Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The Chilcotin uprising: a study of Indian-white relations in nineteenth century British Columbia Hewlett, Edward Sleigh 1972

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1972_A8 H48_4.pdf [ 12.91MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0101653.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0101653-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0101653-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0101653-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0101653-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0101653-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0101653-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0101653-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0101653.ris

Full Text

THE CHILCOTIN UPRISING: A STUDY OF INDIAN-WHITE RELATIONS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY BRITISH COLUMBIA by EDWARD SLEIGH HEWLETT B.A,, University of British Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1972 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C olumbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p urposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f H i s t o r y  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i l l ABSTRACT This thesis deals with a disturbance which broke out in April of 1864 when a group of ChJLlcotin Indians massacred seventeen^workmen on a t r a i l being b u i l t from Bute Inlet to the interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, The main endeavours of this thesis are three-fold. It seeks to provide an accurate account of the main events: the k i l l i n g s and the para-military expeditions which resulted from them. It attempts to establish as far as possible the causes of the massacres. Finally, i t examines the attitudes of whites towards the Indians as revealed in the actions they took and the views they expressed i n connection with the uprising and the resulting expeditions to the Chilcotin territory. Published and unpublished primary source material has given a detailed and verifiable picture of the events of the Chilcotin Uprising, and of various background events. It has revealed, besides, the verbal reactions of many whites and even of Indians who were involved. To seek the underlying causes of the uprising and to get a clear view of white attitudes i t has been necessary to probe both ChUcotln and European backgrounds. The studies of others have helped to shed l i g h t on Chilcotin society prior to the time of the uprising, on European thought as i t developed in the Nineteenth Century, and on the general development of relationships between the white man and the Indian in B r i t i s h Columbia up to the period with which this thesis deals. i i i - a The causes, of the u p r i s i n g I have summarized under f i v e main headings. The " c h i e f m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r " was the ra s h t h r e a t "by a white man to b r i n g sickness on the Indians. The " p r e d i s p o s i n g causes" were events and circumstances which had no d i r e c t connection w i t h the Chile©tins' deci s i o n : to k i l l the whites but which must have helped to shape t h e i r adverse a t t i t u d e s towards the whit e s . The "aggravating grievances" were a number of occurrences d i r e c t l y connected Tjiwith the t r a i l - b u i l d i n g e n t e r p r i s e which may be regarded as grievances from the O h i l c o t i n s 1 viewpoint, aggravating the harm done by the t h r e a t made again s t the O h i l c o t i n s . The " m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e " of plunder played i t s p a r t i n encouraging the u p r i s i n g . F i n a l l y , ; t h e r e were a number of " f a c i l i t a t i n g f a c t o r s " which made the u p r i s i n g p o s s i b l e — f a c t o r s making f o r the i n i t i a l weakness of the whites and the s t r e n g t h of the C h l l c o t i n s . , The a t t i t u d e s of the whites towards the Indians as r e -ve a l e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d of the C h l l cot i n . U p r i s i n g are d i f -f i c u l t to summarize without d i s t o r t i o n . But f i v e main p o i n t s have been made i n t h i s t h e s i s j • (1) The whites a t t h i s time d i s p l a y e d , i n v a r y i n g forms, a u n i v e r s a l confidence i n the Inherent s u p e r i o r i t y of European c i v i l i z a t i o n , (2) Only to a l i m i t e d extent can we i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e s expressed towards the Indians w i t h p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s e s o r groups of c o l o n i a l , s o c i e t y . (3) P r e j u d i c e and questionings r e g a r d i n g white a c t i o n s towards the Indian both emerged as a r e s u l t of the u p r i s i n g . There i s evidence t h a t there were many whites i n Nineteenth Century B r i t i s h Columbia who not only used i l l - b I n d i v i d u a l judgement i n making g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the Indian but were w i l l i n g to " t e s t t h e i r stereotypes a g a i n s t r e a l i t y " when they had de a l i n g s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r Indians or Indian groups. (4) There was no ..really general f e a r f o r personal safety;; among the Europeans during the C h i l c o t l n U p r i s i n g . (5) As a general r u l e we may say t h a t those whom circumstances c a s t i n the r o l e of adversaries of the O h i l -c o t i n s came to adopt i n c r e a s i n g l y h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians. Those who were l e s s d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d or who were ca s t i n r o l e s n e c e s s i t a t i n g some understanding of the O h i l c o t i n s tended to adopt l e s s h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards them. I i i - C ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my indebtedness to the staff of the Provincial Archives, particularly to Mr. George Newell, whose suggestions f i r s t led me to sources on the Chilcotin Uprising. I also owe much to the staff of the Special Collections Division of the library of the University of British Columbia. My thanks is due also to Dr. M. Ormsby and Mr. K. Ralston of the History Department of the University of British Columbia for benefit of their time spent and experienced advice given. Especially I wish to thank my advisor, Dr. R. V. Kubicek, who made me aware of the possibilities of a study of Indian-white relationships and white attitudes to Indians. His constructive criticism, encourage-ment, and stimulus to thought during the time I have spent writing this thesis have been much appreciated. iv PREFACE This thesis deals with a disturbance which broke out in April of 1864 when a group of Chilcotin Indians massacred seventeen workmen on a t r a i l being built from Bute Inlet to the interior of British Columbia. The Chilcotin Uprising at the time i t occurred startled and shocked practically the whole white population of colonial B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island. Overwhelmingly outnumbered by the Indians, the whites were bound to take seriously any uprising which might threaten to become an Indian war such as the Americans to the south had experienced. The further ki l l i n g s which followed the i n i t i a l massacre and the adventures and rumoured adventures of the resulting expeditions to the Chilcotin territory gained much public notice and for many months took up most of the attention of Governor Seymour and the top o f f i c i a l s of the infant colony of British Columbia. As time went on and i t became evident that the uprising was unlikely to involve more of the native population than a portion of the Chilcotin tribe, the white colonists became increasingly concerned at the, to them, enormous cost of the extensive operations in Chilcotin territory. Today, though neither i t s threat to the European populace nor i t s effect on the colonial budget seem in retrospect to be important, the Chilcotin Uprising is of significance for other reasons. The story of the Chilcotin Uprising is the best-documented account of conflict between Indians and whites in British Columbia. Accounts published in the Nineteenth Century together with a large amount of V unpublished material give a detailed and verifiable picture of the events of the uprising. We also have detailed narratives of various background events, and of the verbal reactions of the whites and even of Indians who were involved. Variously referred to in the accounts of the time as a series of massacres, as an insurrection, and as a war, the Chilcotin Uprising was the type of reaction to the inroads of Europeans which certain modern historians would prefer to label as a "resistance," I have chosen "uprising" as a term I consider adequately descriptive yet not reflecting any particular theory of social action. The main endeavours of this thesis are three-fold. It seeks to provide an accurate account of the main events: the k i l l i n g s and the para-military expeditions which resulted from them. This has seemed to be of considerable importance, since no narrative of the uprising exists which t e l l s a l l the events as accurately as available documents enable one to do today. A second thing this thesis attempts is to establish as far as is possible the causes of the massacres which occurred. The immediate cause was discovered by the enquiries of Judge Begbie after the surrender of a number of the Chilcotins involved in the uprising. The underlying causes, though not so obvious at the time, throw a good deal of light on the reaction of one group of native people to the Europeans whom they encountered. The third main task of this thesis has been to examine the attitudes of whites towards the Indians as revealed i n the actions they took and the views they expressed in connection with the uprising and the resulting expeditions to the Chil-cotin territory. v i To seek the underlying causes of the uprising and to get a clear view of white attitudes i t has been necessary to probe both Chilcotin and European backgrounds. It has only been possible to do this, of course, because others have carried out stud i e s — h i s t o r i c a l , anthropological, and sociological in nature—which have shed light on Chilcotin society prior to the time of the massacres, on European thought as i t developed in the Nineteenth Century, and on the general development of relationships between white man and Indian in British Columbia up to the period with which this thesis deals. The early historiography of the Chilcotin Uprising I have discussed in the bibliographical essay which accompanies this thesis. Seymour's despatches to Cardwell contain the most accurate account of a l l the major events of the Uprising. A l l other contemporary accounts of the Uprising are only part i a l . Lundin Brown's is the most complete and accurate published account of the nineteenth century, but is not to be completely relied on. Twentieth century accounts are either popularized versions of limited accuracy which have appeared in newspapers or periodicals or are necessarily curtailed in their scope because the Chilcotin Uprising is narrated as an event of limited significance in the history of British Columbia as a whole. F. W. Howay in Br i t i s h Columbia from the Earliest Times to the  Present gives a f a i r l y f u l l and accurate account, but there are a number of factual errors in his work. This thesis attempts to give a more detailed and accurate account of the events than has been given in the past. At the same time, though i t i s centred around one tribe and a single set of events, i t is hoped i t may, along with the studies of others, contribute to a greater understanding of the development of Indian-white relationships. v i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT I l l ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i i i - C PREFACE i v LIST OF MAPS v i i i LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHIC PLATES ix CHAPTER L. BACKGROUND: THE CHILCOTINS IN THEXR NATIVE ENVIRONMENT 1 CHAPTER II. PRE-GOLD-RUSH RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHILCOTINS AND EUROPEANS 22 CHAPTER III. THE IMPACT OF THE GOLD RUSH ON RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND INDIANS IN VANCOUVER ISLAND AND BRITISH COLUMBIA 45 CHAPTER IV. THE BUTE INLET TRAIL 88 CHAPTER V. THE MASSACRES AND THEIR CAUSES 116 CHAPTER VI. THE WHITE REACTION TO THE MASSACRES 151 CHAPTER VII. WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE INDIANS AS REVEALED AND EXPRESSED DURING THE CHILCOTIN UPRISING 193 A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON CHIEF SOURCES USED IN WRITING THIS THESIS. . . 220 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 225 v i i i LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1. Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians . , 2 2. The Chilcotins and Their Neighbours 4 3. Waddington's Bute Inlet T r a i l 109 ix LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHIC PLATES Plate To Follow Page 1. Governor Frederick Seymour 161 2. Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie 208 CHAPTER I BACKGROUND: THE CHILCOTINS IN THEIR NATIVE ENVIRONMENT S t a r t l i n g as the events of the C h i l c o t i n u p r i s i n g were to the white populace of Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia, the p a t t e r n of those events becomes, by h i n d s i g h t , more e x p l i c a b l e i n the l i g h t of an examination of the background to the massacres. An important p a r t of that background i s s u p p l i e d by a study of the C h i l c o t i n Indians themselves: t h e i r e t h n i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l way of l i f e , and the e f f e c t s of e a r l y European contact on t h e i r l i v e s and a t t i t u d e s . L i n g u i s t i c Group The C h i l c o t i n s form part of a remarkably wide-spread group of l i n g u i -s t i c a l l y r e l a t e d I n d i a n s , the Dene's or Athapaskans, whose t e r r i t o r y extended to Hudson Bay on the east, to the t e r r i t o r y of the Eskimo on the n o r t h , and up to the d e l t a of the Yukon R i v e r on the west."*" The Apache and Navaho of the southwestern United States and a number of i s o l a t e d groups i n P a c i f i c c o a s t a l s t a t e s are southern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Denes-Most of the Athapaskan Indians of Canada l i v e d n orth of the f i f t y -f i f t h p a r a l l e l , but the t e r r i t o r y of the western De^es i n B r i t i s h Columbia extended much f u r t h e r south. The C h i l c o t i n s were the most s o u t h e r l y Dene' t r i b e ; i n Canada w i t h the probable exception of the N i c o l a , a small group which seems to have been o r i g i n a l l y Athapaskan i n speech but which was 2 absorbed by neighbouring Indians i n the e a r l y nineteenth century. From Cornelius Osgood, "The Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians," Yale University Publications in Anthropology, VII (1936), 4. - 2 -s Map 1 Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians - 3 -P h y s i c a l Appearance R e l i a b l e e a r l y i n f o r m a t i o n i s scarce regarding the p h y s i c a l character-i s t i c s of the C h i l c o t i n s , and Lane decides that ". . . there i s l i t t l e p o i n t 3 i n attempting a p h y s i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n . " Morice was a c a r e f u l observer and i s u s u a l l y a r e l i a b l e informant, though he d i d not have 4 contact w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s t i l l 1883 and was more f a m i l i a r w i t h the C a r r i e r s whose t e r r i t o r y l i e s immediately to the no r t h of the C h i l c o t i n s ' . The C h i l c o t i n s . . . [Morice says] are of lower s t a t u r e [than the C a r r i e r s ] , broad-chested, w i t h square shoulders, heavy features and f l a t t i s h faces . . . He considered that the C h i l c o t i n s (as w e l l as the C a r r i e r s ) had become modi-f i e d i n t h e i r p h y s i c a l appearance due to i n t e r m i x t u r e w i t h the coast Indians. He al s o b e l i e v e d that the C h i l c o t i n s had i n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h the S a l i s h to the south. Speaking of the Athapaskans g e n e r a l l y , Morice says that they are ". . . remarkable f o r the s c a r c i t y of t h e i r f a c i a l h a i r , " though he-mentions 6 some exceptions. T e r r i t o r y For a number of reasons i t i s d i f f i c u l t to i n d i c a t e the boundaries of C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y w i t h much p r e c i s i o n . The C h i l c o t i n s d i d have a concept of t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t s , but these l i m i t s could not have been pre-c i s e l y defined except where they were marked o f f by c l e a r l y r e c o g n i z a b l e n a t u r a l boundaries. Then too, much in f o r m a t i o n on the C h i l c o t i n s ' ideas of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries^ has come to us r a t h e r l a t e , and, v a l u a b l e though i t i s , should be t r e a t e d w i t h some caution. A f u r t h e r p o i n t to be borne i n mind i s the f a c t that boundaries could and d i d s h i f t when one t r i b a l group abandoned t e r r i t o r y and another occupied i t . From Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953), p. 64. CAnn Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953). - 5 -I t i s p o s s i b l e , however, to i n d i c a t e i n general terms the boundaries of C h i l c o t i n - o c c u p i e d country i n the p e r i o d from f i r s t contact w i t h whites 8 to the time of the 1864 u p r i s i n g . The C h i l c o t i n s i n h a b i t e d the drainage b a s i n of the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r above a point t h i r t y or f o r t y m i l e s up the C h i l c o t i n from the Fraser (that i s , near present-day H a n c e v i l l e ) . In a d d i t i o n , they occupied the Dean R i v e r from Anahim Lake south, and the 9 upper reaches of the Homathko and K l i n i k l i n i R i v e r s . P o p u l a t i o n I t seems impossible to make an estimate of any great r e l i a b i l i t y f o r the population of the C h i l c o t i n s at any time during the p e r i o d w i t h which we are concerned. The p o p u l a t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n s before contact w i t h whites i s a matter of very doubtful conjecture. Kroeber, f o l l o w i n g MoOney, gives an estimate of 2,500"^, but Lane gives what appear to be very v a l i d reasons f o r r e j e c t i n g t h i s f i g u r e as g i v i n g much too high a p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y . ^ Lane's own estimate f o r the p o p u l a t i o n of the pre-nineteenth-century 12 C h i l c o t i n s i s a f i g u r e of from 1000 to 1500 , which seems a more probable number i n view of the extent of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y compared to that of other Athapaskans, and the l i m i t s of the C h i l c o t i n s ' food resources, and i n view of the p o p u l a t i o n estimates we have f o r l a t e r p eriods. The t o t a l number of- f a m i l i e s which George McDougall reported having 13 v i s i t e d and heard of i n 1822 was about 196. Should there have been an average of four persons per f a m i l y t h i s would give a t o t a l of about 784 i n d i v i d u a l s . There were probably many f a m i l i e s which he d i d not v i s i t or hear o f , s i n c e he w r i t e s of what was only part of the C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y . I t would seem, then, t h a t there must have been considerably more than-- 6 -the approximately 800 Chilcotins he reported on at that time. It should be noted, however, that most of his information on population was based on information given by Indians he met rather than on first-hand experience. Ross Cox in his Adventures on the Columbia River passes on information on the Chilcotins which he obtained from Joseph McGillivray, and which may have been derived from information obtained during the 1822 trip which McDougall took. According to McGillivray's information, though i t was "impossible to ascertain with accuracy the number of men in the tribe," i t was thought that the "number of men capable of bearing arms could not be under one hundred and eighty. Assuming that each of these men was the head of a family, the total reported by McGillivray would be reasonably close to that given by McDougall. A table, also attributed to McGillivray, showing the population of the tribes "about Fraser's River" contains a note stating: Our census of the Chilcotins is imperfect; but we reckoned two chiefs, 52 heads of families, and 130 married men between the age of twenty and f o r t y . ^ If the "chiefs," "heads of families," and "married men between the age of twenty and forty" were a l l separate individuals the total would be 184 men, agreeing with McGillivray's previously-given total. (Lane in error 16 cites Cox as reporting 252 as the estimated population.) Douglas estimated the population in 1837 at 600, a figure which Lane accepts for the estimated population of the Chilcotins in the early nine-teenth century. This seems a rather drastic reduction in numbers from the time of McDougall's 1822 v i s i t , though inter-rtribal fighting and periods of starvation had intervened, and William Connolly did observe evidence of 18 a great reduction during his v i s i t of 1829, Morice placed the C h i l c o t i n p o p u l a t i o n before the smallpox outbreak of the 1860's as " f u l l y 1500," which seems too high to agree w i t h any of the p r e v i o u s l y - g i v e n estimates of e a r l y a u t h o r i t i e s . According to Morice 19 the smallpox outbreaks reduced the p o p u l a t i o n by two-thirds. ( I n c i d e n t a l l y , 20 the f i r s t outbreak was i n 1862 <, not as Morice vindicates i n 1864.) I t seems probable t h a t he was more c e r t a i n of the number who s u r v i v e d the outbreaks than of the o r i g i n a l number, and that he obtained the "1500" by working backwards. P o s s i b l y two-thirds was too high a proportion," d r a s t i c as the r e s u l t s of the smallpox were. Therefore 500 ( o n e - t h i r d of Morice's 1500) could be a f a i r l y accurate number f o r the p e r i o d a f t e r the smallpox v i s i t a -t i o n s and immediately before the u p r i s i n g . Since the B r i t i s h Columbia 21 Athapaskan p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e d t i l l 1895, and s i n c e T e i t estimated the 22 p o p u l a t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n s as about 534 i n 1906 , i t would seem reasonable to estimate t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n i n 1864 as between 500 and 600. .- Way of L i f e Even a cursory examination of what i s known of the pre-contact way of l i f e of the C h i l c o t i n s impresses one w i t h the great c o n t r a s t between that-a b o r i g i n a l existence and the c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e which one would assume a European c u l t u r e might impose once i t began to make i t s impact f e l t . O btaining Food The Athapaskan peoples of Canada were as a whole c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a nomadic ex i s t e n c e which the search f o r food imposed upon them. Where there was a dependence upon f i s h i n g , however, t h i s wandering was modified by the need to v i s i t r e g u l a r f i s h i n g spots at c e r t a i n times of the year. The C h i l c o t i n s obtained food by f i s h i n g , hunting, and gathering roots and b e r r i e s . - 8 -Their l i f e was semi-nomadic. Their fishing activities led to particular groups of Chilcotins becoming associated with certain specific spots which they used during fishing seasons and established a type of ownership to through use. Their hunting, though, led to wide-ranging travels, as their fishing activites also did when the salmon run failed on the Chil-cotin River. Salmon fishing was apparently an important activity for the Chilcotins, and the frequent failure of the salmon runs, as w i l l be seen, 23 helped to determine their relationships with coastal Indians. Salmon as well as roots and berries were dried and preserved for use during times when food was scarce, but times of hunger and starvation were s t i l l experienced. The lives of the Chilcotins were not those of constant activity, but of activity alternating with leisure. A general impression from a white view-point of Dene''life as later witnessed by Father Morice is given in his book The Great Dene Race when he remarks: ...we see that few people in-the northern lands have more leisure, or manage to take l i f e so easy as the Denes that have made i t their home. For weeks and weeks they w i l l do nothing but smoke their pipe, v i s i t and gossip, or lay idle in camp. Yet, as time f l i e s and a moon succeeds another, the Dene is reminded by the change in the weather or the length of his hyperborean days that some particular kind of work l i e s in store for him, to which he must attend under ^ pain of exposing himself and his family to the danger of starvation. In artistry and craftsmanship the Chilcotins were undistinguished compared with neighbouring coast tribes such as the Bella Coola and Kwakiutl. In the craft of basketry, however, the Chilcotins had developed considerable s k i l l , and produced work comparable to that of neighbouring Interior Salish people. Baskets could be used for holding berries and carrying a variety of loads—and for cooking, for they could be used for boiling water. Cradles were also made of basket-work. L i t t l e decoration was used on Chilcotin clothing. Clothing was fre-quently quite scanty in the summer, but in the winter robes of fur were worn. Chilcotin canoes, like those of the Carrier people, had "high rounded 25 stems and sterns." But they were smaller and less s k i l l f u l l y made than 26 those of coastal peoples. Like those of the- Canadian Bene generally, the tools of the Chilcotins were rather roughly made, though weapons for the hunt and for warfare were more carefully fashioned. During pre-contact times there were some iron tools in what is now British Columbia, ". . . most l i k e l y obtained by way 27 of native trade routes from Asia" in the judgement of Duff. But anthro-pological and archaeological literature examined makes no mention of these tools in connection with the Chilcotin. They were apparently dependent on stone, animal products, and wood and other plant material for tool-making. The Chilcotins, li k e the Carriers, constructed weirs to trap f i s h , and they also built traps to capture mammals. Apparently the horse had reached the Chilcotins and they had begun 28 to make use of i t before their f i r s t recorded meeting with the white men. Religion Like other Indians of British Columbia, the Chilcotins were dominated in their religious beliefs by the idea of the importance of various sp i r i t s whose favour had to be sought or whose malevolence had to be avoided. Among the Chilcotins, as among other Indian tribes, i t was important to obtain a guardian s p i r i t . And, like other Indians, they believed that through - .10 -s p i r i t s i t was p o s s i b l e to cause harm to others. They shaman who impressed members of h i s band w i t t i h i s apparent supe r n a t u r a l powers could exert considerable i n f l u e n c e . . The C h i l c o t i n s b e l i e v e d i n an existence beyond death, though t h e i r concepts of the nature of t h i s e xistence seem to have been r a t h e r vague. They sometimes cremated the bodies of t h e i r dead and sometimes placed them i n shallow graves and covered them w i t h stones. Mythology 29 Farrand's c o l l e c t i o n published i n 1900 and Lane's t h e s i s of 1953 are the two c h i e f sources f o r C h i l c o t i n mythology. The main impressions conveyed i n both works are the same: C h i l c o t i n mythology i s not marked by r i c h n e s s of q u a n t i t y or a r t i s t i c q u a l i t y , and i t i s evident that i t draws h e a v i l y from neighbouring, mythology, p a r t i c u l a r l y that of the B e l l a Coola Indians. There i s no way of t e l l i n g j u s t how much of the myth-borrowing was done sin c e the a r r i v a l of the white man, but s i n c e we know extensive f r i e n d l y contact w i t h the B e l l a Coolas antedated h i s a r r i v a l , i t i s l o g i c a l to suppose t h a t the process of borrowing di d too.' The c u l t u r e hero played an important p a r t i n C h i l c o t i n myths. This r o l e was f r e q u e n t l y played by a creature part man and part dog, who was s a i d to have come to the C h i l c o t i n country from^the north-west. S o c i o - p o l i t i c a l L i f e There i s much disagreement i n the l i t e r a t u r e on the C h i l c o t i n s r e -garding the question of t h e i r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . But i t i s c l e a r t h a t the C h i l c o t i n s were made up of r a t h e r l o o s e l y - k n i t bands, and that the f a m i l y was the most important u n i t f o r most a c t i v i t i e s . More than one a u t h o r i t y suggest that the c l a n system had spread to the C h i l c o t i n s , but Lane found no evidence i n questioning informants that 30 such a system had ever e x i s t e d . This may be explained by the lat e n e s s of h i s research, but i t would seem that i f the c l a n system d i d at one time e x i s t i t was not of great importance, s i n c e i t apparently has faded so completely from the Chi l c o t i n s , ! memory. The nature of l e a d e r s h i p among the C h i l c o t i n s i s not c l e a r e i t h e r . I t i s apparent t h a t i t could be q u i t e informal-=but that the h e r e d i t a r y 31 p r i n c i p l e a l s o played a pa r t , at l e a s t i n the post-contact p e r i o d . I t i s c l e a r that there was some c l a s s f e e l i n g among the C h i l c o t i n s . A person might r a i s e h i s s o c i a l standing by p o t l a t c h i n g , though t h i s p o t l a t c h i n g d i d not reach the same proportions i t reached among the coast Indians. Among the C h i l c o t i n s there were some s l a v e s . Of these a l l or most might have been obtained by capture, though i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t some could have been purchased from the B e l l a Coolas. About s l a v e r y , as about so many other features of pre-contact C h i l c o t i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , there i s a l a c k of agreement among, a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . Lane cautions that the p i c t u r e he gives of C h i l c o t i n s l a v e r y may i n c l u d e some mi s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n "...because 32 s l a v e r y ceased p r i o r to the l i v e s o f . . . [ h i s ] informants." Lane says that / men were not taken as slaves by the C h i l c o t i n s , and speaks as though they had no male s l a v e s . However, the sources on the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g mention 33 a male s l a v e of the C h i l c o t i n s . Of course, t h i s does not prove that male slaves were held i n pre-contact times. Trade and Trade Routes Before the coming of the Europeans trade was already important to the C h i l c o t i n s . Some of i t s extent may be i n d i c a t e d by the f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n : - Salmon was obtained from the Shuswaps and Bella Coola i n exchange for dried berries. Furs went to the Coast, and woven blankets came back. Cedar-bark mats and clothing, stone pestles, wooden boxes, and baskets entered the Chilcotin territory^Jo be kept or redistributed to other groups farther in the Interior. The extensive trade with the Bella Coola was an important means by which the culture of the coast Indians influenced that of the Chilcotins. Relations with Surrounding Tribes. Considerable conflict marked the relationship of the Chilcotins with neighbouring tribes. A number of geographic, p o l i t i c a l , and economic facts help to explain the predominance of t h i S a V c o n f l i c t . A l l around the Chilcotins were alien t r i b e s — a l i e n particularly in that they spoke languages distinct from that of the Chilcotins. In occupying this sort of position the Chilcotins were by no means unique. British Colum-bia was marked by i t s multiplicity of li n g u i s t i c groups l i v i n g in close proximity to one another. But then, what we know of the Indian history of British Columbia is marked by considerable conflict. To compare two s i t u -ations which in other respects have l i t t l e in common we might say that aboriginal Indian society was marked by the sort of international anarchy we have in the world of modern nations. Furthermore there was no p o l i t i c a l organization or paramount authority to resolve conflicts within the Chilcotin tribe or to settle conflicts with surrounding tribes on behalf of a l l the Chilcotins. In this too the Chil-cotins were not unique, since most of the surrounding tribes were similarly lacking in unity. But this simply added to the potential'-for conflict, since l i t t l e feuds were easy to start and hard to stop. 35 Murder and feuding might be brought on by the desire for booty. - 13 " Economic factors played a part in s t i r r i n g up conflict. The Chilcotins lived in a section of the interior plateau which at times supplied their needs abundantly. But at other times the food supply failed and starvation threatened. This frequently occurred when the salmon run on the Chilcotin River failed. Then the Chilcotins sought out the more dependable fishing grounds beyond their own territory. In places where they could use these peacefully they might do so, but where i t required force to make use of them force might be employed. With two groups of Indians the Chilcotins had mainly friendly relation-ships. These were the Bella Coolas and the Canyon Shuswap. The Bella Coolas were a group of Salish-speaking Indians with a coastal culture. They formed a numerically powerful tribe which i t would have been dangerous for the Chilcotins to attack. Their territory with i t s sea fishery was much richer than that of the Chilcotins, so that there was l i t t l e economic i n -centive for the Bella Coolas to invade Chilcotin territory. With these Indians the Chilcotins managed to establish a friendly relationship marked by trading which was of mutual advantage. During times of starvation on the plateau Chilcotin individuals- and families sought refuge among the Bella Coolas, and in the 1860's i t was common for them to winter with these coastal Indians. With the Canyon Shuswap the Chilcotins formed not only relationships of friendship but also many intermarriages. The Canyon Shuswap lived on Riske Creek and in two villages at the foot of the Chilcotin canyon. The Chilcotins traded with these Indians and visited with them on a friendly basis. Teit in 1909 wrote: - 1.4 -The Ganon d i v i s i o n , about f i f t y years ago, were s t r o n g l y mixed w i t h the C h i l c o t i n , so much so t h a t the people of the North Canon band spoke c h i e f l y C h i l c o t i n i n many houses; and the other bands along the Fraser had a l s o a considerable amount of C h i l c o t i n admixture. According to Lane, . . . C h i l c o t i n who had r e l a t i v e s among the Canyon Shuswap o f t e n came down to f i s h at the canyon. When there was s t a r v a t i o n on the P l a t e a u , many C h i l c o t i n f a m i l i e s a l s o took refuge among the Canyon Shuswap.^7 The C h i l c o t i n s ' r e l a t i o n s w i t h other Shuswap Indians were i n c o n t r a s t to those w i t h the Canyon v i l l a g e s . Although there were periods of peace, these were i n t e r m i t t e n t l y broken by c o n f l i c t i n the form of murders and blood-feuds. S i m i l a r frequent feuding e x i s t e d w i t h the L i l l o o e t I ndians, another S a l i s h group, and w i t h those of the C a r r i e r s to the north w i t h whom the C h i l c o t i n s came i n contact. I n the area where the C h i l c o t i n , Shuswap, and L i l l o o e t t e r r i t o r i e s met there seem to have been almost constant k i l l i n g s . T e i t remarks that At a place...looked upon as a boundary-point between the grounds of the L i l l o o e t , C h i l c o t i n , and Shuswap, members of these t r i b e s murdered one another every time they had a chance.... However, the Fraser R i v e r bands cl a i m that they avenged a l l murders per-petrated on them by the C h i l c o t i n , and t h a t the l a s t f i g h t was i n 1861 or 1862, when they k i l l e d i n revenge f o r murders, and i n s p i t e of the Canon Ind i a n s , some C h i l c o t i n who had come to the Canon to trade.... I t seems that had i t . n o t been f o r the Canon Ind i a n s , who acted as peace-makers, there would have been an almost constant s t a t e of warfare between the Fraser R i v e r bands and the C h i l c o t i n . I n the v a l l e y s of the Homathko and Southgate R i v e r s l i v e d the Homathko Indians, a branch of the Comox s u b d i v i s i o n of the Coast Salish. How f a r up the Homathko t h e i r t e r r i t o r y extended i s u n c e r t a i n , but p o s s i b l y i t . a t one time reached beyond the j u n c t i o n of the East and West Branches of the r i v e r . I t seems that the C h i l c o t i n s p r i o r to t h e i r meeting whites 1-5 ~ . had contact w i t h the Homathko, and that t h i s contact was sometimes peaceful Trading w i t h the Homathko seems to have been c a r r i e d on by the C h i l c o t i n s before 1822, f o r George McDougall, w r i t i n g of a t r i p taken i n January of 1822 to the C h i l c o t i n country reported as f o l l o w s : Ammunition I t h i n k t h e y . w i l l f r e e l y purchase, some took a l i t t l e even now, one of them had a Gun...he says he and s e v e r a l others have had Guns from Indians who came from the Sea, at the extremity of t h i s Lake of t h e i r s [which from the preceeding part of McDougall's l e t t e r appears to have been C h i l k o Lake], they cross over a Mountain, which portage takes them from 5 to 6 days l i g h t , where they f a l l upon a R i v e r running i n a Southerly d i r e c t i o n [no doubt |b^ e Homathko or the Southgate] & s a i d to empty i t s e l f i n t o the Sea. R e l a t i o n s w i t h the Homathko, however, appear to have been mainly h o s t i l e . F a i l u r e of salmon runs i n the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r caused the C h i l -c o t i n s i n t e r m i t t e n t l y to invade Homathko f i s h i n g grounds on the lower reaches of the Homathko R i v e r . The C h i l c o t i n s were feared by the Homathko, f o r the C h i l c o t i n s had o f t e n k i l l e d members of the c o a s t a l group. In the 1840's, f o r i n s t a n c e , the C h i l c o t i n s k i l l e d a number of Homathko fishermen. Between the C h i l c o t i n s and the neighbouring Kwakiutls there seems to have been l i t t l e contact and l i t t l e chance f o r e i t h e r h o s t i l e or f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s to develop. An absence of references to the K w a k i u t l marks most l i t e r a t u r e t h a t deals w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s , and Lane concludes i n h i s a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study t h a t : i> Among surrounding groups, Kwa k i u t l seem to have had the l e a s t contact w i t h the C h i l c o t i n . Nothing i n e i t h e r c u l t u r e p o i n t s i n any t a n g i b l e way to mutual i n f l u e n c e s . We have seen that a number of causes might lea d to c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the C h i l c o t i n t r i b e or w i t h o u t s i d e r s . Murder and feuding were engaged i n against C h i l c o t i n s or n o n - C h i l c o t i n s . Before the coming of the white man the weapons which might be used against enemies were c l u b s , spears, daggers, and bows and arrows. A f t e r European goods reached them, guns began to be added to t h e i r a r s e n a l s . The C h i l c o t i n s used a type of armor made of hide and s l a t s . For combat, 42 according to Lane, 'the face was painted r e d , b l a c k , or red and b l a c k . " Lane's d e s c r i p t i o n of the manner of c o n f l i c t i s p e r t i n e n t , s i n c e , as we w i l l see, so much that occurred i n the C h i l c o t i n u p r i s i n g f o l l o w e d the na t i v e p a t t e r n of combat. Attacks commenced at dawn [he w r i t e s ] and once undertaken u s u a l l y were c a r r i e d out w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e . t e n a c i t y . I f the f i g h t ended i n v i c t o r y f o r the r a i d e r s , they celebrated at the scene, f e a s t i n g on the enemy's s u p p l i e s and dancing and s i n g i n g of t h e i r e x p l o i t s . I f a r a i d was r e t a l i a t o r y , s c a l p s might be taken and the bodies of the enemy dead m u t i l a t e d . En route home, the scalps were l e f t under rocks i n a s w i f t f l o w i n g stream; and o f t e n body p a r t s of the enemy dead were hung i n trees along the t r a i l . Morice narrates an i n c i d e n t of which he had been t o l d that took p l a c e before the time of the f i r s t recorded!: C h i l c o t i n contact w i t h w h i t e s , about the year 1745 according to h i s reckoning. ( A r c h a e o l o g i c a l excavation reported by Borden, however, i n d i c a t e s that i t may have occurred "... • nearer the end of the eighteenth c e n t u r y . " ) ^ At the confluence of the St u a r t and Nechako R i v e r s was a s i z e a b l e C a r r i e r v i l l a g e known as Chinlac.. For some time the i n h a b i t a n t s of t h i s v i l l a g e had expected that the C h i l c o t i n s would a t t a c k to avenge the death of one of t h e i r c h i e f men. The attack came one morning and almost the whole popu l a t i o n of the v i l l a g e was wiped out. K h a d i n t e l , the "head c h i e f " of the C a r r i e r v i l l a g e , was absent during the a t t a c k . The s p e c t a c l e which, met Kh a d i n t e l ' s eyes on h i s r e t u r n to h i s v i l l a g e [ writes Morice] was indeed heart-rending. On the ground, l y i n g bathed i n pools of blood, were the'bodies of h i s own two wives and of n e a r l y a l l h i s countrymen'; w h i l e hanging on t r a n s v e r s a l poles r e s t i n g on stout forked s t i c k s planted i n the ground, were the bodies - 17 -of the c h i l d r e n r i p p e d open and s p i t t e d through the out-turned r i b s i n e x a c t l y the same way as salmon dr y i n g i n the sun. Two such poles were loaded from end to end w i t h that gruesome burden. Morice goes on to t e l l how, i n the t h i r d year a f t e r t h i s massacre, the C a r r i e r s took e q u a l l y gory revenge on a C h i l c o t i n v i l l a g e , e r e c t i n g three poles loaded w i t h the bodies of c h i l d r e n . Summary The C h i l c o t i n s , we have seen, were a semi-nomadic t r i b e who, p r i o r to t h e i r contact w i t h w h i t e s , had already modified t h e i r rudimentary Athapaskan c u l t u r e by accepting elements of the c u l t u r e of neighbouring Indians. Trade was of some importance to them. They had had mainly f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s w i t h some of t h e i r neighbours, but r e c u r r i n g c o n f l i c t s w i t h others. These c o n f l i c t s were marked by sudden r e t a l i a t o r y a t t a c k s , the m u t i l a t i o n of bodies, and plunder. The C h i l c o t i n s ' s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was loose r a t h e r than r i g i d . T h e i r sense of u n i t y as a t r i b e was weak. They d i d have a concept of t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries, and, w i t h i n the t r i b e , a rudimentary sense of "ownership," or possession through use, of p a r t i c u l a r f i s h i n g areas. - 18 -Footnotes for Chapter I 1See Figure 1, infra, p. 2 , from Cornelius Osgood, "The Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians," Yale University Publications in Anthro- pology . VII (1936), 4. 2 A[drian] Gfabriel] Morice, "Notes on the Western Denes," Transactions  of the Canadian Institute, IV, 23-24. 3 Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953), p. 40. (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953). 4 •" • [De l a Seine] D.L.S. [pseud..],,-Fifty Years ~j.n Western Canada: being the Abridged Memoirs-of Rev. A.G^Morice>;Gv.M.I. ~ l(Tbroht6, "Ryersbn Press , 1930),'pp. 24-25'. " " " ~ ~*A[drian] G[abriel] Morice, The Great Bene Race (Vienna: Administration of Anthropos," St. Gavriel-Modling, Near Vienna, Austlra, n.d.), p. 63. ^Ibid., p. 76. ^found in Lane, "Cultural Relations", pp. 63-119, passim. See Figure 2, infra, p. 4 , after Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 64. g See Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 63-69; also Wilson Duff, The  Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vol. I: The Impact of the White Man (Victoria, Provincial Museum of Natural History and Anthropology, 1964), Table 2, "British Columbia Tribes and Bands, 1850-1963," p. 33. 1 0 A l f r e d L. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. I (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1939), p. 138, cited in Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 39. 1 : LLane, "Cultural Relations," p. 39. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 40. George McDougall to John Stuart, cited in "Fort Chilcotin," typescript, Archives of British Columbia, pp. 1-4. - 19 " 14 Ross Cox, The Columbia River or Scenes and Adventures During a Residence  of Six Years on the Western Side of the Rocky Mountains Among Various Tribes of  Indians Hitherto Unknown; Together with "A Journey Across the American  Continent," edited and with an introduction by Edgar I. Stewart and Jane R. Stewart, the American Exploration and Travel Series, (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1957), p. 374. 1 5 I b i d . , p. 383. 1 6Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 39. "^Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 39-40, citing James Douglas, "New Caledonia Spring, 1839," Private Papers, Microfilm A092, Frame 9, University of Washington Library, Seattle. 18 William Connolly to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/123, fos. 80d-81d., cited in "Fort Chilcotin," p. 5. 19 • * A.G. Morice, The Great Dene Race, p. 39, cited in Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 39. 20 See letter, Matt[hew] B, Begbie [to F. Seymour], Quesnellemouth, Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 21 Duff, The Indian History of British Columbia, Vol. I, The Impact of the White Man, p. 39. 22 "Appendix: Notes on the Chilcotin Indians" in James Alexander Teit, The Shuswap, ed. by Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, Part VII (reprint from Vol. II, Part VII of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition( (Leiden, E.J. B r i l l Ltd., 1909), p. 760, referred to in Lane, "Cultural Relations," footnote, p. 40.' Lane i n error makes Teit give 450 as the estimated Chilcotin population. But a quick reading and calculation of his figures shows that Teit estimates i t at about 534. 23 William Connolly to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D. 4/123, fos. 80d.-81d., cited in "Fort Chilcotin", typescript, Archives of British Columbia. 24 / • Morice, The Great Dene Race, p. 203, cited in British Columbia Provin-c i a l Archives and Provincial Museum, Dene, British Columbia Heritage Series, Series I: Our Native Peoples (Victoria, British Columbia, Department of Education; 1951), p. 46. - ?.o -25 Alice Ravenhill, The Native Tribes of British Columbia (Victoria, Charles F. Banfield, Printer to King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1938), p. 138. 2 6 British Columbia Provincial Archives and Provicial Museum, Dene, p. 28. 27 Duff, The Indian History of British Columbia, Vol. I: The Impact of  the White Man, p. 56. 28 Simon Fraser, The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808, edited and with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb, Pioneer Books (Toronto, Macmillan Company of Canada, 1960), p. 69. See Chapter II of this thesis. 29 Livingstone Farrand, "Traditions of the Chilcotin," Memoirs of the  American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV: "Anthropology"; Vol. I l l : "Publications of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition", I. •}0 Lane, "Cultural Relations," pp. 186-187. 3 1 I b i d . , pp. 205-209. 32 Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 33 Evidence of "George" taken at the inquest proceedings on the Homathko at Waddington, May 23, 1864, enclosure in C[hartres] Brew to Colonial Secretary [for British Columbia], May 23, 1864, Archives of British Columbia; also testimony of George in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians -Telloot, Klatsassin, Chessus, P i e l l or Pierre, Tah-pit a Chedekki," enclosure with letter, Matt[hew] B[ a i l l i e ] Begbie [to F. Seymour], Quesnellemouth, Sept. 30, 1864. British Columbia Provincial Archives and Provincial Museum, Dene, p. 52. 3 5Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 25. James [Alexander] Teit, The Shuswap, p. 469, cited in Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 75. 3 7Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 76. Teit, The Shuswap, p. 541, cited in Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 79. 39 George McDougall to John Stuart, Jan. 18, 1822, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, B. 188/b/l, fo. 33, cited in "Fort Chilcotin," p. 3. The words in square brackets are mine. - 21 -Lane, "Cultural Relations," p. 89. 4 1 I b i d . , p. 31. 42 Ibid., p. 54. 43 Ibid.. p. 55. 44 Charles E. Borden, "Results of Archaeological Investigations in Central British Columbia," Anthropology in British Columbia, No. 3, 1952 (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, Department of Education), p. 34. - 22 -CHAPTER I I PRE-GOLD-RUSH RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHILCOTINS AND EUROPEANS P r i o r to the f l o o d of European immigration that came w i t h the gold rush, European i n f l u e n c e had comparatively l i t t l e e f f e c t i n C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y . Even before the coming of the Europeans to t h e i r r e g i o n , though, the C h i l c o t i n s f e l t some of the e f f e c t s of t h e i r p r o x i m i t y , s i n c e , as we have seen, European trade goods were able to reach them through the c o a s t a l Indians. F i r s t Contact between C h i l c o t i n and European Alexander Mackenzie on h i s e x p e d i t i o n to the P a c i f i c i n 1793 met no C h i l c o t i n s that we know of. His path to the present-day s i t e of B e l l a Coola l a y to the north of C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y . Simon Fraser's t r i p down the r i v e r which was to bear h i s name l i k e -wise bypassed C h i l c o t i n country. . But he apparently d i d meet C h i l c o t i n Indians, who seem to have been v i s i t i n g t h e i r Shuswap neighbours, and i t i s i n Simon Fraser\s j o u r n a l that we have our f i r s t mention of them. I n the entry f o r June 1, 1808 we read: The Indians seemed pleased i n our Company. They ca r r y no arms, and t h i s confidence I suppose was meant as a testimony of t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p . There i s a t r i b e of " C a r r i e r s " among them, who i n h a b i t the banks of a Large R i v e r to the r i g h t . They c a l l themselves Chilk-hodins [ C h i l c o t i n s ] . Later the e x p l o r e r mentions, i n the June 4th e n t r y , that they ...passed a s m a l l r i v e r [the C h i l c o t i n ] on the r i g h t . The same upon which t h e - C a r r i e r s we saw the other day, l i v e . I t runs through a f i n e country abounding w i t h p l e n t y of animals such as o r i g n a l s [moose], Red Deer, Carriboux [ c a r i b o u ] , Beaver &e. The Natives make use of horses.^ - 23 -Plans f o r a C h i l c o t i n Trading Post In 1821; thessame year that saw the union of the North West and 3 Hudson's Bay Companies, For t A l e x a n d r i a was b u i l t on the Fra s e r R i v e r . This post of the new Hudson's Bay Company among the C a r r i e r s was the base from which d i r e c t t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s were l a t e r estab-l i s h e d on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . In November of 1821 Chief Factor John Stuart wrote from S t u a r t Lake to George McDougall at A l e x a n d r i a g i v i n g permission f o r a t r i p to the C h i l c o t i n country. A c c o r d i n g l y , on January 2, 1822, McDougall set out w i t h a party of men to v i s i t the C h i l c o t i n Indians. The t r i p was made too l a t e i n the winter season f o r i t to y i e l d many f u r s , but McDougall f e l t t h a t f u t u r e prospects were good. I t i s [he wrote] by f a r the poorest t r i p of i t s k i n d I ever made, however I have every reason to think i t w i l l be attended by many s a l u t a r y advantages at a f u t u r e p e r i o d , they are cer-t a i n l y a f i n e brave l o o k i n g set of Indians,-whose lands are f a r from being poor e i t h e r , as to Beaver or Large Animals.^ The C h i l c o t i n s appeared anxious to increase trade w i t h the whites and apparently gave a glowing account of t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y . McDougall was s u f f i c i e n t l y impressed to suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y of ^ ' e s tablishing a t r a d i n g post among them. . . . i f a person could b e l i e v e them [he remarks], t h e i r Lands abound w i t h M i l k & honey but without doubt they, when once su p p l i e d w i t h proper implements to work the Beaver, w i l l be a great a c q u i s i t i o n to t h i s Establishment [Alexandria] & p o s s i b l y i n time might deserve an Establishment among them-selves ... . -> In 1823 a r e s o l u t i o n was passed at the C o u n c i l of the Northern Development t h a t a t r a d i n g post be e s t a b l i s h e d among the C h i l c o t i n s , but because s e v e r a l Company employees were k i l l e d by Indians at F o r t George -2k -and F o r t S t. John, Stuart decided to concentrate h i s f o r c e s i n those more n o r t h e r l y areas. The new head of the New Caledonia d i s t r i c t , W i l l i a m Connolly, v i s i t e d the C h i l c o t i n country h i m s e l f i n 1825, and reported "a prospect of f u t u r e advantage," but h o s t i l i t i e s which had broken out between C h i l c o t i n s and the C a r r i e r Indians around F o r t A l e x a n d r i a prevented the establishment of a t r a d i n g post among them at that time. By e a r l y 1828 at the l a t e s t the c o n f l i c t between the C h i l c o t i n s and the Indians of Fraser R i v e r had come to an end, 7 and i n 1829 Chief Factor Connolly again v i s i t e d the C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y . This time h i s impressions were not n e a r l y so favourable. The salmon run had f a i l e d them at l e a s t once i n the i n t e r v e n i n g p e r i o d . ...T saw n e a r l y the whole of the Inhabitants whom I found g r e a t l y reduced i n numbers s i n c e my v i s i t i n 1825, and i n a s t a t e of utmost indigence [he reported to the Governor and Cou n c i l of the Northern Department]. The i n f o r m a t i o n I rece i v e d from them on t h i s occasion i n regard to the resources of t h e i r country v a r i e d m a t e r i a l l y from that which they had formerly given...they now acknowledge that t h e i r resources f o r subsistence were so extremely scanty and precarious that when salmon f a i l e d . . . t h e y were reduced to the n e c e s s i t y of de s e r t i n g t h e i r lands and of f l y i n g f o r r e l i e f to some other quarter near the sea c o a s t . . . i t could be of l i t t l e advantage to occupy a country,-the Inhabitants of which are subj e c t to such frequent m i g r a t i o n s . ^ Connolly could see no advantage to a permanent p o s t , and thought i t was more advantageous to trade w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s by using " D e r o u i n s " — presumably short expeditions to them—and by having the Indians resume the p r a c t i c e of v i s i t i n g Fort A l e x a n d r i a . Nevertheless he d i d decide to e s t a b l i s h a temporary post among them under the d i r e c t i o n of George McDougall. In Connolly's i n s t r u c t i o n s to McDougall at A l e x a n d r i a he wrote. In October, 1829: 0 From the knowledge you have had o p p o r t u n i t i e s of a c q u i r i n g of the C h i l c o t i n s [ s i c ] and the personal acquaintance you have w i t h the p r i n c i p a l Men of the T r i b e , you a r e . . . b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d f o r opening up a r e g u l a r Trade w i t h those'people than any other Gentleman i n the D i s t r i c t . . . . • As soon as possible...you w i l l . . . p l e a s e to r e p a i r to the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r w i t h the men named i n the l i s t herewith t r a n s -m i t t e d . . . .9 McDougall l e f t A l e x a n d r i a f o r the C h i l c o t i n that same month, and the temporary post was duly e s t a b l i s h e d , but the returns i n f u r s that season were d i s a p p o i n t i n g , and by January of 1830 Connolly was w r i t i n g that the post should be abandoned as soon as p o s s i b l e w i t h the promise to the Indians that they would see the traders again the next summer."