n d i a n s a p p a r e n t l y were 13  f o l l o w e d by a g r e a t i n c r e a s e i n t r a n q u i l i t y . Reasons f o r D i f f e r e n c e s between I n d i a n R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Fur  Traders  and I n d i a n R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h M i n e r s The  c l a s h e s between miners and I n d i a n s , whether i n the F r a s e r Canyon  or f u r t h e r i n the i n t e r i o r , i n d i c a t e d a marked d i f f e r e n c e between t h e a t t i t u d e of t h e I n d i a n t o the f u r t r a d e r s and h i s a t t i t u d e to the m i n e r s . I n p a r t t h i s may the two  be accounted f o r by the d i f f e r e n c e i n the f u n c t i o n s of  types of w h i t e men.  company, was  also performing  The f u r t r a d e r , w h i l e making a p r o f i t f o r h i s a s e r v i c e w h i c h the I n d i a n v a l u e d .  the f u r t r a d e r the n a t i v e r e c e i v e d goods w h i c h he was obtain.  The m i n e r , e s s e n t i a l l y , was  Through  o t h e r w i s e u n a b l e to  t h e r e t o take something o f w h i c h the  I n d i a n s had l e a r n e d the v a l u e but w h i c h the miner d i d not expect to the I n d i a n s f o r .  pay  (Miners were o f t e n w i l l i n g t o pay t h e I n d i a n s f o r l a b o r  performed, but they d i d not expect t o pay f o r the g o l d  itself.)  V i o l e n t a c t s of revenge had been p e r p e t r a t e d by f u r t r a d e r s on v i d u a l I n d i a n s , b u t because of the i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e of the f u r t r a d e r the I n d i a n a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g a  indiand  considerable  degree of t r u s t had been b u i l t up o v e r a p e r i o d of t i m e between the f u r  - 52 -  t r a d e r s and many groups o f n a t i v e p e o p l e w i t h whom they had t o do Of c o u r s e , q u i t e a p a r t from t h e f a c t t h a t t h e miner was r e l a t i v e l y independent o f t h e I n d i a n , t h e time was t o o s h o r t f o r any s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p to have developed between miner and I n d i a n i n 1858. I n a d d i t i o n , many of t h e miners came from r e g i o n s o f t h e w e s t e r n U n i t e d S t a t e s where much l a w l e s s n e s s p r e v a i l e d , and where t h e a t t i t u d e towards t h e I n d i a n c o u l d a l l too f r e q u e n t l y be e x p r e s s e d  by t h e statement t h a t t h e o n l y good I n d i a n was  a dead one. A New E r a The  coming o f t h e miner ended t h e economic dependence o f t h e w h i t e  man on t h e I n d i a n .  Other w h i t e men w i t h d i f f e r e n t p u r s u i t s f o l l o w e d i n t h e  miner's p a t h , b u t n e v e r a g a i n were w h i t e men t o be dependent on t h e I n d i a n s for their livelihood.  The I n d i a n may have appeared c h i l d - l i k e i n some  respects i n h i s l a c k of understanding  o f European c u l t u r e , b u t i n r e a l i t y  he was no c h i l d , and came t o u n d e r s t a n d v e r y q u i c k l y t h e b a s i c r e a l i t y o f the new s i t u a t i o n . This b a s i c understanding  d i d n o t mean t h a t t h e I n d i a n s were a b l e t o  cope w i t h t h e changes b r o u g h t by the w h i t e i n f l u x . was a g r e a t i n c r e a s e i n t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l i q u o r .  One o f these  changes  The h a r d - d r i n k i n g  miners were a dependable market f o r t h e l i q u o r merchant, and t h e I n d i a n i • l i k e w i s e proved an eager customer. Though t h e e f f e c t o f o v e r - d r i n k i n g on h i m s e l f may n o t have g r e a t l y w o r r i e d t h e w h i t e man, i t s e f f e c t s on t h e I n d i a n d i d w o r r y h i m , s i n c e he f e a r e d f o r h i s own s a f e t y i n t h e m i d s t o f a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e n a t i v e population.  As we have n o t e d , t h e m i n e r s o f H i l l ' s B a r i n t h e i r home-made  - 53 s e t o f laws banned t h e p r o v i s i o n o f l i q u o r t o t h e I n d i a n s . One o f the p r o c l a m a t i o n s Governor Douglas made even b e f o r e he was made governor  o f t h e mainland was one f o r b i d d i n g t h e s a l e o f g i v i n g o f l i q u o r t o  the I n d i a n s . proclamation:  I t s wording  i s s i g n i f i c a n t as i n d i c a t i n g a d u a l m o t i v e f o r t h e  b o t h t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n and t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f  peace. Whereas, i t has been r e p r e s e n t e d t o me t h a t S p i r i t u o u s and o t h e r I n t o x i c a t i n g L i q u o r s , have been s o l d t o t h e N a t i v e I n d i a n s o f F r a s e r R i v e r , and e l s e w h e r e , t o t h e g r e a t i n j u r y and d e m o r a l i z a t i o n o f t h e s a i d I n d i a n s ; and a l s o t h e r e b y endangering t h e P u b l i c peace, and t h e l i v e s and p r o p e r t y o f Her M a j e s t y ' s s u b j e c t s and others i n the s a i d D i s t r i c t s . Now be i t known unto a l l men, t h a t t h e S a l e o r G i f t o f S p i r i t u o u s or other I n t o x i c a t i n g drinks to the s a i d Native Indians i s c o n t r a r y t o Law, and i s hereby s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d . . . . 1 4 A p e n a l t y o f from f i v e t o twenty pounds, o r , i n d e f a u l t o f payment, o f f r o m two t o s i x months, i n j a i l w i t h o r w i t h o u t hard l a b o u r was p r o v i d e d . I n s p i t e o f t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n , s u c c e e d i n g y e a r s saw t h e c o n t i n u e d  con-  sumption o f l i q u o r by the I n d i a n s , and t h e d e m o r a l i z a t i o n o f w h i c h t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n spoke a l s o c o n t i n u e d and was u n i v e r s a l l y a t t e s t e d t o . P r o s t i t u t i o n and g e n e r a l s e x u a l p r o m i s c u i t y between w h i t e men and I n d i a n women a l s o r e s u l t e d from t h e i n f l u x brought by t h e g o l d r u s h . h a r t ' s account  Rein-  r e f e r s t o i t s . p r e v a l e n c e i n V i c t o r i a i n 1858.  .", A miner t o l d me he was i n V i c t o r i a i n June 1858 [he w r i t e s ] , and i n t h e h i g h t [ s i c ] o f t h e g o l d excitement f o r . F r a s e r R i v e r , and t h a t t h e r e were over t e n thousand m i n e r s a t V i c t o r i a , and t h e Indians* from up n o r t h i n t h e i r l a r g e war canoes...were t r a d i n g w i t h ..the Hudson Bay Company s t o r e s , arid t h e squaws g o t b a d l y d e m o r a l i z e d , and t h e miners had p l e n t y o f money t o spend w i t h them, and they gave them w h i s k e y and t h e r e was an a w f u l time among them, and they d r e s s e d up as f i n e as "White S o i l e d Doves" do i n C a l i f o r n i a . 1 ^ A p p a r e n t l y i t became i n time a r e g u l a r t h i n g f o r some I n d i a n s o f t h e n o r t h c o a s t t o t r a v e l t o V i c t o r i a t o t r a d e , o b t a i n l i q u o r , and p r o s t i t u t e t h e i r women.  - 54 -  V a r i e t i e s o f A t t i t u d e s to I n d i a n s and R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Them I n t h e immediately p r e c e e d i n g c h a p t e r , i n examining  the pre-gold-rush  r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f f u r t r a d e r s and I n d i a n s i n t h e C h i l c o t i n and near-by areas we encountered  a s u f f i c i e n t number of f u r t r a d e r s t o g a i n some i d e a ? o f t h e  v a r i e t y o f a t t i t u d e s h e l d by them towards the I n d i a n s .  F o r example, t h e r e  were t h e c o n t r a s t i n g a t t i t u d e s o f D a n i e l W i l l i a m s Harmon-sand Donald McLean, the former a t t e m p t i n g to p r e v e n t v i o l e n c e between t h e I n d i a n s ; t h e l a t t e r showing g r e a t v i o l e n c e towards them h i m s e l f .  Then t h e r e was the a t t i t u d e  of W i l l i a m McBean w i t h h i s d e s i r e to p r o s e l a t i z e t h e n a t i v e s t o h i s h y b r i d religious beliefs.  I t w i l l be e v i d e n t t h a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between f u r  t r a d e r s and I n d i a n s depended i n a g r e a t measure on t h e i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s of t h e f u r t r a d e r s towards the I n d i a n s among whom they were s t a t i o n e d . r e l a t i o n s h i p s d i d n o t depend o n l y on t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e f u r - t r a d e r s , as has a l r e a d y been s u g g e s t e d ,  The which,  i n v o l v e d an interdependence-between f u r -  t r a d e r and I n d i a n which i n g e n e r a l developed  a c e r t a i n s t a b i l i t y of r e -  lationship. The coming of the Gold Rush b r o u g h t a g r e a t v a r i e t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s to,British  Columbia who, as m i g h t be e x p e c t e d , d i f f e r e d i n i t h e i r p e r s o n a l  a t t i t u d e s towards t h e I n d i a n s . r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e Indians'.  They a l s o d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r  functional  We have noted t h a t some o f t h e miners had  h o s t i l e p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e s towards t h e I n d i a n s and t h a t t h e n a t u r e o f t h e i r ^ o c c u p a t i o n meant t h a t t h e r e was no e s s e n t i a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e them and t h e I n d i a n s .  between  They c o u l d t a k e t h e g o l d w i t h o u t t h e I n d i a n s g e t t i n g  anything of value i n r e t u r n .  - 55 In t h e wake o f t h e miners came men o f a number o f d i f f e r e n t  occupations.  These i n d i v i d u a l s h a v i n g a v a r i e t y o f p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e s towards the I n d i a n s , a l s o d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h them, s i n c e t h e i r occupations  differed.  The l a n d - h o l d i n g s e t t l e r , l i k e t h e m i n e r , had no  r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g e s s e n t i a l interdependence Indian.  between h i m s e l f and t h e  I n f a c t he f r e q u e n t l y o c c u p i e d l a n d w h i c h t h e I n d i a n h i m s e l f had  been accustomed t o u s e . The m i s s i o n a r y , who, as we have seen, was a l r e a d y a c t i v e b e f o r e t h e Gold Rush, had a r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g an e s s e n t i a l interdependence,  s i n c e t h e success o f h i s m i s s i o n depended on h i s m a i n t a i n i n g  the g o o d - w i l l o f t h e I n d i a n s and t h e I n d i a n s depended on him t o a c t as an i n t e r m e d i a r y between them and t h e r e s t o f w h i t e s o c i e t y , i n t e r p r e t i n g t h a t s o c i e t y f o r them.  Exaisp'.les o f t h e V a r y i n g N a t u r e o f W h i t e A t t i t u d e s t o I n d i a n s A s a m p l i n g o f Europeans' e x p r e s s i o n s o f o p i n i o n w i l l g i v e some i d e a of t h e v a r i e t i e s o f a t t i t u d e s , whether determined by t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the I n d i a n s t h a t t h e Europeans e x p e r i e n c e d  o r by t h e  Europeans' p e r s o n a l i d e o s y n c r a c i e s , o r p h i l o s o p h i e s , o r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . F r a n c i s P o o l e , who had had charge o f a group o f m i n e r s i n t h e Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , w r o t e an account o f h i s e x p e r i e n c e s w h i c h was p u b l i s h e d i  i n London i n 1871. A c c o r d i n g t o h i s n a r r a t i v e he had f a r more d i f f i c u l t y w i t h the miners under him than he had w i t h t h e l o c a l H a i d a .  I n f a c t , he  came t o l o o k t o t h e I n d i a n s f o r p r o t e c t i o n from t h e u n r u l y w h i t e s under him.  i  . '' '  The Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d e r s [he w r o t e ] a r e j u s t l y c o n s i d e r e d the f i n e s t sample o f the I n d i a n r a c e i n t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c . Their f a u l t s a r e t h e u s u a l I n d i a n ones; b u t I d i d n o t f i n d them t o be n a t u r a l l y r e v e n g e f u l o r b l o o d t h i r s t y , except when s m a r t i n g under the sense o f a r e a l and grave i n j u r y , o r when s e e k i n g t o a v e r t an i m a g i n a r y wrong.  - 56 -  I f honestly and firmly treated, no natives could be better disposed towards the white men.17 Captain C. E. Barrett-Lennard published i n London i n 1862  an  account  of Travels i n B r i t i s h Columbia with the Narrative of a Yacht Voyage round Vancouver's Island.  His impression of Indian character tended to be  advers  My long sojurn among the Indians" of different tribes inhabiting the coasts of Vancouver's Island [he wrote] did not tend to impress me with a high opinion of the morality of the untutored savage. I regard them as being, generally.speaking, treacherous and d e c e i t f u l , and cannot help looking on every Indian as more or less a thief at heart.1$ At the same time he credited them with some good q u a l i t i e s . In common with a l l their race [he wrote], they possess the savage attributes of a wonderfully passive endurance of hardship and suffering, and a s t o i c indifference to torture and death when inevitable, which amounts to a kind of rude heroism. Of their natural courage there can be no doubt. If they can be preserved from the curse of drinking, they are frugal and abstemious i n their way of l i v i n g , and, although riot fond of work, they can be taught to acquit themselves creditably of any ordinary task that may be assigned to them, and make i n many cases very f a i r household servants. Duncan George Macdonald i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's Island, also published, i n London i n 1862,v.painted  the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian i n  the darkest of colours, as he painted B r i t i s h Columbia i t s e l f .  Speaking  of the Carriers, i n which group he included the C h i l c o t i n s , he wrote: Like a l l the savages i n the t e r r i t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, they are not only most f i l t h y i n their habits, but are extremely debauched and sensual, s y p h i l i t i c complaints of the very worst kind being prevalent amongst them....some of them burrow i n the earth and l i v e l i k e badgers or ground-hogs. They are, moreover, very superstitious, and great believers i n the magical powers of their medicinemen or conjurors... .-^P i  The Haida, according to sources which Macdonald mentioned approvingly, were said to contrast favourably with other Indians.  After speaking of  their physical appearance as being better than those of more southerly  - 57 -  t r i b e s , Macdonald remarks t h a t "We  have seen some whose n a t u r a l c o m p l e x i o n 21  i s as w h i t e as t h a t o f the p e o p l e of Southern Europe." r e g a r d e d t h i s as a p o i n t i n t h e i r f a v o u r .  Presumably  he  He g i v e s the Haidas c r e d i t f o r  21 " i n g e n u i t y and m e c h a n i c a l d e x t e r i t y , "  b u t c a l l s them "...a most t r e a c h e r o u s 22  r a c e , and always ready f o r m i s c h i e f . " The w i l d man of B r i t i s h Columbia [Macdonald g e n e r a l i z e d ] i s as savage as t h e scenes w h i c h s u r r o u n d him, and i n harmony w i t h t h e 23 f r e a k s o f n a t u r e . . . . h i s m o r a l s a r e the promptings of u n t u t o r e d i n s t i n c t . . G i v i n g h i s l i t e r a r y t a l e n t s a y e t w i d e r f i e l d of endeavor,  Macdonald  d e s c r i b e s the N o r t h American I n d i a n s as ...no o r d i n a r y r a c e _ o f savages; they e x h i b i t [he s a y s ] almost a l l the t r a i t s of the w o r s t form of barbarism....Murder i s no crime among these f e r o c i o u s b e i n g s , who s t a b , s h o o t , s c a l p * and e a t t h e i r enemies, w i t h the v o r a c i t y of t h e i r companion wolves.23 Y e t p r e s e n t l y our a u t h o r l a p s e s i n t o s e n t i m e n t : There i s i n the f a t e of t h e s e u n f o r t u n a t e b e i n g s [he s a y s ] much to awaken our sympathy. What can be more m e l a n c h o l y than t h e i r h i s t o r y ? By a law o f t h e i r n a t u r e they seem.destined to e x t e r m i n a t i o n . They fade away a t the approach of the w h i t e man, and m o u r n f u l l y pass by us to r e t u r n no more....Poor human b e i n g s ! i f t h e y have the v i c e s o f savage l i f e , they have t h e v i r t u e s a l s o . I f t h e i r revenge and i n s a t i a b l e t h i r s t f o r blood i s t e r r i b l e , t h e i r f i d e l i t y to t h e i r kinsmen i s unconquerable a l s o . 2 4 Macdonald's  p a s s i n g e x p r e s s i o n s o f sympathy f o r t h e B r i t i s h  I n d i a n appear t o be l i t e r a r y d e v i c e s r a t h e r genuine c o n c e r n .  Columbia  than m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of  The I n d i a n ' s i n e v i t a b l e f a t e as an i n f e r i o r b e i n g i s to  be superseded by a s u p e r i o r r a c e . He w i l l recede b e f o r e the w h i t e man a t l a s t y i e l d to the i n e v i t a b l e law r a c e s s h a l l v a n i s h from t h e f a c e o f l e n t unimprovable savage s h a l l g i v e h i g h e r development.25  as h i s f a t h e r s have done, and w h i c h decrees t h a t . t h e i n f e r i o r the e a r t h , and t h a t _ t h e t r u c u p l a c e to f a m i l i e s capable of  - 58 -  Macdonald's r e a l sympathies,  apparently, went out to Indians with whom  the author was not personally involved. The Indians of F l o r i d a [he remarks] were men of a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s , and deserving of a better fate. There were few who did not sympathise with them when they were driven from the native land... Settlers and Indians An insight into the potentials f o r h o s t i l i t y inherrent i n the relationship between s e t t l e r and Indian i s given i n Scenes and Studies of Savage L i f e by G. M. Sproat, who  "...was for f i v e years a c o l o n i a l magis-  trate, and also a proprietor of the settlement at A l b e r n i , " which was at 26 the time "the only c i v i l i z e d settlement on the west coast." Sproat with about f i f t y other men  In 1860  s a i l e d up the Alberni canal i n two armed  vessels to take possession of the Alberni d i s t r i c t .  I t so happened that  a summer encampment of Indians was at the time occupying a spot desired by the prospective s e t t l e r s . (The s i t e was i n the Nootka t e r r i t o r y . ) In the morning [Sproat writes] I sent f o r the chief, and . explained to him that his t r i b e must move their encampment, as we had bought a l l the surrounding.land from the Queen of England, and wished to occupy the s i t e of the v i l l a g e f o r a p a r t i c u l a r purpose. He replied that the land belonged to themselves, but that they were w i l l i n g to s e l l i t . The price being hot excessive, I paid him what was asked...2? The following day the Indians proved reluctant to move,  "...as an 28  excuse," Sproat says, " i t was  stated that the children were s i c k . "  Signs of resistance were evident among the Indians, but a show of force by the whites persuaded  the natives to carry out the removal.  The Indians were not only aware of their i n a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y r e s i s t , but apprehensive of their complete loss of independence.  - 59 -  "They s a y t h a t more King-George men [ " E n g l i s h " ] w i l l soon be h e r e " [the o l d c h i e f t o l d S p r o a t ] , "and w i l l t a k e o u r l a n d , o u r f i r e w o o d , our f i s h i n g - g r o u n d s ; t h a t we s h a l l be p l a c e d on a l i t t l e s p o t , and s h a l l have t o do e v e r y t h i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t h e f a n c i e s o f t h e K i n g George men."^^ S p r o a t s a i d l i t t l e t o r e a s s u r e him. As$time went on S p r o a t observed changes i n t h e nearby I n d i a n community, Apparently listless  i t was r a t h e r t h o r o u g h l y  demoralized.  The I n d i a n s had become  and a p p r e h e n s i v e and were d i s r e g a r d i n g t h e i r o l d p r a c t i c e s and  ceremonies.  Sickness  increased.  Sproat a t t r i b u t e d i t t o t h e d i s q u i e t  produced by t h e presence o f s e t t l e r s w i t h t h e i r s u p e r i o r  civilization.  S p r o a t and t h e Americans who c h i e f l y made up h i s p a r t y o f s e t t l e r s were aware o f t h e e t h i c a l i s s u e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r a c t i o n s . sit  They used t o  around i n t h e evenings and d i s c u s s t h e q u e s t i o n o f n a t i v e r i g h t s i n  some depth.  The A m e r i c a n s , S p r o a t  says,  . . . c o n s i d e r e d t h a t any r i g h t i n t h e s o i l w h i c h these n a t i v e s had as o c c u p i e r s was p a r t i a l and i m p e r f e c t , a s , w i t h t h e except i o n o f h u n t i n g animals i n t h e f o r e s t s , p l u c k i n g w i l d f r u i t s , and c u t t i n g a few t r e e s t o make canoes and h o u s e s , t h e n a t i v e s d i d n o t , i n any c i v i l i z e d sense, occupy t h e land.29 C i v i l i z e d men had a r i g h t t o occupy such a l a n d , b r i n g i n g p r o g r e s s by c o l o n i z a t i o n , they c o n c l u d e d . S p r o a t h i m s e l f f e l t t h e i r argument was o n l y p a r t i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the w h i t e s '  actions.  He f e l t t h e use t h e n a t i v e s made o f t h e l a n d had some  b e a r i n g on t h e q u e s t i o n , b u t a d m i t t e d ,  i n e f f e c t , that i n practice the 30  w h i t e s were a c t i n g on t h e p r i n c i p l e t h a t might i s r i g h t . The b a s i c c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t between s e t t l e r s and I n d i a n s was f e l t i n many p a r t s o f what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia.  The f a c t o f t h e t e n s i o n  between s e t t l e r and I n d i a n i s e v i d e n t i n t h e o f f i c i a l correspondence o f the p e r i o d . whites  F o r example, a d i s p u t e ( r e l a t i v e l y minor) w h i c h a r o s e between  and I n d i a n s r e g a r d i n g l a n d a t t h e n o r t h e r n  end o f Okanagan L a k e ,  -  60  on the e a s t bank, i s r e f e r r e d t o by W i l l i a m G. Cox i n 1861 i n a l e t t e r t o 31 the C h i e f Commissioner  of Lands and Works.  I n t h e same y e a r C h a r l e s Good,  A c t i n g P r i v a t e S e c r e t a r y t o t h e Governor, r e f e r s t o a " m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g " o v e r b o u n d a r i e s t h a t a r o s e between Mr. A t k i n s of C o q u i t l a m Farm and 32 I n d i a n s of the d i s t r i c t .  the  Townspeople and I n d i a n s T e n s i o n over I n d i a n s a r o s e n o t o n l y i n t h e c o u n t r y , but i n t h e growing towns of V i c t o r i a and New  Westminster.  The c l o s e p r o x i m i t y of w h i t e s and  I n d i a n s had i t s d i r e e f f e c t s on the I n d i a n s , though t h e s e were n o t of paramount concern t o most w h i t e s . The r e s i d e n t s of V i c t o r i a [Ormsby w r i t e s ] had become accustomed to the growing d e p r a v i t y and d e m o r a l i z a t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n s . L i t t l e more than i d l e comment was passed when, on numerous o c c a s i o n s , the body o f an I n d i a n woman was d i s c o v e r e d f l o a t i n g on t h e w a t e r s of the I n n e r Harbour.^3 But i f w h i t e townspeople  g e n e r a l l y were not g r e a t l y concerned w i t h  the e f f e c t o f t h e i r presence on the I n d i a n s , they c o u l d become g r e a t l y cerned w i t h the e f f e c t o f the I n d i a n s ' p r e s e n c e on t h e m s e l v e s .  Of  merchants v a l u e d t h e I n d i a n s as customers, but w h i t e s o f t e n f e l t  con-  course  their  presence as near neighbours was most u n d e s i r a b l e . A r t i c l e s i n t h e C o l o n i s t o f V i c t o r i a b o r e such t i t l e s as " I n d i a n Murders and in V i c t o r i a , "  3 4  " C l e a r i n g the S t r e e t s , "  3 5  "Make 'em D e c e n t , "  Depradations 3 6  and  37 " D i s o r d e r l y Siwashes."  The New Westminster's B r i t i s h Columbian 38  f r e q u e n t comment on " t h e I n d i a n q u e s t i o n " .  had  The s p r e a d of s m a l l - p o x among  the I n d i a n s "caused the n o r t h e r n I n d i a n s to be e x p e l l e d from the V i c t o r i a .  - 61 -  area and hastened the establishment of a reservation for the New T AIndians.  4  Westminster  0  The B r i t i s h Columbian, i n pressing for the allotment of a reservation for the Indians of New Westminster, pointed out the benefits this would bring the Indians themselves, but the general tone of i t s comments indicate that i t s main concern i n pressing for reservation was of the whites.  the benefit  An a r t i c l e i n 1862 reporting the stabbing of an Indian  was  an occasion for a renewed demand f o r an Indian reservation. Four miners recently returned from V i c t o r i a on their way to Cariboo [ i t reported], having got on a 'bend' adjourned about midnight to an Indian rancheria hard by, where the inmates being intoxicated, a d i f f i c u l t y soon arose, r e s u l t i n g i n a general s c u f f l e , when one of the miners drew a knife and stabbed one of the Indians i n the back, between the shoulders.... We have reason to congratulate ourselves upon the comparative paucity of cases of this sort heretofore; but, unless something be done by the authorities to remove the Indians to a reserve at a suitable distance from the c i t y , we have every reason to a n t i c i p a t e just such a r e s u l t as that experienced i n V i c t o r i a . The Indians are now encamped i n considerable numbers almost i n the very centre of the c i t y , where they are permitted to make a display of t h e i r licentiousness and corruption i n the blaze of the day, under the gaze of respectable families—where a l l night long peaceful slumbers are disturbed by their drunken orgies. Of what a v a i l w i l l i t be to punish the white man, who, under the influence of alcohol, i s sure to f a l l into their net, i f this sink of i n i q u i t y be permitted to revel i n our midst? 41  The desire of the white townspeople to have reservations established no doubt worked i n the best interests of the Indians, for the testimony of contemporary writers to the demoralization of the Indians i n the towns i s quite convincing.  But the p r a c t i c a l interest of most urban dwellers  i n the Indians did not, i t seems, extend much beyond seeing the Indian depart from their midst.  - 62 -  Missionaries and Indians The interest of the Indian, then, did not coincide with the interests or concerns of the white miners, s e t t l e r s , or townspeople, and frequently clashed with the apparent interests of the s e t t l e r s i n p a r t i c u l a r . then, was to speak f o r the Indian?  Who,  Time and again i n this period we find  the missionary acting as spokesman for the Indians, and as guardian of the Indians' interests as he saw them. A well-known missionary of this period was William Duncan, who, with amazing i n i t i a t i v e and drive, l e d a group of Tsimshian Indians to establish a model Christian community called Metlakatla on the Nass River i n 1862. As early as 1860 we find Duncan concerning himself with the conditions of the Indians encamped i n the v i c i n i t y of V i c t o r i a .  The fact that by  1860 thousands of Indians were l i v i n g on the outskirts of V i c t o r i a i n t e r r i b l e conditions, and that these Indians' camps were the scenes of much violence, greatly concerned Duncan as well as some of the V i c t o r i a townspeople at this time.  The question had already arisen as to whether these  Indians were to be driven from V i c t o r i a and gunboats stationed on the north coast to prevent t h e i r returning. ...Duncan [says Usher] was certain that i t would lead to "a quarrel, then a war, then we should have had a r e p e t i t i o n of the Misery and trouble the Americans have experienced with the Indians i n their western t e r r i t o r i e s . " ^ ...Duncan advised V i c t o r i a , "as you deal with the rowdy whites, so deal with the rowdy Indians: make them obey the laws."43 The colony was expanding rapidly, he pointed out. White settlement might soon spread north and inland, and i t would be impossible to provide gunboats f o r the entire region. But apart from the p r a c t i c a l drawbacks of such a r e s t r i c t i v e p o l i c y , Duncan emphasised that i t was contrary to the laws of humanity, and inconsistent with the s p i r i t of true religion.^4  - 63 -  Duncan b e l i e v e d t h a t the I n d i a n s s h o u l d be p e r m i t t e d t o v i s i t  Victoria  p r o v i d e d they were w i l l i n g to l i v e t h e r e under t h e r i g h t c o n d i t i o n s . Duncan p r e s e n t e d Douglas w i t h a p l a n f o r t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n under a system designed  t o b r i n g law and o r d e r and good s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s .  The s m a l l - p o x Duncan had argued.  epidemic  i n 1862 r e s u l t e d i n t h e e x p u l s i o n a g a i n s t w h i c h  But t h e d r e a d f u l epidemic  also r e s u l t e d i n great  t i o n s by some w h i t e s on b e h a l f o f t h e I n d i a n s . r e f e r r i n g t o t h e epidemic  exer-  The B r i t i s h Columbian,  i n V i c t o r i a , reported:  The Rev. Mr. G a r r e t t appears t o be e x e r t i n g h i m s e l f i n a m e l i o r a t i n g as f a r as p o s s i b l e t h e s u f f e r i n g s o f t h e poor I n d i a n s . Through h i s p r a i s e - w o r t h y e x e r t i o n s a temporary H o s p i t a l f o r t h e s i c k has been e r e c t e d on t h e I n d i a n Reserve. ^. 4  The same newspaper r e p o r t e d on t h e work o f a Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r y on the  mainland: The Revd. Mr. Fouquet, C a t h o l i c M i s s i o n a r y h e r e , has v i s i t e d Y a l e r e c e n t l y , c a l l i n g a t a l l t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e r a n c h e r i a s and v a c c i n a t i n g the I n d i a n s . D u r i n g t h e l a s t t w e l v e days he has v a c c i n a t e d no fewer ^ than t h r e e thousand f o u r hundred between t h i s C i t y and Y a l e i n c l u s i v e .  John Sheepshanks, r e c t o r o f t h e A n g l i c a n church i n New W e s t m i n s t e r , o b t a i n i n g l a n c e t s and v a c c i n e from t h e R o y a l E n g i n e e r s , v a c c i n a t e d some o f t h e I n d i a n s 47  of t h e i n t e r i o r on h i s j o u r n e y t o v i s i t  the m i n e r s o f t h e C a r i b o o .  M i s s i o n a r i e s were a c t i v e i n a t t e m p t i n g t o a c t as spokesmen t o ensure t h a t l a n d was r e s e r v e d f o r t h e I n d i a n s .  The B r i t i s h Columbian r e p o r t e d t h a t  i t had l e a r n e d from " t h e Rev. Mr. Fouquet," who i t s a i d was "possessed o f v e r y e x t e n s i v e i n f o r m a t i o n upon t h e subject,'' t h a t t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f 48 I n d i a n s were w i l l i n g and anxious The  t h a t permanent r e s e r v e s be e s t a b l i s h e d .  f a c t t h a t t h e m i s s i o n a r y was o f t e n b o t h a spokesman f o r t h e  I n d i a n and a s o u r c e o f i n f o r m a t i o n r e l i e d on by t h e government seems t o  - 64 -  have been f e l t as an awkward and o f f i c i a l s on o c c a s i o n .  embarrassing circumstance  by government  I n a c o n f i d e n t i a l l e t t e r to Governor D o u g l a s ,  R. C. Moody, i n h i s c a p a c i t y of C h i e f Commissioner o f Lands and Works, wrote: I endeavoured to c a r r y out through the medium of the Reverend M. Fouquet, R.C., the i d e a l a i d down i n an accompanying l e t t e r as to o b t a i n i n g the numbers of v i l l a g e s , p o p u l a t i o n , e x t e n t of l a n d , e t c . , and f u r n i s h e d him w i t h s t a k e s a l l i n accordance w i t h t h a t w h i c h seemed t o be s u i t a b l e at the time. M. Fouquet conf e r r e d w i t h your E x c e l l e n c y i n my p r e s e n c e , but I v e r y q u i c k l y had o c c a s i o n to d e s i s t from such a course from the extreme want of judgement shown by t h a t gentleman, i n f a c t from the o p e r a t i o n s o f the Roman C a t h o l i c M i s s i o n a r i e s , ( p h i l a n t h r o p i c i n s p i r i t no d o u b t ) , we aie l i k e l y to have embarrassments.... ^ Through the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y f o r t h e c o l o n y Governor Douglas Moody t h a t he d i d not t h i n k i t " a t a l l n e c e s s a r y  or expedient"  informed to use  the  a s s i s t a n c e o f the Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i n l a y i n g out r e s e r v e s f o r the I n d i a n s , a l t h o u g h he a p p a r e n t l y s t i l l regarded  them as u s e f u l i n  s u p p l y i n g i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o p u l a t i o n of the t r i b e s .  Douglas was  con-  cerned h i m s e l f t h a t the a r e a o f the r e s e r v e s be s u f f i c i e n t j f o r he d i r e c t e d , " . . . i n a l l cases where the l a n d p o i n t e d out by the I n d i a n s appears to the o f f i c e r employed on the s e r v i c e t o be i n a d e q u a t e f o r t h e i r s u p p o r t , l a r g e r a r e a i s at once t o be s e t  a  apart.""^  I n a l e t t e r t o Douglas w r i t t e n i n A p r i l o f 1863  Moody speaks of  C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s e n c o u r a g i n g the I n d i a n s t o pre-empt l a n d l i k e w h i t e  the men.  " I t i s a growing q u e s t i o n t h a t w i l l have t o be met,""^ Moody commented. Considerable  space c o u l d be taken i n d e s c r i b i n g the numerous ways i n  w h i c h m i s s i o n a r i e s were i n v o l v e d i n . s e e k i n g t o b e t t e r the s o c i a l t i o n s of the I n d i a n s .  The m i s s i o n a r y on .the one hand saw  condi-  i t as h i s duty  to b r i n g about the a b o l i t i o n of those f e a t u r e s of n a t i v e s o c i e t y w h i c h he regarded  as h a r m f u l .  T h i s might i n v o l v e r e p l a c i n g them w i t h f e a t u r e s of  European s o c i e t y w h i c h the m i s s i o n a r y regarded  as b e n e f i c i a l .  On the  other  hand, t h e m i s s i o n a r y saw i t as h i s duty t o combat those f e a t u r e s o f w e s t e r n s o c i e t y w h i c h he saw as h a r m f u l introduce to the natives. m i s s i o n a r y work.  and w h i c h o t h e r Europeans might seek t o  Education  i n many cases was c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h  W i l l i a m Duncan, f o r example, began a s c h o o l f o r  Tsimshian  c h i l d r e n a t F o r t Simpson as e a r l y as 1859. M i s s i o n a r i e s were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n combatting t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f those who s u p p l i e d l i q u o r t o t h e I n d i a n s , and I n d i a n s were encouraged t o " t a k e t h e p l e d g e " . As has been mentioned, t h e n a t u r e o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between m i s s i o n ary and I n d i a n i n v o l v e d an e s s e n t i a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e , the m i s s i o n a r y ' s  s i n c e t h e success o f  endeavours depended oh h i s m a i n t a i n i n g t h e g o o d w i l l o f  the I n d i a n , w h i l e a t t h e same t i m e t h e I n d i a n depended on t h e m i s s i o n a r y to a c t as i n t e r m e d i a r y between h i m s e l f and t h e r e s t o f w h i t e s o c i e t y .  But  i t would be wrong t o d i s m i s s t h e m i s s i o n a r y ' s work f o r t h e I n d i a n ' s m a t e r i a l w e l f a r e as m e r e l y an attempt t o g a i n t h e I n d i a n s ' g o o d w i l l . a l l , the very f a c t of h i s having  After  taken on a m i s s i o n t o t h e I n d i a n s might  be presumed t o i n d i c a t e a c e r t a i n c o n c e r n f o r t h e i r w e l f a r e . a r y ' s e f f o r t s as advocate f o r t h e I n d i a n s may be regarded  The m i s s i o n -  as e s s e n t i a l l y  p a r t o f h i s m i s s i o n and as r e s u l t i n g from h i s t a k i n g s e r i o u s l y h i s C h r i s t i a n beliefs.  F o r example, i n e x p r e s s i n g h i s views a g a i n s t the f o r c i b l e  s i o n o f t h e I n d i a n s from the v i c i n i t y o f t h e w h i t e s , Duncan w r o t e : We a r e taught by our r e l i g i o n t h a t a l l men a r e b r e t h r e n o f one b l o o d , and i f some possess g r e a t e r advantages than o t h e r s , those advantages a r e g i v e n them t o use f o r t h e common good o f a l l . . . H o w a r e we t h e n , d i s c h a r g i n g our d u t i e s t o them, when, a f t e r c o r r u p t i n g them by o u r v i c e s , we d r i v e them out o f o u r sight. 5 2  expul-  - 66 -  I t s h o u l d n o t be imagined t h a t m i s s i o n a r i e s o f the t i m e admired I n d i a n s o c i e t y any more than the m a j o r i t y o f t h e i r f e l l o w - E u r o p e a n s d i d . I n f a c t , many a s p e c t s o f i t were abhorrent  t o them.  Nor d i d most o f them  have any i l l u s i o n s about t h e "noble savage" as an i n d i v i d u a l .  William  Duncan i n 1865 made a l i s t o f twenty-two p o i n t s "To be^ remembered i n 53 discoursing to the Indians"  i n w h i c h he l i s t e d a t l e n g t h t h e f a u l t s o f  those w i t h whom he was w o r k i n g .  The m i s s i o n a r i e s o f t h e p e r i o d c h a r a c t e r -  i s t i c a l l y saw c i v i l i z a t i o n as n e c e s s a r y  f o r a C h r i s t i a n s o c i e t y , and f r e e l y  i n t r o d u c e d a s p e c t s o f t h e i r own V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y i n t o I n d i a n s o c i e t y , though they were s e l e c t i v e i n d o i n g t h i s .  