UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Chi tsang Binkley, Taylor Francis 1972

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CHI TSANG EY TAYLOR FRANCIS 3INKLSY E.A., UNIVERSITY CF CALIFORNIA, 1970 A THESIS SUEMITTED IN PARTIAL PULFULLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE CF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ASIAN STUDIES We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA MAY, 1972 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of /)s / /r/0 ST-*P;£^ The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date -Pity % ^ 7 Z -ABSTRACT The Hsu Kao Seng Chuan $\^%\ ^ £ biography of Chi Tsang ^ j§£ (Taisho 2060, T.50.513c -5 l 5 a ) is translated. It is preceded by a discussion of Chi Tsang's place in the history of Chinese Euddhisin - he was a prominent exegete of the San Lun school, the Chinese counterpart to the. Indian Madhyamika School. The place of the Madhyamika school in Indian Buddhism is discussed, as well as the history of i t s introduction into China. This is followed by a discussion of the nature of the sources for Chi Tsang's l i f e - principally the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan notice - and the general unreliability and lack of depth of such accounts is discussed. The outstanding features of Chi Tsang's l i f e are then discussed. He studied with Pa Lang, great r e - v i v i f i e r of San Lun. He wrote abundantly and was renowned as a great lecturer. His interest encompassed the numerous Buddhist act i v i t i e s of his time, and his writings on the San Lun are the best we possess; on the Lotus sutra, among the very best. He wrote commentaries to at least fifteen sutras. He disciples transmitted his teaching into the T'ang and to Japan, and he is reckoned the founder of the San Lun school. He was born in 5U9 and died in 623» and enjoyed the patronage of the Ch'en, Sui and T'ang ruling houses. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1) General Background 2 ) The Sources Indian Madhyamika - precursor of the San Lun school: i t s introduction into China and development there 1 notes 8 On the nature and r e l i a b i l i t y of Chinese Buddhist biographies i n general and Chi Tsang's i n p a r t i c u l a r 23 notes 2I4. 3) Introduction to the Translation A discussion of some of the people and events i n Chi Tsang's l i f e 31 notes l i l li) The Translation of the Biography Prom the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan $y notes 6 7 5>) Bibliography 8 7 1 BACKGROUND Although Chi Tsang commented on an astounding 1 number of Mahayana sutras and i s considered one, of the f i r s t Chinese to attempt a systematic presentation 2 of the Mahayana, he i s p r i m a r i l y renoiimed as a Three 3 k Treatise exegete. . Kis commentaries and essays on the 5 Three Treatises are considered the authoritative works 6 on the subject, and he i s considered the founder of the Three Treatise School. I t i s i n that connection that he comes to our attention. The Three Treatises, together with t h e i r s i s t e r 7 text, the Ta Chih Tu Lun, were the most studied l i t e r a -ture of the (Indian) Madhyamika school i n China. As the Madhyamika enjoys a p a r t i c u l a r l y exalted p o s i t i o n 8 among the r e l i g i o u s philosophies of India, i t i s f i t t i n g that we b r i e f l y trace i t s evolution and outline i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 2 A f t e r the Euddha died his followers wrote down what they remembered of what he had taught. These were the sutras. Furthermore they wrote sastras or treatises (Chinese "lun" e?«g ) which attempted to r a t i o n a l i z e and systematize what was presented i n the sutras. In the course of time divergent opinions arose, separate schools were formed, and each wrote i t s own sutras and/or sastras. 9 10 The Mahasafighikas s p l i t from the Sthaviras i n the midst of the fourth century B.C. Their r e n d i t i o n of the sutras and t h e i r sastras do not e x i s t , but from what can be pieced together from other sources i t has been h e s i t a t i n g l y concluded that the Mahasanghikas represent a prototype of the Ilahayana, which was to come f o r t h from that t r a d i t i o n 11 around the beginning of the C h r i s t i a n era. By that time, however, the Sthaviras had undergone any number of s p l i t s , the main one of which, i n the midst of the t h i r d century, 12 gave r i s e to the Sarvastivadin school. It was i n c r i t i c i s m of the Sarvastivadin l i t e r a t u r e that the _ - . 13 Frajnaparamita sutras came into existence, probably i n t h e i r seminal form i n the f i r s t century B.C., to be further elaborated over the next few centuries. The e a r l i e s t Iladhyamika l i t e r a t u r e , which was the sastra l i t e r a t u r e to - - 15 the pr?jnaparamita sutras, was composed by Nagarjuna and 16 his d i s c i p l e Aryadeva toward the end of the second century A D ["he Three Treatises, although not e n t i r e l y the work 3 of Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, are among those sastras. The Three Treatises are pithy, concise c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n s of the Prajnaparamita sutras and e x f o l i a t e t h e i r basic doctrine. However, i t i s not s u f f i c i e n t simply to trace the Frajnaparamita and the Madhyamika as c r i t i c i s m s of the early Buddhist doctrine, represented by the Sarvastivadins. The early Euddhist doctrine i t s e l f had evolved as c r i t i c i s m 18 of the Erahmanical systems which preceded i t , and the Madhyamika-Frajnaparamita came into being i n an e f f o r t to c l a r i f y and renovate tne Buddhist p o s i t i o n and rescue i t from the narrow view into which it. nad f a l l e n , seeking 19 simply to d i s t i n g u i s h I t s e l f from other schools or thought. In negating the soul and matter theories of t h e i r prede-cessors, the early Buddhists evolved a comnlex theory of 20" elements to replace the soul and matter. The Prajna-paramita and the Madhyamika af t e r i t argued that i n "no-soul-no-matter" the emphasis l a y i n the "no" and not i n the "soul" or "matter". The Buddha's point was not that i n place of soul,and matter there i s something else; he intended to negate a l l notions of beinc and non-being. He would just as r e a d i l y have said "no-something-else", and that i s -orec'sely what the Fra ^ na'caramita and 21 Madhyamika d i d . The various complex!tites of the doctrine evolve from this basic point. Furthermore, the e a r l i e r form of Buddhism^as most of i t s Brahmanical predecessors, held personal 22 s a l v a t i o n to be the goal of the s p i r i t u a l path. The Mahayana placed personal salv a t i o n as a stage along the 23 path, i n pursuit of, as well as subsequent to which, one exercises oneself i n seeking the sa l v a t i o n of others. In t h i s context the Mahayana has pushed the 'no-soul' doctrine to i t s l o g i c a l conclusion - the sa l v a t i o n of one's s e l f must include the sa l v a t i o n of others, as ultimately, the two are equal i n t h e i r inexistence. And f i n a l l y , the Mahayana ceased to view the Buddha p r i m a r i l y as an h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e , as the e a r l i e r Buddhists had done, but raised 'Buddha' to the stature of s p i r i t u a l p r i n c i p l e . Murti points out: Rel i g i o n i s the consciousness of the Super-mundane Presence immanent i n things, the consciousness of what Otto happily c a l l s the •mysterium tremendum'. Early Buddhism (Thera-vada 26) w a s n o t a r e l i g i o n i n this sense. I t was an order of monks held together by c e r t a i n rules of d i s c i p l i n e (vinaya) and reverence f o r . the human Teacher. .... No cosmic function was assigned to Buddha; he was just an exalted person and no more. His existence a f t e r parinirvana was a matter of doubt; this was one of the inexpress -i b l e s . The r i s e of the Madhyamika system i s at once the r i s e of Buddhism as a r e l i g i o n . For the Mahayana, Buddha is not an h i s t o r i c a l person. He is the essence of a l l Being (dharnakaya); he has a glorious divine form (sambhogakaya) and assumes at w i l l various forms to d e l i v e r beings from delusion and to propagate the dharma (nirman-akaVa). The essential unity of a l l beings became an i n t e g r a l part of s p i r i t u a l l i f e . 5 Therefore, i n the Prajnaparamita and Madhyamika writings we f i n d recorded the f r u i t of centuries of Indian research into the nature of r e a l i t y and the s p i r i t u a l l i f e . The Frajnaparamita sutras f i r s t entered China 27 toward the end of the Han Dynasty. However, fo r more than the next two hundred years they vrere to remain 28 misunderstood by the Chinese. Because of t h e i r s i m i l a r i t y to the (Heo-) Taoist ideas c i r c u l a t i n g at the time, they were frequently understood and even translated 29 i n these very terms. Despite the long years and great diligence even so great a man as Tao An dedicated to t h e i r 30 study and t r a n s l a t i o n , the message was not to be understood on Chinese s o i l u n t i l the turn of the f i f t h 3 1 century when Kumarajlva came on the scene. He was himself an adherent of the Madhyamika, a convert from the Sarvastivada, and brought with him not only a correct understanding of the Prajnaparamita message but also an a b i l i t y to communicate i t to the Chinese himself, without 3 2 the cumbersome medium of middlemen. I t was he who translated and f i r s t expounded the Three Treatises, along 3 3 with a sreat number of other texts. And i t was his 3h d i s c i p l e Seng Chao who gave China i t s f i r s t native s Sunyavada text, a group of essays colj.eetiveiy lmown as 6 3 5 36 the "Chao Lun", or "Essays of Ghao". Seng J u i , also a d i s c i p l e of Kumarajlva, wrote prefaces to two of the Three Treatises, and i n them he displays his orthodox 37 38 understanding. However his surviving writings are not very extensive. Although Three Treatise scholarship continued i n 39 China unbroken to the time of Chi Tsang, San Lun study 1+0 LOa did not prosper f o r 1 5 0 years. Satyasiddhi studies, based on the text by that name translated by KumarajTva, predominated u n t i l the time of Chi Tsang's teacher, Fa Lang. However, i t was not u n t i l Fa Lang was i n v i t e d to a p o s i t i o n of urban prominence that San Lun studies, previously sequestered within a mountain, monastery, enjoyed a flowering on Chinese s o i l . He f o r c e f u l l y attacked and successfully pushed back the Satyasiddhi studies and at the same time prospered the San Lun. Chi Tsang's writings are the l i t e r a t u r e of that efflorescence. From Fa Lang d i s c i p l e s spread i n the four directions and the San Lun prospered through the Sui and into the T'ang. I t i s reckoned one of the schools of Chinese Buddhism of that period, and one of the 'Nara sects' i n Japan, transmitted there i n 6 2 5 * two years a f t e r Chi Tsang's death, by Ekan, Chi Tsang's Korean d i s c i p l e . Although neither the San Lun i n China 7 nor the Sanron i n Jaoan survived very long as independent sects, the study of the Three Treatises i n p a r t i c u l a r and the Madhyamika-Prajnaparamita i n general has survived u n t i l this day, incorporated f u l l y into the Zen sects. As an introduction to the study of Chi Tsang's writings we have translated bis biography as i t appears i n the Esu Kao Seng Chuan, Taisho 2060, v o l . 5 0 . 5 l 3 c - 5 l 5 a . 8 Notes to the Background 1) See note 3U to the introduction. 2 ) de Bary, ed., The Buddhist T r a d i t i o n , Modern Li b r a r y , NY, 1 9 6 9 , p. lhh* i, /\ 3) San Lun -z=- ^ gf} . These are the Middle Treatise, Taisho 1561; , the Twelve Topic Treatise, Taisho 1 5 6 8 , and the Hundred Treatise, Taisho 1 5 6 9 . See Robinson, Ear l y Madhyamika i n India and China, U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Fress, Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1 9 6 7 , pp. 28-31}.. h) His commentaries to each of the three are i n volume 1|2 of the Taisho, and his two outstanding essays, the San Lun Hsuan I ^ and the Erh T i I gjf^ j p £ a r e contained i n volume 1;5» which also houses his compendious discussion of the Mahayana, the Ta Sheng Hsuan Lun ^» 5? ^ s n Hurvitz, C h i h - i , Melanges Chipises et Bouddhiques, v o l . 1 2 , I n s t i t u t Beige des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, Sainte-Catherine, Bruges, 1 9 6 3 , p« 1 6 3 , considers the San Lun Hsuan I "one of the best Chinese expositions of Madhyamika philosophy". 5 ) See Takakusu, Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy, Honolulu, 1 9 5 6 , p. 9 9 . 6 ) Hurvitz, i b i d . , p. 7 9 . 7) 7 ^ ^3 /*T ~%>^ , Taisho l £ 6 l * . I t i s a commentary on the Pr a jnaparamita i n 25>,000 l i n e s , and there i s seme doubt as to whether i t was translated or written by XumarajTva, who translated the Three Treatises, etc. ( I , to translate, does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean to translate i n our understanding of the word. Kumarajlva may have been doing nothing more than transmitting his understand-ing of a t r a d i t i o n i n textual form, and that would be c a l l e d 'I - f ^ . '.) Together with the Ta Chih Tu Lun, the three become the "Four Treatises". See Robinson, i b i d . , pp. 3^ -39. Lamotte, Le T r a i t e  de l a Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Nagarjuna, Louvain, 19kk, 191+9 and 1969 ( ? ) , 3 v o l . , i s a t r a n s l a t i o n of approximately the f i r s t h a l f of the Ta Chih Tu Lun. Tucci, Pre-Diiinaga Buddhist Texts on Logic  from Chinese Sources, Gaekwad Or. Series, 1;9, Baroda, 1929, 1-89 i s a t r a n s l a t i o n of the Hundred T r e a t i s e . And V/alleser, Die m l t t l e r e Lehre des Nagarjuna nach  der Chlnesischen Version ubertragen, Heidelberg, 1912_, i s a t r a n s l a t i o n of the Kiddle Treatise. I know of no t r a n s l a t i o n (into a western language) of the Twelve Gate Tre a t i s e . 