*"^  R e l a t i o n s h i p s between Fur Traders and Indians at Fort C h i l c o t i n The h i s t o r y of For t C h i l c o t i n from the time of i t s establishment was marked by frequent abandonments and re-occupations i n i t s e a r l y years, and by a chronic l a c k of success u n t i l i t was f i n a l l y replaced by a f o r t o u t s i d e the C h i l c o t i n s ' t e r r i t o r y . There were a number of reasons f o r i t s l a c k of success:' the m i g r a t i o n of Indians i n times of s t a r v a t i o n , shortage of personnel, the u n w i l l i n g n e s s of the Indians to f i t i n t o the f u r t r a d e r s ' plans f o r them, and p o s i t i v e animosity between the Indians and f u r t r a d e r s . We have already seen that Chief Factor Connolly was aware of the i disadvantages to the f u r trade caused by the C h i l c o t i n s ' m i g r a t i o n s . As f o r the shortage of personnel, t h i s might have been remedied had F o r t C h i l c o t i n proved as p r o f i t a b l e as some of the other f o r t s . The u n w i l l i n g n e s s of the Indians to f i t i n t o the f u r t r a d i n g p a t t e r n and the animosity that was demonstrated are two phenomena worth i n v e s t i g a t i o n , as they may throw some l i g h t on the a t t i t u d e s of C h i l c o t i n s and whites towards one another, and thus, i n d i r e c t l y , on the causes of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g . In e x p l a i n i n g the reasons f o r h i s o r d e r i n g the C h i l c o t i n post abandoned e a r l y i n 1830 Connolly wrote to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department that s i n c e the onset of w i n t e r the C h i l c o t i n s had ...done nothing, nor w i l l they resume t h e i r Hunts before the commencement of May. As we would n e c e s s a r i l y be o b l i g e d to withdraw the post before that time, as I would consider i t very unsafe to leave a small establishment amongst a people w i t h whom we are not yet much acquainted, and of whose audacity we have s u f f i c i e n t p r o o f s , I i n consequence ordered its'abandonment. . . .11 The f a i l u r e of the C h i l c o t i n s at t h i s time to f i t i n t o the p a t t e r n of a c t i v i t i e s which the f u r traders desired was not p e c u l i a r to these Indians. Morice gives a number of examples of the d i s g u s t w i t h which the-f u r traders f r e q u e n t l y regarded the Indians f o r t h e i r indolence (which i n the f u r t r a d e r s ' terms meant f a i l u r e to b r i n g i n f u r s ) and of the s i n g l e -mindedness of many f u r traders which prevented them from seeing the Indian i n any l i g h t other than t h a t of a f u r - p r o c u r e r . A l e t t e r from Thomas Dears, a s e n i o r c l e r k who had been l e f t i n charge at S t u a r t Lake i n the absence of h i s s u p e r i o r , t e l l s how s i x Babine Indians came to the portage between Babine and Stuart Lakes to k i l l some of the l o c a l Indians. But Dears had been t o l d that a f t e r stabbing one young man they had allowed themselves to be appeased by presents. Regarding t h i s f o r t u n a t e t u r n of events Dears remarks: "On hearing t h i s i t gave me s a t i s f a c t i o n , f o r had they succeeded i n t h e i r h o r r i d i n t e n t i o n s i t would have prevented many 12 from hunting." Apparently the C h i l c o t i n t r a d i n g post was again operated i n the w i n t e r of 1830-31, but again the r e s u l t s were not encouraging. Chief Factor Dease, writing to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, blamed the poor returns on a shortage of gentlemen to man the posts and the lack of respect of the Chilcotins for the common servants of the company, as well as on the fact that the Chilcotins had been forced by starvation to leave their lands and "resort to the neighbouring Tribes." Apparently Fort Chilcotin showed i t s e l f to be more profitable in some of the succeeding seasons, but i t was the poor relations between the fur traders and the Indians which were the main cause of i t s ultimate failure. The poor relations between Chilcotins and fur traders may perhaps have had their beginning in 1826 during the conflict already mentioned between the Chilcotins and the Carriers around Fort Alexandria (who were of the Talkotin subdivision). Ross Cox, apparently basing his account on Chief Trader Joseph McGillivray's "Narrative and Sketch of the Chilcotin 14 Country," provides us with an account of the conflict. In the winter of 1826 [he tells' us] four young men of the Talkotins proceeded on a hunting excursion to the Chilcotin lands. A quarrel, the cause of which we could never ascertain, occurred between them, and three of the young men were butchered. The fourth, who escaped dangerously .wounded, arrived at the fort on the 19th March, and immediately communicated the disastrous intelligence to his countrymen. One Chilcotin, who was at the fort at the time, was concealed from the Carriers by the traders un t i l he could escape. There followed a number of forays by Carriers (Talkotins) and Chil-cotins against one another. In September of 1826 a large band of Chilcotins made up of about eighty warriors appeared and attacked" a f o r t i f i e d log-house of the Carriers. Although the Chilcotins suffered severe losses they pressed the attack and might have been successful against the Carriers had the traders not sent the Carriers some arms and ammunition with which they checked the invaders. A Chilcotin woman who had been at the fort reported to her countrymen the assistance the traders had given their enemies. The departing Chilcotins, Cox wrote, "...pronounced vengeance against us, and threatened to cut off a l l white men that might thereafter f a l l in their .,16 way. The restoration of peace between themselves and the Carriers may have somewhat assuaged the hostile feelings of the Chilcotins towards the whites, but i t seems lik e l y that their desire for a close relationship with the traders remained somewhat dampened, and their less cordial feelings explained their reluctance to co-operate in the winter of 1829-30. At any rate, the reports of Fort Chilcotin that we have, fragmentary as they are, indicate continued frequent tension between the fur traders and their customers. . . . i t would appear from a letter dated June 27., 1836, from Governor George Simpson to Chief Factor Peter Ogden, who was then in charge of the New Caledonia D i s t r i c t , that the trade had had to be abandoned, presumably sometime during outfit 1835-36, as "the.Indians of Frazers Lake and the Chilcotins" had been Vtroublesome and disorderly."1^ In 1837 we find John Mcintosh, a young man of mixed blood, at Fort Chilcotin, with Alex Fisher at Fort Alexandria as his immediate superior. Apparently Mcintosh had written to Fisher expressing fears for his own safety and desiring to retain one of the men whom Fisher wished to return to Alexandria. Fisher brushed his fears aside. One moment's reflection [he wrote] would have told you that surely your story of the b u l l , the cow, the calf, the poison-ous roots, the drowning of an Indian, the intention to murder a white man for the sake of revenge, etc., had nothing to do with the detention of my man....1° Mcintosh may w e l l have had cause to be nervous, i n view of the widespread f e e l i n g among the Indians of New Caledonia that the death of a c l o s e r e l a t i v e demanded revenge, whether or not there was evidence of the death being caused by another person. D a n i e l Harmon at St u a r t Lake among the more n o r t h e r l y Athapaskans, w r i t i n g i n 1813, t o l d of the shooting of an o l d woman of the S i k a n i t r i b e who had h e r s e l f been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r an act of "revenge" such as Mcintosh i n 1837 feared the C h i l c o t i n s were planning. A l l the savages, who haye had a near r e l a t i o n k i l l e d [wrote Harmon i n 1813], are never qu i e t u n t i l they have avenged the death, e i t h e r by k i l l i n g the murderer or some person n e a r l y r e l a t e d to him. This s p i r i t of revenge has occasioned the death of the o l d woman, above mentioned, and she undoubtedly, deserved to d i e ; f o r , the l a s t summer, she persuaded her husband to go and k i l l the cousin of her murderer, and t h a t , merely because her own son had been drowned-. ^ Mcintosh w h i l e l i v i n g among the C h i l c o t i n s may w e l l have added to the p e r i l of h i s s i t u a t i o n by h i s own f o l l y . He was l a t e r k i l l e d by the S i k a n i Indians, and a l e t t e r of Governor Simpson's c a r r i e s a comment which, i f i t i s j u s t , may throw l i g h t on Mcintosh's character. I n o t i c e what you say [Simpson wrote] about the cause of the l a t e John Mcintosh's death, which, from a l l I can c o l l e c t , arose i n a great degree from h i s own want of sense i n unneces s a r i l y provoking the na t i v e s by th r e a t s of "bad medicine" an^2Q other i n j u d i c i o u s conduct, f o r which he was long conspicuous. Lack of harmony at Fort C h i l c o t i n was f a r too common f o r us to blame i t s o l e l y on the f o l l y or l a c k of t a c t of any one i n d i v i d u a l . W a r l i k e and plundering p r o p e n s i t i e s f o s t e r e d by the a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e may w e l l have been aroused by the whites' a i d to the C h i l c o t i n s ' enemies i n 1827, and i t i s l i k e l y that the l a c k of personnel at F o r t • C h i l c o t i n c o n t r i b u t e d to the f u r - t r a d e r s ' d i f f i c u l t i e s by making them appear weak and r e l a t i v e l y - 30 -defenceless. The records regarding F o r t C h i l c o t i n appear too fragmentary f o r us to come to any r e a l conclusions about the wisdom or otherwise of the a c t i o n s of the Company men w h i l e i n the C h i l c o t i n s ' t e r r i t o r y . But the p r o b a b i l i t y i s high that these were not always conducive to peaceful r e l a t i o n s , i f they followed the p a t t e r n manifested elsewhere i n the f u r -t r a d i n g d i s t r i c t of New Caledonia. Donald McLean, who was i n charge of F o r t C h i l c o t i n at v a r i o u s times during the 1840's, was an example of the k i n d of f u r t r a d e r who was l i t t l e l i k e l y to c o n t r i b u t e to a s p i r i t of peace and of mutual respect between whites and Indians. Apparently the f i r s t mention of McLean i n any of the f u r - t r a d e manu-s c r i p t s occurs i n a l e t t e r from Chief Factor Peter, Skene Ogden to John McLeod dated February 25, 1837: "A young man, by name M a c l e a n — h i s f a t h e r 21 was k i l l e d i n Red R i v e r - — i s i n the Snake country." In 1849 we f i n d McLean i n New Caledonia at the head of an avenging party i n search of an Indian named T l e l (Tlhelh) who had shot a Company man named Belanger. McLean's concept of j u s t i c e to the Indians he l a t e r summarized in^.the words "...hang f i r s t , and then c a l l a j u r y to f i n d them g u i l t y or not 22 g u i l t y . " One r e v e a l i n g passage from Morice's account of the avenging e x p e d i t i o n , the "most minute d e t a i l of which" he says was "vouched f o r by < 23 eye-witnesses," s .gives us an idea of McLean's " j u s t i c e " i n a c t i o n . A r r i v e d at the Quesnel v i l l a g e , they n o t i c e d t h a t , though t h i s was deserted, three huts on the opposite (or r i g h t ) s i d e of the r i v e r seemed to be i n h a b i t e d . R e p a i r i n g t h i t h e r , they entered one, where they found Tlhelh's uncle w i t h h i s s t e p -daughter and babe. "Where i s T l e l ? " c r i e d out McLean through h i s i n t e r p r e t e r , Jean-Marie Boucher, as he rushed i n . " T l h e l h i s not here," answered Nadetnoerh. - 31 -"Well, where is he? Tell me quick," insisted McLean. "How can I know his whereabouts?" replied the old man; " a l l I know is that he is not here." "Then you shall be T l e l for to-day," declared the white man, who, f i r i n g with" two pistols he held concealed about him, missed the mark, but f i n a l l y shot the Indian dead with his musket.24 Such was the nature of one of the fur-traders with whom the Chilcotin had to do. Certainly he was not typical—rather, he was an extreme example— but the avenging expedition was typical of the fur-trade method of dealing with Indian acts of violence towards Company personnel. In other words, the fur traders engaged in the blood-feud as the Indians did rather than introduce the more cumbersome c i v i l i z e d method of t r i a l , sentence, and punishment. The Introduction of Alcohol among the Indians of New Caledonia Another feature of white c i v i l i z a t i o n they were not so slow to intro-duce. The opinion of observers of the later nineteenth century seems virtually unanimous as to the disastrous effects of alcohol on the Indians once i t gained an important place in their society. The fragmentary records extant which deal with Fort Chilcotin appear to throw no light on the place of alcohol in the trade of that post. But the history of the fur trade in New Caledonia in general does disclose practices which must have had some effect on the Chilcotins during the pre-gold-rush period. Indian reaction to intoxication before they tried alcohol, as well as Indian attitudes to whites are revealed by an account of Harmon's in his journal for January 1, 1811 when he was stationed at Fraser Lake. - 32 g This being the f i r s t day of another year [he wrote], our people have passed i t , according to the custom of Canadians, i n drinking and fighting. Some of the principal Indians of the place, desired us to allow them to remain at the fort, that they might see our people drink. As soon as they began to be a l i t t l e intoxicated, and to quarrel among themselves, the Natives began to be apprehensive, that something unpleasant might befall them also. They, therefore hid themselves under beds, and elsewhere, saying, that they thought the white people had run mad, for they appeared not to know what they were about.^ The following New Year's, Harmon,rafter the fur traders had dined, invited a number of Sikani and Crrier chiefs to partake df- the food and drink that was l e f t , and he was, he says, "...surprised to see them behave with much decency, and even proprietry, while eating, and while drinking a flagon or two of s p i r i t s . In the years that followed alcohol came to be,used by traders as an incentive to keep the Indians coming to the forts and to induce them to hunt. In 1831 William Todd at McLeod Lake wrote: Mr. Connolly—the officer in charge of the district—previous to his departure from here, made them [the Sekanais Indians] very l i b e r a l promises of spirits and tobacco should their hunt, on his arrival in the f a l l , be found equal to his expectations.27 Apparently the practice of granting allowances of alcohol to the Indians became quite a regular aff a i r , since we find Paul Fraser, tempor-ari l y in charge of the whole d i s t r i c t , advising as follows in 1842: Regarding rum to be given to the Indians, I would recommend that the usual allowance be given to. those who pay their debts. Some effort was apparently made by Company officials—though how intensive an effort i t was is doubtful—to put a stop to the selling of .liquor to Indians. Among the 1831 resolutions passed at the Annual Council, held at Norway House, is one issuing such a.prohibition and ruling that - 33 -"not more than two g a l l o n s of s p i r i t u o u s l i q u o r s and four g a l l o n s of wine be s o l d at the depots to any i n d i v i d u a l i n the Company's s e r v i c e , of what 29 rank soever he may be." Eight years l a t e r the brewing of beer and the 30 d i s t i l l i n g of l i q u o r s at Hudson's Bay Company posts was p r o h i b i t e d . In s p i t e - o f these o f f i c i a l . r e s o l u t i o n s , however, the use of a l c o h o l i n the f u r trade apparently continued. The Fur Traders and I n t e r - t r i b a l Warfare I t seems c l e a r that the f u r t r a d e r s of New Caledonia cannot as a group be accused of d e l i b e r a t e l y f o s t e r i n g warfare between Indian t r i b e s . The hinderance to the establishment of F o r t C h i l c o t i n imposed by the c o n f l i c t between the C h i l c o t i n s and the C a r r i e r s around For t A l e x a n d r i a has already been noted. I t i s c l e a r from the s u r v i v i n g records regarding F o r t C h i l c o t i n that c o n f l i c t between the C h i l c o t i n s and nearby t r i b e s was a r e c u r r i n g source of danger and d i f f i c u l t y to the f u r t r a d e r s . According to the "Fort C h i l c o t i n " t y p e s c r i p t i t appears that the trade had to be temporarily abandoned some time during 1835-36, s i n c e "the Indians of Frazers 31' Lake and the C h i l c o t i n s " were "troublesome and d i s o r d e r l y . " McBean at the C h i l c o t i n post found h i s task made d i f f i c u l t by the f a c t that the 32 C h i l c o t i n s were h o s t i l e to neighbouring Indians. I t i s obvious that not only d i d h o s t i l i t i e s between t r i b e s endanger the f u r t r a d e r s ' l i v e s , but a l s o the time taken by the Indians i n warfare was so much time l o s t to the hunt f o r f u r s . I n 1811 we f i n d D a n i e l W i l l i a m s Harmon reasoning w i t h the leader of a party of S i k a n i s who were contemplating a r a i d on the Indians of Fraser Lake. - 34 -I asked him [he w r i t e s ] whether he supposed that we s u p p l i e d them w i t h guns and ammunitions, to enable them to destroy t h e i r f e l l o w c r e a t u r e s , or to k i l l the beaver, &c. I added that should they, i n the f a l l , b r i n g i n an hundred s c a l p s , they could n o t, w i t h them a l l , procure a p i n t of rum, or a pipe f u l l of tobacco; but, i f they would b r i n g beaver s k i n s , thev would be able to pur-chase the a r t i c l e s which they would need. In s p i t e of the f a c t that i t was i n the f u r t r a d e r s ' i n t e r e s t s not to encourage i n t e r - t r i b a l warfare, the s a l e of firearms to the Indians i n e v i t a b l y l e d to t h e i r using the new weapons against one another, and on occasion against the white man. The t r i b e s who gained easy access to the arms traded by the whites achieved a p o s i t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y over other t r i b e s , as the T a l k o t i n groups of C a r r i e r s d i d over the C h i l c o t i n s i n t h e i r b a t t l e near For t A l e x a n d r i a . The C h i l c o t i n s , out of the f u r - t r a d i n g main stream, were bound to be at a disadvantage before F o r t C h i l c o t i n was e s t a b l i s h e d and again a f t e r i t was d i s p l a c e d by another f o r t . This was e s p e c i a l l y true f o r those C h i l c o t i n s who were at a great d i s t a n c e from the t r a d i n g posts outside t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . The Fur Traders' Influence, on the Indians' Way of L i f e The f u r traders had come i n order to make a p r o f i t , not to change the Indians' s o c i e t y . Yet the nature of the goods they introduced was such that the n a t i v e s o c i e t y was bound to be changed. Indians who had p r e v i o u s l y hunted to ob t a i n t h e i r own food and m a t e r i a l f o r c l o t h i n g now hunted a l s o to o b t a i n f u r s to exchange f o r European goods. Firearms and a l c o h o l began to exert important i n f l u e n c e s on the Indians' way of l i f e i n New Caledonia. In a d d i t i o n , white f u r traders formed l i a i s o n s w i t h , or married, Indian women. - 35 -Generally speaking, the fur traders did not interfere deliberately in Indian customs, but there were exceptions. For example, they eventually encouraged the Carriers to abandon the practice of cremation, one example of a humanitarian interference, since widows suffered great mistreatment 3 ^\ at such cremations. The Hudson's Bay Company eventually provided some support for Catholic missionaries in New Caledonia, whose work w i l l be examined. There is l i t t l e detailed evidence of the fur"traders' influence on the Chilcotins in specific areas of culture. Yet the general pattern that emerges points to a similarity between the influence of the fur traders on the neighbouring interior Indians such*as the Carriers and their influence on the Chilcotins with their rather similar cultural and economic bases. The greatest differences appear to be in the degree and duration of their influence. The Chilcotins were subjected to a much less intense and pro-tracted influence. Frequent hostile feelings between Indians and fur traders were not limited to the Chilcotin region, but the Chilcotins ex-perienced these hostile feelings without their developing a relationship of continued dependence of the white man. The Abandonment of Fort Chilcotin In 1844 Fort Chilcotin was abandoned in favour of a new fort at Lake Tluz-cuz, or "Sluz-cuz." In recommending the change Alexander Anderson had written in 1843 to Sir George Simpson as follows: To maintain the [Chilcotin] post, owing to the e v i l disposition of the Chilcotin Indians...an officer and at least two men are necessary; a number that would suffice at Tluz-cuz, where the natives, on the contrary, are well disposed, industrious, and extremely urgent that we should settle among them.35 - 36 -Fourteen years after i t s establishment as a temporary post, then, Fort Chilcotin was replaced in the Hudson's Bay Company trading network 36 by another fort. During those years i t had not been manned continuously, and when i t had been manned i t had'apparently been frequently understaffed. Now the Chilcotins' connection with white c i v i l i z a t i o n was even more remote, especially for those l i v i n g far from Alexandria or the new fort of Tluz-cuz. Earliest Religious Influences of Europeans If Chilcotin country was a backwater in the stream of fur-trading enterprise, i t was even more distinctly so in the stream of missionary endeavour. Yet i t is l i k e l y that the Chilcotins heard of Christian teachings long before the arrival of those who came as missionaries. Among the fur traders were some whose devotion to Christianity was ardent enough to move them to attempt the instruction of the surrounding Indians. Among these fur traders was Daniel Williams Harmon, who in the early days of the North-west Company in New Caledonia was stationed at Stuart's Lake and Fraser's Lake among Indians to the north of the Chilcotins. In September of 1813 he experienced a conversion which altered his previously skeptical attitude towards Christianity. In his entry for October 13, 1815 he t e l l s of v i s i t -ing a sick young Indian woman at the request of people from her village. I understood [he writes] that her relations had said, that a certain Indian, by his magic, had caused her i l l n e s s , and that he would f i n a l l y take her l i f e . I therefore, took this oppor-tunity of repeating again, what I had often told them before, that God, the i n f i n i t e l y powerful being, who made every thing, had alone the power of causing their dissolution whenever he thought proper.37 - 37 -The wife of Peter Skene Ogden is credited by Morice with doing much from 1834 on to the 1840's towards preparing the way for the Catholic missionaries by "...communicating her religious knowledge to the aborigines 3 8 who repaired to Fort St. James, on Stuart Lake...." The spread of religious teachings also occurred, Morice points out, through the intermarriage of whites and Indians. The Chilcotins may well have f i r s t heard of Christian teachings through natives who had had more direct contact than they with devout members of the fur-trading community such as Harmon and Mrs. Ogden. But they probably also heard, more directly, the preaching of William B. McBean, who as early as 1825 was apparently assisting George McDougall at Alexandria. According to the,"Fort Chilcotin" typescript in the British Columbia Archives, a William McBean who must have been either he or his son was apparently in charge 39 at Fort Chilcotin at a later date. McBean was of part white, part Cree origin, and his religion, accord-ing to Father Morice, was of a hybrid variety, consisting "...mostly of vague notions about the Deity and the primary precepts of the natural law, coupled with vain observances, the main burden of which was reduced to 40 shouting and dance." Apparently he made quite an impression on the Indians to whom he preached. About the year 1834 the southern Carriers were being stirred by a religious movement which was likewise a hybrid composed of some Christian teachings and practices derived from native culture. Apparently two natives of Oregon were responsible for i t s i n i t i a l propagation in New Caledonia. Singing and dancing were prominent in this religious movement, and i t s appeal was apparently great, s i n c e i t spread w i t h great r a p i d i t y . Whether or not i t a f f e c t e d the C h i l c o t i n s , or to what extent, i s not c l e a r but i t was i n f l u e n t i a l among the Indians around For A l e x a n d r i a . M i s s i o n a r y E n t e r p r i s e among the C h i l c o t i n s The f i r s t white missionary whom we f i n d v i s i t i n g ^ t h e C h i l c o t i n s w i t h the purpose of preaching to them i s a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t named Modeste Demers In response to a request f o r f i n a n c i a l h e l p , a number of Hudson's Bay Company men i n New Caledonia, i n c l u d i n g W i l l i a m McBean, had c o n t r i b u t e d to the support of the Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s s t a t i o n e d on the lower Columbia R i v e r . In 1842 Father Demers j o i n e d the f u r brigade that was l e a v i n g f o r the northern posts. Demers t r a v e l l e d as f a r north as S t u a r t Lake, then returned to Fort A l e x a n d r i a , where on h i s t r i p north he had been impressed by the c o r r u p t i o n of the mixed p o p u l a t i o n of that place. The F o r t A l e x a n d r i a j o u r n a l records the f a c t that Father Demers i n October of 1842 paid a v i s i t to the C h i l c o t i n s , l e a v i n g on the s i x t h and 42 r e t u r n i n g on the twenty-seventh of the month. Of t h i s b r i e f v i s i t Demers gave a glowing account i n a l e t t e r to the Bishop of Quebec, though he does not mention the C h i l c o t i n s by name. God heaped His benedictions upon me there [he wrote] and made me f e e l comforts such as I never f e l t s i n c e He deigned to c a l l me to. make known His holy name. His m e r c i f u l grace showed i t s e l f q u i t e v i s i b l y j i n the s i g h t of those good n a t i v e s , and seemed to havevshaped : ; q t i i t e p u r p o s e f u l l y t h e i r simple souls f o r the yoke of the gospel. A f t e r s i x t e e n days of happiness spent i n conducting th a t mission I returned on October 27 to A l e x a n d r i a . ^ In February of 1843 Demers set out on the r e t u r n journey to the Columbia. - 39 -The next and apparently the only other Roman Catholic priest to v i s i t the Chilcotins prior to 1864 was Father Nobili, whose f i r s t v i s i t to New Caledonia was in 1845. Nobili probably visited the Chilcotins in 1847, though the date is uncertain. Apparently he visited three meeting-places of the Chilcotins, blessed at least*one burying-ground for them, and baptized a number of individuals in this tribe. Morice comments that "Father Nobili baptized among the Chilcotins a number of adults whom he would undoubtedly have l e f t longer under probation had he possessed more 44 experience of their natural fickleness." .,. Father Nobili returned to the Columbia in 1847V His was the last recorded v i s i t of a Catholic priest to the territory of the Chilcotins -prior to the outbreak of the Chilcotin Uprising. In fact they received no v i s i t s in their own territory from any missionary up to the time of the uprising, as far as we can t e l l . The v i s i t s that had been paid them, as w i l l have been seen, were short, and probably l e f t only superficial impressions. • The Prophet Movements But, though missionaries were lacking in New Caledonia, religious leaders of a different sort did not f a i l to arise. Prophet movements, here, as in many other parts of North America, seemed to develop spontaneous-ly as a result of the superficial contact of native peoples with Christian teachings and as a result of factors which are more d i f f i c u l t to explain. These "prophets", l i k e the shamans of the aboriginal culture, claimed supernatural powers and a knowledge of revelations which they experienced in dreams. according to Morice " A l l villages of any importance, especially - 40 -irictthe north of New Caledonia, boasted at a time the presence of some such 45 self-appointed priest." To what extent the Chilcotins in the south of New Caledonia were affected is not clear, but i t would seem l i k e l y that some of them were influenced. However, even among those Indians most influenced, the prophet movements in New Caledonia were short-lived because the interest of the prophets' adherents waned and the prophets, around whom the movements had centred, died. Results of Pre-Gold-Rush Contacts of Chilcotins and Europeans Well before the Chilcotin uprising the influence of the fur traders on the Chilcotins had waned and v i s i t s from missionaries to their territory had apparently ceased. The superficiality of white contacts with the Chilcotins meant that in the years preceeding the gold rush the way of l i f e of most Chilcotins was s t i l l basically unaltered. The Chilcotins before the gold rush seem to have suffered less from the effects of disease and must have suffered less from the effects of alcohol than did other Indians who were in more intensive contact with the fur traders. At the same time they were perhaps less able to assess the potential power of the whites—and certainly less cowed and more convinced that their own way of l i f e could be preserved. * The relationships they had experienced with fur traders had frequently been strained or hostile ones. The fleeting nature of their experience with missionaries hardly gave opportunity for trust to develop. The Chilcotins were ill-prepared for the torrent of European influence that was to sweep in with the gold rush, affecting even their hitherto isolated tribe. - 41 -Footnotes f o r Chapter I I Simon F r a s e r , The L e t t e r s and Journals of Simon F r a s e r , 1806-1808, e d i t e d and w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n by W. Kaye Lamb, Pioneer Books (Toronto: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1960), p. 69. The word " C h i l c o t i n s " i n square brackets i s s u p p l i e d by Lamb. 2 I b i d . , p. 73. The words i n square brackets are Lamb's. 3 A [ d r i a n ] G [ a b r i e l ] Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of  B r i t i s h Columbia, Formerly New Caledonia (Toronto: W i l l i a m B r i g g s , 1904), p. 122. ^ L e t t e r , George McDougall to John S t u a r t , Jan. 18, 1822, Hudson's Bay Company Archives B. 188/b/l, f o . 34-34d, c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n " , t y p e s c r i p t , Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 2. ~*Ibid. , p. 3. 6 ' "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 4, c i t i n g Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/119, fo. 65-65d.; The-Publications of the Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , V o l . X: Simpson's" 1828 Journey to the Columbia (London: Champlain S o c i e t y f o r the Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , 1947), p. 216. ^Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 156. Report-of W i l l i a m Connolly to the Governor and C o u n c i l of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/123, f o s . 80d.-81d., c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 5. 9 L e t t e r , W i l l i a m Connolly to George McDougall, Jan. 28, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.188/b/7, f o s . 6d.-9d., c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 6. "^L e t t e r , . W i l l i a m Connolly to George McDougall, Jan. 28j 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.188/b/7, f o s . 19-20 c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n " , pp. 9-10. E. 0. S. S c h p l e f i e l d , B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present (Vancouver, Winnipeg, Montreal, Chicago: S. J . Clarke P u b l i s h i n g Company, n. d.), pp. 402-403. S c h o l e f i e l d w r i t e s that S i r George Simpson i n an 1826 memorandum f o r the Right Honourable Henry Addington, Secretary of State f o r Foreign A f f a i r s , reported t h i r t e e n establishments - 42 -east of the Rocky Mountains, among them C h i l c o t i n . However, i t i s c l e a r that e i t h e r Simpson was counting t h i s establishment before i t hatched or he made a simple e r r o r , s i n c e i t i s c l e a r both from Connolly's remarks i n h i s March 4, 1830 report to the Governor and Council of the Northern Depart-ment (quoted above) and from Simpson's own statement elsewhere that C h i l -c o t i n had not been e s t a b l i s h e d at the time he wrote the 1826 memorandum to Addington. See Simpson's 1828 Journey to the Columbia, p. 216. The exact l o c a t i o n of the C h i l c o t i n post i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. Connolly advised that i t be e s t a b l i s h e d at the " f i r s t p o i n t of woods" one came to a f t e r reaching the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r . ( L e t t e r , W i l l i a m Connolly to George McDougall, Oct. 1, 1829, Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.188/b/7, fo s . 6d.-9d., c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 8) However, McDougall found t h i s p r e c i s e l o c a t i o n u n s u i t a b l e . " . . . I went [he r e p o r t s ] some di s t a n c e above along the banks of both r i v e r s [He may r e f e r to the C h i l c o t i n and C h i l k o R i v e r s . ] , but found the country s t i l l more barren of wood to answer our purpose, the only e l i g i b l e p l a c e I have been able to f i n d i s a c l u s t e r of poplars below the monte...." ( L e t t e r , George McDougall to W i l l i a m Connolly, Oct. 18, 1829, Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.188/b/7, f o s . 25d.-26, c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 8). At t h i s spot he decided to b u i l d t h e i r w i n t e r h u t s , but suggested that a more s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n might be looked f o r l a t e r . I t i s p o s s i b l e that a new s i t e was chosen l a t e r . The 1871 "Map of. B r i t i s h Columbia" of the B r i t i s h Columbia Lands and Works O f f i c e places Fbr-t«Chilcotin at the foot of C h i z i -cut Lake. ( B r i t i s h Columbia, "Map of B r i t i s h Columbia to the 56th P a r a l l e l , North L a t i t u d e " , V i c t o r i a : Lands and Works O f f i c e , 1871) However, t h i s map i s g r o s s l y i n a c c u r a t e f o r the C h i l c o t i n country. According to Palmer i n h i s 1863 Report, "the s i t e of o l d f o r t C h i l c o t i n " was t h i r t y - s e v e n miles from Puntzee.(Puntzi Lake). (H[enry] Spencer Palmer, Report of a Journey  of Survey from V i c t o r i a to F o r t Alexander v i a North Bentinck Arm; V i c t o r i a : Lands and Works O f f i c e , 1871) His "Sketch of the Route from North Bentinck Arm to Fo r t Alexander" marks the "Probable s i t e of; o l d H. B. s t a t i o n " at a point about at the "confluence of the C h i l c o and C h i l c o t i n R i v e r s , on the north bank of the C h i l c o t i n . (Hfenry] Sfpencer] Palmer, "Sketch of the Route from North Bentinck Arm to Fort Alexander," drawn by J . T u r n b u l l ; B r i t i s h Columbia: "To accompany Report of 24th November 1862"). "'""''Letter, W i l l i a m Connolly to the Governor and C o u n c i l of the Northern Department, Mar. 4, 1830, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/123, f o . 81d, c i t e d i n "For C h i l c o t i n , " p. 10. 12 MS l e t t e r , Thomas Dears to Peter Warren Dease, J u l y , 1831, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 161-62. L e t t e r , Peter Warren Dease to the Governor and Council of the Northern Department, A p r i l 19, 1831, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/125, f o . 24-'24d., c i t e d i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 11. - 43 -14 See Joseph M c G i l l i v r a y , " N a r r a t i v e and Sketch of the C h i l c o t i n Country," The P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , Volume X: Simpson's 1828 Journey to the Columbia (London: Champlain S o c i e t y f o r the Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y , 1947), Appendix A, pp. 213-216. "*"^ Ross Cox, The Columbia R i v e r , or Scenes and Adventure During a  Residence of S i x Years on the Western Side of the Rocky Mountains among  Various Tribes of Indians H i t h e r t o Unknown; Together w i t h "A Journey across  the American Continent," e d i t e d and w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n by Edgar I. Stewart and Jane Stewart, The American E x p l o r a t i o n and T r a v e l S e r i e s (Norman: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma P r e s s , 1957), p. 372. ^ I b i d . , p. 373. ^ " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13, c i t i n g l e t t e r , Governor George Simpson to Peter, Skene Ogden,.. June 27, 1836, Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/22, fo. 36. 18 Letter, Alex. F i s h e r to John Mcintosh, June 11, 1837, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of British Columbia, p. 178. 19 D a n i e l W i l l i a m Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and Travels i n the  I n t e r i o r of North America between the 47th and 58th Degrees of N. L a t . , Extending from Montreal Nearly to' the P a c i f i c , a Distance of about 5,000  m i l e s , . I n c l u d i n g an Account of the P r i n c i p a l Occurrences During a Residence  of Nineteen Years i n D i f f e r e n t P a r t s of the Country (New York: Barnes and Company, 1903) , p. 193. 20 - • ••• L e t t e r , George Simpson to Donald Manson', J u l y 1, 1847, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the NOrthern I n t e r i r o of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 181. 21 L e t t e r , Peter Skene Ogden to John McLeod, Feb. 25, 1837, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r l r o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 171. 22 ' MS l e t t e r , Donald McLean to Donald Manson, Mar., 1850, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 267. 23 Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r . o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 266. 24 I b i d . , p. 265. 25 Harmon, A Journa l of Voyages and Travels i n t h e . I n t e r i o r of North  America, pp. 162-53, c i t e d by Moricei, : The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 85. - 44 -2 6 I b i d . , p. 179. 27 L e t t e r , W i l l i a m Todd to Peter Warren Dease, Aug. 28, 1831, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 113. The words i n square brackets are s u p p l i e d by Morice. 2 8 L e t t e r , Paul Fraser to H. Maxwell, Mar. .29, 1832 ( s i c f o r 1842), cited.by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 113-14. 29 Hudson's Bay Company, "Re s o l u t i o n 95," Annual C o u n c i l , Norway House, 1831, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h  Columbia, p. 114. 30 Hudson's Bay Company, "Re s o l u t i o n 78',' Annual C o u n c i l , June 7, 1845, c i t e d by Morice, The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 114. 31 "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13, c i t i n g Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.4/22, fo. 36. 3 2 " F o r t C h i l c o t i n , " p. 13. 33 1 Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and Travels i n the I n t e r i o r of North America, p. 169. Morice, The H i s t o r y of the.Northern I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 89. Morice here r e t e l l s from Harmon the s t o r y of the cremation of a man who was s u r v i v e d by two widows... : " A f t e r the f i r e had been l i g h t e d , h i s wives, one of whom stood at the head and the other at the fee t of the corpse, kept p a t t i n g i t , w h i l e burning, w i t h both hands a l t e r n a t e l y , a ceremony which was i n t e r r u p t e d by turns of f a i n t i n g a r i s i n g from the i n t e n s i t y of the heat. ' I f they d i d not soon recover from these turns and commence the operation of s t r i k i n g the corpse,' . . . 'the men would s e i z e them by the l i t t l e remaining h a i r on t h e i r heads and push them i n t o the flames i n order t o compel them to do i t . This v i o l e n c e was e s p e c i a l l y used toward one of the wives of the deceased, who had f r e q u e n t l y run away from him w h i l e he was l i v i n g . "' • Morice s t a t e s st-hat. the account confirmed what he h i m s e l f had learned from informants of h i s own time. (He remarks i n a footnote that f o r p a t t i n g , "Harmon, not.knowing the reason f o r the a c t , says ' s t r i k i n g . ' Morice c i t e s from Harmon, A J o u r n a l of Voyages and Travels i n the I n t e r i o u r  of North America. . . (Andover: Flagg and Gould, 1820), p. 89. - 44a -35 Letter, Alexander Caulfleld Anderson to Sir George Simpson, Jan. 21, 1843. Hudson's Bay Company Archives D.5/8, fo. 40-40d., cited in "Fort Chilcotin," p. 17. 36 Note: letter, James Douglas to Captain J. Sheppard, May 28, 1849, cited in E.O.S. Scholefield, British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the  Present (Vancouver, Winnipeg, Montreal, Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, n.d.), pp. 375-80. This letter makes one wonder whether Fort Chilcotin was not re-occupied some time after 1844, since Douglas l i s t s Chilcotin among the Company's trading posts. However, in giving an estimate of the annual imports Douglas in the same letter says that he has no books to refer to, so that i t seems his l i s t i n g of the forts was from memory. Douglas, in recalling the names of the Company's forts, seems to have inadvertently used information that was no longer valid, thus l i s t i n g Chilcotin rather than Tluz-cuz. 37 Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior of  North America, pp. 215-16. 3 jMorice, Afdrian] Gfabriel], History of the Catholic Church in  Western Canada, from Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895) (2 vols.; Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1910), II, 280. 39 "Fort Chilcotin," pp. 13-15. If the William McBean referred to in "Fort Chilcotin" i s the same William McBean referred to by Morice throughout The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia, then there is an inexplicable conflict in the dates given. The "Fort Chilcotin" typescript (p. 13) states that William McBean went to Fort Chilcotin ". . . t o take charge of the Company's business" in October of 1837 (Reference is made to the Hudson's Bay Company Archives B.5/a/4; B.37/a/l, fo.3.). Yet according to Morice, William McBean appears to have been at Fort Kilmers on Babine Lake from as early as 1836 unt i l 1842 (The History of the Northern Interior  of British Columbia, pp. 205-207). An Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia, p. 221. ^John M'Lean, Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the Hudson's  Bay Territory (London: Richard Bentley, 1849), I, 263, referred to in Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia, p. 221. See new edition: John McLean, Notes of a Twenty-fives Years' Service in the  Hudson's Bay Territory, ed. by W. S. Wallace (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1932), p. 159. 4 2 " F o r t Chilcotin", p. 16. A 3 Letter, Modeste Demers to the Bishop of Quebec, Dec. 20, 1842, in Notices and Voyages of the Famed Quebec Mission to the Pacific Northwest, trans, and ed. by Carl Landerholm (Portland: Campoeg Press, Reed College, for the Oregon Historical Society, 1956), p. 161. - 44b -44 Morice, History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada, II, 2940295. 45 Morice, The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia, p. 234. - 45 -CHAPTER I I I THE IMPACT OF THE GOLD RUSH ON RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND INDIANS IN VANCOUVER ISLAND AND BRITISH COLUMBIA The Gold Rush of 1858 had an immediate and r e v o l u t i o n a r y e f f e c t on the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Indian and white man i n what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia. I t s long-term e f f e c t , too, was to a l t e r i r r e v o c a b l y the extent and nature of white settlement i n the area and to change i t s economic b a s i s from one of Indian production of p e l t s to white production of mineral and a g r i c u l t u r a l wealth. The C h i l c o t i n s a t f i r s t , compared to other t r i b e s , were l i t t l e a f f e c t e d by the gold rush. But u l t i m a t e l y and somewhat i n d i r e c t l y they too were to be d r a s t i c a l l y a f f e c t e d . At t h i s p o i n t , i f we are. to gain as f u l l an understanding as p o s s i b l e of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g and white r e a c t i o n s to i t , we ought to take a wider look at events and conditions i n Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Colum-b i a as a whole as they a f f e c t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s between whites and Indians. Tension between Miners and Indians For some years before the 1858 Gold Rush, gold had been found i n small q u a n t i t i e s i n various parts of what I s now B r i t i s h Columbia. Gold d i s c o v e r i e s i n the Queen C h a r l o t t e Islands r e s u l t e d i n a f l u r r y of pros-p e c t i n g i n 1852, which, however, ended i n disappointment. In a despatch dated A p r i l 16, 1856 James Douglas, Governor of Vancouver I s l a n d , communicated to London news of the discovery of gold on the Columbia 2 Ri v e r i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y . In a l a t e r despatch Douglas, speaking of t h i s same area, makes an e a r l y reference to a n i m o s i t y - f e l t by the Indians - 46 -f o r American miners: . . . I have heard...that the number of persons engaged i n gold digging i s yet extremely l i m i t e d , i n consequence of the t h r e a t e n -i n g a t t i t u d e of the n a t i v e t r i b e s , who being h o s t i l e to the Ameri-cans, have uniformly opposed the entrance of American c i t i z e n s i n t o t h e i r country. . . . Ther;?persons at present engaged i n the search of gold are c h i e f l y of B r i t i s h o r i g i n and r e t i r e d servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, who, being w e l l acquainted w i t h the n a t i v e s , and connected by o l d acquaintanceship and the t i e s of f r i e n d s h i p , are more disposed to a i d and a s s i s t each other i n t h e i r common p u r s u i t s than to commit i n j u r i e s against persons or property."^' Douglas goes on to speak of "...the s u c c e s s f u l r e s u l t of experiments made i n washing gold from the sands of the t r i b u t a r y streams of Fraser's R i v e r . " He even e n t e r t a i n s hopes that the wealth w i l l perhaps come to 3 equal that of the gold f i e l d s of C a l i f o r n i a . In a l e t t e r dated J u l y 15, 1857, Douglas confirms the gold-bearing nature of " . . . c e r t a i n d i s t r i c t s of the country on the r i g h t bank of the Columbia R i v e r , and of the extensive t a b l e land which d i v i d e s i t from Fraser's R i v e r . I n . t h e same l e t t e r Governor Douglas showed h i s a l e r t -ness to the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of t r o u b l e between miners and Indians. A new element of d i f f i c u l t y i n e x p l o r i n g the gold country has been interposed [he wrote] through the o p p o s i t i o n of the n a t i v e Indian t r i b e s of Thompson's R i v e r , who have l a t e l y taken the high-handed, though probably not unwise course, of e x p e l l i n g a l l the p a r t i e s of gold d i g g e r s , composed c h i e f l y of persons from the American t e r r i t o r i e s , who.had forced an entrance i n t o t h e i r country. They have a l s o openly expressed a determination to r e s i s t a l l attempts at working gold i n any of the streams f l o w i n g i n t o Thompson's R i v e r , both from a d e s i r e to monopolize the precious metal f o r t h e i r own b e n e f i t , and from a well-founded impression that the shoals of salmon which annually ascend these r i v e r s . . . w i l l be d r i v e n o f f , and prevented from making t h e i r annual migrations from the s e a / Douglas went on to assure Labouchere that there was nothing to f e a r from the a c t i o n s of Hudson's Bay. Company se r v a n t s , s i n c e the Company's o f f i c e r s had been ordered not to employ them i n washing out gold without the Indians' consent. He f e l t . , ..though, t h a t peace might w e l l be threatened by - 47 -the "motley adventurers" from the United States and went on to suggest that i t might become necessary to appoint an o f f i c e r f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of the n a t i v e s . As a Hudson's Bay Company man, Douglas might be expected to have more confidence i n Company servants than i n the newcomers, but h i s f e a r s regarding the p r e s e r v a t i o n of peace i n the face of the i n f l u x of miners were well-founded. In December of 1857 Douglas reported that the wealth found i n the i n t e r i o r mines i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y was causing great excitement i n the t e r r i t o r i e s of Washington and Oregon i n the United S t a t e s . He had taken the i n i t i a t i v e of i s s u i n g a proclamation f o r b i d d i n g the digging or d i s -t u r b i n g of the s o i l i n search of gold unless authorized by Her Majesty's Government.^ In a despatch dated A p r i l 6;, , 1858, Douglas reported t h a t even r e t i r e d Hudson's Bay Company men had been prevented from o b t a i n i n g gold i n the Thompson's R i v e r D i s t r i c t . Apparently the I n d i a n s , according to the accounts Douglas had r e c e i v e d , had c a r r i e d out a c a l c u l a t e d and c a r e f u l p o l i c y , h u s t l i n g and crowding out the whites a f t e r they had excavated to the gold-bearing s t r a t a . Such conduct [Douglas remarked] was unwarrantable and ex-ceedingly t r y i n g to the temper of s p i r i t e d men, but the savages were f a r too numerous f o r r e s i s t a n c e , and they had to submit to t h e i r d i c t a t i o n . I t i s , however, worthy of remark, and a c i r -cumstance h i g h l y honourable to the character of those savages, that they have on a l l occasions s c r u p u l o u s l y respected the persons and property of t h e i r white v i s i t o r s , at the same time that they have expressed a determination to reserve the gold f o r t h e i r own b e n e f i t . 6 Douglas was c e r t a i n that the i n f l u x of more gold-seekers would make necessary "the i n t e r v e n t i o n of Her Majesty's Government" i n order to - 48 -"restore and maintain the peace."^ Meanwhile reports of gold in the British territory to the north had reached and were circulating in California. The month of April saw the beginning of a mass immigration of miners, many of whom arrived by steamer from the gold-fields of California. 7 Others came overland through the interior. Hostilities between Miners and Indians One of the parties that followed the inland route was led by David McLaughlin, son of John McLaughlin of Oregon, who had been a Chief Factor in the Hudson's Bay Company. David McLaughlin, according to one who claimed to have known him, "...was considered a fast young man to drink, gamble and carouse, and a great Indian fighter and scout i n several Indian wars on the Pacific coast." He was, incidentally, of mixed blood himself. McLaughlin's party, which started from Walla Walla, was organized on a military basis and consisted of one hundred and sixty well-armed men with about three hundred horses and mules. The military nature of i t s organization was due to the reputed h o s t i l i t y of the tribes through whose lands the party was to pass. On the Columbia plains one member of the expedition who had lagged behind was seized and k i l l e d by the Indians. Near the boundary line the party was attacked by Indians who were protected by crude fortifications on either side of the road where they had to pass through a canyon. An all-night fight ensued, with the whites and Indians setting fires in an attempt to burn one another out. Three of the whites were k i l l e d . Two or three days later, on the west side of the Okanagan River, the expedition was attacked by a hundred mounted Okanagan Indians, who attempted to separate them from their animals but were thwarted. - 49 -Peace was made, but immediately afterwards two Indians were caught j e r k i n g beef from c a t t l e s t o l e n from the e x p e d i t i o n . The two were taken p r i s o n e r s , though they were released at the request of Chief Trader McDonald of F o r t C o l v i l l e who happened to come along on h i s way to F o r t Hope. The Okanagans continued to f o l l o w the party to w i t h i n three days' journey from the 9 Thompson R i v e r . Herman F r a n c i s Reinhart's account of h i s journey through the i n l a n d route r e v e a l s the lawlessness and b r u t a l i t y that c h a r a c t e r i z e d some of the miners from C a l i f o r n i a . Our advance guards saw some Indians j u s t l e a v i n g t h e i r camp and cross the l a k e Okanagan i n canoes f o r f e a r of us [he writes]..*- The boys saw a couple of t h e i r dogs at t h e i r o l d camp ground, and shot them down, and they saw some o l d huts where the Indians had stored a l o t of b e r r i e s f o r the w i n t e r , b l a c k b e r r i e s and nuts, f i f t y or a hundred bushels. They helped themselves to the b e r r i e s and n u t s , f i l l i n g s e v e r a l sacks to take along, and the balance they j u s t emptied i n t o the l a k e , d e s t r o y i n g them so t h a t the Indians should not have them f o r p r o v i s i o n f o r the w i n t e r . - ^ Reinhart and many of the other miners remonstrated w i t h those who had s t o l e n and destroyed the Indians' s t o r e s , but apparently made l i t t l e impres-s i o n . L a t e r the Indians t r i e d to cut o f f one of the men from the r e s t of the'company but he succeeded i n r e j o i n i n g h i s companions. A f t e r the party moved on from t h e i r campsites on the bank of the l a k e i n the mornings the Indians would come to get what o l d s u p p l i e s or scraps of food the miners had thrown away. One morning twenty-five miners decided to remain behind to ambush the Indians who came to the camp-site. The men who formed the ambush l a t e r r e l a t e d how-...they were a l l l y i n g down i n the gulch, to be out of s i g h t , and they got to t a l k i n g to each other and f o r g o t about the Indians to be ambushed, and they were s u r p r i s e d as w e l l as the Indians.... ...some white happened to r a i s e up to see i f the Indians had landed y e t , when behold! the Indians were w i t h i n e i g h t or ten f e e t from him [ s i c ] , and they d i d not see the whites t i l l they a l l r a i s e d and made a rush f o r the Indians With t h e i r guns and p i s t o l s a l l ready to shoot.11 - 50 -The whites shot down the unarmed Indians i n cold blood. " I t was a b r u t a l a f f a i r [Reinhart comments], but the p e r p e t r a t o r s of the outrage thought 12 they were heroes, and were v i c t o r s i n some we l l - f o u g h t b a t t l e . " These i n c i d e n t s r e l a t e d by Reinhart took place i n the summer of 1858. Meanwhile the Fraser Canyon had seen i t s share of s l a u g h t e r . The miners of H i l l ' s Bar had shown themselves aware of the dangerous p o s s i b i -l i t i e s of d i s o r d e r , and, i n the absence of any v i s i b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of B r i t i s h government, had.enacted t h e i r own laws which provided f o r the punish-ment of any who might abuse the Indians or provide them w i t h l i q u o r . A few days a f t e r these r u l e s had been posted Douglas a r r i v e d at F o r t Hope and began c a l l i n g at the neighbouring mining camps. I t was p l a i n that Indian t r o u b l e threatened, and Douglas took a c t i o n i n an attempt to prevent i t . m a t e r i a l i z i n g . Besides making George P e r r i e r a j u s t i c e of the peace, Douglas appointed Indian magistrates who were to b r i n g to j u s t i c e n a t i v e s charged w i t h offences. A f t e r some p l a i n speaking to both whites and Indians, Douglas l e f t . But threatening demonstrations by the Indians and the s l a u g h t e r of miners up the canyon, whose bodies came f l o a t i n g downstream, aroused the miners. E a r l y i n August f o r t y miners from Y a l e organized under Captain Rouse and set out to f o r c e a passage to the f o r k s (present-day L y t t o n ) . They combined w i t h miners from Boston Bar and met a body of Indians near the head of B i g Canyon, where a f i g h t ensued, r e s u l t i n g i n the k i l l i n g of a number of Indians and the expulsion of a l l Indians from that part of the canyon. At Y a l e over two thousand miners met to decide on a course of a c t i o n i n d e a l i n g w i t h the Indians. Snyder, who favoured more moderate measures, - 51 -was supported by the m a j o r i t y . Graham, favouring more extreme a c t i o n , had a s m a l l e r f o l l o w i n g . Over one hundred and f i f t y men set out the same day and camped at Spuzzum, where the next day Snyder c a l l e d a meeting and gained overwhelming support f o r h i s plan of a c t i o n from an augmented body of men. Some of the d e t a i l s of what followed d i f f e r i n v a r i o u s accounts, but the upshot was that the more moderate miners succeeded i n making t r e a t i e s w i t h many groups of Indians,. w h i l e Graham's party was f i r e d , on and Graham himself k i l l e d . . The miners' " t r e a t i e s " w i t h the Indians apparently were 13 followed by a great increase i n t r a n q u i l i t y . Reasons f o r D i f f e r e n c e s between Indian R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Fur Traders  and I n d i a n R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Miners The clashes between miners and Indians, whether i n the Fraser Canyon or f u r t h e r i n the i n t e r i o r , i n d i c a t e d a marked d i f f e r e n c e between the a t t i t u d e of the Indian to the f u r traders and h i s a t t i t u d e to the miners. In part t h i s may be accounted f o r by the d i f f e r e n c e i n the f u n c t i o n s of the two types of white men. The f u r t r a d e r , w h i l e making a p r o f i t f o r h i s company, was a l s o performing a s e r v i c e which the Indian valued. Through the f u r t r a d e r the n a t i v e r e c e i v e d goods which he was otherwise unable to o b t a i n . The miner, e s s e n t i a l l y , was there to take something of which the Indians had learned the value but which the miner d i d not expect to pay the Indians f o r . (Miners were o f t e n w i l l i n g to pay the Indians f o r l a b o r performed, but they d i d not expect to pay f o r the gold i t s e l f . ) V i o l e n t acts of revenge had been perpetrated by f u r traders on i n d i -v i d u a l I n d i a n s , but because of the interdependence of the f u r t r a d e r and the Indian a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g a considerable degree of t r u s t had been b u i l t up over a period of time between the f u r - 52 -traders and many groups of n a t i v e people w i t h whom they had to do Of course, q u i t e apart from the f a c t that the miner was r e l a t i v e l y independent of the In d i a n , the time was too short f o r any s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p to have developed between miner and Indian i n 1858. In a d d i t i o n , many of the miners came from regions of the western United States where much lawlessness p r e v a i l e d , and where the a t t i t u d e towards the Ind i a n could a l l too f r e q u e n t l y be expressed by the statement that the only good Indian was a dead one. A New Era The coming of the miner ended the economic dependence of the white man on the Indian. Other white men w i t h d i f f e r e n t p u r s u i t s followed i n the miner's path, but never again were white men to be dependent on the Indians f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . The Indian may have appeared c h i l d - l i k e i n some respects i n h i s l a c k of understanding of European c u l t u r e , but i n r e a l i t y he was no c h i l d , and came to understand very q u i c k l y the b a s i c r e a l i t y of the new s i t u a t i o n . This b a s i c understanding d i d not mean that the Indians were able to cope w i t h the changes brought by the white i n f l u x . One of these changes was a great increase i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y of l i q u o r . The h a r d - d r i n k i n g miners were a dependable market f o r the l i q u o r merchant, and the Indian i • l i k e w i s e proved an eager customer. Though the e f f e c t of o v e r - d r i n k i n g on himse l f may not have g r e a t l y worried the white man, i t s e f f e c t s on the Indian d i d worry him, s i n c e he feared f o r h i s own s a f e t y i n the midst of a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e n a t i v e population. As we have noted, the miners of H i l l ' s Bar i n t h e i r home-made - 53 -set of laws banned the p r o v i s i o n of l i q u o r to the Indians. One of the proclamations Governor Douglas made even before he was made governor of the mainland was one f o r b i d d i n g the s a l e of g i v i n g of l i q u o r to the Indians. I t s wording i s s i g n i f i c a n t as i n d i c a t i n g a dual motive f o r the proclamation: both the p r o t e c t i o n of the Indian and the p r e s e r v a t i o n of peace. Whereas, i t has been represented to me that S p i r i t u o u s and other I n t o x i c a t i n g L i q u o r s , have been s o l d to the Nativ e Indians of Fraser R i v e r , and elsewhere, to the great i n j u r y and demoraliza-t i o n of the s a i d Indians; and al s o thereby endangering the P u b l i c peace, and the l i v e s and property of Her Majesty's subjects and others i n the s a i d D i s t r i c t s . Now be i t known unto a l l men, that the Sale or G i f t of S p i r i t u o u s or other I n t o x i c a t i n g d r i n k s to the s a i d N a t i v e Indians i s contrary to Law, and i s hereby s t r i c t l y prohibited....14 A penalty of from f i v e to twenty pounds, o r, i n d e f a u l t of payment, of from two to s i x months, i n j a i l w i t h or without hard labour was provided. I n s p i t e of the proclamation, succeeding years saw the continued con-sumption of l i q u o r by the Ind i a n s , and the dem o r a l i z a t i o n of which the proclamation spoke a l s o continued and was u n i v e r s a l l y a t t e s t e d t o. P r o s t i t u t i o n and general sexual p r o m i s c u i t y between white men and Indian women als o r e s u l t e d from the i n f l u x brought by the gold rush. Rein-hart's account r e f e r s to i t s . prevalence i n V i c t o r i a i n 1858. .", A miner t o l d me he was i n V i c t o r i a i n June 1858 [he w r i t e s ] , and i n the hig h t [ s i c ] of the gold excitement for. Fraser R i v e r , and that there were over ten thousand miners at V i c t o r i a , and the Indians* from up north i n t h e i r l a r g e war canoes...were t r a d i n g w i t h ..the Hudson Bay Company s t o r e s , arid the squaws got badly demoralized, and the miners had pl e n t y of money to spend w i t h them, and they gave them whiskey and there was an awful time among them, and they dressed up as f i n e as "White S o i l e d Doves" do i n C a l i f o r n i a . 