Though t h e degree o f ethno-  c e n t r i c i t y i n t h e i r o u t l o o k v a r i e d , u n i v e r s a l l y they d e s i r e d t h e replace-^ment o f many f e a t u r e s of I n d i a n c u l t u r e by f e a t u r e s s i m i l a r t o i n European s o c i e t y .  But whatever t h e m i s s i o n a r y  those*found  thought of I n d i a n f s o c i e t y  or I n d i a n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , he was f i r m l y committed t o t h e b e l i e f t h a t the I n d i a n was w o r t h w o r k i n g w i t h b o t h i n t h e s p i r i t u a l and t e m p o r a l  spheres.  The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e B r i t i s h H u m a n i t a r i a n Movement O u t s i d e o f Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia t h e r e were o t h e r s who e x e r t e d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on b e h a l f o f the I n d i a n s o f t h e r e g i o n . '  The  A b o r i g i n e s P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y o f B r i t a i n was i n a p o s i t i o n t o a f f e c t t h e p o l i c i e s o f the I m p e r i a l Government i t s e l f . The h u m a n i t a r i a n  movement, w i t h i t s o r i g i n s i n t h e l a t t e r h a l f o f the  e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , had had some n o t a b l e s u c c e s s e s the n i n e t e e n t h . Empire.  i n the f i r s t h a l f of  I n 1807 t h e s l a v e t r a d e had been outlawed i n t h e B r i t i s h  I n 1833 s l a v e r y i t s e l f had been a b o l i s h e d by law.  The A b o r i g i n e s  - 67 -  P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y e x e r t e d a c o n t i n u i n g p r e s s u r e on b e h a l f o f n a t i v e s : throughout t h e B r i t i s h Empire.  The numerous and e x t e n s i v e m i s s i o n a r y  r e p o r t s s e n t back t o B r i t a i n were an i m p o r t a n t means by w h i c h t h e s o c i e t y was a b l e t o a c t as a watchdog on b e h a l f o f t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e n a t i v e s . The campaigns on b e h a l f o f t h e a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y and o f t h e s l a v e t r a d e had proved t h e p o s s i b l e e f f e c t on p u b l i c o p i n i o n o f h u m a n i t a r i a n propaganda, and had drawn to t h e h u m a n i t a r i a n movement a number o f v e r y prominent  persons.  The I m p e r i a l Government and t h e I n d i a n s ' As e a r l y as J u l y 31, 1858 we f i n d t h e S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e f o r t h e C o l o n i e s , S i r E. B. L y t t o n , d i r e c t i n g Governor Douglas . . . t o c o n s i d e r t h e b e s t and most humane means o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e N a t i v e I n d i a n s . The f e e l i n g s o f t h i s c o u n t r y [he w r o t e ] would be s t r o n g l y opposed t o t h e a d o p t i o n o f any a r b i t r a r y o r o p p r e s s i v e measures towards t h e m . 54  L y t t o n h e s i t a t e d t o suggest s p e c i f i c measures t o p r e v e n t  t r o u b l e between  I n d i a n s and immigrants,. l e a v i n g t h e s e t o Douglas t o d e c i d e upon. ' B u t he observed  " . . . t h a t i t s h o u l d be an i n v a r i a b l e c o n d i t i o n , i n a l l b a r g a i n s o r  t r e a t i e s w i t h t h e n a t i v e s f o r t h e c e s s i o n o f l a n d s possessed  by them, t h a t  s u b s i s t e n c e s h o u l d be s u p p l i e d t o them i n some o t h e r shape...."  I t was  d e s i r e d t h a t " e a r l y a t t e n t i o n " - b e g i v e n by Douglas " . . . t o t h e b e s t means of d i f f u s i n g t h e b l e s s i n g s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n ^ R e l i g i o n  and o f c i v i l i z a t i o n  among t h e native_s. On September 2, 1858 t h e S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e f o r t h e C o l o n i e s  sent  to Douglas a copy o f a l e t t e r from t h e A b o r i g i n e s P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y t o himself (Lytton) .  I n doing so Lyt.ton again" reminded Douglas o f the  - 68 -  i m p o r t a n c e he a t t a c h e d  to the p r o t e c t i o n of the Indians.  A t t h e same  time he begged him t o o b s e r v e t h a t Douglas was n o t t o u n d e r s t a n d him as "...adopting be b e s t  the views o f t h e S o c i e t y as t o the means by w h i c h t h i s may  accomplished."  5 5  I n i t s l e t t e r t o L y t t o n the A b o r i g i n e s P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y addressed L y t t o n "...on c e r t a i n m a t t e r s a f f e c t i n g they s a i d n o t o n l y t h e r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s b u t v e r y e x i s t e n c e o f t h e numerous I n d i a n ^ p o p u l a t i o n  o f t h e new  56 Colony o f B r i t i s h Columbia,"  The l e t t e r quoted t h e New Y o r k Times t o  i l l u s t r a t e the " r e c k l e s s i n h u m a n i t y " o f t h e miners o f C a l i f o r n i a towards the I n d i a n s .  The S o c i e t y asked t h a t measures be t a k e n t o p r o t e c t the  I n d i a n s and f u r t h e r asked t h a t t h e n a t i v e t i t l e be r e c o g n i z e d Columbia and t h a t a r e a s o n a b l e  adjustment be made o f t h e i r  i n British  claims.  Government i s i n l a r g e p a r t concerned w i t h r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e v a r y i n g pressures  o f d i f f e r e n t s e c t o r s o f s o c i e t y , as w e l l as w i t h p r o v i d i n g f o r  the v a r y i n g needs o f a s o c i e t y .  The I m p e r i a l Government was concerned  w i t h responding to the pressure of the humanitarian  cause.  B u t i t was  a l s o concerned w i t h t h e d e s i r e o f t h e s e t t l e r s f o r l a n d and t h e need t o b u i l d up t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e c o l o n y . 1859  Thus we f i n d L y t t o n on May 20,  c a u t i o n i n g Douglas t h a t , w h i l e he was t o c o n c e r n h i m s e l f w i t h t h e  w e l f a r e o f t h e n a t i v e s , he s h o u l d a l s o a v o i d c h e c k i n g w h i t e c o l o n i s t s inli.his l a y i n g o u t o f r e s e r v e s .  the p r o g r e s s  of the  5 7  C o l o n i a l Government and t h e I n d i a n s Douglas., on h i s p a r t , b e s i d e s  seeking  t o c a r r y out t h e w i s h e s o f t h e  I m p e r i a l Government, had t o c o n s i d e r h i s responses t o v a r i o u s s e c t o r s o f the c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y .  I n considering the question of land r e s e r v a t i o n s ,  f o r example, he had t o keep i n mind t h e p r e s s u r e s  o f land-hungry o r l a n d ^ -  - 69  -  greedy s e t t l e r s on the one hand and of I n d i a n s and m i s s i o n a r i e s on  the  other.  could  Both s e t t l e r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s had  c o n t a c t s i n B r i t a i n who  c o m p l a i n to the I m p e r i a l Government.  I n d i a n s were r e l a t i v e l y numerous  and  And  c o u l d c r e a t e t r o u b l e i f aroused.  the p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t e d t h a t  the s e t t l e r s i f d i s s a t i s f i e d might grow t i r e d of c o l o n i a l r u l e , f o r u n i o n w i t h the U n i t e d  opting  States.  A b r i e f summary of Douglas^ .-handling of the I n d i a n l a n d problem w i l l perhaps g i v e some i n d i c a t i o n of h i s a t t i t u d e towards t h e I n d i a n s and  of  the v a r i o u s f a c t o r s t h a t shaped h i s p r a c t i c a l p o l i c y towards them. In the e a r l y years, beginning of'purchasing t h i s was  i n 1850,  Douglas f o l l o w e d the p r a c t i c e ,  l a n d from the I n d i a n s f o r the Hudson's Bay  Company.  done w i t h a v i e w t o the p o s s i b l e l a t e r reimbursement of  Company by the B r i t i s h Government.  s u l a , s o u t h of C o l q u i t z , t h i s t r i b e may  the  A number of agreements were s i g n e d  w i t h v a r i o u s t r i b e s of Vancouver I s l a n d . f i v e pounds s t e r l i n g was  Perhaps  The p r i c e s p a i d v a r i e d .  p a i d to the "Swengwhung T r i b e " of V i c t o r i a The  SeventyPenin-  c o n d i t i o n s of s a l e of the l a n d b e l o n g i n g  be quoted as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the c o n d i t i o n s i n the  to  other  agreements: ...our v i l l a g e s i t e s and e n c l o s e d f i e l d s are t o be k e p t f o r our own use, f o r the use of our c h i l d r e n , and f o r t h o s e who may f o l l o w a f t e r us; and t h e l a n d s h a l l be p r o p e r l y surveyed h e r e a f t e r . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d , however, t h a t the l a n d i t s e l f , w i t h these s m a l l ! e x c e p t i o n s , becomes the e n t i r e p r o p e r t y of the w h i t e p e o p l e f o r e v e r ; i t i s a l s o understood t h a t we are at l i b e r t y t o hunt over J^e uno c c u p i e d l a n d s , and t o c a r r y on our f i s h e r i e s as f o r m e r l y . I n a d e s p a t c h to Douglas dated December 30, 1858  L y t t o n i n q u i r e d as  to the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e t t l i n g the I n d i a n s permanently i n v i l l a g e s , t r i b u t i n g to t h e i r c i v i l i z a t i o n .  Law  con-,  and r e l g i o n , he s u g g e s t e d , c o u l d  be  - 70 *  i n t r o d u c e d and would " . . . c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e i r own s e c u r i t y a g a i n s t t h e 59 aggressions  of immigrant."  Some form o f t a x a t i o n c o u l d be imposed, t h e  proceeds o f w h i c h would go t o b e n e f i t t h e I n d i a n s .  Douglas responded  indi-  c a t i n g h i s w h o l e h e a r t e d agreement w i t h such a scheme, and making d e t a i l e d p r o p o s a l s f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g such s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . ^ Meanwhile Douglas had t a k e n s t e p s t o ensure t h a t the l a n d  reserved  near V i c t o r i a f o r t h e I n d i a n s was n o t o b t a i n e d from them by p r i v a t e i n d i v i duals.  Douglas i s s u e d a p u b l i c n o t i c e t o the e f f e c t t h a t t h i s l a n d was t h e  p r o p e r t y o f t h e Crown and t h a t t h e I n d i a n s themselves c o u l d n o t l e g a l l y  sell  it. I n 1861 Douglas w r o t e t o the S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e f o r t h e C o l o n i e s t r a n s m i t t i n g a p e t i t i o n from t h e V a n c o u v e r l l s l a n d House o f Assembly r e questing a i d i n e x t i n g u i s h i n g the Indian land t i t l e . own a p p e a l  suggesting  Douglas added h i s  t h a t t h e I m p e r i a l Government advance  3,000 " . . . t o  M61  be e v e n t u a l l y r e p a i d out o f t h e C o l o n i a l Land Fund. .  However, N e w c a s t l e ,  the S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e f o r t h e C o l o n i e s , r e f u s e d any a i d , s t a t i n g t h a t t h i s was p u r e l y a c o l o n i a l m a t t e r . ' S i n c e t h e c o l o n i s t s were u n w i l l i n g , and considered  themselves u n a b l e , to p r o v i d e money f o r the c o n t i n u e d  purchase  of n a t i v e t i t l e , i t ceased t o be purchased. I n b o t h Vancouver I s l a n d and t h e m a i n l a n d c o l o n y o f B r i t i s h  Columbia  r e s e r v e s were l a i d out as s e t t l e m e n t made t h r e a t e n i n g i n r o a d s on I n d i a n l a n d s , b u t t i t l e was no l o n g e r purchased.  Government came t o r e g a r d t h e  l a n d as i t s own w i t h o u t h a v i n g purchased i t . •Another problem f a c e d by Douglas was t h a t o f d e a l i n g w i t h d e s t r u c t i o n and v i o l e n c e i n v o l v i n g t h e I n d i a n .  H i s main concern was t h e r e s t o r a t i o n  - 71 -  of o r d e r and t h e p r e v e n t i o n o f f u r t h e r v i o l e n c e . his  I n the e a r l y p a r t y o f  c a r e e r as g o v e r n o r , Douglas d i d not u s u a l l y concern h i m s e l f w i t h  v i o l e n c e among the I n d i a n s i f i t d i d n o t i n v o l v e w h i t e s . f o l l o w i n g t y p i c a l Hudson's Bay  I n t h i s he  was  Company p r a c t i c e . '  H a v i n g no power to p r o t e c t [he w r o t e N e w c a s t l e ] i t would have been u n j u s t to p u n i s h and unwise t o i n v o l v e the Government i n q u e s t i o n s ^ o f w h i c h we c o u l d l e a r n n e i t h e r t h e ' m e r i t s nor t h e t r u e b e a r i n g s . . . I f an I n d i a n were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the death o f a white-man, Douglas' method was  t o use a show of f o r c e t o i n d u c e h i s t r i b e t o hand o v e r the  Indian for t r i a l . made on i t t i l l gunboats.  I f the v i l l a g e concerned r e f u s e d , war was,  i t capitulated.  in effect,  C o a s t a l v i l l a g e s c o u l d be s h e l l e d from  But Douglas o f t e n went to g r e a t l e n g t h s to a v o i d such g e n e r a l  hostilities.  I n h i s d e a l i n g s w i t h the Cowichans o v e r the 1852  of two Hudson's Bay  Company.shepherds Douglas had  killing  even r i s k e d h i s own  life  63 to a v o i d g e n e r a l One  conflict.  i n s t a n c e r e f e r r e d to by G. E. S h a n k e l i n h i s t h e s i s on  Development o f I n d i a n P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia shows Douglas  The capable  o f t a k i n g s t r o n g measures to b r i n g the w h i t e murderer o f an I n d i a n to justice.  For t h e c a p t u r e of R i c h a r d J o n e s , who  V i c t o r i a , he o f f e r e d a f i f t y pound reward, and 64 t i o n anyone g i v i n g him a i d . .  The  *  had k i l l e d an I n d i a n i n threatened w i t h  prosecu-  . j  g a t h e r i n g o f v a s t numbers o f I n d i a n s o f v a r i o u s t r i b e s at V i c t o r i a  p r e d i c t a b l y r e s u l t e d i n v i o l e n c e between t h e I n d i a n s . c l o s e q u a r t e r s to the w h i t e s  t h a t the v i o l e n c e t h r e a t e n e d  w e l f a r e of the w h i t e community,,and. was attention.  They were a t such  Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s  the peace and  b r o u g h t f o r c i b l y t o Douglas's  he took measures to i n t e r v e n e ,  - 72 -  w a r n i n g t h e I n d i a n s ' c h i e f men a g a i n s t t h e consequences o f t h e i r t a k i n g revenge i n s t e a d o f a p p e a l i n g  to the l a w .  6 5  James Douglas's p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e had no doubt been shaped by h i s l o n g y e a r s i n t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e Hudson's Bay Company, where he had come t o a p p r e c i a t e t h e importance o f good r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e I n d i a n s , w h i l e adopting a "hands-off"  a t t i t u d e towards t h e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s .  He d i d  seem to have developed a genuine c o n c e r n f o r t h e I n d i a n s ' w e l f a r e : concern w h i c h was m a n i f e s t e d  n o t o n l y v e r b a l l y i n h i s despatches t o London,  b u t a l s o i n h i s p r a c t i c a l support  o f W i l l i a m Duncan and h i s i n s t r u c t i o n s  t h a t adequate r e s e r v e s be s e t a s i d e f o r t h e I n d i a n s . t h a t t h e i r w e l f a r e was h i s paramount concern.  T h i s i s n o t t o say  R a t h e r i t was one o f numerous  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w h i c h o c c u p i e d h i s a t t e n t i o n and h e l p e d policies.  a  t o shape h i s -  . '  As t h e most i m p o r t a n t member o f t h e j u d i c i a l b r a n c h o f t h e government of t h e m a i n l a n d c o l o n y , Judge Matthew B a i l l i e B e g b i e was t o have many d i r e c t dealings w i t h the Indians, i n c l u d i n g h i s conducting the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g .  the t r i a l s that followed  H i s e a r l y a t t i t u d e towards the I n d i a n s i s t h e r e -  f o r e o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t t o u s . I n h i s r e p o r t o f 1859 o f h i s "Journey i n t o the I n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia" he shows j u d i c i a l i m p a r t i a l i t y and i n d e pendence o f judgement i n d e l i n e a t i n g h i s i m p r e s s i o n s  of Indian character.  Two c h i e f s , s a i d t o be o f e x t e n s i v e a u t h o r i t y , p a i d me a v i s i t w h i l e a t Cayoosh [he w r o t e ] . They complained o f t h e c o n d u c t . o f t h e c i t i z e n s o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s .in..preventing them from m i n i n g , i n d e s t r o y i n g and .carrying.away t h e i r r o o t crops w i t h o u t compensation, and i n l a y i n g w h o l l y upon t h e I n d i a n s many d e p r e d a t i o n s on c a t t l e and h o r s e s . w h i c h t h e s e I n d i a n s informed me were i n p a r t , a t l e a s t , committed by "Boston men." On t h e o t h e r hand, many cases o f c a t t l e s t e a l i n g were a l l e g e d by t h e w h i t e s o f a l l n a t i o n s a g a i n s t  - 73 -  the Indians; and s t e a l i n g , indeed, of anything which could by p o s s i b i l i t y be eaten. For even the c a t t l e which Indians s t o l e they did not attempt to s e l l or make use of otherwise than as food; and i t was admitted on a l l hands that many hundreds of Indians had died of absolute starvation during the winter. The whites alleged, what i s obvious to everybody, that the Indians are extremely averse to work, except under the pressure of immediate hunger; and that they are so improvident as rarely to look beyond the wants of the day, and never to consider the wants of a winter beforehand. I f I may venture an opinion, I should think that this i s much more true of the savages who have never been brought into,contact with c i v i l i z a t i o n than with those who have had even a l i t t l e acquaintance with the whites.. We found almost everywhere Indians w i l l i n g to labour hard f o r wages, and bargaining acutely for wages; and perfectly acquainted with gold-dust, and the minute weights for measuring one and two dollars with. These circumstances are inconsistent with an utter heedlessness f o r the next day's provisions, f o r i n ^ a l l cases we had to f i n d these Indians i n provisions as well as wages.66  Personal Attitudes Towards the Indians and-Nineteenth-Century  Currents  of Thought Even a b r i e f examination of Europeans' actions and expressions of opinion makes obvious the fact that the attitudes of white men the Indians i n this period varied widely. common agreement.  towards  Yet there were also points of  Sometimes this common agreement was  personal observation of the same facts of Indian l i f e .  the r e s u l t of As often or more  often i t resulted from commonly held nineteenth-century notions about the nature of men.  Divergence i n attitudes, however, could result from  contact with varying nineteenth-century ideas. The fact that the whites of gold-rush B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island formed their attitudes to a great extent on the basis of notions which were current at the time says nothing as to the Tightness or wrongness of their attitudes.' The ideas about mankind current i n the nineteenth  - 74 -  century, l i k e those of the twentieth century, were based partly on philosophical and r e l i g i o u s concepts derived from or related to personal subjective experience.  They were partly based also on the evidence as seen by Europeans  and interpreted i n the l i g h t of those philosophical and r e l i g i o u s  concepts.  In comparing and contrasting the attitudes revealed i n the actions and statements we have examined, i t w i l l be w e l l to also be aware of the relationship of those attitudes to the thought generally current at the time. I f any one concept with regard to the Indian was time among those who was  universal at this  dealt with the Indian and who wrote about him, i t  the b e l i e f i n the inherent s u p e r i o r i t y of white c i v i l i z a t i o n over  that of the Indian.  I f this b e l i e f was  seldom d i r e c t l y stated i t was  to the fact of i t s being a generally accepted  assumption.  due  This assumption  i s usually quietly made by B r i t i s h Columbia writers of this period.  It  i s , however, held i n widely varying forms, accompanied by widely varying emotional responses,  and followed by widely varying conclusions.  The  form this assumption took with the missionary William Duncan d i f f e r e d markedly from the form i t took with a man  such as Duncan George Macdonald.  For William Duncan the e s s e n t i a l s u p e r i o r i t y of true c i v i l i z a t i o n rooted i n C h r i s t i a n i t y .  was  The Indian, becoming a C h r i s t i a n , could p a r t i c i -  pate t r u l y i n c i v i l i z a t i o n .  For Macdonald the e s s e n t i a l s u p e r i o r i t y  of western c i v i l i z a t i o n lay i n race. characteristics of his race, was  The Indian, unable to change the  doomed to "recede before the white man"  and to "at l a s t y i e l d to the inevitable law which decrees that the i n f e r i o r races s h a l l vanish from the face of the e a r t h . "  6 7  67  - 75 -  W i l l i a m Duncan may  be t a k e n as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the  humanitarian  movement w h i c h gained i n f l u e n c e i n the e a r l y decades of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y and, a c c o r d i n g to P. D. C u r t i n ( i n The Image of A f r i c a ) ,  reached  i t s "high-water mark o f dominance i n B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l a f f a i r s " i n t h e y e a r s 1835-41.*^  C u r t i n t a k e s 1852  But w h i l e t h i s y e a r may  as the end o f the h u m a n i t a r i a n  era.^  have ended i t s dominance i n t h e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ,  i t d i d not end i t s i n f l u e n c e t h e r e , and i t c e r t a i n l y remained an  important  c u r r e n t of i n f l u e n c e among i n d i v i d u a l s and s o c i e t i e s as w e l l as i n government c i r c l e s f o r a l o n g time to come. Duncan Forbes Macdonald, i n c o n t r a s t t o W i l l i a m Duncan, may  be  as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f another t r e n d . i n . n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y thought. was  taken This  the c u r r e n t of " p s e u d o - s c i e n t i f i c r a c i s m " w h i c h began to g a i n s t r e n g t h  about the m i d d l e of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( a t t h e same t i m e as the humanitarian influence l o s t i t s dominance).^ was  According to t h i s theory, race  t h e key w h i c h e x p l a i n e d t h e e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e i n c u l t u r e s .  concept  This  took many forms, but i t s most extreme f o r m , l e d t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n  t h a t the non-white r a c e s were f a t e d to permanent s u b j u g a t i o n by t h e w h i t e s or u l t i m a t e e x t i n c t i o n . Macdonald's b e l i e f t h a t the I n d i a n would v a n i s h from the e a r t h he regarded  as stemming from h i s g e n e r a l r a c i s t b e l i e f s , but the p o s s i b l e  e x t i n c t i o n of the I n d i a n was the d i s a p p e a r a n c e  suggested  to many by p u b l i c i t y r e g a r d i n g  of t h e I n d i a n s w h i c h gained wide c i r c u l a t i o n i n t h e  n i n e t e e n t h century.''"'"  I n d i a n s were s t i l l numerous i n Vancouver I s l a n d  and B r i t i s h Columbia d u r i n g the g o l d - r u s h p e r i o d , so t h a t t h e i r when e n v i s a g e d , was  mid-  r e g a r d e d as a f a r - d i s t a n t event.  extinction,  Most Europeans of  - 76 -  the two  c o l o n i e s do not seem t o have r e g a r d e d the e x t i n c t i o n of the  as i n e v i t a b l e even a f t e r the w i d e s p r e a d deaths among the I n d i a n s  Indian  i n the  a r e a w h i c h r e s u l t e d from the s m a l l p o x e p i d e m i c of 1862-63. The  a c t i o n s and e x p r e s s e d a t t i t u d e s of m i s s i o n a r i e s such as W i l l i a m  Duncan and o t h e r s as w e l l as those of Governor James Douglas i n d i c a t e t h a t those i n v o l v e d i n a t t e m p t i n g  t o change the l o t of the I n d i a n r e g a r d e d h i s  f u t u r e as l y i n g i n the a d o p t i o n of w h i t e c i v i l i z a t i o n . ' W i l l i a m Duncan i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the I n d i a n v i l l a g e of M e t l a k a t l a a l o n g e s s e n t i a l l y European l i n e s gave e v i d e n c e of t h i s b e l i e f . Douglas a g a i n s t  the e x p u l s i o n of the I n d i a n s  of t h e i r b e i n g a l l o w e d  So d i d he i n h i s a d v i c e from V i c t o r i a and  in  favour  t o remain on the b a s i s of t h e i r o b e y i n g the same  laws as those w h i c h a p p l i e d to the w h i t e s . were s a i d t o have encouraged the I n d i a n s  The  fact that Catholic  to pre-empt l a n d as the w h i t e s  d i d would seem to i n d i c a t e t h e i r d e s i r e t h a t t h e I n d i a n adopt t h e of the w h i t e s e t t l e r . c a l l y to L y t t o n ' s Indians  to  The  enquiry  life  f a c t t h a t James Douglas-responded e n t h u s i a s t i regarding  the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e t t l i n g  f o r the purpose of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t he too  the  believed  t h a t i n the a d o p t i o n of European c i v i l i z a t i o n l a y the I n d i a n s ' hopes for  the f u t u r e . At t h e same t i m e , none of those whom we  o b s e r v e i n any way  t o b e t t e r the l o t of t h e I n d i a n b e l i e v e d t h a t he was i m m e d i a t e l y i n t o the p o s i t i o n of the w h i t e man was  c a p a b l e of  attempting stepping  i n white society.  c o n s i s t e n t agreement t h a t the I n d i a n needed p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t  features of\white  s o c i e t y w h i c h would be h a r m f u l t o him.  a t M e t l a k a t l a was  a t i g h t l y r e g u l a t e d one,  and  There those  Duncan's s o c i e t y  even though t h e r e were  - 77 -  Indian o f f i c i a l s  i t was'dominated by t h e t o w e r i n g p e r s o n a l i t y o f Duncan  i n h i s r o l e s o f m i s s i o n a r y and m a g i s t r a t e . regarding the Indians v i s i t i n g  Duncan's a d v i c e t o Douglas  V i c t o r i a was n o t m e r e l y  t h a t Douglas s h o u l d  a l l o w them t o s t a y , b u t a l s o t h a t they s h o u l d be o r g a n i z e d , and he p r e sented Douglas w i t h h i s p l a n s f o r such o r g a n i z a t i o n . The d e s i r e t o p r o t e c t t h e I n d i a n came n o t so much from t h e o r y as from f i r s t - h a n d e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e adverse e f f e c t s o f w h i t e c o n t a c t on t h e Indians.  These'adverse e f f e c t s were a t t e s t e d t o by p r a c t i c a l l y  everyone  who had a n y t h i n g t o do w i t h the I n d i a n s , whether he was i n v o l v e d i n t r y i n g to a m e l i o r a t e t h e i r ' c o n d i t i o n s o r n o t .  Thus we have heard t h e d e s c r i p t i o n  g i v e n R e i n h a r t , and r e p o r t e d t o as second-hand, o f t h e d e m o r a l i z a t i o n o f the Indians i n V i c t o r i a .  Sproat.attested to the sickness which apparently  r e s u l t e d from t h e I n d i a n s ' c o n t a c t w i t h h i s own g r o u p i o f s e t t l e r s and n o t e d , w i t h some puzzlement, t h e i r l i s t l e s s and a p p r e h e n s i v e  state after  h a v i n g been f o r c e d o f f t h e i r l a n d . The e a r l y p r o c l a m a t i o n o f James Douglas a g a i n s t t h e s a l e o r g i f t o f l i q u o r t o t h e I n d i a n s on t h e m a i n l a n d was an example o f a t t e m p t i n g t o p r o t e c t the I n d i a n s through law-making from " i n j u r y and d e m o r a l i z a t i o n " from a l c o h o l .  Of course t h i s law i n v o l v e d t r e a t i n g t h e I n d i a n as d i f f e r e n t  from t h e w h i t e man, and i t was i n d e e d f e l t t h a t he was d i f f e r e n t , i n , among o t h e r t h i n g s , h i s need f o r p r o t e c t i o n .  The attempt  to p r o t e c t t h e '  I n d i a n from a l c o h o l , however, was n e v e r c o m p l e t e l y s u c c e s s f u l , and t h e d e m o r a l i z a t i o n o f I n d i a n women through p r o s t i t u t i o n was n o t e l i m i n a t e d . The  e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f l a n d r e s e r v e s f o r t h e I n d i a n s was d e s i g n e d ,  among o t h e r t h i n g s , t o p r o t e c t them from the encroachments o f w h i t e l a n d -  - 78 -  grabbers.  This protection, too, involved treating the Indian as a special  case, since the land reserved was not held under the free-hold system as the white settler could hold his.  Thus the Indians could not" s e l l reserved  land to individual whites. L i t t l e could be done to protect the Indians from some diseases, i t seemed, but, as we have seen, some attempt was made to preveritoor limit the spread of smallpox by means of vaccination. The belief in the conversion of the natives to western civilization was common in this period i n the British Empire.  P. D. Curtin, dealing  primarily with attitudes towards Africans, refers to the middle decades of the nineteenth century as representing "the height of conversionist senti72 ment."  After 1870 this idea of conversion declined, he says, and.the idea  of trusteeship over nativegraces for their protection gradually replaced it.  In British Columbia and Vancouver Island i n the gold-rush period we  find elements of both these ideas. the ideal.  Conversion to western civilization was  Whether i t could be fully achieved or not was seldom stated.  But in the meantime protection was required.  The government in some degree  had begun to exercise a trusteeship over the Indians. What, i n general, did the European think of the Indian as a person? It would be. wrong to suggest that because he believed in the inherent superiority of European culture he.did not see any virtue i n the Indian. A common attitude expressed i n this period and earlier was the belief that the Indian was characterized by vices and virtues different from those typical of the civilized white man.  Thus we have seen Francis Poole  - 79  speaking  -  o f the H a i d a f a u l t s as " t h e u s u a l I n d i a n ones."  Barrett-Lennard  C a p t a i n C.  found t h a t the Vancouver I s l a n d I n d i a n s d i d not  him " w i t h a h i g h o p i n i o n of the m o r a l i t y of the u n t u t o r e d  E.  impress  s a v a g e " ^ but  he  c r e d i t e d them w i t h 'the savage a t t r i b u t e s of a w o n d e r f u l l y p a s s i v e endurance of h a r d s h i p and s u f f e r i n g , " w i t h a " s t o i c i n d i f f e r e n c e t o t o r t u r e and when i n e v i t a b l e , " and w i t h " n a t u r a l courage."^^ we  death  Duncan George Macdonald  f i n d a l l o w i n g t h a t i f the I n d i a n s "...have the v i c e s o f savage l i f e ,  they  76 have the V i r t u e s a l s o . " three authors  a r e , we  As w i d e l y v a r y i n g i n o t h e r r e s p e c t s as  these  f i n d them a l l s u b s c r i b i n g t o a s i m i l a r n o t i o n w i t h  r e g a r d to t h e v i r t u e s and v i c e s o f the I n d i a n .  They were v i e w i n g  the  I n d i a n s o f whom they were w r i t i n g i n t h e l i g h t of what Roy Harvey P e a r c e c a l l s the " i d e a o f s a y a g i s m . A c c o r d i n g  to t h i s c o n c e p t , w h i c h P e a r c e  i n The Savages of A m e r i c a t r a c e s i n o r i g i n to S c o t t i s h w r i t e r s , " . . . t h e r e 78 were, a l o n g w i t h savage v i c e s , c o n c o m i t t a n t savage v i r t u e s " and "Savage v i r t u e s , are u n d e n i a b l y v i r t u e s , f o r they are i n c i d e n t t o man's e s s e n t i a l 79 ' 'sociality'." P e a r c e s u g g e s t s t h a t A m e r i c a n s , c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e I n d i a n and  civilization,  savagism a p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l one t o e x p l a i n how  found the concept o f t h e I n d i a n was  different  from themselves and why  he d i d not adapt to c i v i l i z a t i o n .  a number o f w r i t e r s who  d e a l t w i t h B r i t i s h Columbia I n d i a n s a l s o found  the concept a u s e f u l one.  P e a r c e s u g g e s t s t h a t i n the 1850's and  the concept began to l o s e i t s a p p e a l . many p a r t s of the U n i t e d S t a t e s , but l o s s of a p p e a l  I t seems t h a t  t h e r e suggest why  T h i s may  after  indeed have been so i n  the v e r y reasons he g i v e s f o r i t s  i t was  s t i l l an a t t r a c t i v e concept under  c o n d i t i o n s i n f r o n t i e r B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d .  - 80 -  I n the 1850'.s and a f t e r [he w r i t e s ] one c o u l d be o b j e c t i v e about the I n d i a n as one c o u l d n o t have been t e n , twenty, o r t h i r t y y e a r s b e f o r e ; one c o u l d be o b j e c t i v e about a c r e a t u r e who had been reduced to the s t a t u s of a specimen p i c k e d up on f i e l d t r i p s . One c o u l d move toward s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s and away from p i t y and censure. W i t h the b e g i n n i n g s o f such a move, we can s e e , i f d i m l y , the b e g i n n i n g s of t h e end of t h e i d e a o f ;savagism and of the I n d i a n c a s savage.^0 I n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d i n t h e 1850's and 60's the I n d i a n was n o t y e t "reduced t o t h e s t a t u s o f a specimen." and p o t e n t i a l l y  a t h r e a t to c i v i l i z a t i o n .  l i f e t h e r e were many who  He was s t i l l numerous  Because he was a p a r t of t h e i r  f e l t the need t o v i e w the I n d i a n i n a " h i s t o r i c a l -  m o r a l " r a t h e r than i n a m e r e l y s c i e n t i f i c l i g h t .  The concept of savagism  answered t h i s need. The Growth of" C o l o n i a l Government 1  :  is  A b r i e f n o t e i s n e c e s s a r y r e g a r d i n g changes i n government o f what  now B r i t i s h Columbia, p r i o r t o the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g i n 1864. I n March of 1850 R i c h a r d B l a n s h a r d , s e n t out as t h e f i r s t governor o f  Vancouver I s l a n d , read the p r o c l a m a t i o n and commission w h i c h i n s t i t u t e d c o l o n i a l government on the i s l a n d .  The u n f o r t u n a t e B l a n s h a r d soon f o u n d ,  however, t h a t t h e r e a l power was s t i l l h e l d by t h e Hudson's Bay Company. B l a n s h a r d r e s i g n e d i n 1851 and James D o u g l a s , s t i l l governor of Vancouver I s l a n d as w e l l .  C h i e f F a c t o r , became  The m a i n l a n d remained under the  i n f o r m a l r u l e of the Hudson's Bay Company. The g o l d r u s h of 1858 l e d D o u g l a s , as the n e a r e s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the i m p e r i a l government, to the m a i n l a n d .  to t a k e t h e i n i t i a t i v e o f e x t e n d i n g h i s a u t h o r i t y  The s i t u a t i o n was r e g u l a r i z e d by t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of  the m a i n l a n d c o l o n y of B r i t i s h Columbia i n t h e same y e a r , w i t h Douglas p o i n t e d as i t s governor on c o n d i t i o n o f h i s s e v e r a n c e of t i e s w i t h t h e  ap-  - 81 -  Hudson's Bay Company.  Douglas thereafter was governor of both colonies  t i l l h i s resignation i n 1864, which opened the way f o r separate governorships with Arthur Kennedy over Vancouver Island and Frederick Seymour over the mainland colony of B r i t i s h  Columbia.  - 82 Footnotes for Chapter III H u b e r t Howe Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1792-1887, The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. XXXII (San Francisco, History Company, 1887), pp. 344-45. 2 Despatch, James Douglas to Henry Labouchere, Apr. 16, 1856 i n Great , B r i t a i n , Parliament, Copies or Extracts of Correspondence Relative to the Discovery of Gold i n the Fraser's River D i s t r i c t , i n B r i t i s h North America, Cmd. 2398, 1st series (London, Her Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , 1858), p. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 6, Douglas to Labouchere, Oct. 29, 1856. 4 I b i d . , p. 7, Douglas to Labouchere, July 15, 1857. ~*Ibid., p. 8, Douglas to Labouchere, Dec. 29, 1857. Ibid., p. 10, Douglas to Labouchere, Apr. 6, 1858. Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History (Vancouver: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1958), p. 139, and Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 359. 7  German Francis Reinhart, The Golden Frontier: The Recollections of Herman Francis Reinhart, 1851-1869, ed. by Doyce B. Nunis, J r . with a Foreward by Nora B. Cunningham (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), p. 125. The editor remarks, "David's reputation i s f a i r l y stated by Reinhart." Q  See Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 367-68. 10  R e i n h a r t , The Golden Frontier, pp. 125-26  ^ T b i d . , p. 126. I b i d . , p. 127. 13 For a f u l l e r account of these Fraser Canyon troubles of 1858 see Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 392-99. " ^ B r i t i s h Columbia, Proclamations and Ordinances, 1858-65, Proclamation of Sept. 6, 1858. 1 2  15  R e i n h a r t , The Golden Frontier, p. 143.  - 83 -  16  See J e a n U s h e r , " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a " ( u n p u b l i s h e d t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969), p. 139.  Ph.D;  " ^ F r a n c i s P o o l e , Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s : A N a r r a t i v e of D i s c o v e r y and Adventure i n t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c , ed. by John W. Lyndon (London: H u r s t and B l a c k e t t ) , p. 310. The d a t e of p u b l i c a t i o n i s g i v e n on the t i t l e page as 1872, but i n a copy i n the l i b r a r y of t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n , t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s dated Dec. 24, 1871, and a c l i p p i n g a d v e r t i s i n g the book i s p a s t e d and i t s d a t e penned as Dec., 1871. 