8) Not only did the Madhyamika grow on Indian s o i l . It has also been plowed under againjaccording to some, and re-emerged as the Advaita Vedanta. 10 9) Conze, Buddhist Thought in India, University of Michigan Press, Paperback, 1967, p. 119. 10) ib i d . , Fart II. 11 12 1U 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 2k 25 26 ibi d . , p. 1 9 5 and pp. 198-199. ibid . , p. 1 1 9 , passim. Murti, The Central Philosophy of Buddhism, George Allen and Unwin, London, I960, p. 8 . Ch'en, Buddhism in China, A Historical Study, Princeton university Press, Princeton, 196!i., pp. 5 8 - 5 9 . Conze, ibid., p. 2 0 0 . Robinson, i b i d . , pp. 2 1 - 2 8 . i b i d . , 2 8 - 3 0 . Murti, ibid., p. 8 . i b i d . , p. 7. Stcherbatsky, Buddhist Logic, D6ver Publications, NY, 1 9 6 2 , in two volumes. Vol. I, pp. 3 - 5 • i b i d . , pp. 8 , 9 , and Murti, ibid., p. 8 and throughout. Stcherbatsky, i b i d . , pp. 6,7» i b i d . , pp. 1 0 , 1 1 . i b i d . , p. 7. Murti, ibid., p. 6. A Hinayana sister school of the Sarvastivadins. Their sutras are very similar, often identical, but their sastras differ and do not mention each other, so seem to have developed independently. The Theravadins survive in Ceylon to this day. 11 27) Ch'en, i b i d . , p. 60, and Hurvitz, i b i d . , p. 39. 28) The best discussion of t h i s period to appear i n a western language i s i n Liebenthal, Chao Lun, Hong Kong u n i v e r s i t y Press, 1^68, Appendix One. The Chinese Euddhist Studies Research Team at the University of E r i t i s h Columbia i s now preparing translations of the basic sources regarding t h i s period. 29) Hurvitz, i b i d . , pp. 39-56. 3 0 ) i b i d . , 56-61;. Also Link, "Biography of Tao-an", T'oung Pao l\.6 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 1-U8, and Link, "Taoist Antecedents of Tao-an's Ontology", History of Rel i g i o n , number 9, v o l . 2 & 3, U n i v e r s i t y of ^ hicago Press, pp. 1 8 1 - 2 1 5 . 3 1 ) Hurvitz, i b i d . , pp. 6U-73, and Robinson, i b i d . , pp. 7 1 - 9 5 . 3 2 ) Hurvitz, i b i d . , 7 1 . 33) Robinson, pp. 73-77. 3k) Hurvitz, i b i d . , 72-73,* Robinson, i b i d . , 123 - 1 5 5 ; Liebenthal, i b i d . He i s reckoned the f i r s t Chinese to catch the Madhyamika message ar i g h t . 35) Translation: Liebenthal, i b i d . , and Robinson, i b i d . , Docements 8 - 1 0 . 3 6 ) Robinson, i b i d . , pp. 1 1 5 - 1 2 2 . 3 7 ) i b i d . , p. 1 2 2 . 1 2 3 8 ) I b i d . , p. 1 1 7 . 3 9 ) ibid.., p. 1 7 3 . i | 0 ) i b i d . , p. 162. kOa) jit 'Jjf Ch'eng Shih. Prof. Hurvitz, UBC, suggests that this name might be reconstructed Ta ttvas i d d h i , •establishment and proof of R e a l i t y ' . He points out sa tya i s generally rendered by ^ > whereas tattva i s usually Shih. Ch'en means to complete or accomplish. l|.l) See the discussion i n the introduction to the trans-l a t i o n . lj.2) Takakusu, Ess e n t i a l s of Buddhist Philosophy, Honolulu, 1 9 5 6 . p. 1 0 0 . I4.3) i b i d . , p. 1 0 0 . I4J4.) The author's personal experience. THE SOURCES 13 The.single source f o r Chi Tsang's l i f e i s his 1 Hsu Kao Seng Chuan biography. The other biographical notices i n the Buddhist c o l l e c t i o n s and the only secular notice I could f i n d a l l r e i t e r a t e the same information, 2 usually i n i d e n t i c a l wording. To my knowledge there i s no study of the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan i n a western language. There i s , however, a 3 k study of the Kao Seng Chuan by Arthur Wright. He 5 states that the Kao Ssn" Chuan, compiled about 530 by 6 Hui Chiao, "established the form and style f o r the major series of Chinese c l e r i c a l biogranhies which has been 7 continued down to recent times". The Ksu Kao Seng Chuan, 8 9 completed 1 3 5 years l a t e r by Tao Hsuan, i s the c o l l e c t i o n i n that series d i r e c t l y subsequent to the Kao Seng Chuan. Comparing Chi Tsang's biography with Wright's account of the Kao Seng Chuan. we find that Tao Esuan did, indeed, cast his biographies from the very mold carved by his predecessor, Hui-chiao. Besides Hui-chiao's d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the biographies of monks which preceded his e f f o r t and his desire to commemorate f o r po s t e r i t y the l i v e s of those men who established and furthered the growth of Buddhism i n China, Wright suggests that Hui-chiao's motives include the desire to "advance the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of monks and 10 nonasticism i n Chinese h i s t o r y and society." Wright views Kui-chiao's choice of the l i t e r a r y s t y l e and historlographic genre - as opposed to the anecdotal, f o r Instance - i n this context. " I t seems to me that i n his choice of a genre and. a s t y l e Kui-chiao was seeking to reach - with a polished example of Chinese h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e - an educated upper middle class audience... He was... concerned to...persuade the nobles and l i t e r a t i that Buddhism was i n t e l l e c t u a l l y respectable and that i t s clergy had l e d u s e f u l , creative, and w e l l - d i s c i p l i n e d 11 l i v e s . " This i s p r e c i s e l y a de s c r i p t i o n of the s t y l e and form in which Tao Hsuan cast Chi Tsang's biography. In f a c t , I f anything, the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan Is even more l i t e r a r y and elegant tn wording than the Kao Seng Chuan. I'ost l i k e l y , Tao Hsuan Is simply following Eui-chiao's lead i n t h i s matter; he probably simply adopted Hui-chiao' successful pattern. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , Chinese historiography i s fond of the precocious youth. "...on every page of the Kao-seng chuan (there are) set phrases used i n Chinese T a. biography to describe l i t e r a r y precocity and b r i l l i a n c e . " Chi Tsang i s not recorded to have excelled at the c l a s s i c s or to have been able to r e i t e r a t e verbatim a text having read i t only once, as the Kao-seng chuan frequently claims f o r i t s , subjects. However, i t claims he was recognized quite early by two of the ~reat Buddhists active at 13 the time of his youth - Paramartha and Fa Lang. Furthermore, he i s credited with precocious native i n t e l l i g e n c e anc? elocutionary t a l e n t s . "Such tonoi 111 are common even i n secular historiography'.' In this respect Chi Tsang's biography exactly f i t s the mold, and there i s no way we may know the truth of the matter. The great lengths to which the biographer goes i n order to impress us makes us suspicious. It i s l i k e l y that Chitsang was i n t e l l i g e n t , which, coupled with his thoroughly Euddhist background, would early afford him the opportunity to develop Buddhist talentn. Perhaps his l i f e f i t the mold, as does his biography. "To the extent that (Hui-chiao) conceived and wrote the l i v e s of the monks within the conventions of Chinese historiography, he was a biographer. To the degree that his biographies sought to demonstrate the rewards of piety and f a i t h , the working of Buddhism's universal laws i n the l i v e s of eminent monks, he was 15 a hagiographer." Chi Tsang' biography i s l a r g e l y hagiography. Afte r pointing out his auspicious beginnings i t recounts one outstanding Buddhist achievement a f t e r another. To be sure, Chi Tsang would not be remembered as a great Buddhist had he accomplished l i t t l e or nothing 16 as a Buddhist. However, Gautama Buddha himself i s not supposed to have been born the perfected being Buddhists view him to have become. Chi Tsang's biography would have us to believe that Chi Tsang was v i r t u a l l y born a s a i n t and proceede'd to astound the world with his great s p i r i t u a l power. We do not meet him as a human being for more than an Instant. I do not mean to imply that the biography necessarily f a l s i f i e s material. I do not know what sources Tao Hsuan had to work from, but I imagine they were l a r g e l y the kind that oernetuate (partisan) 16 legends and tend not to represent the man very t r u t h f u l l y . And because of that, though there may be fa c t Imbedded i n the legend, the man becomes more superhuman than r e a l . Human weakness demands there be heroes, but heroes are simply other men. I t i s , then, I believe, on account of this legend-building character of Tao Hsuan's sources and due, no doubt, to his propensity to view and record hi s subjects i n supernormal and c l l c h e d terms that the d i s t o r t e d view presented i n the biography comes into being. "In using the Chinese h i s t o r i a n ' s p r i n c i p a l device f o r the expression of personal judgment - i n c l u s i o n and exclusion -Hui-chiao behaved i n a way consistent with the aims 17a suggested..." Chi Tsang's r e l i g i o u s eminence perhaps makes i t easy to exclude his human side . "Hui-chiao i s at pains to e s t a b l i s h not only his subjects' r e l i g i o u s eminence but the prestige they enjoyed 17 In the Chinese society of t h e i r times. He describes i n d e t a i l the g i f t s and homage which the monks received from princes, o f f i c i a l s , and I n t e l l e c t u a l leaders. He stresses the friendships between his subjects and the leading p o l i t i c a l and l i t e r a r y figures of t h e i r times, and he often mentions the g r i e f of some distinguished person on 18 the occasion of the monk's death." Mot only does Chi Tsang's bioeraphy r e l a t e him to four eminent monks of his 19 time - Paramartha, Fa Lang, T'an Hsien and Seng Ts'an i t also relates him to numerous seculsr leaders as w e l l . In f a c t , barely an Incident i s mentioned In the biography which does not include at l e a s t one great f i g u r e , and i n one Incident there i s no more substance to kthe report than simply s t a t i n g that the prince i n question venerated Chi Tsang f o r h i s "distinguished q u a l i t i e s " . Three princes -20 21 22 one each from the Ch'en, Sui and T'ang - are mentioned, 23 three emperors - Sui Yang T i (while s t i l l prince of Chin), 2k 25 T'ang Kao Tsu and T'ai Tsung (neither of these l a s t 26 two by name), and one Imperial pretender - Ksieh Chu, who contended with the founders of the T'ang at the time the Sui was crumbling. They bestow g i f t s upon him, i n v i t e him to debate before them, take him as personal teacher, i n v i t e him Into audience and to dwell i n various monaster-i e s , and appoint him to e c c l e s i a s t i c o f f i c e - a l l on account of his r e l i g i o u s prominence. F i n a l l y , the court 27 scholar Fu Te Ch'ung was awed by Chi Tsang's display of-18 eloquence. This i s a very impressive l i s t . Furthermore, the biography records the consolatory notice, bemoaning the kingdom's l o s s , sent by T'ang T'ai Tsung, then a prince, on the occasion of Chi Tsang's death. At the same time, " a l l , from the hei r apparent down through a l l lords and nobles, sent consolatory notices and g i f t s of s i l k and money". Although the dynastic annals and the 28 various secular biographies breathe not a s y l l a b l e of these events, as they are u n l i k e l y to do, i t i s well within the realm of reason that a l l these events are true. However, they appear to me more i n t e r e s t i n g from- the standpoint of a h i s t o r y of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Chinese p o l i t i c a l structure and the Buddhist establishment at this time than i n the context of the l i f e of a single monk. I t i s noteworthy, of course, that Chi Tsang was so heavily patronized by the state. I t does to some extent bespeak his prominence and deserves mention and ca r e f u l study l f we are to understand the r e l a t i o n between the Buddhist establishment and Chinese society as a whole. However, concerned as we are with the l i f e of a single man, and e s p e c i a l l y as a. thinker and not as a p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e , these s t a t i s t i c s pale, as do the somewhat s u p e r f i c i a l and cli c h e d estimations of his greatness. So prominent an exegete c e r t a i n l y deserved more c a r e f u l , deeper and more thorough, treatment. It i s u n f a i r , however, to c r i t i c i z e Tao Ksiian for being remiss i n his place of biographer, because I do not 19 think he thought of himself i n those terms. I f Tao Hsuan read Chi Tsang's works, i t i s not apparent i n the biography, and on the face of i t one would guess he did not know or witness the man himself. From the way the f i r s t part of the document- i s worded (down to the end of the events following Chi Tsang's death, where Kui Yuan i s credited with i n s c r i b i n g a memorial to Chi Tsang, and the biography i s recapitulated - " E a r l i e r , when Chi Tsang was i n his 29 childhood..."), I get the f e e l i n g Tao Hsuan has read what documentary remains he could f i n d - perhaps monastery records, i n s c r i p t i o n s , and the l i k e - and i s casting those events more or less i n his own language. This i s because continuity i n style i s manifest, although the degree of Its opacity f l u c t u a t e s . This leads me to believe that he i s rewording someone else's account. The partisan nature of these i s another element of the document which immediately comes to mind. The account of the debate between Chi Tsang and Seng Ts'an which