1 ^ Apparently i t became i n time a r e g u l a r t h i n g f o r some Indians of the north coast to t r a v e l to V i c t o r i a to trade, o b t a i n l i q u o r , and p r o s t i t u t e t h e i r women. - 54 -V a r i e t i e s of A t t i t u d e s to Indians and R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Them In the immediately preceeding chapter, i n examining the pre-gold-rush r e l a t i o n s h i p s of f u r traders and Indians i n the C h i l c o t i n and near-by areas we encountered a s u f f i c i e n t number of f u r traders to gain some idea?of the v a r i e t y of a t t i t u d e s held by them towards the Indians. For example, there were the c o n t r a s t i n g a t t i t u d e s of D a n i e l W i l l i a m s Harmon-sand Donald McLean, the former attempting to prevent v i o l e n c e between the In d i a n s ; the l a t t e r showing great v i o l e n c e towards them h i m s e l f . Then there was the a t t i t u d e of W i l l i a m McBean w i t h h i s d e s i r e to p r o s e l a t i z e the n a t i v e s to h i s h y b r i d r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . I t w i l l be evident that the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between f u r traders and Indians depended i n a great measure on the i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s of the f u r traders towards the Indians among whom they were s t a t i o n e d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s d i d not depend only on the f u n c t i o n of the f u r - t r a d e r s , which, as has already been suggested, i n v o l v e d an interdependence-between f u r -tra d e r and Indian which i n general developed a c e r t a i n s t a b i l i t y of r e -l a t i o n s h i p . The coming of the Gold Rush brought a great v a r i e t y of i n d i v i d u a l s t o , B r i t i s h Columbia who, as might be expected, d i f f e r e d i n i t h e i r personal a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians. They a l s o d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the Indians'. We have noted that some of the miners had h o s t i l e personal a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians and t h a t the nature of t h e i r ^ o c c u p a t i o n meant th a t there was no e s s e n t i a l interdependence between them and the Indians. They could take the gold without the Indians g e t t i n g anything of value i n r e t u r n . - 55 -In the wake of the miners came men of a number of d i f f e r e n t occupations. These i n d i v i d u a l s having a v a r i e t y of personal a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians, a l s o d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h them, s i n c e t h e i r occupations d i f f e r e d . The land-holding s e t t l e r , l i k e the miner, had no r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g e s s e n t i a l interdependence between himself and the Indian. In f a c t he f r e q u e n t l y occupied land which the Ind i a n h i m s e l f had been accustomed to use. The missionary, who, as we have seen, was already a c t i v e before the Gold Rush, had a r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v i n g an e s s e n t i a l interdependence, s i n c e the success of h i s mission depended on h i s maintaining the g o o d - w i l l of the Indians and the Indians depended on him to act as an intermediary between them and the r e s t of white s o c i e t y , i n t e r p r e t i n g that s o c i e t y f o r them. Exaisp'.les of the Varying Nature of White A t t i t u d e s to Indians A sampling of Europeans' expressions of o p i n i o n w i l l give some idea of the v a r i e t i e s of a t t i t u d e s , whether determined by the f u n c t i o n a l r e -l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the Indians that the Europeans experienced or by the Europeans' personal i d e o s y n c r a c i e s , or p h i l o s o p h i e s , or r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . F r a n c i s Poole, who had had charge of a group of miners i n the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , wrote an account of h i s experiences which was published i i n London i n 1871. According to h i s n a r r a t i v e he had f a r more d i f f i c u l t y w i t h the miners under him than he had w i t h the l o c a l Haida. In f a c t , he came to look to the Indians f o r p r o t e c t i o n from the unruly whites under him. i . ' ' ' The Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d e r s [he wrote] are j u s t l y considered the f i n e s t sample of the Indian race i n the North P a c i f i c . T heir f a u l t s are the usual Indian ones; but I d i d not f i n d them to be n a t u r a l l y revengeful or b l o o d t h i r s t y , except when smarting under the sense of a r e a l and grave i n j u r y , or when seeking to avert an imaginary wrong. - 56 -If honestly and firmly treated, no natives could be better disposed towards the white men.17 Captain C. E. Barrett-Lennard published in London in 1862 an account of Travels in British Columbia with the Narrative of a Yacht Voyage round Vancouver's Island. His impression of Indian character tended to be advers My long sojurn among the Indians" of different tribes inhabiting the coasts of Vancouver's Island [he wrote] did not tend to impress me with a high opinion of the morality of the untutored savage. I regard them as being, generally.speaking, treacherous and deceitful, and cannot help looking on every Indian as more or less a thief at heart.1$ At the same time he credited them with some good qualities. In common with a l l their race [he wrote], they possess the savage attributes of a wonderfully passive endurance of hardship and suffering, and a stoic indifference to torture and death when inevitable, which amounts to a kind of rude heroism. Of their natural courage there can be no doubt. If they can be preserved from the curse of drinking, they are frugal and abstemious in their way of l i v i n g , and, although riot fond of work, they can be taught to acquit themselves creditably of any ordinary task that may be assigned to them, and make in many cases very f a i r household servants. Duncan George Macdonald in British Columbia and Vancouver's Island, also published, in London in 1862,v.painted the British Columbia Indian in the darkest of colours, as he painted British Columbia i t s e l f . Speaking of the Carriers, in which group he included the Chilcotins, he wrote: Like a l l the savages in the territory of British Columbia, they are not only most f i l t h y in their habits, but are extremely debauched and sensual, s y p h i l i t i c complaints of the very worst kind being prevalent amongst them....some of them burrow in the earth and li v e like badgers or ground-hogs. They are, moreover, very superstitious, and great believers in the magical powers of their medicinemen or conjurors... .-^ P i The Haida, according to sources which Macdonald mentioned approvingly, were said to contrast favourably with other Indians. After speaking of their physical appearance as being better than those of more southerly - 57 -t r i b e s , Macdonald remarks that "We have seen some whose n a t u r a l complexion 21 i s as white as that of the people of Southern Europe." Presumably he regarded t h i s as a po i n t i n t h e i r favour. He gives the Haidas c r e d i t f o r 21 " i n g e n u i t y and mechanical d e x t e r i t y , " but c a l l s them "...a most treacherous 22 race, and always ready f o r m i s c h i e f . " The w i l d man of B r i t i s h Columbia [Macdonald generalized] i s as savage as the scenes which surround him, and i n harmony w i t h the freaks of nature....his morals are the promptings of untutored i n s t i n c t . . G i v i n g h i s l i t e r a r y t a l e n t s a yet wider f i e l d of endeavor, Macdonald describes the North American Indians as ...no ordinary race_of savages; they e x h i b i t [he says] almost a l l the t r a i t s of the worst form of barbarism....Murder i s no crime among these f e r o c i o u s beings, who stab, shoot, s c a l p * and eat t h e i r enemies, w i t h the v o r a c i t y of t h e i r companion wolves.23 Yet p r e s e n t l y our author lapses i n t o sentiment: There i s i n the f a t e of these unfortunate beings [he says] much to awaken our sympathy. What can be more melancholy than t h e i r h i s t o r y ? By a law of t h e i r nature they seem.destined to extermination. They fade away at the approach of the white man, and mournfully pass by us to r e t u r n no more....Poor human beings! i f they have the v i c e s of savage l i f e , they have the v i r t u e s a l s o . I f t h e i r revenge and i n s a t i a b l e t h i r s t f o r blood i s t e r r i b l e , t h e i r f i d e l i t y to t h e i r kinsmen i s unconquerable also.24 Macdonald's passing expressions of sympathy f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian appear to be l i t e r a r y devices r a t h e r than m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of genuine concern. The Indian's i n e v i t a b l e f a t e as an i n f e r i o r being i s to be superseded by a s u p e r i o r race. He w i l l recede before the white man as h i s f a t h e r s have done, and at l a s t y i e l d to the i n e v i t a b l e law which decrees that.the i n f e r i o r races s h a l l v anish from the face of the e a r t h , and t h a t _ t h e t r u c u -l e n t unimprovable savage s h a l l give place to f a m i l i e s capable of higher development.25 23 - 58 -Macdonald's real sympathies, apparently, went out to Indians with whom the author was not personally involved. The Indians of Florida [he remarks] were men of a different class, and deserving of a better fate. There were few who did not sympa-thise with them when they were driven from the native land... Settlers and Indians An insight into the potentials for h o s t i l i t y inherrent in the re-lationship between settler and Indian is given in Scenes and Studies of  Savage Life by G. M. Sproat, who "...was for five years a colonial magis-trate, and also a proprietor of the settlement at Alberni," which was at 26 the time "the only c i v i l i z e d settlement on the west coast." In 1860 Sproat with about f i f t y other men sailed up the Alberni canal i n two armed vessels to take possession of the Alberni d i s t r i c t . It so happened that a summer encampment of Indians was at the time occupying a spot desired by the prospective settlers. (The site was in the Nootka territory.) In the morning [Sproat writes] I sent for the chief, and . explained to him that his tribe must move their encampment, as we had bought a l l the surrounding.land from the Queen of England, and wished to occupy the site of the village for a particular purpose. He replied that the land belonged to themselves, but that they were willing to s e l l i t . The price being hot excessive, I paid him what was asked...2? The following day the Indians proved reluctant to move, "...as an 28 excuse," Sproat says, " i t was stated that the children were sick." Signs of resistance were evident among the Indians, but a show of force by the whites persuaded the natives to carry out the removal. The Indians were not only aware of their in a b i l i t y to effectively resist, but apprehensive of their complete loss of independence. - 59 -"They say that more King-George men ["English"] w i l l soon be here" [the o l d ch i e f t o l d S p r o a t ] , "and w i l l take our l a n d , our firewood, our f i s h i n g - g r o u n d s ; that we s h a l l be placed on a l i t t l e spot, and s h a l l have to do everything according to the f a n c i e s of the Ki n g -George men."^^ Sproat s a i d l i t t l e to reassure him. As$time went on Sproat observed changes i n the nearby Indian community, Apparently i t was r a t h e r thoroughly demoralized. The Indians had become l i s t l e s s and apprehensive and were d i s r e g a r d i n g t h e i r o l d p r a c t i c e s and ceremonies. Sickness increased. Sproat a t t r i b u t e d i t to the d i s q u i e t produced by the presence of s e t t l e r s w i t h t h e i r s u p e r i o r c i v i l i z a t i o n . Sproat and the Americans who c h i e f l y made up h i s party of s e t t l e r s were aware of the e t h i c a l i s s u e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r a c t i o n s . They used to s i t around i n the evenings and discuss the question of n a t i v e r i g h t s i n some depth. The Americans, Sproat says, ...considered t h a t any r i g h t i n the s o i l which these n a t i v e s had as occupiers was p a r t i a l and imperfect, as, w i t h the excep-t i o n of hunting animals i n the f o r e s t s , p l u c k i n g w i l d f r u i t s , and c u t t i n g a few trees to make canoes and houses, the n a t i v e s d i d not, i n any c i v i l i z e d sense, occupy the land.29 C i v i l i z e d men had a r i g h t to occupy such a l a n d , b r i n g i n g progress by c o l o n i z a t i o n , they concluded. Sproat him s e l f f e l t t h e i r argument was only p a r t i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the whites' a c t i o n s . He f e l t the use the n a t i v e s made of the land had some bearing on the ques t i o n , but admitted, i n e f f e c t , t h a t i n p r a c t i c e the 30 whites were a c t i n g on the p r i n c i p l e that might i s r i g h t . The b a s i c c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t between s e t t l e r s and Indians was f e l t i n many parts of what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia. The f a c t of the t e n s i o n between s e t t l e r and Indian i s evident i n the o f f i c i a l correspondence of the p e r i o d . For example, a dispute ( r e l a t i v e l y minor) which arose between whites and Indians regarding land at the northern end of Okanagan Lake, - 60 on the east bank, i s r e f e r r e d to by W i l l i a m G. Cox i n 1861 i n a l e t t e r to 31 the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. I n the same year Charles Good, A c t i n g P r i v a t e Secretary to the Governor, r e f e r s to a "misunderstanding" over boundaries that arose between Mr. A t k i n s of Coquitlam Farm and the 32 Indians of the d i s t r i c t . Townspeople and Indians Tension over Indians arose not only i n the country, but i n the growing towns of V i c t o r i a and New Westminster. The c l o s e p r o x i m i t y of whites and Indians had i t s d i r e e f f e c t s on the Indians, though these were not of paramount concern to most whites. The r e s i d e n t s of V i c t o r i a [Ormsby w r i t e s ] had become accustomed to the growing d e p r a v i t y and d e m o r a l i z a t i o n of the Indians. L i t t l e more than i d l e comment was passed when, on numerous occasions, the body of an Indian woman was discovered f l o a t i n g on the waters of the Inner Harbour.^3 But i f white townspeople g e n e r a l l y were not g r e a t l y concerned w i t h the e f f e c t of t h e i r presence on the I n d i a n s , they could become g r e a t l y con-cerned w i t h the e f f e c t of the Indians' presence on themselves. Of course merchants valued the Indians as customers, but whites o f t e n f e l t t h e i r presence as near neighbours was most u n d e s i r a b l e . A r t i c l e s i n the C o l o n i s t of V i c t o r i a bore such t i t l e s as "Indian Murders and Depradations i n V i c t o r i a , " 3 4 " C l e a r i n g the S t r e e t s , " 3 5 "Make 'em D e c e n t , " 3 6 and 37 " D i s o r d e r l y Siwashes." The New Westminster's B r i t i s h Columbian had 38 frequent comment on "the Indian question". The spread of small-pox among the Indians "caused the northern Indians to be e x p e l l e d from the V i c t o r i a . - 61 -area and hastened the establishment of a reservation for the New Westminster T A- 4 0 Indians. The British Columbian, in pressing for the allotment of a reserva-tion for the Indians of New Westminster, pointed out the benefits this would bring the Indians themselves, but the general tone of i t s comments indicate that i t s main concern in pressing for reservation was the benefit of the whites. An article in 1862 reporting the stabbing of an Indian was an occasion for a renewed demand for an Indian reservation. Four miners recently returned from Victoria on their way to Cariboo [it reported], having got on a 'bend' adjourned about midnight to an Indian rancheria hard by, where the inmates being intoxicated, a d i f f i c u l t y soon arose, resulting in a general scuffle, when one of the miners drew a knife and stabbed one of the Indians in the back, between the shoulders.... We have reason to congratulate ourselves upon the comparative paucity of cases of this sort heretofore; but, unless something be done by the authorities to remove the Indians to a reserve at a suitable distance from the city, we have every reason to anticipate just such a result as that experienced in Victoria. The Indians are now en-camped in considerable numbers almost in the very centre of the city, where they are permitted to make a display of their licentiousness and corruption in the blaze of the day, under the gaze of respect-able families—where a l l night long peaceful slumbers are disturbed by their drunken orgies. Of what avail w i l l i t be to punish the white man, who, under the influence of alcohol, is sure to f a l l into their net, i f this sink of iniquity be permitted to revel in our midst? 4 1 The desire of the white townspeople to have reservations established no doubt worked in the best interests of the Indians, for the testimony of contemporary writers to the demoralization of the Indians in the towns is quite convincing. But the practical interest of most urban dwellers in the Indians did not, i t seems, extend much beyond seeing the Indian depart from their midst. - 62 -Missionaries and Indians The interest of the Indian, then, did not coincide with the interests or concerns of the white miners, settlers, or townspeople, and frequently clashed with the apparent interests of the settlers in particular. Who, then, was to speak for the Indian? Time and again in this period we find the missionary acting as spokesman for the Indians, and as guardian of the Indians' interests as he saw them. A well-known missionary of this period was William Duncan, who, with amazing i n i t i a t i v e and drive, led a group of Tsimshian Indians to establish a model Christian community called Metlakatla on the Nass River in 1862. As early as 1860 we find Duncan concerning himself with the conditions of the Indians encamped in the vici n i t y of Victoria. The fact that by 1860 thousands of Indians were li v i n g on the outskirts of Victoria in terrible conditions, and that these Indians' camps were the scenes of much violence, greatly concerned Duncan as well as some of the Victoria towns-people at this time. The question had already arisen as to whether these Indians were to be driven from Victoria and gunboats stationed on the north coast to prevent their returning. ...Duncan [says Usher] was certain that i t would lead to "a quarrel, then a war, then we should have had a repetition of the Misery and trouble the Americans have experienced with the Indians in their western t e r r i t o r i e s . " ^ ...Duncan advised Victoria, "as you deal with the rowdy whites, so deal with the rowdy Indians: make them obey the laws."43 The colony was expanding rapidly, he pointed out. White settlement might soon spread north and inland, and i t would be impossible to provide gunboats for the entire region. But apart from the practical drawbacks of such a restrictive policy, Duncan emphasised that i t was contrary to the laws of humanity, and inconsistent with the s p i r i t of true religion.^4 - 63 -Duncan b e l i e v e d that the Indians should be permitted to v i s i t V i c t o r i a provided they were w i l l i n g to l i v e there under the r i g h t c o n d i t i o n s . Duncan presented Douglas w i t h a plan f o r t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n under a system designed to b r i n g law and order and good s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . The small-pox epidemic i n 1862 r e s u l t e d i n the expulsion against which Duncan had argued. But the d r e a d f u l epidemic a l s o r e s u l t e d i n great exer-t i o n s by some whites on behalf of the Indians. The B r i t i s h Columbian, r e f e r r i n g to the epidemic i n V i c t o r i a , reported: The Rev. Mr. G a r r e t t appears to be e x e r t i n g h i m s e l f i n ame l i o r a t -i n g as f a r as p o s s i b l e the s u f f e r i n g s of the poor Indians. Through h i s praise-worthy e x e r t i o n s a temporary H o s p i t a l f o r the s i c k has been erected on the Indian Reserve. 4^. The same newspaper reported on the work of a Roman C a t h o l i c missionary on the mainland: The Revd. Mr. Fouquet, C a t h o l i c M i s s i o n a r y here, has v i s i t e d Y a l e r e c e n t l y , c a l l i n g at a l l the intermediate rancherias and v a c c i n a t i n g the Indians. During the l a s t twelve days he has vacc i n a t e d no fewer ^ than three thousand four hundred between t h i s C i t y and Y a l e i n c l u s i v e . John Sheepshanks, r e c t o r of the A n g l i c a n church i n New Westminster, o b t a i n i n g l a n c e t s and vaccine from the Royal Engineers, vaccinated some of the Indians 47 of the i n t e r i o r on h i s journey to v i s i t the miners of the Cariboo. M i s s i o n a r i e s were a c t i v e i n attempting to act as spokesmen to ensure that l a n d was reserved f o r the Indians. The B r i t i s h Columbian reported that i t had learned from "the Rev. Mr. Fouquet," who i t s a i d was "possessed of very extensive i n f o r m a t i o n upon the subject,'' t h a t the great m a j o r i t y of 48 Indians were w i l l i n g and anxious that permanent reserves be e s t a b l i s h e d . The f a c t that the missionary was o f t e n both a spokesman f o r the Indian and a source of i n f o r m a t i o n r e l i e d on by the government seems to - 64 -have been f e l t as an awkward and embarrassing circumstance by government o f f i c i a l s on occasion. In a c o n f i d e n t i a l l e t t e r to Governor Douglas, R. C. Moody, i n h i s capacity of Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, wrote: I endeavoured to carry out through the medium of the Reverend M. Fouquet, R.C., the i d e a l a i d down i n an accompanying l e t t e r as to o b t a i n i n g the numbers of v i l l a g e s , p o p u l a t i o n , extent of l a n d , e t c . , and f u r n i s h e d him w i t h stakes a l l i n accordance w i t h that which seemed to be s u i t a b l e at the time. M. Fouquet con-f e r r e d w i t h your E x c e l l e n c y i n my presence, but I very q u i c k l y had occasion to d e s i s t from such a course from the extreme want of judgement shown by that gentleman, i n f a c t from the operations of the Roman C a t h o l i c M i s s i o n a r i e s , ( p h i l a n t h r o p i c i n s p i r i t no doubt), we aie l i k e l y to have embarrassments.... ^ Through the C o l o n i a l Secretary f o r the colony Governor Douglas informed Moody that he d i d not t h i n k i t "at a l l necessary or expedient" to use the a s s i s t a n c e of the Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i n l a y i n g out reserves f o r the Indians, although he apparently s t i l l regarded them as u s e f u l i n supplying i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o p u l a t i o n of the t r i b e s . Douglas was con-cerned h i m s e l f that the area of the reserves be s u f f i c i e n t j f o r he d i r e c t e d , " . . . i n a l l cases where the land pointed out by the Indians appears to the o f f i c e r employed on the s e r v i c e to be inadequate f o r t h e i r support, a l a r g e r area i s at once to be set apart.""^ In a l e t t e r to Douglas w r i t t e n i n A p r i l of 1863 Moody speaks of the C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s encouraging the Indians to pre-empt land l i k e white men. " I t i s a growing question that w i l l have to be met,""^ Moody commented. Considerable space could be taken i n d e s c r i b i n g the numerous ways i n which m i s s i o n a r i e s were i n v o l v e d in. seeking to b e t t e r the s o c i a l c o n d i -t i o n s of the Indians. The missionary on .the one hand saw i t as h i s duty to b r i n g about the a b o l i t i o n of those features of n a t i v e s o c i e t y which he regarded as harmful. This might i n v o l v e r e p l a c i n g them w i t h features of European s o c i e t y which the missionary regarded as b e n e f i c i a l . On the other hand, the missionary saw i t as h i s duty to combat those features of western s o c i e t y which he saw as harmful and which other Europeans might seek to introduce to the n a t i v e s . Education i n many cases was c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h missionary work. W i l l i a m Duncan, f o r example, began a school f o r Tsimshian c h i l d r e n at Fort Simpson as e a r l y as 1859. M i s s i o n a r i e s were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n combatting the a c t i v i t i e s of those who su p p l i e d l i q u o r to the Indians, and Indians were encouraged to "take the pledge". As has been mentioned, the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between m i s s i o n -ary and Indian i n v o l v e d an e s s e n t i a l interdependence, s i n c e the success of the missionary's endeavours depended oh h i s maintaining the g o o d w i l l of the I n d i a n , w h i l e at the same time the Indian depended on the missionary to act as intermediary between himself and the r e s t of white s o c i e t y . But i t would be wrong to dismiss the missionary's work f o r the Indian's m a t e r i a l w e l f a r e as merely an attempt to gain the Indians' g o o d w i l l . A f t e r a l l , the very f a c t of h i s having taken on a mission to the Indians might be presumed to i n d i c a t e a c e r t a i n concern f o r t h e i r w e l f a r e . The m i s s i o n -ary's e f f o r t s as advocate f o r the Indians may be regarded as e s s e n t i a l l y part of h i s mission and as r e s u l t i n g from h i s t a k i n g s e r i o u s l y h i s C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s . For example, i n expressing h i s views against the f o r c i b l e e x pul-s i o n of the Indians from the v i c i n i t y of the whites, Duncan wrote: We are taught by our r e l i g i o n that a l l men are brethren of one blood, and i f some possess greater advantages than o t h e r s , those advantages are given them to use f o r the common good of all...How are we then, d i s c h a r g i n g our du t i e s to them, when, a f t e r c o r r u p t i n g them by our v i c e s , we d r i v e them out of our s i g h t . 5 2 - 66 -I t should not be imagined that m i s s i o n a r i e s of the time admired Indian s o c i e t y any more than the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r fellow-Europeans d i d . In f a c t , many aspects of i t were abhorrent to them. Nor d i d most of them have any i l l u s i o n s about the "noble savage" as an i n d i v i d u a l . W i l l i a m Duncan i n 1865 made a l i s t of twenty-two p o i n t s "To be^ remembered i n 53 d i s c o u r s i n g to the Indians" i n which he l i s t e d at le n g t h the f a u l t s of those w i t h whom he was working. The m i s s i o n a r i e s of the p e r i o d character-i s t i c a l l y saw c i v i l i z a t i o n as necessary f o r a C h r i s t i a n s o c i e t y , and f r e e l y introduced aspects of t h e i r own V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y i n t o Indian s o c i e t y , though they were s e l e c t i v e i n doing t h i s . Though the degree of ethno-c e n t r i c i t y i n t h e i r outlook v a r i e d , u n i v e r s a l l y they d e s i r e d the replace-^-ment of many features of Indian c u l t u r e by features s i m i l a r to those*found i n European s o c i e t y . But whatever the missionary thought of I n d i a n f s o c i e t y or Indian c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , he was f i r m l y committed to the b e l i e f that the Indian was worth working w i t h both i n the s p i r i t u a l and temporal spheres. The Influence of the B r i t i s h Humanitarian Movement Outside of Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia there were others who exerted t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on behalf of the Indians of the region.' The Aborigines P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y of B r i t a i n was i n a p o s i t i o n to a f f e c t the p o l i c i e s of the I m p e r i a l Government i t s e l f . The humanitarian movement, w i t h i t s o r i g i n s i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the eighteenth century, had had some notable successes i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth. I n 1807 the sla v e trade had been outlawed i n the B r i t i s h Empire. In 1833 s l a v e r y i t s e l f had been abolished by law. The Aborigines - 67 -P r o t e c t i o n Society exerted a contin u i n g pressure on behalf of n a t i v e s : throughout the B r i t i s h Empire. The numerous and extensive missionary reports sent back to B r i t a i n were an important means by which the s o c i e t y was able to act as a watchdog on behalf of the i n t e r e s t s of the n a t i v e s . The campaigns on behalf of the a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y and of the s l a v e trade had proved the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t on p u b l i c opinion of humanitarian propaganda, and had drawn to the humanitarian movement a number of very prominent persons. The I m p e r i a l Government and the Indians ' -As e a r l y as J u l y 31, 1858 we f i n d the Secretary of State f o r the Colonie s , S i r E. B. L y t t o n , d i r e c t i n g Governor Douglas ...to consider the best and most humane means of d e a l i n g w i t h the Native Indians. The f e e l i n g s of t h i s country [he wrote] would be s t r o n g l y opposed to the adoption of any a r b i t r a r y or oppressive measures towards them. 5 4 L y t t o n h e s i t a t e d to suggest s p e c i f i c measures to prevent t r o u b l e between Indians and immigrants,. l e a v i n g these to Douglas to decide upon. ' But he observed " . . . t h a t i t should be an i n v a r i a b l e c o n d i t i o n , i n a l l bargains or t r e a t i e s w i t h the n a t i v e s f o r the cession of lands possessed by them, that subsistence should be s u p p l i e d to them i n some other shape...." I t was des i r e d that " e a r l y attention"-be given by Douglas " . . . t o the best means of d i f f u s i n g the b l e s s i n g s of the C h r i s t i a n ^ R e l i g i o n and of c i v i l i z a t i o n among the native_s. On September 2, 1858 the Secretary of State f o r the Colonies sent to Douglas a copy of a l e t t e r from the Aborigines P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y to himself (Lytton) . In doing so Lyt.ton again" reminded Douglas of the - 68 -importance he attached to the p r o t e c t i o n of the Indians. At the same time he begged him to observe that Douglas was not to understand him as "...adopting the views of the So c i e t y as to the means by which t h i s may be best a c complished." 5 5 In i t s l e t t e r to L y t t o n the Aborigines P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y addressed L y t t o n "...on c e r t a i n matters a f f e c t i n g they s a i d not only the r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s but very existence of the numerous Indian^population of the new 5 6 Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia," The l e t t e r quoted the New York Times to i l l u s t r a t e the " r e c k l e s s inhumanity" of the miners of C a l i f o r n i a towards the Indians. The Soc i e t y asked that measures be taken to p r o t e c t the Indians and f u r t h e r asked that the n a t i v e t i t l e be recognized i n B r i t i s h Columbia and th a t a reasonable adjustment be made of t h e i r claims. Government i s i n l a r g e part concerned w i t h responding to the v a r y i n g pressures of d i f f e r e n t s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y , as w e l l as w i t h p r o v i d i n g f o r the v a r y i n g needs of a s o c i e t y . The Im p e r i a l Government was concerned w i t h responding to the pressure of the humanitarian cause. But i t was al s o concerned w i t h the d e s i r e of the s e t t l e r s f o r la n d and the need to b u i l d up the popu l a t i o n of the colony. Thus we f i n d L y t t o n on May 20, 1859 c a u t i o n i n g Douglas t h a t , w h i l e he was to concern himself w i t h the wel f a r e of the n a t i v e s , he should a l s o avoid checking the progress of the white c o l o n i s t s inli.his l a y i n g out of r e s e r v e s . 5 7 C o l o n i a l Government and the Indians Douglas., on h i s p a r t , besides seeking to carry out the wishes of the Imp e r i a l Government, had to consider h i s responses to various sectors of the c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y . In co n s i d e r i n g the question of land r e s e r v a t i o n s , f o r example, he had to keep i n mind the pressures of land-hungry or land^-- 69 -greedy s e t t l e r s on the one hand and of Indians and m i s s i o n a r i e s on the other. Both s e t t l e r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s had contacts i n B r i t a i n who could complain to the I m p e r i a l Government. Indians were r e l a t i v e l y numerous and could create t r o u b l e i f aroused. And the p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t e d that the s e t t l e r s i f d i s s a t i s f i e d might grow t i r e d of c o l o n i a l r u l e , o p t i n g f o r union w i t h the United S t a t e s . A b r i e f summary of Douglas^ .-handling of the Indian land problem w i l l perhaps give some i n d i c a t i o n of h i s a t t i t u d e towards the Indians and of the v a r i o u s f a c t o r s that shaped h i s p r a c t i c a l p o l i c y towards them. In the e a r l y years, beginning i n 1850, Douglas followed the p r a c t i c e , of'purchasing land from the Indians f o r the Hudson's Bay Company. Perhaps t h i s was done w i t h a view to the p o s s i b l e l a t e r reimbursement of the Company by the B r i t i s h Government. A number of agreements were signed w i t h v a r i o u s t r i b e s of Vancouver I s l a n d . The p r i c e s paid v a r i e d . Seventy-f i v e pounds s t e r l i n g was p a i d to the "Swengwhung T r i b e " of V i c t o r i a P enin-s u l a , south of C o l q u i t z , The c o n d i t i o n s of s a l e of the land belonging to t h i s t r i b e may be quoted as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the c o n d i t i o n s i n the other agreements: ...our v i l l a g e s i t e s and enclosed f i e l d s are to be kept f o r our own use, f o r the use of our c h i l d r e n , and f o r those who may f o l l o w a f t e r us; and the land s h a l l be p r o p e r l y surveyed h e r e a f t e r . I t i s understood, however, that the land i t s e l f , w i t h these s m a l l ! exceptions, becomes the e n t i r e property of the white people f o r ever; i t i s also understood that we are at l i b e r t y to hunt over J^e un-occupied lands, and to c a r r y on our f i s h e r i e s as formerly. I n a despatch to Douglas dated December 30, 1858 L y t t o n i n q u i r e d as to the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e t t l i n g the Indians permanently i n v i l l a g e s , con-, t r i b u t i n g to t h e i r c i v i l i z a t i o n . Law and r e l g i o n , he suggested, could be - 70 * introduced and would " . . . c o n t r i b u t e to t h e i r own s e c u r i t y against the 59 aggressions of immigrant." Some form of t a x a t i o n could be imposed, the proceeds of which would go to b e n e f i t the Indians. Douglas responded i n d i -c a t i n g h i s wholehearted agreement w i t h such a scheme, and making d e t a i l e d proposals f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g such s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . ^ Meanwhile Douglas had taken steps to ensure that the land reserved near V i c t o r i a f o r the Indians was not obtained from them by p r i v a t e i n d i v i -duals. Douglas issued a p u b l i c n o t i c e to the e f f e c t that t h i s land was the property of the Crown and that the Indians themselves could not l e g a l l y s e l l i t . I n 1861 Douglas wrote to the Secretary of State f o r the Colonies t r a n s m i t t i n g a p e t i t i o n from the Van c o u v e r l l s l a n d House of Assembly r e -questing a i d i n e x t i n g u i s h i n g the Indian land t i t l e . Douglas added h i s own appeal suggesting that the I m p e r i a l Government advance 3,000 ". . . t o M61 be e v e n t u a l l y r e p a i d out of the C o l o n i a l Land Fund. . However, Newcastle, the Secretary of State f o r the Co l o n i e s , refused any a i d , s t a t i n g t h a t t h i s was purely a c o l o n i a l matter. ' Since the c o l o n i s t s were u n w i l l i n g , and considered themselves unable, to provide money f o r the continued purchase of n a t i v e t i t l e , i t ceased to be purchased. In both Vancouver I s l a n d and the mainland colony of B r i t i s h Columbia reserves were l a i d out as settlement made threatening inroads on Indian lands, but t i t l e was no longer purchased. Government came to regard the land as i t s own without having purchased i t . •Another problem faced by Douglas was that of d e a l i n g w i t h d e s t r u c t i o n and v i o l e n c e i n v o l v i n g the Indian. His main concern was the r e s t o r a t i o n - 71 -of order and the prevention of f u r t h e r v i o l e n c e . In the e a r l y party of h i s career as governor, Douglas d i d not u s u a l l y concern him s e l f w i t h v i o l e n c e among the Indians i f i t d i d not i n v o l v e whites. In t h i s he was f o l l o w i n g t y p i c a l Hudson's Bay Company p r a c t i c e . ' Having no power to p r o t e c t [he wrote Newcastle] i t would have been unjust to punish and unwise to i n v o l v e the Government i n questions ^ of which we could l e a r n n e i t h e r the'merits nor the t r u e bearings... I f an Indian were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the death of a white-man, Douglas' method was to use a show of f o r c e to induce h i s t r i b e to hand over the Indian f o r t r i a l . I f the v i l l a g e concerned r e f u s e d , war was, i n e f f e c t , made on i t t i l l i t c a p i t u l a t e d . C o a s t a l v i l l a g e s could be s h e l l e d from gunboats. But Douglas o f t e n went to great lengths to avoid such general h o s t i l i t i e s . In h i s dealings w i t h the Cowichans over the 1852 k i l l i n g of two Hudson's Bay Company.shepherds Douglas had even r i s k e d h i s own l i f e 63 to avoid general c o n f l i c t . One instance r e f e r r e d to by G. E. Shankel i n h i s t h e s i s on The  Development of Indian P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia shows Douglas capable of taking strong measures to b r i n g the white murderer of an Indian to j u s t i c e . For the capture of Richard Jones, who had k i l l e d an Indian i n V i c t o r i a , he o f f e r e d a f i f t y pound reward, and threatened w i t h prosecu-. * . j 64 t i o n anyone g i v i n g him a i d . The gathering of v a s t numbers of Indians of v a r i o u s t r i b e s at V i c t o r i a p r e d i c t a b l y r e s u l t e d i n v i o l e n c e between the Indians. They were at such c l o s e quarters to the whites t h a t the v i o l e n c e threatened the peace and w e l f a r e of the white community,,and. was brought f o r c i b l y to Douglas's a t t e n t i o n . Under these circumstances he took measures to i n t e r v e n e , - 72 -warning the Indians' c h i e f men against the consequences of t h e i r t a k i n g revenge i n s t e a d of appealing to the l a w . 6 5 James Douglas's personal a t t i t u d e had no doubt been shaped by h i s long years i n the s e r v i c e of the Hudson's Bay Company, where he had come to appreciate the importance of good r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Indi a n s , w h i l e adopting a "hands-off" a t t i t u d e towards t h e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . He d i d seem to have developed a genuine concern f o r the Indians' w e l f a r e : a concern which was manifested not only v e r b a l l y i n h i s despatches to London, but a l s o i n h i s p r a c t i c a l support of W i l l i a m Duncan and h i s i n s t r u c t i o n s that adequate reserves be set aside f o r the Indians. This i s not to say that t h e i r w e l f a r e was h i s paramount concern. Rather i t was one of numerous consid e r a t i o n s which occupied h i s a t t e n t i o n and helped to shape h i s -p o l i c i e s . . ' As the most important member of the j u d i c i a l branch of the government of the mainland colony, Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie was to have many d i r e c t dealings w i t h the Indians, i n c l u d i n g h i s conducting the t r i a l s that followed the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g . His e a r l y a t t i t u d e towards the Indians i s there-f o r e of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t to us. In h i s report of 1859 of h i s "Journey i n t o the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia" he shows j u d i c i a l i m p a r t i a l i t y and inde-pendence of judgement i n d e l i n e a t i n g h i s impressions of Indian character. Two c h i e f s , s a i d to be of extensive a u t h o r i t y , paid me a v i s i t w h i l e at Cayoosh [he wrote]. They complained of the conduct.of the c i t i z e n s of the United States .in..preventing them from mining, i n destroying and .carrying.away t h e i r r o o t -crops without compensation, and i n l a y i n g wholly upon the Indians many depredations on c a t t l e and horses.which these Indians informed me were i n p a r t , at l e a s t , committed by "Boston men." On the other hand, many cases of c a t t l e -s t e a l i n g were a l l e g e d by the whites of a l l nations against - 73 -the Indians; and stealing, indeed, of anything which could by possibility be eaten. For even the cattle which Indians stole they did not attempt to s e l l or make use of otherwise than as food; and i t was admitted on a l l hands that many hundreds of Indians had died of absolute starvation during the winter. The whites alleged, what is obvious to everybody, that the Indians are extremely averse to work, except under the pressure of immediate hunger; and that they are so improvident as rarely to look beyond the wants of the day, and never to consider the wants of a winter beforehand. If I may venture an opinion, I should think that this is much more true of the savages who have never been brought into,contact with c i v i l i z a t i o n than with those who have had even a l i t t l e acquaintance with the whites.. We found almost everywhere Indians willing to labour hard for wages, and bargaining acutely for wages; and perfectly acquainted with gold-dust, and the minute weights for measuring one and two dollars with. These circumstances are inconsistent with an utter heedlessness for the next day's provisions, for i n ^ a l l cases we had to find these Indians in provisions as well as wages.66 Personal Attitudes Towards the Indians and-Nineteenth-Century Currents of Thought Even a brief examination of Europeans' actions and expressions of opinion makes obvious the fact that the attitudes of white men towards the Indians in this period varied widely. Yet there were also points of common agreement. Sometimes this common agreement was the result of personal observation of the same facts of Indian l i f e . As often or more often i t resulted from commonly held nineteenth-century notions about the nature of men. Divergence in attitudes, however, could result from contact with varying nineteenth-century ideas. The fact that the whites of gold-rush British Columbia and Vancouver Island formed their attitudes to a great extent on the basis of notions which were current at the time says nothing as to the Tightness or wrong-ness of their attitudes.' The ideas about mankind current in the nineteenth - 74 -century, lik e those of the twentieth century, were based partly on philoso-phical and religious concepts derived from or related to personal subjective experience. They were partly based also on the evidence as seen by Europeans and interpreted in the light of those philosophical and religious concepts. In comparing and contrasting the attitudes revealed in the actions and statements we have examined, i t w i l l be well to also be aware of the relationship of those attitudes to the thought generally current at the time. If any one concept with regard to the Indian was universal at this time among those who dealt with the Indian and who wrote about him, i t was the belief in the inherent superiority of white c i v i l i z a t i o n over that of the Indian. If this belief was seldom directly stated i t was due to the fact of i t s being a generally accepted assumption. This assumption is usually quietly made by British Columbia writers of this period. It i s , however, held in widely varying forms, accompanied by widely varying emotional responses, and followed by widely varying conclusions. The form this assumption took with the missionary William Duncan differed markedly from the form i t took with a man such as Duncan George Macdonald. For William Duncan the essential superiority of true c i v i l i z a t i o n was rooted in Christianity. The Indian, becoming a Christian, could p a r t i c i -pate truly in c i v i l i z a t i o n . For Macdonald the essential superiority of western c i v i l i z a t i o n lay i n race. The Indian, unable to change the characteristics of his race, was doomed to "recede before the white man"67 and to "at last yield to the inevitable law which decrees that the inferior races shall vanish from the face of the earth." 6 7 - 75 -W i l l i a m Duncan may be taken as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the humanitarian movement which gained i n f l u e n c e i n the e a r l y decades of the nineteenth century and, according to P. D. C u r t i n ( i n The Image of A f r i c a ) , reached i t s "high-water mark of dominance i n B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l a f f a i r s " i n the years 1835-41.*^ C u r t i n takes 1852 as the end of the humanitarian e r a . ^ But w h i l e t h i s year may have ended i t s dominance i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , i t d i d not end i t s i n f l u e n c e there, and i t c e r t a i n l y remained an important current of i n f l u e n c e among i n d i v i d u a l s and s o c i e t i e s as w e l l as i n govern-ment c i r c l e s f o r a long time to come. Duncan Forbes Macdonald, i n c o n t r a s t to W i l l i a m Duncan, may be taken as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of another trend.in. nineteenth-century thought. This was the current of " p s e u d o - s c i e n t i f i c racism" which began to gain s t r e n g t h about the middle of the nineteenth century (at the same time as the humani-t a r i a n i n f l u e n c e l o s t i t s dominance).^ According to t h i s theory, race was the key which explained the e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e i n c u l t u r e s . This concept took many forms, but i t s most extreme form,led to the c o n c l u s i o n that the non-white races were fat e d to permanent subjugation by the whites or u l t i m a t e e x t i n c t i o n . Macdonald's b e l i e f that the Indian would v a n i s h from the earth he regarded as stemming from h i s general r a c i s t b e l i e f s , but the p o s s i b l e e x t i n c t i o n of the Indian was suggested to many by p u b l i c i t y regarding the disappearance of the Indians which gained wide c i r c u l a t i o n i n the mid-nineteenth century.''"'" Indians were s t i l l numerous i n Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia during the gold-rush p e r i o d , so that t h e i r e x t i n c t i o n , when envisaged, was regarded as a f a r - d i s t a n t event. Most Europeans of - 76 -the two c o l o n i e s do not seem to have regarded the e x t i n c t i o n of the Indian as i n e v i t a b l e even a f t e r the widespread deaths among the Indians i n the area which r e s u l t e d from the smallpox epidemic of 1862-63. The a c t i o n s and expressed a t t i t u d e s of m i s s i o n a r i e s such as W i l l i a m Duncan and others as w e l l as those of Governor James Douglas i n d i c a t e t h a t those i n v o l v e d i n attempting to change the l o t of the Indian regarded h i s f u t u r e as l y i n g i n the adoption of white c i v i l i z a t i o n . ' W i l l i a m Duncan i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Indian v i l l a g e of M e t l a k a t l a along e s s e n t i a l l y European l i n e s gave evidence of t h i s b e l i e f . So d i d he i n h i s advice to Douglas against the expulsion of the Indians from V i c t o r i a and i n favour of t h e i r being allowed to remain on the b a s i s of t h e i r obeying the same laws as those which a p p l i e d to the whites. The f a c t t h a t C a t h o l i c were s a i d to have encouraged the Indians to pre-empt land as the whites d i d would seem to i n d i c a t e t h e i r d e s i r e that the Indian adopt the l i f e of the white s e t t l e r . The f a c t that James Douglas-responded e n t h u s i a s t i -c a l l y to Lytton's enquiry regarding the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e t t l i n g the Indians f o r the purpose of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e s that he too b e l i e v e d that i n the adoption of European c i v i l i z a t i o n l a y the Indians' hopes f o r the f u t u r e . At the same time, none of those whom we observe i n any way attempting to b e t t e r the l o t of the Indian b e l i e v e d that he was capable of stepping immediately i n t o the p o s i t i o n of the white man i n white s o c i e t y . There was c o n s i s t e n t agreement that the Indian needed p r o t e c t i o n against those features of\white s o c i e t y which would be harmful to him. Duncan's s o c i e t y at M e t l a k a t l a was a t i g h t l y regulated one, and even though there were - 77 -Indian o f f i c i a l s i t was'dominated by the towering p e r s o n a l i t y of Duncan i n h i s r o l e s of missionary and magistrate. Duncan's advice to Douglas regarding the Indians v i s i t i n g V i c t o r i a was not merely t h a t Douglas should allow them to s t a y , but al s o t h a t they should be organized, and he pre-sented Douglas w i t h h i s plans f o r such o r g a n i z a t i o n . The d e s i r e to p r o t e c t the Indian came not so much from theory as from f i r s t - h a n d experience of the adverse e f f e c t s of white contact on the Indians. These'adverse e f f e c t s were a t t e s t e d to by p r a c t i c a l l y everyone who had anything to do w i t h the Ind i a n s , whether he was i n v o l v e d i n t r y i n g to ameliorate t h e i r ' c o n d i t i o n s or not. Thus we have heard the d e s c r i p t i o n given Reinhart, and reported to as second-hand, of the d e m o r a l i z a t i o n of the Indians i n V i c t o r i a . S p roat.attested to the sickness which apparently r e s u l t e d from the Indians' contact w i t h h i s own groupiof s e t t l e r s and noted, w i t h some puzzlement, t h e i r l i s t l e s s and apprehensive s t a t e a f t e r having been forced o f f t h e i r land. The e a r l y proclamation of James Douglas against the s a l e or g i f t of l i q u o r to the Indians on the mainland was an example of attempting to pr o t e c t the Indians through law-making from " i n j u r y and d e m o r a l i z a t i o n " from a l c o h o l . Of course t h i s law i n v o l v e d t r e a t i n g the Indian as d i f f e r e n t from the white man, and i t was indeed f e l t that he was d i f f e r e n t , i n , among other t h i n g s , h i s need f o r p r o t e c t i o n . The attempt to p r o t e c t the' Indian from a l c o h o l , however, was never completely s u c c e s s f u l , and the dem o r a l i z a t i o n of Indian women through p r o s t i t u t i o n was not e l i m i n a t e d . The establishment of land reserves f o r the Indians was designed, among other t h i n g s , to p r o t e c t them from the encroachments of white l a n d -- 78 -grabbers. This protection, too, involved treating the Indian as a special case, since the land reserved was not held under the free-hold system as the white settler could hold his. Thus the Indians could not" sell reserved land to individual whites. Little could be done to protect the Indians from some diseases, i t seemed, but, as we have seen, some attempt was made to preveritoor limit the spread of smallpox by means of vaccination. The belief in the conversion of the natives to western civilization was common in this period in the British Empire. P. D. Curtin, dealing primarily with attitudes towards Africans, refers to the middle decades of the nineteenth century as representing "the height of conversionist senti-72 ment." After 1870 this idea of conversion declined, he says, and.the idea of trusteeship over nativegraces for their protection gradually replaced i t . In British Columbia and Vancouver Island in the gold-rush period we find elements of both these ideas. Conversion to western civilization was the ideal. Whether i t could be fully achieved or not was seldom stated. But in the meantime protection was required. The government in some degree had begun to exercise a trusteeship over the Indians. What, in general, did the European think of the Indian as a person? It would be. wrong to suggest that because he believed in the inherent superiority of European culture he.did not see any virtue in the Indian. A common attitude expressed in this period and earlier was the belief that the Indian was characterized by vices and virtues different from those typical of the civilized white man. Thus we have seen Francis Poole - 79 -speaking of the Haida f a u l t s as "the usual Indian ones." Captain C. E. Barrett-Lennard found t h a t the Vancouver I s l a n d Indians d i d not impress him "with a high opinion of the m o r a l i t y of the untutored s a v a g e " ^ but he c r e d i t e d them w i t h 'the savage a t t r i b u t e s of a wonderfully passive endurance of hardship and s u f f e r i n g , " w i t h a " s t o i c i n d i f f e r e n c e to t o r t u r e and death when i n e v i t a b l e , " and w i t h " n a t u r a l courage."