18 C f h a r l e s ] E[dward] B a r r e t t - L e n n a r d , T r a v e l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h the N a r r a t i v e of a Y a c h t Voyage Round Vancouver's I s l a n d (London: H u r s t and B l a c k e t t , 1862), p. 59. ' •< 1 9  I b i d . , pp.  59-60,.  20  • Duncan George Forbes Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's I s l a n d (London: Longman, Green, Longman, R o b e r t s , and Green, 1862), p. 127. 2 1  I b i d . , p. .128.  2 2  I b i d . , p. 129.  23 I b i d . , p. 131. 24 I b i d . , p. 132. 25 I b i d . , p. 133. 26 G i l b e r t M a l c o l m S p r o a t , Scenes and S t u d i e s o f Savage L i f e S m i t h , E l d e r and Company, 1868), p. x i i ( P r e f a c e ) . 27 I b i d . , p. 2. 2  ^ I b i d . , p. 3.  29 I b i d . , p. 7. 30  I b i d . , pp.  8-9.  (London:  - 84 -  31  L e t t e r , W i l l i a m George Cox t o R. C. Moody t h e C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works, Feb. 12, 1861, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , 1850-1875 ( V i c t o r i a : 1 8 7 5 ) , p. 20. 32 L e t t e r , C h a r l e s Good t o t h e C h i e f Commissioner o f Lands and Works, May 15, 1861, i n Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 22. 33 Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia:  . A H i s t o r y , p. 168.  34 Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, (Victoria), 3 5  I b i d . , May 10, 1860, p. 2.  3 6  I b i d . , J u l y 10, 1860, p. 2.  June 17, 1859, p. 2.  37 Daily B r i t i s h Colonist (Victoria),  Sept. 3, 1861, p. 2.  38 See, f o r example, "The I n d i a n Q u e s t i o n A g a i n , " B r i t i s h (New W e s t m i n s t e r ) , Dec. 19, 1861, p. 2.  Columbian  39 See Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 162. S e e "The E x e c u t i v e Demented," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 21, 1862, p. 2. "*""Stabbing I n d i a n s , " B r i t i s h Columbian, Feb. 27, 1862, p. 2.  4 0  4  42  ' Usher, c i t i n g Church M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y Papers 105, W. Duncan t o Church M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y , F o r t Simpson, August 24, 1860. 43 Usher, c i t i n g D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , V i c t o r i a , W. Duncan t o the E d i t o r , J u l y 4, 1861, p. 1. 4 4  U s h e r , " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 140.  " T h e S m a l l - P o x , " B r i t i s h Columbian, May 3, 1862, p. 2. See a l s o "The S m a l l Pox," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Apr. 28, 1862, p. 3 and Apr. 30, 1862, p. 3. 4 5  46  " V a c c i n a t i n g the I n d i a n s , " B r i t i s h Columbian, May 14, 1862, p. 3.  -.85 -  47  ' See J [ o h n ] J [ o s e p h ] Halcombe, ed., The Emigrant and t h e Heathen o r Sketches o f M i s s i o n a r y L i f e (London: S o c i e t y f o r P r o m o t i n g C h r i s t i a n Knowl e d g e , [ 1 8 7 4 ] ) , p. 191 and [John Sheepshanks], A B i s h o p i n t h e Rough, ed. by D. W a l l a c e D u t h i e w i t h a P r e f a c e by t h e L o r d ' B i s h o p of N o r w i c h (London: S m i t h , E l d e r and Company, 1909), p. 67. ^ "The S m a l l - P o x , " B r i t i s h Columbian, June 21, 1862, p. 1. 8  49  • C o n f i d e n t i a l l e t t e r , R. C-Moody t o James D o u g l a s , A p r . 28, 1863, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 28. " ^ L e t t e r , W i l l i a m A. G. Young t o t h e C h i e f Commissioner, o f Lands and Works, May 1 1 , 1863, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 28. " ^ L e t t e r , R. C. Moody t o James D o u g l a s , A p r . 28, 1863, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 27. 52 D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , V i c t o r i a . W. -Duncan t o t h e E d i t o r , J u l y 4, 1861, p. 1, c i t e d i n Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan o f M e t l a k a t l a , " p.' 141. 53 W i l l i a m Duncan Papers 2159, Notes and Memoranda, 1865, c i t e d i n Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan o f M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 364 ( T a b l e 3 ) . 54  ' • • ' • E x t r a c t from a d e s p a t c h , E. B. L y t t o n t o James D o u g l a s , J u l y 3 1 , 1858, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 12. " "'"'Despatch, E.-B. L y t t o n t o James D o u g l a s , Sept. 2, 1858, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 12. " ^ L e t t e r , F. W. Chesson, S e c r e t a r y o f t h e A b o r i g i n e s P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y , to E. B. L y t t o n , i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 12. (The d a t e o f t h e l e t t e r i s not g i v e n . ) "^Despatch, E. B. L y t t o n t o James D o u g l a s , May 20, 1859, i n Papers, Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 18. 58 Agreement s i g n e d A p r . 30, 1850, i n Papers Connected w i t h t h e I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 6. 59 D e s p a t c h , E. B. L y t t o n t o James D o u g l a s , Dec. 30, 1858, i n Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 15. 60 D e s p a t c h , James Douglas t o E.. B." L y t t o n , Mar..14, 1859, i n Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , pp. 16-17.  - 86 -  ^ D e s p a t c h , James Douglas t o t h e S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e f o r t h e C o l o n i e s , Mar. 25, 1861, i n Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Q u e s t i o n , p. 19; 62 Douglas t o N e w c a s t l e , J u l y 28, 1853, Despatches' t o London October 31, 1851 - June 13, 1863, c i t e d i n George Edgar S h a n k e l , "The Development o f I n d i a n P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia" ( u n p u b l i s h e d Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1945), p. 58. 63 George Edgar S h a n k e l , "The Development o f I n d i a n P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia", pp. 59-60. ( U n p u b l i s h e d Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1945). 6 4  I b i d . , p. 60.  6 5  I b i d . , pp. 56-57.  66 "Matthew B [ a i l l i e ] B e g b i e , "Journey i n t o the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia" ( R e p o r t , Begbie t o James D o u g l a s , A p r i l 25, 1859), J o u r n a l of t h e . R o y a l G e o g r a p h i c a l S o c i e t y , XXXI, 1861, pp. 242-43. 67' Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's I s l a n d , p. 133 p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter) . - •• *  (cited '  68 P h i l i p D. C u r t i n , The Image of A f r i c a : B r i t i s h Ideas and A c t i o n , 1780-1850 (Madison: U n i v e r s i t y o f W i s c o n s i n P r e s s , 1964), p. 290. 69 I b i d . , p. 291. 7 0  I b i d . , p. .381 and p. 387.  7 1  Ibid.,  pp. 373-374.  72 I b i d . , p. 415. 73 P o o l e , Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , p. 310 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter). B a r r e t t - L e n n a r d , T r a v e l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 59 ( c i t e d i n t h i s chapter). 7 4  I b i d . , pp. 59-60 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s  chapter).  previously  - 87 -  Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's previously i n this chapter).  the  I s l a n d , p. 132  (cited  ^ R o y Harvey P e a r c e , The Savages of A m e r i c a : A Study of t h e I n d i a n and I d e a o f C i v i l i z a t i o n ( B a l t i m o r e , Johns Hopkins P r e s s , . 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 76. 78 Ibid.,  ' *' ' • p. 87, p a r a p h r a s i n g t h e thought o f W i l l i a m R o b e r t s o n , H i s t o r y  of A m e r i c a (1777). 79 P e a r c e , The Savages o f A m e r i c a , p. 85, p a r a p h r a s i n g Adam F e r g u s o n , Essay on t h e H i s t o r y of C i v i l S o c i e t y [1767] ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1819). 80 P e a r c e , The Savages of A m e r i c a , p. 129.  CHAPTER IV  THE BUTE INLET TRAIL The Need for Roads As the search for gold extended farther and farther up the Eraser River i t led naturally to a demand for roads.  James Douglas was anxious to do  what he could to develop the routes to the diggings from the lowervFraser, not merely to satisfy the miners, but also to discourage the use of the inland route from the United States which threatened both to reduce revenue and to make the northern gold fields dependent on the Americans. Two rival paths to "the northern mines" were developed: Lillooet route and the Yale-Lytton route.  the Douglas-  The rivalry resulted from the  fact that these two roads were built by private enterprise in return for charters granted by the government.  Only in this way, i t seemed, could  roadways and bridges of decent standard be constructed without the imposition of taxes the miners would consider oppressive. Tolls were exacted of course, but supplies reached the mines much more cheaply than they might otherwise have done. By a combination of land and water travel, supplies were carried into the rich gold-mining country of the Cariboo.  The routes were long,  involving much d i f f i c u l t land travel, and attempts' to find an easier and cheaper route began early. Interest in a New Route from the Coast As early as 1859 Major William Downie's services were used by Governor Douglas in the investigation of possible routes from coastal inlets, but  - 89 -  none were found t h a t Downie c o n s i d e r e d p r a c t i c a l .  A number o f o t h e r  attempts  to f i n d new r o u t e s from t h e c o a s t were made i n 1859 and 1860, b u t nothing'c o n c l u s i v e was proved  about t h e p r a c t i c a l i t y o f any o f t h e r o u t e s .  Never-  t h e l e s s , i n t e r e s t i n t h e f i n d i n g o f a p r a c t i c a l new c o a s t r o u t e t o t h e interior persisted. Almost s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n 1861 i n t e r e s t was aroused r o u t e s w h i c h suggested, themselves. N o r t h B e n t i n c k Arm a t p r e s e n t - d a y  i n two p o s s i b l e  One was t h e B e n t i n c k Arm r o u t e .  B e l l a C o o l a A l e x a n d e r M a c k e n z i e had reached  the P a c i f i c Coast "from Canada by l a n d . " )  Another was t h e Bute I n l e t r o u t e ,  the t h e o r e t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f w h i c h were no doubt suggested p e n e t r a t i o n i n t o t h e mainland  (At  by i t s deep  and i t s comparative n e a r n e s s t o V i c t o r i a .  Downie  i n h i s e x p l o r a t i o n s o f 1859 had n o t ascended t o t h e head o f Bute I n l e t .  He  l a t e r e x p r s s e d t h e v i e w t h a t from t h a t p o i n t t h e mountains must be i m p a s s a b l e , j u d g i n g from the area's g e n e r a l t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s and t h e absence o f any p a r t i e s o f I n d i a n s from t h e i n t e r i o r f i s h i n g i n t h e v i c i n i t y . " ' "  A l f r e d Waddington R e p o r t s o f p o s s i b l e s e r i o u s p h y s i c a l o b s t a c l e s b a r r i n g t h e way do n o t seem t o have t r o u b l e d t h e mind o f A l f r e d Waddington.  From t h e moment t h e  i d e a o f t h e r o u t e was c o n c e i v e d i n h i s mind t h i s i n v e t e r a t e o p t i m i s t seems t o have been c o n v i n c e d o f i t s f e a s i b i l i t y . Born o f an u p p e r - c l a s s E n g l i s h f a m i l y , possessed  o f a good e d u c a t i o n  and a t a l e n t f o r f l u e n c y o f tongue and pen, Waddington, i n t h e s m a l l and undeveloped c o l o n y o f Vancouver I s l a n d , seemed a p r i n c e among.men. had  Waddington  come t o B r i t i s h Columbia by way o f C a l i f o r n i a where he had pursued  a  2 mercantile c a l l i n g during the gold rush there.  I n 1858 h i s l i t t l e . b o o k  - 90 -  e n t i t l e d The F r a s e r Mines V i n d i c a t e d was p u b l i s h e d — t h e  f i r s t non-government  3 book p r i n t e d i n t h e colony.  I n i t he e x p r e s s e d h i s o p t i m i s m w i t h  t o t h e f u t u r e o f t h e i s l a n d and m a i n l a n d c o l o n i e s .  regard  L a t e r he was e l e c t e d a  member o f t h e Vancouver I s l a n d l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, where h i s eloquence was p u t t o e f f e c t i v e use t i l l h i s r e s i g n a t i o n i n Plans  for Exploration  I n the s p r i n g o f 1861 a r o u t e from Bute I n l e t .  1861.  Waddington proposed an e x p l o r a t i o n t o d i s c o v e r A t t h e same time two men, Kenny and McKenzie, were  4 c r o s s i n g from A l e x a n d r i a  t o t h e c o a s t and emerged a t South B e n t i n c k Arm.  From t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g ,  New W e s t m i n s t e r r e c o g n i z e d  t h e economic t h r e a t  t h a t would be posed by t h e development o f any p r a c t i c a l n o r t h c o a s t a l to t h e C a r i b o o g o l d f i e l d s .  route  The B r i t i s h Columbian o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , t h e  mouthpiece o f t h e f i e r y f u t u r e p r e m i e r John Robson, d i d n o t d e l a y i n expressing i t s e d i t o r i a l  disapproval.^  I n V i c t o r i a those who advocated t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e Bute I n l e t r o u t e r e g a r d e d t h e p r o j e c t as a scheme w h i c h , i f s u c c e s s f u l , would b e n e f i t V i c t o r i a by d i v e r t i n g much t r a f f i c t o the n o r t h , and, they hoped, would make V i c t o r i a once more s e c u r e as t h e dominant p o r t o f c a l l f o r ocean- . going v e s s e l s . On June 4 a c i t i z e n s ' meeting was h e l d t o c o n s i d e r t h e e x p l o r a t i o n of a Bute I n l e t r o u t e , and Waddington spoke, no doubt w i t h  characteristic  o p t i m i s m and e l o q u e n c e , o f t h e " v a s t b e n e f i t s " such as a r o u t e c o u l d to Victoria.^ reported  The adjourned meeting convened a g a i n on June 10.  bring  The C o l o n i s t  t h e names o f s e v e r a l o t h e r prominent I s l a n d e r s who were a t t h i s g m e e t i n g : Amor de Cosmos, T r u t c h , and Helmcken. Amor de Cosmos,.a f u t u r e  - 91 -  province premier of the u n i t e d c o l o n y of B r i t i s h Columbia, was Colonist.  Joseph W.  the e d i t o r o f t h e  T r u t c h was an e n g i n e e r who had c o n t r a c t e d t o b u i l d  a s e c t i o n of the C a r i b o o Road i n t h e F r a s e r canyon.  I n 1871 he was  to 9  become t h e f i r s t l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r of t h e p r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia. John S. Helmcken was a p h y s i c i a n who had i n 1852 m a r r i e d a daughter of James Douglas.  He had a l r e a d y become a c t i v e i n p o l i t i c s , and was l o n g t o  10 remain so. But n o t a l l V i c t o r i a was i n s u p p o r t of t h e Bute I n l e t r o u t e . Colonist's r i v a l , map  The  t h e P r e s s , i n i t s e d i t i o n o f June 16 pooh-poohed a  of the proposed Bute I n l e t r o u t e w h i c h had been p l a c e d on p u b l i c v i e w .  I t a d v i s e d t h e p u b l i c t o v i e w t h e map w h i l e mocking what i t termed i t s "waggish d i s t o r t i o n of r i v e r s and mountains. Bute I n l e t E x p l o r a t i o n In  .  the n e x t w h i l e , t h e Bute I n l e t f e v e r seems t o have g r i p p e d V i c t o r i a .  S e v e r a l e x p e d i t i o n s t o the i n l e t were made.  M a j o r Downie, i n - s p i t e of h i s  p r e v i o u s l y - s t a t e d d i s i l l u s t i o n m e n t w i t h n o r t h e r n r o u t e s , went up t o have a l o o k a t the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f Bute I n l e t , b u t d i d not succeed . i n a route.  discovering  He a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r i a on August 13, a f t e r s p e n d i n g f i v e days  a l o n e i n a canoe, h a v i n g been d e s e r t e d by t h e two I n d i a n s w i t h whom he had 12 s t a r t e d from t h e i n l e t . He s u b m i t t e d a w r i t t e n r e p o r t t o Governor Douglas i n w h i c h he s t a t e d h i s c o n v i c t i o n t h a t t h e r o u t e was v a l u e l e s s , and on 13 August 19 he spoke t o a meeting o f c i t i z e n s . On September  9, i n a l e t t e r t o D o u g l a s , Waddington  e n q u i r e d what  v i l e g e s he would be g r a n t e d i f tie succeeded i n f i n d i n g a Bute I n l e t  pri-  route,  14  - 92 -  and  the same month Waddington s e t out f o r Bute I n l e t on the Steamer " H e n r i e t t a . "  He r e t u r n e d t o V i c t o r i a a't the end of the month, h a v i n g l e f t a s m a l l e x p l o r i n g p a r t y t h i r t y - t w o m i l e s up,the Homathko."^ - The i n O c t o b e r , and was  exploring party  s a i d t o have come w i t h i n one-and-a-half, days'  returned journey  16 of the bunch g r a s s c o u n t r y . Bute I n l e t , however, was canoe i n one  The  l a t e r d e s p a t c h of a s u r v e y i n g p a r t y t o  less successful.  The  I l l - s t a r r e d party l o s t  of t h r a p i d s of t h e Homathko and had  spent t e n days s t r a n d e d  a  t o come down i n r a f t s .  at the head of Bute I n l e t t i l l  They  they were r e s c u e d  by  I n d i a n s of D e s o l a t i o n Sound and were b r o u g h t back to V i c t o r i a i n December, having  suffered great  hardships."'"  7  A D r a f t Agreement The  i n f o r m a t i o n brought by t h e s u r v e y i n g p a r t y was,  however,  s a t i s f a c t o r y enough f o r Waddington, and by F e b r u a r y of 1862  apparently  his negotiations  w i t h the government had r e s u l t e d i n t h e B r i t i s h Columbia- C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y ' s s e n d i n g him a d r a f agreement.  I t contained  the terms under w h i c h the g o v e r n -  ment would be w i l l i n g to grant a c h a r t e r f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a road 18 Bute I n l e t i n t o the C h i l c o t i n r e g i o n . ' Competition  from  w i t h ; B e n t i n c k Road Proponents  Meanwhile the proponents of t h e B e n t i n c k Arm  Road had been a c t i v e .  It  appears from a l e t t e r Moody w r o t e t o the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y t h a t as e a r l y as September, 1861, pany s e e k i n g  Governor Douglas had. g i v e n some encouragement t o a com-<  to o b t a i n a c h a r t e r f o r a road to be b u i l t from N o r t h  Arm;to t h e C a r i b o o .  - - " - • (Moody says he had promised them a c h a r t e r . )  r a t e t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g " t h i s r o u t e were w e l l under way  Bentinck -19 At  by March,  any  -  1962,  93  -  though they were h e l d up f o r a t i m e by Moody's o b j e c t i o n s t o t h e f a c t  t h a t a p r o p e r t o w n s i t e at B e n t i n c k Arm had not been s e l e c t e d o r W i t h an agreement of h i s own project.  approved.  i n s i g h t Waddington p r e s s e d ahead w i t h h i s  The C o l o n i s t r e p o r t e d t h a t on March 20:  The canoe Success l e f t . . . f o r Bute I n l e t w i t h s i x men and a two-month's s u p p l y o f p r o v i s i o n s . They a r e sent out f o r the purpose of commencing, the t r a i l t o A l e x a n d r i a , f i n i s h i n g two s t o r e s , a l r e a d y commenced, and c o n s t r u c t i n g a b r i d g e over a s m a l l stream making into""the Homathko ( o r P r y c e ) River.^® On March 28, 1862, Waddington and Moody ( t h e l a t t e r on b e h a l f of the government) s i g n e d an agreement f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a " b r i d l e r o a d "  from  Bute or the Homathko t o t h e C h i l c o t i n , and p r o v i s i o n - w a s made i n a memoran- • dum o f A p r i l 16 f o r i t s c o n v e r s i o n t o a wagon r o a d . Waddington no doubt Was 'beginning-"to f e e l t h e p r e s s u r e of t i m e , f o r by A p r i l 7, 1862,  the P r e s s was  r e p o r t i n g t h a t h i s r i v a l s , the Bentinck  Arm  Company, were n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h the Hudson's Bay-Company f o r t h e Steamer " O t t e r " to c a r r y miners A p r i l 11th a d v e r t i s e m e n t Route was Antler  to B e l l a C o o l a f o r the j o u r n e y t o t h e C a r i b o o . i n the P r e s s p r o c l a i m e d t h a t the B e n t i n c k  the "Nearest and cheapest way  An  Arm  to the C a r i b o o M i n e s , "215 m i l e s to  Creek."  No doubt f e e l i n g the p r e s s u r e of c o m p e t i t i o n , the Bute I n l e t promoters 21 engaged the s l o o p "Boz" to c a r r y f r e i g h t and passengers,, t h e i r a d v e r t i s e m e n t appeared,  announcing  and on A p r i l  t h a t t h e "Boz" would s a i l f o r .Bute  I n l e t on t h e t w e n t y - t h i r d , and t h a t i t had room f o r s i x passengers d o l l a r s each.  A p a r t y of f o u r men  18  at ten  a w a i t e d t h e i r a r r i v a l a t Bute I n l e t to  proceed t o A l e x a n d r i a , t h e a d v e r t i s e m e n t s a i d .  A l a r g e n o r t h e r n canoe was  to t a k e t h e p a r t y , f r e e , f o r t y - f o u r m i l e s u p - r i v e r , from w h i c h p o i n t the  - 94 -  d i s t a n c e on f o o t was s a i d to be " . . . 1 5 0 m i l e s through an e a s i l y country."  travelled  There would be " . . . n o d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g I n d i a n s to pack  a t v e r y low r a t e s . "  '  ; Such an a d v e r s t i s e m e n t practically trackless  i  The p a r t y was to be " . . . p i l o t e d t h r o u g h to A l e x a n d r i a . "  22  f o r ' customers who were to be " p i l o t e d " o v e r a  and unknown r o u t e i s d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n except as  an example o f W a d d i n g t o n ' s b o u n d l e s s o p t i m i s m . " Presumably the  customers  were to be " p i l o t e d " through by M r . Tiedeman's e x p l o r i n g p a r t y , and p r e sumably t h e r e were no t a k e r s .  The e x p l o r i n g p a r t y l e f t  i n a canoe on May  23 15 or 1 6 — o v e r a week e a r l y .  ,,  •  Agreement on the S a l e of L o t s ' " a t ' B u t e  Inlet  I n an exchange of l e t t e r s between: C o l o n e l Moody, and the C o l o n i a l Secretary,  a p l a n was a r r i v e d a t whereby l o t s at Bute I n l e t  Town S i t e  would be s o l d , and s e v e n t y - f i v e p e r cent of the proceeds would go to Waddington and Helmcken, who had p r e v i o u s l y agreed t o e m p t i o n r c l a i m s a t the s i t e . •  g i v e , up t h e i r p r e -  L o t s f o r p u b l i c purposes would be  reserved,  however; and any l a n d s t h a t might be c l a i m e d by the I n d i a n s would a l s o reserved,  be  a s t i p u l a t i o n w h i c h had been made by t h e G o v e r n o r , a p p a r e n t l y ,  and communicated to Moody by Young, the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y .  Waddington,  i n J u n e , w r o t e to Moody e n c l o s i n g h i s own and H e l m c k e n ' s a c c e p t a n c e of 24  ./.  • •  the  Vv'-  terms. A d v e r s e P u b l i c i t y f o r t h e B e n t i n c k Arm.Route The same month a detachment o f R o y a l E n g i n e e r s under L i e u t e n a n t left  Palmer  f o r B e n t i n c k Arm to c a r r y out an e x p l o r a t i o n from t h a t p l a c e t o A l e x a n d r i a  - 95 -  t o d e t e r m i n e the p r a c t i c a l i t y o f t h e B e n t i n c k Arm to be u n f a v o u r a b l e  had t r i e d the r o u t e gave i t d i s t i n c t l y  "Important from the Coast R o u t e — D e s t i t u t e  the C o l o n i s t headed an  i  His report  was  to i t , b u t , even b e f o r e t h e r e t u r n of h i s e x p e d i t i o n ,  r e p o r t s from those who publicity.  route.  adverse  and S u f f e r i n g , "  article:  On t h e Governor Douglas y e s t e r d a y morning s e v e r a l men who had taken the Coast Route t o the F r a s e r R i v e r came down. They gave a w o e f u l account of m a t t e r s t h e r e . . P e a r s o n and p a r t y got t h r o u g h to A l e x a n d r i a i n f i f t e e n days from the B i g S l i d e , and, a l t h o u g h s h o r t of p r o v i s i o n s , s u f f e r e d but l i t t l e . F o r t y men,... however, who l e f t the B i g S l i d e s e v e r a l days behind P e a r s o n , s u f f e r e d d r e a d f u l l y , and out o f t h e e n t i r e p a r t y o n l y n i n e had reached A l e x a n d r i a twenty days a f t e r s t a r t i n g . J  The B r i t i s h Columbian was  caustic.  "One  of the u n f o r t u n a t e v i c t i m s o f  the i n t e r e s t e d , s e l f i s h , c r i m i n a l m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s l a n d s p e c u l a t o r s came down oh Sunday l a s t , " . i t  o f a gang of V i c t o r i a  reported.  The Bute Inlet'Waggon Road Company Such adverse p u b l i c i t y f o r a r i v a l r o u t e c o u l d not have been unwelcome to A l f r e d Waddington, p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e h i s own  p a r t y of e x p l o r e r s under  Tiedeman had reached A l e x a n d r i a and on J u l y 29 the r e t u r n p a r t y under Henry 27 M c N e i l reached V i c t o r i a .  Waddington's o p t i m i s m must have c a r r i e d  almost beyond the bounds of r e a s o n ,  i f a statement r e p o r t e d i n t h e  him Press  of August 4 can be accepted as h i s . Mr. Waddington s a i d [ i t r e p o r t e d ] t h a t i n one month men would be a b l e t o r e a c h A l e x a n d r i a by Bute I n l e t i n a week, and t h a t a l l the F r a s e r r i v e r pack t r a i n s would go t h a t way. ° The P r e s s , p r e d i c t a b l y , r i d i c u l e d h i s i d e a s the n e x t  day.  But i n V i c t o r i a as a whole Waddington's planned r o u t e was popular.  Three hundred p e o p l e a t t e n d e d  evidently  a p u b l i c meeting at the V i c t o r i a  - 96 -  T h e a t r e on August 26, where Waddington " e x p l a i n e d the advantages of Bute I n l e t r r o u t e , " announced the p r o j e c t e d f o r m a t i o n of a new  the  company, and  30 i n v i t e d s u b s c r i b e r s to i t s s h a r e s . On September h,the Steamer " O t t e r " l e f t the Hudson's Bay Company Wharf i n V i c t o r i a w i t h seventy workmen who were to. b e g i n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a 31 ' road w i t h o u t d e l a y . Waddington h i m s e l f went a l o n g , and on November 15 the C o l o n i s t r e p o r t e d t h a t Waddington and h i s p a r t y had returned" the p r e v i o u s day i n good h e a l t h and s p i r i t s .  32  Meanwhile, s t o c k i n t h e Bute I n l e t Waggon 33 Road Company had been a d v e r t i s e d and f u r t h e r s u b s c r i b e r s i n v i t e d . A M o d i f i e d Agreement ' On J a n u a r y 6, 1863,  the o f f i c e r s of the Bute I n l e t Company were e l e c t e d .  I n the same month Waddington w r o t e to Moody r e q u e s t i n g more f a v o u r a b l e terms 35 for  t h e c h a r t e r under w h i c h the road would o p e r a t e .  "' I n February Moody  informed Waddington t h a t the Governor.had consented t o an e x t e n s i o n from f i v e , to t e n y e a r s of t h e p e r i o d of the c h a r t e r under w h i c h the road would o p e r a t e , as w e l l as to an e x t e n s i o n t o t h e end of 1864 c o m p l e t i o n of the waggon road.  of the time f o r t h e  I n r e t u r n t h e Bute I n l e t Company was 36  to  reduce t h e maximum t o l l l e v i e d from f i v e c e n t s t o t h r e e c e n t s . I n a l e t t e r i n March, Waddington f u r t h e r r e q u e s t e d  p e r m i s s i o n to l e v y  a t o l l on t h e t r a i l w h i c h would be made b e f o r e the a c t u a l road was b u i l t , 37 ' as w e l l as on t h e f e r r y . To t h i s p r o p o s a l too the Governor s i g n i f i e d his  a p p r o v a l , but the p r e p a r a t i o n of a m o d i f i e d agreement c o v e r i n g  changes was  d e l a y e d t i l l towards the end o f the y e a r , p r o b a b l y due  the to t h e  o p p o s i t i o n w h i c h was aroused i n "New W e s t m i n s t e r . By 1863 Waddington r e a l i z e d t h a t the, t a s k of b u i l d i n g a road would be  34  - 97 -  greater also.  Nevertheless,  meeting t h e s h a r e h o l d e r s  the C h r o n i c l e r e p o r t e d  t h a t a t an A p r i l 13  o f t h e Bute I n l e t Road Company had unanimously 40  decided t o give the e n t e r p r i s e t h e i r f i n a n c i a l support. Towards t h e end o f t h e month Waddington and a p a r t y o f workmen s a i l e d 41 to Bute I n l e t t o a g a i n b e g i n work on t h e t r a i l . By t h e autumn o f 1863 ' 42 a government" agent" was s u r v e y i n g s the t o w r i s i t e at . the head o f Bute I n l e t , and  i n November Governor Douglas had approved "Waddington" as t h e name o f 43  the new town. Indian-White R e l a t i o n s h i p s :  1861-1863  L i t t l e mention has so f a r been made o f t h e I n d i a n - W h i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w h i c h developed i n t h e course o f t h e attempts t h a t were made t o open up and use t h e new c o a s t a l r o u t e s from B e n t i n c k Arm and B u t e ~ I h l e t .  I t w i l l be  w e l l t o examine t h e s e now. 1861  .  -  D u r i n g t h e s p a t e o f e x p l o r a t i o n - I n t h e B u t e - I n l e t a r e a t h a t took p l a c e i n 1861 e n c o u n t e r s were n a t u r a l l y made between t h e e x p l o r e r s and t h e I n d i a n s o f Bute I n l e t . One  o f t h e Bute I n l e t / e x p l o r e r s o f 1861 was a Dr. Dechesne, who l e f t  V i c t o r i a i n J u n e , accompanied, a c c o r d i n g companion and t h r e e I n d i a n s . I n l e t Indians  threatening,  t o t h e C o l o n i s t by one w h i t e  Dechesne's p a r t y r e p o r t e d l y found t h e Bute and, a f t e r a s c e n d i n g t h e i n l e t f o r f o r t y m i l e s ,  44 d e c i d e d t o t u r n back. !  An e x p l o r i n g p a r t y under Madden and Kenny w h i c h had s a i l e d from V i c t o r i a i n t h e Schooner " A n t e l o p e " attempted t o p r o c u r e a canoe f o r t r a v e l i n l a n d  - 98 -  from the head of Bute I n l e t , but a p p a r e n t l y they r a n i n t o d i f f i c u l t i e s  due  to t h e i n t e r n - t r i b a l h o s t i l i t i e s w h i c h e x i s t e d , p r o b a b l y between t h e Homathkos and t h e C h i l c o t i n s .  The Bute I r i l e t group a s s e r t e d " . . . t h a t two  j o u r n e y up the r i v e r a t r i b e o f I n d i a n s dwelt who s p i t e o f b e i n g o f f e r e d a l a r g e sum  would k i l l  them."  days 45  In  of money the c o a s t I n d i a n s r e f u s e d t o  go w i t h t h e e x p l o r e r s . I t seems t h a t Major Downie's p a r t y a l s o e x p e r i e n c e d the Homathkos' f e a r of t h e C h i l c o t i n s .  :  T h e . C o l o n i s t r e p o r t e d on a C a p t a i n T a y l o r ' s j o u r n e y 46  up t h e "Me-mi-er  1  [Southgate] R i v e r .  The patty proceeded t h r e e o r f o u r m i l e up the r i v e r a g a i n s t a r a p i d c u r r e n t and encamped f o r t h e . n i g h t . The I n d i a n s a t the head of t h i s r i v e r a r e c a l l e d t h e Ech-e-nam, and were r e p r e s e n t e d by the I n d i a n s (who seemed much alarmed a t the p r o s p e c t o f e n c o u n t e r i n g them) as v e r y bad and w a r l i k e . ^ 1862 Waddington a p p a r e n t l y succeeded e a r l y i n e s t a b l i s h i n g f r i e n d l y w i t h the Homathkis.  However, h i s work crew i n 1862  t h e w a r l i k e E u c l a t a w s , a b r a n c h of t h e K w a k i u t l s .  relations  had some d i f f i c u l t y w i t h Some o f these I n d i a n s  a p p a r e n t l y f i s h e d at t h e head o f Bute I n l e t , though t h e i r w i n t e r headq u a r t e r s was  elsewhere. ^ 4  The E u c l u t a u s [ r e p o r t e d the C o l o n i s t ] were a t f i r s t troublesome, but f i n a l l y a l l o w e d t h e p a r t y to work on b e i n g promised p r e s e n t s from the V i c t o r i a tyhee (Mr. Waddington). The I n d i a n s f i l l e d twenty canoes, and were f i s h i n g f o r o o l a c h a n s . The same r e p o r t speaks of C h i l c o t i n s b e i n g a t t r a c t e d to the c o a s t by the presence  of t h e w h i t e s .  - 99 -  Six C h i l c o t i n Indians—three from the rapids above the canon and three d i r e c t from Alexandria, learning that there were whites at the head of the I n l e t , came down to trade furs, but on obtaining information that the Euclutaus were there, they retreated immediately and could not be prevailed on to return. In the same year contact with the whites was beginning effects on the Chilcotins i n the i n t e r i o r .  to have d r a s t i c  The poverty of gold i n their  t e r r i t o r y and the riches of the region to the north had protected them from the .main i n f l u x of the gold-seekers.  But, though the much-talked-of  Bentinck Arm Road was not m a t e r i a l i z i n g , the route was already being used in 1862 by some who were w i l l i n g to r i s k i t .  And since i t passed through  C h i l c o t i n country, with Alexandria as. i t s terminus on the Fraser, the Chilcotins found employment as .packers on the route." " A l e t t e r from Bentinck Arm dated May 30, 1862, appeared i n the Colonist i n J u n e .  The writer com-  plained that the Bentinck Arm T r a i l was not begun but went on to describe how i t was possible to use the route i n spite of the lack of a proper  trail.  . As i t i s [he wrote], goods can be forwarded by canoes to.the head of navigation, forty miles, thence to.the head of s l i d e , by Indians, for about 12 1/2 cts. per pound—from whence Chilcoaten Indians or pack trains from Fort Alexandria can be obtained to pack the balance of the r o a d . 50  In 1862 the small-pox spread with l i g h t n i n g - l i k e r a p i d i t y among the Indian- people of the west coast.  The Chilcotins were not to be spared.  Among the whites who attempted to use the Bentinck Arm route were those who had the small-pox amongst them.• Mention has already been made of the party of forty who set out on the route, of whom only nine had reached Alexandria twenty days after .starting.  (Among this party, i n c i d e n t a l l y ,  was Francis Poole, l a t e r author of Queen Charlotte Islands.)"^  While  on the t r a i l , several members of the party f e l l . i l l of the small-pox and  - 100 -  were l e f t w i t h t h e I n d i a n s .  "Two  Canadians" were l e f t w i t h t h e C h i l c o t i n s .  I n a l l l i k e l i h o o d t h i s , as w e l l as t h e i r c o n t a c t s w i t h c o a s t I n d i a n s , cont r i b u t e d t o the d e v a s t a t i n g spread o f small-^pox  among t h e C h i l c o t i n s i n 1862.  I n 1862, a l s o , Mr. Waddington's men had begun work on t h e t r a i l . f i c u l t i e s : were e x p e r i e n c e d "Observer" i n the Press  i n employing I n d i a n l a b o u r .  Dif-  A l e t t e r from  reported:  The I n d i a n s a t t h e end o f a week h a v i n g d e c l i n e d w o r k i n g any l o n g e r , and on l e a v i n g t h e Canadians and h a l f b r e e d s b e i n g a l l r e q u i r e d t o n a v i g a t e t h e canoes f o r t h e c o m m i s s a r i a t department, Mr. Waddington manned h i s w i t h t h r e e v e r y good young men but w i t h v e r y l i t t l e e x p e r i e n c e . . . . 53 H o s t i l i t i e s between t r i b e s a l s o h i n d e r e d 1862.  the t r a i l - m a k i n g p r o j e c t i n  The C o l o n i s t r e p o r t e d t h a t feuds between t h e " N i c l e t a w s " and " T a l s e n i e s  n e a r l y put a s t o p t o Waddington's e x p e d i t i o n . on t h e r i v e r was i n f a c t c o m p l e t e l y h a l t e d .  The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o f s u p p l i e s Reportedly  the eleven-year-old  daughter o f a c h i e f o f t h e " T a l s e n i e s " had been s t o l e n by one o f the " N i c l e taws" and had t o be ransomed.  A long n e g o t i a t i o n l e d to peace/being r e s t o r e d .  I t seems i m p o s s i b l e to i d e n t i f y w i t h c e r t a i n t y the I n d i a n groups r e f e r r e d t o as " N i c l e t a w s " and " T a l s e n i e s , " but t h e " N i c l e t a w s " may have been t h e "Euclataws"  o r " Y u c u l t a s " and the "<T,alsenies"'Chilcotins .  A t any r a t e , peace was a p p a r e n t l y made between t h e C h i l c o t i n s and the.-*...-, coast I n d i a n s o f Bute I n l e t i n 1862, as Seymour i n d i c a t e d i n a d e s p a t c h to the C o l o n i a l o f f i c e i n May o f 1864. A deadly feud e x i s t e d r e c e n t l y between them [ t h e C h i l c o t i n s ] and t h e c o a s t I n d i a n s C l a y o o s h and E u c l a t a w ["Klahuse" h e r e a p p a r e n t l y r e f e r r i n g t o t h e Homathko I n d i a n s ] , b u t two y e a r s ago Mr. Waddington s u c ceeded i n making peace between t h e t r i b e s , who have s i n c e remained on t o l e r a b l e terms though s t i l l s u s p i c i o u s o f each o t h e r . 5 5  - 101 -  Enmity between.the C h i l c o t i n s and t h e Homathkos had had a l o n g h i s t o r y . According  t o t h e " D a i l y C h r o n i c l e o f May 12, 1864, t h e C h i l c o t i n s twenty  years  b e f o r e had f a l l e n on a Homathko v i l l a g e , k i l l i n g n i n e t e e n Homathkos and leaving only s i x survivors.  Making peace between t h e C h i l c o t i n s and Homathkos  i n 1862 must have seemed an i m p o r t a n t to  t h e success  accomplishment, and one v e r y  of the Bute l i i l e t r o u t e , s i n c e the t r a i l  necessary  was t o pass  through  t h e , t e r r i t o r i e s o f b o t h groups.  1863As a r e s u l t o f t h e peace w h i c h had been made between themselves and the c o a s t I n d i a n s , t h e C h i l c o t i n s were a b l e t o come f r e e l y t o t h e c o a s t t o t r a d e o r t o work f o r t h e w h i t e s .  J u s t as t h e C h i l c o t i n s had been i n t h e  h a b i t o f f r e q u e n t l y w i n t e r i n g w i t h t h e B e l l a C o o l a s , they c o u l d now spend the w i n t e r among t h e Bute I n l e t I n d i a n s .  