receives such d i f f e r e n t treatment i n the two biographies i s a good example of t h i s . Furthermore, th i s discrepancy brings to our attention the unlikelihood that Tao Hsuan made any e f f o r t to c o l l a t e his material; rather he simply reworded and transmitted what material he had on hand. 20 Tao Hsuan himself may have exercised no bias, beyond attempting to paint his subjects i n the f i n e s t Buddhist l i g h t possible. However,his sources, at l e a s t i n thi s one incidence, are c l e a r l y biased. The document includes one d i r e c t quote from Chi Tsang 30 i n the debate incident and one when he addressed Ksieh 31 Chu, his l e t t e r to the emperor (Kao Tsu) on the occasion 32 of the worsening of his I l l n e s s , and the consolatory 33 notice from T'ai Tsung, then a prince under his father's (Kao Tsu) r u l e . A l l these are 'cases' of Tao Esuan's reproducing material verbatim, and i s d i r e c t evidence of his possession of actual sources. He was not working e n t i r e l y from oral t r a d i t i o n , then, but must have been i n possession of o r i g i n a l material. Following the consolatory notice i n the text, Hui Yuan, Chi Tsang's d i s c i p l e , i s credited with carving a tomb f o r his master's remains and immortalizing him on stone. What follows i n the account may well be quotation from the i n s c r i p t i o n . I t i s written i n a much clearer and more straightforward style and there i s no suspicion Tao Hsuan has reworked the material. Furthermore It Is a much more candid and human view of the man, such as someone who had known him well (a d i s c i p l e , f o r Instance) 35 might be able to write. This i n s c r i p t i o n , i f that Is what i t i s , recapitulates 21 Chi Tsang's l i f e i n b r i e f , up to and d i r e c t l y subsequent to the time cf his f l i g h t into solitude on the occasion of the disorders surrounding Sui's conquest of the South, 5 8 9 , when Chi Tsang was f o r t y years o l d . I t i s possible, however, that the generalizations concerning his a b i l i t y i n resolving d o c t r i n a l Issues and his a b i l i t i e s to hold forth on the occasion of royal audience, mentioned e a r l i e r In the supposed I n s c r i p t i o n , are meant to re f e r to his l a t e r years as well, In which case the supposed I n s c r i p t i o n would r e l a t e to his whole l i f e - , which i t i s more l i k e l y for an i n s c r i p t i o n of this nature to do. I t i s possible, though, that the text of the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n continues through the narration of his sutra exposition. The s t y l e of the wording could r e f l e c t either the e a r l i e r style of the document or the st y l e of the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n . Thanks to the nature of the information i t i s r e l a t i n g -l i t t l e more than a l i s t - i t i s d i f f i c u l t tc make any judgement of s t y l e . However, i t appears that Chi Tsang's primary a c t i v i t y at the Chia Hsiang monastery, where he dwelt a f t e r the Sui conquest of the South, was d o c t r i n a l exegesis, on account of which Sui Yang TI, at his post i n Chin, i n v i t e d him to dwell In the monasteries he was building at that time. At those monasteries i t appears Chi Tsang engaged p r i m a r i l y in expounding the sutras and i n debate. It Is, therefore, possible that the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n continues through this part of the text as well, 22 since the chronology f i t s . Very much the sane argument (chronological) f i t s f or including the essay, "Death Is 37 not to be Feared", i s the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n . I f this i s the case, then I suspect that the short statement, "Eecause of the size of the text i t i s not recorded In 38 f u l l " , i s probably part of the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n , and 'the text* referred to i s the text of the essay. Of course i t i s possible that the statement terminating the quotation of the text Is Tao Hsuan's, (and not Hul Y'uan's) in which case 'the t e x t 1 could r e f e r either to the text of the essay ( i f i t i s not part of the i n s c r i p t i o n ) or the text of the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n ( i f the essay _Is part of the i n s c r i p t i o n ) o I t w i l l be i n t e r e s t i n g i f ever the i n s c r i p t i o n i s found. At any rate, the next sentence i s without a doubt Tao Hsuan's, as without a doubt i t i s cast In the laconic style he was so fond of, and i t is t h i s s t y l e that completes the text. In summary, then, i t appears that Tao Hsuan compiled and transmitted rather u n c r i t i c a l l y the Information he received and made l i t t l e e f f o r t to penetrate the semi-legendary partisan layers which adhered to the man. He was more concerned with painting the i d e a l i z e d Image of a Buddhist saint and giving him the appearance of p o l i t i c a l prominence than with understanding the subtler elements of his l i f e and mind. On the other hand, Tao Kslian's •biography' does serve one function In view of the f a c t 23 that otherwise we have l i t t l e or no information concerning Chi Tsang's l i f e . This information, though, i s of l i t t l e more than passing i n t e r e s t i n the context of Chi Tsang's l i f e , as I t reveals very l i t t l e about the man. I t i s more i n t e r e s t i n g from the standpoint of the i n t e r p l a y between the Buddhists and the Chinese establishment, and then i t i s enormously i n t e r e s t i n g . from the cliches and suspected partisan nature of the accounts. The numbers who thronged to hear Chi Tsang preach, the account of his father's extreme devotion, the events attending Chi Tsang's b i r t h , early l i f e and death, and the enormous concern expressed by the court, the debate Incident, e t c . , a l l merit t h e i r grains of s a l t . We must, however, remain mindful of Tao Ksuan's l i m i t a t i o n s . His material appears to be at best secondhand, and there i s no i n d i c a t i o n he was concerned to do anything more with the material than cast i t i n a s t y l i s h and complimentary form. •To compile so many biographical sketches would allow him l i t t l e time or e f f o r t to v e r i f y and c r i t i c a l l y assess his material, or to produce much of an in-depth study of his subjects' Furthermore, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to separate the r e a l i t y l i f e and thought. But then does not r e a l l y mean "biography". 2h Notes to 'The Sources 1 1) «^|| ^ fj|^ Taisho 2060. Chi Tsang's biography is in chuan 14, Taisho 5 0 . 5 l 3 c - 5 l 5 a . 2) The account in Pa Hua Chuan Chi Taisho 2068, volume 5 l » 5 7 a b , attests being excerpted from the Hsii Kao Seng Chuan. The account in the Hung Tsan Fa Hua Chuan j ^ J ^ ^ ^ » T a i s h ° " 2067, volume 5 l « l 8 a appears to have been similarly excerpted, as a l l of i t is identical to portions of the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan account and contains no new material. Furthermore, i t was compiled no earlier than 706, according to Mochizuki, lj.1 years after the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan was completed. The account in the Fo Tsu T'ung Chi » Taisho 2035 , volume I4.9.201c-202a, although differently worded, adds no new information beyond mention of Chi Tsang's Invitation of Chih-i to lecture on the Lotus sutra. A l l three of these notices, i t should be pointed out, are Lotus-oriented texts. See note 33 to the Introduction to the Translation. Chi Tsang is also l i s t e d in the Hua Yen Ching Chuan Chi Jj^ j^jjj , Taisho 2073, volume 5l.l6Ij.bc, although no information is recorded. His Hua Yen preaching Is there attested, as is his teacher's, Fa Lang, and his teacher's teacher, Seng Chuan. See notes 12, 2!+ and 26 to the Introduction 2 5 to the Transla t i o n , and the Introduction i t s e l f . The notice i n the Ch'uan T'ang Wen jtV^f ^ , 916, i s almost c e r t a i n l y excerpted from the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan. (This suspicion i s substantiated by the Todai no Sambun Saku Kin.18218, Todai Kenkyu no S h i o r i . 10, Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, I960, Hiraoka Takeo, edi t o r , which i s an index to the Ch'uan T'ang Wen, and also substantiates the absence of other references to Chi Tsang as author, subject, or i n passing throughout the c o l l e c t i o n . ) I t i s very b r i e f and r e i t e r a t e s the opening l i n e s of the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan biography and Chi Tsang's parting memorial to the emperor, as recorded i n the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan. Chi Tsang i s also mentioned i n his students' biographies, but these passages add nothing we do.not already know from Chi Tsang's biography i t s e l f . These biographies, are both i n the Buddhist c o l l e c t i o n s . Hui Yuan's j l * 1 ^ (See note 1 3 9 to the Translation) biography i s i n the Hung Tsan Fa Hua Chuan, Taisho volume 5l«19bc. ion to the Translation) i s In the Hsli Kao Seng Chuan, Taisho" volume 5 0«538ab . Chi Tsang i s also mentioned i n Seng Ts'an's biography i n the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan, Taisho 5 0 « 5 0 0 a - 5 0 1 a, and a summary of that account appears i n notes 69 and 79 to the Translation. It i s the account of the debate between the two, and Is . Chih K'ai's (see also note 61+ to the Introduct-26 somewhat at variance with the account i n Chi Tsang's biography. According to the Soden h a i i n | ^ |^ §* ' D a i N i h o n Bukkyo Zensho Vol. 100.5606-56la, Chi Tsang also has notices i n the Shih Shih L i u T'ieh ^ 7-^ <^ C , the L i u Hsueh Seng Chuan 7T *^4f* ^ , and the Fa Eua Ch'ih.Yen (Chi) ^ ' 7 1 1 6 f i r s t 1 could not even f i n d a l o c a t i o n f o r , and the second two appear only in the Zokuzokyo, second s e r i e s , (6Q3-5 and 7«5» respect-i v e l y ) to which I do not have access. The remaining references at the end of Kochizuki's a r t i c l e (see the Eibliography) are either b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l , (as the Sho Shu" Sho Sho Roku ^ \ f| Vx'^  ^ , Dai Nihon Bukkyo Zensho, v o l . 1. 91-191*, and the To I k i Den To Moku Roku, ^ , Taisho" 2183, v o l . and following pages.) from which, no doubt, he compiled the l i s t of works I have reproduced i n note 3h to the Introduction to the Translation, or produce l i t t l e information, such as the Ching I'ing Hsuan Lun, ^ S<Q p\ ^ ( f f j , Taisho 1780, 38.853a, the Churon Shoki, ^ jCi %t-j> ' Taisho 2255, volume 65, and the San Ta Pu Pu Chu JZ-~^\ 'J<^~ * 2okuz*okyo Series 1, l;3»U50ab. The f i r s t attests Chi Tsang's i n t e r e s t i n the Vimala-k T r t i , the second his i n t e r e s t i n the Chung Lun, and the t h i r d points out that he and Fa Tsang ^ HjfV > 27 great s v s t e r a t i z e r of the Hua Yen School.were known as the 11 two Tsan^s" • The reference to the Shih Shih Chi Ku Lueh 0 tf, & , Taisho 2037, k 9 . 8 l l a , compiled i n 135k^only contains i n f o r m a t i o n on the monasteries constructed by Yang T i , "^ p } discussed i n notes 3k and 36 to the t r a n s l a t i o n . A l l the d i c t i o n a r y accounts are c l e a r l y based on the Hsu Kao Seng Chuan biography. 3) ^ \<£& \^ Taisho 2059. k) Arthur ?. '--'right, "Biography and Hagiography, Hui-chiao's L i v e s of Eminent Monks", pp. 383-1+32, S i l v e r J u b i l e e  Volume-of the Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyusyo Kyoto U n i v e r s i t y , Kyoto 195k. 5) Wright, i b i d . , 39°-k00. 6) t^V , biography Hsu Kao Seng Chuan 6 S T.50.k71b. 7) . ibic!. , 383. 8) Ch'en, Kenneth; Buddhism i n China, A H i s t o r i c a l Q u r v e y , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y F r e s s , P r i n c e t o n , 196k, p. ~15» °> ^ g f / j f , died 667. 10) Wright, i b i d . , 3SU-385. 11) i b i d . , 3 3 6 . 12) i b i d . , 387. 13) See notes 3 and 10 to the I n t r o d u c t i o n to the T r a n s l a t i o n f o r Paramartha, and the discuss!on i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n concerning Fa Lang. 28 I k ) P r o f . P u l l e y b l a n k , URC, p r i v a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n . 15) W r i g h t , i b i d . , 385-16) See e s p e c i a l l y t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e d i v e r g e n t a c c o u n t s o f t h e d e b a t e b e t w e e n C h i T s a n g and S e n g T s ' a n , a s r e c o r d e d i n t h e two monks' b i o g r a p h i e s and ' d i s c u s s e d I n t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n a n d i n n o t e s 169 and 179 t o t h e T r a n s l a t i o n . 17) c f . t h e f a c t t h a t , f o r i n s t a n c e , Ser.? Ch'uan's b i o g r a p h y ( s e e n o t e 21}. t o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n ) c o n t a i n s no r e f e r e n c e t o h i s s c h o l a r l y p u r s u i t s , w h e r e a s F a L a n g ' s b i o g r a p h y ( s e e n o t e 12 t o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n ) s t a t e s F a L a n g s t u d i e d S a n L u n , Ta C h i h Tu L u n , A v a t a m s a l c a and t h e l l a h a p r a j n a -p a r a m i t a u n d e r S e n g Chuan's t u t e l a g e . T h e s e k i n d s o f p r o b l e m s p l a g u e t h e a c c o u n t s , as w e l l a s t h e h i s t o r i a n . 17a) W r i g h t , i b i d . , p . 388. 18) W r i g h t , i b i d . , p . 386. 19) On F a r a m a r t h a and F a L a n g , s e e n o t e 13 a b o v e . C o n c e r n i n g T'an E s i e n s e e n o t e $0 t o t h e T r a n s l a t i o n . H i s b i o g r a p h y c o n t a i n s no m e n t i o n o f C h i T s a n g . Cn S e n g T s ' a n s e e n o t e 51 t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n and n o t e s 169 a n d 179 t o t h e T r a n s l a t i o n . 