^^ Duncan George Macdonald we f i n d a l l o w i n g that i f the Indians "...have the v i c e s of savage l i f e , they 76 have the V i r t u e s a l s o . " As w i d e l y v a r y i n g i n other respects as these three authors are, we f i n d them a l l s u b s c r i b i n g to a s i m i l a r n o t i o n w i t h regard to the v i r t u e s and v i c e s of the Indian. They were viewing the Indians of whom they were w r i t i n g i n the l i g h t of what Roy Harvey Pearce c a l l s the " i d e a of s a y a g i s m . A c c o r d i n g to t h i s concept, which Pearce i n The Savages of America traces i n o r i g i n to S c o t t i s h w r i t e r s , "...there 78 were, along w i t h savage v i c e s , concomittant savage v i r t u e s " and "Savage v i r t u e s , are undeniably v i r t u e s , f o r they are i n c i d e n t to man's e s s e n t i a l 79 ' ' s o c i a l i t y ' . " Pearce suggests that Americans, confronted w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Indian and c i v i l i z a t i o n , found the concept of savagism a p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l one to e x p l a i n how the Indian was d i f f e r e n t from themselves and why he d i d not adapt to c i v i l i z a t i o n . I t seems that a number of w r i t e r s who d e a l t w i t h B r i t i s h Columbia Indians a l s o found the concept a u s e f u l one. Pearce suggests that i n the 1850's and a f t e r the concept began to l o s e i t s appeal. This may indeed have been so i n many parts of the United S t a t e s , but the very reasons he gives f o r i t s l o s s of appeal there suggest why i t was s t i l l an a t t r a c t i v e concept under c o n d i t i o n s i n f r o n t i e r B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d . - 80 -In the 1850'.s and a f t e r [he w r i t e s ] one could be o b j e c t i v e about the Indian as one could not have been ten, twenty, or t h i r t y years before; one could be o b j e c t i v e about a creature who had been reduced to the status of a specimen picked up on f i e l d t r i p s . One could move toward s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s and away from p i t y and censure. With the beginnings of such a move, we can see, i f dimly, the beginnings of the end of the i d e a of ;savagism and of the Indiancas savage.^0 In B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d i n the 1850's and 60's the Indian was not yet "reduced to the s t a t u s of a specimen." He was s t i l l numerous and p o t e n t i a l l y a threat to c i v i l i z a t i o n . Because he was a part of t h e i r l i f e there were many who f e l t the need to view the Indian i n a " h i s t o r i c a l -moral" r a t h e r than i n a merely s c i e n t i f i c l i g h t . The concept of savagism answered t h i s need. The Growth1 of" C o l o n i a l Government  : A b r i e f note i s necessary regarding changes i n government of what i s now B r i t i s h Columbia, p r i o r to the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g i n 1864. In March of 1850 Richard Blanshard, sent out as the f i r s t governor of Vancouver I s l a n d , read the proclamation and commission which i n s t i t u t e d c o l o n i a l government on the i s l a n d . The unfortunate Blanshard soon found, however, that the r e a l power was s t i l l h e l d by the Hudson's Bay Company. Blanshard resigned i n 1851 and James Douglas, s t i l l Chief F a c t o r , became governor of Vancouver I s l a n d as w e l l . The mainland remained under the i n f o r m a l r u l e of the Hudson's Bay Company. The gold rush of 1858 l e d Douglas, as the nearest r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the i m p e r i a l government, to take the i n i t i a t i v e of extending h i s a u t h o r i t y to the mainland. The s i t u a t i o n was r e g u l a r i z e d by the establishment of the mainland colony of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the same year, w i t h Douglas ap-pointed as i t s governor on c o n d i t i o n of h i s severance of t i e s w i t h the - 81 -Hudson's Bay Company. Douglas thereafter was governor of both colonies t i l l his resignation in 1864, which opened the way for separate governor-ships with Arthur Kennedy over Vancouver Island and Frederick Seymour over the mainland colony of British Columbia. - 82 -Footnotes for Chapter III H u b e r t Howe Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of British Columbia, 1792-1887, The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. XXXII (San Francisco, History Com-pany, 1887), pp. 344-45. 2 Despatch, James Douglas to Henry Labouchere, Apr. 16, 1856 in Great , Britain, Parliament, Copies or Extracts of Correspondence Relative to the  Discovery of Gold in the Fraser's River D i s t r i c t , in British North America, Cmd. 2398, 1st series (London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1858), p. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 6, Douglas to Labouchere, Oct. 29, 1856. 4 Ibid., p. 7, Douglas to Labouchere, July 15, 1857. ~*Ibid., p. 8, Douglas to Labouchere, Dec. 29, 1857. Ibid., p. 10, Douglas to Labouchere, Apr. 6, 1858. 7Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Vancouver: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1958), p. 139, and Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of British  Columbia, p. 359. German Francis Reinhart, The Golden Frontier: The Recollections of  Herman Francis Reinhart, 1851-1869, ed. by Doyce B. Nunis, Jr. with a Foreward by Nora B. Cunningham (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), p. 125. The editor remarks, "David's reputation is f a i r l y stated by Reinhart." Q See Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of British Columbia, pp. 367-68. 1 0Reinhart, The Golden Frontier, pp. 125-26 ^Tbid. , p. 126. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 127. 13 For a fuller account of these Fraser Canyon troubles of 1858 see Bancroft [et a l . ] , History of Brit i s h Columbia, pp. 392-99. "^British Columbia, Proclamations and Ordinances, 1858-65, Proclamation of Sept. 6, 1858. 1 5Reinhart, The Golden Frontier, p. 143. - 83 -16 See Jean Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a " (unpublished Ph.D; t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969), p. 139. " ^ F r a n c i s Poole, Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s : A N a r r a t i v e of Discovery  and Adventure i n the North P a c i f i c , ed. by John W. Lyndon (London: Hurst and B l a c k e t t ) , p. 310. The date of p u b l i c a t i o n i s given on the t i t l e page as 1872, but i n a copy i n the l i b r a r y of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n , the p r e s e n t a t i o n i s dated Dec. 24, 1871, and a c l i p p i n g a d v e r t i s i n g the book i s pasted and i t s date penned as Dec., 1871. 18 C f h a r l e s ] E[dward] Barrett-Lennard, Travels i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h the  N a r r a t i v e of a Yacht Voyage Round Vancouver's I s l a n d (London: Hurst and B l a c k e t t , 1862), p. 59. ' •< 1 9 I b i d . , pp. 59-60,. 20 • Duncan George Forbes Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's  I s l a n d (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1862), p. 127. 2 1 I b i d . , p. .128. 2 2 I b i d . , p. 129. 23 I b i d . , p. 131. 24 I b i d . , p. 132. 25 I b i d . , p. 133. 26 G i l b e r t Malcolm Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage L i f e (London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1868), p. x i i ( P r e f a c e ) . 27 I b i d . , p. 2. 2 ^ I b i d . , p. 3. 29 I b i d . , p. 7. 30 I b i d . , pp. 8-9. - 84 -31 L e t t e r , W i l l i a m George Cox to R. C. Moody the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Feb. 12, 1861, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Papers Connected w i t h  the Indian Land Question, 1850-1875 ( V i c t o r i a : 1875), p. 20. 32 L e t t e r , Charles Good to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, May 15, 1861, i n Papers Connected w i t h the I n d i a n Land Question, p. 22. 33 . Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y , p. 168. 34 D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , ( V i c t o r i a ) , June 17, 1859, p. 2. 3 5 I b i d . , May 10, 1860, p. 2. 3 6 I b i d . , J u l y 10, 1860, p. 2. 37 D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t ( V i c t o r i a ) , Sept. 3, 1861, p. 2. 3 8 See, f o r example, "The Indian Question Again," B r i t i s h Columbian (New Westminster), Dec. 19, 1861, p. 2. 39 See Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 162. 4 0 S e e "The Executive Demented," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 21, 1862, p. 2. 4"*""Stabbing Indians," B r i t i s h Columbian, Feb. 27, 1862, p. 2. 42 ' Usher, c i t i n g Church Mi s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y Papers 105, W. Duncan to Church Mi s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y , F o r t Simpson, August 24, 1860. 43 Usher, c i t i n g D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , V i c t o r i a , W. Duncan to the E d i t o r , J u l y 4, 1861, p. 1. 4 4 U s h e r , " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 140. 4 5"The Small-Pox," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 3, 1862, p. 2. See a l s o "The Small Pox," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Apr. 28, 1862, p. 3 and Apr. 30, 1862, p. 3. 46 " V a c c i n a t i n g the Indians," B r i t i s h Columbian, May 14, 1862, p. 3. -.85 -47 - ' See J[ohn] J[oseph] Halcombe, ed., The Emigrant and the Heathen or Sketches of Mis s i o n a r y L i f e (London: So c i e t y f o r Promoting C h r i s t i a n Know-ledge, [1874]), p. 191 and [John Sheepshanks], A Bishop i n the Rough, ed. by D. Wallace Duthie w i t h a Preface by the Lord'Bishop of Norwich (London: Smith, E l d e r and Company, 1909), p. 67. ^ 8"The Small-Pox," B r i t i s h Columbian, June 21, 1862, p. 1. 49 • C o n f i d e n t i a l l e t t e r , R. C-Moody to James Douglas, Apr. 28, 1863, i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 28. " ^ L e t t e r , W i l l i a m A. G. Young to the Chief Commissioner, of Lands and Works, May 11, 1863, i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 28. " ^ L e t t e r , R. C. Moody to James Douglas, Apr. 28, 1863, i n Papers  Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 27. 52 D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , V i c t o r i a . W. -Duncan to the E d i t o r , J u l y 4, 1861, p. 1, c i t e d i n Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p.' 141. 53 W i l l i a m Duncan Papers 2159, Notes and Memoranda, 1865, c i t e d i n Usher, " W i l l i a m Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a , " p. 364 (Table 3). 54 ' • • ' • E x t r a c t from a despatch, E. B. L y t t o n to James Douglas, J u l y 31, 1858, i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 12. " "'"'Despatch, E.-B. L y t t o n to James Douglas, Sept. 2, 1858, i n Papers  Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 12. " ^ L e t t e r , F. W. Chesson, Secretary of the Aborigines P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y , to E. B. L y t t o n , i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 12. (The date of the l e t t e r i s not given.) "^Despatch, E. B. L y t t o n to James Douglas, May 20, 1859, i n Papers,  Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 18. 58 Agreement signed Apr. 30, 1850, i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian  Land Question, p. 6. 59 Despatch, E. B. L y t t o n to James Douglas, Dec. 30, 1858, i n Papers  Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 15. 60 Despatch, James Douglas to E.. B." L y t t o n , Mar..14, 1859, i n Papers  Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, pp. 16-17. - 86 -^ D e s p a t c h , James Douglas to the Secretary of State f o r the C o l o n i e s , Mar. 25, 1861, i n Papers Connected w i t h the Indian Land Question, p. 19; 62 Douglas to Newcastle, J u l y 28, 1853, Despatches' to London October 31,  1851 - June 13, 1863, c i t e d i n George Edgar Shankel, "The Development of Indian P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1945), p. 58. 63 George Edgar Shankel, "The Development of Indian P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia", pp. 59-60. (Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1945). 6 4 I b i d . , p. 60. 6 5 I b i d . , pp. 56-57. 66 "Matthew B [ a i l l i e ] Begbie, "Journey i n t o the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia" (Report, Begbie to James Douglas, A p r i l 25, 1859), J o u r n a l of the. Royal Geographical S o c i e t y , XXXI, 1861, pp. 242-43. 6 7 ' Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's I s l a n d , p. 133 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter) . - • * ' 68 P h i l i p D. C u r t i n , The Image of A f r i c a : B r i t i s h Ideas and A c t i o n , 1780-1850 (Madison: U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin P r e s s , 1964), p. 290. 69 I b i d . , p. 291. 7 0 I b i d . , p. .381 and p. 387. 7 1 I b i d . , pp. 373-374. 72 I b i d . , p. 415. 73 Poole, Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , p. 310 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter). 7 4 B a r r e t t - L e n n a r d , Travels i n B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 59 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter). I b i d . , pp. 59-60 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter). - 87 -Macdonald, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver's I s l a n d , p. 132 ( c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y i n t h i s chapter). ^Roy Harvey Pearce, The Savages of America: A Study of the I n d i a n and  the Idea of C i v i l i z a t i o n ( B a ltimore, Johns Hopkins Press,.1965), p. 76. 78 ' *' ' • I b i d . , p. 87, paraphrasing the thought of W i l l i a m Robertson, H i s t o r y of America (1777). 79 Pearce, The Savages of America, p. 85, paraphrasing Adam Ferguson, Essay on the H i s t o r y of C i v i l S o c i e t y [1767] ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1819). 80 Pearce, The Savages of America, p. 129. CHAPTER IV THE BUTE INLET TRAIL The Need for Roads As the search for gold extended farther and farther up the Eraser River i t led naturally to a demand for roads. James Douglas was anxious to do what he could to develop the routes to the diggings from the lowervFraser, not merely to satisfy the miners, but also to discourage the use of the inland route from the United States which threatened both to reduce revenue and to make the northern gold fields dependent on the Americans. Two rival paths to "the northern mines" were developed: the Douglas-Lillooet route and the Yale-Lytton route. The rivalry resulted from the fact that these two roads were built by private enterprise in return for charters granted by the government. Only in this way, i t seemed, could roadways and bridges of decent standard be constructed without the imposi-tion of taxes the miners would consider oppressive. Tolls were exacted of course, but supplies reached the mines much more cheaply than they might otherwise have done. By a combination of land and water travel, supplies were carried into the rich gold-mining country of the Cariboo. The routes were long, involving much difficult land travel, and attempts' to find an easier and cheaper route began early. Interest in a New Route from the Coast As early as 1859 Major William Downie's services were used by Governor Douglas in the investigation of possible routes from coastal inlets, but - 89 -none were found that Downie considered p r a c t i c a l . A number of other attempts to f i n d new routes from the coast were made i n 1859 and 1860, but nothing'-c o n c l u s i v e was proved about the p r a c t i c a l i t y of any of the routes. Never-t h e l e s s , i n t e r e s t i n the f i n d i n g of a p r a c t i c a l new coast route to the i n t e r i o r p e r s i s t e d . Almost simultaneously i n 1861 i n t e r e s t was aroused i n two p o s s i b l e routes which suggested, themselves. One was the Bentinck Arm route. (At North Bentinck Arm at present-day B e l l a Coola Alexander Mackenzie had reached the P a c i f i c Coast "from Canada by land.") Another was the Bute I n l e t r o u t e , the t h e o r e t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of which were no doubt suggested by i t s deep pe n e t r a t i o n i n t o the mainland and i t s comparative nearness to V i c t o r i a . Downie i n h i s e x p l o r a t i o n s of 1859 had not ascended to the head of Bute I n l e t . He l a t e r exprssed the view that from that p o i n t the mountains must be impassable, judging from the area's general topographical f e a t u r e s and the absence of any p a r t i e s of Indians from the i n t e r i o r f i s h i n g i n the v i c i n i t y . " ' " A l f r e d Waddington Reports of p o s s i b l e s e r i o u s p h y s i c a l o b s t a c l e s b a r r i n g the way do not seem to have t r o u b l e d the mind of A l f r e d Waddington. From the moment the ide a of the route was conceived i n h i s mind t h i s i n v e t e r a t e o p t i m i s t seems to have been convinced of i t s f e a s i b i l i t y . Born of an upper-class E n g l i s h f a m i l y , possessed of a good education and a t a l e n t f o r fluency of tongue and pen, Waddington, i n the small and undeveloped colony of Vancouver I s l a n d , seemed a p r i n c e among.men. Waddington had come to B r i t i s h Columbia by way of C a l i f o r n i a where he had pursued a 2 m e r c a n t i l e c a l l i n g during the gold rush there. I n 1858 h i s l i t t l e . b o o k - 90 -e n t i t l e d The Fraser Mines V i n d i c a t e d was p u b l i s h e d — t h e f i r s t non-government 3 book p r i n t e d i n the colony. In i t he expressed h i s optimism w i t h regard to the f u t u r e of the i s l a n d and mainland c o l o n i e s . L a t e r he was e l e c t e d a member of the Vancouver I s l a n d l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, where h i s eloquence was put to e f f e c t i v e use t i l l h i s r e s i g n a t i o n i n 1861. Plans f o r E x p l o r a t i o n In the s p r i n g of 1861 Waddington proposed an e x p l o r a t i o n to d i s c o v e r a route from Bute I n l e t . At the same time two men, Kenny and McKenzie, were 4 c r o s s i n g from A l e x a n d r i a to the coast and emerged at South Bentinck Arm. From the very beginning, New Westminster recognized the economic t h r e a t that would be posed by the development of any p r a c t i c a l n o r t h c o a s t a l route to the Cariboo gold f i e l d s . The B r i t i s h Columbian of New Westminster, the mouthpiece of the f i e r y f u t u r e premier John Robson, d i d not delay i n ex-pr e s s i n g i t s e d i t o r i a l d i s a p p r o v a l . ^ In V i c t o r i a those who advocated the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Bute I n l e t route regarded the p r o j e c t as a scheme which, i f s u c c e s s f u l , would b e n e f i t V i c t o r i a by d i v e r t i n g much t r a f f i c to the n o r t h , and, they hoped, would make V i c t o r i a once more secure as the dominant port of c a l l f o r ocean- . going v e s s e l s . On June 4 a c i t i z e n s ' meeting was hel d to consider the e x p l o r a t i o n of a Bute I n l e t r oute, and Waddington spoke, no doubt w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c optimism and eloquence, of the "vast b e n e f i t s " such as a route could b r i n g to Victoria.^ The adjourned meeting convened again on June 10. The C o l o n i s t reported the names of s e v e r a l other prominent I s l a n d e r s who were at t h i s g meeting: Amor de Cosmos, Trutch, and Helmcken. Amor de Cosmos,.a f u t u r e - 91 -province premier of the u n i t e d colony of B r i t i s h Columbia, was the e d i t o r of the C o l o n i s t . Joseph W. Trutch was an engineer who had contracted to b u i l d a s e c t i o n of the Cariboo Road i n the Fraser canyon. In 1871 he was to 9 become the f i r s t lieutenant-governor of the province of B r i t i s h Columbia. John S. Helmcken was a p h y s i c i a n who had i n 1852 married a daughter of James Douglas. He had already become a c t i v e i n p o l i t i c s , and was long to 10 remain so. But not a l l V i c t o r i a was i n support of the Bute I n l e t route. The C o l o n i s t ' s r i v a l , the P r e s s , i n i t s e d i t i o n of June 16 pooh-poohed a map of the proposed Bute I n l e t route which had been placed on p u b l i c view. I t advised the p u b l i c to view the map w h i l e mocking what i t termed i t s "waggish d i s t o r t i o n of r i v e r s and mountains. Bute I n l e t E x p l o r a t i o n . In the next w h i l e , the Bute I n l e t f e v e r seems to have gripped V i c t o r i a . Several expeditions to the i n l e t were made. Major Downie, i n - s p i t e of h i s p r e v i o u s l y - s t a t e d d i s i l l u s t i o n m e n t w i t h northern r o u t e s , went up to have a look at the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of Bute I n l e t , but d i d not succeed .in d i s c o v e r i n g a route. He a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r i a on August 13, a f t e r spending f i v e days alone i n a canoe, having been deserted by the two Indians w i t h whom he had 12 s t a r t e d from the i n l e t . He submitted a w r i t t e n report to Governor Douglas i n which he s t a t e d h i s c o n v i c t i o n that the route was v a l u e l e s s , and on 13 August 19 he spoke to a meeting of c i t i z e n s . On September 9, i n a l e t t e r to Douglas, Waddington enquired what p r i -14 v i l e g e s he would be granted i f tie succeeded i n f i n d i n g a Bute I n l e t r o u t e , - 92 -and the same month Waddington set out f o r Bute I n l e t on the Steamer " H e n r i e t t a . " He returned to V i c t o r i a a't the end of the month, having l e f t a s m a l l e x p l o r -ing party t h i r t y - t w o miles up,the Homathko."^ - The e x p l o r i n g party returned i n October, and was s a i d to have come w i t h i n one-and-a-half, days' journey 16 of the bunch grass country. The l a t e r despatch of a surveying party to Bute I n l e t , however, was l e s s s u c c e s s f u l . The I l l - s t a r r e d p a r t y l o s t a canoe i n one of t h rapids of the Homathko and had to come down i n r a f t s . They spent ten days stranded at the head of Bute I n l e t t i l l they were rescued by Indians of D e s o l a t i o n Sound and were brought back to V i c t o r i a i n December, having s u f f e r e d great hardships."'" 7 A D r a f t Agreement The i n f o r m a t i o n brought by the surveying party was, however, apparently s a t i s f a c t o r y enough f o r Waddington, and by February of 1862 h i s n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h the government had r e s u l t e d i n the B r i t i s h Columbia- C o l o n i a l Secretary's sending him a draf agreement. I t contained the terms under which the govern-ment would be w i l l i n g to grant a charter f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a road from 18 Bute I n l e t i n t o the C h i l c o t i n region.' Competition with; Bentinck Road Proponents Meanwhile the proponents of the Bentinck Arm Road had been a c t i v e . I t appears from a l e t t e r Moody wrote to the C o l o n i a l Secretary t h a t as e a r l y as September, 1861, Governor Douglas had. given some encouragement to a com-< pany seeking to o b t a i n a charter f o r a road to be b u i l t from North Bentinck - - - " - - • -19 Arm;to the Cariboo. (Moody says he had promised them a charter.) At any r a t e the n e g o t i a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g " t h i s route were w e l l under way by March, - 93 -1962, though they were h e l d up f o r a time by Moody's o b j e c t i o n s to the f a c t that a proper townsite at Bentinck Arm had not been s e l e c t e d or approved. With an agreement of h i s own i n s i g h t Waddington pressed ahead w i t h h i s p r o j e c t . The C o l o n i s t reported that on March 20: The canoe Success l e f t . . . f o r Bute I n l e t w i t h s i x men and a two-month's supply of p r o v i s i o n s . They are sent out f o r the purpose of commencing, the t r a i l to A l e x a n d r i a , f i n i s h i n g two stores, already commenced, and c o n s t r u c t i n g a bridge over a small stream making into""the Homathko (or Pryce) River.^® On March 28, 1862, Waddington and Moody (the l a t t e r on behalf of the government) signed an agreement f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a " b r i d l e road" from Bute or the Homathko to the C h i l c o t i n , and provision-was made i n a memoran- • dum of A p r i l 16 f o r i t s conversion to a wagon road. Waddington no doubt Was 'beginning-"to f e e l the pressure of time, f o r by A p r i l 7, 1862, the Press was r e p o r t i n g that h i s r i v a l s , the Bentinck Arm Company, were n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h the Hudson's Bay-Company f o r the Steamer "O t t e r " to carry miners to B e l l a Coola f o r the journey to the Cariboo. An A p r i l 11th advertisement i n the Press proclaimed that the Bentinck Arm Route was the "Nearest and cheapest way to the Cariboo Mines, "215 miles to A n t l e r Creek." No doubt f e e l i n g the pressure of competition, the Bute I n l e t promoters 21 engaged the sloop "Boz" to carry f r e i g h t and passengers,, and on A p r i l 18 t h e i r advertisement appeared, announcing that the "Boz" would s a i l f o r .Bute I n l e t on the t w e n t y - t h i r d , and that i t had room f o r s i x passengers at ten d o l l a r s each. A party of four men awaited t h e i r a r r i v a l at Bute I n l e t to proceed to A l e x a n d r i a , the advertisement s a i d . A l a r g e northern canoe was to take the p a r t y , f r e e , f o r t y - f o u r miles u p - r i v e r , from which p o i n t the - 94 -d i s t a n c e on f o o t was s a i d to be " . . . 1 5 0 m i l e s through an e a s i l y t r a v e l l e d c o u n t r y . " There would be " . . . n o d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g I n d i a n s to pack ' i 22 a t v e r y low r a t e s . " The p a r t y was to be " . . . p i l o t e d through to A l e x a n d r i a . " ; Such an adverst isement f o r ' customers who were to be " p i l o t e d " over a p r a c t i c a l l y t r a c k l e s s and unknown r o u t e i s d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n except as an example of Waddington's boundless opt imism." Presumably the customers were to be " p i l o t e d " through by M r . Tiedeman's e x p l o r i n g p a r t y , and p r e -sumably there were no t a k e r s . The e x p l o r i n g p a r t y l e f t i n a canoe on May 23 15 or 16—over a week e a r l y . , , • Agreement on the Sa le of L o t s ' " a t ' B u t e I n l e t In an exchange of l e t t e r s between: C o l o n e l Moody, and the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y , a p l a n was a r r i v e d a t whereby l o t s at Bute I n l e t Town S i t e would be s o l d , and s e v e n t y - f i v e per cent of the proceeds would go to Waddington and Helmcken, who had p r e v i o u s l y agreed t o g ive , up t h e i r p r e - . / . empt ionrc la ims a t the s i t e . • L o t s f o r p u b l i c purposes would be r e s e r v e d , however; and any lands that might be c la imed by the Indians would a l s o be r e s e r v e d , a s t i p u l a t i o n which had been made by the Governor , a p p a r e n t l y , and communicated to Moody by Young, the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y . Waddington, i n June , wrote to Moody e n c l o s i n g h i s own and Helmcken's acceptance of the 24 • • Vv'-terms. Adverse P u b l i c i t y f o r the B e n t i n c k Arm.Route The same month a detachment o f Royal Engineers under L i e u t e n a n t Palmer l e f t f o r B e n t i n c k Arm to c a r r y out an e x p l o r a t i o n from t h a t p l a c e to A l e x a n d r i a - 95 -to determine the p r a c t i c a l i t y of the Bentinck Arm route. His report was to be unfavourable to i t , but, even before the r e t u r n of h i s e x p e d i t i o n , r e p o r t s from those who had t r i e d the route gave i t d i s t i n c t l y adverse p u b l i c i t y . "Important from the Coast R o u t e — D e s t i t u t e and S u f f e r i n g , " the C o l o n i s t headed an a r t i c l e : On the Governor Douglas yesterday morning s e v e r a l men who had taken the Coast Route to the Fraser R i v e r came down. They gave a woeful account of matters there.. Pearson and party got through to A l e x a n d r i a i n f i f t e e n days from the B i g S l i d e , and, although short of p r o v i s i o n s , s u f f e r e d but l i t t l e . F o r t y men,... i however, who l e f t the B i g S l i d e s e v e r a l days behind Pearson, s u f f e r e d d r e a d f u l l y , and out of the e n t i r e party only nine had reached A l e x a n d r i a twenty days a f t e r s t a r t i n g . J The B r i t i s h Columbian was c a u s t i c . "One of the unfortunate v i c t i m s of the i n t e r e s t e d , s e l f i s h , c r i m i n a l misrepresentations of a gang of V i c t o r i a land speculators came down oh Sunday l a s t , " . i t reported. The Bute Inlet'Waggon Road Company Such adverse p u b l i c i t y f o r a r i v a l route could not have been unwelcome -to A l f r e d Waddington, p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e h i s own party of e x p l o r e r s under Tiedeman had reached A l e x a n d r i a and on J u l y 29 the r e t u r n party under Henry 27 McNeil reached V i c t o r i a . Waddington's optimism must have c a r r i e d him almost beyond the bounds of reason, i f a statement reported i n the Press of August 4 can be accepted as h i s . Mr. Waddington s a i d [ i t reported] that i n one month men would be able to reach A l e x a n d r i a by Bute I n l e t i n a week, and that a l l the Fraser r i v e r pack t r a i n s would go that way. ° The Press, p r e d i c t a b l y , r i d i c u l e d h i s ideas the next day. But i n V i c t o r i a as a whole Waddington's planned route was e v i d e n t l y popular. Three hundred people attended a p u b l i c meeting at the V i c t o r i a - 96 -Theatre on August 26, where Waddington "explained the advantages of the Bute I n l e t r r o u t e , " announced the p r o j e c t e d formation of a new company, and 30 i n v i t e d s u b s c r i b e r s to i t s shares. On September h,the Steamer " O t t e r " l e f t the Hudson's Bay Company Wharf i n V i c t o r i a w i t h seventy workmen who were to. begin the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a 31 ' road without delay. Waddington himself went along, and on November 15 the C o l o n i s t reported that Waddington and h i s party had returned" the previous 32 day i n good h e a l t h and s p i r i t s . Meanwhile, stock i n the Bute I n l e t Waggon 33 Road Company had been a d v e r t i s e d and f u r t h e r s u b s c r i b e r s i n v i t e d . A M o d i f i e d Agreement ' 34 On January 6, 1863, the o f f i c e r s of the Bute I n l e t Company were e l e c t e d . In the same month Waddington wrote to Moody requesting more favourable terms 35 "' f o r the charter under which the road would operate. I n February Moody informed Waddington t h a t the Governor.had consented to an extension from f i v e , to ten years of the p e r i o d of the c h a r t e r under which the road would operate, as w e l l as to an extension to the end of 1864 of the time f o r the completion of the waggon road. I n r e t u r n the Bute I n l e t Company was to 36 reduce the maximum t o l l l e v i e d from f i v e cents to three cents. I n a l e t t e r i n March, Waddington f u r t h e r requested permission to l e v y a t o l l on the t r a i l which would be made before the a c t u a l road was b u i l t , 37 ' as w e l l as on the f e r r y . To t h i s proposal too the Governor s i g n i f i e d h i s approval, but the p r e p a r a t i o n of a modified agreement covering the changes was delayed t i l l towards the end of the year, probably due to the o p p o s i t i o n which was aroused i n "New Westminster. By 1863 Waddington r e a l i z e d that the, task of b u i l d i n g a road would be - 97 -greater a l s o . Nevertheless, the Ch r o n i c l e reported that at an A p r i l 13 meeting the shareholders of the Bute I n l e t Road Company had unanimously 40 decided to give the e n t e r p r i s e t h e i r f i n a n c i a l support. Towards the end of the month Waddington and a party of workmen s a i l e d 41 to Bute I n l e t to again begin work on the t r a i l . By the autumn of 1863 ' 42 a government" agent" was surveyings the towrisite at . the head of Bute I n l e t , and i n November Governor Douglas had approved "Waddington" as the name of 43 the new town. Indian-White R e l a t i o n s h i p s : 1861-1863 L i t t l e mention has so f a r been made of the Indian-White r e l a t i o n s h i p s which developed i n the course of the attempts that were made to open up and use the new c o a s t a l routes from Bentinck Arm and B u t e ~ I h l e t . I t w i l l be w e l l to examine these now. 1861 . -During the spate of e x p l o r a t i o n - I n the B u t e - I n l e t area that took p l a c e i n 1861 e n c o u n t e r s were n a t u r a l l y made between the explorers and the Indians of Bute I n l e t . One of the Bute I n l e t / e x p l o r e r s of 1861 was a Dr. Dechesne, who l e f t V i c t o r i a i n June, accompanied, according to the C o l o n i s t by one white companion and three Indians. Dechesne's party r e p o r t e d l y found the Bute I n l e t Indians t h r e a t e n i n g , and, a f t e r ascending the i n l e t f o r f o r t y m i l e s , 44 decided to tu r n back. ! An e x p l o r i n g party under Madden and Kenny which had s a i l e d from V i c t o r i a i n the Schooner "Antelope" attempted to procure a canoe f o r t r a v e l i n l a n d - 98 -from the head of Bute I n l e t , but apparently they ran i n t o d i f f i c u l t i e s due to the i n t e r n - t r i b a l h o s t i l i t i e s which e x i s t e d , probably between the Homath-kos and the C h i l c o t i n s . The Bute I r i l e t group asserted " . . . t h a t two days journey up the r i v e r a t r i b e of Indians dwelt who would k i l l them." 4 5 I n s p i t e of being o f f e r e d a l a r g e sum of money the coast Indians refused to go w i t h the e x p l o r e r s . I t seems that Major Downie's party a l s o experienced the Homathkos' : f e a r of the C h i l c o t i n s . The.Colonist reported on a Captain Taylor's journey 46 up the "Me-mi-er1 [Southgate] R i v e r . The patty proceeded three or four m i l e up the r i v e r against a r a p i d current and encamped f o r the.night. The Indians at the head of t h i s r i v e r are c a l l e d the Ech-e-nam, and were represented by the Indians (who seemed much alarmed at the prospect of encountering them) as very bad and w a r l i k e . ^ 1862 Waddington apparently succeeded e a r l y i n e s t a b l i s h i n g f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Homathkis. However, h i s work crew i n 1862 had some d i f f i c u l t y w i t h the w a r l i k e Euclataws, a branch of the Kwakiutls. Some of these Indians apparently f i s h e d at the head of Bute I n l e t , though t h e i r w i n t e r head-quarters was elsewhere. 4^ The Euclutaus [reported the C o l o n i s t ] were at f i r s t troublesome, but f i n a l l y allowed the party to work on being promised presents from the V i c t o r i a tyhee (Mr. Waddington). The Indians f i l l e d twenty canoes, and were f i s h i n g f o r oolachans. The same report speaks of C h i l c o t i n s being a t t r a c t e d to the coast by the presence of the whites. - 99 -Six Chilcotin Indians—three from the rapids above the canon and three direct from Alexandria, learning that there were whites at the head of the Inlet, came down to trade furs, but on obtaining information that the Euclutaus were there, they retreated immediately and could not be prevailed on to return. In the same year contact with the whites was beginning to have drastic effects on the Chilcotins in the interior. The poverty of gold in their territory and the riches of the region to the north had protected them from the .main influx of the gold-seekers. But, though the much-talked-of Bentinck Arm Road was not materializing, the route was already being used in 1862 by some who were willing to risk i t . And since i t passed through Chilcotin country, with Alexandria as. i t s terminus on the Fraser, the Chilcotins found employment as .packers on the route." " A letter from Bentinck Arm dated May 30, 1862, appeared in the Colonist in June. The writer com-plained that the Bentinck Arm Tr a i l was not begun but went on to describe how i t was possible to use the route in spite of the lack of a proper t r a i l . . As i t i s [he wrote], goods can be forwarded by canoes to.the head of navigation, forty miles, thence to.the head of slide, by Indians, for about 12 1/2 cts. per pound—from whence Chilcoaten Indians or pack trains from Fort Alexandria can be obtained to pack the balance of the road. 5 0 In 1862 the small-pox spread with lightning-like rapidity among the Indian- people of the west coast. The Chilcotins were not to be spared. Among the whites who attempted to use the Bentinck Arm route were those who had the small-pox amongst them.• Mention has already been made of the party of forty who set out on the route, of whom only nine had reached Alexandria twenty days after .starting. (Among this party, incidentally, was Francis Poole, later author of Queen Charlotte Islands.)"^ While on the t r a i l , several members of the party f e l l . i l l of the small-pox and - 100 -were l e f t w i t h the Indians. "Two Canadians" were l e f t w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s . I n a l l l i k e l i h o o d t h i s , as w e l l as t h e i r contacts w i t h coast I n d i a n s , con-t r i b u t e d to the de v a s t a t i n g spread of small-^pox among the C h i l c o t i n s i n 1862. In 1862, a l s o , Mr. Waddington's men had begun work on the t r a i l . D i f -f i c u l t i e s : were experienced i n employing Indian labour. A l e t t e r from "Observer" i n the Press reported: The Indians at the end of a week having d e c l i n e d working any longer, and on l e a v i n g the Canadians and halfbreeds being a l l r e q u i r e d to navigate the canoes f o r the commissariat department, Mr. Waddington manned h i s w i t h three very good young men but w i t h very l i t t l e experience.... 53 H o s t i l i t i e s between t r i b e s a l s o hindered the t r a i l - m a k i n g p r o j e c t i n 1862. The C o l o n i s t reported that feuds between the "Nicl e t a w s " and "Talsenies n e a r l y put a stop to Waddington's e x p e d i t i o n . The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of s u p p l i e s on the r i v e r was i n f a c t completely h a l t e d . Reportedly the eleven-year-old daughter of a c h i e f of the "Tals e n i e s " had been s t o l e n by one of the " N i c l e -taws" and had to be ransomed. A long n e g o t i a t i o n l e d to peace/being r e s t o r e d . I t seems impossible to i d e n t i f y w i t h c e r t a i n t y the In d i a n groups r e f e r r e d to as "Nicletaws" and "Tals e n i e s , " but the "Nicletaws" may have been the "Euclataws" or "Yucultas" and the "<T,alsenies"'Chilcotins . At any r a t e , peace was apparently made between the C h i l c o t i n s and the.-*...-, coast Indians of Bute I n l e t i n 1862, as Seymour i n d i c a t e d i n a despatch to the C o l o n i a l o f f i c e i n May of 1864. A deadly feud e x i s t e d r e c e n t l y between them [the C h i l c o t i n s ] and the coast Indians Clayoosh and Euclataw ["Klahuse" here apparently r e f e r -r i n g to the Homathko I n d i a n s ] , but two years ago Mr. Waddington suc-ceeded i n making peace between the t r i b e s , who have s i n c e remained on t o l e r a b l e terms though s t i l l s u s p i c i o u s of each other.55 - 101 -Enmity between.the C h i l c o t i n s and the Homathkos had had a long h i s t o r y . According to t h e " D a i l y C h r o n i c l e of May 12, 1864, the C h i l c o t i n s twenty years before had f a l l e n on a Homathko v i l l a g e , k i l l i n g nineteen Homathkos and l e a v i n g only s i x s u r v i v o r s . Making peace between the C h i l c o t i n s and Homathkosr i n 1862 must have seemed an important accomplishment, and one very necessary to the success of the Bute l i i l e t r o u t e , s i n c e the t r a i l was to pass through t h e , t e r r i t o r i e s of both groups. 1863-As a r e s u l t of the peace which had been made between themselves and the coast Indians, the C h i l c o t i n s were able to come f r e e l y to the coast to trade or to work f o r the whites. Just as the C h i l c o t i n s had been i n the h a b i t of f r e q u e n t l y w i n t e r i n g w i t h the B e l l a Coolas, they could now spend the w i n t e r among the Bute I n l e t Indians. An p a r t i c l e of March 31, 1863, i n the C h r o n i c l e reported that Alexander McDonald had come through the C h i l c o t i n r e gion by the Bute I n l e t route and. had a r r i v e d at V i c t o r i a . I t al s o reported that twenty " C h i l c o o t e n " Indians were w i n t e r i n g a t the head of Bute I n l e t . The C h i l c o t i n s had no canoes, but McDonald had obtained a canoe*from other Indians who came up, and so he had set out f o r V i c t o r i a . I n A p r i l , 1863, Waddington went up to Bute I n l e t w i t h the party which was to resume work on the t r a i l . He was annoyed to f i n d q u i t e a l a r g e number of Indians of various t r i b e s awaiting him at the head of the i n l e t r i g h t where he planned to e r e c t the town. We were not a l i t t l e s u r p r i s e d on reaching here [he wrote] to f i n d a long row of wooden huts b u i l t by the Indians along the f r o n t of the r i v e r i n evident e x p e c t a t i o n of our a r r i v a l , s i n c e we had never seen a l i v i n g I ndian here before. They numbered 102 -from 200 to 250, composed of Clahoosh, Comax, Nicletaws and C h i l c o a t e n Indians, a l l awaiting t h e i r prey l i k e v u l t u r e s , and were not a l i t t l e d isappointed When they saw. the mules landed and learned that these were to. c a r r y a l l the p r o v i s i o n s . They have been u s e f u l however i n b r i n g i n g us a good d e a l of game.5 Apparently the w a i t i n g Indians were hoping to o b t a i n something from the whites i n exchange f o r packing. L a t e r some C h i l c o t i n s were h i r e d f o r packing, and seemingly the trade goods they most d e s i r e d were muskets. The C o l o n i s t of J u l y 6 reported, that the Indians had done some packing, but a f t e r earning a musket each had given i t up, and had gone to a l a k e 120 or 130 miles i n 59 the i n t e r i o r . The whites by t h i s time e v i d e n t l y had s u f f i c i e n t confidence i n the Indians to b a r t e r t h e i r firearms i n r e t u r n f o r the I n d i a n s 1 labour or , 6 0 f u r s . A day or so a f t e r .Waddington's a r r i v a l at Bute I n l e t f o r the 1863 season he encountered t r o u b l e from the i l l e g a l l i q u o r trade, "...a small plunger was seen at the head of the I n l e t , " he wrote, "and the next day a.number of our Indians were r a v i n g mad«with d r i n k . " Waddington acted promptly. He sent down a l a r g e canoe w i t h ten armed men._ ...to h a u l up the plunger and c o n f i s c a t e every k i n d of l i q u o r on board. They found her • near the'entrance of t h e . r i v e r , but the . l i q u o r had probably been h i d on shore, f o r nothing was found but an empty 20-gallon keg w i t h about a glass of some i n f e r n a l mixture i n i t . 6 1 Along w i t h Waddington's e x p e d i t i o n to Bute I n l e t i n 1863 there s a i l e d a number of persons who went as pre-emptors and p r o s p e c t i v e s e t t l e r s . The C o l o n i s t ' s e d i t o r i a l comments were glowing. A new f i e l d f o r settlement was opening up at Bute, I n l e t , i t reported. P a r t i e s who went up'with'. Mr. Waddingtpn's e x p e d i t i o n p a r t y , have already commenced to pre-empt, farmsrand b u i l d houses, even below the canon. The town has been l a i d out, and some houses and a wharf b u i l t , a road constructed to-about the mouth of the Canon...The whole road i s now becoming dotted w i t h the farms and houses of s e t t l e r s . - 103 -Allowance, no doubt, must be made f o r the e n t h u s i a s t i c exaggeration of a newspaper which had committed i t s e l f to the promotion of the Bute I n l e t scheme, but i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to imagine the uneasiness w i t h which the Indians may have watched the a c t i v i t i e s of the s e t t l e r s . In the year 1863 a number of murders of whites by Indians were r e -63 ported, i n c l u d i n g the k i l l i n g of three persons at Bentinck Arm. Over the years numerous k i l l i n g s had occurred on the coast. The renewed r e -ports of murders i n 1863 d i s t u r b e d the whites but were not alarming enough to create any general f e a r of the Indians. "The government continued the p r a c t i c e of having gunboats v i s i t l o c a l i t i e s where whites had been k i l l e d i n order to ensure that the suspected murderers be handed over f o r t r i a l . However, the suspect was not always a r r e s t e d very q u i c k l y . For example, an Indian suspected of committing murder at Bentinck Arm i n 1863 was not a r r e s t e d u n t i l the end"of May, 1864. D i f f i c u l t i e s and L i m i t e d Progress i n 1863 The d i f f i c u l t i e s he met i n 1863 were wearing even f o r such a p e r s i s t e n t o p t i m i s t as Mr. Waddington. The C h r o n i c l e of J u l y 7 reported that a b l u f f of rocks i n the canyon would take one hundred men.six months to remove at the cost of $30,000. Mr.. Waddington, i t reported, was anxious and uneasy. The absence of Indian packers was g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g the cost of the work, s i n c e white men had to be p a i d e x t r a wages to do work the Indians might have done. 6 4 A group of fourteen, men were sent from Bute I n l e t to A l e x a n d r i a . Their guide l o s t the way, and t h e i r e x p e d i t i o n was a f a i l u r e . 6 5 - 104 -Waddington decided to take the t r a i l over, a h i l l to avoid the canyon. In a l e t t e r dated J u l y 8, and p r i n t e d i n the C o l o n i s t , he confessed to having experienced d i f f i c u l t i e s but s t i l l managed to sound an o p t i m i s t i c note, as indeed he had to i f h i s company was to continue to r e c e i v e f i n a n -• i - 6 6 c i a l support. At the head of Bute I n l e t signs of the embryonic town were beginning to be seen. The C h r o n i c l e on July' 28' had reported that e i g h t houses and 67 a h o t e l were b u i l t . In September Mr. Brewster, the foreman of Waddington's work p a r t y , who was i n V i c t o r i a h i r i n g new men, p r e d i c t e d that the t r a i l would be 6 8 through before the end of the f a l l . The working year was a long one. The workmen d i d not leave Bute I n l e t t i l l December 28 but the t r a i l was 69 s t i l l not n e a r l y completed. The Threat from the Bentinck Arm P r o j e c t Meanwhile, plans f o r the long-delayed Bentinck Arm route were under way. A l e t t e r from the B r i t i s h Columbia C o l o n i a l Secretary to the Attorney General dated February, 1, 1864, "forwarded a copy of a l e t t e r from a Mr. HoOd, the C o l o n i a l Secretary's r e p l y t o - - i t , the d r a f t of an agreement on a road from Bentinck Arm, and the s p e c i f i c a t i o n and plan of the road. The Attorney General was requested to examine the agreement and to put i t i n f i n a l form i n accordance w i t h the general terms already proposed by the government. 7^ Waddington must have f e l t the pressure of the threatened competition. i Not only would the proposed Bentinck Arm road be a t h r e a t i f i t were com-p l e t e d , but i t must already have been a f i n a n c i a l hazard, t h r e a t e n i n g to draw much-needed investment from the Bute Inl e t - p r o j e c t . I n December, 1863, there had been a d v e r t i s e d the s a l e of 720 Bute I n l e t Waggon Road Company - 105 -shares which had s t i l l not been purchased. The d i f f i c u l t i e s which had been encountered a f t e r Waddington's glowing p r e d i c t i o n s of "early success must have done much to discourage f i n a n c i a l support of the scheme. ' . F r e d e r i c k Whymper's V i s i t On March 16, 1864, a schooner l e f t V i c t o r i a f o r Bute I n l e t w i t h men and s u p p l i e s . On board also was the a r t i s t , F r e d e r i c k Whymper, whom Waddington had o f f e r e d passage to give him an opportunity to view and sketch the magnificent g l a c i e r country i n the region of Bute I n l e t . Whymper gives us an account of the schooner's a r r i v a l at the mouth of the Homathko Ri v e r on March 22, and of h i s f i r s t encounter w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s there. Their appearance r e f l e c t e d a l i m i t e d contact w i t h whites and t h e i r trade goods. Near the r i v e r some C h i l c o t i n Indians paddled out i n t h e i r canoes [he wrote] , and came ..on board to get- a f r e e ride.. They-had r i n g s through t h e i r noses, were much pa i n t e d , and wore the i n e v i t a b l e blanket of the coast. For the r e s t , , t h e r e was nothing very charac-t e r i s t i c i n their.costume; some having a s h i r t without breeches, some breeches without a s h i r t . Two of them were picturesque w i t h w o l f - s k i n robes, h a i r turned inwards, and the outer s i d e adorned w i t h f r i n g e s of t a i l s d e rived from marten or s q u i r r e l . Among them one o l d hag a t t r a c t e d some n o t i c e , from her r e p u l s i v e appearance and the short pipe she seemed to e n j o y . ^ One white man greeted the party of men who a r r i v e d on the schooner.. He had been l e f t i n charge, of mules and other property, and the Indians, according to Whymper, had sometimes threatened h i s l i f e . One i n c i d e n t which had occurred Whymper regarded as amusing. He had missed many small things from h i s l o g house, and could not catch the t h i e f , whoever he might.be, but who he had reason to b e l i e v e must have entered the cabin by the l a r g e open chimney. At l a s t he got a f r i e n d to go i n s i d e w i t h a quarter, of a pound of gunpowder, and l o c k i n g the door, made pretence of l e a v i n g , but crept, back near, the house to - 106 -';v«. watch the r e s u l t . Soon an Indian came s t e a l t h i l y along. .. .He climbed the r o o f , and got n e a r l y down the chimney, when the man i n s i d e threw the, powder on the smouldering ashes, and o f f i t went.•-The-Thdian'went o f f a l s o ! and w i t h a t e r r i f i c y e l l . . . . He afforded" f o r some time afterwards a very wholesome warning to h i s t r i b e , being*unable to s i t or l i e down. Whymper does not inform us to which t r i b e the Indian belonged, nor whether i t was before or a f t e r t h i s i n c i d e n t that the white man's l i f e was threatened. Nor does he seem.to perceive any p o s s i b l e adverse e f f e c t the evert may have had on Indian-white r e l a t i o n s . The Indians apparently were very short of food a t the time the expedi-. t i o n a r r i v e d , and, Whymper r e l a t e s , "... disputed w i t h t h e i r wretched 'cayota' dogs anything that we threw out of the camp, i n the shape of bones, bacon r i n d , or tea l e a v e s , and s i m i l a r l u x u r i e s . " Almost c e r t a i n l y many of these Indians were C h i l c o t i n s . Whymper mentions that many of them were afterwards 73 employed.in packing, and some of them i n b u i l d i n g the road. ' A f t e r a r r i v i n g at the most d i s t a n t c o n s t r u c t i o n camp Whymper secured the s e r v i c e s of an Indian and s t a r t e d out f o r the "Great G l a c i e r . " F i n d i n g that he was unable to communicate pr o p e r l y w i t h t h i s guide, Whymper returned to the camp and secured the s e r v i c e s of " T e l l o t " [ T e l l o o t ] , an o l d C h i l c o t i n 74 " c h i e f " whom Whymper describes as "an Indian of some i n t e l l i g e n c e . " A number of Indians accompanied T e l l o t j and Whymper up the Homathko t i l l Whymper and h i s guide l e f t the main stream. The Indians were headed f o r T a t l a Lake. They begged Whymper f o r a g i f t and he gave them a l i t t l e f l o u r , tobacco, and so on. A f t e r r e t u r n i n g and r e s t i n g at the c o n s t r u c t i o n camp, Whymper headed back towards the coast, sketching on h i s way. He spent two days w i t h Smith, the man i n charge of the f e r r y . On A p r i l 29 - 107 -l a t e i n the evening Whymper reached the s t a t i o n a t the mouth of the r i v e r . E a r l y next morning [he w r o t e ] , w h i l s t I was yet s l e e p i n g soundly i n company w i t h the packers and two of the workmen, who were about to leave the p a r t y , some f r i e n d l y Indians broke i n t o the room without warning, and awoke, us, s a y i n g , i n an e x c i t e d and d i s j o i n t e d manner, that the man i n charge of the f e r r y ( t h i r t y miles higher up the r i v e r ) had been murdered by the Chilicotens f o r r e f u s i n g to give away the p r o v i s i o n s and other property i n h i s c a r e . ^ 5 The immediate r e a c t i o n of Whymper and the other white men w i t h him was one of genuine d i s b e l i e f . They seemed to t h i n k i t impossible that Smith could have been k i l l e d by the Indians when the other workmen were encamped such a short distance away from him. Whymper l e f t by canoe that same day, A p r i l 30, a r r i v i n g i n V i c t o r i a on May 5, bearing news of the ferryman's rumoured murder. Whymper's report caused l i t t l e s t i r i n V i c t o r i a . I s o l a t e d k i l l i n g s had occurred before without causing undue apprehension. Besides, Whymper, w h i l e not d i s m i s s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of Smith's murder, expressed some doubt about the matter. The f a c t that no word had been sent from the road party seemed to him an argument against the t r u t h of the murder r e p o r t . Up to the time of l e a v i n g [he r e p o r t e d ] , no one came from above, and as they would know of. i t f a r e a r l i e r than we could, the party being c h i e f l y camped 7 miles above the f e r r y — a n d would hurry down, knowing that two of the road party were coming away w i t h me, we have great hopes that i t i s f a l s e or exaggerated. On the-other hand, Smith had had some t r o u b l e w i t h them befo r e , and an Indian had drawn a k n i f e on 7 f\ him, which he got from him. D e f i n i t e News of the Homathko Massacres Not t i l l May 11 d i d the steamer "Emily H a r r i s " reach V i c t o r i a w i t h the s t a r t l i n g - n e w s that not one but fourteen of Waddington's men had perished. "HORRIBLE MASSACRE," the D a i l y C h r o n i c l e e x t r a headlined the news. - 108 -The steamer Emily Harris arrived from Nanaimo this morning. She brings, three men as passengers who are the sole survivors of Waddington's party of seventeen workmen, the remaining fourteen having been massacred by Ghilcooten Indians who had been hired to pack for them. The extent of the massacre and i t s nature were such as to f i r e the excitement of the public in both'colonies and to occupy much of the attention of the mainland government for many months to come. Reproduced from British Columbia, Department'of Lands, Forest, and Water Resources, "Mount Waddington, British Columbia" (Sheet 92N, First Status Edition) and British Columbia, Department of Lands and Forests, "Bute Inlet, British Columbia" (Sheet 92K, Second Status Edition). Scale 1: 250,000 or approximately 4 miles to 1 inch. T r a i l shown approximately as A. Waddington's "Map A referred to in my letter of January 31st 1863 to the Chief Commissioner of Lands & Works." Equivalents in the Naming of Watercourses Old Name (As on Waddington's "Map A") Modern Name West Branch of Homathco River Mosley Creek East Branch of Homathco River Homathco River [continued up-stream] Downie's Creek Klattasine Creek West Creek Scar Creek [Waddington does not name but shows "Bella Coola T r a i l " there.] Coola Creek - 1P9 -Map 3 Waddington's Bute Inlet T r a i l - 110-Footnotes for Chapter IV See letter, William Downie to James Douglas, Mar. 19, 1859, in Downie, "Explorations in Jervis Inlet and Desolation Sound," Journal and Proceedings  of the Royal Geographical Society,XXXI (1861), p. 249; also "Major Downie and the Coast Route" (letter, William Downie to the editor, Apr. 13, [1861], Daily  Evening Press (Victoria), Apr. 16, 1861, p. 2, published in British Columbian (New Westminster), Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1; also Margaret A. Ormsby, British  Columbia: a History (Vancouver: Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1958), p. 205. According to Downie's letter to the editor of the Press, he carried on explorations in 1858 also, at least in the country between Lillooet Lake and Howe Sound. 2 See "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," F i l e 2, Special Collections, University of -British Columbia, and R. L. Reid, "Alfred Waddington, who Left a Splendid British Home to Pioneer in B. C. 70 Years Ago," Vancouver  Sunday Province, Mar. 13, 1927, p. 2. 3 Alfred P. Waddington, The Fraser Mines Vindicated, or The History of  Four Months (Victoria: Printed by P. de Garre, 1858). 4"The Coast Route Exploration," Daily British Colonist (Victoria) June 21, 1861, p. 2, For this reference and numerous others in this chapter I am indebted to the R. L. Reid Papers, "Alfred Waddington" files,, now refiled under the t i t l e "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872." 5"The Northern Route," British Columbian, Apr. 18, 1861, p. 2. In i t s next issue i t reprinted from the Press of Victoria a letter written by Downie expressing his scepticism regarding the existence of a practical new coast route. ("Major Downie and the Coast Route," Press, Apr. 16, 1861, p. 2, pub-lished in British Columbian, Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1) In the same issue an "advertisement" appeared which pointedly expressed in s a t i r i c a l form the New Westminster attitude towards a l l northern routes: "WADDINGTON! Great Sale of Town Lots!! ROUSING OPPORTUNITY!I! On the 1st of April, 1862, w i l l be offered, on the ground, 5,000 Town Lots, being the entire site of WADDINGTON, at the head of DEAN'S CANAL, on the NOrth Coast of British Columbia 1 A few citizens of Victoria, having been moved by a philanthro-pic desire to build up a Town at that point, are prepared to offer Extraordinary Inducements! And, in order that said point may be the seaport of British Columbia, steps will.be taken to f i l l up the present "dangerous" entrance to Fraser River and Burrard Inlet. - I l l -For P l a n s , and f u r t h e r p a r t i c u l a r s , apply at the Waddington o f f i c e , No. 10 Siwash A l l e y , V i c t o r i a . P. S. Should p a r t i e s making purchases at the above.sale d e s i r e to have h a l f the purchases money:1 refunded, the t h i n g can be done, as the p h i l a n t h r o p i c c i t i z e n s a f o r e s a i d have a way of managing such matters w i t h the government. As the n a v i g a t i o n i s very bad at present bal l o o n s w i l l be provided to convey int e n d i n g purchasers to the p l a c e of s a l e , f r e e of charge." ("Waddington!" B r i t i s h Columbian, Apr..25, 1861, p. 3) Bute I n l e t Route," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May 6, 1861, p. 2: "Exertions are being made by some of our p u b l i c - s p i r i t e d c i t i z e n s to s t a r t an e x p l o r i n g party on the Bute I n l e t route to A l e x a n d r i a . The e x p e d i t i o n w i l l s t a r t i n a few weeks or as soon as the snow on the mountains may not interpose any d i f f i c u l t y to the e x p l o r e r s . . .should a p r a c t i c a b l e route be discovered i t w i l l have a d i r e c t tendency to b e n e f i t V i c t o r i a . " 7"Coast Route Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 5, 1861, p. 3. Q "Coast Route Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 11, 1861, p. 3. q See Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y (Vancouver, Mac-m i l l a n Company of Canada, 1958), p. 188 and p. 251. 