An p a r t i c l e o f March 3 1 , 1863, i n  the C h r o n i c l e r e p o r t e d t h a t A l e x a n d e r McDonald had come t h r o u g h t h e C h i l c o t i n r e g i o n by t h e Bute I n l e t r o u t e and. had  a r r i v e d at V i c t o r i a .  It  a l s o r e p o r t e d t h a t twenty " C h i l c o o t e n " I n d i a n s were w i n t e r i n g a t t h e head of Bute I n l e t .  The C h i l c o t i n s had no canoes, b u t McDonald had o b t a i n e d a  canoe*from o t h e r I n d i a n s who came up, and so he had s e t out f o r V i c t o r i a . I n A p r i l , 1863, Waddington went up t o Bute I n l e t w i t h t h e p a r t y w h i c h was t o resume work on t h e t r a i l .  He was annoyed t o f i n d q u i t e a l a r g e  number o f I n d i a n s o f v a r i o u s t r i b e s a w a i t i n g h i m a t t h e head o f t h e i n l e t r i g h t where he planned to e r e c t t h e town. We were n o t a l i t t l e s u r p r i s e d on r e a c h i n g h e r e [he w r o t e ] to f i n d a l o n g row o f wooden h u t s b u i l t by t h e I n d i a n s a l o n g t h e f r o n t o f t h e r i v e r i n e v i d e n t e x p e c t a t i o n o f our a r r i v a l , s i n c e we had never seen a l i v i n g I n d i a n h e r e b e f o r e . They numbered  r  102  -  from 200 to 250, composed o f C l a h o o s h , Comax, N i c l e t a w s and C h i l c o a t e n I n d i a n s , a l l a w a i t i n g t h e i r prey l i k e v u l t u r e s , and were not a l i t t l e d i s a p p o i n t e d When they saw. t h e mules landed and l e a r n e d t h a t these were to. c a r r y a l l the p r o v i s i o n s . They have been u s e f u l however i n b r i n g i n g us a good d e a l of game. 5  Apparently whites  the w a i t i n g I n d i a n s were h o p i n g t o o b t a i n something from the  i n exchange f o r p a c k i n g .  L a t e r some C h i l c o t i n s were h i r e d f o r p a c k i n g ,  and s e e m i n g l y the t r a d e goods they most d e s i r e d were muskets.  The  Colonist  of J u l y 6 r e p o r t e d , t h a t the I n d i a n s had done some p a c k i n g , b u t a f t e r a musket each had g i v e n i t up, and had  earning  gone t o a l a k e 120 o r 130 m i l e s i n  59 the i n t e r i o r .  The w h i t e s by t h i s t i m e e v i d e n t l y had  sufficient  i n the I n d i a n s to b a r t e r t h e i r f i r e a r m s i n r e t u r n f o r the I n d i a n s  confidence 1  labour  or  , 6 0 furs. A day or so a f t e r .Waddington's a r r i v a l at Bute I n l e t f o r the 1863 he encountered t r o u b l e f r o m the i l l e g a l l i q u o r t r a d e , was  seen a t t h e head of the I n l e t , " he w r o t e , "and  I n d i a n s were r a v i n g mad«with d r i n k . " down a l a r g e canoe w i t h ten armed  "...a  small  season  plunger  the n e x t day a.number o f  Waddington a c t e d p r o m p t l y .  He  sent  men._  . . . t o h a u l up the p l u n g e r and c o n f i s c a t e every k i n d of l i q u o r on b o a r d . They found h e r • near t h e ' e n t r a n c e o f t h e . r i v e r , b u t the . l i q u o r had p r o b a b l y been h i d on s h o r e , f o r n o t h i n g was found but an empty 2 0 - g a l l o n keg w i t h about a g l a s s of some i n f e r n a l m i x t u r e in i t . 6  1  A l o n g w i t h Waddington's e x p e d i t i o n to Bute I n l e t i n 1863 a number o f persons who  there s a i l e d  went as pre-emptors and p r o s p e c t i v e s e t t l e r s .  C o l o n i s t ' s e d i t o r i a l comments were g l o w i n g .  A new  f i e l d f o r settlement  The was  opening up a t Bute, I n l e t , i t r e p o r t e d . P a r t i e s who went up'with'. Mr. Waddingtpn's e x p e d i t i o n p a r t y , have a l r e a d y commenced to pre-empt, farmsrand b u i l d houses, even below t h e canon. The town has been l a i d o u t , and some houses and a wharf b u i l t , a road c o n s t r u c t e d to-about the mouth o f the Canon...The whole road i s now becoming d o t t e d w i t h the farms and houses of s e t t l e r s .  our  - 103  -  A l l o w a n c e , no doubt, must be made f o r t h e e n t h u s i a s t i c e x a g g e r a t i o n of a newspaper w h i c h had  committed i t s e l f to the promotion  scheme, but i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to imagine I n d i a n s may  o f the Bute I n l e t  t h e u n e a s i n e s s w i t h w h i c h the  have watched the a c t i v i t i e s of t h e s e t t l e r s .  In the y e a r 1863  a number o f murders of w h i t e s by I n d i a n s were r e 63  p o r t e d , i n c l u d i n g the k i l l i n g o f t h r e e persons  a t B e n t i n c k Arm.  the y e a r s numerous k i l l i n g s had o c c u r r e d on the c o a s t . p o r t s of murders i n 1863  Over  The renewed r e -  d i s t u r b e d t h e w h i t e s b u t were not a l a r m i n g enough  to c r e a t e any g e n e r a l f e a r of the I n d i a n s . "The  government c o n t i n u e d  the  p r a c t i c e o f h a v i n g gunboats v i s i t l o c a l i t i e s where w h i t e s had been k i l l e d i n o r d e r to ensure t h a t the s u s p e c t e d murderers be handed over f o r t r i a l . However, t h e s u s p e c t was  not always a r r e s t e d v e r y q u i c k l y .  an I n d i a n suspected of committing murder a t B e n t i n c k Arm a r r e s t e d u n t i l the end"of May, Difficulties  o p t i m i s t as Mr. Waddington.  i n 1863 was  not  1864.  and L i m i t e d P r o g r e s s i n  The d i f f i c u l t i e s he met  For example,  1863  i n 1863 were w e a r i n g even f o r such a p e r s i s t e n t The C h r o n i c l e of J u l y 7 r e p o r t e d t h a t a b l u f f  o f r o c k s i n t h e canyon would t a k e one hundred men.six months to remove a t t h e c o s t o f $30,000.  Mr.. Waddington, i t r e p o r t e d , was  The absence of I n d i a n p a c k e r s was s i n c e w h i t e men have d o n e .  a n x i o u s and uneasy.  g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g the c o s t of the work,  had t o be p a i d e x t r a wages to do work t h e I n d i a n s might  6 4  A group of f o u r t e e n , men guide l o s t the way,  were sent from Bute I n l e t to A l e x a n d r i a .  and t h e i r e x p e d i t i o n was  a  failure.  6 5  Their  - 104  -  Waddington d e c i d e d t o take t h e t r a i l over, a h i l l t o a v o i d t h e canyon. In  a l e t t e r dated J u l y 8, and p r i n t e d i n the C o l o n i s t , he c o n f e s s e d to  h a v i n g e x p e r i e n c e d d i f f i c u l t i e s but s t i l l managed to sound an o p t i m i s t i c n o t e , as indeed he had to i f h i s company was c i•a li s u p p o r t-.  to c o n t i n u e t o r e c e i v e f i n a n -  6 6  A t the head of Bute I n l e t s i g n s of t h e embryonic town were b e g i n n i n g to be seen.  The C h r o n i c l e on J u l y ' 28' had r e p o r t e d t h a t e i g h t houses and 67  a h o t e l were b u i l t . In who was  September Mr. B r e w s t e r , the foreman of Waddington's work p a r t y , i n V i c t o r i a h i r i n g new men,  p r e d i c t e d t h a t the t r a i l would be 68 through b e f o r e the end of the f a l l . The w o r k i n g y e a r was a l o n g one. The workmen d i d n o t l e a v e Bute I n l e t t i l l December 28 but the t r a i l was 69 s t i l l n o t n e a r l y completed. The Threat from the B e n t i n c k Arm P r o j e c t Meanwhile, p l a n s f o r t h e l o n g - d e l a y e d B e n t i n c k Arm r o u t e were under  way.  A l e t t e r from t h e B r i t i s h Columbia C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y t o t h e A t t o r n e y  G e n e r a l dated February, 1, 1864, "forwarded a copy of a l e t t e r from a Mr. HoOd, t h e C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y ' s r e p l y t o - - i t , the d r a f t of an agreement on a r o a d from B e n t i n c k Arm, G e n e r a l was  and t h e s p e c i f i c a t i o n and p l a n o f the r o a d .  The A t t o r n e y  r e q u e s t e d t o examine the agreement and t o put i t i n f i n a l  form  i n accordance w i t h the g e n e r a l terms a l r e a d y proposed by t h e government. ^ 7  Waddington must have f e l t  the p r e s s u r e of t h e t h r e a t e n e d c o m p e t i t i o n . i  Not o n l y would t h e proposed B e n t i n c k Arm  road be a t h r e a t i f i t were com-  p l e t e d , b u t i t must a l r e a d y have been a f i n a n c i a l h a z a r d , t h r e a t e n i n g t o draw much-needed investment  from t h e Bute I n l e t - p r o j e c t .  I n December,  1863,  t h e r e had been a d v e r t i s e d t h e s a l e of 720 Bute I n l e t Waggon Road Company  - 105 -  s h a r e s w h i c h had s t i l l n o t been purchased. been encountered  The d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h had  a f t e r Waddington's g l o w i n g p r e d i c t i o n s o f "early  success  must have done much t o d i s c o u r a g e f i n a n c i a l support o f t h e scheme. ' .  F r e d e r i c k Whymper's V i s i t  On March 16, 1864, a schooner l e f t V i c t o r i a f o r Bute I n l e t w i t h men and s u p p l i e s .  On b o a r d a l s o was t h e a r t i s t , F r e d e r i c k Whymper, whom  Waddington had o f f e r e d passage t o g i v e him an o p p o r t u n i t y t o v i e w and s k e t c h the m a g n i f i c e n t g l a c i e r c o u n t r y i n t h e r e g i o n o f Bute I n l e t . g i v e s us an account o f t h e schooner's  Whymper  a r r i v a l a t t h e mouth o f t h e Homathko  R i v e r on March 22, and o f h i s f i r s t encounter w i t h t h e C h i l c o t i n s t h e r e . T h e i r appearance r e f l e c t e d a l i m i t e d c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s and t h e i r  trade  goods. Near t h e r i v e r some C h i l c o t i n I n d i a n s paddled out i n t h e i r canoes [he w r o t e ] , and came ..on board t o get- a f r e e r i d e . . They-had r i n g s through t h e i r n o s e s , were much p a i n t e d , and wore t h e i n e v i t a b l e b l a n k e t o f t h e c o a s t . F o r t h e r e s t , , t h e r e was n o t h i n g v e r y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n t h e i r . c o s t u m e ; some h a v i n g a s h i r t w i t h o u t b r e e c h e s , some breeches w i t h o u t a s h i r t . Two o f them were p i c t u r e s q u e w i t h w o l f - s k i n r o b e s , h a i r t u r n e d i n w a r d s , and t h e o u t e r s i d e adorned w i t h f r i n g e s o f t a i l s d e r i v e d from marten o r s q u i r r e l . Among them one o l d hag a t t r a c t e d some n o t i c e , from h e r r e p u l s i v e appearance and t h e s h o r t p i p e she seemed t o e n j o y . ^ One w h i t e man g r e e t e d t h e p a r t y o f men who a r r i v e d on t h e schooner.. He had been l e f t i n charge, o f mules and o t h e r p r o p e r t y , and t h e I n d i a n s , a c c o r d i n g t o Whymper, had sometimes t h r e a t e n e d h i s l i f e . w h i c h had o c c u r r e d Whymper regarded  One i n c i d e n t  as amusing.  He had missed many s m a l l t h i n g s from h i s l o g house, and c o u l d n o t c a t c h the t h i e f , whoever he m i g h t . b e , b u t who he had reason t o b e l i e v e must have e n t e r e d t h e c a b i n by t h e l a r g e open chimney. A t l a s t he got a f r i e n d t o go i n s i d e w i t h a q u a r t e r , o f a pound o f gunpowder, and l o c k i n g the door, made p r e t e n c e o f l e a v i n g , b u t crept, back near, t h e house t o  - 106 -  ';v«.  watch the r e s u l t . Soon an I n d i a n came s t e a l t h i l y a l o n g . .. .He c l i m b e d t h e r o o f , and g o t n e a r l y down t h e chimney, when t h e man i n s i d e threw the, powder on t h e s m o u l d e r i n g ashes, and o f f i t went.•-The-Thdian'went o f f a l s o ! and w i t h a t e r r i f i c y e l l . . . . He a f f o r d e d " f o r some time a f t e r w a r d s a v e r y wholesome w a r n i n g to h i s t r i b e , b e i n g * u n a b l e t o s i t o r l i e down. Whymper does n o t i n f o r m us t o w h i c h t r i b e t h e I n d i a n b e l o n g e d , n o r  whether i t was b e f o r e o r a f t e r t h i s i n c i d e n t t h a t t h e w h i t e man's l i f e was  threatened.  Nor does he seem.to p e r c e i v e any p o s s i b l e adverse  the evert may have had on I n d i a n - w h i t e  effect  relations.  The I n d i a n s a p p a r e n t l y were v e r y s h o r t o f f o o d a t t h e time t h e e x p e d i - . t i o n a r r i v e d , and, Whymper r e l a t e s , "... d i s p u t e d w i t h t h e i r wretched  'cayota'  dogs a n y t h i n g t h a t we threw o u t o f t h e camp, i n t h e shape o f bones, bacon r i n d , o r t e a l e a v e s , and s i m i l a r l u x u r i e s . " I n d i a n s were C h i l c o t i n s .  A l m o s t c e r t a i n l y many o f these  Whymper mentions t h a t many o f them were a f t e r w a r d s  73 employed.in p a c k i n g , and some o f them i n b u i l d i n g t h e r o a d . ' A f t e r a r r i v i n g a t t h e most d i s t a n t c o n s t r u c t i o n camp Whymper s e c u r e d the s e r v i c e s o f an I n d i a n and s t a r t e d o u t f o r t h e "Great G l a c i e r . "  Finding  t h a t he was unable t o communicate p r o p e r l y w i t h t h i s g u i d e , Whymper r e t u r n e d to  t h e camp and s e c u r e d t h e s e r v i c e s o f " T e l l o t "  [ T e l l o o t ] , an o l d C h i l c o t i n 74  " c h i e f " whom Whymper d e s c r i b e s as "an I n d i a n o f some i n t e l l i g e n c e . " A number o f I n d i a n s accompanied T e l l o t j and Whymper up t h e Homathko t i l l Whymper and h i s g u i d e l e f t for  T a t l a Lake.  the main stream.  The I n d i a n s were headed  They begged Whymper f o r a g i f t and he gave them a l i t t l e  f l o u r , t o b a c c o , and so on. A f t e r r e t u r n i n g and r e s t i n g a t t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n camp,  Whymper headed back towards t h e c o a s t , s k e t c h i n g on h i s way.  spent two days w i t h S m i t h , t h e man i n charge o f t h e f e r r y .  He  On A p r i l 29  - 107  -  l a t e i n the evening Whymper reached t h e s t a t i o n a t the mouth of the r i v e r . E a r l y next morning [he w r o t e ] , w h i l s t I was y e t s l e e p i n g soundly i n company w i t h the p a c k e r s and two o f the workmen, who were about t o l e a v e t h e p a r t y , some f r i e n d l y I n d i a n s b r o k e i n t o the room w i t h o u t w a r n i n g , and awoke, u s , s a y i n g , i n an e x c i t e d and d i s j o i n t e d manner, t h a t the man i n charge of the f e r r y ( t h i r t y m i l e s h i g h e r up the r i v e r ) had been murdered by t h e C h i l i c o t e n s f o r r e f u s i n g to g i v e away the p r o v i s i o n s and o t h e r p r o p e r t y i n h i s c a r e . ^ 5  The  immediate r e a c t i o n of Whymper and  one of genuine d i s b e l i e f .  the o t h e r w h i t e men  w i t h him  was  They seemed t o t h i n k i t i m p o s s i b l e t h a t Smith  c o u l d have been k i l l e d by the I n d i a n s when t h e o t h e r workmen were encamped such a s h o r t d i s t a n c e away from him.  Whymper l e f t by canoe t h a t same day,  A p r i l 30, a r r i v i n g i n V i c t o r i a on May  5, b e a r i n g news of the ferryman's  rumoured murder.  Whymper's r e p o r t caused l i t t l e s t i r i n V i c t o r i a .  k i l l i n g s had o c c u r r e d b e f o r e w i t h o u t  Isolated  c a u s i n g undue a p p r e h e n s i o n .  Besides,  Whymper, w h i l e not d i s m i s s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y o f Smith's murder,  expressed  some doubt about the m a t t e r .  The  f a c t t h a t no word had been sent from the  road p a r t y seemed to him an argument a g a i n s t the t r u t h o f the murder r e p o r t . Up to the t i m e of l e a v i n g [he r e p o r t e d ] , no one came from above, and as they would know of. i t f a r e a r l i e r than we c o u l d , t h e p a r t y b e i n g c h i e f l y camped 7 m i l e s above the f e r r y — a n d would h u r r y down, knowing t h a t two of the road p a r t y were coming away w i t h me, we have g r e a t hopes t h a t i t i s f a l s e o r exaggerated. On t h e - o t h e r hand, Smith had had some t r o u b l e w i t h them b e f o r e , and an I n d i a n had drawn a k n i f e on 7 f\  him, w h i c h he got from  him.  D e f i n i t e News of the Homathko Massacres Not  t i l l May  11 d i d the steamer " E m i l y H a r r i s " r e a c h V i c t o r i a w i t h  the s t a r t l i n g - n e w s t h a t n o t one but f o u r t e e n o f Waddington's men  had  "HORRIBLE MASSACRE," the D a i l y C h r o n i c l e e x t r a h e a d l i n e d t h e news.  perished.  - 108 -  The steamer Emily Harris arrived from Nanaimo this morning. She brings, three men as passengers who are the sole survivors of Waddington's party of seventeen workmen, the remaining fourteen having been massacred by Ghilcooten Indians who had been hired to pack f o r them. The extent of the massacre and i t s nature were such as to f i r e the excitement of the public i n both'colonies and to occupy much of the attention of the mainland government f o r many months to come.  Reproduced from B r i t i s h Columbia, Department'of Lands, Forest, and Water Resources, "Mount Waddington, B r i t i s h Columbia" (Sheet 92N, F i r s t Status Edition) and B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Lands and Forests, "Bute I n l e t , B r i t i s h Columbia" (Sheet 92K, Second Status E d i t i o n ) . Scale 1:  250,000 or approximately 4 miles to 1 inch.  T r a i l shown  approximately as A. Waddington's "Map A referred to i n my l e t t e r of January 31st 1863 to the Chief Commissioner of Lands & Works."  Equivalents i n the Naming of Watercourses Old Name (As on Waddington's "Map A")  Modern Name  West Branch of Homathco River  Mosley Creek  East Branch of Homathco River  Homathco River [continued up-stream]  Downie's Creek  Klattasine Creek  West Creek  Scar Creek  [Waddington does not name but shows " B e l l a Coola T r a i l " there.]  Coola Creek  - 1P9 -  Map 3  Waddington's Bute Inlet T r a i l  - 110Footnotes for Chapter IV  See l e t t e r , William Downie to James Douglas, Mar. 19, 1859, i n Downie, "Explorations i n Jervis Inlet and Desolation Sound," Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society,XXXI (1861), p. 249; also "Major Downie and the Coast Route" ( l e t t e r , William Downie to the editor, Apr. 13, [1861], Daily Evening Press ( V i c t o r i a ) , Apr. 16, 1861, p. 2, published i n B r i t i s h Columbian (New Westminster), Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1; also Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: a History (Vancouver: Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1958), p. 205. According to Downie's l e t t e r to the editor of the Press, he carried on explorations i n 1858 also, at least i n the country between L i l l o o e t Lake and Howe Sound. 2 See "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 2, Special C o l l e c t i o n s , University of -British Columbia, and R. L. Reid, "Alfred Waddington, who Left a Splendid B r i t i s h Home to Pioneer i n B. C. 70 Years Ago," Vancouver Sunday Province, Mar. 13, 1927, p. 2. 3 Alfred P. Waddington, The Fraser Mines Vindicated, or The History of Four Months ( V i c t o r i a : Printed by P. de Garre, 1858). "The Coast Route Exploration," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist (Victoria) June 21, 1861, p. 2, For this reference and numerous others i n this chapter I am indebted to the R. L. Reid Papers, "Alfred Waddington" f i l e s , , now r e f i l e d under the t i t l e "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872." 4  "The Northern Route," B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr. 18, 1861, p. 2. In i t s next issue i t reprinted from the Press of V i c t o r i a a l e t t e r written by Downie expressing h i s scepticism regarding the existence of a p r a c t i c a l new coast route. ("Major Downie and the Coast Route," Press, Apr. 16, 1861, p. 2, published i n B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1) In the same issue an "advertisement" appeared which pointedly expressed i n s a t i r i c a l form the New Westminster attitude towards a l l northern routes: 5  "WADDINGTON! Great Sale of Town Lots!! ROUSING OPPORTUNITY!I! On the 1st of A p r i l , 1862, w i l l be offered, on the ground, 5,000 Town Lots, being the entire s i t e of WADDINGTON, at the head of DEAN'S CANAL, on the NOrth Coast of B r i t i s h Columbia A few c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a , having been moved by a philanthropic desire to b u i l d up a Town at that point, are prepared to o f f e r Extraordinary Inducements! And, i n order that said point may be the seaport of B r i t i s h Columbia, steps w i l l . b e taken to f i l l up the present "dangerous" entrance to Fraser River and Burrard I n l e t . 1  - IllFor P l a n s , and f u r t h e r p a r t i c u l a r s , a p p l y a t t h e Waddington o f f i c e , No. 10 Siwash A l l e y , V i c t o r i a . P. S. Should p a r t i e s making purchases a t the a b o v e . s a l e d e s i r e to have h a l f the purchases money: r e f u n d e d , the t h i n g can be done, as t h e p h i l a n t h r o p i c c i t i z e n s a f o r e s a i d have a way of managing such m a t t e r s w i t h the government. As the n a v i g a t i o n i s v e r y bad a t p r e s e n t b a l l o o n s w i l l be p r o v i d e d t o convey i n t e n d i n g p u r c h a s e r s to the p l a c e o f s a l e , f r e e of c h a r g e . " ("Waddington!" B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr..25, 1861, p. 3) 1  Bute I n l e t Route," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May  6, 1861, p. 2:  " E x e r t i o n s a r e b e i n g made by some o f our p u b l i c - s p i r i t e d c i t i z e n s to s t a r t an e x p l o r i n g p a r t y on t h e Bute I n l e t r o u t e t o A l e x a n d r i a . The e x p e d i t i o n w i l l s t a r t i n a few weeks o r as soon as the snow on t h e mountains may n o t i n t e r p o s e any d i f f i c u l t y t o the e x p l o r e r s . . . s h o u l d a p r a c t i c a b l e r o u t e be d i s c o v e r e d i t w i l l have a d i r e c t tendency to benefit V i c t o r i a . " 7  " C o a s t Route M e e t i n g , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 5, 1861, p. 3.  Q  "Coast Route M e e t i n g , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 11, 1861, p.  3.  q See M a r g a r e t A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y m i l l a n Company of Canada, 1958), p. 188 and p. 251.  (Vancouver,  Mac-  S e e H a r r y Gregson, A H i s t o r y , o f V i c t o r i a , 1842-1970 ( V i c t o r i a : V i c t o r i a Observor P u b l i s h i n g Co. L t d . , 1970), p. 10, pp. 15-16, and Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 114. 1 0  1 1  " T h e Bute Route," D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , June 16, 1861, p. 2.  12  ' • " A r r i v a l o f Major Downie," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 14, 1861, p.  13 "Major Downie's M e e t i n g , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 20, 1861, p. " ^ L e t t e r , A. Waddington t o James D o u g l a s , V i c t o r i a , Sept. 9, ( t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 6 ) .  1861  " R e t u r n of t h e ' H e n r i e t t a ' Oct. 1, 1861; p. 3.  Colonist,  1 5  from Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h  16  '~ " R e t u r n o f t h e Bute I n l e t E x p l o r i n g P a r t y , " D a i l y B r i t i s h Oct. 25, 1861, p. 3.  Colonist,  " T h e Bute I n l e t S u r v e y i n g P a r t y , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Dec. 1861, p. 3. 1 7  21,  - 112 18 L e t t e r , C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y o f B r i t i s h Columbia t o A. Waddington, Feb. 27, 1862, e n c l o s i n g a d r a f t agreement, r e f e r r e d t o i n l e t t e r , Waddington t o C o l o n i a l . S e c r e t a r y o f B. C., Mar. 14, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7 ) . 19 L e t t e r , R. C. Moody t o t h e C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y f o r B. C., Mar. 19, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7 ) . "For Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Mar. 21, 1862, p. 3. •'• 21 "Local I n t e l l i g e n c e : 1862, p. 3. 22 "New A d v e r t i s e m e n t s :  F o r Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , A p r i l 18, F o r B u t e I n l e t , " D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , A p r . 18,  1862, p. 2. 23 " L o c a l I n t e l l i g e n c e : F o r Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , May 16, 1862, p. 3, and "The B u t e I n l e t Route," l e t t e r , A. Waddington t o E d i t o r , D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 1, 1862, p. 3. 24 L e t t e r , A. Waddington t o R. C. Moody, C h i e f Commissioner of.Lands and Works, June 23, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7). 25  "Important from t h e Coast R o u t e — D e s t i t u t e and S t a r v i n g , " B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 22, 1862, p. 3.  Daily  "A T r i p t o C a r i b o o V i a B e n t i n c k , " B r i t i s h Columbian, J u l y 23, 1862, p. 2. 27 "Return of t h e Bute I n l e t E x p l o r e r s , " 1862, p. 3.  D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 30,  28 " I m m i g r a t i o n and Employment," D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , Aug. 4, 1862, p. 3. 29 "Our I m m i g r a t i o n Meetings," D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , Aug. 5, 1862, p. 2. rtf)  -  -  "The Bute I n l e t M e e t i n g , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 27, 1862, p. 3.  31 L e t t e r , A. R. Green t o R. C. Moody, S e p t . 10, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," f i l e 7 ) , and "Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , " D a i l y E v e n i n g P r e s s , Sept.,. 4, 1862, p. 3. 32 " R e t u r n o f t h e Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , " 15, 1862, p. 3.  •• •" D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Nov.  - 113 33  "Bute Inlet Wagon Road Company-(Limited) • [advertisement] , Evening Press, Aug. 22, 1862, p. 2. 34  11  Daily  v  "Bute Inlet Company," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, Jan. 7,. 1863, p. 3.  35 Letter, A. Waddington to R. C. Moody, Jan. 19, 1863 (typescript copy in "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," P i l e 8). Letter, R. C. Moody to A. Waddington, Feb. 28, 1863, referred to i n Waddington to Colonial Secretary of B r i t i s h Columbia, No. 28, 1863 (typescript copy of part of this l e t t e r i n Reid Papers, "Alfred Waddington, 1863"). 37 Letter, Waddington to Colonial Secretary of B. C , Mar. 16, 1863 (typescript copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 8). 38 Letter, W. A. G. Young [to R. C. Moody], Apr. 1, 1863 copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 8).  (typescript  39 Letter, W. A. G. Young to Attorney General, Dec. 3, 1863, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863— September, 1864," Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 26. 40 "Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle 4 1  ( V i c t o r i a ) , Apr. 14, 1863, p. 3.  " F o r Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, Apr. 24, 1863, p. 3.  42 "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle; Oct. 9, 1863, p. 3. 43 Letter, W. A. G. Young to the C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works, Nov. 5, 1863 (typescript copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 8). 44 "From Bute I n l e t , " Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, July 6, 1861, p. 3. 45  "From Bute Inlet,".Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, July 13, 1861, p. 3.  F o r the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the "Me-mi-er" with the Southgate River see Homer G. Barnett, The Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia (Eugene, Oregon: University of Oregon, 1955), p. ,26. The native form of the word given by Barnett i s "mimaiya". The phonetic system used i s ". . . the s i m p l i f i e d one suggested by the American Anthropological Association." (Barnett, p. 4). 4 6  47 "More about Bute I n l e t , " Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, July 17, 1861, p. 3. 48 See l e t t e r , Downie to the Editor of the Press, published i n B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1.  - 114 49  "Bute I n l e t , " Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, May  B e n t i n c k Arm," June 12, 1862, p. 3. 50|I  -  l e t t e r , May  30, 1862,  7, 1862,' p.  3.  i n Daily B r i t i s h Colonist,  '" "^Francis Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands: A Narrative of Discovery and Adventure i n the North P a c i f i c , ed. by John W. .Lyndon (London: Hurst and Blackett, [1871]). \ 52  r  "Important from the Coast Route—Destitution B r i t i s h Colonist, July 22, 1862, p. 3.  and Suffering," Daily  " B u t e I n l e t " ( l e t t e r , "Observer to editor,''.n.d.) , Dally Evening Press, Oct. 3, 1862, p. 3. . 53  1862,  "^"Return of the Bute I n l e t Expedition," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, Nov. p. 3. .  15,  "'"'British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. The term "Clayoosh" (modern "Klahuse") seems to have been applied to the Homathko Indians, near " r e l a t i v e s " of the Klahuse proper. The Euclataws (or Yucultas) seem to have moved into the area of upper Bute Inlet previously occupied only by the Homathkos. 56 "The Indian Massacre," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 2. See also Robert B. Lane, "Cultural Relations of the C h i l c o t i n Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1953), p. 89. (Ann Arbor,.University Microfilms, 1953). 57  • v- •'' "Bute Inlet Route a Success,". V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, Mar.  31, 1863,  p.  58  ' " "Mr. Waddington at Bute I n l e t , " l e t t e r , A l f r e d Waddington to the Secretary of the [Bute Inlet] Company, May 23, 1863, published i n Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, June 2, 1863, p. 3. 59 "Latest from Bute I n l e t , " Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, July 6, 1863,  p. 3.  ^See "Despatches from Seymour and Birch," IV, 15, Seymour to Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. fil "Mr." Waddington at Bute I n l e t , " l e t t e r , Waddington to Secretary of the Company, May 23, 1863 ,;,,published i n Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, June 2, 1863, p. 3. " F i e l d for Settlement," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, June 2, 1863,  p.  2.  - 115 -  /TO  " L a t e s t from t h e N o r t h C o a s t , " D a l l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May 19, 1863, p. 3. " L a t e r from Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y 7, 1863, p. 3. At about t h e b e g i n n i n g o f September, 1863, a group o f C h i l c o t i n s came down from t h e i n t e r i o r t o f i s h f o r salmon.' ("Bute I n l e t T r a i l , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Sept. 1 5 , 1 8 6 3 , p. 3 ) . How l o n g they s t a y e d i s d i f f i c u l t to s a y .  6S  ' "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y .24, 1863, p. 3.  " B u t e I n l e t , " l e t t e r , A. Waddington t o A. R. Green, J u l y 8, 1863, p u b l i s h e d i n D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 25, 1863, p. 3. • 6 6  ;  67  ' "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y 28, 1863, p. 2.  6 8  " B u t e I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Sept. 14, 1863, p. 3.  69 "From Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h " C o l o n i s t , J a n . 4, .1864, p. 3. L e t t e r , W. A. G. Young t o t h e A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l , Feb*. ;1, 1864, A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, F 332 28. 7 0  " B u t e I n l e t Wagon Road Company," t y p e s c r i p t o f a d v e r t i s e m e n t , Dec. 1 1 , 1863, i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 8'., 7 1  72  ' ' F r e d e r i c k Whymper, T r a v e l and A d v e n t u r e i n t h e T e r r i t o r y o f A l a s k a F o r m e r l y R u s s i a n A m e r i c a — N o w Ceded t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s — a n d i n V a r i o u s Other P a r t s o f t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c (London: John M u r r a y , 1 8 6 8 ) , p. 19. 7 3  7 4  7 5  I b i d . , p. 20. Ibid.,op.;22. I b i d . , p. 29.  76 "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 6, 1864, p. 3. " H o r r i b l e M a s s a c r e , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 12, 1864, p. 3 (from t h e e x t r a o f May 1 1 , 1864). 7 7  - 116 -  CHAPTER V THE MASSACRES AND THEIR CAUSES The slaughter which f e l l with such apparent suddeness on Waddington's road party was i n fact not without i t s prelude of increasing tension and misunderstanding between Chilcotins and whites.  Some of the possible  causes of this tension and misunderstanding have been examined or suggested i n previous chapters.  In this chapter we w i l l f i r s t examine some possibly  s i g n i f i c a n t incidents which d i r e c t l y affected the Chilcotins involved i n the massacres.  Then we w i l l go on to examine the massacres themselves.  The nature of the massacres may i n i t s e l f give us some clues as to the thoughts and feelings of the Chilcotins who were involved.  F i n a l l y , we  w i l l examine the relationship between the various factors, direct and i n d i r e c t , which helped to bring about the Uprising.  Some Incidents Preceeding the Uprising The smallpox epidemic which reached the Chilcotins i n 1862 may well have f i r s t reached them through their contact with the sick white men from Francis Poole's party who were l e f t among them."*" I t probably was also spread by the C h i l c o t i n s ' association with the B e l l a Coolas on the coast. Something of the fear and panic produced by the spread of the disease among the Indians may be sensed i n Lieutenant Palmer's account of his journey to Fort Alexandria by way of Bentinck Arm i n July and August of 1863. Referring to the B e l l a Coola Indians he writes:  - 117 -  Smallpox has this year contributed a sad quota of death. During my stay there this disease, which had only j u s t broken out when I arrived, spread so rapidly that, i n a week, nearly a l l the healthy had scattered from the lodges and gone to encamp by families i n the woods, only,, i t i s to be feared, to carry away the seeds of i n f e c t i o n and death i n the blankets and other a r t i c l e s they took with them. Numbers were dying each day; sick men and women were taken out into the woods and l e f t with a blanket and two or three salmon to die by themselves and rot unburied; s i c k children were t i e d to trees, and naked, gray-haired medicine-men, hideously painted, howled and g e s t i culated night and day i n front of the lodges i n mad efforts to stay the progress of the disease.^ Detailed accounts of the spread of the disease among the Chilcotins appear to be lacking, but i t s effect was i n Chapter Two,  devastating.  As has been mentioned  Morice estimated that two-thirds of the Chilcotins were  3 wiped out.  Begbie, who  thought.that one half was  had an opportunity to make a contemporary judgement, 4 a "moderate computation" of the number who  died.  The effect of the smallpox epidemic on the C h i l c o t i n s ' relations with the whites might have been n e g l i g i b l e had i t not been.for the native b e l i e f s regarding sickness, the attempt of a certain white man  to c a p i t a l i z e on those  b e l i e f s , and his ignorance regarding the possible f u l l consequences of the Chilcotins' dread of the t e r r i b l e sickness. mentioned i n Chapter Two, bring harm on others.  The C h i l c o t i n s , as has been  believed that through s p i r i t s i t was  This harm might come through disease.  the smallpox reached them i n 1862  a white man  possible to Not long before  i n the i n t e r i o r was  have threatened to bring the smallpox on the C h i l c o t i n s . ^  said to  Whether he ac-  tually threatened them with the disease or merely predicted i t s a r r i v a l , . the effect of his statement may have been the same.- The Chilcotins could well have taken the prediction to have been a threat once the disease spread among them^ seemingly by the white shaman's supernatural powers.  - 118 -  /  •  At any rate, h i s statement  and the epidemic that followed had i t s effect  i  on the C h i l c o t i n s ' minds when a r e a l threat was made against them l a t e r , i n the spring of  1864.  Another incident which had occurred seemed well calculated to arouse the d i s t r u s t and h o s t i l i t y of the Indians.  I t i s not clear whether i t was  the B e l l a Coolas or the Chilcotins who were immediately affected by i t , but, even i f i t was  the B e l l a Coolas, the Chilcotins are l i k e l y to have heard  of i t and to have been influenced by i t .  Certain white men  took the blankets  of those who had died of smallpox and sold them to other Indians, spreading the disease yet more.  6  The Indians, as can be seen i n the quotation from  Palmer, realized something of the contagious nature of the d i s e a s e  7  and  could certainly have associated the spread of the epidemic with the sale of the blankets which came from the bodies of the dead.  (The b e l i e f i n  the spread of the disease by contagion would not cancel out the Chilcotin's b e l i e f i n i t s introduction by supernatural means.) Most i f not a l l the Chilcotins who  took part i n the massacres on the 8 Homathko had apparently spent the winter near the coast, though they may 9 not have been seen at the head of the i n l e t t i l l the early spring. During the time that no work was being done on the road, from the beginning of January  t i l l l a t e March, only one or two or perhaps several s e t t l e r s were  l e f t among the Indians.  The petty thefts from Clark's house and the  resulting incident i n which Clark attempted to teach the thieving Indian a lesson have been already mentioned. . It., i s most l i k e l y that Clark's action l e f t the Indian—who was probably a C h i l c o t i n — w i t h a f e e l i n g of bitterness at having been shamed before the other^members of his t r i b e .  - 119 -  Clark may or may not have shared some of his food with the Indians, but according to Frederick Whymper the Indians at the head of Bute Inlet were very short of food at the time the spring work party arrived.  And  apparently, while they remained at the townsite, the Indians had to be content with what scraps the whites of the work party threw out."*"^  Quite probably  the unwillingness of the whites to share their apparent abundance with them would embitter the Chilcotins considerably.  Customs of h o s p i t a l i t y among  Indian groups adjacent to the Chilcotins and no doubt among the Chilcotins themselves would cetainly put the stingy practice of the whites i n an unfavourable l i g h t .  Lundin Brown writes of meeting an unidentified group  of Indians on h i s way to Fort Alexander and of partaking of their native food. They were uncommonly gruff and disagreeable [he w r i t e s ] , but s t i l l had enough.of humanity to produce what food they possessed, cons i s t i n g of some father dity dried s e r v i c e - b e r r i e s . H The theft of supplies from the whites produced some inevitable tensions 12 between whites and Indians.  In a l l p r o b a b i l i t y the Chilcotins participated  i n these thefts, though they may have been blamed f o r some they had nothing to do with. During the time that.no -road-party was working, early i n 1864, a C h i l c o t i n had been l e f t i n charge of some Bute Inlet Company stores. However, he l e f t the v i c i n i t y , and while he was gone some Indians (Chilcotins or others) broke into the log store-house and took the flour."  When Wadding-  ton's party came up i n the spring of 1864 enquiries were made regarding the loss of the f l o u r .  When the Chilcotins were questioned they gave no  information, but, according to one account, at l a s t said, "You are i n our  - 120 -  country; you owe us bread."  13  The white man  questioning them through an  interpreter took down the C h i l c o t i n s ' names, then told them that they would 14 a l l die.  The man who made the threat, who  i s unidentified i n the documents  and printed accounts of the period, returned on the steamer, but the e f f e c t of h i s attempt  to take advantage of Indian b e l i e f s was disastrous.  The  Chilcotins had not only heard his threat, reminiscent of the threat.or pred i c t i o n that preceeded  the smallpox outbreak of 1862, but also they had  actually seen the white man perform what to them seemed powerful magic. Their names had been written down.  Doubtless they did believe, as Lundin  Brown indicates, that the white man had acquired a power of l i f e and death over them with s i n i s t e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the future. Whatever their thoughts at the time the threat was made against them, the Chilcotins (or at least a number of them)©continued working f o r the road-makers.  One of them at l e a s t , namely T e l l o o t , had been i n the group 16  of Chilcotins who had worked the previous year. Chilcotins had been acquainted with the use of firearms since before 1822, as we have seen."*"  7  But apparently the Chilcotins who  Homathko to work on the road had been short of them.  came down the  In 1863  "...seemed very anxious to trade for muskets and ammunition," road party had been w i l l i n g enough to trade them.  they had 18 and the  To the C h i l c o t i n s , no  doubt, firearms meant not only an increased a b i l i t y to hunt f o r food, which they sometimes had found d i f f i c u l t to obtain, but also the arms represented increased power i n r e l a t i o n to surrounding tribes.  By the time the' Bute  Inlet massacres began the Chilcotins were equipped with a number of muskets, * i  as w e l l as with axes and knives.  - 121 -  The whites at this time must have presented, a picture of weakness to the Chilcotins.  Among the seventeen men who.were attacked on the Homathko 19  there was only one gun, according to Governor Seymour.  Besides, the  Chilcotins may have heard of the murder of whites which had taken place at 20 Bentinck Arm i n 1863,  and may have known that the perpetrators of the  murders had s t i l l not been arrested.  The Chilcotins who participated i n  the uprising came from an extremely isolated area, and could have had no concept of the number of whites i n the colony or t h e i r strength compared to their own.  At the same time, the stores of food and other supplies  which the whites possessed must have seemed immensely a t t r a c t i v e to the poverty-stricken and sometimes hungry i n t e r i o r Indians. Disagreement over the terms under which they worked contributed to the store of i l l - w i l l towards the whites which the Chilcotins were building up.  Brewster, the foreman, f e l t that the Indians should have to earn any  food they were given.  But the Chilcotins f e l t that once they were working  for the whites they should be fed free of charge, and they refused to accept food i n payment f o r their work.  Brewster i n his report to the  Colonial Secretary wrote l a t e r concerning the C h i l c o t i n s : They never took provisions i n payment they thought they had a r i g h t to be fed but they were not". They, begged food or s t o l e i t and i f these means f a i l e d them they hunted or fished. Grudges against i n d i v i d u a l workmen and .fresh i r r i t a t i o n s that occurred ffomttime to time must have served to increase C h i l c o t i n h o s t i l i t y to the whites.  I t was reported that the Indians had threatened Tim Smith the  ferry-keeper previously (before the day on which he was k i l l e d ) .  This  may have been due to his exposed position as a lone keeper of valuable stores  - 122 -  rather than to any f a u l t of his own i n dealing with the Indians.  On the  other hand, Clarke, the s e t t l e r who had "taught the Indian a lesson," was 22 one of the road work-men,  and i t seems l i k e l y that i l l - w i l l towards him  may have played i t s part i n increasing C h i l c o t i n h o s t i l i t y towards the whites. Reports i n 1864 and l a t e r suggested that jealousy of white men's "interference" with C h i l c o t i n women may have been a cause of the outbreak. Probably the f i r s t of these reports, and the one that originated the others, i s found i n Brew's May  23rd l e t t e r from Waddington to the Colonial Secre-  tary of B r i t i s h Columbia. The women p a r t i c u l a r l y the younger ones [he wrote] were better fed than the men as the price of p r o s t i t u t i o n to the hungry wretches was enough,to eat. Brew does not give the source of his information, though i t could have been the Bute Inlet Indians.  P r o s t i t u t i o n of Indian women was  B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island at the time.  common enough i n  However, i n Begbie's  or Lundin Brown's accounts of their dealings with the Chilcotins there i s no hint that i t was one of the grievances which contributed to the outbreak. There remains the p o s s i b i l i t y that i t was, but nothing more can be said with certainty. A further possible cause of enmity towards the whites was that the road was  the fact  about to enter or had entered C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y .  Whether  or. not i t had reached what was regarded as C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y at this time, the Chilcotins knew i t s d i r e c t i o n and purpose.  And i n 1863 there had been  numerous signs at the townsite and further up the r i v e r that the coming of the white man's road meant the coming of the white s e t t l e r .  - 123 -  The Massacres Themselves In spite of the occurrence of various Incidents, which by hindsight we can see could have contributed to feelings of h o s t i l i t y on the part of the C h i l c o t i n s , their apparent relationships with the road workmen were i n the main outwardly peaceful.  Two  the Chilcotins who  were sick had been  24 cared for i n the camp, according to Waddington.  I t i s l i k e l y that the  s p i r i t of j o v i a l comradeship with the workmen which seemed to be  evident  the evening before the massacre at the main road-campt had been demonstrated on more than one occassion before.  Waddington's men  on the Homathko,  though no doubt aware of differences which had arisen with the C h i l c o t i n s from time to time, were seemingly quite unaware of any build-up of resentment on the part of their Indian co-workers and certainly quite unsuspecting  of any thoughts of violence the C h i l c o t i n s might harbour. About t h i r t y miles from the head of Bute Inlet was  the f e r r y , where;  a lone ferry-keeper, Tim Smith, minded both the ferry and the abundant supply of provisions stored i n the log house.  Some seven to ten miles on, on the  opposite side of the r i v e r to the ferry-house, was actual construction of the t r a i l was s t i l l was  taking place.  the advance camp of the men who  the main road-camp where About two miles further  were blazing the t r a i l and  pre-  25 paring the  way.  About A p r i l 26 a group of Chilcotins camped twenty or t h i r t y feet from the main road-camp. who  The group may  had come down to work on the road.  Telloot, and Chedekki, who the uprising.  have included a l l the Chilcotins At any rate i t included K l a t s a s s i n ,  were l a t e r t r i e d at Quesnel for t h e i r part i n  Both Klatsassin and Telloot were c h i e f s — t h a t i s , important  - 124  l e a d e r s — a n d K l a t s a s s i n was were t o f o l l o w .  -  to take a dominant r o l e • i n the events w h i c h  On the n i g h t when they encamped near t h e w h i t e s , however,  the C h i l c o t i n s gave no s i g n o f h o s t i l i t y to the r o a d - p a r t y . some muskets among them, but t h i s d i d not a l a r m t h e w h i t e s . they and the w o r k - p a r t y  the whites.  After a l l ,  of the p r e v i o u s y e a r had f r e e l y t r a d e d o f f t h e i r  weapons t o the C h i l c o t i n s . for  They d i d have  The C h i l c o t i n s were f r e e l y employed i n p a c k i n g  - T e l l o o t and C h e d e k k i , i t was  l a t e r t e s t i f i e d , packed up 26  till  the n i g h t b e f o r e the a t t a c k on the main r o a d - p a r t y . The main i n s t i g a t o r o f the Bute I n l e t s l a u g h t e r s and t h e one who  out as the l e a d e r o f the U p r i s i n g was  Klatsassin.  stood  H i s commanding q u a l i t i e s  seem to have impressed t h o s e w h i t e s who l a t e r conversed w i t h him. H i s was a s t r i k i n g f a c e [wrote L u n d i n Brown]; the g r e a t . u n d e r jaw betokened s t r o n g power of w i l l ; the eyes, w h i c h were not b l a c k , l i k e most. I n d i a n s , but o f a. v e r y dark b l u e , and f u l l of ^ a s t r a n g e , i t might be a dangerous l i g h t , were keen and s e a r c h i n g . 1  A l l o w a n c e must be made for"Brown's tendency to r o m a n t i c i z e h i s des-  c r i p t i o n s , and p r o b a b l y l i t t l e r e l i a n c e s h o u l d be p l a c e d on t h e d e s c r i p 28 t i v e d e t a i l s of K l a t s a s s i n ' s appearance, but the s t r i k i n g i m p r e s s i o n he made was  f e l t even by the more tough-minded B e g b i e , who  wrote,  "Klatsassin  29 i s the f i n e s t savage I have met w i t h y e t , I t h i n k . " On the morning o f A p r i l 29 K l a t s a s s i n , a r r i v e d a t the f e r r y - s i t e . was,  i t seems, accompanied by h i s two sons, t h r e e o t h e r ..Indian men, 30  some I n d i a n women. may  The d e t a i l s o f what f o l l o w e d a r e not c l e a r .  have f i r s t demanded food o r o t h e r goods from Tim S m i t h ,  keeper's  end may  have come almost w i t h o u t w a r n i n g .  o r s t a n d i n g near the f i r e when K l a t s a s s i n shot him.  He was  o r  the  He  and Klatsassinferry-  apparently  sitting  (A g r e a t p o o l o f b l o o d  - 125 -  was l a t e r found near the f i r e and a b u l l e t was found lodged i n a tree 31 close by.)  Smith's body was dragged to the r i v e r and thrown i n .  It  was never found. Following the k i l l i n g the Chilcotins proceeded to loot the stores which were kept at the ferry s i t e .  According to one account these amounted to 32  about two tons of provisions.  The Chilcotins carried o f f some of the  goods, h i d others, and destroyed what they could "neither, use nor carry away. Among the plunder the Indians got possession of two kegs of gunpowder and ' 33 ' t h i r t y pounds of b a l l s —ammunition which they would f i n d most valuable i n a c o n f l i c t with the whites i n which the Chilcotins would be unable to replenish their supplies. foresight.  The Chilcotins took one other step which indicated  They cast'the scow a d r i f t and cut the ferry s k i f f to pieces with 34  axes, cutting o f f the up-river whites from the route to the coast.  The  cable over the r i v e r , however, was l e f t where i t was. It so happened that a Clahuse or Homathco• Indian named Squinteye and the CKIlcotin chief Telloot had been sent down-river on the morning of A p r i l 29.  About a mile above the f e r r y , according to Squinteye's l a t e r .,•. . 35 account, they met Klatsassin and the party of ChilcO.tins already mentioned.  Klatsassin t o l d Squinteye that he had k i l l e d the ferry-keeper. After some argument Telloot joined Klatsassin, and Squinteye hurried'down-river bearing "the news of Smith's death.  At the station at the mouth:6f the r i v e r the  a r t i s t Frederick Whimper and his companions were awakened to hear the news, and Whymper, as has been narrated, brought the still-doubted news to V i c t o r i a . The Chilcotins whom Squinteye had met, with the addition of Telloot, proceeded up the r i v e r to the main camp, where they joined the other C h i l c o t i n s .  - 126 -  No i n d i c a t i o n of what had occurred was perceived by the whites at the main camp.  The C h i l c o t i n s , i t was said, "..stalked and joked with the workmen 36  after supper and sang Indian songs during a part of the night."  The  workmen l a y down as usual without a watch being kep and without apprehension of danger from the nearby C h i l c o t i n s . At  about dawn the twelve workmen were sleeping i n t h e i r s i x tents,  with the possible exception of the cook, Charles Butler, who was probably attending to the morning f i r e . - The C h i l c o t i n s , as was a common practice in their warfare, chose this time to attack. i n the back.  Butler was apparently shot  At the same time or immediately a f t e r , the Chilcotins  attacked the other workmen who l a y i n t h e i r tents.  The attackers stabbed,  clubbed, and shot the men, p u l l i n g the tents down over them to prevent escape.  The strategy was almost completely successful.  never had a chance.  Most of the imen  Probably some never awakened. Three, however,  managed to escape. P h i l i p Buckley was l y i n g asleep when a C h i l c o t i n entered the tent and struck him a blow on the head.  The p a r t i a l l y stunned and confused  workman jumped up and made f o r the door of the tent, only to be_met by two Indians who stabbed him with their knives. apparently l e f t f o r dead by the Indians.  Buckley f e l l down and was  He crawled into the under-brush  and fainted away.^  7  Edward Mosely was sleeping along with Joseph F i e l d i n g and James Campbell when two Chilcotins l i f t e d up the end of the tent, whooped, and f i r e d immediately, shooting Mosely's. two companions.  The Indians  then pulled the tent down and hacked and cut at F i e l d i n g and Campbell.  - 127  Mosely was  -  p r o t e c t e d by the t e n t p o l e , w h i c h had f a l l e n on top of him.  He l a y q u i e t l y t i l l  the I n d i a n s rushed o f f t o a t t a c k another t e n t ; t h e n  he c r a w l e d out and plunged i n t o the r i v e r , w h i c h was s t e p s o f f from the t e n t .  o n l y a c o u p l e of  He r a n through t h e w a t e r f o r some d i s t a n c e ,  s t o o p i n g beneath the bank t o escape n o t i c e .  He l o o k e d back j u s t l o n g  enought to see a number of C h i l c o t i n women and c h i l d r e n g a t h e r e d C h a r l e s B u t l e r ' s t e n t , where t h e p r o v i s i o n s were k e p t .  around  Mosely c o n t i n u e d  38 h i s f l i g h t down-river. P e t e r P e t e r s e n awoke t o hear two s h o t s f i r e d .  He jumped up, rushed  from t h e H t e n t , and saw two I n d i a n s f i r i n g i n t o t h e t e n t n e x t t o h i s .  One  of the C h i l c o t i n s saw P e t e r s e n , rushed up to him, and aimed a blow at h i s head w i t h the b u t t - e n d of a musket.  P e t e r s e n warded i t o f f and jumped  away, b u t a n o t h e r C h i l c o t i n came up to him and s t r u c k a t him w i t h an axe. P e t e r s e n jumped a s i d e i n time and t o o k s h e l t e r b e h i n d a t r e e by t h e r i v e r bank, as the I n d i a n who  f i r s t s t r u c k came up w i t h h i s musket to s h o o t .  The C h i l c o t i n w a i t e d f o r h i s chance, then s h o t and wounded P e t e r s e n i n t h e l e f t arm.  P e t e r s e n jumped i n t o t h e r i v e r , h i s arm b l e e d i n g b a d l y .  The I n d i a n , s e e i n g the f l o w of b l o o d , may k i l l e d , f o r he d i d n o t t r y to f o l l o w .  have thought P e t e r s e n had been  P e t e r s e n was  f o r some d i s t a n c e b e f o r e he managed t o c r a w l o u t .  c a r r i e d down-stream Then a f t e r he had p r o -  ceeded f o r about one hundred y e a r d s Mosely o v e r t o o k him.  Mosely was  wOunded, w h i l e P e t e r s e n was weakened from l o s s of b l o o d , so Mosely  unleft 39  him and went on f o r h e l p to t h e f e r r y - s i t e where he imagined Smith Meanwhile, workmen—William  a t the-advance  was.  camp about two m i l e s u p - r i v e r , t h e f o u r  B r e w s t e r (foreman), James Gaudet ( o r G a u d i e ) , John C l a r k e , i  - 128 -  and Baptiste Demarest—had r i s e n and breakfasted. was  Besides the men there  the cook, a Homathko Indian boy i n his teens who was known as George.  After breakfast the-omen went out to work with their axes while George did the dishes.  Brewster was ahead of the others, blazing the t r a i l .  As  George was working about s i x or seven Indians came to the camp-site. of  One  them George l a t e r described as a slave of the C h i l c o t i n s ; the others 40  were Chilcotins.  The slave and one other had no gun; the others had.  The Chilcotins went out on the t r a i l and shot a l l the men with the possible exception of Baptiste Demarest, whose footsteps indicated he may have jumped into the r i v e r .  "In the place where he leaped," wrote Chartres 41  Brew after visiting.^the spot, "no man could escape drowning." Brew's party which discovered the bodies of the other three men. (or  Gaudie) had been shot.  I t was Gaudet  Clark had been shot and his head beaten i n .  Brewster too had been shot.and his head smashed, but also his corpse had been deliberately mutilated. The slave of the C h i l c o t i n s , who knew the Indian boy, t o l d him to run away.  About half-way down the t r a i l to the main road-camp George  met a large group of Chilcotins hurrying'along. were carrying heavy loads on t h e i r backs.  The women among them  With them were about ten men,  among whom, George l a t e r t e s t i f i e d , were Telloot and K l a t s a s s i n (as well as P i e l l or Pierre, Klatsassin's son, and Chedekki).  George hurried on  down the t r a i l , passing the main road-camp, where he saw the bodies of some of the white men.  A r r i v i n g a t the f e r r y - s i t e he saw two white men:  Mosely, and Petersen, who by this time had joined him. c a l l i n g and apparently thought  George heard them  they'were c a l l i n g him, but did not go to  - 129 -  them.  I n h i s h a s t e t o get home he swam t h e r i v e r and a r r i v e d a t t h e l o w e r 42  s t a t i o n a f t e r n i g h t f a l l w i t h news o f t h e massacre. Meanwhile B u c k l e y , who had been l y i n g amid t h e u n d e r b r u s h , covered from h i s f a i n t .  had r e -  He c o u l d now hear a n o i s e i n t h e camp, and though  he c o u l d see n o t h i n g from where he was, guessed t h a t t h e C h i l c o t i n s were p a c k i n g away t h e p l u n d e r . drank t h i r s t i l y .  He managed t o c r a w l t o some w a t e r , where he  T h i n k i n g t h a t he would never have t h e s t r e n g t h t o r e a c h  the f e r r y on h i s own, he r e s o l v e d on t r y i n g t o r e a c h B r e w s t e r ' s two m i l e s o r so ahead.  He managed t o c r a w l a l o n g t o t h e advance  but h e r e he saw f i r e s b u r n i n g and heard dogs b a r k i n g . had been no dogs i n B r e w s t e r ' s  camp, he concluded  camp-site,  Knowing t h a t t h e r e  t h a t t h e advance p a r t y  had s u f f e r e d a f a t e s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f h i s own group. the r o c k s t i l l  camp o n l y  B u c k l e y l a y among  almost d a y l i g h t , then s t a r t e d f o r t h e f e r r y , w h i c h he s a f e l y  r e a c h e d , and t h e r e j o i n e d Mosely and P e t e r s e n .  B u c k l e y had been a s a i l o r ,  so t h e t h r e e men f i x e d a l o o p t o t h e c a b l e w h i c h s t r e t c h e d a c r o s s t h e r i v e r , and B u c k l e y , g e t t i n g i n t o the l o o p , worked his.  way a c r o s s  till  w i t h i n a s h o r t d i s t a n c e o f the o p p o s i t e bank, when he dropped i n t o t h e r i v e r and swam t h e r e s t o f t h e way a c r o s s . example.  The o t h e r two s u r v i v o r s f o l l o w e d h i s  On t h e o t h e r s i d e o f t h e r i v e r they saw t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e  a t t a c k w h i c h had ended Smith's l i f e and w h i c h e x p l a i n e d why t h e i r c a l l s t o the ferry-man packers  had been unanswered.  I n about an hour two F r e n c h  Canadian  and f i v e Bute I n l e t I n d i a n s who had heard o f t h e massacre from 43 George, a r r i v e d t o r e s c u e them.  - 130 -  By the time the three survivors of the Bute Inlet massacres had brought their news to V i c t o r i a , the Chilcotins had had ample opportunity to cross the Coast Range b a r r i e r to the i n t e r i o r .  Flushed with v i c t o r y ,  Klatsassin and h i s followers now dreamed larger dreams of exterminating the encroaching white men.  Meanwhile, another group of whites, oblivious  to their danger, were preparing to enter C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y by the Bentinck Arm route.  On A p r i l 25 Waddington had dispatched the schooner  Amelia to Bentinck Arm to take up a party of men who were to work on the Bute Inlet T r a i l from the upper - end (the i n t e r i o r ) . work had been awarded to Alexander Macdonald.  The contract for this  Macdonald apparently already  had a vested interest i n the t r a i l , since he and his partner Manning had Punt* i  a ranch at Puntzee Lake.  Manning, who had remained on the ranch, was the  only white s e t t l e r i n the whole of the C h i l c o t i n country. On May 17, 1864, Macdonald set out with his pack-train from the head of Bentinck Arm, s t i l l apparently oblivious to the fate which had 44 overtaken the whites on the Homathko. white men and a number of Indians. headed f o r the Cariboo gold f i e l d s .  With Macdonald were seven other  Some of the whites were reportedly The pack-train consisted of twenty-  eight loaded pack animals and a large number of unloaded ones.  Peter  McDougall, for whom the expedition seems to have been a trading venture, reportedly had been unable to buy s u f f i c i e n t goods at the head of Bentinck Arm and was taking through a large number of unloaded animals.  With  McDougall was his common-law wife who was a C h i l c o t i n from the Nacoontloon (modern Anahim) Lake band of which Annichim was the chief.•  - 131 -  Crossing the d i f f i c u l t "Great S l i d e , " the pack t r a i n reached the easier i n t e r i o r section of. the route and, probably towards the end of arrived at Anahim Lake.  Klatsassin had arrived before them.  had learned from the Homathko road-workers  May,  Whether he  that the pack-train was  coming  through i s uncertain, though i t seems l i k e l y that he had, and that his t r i p to Nancootloon was  another example of h i s deliberate planning. At any rate, ;  he had no doubt- already told the Nancootloon Chilcotins of his signal success on the Homathko, and i f he had not already done so he would now, with the a r r i v a l of the pack-train, point out to them the advantages to be gained i n attacking and plundering i t and annihilating yet another group of white men.  His suggestions f e l l on ready ears, and the massacre might have been  a t o t a l one had i t not been f o r McDougall's  C h i l c o t i n wife.  (Lundin Brown  refers to her by the name "Klymtedza," -we^we may use f o r convenience.) V i s i t i n g with her own people, Klymtedza learned: of the planned attack on the pack-train. Apparently her l o y a l t i e s lay with her husband, for she divulged the secret to the whites.  According to Lundin Brown, there was  a d i v i s i o n of opinion among the members of the group, some wishing to return immediately to the coast, abandoning their goods to the Indians, others being unwilling to do t h i s .  At l a s t the decision was made to dig  a defensive entrenchment and to throw up earthworks behind which they could occupy a position which could be defended against the Indians. according to Brown's account, they remained, f o r two days.  Here,  However long  they stayed, time must have crawled as they awaited the expected attack. It f a i l e d to materialize, and the men decided to"leave t h e i r crude f o r t i f i c a t i o n s and head for the coast, though taking t h e i r loads of provisions  - 132  w i t h them.  -  Somehow, though, t h e C h i l c o t i n s got wind of t h i s .  The p a c k e r s  seem to have c o n s t r u c t e d t h e i r earthworks some d i s t a n c e beyond Anahim (Nancootloon) Lake.  They had reached a p o i n t p o s s i b l y t e n m i l e s from  Anahim Lake on t h e i r r e t r e a t to the c o a s t when they were suddenly f i r e d by the C h i l c o t i n s who of  the m e n — H i g g i n s  l a y i n ambush on e i t h e r s i d e of t h e i r pathway.  and McDougall-were  was shot from under him.  k i l l e d outright.  Macdonald's  He mounted a n o t h e r , and,- when t h a t was  c o n t i n u e d t o put up a f i g h t t i l l he was f i n a l l y k i l l e d .  on Two  horse  shot a l s o ,  Klymtedza, 45  a c c o r d i n g to one r e p o r t , was  a l s o k i l l e d i n the a t t a c k .  to escape and made t h e i r way  t o B e n t i n c k Arm.  wounded.  Four of the f i v e had been  One o f . t h e s e , John G r a n t , made h i s way  named H a m i l t o n and h i s f a m i l y .  F i v e men managed  to t h e r a n c h of a s e t t l e r  Grant b u r s t i n upon t h e f a m i l y and t o l d them  how h i s p a r t y had been massacred.  The C h i l c o t i n s were p u r s u i n g him, and  Grant and the H a m i l t o n s got away i n a canoe j u s t i n t i m e . back to see t h e C h i l c o t i n s h i g h on the r i v e r - b a n k .  They l o o k e d  The C h i l c o t i n s , however,  did  not f i r e , b e i n g a p p a r e n t l y d i s t r a c t e d by t h e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r p l u n d e r i n g  the  settler's  house.  C h a r l e s F a r q u h a r s o n , who  escaped unhurt from the scene o f the a t t a c k ,  s u r v i v e d a number of days i n t h e woods and f i n a l l y made h i s way Hamilton ranch.  t o the  T h i s he found abandoned, b u t he reached t h e head" of  B e n t i n c k Arm thanks t o a canoe w h i c h H a m i l t o n s e n t up f o r him. 46 At Puntzeen o r P u n t z i Lake l i v e d the s e t t l e r W i l l i a m Manning.  Here,  where I n d i a n paths had l o n g met, t h e proposed t r a i l from Bute I n l e t was meet the undeveloped but a l r e a d y used t r a i l from B e n t i n c k Arm.  to  Near the  shores of P u n t z i Lake Manning had p l a n t e d a garden and b u i l t a l o g house,  - 133 -  and taken advantage of the readily available spring water.  I t so happened  that the place Manning had chosen to s e t t l e had long been used as a camping ground by some of the C h i l c o t i n Indians.  Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie's  l a t e r investigations indicated that Manning had driven o f f these Chilcotins 47 and taken possession of the spring.  Manning, however, now considered  himself on good relations with the C h i l c o t i n s .  They had worked f o r him  readily, and reportedly he had supported them almost e n t i r e l y one winter when they were short of food.  Living with Manning was an Indian woman,  known as Nancy, who was apparently herself a C h i l c o t i n . However f r i e n d l y Manning's relations with the Chilcotins may have appeared to him to have been, i t appears there was an underlying resentment towards him which the success of the Chilcotins i n k i l l i n g other whites encouraged them to express i n action.  The exact date when Manning  was k i l l e d i s uncertain, though i t seems to have come after the slaughter of Macdonald's party on the Bentinck  trail.  Nancy was f i r s t warned of the plan to k i l l Manning.  According to  one account (given by Brown) she participated i n the plot by hiding h i s ammunition.  But her own testimony before Begbie was very d i f f e r e n t .  According to her account she was told of the plot by two Indian women who warned her to leave, and she herself told Manning.  Manning, however, -  refused to believe that the Chilcotins would harm him.  Later Nancy was '  warned by two other Indian women and she was just leaving.when Manning was shot.  The C h i l c o t i n who carried out the shooting was Tahpit. But  according to Tahpit the i n s t i g a t o r of the plot was Annichim, who was there with him when the shooting was done, though Tahpit did not deny  - 134 -  his  own  part i n i t .  William Manning's body was William Cox.  I t was  s i t e of the house.  l a t e r found by,.the expedition sent under  l y i n g hidden i n a stream some f i f t y yards from the A b u l l e t wound passed from the right breast to the  . l e f t shoulder blade.  According  to Brown's account the body was  also  mutilated. Following the murder of Manning the Chilcotins f i r s t looted the house, then destroyed  it.  According  to Brown's account and Seymour's they also  destroyed Manning's plow and other a g r i c u l t u r a l implements and wrecked the garden and f i e l d .  We can hardly doubt the resentment of the Chilcotins*  towards Manning for taking over t h e i r camping-ground. his  implements, garden, and f i e l d may  Their wrecking of  also have been expressive of  resentment against the introduction of agriculture, which they saw as a threat to their way  of l i f e based on hunting and  fishing.  The Nature of the Uprising The massacres on the Homathko, the attack on the pack-train, and k i l l i n g of William Manning had now  the  revealed the main pattern of the  C h i l c o t i n Uprising. In a number of features the C h i l c o t i n Uprising was warfare.  t y p i c a l of C h i l c o t i n  These features were not exclusively c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the C h i l c o t i n s ,  i n that they shared such patterns of warfare with adjacent  tribes.  However,  they do mark the C h i l c o t i n Uprising as d i s t i n c t i v e l y native i n many of i t s patterns.  The Chilcotins who  main those who  participated i n the massacres were i n the  had been least deeply influenced by white culture.  In  - 135 -  spite of what had seemed an easy adaption to closer contact with the whites, i n r e a l i t y their patterns of thought were s t i l l deeply C h i l c o t i n as opposed to European.  These patterns of thought were evident i n many of the ways i n  which the uprising was carried out, i n spite of the use of the white man's weapons. Dawn, the time of the attack on the Homathko road-camps, was, as we have seen i n Chapter One, a t y p i c a l one for the C h i l c o t i n s .  I t was no  doubt the most favourable one for the element of surprise which was of  their warfare.  typical  The use of ambush to attack the pack-train was yet another  means of attempting to ensure that the attack was  unexpected.  White men i n B r i t i s h Columbia had on occasion shown themselves quite capable of" ambushing and slaughtering unarmed and unsuspecting Indians, as 48 Reinhart's account of the slaughter at Lake Okanagan has i l l u s t r a t e d .  Such  an action was contrary to the usually-accepted white norms of conduct at the time and was viewed with revulsion by Reinhart and no doubt by others i n the  party.  But a surprise attack on an unarmed and unsuspecting party was  an accepted norm of C h i l c o t i n warfare.  The C h i l c o t i n prisoners at Quesnel  when f i r s t v i s i t e d by Brown, who had been appointed their chaplain, i n s i s t e d ,49 that "They meant war, not murder  1  i n f a l l i n g on the road-men on the  Homathko. One or two r i t u a l i s t i c or s e m i - r e a l i s t i c features of warfare were present i n the uprising.  According to the testimony of the Homathko boy  George, one of the Chilcotins at least (of those, who  came to Brewster's  camp) had h i s face blackened, a sign well understood to indicate warfare or enmity towards an e n e m y . T h e mutilation of the body of an enemy was, as we have seen i n Chapter Two, one feature of C h i l c o t i n warfare.  Such  - 136 -  mutilation was  carried out on the body of Brewster, the road foreman.  In one important way C h i l c o t i n warfare.  the C h i l c o t i n Uprising d i f f e r e d from previous  For the f i r s t time C h i l c o t i n warfare was  directed against the White Man.  specifically  In previous times Chilcotins had feuded  with Chilcotins of other families or bands i n c o n f l i c t s which displayed family or band consciousness.  They had warred on neighbouring t r i b e s ,  and perhaps shown some evidence i n these c o n f l i c t s of C h i l c o t i n consciousness.  But i n the C h i l c o t i n Uprising for the f i r s t time they warred against  the White Man as such.  In this they showed evidence of a newly developed  Indian consciousness. From the very beginning the C h i l c o t i n s ' actions were directed specif i c a l l y against whites.  In spite of the C h i l c o t i n s ' previous history of  c o n f l i c t with the Bute Inlet Indians, Squinteye and the Homathko boy George were unharmed.  Both were allowed to go their way i n spite of the fact that  this would enable them i f t h e y s o desired (as they did) to bring the news of  the massacre to the ears of the whites at the head of the Inlet.  other hand, no attempt was  apparently made to induce either of the two  to j o i n the Chilcotins against the whites. between white and Indian as such. ness.  On the  The Chilcotins made a difference  They had developed an Indian conscious-  But they s t i l l made a, difference between C h i l c o t i n and non-Chilcotin  Indians.  Non-Chilcotin Indians were unharmed.  interior.were encouraged  to j o i n the uprising.  Anahim Lake to s t i r up the Indians there.  C h i l c o t i n Indians of the Klatsassin journeyed to  Booty from the raid on Macdonald's  pack-train was reportedly distributed to other^'Chilcotins who cipate d i r e c t l y i n the attack.  did not p a r t i -  - 137 -  The C h i l c o t i n Uprising was, an uprising i n that i t was  directed against  a l l whites i n the area where the "insurgent" C h i l c o t i n s were, and i n defiance of white authority.  I f i t . was not a true uprising at the very beginning i t  rapidly became one.  According to Brown's account, which may  not be very  accurate for some of the events on the Homathko, the C h i l c o t i n s before the attacks on the road-parties agreed to k i l l a l l the whites they could lay their hands on.  This may  have been before or after the murder of Smith,  the ferry-man, an eventfto which Brown for some reason does not refer. According to "Squinteye's  Declaration," Telloot for one did not j o i n with 52  Klatsassin t i l l after the murder of Smith.  I t may have been after the  k i l l i n g of Smith and before the attack on the main road-camp that the plot to exterminate  as many whites as possible was made.  At any rate, the  events that materialized and which have already been described gave the evident character of an uprising to the C h i l c o t i n s ' actions.  And once  the colonial government sent'expeditions against them the C h i l c o t i n s who had openly participated i n the Uprising were faced with the choice of either giving themselves up or openly r e s i s t i n g the government's ;armed expeditions. The C h i l c o t i n Uprising was not an uprising of a l l the Chilcotins. Chilcotins who those who  The  p a r t i c i p a t e d , as has been already mentioned, were mainly  Had absorbed the least white culture.  They were also the most  isolated from centres of white settlement, and had probably the l e a s t understanding  of the degree of white strength.  Other groups of C h i l c o t i n s ,  as we s h a l l see, had been more deeply influenced by the whites and had a better idea of the f u t i l i t y of p i t t i n g their strength against that of the  - 138 -  Europeans.  The uneveness of exposure to white culture worked against the  development of a "pan-Ghilcotin" uprising.  But the disunity of the  Chilcotins also stemmed from aboriginal times.  Many other native peoples  of North America had a comparable disunity, which goes far to explain the rapid achievement of ascendency by. the White Man.  Causes of the Uprising "Chief Motivating  Cause"  The C h i l c o t i n Uprising, l i k e many other human actions carried out by groups and i n d i v i d u a l s , had one chief motivating causes.  The chief motivating  cause but many contributing  cause--the reason f o r t h e i r actions which was  uppermost i n the C h i l c o t i n s ' minds--was given by the C h i l c o t i n prisoners at 53 their t r i a l and i n conversation with Judge Begbie, and with Lundin Brown. This was the threat which had been made by someone at Bute Inlet to bring a plague of sickness upon them.  