20) See n o t e 23 t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . 21) See n o t e 52 t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n . 22) See n o t e 99 t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . 23) See n o t e 8 t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n . 2)4.) See n o t e 93 t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . 29 25) See note 11?- to the transla tion. 2 6 ) See notes 5 8 , 59 and 60 to the introduction. 27) See note 72 to the translation. 25) I have sought reference to Chi Tsang in the biographies of each of the secular figures mentioned in the text, and have found none. Also see note to the translation. 29) Taisho 5 0 . 5 l k . c . 1 7 . 6 . Directly following note 1 2 7 in the translation. 3 0 ) Taisho" 5 0 . 5 l k . b l . l 6 . A few lines after note 71 in the translation. 3 1 ) Taisho 5 0 . 5 l l * . b l 9.2. At note 91 in the translation. 3 2 ) Taisho 5 0 . 5 l U . b 2 8 . 6 . Directly following note 1 0 3 in the translation. 3 3 ) Taisho 50.5 lU«c9.lt;. At note 1 1 2 in the translation. 3/4.) see note 29. 35) Wright (ibid., p. U27-1+28) points out the extent of Hui-chiao's use of inscriptional material. There mav well be more of i t used in this account than we can discern. I do not have access to a comprehensive collection of Chinese Buddhist inscriptional material. Perhaps that would shed light on this matter. 3 6 ) Taisho. 5 0 . 5 l l i . c 2 7 . 1 0 through c29 . 1 0 , the third to the last paragraph of the translation. 3 7 ) Taisho" ~0.51I4..c29.11 to 5 l 5 . a £ . 8 , next to last paragraph of translation. 30 38) As, also, the statement introducing the essay would be. Eoth sentences are short a n d , d i f f i c u l t to assess s t y l i s t i c a l l y , as Tao Hsuan i s capable of simple sentences. However, both statements seem to r e f l e c t the s t y l e of the supposed i n s c r i p t i o n . \ 31 INTRODUCTION TO THZ TRANSLATION Chi Tsang was born at a time when imperial patronage of Buddhism was as commonplace as i t i s rare today. Liang Vu T i , deposed the same year Chi Tsang was born (5U9),-was himself a Buddhist, and engaged i n a great v a r i e t y of pro-Buddhist a c t i v i t i e s , several of which 1 2 Impinged upon Chi Tsang's l i f e . Kou Ching was the usurper of Liang Wu T i ' s post. Even he saw f i t to i n v i t e 3 Paramartha (n), whose tr a n s l a t i o n project, sponsored by Liang Wu T i , Kou Ching's r e b e l l i o n had upset, to return k to the c a p i t a l to translate.(n) The Ch'en replaced the Liang In 557 • Ch'en Wu T i , unlike Liang V/u T i , favored 5 San Lun, (n) and his patronage of Chi Tsang's teacher brought the l a t t e r to prominence, which favored Chi Tsang's education and renown. The Su i , which came to power i n the north i n 58l and conquered the Ch'en i n 589, not only patronized Buddhism, but also adopted i t as an element of state ideology. I t did so p a r t l y on account of Sui Wen Ti's own Euddhist devotion, but also, a f t e r defeating the Ch'en, i n an e f f o r t to unify in s p i r i t the two halves of 6 China she had rejoined p o l i t i c a l l y . In this e f f o r t Wen (n)7 • " • 8 T i and his second son and successor, Yang T i (n) patronized c l e r i c s prominent under the Ch'en, among them Chi Tsang. And the powerful T'ang, under which Chinese Buddhism was to a t t a i n her greatest flowering, s t i l l i n her infancy, proclaimed Chi Tsang one of the ten Great 32 8a Worthies i n the empire. Not only was the Chinese emoire rine for Buddhist 8b efflorescence, Chi Tsang's family was also . Parthian and prominent enough to have enemies, they f l e d Parthia and took t h e i r Buddhist f a i t h to China where Buddhism already f l o u r i s h e d . We have every reason to expect that they were accorded a most c o r d i a l welcome, due i n part to t h e i r prominence, but even more on account of t h e i r ancestry and f a i t h , which would place them l n quite a respected place In the Chinese Buddhist heart of Liang Wu T i ' s time, accustomed to welcoming foreign Buddhists. 9 Chi Tsang's father (n) i s recorded not only to have been a paragon of Buddhist p r a c t i c e and devotion but also to have taken s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r e s t l n his son's r e l i g i o u s education. The biography attests twice to his taking his son to see Buddhist greats of the time. The f i r s t -10 Paramartha (n) - they quite l i k e l y v i s i t e d f o r only a 11 single audience during which the boy received his name. 12 The second - Fa Lang (n) - they evidently sav; repeatedly, culminating In entrusting Chi Tsang to the master's care and guidance. In both instances Chi Tsang's precocity is attested, noting which his father must also have schooled the boy In things Buddhist himself, as well as taking him to see other Buddhists, perhaps prominent i n t h e i r own time but forgotten by the time the biography was compiled. It Is to_his father then that Chi Tsang owes his 3 3 i n i t i a l impetus toward becoming a Suddhist himself, and perhaps i t i s his father's exemplary diligence which motivated the boy toward his own prodigious achievement. In his own time Chi Tsang was renowned f o r his eloquence - both i n expounding the doctrine and i n 1 3 debating opponents. Men of l a t e r times (n), as well as his own, have praised him f o r the broad erudition evidenced i n his great outpouring of authoritative commentaries and essays, the most renowned of which r e l a t e to the San Lun t r a d i t i o n , but which also encompass a var i e t y of prominent sutras as well. (n) . In both these outstanding character-i s t i c s - l i t e r a r y and elocutionary - he received his f i r s t attested guidance from his master - Pa Lang. Fa Lang i s credited with having transmitted the San Lun t r a d i t i o n , at Ch'en Wu Ti's request i n 558, from i t s 1 5 mountain headquarters at She Shan (n) to the Hsing Euang 1 6 Monastery (n) at the Ch'en c a p i t a l at Yang Chou. 3y his f o r c e f u l and eloquent attacks upon the Satyasiddhi, whose 17 strength had overshadowed the San Lun u n t i l this time, he brought the San Lun to prominence and attracted many 1 8 students (n), quite a few of whom l a t e r attained personal renown and transmitted the teaching throughout China, into 1 9 2 0 the Sui and T'ang dynasties, (n), and into Japan (n) as we l l . I r o n i c a l l y i t was Liang VJu T i whose patronage 2 1 prospered the Satyasiddhi (n), and who, i n 513, a f t e r 2 2 unsuccessfully attempting to bring Seng Lang (n), famous 3h San Lun master, into the c a p i t a l c i t y , also dispatched urban monks to Lang's mountain monastery on She Shan to study with him. One of. those monks was Seng Ch'uan (n) who l a t e r transmitted the San Lun Teaching to Fa Lang. Although each of these men - Seng Lang, Seng Ch'uan, Fa Lane, and Chi Tsang - i s renowned f o r his transmission of San Lun, i n fact t h e i r biographies attest to a much wider e r u d i t i o n . Seng Lang's states he was most renowned 26 f o r his studies of the Avatamsaka (n) and San Lun. And although Seng Ch'uan 1s biography does not mention sTItra studies, Fa Lang i s stated, i n his biography, to have studied the San Lun, Ta Chih Tu Lun, Avatamsaka and (n)27 Hahaprajnaparamita under Ch'uan's tutelage, a f t e r having studied meditation, Vinava, Abhidharma and Satya-28 siddhi e a r l i e r with other teachers.(n) So we see that although these men are reckoned patriarchs and continuers of the San Lun t r a d i t i o n , i n f a c t San Lun studies occupied only a portion of t h e i r t o t a l scholarship. Chi Tsang was no exception to thi s trend. In fac t he quite epitomizes i t . He i s credited not only with having great powers of i n t u i t i o n at an early age, but also with having exercised excellent judgement i n the doctrines he chose and studied under Fa Lang's tutelage. (But see the discussion of these kinds of topoi In the "Sources".) These very l i k e l y included at l e a s t the San Lun, Ta Chih Tu Lun, Ilahapr a jnaparamita* and Avatamsaka. V.'e do net know 35 when he l e f t Fa Lang, who died i n 5 8 1 , but he d e f i n i t e l y stayed and studied f o r several yaars at I s s s t - the (n29) biography attests to at l e a s t eleven and there i s no reason to doubt his staying longer. I t i s possible and l i k e l y that upon leaving Fa Lang, or upon the l a t t e r ' s cjeath, that a portion of the patronage afforded the master was also given the d i s c i p l e . The next mention we have of Chi Tsang's textual studies concerns his a c t i v i t i e s during and d i r e c t l v a f t e r the Sui conquest of Ch'en, which took 30 place i n 589 (n). Chi Tsang f l e d the disorders, leading his followers, and at the same time placed texts i n safe-keeping. VJhen peace came he s e t t l e d at Chia Ksiang 31 monastery, i n the mountains of Chehkiang (n), and s i f t e d through those texts he had saved. His extensive e r u d i t i o n is credited to these textual studies. At t h i s time he wrote his commentaries to the San 32 Lun (n), f o r which he i s p r i m a r i l y noted. However, not only do his San Lun writings comprise only 28 of the 162 chuan he wrote, but his essays and commentaries to the 33 Lotus account for 1x6 of those chuan (n), to the VimalakTrt 20 chuan, to the Mahaparinirvana, 21 chuan, and of the remaining 1x7 chuan 1x0 are d i s t r i b u t e d among twelve other "31*-sutras (n). He is credited with having made one of the e a r l i e s t attempts to systematize the vast Mahayana l i t e r a -35 ture (n). 36 Chi Tsang's commentaries attracted great attention in his own time, as well as l a t e r , eventually bringing 36 imperial patronage (n). However the biography's frequent testimony to his s k i l l at exposition and disput-ation leads one to believe that his elocutionary talents brought him the greater fame during his l i f e t i m e . ( i f , i n f a c t , t h i s praise heaped on Chi Tsang can a l l be taken at face value) And, again, i t was In Fa Lang's community that these talents are f i r s t attested to have developed. A f t e r Fa Lang moved to the c a p i t a l the crowd which gathered to hear him expound and debate "constantly numbered 37 a thousand" (n). In so large a community i t no doubt quickly became Impossible f o r the master to answer a l l the questions and s e t t l e the d o c t r i n a l disputes. Fa Lang's eloquence must have shown as an example to the young Chi Tsang and, coming to force through his own native t a l e n t s , given r i s e to the young man's o r a t o r i a l s k i l l s . At age eighteen, having been part of Fa Lang's community at l e a s t 38 si x and perhaps eleven years (n), Chi Tsang was appointed 39 'Reiterator of Explanations', glowed at his post, dispatched opponents, gained fame amongst the learned monks, and kO attracted the attention of Ch'en roya l t y (n). This elocutionary s k i l l was to bring him great fame i n his l a t e r years as w e l l , as we s h a l l see. 37 l i l At the request of Yang T i (n), Chi Tsang l e f t his mountain retreat, l i k e his master before him, and entered c i t v monasteries - f i r s t at Yang Chou, then at Ch'ang An (n) - lectured to the multitudes, v i s i t e d and made presentations at the famous monasteries, and attained great prominence. k3 Gernet (n) states that i t was the end of the s i x t h century i n Chinese Buddhism that a d o c t r i n a l current was formed which emphasized g i f t and c h a r i t y , and goes on to note the opposition, which he states was general at the time, between the terms 'dharma-ccnversion' and ' g i f t s hk and donations* "To the g i f t of the Law corresponds the k$ g i f t of material wealth." He quotes part of Chi Tsang's biography (n) which states his great popularity as a l e c t u r e r and i n the same breath relates the great wealth poured out to him by the prominent families of the Ch'ang An area. This wealth was p a r t l v applied toward ' f i e l d s i+7 of merit' (n) and the rest deposited i n 'inexhaustible treasuries' (n) to be r e d i s t r i b u t e d to help the poor and si c k , and to forward the a c t i v i t i e s of the sangha. The very next incident i n the biography r e l a t e s Chi Tsang's request f o r donations to f i n i s h a p a r t i a l l y k9 completed statue.