1 0 S e e Harry Gregson, A H i s t o r y , o f V i c t o r i a , 1842-1970 ( V i c t o r i a : V i c t o r i a Observor P u b l i s h i n g Co. L t d . , 1970), p. 10, pp. 15-16, and Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 114. 1 1"The Bute Route," D a i l y Evening P r e s s , June 16, 1861, p. 2. 12 ' • " A r r i v a l of Major Downie," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 14, 1861, p. 13 "Major Downie's Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 20, 1861, p. " ^ L e t t e r , A. Waddington to James Douglas, V i c t o r i a , Sept. 9, 1861 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 6). 1 5 " R e t u r n of the 'Hen r i e t t a ' from Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Oct. 1, 1861; p. 3. 16 ' ~ "Return of the Bute I n l e t E x p l o r i n g P a r t y , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Oct. 25, 1861, p. 3. 1 7"The Bute I n l e t Surveying P a r t y , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Dec. 21, 1861, p. 3. - 112 -18 L e t t e r , C o l o n i a l Secretary of B r i t i s h Columbia to A. Waddington, Feb. 27, 1862, en c l o s i n g a d r a f t agreement, r e f e r r e d to i n l e t t e r , Waddington to C o l o n i a l . S e c r e t a r y of B. C., Mar. 14, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7). 19 L e t t e r , R. C. Moody to the C o l o n i a l Secretary f o r B. C., Mar. 19, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7). "For Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Mar. 21, 1862, p. 3. •'• 21 "L o c a l I n t e l l i g e n c e : For Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y Evening Pr e s s , A p r i l 18, 1862, p. 3. 22 -"New Advertisements: For Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y Evening Pr e s s , Apr. 18, 1862, p. 2. 23 "L o c a l I n t e l l i g e n c e : For Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y Evening Press, May 16, 1862, p. 3, and "The Bute I n l e t Route," l e t t e r , A. Waddington to E d i t o r , D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 1, 1862, p. 3. 24 L e t t e r , A. Waddington to R. C. Moody, Chief Commissioner of.Lands and Works, June 23, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy, "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 7). 25 "Important from the Coast R o u t e — D e s t i t u t e and S t a r v i n g , " D a i l y  B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 22, 1862, p. 3. "A T r i p to Cariboo V i a Bentinck," B r i t i s h Columbian, J u l y 23, 1862, p. 2. 27 "Return of the Bute I n l e t E x p l o r e r s , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 30, 1862, p. 3. 28 "Immigration and Employment," D a i l y Evening Pr e s s , Aug. 4, 1862, p. 3. 29 "Our Immigration Meetings," D a i l y Evening P r e s s , Aug. 5, 1862, p. 2. rtf) - -"The Bute I n l e t Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Aug. 27, 1862, p. 3. 31 L e t t e r , A. R. Green to R. C. Moody, Sept. 10, 1862 ( t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," f i l e 7 ) , and "Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , " D a i l y Evening P r e s s , Sept.,. 4, 1862, p. 3. 32 • • • " "Return of the Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Nov. 15, 1862, p. 3. - 113 -33 "Bute Inlet Wagon Road Company-(Limited) • [advertisement] ,11 Daily  Evening Press, Aug. 22, 1862, p. 2. 34 v "Bute Inlet Company," Daily British Colonist, Jan. 7,. 1863, p. 3. 35 Letter, A. Waddington to R. C. Moody, Jan. 19, 1863 (typescript copy in "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," Pile 8). Letter, R. C. Moody to A. Waddington, Feb. 28, 1863, referred to in Waddington to Colonial Secretary of British Columbia, No. 28, 1863 (typescript copy of part of this letter in Reid Papers, "Alfred Waddington, 1863"). 37 Letter, Waddington to Colonial Secretary of B. C , Mar. 16, 1863 (typescript copy in "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," F i l e 8). 38 Letter, W. A. G. Young [to R. C. Moody], Apr. 1, 1863 (typescript copy in "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," F i l e 8). 39 Letter, W. A. G. Young to Attorney General, Dec. 3, 1863, in British Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863— September, 1864," Archives of British Columbia, p. 26. 40 "Bute Inlet," Victoria Daily Chronicle (Victoria), Apr. 14, 1863, p. 3. 4 1"For Bute Inlet," Victoria Daily Chronicle, Apr. 24, 1863, p. 3. 42 "From Bute Inlet," Victoria Daily Chronicle; Oct. 9, 1863, p. 3. 43 Letter, W. A. G. Young to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Nov. 5, 1863 (typescript copy in "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," F i l e 8). 44 "From Bute Inlet," Daily British Colonist, July 6, 1861, p. 3. 4 5"From Bute Inlet,".Daily British Colonist, July 13, 1861, p. 3. 4 6 F o r the identification of the "Me-mi-er" with the Southgate River see Homer G. Barnett, The Coast Salish of British Columbia (Eugene, Oregon: University of Oregon, 1955), p. ,26. The native form of the word given by Barnett is "mimaiya". The phonetic system used is ". . . the simplified one suggested by the American Anthropological Association." (Barnett, p. 4). 47 "More about Bute Inlet," Daily British Colonist, July 17, 1861, p. 3. 48 See letter, Downie to the Editor of the Press, published in British  Columbian, Apr. 25, 1861, p. 1. - 114 -49 "Bute Inlet," Daily British Colonist, May 7, 1862,' p. 3. 5 0 | IBentinck Arm," letter, May 30, 1862, in Daily British Colonist, June 12, 1862, p. 3. '" "^Francis Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands: A Narrative of Discovery and  Adventure in the North Pacific, ed. by John W. .Lyndon (London: Hurst and Blackett, [1871]). \ 52 r "Important from the Coast Route—Destitution and Suffering," Daily British Colonist, July 22, 1862, p. 3. 5 3"Bute Inlet" (letter, "Observer to editor,''.n.d.) , Dally Evening Press, Oct. 3, 1862, p. 3. . "^"Return of the Bute Inlet Expedition," Daily British Colonist, Nov. 15, 1862, p. 3. . "'"'British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. The term "Clayoosh" (modern "Klahuse") seems to have been applied to the Homathko Indians, near "relatives" of the Klahuse proper. The Euclataws (or Yucultas) seem to have moved into the area of upper Bute Inlet previously occupied only by the Homathkos. 56 "The Indian Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 2. See also Robert B. Lane, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1953), p. 89. (Ann Arbor,.University Microfilms, 1953). 57 • v- •- ' ' "Bute Inlet Route a Success,". Victoria Daily Chronicle, Mar. 31, 1863, p. 58 ' " "Mr. Waddington at Bute Inlet," letter, Alfred Waddington to the Secretary of the [Bute Inlet] Company, May 23, 1863, published in Daily British  Colonist, June 2, 1863, p. 3. 59 "Latest from Bute Inlet," Daily British Colonist, July 6, 1863, p. 3. ^See "Despatches from Seymour and Birch," IV, 15, Seymour to Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. fil "Mr." Waddington at Bute Inlet," letter, Waddington to Secretary of the Company, May 23, 1863 ,;,,published in Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1863, p. 3. "Field for Settlement," Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1863, p. 2. - 115 -/TO " L a t e s t from the North Coast," D a l l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May 19, 1863, p. 3. "Later from Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y 7, 1863, p. 3. At about the beginning of September, 1863, a group of C h i l c o t i n s came down from the i n t e r i o r to f i s h f o r salmon.' ("Bute I n l e t T r a i l , " D a i l y  B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Sept. 15,1863, p. 3). How long they stayed i s d i f f i c u l t to say. 6S ' "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y .24, 1863, p. 3. 6 6 " B u t e I n l e t , " l e t t e r , A. Waddington to A. R. Green, J u l y 8, ;1863, published i n D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 25, 1863, p. 3. • 67 ' "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , J u l y 28, 1863, p. 2. 6 8 " B u t e I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Sept. 14, 1863, p. 3. 69 "From Bute I n l e t , " D a i l y B r i t i s h " C o l o n i s t , Jan. 4, .1864, p. 3. 7 0 L e t t e r , W. A. G. Young to t h e A t t o r n e y General, Feb*. ;1, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, F 332 28. 7 1 " B u t e I n l e t Wagon Road Company," t y p e s c r i p t of advertisement, Dec. 11, 1863, i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 8'., 72 ' ' Fr e d e r i c k Whymper, T r a v e l and Adventure i n the T e r r i t o r y of Al a s k a Formerly Russian America—Now Ceded to the United S t a t e s — a n d i n Various Other Parts of the North P a c i f i c (London: John Murray, 1868), p. 19. 7 3 I b i d . , p. 20. 7 4 I b i d . , o p . ; 2 2 . 7 5 I b i d . , p. 29. 7 6 "From Bute I n l e t , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 6, 1864, p. 3. 7 7 " H o r r i b l e Massacre," V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 12, 1864, p. 3 (from the e x t r a of May 11, 1864). - 116 -CHAPTER V THE MASSACRES AND THEIR CAUSES The slaughter which f e l l with such apparent suddeness on Waddington's road party was in fact not without i t s prelude of increasing tension and misunderstanding between Chilcotins and whites. Some of the possible causes of this tension and misunderstanding have been examined or suggested in previous chapters. In this chapter we w i l l f i r s t examine some possibly significant incidents which directly affected the Chilcotins involved in the massacres. Then we w i l l go on to examine the massacres themselves. The nature of the massacres may in i t s e l f give us some clues as to the thoughts and feelings of the Chilcotins who were involved. Finally, we w i l l examine the relationship between the various factors, direct and indirect, which helped to bring about the Uprising. Some Incidents Preceeding the Uprising The smallpox epidemic which reached the Chilcotins in 1862 may well have f i r s t reached them through their contact with the sick white men from Francis Poole's party who were l e f t among them."*" It probably was also spread by the Chilcotins' association with the Bella Coolas on the coast. Something of the fear and panic produced by the spread of the disease among the Indians may be sensed in Lieutenant Palmer's account of his journey to Fort Alexandria by way of Bentinck Arm in July and August of 1863. Referring to the Bella Coola Indians he writes: - 117 -Smallpox has this year contributed a sad quota of death. During my stay there this disease, which had only just broken out when I arrived, spread so rapidly that, in a week, nearly a l l the healthy had scattered from the lodges and gone to encamp by families in the woods, only,, i t is to be feared, to carry away the seeds of infection and death in the blankets and other articles they took with them. Numbers were dying each day; sick men and women were taken out into the woods and l e f t with a blanket and two or three salmon to die by themselves and rot unburied; sick children were tied to trees, and naked, gray-haired medicine-men, hideously painted, howled and gesti-culated night and day in front of the lodges in mad efforts to stay the progress of the disease.^ Detailed accounts of the spread of the disease among the Chilcotins appear to be lacking, but i t s effect was devastating. As has been mentioned in Chapter Two, Morice estimated that two-thirds of the Chilcotins were 3 wiped out. Begbie, who had an opportunity to make a contemporary judgement, 4 thought.that one half was a "moderate computation" of the number who died. The effect of the smallpox epidemic on the Chilcotins' relations with the whites might have been negligible had i t not been.for the native beliefs regarding sickness, the attempt of a certain white man to capitalize on those beliefs, and his ignorance regarding the possible f u l l consequences of the Chilcotins' dread of the terrible sickness. The Chilcotins, as has been mentioned in Chapter Two, believed that through spi r i t s i t was possible to bring harm on others. This harm might come through disease. Not long before the smallpox reached them in 1862 a white man in the interior was said to have threatened to bring the smallpox on the Chilcotins.^ Whether he ac-tually threatened them with the disease or merely predicted i t s arrival, . the effect of his statement may have been the same.- The Chilcotins could well have taken the prediction to have been a threat once the disease spread among them^ seemingly by the white shaman's supernatural powers. - 118 -/ • At any rate, his statement and the epidemic that followed had i t s effect i on the Chilcotins' minds when a real threat was made against them later, in the spring of 1864. Another incident which had occurred seemed well calculated to arouse the distrust and h o s t i l i t y of the Indians. It is not clear whether i t was the Bella Coolas or the Chilcotins who were immediately affected by i t , but, even i f i t was the Bella Coolas, the Chilcotins are li k e l y to have heard of i t and to have been influenced by i t . Certain white men took the blankets of those who had died of smallpox and sold them to other Indians, spreading the disease yet more.6 The Indians, as can be seen in the quotation from Palmer, realized something of the contagious nature of the disease 7 and could certainly have associated the spread of the epidemic with the sale of the blankets which came from the bodies of the dead. (The belief in the spread of the disease by contagion would not cancel out the Chilcotin's belief in i t s introduction by supernatural means.) Most i f not a l l the Chilcotins who took part in the massacres on the 8 Homathko had apparently spent the winter near the coast, though they may - 9 not have been seen at the head of the inlet t i l l the early spring. During the time that no work was being done on the road, from the beginning of January t i l l late March, only one or two or perhaps several settlers were le f t among the Indians. The petty thefts from Clark's house and the resulting incident in which Clark attempted to teach the thieving Indian a lesson have been already mentioned. . It., is most lik e l y that Clark's action l e f t the Indian—who was probably a Chilcotin—with a feeling of bitterness at having been shamed before the other^members of his tribe. - 119 -Clark may or may not have shared some of his food with the Indians, but according to Frederick Whymper the Indians at the head of Bute Inlet were very short of food at the time the spring work party arrived. And apparently, while they remained at the townsite, the Indians had to be content with what scraps the whites of the work party threw out."*"^  Quite probably the unwillingness of the whites to share their apparent abundance with them would embitter the Chilcotins considerably. Customs of hospitality among Indian groups adjacent to the Chilcotins and no doubt among the Chilcotins themselves would cetainly put the stingy practice of the whites in an unfavourable light. Lundin Brown writes of meeting an unidentified group of Indians on his way to Fort Alexander and of partaking of their native food. They were uncommonly gruff and disagreeable [he writes], but s t i l l had enough.of humanity to produce what food they possessed, con-sisting of some father dity dried service-berries.H The theft of supplies from the whites produced some inevitable tensions 12 between whites and Indians. In a l l probability the Chilcotins participated in these thefts, though they may have been blamed for some they had nothing to do with. During the time that.no -road-party was working, early in 1864, a Chilcotin had been l e f t in charge of some Bute Inlet Company stores. However, he l e f t the v i c i n i t y , and while he was gone some Indians (Chilcotins or others) broke into the log store-house and took the flour." When Wadding-ton's party came up in the spring of 1864 enquiries were made regarding the loss of the flour. When the Chilcotins were questioned they gave no information, but, according to one account, at last said, "You are i n our - 120 -13 country; you owe us bread." The white man questioning them through an interpreter took down the Chilcotins' names, then told them that they would 14 a l l die. The man who made the threat, who is unidentified in the documents and printed accounts of the period, returned on the steamer, but the effect of his attempt to take advantage of Indian beliefs was disastrous. The Chilcotins had not only heard his threat, reminiscent of the threat.or pre-diction that preceeded the smallpox outbreak of 1862, but also they had actually seen the white man perform what to them seemed powerful magic. Their names had been written down. Doubtless they did believe, as Lundin Brown indicates, that the white man had acquired a power of l i f e and death over them with sinister possibilities for the future. Whatever their thoughts at the time the threat was made against them, the Chilcotins (or at least a number of them)©continued working for the road-makers. One of them at least, namely Telloot, had been in the group 16 of Chilcotins who had worked the previous year. Chilcotins had been acquainted with the use of firearms since before 1822, as we have seen."*"7 But apparently the Chilcotins who came down the Homathko to work on the road had been short of them. In 1863 they had 18 "...seemed very anxious to trade for muskets and ammunition," and the road party had been willing enough to trade them. To the Chilcotins, no doubt, firearms meant not only an increased abi l i t y to hunt for food, which they sometimes had found d i f f i c u l t to obtain, but also the arms represented increased power in relation to surrounding tribes. By the time the' Bute Inlet massacres began the Chilcotins were equipped with a number of muskets, * as well as with axes and knives. i - 121 -The whites at this time must have presented, a picture of weakness to the Chilcotins. Among the seventeen men who.were attacked on the Homathko 19 there was only one gun, according to Governor Seymour. Besides, the Chilcotins may have heard of the murder of whites which had taken place at 20 Bentinck Arm in 1863, and may have known that the perpetrators of the murders had s t i l l not been arrested. The Chilcotins who participated in the uprising came from an extremely isolated area, and could have had no concept of the number of whites in the colony or their strength compared to their own. At the same time, the stores of food and other supplies which the whites possessed must have seemed immensely attractive to the poverty-stricken and sometimes hungry interior Indians. Disagreement over the terms under which they worked contributed to the store of i l l - w i l l towards the whites which the Chilcotins were building up. Brewster, the foreman, f e l t that the Indians should have to earn any food they were given. But the Chilcotins f e l t that once they were working for the whites they should be fed free of charge, and they refused to accept food in payment for their work. Brewster in his report to the Colonial Secretary wrote later concerning the Chilcotins: They never took provisions in payment they thought they had a right to be fed but they were not". They, begged food or stole i t and i f these means failed them they hunted or fished. Grudges against individual workmen and .fresh ir r i t a t i o n s that occurred ffomttime to time must have served to increase Chilcotin h o s t i l i t y to the whites. It was reported that the Indians had threatened Tim Smith the ferry-keeper previously (before the day on which he was k i l l e d ) . This may have been due to his exposed position as a lone keeper of valuable stores - 122 -rather than to any fault of his own in dealing with the Indians. On the other hand, Clarke, the settler who had "taught the Indian a lesson," was 22 one of the road work-men, and i t seems lik e l y that i l l - w i l l towards him may have played i t s part in increasing Chilcotin h o s t i l i t y towards the whites. Reports in 1864 and later suggested that jealousy of white men's "interference" with Chilcotin women may have been a cause of the outbreak. Probably the f i r s t of these reports, and the one that originated the others, is found in Brew's May 23rd letter from Waddington to the Colonial Secre-tary of British Columbia. The women particularly the younger ones [he wrote] were better fed than the men as the price of prostitution to the hungry wretches was enough,to eat. Brew does not give the source of his information, though i t could have been the Bute Inlet Indians. Prostitution of Indian women was common enough in British Columbia and Vancouver Island at the time. However, in Begbie's or Lundin Brown's accounts of their dealings with the Chilcotins there is no hint that i t was one of the grievances which contributed to the outbreak. There remains the possibility that i t was, but nothing more can be said with certainty. A further possible cause of enmity towards the whites was the fact that the road was about to enter or had entered Chilcotin territory. Whether or. not i t had reached what was regarded as Chilcotin territory at this time, the Chilcotins knew i t s direction and purpose. And in 1863 there had been numerous signs at the townsite and further up the river that the coming of the white man's road meant the coming of the white settler. - 123 -The Massacres Themselves In spite of the occurrence of various Incidents, which by hindsight we can see could have contributed to feelings of h o s t i l i t y on the part of the Chilcotins, their apparent relationships with the road workmen were in the main outwardly peaceful. Two the Chilcotins who were sick had been 24 cared for in the camp, according to Waddington. It is l i k e l y that the s p i r i t of jo v i a l comradeship with the workmen which seemed to be evident the evening before the massacre at the main road-campt had been demon-strated on more than one occassion before. Waddington's men on the Homathko, though no doubt aware of differences which had arisen with the Chilcotins from time to time, were seemingly quite unaware of any build-up of resent-ment on the part of their Indian co-workers and certainly quite unsuspect-ing of any thoughts of violence the Chilcotins might harbour. About thirty miles from the head of Bute Inlet was the ferry, where; a lone ferry-keeper, Tim Smith, minded both the ferry and the abundant supply of provisions stored in the log house. Some seven to ten miles on, on the opposite side of the river to the ferry-house, was the main road-camp where actual construction of the t r a i l was taking place. About two miles further s t i l l was the advance camp of the men who were blazing the t r a i l and pre-25 paring the way. About April 26 a group of Chilcotins camped twenty or thirty feet from the main road-camp. The group may have included a l l the Chilcotins who had come down to work on the road. At any rate i t included Klatsassin, Telloot, and Chedekki, who were later tried at Quesnel for their part in the uprising. Both Klatsassin and Telloot were chiefs—that i s , important - 124 -l e a d e r s — a n d K l a t s a s s i n was to take a dominant r o l e • i n the events which were to f o l l o w . On the n i g h t when they encamped near the w h i t e s , however, the C h i l c o t i n s gave no s i g n of h o s t i l i t y to the road-party. They d i d have some muskets among them, but t h i s d i d not alarm t h e w h i t e s . A f t e r a l l , they and the work-party of the previous year had f r e e l y traded o f f t h e i r weapons to the C h i l c o t i n s . The C h i l c o t i n s were f r e e l y employed i n packing f o r the whites. -Telloot and Chedekki, i t was l a t e r t e s t i f i e d , packed up 26 t i l l the n i g h t before the a t t a c k on the main road-party. The main i n s t i g a t o r of the Bute I n l e t slaughters and the one who stood out as the leader of the U p r i s i n g was K l a t s a s s i n . His commanding q u a l i t i e s seem to have impressed those whites who l a t e r conversed w i t h him. His was a s t r i k i n g face [wrote Lundin Brown]; the great.under-jaw betokened strong power of w i l l ; the eyes, which were not b l a c k , l i k e most. I n d i a n s 1 , but of a. very dark b l u e , and f u l l of ^ a strange, i t might be a dangerous l i g h t , were keen and searching. Allowance must be made -for"Brown's tendency to romanticize h i s des-c r i p t i o n s , and probably l i t t l e r e l i a n c e should be placed on the d e s c r i p -28 t i v e d e t a i l s of K l a t s a s s i n ' s appearance, but the s t r i k i n g impression he made was f e l t even by the more tough-minded Begbie, who wrote, " K l a t s a s s i n 29 i s the f i n e s t savage I have met w i t h y e t , I t h i n k . " On the morning of A p r i l 29 K l a t s a s s i n , a r r i v e d at the f e r r y - s i t e . He was, i t seems, accompanied by h i s two sons, three other ..Indian men, and 30 some Indian women. The d e t a i l s of what followed are not c l e a r . K l a t s a s s i n -may have f i r s t demanded food or other goods from Tim Smith, o r the f e r r y -keeper's end may have come almost without warning. He was apparently s i t t i n g or standing near the f i r e when K l a t s a s s i n shot him. (A great pool of blood - 125 -was later found near the f i r e and a bullet was found lodged in a tree 31 close by.) Smith's body was dragged to the river and thrown in. It was never found. Following the k i l l i n g the Chilcotins proceeded to loot the stores which were kept at the ferry site. According to one account these amounted to 32 about two tons of provisions. The Chilcotins carried off some of the goods, hid others, and destroyed what they could "neither, use nor carry away. Among the plunder the Indians got possession of two kegs of gunpowder and ' 33 - ' thirty pounds of balls —ammunition which they would find most valuable in a conflict with the whites in which the Chilcotins would be unable to replenish their supplies. The Chilcotins took one other step which indicated foresight. They cast'the scow adrift and cut the ferry skiff to pieces with 34 axes, cutting off the up-river whites from the route to the coast. The cable over the river, however, was l e f t where i t was. It so happened that a Clahuse or Homathco• Indian named Squinteye and the CKIlcotin chief Telloot had been sent down-river on the morning of April 29. About a mile above the ferry, according to Squinteye's later .,•. . 35 account, they met Klatsassin and the party of ChilcO.tins already mentioned. Klatsassin told Squinteye that he had k i l l e d the ferry-keeper. After some argument Telloot joined Klatsassin, and Squinteye hurried'down-river bearing "the news of Smith's death. At the station at the mouth:6f the river the artist Frederick Whimper and his companions were awakened to hear the news, and Whymper, as has been narrated, brought the still-doubted news to Victoria. The Chilcotins whom Squinteye had met, with the addition of Telloot, proceeded up the river to the main camp, where they joined the other Chilcotins. - 126 -No indication of what had occurred was perceived by the whites at the main camp. The Chilcotins, i t was said, "..stalked and joked with the workmen 3 6 after supper and sang Indian songs during a part of the night." The workmen lay down as usual without a watch being kep and without apprehen-sion of danger from the nearby Chilcotins. At about dawn the twelve workmen were sleeping in their six tents, with the possible exception of the cook, Charles Butler, who was probably attending to the morning f i r e . - The Chilcotins, as was a common practice in their warfare, chose this time to attack. Butler was apparently shot in the back. At the same time or immediately after, the Chilcotins attacked the other workmen who lay in their tents. The attackers stabbed, clubbed, and shot the men, pulling the tents down over them to prevent escape. The strategy was almost completely successful. Most of the imen never had a chance. Probably some never awakened. Three, however, managed to escape. Philip Buckley was lying asleep when a Chilcotin entered the tent and struck him a blow on the head. The partially stunned and confused workman jumped up and made for the door of the tent, only to be_met by two Indians who stabbed him with their knives. Buckley f e l l down and was apparently l e f t for dead by the Indians. He crawled into the under-brush and fainted away.^7 Edward Mosely was sleeping along with Joseph Fielding and James Campbell when two Chilcotins l i f t e d up the end of the tent, whooped, and fired immediately, shooting Mosely's. two companions. The Indians then pulled the tent down and hacked and cut at Fielding and Campbell. - 127 -Mosely was protected by the tent p o l e , which had f a l l e n on top of him. He l a y q u i e t l y t i l l the Indians rushed o f f to a t t a c k another t e n t ; then he crawled out and plunged i n t o the r i v e r , which was only a couple of steps o f f from the t e n t . He ran through the water f o r some d i s t a n c e , stooping beneath the bank to escape n o t i c e . He looked back j u s t long enought to see a number of C h i l c o t i n women and c h i l d r e n gathered around Charles B u t l e r ' s t e n t , where the p r o v i s i o n s were kept. Mosely continued 38 h i s f l i g h t down-river. Peter Petersen awoke to hear two shots f i r e d . He jumped up, rushed from theHtent, and saw two Indians f i r i n g i n t o the tent next to h i s . One of the C h i l c o t i n s saw Petersen, rushed up to him, and aimed a blow at h i s head w i t h the butt-end of a musket. Petersen warded i t o f f and jumped away, but another C h i l c o t i n came up to him and s t r u c k at him w i t h an axe. Petersen jumped aside i n time and took s h e l t e r behind a tre e by the r i v e r -bank, as the Indian who f i r s t s t r u c k came up w i t h h i s musket to shoot. The C h i l c o t i n waited f o r h i s chance, then shot and wounded Petersen i n the l e f t arm. Petersen jumped i n t o t h e r i v e r , h i s arm b l e e d i n g badly. The I n d i a n , seeing the flow of b l o o d , may have thought Petersen had been k i l l e d , f o r he d i d not t r y to f o l l o w . Petersen was c a r r i e d down-stream f o r some distance before he managed to crawl out. Then a f t e r he had pro-ceeded f o r about one hundred yeards Mosely overtook him. Mosely was un-wOunded, w h i l e Petersen was weakened from l o s s of blood, so Mosely l e f t 39 him and went on f o r help to the f e r r y - s i t e where he imagined Smith was. Meanwhile, at the-advance camp about two miles u p - r i v e r , the four workmen—William Brewster (foreman), James Gaudet (or Gaudie), John C l a r k e , i - 128 -and Baptiste Demarest—had risen and breakfasted. Besides the men there was the cook, a Homathko Indian boy in his teens who was known as George. After breakfast the-omen went out to work with their axes while George did the dishes. Brewster was ahead of the others, blazing the t r a i l . As George was working about six or seven Indians came to the camp-site. One of them George later described as a slave of the Chilcotins; the others 40 were Chilcotins. The slave and one other had no gun; the others had. The Chilcotins went out on the t r a i l and shot a l l the men with the possible exception of Baptiste Demarest, whose footsteps indicated he may have jumped into the river. "In the place where he leaped," wrote Chartres 41 Brew after visiting.^the spot, "no man could escape drowning." It was Brew's party which discovered the bodies of the other three men. Gaudet (or Gaudie) had been shot. Clark had been shot and his head beaten in. Brewster too had been shot.and his head smashed, but also his corpse had been deliberately mutilated. The slave of the Chilcotins, who knew the Indian boy, told him to run away. About half-way down the t r a i l to the main road-camp George met a large group of Chilcotins hurrying'along. The women among them were carrying heavy loads on their backs. With them were about ten men, among whom, George later t e s t i f i e d , were Telloot and Klatsassin (as well as P i e l l or Pierre, Klatsassin's son, and Chedekki). George hurried on down the t r a i l , passing the main road-camp, where he saw the bodies of some of the white men. Arriving at the ferry-site he saw two white men: Mosely, and Petersen, who by this time had joined him. George heard them calling and apparently thought they'were calling him, but did not go to - 129 -them. In h i s haste to get home he swam the r i v e r and a r r i v e d at the lower 42 s t a t i o n a f t e r n i g h t f a l l w i t h news of the massacre. Meanwhile Buckley, who had been l y i n g amid the underbrush, had r e -covered from h i s f a i n t . He could now hear a noise i n the camp, and though he could see nothing from where he was, guessed that the C h i l c o t i n s were packing away the plunder. He managed to crawl to some water, where he drank t h i r s t i l y . Thinking that he would never have the st r e n g t h to reach the f e r r y on h i s own, he resolve d on t r y i n g to reach Brewster's camp only two miles or so ahead. He managed to crawl along to the advance camp-site, but here he saw f i r e s burning and heard dogs ba r k i n g . Knowing that there had been no dogs i n Brewster's camp, he concluded that the advance party had s u f f e r e d a f a t e s i m i l a r to that of h i s own group. Buckley l a y among the rocks t i l l almost d a y l i g h t , then s t a r t e d f o r the f e r r y , which he s a f e l y reached, and there j o i n e d Mosely and Petersen. Buckley had been a s a i l o r , so the three men f i x e d a loop to the cable which s t r e t c h e d across the r i v e r , and Buckley, g e t t i n g i n t o the loo p , worked his. way across t i l l w i t h i n a short distance of the opposite bank, when he dropped i n t o the r i v e r and swam the r e s t of the way across. The other two s u r v i v o r s f o l l o w e d h i s example. On the other s i d e of the r i v e r they saw the evidence of the atta c k which had ended Smith's l i f e and which explained why t h e i r c a l l s to the ferry-man had been unanswered. In about an hour two French Canadian packers and f i v e Bute I n l e t Indians who had heard of the massacre from 43 George, a r r i v e d to rescue them. - 130 -By the time the three survivors of the Bute Inlet massacres had brought their news to Victoria, the Chilcotins had had ample opportunity to cross the Coast Range barrier to the interior. Flushed with victory, Klatsassin and his followers now dreamed larger dreams of exterminating the encroaching white men. Meanwhile, another group of whites, oblivious to their danger, were preparing to enter Chilcotin territory by the Bentinck Arm route. On April 25 Waddington had dispatched the schooner Amelia to Bentinck Arm to take up a party of men who were to work on the Bute Inlet T r a i l from the upper - end (the interior). The contract for this work had been awarded to Alexander Macdonald. Macdonald apparently already had a vested interest in the t r a i l , since he and his partner Manning had Punt* i a ranch at Puntzee Lake. Manning, who had remained on the ranch, was the only white settler in the whole of the Chilcotin country. On May 17, 1864, Macdonald set out with his pack-train from the head of Bentinck Arm, s t i l l apparently oblivious to the fate which had 44 overtaken the whites on the Homathko. With Macdonald were seven other white men and a number of Indians. Some of the whites were reportedly headed for the Cariboo gold fields. The pack-train consisted of twenty-eight loaded pack animals and a large number of unloaded ones. Peter McDougall, for whom the expedition seems to have been a trading venture, reportedly had been unable to buy sufficient goods at the head of Bentinck Arm and was taking through a large number of unloaded animals. With McDougall was his common-law wife who was a Chilcotin from the Nacoontloon (modern Anahim) Lake band of which Annichim was the chief.• - 131 -Crossing the d i f f i c u l t "Great Slide," the pack train reached the easier interior section of. the route and, probably towards the end of May, arrived at Anahim Lake. Klatsassin had arrived before them. Whether he had learned from the Homathko road-workers that the pack-train was coming through is uncertain, though i t seems lik e l y that he had, and that his trip to Nancootloon was another example of his deliberate planning. ;At any rate, he had no doubt- already told the Nancootloon Chilcotins of his signal success on the Homathko, and i f he had not already done so he would now, with the arrival of the pack-train, point out to them the advantages to be gained in attacking and plundering i t and annihilating yet another group of white men. His suggestions f e l l on ready ears, and the massacre might have been a total one had i t not been for McDougall's Chilcotin wife. (Lundin Brown refers to her by the name "Klymtedza," -we^ we may use for convenience.) Visiting with her own people, Klymtedza learned: of the planned attack on the pack-train. Apparently her loyalties lay with her husband, for she divulged the secret to the whites. According to Lundin Brown, there was a division of opinion among the members of the group, some wishing to return immediately to the coast, abandoning their goods to the Indians, others being unwilling to do this. At last the decision was made to dig a defensive entrenchment and to throw up earthworks behind which they could occupy a position which could be defended against the Indians. Here, according to Brown's account, they remained, for two days. However long they stayed, time must have crawled as they awaited the expected attack. It failed to materialize, and the men decided to"leave their crude f o r t i -fications and head for the coast, though taking their loads of provisions - 132 -w i t h them. Somehow, though, the C h i l c o t i n s got wind of t h i s . The packers seem to have constructed t h e i r earthworks some di s t a n c e beyond Anahim (Nancootloon) Lake. They had reached a point p o s s i b l y ten miles from Anahim Lake on t h e i r r e t r e a t to the coast when they were suddenly f i r e d on by the C h i l c o t i n s who l a y i n ambush on e i t h e r s i d e of t h e i r pathway. Two of the men—Higgins and McDougall-were k i l l e d o u t r i g h t . Macdonald's horse was shot from under him. He mounted another, and,- when th a t was shot a l s o , continued to put up a f i g h t t i l l he was f i n a l l y k i l l e d . Klymtedza, 45 according to one r e p o r t , was a l s o k i l l e d i n the a t t a c k . F i v e men managed to escape and made t h e i r way to Bentinck Arm. Four of the f i v e had been wounded. One of.these, John Grant, made h i s way to the ranch of a s e t t l e r named Hamilton and h i s f a m i l y . Grant burst i n upon the f a m i l y and t o l d them how h i s party had been massacred. The C h i l c o t i n s were pursuing him, and Grant and the Hamiltons got away i n a canoe j u s t i n time. They looked back to see the C h i l c o t i n s high on the river-bank. The C h i l c o t i n s , however, d i d not f i r e , being apparently d i s t r a c t e d by the opportunity f o r plundering the s e t t l e r ' s house. Charles Farquharson, who escaped unhurt from the scene of the a t t a c k , s u r v i v e d a number of days i n the woods and f i n a l l y made h i s way to the Hamilton ranch. This he found abandoned, but he reached the head" of Bentinck Arm thanks to a canoe which Hamilton sent up f o r him. 46 At Puntzeen or P u n t z i Lake l i v e d the s e t t l e r W i l l i a m Manning. Here, where Indian paths had long met, the proposed t r a i l from Bute I n l e t was to meet the undeveloped but already used t r a i l from Bentinck Arm. Near the shores of P u n t z i Lake Manning had planted a garden and b u i l t a l o g house, - 133 -and taken advantage of the readily available spring water. It so happened that the place Manning had chosen to settle had long been used as a camping ground by some of the Chilcotin Indians. Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie's later investigations indicated that Manning had driven off these Chilcotins 47 and taken possession of the spring. Manning, however, now considered himself on good relations with the Chilcotins. They had worked for him readily, and reportedly he had supported them almost entirely one winter when they were short of food. Living with Manning was an Indian woman, known as Nancy, who was apparently herself a Chilcotin. However friendly Manning's relations with the Chilcotins may have appeared to him to have been, i t appears there was an underlying resent-ment towards him which the success of the Chilcotins in k i l l i n g other whites encouraged them to express in action. The exact date when Manning was k i l l e d i s uncertain, though i t seems to have come after the slaughter of Macdonald's party on the Bentinck t r a i l . Nancy was f i r s t warned of the plan to k i l l Manning. According to one account (given by Brown) she participated in the plot by hiding his ammunition. But her own testimony before Begbie was very different. According to her account she was told of the plot by two Indian women who warned her to leave, and she herself told Manning. Manning, however, -refused to believe that the Chilcotins would harm him. Later Nancy was ' warned by two other Indian women and she was just leaving.when Manning was shot. The Chilcotin who carried out the shooting was Tahpit. But according to Tahpit the instigator of the plot was Annichim, who was there with him when the shooting was done, though Tahpit did not deny - 134 -his own part in i t . William Manning's body was later found by,.the expedition sent under William Cox. It was lying hidden in a stream some f i f t y yards from the site of the house. A bullet wound passed from the right breast to the .left shoulder blade. According to Brown's account the body was also mutilated. Following the murder of Manning the Chilcotins f i r s t looted the house, then destroyed i t . According to Brown's account and Seymour's they also destroyed Manning's plow and other agricultural implements and wrecked the garden and f i e l d . We can hardly doubt the resentment of the Chilcotins* towards Manning for taking over their camping-ground. Their wrecking of his implements, garden, and f i e l d may also have been expressive of resentment against the introduction of agriculture, which they saw as a threat to their way of l i f e based on hunting and fishing. The Nature of the Uprising The massacres on the Homathko, the attack on the pack-train, and the k i l l i n g of William Manning had now revealed the main pattern of the Chilcotin Uprising. In a number of features the Chilcotin Uprising was typical of Chilcotin warfare. These features were not exclusively characteristic of the Chilcotins, in that they shared such patterns of warfare with adjacent tribes. However, they do mark the Chilcotin Uprising as distinctively native in many of i t s patterns. The Chilcotins who participated in the massacres were in the main those who had been least deeply influenced by white culture. In - 135 -spite of what had seemed an easy adaption to closer contact with the whites, in reality their patterns of thought were s t i l l deeply Chilcotin as opposed to European. These patterns of thought were evident in many of the ways in which the uprising was carried out, in spite of the use of the white man's weapons. Dawn, the time of the attack on the Homathko road-camps, was, as we have seen in Chapter One, a typical one for the Chilcotins. It was no doubt the most favourable one for the element of surprise which was typical of their warfare. The use of ambush to attack the pack-train was yet another means of attempting to ensure that the attack was unexpected. White men in British Columbia had on occasion shown themselves quite capable of" ambushing and slaughtering unarmed and unsuspecting Indians, as 48 Reinhart's account of the slaughter at Lake Okanagan has illustrated. Such an action was contrary to the usually-accepted white norms of conduct at the time and was viewed with revulsion by Reinhart and no doubt by others in the party. But a surprise attack on an unarmed and unsuspecting party was an accepted norm of Chilcotin warfare. The Chilcotin prisoners at Quesnel when f i r s t visited by Brown, who had been appointed their chaplain, insisted ,49 that "They meant war, not murder1 in f a l l i n g on the road-men on the Homathko. One or two r i t u a l i s t i c or semi-realistic features of warfare were present in the uprising. According to the testimony of the Homathko boy George, one of the Chilcotins at least (of those, who came to Brewster's camp) had his face blackened, a sign well understood to indicate warfare or enmity towards an e n e m y . T h e mutilation of the body of an enemy was, as we have seen in Chapter Two, one feature of Chilcotin warfare. Such - 136 -mutilation was carried out on the body of Brewster, the road foreman. In one important way the Chilcotin Uprising differed from previous Chilcotin warfare. For the f i r s t time Chilcotin warfare was specifically directed against the White Man. In previous times Chilcotins had feuded with Chilcotins of other families or bands in conflicts which displayed family or band consciousness. They had warred on neighbouring tribes, and perhaps shown some evidence in these conflicts of Chilcotin conscious-ness. But in the Chilcotin Uprising for the f i r s t time they warred against the White Man as such. In this they showed evidence of a newly developed Indian consciousness. From the very beginning the Chilcotins' actions were directed speci-f i c a l l y against whites. In spite of the Chilcotins' previous history of conflict with the Bute Inlet Indians, Squinteye and the Homathko boy George were unharmed. Both were allowed to go their way in spite of the fact that this would enable them i f theyso desired (as they did) to bring the news of the massacre to the ears of the whites at the head of the Inlet. On the other hand, no attempt was apparently made to induce either of the two to join the Chilcotins against the whites. The Chilcotins made a difference between white and Indian as such. They had developed an Indian conscious-ness. But they s t i l l made a, difference between Chilcotin and non-Chilcotin Indians. Non-Chilcotin Indians were unharmed. Chilcotin Indians of the interior.were encouraged to join the uprising. Klatsassin journeyed to Anahim Lake to s t i r up the Indians there. Booty from the raid on Macdonald's pack-train was reportedly distributed to other^'Chilcotins who did not part i -cipate directly in the attack. - 137 -The Chilcotin Uprising was, an uprising in that i t was directed against a l l whites in the area where the "insurgent" Chilcotins were, and in defiance of white authority. If i t . was not a true uprising at the very beginning i t rapidly became one. According to Brown's account, which may not be very accurate for some of the events on the Homathko, the Chilcotins before the attacks on the road-parties agreed to k i l l a l l the whites they could lay their hands on. This may have been before or after the murder of Smith, the ferry-man, an eventfto which Brown for some reason does not refer. According to "Squinteye's Declaration," Telloot for one did not join with 52 Klatsassin t i l l after the murder of Smith. It may have been after the k i l l i n g of Smith and before the attack on the main road-camp that the plot to exterminate as many whites as possible was made. At any rate, the events that materialized and which have already been described gave the evident character of an uprising to the Chilcotins' actions. And once the colonial government sent'expeditions against them the Chilcotins who had openly participated in the Uprising were faced with the choice of either giving themselves up or openly resisting the government's ;armed expeditions. The Chilcotin Uprising was not an uprising of a l l the Chilcotins. The Chilcotins who participated, as has been already mentioned, were mainly those who Had absorbed the least white culture. They were also the most isolated from centres of white settlement, and had probably the least understanding of the degree of white strength. Other groups of Chilcotins, as we shall see, had been more deeply influenced by the whites and had a better idea of the f u t i l i t y of pitting their strength against that of the - 138 -Europeans. The uneveness of exposure to white culture worked against the development of a "pan-Ghilcotin" uprising. But the disunity of the Chilcotins also stemmed from aboriginal times. Many other native peoples of North America had a comparable disunity, which goes far to explain the rapid achievement of ascendency by. the White Man. Causes of the Uprising "Chief Motivating Cause" The Chilcotin Uprising, li k e many other human actions carried out by groups and individuals, had one chief motivating cause but many contributing causes. The chief motivating cause--the reason for their actions which was uppermost in the Chilcotins' minds--was given by the Chilcotin prisoners at 53 their t r i a l and in conversation with Judge Begbie, and with Lundin Brown. This was the threat which had been made by someone at Bute Inlet to bring a plague of sickness upon them. The Chilcotins' repeated references to this incident, their unanimous testimony to i t s occurrence, and the fact that they had no good reason to fabricate the story are convincing reasons for accepting i t as the chief motivating cause of the Uprising. Surprising as i t seems at f i r s t that a mere threat should prove to have such importance, the Chilcotins' beliefs regarding disease and the terror produced by the epidemics of 1862-63 are ample explanations of the effect that the threat had. The rashness of the unidentified white man's action was a case of "a l i t t l e knowledge" being "a dangerous thing." He knew enough; about Chilcotin or British Columbia Indian beliefs to be aware that his threat would frighten them, but he was unaware of the possible conse-quences of his threat. To the Chilcotins who had come down the Homathko to - 139 -the Bute Inlet region, wiping out the whites seemed not only a revenge for the threat but also the only way to prevent the whites from bringing the smallpox. 5 4 "Predisposing Causes" Behind the chief motivating cause (the threat made against the Chilcotins) we may discern a number of contributing causes. Some of these, which might be termed "predisposing causes," were events.and circumstances which had no direct connection with.the Chilcotins' deciding to slaughter the whites, but which must have helped to shape their adverse attitutde towards the whites. These events and circumstances, some of which were connected with the earlier history of the Pacific Northwest, we have looked at in previous chapters, though not at the nature of their relationship to the Chilcotin Uprising. OnC In Chapter -¥we- we noted that the Chilcotins from aboriginal times had a history of warfare and feuding with many surrounding groups: speci-f i c a l l y with the Homathkos, Shuswaps (except Canyon Shuswaps), Lillooets, and Carriers. Whereas another group might have developed a pattern of avoidance and retreat in the face of encroachments or threatened conflict with others, the Chilcotins had developed a pattern of warfare in self-defense —and in aggression against weaker groups such as the Homathkos. Warfare, then, might be expected from the Chilcotins as a defensive reaction, or in revenge, or in aggression, provided the right conditions of provocation or incentive were present. .,. The pre-gold-rush history of Chilcotins' dealings with Europeans was, as has been seen, marked by frequently uneasy and even hostile relationships with the fur-traders. This, we may suppose, l e f t i t s mark on the Chilcotins' - 140 -attitudes towards the White Man. At the same time, the Chilcotins during the pre-gold-rush period did not develop as great a dependence on the white man as did some other Indian tribes. This would have been particularly true of those Chilcotins who lived far from Fort Alexandria. Lack of economic dependence must have contributed to their independence of attitude, evidenced in their willingness to do without peaceful relations with the white man. The Chilcotins' relationships with the missionaries up to the time of the Uprising had generally been fleeting and superficial. Here again those furthest removed from Fort Alexandria would have been least influenced by the missionaries.^ In view of the fact that the missionaries acted as transmitters of European culture and as intermediaries between the Indians and other whites, the lack of close contact with them must have contributed to the Chilcotins' unfamiliarity with white culture. This in turn must have greatly increased the possibilities for misunderstanding with the whites, and probably contributed to feelings of. bewilderment and fear when the Chilcotins were confronted with European ways. We have noted that the coming of the Gold Rush brought the sudden influx of a large white population distinctly different from the fur traders in many ways. These new Europeans—miners and those who followed in their t r a c k s — had no relationships of essential interdependence with the Indians, no long background in dealing with the Indians, and in some cases had attitudes of positive h o s t i l i t y towards them.- We have l i t t l e knowledge of what direct dealings the Chilcotins had with the gold miners. They would have had much less to do with them than the Indians of the Fraser River did. But some parties bound for the Cariboo passed through Chilcotin territory by the - 141 -Bentinck Arm route, as we have seen. And the Chilcotins may well have heard stories of conflict between miners and Indians in the Fraser Canyon. The smallpox outbreak of 1862-63 was fresh in the Chilcotins' minds. In wiping out a large proportion of the Chilcotin population i t must have " created great disruption in Chilcotin society. And, as we have seen, some of the circumstances under which the smallpox came to the Chilcotins were such as to link i t in their minds with the influx of the whites. Prior to the threat made against the Chilcotins at Bute Inlet, then, the Chilcotins who were later involved in the uprising had had few experiences which would be li k e l y to dispose them to trust the whites or develop" friend-liness towards them. On the'other hand, they had had a number of experiences which would be li k e l y to arouse their h o s t i l i t y towards the White Man. And their culture from aboriginal times favoured the expression of this h o s t i l i t y in acts of war i f opportunity offered, rather than the passive acceptance of a situation which had led to their hostile feelings. A number of circumstances and events, then, had set the mood for the Chilcotin Uprising, creating a feeling of suspicion and sometimes latent h o s t i l i t y towards the whites. These feelings were no doubt shared more by some Chilcotins than by others, being particularly strong in those who had previously been most isolated, as those who participated in the uprising generally speaking had been. The Chilcotin h o s t i l i t y was centred and given direction by a single issue: namely, the threat of sickness which had been made against them. - 142 -"Aggravating Grievances" Earlier in this chapter, in dealing with preceeding incidents which directly affected the Chilcotins' involved in the uprising, we examined a number of occurrences directly connected with the road-building enterprise which may be regarded as grievances from the Chilcotins' viewpoint, aggra-vating the harm done by the threat made against the Chilcotins. Waddington's t r a i l had just entered or was about to enter.Chilcotin territory and the Chilcotins may by now have been growing uneasy at the thought of a possible influx of settlers into the Chilcotin region once the t r a i l was extended farther. (Their experiences with Manning, who had occupied a Chilcotin camping site, would surely have given,them some uneasiness.) t The failure of Waddington's party to provide the starving or near-starving Chilcotins with food when the road-party arrived in March of 1864 must have caused resentment. This resentment was increased by the failure of Brewster to provide the Chilcotins with food in addition to wages once the interior Indians began1working for the road-builders. Brewster's unwillingness to supply food on the basis the Chilcotins regarded as.their right must certainly have contributed to the special i l l - w i l l they f e l t towards him: i l l - w i l l which was no doubt extended by association;to ;the other road-builders as well. Grudges against other workmen such as Clark and possibly Smith and fresh irritations that occurred from time to time must have served to aggravate the Chilcotins' largely-hidden h o s t i l i t y towards the whites. - 143 -"Material Incentive" Among the causes of the uprising the material incentive of plunder must have played a definite part. Lane, in his thesis on "Cultural Relations . One of the Chilcotin Indians . . - ." remarks, as we have s een in Chapter Two, on 56 their practice of feasting on the enemies' supplies. Booty was a natural fru i t of warfare. To the frequently-hungry and poverty-stricken Chilcotins the provisions which they knew were kept for the road-party must have seemed a most attractive store of wealth in goods and food ready for the taking. Plunder was not the main cause of the uprising, but i t must have been a powerful incentive, and one which Klatsassin could use to persuade others to.join in his plot to annihilate the road-workers. In persuading the Anahim (Nancootloon) Chilcotins to join him in attacking the pack-train, plunder must have played an equally important part;—or l i k e l y a more important one, since the Anahim Indians had not the same direct experience of the threat against them nor of the aggra-vating grievances which Klatsassin's immediate followers had. Again, in the attack on Manning the knowledge that there was booty to be gained must have played i t s part in encouraging the Chilcotins to k i l l the settler. "Facilitating Factors" No matter how numerous the motives of the Chilcotins nor how great the ho s t i l i t y which they had built up, the'vuprising would not have taken place v . . . . had the right f a c i l i t a t i n g factors not been present. Not only did the Chilcotins have the urge to perpetrate the attacks on the whites, but also just the right set of circumstances was present to make the uprising possible and to make i t appear capable of success in the eyes of the Chilcotins. - 144 -One of the circumstances was the defenceless s t a t e of the whites on the Bute I n l e t T r a i l . The ferry-keeper was alone, and the road-workers were s p l i t i n t o two p a r t i e s , the advance one c o n s i s t i n g of only four white men."'7 Not only d i d the whites have l i t t l e or no ammunition, but no watch was kept at n i g h t , so confident were the white men of thei-r s a f e t y . In s h o r t , the road-party was an i d e a l t a r g e t f o r the type of s u r p r i s e a t t a c k the C h i l c o t i n s were i n the h a b i t of r e s o r t i n g to i n t h e i r warfare. In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , the C h i l c o t i n s had acquired the advantage of the White Man's arms and ammunition, which the C h i l c o t i n s on the Homathko had mostly gained q u i t e l a t e but had had s u f f i c i e n t time to become f a m i l i a r -w i t h . Thanks, i r o n i c a l l y , to the mediation of Waddington, the C h i l c o t i n s had i n the two years that "preceeded the u p r i s i n g gained i n s e c u r i t y by the f a c t that peace had been made w i t h the Homathkos, Klahuse, and Euclataws, three 58 c o a s t a l groups whom they had p r e v i o u s l y regarded as enemies. I t i s l i k e l y that the f e e l i n g of increased s e c u r i t y which must have come to them con-t r i b u t e d to t h e i r confidence i n a t t a c k i n g the Whites. _ F i n a l l y , among the circumstances which helped to make the U p r i s i n g p o s s i b l e was the circumstance of e f f e c t i v e l e a d e r s h i p . Without the l e a d e r -sh i p of K l a t s a s s i n i t i s d o u b t f u l whether the a t t a c k s on the road workmen on the Homathko would have ever been c a r r i e d out, l e t alone c a r r i e d out w i t h almost complete success as they were. The f i r s t white to be k i l l e d was k i l l e d by K l a t s a s s i n , and h i s r o l e i n every part of the U p r i s i n g w i t h the exception of the a t t a c k on Manning was a prominent one. His l e a d e r s h i p stemmed from h i s a b i l i t y and h i s apparently f o r c e f u l p e r s o n a l i t y . Yet the f a c t t h a t he embarked on what was from the beginning a hopeless r e s i s t a n c e to the White Man shows how l i t t l e he understood the weakness of h i s own people's p o s i t i o n and the str e n g t h of -the white men's. - 145 -Footnotes for Chapter V "''"Important from the Coast Route—Destitute and Suffering," Daily  British Colonist. July 22, 1862, p. 3. See Chapter IV of this thesis. 