The C h i l c o t i n s ' repeated references to  this incident, their unanimous testimony to i t s occurrence, and the fact that they had no good reason to fabricate the story are convincing for  accepting  i t as the chief motivating  Surprising as i t seems at f i r s t  cause of the Uprising.  that a mere threat should prove to have  such importance, the C h i l c o t i n s ' b e l i e f s regarding  disease and the terror  produced by the epidemics of 1862-63 are ample explanations that the threat had.  reasons  of the effect  The rashness of the unidentified white man's action  was a case of "a l i t t l e knowledge" being "a dangerous thing."  He knew  enough; about C h i l c o t i n or B r i t i s h Columbia Indian b e l i e f s to be aware that his  threat would frighten them, but he was unaware of the possible conse-  quences of his threat.  To the Chilcotins who had come down the Homathko to  - 139 -  the Bute Inlet region, wiping out the whites seemed not only a revenge f o r the threat but also the only way smallpox.  to prevent the whites from bringing the  54  "Predisposing Causes" Behind the chief motivating cause (the threat made against the Chilcotins) we may  discern a number of contributing causes.  Some of these, which might  be termed "predisposing causes," were events.and circumstances which had no d i r e c t connection with.the C h i l c o t i n s ' deciding to slaughter the whites, but which must have helped to shape their adverse attitutde towards the whites. These events and circumstances, some of which were connected with the e a r l i e r history of the P a c i f i c Northwest, we have looked at i n previous chapters, though not at the nature of their relationship to the C h i l c o t i n Uprising. OnC  In Chapter -¥we- we noted that the Chilcotins from aboriginal times had a history of warfare and feuding with many surrounding groups:  speci-  f i c a l l y with the Homathkos, Shuswaps (except Canyon Shuswaps), L i l l o o e t s , and Carriers.  Whereas another group might have developed a pattern of  avoidance and retreat i n the face of encroachments or threatened c o n f l i c t with others, the Chilcotins had developed a pattern of warfare i n self-defense — a n d i n aggression against weaker groups such as the Homathkos.  Warfare,  then, might be expected from the Chilcotins as a defensive reaction, or i n revenge, or i n aggression, provided the right conditions of provocation or incentive were present. .,. The pre-gold-rush history of C h i l c o t i n s ' dealings with Europeans was, as has been seen, marked by frequently uneasy and even h o s t i l e relationships with the fur-traders.  This, we may  suppose, l e f t i t s mark on the C h i l c o t i n s '  - 140 -  attitudes towards the White Man.  At the same time, the Chilcotins during the  pre-gold-rush period did not develop as great a dependence on the white man as did some other Indian t r i b e s .  This would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y true  of those C h i l c o t i n s who l i v e d far from Fort Alexandria.  Lack of economic  dependence must have contributed to their independence of attitude, evidenced in their willingness to do without  peaceful r e l a t i o n s with the white man.  The C h i l c o t i n s ' relationships with the missionaries up to the time of the Uprising had generally been f l e e t i n g and s u p e r f i c i a l .  Here again  those  furthest removed from Fort Alexandria would have been l e a s t influenced by the m i s s i o n a r i e s . ^  In view of the fact that the missionaries acted as  transmitters of European culture and as intermediaries between the Indians and other whites, the lack of close contact with them must have contributed to the C h i l c o t i n s ' u n f a m i l i a r i t y with white culture.  This i n turn must  have greatly increased the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for misunderstanding with the whites, and probably contributed to feelings of. bewilderment and fear when the Chilcotins were confronted with European ways. We have noted that the coming of the Gold Rush brought the sudden i n f l u x of a large white population d i s t i n c t l y different from the fur traders i n many ways.  These new Europeans—miners and those who followed i n their t r a c k s —  had no relationships of e s s e n t i a l interdependence with the Indians, no long background i n dealing with the Indians, and i n some cases had attitudes of positive h o s t i l i t y towards them.- We have l i t t l e knowledge of what d i r e c t dealings the Chilcotins had with the gold miners.  They would have had much  less to do with them than the Indians of the Fraser River did.  But some  parties bound for the Cariboo passed through C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y by the  - 141 -  Bentinck Arm route, as we have seen.  And the Chilcotins may well have  heard stories of c o n f l i c t between miners and Indians i n the Fraser Canyon. The smallpox outbreak of 1862-63 was  fresh i n the C h i l c o t i n s ' minds.  In wiping out a large proportion of the C h i l c o t i n population i t must have " created great disruption i n C h i l c o t i n society.  And, as we have seen, some  of the circumstances under which the smallpox came to the Chilcotins were such as to l i n k i t i n their minds with the i n f l u x of the whites. Prior to the threat made against the Chilcotins at Bute I n l e t , then, the Chilcotins who were l a t e r involved i n the uprising had had few experiences which would be l i k e l y to dispose them to trust the whites or develop" f r i e n d l i n e s s towards them.  On the'other hand, they had had a number of experiences  which would be l i k e l y to arouse t h e i r h o s t i l i t y towards the White Man.  And  their culture from aboriginal times favoured the expression of this h o s t i l i t y i n acts of war i f opportunity offered, rather than the passive acceptance of a s i t u a t i o n which had led to their h o s t i l e feelings. A number of circumstances and events, then, had set the mood f o r the C h i l c o t i n Uprising, creating a f e e l i n g of suspicion and sometimes latent h o s t i l i t y towards the whites.  These feelings were no doubt shared more by  some Chilcotins than by others, being p a r t i c u l a r l y strong i n those who previously been most i s o l a t e d , as those who  had  participated i n the uprising  generally speaking had been. The C h i l c o t i n h o s t i l i t y was  centred and given d i r e c t i o n by a single  issue: namely, the threat of sickness which had been made against them.  - 142 -  "Aggravating Grievances" E a r l i e r i n this chapter, i n dealing with preceeding incidents which d i r e c t l y affected the Chilcotins' involved i n the uprising, we examined a number of occurrences d i r e c t l y connected with the road-building enterprise which may be regarded as grievances from the C h i l c o t i n s ' viewpoint, aggravating the harm done by the threat made against the Chilcotins. Waddington's t r a i l had just entered or was about to enter.Chilcotin t e r r i t o r y and the Chilcotins may by now have been growing uneasy at the thought of a possible i n f l u x of s e t t l e r s into the C h i l c o t i n region once the t r a i l was  extended farther.  (Their experiences with Manning, who  had  occupied a C h i l c o t i n camping s i t e , would surely have given,them some uneasiness.)  t  The f a i l u r e of Waddington's party to provide the starving or nearstarving Chilcotins with food when the road-party arrived i n March of must have caused resentment.  This resentment was  1864  increased by the f a i l u r e  of Brewster to provide the Chilcotins with food i n addition to wages once the i n t e r i o r Indians began working f o r the road-builders. 1  Brewster's  unwillingness to supply food on the basis the Chilcotins regarded as.their right must certainly have contributed to the special i l l - w i l l they towards him:  felt  i l l - w i l l which was no doubt extended by association;to ;the  other road-builders as well. Grudges against other workmen such as Clark and possibly Smith and fresh i r r i t a t i o n s that occurred from time to time must have served to aggravate the C h i l c o t i n s ' largely-hidden h o s t i l i t y towards the whites.  - 143 -  "Material Incentive" Among the causes of the uprising the material incentive of plunder must have played a d e f i n i t e part.  Lane, i n his thesis on "Cultural Relations .  One  of the C h i l c o t i n Indians . . - ." remarks, as we have s een i n Chapter Two, on 56 their practice of feasting on the enemies' supplies.  Booty was a natural  f r u i t of warfare. To the frequently-hungry  and poverty-stricken Chilcotins the provisions  which they knew were kept for the road-party must have seemed a most a t t r a c t i v e store of wealth i n goods and food ready for the taking.  Plunder was not the  main cause of the u p r i s i n g , but i t must have been a powerful incentive, and one which Klatsassin could use to persuade others t o . j o i n i n his plot to annihilate the road-workers.  In persuading the Anahim (Nancootloon) C h i l c o t i n s  to j o i n him i n attacking the pack-train, plunder must have played an equally important part;—or l i k e l y a more important one, since the Anahim Indians had not the same d i r e c t experience of the threat against them nor of the aggravating grievances which Klatsassin's immediate followers had.  Again, i n the  attack on Manning the knowledge that there was booty to be gained must have played i t s part i n encouraging the Chilcotins to k i l l the s e t t l e r . " F a c i l i t a t i n g Factors" No matter how numerous the motives of the C h i l c o t i n s nor how great the h o s t i l i t y which they had b u i l t up, the'vuprising would not have taken place  v  .. . .  had the r i g h t f a c i l i t a t i n g factors not been present.  Not only did the  Chilcotins have the urge to perpetrate the attacks on the whites, but also just the r i g h t set of circumstances was present  to make the uprising possible  and to make i t appear capable of success i n the eyes of the C h i l c o t i n s .  - 144  One  of t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s was  Bute I n l e t T r a i l .  -  t h e d e f e n c e l e s s s t a t e o f the w h i t e s on the  The f e r r y - k e e p e r was  a l o n e , and the road-workers  were  s p l i t i n t o two p a r t i e s , the advance one c o n s i s t i n g o f o n l y f o u r w h i t e men."'  7  Not o n l y d i d t h e w h i t e s have l i t t l e o r no ammunition, but no watch was at n i g h t , so c o n f i d e n t were t h e w h i t e men r o a d - p a r t y was  of thei-r s a f e t y .  kept  In s h o r t , the  an i d e a l t a r g e t f o r the type of s u r p r i s e a t t a c k t h e C h i l c o t i n s  were i n t h e h a b i t of r e s o r t i n g t o i n t h e i r w a r f a r e . I n a d d i t i o n t o t h i s , t h e C h i l c o t i n s had a c q u i r e d t h e advantage o f t h e White Man's arms and ammunition, which t h e C h i l c o t i n s on t h e Homathko had m o s t l y g a i n e d q u i t e l a t e but had had s u f f i c i e n t time t o become f a m i l i a r with. Thanks, i r o n i c a l l y , t o the m e d i a t i o n of Waddington, t h e C h i l c o t i n s i n t h e two y e a r s t h a t "preceeded  had  t h e u p r i s i n g g a i n e d i n s e c u r i t y by t h e f a c t  t h a t peace had been made w i t h t h e Homathkos, K l a h u s e , and E u c l a t a w s , t h r e e 58 c o a s t a l groups whom they had p r e v i o u s l y r e g a r d e d as enemies.  It is likely  t h a t t h e f e e l i n g o f i n c r e a s e d s e c u r i t y w h i c h must have come t o them cont r i b u t e d t o t h e i r c o n f i d e n c e i n a t t a c k i n g the W h i t e s . F i n a l l y , among the c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h i c h h e l p e d t o make p o s s i b l e was  _ the U p r i s i n g  the c i r c u m s t a n c e of e f f e c t i v e l e a d e r s h i p . W i t h o u t  the l e a d e r -  s h i p of K l a t s a s s i n i t i s d o u b t f u l whether t h e a t t a c k s on t h e r o a d workmen on t h e Homathko would have ever been c a r r i e d o u t , l e t a l o n e c a r r i e d out w i t h almost complete s u c c e s s as they were.  The f i r s t w h i t e t o be k i l l e d was  killed  by K l a t s a s s i n , and h i s r o l e i n every p a r t of t h e U p r i s i n g w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n of  t h e a t t a c k on Manning was  a prominent  one.  H i s l e a d e r s h i p stemmed from h i s  a b i l i t y and h i s a p p a r e n t l y f o r c e f u l p e r s o n a l i t y . on what was how  Y e t the f a c t t h a t he embarked  from the b e g i n n i n g a h o p e l e s s r e s i s t a n c e t o the W h i t e Man  l i t t l e he u n d e r s t o o d  the weakness of h i s own p e o p l e ' s p o s i t i o n and  s t r e n g t h of -the w h i t e men's.  shows the  - 145 Footnotes for Chapter V "''"Important from the Coast Route—Destitute and Suffering," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist. July 22, 1862, p. 3. See Chapter IV of this thesis. 2 Hfenry] Spencer Palmer, Report of a Journey of Survey from V i c t o r i a to Fort Alexander v i a Bentinck Arm (New Westminster: Royal Engineer Press, 1863), p. 7. 3 A[drian] G[abriel] Morice, The Great Dene Race (St. Gabriel-Modling, near Vienna, Austria, Administration of "Anthropos" [1928?]), p. 39, c i t e d i n Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the C h i l c o t i n Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953), p. 39. (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953). 4 Letter, Matt[hew] B. Begbie [to F. Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 5  Ibid.  ^Letter, A l f r e d Waddington to the Editor of the D a i l y - B r i t i s h Colonist, published i n Weekly Colonist, June 14, 1864, p. . Waddington does not make i t absolutely clear that i t was the Chilcotins who were affected. Waddington names two whites, Angus McLeod and Taylor, as responsible, but "Verax" i n a l e t t e r to the Editor of the B r i t i s h Columbian states that the two whites were Angus McLeod and Wallace. (Letter, "Verax" to the Editor, June 21, 1864, i n B r i t i s h Columbian, June 22, 1864, p. 3.) The C h i l c o t i n s ' associations with the B e l l a Coolas were close enough to ensure that the l a t t e r ' s r e a l i z a t i o n of the contagious nature of smallpox would be shared by the Chilcotins also. 7  g Testimony of the Homathko boy "George" and of "Squinteye',' Sept. 28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 I n d i a n s — T e l l o o t , K l a t sassin, Chessus, P i e l or P i e r r e , Tah-pit & Chedekki," enclosure i n Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. Q  " T h r i l l i n g Details by Mr. Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle. May 29, 1864, p. 3. F r e d e r i c k Whymper, Travel and Adventure i n the T e r r i t o r y of Alaska, Formerly Russian America—Now Ceded to the United S t a t e s — a n d i n Various Other Parts of the North P a c i f i c (London: John Murray, 1868), p. 20. 10  R[obert] CfhristopherJ Lundin Brown, Klatsassan and Other Reminiscences of Missionary L i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), p. 2.  - 146 12  Testimony of K l a t s a s s i n , Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court a t the t r i a l o f 6 I n d i a n s . . . ," e n c l o s u r e i n Begbie [ t o Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, A r c h i v e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia. 13 R. C. L u n d i n Brown, K l a t s a s s a n , p.  9.  14 I b i d . , p. 10 and p. 100; a l s o Begbie [ t o Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and K l a t s a s s i n ' s statement (Sept. . 29( when brought i n t o c o u r t f o r s e n t e n c i n g , i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l o f 6 I n d i a n s . . . ," e n c l o s u r e i n B e g b i e [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. "*"R. C. L u n d i n Brown, K l a t s a s s i n , pp. 10-11. 5  16 F r e d e r i c k John Saunders, "Homatcho, or The S t o r y o f the Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , and the Massacre by t h e C h i l c o a t e n I n d i a n s , " Resources of B r i t i s h Columbia, I I I , No. 1 (Mar., 1885), p. 6. " ^ L e t t e r , George McDougall to John S t u a r t i n " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " t y p e s c r i p t , A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, see Chapter I o f t h i s t h e s i s . 18 Saunders, "Homatcho,"- p.  6.  19 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and A d m i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," May 20, 1864. 20 " L a t e s t from the N o r t h C o a s t ; " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May See Chapter IV of t h i s t h e s i s .  p. 3.  19,  1863,  21 May  L e t t e r , C h a r t r e s Brew t o C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y [of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ] , 23, 1864, A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. 22  " T h r i l l i n g D e t a i l s by Mr. Waddington: 'Supposed M u r d e r e r s ' 'Bodies Found'," V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 29, 1864, p. 3.  and  23 L e t t e r , Brew t o C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y , May  23,  1864.  24 L e t t e r , A l f r e d Waddington to the E d i t o r , June 12, 1864, i n D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 13, 1864, p. 3. 25 D i s t a n c e s are from: "From Bute I n l e t : The T r a i l — R u m o r e d Murder by an I n d i a n , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e . .May 6, 1864, p. 3; d e s p a t c h , Seymour to N e w c a s t l e , May 20, 1864; "A S u r v i v o r ' s A c c o u n t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 12, 1864, p. 3; l e t t e r , Brew t o C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y [ B . C . ] , May 23, 1864; t e s t i m o n y of P h i l i p B u c k l e y , Sept. '28, 1864, i n "Notes t a k e n by the Court a t t h e . t r i a l o f 6 I n d i a n s . . . ,." • 26  of  * Testimony of P h i l i p B u c k l e y i n "Notes t a k e n by the Court a t the 6 I n d i a n s . . . ."  trial  - 147 -  27  R, C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, p, 5.  28 The blue eyes may be a figment of Brown's ethnocentric imagination. He may have expected an Indian of exceptional, a b i l i t y to have some European c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The great under-jaw could be simply a r e f l e c t i o n of the strong tendency during this period to see physical manifestations of character, as i n phrenology. 29 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. 30 " T h r i l l i n g Details by Mr. Waddington: Squinteye's Declaration," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle. May 29, 1864, p. 3. 31 "News from the Bute Expedition," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3 and "A Survivor's Account," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3. 32 " T h r i l l i n g Details by Mr. Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 33 Brew to Colonial Secretary  [B.C.], May 23, 1864.  "A Survivor's Account," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle. May 12, 1864, p. 3. Klatsassin may have intended to k i l l Waddington as well as his road-party, judging from one report: "The intention of Klattasen . . . had been . . . to return to Benchee [Puntzi] Lake by the Memeya [Southgate] and Bridge r i v e r s ; he was only waiting, as he said, for Mr. Waddington's a r r i v a l , a f t e r whom he inquired anxiously every day, and whether he would bring many men and provisions with him. He said he wanted him to get back his daughter from the Euclataws [Yucultas]. In the meantime his eldest boy Pierre . . . went up with the packers . . . to the Ferry, where he had a long talk with the Chilcoatens of the upper camp, and returned i n the morning of Friday the 23rd, when his father Klatasen immediately changed his mind, as he told the packers on the Saturday morning. He would now give a canoe, s i x blankets, and two muskets, for his daughter, and started on Tuesday morning . . . f o r the Ferry . . . ( " T h r i l l i n g D e t a i l s by Mr. Waddington" Origin of the Massacre," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3). 35 " T h r i l l i n g Details by Mr. Waddington: Squinteye's Declaration," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 36 " T h r i l l i n g Details by Mr, Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 37 Buckley's testimony i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Buckley's Statement'.^ Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, May 12, 1864, p. 3; Buckley's account i n "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute Inlet Massacre made before J . L. Wood, Esq., Acting Stipendiary Magistrate for Vancouver Island, which may lead to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of  - 148 the murderers," The Government Gazette. June 25, 1864, p. 3; also "A Survivor's Account" (the story of the massacre as received from Mosely), V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle. May 12, 1864, p. 3. 38 "A Survivor's Account," V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3, and Mosely's account i n "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute Inlet Massacre . . . ," The Government Gazette, June 25, 1864, p. 3. 39 "A Survivor's Account," Petersen's account i n "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute I et Massacre . . . " (The name i s spelled "Peterson" there, but his signature i s written as "Petersen" i n receipt, June 7, 1864, for c e r t i f i c a t e of special deposit, f i l e d with l e t t e r , Arthur Birch to Acting Colonial Secretary, Vancouver Island, May 28, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia; and "Peter Petersen's Statement," Weekly Colonist, May 17, 1864, from Daily B r i t i s h Colonist. May 12, 1864, ("Waddington, 1864" f i l e , Reid Papers). 40 Testimony of "George" i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Tenas George's Statement" i n "Origin of the Massacre." 41 Letter, Brew to Colonial Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864. 42 Testimony of "George" i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Tenas George's Statement" i n "Origin of the Massacre;" evidence of "George" i n "Proceedings of Inquest," enclosure with l e t t e r , Brew to Colonial Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864. "Buckley's statement," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, May 12, 1864, p. 3; Buckley's testimony i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . "; "A Survivor's Account," V i c t o r i a p a l l y Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3. 44 Sources f o r the narra£iye concerning Macdonald s pack-train are; "More Indian Murders!" "Our O&peial Correspondence," and "Letter from Bentinck Arm" (A.W. Wallace, Custom House O f f i c e r , to editor) i n D a i l y - B r i t i s h Colonist, June 27, 1864, p. 3; "The Bentinck Arm Tragedy," ( l e t t e r , A.W. Wallace to editor) Colonist, July 15, 1864, p. 3; "The Chilcoaten Expedition; Diary of a Volunteer," Colonist. Oct. 14, 1864, p. 3; "Regina v. Klatsassin and P i e l l or P i e r r e , " Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," enclosure i n l e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864; R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, pp. 16-36. a/  There i s apparently no account of what happened to the other Indians who were i n the party when i t was attacked. ^Sources for the narrative concerning the k i l l i n g of Manning are: "Regina v. Tah-pit," Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; l e t t e r , William George Cox to A. B i r c h , Colonial Secretary B.C., June 19, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia; B r i t i s h Columbia,  - 149 -  "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial O f f i c e , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 58-80, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37 [Photostat copy of mss. i n Archives Department, Ottawa, G. s e r i e s , no. 353-358]; R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, pp. 36-43. 47 M. B. Begbie, note inserted i n Nancy's testimony i n "Regina v. Tah-pit," Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." 48 Herman Francis Reinhart, The Golden Frontier: The Recollections of Herman Francis Reinhart, 1851-1869, ed. by Doyce B. Nunis, J r . with a Foreword by Nora B. Cunningham (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), pp. 126-127. See Chapter I I I of this thesis. 49 R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 100. Testimony of "George," Sept. 28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." 50  at  5 1  L e t t e r , Brew to Colonial Secretary [B. C ] , May 23,  1864.  52 "Squinteye's Declaration" i n "Origin of the Massacre," "Origin of the Massacre" makes i t appear that Klatsassin through his son P i e r r e may have pre-arranged the massacre with the Chilcotins at the road-camp before coming there himself. (See foot-note 34.) 53 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864; R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 100. "^See Klatsassln's statement on being brought i n f o r sentencing, Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." "'"'Lundin Brown i n i n s t r u c t i n g the prisoners i n Christian teaching found that "One of them had been pretty f u l l y instructed by a Roman Catholic p r i e s t , and he had imparted what he knew to the others." (R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 104). I t may be noted, however, that only one had been "pretty f u l l y i n structed"; and i t seems l i k e l y that he had imparted most of his i n s t r u c t i o n to the others after they had been condemned and after Brown had f i r s t v i s i t e d them. Judging from Morice, the contact with missionaries of thos Chilcotins l i v i n g at a distance from Fort Alexandria was very s u p e r f i c i a l . Morice, Afdrian] G [ a b r i e l ] , History of the Catholic Church i n Western Canada, from Lake Superior to the P a c i f i c (1659-1895) (2 v o l s . ; Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1910), I I . See Chapter I I of this thesis.  - 150 -  "^Lane, "Cultural Relations of the C h i l c o t i n Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia," p. 55, See Chapter I of this thesis. " ^ S t r i c t l y speaking, one of these men, Baptiste Demarest, was of mixed blood. B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18^-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864, No. 7. See Chapter IV of this thesis.  - 151 CHAPTER VI THE WHITE REACTION TO THE MASSACRES "...  The most s t a r t l i n g thing of the kind that has yet taken place  i n either colony.""'" — T h i s was the way the Colonist described the slaughter on the Homathko.  This massacre and the others which followed captured the  attention of the whole European populace of the two P a c i f i c colonies of B r i t i s h North America.  The reactions, or responses, of whites as expressed i n words  and i n the actions they took reveal much about their attitudes both towards themselves and towards the Indians. many of those responses:  In this chapter we w i l l seek to examine  the reactions of the public i n V i c t o r i a and i n New  Westminster; the reactions of o f f i c i a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y on the mainland.  It  w i l l be necessary to note differences i n the public reactions i n the two c a p i t a l s , as w e l l as the changes i n the nature of responses i n both places as time passed u n t i l attitudes became more or less fixed.  In describing the  reactions of o f f i c i a l s we are equally concerned with statements made^and actions taken. There has existed no authentic and complete account drawing on a l l available sources, which described the white expeditions to the C h i l c o t i n region and the C h i l c o t i n surrender, t r i a l , imprisonment, and executions. I have therefore f e l t compelled to establish just what happened.  Hence.some  of what i s related i n this chapter has at the most a marginal bearing on the nature of white reactions to the massacres. Inevitably i n discussing outward reactions one deals with attitudes also. But no attempt w i l l be made u n t i l the f i n a l chapter to present an o v e r - a l l  analysis of white attitudes towards the Indians as revealed i n the C h i l c o t i n c r i s i s .  - 152 Public Reaction i n V i c t o r i a Initial  Public  Accustomed to unsubstantiated  Reaction rumors and somewhat injured to i s o l a t e d  k i l l i n g s which had occurred on the northern  coast, V i c t o r i a ' s residents had  shown l i t t l e excitement over the unconfirmed report of the ferry-man's murder. But the survivors' account of the large-scale massacre of Waddington's roadparty was  a d i f f e r e n t matter.  of white men Indian.  The news created a great s t i r .  A large party  had been murdered where they slept through the treachery of the  The men were Vancouver Islanders, hired from V i c t o r i a , with friends  and close acquaintances i n the i s l a n d c a p i t a l .  The excitement was  further  stimulated by the report that the victims' bodies had been mutilated. The wretches, not content with depriving the poor fellows of l i f e , hacked and mutilated the bodies i n a most shocking manner [reported the Daily Chronicle]. The Indian, who escaped, says that he concealed himself i n v i c i n i t y of the camp u n t i l the next morning, and saw a l l of the The heads of some had been hacked o f f — o t h e r s were ripped open, the fiends, i n more than one instance, had quartered the bodies their victims.^  the bodies, and of  Various l a t e r accounts d i f f e r e d as to the extent of the mutilation. Brewster's body at l e a s t was mutilated.  At any rate, the report of  mutilation added to the horror of the story.of the massacre as i t was  extensive first  received. On the spread of the news i n this c i t y [reported the Daily Chronicle], the f i r s t f e e l i n g which showed i t s e l f was a strong desire for a bloody revenge upon those dangerous races who l i v e around us, but whom we can never t r u s t . Had the people of V i c t o r i a the power, they would gladly have exterminated the whole t r i b e to which the murderers belong. With the passing of the f i r s t shock of the news, the public mood became somewhat more discriminating, according  to the same report.  - 153 -  With returning reason . . . [ i t continued] the public are w i l l i n g to discriminate between the innocent and the g u i l t y , but a l l who imbued their hands i n blood, or connived at that h o r r i b l e deed ought to be hunted down, and either punished on the spot, or brought to account for their crimes, before the regular Tribunals of Justice.-^ Further Public Reaction In  the days that followed, public i n t e r e s t i n the massacres at Bute  Inlet remained high i n V i c t o r i a .  The Weekly Colonist of May  24, 1864, spoke  approvingly of the energeticnaction Governor Seymour of the mainland colony had by that time taken.  I t expressed the hope that the perpetrators of the  massacres might soon be captured.  And i t advocated dispensing with time-  consuming processes of j u s t i c e i n favour of speedy?executions. It i s to be hoped [the a r t i c l e concluded] that the ridiculous farce of bringing them down to New Westminster and trying them by-jury w i l l not be attempted i n case of their apprehension. A summary examination, and a hempen noose each from the nearest tree, i n presence of a l l the t r i b e , would have a hundredfold more effect on a l l the Indians of the coast.than the solemn and (to them) u n i n t e l l i g i b l e mummery of a t r i a l by j u r y . 4  A report from Soda Creek told of the murder of Manning and several others at-Puntzi Lake.  (Actually only Manning was k i l l e d there.)  The  Indians were also said to be heading down the Bentinck Arm t r a i l to k i l l 5 a l l the white men  they could f i n d .  .  i(  This report3and d e t a i l s of the expe-  d i t i o n sent by the mainland government to the s i t e of the Bute Inlet massacres, together with speculation as to the fate of MacDonald's men, to keep public excitement at a high p i t c h .  no doubt helped  On June 1 the Colonist reported  that MacDoriald and a l l his party had been s l a i n . The same day i n the V i c t o r i a Theatre a meeting of c i t i z e n s was held to consider means of a s s i s t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia i n capturing and punishing the . perpetrators of the Bute Inlet massacre. - The mayor of V i c t o r i a was chairman.  Amor de Cosmos moved the f i r s t resolution.  the  De Cosmos, who  had  - 154 -  flamboyantly  changed his name from "William Alexander Smith" had been born  i n Nova Scotia.  Like A l f r e d Waddington and so many others, he had  some time i n C a l i f o r n i a before coming north.  In 1858,  spent  the same year i n  which he had arrived i n V i c t o r i a , he founded the Colonist, but l a t e i n 1863 6 had resigned from i t s editorship.  he  After moving the r e s o l u t i o n , an expression  of sorrow and indignation regarding the massacre and of anxiety for outlying settlements, De Cosmos openly avowed his h o s t i l i t y and hatred for the Indian and called for a policy of taking blood for blood, which was,  he said, the  only law the Indian knew. He had l i v e d among Indians and knew their treachery. He had known what i t was to crawl on a l l fours after them with his bowie knife i n his mouth, and had inherited his antipathy to the savages from outrages committed on his own family. De Cosmos expressed, also, his b e l i e f that Mr. Waddington was  e n t i t l e d to  compensation for his losses. The Rev. Mr. Garrett, as we have seen, had, during the smallpox epidemic of 3862 worked for the erection of a temporary h o s p i t a l for the sick on the Indian Reserve.  He now  spoke, and endorsed De Cosmos' sentiments.  There was a time when he d i f f e r e d with him i n his views of Indian character [wrote the Weekly Colonist i n reporting his speech]. His views have now changed; I have now learned that we must deal with the Indian with truth, j u s t i c e and severity. White men could not look on calmly when their brethren had t h e i r hearts torn from their bodies, but the most determined resolution show the Indians that such crime must meet with the most condign punishment. Mr. Garrett's speech was  greeted with "tremendous applause."  Alfred Waddington was why  called on to speak.  He f a i l e d to  understand  no war vessel had been sent to B e l l a Coola, although he had urged  Governor Seymour that this be done. He said h i s firm b e l i e f was that ere this time the Indians, glutted with blood, had murdered every l i v i n g soul i n B e l l a Coola, and they numbered twelve on his finger-ends.  - 155  -  He would o n l y add [he s a i d i n c o n c l u s i o n ] t h a t when he saw t h e mangled body o f h i s poor foreman B r e w s t e r , he s i m p l y l o o k e d up to heaven f o r f o r b e a r a n c e , but he l o o k e d t o h i s countrymen f o r j u s t i c e . T h i s was  g r e e t e d by  "thundering,applause."  P. M. Backus moved the second r e s o l u t i o n , to the e f f e c t t h a t the of Vancouver I s l a n d be r e q u e s t e d t o tender t o the Governor ". . . t h e s e r v i c e s of not l e s s than 100 men to h e l p i n the c a p t u r e o f t h e murderers.  of B r i t i s h  f u l l y armed and equipped  Backus ". . .  they caught one they would hang him t h e r e and  Governor Columbia . . . ,"  hoped t h a t whenever  then."  C. B. Young spoke i n r a t h e r a d i f f e r e n t v e i n .  I n f a c t , he appears  to  have been the o n l y one to moderate the d i s c u s s i o n by s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the I n d i a n had not always been t r e a t e d f a i r l y .  "He had heard o f j u s t i c e t o the  I n d i a n s , but he c o n s i d e r e d t h a t j u s t i c e had n o t been meted o u t to the n a t i v e s . " He approved o f punishment, s e v e r e punishment b e i n g d e a l t to the I n d i a n . But on t h e o t h e r hand j u s t i c e s h o u l d be even handed. T h e i r p o t a t o patches on B e n t i n c k Arm had been a p p r o p r i a t e d by w h i t e men and f e n c e d i n . Was t h a t j u s t i c e ? — C o m p e n s a t i o n had been promised t o Cowichan I n d i a n s . Had they ever had a n y t h i n g ? Was t h a t j u s t i c e ? — A t Nanaimo an I n d i a n r e s e r v a t i o n was made; a c r i c k e t ground was wanted, i t was formed of the r e s e r v a t i o n . Was t h a t j u s t i c e ? N  ''  The Rev. Dr. Evans, though he thought t h a t the Indian.:had n o t been t r e a t e d f a i r l y i n t h e m a t t e r of compensation,  ". . . advocated i n t h i s  m a t t e r prompt and d e c i s i v e measures; a drum-head c o u r t m a r t i a l i f n e c e s s a r y . " T h i s was  g r e e t e d w i t h "Hear, h e a r . " and someone c r i e d o u t , "and  To w h i c h Dr. Evans responded,  , '  -  hanging!"  "Yes, and hanging on t h e s p o t t o o . "  9  The f i n a l r e s o l u t i o n of the t h r e e w h i c h were moved and adopted meeting was the proposed  t h a t an enrolment  at the  l i s t be opened o f persons v o l u n t e e r i n g to j o i n  f o r c e , t h a t the names be s u b m i t t e d to t h e Governor  (of Vancouver '  I s l a n d ) , and t h a t a committee be a p p o i n t e d by t h e Mayor to meet w i t h t h e Governor  t o d i s c u s s means of implementing  the r e s o l u t i o n s .  - 156 In  the intensity of public excitement over the massacre, v i o l e n t  emotions had come to the surface.  Though apparently no-one at the meeting  suggested actually circumventing l e g a l l y constituted authority, many white c i t i z e n s were ready to advocate*.the use of that authority to deal out summary punishment which would by-pass the regular procedures of c i v i l  justice.  The committee appointed duly met with Governor Kennedy, who expressed his  agreement with the resolutions passed.  