(n) Again the donations poured i n and he was able to complete the p r o j e c t . In both these incidents we f i d Chi Tsang engaged 38 i n very large non-scholastic Buddhist projects, both very much a part of the Buddhism of his time. Chi Tsang became involved i n such a c t i v i t i e s , i t appears, as a r e s u l t of his prominence i n expounding the doctrine. Re was equally i f not more renovmed for h i s 50 s k i l l i n debate. Ch'en (n), i n discussing Chinese Buddhist e f f o r t s to educate the masses:'in things Buddhist, twice c i t e s Chi Tsang's a c t i v i t i e s - once as a prominent l e c t u r e r , (as related above) and once as a debater, facing 51 Seng Ts'an,(n) l n his eighties at the time, at Yang 52 Chien's (n) request i n 609. Ch'en states the debate was probably the most famous one patronized by the r o v a l t y 53 of the time, (n) I t i s recounted both i n Seng Ts'an's biography (upon which Ch'en apparently bases his account) and Chi Ts'ang's, and the two versions are compared i n the notes (69 through 79) to my t r a n s l a t i o n . The discrepancies between the two versions are very i n t e r e s t i n g . According to the account In Chi Tsang's biography not only did Tsang make an impressive show i n h i s introductory remarks, but none could match him i n the subsequent debate, and he badly worsted Seng Ts'an, h i s p r i n c i p l e opponent. However, in Seng Ts'an's biography, the debate i s recorded as a draw, both masters glowing i n the eyes of those present. In the f i n a l years of the S u i , when banditry and 5k r e b e l l i o n had broken out throughout the realm (n), Chi Tsang again withdrew from the turmoil of the times, as he 39 had done when the Sui replaced the Ch'en and, bui l d i n g a number of statues, sat i n meditation facing one of them : 55 f o r a number of years (n). He attained "a d i r e c t I n t u i t i v e v i s i o n of, the abstract truth of the marks of 56 r e a l i t y " , (n) I t i s possible that his practice of medi-i t a t i o n dates to his years with Fa Lang, who was also a p r a c t i t i o n e r of the a r t . ' • ' , \ When the Sui was breathing i t s l a s t and L i Yilan I 57 5e had taken Ch'ang An (n), Hsieh Chu (n), another rebel i n opposition to the Sui, had already taken upon • ' • 59 himself Imperial t i t l e to the west of Ch'ang An, and ' ;• in v i t e d important Euddhist clergy to audience, l i k e l y i n an e f f o r t to muster support f o r his reig n . Chi Tsang was among them and was chosen to represent the 'group. The biography records h i s remarks which laud Hsieh Chti f o r taking the s i t u a t i o n i n hand when the actions of the Sui wrought r u i n throughout the land. However, Hsieh Chii's imperial pretensions were 60 s h o r t - l i v e d (n), and L i Yuan soon held the s i t u a t i o n i n western China. A f t e r his dynasty - the great T'ang - came to power, ( i n mid-6l£) Chi Tsang was appointed one of the 60a ten Great Worthies i n the empire, in charge of regulating the a f f a i r s of the sangha. At that time he divided h i s e f f o r t s between two urban (Ch'ang An) 61 62 monasteries (n). Shortly Yuan Chi, prince of Ch'i (n) 1+0 i n v i t e d Chi Tsang to inhabit the Yen Pis ing monastery (n), where he fi n i s h e d his.days. Chi Tsang died i n the summer of 623 at the age of • seventy-four, leaving behind a most Impressive c o l l e c t i o n 61+ of l i t e r a t u r e and a number of able d i s c i p l e s (n). His death was attended by imperial mourning, the d e t a i l s of which are recorded i n the biography. He attracted the attention of Ch'en, Sui and T'antr r o y a l t y , and engaged i n the diverse a c t i v i t i e s of the Buddhism of his period -sutra study, preaching, composing, debate, meditation, b u i l d i n g and r e d i s t r i b u t i n g wealth f o r r e l i g i o u s purposes. One can only marvel at the great d i v e r s i t y of his a c t i v i t i e s and his tremendous energy, a vigor which continued into his f i n a l years. v.i r • . ' i • -J '.' '>,.•/ o?<•..?< ••• ' • • • • • i : - '•.•..•n;i-h; w .. • ;vi r/« .<•-' ••' •• j ' . - l : ' 4 1 . • ' • ; '» • * • - • ' • « • ' • • •'• : • hi NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 1) See T'ang 11.1+3 passim. (See the Bibliography f o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of works) These a c t i v i t i e s included temple and statue bu i l d i n g , lecturing- and commenting upon the sutras, aiding t r a n s l a t i o n projects, exhortin young men to abandon secular l i f e and jo i n the monastic, etc., etc. 2) See T'ang II .318, also Hurvitz 103-105. Biography i n Llang-shu 56, Nan shih 80.1s-25b 3) Paramartha ( -jr$^ Chen Ti) (1*99-569) (Eiog.HKSC .1 . T.50.!i29c-k31a) was an Indian student of Asanga's and Vasubandhu's I d e a l i s t i c Mahayana Yogacara who entered China (at Canton) i n 51+6 with the intention of tr a n s l a t i n g and propagating Yogacara texts. In 51+8, at Liang Wu T i ' s request, he entered the southern c a p i t a l , Chien Yeh, to head a t r a n s l a t i o n p r o j e c t , but Kou Ching's r e b e l l i o n made this impossible. He remained in the c a p i t a l area f o r a few years, t r a n s l a t i n g and expounding a few texts, then departed for the'south, where he wandered from place to place, t r a n s l a t i n g and preaching. He was the most prominent tra n s l a t o r i n China between the times of KumarajTva and Esuan Tsang. His greatest contributions were his translations of the Abhidharma Kosa by Vasubandhu, the study of which replaced e a r l i e r Chinese Abhidharma studies, and the liahayanas amgraha, written by Asanga k2 and annotated by Vasubandhu, the study of which formed the basis of the ^ 0 % ^ ^^fy She Lun Tsung (Samgraha School). Ksuan-Tsanr, studying this text, evinced a desire to go to India to f i n d the orthodox teaching, and his l a t e r work, with the assistance of Kuei c h i ( ~ ] i )» formed the basis of the Fa Ksiang School ( J{Q ) which superceded the She Lun Tsung. (see T'ang II.317 passim, also Takakusu 63 and 81-83.) I«) See T'ang 11.319. 5) See T'ang 11.326. 6) See A.F. Wright, "The Formation of the Sui Ideology", i n J.K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and I n s t i t u t i o n s , Chicago, 1957, 71-10ii. 7) See P. Eoodberg, "The Rise and F a l l of the House of Yang," HJAS, !i(1939), 253-270, also Kurvitz, 125-139, and Ch'en, 191+-201. Hurvitz (p. 127, nl) credits Wen T i , with i n i t i a t i n g the r e v i v a l of Euddhism i n the north, following the Northern Chou repression of 571+-577, which proscription's formal l i f t i n g Hurvitz surmises was Wen T i • s doing. His reign began in 581 and he devoted much of the energy of his reign to the r e s t o r a -t i o n of Euddhism i n the north. Then, i n 589, with the annexation of the south, the patronization of Buddhism became a vehicle f o r the u n i f i c a t i o n of the two halves of China, as noted above* 1*3 8) Bingham, e s p e c i a l l y i n his Introduction, pp.1-10, discusses Yang Ti's r i s e to power and, i n a general way, his reign. Hurvitz, 139-173, hut e s p e c i a l l y 11*2, discusses the early part of his r i s e , i n r e l a t i o n to his patronage of C h i h - i , founder of the T'ien T'ai School. There, summarizing Tsukamotc, he points out three reasons for (the then) Prince Kuang's patronizing Chih-i. "1 ) the value to the Sui government of having on i t s side one of the most important c l e r i c s of South China...2) the approbation of h i s devoutly Buddhist parents; 3) his own personal f a i t h " . A l l three factors must also have contributed as well to his patronage of Chi Tsang (see note 3h to the t r a n s l a t i o n ) , who, eleven years Chih^i's junior, had yet to a t t r a c t so great a fame as he and thus avoided a r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Sui so close as that which Ch i h - i and the entire T'ien T'ai establishment incurred. By i t s proximity to the Sui, T'ien T'ai was to lose T'an^ imperial favor which the San Lun would enjoy. 8a) See note 90 to the Translation. 8b) See note 2 to the T r a n s l a t i o n . . 9) Tao Lianr? »«^  ; no biography extant, but see the " On* f i r s t part of the t r a n s l a t i o n , below. 10) See note 3 above. This meeting, according to T'ang, H .319, took place i n l a t e 552 or early 553 at Nanking, where Faramartha was engaged i n t r a n s l a t i n g and expound-ing the Suvarnaprabhasa Sutra. ( ) , This would make Chi Tsang three or four years o l d at the time. ( A l l ages w i l l be given i n western equivalents, i e , one unit less than the Chinese ' s u i 1 designation, although this i s , admittedly, only an approximation.) I t i s worthy of note that both Paramartha and Tao Liang were of western non-Chinese origin,' and also of i n t e r e s t to point out that both the former and the l a t t e r ' s family entered China i n the same southern region around Canton, and from there proceeded to the c a p i t a l area on the eastern coast. 11) See note 7 to the t r a n s l a t i o n . 12) Pa Lang ( \% g$ ) (508-581) (also ( ^ ), Hui Lang and ( ), Tao Lang). Biography i n HKSC.7.T. 50.Li.77b-k78a. Also see T'ang 11.21+9-252, and below. 1 3 ) Takakusu p. 99; de Bary, p. lkk; etc. Ik) See below, note 3 k to the introduction. 15) "ir^f d* She Shan. 1 6 ) & cap" Hsing Huana Ssu. I r o n i c a l l y this monastery was established by Sung Ming T i (reigned k65-U73) for Tac Meng ( ^  ^ ) (1+01-1+75), a Satyasiddhi (Ch'ena^ Shih ffy ) master who had been the d i s c i p l e of KumarajTva*s d i s c i p l e , Seng Tao ( j^ jL ). Tao Meng's d i s c i p l e * continued the t r a d i t i o n at that monastery, and i t appears that Fa Lang's entry i s the f i r s t break i n that -tradition. T'ang 11.221. 17) See T'ang II.21*7, 2 7 8 . 18) See T'ang 11.21*8. 19) See T'ang 11.250, 251. J > i Art 20) Ekan ( ^  ) was a Korean d i s c i p l e of Chi Tsang, and c a r r i e d the teaching into Japan. See Takakusu, p.100. 21) See T'ang 11.21*8, 3 2 6 . 22) Biography appended to Fa Tu's biography, KSC.8.T.50.380b,c. Seng Lang i s also credited with having' made d i f f i c u l t y ' f or Satyasiddhi masters, l i k e Fa Lang a f t e r him. (T'ang II.21*6, 21*8.) 2 3 ) See T'ang 1 1 . 2 1 * 6 . 21*) i ^ ^ ^ Biography KSC.7.T.50.369c. 25) Concerning the San Lun transmission before Seng Lang, see Robinson, Chapter 8, and T'ang, Chapter 18. In the near future, I intend to publish an addition to th i s subject. 26) It i s of note that Seng Lang, Seng Ch'uan, Fa Lang and Chi Tsang a l l studied the Avatamsaka (Hua Yen ^ ) Sutra. (See T'ang, 11.21*5-21*6) 27) That Seng Ch'Han's biography completely emits mention of any s"utra studies, which studies are attested elsewhere, exemplifies the kind of d i f f i c u l t i e s one encounters i n attempting to reconstruct l i n e s of transmission, schools, etc. 28) Of Fa Lang's thirteen d i s c i p l e s whose renown has passed to the present, only two did not study completely the San Lun, and.only two studied exclusively the San Lun. Six studied the Ta Chih Tu Lun, four the Kahaprajna-paramita', four the Lotus, four the Mahaparinirvana, three the Satyasiddhi, three the Avatamsaka, and one the Chung Lun, hut not the other two San Lun t r e a t i s e s . (T'ang 1 1 . 2 5 0 , 2 5 1 . ) . ) The HKSC biography we have translated states Chi Tsang was s i x years old (seven sui) when hi s father entrusted him to Fa Lang. Mochizuki ( 1 . 5 2 9 ) , quoting a source I have not located, gives eleven years (twelve sui) as his age when his father f i r s t took him to see Fa Lang, and states that i t was the next year t h a t he took up l i f e with the teacher, i . e . age twelve. Chi Tsang was s i x i n 5 5 5 , three years before Fa Lang entered the c i t y , and f o r them to meet would have necessitated Tao Liang's taking his son to the mountain monastery to see the master. Chi Tsang was eleven i n 5 6 0 , two years a f t e r Fa Lang entered the c a p i t a l , and would have traveled to Chien Yeh to see the master. Chi Tsang was appointed ' r e i t e r a t o r of explanations' (see below) at age eighteen and, although he assuredly stayed with Fa Lang longer, s i x years or eleven are a l l that are attested, depending upon which source we beli e v e . ) This part of Chi Tsang's l i f e i s related i n two places i n the biography, once toward the beginning and again very near the end. 31) Chia Esiang. B u i l t i n the fourth century. See Wright-E, p. 397 • Located i n Shao Hsing Prefec-ture {$\Q l$6 ) l n chehkiang, in the K'uai Chi ( ) Mountains, See Wright -E, pp.3^5-397 and Ch'en pp. 62-66 for a discussion of K'uai Chi Buddhism, about 200 miles SE from Nanking. 32) Mochizuki, I. 530. The Three Treatises are the Ma"dhyamika (Chung Lun ^ \%^${ ) Sataka (Po Lun — J-/N _ / _ l _ (^? 3>?£f] ) a n ^ Dvadasanikaya (Shiherhmen lun ~] JT— 33) Chi Tsang i s also credited with having expounded the Lotus 'over three hundred times' but the San Lun only 'over one hundred. 1 In l a t e 597 he wrote Chih-i (T.k6.822ab), China's most renowned commentator of the Lotus, i n v i t i n g him to v i s i t Chia Hsiang Monastery and expound the sutra, which he refers to as the 'pivot of a l l the sTTtras' • In 605 he copied 2000 copies of the Lotus, no small undertaking. Three biographical notices on Chi Tsang, a l l decidedly pro-Lotus, completely omit any mention of hi s San Lun a c t i v i t y . One (In FTTC) includes a l l other sutras he studied, as related i n the HKSC, but the other two (KTFHC and FIICC) mention nothing but Lotus involvement, and are, in f a c t , condensations of the HKSC biography. 3k) To the Lotus, 32 chuan are extant; to the San Lun, I U8 20; to V i m a l a k l r t i , 20; to the Mahaparinirvana, only one. To the Mahaprajnaparamita he wrote 15 chuan, eleven extant; to the Frajnaparamita for Benevolent Kings seven, s i x extant; to the Srimala s i x , a l l extant; to the Suvarnaprabhasa, Avatamsaka, SukhavatTvyuha, Amitayurdhyana ( l i k e l y a Chinese fake) and Maitreya sutras, one each, a l l extant; and to the Lankavatara, King Suddhodana, and Ullambana, one each, a l l l o s t . In addition he wrote an essay, 'The Profound Meaning of the Great Vehicle' i n f i v e chuan, extant, and two essays, both l o s t , both a single chuan, one on the 'Eight Arrangements' (?) - (a Hua Yen work?) - and one on the biographies of Nagarjuna and his d i s c i p l e , Aryadeva. I have counted the single chuan, l o s t commentary to the Kuan Yin Ching amongst the Lotus works, as i t i s , i n f a c t , a chapter of the Lotus, and the essays on the Two Truths and the San Lun amongst the San Lun t i t l e s . (Mochizuki 1.530) 35) S£e Eary, p. lkk» 36) See below. 37) T'ang 11.250. At any rate we can be sure there were quite a few. 38) "See note 29 above. 