2 Hfenry] Spencer Palmer, Report of a Journey of Survey from Victoria  to Fort Alexander via Bentinck Arm (New Westminster: Royal Engineer Press, 1863), p. 7. 3 A[drian] G[abriel] Morice, The Great Dene Race (St. Gabriel-Modling, near Vienna, Austria, Administration of "Anthropos" [1928?]), p. 39, cited in Robert Brockstedt Lane, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953), p. 39. (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953). 4 Letter, Matt[hew] B. Begbie [to F. Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 5Ibid. ^Letter, Alfred Waddington to the Editor of the Daily-British Colonist, published in Weekly Colonist, June 14, 1864, p. . Waddington does not make i t absolutely clear that i t was the Chilcotins who were affected. Waddington names two whites, Angus McLeod and Taylor, as responsible, but "Verax" in a letter to the Editor of the British Columbian states that the two whites were Angus McLeod and Wallace. (Letter, "Verax" to the Editor, June 21, 1864, in British Columbian, June 22, 1864, p. 3.) 7 The Chilcotins' associations with the Bella Coolas were close enough to ensure that the latter's realization of the contagious nature of smallpox would be shared by the Chilcotins also. g Testimony of the Homathko boy "George" and of "Squinteye',' Sept. 28, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians—Telloot, Klat-sassin, Chessus, Piel or Pierre, Tah-pit & Chedekki," enclosure in Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. Q "Thrilling Details by Mr. Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle. May 29, 1864, p. 3. 1 0Frederick Whymper, Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska, Formerly Russian America—Now Ceded to the United States—and in Various Other Parts of the North Pacific (London: John Murray, 1868), p. 20. R[obert] CfhristopherJ Lundin Brown, Klatsassan and Other Reminiscences  of Missionary Life in British Columbia (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), p. 2. - 146 -12 Testimony of K l a t s a s s i n , Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ," enclosure i n Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 13 R. C. Lundin Brown, K l a t s a s s a n , p. 9. 14 I b i d . , p. 10 and p. 100; also Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and K l a t s a s s i n ' s statement (Sept. . 29( when brought i n t o court f o r sentencing, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ," enclosure i n Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. "*"5R. C. Lundin Brown, K l a t s a s s i n , pp. 10-11. 16 F r e d e r i c k John Saunders, "Homatcho, or The Story of the Bute I n l e t E x p e d i t i o n , and the Massacre by the C h i l c o a t e n Indians," Resources of B r i t i s h  Columbia, I I I , No. 1 (Mar., 1885), p. 6. " ^ L e t t e r , George McDougall to John S t u a r t i n "Fort C h i l c o t i n , " type-s c r i p t , Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, see Chapter I of t h i s t h e s i s . 18 Saunders, "Homatcho,"- p. 6. 19 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and A d m i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," May 20, 1864. 20 "L a t e s t from the North Coast;" D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , May 19, 1863, p. 3. See Chapter IV of t h i s t h e s i s . 21 L e t t e r , Chartres Brew to C o l o n i a l Secretary [of B r i t i s h Columbia], May 23, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 22 " T h r i l l i n g D e t a i l s by Mr. Waddington: 'Supposed Murderers' and 'Bodies Found'," V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e , May 29, 1864, p. 3. 23 L e t t e r , Brew to C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y , May 23, 1864. 24 L e t t e r , A l f r e d Waddington to the E d i t o r , June 12, 1864, i n D a i l y  B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 13, 1864, p. 3. 25 Distances are from: "From Bute I n l e t : The T r a i l — R u m o r e d Murder by an I n d i a n , " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C h r o n i c l e . .May 6, 1864, p. 3; despatch, Seymour to Newcastle, May 20, 1864; "A S u r v i v o r ' s Account," V i c t o r i a D a i l y  C h r o n i c l e , May 12, 1864, p. 3; l e t t e r , Brew to C o l o n i a l Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864; testimony of P h i l i p Buckley, Sept. '28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at t h e . t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ,." • 26 * Testimony of P h i l i p Buckley i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." - 147 -27 R, C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, p, 5. 28 The blue eyes may be a figment of Brown's ethnocentric imagination. He may have expected an Indian of exceptional, a b i l i t y to have some European characteristics. The great under-jaw could be simply a reflection of the strong tendency during this period to see physical manifestations of character, as in phrenology. 29 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. 30 "Thrilling Details by Mr. Waddington: Squinteye's Declaration," Victoria Daily Chronicle. May 29, 1864, p. 3. 31 "News from the Bute Expedition," British Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3 and "A Survivor's Account," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3. 32 "Thrilling Details by Mr. Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 33 Brew to Colonial Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864. "A Survivor's Account," Victoria Daily Chronicle. May 12, 1864, p. 3. Klatsassin may have intended to k i l l Waddington as well as his road-party, judging from one report: "The intention of Klattasen . . . had been . . . to return to Benchee [Puntzi] Lake by the Memeya [Southgate] and Bridge rivers; he was only waiting, as he said, for Mr. Waddington's arr i v a l , after whom he inquired anxiously every day, and whether he would bring many men and provisions with him. He said he wanted him to get back his daughter from the Euclataws [Yucultas]. In the meantime his eldest boy Pierre . . . went up with the packers . . . to the Ferry, where he had a long talk with the Chilcoatens of the upper camp, and returned in the morning of Friday the 23rd, when his father Klatasen immediately changed his mind, as he told the packers on the Saturday morning. He would now give a canoe, six blankets, and two muskets, for his daughter, and started on Tuesday morning . . . for the Ferry . . . ("Thrilling Details by Mr. Waddington" Origin of the Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3). 35 "Thrilling Details by Mr. Waddington: Squinteye's Declaration," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 36 "Thrilling Details by Mr, Waddington: Origin of the Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, p. 3. 37 Buckley's testimony in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Buckley's Statement'.^ Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, May 12, 1864, p. 3; Buckley's account in "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute Inlet Massacre made before J. L. Wood, Esq., Acting Stipendiary Magistrate for Vancouver Island, which may lead to the identification of - 148 -the murderers," The Government Gazette. June 25, 1864, p. 3; also "A Survivor's Account" (the story of the massacre as received from Mosely), Victoria Daily Chronicle. May 12, 1864, p. 3. 38 "A Survivor's Account," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3, and Mosely's account in "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute Inlet Massacre . . . ," The Government Gazette, June 25, 1864, p. 3. 39 "A Survivor's Account," Petersen's account in "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute I et Massacre . . . " (The name is spelled "Peterson" there, but his signature is written as "Petersen" in receipt, June 7, 1864, for certificate of special deposit, f i l e d with letter, Arthur Birch to Acting Colonial Secretary, Vancouver Island, May 28, 1864, Archives of British Columbia; and "Peter Petersen's Statement," Weekly Colonist, May 17, 1864, from Daily British Colonist. May 12, 1864, ("Waddington, 1864" f i l e , Reid Papers). 40 Testimony of "George" in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Tenas George's Statement" in "Origin of the Massacre." 41 Letter, Brew to Colonial Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864. 42 Testimony of "George" in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; "Tenas George's Statement" in "Origin of the Massacre;" evidence of "George" in "Proceedings of Inquest," enclosure with letter, Brew to Colonial Secretary [B.C.], May 23, 1864. "Buckley's statement," Daily British Colonist, May 12, 1864, p. 3; Buckley's testimony in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . "; "A Survivor's Account," Victoria pally Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3. 44 Sources for the narra£iyea/concerning Macdonald s pack-train are; "More Indian Murders!" "Our O&peial Correspondence," and "Letter from Bentinck Arm" (A.W. Wallace, Custom House Officer, to editor) in Daily-British Colonist, June 27, 1864, p. 3; "The Bentinck Arm Tragedy," (letter, A.W. Wallace to editor) Colonist, July 15, 1864, p. 3; "The Chilcoaten Expedition; Diary of a Volunteer," Colonist. Oct. 14, 1864, p. 3; "Regina v. Klatsassin and P i e l l or Pierre," Sept. 29, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," enclosure in letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864; R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, pp. 16-36. There is apparently no account of what happened to the other Indians who were in the party when i t was attacked. ^Sources for the narrative concerning the k i l l i n g of Manning are: "Regina v. Tah-pit," Sept. 29, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . ."; letter, William George Cox to A. Birch, Colonial Secretary B.C., June 19, 1864, Archives of Br i t i s h Columbia; British Columbia, - 149 -"Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 58-80, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37 [Photostat copy of mss. in Archives Department, Ottawa, G. series, no. 353-358]; R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, pp. 36-43. 47 M. B. Begbie, note inserted in Nancy's testimony in "Regina v. Tah-pit," Sept. 29, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." 48 Herman Francis Reinhart, The Golden Frontier: The Recollections  of Herman Francis Reinhart, 1851-1869, ed. by Doyce B. Nunis, Jr. with a Foreword by Nora B. Cunningham (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), pp. 126-127. See Chapter III of this thesis. 49 R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 100. 5 0Testimony of "George," Sept. 28, 1864, i n "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." 5 1 L e t t e r , Brew to Colonial Secretary [B. C ] , May 23, 1864. 52 "Squinteye's Declaration" i n "Origin of the Massacre," "Origin of the Massacre" makes i t appear that Klatsassin through his son Pierre may have pre-arranged the massacre with the Chilcotins at the road-camp before coming there himself. (See foot-note 34.) 53 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864; R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 100. "^See Klatsassln's statement on being brought in for sentencing, Sept. 29, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." "'"'Lundin Brown in instructing the prisoners in Christian teaching found that "One of them had been pretty f u l l y instructed by a Roman Catholic priest, and he had imparted what he knew to the others." (R.C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, p. 104). It may be noted, however, that only one had been "pretty f u l l y i n -structed"; and i t seems li k e l y that he had imparted most of his instruction to the others after they had been condemned and after Brown had f i r s t visited them. Judging from Morice, the contact with missionaries of thos Chilcotins living at a distance from Fort Alexandria was very superficial. Morice, Afdrian] G[abriel], History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada, from  Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895) (2 vols.; Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1910), II. See Chapter II of this thesis. - 150 -"^Lane, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia," p. 55, See Chapter I of this thesis. "^S t r i c t l y speaking, one of these men, Baptiste Demarest, was of mixed blood. British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18^ -19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864, No. 7. See Chapter IV of this thesis. - 151 -CHAPTER VI THE WHITE REACTION TO THE MASSACRES " . . . The most startling thing of the kind that has yet taken place in either colony.""'" — T h i s was the way the Colonist described the slaughter on the Homathko. This massacre and the others which followed captured the attention of the whole European populace of the two Pacific colonies of British North America. The reactions, or responses, of whites as expressed in words and in the actions they took reveal much about their attitudes both towards themselves and towards the Indians. In this chapter we w i l l seek to examine many of those responses: the reactions of the public in Victoria and in New Westminster; the reactions of o f f i c i a l s , particularly on the mainland. It w i l l be necessary to note differences in the public reactions in the two capitals, as well as the changes in the nature of responses in both places as time passed u n t i l attitudes became more or less fixed. In describing the reactions of o f f i c i a l s we are equally concerned with statements made^and actions taken. There has existed no authentic and complete account drawing on a l l available sources, which described the white expeditions to the Chilcotin region and the Chilcotin surrender, t r i a l , imprisonment, and executions. I have therefore f e l t compelled to establish just what happened. Hence.some of what is related in this chapter has at the most a marginal bearing on the nature of white reactions to the massacres. Inevitably in discussing outward reactions one deals with attitudes also. But no attempt w i l l be made unti l the f i n a l chapter to present an over-all analysis of white attitudes towards the Indians as revealed in the Chilcotin c r i s i s . - 152 -Public Reaction in Victoria I n i t i a l Public Reaction Accustomed to unsubstantiated rumors and somewhat injured to isolated ki l l i n g s which had occurred on the northern coast, Victoria's residents had shown l i t t l e excitement over the unconfirmed report of the ferry-man's murder. But the survivors' account of the large-scale massacre of Waddington's road-party was a different matter. The news created a great s t i r . A large party of white men had been murdered where they slept through the treachery of the Indian. The men were Vancouver Islanders, hired from Victoria, with friends and close acquaintances in the island capital. The excitement was further stimulated by the report that the victims' bodies had been mutilated. The wretches, not content with depriving the poor fellows of l i f e , hacked and mutilated the bodies in a most shocking manner [reported the Daily Chronicle]. The Indian, who escaped, says that he concealed himself in the v i c i n i t y of the camp un t i l the next morning, and saw a l l of the bodies, The heads of some had been hacked off—others were ripped open, and the fiends, in more than one instance, had quartered the bodies of their victims.^ Various later accounts differed as to the extent of the mutilation. Brewster's body at least was mutilated. At any rate, the report of extensive mutilation added to the horror of the story.of the massacre as i t was f i r s t received. On the spread of the news in this city [reported the Daily Chronicle], the f i r s t feeling which showed i t s e l f was a strong desire for a bloody revenge upon those dangerous races who l i v e around us, but whom we can never trust. Had the people of Victoria the power, they would gladly have exterminated the whole tribe to which the murderers belong. With the passing of the f i r s t shock of the news, the public mood became some-what more discriminating, according to the same report. - 153 -With returning reason . . . [ i t continued] the public are willing to discriminate between the innocent and the guilty, but a l l who imbued their hands in blood, or connived at that horrible deed ought to be hunted down, and either punished on the spot, or brought to account for their crimes, before the regular Tribunals of Justice.-^ Further Public Reaction In the days that followed, public interest in the massacres at Bute Inlet remained high in Victoria. The Weekly Colonist of May 24, 1864, spoke approvingly of the energeticnaction Governor Seymour of the mainland colony had by that time taken. It expressed the hope that the perpetrators of the massacres might soon be captured. And i t advocated dispensing with time-consuming processes of justice in favour of speedy?executions. It is to be hoped [the article concluded] that the ridiculous farce of bringing them down to New Westminster and trying them by-jury w i l l not be attempted in case of their apprehension. A summary examination, and a hempen noose each from the nearest tree, in presence of a l l the tribe, would have a hundredfold more effect on a l l the Indians of the coast.than the solemn and (to them) unintelligible mummery of a t r i a l by jury. 4 A report from Soda Creek told of the murder of Manning and several others at-Puntzi Lake. (Actually only Manning was k i l l e d there.) The Indians were also said to be heading down the Bentinck Arm t r a i l to k i l l 5 i( . a l l the white men they could find. This report3and details of the expe-dition sent by the mainland government to the site of the Bute Inlet massacres, together with speculation as to the fate of MacDonald's men, no doubt helped to keep public excitement at a high pitch. On June 1 the Colonist reported that MacDoriald and a l l his party had been slain. The same day in the Victoria Theatre a meeting of citizens was held to consider means of assisting British Columbia in capturing and punishing the . perpetrators of the Bute Inlet massacre. - The mayor of Victoria was the chairman. Amor de Cosmos moved the f i r s t resolution. De Cosmos, who had - 154 -flamboyantly changed his name from "William Alexander Smith" had been born in Nova Scotia. Like Alfred Waddington and so many others, he had spent some time in California before coming north. In 1858, the same year in which he had arrived in Victoria, he founded the Colonist, but late in 1863 he 6 had resigned from i t s editorship. After moving the resolution, an expression of sorrow and indignation regarding the massacre and of anxiety for outlying settlements, De Cosmos openly avowed his h o s t i l i t y and hatred for the Indian and called for a policy of taking blood for blood, which was, he said, the only law the Indian knew. He had lived among Indians and knew their treachery. He had known what i t was to crawl on a l l fours after them with his bowie knife in his mouth, and had inherited his antipathy to the savages from out-rages committed on his own family. De Cosmos expressed, also, his belief that Mr. Waddington was entitled to compensation for his losses. The Rev. Mr. Garrett, as we have seen, had, during the smallpox epidemic of 3862 worked for the erection of a temporary hospital for the sick on the Indian Reserve. He now spoke, and endorsed De Cosmos' sentiments. There was a time when he differed with him in his views of Indian character [wrote the Weekly Colonist i n reporting his speech]. His views have now changed; I have now learned that we must deal with the Indian with truth, justice and severity. White men could not look on calmly when their brethren had their hearts torn from their bodies, but the most determined resolution show the Indians that such crime must meet with the most condign punishment. Mr. Garrett's speech was greeted with "tremendous applause." Alfred Waddington was called on to speak. He failed to understand why no war vessel had been sent to Bella Coola, although he had urged Governor Seymour that this be done. He said his firm belief was that ere this time the Indians, glutted with blood, had murdered every l i v i n g soul in Bella Coola, and they numbered twelve on his finger-ends. - 155 -He would only add [he s a i d i n conclusion] that when he saw the mangled body of h i s poor foreman Brewster, he simply looked up to heaven f o r forbearance, but he looked to h i s countrymen f o r j u s t i c e . This was greeted by "thundering,applause." P. M. Backus moved the second r e s o l u t i o n , to the e f f e c t that the Governor of Vancouver I s l a n d be requested to tender to the Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia ". . . the s e r v i c e s of not l e s s than 100 men f u l l y armed and equipped . . . ," to help i n the capture of the murderers. Backus ". . . hoped that whenever they caught one they would hang him there and then." C. B. Young spoke i n r a t h e r a d i f f e r e n t v e i n . I n f a c t , he appears to have been the only one to moderate the d i s c u s s i o n by suggesting that the Indian had not always been t r e a t e d f a i r l y . "He had heard of j u s t i c e to the Indians, but he considered that j u s t i c e had not been meted out to the n a t i v e s . " He approved of punishment, severe punishment being d e a l t N to the Indian. But on the other hand j u s t i c e should be even handed. Their potato patches on Bentinck Arm had been appropriated by white men and fenced i n . Was that j u s t i c e ? — C o m p e n s a t i o n had been promised to '' Cowichan Indians. Had they ever had anything? Was that j u s t i c e ? — A t Nanaimo an Indian r e s e r v a t i o n was made; a c r i c k e t ground was wanted, i t was formed of the r e s e r v a t i o n . Was that j u s t i c e ? The Rev. Dr. Evans, though he thought that the Indian.:had not been trea t e d f a i r l y i n the matter of compensation, ". . . advocated i n t h i s matter prompt and d e c i s i v e measures; a drum-head court m a r t i a l i f necessary." This was greeted w i t h "Hear, hear." and someone c r i e d out, "and hanging!" , ' - 9 To which Dr. Evans responded, "Yes, and hanging on the spot too." The f i n a l r e s o l u t i o n of the three which were moved and adopted at the meeting was that an enrolment l i s t be opened of persons v o l u n t e e r i n g to j o i n the proposed f o r c e , that the names be submitted to the Governor (of Vancouver ' I s l a n d ) , and that a committee be appointed by the Mayor to meet w i t h the Governor to discuss means of implementing the r e s o l u t i o n s . - 156 -In the intensity of public excitement over the massacre, violent emotions had come to the surface. Though apparently no-one at the meeting suggested actually circumventing legally constituted authority, many white citizens were ready to advocate*.the use of that authority to deal out summary punishment which would by-pass the regular procedures of c i v i l justice. The committee appointed duly met with Governor Kennedy, who expressed his agreement with the resolutions passed. He had offered aid to the govern-ment of British Columbia, and Governor Seymour had sent a certain Mr. Good to Victoria ". . . to make the necessary arrangements . . ., but had not said whether the services of .'. . volunteers from . . . [Vancouver Island] would 10 would be required." Kennedy indicated that he woulo submit the proposals to Governor Seymour, without Whose consent nothing could be done. In the mean-time Governor Kennedy said -that enrolment should be encouraged. He himself would inspect the volunteers. Well over the suggested minimum of one hundred men signed the l i s t indicating their desire to join the volunteer force, and waited for news of whether their services would be required."'"''' Meanwhile the report of the slaughter of MacDonald's men which had been published in Victoria on the day the public meeting was held, spread growing excitement through the city. The Colonist, though no longer edited by De Cosmos, expressed i t s e l f in terms of which he would no doubt have approved. The news, of the last wholesale massacre of our countrymen by the bloodthirsty savages [orated the Weekly Colonist] has f i l l e d the city with a blaze of excitement, and.a universal feeling prevails among a l l classes that the most prompt and. energetic steps should, at once be taken to obtain summary vengeance on the cowardly assassins . . . . It is mere f o l l y to await the tardy action of the authorities. Let the citizens take the matter in hand at once—today! There are hundred of bold hardy spi r i t s who would at once volunteer to march - 157 -against the savage murderers; hundreds of r i f l e s in the hands of Government, and hundreds of citizens who w i l l cheerfully contribute l i b e r a l l y to charter a steamer to convey the volunteers to the scene of the.thrice repeated atrocities where let them not stay their hands t i l l every member of the rascally murderous tribe is suspended to the trees of their own f o r e s t s — a salutary warning to the whole coast for years to come.1"^ Public Reaction i n New Westminster I n i t i a l Public Reaction The news of the.massacre on the Homathko reached the general public in New Westminster on May 14. The account of the-slaughter, taken from the Victoria papers and published in the British Columbian, seemed to be as startling to the residents of New Westminster as i t was to those of Victoria. For the time being a l l the bitter recriminations which had been exchanged between the two communities were forgotten. Fourteen white men had been massacred by Indians! Suddenly, common bonds of race seemed to have i n -creased importance. "We hope the two w i l l unite," editorialized the Columbian, "i n dealing out speedy justice, at whatever cost, to these sixteen devils done up in red skins." But the Columbian qualified i t s comments with a warning. "We don't want another Kagosima a f f a i r — n o indiscriminate slaughter [ i t continued] for that would not mend, but aggravate, the matter." Action was what the Columbian wanted, and plenty of i t . Specific proposals for sweeping measures were forthcoming. ' Let the, guilty parties' [ i t went on] be hunted up i f they should cost the country ten thousand dollars a head, and l e t them be-made an example of to the rest of the native population, such as w i l l not readily be forgotten. In this matter promptitude is everything. Let the fleet be ordered at once to the Inlet and let Volunteer forces from here and Victoria go with i t . . . Well planned and prompt action now may. save much trouble in future. The country w i l l look for i t at the hands of both Governments—the blood of fourteen butchered men,, a l l of them British subjects save one, demands. I t ! - - , - 158 -New-Westminster men were prompt to v o l u n t e e r . The Hyack F i r e Company and the New Westminster R i f l e Company both o f f e r e d t h e i r s e r v i c e s i n b r i n g i n g the p e r p e t r a t o r s of the massacre to j u s t i c e , and so d i d a l a r g e number of p r i v a t e individuals."'" 5 The Columbian followed up i t s previous warning against extreme measures w i t h a more well-thought-out and extensive e d i t o r i a l comment. We are too apt, i n the f i r s t f l u s h of e x c i t e d i n d i g n a t i o n [the e d i t o r wrote] to cry out f o r the u t t e r and i n d i s c r i m i n a t e extermination of the savages, d e a l i n g out to them Lynch law i n s t e a d of B r i t i s h j u s t i c e . He went on to imply that the Indian was f r e q u e n t l y t r e a t e d u n f a i r l y i n h i s dealings w i t h white men. He had nO d e s i r e to e x c i t e ^ f o r the p e r p e t r a t o r s of the massacre, s i n c e as f a r as was known none was due. them, but he hoped to see the same i m p a r t i a l j u s t i c e excercised towards the ."Indians as the whites would d e s i r e f o r themselves. I n f a c t , i f there was to be any d i f -ference the Indians should be ". . . t r e a t e d more l e n i e n t l y i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e i r untutored mind and t h e i r i n d i s t i n c t conception of r i g h t and wrong." The w r i t e r took advantage of the opportunity to p o i n t out the need f o r immediately a v a i l a b l e power to suppress outbreaks and enforce law. He c a l l e d f o r the s t a t i o n i n g of a gunboat at New Westminster f o r s e r v i c e on the F r a s e r R i v e r and on the coast of the mainland colony. I t was hot l i k e l y t h a t the n a t i v e s around New Westminster were dangerous. But i n the i n t e r i o r and on the coast there were s t i l l t r i b e s who were " . . . comparatively powerful 16 and w a r l i k e , " the management of which was o f t e n d i f f i c u l t . F u r t h e r " P u b l i c Reaction Though the news of the massacres near Bute I n l e t was perhaps as s t a r t l i n g to the r e s i d e n t s of New Westminster as i t was to those of V i c t o r i a , nevertheless as time passed a somewhat d i f f e r e n t response developed i n the - 159 -mainland capital. Part of the difference can be attributed to the relatively moderate stance taken by the British Columbian, edited by John Robson. The Columbian, as we have seen had called for the punishment of those Indians responsible for the massacre, but had warned against any indiscriminate slaughter of the Indians. On May 21, in an article entitled "An Indian Policy," i t drew a contrast between the American doctrine of "manifest destiny" as applied to the Indian i n i t s extreme form and the policy of the British Imperial Government. We are quite aware [commented the Columbian! that there are those amongst us who are disposed to ignore altogether the rights of the Indians and their claims upon Us—who hold the American doctrine of "manifest destiny" in i t s most fatal form, and say that the native tribes w i l l die off to make way for the Anglo-Saxon race, and the quicker the better; and, under the shadow of this unchristian doctrine, the cry for "extermination" is raised at every pretext. Very different, however, are the views and sentiments held in reference to the Indians by the British Government. The representatives of that Government [the Columbian added] may not, in every instance, faithfully delineate the Imperial mind in this respect. The a r t i c l e called for a policy of honesty towards the Indian: Depend upon i t for every acre of land we obtain by improper means we w i l l have to pay for dearly in the end, and every wrong committed upon these poor people w i l l be visited.upon our heads as sure as justice is. one of the immutable attributes of Him who avengeth the wrongs of the weak and oppressed of whatever colour or caste. The writer went onii to speak, of the "total absence of policy," which he blamed on the rule of Governor Douglas. He expressed the wish that a gathering of the Indians at New Westminster which Seymour, the new Governor, had arranged for May 24 ". . . might be turned to good account as the f i r s t step . . ." towards the establishment of an ilndian system which would ". . . tend to reconcile, elevate and c i v i l i z e the aborigines" while i t would ". . . reassure the whites and place, the country on a more healthy and enduring basis.""'"7 - 160— The attitude of the Columbian takes on particular importance as a moderating influence on public opinion when contrasted with the Colonist and inflamatory invective. It is also important as representing the view-point of i t s editor (a future premier of British Columbia) who even at this point would li k e l y have had some influence in government circles, especially in view of the fact that he had enthusiastic praise for the actions which Seymour took. Quite apart from the moderating influence of the Columbian, the people of New Westminster were in a somewhat better position than were Victoria residents to regard the massacres dispassionately since i t was Victoria men who had been slain. The revival of the feud between Victoria and the mainland capital was also a crucial factor influencing New Westminster attitudes, even causing New Westminster to go.so far as to lay a large portion of the blame for the massacre on the shoulders of whites, Chartres Brew, sent by Seymour to the scene of the massacres on the Homathko, severely c r i t i c i z e d Waddington and his road party for their dealings with the Chilcotin Indians. His criticism quickly became public knowledge. New Westminster people, who had always been against the Bute Inlet Road scheme anyway, found i t easy to believe that the road-party had acted badly towards the Indians. An attempt by Waddington to have the British Columbia government buy his road charter probably did.as much as anything to heat up the feud between Victoria and New Westminster once again. Their disapproval of the requests? made i t particularly easy for the people of New Westminster to believe that men from Victoria were guilty of provoking the massacre. Waddington had taken an early opportunity to speak to Governor Seymour of the losses which - 161 -the massacre had brought to the road project. Then, in a letter of May 28, he outlined those losses and, rather than ask for an outright indemnity, to which he implied he was entitled, he expressed the desire to surrender 18 the agreement in return for a payment of $100,000, This proposal was turned down by Seymour, who through the Colonial Secretary for B r i t i s h Columbia expressed sympathy for the losses'Waddington had suffered but stated that he was not prepared to recommend that the Legislative Council 19 purchase Waddington's rights. Waddington responded by asking whether 20 the Governor intended to allow him any indemnity for his losses. This too was refused, and the letter of refusal, placed definite blame on the road-party for their carelessness in not taking ordinary precautions for 21 their qvm safety. Seymour in a letter to Governor Kennedy of Vancouver Island even hinted at the road-party's possible mis-treatment of the Chilcotins. Others in New Westminster did not hesitate to blame openly Waddington's party for alleged provocations that led to the massacre. Waddington lashed back with counter-charges against other whites, and the i. argument raged on. Official"Reaction Governor Kennedy's Delay By contrast with that of the public in Victoria, the reaction of Arthur Kennedy, the new Governor of Vancouver Island, was oddly casual. The massacre had taken place in territory under the jurisdiction of Governor Frederick Seymour (who himself had arrived in the mainland colony only two weeks prior to the slaughter). But Kennedy took no special measures to get the news to Seymour quickly. Though there were two gunboats and a frigate in Esquimalt harbour, he did not requisition their use, but waited to send word u n t i l the departure of the regular freight and mail steamer at noon on May 13. As a result, his letter did not reach Seymour unt i l 10:30 that night. From B r i t i s h Columbia Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. Plate 1 Governor Frederick Seymour - 162 -Governor Seymour's I n i t i a l Measures Seymour, who had been welcomed enthusiastically by the mainlanders as the f i r s t resident governor of their colony, reacted with alacrity to this f i r s t c r i s i s of his new position. Within half an hour of receiving the news, he wrote to Lord Gilford, the Senior Naval Officer stationed at Esquimalt, for assistance. During the night Seymour had the heavy cargo of the steamer unloaded quickly at government expense, and by three o'clock 22 the next morning his request to Lord Gilford had l e f t New Westminster. The same mor hing"; Seymour had his Colonial Secretary send off a letter to William G. Cox, Gold Commissioner in the Cariboo, requesting that he organize an expedition from Alexandria which would penetrate Chilcotin country to demand the surrender of those responsible for the massacre. In the same letter Cox was informed of what other measures Seymour contemplated. Forty or f i f t y marines, he thought, should be sent into the interior from Bute Inlet. To this force Seymour planned to add about twenty-five special constables under the command of Police Magistrate Chartres Brew. Brew would be in command of the whole force despatched from Bute Inlet, and this bore out the non-military nature of the expedition, the object of which was ". . . merely to assert the supremacy of the law." Every effort was to be made to prevent a c o l l i s i o n with the Indians. The "well-disposed" Indians were to be persuaded "to capture and hand over the Murderers." Of course the expedition would use force to capture the culprits i f force was found to be necessary. Cox's expedition was to have the same objects as Brew's. The Governor l e f t Cox wide discretion as to the make-up of his force, merely suggesting that i t be not so weak as to invite attack and not so large as to-over-burden the colonial treasury. In concluding the letter the Colonial Secretary emphasized the wish of the Governor that Cox avoid as far as possible " . . . - 163 -23 a l l acts which may lead to col l i s i o n with the Indians." On Sunday morning, May 15, the gunboat Forward with Lord Gilford aboard, arrivediin New Westminster. Seymour was disappointed to find that the temporary use of the Forward was a l l the aid he could expect. The plan to use the marines in an expedition from Bute Inlet had to be abandoned* However, Chartres Brew and a force of twenty-eight men sworn in as special constables were despatched for Bute Inlet that same day. On May 18 in a letter to William Gox the Colonial Secretary informed him of the change in plans due to the limited naval support available. (The Governor had also, learned something of the wild nature of the country between Bute Inlet and the interior and was very doubtful whether Brew's expedition could get through.) Seymour was now placing his main reliance on Cox's expedition.' Someone had apparently recommended to"the Governor the services of Donald McLean and his sons—the same McLean who had been in charge of Fort Chilcotin at times during the 1840's, and whose avenging expedition in 1849 with i t s attendent needless bloodshed is so graphically described by Morice, as we have seen in Chapter Two of this thesis. Seymour through the Colonial Secretary now recommended to Cox that he try to gain the 24 services of the McLeans. As i t turned out, Cox was successful in employing Donald McLean and one of his sons. On May 20 Seymour wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, the colonial secretary-in London, regarding the massacre and the measures he had taken. In a second despatch the same day he dealt; with the colony's need for defence. Seymour spoke of various hypotheses which had been advanced regarding the cause of the massacre, but emphasized that the motives were s t i l l unknown. -.164 -Each of the possible causes which had been advanced seemed unsatisfactory in some way as an explanation. Seymour spoke of the massacre as being the work, of members of an off-shoot branch of the Chilcotins, the f i r s t Chilcotin tribe to be met in advancing from Bute Inlet to the interior. Their chief, he said, was Teloot (though Klatsassin, i t later became clear, was the real leader of the Uprising). The Chilcotins responsible must have now crossed the mountains to the interior where i t was fishing season at the lakes in the Chilcotin country. Seymour did not expect that Brew's party would cross the mountains to the interior, and the main reliance was.on Cox's mounted expedition from Alexandria. Seymour emphasized that there was as yet no war, and he was aiming .only at securing justice. Only magistrates and'constables were in the f i e l d . Seymour had ".'. . rejected a l l offers of assistance beyond the Colony from men bent on vengenaee." , (This was obviously, a reference to offers from Victoria.) In the second despatch of the same day—dealing with the "defenceless state" of the colony—Seymour spoke of Lord Gilford's hesitation in responding to his request for assistance. Seymour expressed his doubt as to whether the Forward would be loaned him long enough to enable him to keep up communi-• , T , 26 cation with Brew. Concerned that he have an opportunity to make himself known and to begin the establishment of. firm friendship and trust between himself and the Indians, Seymour invited the tribes from up the Fraser and Thompson Rivers to a grand celebration of the Queen's birthday on the twenty-fourth of May. Thousands of Indians came in their canoes. Speeches were exchanged between three of the fifty-seven chiefs present and the Governor, with the Catholic - 165 -missionary, P i e r r e Fouquet, a c t i n g as English-Chinook t r a n s l a t o r and n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t e r s t r a n s l a t i n g from Chinook to the t r i b a l languages and " v i c e v e r s a . " 27 The f i f t y - s e v e n c h i e f s r e c e i v e d presents from the Governor. Brew's E x p e d i t i o n to Bute I n l e t Meanwhile, Brew's party on board the Forward had on May 17 a r r i v e d at Waddington. By May 19 they reached the f e r r y s i t e where Tim Smith had been s l a i n . Here they were delayed seven" hours, but f i n a l l y managed to cross the ' > 28 swollen r i v e r arid camp on the other s i d e . The next day the party reached the s i t e of the main road-camp where the twelve road-workers had been attacked. Here search was made i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s , but none of the bodies were' found. Brew's party found the marks of blood i n each of the t e n t s except the one which was occupied by the cook, Charles B u t t l e , and which had contained p r o v i s i o n s . H i s coat was found ". . . a l l bloody w i t h two b u l l e t holes i n the back. . ." A party of men was sent ahead to Brewster's camp. They searched but f a i l e d to f i n d any bodies. I n the afternoon* however, Waddington, who had a l s o come to Bute I n l e t , a r r i v e d . With him was " L i t t l e George',' who had been cook f o r Brewster and the other road-workers at the advance camp. He pointed out the spot where he had heard the f i r i n g the day of the massacre. "In»a short time," Brew wrote, "the t a i n t e d a i r l e d to the d i s c o v e r y of three of the bodies. . ." . The f o o t s t e p s of the f o u r t h , as we have seen, i n d i c a t e d he may have jumped i n t o the r i v e r , where he could not have escaped drowning. On the t w e n t y - f i r s t an inquest was h e l d on the three b o d i e s , and was adjuourned to the t w e n t y - t h i r d to r e c e i v e evidence. The bodies of the three men were " . . . as decently i n t e r r e d as circumstances would a l l o w . " - 166 -Mr. Elwyn, who w i t h Brew had h e l d the. i n q u e s t , read the b u r i a l s e r v i c e , f o l l o w i n g which Brew began the r e t u r n t r i p to the head of the I n l e t . He a r r i v e d at Waddington w i t h h i s party on the t w e n t y - t h i r d . Here the evidence f o r the inquest was taken down from " L i t t l e George" and Edward Mosley and Brew set down a hasty report to the C o l o n i a l Secretary. Brew concluded i n h i s report that i t would be i m p r a c t i c a b l e to advance i n t o the i n t e r i o r without g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g the means at h i s command. He made i t c l e a r that h i s o p i n i o n was against such an e f f o r t , .though i n a r a t h e r h e r o i c phrase he s t a t e d , " I f His E x c e l l e n c y The Governor wish me to advance i n t o the i n t e r i o r I s h a l l make the attempt, l e t the undertaking be ever so d i f f i -c u l t . " Brew's impression of the route Waddington had chosen and of h i s t r a i l was anything but favourable, judging by h i s r e p o r t . No j u s t impression of the Country or the T r a i l [he wrote] can be formed from Mr. Waddington's f l a t t e r i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of i t . W i t h i n a d i s t a n c e of four m i l e s the T r a i l crosses a mountain I consider 2000 f e e t high Mr. Waddington says 1100. Waddington and h i s road party came i n f o r severe c r i t i c i s m f o r !f t h e i r dealings w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s . Brew bla^med the road men f o r t h e i r ". . . b l i n d confidence i n f i c k l e savages." They had made no e f f o r t , he_ s a i d , to gain the C h i l c o t i n s ' good w i l l or to ". . . guard a g a i n s t t h e i r enmity." Brew thought the Indians ought to have been p a i d t h e i r wages i n money r a t h e r than by "orders" f o r goods which they d e s i r e d . (In t h i s he may have been mistaken, for-, i t seems u n l i k e l y that the C h i l c o t i n s i n v o l v e d would have had much choice i n places to spend any money they received.) Brew pointed out that the Indians thought they should have been given t h e i r food i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r wages but they were not. He r e f e r r e d to the C h i l c o t i n women being given food i n r e t u r n f o r p r o s t i t u t i o n . ' And he placed - 167 -r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w i t h Waddington f o r supplying the C h i l c o t i n s w i t h f i r e a r m s . In s h o r t , he b e l i e v e d that the C h i l c o t i n s had been " . . . most i n j u d i c i o u s l y t r e a t e d . " He b e l i e v e d that " i f a sound d i s c r e t i o n had been ex e r c i s e d towards 29 them" the massacre would not have occurred. This general c o n c l u s i o n was a sound one, but Brew had not heard of the smallpox threat against the C h i l c o t i n s which was the c h i e f m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r i n b r i n g i n g about the massacre. Thus the workmen had to bear a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e share of the blame. Brew might p o s s i b l y have found out.more had i t not been f o r the language b a r r i e r , f o r the ,Bute I n l e t Indians he t r i e d to examine knew, he s a i d , not a word of Chinook. The Chinook trade jargon was the " l i n g u a f r a n c a " f o r dealings between the white man and the Indian i n much of c o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia,-but apparently i t was not commonly understood by the Indians of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r area. On May 26 Governor Seymour l e f t . New Westminster f o r Bute I n l e t on board the - gunboat Forward. Presumably i t was as a r e s u l t of h i s c o n f e r r i n g w i t h Brew at Bute I n l e t that the f i n a l d e c i s i o n to b r i n g back the volunteers was made. Seymour, and Brew's Bute I n l e t party* returned to New'^Westminster on May 31. Seymour's Refu s a l of the V i c t o r i a O f f e r Seymour, i n a l e t t e r dated June 4, r e p l i e d to the V i c t o r i a Volunteers-o f f e r , t r a n s m i t t e d by Kennedy. He p o l i t e l y d e c l i n e d to accept t h e i r s e r v i c e s f o r the time being. He had already been o f f e r e d the s e r v i c e s of the North West R i f l e Volunteer Company and of the Hyack F i r e Brigade as w e l l as of i n d i v i d u a l s , so that i f he accepted he could ". . . e n r o l a f o r c e g r e a t l y exceeding i n numbers the whole C h i l c o t i n t r i b e . " Seymour gathered that the p u b l i c meeting i n V i c t o r i a had been he l d because of a second rumoured - 168 -massacre (apparently the rumour concerning the annihilation of Macdonald's party). But this was only a rumour which in fact had originated in Victoria. Governor Seymour indicated that the action he had taken had been in response to the advice of Sir James Douglas, whom he had consulted. In every respect [he wrote] my predecessor's suggestions have been exceeded by my actions, and additional steps equalling at least in vigour any yet taken,; would long ere this have been adopted:had I received the co-operation I anticipated-from a branch of Her Majesty's service, . seldom slow in protecting the lives of our fellow-countrymen, and supporting the authority of the law. Seymour s t i l l hoped for the support of the navy, and, he revealed, hoped to send an expedition to penetrate the Chilcotin country from Bentinck Arm. He might possibly accept the help of some of the Victoria Volunteers for this expedition, but he did not think he would have to do so. If the unexpected happened, though, and there broke out a general Indian insurrec-tion ". . . among the tribes between the upper Eraser and the sea . . . " he would c a l l on the assistance of the Victoria volunteers. One phrase in Seymour's letter hints at his displeasure with Kennedy's previous lack of promptness in sending the news of the massacre. Seymour refers to ".'. . the much delayed receipt by me of the intelligence of the melancholy affair at Bute Inlet." We may surmise that, perhaps because of details he had heard of the Victoria public meeting, and perhaps because of his growing identification with New Westminster and the mainland colony, Seymour did not trust the Victoria Volunteers. Should any of.them join the Bentinck Expedition, Seymour wrote," . . . I would inform them at the outset that their duties w i l l not probably be of that exciting kind which tempt young men from their homes. We are not at war with the Indians, and the energy of the volunteers restrained by their oa'ths as special constables, w i l l 1 probably have.only to be directed,towards making passable for them-selves and packers the many swamps and rocks which impede their progress. - 169 -Seymour obliquely referred to the possibility that the Chilcotins had been ill-used by the road-workers from Victoria," We apprehend [he wrote] no serious resistance from the small band of assassins who even though excited by ill-usage would not have dared to face the men who f e l l their victims.31. Cox's Expedition to Puntzi Lake By May 29 Gold Commissioner William Cox in the Cariboo,received the Colonial Secretary's letter informing him of the Bute Inlet massacre and asking that he take charge of an expedition to the Chilcotin from Alexandria. The same day he wrote to say that he was leaving Richfield the next morning for Quesnelmouth where he would make the necessary arrangements, for the 32 expedition. , On June 1 Ogilvy wrote to the Colonial Secretary to report his arrival in Alexandria accompanied by McLean, whose•services he had apparently secured on the way. They were waiting for Cox, .whom they expected at any hour. Ogilvy reported that "Alexie" (Alexis) had" previous to their arrival brought, down to Alexandria news of the murder of Manning. Alexis and the greater portion of his tribe, Ogilvy reported, had declared that they did not 33 intend to protect the murderers but would help to bring them to justice. Donald McLean, now an.experienced fur-trader and far more familiar with the interior and i t s Indians than the newcomers who had arrived with the gold rush, was by this time looked up to as a man of action who was just the sort of person required for an expedition of this sort. He had been recommended to Governor Seymour, and he was mentioned to Governor Kennedy as one whose services would be valuable - mentioned, oddly enough, by C. B. Young whose 34 concern for the just treatment of the Indian we have already noted. - 170 -McLean was said to have married a Chilcotin woman and his knowledge of the Chilcotin country and people from his fur-trade experiences in i t naturally made him appear an especially valuable asset for the expedition. He was a great story-teller and no doubt his tales of executing frontier "justice" on the Indians helped to make him somewhat of a,hero among the rough miners of the interior. In the reports that reached the coast Donald McLean soon began to appear 35 as a major figure. His impatience was apparently beginning to. be evident. The Columbian reported that Cox had not yet arrived at Fort Alexandria, that ". . . those more or less interested in the Expedition against the Indians" were becoming impatient, and that "Capt. McLean even went so far as to talk of returning home."36 Cox, having arrived at Quesnel, had found that the steamer Enterprise was out of service. Hence the delay. However, he managed to construct a raft, by means of which he brought down the volunteers he had collected up 37 to that point, and arrived safely at. Fort Alexandria. On June 8 Cox with his expedition l e f t Alexandria. His force, including 38 himself, was made up of f i f t y men and an Indian boy. Later i t was 39 apparently increased to some sixty or sixty-five. Cox had hoped to have the services of Alexis as guide but he could not be found. Apparently he and his family had fled to the mountains, reports having been circulated that the whites were bent on the indiscriminate slaughter of a l l Indians. Possibly these reports had started with the boasts of some of Cox's men. Drawn from the gold-mining region and many of them no doubt having come from the gold mines of California, i t is l i k e l y that many of Cox's party had l i t t l e relish for the restraint which they were supposed to be under as men whose mission was not to avenge but "merely to assert the supremacy of the law." - 171 -By June 12 Cox arrived at Puntzi Lake. Here, covered i n a ditch, the body of William Manning was discovered. An inquest was held and the body buried. The following day Cox sent Donald McLean, his son, another man, and "Indian Jack" to Chilcotin Forks to secure the services of Alexis as interpreter and guide. About mid-day a scouting party returned to Cox's camp at Puntzi and reported having seen an Indian dog on the ridge of a h i l l Cox sent a party-of men out with an Indian boy to follow the dog and bring back any Indian they might encounter so that Cox might make known the purpose of his mission in the region. After the party had penetrated about a half-mile into the woods the guide " . . . made signs indicating that Indians were near,"^ when instantly they were fired on by Indians con-cealed in the woods. An exchange of f i r e resulted, the Indians retreating and taking cover behind the trees as they went, "whooping as they flew" as Cox put i t . One of the expeditionary party was wounded in the thigh. Cox, hearing the f i r i n g , sent out a second party of eight men and went with Ogilvy and six men in another direction in order to surround the Indians, but without success, for they were nowhere to be seen. Cox wrote, "we constructed good breastworks for our protection during the nights." The next day Cox's party heard f i r i n g in the same direction as before. Five Indians showed themselves and discharged their firearms into the air. Cox f e l t this open defiance was a trap and decided not to follow them or risk the lives of his men in any way until Alexis had arrived. On the sixteenth McLean and the three men with him returned to report that they had. met Alexis' tribe and family, who had been a l l in arms at their approach McLean had assured them of the white's peaceful intentions, and they had promised to send for Alexis, who was away in the mountains.. - 172 -Cox remained w a i t i n g at P u n t z i Lake f o r the. a r r i v a l of A l e x i s . Over the rude f o r t - w h i c h they had constructed Cox flew the white f l a g to denote 41 h i s p e a c e f u l i n t e n t i o n s . Brew's E x p e d i t i o n by Way of Bentinck Arm By the time Cox and h i s e x p e d i t i o n had reached P u n t z i Lake from A l e x a n d r i a preparations were"under^way f o r launching a second e x p e d i t i o n i n t o C h i l c o t i n country. Admiral Kingcome had consented to convey an expedi-t i o n to Bentinck Arm and a party of f o r t y volunteers had been r a i s e d i n New Westminster. These, l i k e the party who had gone to Bute I n l e t , were to be under the command of P o l i c e M a g i s t r a t e Chartres Brew. The volunteers were of ra t h e r a d i f f e r e n t s o r t than Cox's p a r t y , being l a r g e l y of B r i t i s h 42 background, many of them discharged sappers from the Royal Engineers. On June 11 Brew a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r i a aboard the A l e x a n d r i a . Here he awaited 43 , the a r r i v a l of h i s men. Governor F r e d e r i c k Seymour, young and adventurous, had decided to accompany the e x p e d i t i o n h i m s e l f . The H.M.S. S u t l e j c a r r i e d Seymour, 7 44 Brew, and the men of the E x p e d i t i o n north to Bentinck Arm, where they a r r i v e d on June 18. On the f o l l o w i n g day the party landed at "Rascal's V i l l a g e " ( B e l l a Coola), and on the twentieth set out f o r P u n t z i Lake. With them they took about t h i r t y B e l l a Coolas whom Brew, w i t h Seymour's 45 approval, had h i r e d . Others who had p r e v i o u s l y used the Bentinck Arm route had gone by canoe up the r i v e r to where'land t r a n s p o r t a t i o n by means of pack animals began. The Bentinck Arm expeditionary p a r t y , having brought 46 t h e i r own horses, cut a t r a i l up the r i v e r v a l l e y . Progress was slowed but they reached the head of n a v i g a t i o n by the twenty-fourth and were then able to take the r e g u l a r route. On the path l e a d i n g up the Great S l i d e - 173 -some shouts were heard in the bushes and the Indians who were with the expedition "captured" a Chilcotin who was lurking nearby. Possibly in the light of what happened, a l i t t l e later, the Chilcotin meant to be captured. According to Seymour, they learned later that Anaheim and his followers had been lurking in the woods. "Perhaps the resolute bearing of the Volunteers, perhaps the presence among us of friendly Indians [wrote Seymour later] • • " 47 prevented the attack which appears to have been meditated." At the top of the Great Slide a day's halt was called to rest the horses, and here a party of twelve men sent by Cox under Ogilvey met them. A letter was handed to Seymour in which Cox informed the Governor of his actions and stated that his force was ample for i t s task. Seymour, however, had decided to push on with the Bentinck Arm expedition. Ogilvey and his men started back the next day to rejoin Cox's party. Brew and, Seymour with the Bentinck Expedition came on more slowly. By June 30 Brew's party reached the summit of the Coast Range. They now considered themselves to be in Chilcotin country. Arriving at Anahim Lake, the whites found Nancootloon, Anaheim's village, deserted. Believing that Anaheim had not openly declared himself an enemy, the whites l e f t the village without destroying i t . Soon the expedition came across signs of goods from Macdonald's fated expedition. After several miles they came to the wolf-torn body of Macdonald. Some distance on the body of Higgins, and s t i l l further the remains of McDougal. Next day the expedition passed the earthworks which Macdonald and his party had thrown up as a defence against the Indians. About two miles further on was a palisaded blockhouse of the Indians on the summit of a h i l l , near Sutiko. Since these Chilcotins had been definitely - 174 -i n v o l v e d i n the massacre and s i n c e the blockhouse was capable of being used again, the whites destroyed i t by f i r e . The smoke of the d e s t r u c t i o n apparently alarmed some C h i l c o t i n s camped on the opposite s i d e of the l a k e . A shot was heard, and the men of the e x p e d i t i o n some hours l a t e r discovered about a dozen hastily-abandoned huts. The t r a c k of the Indians l e d towards Bute I n l e t , so a " f l y i n g p a r t y " of tWenty-five was sent a f t e r them under Lieutenant Cooper.'