He had offered aid to the govern-  ment of B r i t i s h Columbia, and Governor Seymour had sent a certain Mr. Good to V i c t o r i a ". . . to make the necessary arrangements . . ., but had not said whether the services of .'. . volunteers from . . . [Vancouver Island] would 10 be required."  would Kennedy indicated that he woulo submit the proposals to  Governor Seymour, without Whose consent nothing could be done. time Governor Kennedy said -that enrolment should be encouraged.  In the meanHe himself  would inspect the volunteers. Well over the suggested minimum of one hundred men signed the l i s t indicating their desire to j o i n the volunteer force, and waited f o r news of whether their services would be required."'"''' Meanwhile the report of the slaughter of MacDonald's men which had been published i n V i c t o r i a on the day the public meeting was held, spread growing excitement through the c i t y .  The Colonist, though no longer edited  by De Cosmos, expressed i t s e l f i n terms of which he would no doubt have approved. The news, of the l a s t wholesale massacre of our countrymen by the bloodthirsty savages [orated the Weekly Colonist] has f i l l e d the c i t y with a blaze of excitement, and.a universal f e e l i n g prevails among a l l classes that the most prompt and. energetic steps should, at once be taken to obtain summary vengeance on the cowardly assassins . . . . I t i s mere f o l l y to await the tardy action of the authorities. Let the c i t i z e n s take the matter i n hand at once—today! There are hundred of bold hardy s p i r i t s who would at once volunteer to march  - 157 -  against the savage murderers; hundreds of r i f l e s i n the hands of Government, and hundreds of c i t i z e n s who w i l l cheerfully contribute l i b e r a l l y to charter a steamer to convey the volunteers to the scene of the.thrice repeated a t r o c i t i e s where l e t them not stay their hands t i l l every member of the r a s c a l l y murderous t r i b e i s suspended to the trees of their own f o r e s t s — a salutary warning to the whole coast f o r years to come. "^ 1  Public Reaction i n New Westminster I n i t i a l Public Reaction The news of the.massacre on the Homathko reached the general public in New Westminster on May 14.  The account of the-slaughter, taken from  the V i c t o r i a papers and published i n the B r i t i s h Columbian, seemed to be as s t a r t l i n g to the residents of New Westminster as i t was to those of V i c t o r i a . For the time being a l l the b i t t e r recriminations which had been exchanged between the two communities were forgotten. massacred by Indians! creased importance.  Fourteen white men had been  Suddenly, common bonds of race seemed to have i n "We hope the two w i l l unite," e d i t o r i a l i z e d the Columbian,  " i n dealing out speedy j u s t i c e , at whatever cost, to these sixteen devils done up i n red skins." warning.  "We  But the Columbian q u a l i f i e d i t s comments with a  don't want another Kagosima a f f a i r — n o indiscriminate  slaughter [ i t continued] for that would not mend, but aggravate, the matter." Action was what the Columbian wanted, and plenty of i t . for sweeping measures were forthcoming.  S p e c i f i c proposals '  Let the, g u i l t y parties' [ i t went on] be hunted up i f they should cost the country ten thousand dollars a head, and l e t them be-made an example of to the rest of the native population, such as w i l l not readily be forgotten. In this matter promptitude i s everything. Let the f l e e t be ordered at once to the Inlet and l e t Volunteer forces from here and V i c t o r i a go with i t . . . Well planned and prompt action now may. save much trouble i n future. The country w i l l look f o r i t at the hands of both Governments—the blood of fourteen butchered men,, a l l of them B r i t i s h subjects save one, demands. I t ! - - ,  - 158  New-Westminster men and  the New  -  were prompt to v o l u n t e e r .  The Hyack F i r e Company  W e s t m i n s t e r R i f l e Company b o t h o f f e r e d t h e i r s e r v i c e s i n b r i n g i n g  the p e r p e t r a t o r s of the massacre to j u s t i c e , and so d i d a l a r g e number of private individuals."'" The  5  Columbian f o l l o w e d up i t s p r e v i o u s w a r n i n g a g a i n s t extreme measures  w i t h a more w e l l - t h o u g h t - o u t  and  extensive  e d i t o r i a l comment.  We are too a p t , i n t h e f i r s t f l u s h of e x c i t e d i n d i g n a t i o n [the e d i t o r w r o t e ] to c r y out f o r the u t t e r and i n d i s c r i m i n a t e e x t e r m i n a t i o n of the s a v a g e s , d e a l i n g out t o them Lynch law i n s t e a d of B r i t i s h justice. He went on t o i m p l y t h a t the I n d i a n was d e a l i n g s w i t h w h i t e men.  He had nO  frequently treated u n f a i r l y i n his  d e s i r e to e x c i t e ^ f o r the  of the massacre, s i n c e as f a r as was  known none was  to see the same i m p a r t i a l j u s t i c e e x c e r c i s e d w h i t e s would d e s i r e f o r themselves. ference  the I n d i a n s  of t h e i r u n t u t o r e d  s h o u l d be ". mind and  perpetrators  due. them, but he hoped  towards the ."Indians  I n f a c t , i f t h e r e was  as  the  to be any  dif-  . . t r e a t e d more l e n i e n t l y i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n  t h e i r i n d i s t i n c t conception  The w r i t e r took advantage of the o p p o r t u n i t y  to p o i n t out  i m m e d i a t e l y a v a i l a b l e power t o suppress o u t b r e a k s and f o r the s t a t i o n i n g of a gunboat at New  of r i g h t and wrong."  enforce  the need f o r law.  He c a l l e d  W e s t m i n s t e r f o r s e r v i c e on t h e  R i v e r and on t h e c o a s t of the m a i n l a n d c o l o n y .  I t was  n a t i v e s around New  But i n the i n t e r i o r and  the coast  W e s t m i n s t e r were dangerous.  t h e r e were s t i l l  t r i b e s who  were " . . .  hot l i k e l y t h a t  comparatively  Fraser the on  powerful  16 and w a r l i k e , " the management of w h i c h was Further"Public  often  difficult.  Reaction  Though the news of the massacres near Bute I n l e t was s t a r t l i n g to the r e s i d e n t s of New nevertheless  W e s t m i n s t e r as i t was  perhaps as  to those of V i c t o r i a ,  as time passed a somewhat d i f f e r e n t response developed i n the  - 159  -  mainland c a p i t a l . Part of the difference can be attributed to the r e l a t i v e l y moderate stance taken by the B r i t i s h Columbian, edited by John Robson.  The Columbian,  as we have seen had called for the punishment of those Indians  responsible  for the massacre, but had warned against any indiscriminate slaughter of the Indians.  On May  21, i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "An Indian P o l i c y , " i t drew a  contrast between the American doctrine of "manifest  destiny" as applied to  the Indian i n i t s extreme form and the p o l i c y of the B r i t i s h  Imperial  Government. We are quite aware [commented the Columbian! that there are those amongst us who are disposed to ignore altogether the rights of the Indians and their claims upon Us—who hold the American doctrine of "manifest destiny" i n i t s most f a t a l form, and say that the native tribes w i l l die off to make way for the Anglo-Saxon race, and the quicker the better; and, under the shadow of this unchristian doctrine, the cry for "extermination" i s raised at every pretext. Very d i f f e r e n t , however, are the views and sentiments held i n reference to the Indians by the B r i t i s h Government. The representatives of that Government [the Columbian added] may not, i n every instance, f a i t h f u l l y delineate the Imperial mind i n this respect. The a r t i c l e called for a p o l i c y of honesty towards the Indian: Depend upon i t for every acre of land we obtain by improper means we w i l l have to pay for dearly i n the end, and every wrong committed upon these poor people w i l l be visited.upon our heads as sure as j u s t i c e i s . one of the immutable attributes of Him who avengeth the wrongs of the weak and oppressed of whatever colour or caste. The writer went onii to speak, of the " t o t a l absence of p o l i c y , " which he blamed on the rule of Governor Douglas. gathering of the Indians at New had arranged for May  He expressed the wish that a  Westminster which Seymour, the new  Governor,  24 ". . . might be turned to good account as the f i r s t  step . . ." towards the establishment  of an ilndian system which would ". . .  tend to reconcile, elevate and c i v i l i z e the aborigines" while i t would ". . . reassure the whites and place, the country on a more healthy enduring basis.""'"  7  and  -  160—  The attitude of the Columbian takes on p a r t i c u l a r importance as a moderating influence on public opinion when contrasted with the Colonist and inflamatory invective.  I t i s also important as representing the view-  point of i t s editor (a future premier of B r i t i s h Columbia) who  even at  this point would l i k e l y have had some influence i n government c i r c l e s , e s p e c i a l l y in view of the fact that he had enthusiastic praise for the actions which Seymour took. Quite apart from the moderating influence of the Columbian, the people of New  Westminster were i n a somewhat better p o s i t i o n than were V i c t o r i a  residents to regard the massacres dispassionately since i t was who  Victoria  had been s l a i n . The r e v i v a l of the feud between V i c t o r i a and the mainland c a p i t a l  also a c r u c i a l factor influencing New New  men  was  Westminster attitudes, even causing  Westminster to go.so far as to lay a large portion of the blame for the  massacre on the shoulders  of whites,  Chartres Brew, sent by Seymour to the  scene of the massacres on the Homathko, severely c r i t i c i z e d Waddington and his road party for their dealings with the C h i l c o t i n Indians. quickly became public knowledge.  New  Westminster people, who  His c r i t i c i s m had always been  against the Bute I n l e t Road scheme anyway, found i t easy to believe that the road-party  had acted badly towards the  Indians.  An attempt by Waddington to have the B r i t i s h Columbia government buy his road charter probably did.as much as anything V i c t o r i a and New  Westminster once again.  Their disapproval of the requests?  made i t p a r t i c u l a r l y easy for the people of New men  to heat up the feud between  Westminster to believe that  from V i c t o r i a were g u i l t y of provoking the massacre.  taken an early opportunity  Waddington had  to speak to Governor Seymour of the losses which  - 161 the massacre had brought to the road project.  Then, i n a l e t t e r of May 28,  he outlined those losses and, rather than ask for an outright indemnity, to which he implied he was e n t i t l e d , he expressed the desire to surrender 18 the agreement i n return for a payment of $100,000,  This proposal was  turned down by Seymour, who through the Colonial Secretary for B r i t i s h Columbia expressed sympathy for the losses'Waddington had suffered but stated that he was not prepared to recommend that the L e g i s l a t i v e Council 19 purchase Waddington's r i g h t s . Waddington responded by asking whether 20 the Governor intended to allow him any indemnity for his losses. This too was refused, and the l e t t e r of refusal, placed d e f i n i t e blame on the road-party  for their carelessness i n not taking ordinary precautions f o r 21  their qvm safety.  Seymour i n a l e t t e r to Governor Kennedy of Vancouver  Island even hinted at the road-party's possible mis-treatment of the Chilcotins.  Others i n New Westminster did not hesitate to blame openly  Waddington's party for alleged provocations  that l e d to the massacre.  Waddington lashed back with counter-charges against other whites, and the i. argument raged on. Official"Reaction Governor Kennedy's Delay By contrast with that of the public i n V i c t o r i a , the reaction of Arthur Kennedy, the new Governor of Vancouver Island, was oddly casual. The massacre had taken place i n t e r r i t o r y under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of Governor Frederick Seymour (who himself had arrived i n the mainland colony only two weeks p r i o r to the slaughter). the news to Seymour quickly.  But Kennedy took no s p e c i a l measures to get Though there were two gunboats and a f r i g a t e  i n Esquimalt harbour, he did not r e q u i s i t i o n their use, but waited to send word u n t i l the departure of the regular f r e i g h t and mail steamer at noon on May 13. As a r e s u l t , h i s l e t t e r did not reach Seymour u n t i l 10:30 that night.  From B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l  Archives, V i c t o r i a ,  B.C.  Plate 1  Governor Frederick Seymour  - 162 Governor Seymour's I n i t i a l Seymour, who  Measures  had been welcomed e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y by the mainlanders  as the f i r s t resident governor of t h e i r colony, reacted with a l a c r i t y to this f i r s t c r i s i s  of his new  position.  Within half an hour of receiving  the news, he wrote to Lord G i l f o r d , the Senior Naval O f f i c e r stationed at Esquimalt, for assistance. of  During the night Seymour had the heavy cargo  the steamer unloaded quickly at government expense, and by three o'clock 22  the next morning his request to Lord G i l f o r d had l e f t New  Westminster.  The same mor hing"; Seymour had his Colonial Secretary send off a l e t t e r to William G. Cox, Gold Commissioner i n the Cariboo, requesting that he organize an expedition from Alexandria which would penetrate C h i l c o t i n country to demand the surrender of those responsible for the massacre. In the same l e t t e r Cox was contemplated.  informed of what other measures Seymour  Forty or f i f t y marines, he thought, should be sent into  the i n t e r i o r from Bute I n l e t .  To this force Seymour planned  to add about  twenty-five s p e c i a l constables under the command of P o l i c e Magistrate Chartres Brew.  Brew would be i n command of the whole force despatched  from Bute I n l e t , and this bore out the non-military nature of the expedition, the object of which was Every e f f o r t was  ". . . merely to assert the supremacy of the  to be made to prevent a c o l l i s i o n with the Indians.  law." The  "well-disposed" Indians were to be persuaded "to capture and hand over the Murderers."  Of course the expedition would use force to capture the c u l p r i t s  i f force was  found to be  Cox's expedition was  necessary. to have the same objects as Brew's.  The Governor  l e f t Cox wide d i s c r e t i o n as to the make-up of his force, merely suggesting that i t be not so weak as to i n v i t e attack and not so large as to-overburden the colonial treasury.  In concluding the l e t t e r the Colonial Secretary  emphasized the wish of the Governor that Cox avoid as far as possible  "...  - 163 a l l acts which may lead to c o l l i s i o n with the Indians."  23  On Sunday morning, May 15, the gunboat Forward with Lord G i l f o r d aboard, a r r i v e d i i n New Westminster.  Seymour was disappointed to f i n d  that the temporary use of the Forward was a l l the aid he could expect. The plan to use the marines i n an expedition from Bute Inlet had to be abandoned*  However, Chartres Brew and a force of twenty-eight men sworn  in as s p e c i a l constables were despatched f o r Bute Inlet that same day. On May 18 i n a l e t t e r to William Gox the Colonial Secretary informed him of the change i n plans due to the limited naval support available. (The Governor had also, learned something of the wild nature of the country between Bute Inlet and the i n t e r i o r and was very doubtful whether Brew's expedition could get through.)  Seymour was now placing his main reliance  on Cox's expedition.' Someone had apparently recommended to"the Governor the services of Donald McLean and his s o n s — t h e same McLean who had been i n charge of Fort C h i l c o t i n at times during the 1840's, and whose avenging expedition i n 1849 with i t s attendent needless bloodshed i s so graphically described by Morice, as we have seen i n Chapter Two of this thesis.  Seymour through  the Colonial Secretary now recommended to Cox that he t r y to gain the 24 services of the McLeans.  As i t turned out, Cox was successful i n employing  Donald McLean and one of his sons. On May 20 Seymour wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, the c o l o n i a l secretaryi n London, regarding the massacre and the measures he had taken.  In a second  despatch the same day he dealt; with the colony's need f o r defence. Seymour spoke of various hypotheses which had been advanced regarding the cause of the massacre, but emphasized  that the motives were s t i l l unknown.  -.164  -  Each of the possible causes which had been advanced seemed unsatisfactory i n some way  as an explanation.  Seymour spoke of the massacre as being the work, of members of an o f f shoot branch of the C h i l c o t i n s , the f i r s t C h i l c o t i n t r i b e to be met advancing from Bute Inlet to the i n t e r i o r .  Their chief, he said, was  (though K l a t s a s s i n , i t l a t e r became clear, was The Chilcotins responsible must have now where i t was  in Teloot  the r e a l leader of the Uprising).  crossed the mountains to the i n t e r i o r  f i s h i n g season at the lakes i n the C h i l c o t i n country.  Seymour  did not expect that Brew's party would cross the mountains to the i n t e r i o r , and the main reliance was.on Cox's mounted expedition from Alexandria. Seymour emphasized that there was .only at securing j u s t i c e . Seymour had ".'.  as yet no war,  and he was  Only magistrates and'constables  aiming  were i n the f i e l d .  . rejected a l l offers of assistance beyond the Colony from  men bent on vengenaee." , (This was  obviously, a reference to offers from  Victoria.) In the second despatch of the same day—dealing with the "defenceless state" of the colony—Seymour spoke of Lord G i l f o r d ' s h e s i t a t i o n i n responding to his request for assistance.  Seymour expressed  his doubt as to whether  the Forward would be loaned him long enough to enable him to keep up communi•  ,  T,  cation with Brew.  26  Concerned that he have an opportunity to make himself known and to begin the establishment  of. firm friendship and trust between himself and  the  Indians, Seymour i n v i t e d the tribes from up the Fraser and Thompson Rivers to a grand celebration of the Queen's birthday on the twenty-fourth Thousands of Indians came i n t h e i r canoes.  of  May.  Speeches were exchanged between  three of the f i f t y - s e v e n chiefs present and the Governor, with the Catholic  - 165 m i s s i o n a r y , P i e r r e Fouquet, a c t i n g as E n g l i s h - C h i n o o k t r a n s l a t o r and n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t e r s t r a n s l a t i n g from Chinook  to the t r i b a l languages  and " v i c e v e r s a . "  27 The f i f t y - s e v e n c h i e f s r e c e i v e d p r e s e n t s from the Brew's E x p e d i t i o n t o Bute  Governor.  Inlet  Meanwhile, Brew's p a r t y on board the Forward had on May Waddington.  By May  17 a r r i v e d a t  19 they reached the f e r r y s i t e where Tim Smith had been  slain.  Here they were d e l a y e d seven" h o u r s , but f i n a l l y managed t o c r o s s the ' > 28 s w o l l e n r i v e r arid camp on the o t h e r s i d e . The n e x t day t h e p a r t y reached the s i t e of the main road-camp where the t w e l v e road-workers attacked.  were' found.  Here s e a r c h was made i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s , b u t none o f t h e b o d i e s Brew's p a r t y found the marks o f b l o o d i n each o f the t e n t s  except the one w h i c h was  o c c u p i e d by the cook, C h a r l e s B u t t l e , and  had c o n t a i n e d p r o v i s i o n s .  H i s c o a t was  b u l l e t h o l e s i n t h e back. . ." camp.  found ".  " L i t t l e George',' who  a t the advance camp.  which  . . a l l b l o o d y w i t h two  A p a r t y of men was  They s e a r c h e d but f a i l e d t o f i n d any b o d i e s .  however, Waddington, who was  had been  sent ahead to B r e w s t e r ' s I n the afternoon*  had a l s o come to Bute I n l e t , a r r i v e d . had been cook f o r B r e w s t e r and the o t h e r  With  him  road-workers  He p o i n t e d out the s p o t where he had heard the f i r i n g  the day of the massacre.  "In»a s h o r t t i m e , " Brew w r o t e , "the t a i n t e d a i r  l e d to the d i s c o v e r y of t h r e e o f the b o d i e s . . ." . The f o o t s t e p s o f t h e f o u r t h , as we have seen, i n d i c a t e d he may he c o u l d n o t have escaped  have jumped i n t o the r i v e r , where  drowning.  On the t w e n t y - f i r s t an i n q u e s t was h e l d on t h e t h r e e b o d i e s , and adjuourned  t o the t w e n t y - t h i r d t o r e c e i v e e v i d e n c e .  t h r e e men were " . . .  was  The b o d i e s o f the  as d e c e n t l y i n t e r r e d as c i r c u m s t a n c e s would a l l o w . "  - 166 Mr.  E l w y n , who  -  w i t h Brew had h e l d the. i n q u e s t , r e a d the b u r i a l s e r v i c e ,  f o l l o w i n g w h i c h Brew began the r e t u r n t r i p t o the head of the I n l e t . He a r r i v e d a t Waddington w i t h h i s p a r t y on the t w e n t y - t h i r d . e v i d e n c e f o r the i n q u e s t was  Here the  taken down from " L i t t l e George" and  Edward  Mosley and Brew s e t down a h a s t y r e p o r t to the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y . Brew concluded  i n h i s r e p o r t t h a t i t would be i m p r a c t i c a b l e to advance  i n t o the i n t e r i o r w i t h o u t g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g t h e means at h i s command. made i t c l e a r t h a t h i s o p i n i o n was  He  a g a i n s t such an e f f o r t , .though i n a r a t h e r  h e r o i c phrase he s t a t e d , " I f H i s E x c e l l e n c y The Governor w i s h me  to advance i n t o  the i n t e r i o r I s h a l l make the a t t e m p t , l e t the u n d e r t a k i n g be ever so  diffi-  cult." Brew's i m p r e s s i o n o f the r o u t e Waddington had was  chosen and o f h i s  trail  a n y t h i n g but f a v o u r a b l e , j u d g i n g by h i s r e p o r t . No j u s t i m p r e s s i o n of the Country or the T r a i l [he w r o t e ] can be formed from Mr. Waddington's f l a t t e r i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of i t . Within a d i s t a n c e o f f o u r m i l e s t h e T r a i l c r o s s e s a mountain I c o n s i d e r 2000 f e e t h i g h Mr. Waddington says 1100. Waddington and h i s road p a r t y came i n f o r s e v e r e c r i t i c i s m f o r  t h e i r d e a l i n g s w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s . ".  . . b l i n d confidence  Brew bla^med the road men  i n f i c k l e savages."  . . guard a g a i n s t  he_  their  Brew thought the I n d i a n s ought t o have been p a i d t h e i r wages i n  money r a t h e r than by " o r d e r s " f o r goods w h i c h they d e s i r e d . may  for their  They had made no e f f o r t ,  s a i d , to g a i n the C h i l c o t i n s ' good w i l l or to ". enmity."  !  have been m i s t a k e n ,  (In t h i s  he  for-, i t seems u n l i k e l y t h a t the C h i l c o t i n s i n v o l v e d  would have had much c h o i c e i n p l a c e s to spend any money they  received.)  Brew p o i n t e d out t h a t the I n d i a n s thought they s h o u l d have been g i v e n t h e i r food i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r wages b u t they were n o t .  He r e f e r r e d t o the  C h i l c o t i n women b e i n g g i v e n food i n r e t u r n f o r p r o s t i t u t i o n . ' And he  placed  f  - 167  -  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w i t h Waddington f o r s u p p l y i n g  the C h i l c o t i n s w i t h  I n s h o r t , he b e l i e v e d t h a t the C h i l c o t i n s had been " . . . treated."  firearms.  most i n j u d i c i o u s l y  He b e l i e v e d t h a t " i f a sound d i s c r e t i o n had been e x e r c i s e d  towards  29 them" the massacre would not have o c c u r r e d .  This general  conclusion  a sound one, but Brew had n o t heard of the s m a l l p o x t h r e a t a g a i n s t C h i l c o t i n s w h i c h was massacre. blame.  the c h i e f m o t i v a t i n g  Thus the workmen had  was  the  f a c t o r i n b r i n g i n g about the  t o b e a r a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e s h a r e of  Brew might p o s s i b l y have found out.more had  i t n o t been f o r  the the  language b a r r i e r , f o r the ,Bute I n l e t I n d i a n s he t r i e d t o examine knew, he s a i d , not a word of Chinook.  The  f o r d e a l i n g s between the w h i t e man Columbia,-but a p p a r e n t l y this particular On May  i t was  Chinook t r a d e j a r g o n was and  the " l i n g u a f r a n c a "  t h e I n d i a n i n much of c o a s t a l B r i t i s h  not commonly u n d e r s t o o d by the I n d i a n s  of  area.  26 Governor Seymour l e f t . New  the gunboat Forward. -  Presumably i t was  W e s t m i n s t e r f o r Bute I n l e t on b o a r d as a r e s u l t of h i s c o n f e r r i n g w i t h  Brew at Bute I n l e t t h a t the f i n a l d e c i s i o n t o b r i n g back t h e v o l u n t e e r s made.  Seymour, and Brew's Bute I n l e t p a r t y * r e t u r n e d  on May  31.  was  to New'^Westminster  Seymour's R e f u s a l of the V i c t o r i a O f f e r Seymour, i n a l e t t e r d a t e d June 4, r e p l i e d to the V i c t o r i a o f f e r , t r a n s m i t t e d by Kennedy.  Volunteers-  He p o l i t e l y d e c l i n e d to a c c e p t t h e i r s e r v i c e s  f o r the time b e i n g .  He had  a l r e a d y been o f f e r e d the s e r v i c e s of the N o r t h  West R i f l e V o l u n t e e r  Company and of the Hyack F i r e B r i g a d e as w e l l as of  i n d i v i d u a l s , so t h a t i f he a c c e p t e d he c o u l d ". e x c e e d i n g i n numbers the whole C h i l c o t i n t r i b e . "  . . enrol a force greatly Seymour g a t h e r e d  that  the p u b l i c meeting i n V i c t o r i a had been h e l d because o f a second rumoured  - 168 massacre (apparently the rumour concerning the a n n i h i l a t i o n of Macdonald's party).  But this was  only a rumour which i n fact had originated i n V i c t o r i a .  Governor Seymour indicated that the action he had taken had been i n response to the advice of S i r James Douglas, whom he had consulted. In every respect [he wrote] my predecessor's suggestions have been exceeded by my actions, and additional steps equalling at least i n vigour any yet taken,; would long ere this have been adopted:had I received the co-operation I anticipated-from a branch of Her Majesty's service, . seldom slow i n protecting the l i v e s of our fellow-countrymen, and supporting the authority of the law. Seymour s t i l l hoped for the support of the navy, and, he revealed, hoped to send an expedition to penetrate the C h i l c o t i n country from Bentinck Arm.  He might possibly accept the help of some of the V i c t o r i a Volunteers  for this expedition, but he did not think he would have to do so.  If the  unexpected happened, though, and there broke out a general Indian insurrection ". . . among the tribes between the upper Eraser and the sea  ..."  he would c a l l on the assistance of the V i c t o r i a volunteers. One phrase i n Seymour's l e t t e r hints at his displeasure with Kennedy's previous lack of promptness i n sending the news of the massacre. refers to ".'.  Seymour  . the much delayed receipt by me of the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the  melancholy a f f a i r at Bute I n l e t . " We may  surmise that, perhaps because of d e t a i l s he had heard of the  V i c t o r i a public meeting, and perhaps because of his growing i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with New Westminster and the mainland colony, Seymour did not trust the V i c t o r i a Volunteers.  Should any of.them j o i n the Bentinck Expedition, Seymour  wrote,"  1  . . . I would inform them at the outset that their duties w i l l not probably be of that exciting kind which tempt young men from their homes. We are not at war with the Indians, and the energy of the volunteers restrained by their oa'ths as s p e c i a l constables, w i l l probably have.only to be directed,towards making passable for themselves and packers the many swamps and rocks which impede their progress.  - 169 Seymour obliquely referred to the p o s s i b i l i t y that the Chilcotins had been i l l - u s e d by the road-workers from Victoria," We apprehend [he wrote] no serious resistance from the small band of assassins who even though excited by i l l - u s a g e would not have dared to face the men who f e l l their victims.31. Cox's Expedition to Puntzi Lake By May  29 Gold Commissioner William Cox i n the Cariboo,received  the  Colonial Secretary's l e t t e r informing him of the Bute Inlet massacre and asking that he take charge of an expedition to the C h i l c o t i n from Alexandria. The same day he wrote to say that he was  leaving R i c h f i e l d the next morning  for Quesnelmouth where he would make the necessary  arrangements, for the  32 expedition.  ,  On June 1 Ogilvy wrote to the Colonial Secretary to report his a r r i v a l i n Alexandria accompanied by McLean, whose•services he had apparently on the way.  secured  They were waiting for Cox, .whom they expected at any hour.  Ogilvy reported that "Alexie" (Alexis) had" previous to their a r r i v a l brought, down to Alexandria news of the murder of Manning.  Alexis and the greater  portion of his t r i b e , Ogilvy reported, had declared that they did not 33 intend to protect the murderers but would help to bring them to j u s t i c e . Donald McLean, now  an.experienced fur-trader and far more f a m i l i a r with  the i n t e r i o r and i t s Indians than the newcomers who rush, was by this time looked up to as a man  had arrived with the gold  of action who  of person required for an expedition of this sort.  was  j u s t the sort  He had been recommended  to Governor Seymour, and he was mentioned to Governor Kennedy as one whose services would be valuable - mentioned, oddly enough, by C. B. Young whose 34 concern for the just treatment of the Indian we have already noted.  - 170 McLean was  said to have married a C h i l c o t i n woman and his knowledge of the  C h i l c o t i n country and people from his fur-trade experiences  in i t naturally  made him appear an especially valuable asset for the expedition.  He  was  a great s t o r y - t e l l e r and no doubt his tales of executing f r o n t i e r " j u s t i c e " on the Indians helped to make him somewhat of a,hero among the rough miners of the i n t e r i o r . In the reports that reached the coast Donald McLean soon began to appear 35 as a major figure.  His impatience was  apparently beginning  to. be evident.  The Columbian reported that Cox had not yet arrived at Fort Alexandria, that ". . . those more or less interested i n the Expedition against the Indians" were becoming impatient, and that "Capt. McLean even went so f a r as to talk of returning home."  36  Cox, having arrived at Quesnel, had found that the steamer Enterprise was  out of service.  Hence the delay.  However, he managed to construct a  r a f t , by means of which he brought down the volunteers he had collected up 37 to that point, and arrived safely at. Fort Alexandria. On June 8 Cox with his expedition l e f t Alexandria. His force, including 38 himself, was made up of f i f t y men and an Indian boy. Later i t was 39 apparently increased to some sixty or s i x t y - f i v e .  Cox had hoped to have  the services of Alexis as guide but he could not be found.  Apparently  he  and his family had f l e d to the mountains, reports having been circulated that the whites were bent on the indiscriminate slaughter of a l l Indians. Possibly these reports had started with the boasts of some of Cox's Drawn from the gold-mining  men.  region and many of them no doubt having come  from the gold mines of C a l i f o r n i a , i t i s l i k e l y that many of Cox's party had l i t t l e r e l i s h for the r e s t r a i n t which they were supposed to be under as men whose mission was of the  law."  not to avenge but "merely to assert the supremacy  - 171 By June 12 Cox arrived at Puntzi Lake. body of William Manning was buried.  discovered.  Here, covered i n a d i t c h , the  An inquest was  held and the body  The following day Cox sent Donald McLean, his son, another  man,  and "Indian Jack" to C h i l c o t i n Forks to secure the services of Alexis as interpreter and guide.  About mid-day a scouting party returned to Cox's  camp at Puntzi and reported having seen an Indian dog on the ridge of a h i l l Cox sent a party-of men  out with an Indian boy to follow the dog and bring  back any Indian they might encounter so that Cox might make known the purpose of his mission i n the region.  After the party had penetrated about  a half-mile into the woods the guide " . . .  made signs i n d i c a t i n g that  Indians were n e a r , " ^ when i n s t a n t l y they were f i r e d on by Indians concealed i n the woods.  An exchange of f i r e resulted, the Indians retreating  and taking cover behind Cox put i t .  the trees as they went, "whooping as they flew" as  One of the expeditionary party was wounded i n the thigh.  Cox, hearing the f i r i n g , sent out a second party of eight men went with Ogilvy and s i x men  i n another d i r e c t i o n i n order to surround  Indians, but without success, for they were nowhere to be seen. "we  and the  Cox wrote,  constructed good breastworks for our protection during the nights." The next day Cox's party heard f i r i n g i n the same d i r e c t i o n as before.  Five Indians showed themselves and discharged their firearms into the a i r . Cox f e l t this open defiance was r i s k the l i v e s of his men  a trap and decided not to follow them or  i n any way  u n t i l Alexis had arrived.  On the  sixteenth McLean and the three men with him returned to report that they had. met A l e x i s ' t r i b e and family, who  had been a l l i n arms at their approach  McLean had assured them of the white's peaceful intentions, and they had promised to send for A l e x i s , who  was  away i n the mountains..  - 172 Cox  remained w a i t i n g a t P u n t z i Lake f o r the. a r r i v a l o f A l e x i s .  the rude f o r t - w h i c h they had c o n s t r u c t e d  Over  Cox f l e w t h e w h i t e f l a g t o denote  41 his peaceful intentions. Brew's E x p e d i t i o n by Way o f B e n t i n c k Arm By t h e time Cox and h i s e x p e d i t i o n had reached P u n t z i Lake from A l e x a n d r i a p r e p a r a t i o n s were"under^way f o r l a u n c h i n g i n t o C h i l c o t i n country.  a second  expedition  A d m i r a l Kingcome had consented t o convey an e x p e d i -  t i o n t o B e n t i n c k Arm and a p a r t y o f f o r t y v o l u n t e e r s had been r a i s e d i n New W e s t m i n s t e r .  These, l i k e t h e p a r t y who had gone t o Bute I n l e t , were  to be under t h e command o f P o l i c e M a g i s t r a t e C h a r t r e s Brew.  The v o l u n t e e r s  were o f r a t h e r a d i f f e r e n t s o r t t h a n Cox's p a r t y , b e i n g l a r g e l y o f B r i t i s h 42 background, many o f them d i s c h a r g e d  sappers from t h e R o y a l  On June 11 Brew a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r i a aboard t h e A l e x a n d r i a . 43  Engineers. Here he a w a i t e d  ,  the a r r i v a l o f h i s men. Governor F r e d e r i c k Seymour, young and a d v e n t u r o u s , had d e c i d e d t o accompany the e x p e d i t i o n h i m s e l f .  The H.M.S. S u t l e j c a r r i e d Seymour, 44 Brew, and t h e men o f t h e E x p e d i t i o n n o r t h to B e n t i n c k Arm, where they 7  a r r i v e d on June 18. On t h e f o l l o w i n g day t h e p a r t y l a n d e d  at "Rascal's  V i l l a g e " ( B e l l a C o o l a ) , and on t h e t w e n t i e t h s e t o u t f o r P u n t z i Lake. W i t h them t h e y took about t h i r t y B e l l a Coolas whom Brew, w i t h Seymour's 45 a p p r o v a l , had h i r e d .  Others who had p r e v i o u s l y used t h e B e n t i n c k Arm  r o u t e had gone by canoe up t h e r i v e r t o w h e r e ' l a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n by means of pack animals began. t h e i r own h o r s e s ,  The B e n t i n c k Arm e x p e d i t i o n a r y p a r t y , h a v i n g 46  c u t a t r a i l up the r i v e r v a l l e y .  P r o g r e s s was slowed  but they reached t h e head o f n a v i g a t i o n by t h e t w e n t y - f o u r t h a b l e t o take t h e r e g u l a r r o u t e .  brought  and were then  On t h e p a t h l e a d i n g up t h e Great S l i d e  - 173 -  some shouts were heard i n the bushes and the Indians who were with the expedition "captured" a C h i l c o t i n who was  lurking nearby.  Possibly i n the  l i g h t of what happened, a l i t t l e l a t e r , the C h i l c o t i n meant to be  captured.  According to Seymour, they learned l a t e r that Anaheim and his followers had been lurking i n the woods.  "Perhaps the resolute bearing of the Volunteers,  perhaps the presence among us of f r i e n d l y Indians prevented  [wrote Seymour l a t e r ]  •• " 47 the attack which appears to have been meditated."  At the top of the Great S l i d e a day's halt was horses, and here a party of twelve men A l e t t e r was  sent by Cox under Ogilvey met  handed to Seymour i n which Cox informed  actions and stated that his force was  expedition.  started back the next day to r e j o i n Cox's party.  with the Bentinck Expedition came on more slowly. reached the summit of the Coast Range. be i n C h i l c o t i n  They now  them.  the Governor of his  ample for i t s task.  had decided to push on with the Bentinck Arm men  called to rest the  Seymour, however, Ogilvey and h i s  Brew and, Seymour  By June 30 Brew's party considered themselves to  country.  A r r i v i n g at Anahim Lake, the whites found Nancootloon, Anaheim's v i l l a g e , deserted.  