39) ^ Pu Shu. liO) Ch'en Prince of Kuei Yang. See note 23 to the t r a n s l a t i o n . U9 k l ) See note 8 above, and note 3k to the t r a n s l a t i o n , below. k2) Hui J i b ( ) at Yang Chou (see notes 3k and 36 to the translation) and J i h Yen (QJjfaJ) at Ch'ang An, (see note 36 to the t r a n s l a t i o n ) . A number (three) of Fa Lang's other prominent d i s c i p l e s also dwelt at the J i h Yen Monastery, and a l l of them studied San Lun. (see T'ang 11.250-251) k3) Gernet, p. 211. kk) Fa hua ( j/^J jL> ) and t s ' a i shih ( y Nq [•5) Gernet, p. 212, n l . k6) Gernet, p. 211-212. k7) Fu t'ien ( /f>^fj fQ ), punyaksetra. Gernet (p. 212.n2) says that these f i e l d s of merit undoubtedly consist of vegetarian banquets requesting favor, by which means more funds were accumulated from the wealthy, to be r e d i s t r i b u t e d . (See Ch'en, p. 283-285.) However, ' f i e l d of merit' normally has a much wider meaning, and simply implies domains of involvement where one invests energy, etc., c u l t i v a t i n g benefit f o r others and merit f o r oneself. 1+8) Wu chin tsang ( ^jt0j\ ^tfj ) These were treasuries within the monastery where, o r i g i n a l l y , donations which could not be immediately u t i l i z e d were stored. Eventually the pra c t i c e gave r i s e to great amounts of 50 treasure administered by the sangha. See Gernet, p. 205 passim. 1|9) I t i s possible that t h i s statue was being resurrected, having been knocked down and damaged during the Buddhist p r o s c r i p t i o n of 57k-577« See note 6k to the t r a n s l a t i o n . 50) ibid.,pp. 285-287. 51) \% f& • Biography HKSC.9.T50.50Ca-501a. Besides this debate, his biography also r e l a t e s his involvement i n the l a s t two of Sui Wen Ti's three enshrinements of r e l i c s (601, 602, 60k.) See also note 69 to the transla t i o n . 52) Biography Sui Shu chuan 59, courtesy name s h i h p e l ). Yang Ti's second son. S u i , Prince of Ch'I ( p^T/jf^y ) at th i s time. 53) i b i d . , p. 286. r* 5k) According to Bingham (p. k3) i t was 613 that the disorders which would f i n a l l y bring the collapse of the Sui began. 55) Chi Tsang's meeting with Hsieh Chii (see below and note 58 below) took place no l a t e r than 518, and probably l a t e 517-early 5l8, Therefore this period of meditation probably lasted no more than f i v e years ( i f we date i t beginning with the general outbreaks of disorder i n 613) and d e f i n i t e l y no more than nine years, as the debate with Seng Ts'an occurred In 609, according to Ts'an's biography. 5 1 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ K u a n s h i h h s i a n s l l » 57) Sui Prince of T'ang, L i Yuan, founder-to-be ( i n 6l8) of the T'ang dynasty, raised the 'Righteous Army' i n summer of 617 and marched against the s t r a t e g i c a l l y located Sui c a p i t a l at Ch'ang An, which he took 12-12-61? (Bingham pp. 83-101*). 58) ^ Biography Chiu T'ang Shu 5 5 , Bsin T'ang Shu 86. 59) Ke seized power i n May 617 and declared himself emperor (Wu Huang - j ^ , ) i n 'September. (Bingham pp. 71, 105.) 60) L i Yuan's forces drove him back from his advance on Ch'ang An in the f i r s t month of 618, and he died (of i l l n e s s ) l a t e r i n that year. (Bingham p. 110) 60a) See note 9k to the t r a n s l a t i o n . 61) Shih Chi (!jf ) and Ting Shui ( ). 62) See note 99 to the t r a n s l a t i o n . 6 3 ) ^ Yen Hsing. 6 k ) Skan ( M ! / « ) was noted above (note 20). The biography mentions Rui Yuan {^Z? ^' biography ETFHC . 3.T.5l.l9bc (See note 1 3 9 to the t r a n s l a t i o n ) . His biography only mentions his Lotus involvement, but Chi Tsang's notice i n this c o l l e c t i o n only records his Lotus a c t i v i t i e s , and omits both his San Lun involvement and his a c t i v i t i e s with any other s U t r a s , so we cannot t e l l the breadth of Hui Yuan's studies, but v/ould expect him to have studied more than just the Lotus o 52 HKSC.lk.T.50.538ab gives the biography of Chih Kai ( ^ *%]L )> a d i s c i p l e of Chi Tsang's, prominent during the T'ang who expounded the San Lun. Chi Tsang's biography also mentions a Hui Lang ^* given at one point (see note 125 to the translation) as a variant f o r Hui Yuan, above. I have not been able to locate a biography f o r t h i s man. In c i d e n t a l l y , Hui Yuan is not to be confused with the Hui Yuan who wrote the Ta Sheng I ^hang, y\ |^ * a n • f encyclopedia of Buddhist terminology, or the Hui Yuan who was a d i s c i p l e of Tao An. 53 TRANSLATION OP T H E BIOGRAPHY Kn) Shih Chi Tsang: his secular surname was 'An', 2(n) and he was of Farthian extraction. In his grandfather's generation, f l e e i n g t h e i r enemies, (his family) moved to 3(n) Nan Hal and, accordingly, made the i r home within the l*(n) Chiao-Kuang border region thereafter. Later they 5(n) moved to Chin Ling where (Chi) Tsang was born. In his childhood Years his father took him to see 6(n) Paramartha, whom he asked to name (his c h i l d ) . 7 (Paramartha), enquiring what the pregnancy had been l i k e (concluded that the boy) could be considered "Chi Tsang" -an auspicious embryo. Accordingly this was taken to be his name. For venerations (Chi Tsang's family) had venerated 8(n) the Buddha and had had no other central concern. Later 9(n) his father l e f t family l i f e to become a monk and was 10(n) given the name 'Tao Liang', Ey d f l l g e n t exertion he distinguished himself, and i n r i g o r of self-imposed r e s t r a i n t he had few equals. He made begging food and l i s t e n i n g to (the preachincr of) the Bharma his habitual l l ( n ) occupation. Every day, (having) taken up his alms bowl and about to return (from his begging), he would enter a stupa (reliquary) barefoot and o f f e r on a l l sides to the Euddha image (what he had acquired from his begging.) Having offered i t thus he would divide i t and only then would present i t (to the image's). Even tears, mucus, urine 9\ and excrement he would f i r s t take up in his hands and offer to those sentient beinas (for whom such matter 12(n) x-jould be) appropriate food, and only then would he discard i t . His practice of sincerity and diligence never l"3(n) missed the mark. (Tao) Liang regularly took (Chi) Tsang to l i s t e n lU(n) 1 5 to Dharma Master Tao Lang of the Hsing Huang 16 Monastery read and comment upon (the teachings). Upon hearing (Chi Tsang) would understand-intuit as i f by 17 natural endowment. At age seven he l e f t home and entrusted himself to Lang. He selected and acquainted himself with the arcane counsels and daily renovated 18 himself with their abstruse purport. In a l l in which he inquired and was instructed he subtly penetrated the heart of the matter. (The import which) his presentations and arguments exhibited was singularly superior to the ordinary run. The words he uttered were f u l l of meaning, extraordinary, broad in scope, rich In content and much about them was marvelous. At the age of eighteen (Chi Tsang) took his place in the community (around his master) as one who reiterates 19n explanations. His skilled disputation was l i k e a blade moving in a duel. In successfully responding to and coming to grips with the heroes of his time he was at ease and possessed of an excess of s k i l l , which caused 20 his renown to advance in Yang-I. He glowed among the i 55 21 learned sangha. After he received the precepts in f u l l h is renown became ever greater. 23(n) 2k(n) The Ch'en prince of Kuei Yang revered his distinguished q u a l i t i e s . He r e s p e c t f u l l y savored and honored (Chi Tsang's) pronouncements and presentations of meaning. 2 5(n) 26(n) When the Sui had p a c i f i e d southern China 27(n) (Chi Tsang) moved east to Ch'in Wang (mountain) and 28 29 dwelt at the Chia Hsiang Monastery where he went about 30(n) his business as usual. At Yu Hsueh there was a great 3Kn) throng, and seekers a f t e r the Way numbered over a 32 (n) thousand. (Chi Tsang's) a s p i r a t i o n l a y In transmitting the lamp i n order that the Dharma-wheel misht continue to 33(n) turn. 3k(n) 35(n) In the l a s t year(s) of K'ai Huang, Yang T i 36(n) at"his post i n Chin established four monasteries, which were state subsidized, and exhaustively sought out members 37-(n) of the Euddhist and Taoist communities f o r elevation. On account of (Chi) Tsang's distinguished exegesis and 38 prominent merit he was commanded to enter Hui J i h (Monastery) The ceremonious courtesies rendered him were sumptuous, the 39(n) excellent bestowals extraordinary. The prince (Yang T i ) also established the J i h Yen . kO(n) ' kl(n) Monastery i n the c a p i t a l c i t y and gave s p e c i a l instructions to i n v i t e (Chi) Tsang to go and dwell there. Kis desire was to cause (Chi Tsang's) Way to arouse (the 56 l+2(n) people In) the Central P l a i n and his Practice to tower above the imperial t e r r i t o r y . When (Chi Tsang) f i r s t entered the imperial c i t y ~ l+3(n) UU(n) the monks and the l a i t y gathered about him l i k e U5(n) clouds. When they saw his appearance (they could see he was) distinguished above the multitude. When they l i s t e n e d to-his words i t was l i k e (hearing) the thunderous l+6(n) rumbling of assembled drums. (Chi) Tsang then v i s i t e d a l l the famous monasteries. Scarcely had he revealed his eloquence and his deportment when a l l shut t h e i r mouths and U 7 ( n ) stopped t h e i r speech. Few could answer him. Now such were the preferences and tastes of the c a p i t a l that they regarded the Lotus of the True Law as marvelous and Important. Therefore, making use of his acuteness he straightway expatiated on I t . 1+8 k9(ii) 50(n) At this time there was a monk, T'an Hsien, 52(n) who 'beat the drum' i n Dhyana's gateway. His establishment of meritorious acts was effulgent and he lay down precedents f o r the monks and the l a i t y . Before anyone else he humbly i n v i t e d (Chi Tsang) to set f o r t h and expatiate upon a c o l l e c t i o n of cardinal d o c t r i n a l p o i n t s . When the seven-fold congregation got wind of the proposed 53 a r r i v a l of t h i s renowned teacher they arr i v e d by the tens of thousands. Cramped f o r space they overflowed the bu i l d i n g and i t s immediate environs and flowed outwardly In the four d i r e c t i o n s . Hats were spread extensively i n 57 the open a i r , but even .then, by i t s e l f , (the crowd) over-flowed i t s constraints. The mighty clans and the l e i s u r e d 5U(n) gentlefolk a l l poured out t h e i r wealth (to him). 55(n) (Layfolk) of pure f a i t h and the r e l i g i o u s fellowship a l l revered his virtuous example. (Chi) Tsang's acts of 56 57 conversion to the Dharma were inexhaustible. Alms p i l e d up. In due course he d i s t r i b u t e d them and established 58(n) the various f i e l d s of merit. Since, having used (the alms i n this fashion) they s t i l l had a surolus, they f i l l e d 59(n) ten inexhaustible t r e a s u r i e s . (Chi Tsang) delegated T'an Hsien to use (the treasuries) for acts of compassion 60(n) and veneration. 6l(n) n 62(n) During Jen Shou at Ch'u Ch'ih a great image 63(n) was raised to a height of a hundred f e e t . The 6l|(n) accoutrement had been going on f o r a long time, but the body was not yet completed. When i t was s t i l l incomplete Chi Tsans: took up residence there and vowed to complete I t . 65(n) He s o l i c i t e d donations of the s i x things and at the 66(n) same time r e l i e d upon the four conditions. For a period of ten days the donations continued unabated and were immediately used to adorn (the statue). Soaring l o f t i l y I t glistened from a height. From this example (we can see that 67(n) Chi) Tsang's force of merit could move the hearts of ( a l l ) beings. In every case where there was something to bu i l d he completed i t , without exception. 58 68 The Sui prince of Ch'i, (Yang) Chien, was early f i l l e d with respect by reports (of Chi Tsang). Upon meeting him his pleasure was extreme, and yet he was not aware of his storehouse of s p i r i t u a l treasure. Thereupon he lowered 69 himself to go to Chi Tsang's dwelling and i n v i t e d disputants. The great men of the c a p i t a l accompanied one another several 70 71 deep - they•numbered i n excess of s i x t y men. A l l those who had already made the i r august names known by blunting the forward points (of an opponent's argument) came to the general gathering. (Chi) Tsang was made chief of discussion. He put (his argument) into composition and presented I t , saying: "With a heart possessed of t i m i d i t y mount the seat of fearlessness. Using a mouth struck dumb as wood set free loosejawed t a l k " . He made several hundred phrases l i k e these. The prince, turning to the palace scholar Fu Te Ch'ung, 72(n) 73 said, "He has not yet even engaged his opponents or 7h ' met attacks. I f he just keeps on with what he has been doing, then the l i k e l i h o o d i s that few w i l l be able to follow i n his footsteps." Ch'ung said: "To engage i n 75 rhetoric and e s t a b l i s h arguments - today I see what It means." The prince and his retinue i n unanimous admiration praised the excellence (of his verses). 76 At that time there was a monk Seng Ts'an who styled 77(n) himself "Master of Discourse throughout Three Lands". 5 9 Eis bold eloquence poured f o r t h l i k e a r i v e r ; the words he spat out broke the horns (of opposing argument). He was the f i r s t to question (Chi Tsang). There were more than 78 f o r t y exchanges betv/een them. (Chi) -Tsang's responses and his sounding out h i s 78a adversary were speedy, impassioned, and poured f o r t h l i k e a torrent. Furthermore his appearance was relaxed, his language and his general demeanor frank and open. (Seng Ts'an) r o l l e d up his mat. Stunned, red with shame, he 79 departed. On account of this (Chi Tsang's) fame rose even higher. Suddenlv the purport (of the argument) became 80 c l e a r . The prince announced the discussion had not yet been completed and extended (the meeting) two days. He chose d o c t r i n a l items and repeatedly had (opponents) stand up and face (Chi Tsang). Of a l l (the men present) none were able to oppose him. The prince, bowing his head i n a courteous gesture 8l(n) submitted e t e r n a l l y to him as preceptor. Moreover, he gave him an auspicious flywhisk, as well as the various 82 kinds of clothing and other things. 