- ' "The party followed the Indians f o r many days, l e d p r i n -c i p a l l y by the C h i l c o t i n who had.been captured on the '.'Great S l i d e . " I n the end t h e i r guide deserted them, and they were forced to make t h e i r way back without having achieved success. The Combined E x p e d i t i o n Meanwhile, the r e s t of the New Westminster Volunteers w i t h Brew and Governor Seymour had pushed on to P u n t z i Lake where they j o i n e d Cox's party on J u l y 6. There was great" enthusiasm at the s u c c e s s f u l j o i n i n g of the two p a r t i e s , and Governor Seymour was h e a r t i l y cheered by Cox's men. However, the paro-c h i a l r i v a l r y of t h i s c o l o n i a l p e r i o d of B r i t i s h Columbia h i s t o r y soon began to manifest i t s e l f i n p e t t y j e a l o u s y . Perhaps the d i f f e r e n t make-up of the two p a r t i e s helped to accentuate t h i s j e a l o u s y . Governor Seymour, thoroughly i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the New Westminster group, drew the f o l l o w i n g c o n t r a s t when communicating l a t e r w i t h the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The few hours that the two parties!'had passed together s u f f i c e d to show the d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r character. The men r a i s e d i n the gold d i s t r i c t s , mostly Americans, passed the greater part of the ni g h t i n dancing and p l a y i n g cards to an accompanyment of war whoops and the beating of t i n pots. The New Westminster E x p e d i t i o n almost e x c l u s i v e l y E n g l i s h , and comprisng many discharged sappers, spent the evening i n t h e i r u s u a l q u i e t s o l d i e r - l i k e manner. No s p i r i t u o u s l i q u o r was i n e i t h e r camp* yet the amusements were kept up i n the one long a f t e r t o t a l s i l e n c e p r e v a i l e d i n the other, and a s l i g h t estrangement commenced between the occupiers of the f o r t and those encamped on the p l a i n below, which was never e n t i r e l y healed.48 - 175 -Seymour was not p a r t i c u l a r l y impressed w i t h the l e a d e r s h i p Cox had shown, e i t h e r , and, according to h i s despatch to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , asked Cox why he had kept h i s f o r c e i n a c t i v e so long. They had, of course, been w a i t i n g f o r the a r r i v a l of A l e x i s , but he s t i l l - had not turned up. At any r a t e , i t was arranged that Cox's party should w a i t no lo n g e r , but leave the next morning heading i n the d i r e c t i o n of T a t l a Lake and the mountains of Bute I n l e t . This they d i d , and the New Westminster party w i t h the Governor and Chartres Brew was l e f t h o l d i n g the p o s i t i o n at P u n t z i Lake. Cox's E x p e d i t i o n South-Westwards Cox's party t r a v e l l e d beyond T a t l a Lake to the r e g i o n around the head-49 waters of the Homathko or between there and the headwaters of the Southgate R i v e r . Signs of the C h i l c o t i n s were evident, but : the Indians g e n e r a l l y kept out of shooting d i s t a n c e . Lundin Brown t e l l s of the whites s u r p r i s i n g s e v e r a l of the C h i l c o t i n s and g i v i n g chase, shooting, but without apparent r e s u l t . One of the C h i l c o t i n s , according to Lundin Brown, was K l a t s a s s i n , who f i n a l l y escaped by plunging i n t o aj.lake and swimming underwater t i l l he could take cover among the reeds.5""" Cox's party on t h i s e x p e d i t i o n , r e p o r t e d l y on J u l y 17, s u f f e r e d the only l o s s of l i f e i n f l i c t e d on the whites of the expeditions which were sent to the C h i l c o t i n country. Against Cox's orders Donald McLean, impatient and independent as ever, l e f t the.camp-site i n search of C h i l c o t i n s , accompanied by one I n d i a n , s a i d to be a Shuswap. According to the account given i n the C o l o n i s t , he caught s i g h t Of a b l i n d ' of boughs p i l e d against the trunk of a t a l l t r e e ? . McLean threw up h i s r i f l e and prepared to f i r e when a shot from - 176 -. . ' a clump of w i l l o w s on the opposite s i d e of the t r a i l f e l l e d him i n s t a n t l y . The I n d i a n who accompanied McLean managed to get s a f e l y back to the camp. A number of men were sent i n p u r s u i t but without success. McLean's body 52 was brought i n , "and i n the evening was b u r i e d . W i l l i a m Cox's men returned on J u l y 20 to P u n t z i Lake w i t h no success to r e p o r t .and w i t h news of the death of McLean whose r e p u t a t i o n as an "exper i n d e a l i n g w i t h the Indians had made him somewhat a "hero i n both B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver I s l a n d . Rumour had i t t h a t nineteen Indians had at • 53 one time or another f a l l e n at the hands of t h i s s e l f - a p p o i n t e d avenger. Brew's Party at P u n t z i Lake At P u n t z i Lake the New Westminster Volunteers had run very short of food by the time W i l l i a m Cox's men returned. A pack t r a i n w i t h an e s c o r t had been sent f o r s u p p l i e s to the summit of the Great S l i d e r i g h t a f t e r Cox's men had l e f t , but i t had s t i l l not a r r i v e d by the t w e n t i e t h . The despatch of the p a c k - t r a i n had l e f t the New Westminster Volunteers g r e a t l y reduced i n numbers. The b a r k i n g of I n d i a n dogs and signs of Indian t r a c k s i n d i c a t e d to the men that C h i l c o t i n s were near-by, and thesmen dared not separate even to go hunting and f i s h i n g . The f l y i n g p a r t y which had been sent a f t e r the C h i l c o t i n s on the second r e j o i n e d the New Westminster Volun-teers at P u n t z i Lake on the t e n t h , making hunting and f i s h i n g s a f e r . The B e l l a Coola Indians had helped by f i s h i n g w h i l e the f i s h l a s t e d , and the 54 menu was eked out b y - b e r r i e s , but r a t i o n s had'been cut very low. "Nancy," the C h i l c o t i n woman who had l i v e d w i t h Manning, had remained at the s i t e of h i s farm. Brew persuaded her to go as an emissary to A l e x i s , and she l e f t on J u l y 7. L i t t l e by l i t t l e , members of A l e x i s ' s band began - 177 -to v i s i t the camp. Finally they promised that Alexis himself would come i f the Governor remained in the camp. Alexis's V i s i t When the Alexandria party returned to Puntzi Lake, Cox advised Seymour that the pursuit of the Indians be given up unt i l the winter (when starva-tion might force them to surrender). Brew expressed his agreement with this advice. But, fearing the results of the loss of face i f the Chilcotin insurgents were allowed to gain an apparent victory, Seymour decided that action must be continued against, them. He ordered that the New Westminster Volunteers take up the work of scouring the country, while Cox's men were to man the "fort" at Puntzi Lake. Before the New Westminster Volunteers had a chance to leave, however, an event occurred which gave some encouragement to the disheartened leaders of the expeditions. ' A large party of Indians appeared, which turned out to be Alexis and his followers. A messenger having been sent to him, Alexis agreed to come into the camp, after he had been assured that the Governor 56 was s t i l l there. Seymour's conversation-with Alexis was'unsatisfactory to the Governor, but revealing as to Alexis's attitude. Seymour complained of the murder of Manning in what he apparently regarded as Alexis's territory, and he enquired ".. '.. . how he, the Chief of the country, could think i t right to go Cariboo •hunting when his men were k i l l i n g every white person they saw. Alexis s response t e l l s something both about the impact of white society on the Chilcotins and about the fragmentary nature of authority among the Chilcotins. - 178 -He said, which is true [wrote Seymour]," that the great Chiefs have lost much of their authority' since the Indians hear every white man assume the distinction. That the men under Klatsassin and Tellot have renounced a l l connection with him, and have a right to make war on us without i t being any affair of his. Seymour asked what the whites had done to provoke " . . . h o s t i l i t i e s which had been carried on against them in such a barbarous manner."57 His answer [wrote Seymour] was interpreted to me in Canadian French, that Klatsassin's men were "des mauvais sauvages, qui connaissent pas le bon Dieu."58 Alexis's description of the insurgent Chilcotins as "some bad savages who do not know the good God" reflects the differences in-exposure to European influences among the various groups of Chilcotins. Those Chil-cotins responsible for the massacres were those least deeply influenced by the whites. Alexis and Kis band, however, because of the position of their territory, had experienced a longer and deeper exposure to white influence than had any of the other Chilcotins.. Alexis, Seymour wrote, "had. . . frequent intercourse with the whites of*the Hudson's Bay Fort on the Fraser [Fort Alexandria] and had been occasionally visited by the Roman Catholic priests." Not only would Alexis be more aware of white, power than were other Chilcotin leaders, but i t is quite possible that the teachings of the missionaries were influential in preventing his taking part in the violent uprising instigated by Klatsassin. At the same time Alexis at this point indicated some sympathy for the insurgent Chilcotins." He indicated his reluctance to take an active part against his fellow Chilcotins by stating that Klatsassin and Tellot had a right to make war on the whites " . . . 60 ' without i t being any affair of his." Seymour apparently sensed some hos t i l i t y in Alexis's attitude. "He enquired with something approaching a sneer," the Governor wrote, "how long I meant to remain on his hunting - 179 -61 ' grounds." "Three years," was Seymour's reply, intended', of course, to convey his determination. Alexis's v i s i t brought l i t t l e satisfaction to the men of the Alexandria Expedition. They already f e l t slighted by having been assigned a defensive role at Puntzi Lake while Brew's men had been ordered to take up the work of scouring the country looking for the insurgents."^ Cox's men, who, according to Seymour, made up ". . . a sort of deliberate assembly," -. . . agreed to insist' on being allowed to march against the Indians or to retire. To make matters worse, Alexis's right-hand man was recognized as having been.present at Bute Inlet during the massacre, and Mr. Cox's men were anxious to hang him at once or burn him alive. . . To prevent trouble, the suspect, Ulnas, was arrested ". . . for his own - «-• » 6 2 protection. The shortage of food in the camp prevented Alexis being accorded the generous treatment which i t would have been desirable to give a potential ally. Alexis, apparently unimpressed with the reception-given him, had ordered his horses to be saddled in preparation for departure. At Chartres Brew's suggestion, however, the chief was asked to escort the Governor to Alexandria. "Surprised but flattered by this mark of confidence," as 63 Seymour put i t , "he agreed to remain." Things took another turn for the better with the arrival of the pack train which had previously been sent by Brew. Apparently horses had just been started off to Alexandria for supplies when the long-awaited pack-train arrived. The arrival of supplies may have done something to sway Alexis, who now agreed ". . . t o accompany the Expedition to the Bute Inlet Mountains with a considerable f o r c e . " 6 4 Seymour, having decided that he had accomplished his purpose in - 180 -the expedition, l e f t for Alexandria, with the intention of v i s i t i n g the Cariboo before returning to New Westminster. Whether Alexis escorted the Governor to Alexandria as previously arranged is uncertain. Seymour foresaw the possible expedience of holding t r i a l s "on the spot" i f the s°ught-fof Chilcotins should be taken prisoners. . . . I l e f t with Mr. Brew, an experienced Magistrate, a man of admiral temper and discretion, f u l l powers for holding a Court of Justice in the Chilcoaten country.65 Brew's Expedition South-westwards Seymour l e f t Puntzi Lake on- July 25. Brew and his men l e f t Puntzi on August 8 and arrived at Lake Tathalco [Tatlayoko?] on the twelfth. A portion of his men Brew placed i n a party under Elwyn, his second in command. The two parties of men searched the d i s t r i c t in the area of the lakes and the.Homathko River and saw signs of Indians, but failed to make contact 66 with any of them. The Surrender of Eight Chilcotins Possibly even before Brew and his party l e f t Puntzi Lake, according to an account given i n the Columbian, the son of Tapitt, one of the i n -surgent chiefs, had come to William Cox's camp with a message from Klat-sassin and T e l l o t . ^ 7 The messenger was" accompanied by Alexis. The message was that i f the whites would remain where they were the two Chilcotin chiefs would gather together a l l the murderers and come and give themselves up. Cox replied to the effect that, though he would not remain where he was encamped, he would be camped for a.few days at the Hudson's Bay Company's old fort on the "Chezco" River. Klatsassin i f he wished could surrender himself there. No further message was received from-the-insurgent Chilcotins t i l l August 10 when Tapitt's son came to the camp at the fort - 181 -site which Cox had mentioned. He said that Klatsassin had sent runners to the Indians who were scattered about the mountains and that within four days they would be in. The messenger brought some money from Klatsassin as an apparent token of good faith. Four days later he returned with the message that Klatsassin, Telloot and six others would come in the next morning. Klatsassin had not, however, succeeded in finding the other Indians concerned'in the massacre. The next day, August 15, at half past eight in the morning, the eight Chilcotins came as promised. Klatsassin was the spokeman and evident leader. I have brought seven murderers, and I am one myself [begain his statement as translated and taken before Cox]. I return you one horse, one mule, and Twenty dollars for the Governor, as a token of good faith. The names of the men present are: Myself, Telloot, Chee-loot, Tapitt, Piem, Chassis, Cheddiki, Sanstanki.68 Ten more, he said, were at large. Three others were dead. (One had been k i l l e d by Macdonald and the other two had ki l l e d themselves.) " Twenty-one Indians in a l l had been implicated in the massacre. Anaheim's party had taken the greater part of the plunder.. - • Thus, quietly, the leading Chilcotins involved in the Uprising and some • v' '"C -•• of their most deeply implicated followers entered William Cox's camp unarmed and peacefully. As far as Cox was concerned i t was an outright surrender on the part of these Chilcotins, There only remained the question of where and by .whom:, they would be tried. Brew had been empowered with a commission to try the Chilcotins in 69 their own country, but Cox had no such power. Accordingly i t was arranged that Chief Justice Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie should try the prisoners. The t r i a l was to be at Quesnel. - 182 -The surrender of the eight Chilcotins came with a suddeness startling to the whites who had pursued the insurgents with so l i t t l e apparent success up to this time. It would never have come about in the way i t did had the Chilcotins understood the consequences of their surrender. In a message to Klatsassin, Cox had stated that he would not harm the Chilcotins i f they came into his.camp, that he had no power to kill-ithem,. but that he would "hand them.over.to the big chief" (meaning Chief Justice Begbie). 7^ This message Klatsassin and his followers interpreted as a promise that they would be allowed to camp in freedom near Cox, that they would not. be k i l l e d , and that they would have an interview with Governor Seymour himself. It was two days after they received this message that Klatsassin and the seven other Chilcotins came into Cox's camp.. They had received a present of tobacco from Cox, and this, Klatsassin later told Begbie,* they had smoked after coming into his camp. Then, said Klatsassin [to Begbie], we thought ourselves safe. We have a l l heard [wrote Begbie to Seymour] of the sacredness of the pipe of peace on the Eastern "side among the Indians—I never had any experience on the matter here. . . The Chilcotins. were not allowed to camp freely but were treated as prisoners. Alexis, who had acted as a go-between, apparently considered that Cox had broken his promise. ". . . Mr. Cox must have two tongues," he said, according to Begbie, when told that the Chilcotins would not be 72 allowed to camp with him. The Chilcotins' mistaken belief that they were to have an interview with Seymour seems to have partly risen because someone (not Cox, according 73 to Begbie) showed them a picture of the Governor. That there was mis-understanding is certain. Whether or not tne Chilcotins were deliberately misled seems, now, impossible to ascertain. - 183 -74 The Trials at Quesnel The tr i a l s of six of the eight Chilcotins who surrendered were held at Quesnel on September 28-and"29. On the twenty-eighth an indictment was entered against Telloot as "principal in wounding Buckley with intent to murder and against Klatsassin, Chessus, Piele and Chedekki on one count as aiding and abetting and on a second count as inciting," that i s 75 as "accessories before the fact." Telloot was found guilty on the f i r s t count and Klatsassin on the second. The jury failed to reach agreement on the guilt of Piele, Chessus, and Chedekki. (One member of the jury was in disagreement with.the eleven others.) On the next day Tah-pit was tried and found guilty of the murder of William Manning, Klatsassin and Piele of the murder of Alexander Macdonald, and Chessus of the murder of James Gaudet. Begbie sentenced a l l five convicted prisoners, to be hung. Chedekki, whom no witness had recognized but who i t was said would be recognized by Peterson, was to be sent to New Westminster for t r i a l , ' The other two prisoners, Tnananki [?] and his son, Cheloot, had no specific charge against them and had already been allowed to go free since there was nothing against them except Klatsassin's opening remarks on coming to Cox's camp. The f i n a l decision as to whether the hangings were to be carried out was Seymour's, since he had the power to exercise clemency. This, however, he did not see f i t to do. The Imprisonment The prisoners, while awaiting execution, were kept in an improvised gaol, "a mere log house, with part partitioned off for a c e l l . " On October 2, as Begbie was about to leave, R. C. Lundin Brown, a - 184 -minister of the Church of England, arrived at Quesnelmouth from the gold fields where he had been preaching. He boarded the steamer Enterprise, and there had a word with the judge, who told him about the condemned Chil-cotins. Lundin Brown agreed to"stay and give spiritual instruction to the condemned men. Securing an interpreter, Baptiste, Lundin Brown made his way to the improvised gaol where the heavily shackled prisoners sat squatting on the floor. 1 Day after day Lundin Brown instructed them i n Christian teachings. The Chilcotins, seeing he had no crucifix about his neck, were somewhat dubious of his credentials as a true priest, but before the time of their execution came they had accepted him and satisfied him as to their repentance and true faith. Two of the Chilcotins, Lundin Brown says, had been baptized previously. Klatsassin and Teloot, and probably Chessus also, Lundin Brown christened himself. The morning of their execution he administered the Lord's Supper to the Chilcotins. The prisoners had breakfast, and then as they were called out one by one to be pinioned for execution, Lundin Brown bid them farewell. The prisoners were led to the scaffold. A crowd of about two ./ hundred whites and Indians had gathered. Brief prayers were said in Chilcotin, which Lundin Brown had gained some knowledge of, and then as each prisoner was blindfolded and readied for execution the minister spoke the words "Jesu Christ nerhunschita sincha coontse" ("Jesus Christ be with thy s p i r i t . " ) 7 7 In the midst of a l l this Tah-pit suddenly called out to his fellow-prisoners to "have courage." Then, addressing the Carrier Indians who were gathered there and who had been formerly at war with the Chilcotins, he said, " T e l l the Chilcoatens to cease anger against the whites;" He - 185 -then added, "We are going to see the Great Father." The Chilcotins were buried ". . . in a wood near Quesnelmouth, not far from the Cariboo road. A wooden cross with a rude inscription [writes Lundin Brown] was set up to mark the spot. . . . " Chedekki, who had been imprisoned with the other Chilcotins, was sent down for t r i a l at New Westminster but managed to escape on the way 78 ' and was never caught. The next year Ahan, another of the Chilcotins who had been involved in the uprising, decided to attempt to make peace with the white authorities. He travelled down the Bella Coola River with several hundred dollars' worth of furs which he regarded as compensation for his part in the massacres. Anaheim informed the whites of his coming, and Ahan was taken into custody, as was Lutas, a relative of his who was also said to have been involved i n the massacres. On July 3 and 4, 1865, Ahan and Lutas were tried and the death sentence was passed on them. Ahan was executed on July 18, but Lutas was pardoned—the only one of the Chilcotins sentenced to whom the executive extended clemency. 7 9 - 186 -Footnotes for Chapter VI """"The Latest Indian Atrocity," Daily British Colonist (Victoria), May 12, 1864, p. 2. 2 "Horrible Massacre!! Fourteen Men Murdered at Bute Inlet," Victoria  Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 3, from the extra of May 11, 1864. 3 "The Indian Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 12, 1864, p. 2. 4"The Bute Massacre," Weekly British Colonist (Victoria), May 24, 1864, p. 8. 5"Another Indian Massacre," Victoria Daily Chronicle, May 29, 1864, . 3, from "Another Indian Massacre!" British Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3. P ^Derek Pethick, James Douglas: Servant of Two Empires (Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1969), p. 183, pp. 210-211, p. 243. ''"Emergency Meeting," Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1864, p. 3. g "Bute Inlet Massacres, Minutes of a Public Meeting held in Victoria Theatre 8 p.m., June 1st, 1864," Archives of British Columbia, F57 B97m. 9„ Emergency Meeting," Daily British Colonist, June 2, 1864, p. 3, "^"The Governor on the Bute Tragedy," Daily British Colonist, June 3, 1864, p. 3. "'"""""Bute Inlet Massacre," volunteer l i s t with "Bute Inlet Massacres, Minutes of a Public Meeting held in Victoria Theatre, 8 p.m. June 1st 1864." 12 "The Indian Murders," Weekly British Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 6. 13 "The Bute Massacre," British Columbian, May 14, 1864, p. 3. 14"The Hyacks Volunteer," British Columbian, May 18, 1864, p. 3. 15"The New Westminster Volunteers," British Columbian, June 8, 1864, p. 1. - 187 -16 "The Bute Massacre," British Columbian, May 18, 1864, p. 2. 1 7"An Indian Policy," British Columbian, May 21, 1864, p. 2. 18 Typescript copy of letter, A. Waddington to Colonial Secretary of British Columbia, May 28, 1864, "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," F i l e 9, Special Collections, University of British Columbia. 19 Copy of letter, Arthur N. Birch to A. Waddington, June 3, 1864 in British Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 -September, 1864," Archives of British Columbia. 20 Typescript copy of letter, A. Waddington to Colonial Secretary, June 9, 1864, "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872," Fil e 9, sf/pcial Collections, University of British Columbia. 21 Copy of letter, Arthur N. Birch to A. Waddington, June 3, 1864, in British Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863-September, 1864," Archives of British Columbia. 22 British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, May 20, 1864. 23 Copy of letter, Arthur N. Birch to W. G. Cox, May 14, 1864, in British Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864, pp. 196-198, Archives of British Columbia. 24 Copy of letter, Birch to Cox, May 18, 1864, in British Columbia, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864, pp. 203-206, Archives of British Columbia. 25 British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour to the Duke of Newcastle, No. 8, May 20, 1864. In the same despatch, although Seymour begged "distincly to be under-stood as not making a complaint against anyone . . .," he outlined the delay which had occurred in sending him the news of the massacre. He spoke of the danger to the men who had been sent over the Bentinck Arm route. "This was known in Victoria," he wrote, "why were two days lost in communicating with me?" 2 6 British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from . . . Seymour and . . . Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 18-19, Frederick Seymour - 188 -to the Duke of Newcastle, No. 8, May 20, 1864. Seymour spoke of the colony's lack of a seagoing steamer, a lack for which he had already attempted to compensate in part by sending an agent to Portland, Oregon, to purchase a small vessel with the Governor's own travelling allowance. This vessel, however, would not be dependable in rough weather. Seymour was " . . . ignorant of the instructions furnished to the Admiral of the Pacific station . . ., but f e l t that British Columbia at the " s t i l l early stage of i t s existence" had a claim to some naval protection from the Mother Country. 27 "The Indian Celebration," British Columbian, May 25, 1864, p. 3. 28 "News from the Bute Expedition," British Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3. 29 C[hartres] Brew to Colonial Secretary [Arthur N. Birch], May 23, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 30 "Return of the Bute Inlet Expedition," British Columbian,, June 1, 1864, p. 3. 31 Letter, Governor Frederick Seymour to Governor Kennedy, June 4, 1864, in Weekly Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 32 Typescript copy of letter, William G. Cox [to the Colonial Secretary of British Columbia], May 29, 1864, "Waddington . . .," F i l e 9, Special Collections, University of British Columbia. 33 Typescript copy of letter, J.D.B. Ogilvy to A. N. Birch, Colonial Secretary, June 1, 1864, "Waddington . . .," F i l e 9. 34 Untitled news item, Weekly British Colonist, June 7, 1864, p. 5; "The Governor on the Bute Tragedy," Weekly British Colonist, Supplement, p. 2. 35 According to the report of a "Mr. Ladner" who had just come down from "Mouth of Quesnelle," "Mr. McLean had not been idle while waiting at the Fort. His enquiries had resulted in confirmation of the reported murder of Manning and his party. [It is not clear whether the words ". . . and his party" refer to members of MacDonald's pack train.] Mr. McLean, who is acquainted with the Chillicooten, and, in fact, most of the Indians in the interior, says that the man Tellot [Telloot] i s the head of a small band who have in a measure - 189 -become detached from the main tribe and who only occasionally v i s i t them. His policy i s to secure the head men of the tribe and hold them as hostages for the surrender of the murderers." ("Later from the Interior," British Columbian, June 8, 1864, p. 3). According to the Weekly Colonist of June 14, McLean was reported to have sent a number of Indian scouts to Puntzi Lake, who confirmed Manning's murder. "From Fort Alexandria," British Columbian, June 11, 1864, p. 3. 37 "Way Items," British Columbian, June 15, 1864, p. 3. 3 8 Letter, William G. Cox to A. N. Birch, June 19, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. This is the main source for the narrative of Cox's activities in this sub-section. 39 British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, to the Colonial Office, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," [Photostat copy of mss. in Archives Department, Ottawa, G. series, no. 353-358] IV, 47 & 76, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Aug. 30, No. 25. 40 Letter, Cox to Birch, June 19, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. ^ B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office," Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 65, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. 42 Ibid., p. 71. A 3 Brew's men were due to arrive the evening of the same day. However, the "H.M.S. Tribune" which was to have transported them got stuck on the "sandheads" [sandbars?] at the mouth of the Fraser River, and the gunboat "Forward," sent for them instead, carried the men from New Westminster to Esquimalt. ("The Bute Inlet Massacre," Daily Evening Express, June 11, 1864, p. 3; "The Bentinck Arm Expedition," Daily Evening Express, June 13, 1864, p. 3; "Disaster to H.M.S. Tribune," Daily Evening Express, June 23, 1864, p. 3; "Departure of the Expedition," British Columbian, June 15, 1864, p. 3.) ^"Bentinck Arm Expedition," Weekly British Colonist, June 21, 1864, p. 7. ^ B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 66, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. - 190 -This despatch is a major source of information on the events connected with "Brew's Expedition by Way of Bentinck Arm." 46 The freight, however, was carried up in canoes according to a letter written by E. A. Atkins, manuscript and typescript copies, Archives of British Columbia. Neither the letter's date nor the name of the person to whom i t was written are indicated. This is a first-person account from memory, apparently written many years after the events occurred, by a volunteer who participated in the Bute Inlet and Bentinck Arm Expeditions under Brew. 4 7 B r i t i s h Columbia, "Despatches," IV, 67, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. Ibid, p. 71. 49 Rfobert] C[hristopherJ Lundin Brown, Klatsassin and Other Reminiscences  of Missionary Life in British Columbia (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), pp. 65-68. "^ "News from the Chilacoten Country" ("intelligence . .... .received from Lieut. Cooper, Aid-de-camp to . . . the Governor),- British Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3. 5"""R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, pp. 65-68. 52 Sources for the account of McLean's death are: Weekly Colonist, Aug. 2, 1864, p. ; "News from the Chilicooten Country," British Columbian, Aug. 3, 1864, p. 2; "News from the Chilacoten [sic] Country," British Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3; "Diary of a Volunteer," Daily British Colonist, Oct. 15, 1864; copy of despatch, Seymour to Cardwell, Aug. 30, 1864, No. 25; copy of despatch, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37; R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, pp. 68-76. 53 R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassin, p. 69. 5 4 B r i t i s h Columbia, "Despatches," IV, 73, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37 and "News from the Chilacoten Country," British Columbian, Aug. 6, 1864, p. 3. 5 5[Nancy, Seymour reported,] ". . . came backwards and forwards once or twice, brought in some children, then one man, who seemed to be sent to test the sincerity of our professions of moderation. When he had returned unharmed, a considerable number of squaws formed a fishing station six miles off and entered the Camp almost daily with growing confidence to barter trout for sugar, the only ar t i c l e of which we had a sufficient supply. Fully satisfied at last of our good faith the women promised that Alexis should come in, i f the Governor remained, and then fi n a l l y departed in search of him. (British Columbia, - 191 -"Desptaches," IV, 72-73, Seymour to Cardwell, Sept. 9, 1864, No. 37. 56 Ibid., p. 75. "Alexis and his men [wrote Seymour] come on at the best pace of the horses holding their muskets over their heads to show they come in peace. Having ascertained which was the Governor, the Chief threw himself from his horse, and at once approached me. He was dressed in a French uniform such as one sees in the pictures of Montcalm" (Ibid.) 57 Ibid. 58 59 Ibid. Ibid. 60 Ibid. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid. p. 75. pp. 75-75. p. 61. p. 75. p. 76. p. 76. p. 77. p. 77. p. 78. 66T Letter, C. Brew to the Governor [F. Seymour], Aug. 18, 1864, and letter, C. Brew to Colonial Secretary [of British Columbia], Sept. 8, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 6 7 L e t t e r , J.D.B. Ogilvy to the editor ("The Chilacoaten Expedition"), British Columbian, Sept. 17, 1864, p. 3. 6 8 Klatsassin's statement before W. Cox, quoted in "Glorious News from the Chilacooten Country! The Expedition Safe! Surrender of Eight of the Murderers!" British Columbian, Aug. 24, 1864, p. 3. 69 Letter, W. Cox to the Governor [F. Seymour], Aug. 15, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. - 192 -Testimony of Cox and note by Begbie, Sept. 28, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians - Tellot, Klatsassin, Chessus, Piel or Pierre, Tah-pit & Chedekki," enclosure in Mfatthew] B[ai l l i e ] Begbie [to F. Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. ^ L e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. Though there seems to be no other extant evidence of the Chilcotins having adopted the idea of the peace-pipe, they may well have done so by this time. It could have been introduced to them by fur-trade-company employees such as the part-Cree McBean, or i t may have reached them through one of the prophet cults. (See Chapter III of this thesis). 72 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 73 Testimony of Cox and note by Begbie, Sept. 28, 1864, in "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," enclosure in Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 74 Letter, Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and enclosed Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . .," Sept. 30, 1864. 7 5"Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . ." 7^R[obert] C[hristopher] Lundin Brown, Klatsassan and Other  Reminiscences of Missionary Life in British Columbia (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873), p. 97. 7 7 I b i d . , p. 121. 7 8 Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and British Columbia, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 119-120, Frederick Seymour to Edward Card-well, Nov . 23, 1864, No. 69. 79 "The Chilicoaten Murderers," British Columbian, June 1, 1865, p. 3; British Columbia, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office, Apr, 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 249-251, Seymour to Cardwell, June 8, 1865, No. 81; "The Special Assize," British  Columbian, July 4, 1865, p. 3; "Royal Clemency," British Columbian, July 15, 1865, p. 3; "Executed," British Columbian, July 18, 1865, p. 3. - 193 -CHAPTER VII WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE INDIANS AS REVEALED AND EXPRESSED DURING THE CHILCOTIN UPRISING Chapter Three examined the general a t t i t u d e s of whites towards the Indian during the period w i t h which we are d e a l i n g . This chapter w i l l seek to answer the question "How were the a t t i t u d e s of Europeans p a r t i -c u l a r l y revealed and expressed i n response to the events of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g ? " The immediate responses of the whites to the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g have already been described i n the previous chapter. Though i n t h i s chapter f u r t h e r responses w i l l be d e s c r i b e d , the prime purpose w i l l be to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between responses - the e x t e r n a l r e a c t i o n s of the moment - and a t t i t u d e s - the " i n t e r n a l " view-points of those who did the r e a c t i n g . The Range of A t t i t u d e s As one examines the v a r y i n g responses of whites during the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g i t becomes evident that these responses represent the same range of a t t i t u d e s we have noted i n Chapter Three i n a more general and s t a t i c a n a l y s i s . In the white r e a c t i o n to the C h i l c o t i n massacres we observe What we have already seen i n Chapter Three: a u n i v e r s a l confidence i n the inherent s u p e r i o r i t y of European c i v i l i z a t i o n . But i t i s a l s o evident from white responses that t h i s b e l i e f i n the s u p e r i o r i t y of white over Indian c u l t u r e took d i f f e r e n t forms w i t h d i f f e r e n t people and that d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s saw d i f f e r e n t consequences as f o l l o w i n g from i t . - 194 -The feature of European c i v i l i z a t i o n which was most immediately r e l e -vant to the C h i l c o t i n c r i s i s was i t s system of law and law enforcement. A r t i c u l a t e whites unanimously expressed t h e i r d e s i r e to see the Indian k i l l e r s brought to j u s t i c e . But d i f f e r e n t people meant d i f f e r e n t things when they t a l k e d about the C h i l c o t i n s being brought to j u s t i c e . Many, regarding the European or more p a r t i c u l a r l y the E n g l i s h system of law as being founded on u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e , b e l i e v e d that the Indians could be brought to understand and accept i t . C e r t a i n l y Seymour took t h i s p o s i t i o n i n most of h i s correspondence during the C h i l c o t i n up-r i s i n g . I t was also the p o s i t i o n taken by the B r i t i s h Columbian and even by many of the speakers at the V i c t o r i a c i t i z e n s ' meeting. Among those who c a l l e d f o r the b r i n g i n g of the white man's law to the C h i l c o t i n s there was a wide range of a t t i t u d e . Many thought only of b r i n g i n g the Indian to j u s t i c e , not of b r i n g i n g j u s t i c e to the Indian i n any general sense. This was the a t t i t u d e expressed by most at the V i c t o r i a c i t i z e n s ' meeting. Others, such as C. B. Young at the V i c t o r i a meeting and Robson, e d i t o r of the B r i t i s h Columbian, w h i l e they thought that the C h i l c o t i n s g u i l t y of p e r p e t r a t i n g the massacre should be punished, at the same time b e l i e v e d that j u s t i c e i n a wider sense should be brought to the I n d i a n , and c r i t i z e d the l a c k of j u s t i c e which had been shown towards him, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the land question. There were some who, w h i l e they may have t a l k e d of b r i n g i n g the Indian to j u s t i c e , a c t u a l l y took the same p o s i t i o n as Amor de Cosmos who had ut t e r e d the cry f o r simple revenge. I m p l i c i t i n t h i s response was not only a disregard f o r j u s t i c e and the r u l e of law which was supposed to maintain - 195 -i t , but also a crude racism expressed i n de Cosmos's statement that blood f o r blood was the only law the Indian knew, and, he i m p l i e d , the only one he was capable of knowing."'' C o l o n i a l Class S t r u c t u r e and A t t i t u d e s Expressed To what extent can we i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e s expressed towards the Indian w i t h p a r t i c u l a r classes or groups of c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y ? Only to a l i m i t e d extent, i t would appear. In the f i r s t p l a c e , c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y i n Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h Columbia at t h i s time had had very l i t t l e time to form i t s own s t r a t a . S o c i a l m o b i l i t y , we may gather, was consider-ably greater than i t would have been i n an o l d e r s o c i e t y . The white population of the two c o l o n i e s was also a very small one. Consequently opinions were spread the more e a s i l y through i t , l i k e gossip i n a small v i l l a g e . The newspapers, the only mass media of the time, were designed to be read by a l l c l a s s e s , or they would ha r d l y have had l a r g e enough readerships to s u r v i v e . In s p i t e of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y there was some c l a s s s t r u c t u r e i n c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y at the time. Most people's p o s i t i o n s i n s o c i e t y were i n part determined by the s o c i a l and educational advantages gained before coming to the c o l o n i e s . The c l a s s s t r a t a were to a l a r g e extent pre-formed, not formed l o c a l l y . One group i n c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y was made up of the o f f i c i a l s appointed by the B r i t i s h government: Seymour, Begbie, and Brew being the most prominent i n the events we have narrated. These, of course, were the o f f i c i a l e l i t e by v i r t u e of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . Among the p u b l i c there was also an " e l i t e " , the members of which were marked by s u p e r i o r educational - 196 -background and t h e i r involvement i n occupations making use of that background. In t h i s group we may in c l u d e clergymen and the e d i t o r s of c o l o n i a l newspapers. In the " n o n - e l i t e " p o r t i o n of the p u b l i c may be included small farmers, l a b o u r e r s , and miners. An examination of p u b l i c o p i n i o n expressed during the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g reveals d i v i s i o n s of a t t i t u d e which cut across c l a s s l i n e s . There was a wide divergence i n a t t i t u d e among men of the same s o c i a l group ( f o r example, de Cosmos and Robson). Morever, the a t t i t u d e s held by some of the " e l i t e " p u b l i c were apparently very s i m i l a r to those which the rough men of the mining d i s t r i c t e n l i s t e d under Cox were s a i d to hold. Most of the speakers at the June 1 V i c t o r i a Theatre meeting (apparently men of i n f l u e n c e and p o s i t i o n ) , i n d i c a t e d t h e i r r e l i a n c e on e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t y , but d i d not show any gjf'eneral tendency to moderate i t s use. Many, i n f a c t , were i n favour of using that a u t h o r i t y i n ways which s h o r t - c i r c u i t e d the whites' own p r i n c i p l e s of l e g a l i t y . The e l i t e of V i c t o r i a , then, were not so very d i f f e r e n t from Cox's men from the mining d i s t r i c t , whom Seymour c h a r a c t e r i z e d as ". . . not much disposed to r e l i s h the r e s t r a i n t which I put upon them 3 i n c a r r y i n g out operations against the Ind i a n s . " Cox's men, l i k e many of the V i c t o r i a e l i t e , apparently wanted harsher methods used against the C h i l c o t i n s . The d i f f e r e n c e between the two s o c i a l groups appears even l e s s when i t i s considered that the men of Cox's e x p e d i t i o n , though apparently r e s -t i v e under the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed upon the, g e n e r a l l y submitted to those r e s t r i c t i o n s . They, too, had some respect f o r e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t y . . . . a l l these 8 p r i s o n e r s [Begbie pointed out i n h i s l e t t e r of September 30 to Seymour] have been brought a long distance without any attempt at mob law, or even an i n s u l t . . . . Two of them at large on p a r o l [ s i c ] i n the s t r e e t s of the town q u i t e unmolested. 4 - 197 -Mention has been made i n Chapter Four of the f a c t that m i s s i o n a r i e s o f t e n acted as spokesmen f o r the Indians. M i s s i o n a r i e s do not, however, appear i n t h i s r o l e i n the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g . For one t h i n g , the p a r t i -c u l a r group of C h i l c o t i n s involved i n the massacre had not as a group been i n contact w i t h m i s s i o n a r i e s . We must make a d i s t i n c t i o n between m i s s i o n a r i e s , deeply i n v o l v e d w i t h the Indians, and clergymen not so i n v o l v e d . The clergymen speaking at the V i c t o r i a meeting e x e r c i s e d no moderating i n f l u e n c e , G a r r e t t i n e f f e c t agreeing w i t h de Cosmos, and Evans advocating a "drum-head court m a r t i a l i f necessary" and "hanging on the s p o t . " 5 That the views of these clergymen were not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l the c o l o n i a l church i s i n d i c a t e d i n a prayer quoted i n the B r i t i s h Columbian as having been o f f e r e d i n at l e a s t one of the churches f o l l o w i n g the news of the V i c t o r i a meeting: "Lord r e s t r a i n the vengeance of the savage, and b r i n g s p e e d i l y to an end the b l o o d - t h i r s t i n e s s of p r o f e s s i n g C h r i s t i a n s . " The Roman C a t h o l i c missionary P i e r r e Fouquet showed a d i f f e r e n t s o r t of i n t e r e s t i n the C h i l c o t i n s than that shown by G a r r e t t or Evans. At the time of the u p r i s i n g he l e f t A l e x a n d r i a accompanied only by an o l d C h i l c o t i n man and made a ten days' c i r c u i t of the C h i l c o t i n s ' t e r r i t o r y seeking (though without success) to make contact w i t h them. 7 The a t t i t u d e expressed by R. C. Lundin Brown, the m i n i s t e r of the Church of England who gave s p i r i t u a l counsel to the condemned C h i l c o t i n s , i s i n t e r e s t i n g . In 1861 he had had a chance meeting w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s w h i l e on h i s way to Fort A l e x a n d r i a where he was to hold a s e r v i c e . g Among the C h i l c o t i n s he met w i t h was K l a t s a s s i n . In 1863 Lundin Brown 9 was occupying the p o s i t i o n of m i n i s t e r at St. Mary's, L i l l o o e t . I t was, - 198 -as we have seen, w h i l e on h i s way from preaching to the miners of the Cariboo that he met Begbie at Quesnelmouth i n October of 1864 and agreed to i n s t r u c t the condemned C h i l c o t i n s . As he became b e t t e r acquainted w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s , Brown's sympathy fo r them increased. He f e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y drawn to K l a t s a s s i n . Lundin Brown's account of h i s conversations w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s along w i t h Begbie's account of h i s give us our best i n s i g h t i n t o the t h i n k i n g of the C h i l c o t i n s and the "c h i e f m o t i v a t i n g cause" f o r t h e i r p e r p e t r a t i n g the massacres. (This we have discussed i n Chapter S i x ) . Lundin Brown's sympathies f o r the C h i l c o t i n s no doubt l e d him to record t h e i r s i d e of the s t o r y . At the same time h i s b e l i e f i n the u n i v e r s a l b a s i s of B r i t i s h j u s t i c e and i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y to the Indian r e c o n c i l e d him more or l e s s completely to the f a c t that t h e i r hanging was a n e c e s s i t y . The C h i l c o t i n s had maintained that "They meant war, not murder." But the s u r p r i s e nature of the C h i l c o t i n a t t a c k on the whites w i t h whom they had been at peace at Bute I n l e t convinced Brown that i t was indeed murder. When the time a r r i v e d f o r the execution of the con-demned C h i l c o t i n s Brown accepted the sentence as j u s t , though there i s i n h i s comments a h i n t of di s a p p r o v a l of the f a i l u r e of the Governor to show mercy. The e x e c u t i v e , i t appeared, thought not of mercy [he wrote]; a l l f i v e were to be hanged; and i n two or three days. F e a r f u l doom! Just, no doubt, p e r f e c t l y j u s t . But - a l l f i v e ? Could they not be contented w i t h one or two of the number? At a l l events, might not young P i e r r e have been spared? - P i e r r e , a handsome l a d of eighteen who had a w i f e and c h i l d at home, - P i e r r e , who, i n what he had done had only acted i n obedience to the c h i e f , whom he b e l i e v e d himself bound by a l l laws, human and d i v i n e , to obey. But no! Justice must take i t s course. Ignorance i n the eyes of the law i s no excuse. Terror must be st r u c k i n t o a l l the Indian t r i b e s . A l l f i v e must d i e . 