Believing that Anaheim had not openly declared himself  an enemy, the whites l e f t the v i l l a g e without destroying i t . Soon the expedition came across signs of goods from Macdonald's fated expedition. Macdonald.  After several miles they came to the wolf-torn body of  Some distance on the body of Higgins, and s t i l l further the  remains of McDougal.  Next day the expedition passed the earthworks which  Macdonald and his party had thrown up as a defence against the Indians. About two miles further on was  a palisaded blockhouse of the Indians  the summit of a h i l l , near Sutiko.  on  Since these C h i l c o t i n s had been d e f i n i t e l y  - 174 i n v o l v e d i n t h e massacre and s i n c e t h e b l o c k h o u s e was c a p a b l e o f b e i n g again, the whites apparently  destroyed  i t by f i r e .  The smoke o f t h e d e s t r u c t i o n  alarmed some C h i l c o t i n s camped on t h e o p p o s i t e s i d e o f t h e l a k e .  A s h o t was h e a r d , and t h e men o f t h e e x p e d i t i o n some hours l a t e r about a dozen h a s t i l y - a b a n d o n e d  huts.  was sent a f t e r them under  Cooper.'- ' "The p a r t y f o l l o w e d t h e I n d i a n s  c i p a l l y by t h e C h i l c o t i n who had.been captured the end t h e i r g u i d e d e s e r t e d back w i t h o u t h a v i n g  achieved  discovered  The t r a c k o f t h e I n d i a n s l e d towards  Bute I n l e t , so a " f l y i n g p a r t y " o f t W e n t y - f i v e Lieutenant  used  f o r many d a y s , l e d p r i n -  on t h e '.'Great S l i d e . "  In  them, and they were f o r c e d t o make t h e i r way success.  The Combined E x p e d i t i o n Meanwhile, t h e r e s t o f t h e New W e s t m i n s t e r V o l u n t e e r s w i t h Brew and Governor Seymour had pushed on t o P u n t z i Lake where they j o i n e d Cox's p a r t y on J u l y 6. There was great" e n t h u s i a s m a t t h e s u c c e s s f u l j o i n i n g o f t h e two p a r t i e s , and Governor Seymour was h e a r t i l y cheered by Cox's men.  However, t h e p a r o -  c h i a l r i v a l r y o f t h i s c o l o n i a l p e r i o d o f B r i t i s h Columbia h i s t o r y soon began t o m a n i f e s t  i t s e l f i n petty jealousy.  of t h e two p a r t i e s h e l p e d thoroughly  Perhaps t h e d i f f e r e n t make-up  to a c c e n t u a t e t h i s j e a l o u s y .  Governor Seymour,  i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h t h e New W e s t m i n s t e r group, drew t h e f o l l o w i n g  c o n t r a s t when communicating l a t e r w i t h t h e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The few hours t h a t t h e two parties!'had passed t o g e t h e r s u f f i c e d to show t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r c h a r a c t e r . The men r a i s e d i n t h e g o l d d i s t r i c t s , m o s t l y A m e r i c a n s , passed t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e n i g h t i n d a n c i n g and p l a y i n g cards to an accompanyment o f war whoops and t h e b e a t i n g o f t i n p o t s . The New W e s t m i n s t e r E x p e d i t i o n almost e x c l u s i v e l y E n g l i s h , and comprisng many d i s c h a r g e d s a p p e r s , spent t h e e v e n i n g i n t h e i r u s u a l q u i e t s o l d i e r - l i k e manner. No s p i r i t u o u s l i q u o r was i n e i t h e r camp* y e t the amusements were k e p t up i n t h e one l o n g a f t e r t o t a l s i l e n c e p r e v a i l e d i n t h e o t h e r , and a s l i g h t estrangement commenced between t h e o c c u p i e r s o f the f o r t and those encamped on t h e p l a i n below, w h i c h was never e n t i r e l y healed.48  - 175 Seymour was n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y impressed w i t h t h e l e a d e r s h i p Cox had shown, e i t h e r , and, a c c o r d i n g t o h i s d e s p a t c h t o the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , asked Cox why he had kept h i s f o r c e i n a c t i v e so l o n g .  They had, o f c o u r s e , been  w a i t i n g f o r t h e a r r i v a l o f A l e x i s , b u t he s t i l l - had n o t turned up. A t any r a t e , i t was arranged  t h a t Cox's p a r t y s h o u l d w a i t no l o n g e r , b u t  l e a v e t h e n e x t morning h e a d i n g i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f T a t l a Lake and t h e mountains o f Bute I n l e t .  T h i s they d i d , and the New W e s t m i n s t e r p a r t y  w i t h t h e Governor and C h a r t r e s Brew was l e f t h o l d i n g t h e p o s i t i o n a t P u n t z i Lake.  Cox's E x p e d i t i o n South-Westwards Cox's p a r t y t r a v e l l e d beyond T a t l a Lake t o t h e r e g i o n around t h e head49 w a t e r s o f the Homathko River.  o r between t h e r e and t h e headwaters o f t h e S o u t h g a t e  S i g n s o f t h e C h i l c o t i n s were e v i d e n t , b u t : the I n d i a n s g e n e r a l l y kept  out o f s h o o t i n g d i s t a n c e .  L u n d i n Brown t e l l s o f t h e w h i t e s  of t h e C h i l c o t i n s and g i v i n g chase, s h o o t i n g , b u t w i t h o u t  surprising several  apparent r e s u l t .  One o f t h e C h i l c o t i n s , a c c o r d i n g t o L u n d i n Brown, was K l a t s a s s i n , who  finally  escaped by p l u n g i n g i n t o aj.lake and swimming underwater t i l l he c o u l d  take  cover among t h e reeds. """ 5  Cox's p a r t y on t h i s e x p e d i t i o n , r e p o r t e d l y on J u l y 1 7 , s u f f e r e d t h e o n l y l o s s o f l i f e i n f l i c t e d on t h e w h i t e s o f t h e e x p e d i t i o n s w h i c h were sent t o the C h i l c o t i n c o u n t r y .  A g a i n s t Cox's o r d e r s Donald McLean, i m p a t i e n t and  independent as e v e r , l e f t t h e . c a m p - s i t e by one I n d i a n , s a i d t o be a Shuswap.  i n s e a r c h o f C h i l c o t i n s , accompanied  According  t o t h e account g i v e n i n t h e  C o l o n i s t , he caught s i g h t Of a b l i n d ' o f boughs p i l e d a g a i n s t t h e t r u n k o f a t a l l t r e e ? . McLean threw up h i s r i f l e  and prepared  t o f i r e when a s h o t f r o m  - 176 -.  .  '  a clump of w i l l o w s on the o p p o s i t e s i d e of the t r a i l f e l l e d him The I n d i a n who A number o f men  instantly.  accompanied McLean managed t o get s a f e l y back to the camp. were s e n t i n p u r s u i t b u t w i t h o u t s u c c e s s .  McLean's body  52 was  brought i n , "and i n the evening was W i l l i a m Cox's men  buried.  r e t u r n e d on J u l y 20 to P u n t z i Lake w i t h no  success  to r e p o r t .and w i t h news of the death o f McLean whose r e p u t a t i o n as an "exper i n d e a l i n g w i t h the I n d i a n s had made him somewhat a "hero i n b o t h B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d . Rumour had i t t h a t n i n e t e e n I n d i a n s had a t • 53 one time or a n o t h e r f a l l e n a t the hands of t h i s s e l f - a p p o i n t e d avenger. Brew's P a r t y at P u n t z i Lake A t P u n t z i Lake the New  W e s t m i n s t e r V o l u n t e e r s had  food by the t i m e W i l l i a m Cox's men  returned.  run v e r y s h o r t o f  A pack t r a i n w i t h an e s c o r t  had been s e n t f o r s u p p l i e s to the summit o f the G r e a t S l i d e r i g h t Cox's men  after  had l e f t , but i t had s t i l l not a r r i v e d by the t w e n t i e t h .  d e s p a t c h of the p a c k - t r a i n had l e f t the New  Westminster Volunteers  The greatly  reduced i n numbers.  The b a r k i n g o f I n d i a n dogs and s i g n s o f I n d i a n t r a c k s  i n d i c a t e d to the men  t h a t C h i l c o t i n s were n e a r - b y , and  s e p a r a t e even t o go h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g .  The  thesmen dared  not  f l y i n g p a r t y w h i c h had been  sent a f t e r the C h i l c o t i n s on the second r e j o i n e d the New  Westminster  t e e r s at P u n t z i Lake on t h e t e n t h , making h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g s a f e r . B e l l a C o o l a I n d i a n s had h e l p e d by f i s h i n g w h i l e the f i s h l a s t e d , and  VolunThe the  54 menu was  eked out b y - b e r r i e s , b u t r a t i o n s had'been cut v e r y  "Nancy," the C h i l c o t i n woman who at the s i t e o f h i s farm. and she l e f t on J u l y 7.  low.  had l i v e d w i t h Manning, had  Brew persuaded her t o go as an emissary  remained to A l e x i s ,  L i t t l e by l i t t l e , members o f A l e x i s ' s band began  - 177 to v i s i t the camp.  F i n a l l y they promised that A l e x i s himself would come  i f the Governor remained i n the camp. Alexis's V i s i t When the Alexandria party returned to Puntzi Lake, Cox advised Seymour that the pursuit of the Indians be given up u n t i l the winter (when starvation might force them to surrender). this advice.  Brew expressed his agreement with  But, fearing the results of the loss of face i f the C h i l c o t i n  insurgents were allowed to gain an apparent v i c t o r y , Seymour decided that action must be continued against, them.  He ordered that the New Westminster  Volunteers take up the work of scouring the country, while Cox's men were to man the " f o r t " at Puntzi Lake. Before the New Westminster Volunteers had a chance to leave, however, an event occurred which gave some encouragement to the disheartened leaders of the expeditions. ' A large party of Indians appeared, which turned out to be Alexis and his followers.  A messenger having been sent to him, Alexis  agreed to come into the camp, after he had been assured that the Governor 56 was s t i l l there. Seymour's conversation-with Alexis was'unsatisfactory to the Governor, but revealing as to Alexis's attitude.  Seymour complained  of the murder of  Manning i n what he apparently regarded as Alexis's t e r r i t o r y , and he enquired ".. '.. . how he, the Chief of the country, could think i t right to go Cariboo •hunting when his men were k i l l i n g every white person they saw.  Alexis s  response t e l l s something both about the impact of white society on the Chilcotins and about the fragmentary  nature of authority among the C h i l c o t i n s .  - 178 He said, which i s true [wrote Seymour]," that the great Chiefs have l o s t much of their authority' since the Indians hear every white man assume the d i s t i n c t i o n . That the men under Klatsassin and T e l l o t have renounced a l l connection with him, and have a right to make war on us without i t being any a f f a i r of h i s . Seymour asked what the whites had done to provoke " . . . h o s t i l i t i e s which had been carried on against  them i n such a barbarous manner."  57  His answer [wrote Seymour] was interpreted to me i n Canadian French, that Klatsassin's men were "des mauvais sauvages, qui connaissent pas l e bon Dieu." 8 5  Alexis's description of the insurgent  Chilcotins as "some bad savages  who do not know the good God" r e f l e c t s the differences in-exposure to European influences among the various cotins responsible the whites.  groups of C h i l c o t i n s .  Those C h i l -  for the massacres were those l e a s t deeply influenced by  Alexis and K i s band, however, because of the p o s i t i o n of t h e i r  t e r r i t o r y , had experienced a longer and deeper exposure to white influence than had any of the other Chilcotins.. A l e x i s , Seymour wrote, "had. . . frequent intercourse with the whites of*the Hudson's Bay Fort on the Fraser [Fort Alexandria] and had been occasionally v i s i t e d by the Roman Catholic priests."  Not only would Alexis be more aware of white, power than were  other C h i l c o t i n leaders, but i t i s quite possible that the teachings of the missionaries were i n f l u e n t i a l i n preventing his taking part i n the v i o l e n t uprising instigated by Klatsassin.  At the same time Alexis at this point  indicated some sympathy for the insurgent reluctance  Chilcotins." He indicated h i s  to take an active part against his fellow Chilcotins by stating  that Klatsassin and T e l l o t had a r i g h t to make war on the whites " . . . 60 ' without i t being any a f f a i r of h i s . " h o s t i l i t y i n Alexis's attitude.  Seymour apparently sensed some  "He enquired with something approaching  a sneer," the Governor wrote, "how long I meant to remain on his hunting  - 179 grounds."  "Three years,"  61  ' was Seymour's reply, intended', of course, to  convey his determination. Alexis's v i s i t brought l i t t l e s a t i s f a c t i o n to the men Expedition.  of the Alexandria  They already f e l t slighted by having been assigned a defensive  r o l e at Puntzi Lake while Brew's men had been ordered to take up the work of scouring the country looking for the insurgents."^ Cox's men,  who,  according to Seymour, made up ". . . a sort of deliberate assembly,"  -  . . . agreed to i n s i s t ' on being allowed to march against the Indians or to r e t i r e . To make matters worse, Alexis's right-hand man was recognized as having been.present at Bute Inlet during the massacre, and Mr. Cox's men were anxious to hang him at once or burn him a l i v e . . . To prevent trouble, the suspect, Ulnas, was - «-• » protection.  arrested ". . . for his own  6 2  The shortage of food i n the camp prevented Alexis being accorded  the  generous treatment which i t would have been desirable to give a potential ally.  A l e x i s , apparently unimpressed with the reception-given him,  ordered his horses to be saddled i n preparation for departure. Brew's suggestion, however, the chief was Alexandria.  had  At Chartres  asked to escort the Governor to  "Surprised but f l a t t e r e d by this mark of confidence," as 63  Seymour put i t , "he agreed to remain." Things took another turn for the better with the a r r i v a l of the pack t r a i n which had previously been sent by Brew.  Apparently horses had  just been started o f f to Alexandria for supplies when the long-awaited packt r a i n arrived. The a r r i v a l of supplies may now  have done something to sway A l e x i s ,  who  agreed ". . . t o accompany the Expedition to the Bute Inlet Mountains  with a considerable f o r c e . "  6 4  Seymour, having decided that he had accomplished  his purpose i n  - 180 the expedition, l e f t for Alexandria, with the intention of v i s i t i n g the Cariboo before returning to New  Westminster.  Governor to Alexandria as previously arranged  Whether Alexis escorted the i s uncertain.  Seymour foresaw the possible expedience of holding t r i a l s "on the spot" i f the s°ught-fof Chilcotins should be taken prisoners. . . . I l e f t with Mr. Brew, an experienced Magistrate, a man of admiral temper and d i s c r e t i o n , f u l l powers for holding a Court of J u s t i c e i n the Chilcoaten country.65 Brew's Expedition South-westwards Seymour l e f t Puntzi Lake on- July 25.  Brew and his men  l e f t Puntzi on  August 8 and arrived at Lake Tathalco [Tatlayoko?] on the twelfth. portion of his men  A  Brew placed i n a party under Elwyn, his second i n command.  The two parties of men  searched  the d i s t r i c t i n the area of the lakes and  the.Homathko River and saw signs of Indians, but f a i l e d to make contact 66 with any of them. The Surrender of Eight C h i l c o t i n s Possibly even before Brew and h i s party l e f t Puntzi Lake, according to an account given i n the Columbian, the son of T a p i t t , one of the i n surgent chiefs, had sassin and T e l l o t . ^ was  come to William Cox's camp with a message from K l a t 7  The messenger was" accompanied by A l e x i s .  The message  that i f the whites would remain where they were the two C h i l c o t i n chiefs  would gather together a l l the murderers and come and give themselves up. Cox r e p l i e d to the e f f e c t that, though he would not remain where he  was  encamped, he would be camped for a.few days at the Hudson's Bay Company's old  f o r t on the "Chezco" River.  himself there.  K l a t s a s s i n i f he wished could  No further message was  received  surrender  from-the-insurgent  Chilcotins t i l l August 10 when Tapitt's son came to the camp at the f o r t  - 181 s i t e which Cox had mentioned.  He said that Klatsassin had sent runners  to the Indians who were scattered about the mountains and that within four days they would be i n .  The messenger brought some money from Klatsassin  as an apparent token of good f a i t h .  Four days l a t e r he returned with the  message that Klatsassin, Telloot and s i x others would come i n the next morning.  Klatsassin had not, however, succeeded  Indians concerned'in the massacre.  i n finding the other  The next day, August 15, at half past  eight i n the morning, the eight Chilcotins came as promised.  Klatsassin  was the spokeman and evident leader. I have brought seven murderers, and I am one myself [begain h i s statement as translated and taken before Cox]. I return you one horse, one mule, and Twenty dollars f o r the Governor, as a token of good f a i t h . The names of the men present are: Myself, T e l l o o t , Chee-loot, Tapitt, Piem, Chassis, Cheddiki, Sanstanki.68 Ten more, he said, were at large.  Three others were dead.  (One had  been k i l l e d by Macdonald and the other two had k i l l e d themselves.) " Twentyone Indians i n a l l had been implicated i n the massacre. taken the greater part of the plunder..  Anaheim's party had  -•  Thus, q u i e t l y , the leading Chilcotins involved i n the Uprising and some  • v'  '"C -••  of their most deeply implicated followers entered William Cox's camp unarmed and peacefully. As f a r as Cox was concerned i t was an outright surrender on the part of these Chilcotins,  There only remained the question of where  and by .whom:, they would be t r i e d . Brew had been empowered with a commission to try the Chilcotins i n 69 their own country, but Cox had no such power.  Accordingly i t was arranged  that Chief J u s t i c e Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie should try the prisoners. The t r i a l was to be at Quesnel.  - 182 The surrender of the eight Chilcotins came with a suddeness  startling  to the whites who had pursued the insurgents with so l i t t l e apparent success up to this time.  I t would never have come about i n the way i t did had the  Chilcotins understood the consequences of their surrender. In a message to Klatsassin, Cox had stated that he would not harm the Chilcotins i f they came into his.camp, that he had no power to kill-ithem,. but that he would "hand them.over.to the b i g chief" (meaning Chief Justice Begbie). ^ 7  This message Klatsassin and his followers interpreted as a  promise that they would be allowed to camp i n freedom near Cox, that they would not. be k i l l e d , and that they would have an interview with Governor Seymour himself. I t was two days after they received this message that Klatsassin and the seven other Chilcotins came into Cox's camp.. They had received a present of tobacco from Cox, and t h i s , Klatsassin l a t e r told Begbie,* they had smoked after coming into his camp. Then, said Klatsassin [to Begbie], we thought ourselves safe. We have a l l heard [wrote Begbie to Seymour] of the sacredness of the pipe of peace on the Eastern "side among the I n d i a n s — I never had any experience on the matter here. . . The Chilcotins. were not allowed to camp f r e e l y but were treated as prisoners.  A l e x i s , who had acted as a go-between, apparently considered  that Cox had broken his promise.  ". . . Mr. Cox must have two tongues,"  he said, according to Begbie, when t o l d that the Chilcotins would not be 72 allowed to camp with him. The C h i l c o t i n s ' mistaken b e l i e f that they were to have an interview with Seymour seems to have partly r i s e n because someone (not Cox, according 73 to Begbie) showed them a picture of the Governor. understanding i s certain.  That there was mis-  Whether or not tne Chilcotins were deliberately  misled seems, now, impossible to ascertain.  - 183 The T r i a l s at Quesnel  74  The t r i a l s of s i x of the eight Chilcotins who at Quesnel on September 28-and"29.  surrendered were held  On the twenty-eighth an indictment  was entered against Telloot as " p r i n c i p a l i n wounding Buckley with intent to murder and against Klatsassin, Chessus, P i e l e and Chedekki on one count as aiding and abetting and on a second count as i n c i t i n g , " that i s 75 as "accessories before the f a c t . "  Telloot was found g u i l t y on the  f i r s t count and Klatsassin on the second.  The jury f a i l e d to reach  agreement on the g u i l t of P i e l e , Chessus, and Chedekki.  (One member of  the jury was i n disagreement with.the eleven others.) On the next day Tah-pit was t r i e d and found g u i l t y of the murder of William Manning, Klatsassin and P i e l e of the murder of Alexander and Chessus of the murder of James Gaudet. convicted prisoners, to be hung. but who  Macdonald,  Begbie sentenced a l l f i v e  Chedekki, whom no witness had recognized  i t was said would be recognized by Peterson, was to be sent to  New Westminster for t r i a l , '  The other two prisoners, Tnananki [?] and h i s  son, Cheloot, had no s p e c i f i c charge against them and had already been allowed to go free since there was nothing against them except Klatsassin's opening remarks on coming to Cox's camp. The f i n a l decision as to whether the hangings were to be carried out was Seymour's, since he had the power to exercise clemency.  This, however,  he did not see f i t to do. The Imprisonment The prisoners, while awaiting execution, were kept i n an improvised gaol, "a mere log house, with part partitioned o f f for a c e l l . " On October 2, as Begbie was about to leave, R. C. Lundin Brown, a  - 184 minister of the Church of England, arrived at Quesnelmouth from the gold f i e l d s where he had been preaching.  He boarded the steamer Enterprise,  and there had a word with the judge, who told him about the condemned C h i l cotins.  Lundin Brown agreed to"stay and give s p i r i t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n to  the condemned men. Securing an interpreter, Baptiste, Lundin Brown made h i s way to the improvised gaol where the heavily shackled prisoners sat squatting on the floor.  1  Day after day Lundin Brown instructed them i n Christian teachings.  The C h i l c o t i n s , seeing he had no c r u c i f i x about h i s neck, were somewhat dubious of h i s credentials as a true p r i e s t , but before the time of their execution came they had accepted him and s a t i s f i e d him as to t h e i r repentance and true f a i t h .  Two of the C h i l c o t i n s , Lundin Brown says,  had been baptized previously.  K l a t s a s s i n and Teloot, and probably Chessus  also, Lundin Brown christened himself.  The morning of t h e i r execution he  administered the Lord's Supper to the C h i l c o t i n s .  The prisoners had  breakfast, and then as they were called out one by one to be pinioned f o r execution, Lundin Brown b i d them farewell. The prisoners were l e d to the s c a f f o l d . hundred whites and Indians had gathered.  A crowd of about two  ./  Brief prayers were said i n  C h i l c o t i n , which Lundin Brown had gained some knowledge of, and then as each prisoner was blindfolded and readied f o r execution the minister spoke the words "Jesu Christ nerhunschita sincha coontse" be with thy s p i r i t . " )  ("Jesus Christ  7 7  In the midst of a l l this Tah-pit suddenly prisoners to "have courage."  called out to h i s fellow-  Then, addressing the Carrier Indians who  were gathered there and who had been formerly at war with the C h i l c o t i n s , he said, " T e l l the Chilcoatens to cease anger against the whites;"  He  - 185 then added, "We  are going to see the Great Father."  The Chilcotins were buried ". . . i n a wood near Quesnelmouth, not far from the Cariboo road.  A wooden cross with a rude i n s c r i p t i o n [writes  Lundin Brown] was set up to mark the spot.  ..."  Chedekki, who had been imprisoned with the other C h i l c o t i n s , was sent down f o r t r i a l at New Westminster but managed to escape on the way 78  '  and was never caught. The next year Ahan, another of the Chilcotins who had been involved i n the uprising, decided to attempt to make peace with the white authorities. He travelled down the B e l l a Coola River with several hundred d o l l a r s ' worth of furs which he regarded as compensation  for his part i n the massacres.  Anaheim informed the whites of his coming, and Ahan was  taken into custody,  as was Lutas, a r e l a t i v e of his who was also said to have been involved i n the massacres.  On July 3 and 4, 1865, Ahan and Lutas were t r i e d and the  death sentence was passed on them. was pardoned—the extended  Ahan was executed on July 18, but Lutas  only one of the Chilcotins sentenced to whom the executive  clemency.  79  - 186 -  Footnotes for Chapter VI  """"The Latest Indian Atrocity," Daily British Colonist May 12, 1864, p. 2.  (Victoria),  2 "Horrible Massacre!! Fourteen Men Murdered at Bute Inlet," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3, from the extra of May 11, 1864. 3 "The Indian Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 2. 4  "The Bute Massacre," Weekly British Colonist (Victoria), May 24, 1864,  p. 8. "Another Indian Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, P . 3, from "Another Indian Massacre!" British Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3. 5  ^Derek Pethick, James Douglas: Servant of Two Empires (Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1969), p. 183, pp. 210-211, p. 243. ''"Emergency Meeting," Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1864, p. 3. g "Bute Inlet Massacres, Minutes of a Public Meeting held in Victoria Theatre 8 p.m., June 1st, 1864," Archives of British Columbia, F57 B97m. 9„ Emergency Meeting," Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1864, p. 3,  "^"The Governor on the Bute Tragedy," Daily British Colonist, June 3, 1864, p. 3. "'"""""Bute Inlet Massacre," volunteer l i s t with "Bute Inlet Massacres, Minutes of a Public Meeting held in Victoria Theatre, 8 p.m. June 1st 1864." 12 "The Indian Murders," Weekly British Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 6. 13  "The Bute Massacre," British Columbian, May 14, 1864, p. 3. 14  "The Hyacks Volunteer," British Columbian, May 18, 1864, p. 3.  15  "The New Westminster Volunteers," British Columbian, June 8, 1864, p. 1.  - 187 16  17  "The Bute Massacre," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 18, 1864, p. 2.  "An  Indian P o l i c y , " British Columbian, May 21, 1864, p. 2.  18 Typescript copy of l e t t e r , A. Waddington to Colonial Secretary of B r i t i s h Columbia, May 28, 1864, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 9, Special Collections, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 19 Copy of l e t t e r , Arthur N. Birch to A. Waddington, June 3, 1864 i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 -September, 1864," Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 20 Typescript copy of l e t t e r , A. Waddington to Colonial Secretary, June 9, 1864, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 9, sf/pcial Collections, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 21 Copy of l e t t e r , Arthur N. Birch to A. Waddington, June 3, 1864, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863-September, 1864," Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 22 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. 23 Copy of l e t t e r , Arthur N. Birch to W. G. Cox, May 14, 1864, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864, pp. 196-198, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 24 Copy of l e t t e r , Birch to Cox, May 18, 1864, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864, pp. 203-206, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 25 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, No. 8, May 20, 1864. In the same despatch, although Seymour begged " d i s t i n c l y to be understood as not making a complaint against anyone . . .," he outlined the delay which had occurred i n sending him the news of the massacre. He spoke of the danger to the men who had been sent over the Bentinck Arm route. "This was known i n V i c t o r i a , " he wrote, "why were two days l o s t i n communicating with me?" 26 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from . . . Seymour and . . . Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour  - 188 -  to the Duke of Newcastle, No. 8, May 20, 1864. Seymour spoke of the colony's lack of a seagoing steamer, a lack for which he had already attempted to compensate i n part by sending an agent to Portland, Oregon, to purchase a small vessel with the Governor's own t r a v e l l i n g allowance. This vessel, however, would not be dependable i n rough weather. Seymour was " . . . ignorant of the instructions furnished to the Admiral of the P a c i f i c station . . ., but f e l t that B r i t i s h Columbia at the " s t i l l early stage of i t s existence" had a claim to some naval protection from the Mother Country. 27 "The Indian Celebration," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 25, 1864, p. 3. 28 "News from the Bute Expedition," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3. 29 C[hartres] Brew to Colonial Secretary [Arthur N. B i r c h ] , May 23, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 30 "Return of the Bute Inlet Expedition," B r i t i s h Columbian,, June 1, 1864, p. 3. 31 Letter, Governor Frederick Seymour to Governor Kennedy, June 4, 1864, i n Weekly Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 32 Typescript copy of l e t t e r , William G. Cox [to the Colonial Secretary of B r i t i s h Columbia], May 29, 1864, "Waddington . . .," F i l e 9, Special Collections, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 33 Typescript copy of l e t t e r , J.D.B. Ogilvy to A. N. Birch, Colonial Secretary, June 1, 1864, "Waddington . . .," F i l e 9. 34 Untitled news item, Weekly B r i t i s h Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 5; "The Governor on the Bute Tragedy," Weekly B r i t i s h Colonist, Supplement, p. 2. 35 According to the report of a "Mr. Ladner" who had just come down from "Mouth of Quesnelle," "Mr. McLean had not been i d l e while waiting at the Fort. His enquiries had resulted i n confirmation of the reported murder of Manning and h i s party. [It i s not clear whether the words ". . . and his party" refer to members of MacDonald's pack train.] Mr. McLean, who i s acquainted with the C h i l l i c o o t e n , and, i n fact, most of the Indians i n the i n t e r i o r , says that the man T e l l o t [Telloot] i s the head of a small band who have i n a measure  - 189 -  become detached from the main tribe and who only occasionally v i s i t them. His policy i s to secure the head men of the t r i b e and hold them as hostages for the surrender of the murderers." ("Later from the I n t e r i o r , " B r i t i s h Columbian, June 8, 1864, p. 3). According to the Weekly Colonist of June 14, McLean was reported to have sent a number of Indian scouts to Puntzi Lake, who confirmed Manning's murder. "From Fort Alexandria," B r i t i s h Columbian, June 11, 1864, p. 3. 37 "Way  Items," B r i t i s h Columbian, June 15, 1864, p. 3.  38 Letter, William G. Cox to A. N. Birch, June 19, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. This i s the main source for the narrative of Cox's a c t i v i t i e s i n this sub-section. 39 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, to the Colonial O f f i c e , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," [Photostat copy of mss. i n Archives Department, Ottawa, G. series, no. 353-358] IV, 47 & 76, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Aug. 30, No. 25. 40 Letter, Cox to Birch, June 19, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. ^ B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial O f f i c e , " Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 65, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. 42 Ibid., p. 71. A3 Brew's men were due to a r r i v e the evening of the same day. However, the "H.M.S. Tribune" which was to have transported them got stuck on the "sandheads" [sandbars?] at the mouth of the Fraser River, and the gunboat "Forward," sent for them instead, carried the men from New Westminster to Esquimalt. ("The Bute Inlet Massacre," Daily Evening Express, June 11, 1864, p. 3; "The Bentinck Arm Expedition," Daily Evening Express, June 13, 1864, p. 3; "Disaster to H.M.S. Tribune," Daily Evening Express, June 23, 1864, p. 3; "Departure of the Expedition," B r i t i s h Columbian, June 15, 1864, p. 3.) ^ " B e n t i n c k Arm Expedition," Weekly B r i t i s h Colonist, June 21, 1864, p. 7. ^ B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial O f f i c e , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 66, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37.  - 190 -  This despatch i s a major source of information on the events connected with "Brew's Expedition by Way of Bentinck Arm." 46 The f r e i g h t , however, was carried up i n canoes according to a l e t t e r written by E. A. Atkins, manuscript and typescript copies, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. Neither the l e t t e r ' s date nor the name of the person to whom i t was written are indicated. This i s a f i r s t - p e r s o n account from memory, apparently written many years after the events occurred, by a volunteer who participated i n the Bute Inlet and Bentinck Arm Expeditions under Brew. B r i t i s h Columbia, "Despatches," IV, 67, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. 4 7  Ibid, p. 71. 49 Rfobert] C[hristopherJ Lundin Brown, Klatsassin and Other Reminiscences of Missionary L i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), pp. 65-68. "^"News from the Chilacoten Country" ("intelligence . .... . r e c e i v e d from Lieut. Cooper, Aid-de-camp to . . . the Governor),- B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3. """R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, pp. 65-68. 5  52 Sources f o r the account of McLean's death are: Weekly Colonist, Aug. 2, 1864, p. ; "News from the Chilicooten Country," B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 3, 1864, p. 2; "News from the Chilacoten [sic] Country," B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3; "Diary of a Volunteer," Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, Oct. 15, 1864; copy of despatch, Seymour to Cardwell, Aug. 30, 1864, No. 25; copy of despatch, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37; R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, pp. 68-76. 53 R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, p. 69. B r i t i s h Columbia, "Despatches," IV, 73, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37 and "News from the Chilacoten Country," B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3. 5 4  [Nancy, Seymour reported,] ". . . came backwards and forwards once or twice, brought i n some children, then one man, who seemed to be sent to test the s i n c e r i t y of our professions of moderation. When he had returned unharmed, a considerable number of squaws formed a f i s h i n g station s i x miles o f f and entered the Camp almost daily with growing confidence to barter trout f o r sugar, the only a r t i c l e of which we had a s u f f i c i e n t supply. F u l l y s a t i s f i e d at l a s t of our good f a i t h the women promised that Alexis should come i n , i f the Governor remained, and then f i n a l l y departed i n search of him. ( B r i t i s h Columbia, 55  - 191 -  "Desptaches," IV, 72-73, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. 56 Ibid., p. 75. "Alexis and his men [wrote Seymour] come on at the best pace of the horses holding their muskets over their heads to show they come in peace. Having ascertained which was the Governor, the Chief threw himself from his horse, and at once approached me. He was dressed i n a French uniform such as one sees i n the pictures of Montcalm" (Ibid.) 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65  Ibid.  p. 75.  Ibid.  pp. 75-75.  Ibid.  p. 61.  Ibid.  p. 75.  Ibid.  p. 76.  Ibid.  p. 76.  Ibid.  p. 77.  Ibid.  p. 77.  Ibid.  p. 78.  66  Letter, C. Brew to the Governor [F. Seymour], Aug. 18, 1864, and l e t t e r , C. Brew to Colonial Secretary [of B r i t i s h Columbia], Sept. 8, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. T  L e t t e r , J.D.B. Ogilvy to the editor ("The Chilacoaten Expedition"), B r i t i s h Columbian, Sept. 17, 1864, p. 3. 6 7  68 Klatsassin's statement before W. Cox, quoted i n "Glorious News from the Chilacooten Country! The Expedition Safe! Surrender of Eight of the Murderers!" B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 24, 1864, p. 3. 69 Letter, W. Cox to the Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia.  [F. Seymour], Aug. 15, 1864, Archives  - 192 -  Testimony of Cox and note by Begbie, Sept. 28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians - T e l l o t , Klatsassin, Chessus, P i e l or P i e r r e , Tah-pit & Chedekki," enclosure i n Mfatthew] B [ a i l l i e ] Begbie [to F. Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. ^ L e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. Though there seems to be no other extant evidence of the Chilcotins having adopted the idea of the peace-pipe, they may well have done so by this time. It could have been introduced to them by fur-trade-company employees such as the part-Cree McBean, or i t may have reached them through one of the prophet cults. (See Chapter III of this t h e s i s ) . 72 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 73 Testimony of Cox and note by Begbie, Sept. 28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," enclosure i n Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 74 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and enclosed Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," Sept. 30, 1864. 75  "Notes  taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ."  ^R[obert] C[hristopher] Lundin Brown, Klatsassan and Other Reminiscences of Missionary L i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), p. 97. 7  7 7  I b i d . , p. 121.  78 Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and B r i t i s h Columbia, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial O f f i c e , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 119-120, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Nov . 23, 1864, No. 69. 79 "The Chilicoaten Murderers," B r i t i