83(n) Late i n l i f e , i n the f i r s t year- of Ta Yen (605) (Chi Tsang) wrote out two thousand copies cf the Lotus of the True Law. 8Wn) About the time the Sui was comine- tc an end he 60 b u i l t twenty-five images and donated his own dwelling to lodge them f o r safekeeping, taking up residence himself In an i n f e r i o r room. Morning and evening following one upon the other, he did penance with utmost s i n c e r i t y . Re also separately ( i . e . , in addition to the above twenty-five) set up an image of Samantabhadra Eodhisattva and equipped 65(n) i t with a curtain as before. He himself sat i n meditation facing (the image) and had a d i r e c t i n t u i t i v e 86(n) v i s i o n of the 1abstract truth of the marks of r e a l i t y . Ee spent many years l i k e this (In meditation) and did not 67(n) depart from t h i s . Early when the richteous (army) of the T'ar.g came 88(n) to force and reached the c a p i t a l , Wu Huang (Imperial 89 pretender) personally summoned the Buddhist leaders to 90(n) appear by the foot of Ch'ien Hua gate i n audience. The assembly, because Chi Tsang's ingenious p e r c e p t i v i t y was famed, pushed him forward to express t h e i r thoughts. Addressing (Wu Huang) he said: "I submit that (formerly 9 K n ) when) your subjects were i n miserable circumstances you seized the time and rescued them from drowning ( i n t h e i r p l i g h t ) . The monks and the l a i t y j o y f u l l y r e l y i n g c upon you look up to your beneficence and vast compassion." Wu Huang, delighted, s o l i c i t o u s l y and d i l i g e n t l y concerned himself with Chi Tsang's well being. Unaware of the moving shadows, they talked a long time. He commanded 61 s p e c i a l deference (toward Chi Tsang) which f a r surpassed ordinary p r o p r i e t i e s . 93 In the f i r s t year of Wu Te (618), since the sangha was pass inn through a time of d i f f i c u l t y the posts of the ten 9U 'Great Worthies' were created. In managing r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s 95 they accorded with the r e l i g i o u s communities' c r i t i c i s m s . (Chi Tsang) was appointed one of these ten. 'Finnacle of 96 97(n) R e a l i t y ' and 'Water of Dhyana' (monasteries) held 98(n) him In veneration as a r e l i g i o u s leader. Eoth monaster-ies i n consecutive p e t i t i o n i n v i t e d him to dwell (with them). Accordingly, then, he acceded to both requests and dwelt with each of them. 99(n) The (T'ang) Prince of Ch'i, (Li) Yuan Chi, had long venerated his q u a l i t i e s and i n person took him as 100(n) preceptor. Ke also i n v i t e d him to dwell at Yen Hsing (monastery). The extraordinary g i f t s (he sent came so frequently that messengers bearing them) crossed (each other's 101(n) paths) bearing o f f e r i n g s . (Chi) Tsang directed himself In accordance with (the needs and wishes of) beings. He never became bogged i n set 102(n) routine. At t h i s age his c o n s t i t u t i o n gradually weakened and more and more frequently he became i l l . By Imperial command ef f i c a c i o u s medicines were bestowed upon him. Court messengers came one a f t e r another to enquire aft e r him. He himself estimated his condition extreme and d i f f i c u l t ( i . e . impossible) 62 1 0 3(n) to cure. "The hanging dewdrop does not long endure." So he sent his parting memorial to the emperor saying; " I , (Chi) Tsang am of advanced age, my i l l n e s s e s amassed, virtuous power th i n , personal q u a l i t i e s s l i g h t . I have p l e n t i f u l l y received (what medicine) d i v i n i t y ( i . e . the emperor) has dispersed and sought to achieve remedy. However, the stroke has suddenly increased and fate could come morning or night. In the extremity of sadness and longing I send this memorial and o f f e r these words. I humbly pray (that Your Majesty w i l l ) long dwell i n t h i s world, continually bring peace to the dynasty and state, IOI4. m e r c i f u l l y rescue the four kinds of beings and elevate 1 0 5 the T r i p l e Jewel." To the hei r apparent and the various princes he also presented parting memorials charging them with (the 1 0 5 a promotion of) the Great Law. When the clear morning arriv e d he sought hot water to bathe and dressed i n new clean c l o t h i n g . Attendants burned incense and he charged i-thera to intone the name of Buddha. (Chi) Tsang 106(n) sat crosslegged i n solemn contemplation as i f with a pleased countenance. When the time of the d a i l y meal was about to arr i v e he died q u i e t l y . His springs and 1 0 7(n) autumns were seventy-five. This was the f i f t h month of the s i x t h year of Wu Te (summer 6 2 3 ) . He l e f t behind 1 0 7 a an order to expose his corpse (as a g i f t to sentient beings). His countenance became more and more fresh and white. 63 1 0 8(n) There were imperial consolatory g i f t s and a 1 0 9(n) command to seek out i n Nan Shan a rock vault to place 1 1 0 (his remains) i n safety. From the h e i r apparent on down, the princes and nobles a l l sent l e t t e r s of consolation and 1 1 0 a also bestowed s i f t s of money and s i l k . His present H I Reigning Majesty e a r l i e r , when he was prince of Ch'in, was most p a r t i a l i n his veneration (of Chi Tsang). At that time he conveyed condolences saying: " A l l conditioned 1 1 2 existence i s impermanent. (Chi) Tsang the Bharma Master -1 1 3 ( n ) his Way transcended the Three Vehicles - his fame was ' H l | ( n ) l o f t i e r than the Ten Stages -.his thought was broader v _ H 5 ( n ) H 6 ( n ) than Frajha; his disputations encompassed s a l v a t i o n . He was the very one to e s t a b l i s h his excellence i n the Pure 1 1 7 ( n ) Land and to reveal the doctrine i n the Groves of Dhyana. How -was I to know that the heavy dew would vanish i n the 1 1 8 morning sun, that the winds of karma would s t i r up the 1 1 9 world? Forever he has bidden farewell to Crabapple 1 2 0 1 2 1 Orchards and slammed shut the Pine Gate. Moreover his feelings are keenly seen i n his introductory words (to the sutras) and now they are preserved i n his parting memorial. The traces remain but the man i s gone - a l l the more am I 1 2 1 a grieved." 122 Then they sent (his remains) to C h i h Hslang Monastery on Nan Shan. At that time there was intense heat (summertime). 6fc 12"5 Seated in a rope chair the corpse did not decompose or 12k stink, and i t s crcsslegged posture did not loosen. Chi Tsang's disciple Eui Yuan, to establish unbroken (for 126 posterity his master's) fane, collected his remaining bones, carved a stone tomb on a northern crag, and immortalized his 127 virtue on stone. 127a Earlier, when (Chi) Tsang was in his childhood, his eminent renown caused him to be praised far and wide. After attaining young manhood his stlory fanned even farther. 128(n) ~ 129(n) In appearance he was Vestern and Indian but in speech he was truly Eastern and Chinese. What he held in his mouth was like pearls- and jade and his appearance was naturally distinguished. (His a b i l i t y to) decide (doctrinal issues) expeditiously was scarcely a matter of his accumulated learning. In audience with emperors and princes his (grasp of) abstract truth became even more evident than in his usual practice. He would resolve doubtful doctrinal issues and his listeners would forget their longstanding fatigue. On the other hand he was friendly and on easy terms with the Feng 130(n) Liu, not the prisoner of s t r i c t regulation. By his upright and austere acquaintances he was c r i t i c i z e d for this. In addition he was also free and easy in penetrating essential points in doctrinal treatises but was rather inclined to s i - p l i f i c a t i o n . A b i l i t y to superintend the Sangha was not his strong point. 1 3 1 Formerly, when Ch'en was replaced by Sui and 65 1 3 2 Chiang Yin was i n chaos, the monks and l a i t y scattered l i k e waves. Each abandoned the c i t i e s , and (Chi Tsang) led his followers into the various monasteries. However (they also) gathered texts and commentaries and put them away i n a three-partitioned h a l l . A f t e r peace arrived he then s i f t e d through and arranged them. Consequently none 1 3 3 surpassed (Chi) Tsang i n excellence i n bibliography. The breadth of his exegetical c i t a t i o n s is a l l due to t h i s . He expounded the Three Treatises more than one hundred times, the Lotus of the True Law more than three 1 3 U ( n ) j hundred, and the Frajnaparamita i n twenty f i v e thousand l i n e s with commentary (Ta Chih Tu Lun), the Garland Sutra, the V i m a l a k l r t i , etc., several tens of times each, and, f o r a l l of them wrote profound commentaries which c i r c u l a t e 135(n) Vigorously i n the world. On his f i n a l day (Chi Tsang) fashioned an essay "Death i s not to be Feared", l a y down his oen and died. 1 3 6 The text says: "I have dealt somewhat with the Teh Gates. and made them my own consolation. How, of a l l who hold teeth in t h e i r mouths "and wear h a i r on t h e i r heads, that there are none but love b i r t h and dread death i s the r e s u l t of t h e i r not having embodied (Truth). Nov; death comes f o r t h from b i r t h - one should dread b i r t h . I f I were not born, whence would there be death? I f you see It begin with 137(n) b i r t h , thereupon you know i t s end w i l l be death..." 1 3 8 Because of the size f the text  Is not recorded In f u l l . 6 6 Hui Yuan, r e l y i n g upon and succeeding to him, serving him received the succession and b r i l l i a n t l y enlightened his contemporaries. Ee transmitted Dharma conversion and b r i l l i a n t l y succeeded to (Chi Tsang's) l i n g e r i n g glow. In the l a t t e r part of his l i f e he took up ll+O 11+1 (n) residence at the Wu Chen Monastery at Lan T'ien. At the time, expounding In the c i t y , he quickly moved the hearts ll+2(n) of the multitudes, but men of our time have seen this with t h e i r own eyes and therefore I w i l l not s p e l l i t out extensively. NOTES TO TRANSLATION 67 1 ) Derived, possibly, from 'An H s i ' . See note 2 . 2 ) An Ksi JfS? ; Arsak, Parthia, (Iran). Prof. Fulleyblank remarks, "An Hsi v^f o r i g i n a l l y meant Parthi a, but Parthia was overthrown by the new Sassanian empire In the 3 r d century. By T'ang times 'an' was a surname associated with Bukhara, known as $J An Kuo. I don't know f o r sure what i t would have meant for a family a r r i v i n g In China at Kuangchou by the sea route around the beginning of the 6 t h century but It is u n l i k e l y ( i t seems to me) to have meant 'Parthia' i n the old sense. There were c e r t a i n l y Central Asian merchants i n Canton then. Presumably they came i n trading ships from the Persian Gulf as they did l a t e r . " 3) Nan Hai j ^ ] ; L i t . 'Southern Sea', but i t r e f e r s instead to the t e r r i t o r y bordering the Southern Sea -the southwestern Chinese coastal region, (modern) Kwangtung-Kwangsi (Kuang chou) and Vietnam. I t could also r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y to what i s now modern Canton, i n the midst.of this region. k) Chiao Kuang ; Chiao means Vietnam, Kuang refers to Kuang chou (modern Kwangtung-Kwangsi), i n extreme southeastern coastal China. <) Chin Ling Q ; Nanking. 6 ) Chen T i jg. Q-fjfj ; Paramartha. see notes 3 and 1 0 to the introduction. 68 7) Wen Ch'i So Euai fj\ /5f j'Jrg . K u a i c a n D o t h mean 'to be pregnant' and 'to cherish'; either meaning makes sense, but the former seems more l i k e l y , e s p e c i a l l y since 'tsang ($|^ )' can and l i k e l y does mean 'embryo' and, according to Link, these biographies frequently begin with accounts of auspicious omens attending the monk's b i r t h . Hurvitz suggests that the Sanskrit name 'SrTgarbha' Is what Paramartha had i n mind, and i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that i n this form the name i s ambiguous i n both Sanskrit and Chinese, 'garbha' susceptible to being-read both 'womb' and 'foetus', just l i k e 'tsang'. So the name 'Chi Tsang' means 'good fortune i n embryo', with the meaning 'treasurehouse of good fortune' l u r k i n g i n the background. 8) LI shih feng fo men wu leang shih ^ ^ f^ fj tf L i t e r a l l y 'successive generations venerated Buddha, gate lacked twofold business', I.e. the family had only this single concern. 9) Ch'u Chia. fj^ ; pravra j i t a ; i t would appear that Tsang's father had not yet l e f t family l i f e when he took his son to see Paramartha and Pa Lang (below), or that 'leaving home' did not mean a complete severance of the family t i e s at t h i s time i n Chinese Buddhism. Even i f i t d i d , the devoted father might return to make sure of his son's Euddhist upbringing. 10) Tao Liang \h ; no extant biography. 69 11) P o ^ _ = P o ^ S ^ 3 editions (Sung ^ , Yuan ^ , Ming ^ ) and Palace \^ editions. 1 2 ) i.e., pretas, hungry, ghosts. Prof. Link, UBC made this suggestion, 1 3 ) Ch'u wu chung shih ^ J l i t . 'from the f i r s t lacked hit-miss.' I.e., from the beginning (of his practice) there was never a question of whether his practice hit or missed the mark. Ik) Tao Lang ]^f^ ' Lang= Ming Sjjj (Yuan edition). See note 12 to the introduction and the introduction i t s e l f . He is usually known as Fa Lang, as he has been called in the introduction. 