1 0 - 199 -I f the a t t i t u d e s towards the Indian expressed by the " e l i t e " p o r t i o n of the p u b l i c v a r i e d w i d e l y , what of the a t t i t u d e of the general p u b l i c ? Here the d i r e c t v e r b a l evidence i s more scanty, f o r i t i s mainly the e l i t e members of the p u b l i c who were a r t i c u l a t e . We do, however, have a number of i n d i r e c t i n d i c a t i o n s of what the general p u b l i c thought, as w e l l as some r e p o r t i n g of v e r b a l l y expressed r e a c t i o n s . The r e s o l u t i o n s passed at the well-attended June f i r s t p u b l i c meeting i n V i c t o r i a and the e n t h u s i a s t i c rush of volunteers f o r expeditions to the C h i l c o t i n country i n both V i c t o r i a and New Westminster i n d i c a t e hearty p u b l i c approval of the proposed a c t i o n to punish the C h i l c o t i n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the massacres. And re p o r t e d l y the white pop u l a t i o n of the i n t e r i o r , having heard the news of the Bute I n l e t massacre and rumour of subsequent massacres c l o s e r to themselves, burned ". . . w i t h rage to b r i n g the murderers to speedy j u s t i c e . What d i d the general p u b l i c conceive of as j u s t i c e i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n ? Judging from the r e p o r t e d l y e n t h u s i a s t i c response given at the V i c t o r i a p u b l i c meeting to the more extreme demands f o r vengeance, much of the p u b l i c there supported the views of those who advocated simple vengeance or at l e a s t a minimum regard f o r the f o r m a l i t i e s of law. Judging by the e d i t o r i a l comments of Robson i n the B r i t i s h Columbian, the a t t i t u d e s of many of h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s i n New Westminster was con-s i d e r a b l y l e s s moderate than h i s own. The "Yankee d o c t r i n e of extermination,' he found, appeared "to meet w i t h e s p e c i a l favour on the shores of the P a c i f i c Whatever may have been the p r o p o r t i o n of people favouring t h i s " d o c t r i n e of extermination," we have no evidence to l i n k i t p a r t i c u l a r l y to the lower classes of the p u b l i c i n New Westminster any more than i n V i c t o r i a . Robson - 200 -c l a s s i f i e d i t as a "Yankee d o c t r i n e . " This might appear to be an e a r l y example of a B r i t i s h North American h a b i t of blaming a l l things e v i l on the Americans, but i n t h i s instance i n f l u e n c e s from the United States do seem to have played a part i n spreading to B r i t i s h Columbia t h i s " d o c t r i n e of extermination," or at l e a s t of the n e c e s s i t y of v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t w i t h the Indian. We have noted i n Chapter Three Reinhart's account of the antagonism and b r u t a l i t y that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the a t t i t u d e towards the Indians of some of the miners from C a l i f o r n i a . In the same chapter we encountered the d o c t r i n e of the American s e t t l e r s i n Sproat's party which attempted to j u s t i f y d i s r e g a r d of the Indian's p r i o r occupancy of the land. The h i s t o r y of the United States a l i t t l e p r i o r to 1864 had, of course, given abundant examples of the slaughter of the Indiani* and the di s r e g a r d of h i s r i g h t s that came w i t h the a r r i v a l of the American s e t t l e r s i n the west. The miners who l a r g e l y made up Cox's e x p e d i t i o n were, according to Seymour, l a r g e l y American. They were "not much disposed [he said ] to r e l i s h the r e s t r a i n t which I put upon them i n c a r r y i n g on 13 operations against the In d i a n s . " But, though some a t t i t u d e s of h o s t i l i t y towards the Ind i a n o r i g i n a t e d i n the United S t a t e s , i t would be f a l l a c i o u s to t r y to e x p l a i n h o s t i l i t y as merely the r e s u l t of American i n f l u e n c e . The P a r t Played by Pr e j u d i c e To what extent were the a t t i t u d e s expressed by whites during the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g manifestations of prejudice? P h i l i p Mason remarks that the word p r e j u d i c e , ". . . i n the context of race r e l a t i o n s , seems to be l e g i t i m a t e l y used of a judgement based on a f i x e d mental image of some - 201 -groups or c l a s s , without being tested against r e a l i t y . " 1 4 We have examined i n Chapter Three some of the opinions expressed by wh i t e s , p r i o r to the u p r i s i n g , regarding the Indians. I t i s evident that whites of B r i t i s h Columbia were a f f e c t e d by va r i o u s stereotypes of the Indian. Both B a r r e t t -Lennard and Macdonald, f o r example, made sweepingly g e n e r a l i z e d statements about the Indians. But t h i s i s not to say that a l l whites made judgements based on a f i x e d mental image of the Indian and went on to apply those judgements to a l l i n d i v i d u a l Indians. C e r t a i n l y Douglas made a judgement independent of any unfavourable stereotype of the Indian when he remarked i n a despatch regarding r e l a t i o n s h i p s between gold-seekers and Ind i a n s , I t i s . . . a circumstance h i g h l y honourable to the character of those savages, that they have on a l l occasions s c r u p u l o u s l y respected the persons and property of t h e i r white v i s i t o r s . Reinhart d i d not share the contempt of some of h i s f e l l o w gold-seekers f o r the Indians. And Begbie i n h i s report of h i s "Journey i n t o the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia" showed that he d i d not accept at face value the g n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the Indians made by the miners. I t i s no doubt true that every white had some stereotyped image of the Indian. P h i l i p Mason remarks that " . . . w h i l e some k i n d of stereotype i s necessary i f one i s to have any mental p i c t u r e of a f o r e i g n group, a s e n s i b l e person w i l l t e s t h i s stereotype against r e a l i t y i n any i n d i v i d u a l 16 case." There i s evidence that many whites of nineteen-century B r i t i s h Columbia not only used i n d i v i d u a l judgement i n making g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the Indian but were w i l l i n g to " t e s t t h e i r stereotypes against r e a l i t y " when they had dealings w i t h p a r t i c u l a r Indians or groups of Indians. The C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g , however, d i d give an occasion f o r the e x i s t i n g prejudices among whites to make themselves heard as they were i n the V i c t o r i a - 202 -Theatre meeting. Those who already held the stereotype of the Indian as b l o o d - t h i r s t y savage seemingly had t h e i r views confirmed by the massacres which took p l a c e , and they f o r a time gained a w i l l i n g audience among a l a r g e s e c t o r of the p u b l i c . As time went on, however, doubts were r a i s e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y by Robson i n New Westminster, as to the wisdom and j u s t i c e of the whites i n d e a l i n g w i t h the C h i l c o t i n s . The t r i a l of the f i v e C h i l c o t i n s at Quesnel confirmed those doubts, though i n a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t way than expected. Though p r e j u d i c e d i d indeed r i s e to the s u r f a c e as a r e s u l t of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g i t cannot be s a i d that i t determined the o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n to the massacre, which at the beginning was c a u t i o u s l y l e g a l and non-provocative. The P a r t Played by Fear E a r l i e r i n t h i s study we observed the part t h e i r f e a r of white man's threat played i n causing the C h i l c o t i n s to k i l l the whites at Bute I n l e t . To what extent d i d fear i n the whites determine t h e i r r e a c t i o n to the massacres? Seymour estimated the white p o p u l a t i o n of the mainland colony at about 7000 and the Indian p o p u l a t i o n at about 60,000. This estimate would y i e l d a r a t i o of from 1:8 to 1:9. This p r o p o r t i o n , judging from P h i l i p Mason's study i n Race R e l a t i o n s , i s i n accord w i t h those found i n other s o c i e t i e s where the r e l a t i o n s h i p between what Mason c a l l s the superordinate and subordinate groups i s a dominant one. By a dominant r e l a t i o n s h i p Mason means one where there i s ". . . a monopoly of p r i v i l e g e and no i n t e n t i o n of p a r t i n g w i t h i t . " " ' " 7 The maintenance of a dominant r e l a t i o n s h i p may be an i n d i c a t i o n of fear on the part of the superordinate group. Monopoly of - 203 -p r i v i l e g e was l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the wide gap between Indian and white c u l t u r e s . Whites i n l a r g e numbers had only r e c e n t l y s e t t l e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The question of whether the monopoly should be maintained had hardly been r a i s e d , though we have looked at p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e s such as the Indian land r i g h t s problem which were r e l a t e d to the question. The dominant form of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between whites and Indians cannot be sa i d to i n d i c a t e deep-seated f e a r on the part of the whites. In some pa r t s of B r i t i s h Columbia the numerical s u p e r i o r i t y of the Indians was so overwhelming as to cause whites to f e a r f o r t h e i r l i v e s on occasion. Thus i t was i n i s o l a t e d c o a s t a l p o i n t s that the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g caused the most f e a r . But no great fear f o r s a f e t y of l i v e s seems to have been aroused i n New Westminster or i n the mining settlements of the Cariboo, nor i n V i c t o r i a i n the Vancouver I s l a n d colony. The s u p e r i o r o r g a n i z a t i o n of the w h i t e s , the l a c k of u n i t y on the part of the Indian t r i b e s , the m i l i t a r y technology at the d i s p o s a l of the whites, and t h e i r past successes i n d e a l i n g w i t h the Indians gave them an o v e r a l l f e e l i n g of s a f e t y . This was a period when the European was most confident of h i s own s u p e r i o r i t y and t h i s confidence prevented any r e a l l y general f e e l i n g of f e a r f o r personal s a f e t y . There was, however, a " t r i b a l " f e e l i n g of l o y a l t y to one another which, as we have seen, caused the whites of V i c t o r i a , New Westminster, and the Cariboo to respond w i t h a l a c r i t y to the apparent need to take vigorous measures to punish the C h i l c o t i n s . No doubt, too, there was f e a r of a s u b t l e k i n d — f e a r that the p r e s t i g e of the European would be damaged by an unrevenged defeat at the hands of the Indians. Undoubtedly the l a c k of - 204 -immediate success against the C h i l c o t i n s increased t h i s f e a r i n the whites of the expeditionary f o r c e s . C e r t a i n l y , too, Seymour's f e a r f o r the l o s s of h i s own p r e s t i g e may help to e x p l a i n the change i n h i s f e e l i n g s towards the C h i l c o t i n s . The R e l a t i o n between Roles Played and A t t i t u d e s Taken A t t i t u d e s can never be e n t i r e l y accounted f o r , since they p a r t l y r e s u l t from philosophies chosen, and there i s an u n i n v e s t i g a b l e element of personal choice i n the adoption of those p h i l o s o p h i e s . But, as a whole, a s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n does emerge i n the a t t i t u d e s shown during the C h i l c o t i n c r i s i s . As a general r u l e we may say that those whom circum-stances cast i n the r o l e of adversaries of the C h i l c o t i n s came to adopt i n -c r e a s i n g l y h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians. Those who were l e s s d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d or who were cast i n r o l e s of mediation tended to adopt l e s s h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards them. Some of the rank and f i l e of the Bentinck Arm and A l e x a n d r i a expeditions may have j o i n e d because they were already h o s t i l e to the Indian - that i s , a t t i t u d e may have determined r o l e -but most a r t i c u l a t e i n d i v i d u a l s and groups involved i n the C h i l c o t i n c r i s i s had no choice i n the r o l e i n which they found themselves. The h o s t i l i t y of so many of the people of V i c t o r i a can be understood when i t i s considered that the Bute I n l e t massacre i t s e l f cast them i n t o the r o l e of adversaries of the C h i l c o t i n s . The slaughtered men had come from V i c t o r i a and a good many of the e l i t e i n V i c t o r i a were f i n a n c i a l l y i n v o l v e d i n Waddington's Bute I n l e t road scheme. On the other hand, the people of New Westminster f o r t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s had long opposed Waddington's road. While, on the one hand, as Europeans, they were cast i n t o the r o l e of adversaries of the C h i l c o t i n s , they were also - 205 -adversaries of V i c t o r i a . As we have seen i n the previous chapter, t h i s tended to moderate t h e i r a t t i t u d e towards the C h i l c o t i n s at the beginning of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g . The a t t i t u d e s of both V i c t o r i a and New Westminster r e s i d e n t s were a f f e c t e d by the r o l e s they found themselves i n . The e f f e c t of the r o l e played on the a t t i t u d e adopted i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the s t r i k i n g change i n Governor Seymour's a t t i t u d e which occurred as he, accompanying Brew's Bentinck Arm e x p e d i t i o n , found himself i n the r o l e of an adversary of the C h i l c o t i n s . Seymour had at the beginning emphasized that the object of the e x p e d i t i o n against the C h i l c o t i n s was "merely to 18 a s s e r t the supremacy of the law." By employing sworn constables he had made s p e c i f i c the c i v i l nature of the a c t i o n taken. Before l e a v i n g the C h i l c o t i n country, however, he had begun to t h i n k of the a c t i o n i n terms of warfare, and he envisaged the p o s s i b i l i t y of more w a r l i k e a c t i o n on the part of the whites. My great object i n j o i n i n g the e x p e d i t i o n [Seymour wrote to Cardwell] was to secure moderation from the white men i n t h e i r treatment of the Indians. I was determined to show, what had not p r e v i o u s l y been seen i n t h i s part of the w o r l d , a government calm and j u s t under circumstances c a l c u l a t e d to create exasperation. But there was no longer any use s h u t t i n g my eyes to the f a c t that t h i s was a war, m e r c i l e s s on one side i n which we were engaged i n w i t h the great part of the C h i l c o a t e n n a t i o n and must be c a r r i e d on as a war w i t h us. Happily f o r the occasion, our Constables knew the use of the r i f l e and r e v o l v e r , at l e a s t as w e l l , as the more peaceful instruments g e n e r a l l y used i n support of the law.19 L a t e r , a f t e r the f i v e C h i l c o t i n s had been hanged at Quesnel, Seymour spoke of p o s s i b l e f u t u r e a c t i o n which would have d i r e c t l y c o n f l i c t e d w i t h the p o l i c y he himself had set out p r i o r to h i s involvement i n the Bentinck Arm E x p e d i t i o n . The Indian i n s u r r e c t i o n [he wrote to Cardwell] i s meji/lrely r e f e r r e d to by you as a question of C o l o n i a l importance. I would, however, beg most r e s p e c t f u l l y to p o i n t out, that should a r e a l war take place between the Indian population and the whites, the former numbering - 206 -60,000 and the l a t t e r about 7000 I may f i n d mysel f compelled to f o l l o w i n the f o o t s t e p s of the Governor of Co lorado . . . and i n v i t e every w h i t e man to shoot each I n d i a n he may meet. Such a p r o c l a m a t i o n would not be b a d l y r e c e i v e d here i n case of emergency.20 Seymour at t h i s p o i n t was t r y i n g to make a case f o r i m p e r i a l f i n a n c i a l support i n d e a l i n g w i t h the I n d i a n s , at l e a s t i n h e l p i n g to pay f o r the costs of the C h i l c o t i n e x p e d i t i o n s . No doubt he wanted to make c l e a r to the London a u t h o r i t i e s the embarrassing p o s i t i o n i n which they would be p l a c e d i n case of a g e n e r a l I n d i a n i n s u r r e c t i o n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the f a c t that he was w i l l i n g to threa ten such a c t i o n a g a i n s t the I n d i a n s i s an i n d i c a t i o n of how much h i s t h i n k i n g had changed. The i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , thousands of m i l e s from the scene of the u p r i s i n g , were not l i k e l y to regard themselves as p e r s o n a l a d v e r s a r i e s of the C h i l c o t i n s . T r u e , s h i p s of the i m p e r i a l navy had been i n v o l v e d i n s u p p o r t i n g r o l e s , but the B r i t i s h Empire was h a r d l y threatened by the 21 temporary d e f i a n c e of a h a n d f u l of Indians of a h i t h e r t o unheard-of t r i b e . The u p r i s i n g was a matter i n v o l v i n g Indians and c o l o n i s t s , and the main concern of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was that i t should not mushroom i n t o a major c o n f l i c t . W i t h t h i s i n mind, the a u t h o r i t y of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was exer ted throughout the p e r i o d of the u p r i s i n g to moderate the c o u n t e r -a c t i o n s of the B r i t i s h Columbian w h i t e s . On J u l y 16 C a r d w e l l , i n response to the news of the massacre by the C h i l c o t i n s , wrote to Seymour; . . . i t i s necessary f o r me, w h i l e deeply r e g r e t t i n g the melancholy l o s s of l i f e which has o c c u r r e d and the probable d i s a s t r o u s consequences, to draw your s e r i o u s a t t e n t i o n to the great importance of moderat ing by every means i n your power the s p i r i t of r e t a l i a t i o n to which such events too n a t u r a l l y g i v e r i s e , and of c o n f i n i n g w i t h i n the l i m i t s of j u s t i c e and of sound p o l i c y the measures of chast isement to which you may f i n d i t necessary to have r e c o u r s e . These measures must be guided s o l e l y by a sense of j u s t i c e and a d e s i r e to r e - e s t a b l i s h peace and order upon a permanent b a s i s . - 207 -I should deprecate nothing so much as the breaking out of a war which you justly say would be very costly, and which might lend to prolonged feelings of animosity between the two races which could be productive of nothing but ev i l and danger. A l i t t l e later, in reply to Seymour's account of his plans "for the detection and punishment of the murderers" Cardwell wrote: I have noticed with especial satisfaction your anxiety to give your proceedings a s t r i c t l y legal character, and your refusal of offers of assistance made from beyond the Colony which might have impressed a different character on your proceedings. I rejoice to see that you are f u l l y alive to the consequences which an Indian war would entail upon the Colony, and I trust that you w i l l be especially careful not to take any measures which may convert an isolated outrage perpetrated by a band of murders into a tribal war.23 Seymour, then, according to his instructions from the Colonial Office, was to be guided by a concern for justice, by the need "to re-establish peace and order upon a permanent basis," and by the need to limit expenses. Expenses entailed in dealing with the uprising, were, i t was to be understood, a burden which the colony i t s e l f would have to bear. I am sensible of the expense which is thrown upon the Colony by the operations which you report [Cardwell wrote], but I would observe that they are undertaken exclusively in the interest of the Colony, and that the expense is in a great measure due to the high rate of profit which the Colonists are realizing and therefore can hardly be viewed as any matter of complaint.24 Throughout the time that Seymour was with Brew's and Cox's expeditions he followed in the main the principles he had set out at the beginning. This despite his change in attitude towards the Indians. His actions as reported to the Colonial Office won the approbation of his superior. I await your f u l l e r report on the subject [wrote Cardwell on October 29th, 1864], but in the meantime, I have to express my very great satisfaction that you have safely returned to the duties of your Government, and that so much discipline and good order was maintained and so l i t t l e loss of l i f e incurred. I hope that in the result security w i l l be re-established and friendly relations with the Indians generally not disturbed.25 - 208 -Seymour's mention of the p o s s i b i l i t y of i n v i t i n g "every white man to shoot each Indian he may meet" brought a f i r m , i f t a c t f u l , rebuke from Cardwell. I have [he wrote] every reason to approve of the moderation and j u s t i c e enforced by you during the l a t e expeditions i n t o the country of the Chi l c o a t e n Indians. I do not understand the mean^ing of the paragraph i n which you speak of i n v i t i n g every white man to shoot every Indian he might meet. I s h a l l r e l y on your continued adherence to the l i n e of conduct h i t h e r t o pursued by you, which appears to have been p e r f e c t l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h humanity and good p o l i c y . ^ 6 Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie's a t t i t u d e towards the C h i l c o t i n s q u i t e a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t s the r o l e which he f e l t c a l l e d upon to play. He was, of course, the enforcer of E n g l i s h law i n a region where p r e v i o u s l y i t had not p r e v a i l e d . I t was new even to many of the whites w i t h whom Begbie d e a l t . To the Indians even many of the p r i n c i p l e s on which i t was founded were strange. Begbie was duty-bound not merely to enforce E n g l i s h law, but also to ex e r c i s e j u d i c i a l i m p a r t i a l i t y . The "Notes taken by the Court a t the t r i a l of 6 I n d i a n s " and Begbie's accompanying l e t t e r to Seymour i n d i c a t e that he 27 recognized t h i s duty to be j u d i c i a l l y i m p a r t i a l . The t r i a l s , however short by modern standards, gave an opportunity f o r the p r i s o n e r s to be defended by a person ["Mr. Barnston"] who was requested by the court to take up the case. (Unfortunately, however, the notes of the t r i a l s , w h i l e i n d i c a t i n g occasions on which he cross-examined witnesses and spoke f o r the defence, do not give h i s a c t u a l words.) Begbie's c a u t i o n i n g remarks to the j u r y are evidence of h i s d e s i r e to extend B r i t i s h j u s t i c e to the accused C h i l c o t i n s i n a p o s i t i v e as w e l l as i n a negative sense. His duty to be j u d i c i a l l y i m p a r t i a l was not something from outside of Begbie's c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e . I t was a par t of i t . So the f a c t that he attempted to e x e r c i s e t h i s i m p a r t i a l i t y i s not i n i t s e l f evidence of h i s viewing things from outside h i s own c u l t u r a l frame of reference. There i s evidence, however, that i n a d d i t i o n to t r y i n g to ex e r c i s e B r i t i s h j u d i c i a l i m p a r t i a l i t y , From British Columbia Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. Plate 2 Judge Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie - 209 -Begbie made some attempt to look at things from a C h i l c o t i n point of view. In r e f e r r i n g to Inanski and Cheloot, who were set f r e e , Begbie says " . . . a l l the p r i s o n e r s , who I b e l i e v e speak t r u t h as i n the presence of a higher power, exonerate them from a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n anything we could w e l l c a l l 28 a murder i n any C h i l c o t i n c o n s t r u c t i o n of the word." At the time he sentenced the f i v e C h i l c o t i n s convicted of murder he asked them . . . what t h e i r law was against murderers? - They r e p l i e d Death. I s a i d [writes Begbie] our law j u s t the same. That they were thus g u i l t y of death - Why should i t not be pronounced?29 Begbie was not t r y i n g the C h i l c o t i n s on the a b a s i s of C h i l c o t i n customs. He was t r y i n g them under E n g l i s h law. But he obviously f e l t the need of con-f i r m i n g h i s b e l i e f that the E n g l i s h law regarding murder and i t s punishment would be recognized even by the C h i l c o t i n s as j u s t i n i t s b a s i s . Thus he wrote to Seymour: There can be no doubt of the g u i l t y c o m p l i c i t y of the 5 p r i s o n e r s i n a l l the murders - as they must be considered i n the eyes of the law -and I should t h i n k , i n a common sense view too, even making l a r g e allowances f o r the ignorance and h a b i t s of the prisoners.30 Begbie's b e l i e f i n the u n i v e r s a l b a s i s of E n g l i s h law and h i s own p o s i t i o n as the enforcer of that law j u s t i f i e d i n h i s own mind the sentence he passed on the f i v e C h i l c o t i n s . But h i s duty to be j u d i c i a l l y i m p a r t i a l l e d him to i n v e s t i g a t e the C h i l c o t i n s ' s i d e of the s t o r y and to report c e r t a i n m i t i g a t i n g f a c t o r s even though he d i d not regard those f a c t o r s as m i t i g a t i n g the C h i l c o t i n s ' crimes to the extent of saving them from the gallows. Thus he w r i t e s : I was p a r t i c u l a r i n i n q u i r i n g i n t o the name of the i n d i v i d u a l who as they a l l a s sert and I have not the l e a s t doubt, t r u l y , was by h i s rash threat the cause of a l l t h i s uproar, and of the death of 21 white men and 3 Indians already, and nobody can say how many more by the hand of the executioner and famine i n the f a l l and winter.31 Again, Begbie adds a note to "Nancy's" testimony to say that the ground occupied by Manning ". . . appeared to have been formerly a constant - 210 -camping place of Tahpit and his tribe, but Manning had driven them off, and 32 taken possession of the spring." Begbie's f i n a l attitude towards the Chilcotins was one of personal sympathy to them as fellow human beings, yet the nature of what the Chilcotins regarded as warfare revolted him. His confidence in the applicability of English law gave him justification for sentencing the five Chilcotins to be hanged and his revulsion at the nature of their crimes prevented his making any recommendation of mercy. Thus he wrote to Seymour: A l l the 5 convicts have confessed their guilt of capital offences generally and of the offences for which they have been convicted in particular [.] The conviction of Telloot would not be followed, in England, by execution: at least where others suffered capitally for the same offence. - P i e l l i s young - very mild-looking, much under the influence of Klatsassin. But he shot Macdonald's horse, riding away. Klatsassin is the finest savage I have met with yet, I think. But I believe also he has fired more shots than any of them. It seems horrible to hang 5 men at once - especially under the circumstances of the capitulation. Yet the blood of 21 whites calls for retribution. And these fellows are cruel, murdering pirates - taking l i f e and making slaves in the same s p i r i t in which you or I would go out after partridges or rabbit shooting. "Squint-eye's" tribe is nearly annihilated by them. Klatsassin shoots Macdonald as he l i e s on the ground, distributes his horses, and carries off his servant "Tom" as a slave. ^3 I do not envy you your task of coming to a decision. Lundon Brown's attitude, which in large we have examined already, was very similar to that of Begbie. His role, though different from Begbie's, similarly forced him to communicate with the Chilcotins and to liste n to their side of the story. This in turn aroused his sympathy for the condemned men. As we have seen, his belief i n the universal basis of British justice reconciled him more or less completely to the Chilcotins' fate, but his sympathy for them led him to record some events from the Chilcotins' point - 211 -of view. He t r i e s to give an idea of the C h i l c o t i n s ' thoughts regarding the 34 smallpox t h r e a t , f o r example, and records that Manning, though he had 35 given the Indians food, had a l s o taken t h e i r camping-ground. Lundin Brown's sense of r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y , however, l i m i t e d h i s e f f e c t i v e -ness i n presenting the C h i l c o t i n viewpoint. For example he narrates what he supposes are K l a t s a s s i n ' s thoughts on s i g h t i n g Cox's men. His eyes f e l l on l i t h e and s t a l w a r t frames, on countenances f u l l of i n t e l l i g e n c e and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . A type of character so u n l i k e the I n d i a n , who alone i s nothing, however brave he may be at times i n company w i t h o t h e r s , could not f a i l to s t r i k e our c h i e f . He f e l t they belonged to a race which was d e s t i n e d , wherever they went, to have dominion. "Each man as a king and the son of a k i n g . " No, h i s people never could stand against such as these.^6 Although the r o l e s played by the whites f r e q u e n t l y exerted an important i n f l u e n c e on t h e i r a t t i t u d e s , i t i s necessary a l s o to recognize the l i m i -t a t i o n s of that i n f l u e n c e . Chartres Brew, f o r example, having expressed h i s views at the outset of h i s involvement i n the C h i l c o t i n a f f a i r , apparently d i d not allow h i s r o l e as leader of an e x p e d i t i o n against the C h i l c o t i n insurgents to a l t e r h i s t h i n k i n g . In h i s l e t t e r from Bute I n l e t addressed to the C o l o n i a l Secretary of B r i t i s h Columbia (Arthur B i r c h ) , Brew blamed the massacre on the whites' i n j u d i c i o u s handling of the C h i l c o t i n s . Although he regarded the C h i l c o t i n s , or at l e a s t those who had been employed at Bute I n l e t as " f i c k l e savages," he d i d not b e l i e v e that the C h i l c o t i n t r i b e as a whole would become inv o l v e d 37 i n war on account of ". . . a few men of a branch of the C h i l c o t e n t r i b e . " Throughout the time that Brew spent on h i s e x p e d i t i o n to the C h i l c o t i n country he r e l i e d on h i s own diplomacy i n d e a l i n g w i t h the Indians. For example, he took w i t h him on the Bentinck Arm e x p e d i t i o n (obviously w i t h Seymour's approval) some t h i r t y or f o r t y B e l l a Coolas: t h i s i n s p i t e of - 212 -the previous f r i e n d l y a s s o c i a t i o n of the B e l l a Coolas and the C h i l c o t i n s . The d e c i s i o n to take along the B e l l a Coolas as a u x i l i a r i e s was c r i t i c i z e d 3 8 by Waddington and others according to the Weekly C o l o n i s t . Brew's apparently " s o f t " treatment of the C h i l c o t i n s themselves also came i n f o r c r i t i c i s m . The B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , gathering i t s i n f o r m a t i o n from the d i a r y of a volunteer i n Brew's p a r t y , reported that The party. . . were treacherously l e d o f f to the o l d t r a i l by the Anaham I n d i a n , whom Mr. Brew, contrary to the advice of the most experienced men of h i s p a r t y , allowed to guide the party. "So much," . . . [the C o l o n i s t reported the volunteer as w r i t i n g ] " f o r Mr. Brew's maudlin sympathy f o r the Indians, and h i s orders that the C h i l c o a t e n r a s c a l should not be trea t e d as a prisoner!"39 The w r i t e of t h i s same d i a r y , or p o s s i b l y the C o l o n i s t using i n f o r -mation from the d i a r y , a l s o c r i t i c i z e d Brew, by i m p l i c a t i o n , f o r h i s softness towards Anaheim on the r e t u r n t r i p to B e l l a Coola. The ranches of the Indians were searched and among other things a carpet sack and part of a buckskin coat were found and i d e n t i f i e d as having belonged to McDonell [McDonald?], yet Mr. Brew thought there was not s u f f i c i e n t proof to cri m i n a t e Anaham or h i s t r i b e . They had already heard that Anaham had seven horse loads of the plunder i n h i s possession.40 In s p i t e of Seymour's changes i n a t t i t u d e during the time he had spent i n the C h i l c o t i n country, he defended the ac t i o n s of Chartres Brew, of whom he had come to t h i n k very h i g h l y . In r e p o r t i n g to Cardwell Seymour wrote: . . . [Brew] proceeded to Naucootloon to r e c e i v e the submission of Anaheim and h i s p o r t i o n of the t r i b e . The Chief r e s t o r e d unreservedly a l l h i s share of the plunder, but seemed to expect l i t t l e mercy. As, however, h i s hands had not been s t a i n e d i n white man's blood, Mr. Brew very p r o p e r l y gave him h i s pardon.41 Of W i l l i a m Cox's personal a t t i t u d e s towards the Indians very l i t t l e i s revealed i n the l e t t e r s he wrote. He appears to have been a p r a c t i c a l -minded man, not much given to r e f l e c t i o n . Nor do h i s a c t i o n s do much to make - 213 -his attitude clear. He was apparently popular with the men he led, but whether he shared their attitudes towards the Indians is d i f f i c u l t to ascertain. Summary and Conclusion The common assumption that European culture was superior to native culture manifested i t s e l f during the Chilcotin Uprising in widely varying ways, since the whites had varying notions of what was at the heart of European cultural superiority as well as divergent notions about the nature of the Indian. Concepts such as these depended on personal ideas which might be derived from any of a number of schools of thought current at the time. Neither nationality nor class nor membership i n particular occupations can be regarded as the major determiners of attitude as revealed during the Chilcotin Uprising. The general assumption of European cultural superiority as well as the personal philosophies already adopted largely determined in a general way certain attitudes towards the Indians which whites possessed before the Chilcotin Uprising. Next to these factors, the role that individuals were called upon to play during the Chilcotin Uprising emerges as the most significant single factor determining the attitudes of whites who were involved in the c r i s i s . In general, those who found themselves in the role of adversaries of the Chilcotins tended to adopt attitudes of greater ho s t i l i t y towards them or to Indians in general. Those who found themselves in roles which necessitated coming to some understanding of the Chilcotins tended to have their attitudes influenced towards sympathy or empathy for them. Roles which had nothing to do with forcing people to be adversaries or to understand nevertheless exerted an influence in other ways: - 214 -Citizens of Victoria and New Westminster were affected by their local patriotisms and parochial r i v a l r i e s ; imperial authorities by their self-interested need to keep down colonial expenditures and contribute to peace. It seems important to point out both the limitations and the possible implications of this study. In this chapter we have noted shifts in attitude which took place in the minds of some who were involved directly in the Chilcotin c r i s i s . We have not determined in this thesis how permanent those shifts in attitude were. Moreover, though they were common, they did not inevitably take place, as the example of Brew shows. If we have had some experience in approaching problems from an academic and detached viewpoint we tend to expect attitudes to be affected by the coherent philosophies of those holding them. But the importance of role in influencing attitudes during the Chilcotin c r i s i s suggests that the position in which members of one race find themselves in relation to those of another race may be of great importance in determining their attitudes towards that race. Earlier in this tudy, in Chapter Three, we have noted the differing re-lationships that whites of varying occupations had with the Indians. Besides the nature of an occupation, numerous other factors may determine the role played in relation to another race. Philip Mason points out that the relative numbers and the nature of the cultures of two racial groups may help to determine the relationships between them. Much as we might like to think that human reason and good-will were major determinants of attitude towards other races, there are numerous indications that other forces have been of major importance in shaping those attitudes. The importance of the role played in determining attitude suggests that because of self-centeredness on the part of individuals, - 215 -t h e i r own p o s i t i o n f r e q u e n t l y becomes more important i n determining t h e i r a t t i t u d e than does an o b j e c t i v e view of the whole s i t u a t i o n . The important of r o l e i n other i n t e r - r a c i a l s i t u a t i o n s may be suggested by the f a c t that l i b e r a l a t t i t u d e s towards the Mego have been mainly found among northern whites r a t h e r than among southern whites i n the United States. (There w e r e — u n t i l r e c e n t l y — f a r fewer Negroes i n the North to pose a threat to the whites' c o n t r o l of s o c i e t y ) . I t may be suggested also by the apparent growth of r a c i a l p r e j u d i c e i n Great B r i t a i n w i t h the recent a r r i v a l of increased numbers of non-whites who seemed to threaten the homogeneity of the B r i t i s h p o pulation. I t i s not intended to extend the d e f i n i t e conclusions of t h i s t h e s i s to areas which are beyond i t s immediate concern. But i t seems important to suggest that a study of the C h i l c o t i n U p r i s i n g , a comparatively minor event i n B r i t i s h Columbian h i s t o r y , y i e l d s i n s i g h t s which, combined w i t h i n s i g h t s from other s t u d i e s , could be of s i g n i f i c a n c e to a more general study of race r e l a t i o n s . - 216 -Footnotes f o r Chapter VII l nEmergency Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t ( V i c t o r i a ) , June 2, 1864, p. 3. See t h i s t h e s i s , Chapter V I , p. iSH. 2 "Emergency Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 2, 1864, p. 3, and "Bute I n l e t Massacres, Minutes of a P u b l i c Meeting held i n V i c t o r i a Theatre 8 p.m. June 1 s t , 1864," Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, F57 B97m. 3 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Ad m i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 64, F r e d e r i c k Seymour to Edward Cardwell, No. 37, Sept. 9, 1864. 4 L e t t e r , Matt[hew] B f a i l l i e ] Begbie[to F r e d e r i c k Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. "Emergency Meeting," D a i l y B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , June 2, 1864, p. 3. See t h i s t h e s i s , Chapter VI, pp. IJ>¥-/SS'. The B r i t i s h Columbian commented s l y l y on G a r r e t t ' s speech: "The C o l o n i s t says that the Indians shot two cows belonging to the Rev. A. C. G a r r e t t on the Reserve on Tues - se'nnight [ s i c ] , and i n a subsequent is s u e i t publishes a rumor that they had shot the reverend gentleman's horses on h i s Cowichan farm. An u n c h a r i t a b l e f e l l o w at our elbow wonders whether these Indians may not have attended the great "expe-diency meeting" and l i s t e n e d to Mr. G a r r e t t ' s speech. ("The Indians and Mr. G a r r e t t ' s Cows," B r i t i s h Columbian [New Westminster], June 22, 1864, p. 3) "Our Indian D i f f i c u l t i e s , " B r i t i s h Columbian, June 11, 1864, p. 3. 7"News from the I n t e r i o r , " B r i t i s h Columbian, J u l y 9, 1864, p. 3. g Rfobert] C [ h r i s t o p h e r ] Lundin Brown, K l a t s a s s i n and Other Remini- scences of M i s s i o n a r y L i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia (London, S o c i e t y f o r Promoting C h r i s t i a n Knowledge, 1873), pp. 1-8. 9 R[obert] C [ h r i s t o p h e r ] Lundin Brown, B r i t i s h Columbia: An Essay (New Westminster: Royal Engineers P r e s s , 1863), t i t l e page. 1 0 I b i d . , pp. 110-111. 11 CSt'cJ L e t t e r , John C u l l e n Colguhoun and James Wilcox [to the Express] c i t e d i n "Another Indian Massacre!" B r i t i s h Columbian, May 28, 1864, p. 3. "The Governor's Late Tour," B r i t i s h Columbian, Aug. 10, 1864, p. 1. 13 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Ad m i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 64, F r e d e r i c k Seymour to Edward Cardwell, No. 37, Sept. 9, 1864. - 217 -14 P h i l i p Mason, Race R e l a t i o n s , Oxford Paperbacks U n i v e r s i t y S e r i e s , No. 53 (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970), p. 52. "^Despatch, James Douglas to Henry Loubouchere, Apr. 6, 1858, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Correspondence R e l a t i v e to the Discovery of Gold i n the  Fraser's R i v e r D i s t r i c t , i n B r i t i s h North America, n. d., p. 10. 16 Mason, Race R e l a t i o n s , p. 53. 1 7 I b i d . , p. 144. 18 Copy of l e t t e r , Arthur N. B i r c h to W.G. Cox, May 14, 1864, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, C o l o n i a l Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864, pp. 196-198, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 19 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Adm i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 78, F r e d e r i c k Seymour to Edward Cardwell, No. 37, Sept. 9, 1864. 20 B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Ad m i n i s t r a t o r B i r c h , Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 102-103, F r e d e r i c k Seymour to Edward Cardwell, No. 56, Oct. 4, 1864. 21 The supporting r o l e played by ships of the B r i t i s h navy might be worthy of more i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n a study w i t h a d i f f e r e n t focus. In s p i t e of Seymour's evident d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the r e l u c t a n t i n i t i a l support, considerable a i d was l a t e r given. The gunboat "Grapple**" was sent to Bentinck Arm to r e l i e v e the " S u t l e j " which returned to more southerly waters b r i n g i n g down an Indian who had been ar r e s t e d as a spy and as one of the party that attacked Macdonald's pack t r a i n . (Express, J u l y 13, 1864,(p.?), and Weekly B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , J u l y 19, 1864, p. 3) Judging from the l a t e r s i l e n c e regarding t h i s Indian i t seems he must have been relea s e d . The d e p o s i t i o n of "Alpicmush," a t y p e s c r i p t copy of which i s i n the Waddington papers of R.L. Reid, may have been t h i s Indian's. (Despo-s i t i o n of "Alpicmush" taken by Mo r r i s Moss, Oct. 8, 1864, t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia). Besides being used i n support of the Bute I n l e t and Bentinck Arm e x p e d i t i o n s , the navy was used i n an attempt to prevent the C h i l c o t i n s from r e t u r n i n g to Bute I n l e t to f i s h . The "Forward" was sent to the Homathko River and i t s launch was l e f t there. Two Indians were h i r e d to act as scouts and to give any i n f o r m a t i o n to the o f f i c e r i n charge of the launch. (Copy of l e t t e r , Horace D. L a s c e l l e s to John Kingcome, Aug. 13, 1864, enclosure i n l e t t e r , John Kingcome to F r e d e r i c k Seymour, Aug. 15, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia.) - 218 -22 Despatch, Edward Cardwell to F r e d e r i c k Seymour, J u l y 16, 1864, No. 23, "Book 345, Dominion A r c h i v e s " ( t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington, A l f r e d , 1801-1872," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; corrected from d r a f t copy i n C o l o n i a l O f f i c e (London), M i c r o f i l m , C. 0. 60/20, 1864, pp. 13-14. 23 Despatch, Cardwell to Seymour, Aug. 1, 1864, No. 30, " V o l . G345," t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; d r a f t copy i n C o l o n i a l O f f i c e (London), M i c r o f i l m , C. 0. 60, Vo l . 18, 1864, pp. 299-300. 24 Despatch, Cardwell to Seymour, Aug. 1, 1864, No. 30, t y p e s c r i p t i n "Waddington," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; also d r a f t copy, M i c r o f i l m , CO. 60, V o l . 18, 1864, pp. 300-301. 25 Despatch, Cardwell to Seymour, Oct. 29, 1864, No. 39, "Book G 345," Dominion A r c h i v e s , t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c -t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 7 ft Despatch, Cardwell to Seymour, Dec. 1, 1864, No. 53, "Book G 345," Dominion A r c h i v e s , t y p e s c r i p t copy i n "Waddington," F i l e 10, S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 27 L e t t e r , Matt[hew] B f a i l l i e ] Begbie [to F r e d e r i c k Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, and enclosed "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians -T e l l o t , K l a t s a s s i n , Chessus, P i e l or P i e r r e , Tah-pit & Chedekhi," Sept. 30, 1864, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia. 28 L e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. 29 "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . " 30 L e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. I b i d . 32 "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians . . . " 33 L e t t e r , Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864. 34 Lundin Brown, K l a t s a s s i n , pp. 10-11. 3 5 I b i d . , pp. 37-38. " ^ I b i d . , p. 54. - 219 -C[hartres] Brew to Colonial Secretary [Arthur N. Birch], May 23, 1864, Archives of British Columbia. 38 "The Bella Coola Auxiliaries," Daily British Colonist, June 27, 1864, p.3. 39 "The Chilcoaten Expedition: Diary of a Volunteer," Daily British  Colonist, Oct. 14, 1864, p. 3. 40 "The Chilcoaten Expedition: Diary of a Volunteer (concluded)," Daily British Colonist, Oct. 17, 1864, p. 3. 41 British Columbia, Governor, "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865," IV, 105, Frederick Seymour to Edward Cardwell, No. 58, Oct. 7, 1864. - 220 -A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON CHIEF SOURCES USED IN WRITING THIS THESIS Although there is ample documentation for the story of the Chilcotin Uprising i t s e l f , there is a poverty of material to indicate some of the details of pre-contact Chilcotin culture. Recorded contact with whites did not take place un t i l Simon Fraser's meeting with them in 1808, and their contacts with whites for a long time after that date were not exten-sive. Most references to the Chilcotin during the pre-goldrush era were made casually by traders who were more immediately concerned with the Carriers. Hence, in spite of the comparatively late date of his writings, the works of Morice on the Dene generally take on some importance. Morice was more closely acquainted with the adjacent Carriers also, but was a l e r t to differences between them and the Chilcotins, and sometimes makes mention of those differences. The relevant contribution of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition is limited to Livingston Farrand's recording of Chilcotin myths in "Traditions of the Chilcotin." The most valuable single source of information on pre-contact Chil-cotin culture i s Lane's unpublished Ph.D. thesis, "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia." It is the only major work dealing exclusively with Chilcotin culture and is valuable for its anthropological insights. The very late nature of the f i e l d work undertaken for this 1953 thesis, however, makes one cautious about accepting i t as a basis for some information, particularly on the important question of the nature of leadership among the Chilcotins. Nevertheless, the thesis is most valuable when used i n conjunction with historical information and - 221 -the limited number of other anthropological sources we have. European fur-traders were more interested in the Chilcotins' relation-ships with themselves and with adjacent Indians than they were in Chilcotin culture. Our information regarding "Pre-Gold-Rush Relationships between Chilcotins and Europeans" is f a i r l y good. Much of this information, however, is in unpublished form in a "Fort Chilcotin" transcript at the Archives of British Columbia. This transcript consists mainly of citations from material in the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, with brief editorial statements linking them in a connecting narrative. Unfortunately, the name of the editor is not given. One other source for the chapter on "Pre-Gold-Rush Relationships . . ." proved particularly valuable: The History of the Northern Interior  of British Columbia, by Morice. The picture of the Chilcotins' pre-gold-rush relationships with the whites is considerably c l a r i f i e d by the general picutre Morice gives of relationships between Indians and whites in the area of "New Caledonia." Besides, there are a number of pieces of information bearing specifically on the Chilcotins. In attempting to assess "The Impact of the Gold Rush on Relationships between Europeans and Indians in Vancouver Island and British Columbia," I found i t necessary to use sources of a widely varying nature. Authorita-tive information on events of this period as well as an insight into the attitudes of James Douglas is to be found in printed form both i n Corres- pondence Relative to the Discovery of Gold in the Fraser's River Di s t r i c t, in British North America and in Papers Connected with the Indian Land  Question, 1850-1875. - 222 -Reinhart's The Golden Frontier . . ., and Bancroft's History of  British Columbia are valuable sources of information on early conflict between miners and Indians. A number of first-person accounts by contem-porary whites round out the picture of non-official attitudes towards the Indian. Mention should be made of one secondary source: Jean Usher's recent thesis on "William Duncan of Metlakatla," an interesting account and of value for this study since Duncan, as Usher points out, was in his thinking not untypical of missionaries of his day, though his a b i l i t y was exceptional. P. D. Curtin's Image of Africa . . . and R. H. Pearce's The Savages  of America have stimulated my own analysis in this chapter and helped me to relate personal attitudes of whites in Gold Rush British Columbia to general European thought of the period. Curtin's book, though written about the European "Image of Africa," reveals much about general European a t t i -tudes towards native peoples regarded as uncivilized. Pearce's work traces in some detail what he calls the "idea of savagism," a concept which for some of the whites of Br i t i s h Columbia during the 1850's and 1860's summed up the nature of the Indian as they saw i t . For the narrative of the planning and the attempted construction of "The Bute Inlet T r a i l " contemporary newspaper accounts of the time were the main sources. The t r a i l was a project of private enterprise, and govern-ment concern with i t was limited to conditions for granting a charter, so government correspondence is of limited value. The newspapers convey a sense of the rivalry between Victoria and New Westminster which they helped to intensify. The material in this chapter owes much to the papers on Alfred Waddington donated by R. L. Reid, which are found in - 223 -the Special Collections Divison of the University of British Columbia library. Much searching was saved by consulting the extensive typescripts in these papers, but i t is most necessary to check newspaper articles in their original issues, since the Reid typescripts do have a number of errors and from time to time the direct quotation in them changes to Reid's paraphrase of the original. For the account of "The Massacres and Their Causes" there is fortunately a large body of valuable source material to draw on, so that one can feel quite confident of the main facts and even of some of the details which add to the vivid picture we can form of what took place. Newspapers of the time where they give reports obtained directly from those involved in the events can be relied on for much greater accuracy than is usual in press reports. (The Victoria Daily Chronicle gives "Squinteye's Declaration" and "A Survivor's Account," and the Victoria Daily Colonist gives "Buckley's Statement.") Besides these sources we have those of an o f f i c i a l nature: the manuscript "Notes taken by the Court at the t r i a l of 6 Indians" in Begbie [to Seymour], Sept. 30, 1864, "Extracts from the depositions res-pecting the Bute Inlet Massacre . . . " which appeared in the Government  Gazette of June 25, 1864, and letters from Cox and Brew to the Governor and Colonial Secretary for British Columbia. Begbie's "Notes taken by the Court . . . " and Lundin Brown's Klatsassin  . . . put us on the right track with regard to the chief motivating cause of the massacres, though in the twentieth century we are interested in going more deeply into the causes than were contemporaries. Lundin Brown's narrative, the most complete of published accounts, is in some respects - 224 -too complete—where the author attempts to round out his story with narrative for which he could not l i k e l y have had reliable sources. Brown does seem to have had some independent sources which cannot be traced today. His work is extremely valuable for the light i t throws on the Chilcotins' thinking, and where he is l i k e l y to have had special knowledge he provides one or two checks on other sources, but only his first-person account of his dealings with the Chilcotin prisoners can be relied on in the absence of corroborating information from other sources. The same sources, mainly, were used for the last two chapters of the thesis; "The White Reaction to the Massacres" and "White Attitudes Towards the Indian as Revealed and Expressed During the Chilcotin Uprising." Con-temporary newspapers were invaluable in assessing non-official reactions and attitudes. Lundin Brown's book is useful in this chapter also, shedding light on the author's attitudes. A detailed and authoritative account of measures taken against the Chilcotins is provided i n despatches from Seymour to London in the letter-book "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865." This is supplemented by letters from Arthur N. Birch. British Columbia Colonial Secretary, to W. G. Cox and T. Ogilvy (in "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 to September, 1864") and by letters from Cox, Ogilvy, and Chartres Brew to the Colonial Secretary. The "Outward Correspondence" as well as Seymour's despatches to Cardwell are revealing as to Seymour's attitudes, as is Brew's letter as to his own attitude. Begbie [to Seymour], September 30, 1864 gives a candid, almost intimate, glimpse of Begbie's feelings towards the Indians, of his view of his own position, and of his ideas on the relationship of the Chilcotins to British law. - 225 -A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY I. PRIMARY SOURCES A. Manuscript Sources (including photo-copies of manuscripts) 1. Sources in the British Columbia Archives British Columbia. Archives, Atkins, E. A., untitled account of Bute Inlet and Bentinck Arm Expeditions. Manuscript and typescript copies. No date given. A first-person account from memory, apparently written many years after the events occurred, by a volunteer who participated in the Bute Inlet and Bentinck Arm Expeditions under Chartres Brew. British Columbia. Archives, Begbie, Matthew B a i l l i e , Letter F i l e . British Columbia. Archives, Birch, Arthur, Letter F i l e . British Columbia. Archives, Brew, Chartres, Letter F i l e . British Columbia. Archives, "Bute Inlet Massacres, Minutes of a Public Meeting held in Victoria Theatre 8 p m June 1st 1864." With volunteer l i s t . British Columbia. Archives, Colonial Secretary, "Outward Correspondence: November, 1863 - September, 1864" British Columbia. Archives, Cox, William George, Letter F i l e . British Columbia. Archives, Kingcome, John, Letter F i l e . British Columbia. Archives, Young, W.A.G,, Letter F i l e . 2. Sources in the Library of the University of British Columbia British Columbia, Governor. "Despatches from Governor Seymour and Administrator Birch to the Colonial Office, Apr. 26, 1864 to Dec. 20, 1865." (University of British Columbia, Special Collections has a photostat copy of mss. in Archives Department, Ottawa, G series, no. 353-358). Great Britain. Colonial Office. Microfilm, CO. 60/20, Vol. 18, 1864 in Government Documents, University of British Columbia. B. Unpublished Typescripts British Columbia. Archives, "Fort Chilcotin" (Typescript). Editor not given. University of British Columbia, Special Collections. "Waddington, Alfred, 1801-1872." ' - 226 -C. Published Book, Articles, and O f f i c i a l Documents and Correspondence Barrett-Lennard, Cfharles] Efdward]. Travels in British Columbia with  the Narrative of a Yacht Voyage Round Vancouver's Island. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1862. Begbie, Matthew B f a i l l i e ] . "Journey Into the Interior of British Columbia." (Report, Begbie to James Douglas, Apr. 25, 1859). Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, XXXI (1861), pp. 237-248. British Columbia. Correspondence Relative to the Discovery of Gold  in the Fraser's River Dis t r i c t , in British North America, n.d. British Columbia. Papers Connected With the Indian Land Question, 1850-1875. Victoria: 1875. British Columbia. Proclamations and Ordinances 1858-65. Brown, R[obert] Cfhristopher] Lundin. Klatsassan and Other Remini- scences of Missionary Life in British Columbia. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1873. Cox, Ross. The Columbia River or Scenes and Adventures During a Residence of Six Years on the Western Side of the Rocky Mountains  Among Various Tribes of Indians Hitherto Unknown; Together with  "A Journey Across the American Continent." Edited and with an introduction by Edgar I. Stewart and Jane R. Stewart. The American Exploration and Travel Series. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1957. Downie, William. "Explorations in Jervis Inlet and Desolation Sound." Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, XXXI (1861), pp. 249-256. Fraser, Simon. The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808. Edited and with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb. Pioneer Books. Toronto: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1906. Halcombe, J[ohn] J[oseph], ed. The Emigrant and the Heathen or Sketches of Missionary Life. London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, [1874]. Harmon, Daniel Williams. A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the  Interior of North America between the 47th and 58th Degrees  of N. Lat., Extending from Montreal Nearly to the Pacific, a  Distance of about 5,000 Miles, Including an Account of the  Principal Occurrences During a Resident of Nineteen Years in  Different Parts of the Country. New York: Barnes and Company, 1903. - 227 -Landerholm, Carl, translator and editor. Notices and Voyages of the Famed Quebec Mission to the Pacific Northwest. Portland: Campoeg Press, Reed College, for the Oregon Historical Society, 1956. Macdonald, Duncan George Forbes. British Columbia and Vancouver's  Island. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1862. McGillivray, Joseph. "Narrative and Sketch of the Chilcotin Country." Simpson's 1828 Journey to the Columbia. Vol. X of The Publica- tions of the Hudson's Bay Record Society. London: Champlain Society for the Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1947. McLean, John. Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the Hudson's  Bay Territory. Edited by W. S. Wallace. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1932. Palmer, H[enry] Spencer. Report of a Journey of Survey from Victoria  to Fort Alexander via Bentinck Arm. New Westminster: Royal Engineer Press, 1863. Poole, Francis. Queen Charlotte Islands: A Narrative of Discovery  and Adventure in the North Pacific. Edited by John W. Lyndon. London: Hurst and Blackett. (The date of publication is given on the t i t l e page as 1872, but in a copy in the library of the University of British Columbia, Special Collections Division, the presentation i s dated Dec. 24, 1871, and a clipping advertising the book is pasted in and i t s date penned as Dec., 1871. Reinhart, Herman Francis. The Golden Frontier: The Recollections  of Herman Francis Reinhart, 1851-1869. Edited by Doyce B. Nunis, Jr., with a Foreward by Nora B. Cunningham. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962. Saunders, Frederick John, "'Homatcho,' or The Story of the Bute Inlet Expedition, and the Massacre by the Chilcoaten Indians." Resources of Bri t i s h Columbia, III, No, 1 (Mar., 1885), pp. 5-8 and No. 2 (Apr., 1885), pp. 5-6. [Sheepshanks, John.] A Bishop in the Rough. Edited by D. Wallace Duthie with a Preface by the Lord Bishop of Norwich. London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1909. Sproat, Gilbert Malcolm. Scenes and Studies of Savage L i f e . London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1868. Vancouver Island. "Extracts from the depositions respecting the Bute Inlet Massacre made before J. L. Wood, Esq., Acting Stipendiary Magistrate for Vancouver Island, which may lead to the identification of the murderers." Government Gazette, June 25, 1864, p. 3. - 228 -Waddington, Alfred P. The Fraser Mines Vindicated, or The History of  Four Months. Victoria: Printed by P. de Garro, 1858 Whymper, Frederick. Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska, Formerly Russian America—Now Ceded to the United States—and in  Various Other Parts of the North Pacific. London: John Murray, 1868. D. Newspapers British Columbian, Dec. 19, 1861 - July 18, 1865. Daily British Colonist. June 17, 1859 - Oct. 17, 1864. Daily Evening Express, June 11, 13, 23, 1864. Daily Evening Press, Apr. 16, June 16, 1861. Apr. 18, May 16, Aug. 4, 5, 22, Sept. 4, Oct. 3, 1862. Victoria Daily Chronicle, Apr. 14, 24, Oct, 9, Mar. 31, July 24, 28, 1863. May 6, 12, 23, 29, 1864. Weekly British Colonist, May 17, 24, June 7, 14, 21, July 19, Aug. 2, 1864. E. Maps British Columbia. Department of Lands and Works, "Map of British Columbia to the 56th Parallel, North Latitude". Victoria: 1871. Waddington, A[lfred]. "Map A referred to in my letter of January 31st 1863 to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works." Photostatic copy, University of British Columbia, Special Collections. II. SECONDARY SOURCES A. Published Books and Articles Bancroft, Hubert Howe [et a l . ] . History of British Columbia, 1792-1887. The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. XXXII. San Francisco: History Company, 1887. Barnett, Homer G. The Coast Salish of British Columbia. Eugene: University of Oregon, 1955. - 229 -Borden, Charles E. "Results of Archaeological Investigations in Central British Columbia." Anthropology in British Columbia, No. 3, 1952, pp. 31-43. British Columbia Provincial Archives and Provincial Museum. Dene. British Columbia Heritage Series. Series I: Our Native Peoples. Victoria: British Columbia, Department of Education, 1951. Curtin, Philip D. The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action, 1780-1850. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964. [De l a Seine] D.L.S. [pseud.]. Fi f t y Years in Western Canada:  Being the AbridgedMemoirs of Rev. A. G. Morice, O.M.I. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1930. Duff, Wilson. The Indian History of British Columbia. Vol. I: The Impact of the White Man. Victoria: Provincial Museum of Natural History and Anthropology, 1964. Farrand, Livingstone. "Traditions of the Chilcotin." Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Vol. IV: "Anthropology;" Vol. I l l : "Publications of the Jessup NOrth Pacific Expedition:" I. Gregson, Harry. A History of Victoria, 1842-1970. Victoria: Victoria Observer Publishing Company, Ltd., 1970. Kroeuer, Alfred L. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. I. Berkley: University of California Press, 1939. Mason, Philip. Race Relations. Oxford Paperbacks University Series, No. 53. London: Oxford University Press, 1970. Morice, A[drian] G[abriel], The Great DeVe Race. Vienna: Administration of "Anthropos," St. Gavriel-MHdling, near Vienna, Austria, n.d. Morice, A[drian] G[abriel]. History of the Catholic Church in Western  Canada, from Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895), Vol. II. 2 vols. Toronto: Musson Book Company, 1910. Morice, A[drian] G[abriel]. The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia, Formerly New Caledonia. Toronto: William Briggs, 1904. Morice, Afdrian] G[abriel]. "Notes on the Western Denes." Transactions  of the Canadian Institute, IV, 23-24. - 230 -Ormsby, Margaret A. British Columbia: A History. Vancouver: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1958. Osgood, Cornelius. "The Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians." Yale University Publications in Anthropology, VII (1936), 3-19. Pearce, Roy Harvey. The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian  and the Idea of Civilization. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965. Pethick, Derek. James Douglas: Servant of Two Empires. Vancouver: Mitchell Press Limited, 1969. Ravenhill, Alice. The Native Tribes of British Columbia. Victoria: Charles F. Banfield, Printer to King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1938. Scholefield, E.O.S. British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the  Present. Vancouver, Winnipeg, Montreal, Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, n.d. Teit, James Alexander. "Appendix: Notes on the Chilcotin Indians," i n The Shuswap. Edited by Franz Boas. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, Part VII (Reprint from Vol. II, Part VII of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition). Leiden: E. J. B r i l l Ltd., 1909. B. Maps British Columbia. Department of Lands, Forests, and Water Resources. "Bute Inlet, British Columbia." Sheet 92K, Second Status Edition. British Columbia. Department of Lands, Forests, and Water Resources. "Mount Waddington, British Columbia." Sheet 92N, F i r s t Status Edition. C. Unpublished Theses Lane, Robert Brockstedt. "Cultural Relations of the Chilcotin Indians of West Central British Columbia." Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1953. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1953. Shankel, George Edgar. "The Development of Indian Policy in British Columbia." Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1945. Usher, Jean. "William Duncan of Metlakatla." Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1969. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{