1 5 ) See note 16 to the introduction. 1 6 ) Chiang"^^ ; means to present a text and comment upon i t ; expound. 17) Ch'i S u i ^ y ^ ; see note 29 to the introduction. 1 8 ) Ts'ai she hsuan yu j i h hsin yu chih :4 1 9 ) Fu shu |g j7J£, • 2 0 ) Yang I Jj^  ; no doubt this is Yang Chou, some 60 mi. NE of Nanking in Kiangsu. I t was the Ch'en capital, also known as Chien Yeh or Chien K'ang, ^ * or 2 1 ) Chu chieh ; usually written — t s u — J^. j]zJ}%< f i n a l ordination, at which time the monk takes apon himself the 2 5 0 rales of monastic conduct. Ch'en, p. 1 3 2 , states Chi Tsang was twenty-one at the time, bmt I do not know his source. 70 with 2 2 ) Read wen \lf\ 3 editions and Palace e d i t i o n . 2 3 ) Ch'en Kuei Yang Wang ; Po Kou ^ £ » courtesy name Shen Chih ; Biography Ch' en  Shu 2 8 . Thirteenth son of Ch'en Wen T i , second r u l e r of the Ch'en. He died 5 8 3 , when Chi Tsang was 3 k years old and Fa Lang dead two years. 2 k ) Kuei Yang /(fj£ p|| ; l i k e l y the present c a p i t a l of 'ffif Oh'en hsien i n Hunan, possibly the present c a p i t a l of Lien Hsien i n Kwangtung. 2 5 ) The year i s 5 8 9 . Chi Tsang is 3 9 years o l d , Fa Lang i s dead eight years. 2 6 ) Pai Yueh ^ t t e c h n i c a l l y this designates Fu Kien, Chehkiang, Kiangsi, Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Vietnam, but here i t simply refers to the (southern) t e r r i t o r y held by Ch'en, annexed by the Sui i n 5 8 9 , thus re- u n i f y i n g China a f t e r a period of d i s u n i t y l a s t i n g some three centuries. 2 7 ) Ch'in Wang 1^5 2^2^ ; A mountain i n the K'uai Chi & ^-S" mountains i n Chehkiang, 1 2 l i (k miles) south of Hung Hsien ^fri , about 2 0 0 miles SE of Hanking. 28) Read chih with Taisho and King e d i t i o n s . 29) Chia Hsiane ; see note 3 1 to the Introduction. 3 0 ) Yu Hsueh ^ ; a 'bottomless' cave at Wan Wei mountain KfZ £ ,)i in the K'uai Chi ^7 range i n Shao Hsing Prefecture ^5 i n Chehkiang; i . e . , 5n the 71 v i c i n i t y of the mountain monastery where Chi Tsang dwelt. 31) Ch'eng shih J^p" cj*J ; l i t . a marketplace; i.e. a throng the size of a crowd at a marketplace. 32) Read ts'un ^ with Taisho or tsai 3at with 3 editions and Palace. 3 3 ) Hsiang chi Taisho: Hsiang chi chuan ^ ^ . f e ^ ^ Sung; Chi chuan ^ i \ ] J ^ ^jjj*1 Yuan, Ming, Palace. A l l amount to the same thing, but the f i r s t and third preserve the meter whereas the Sung edition does not. 31;) K'ai Huang mo sui ^ J | ^ ; K ' a i H u a n S i s S u i Wen-Tu's f i r s t reign t i t l e (581-600). Mo sui is ambiguous. It could mean 'last year? or 'last years'. Furthermore, the d i f f i c u l t y Is compounded by variant readings. Mochizuki (1.529) supplies Jen Shou j - — two (602) and Ta Yeh T x ^ (Yang Ti's f i r s t reign t i t l e ) two (606). (SSKKL.2.T.i|.9.8lla seems to be his source for Ta Yeh two. I do not know his source for Jen Shou two.) This much we do know: work on the Jih Yen Tao Ch'ang began late 592 at Prince Huang's request, which substantiates our text's reading. (see Hurvitz l53,l5l|)« Furthermore Chi Tsang was s t i l l at Chia Hsiang In late 597, when he wrote Chih-i (see note 3 3 to the introduction). It is possible the work on the monasteries was not completed for some ten or fifteen years, but i t seems most l i k e l y that Frince Yang Kuang would invite Chi Tsang to Yang Chou while he was there 72 himself, i . e . , before he took reign of the kingdom i n 605. At any rate i t would be no e a r l i e r than 597 and no l a t e r than 606 that Chi Tsang took up residence i n Yang Chou. 35) See note 8 to the Introduction. 36) Chih ssu Tao Ch'ang Jp C S j J i ^ J SS:iL.2.T.h9.8lla l i s t s Hui J i h ^ » <3 , i n Yang Chou, and Ch'Ing Ch'an * \% W ' J i h Y e n ^ ' a n d K s i a n £ T ' a i § v f j T > i n Ch'ang An. Our biography corroborates the f i r s t and t h i r d (see note 3k above as w e l l ) . However, Prince Kuang added a re l i q u a r y to Ch'ing Ch'an monastery In 590; (which might be why i t Is included)'he did not es t a b l i s h i t . (Hurvitz, lk2, lk3). (Kochizuki's variant l i s t (1.529) includes Chia Hsiang monastery (see note 31 to the introduction), but thi s i s impossible as i t was established i n the fourth century. 37) Shih L i l i a n g pu. 38) ' t l Kui J i h i n Yang Chou. See notes 3k and 36 to the t r a n s l a t i o n . 39) ^ .S7 \^t{ y u s h a n S l u n i - HTFHC.3.T.5l.l8al2 has ... I lun, Jei? A^ki , and that i s the way we take i t . LO) Jjfjl^ ^ J i h Y e n S s u i n C h ' a n S A n * S e e n o t e 36 to the t r a n s l a t i o n , k l ) "iT Ching Shih Ch'ang An, ^2) \ ~%t_ *3^Sr * P ^ s h i h t a o c h e n c n u n § Y u a i '> 73 could also mean,"his desire was to cause (Chi Tsang's) way to f l o u r i s h i n the Middle P l a i n , " or "...to bring the Middle Plain to f l o u r i s h i n g . " k3) Tao Su. kk) Read T'un with Palace e d i t i o n . k5) chien, Taisho, a n d k u a n , 3 editions and Palace, /<-» amount to the same thing. I4.6) Read chung with Taisho. % jg, chung (3 editions and Palace) makes sense, also . 'The thunderous rumbling of b e l l s and drums.' k7) Read ~ j " t ch'i with the Taisho". k8) Gernet c i t e s this passage, pp. 211-212. See also the introduction. U 9 ) T f U p Ch'an Shih; at t h i s time means no more than 'monk'• 50) £fz?]%jf\ T'an Ksien; biography HKSC,20.T.50.598b-599c Died 6kl. His biography mentions Vinaya study, but not meditation, or any r e l a t i o n to Chi Tsang. 51) Read -jf.j^ ch'an with Taisho. 52) Ch'an men. At this time this means 'the way of meditation *• 53) ^ J ^ T ? ^ F$\x C b , i C h a n S w e n feng. "Ch'i chung"; l i t e r a l l y the Ehiksus, EhiksunTs, Siksamanas, Sramar.eras, Sramanerikas ( a l l who have ' l e f t home1), Upasakas and Upasikas (lay d i s c i p l e s ) . However, the meaning i s 7h simply inclusive of the Buddhist community. 'Feng' could mean either the rumor that Chi Tsang was lecturing, or his great renown. We accept both ideas in our translation. Sk) A%jj^^£~^=f T Rao tsu kuei yu. 'Les grandes families et les personnes de l a noblesse.* Gernet, p. 211. 5 5 ) Vgj )a l a Ch'ing Hsin Tao Liu; 'Fideles et religieujt, ' Gernet, p. 212. 5 6 ) '/^  Fa hua; l i t e r a l l y something li k e 'Dharma-i z i n g 1 . 5 7 ) ^ ^ 7 J L 1 > Ts'ai Shih. 5 8 ) Fu T'ien. See note k7 of the translation. 5 9 ) Mispunctuated. It should be punctuated after tsang , the next sentence needs no subject. Then this sentence ends with jffj^ w u c h i n tsang. See note k8 to the introduction. 60) P e i C n i n S * w e take this to mean acts of compassion and veneration, and Gernet agrees (p. 212). It could mean acts of compassionate veneration, as acts of compassion would be considered veneration of the Euddha. 61) ' t -SS Jen Shou; 601-60k, f i n a l reign t i t l e of Sui Wen Ti which ended with his assassination, apparently at the hands of his second son and heir, the future Yang T i , Prince Yang Kuang. (note 8 to the introduction) 62) *$? Ch'u Ch'ih; in NE of King Yang Prefecture 75 ^ P^ D i n Shantung. 6 3 ) § ^ P a i Ch'ih; something l i k e twenty to t h i r t y f i v e meters• 6i|) ^ (Shan) Hsiu; normally this would mean r e p a i r , bu the context seems to imply that i t was a new statue being r a i s e d . I t is possible, as noted above, (note k 9 to the Introduction) that this was a statue being resurrected, having been tumbled during the Buddhist p r o s c r i p t i o n of 57U-577. 65) L i u V'u; l i t e r a l l y t h i s means the three garments upper, middle and lower, an alms bowl, a seat, and a water skimmer, fo r removing l i v i n g beings from drinking water. However, i n the context I t lacks any such technic s i g n i f i c a n c e . 6 6 ) & Ssu Yuan; 1 ) ^7^"^ y i n yuan, hetupratyaya, 2 ) ^ ^ ^ 1^ 3^  '•M^  teng wu chien yuan, samanantara-pratyaya, 3 ) so yuan yuan, alambanapratyay and k) J l . ff\^ tseng shang yuan, adhipatlpratyaya. Again, no such technical s i g n i f i c a n c e Is Intended. The implication is that he simply made the request and d i d not press anyone, but r e l i e d upon karmic connexions to do the work of a t t r a c t i n g funds. 6 7 ) 7 f \ ^ ~f~\ ? u ^ u i s P u n y a » meritorious action, and l i i s power. The phrase seems, then, to have the force of Te , inner power which i s gained through the force of past action. 76 See note $2 to the introduction. Taisho" misprints 5^ -g^ Kai ch'u l i n t i . This t r a n s l a t i o n i s the suggestion of Frof. E i Chi, Emerita, UEC. This debate i s also recounted i n Seng Ts'an.'s biography, HKSC.9.T.50.500a-501a. See also the introduction and note 51 to the introduction. According to Ts'an's biography there was at that time an eminent Taoist master from whom Ts'an received i n s t r u c t i o n i n the Three Mysteries - Lao Tzu, Chuang Tzu and the I Ching. Imperial edict i n v i t e d the master to discuss Lao Tzu before the court, and a l l were Invited to attend except Buddhist monks. Ts'an, hearing of the proposed presentation and the exclusion of the monks, gathered more than ten follow-ers about him and, collapsing chairs i n hand, took a shortcut to the palace, walked r i g h t past the guards and entered the h a l l where the Taoist was concluding his introductory remarks. The Prince (evidently not Prince Chien) said nothing, so Ts'an proceeded to upbraid him vigorously. Ke did so i n a comic fashion, yet a l l attested to the profundity of his remarks. The meeting dispersed and the emperor, hearing what had happened, remarked, 'How fortunate we are to be contemporaneous with t h i s J ' Prince Chien was moved by this display. Ke was fond of debate and, having heard of Chi Tsang's reputation, 77 s o u g h t an o p p o r t u n i t y t o h a v e h i m w o r s t e d ( 1 ) . T h e r e f o r e he i n v i t e d T s ' a n t o t h e 'dharma c o n v o c a t i o n ' o u r t e x t i s a b o u t t o r e l a t e . T s ' a n ' s b i o g r a p h y g i v e s t h e d a t e as Ta Y e h f i v e , 609. 7 1 ) T s ' a n ' s b i o g r a p h y s a y s 'more t h a n t h i r t y ' , 7 2 ) jv|? ^ F u T e C h , u n g . 7 3 ) H e a d y e n w i t h T a i s h o , S u n g a n d P a l a c e . 7 U ) Head y u w i t h Y u a n , M i n g , a l t h o u g h ^ J j 7 v u , w i t h T a i s h o , S u n g and P a l a c e c a n a l s o h a v e t h i s m e a n i n g . 7 5 ) T u n g y e n c h ' e n g l u n . 7 6 ) See n o t e 6 8 t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n a nd n o t e 5 1 t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n * 7 7 ) H e r e jZ-^J S a n Kuo r e f e r s t o Ch' I >lfe , Ch'enp? , a n d Chou Jit] . ( T s ' a n ' s b i o g r a p h y . ) 7 8 ) T s ' a n ' s b i o g r a p h y s t a t e s "more t h a n 3 0 " . 7 8 a ) P r o f . P u l l e y b l a n k , UBC, p o i n t e d o u t t h i s m e a n i n g . 7 9 ) T s ' a n ' s b i o g r a p h y p a i n t s a somewhat d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e . A c c o r d i n g t o I t none t h o u g h t C h i T s a n g c o u l d u n r a v e l T s ' a n ' s o b j e c t i o n s , b u t he d i d , and no one t h o u g h t T s ' a n c o u l d come b a c k a f t e r C h i T s a n g ' s e x p l a n a t i o n s , and y e t t h e e x c h a n g e d o v e r f o r t y o b j e c t i o n s and r e s p o n s e s . F i n a l l y ' t h e P r i n c e i n t e r c e d e d a n d s u g g e s t e d t h e y c o n t i n u e a t a l a t e r s e s s i o n , b u t T s ' a n , h i s v i g o r a l l t h e g r e a t e r , r e s u m e d h i s e a r l i e r o b j e c t i o n s , and a n o t h e r t w e n t y o r t h i r t y e x c h a n g e s t r a n s p i r e d . B o t h men r e c e i v e d t h e a d m i r a t i o n o f t h e c r o w d , none b u t w e r e s a t i s f i e d . I n 78 the end neither nan could best the other, and, as i t was evening, the Frinc'e (again) interceded, grasped Ts'an by the hand and, i n admiration, said, "Your fame is not vain praise. Today I have witnessed i t , " and presented him with an auspicious flywhisk (as used by Chinese l e c t u r e r s ) and the 'ten things', ( i . e . , g i f t s ) , thereby bearing witness to his s k i l l at disputation. 0 ?fe ^ 7 3)v Tun shuang yu l a i . Frof. L i Chi, Emerita, suggested this t r a n s l a t i o n . 8 1 ) Head fu with Taisho and 3 e d i t i o n s . chi chu i wu could mean 'the various kinds of clothes' but doubtless means 'the various kinds of clothes and (other) things'. (see note 65 to the transla tion). wan I ta yeh ch'u s u i could mean ' l a t e r , i n the f i r s t year of Ta Yeh ( 6 0 5 ) ' but the preceding Incident occurred i n Ta Yeh f i v e ( 6 0 9 ) , so i t must mean 'late ( i n Chi Tsang's l i f e ) , i n 6 0 5 . ' 8 L ) See note Sk to the introduction. ^ ^ " j A ^ ^ X ^ ^1 changeshe ju ch'ien; what this phrase means, given the context, we are not sure, but i t is possible that i n compiling the biography Tao Hsuan omitted the context i n which i t makes sense, or that the reference i s to some biography i n this same c o l l e c t i o n preceding Chi'Tsang's. 79 86) ^ ^ ^ ^ i ^ k u a n s h i h h s i a n e i i 87) Read^hg^ tzu with Taisho. 88) See note 57 to the introduction. 89) See notes 55> 58 and 59 to the introduction. 90 ) jkj ch'ien hua men 91) ^3. ssu min; l i t e r a l l y the gentry, farmers, artisans and merchants, but simply means "his subjects here. 92) This statement seems to express the gratitude many must have f e l t at this man's attempts to renev; order within the troubled land. 93) ^ 0 W a T e i s . t h e f i r s t reign t i t l e of Kao Tsu "tjj ^ J j . » f i r s t emperor of the T'ang, enthroned mid-618. Ea r l y l i f e and reign Hsin T'ang Shu 1, Chiu T'ang Shu 1. 9k) - p ^ s Shih Ta Te. We have searched high and low and have found no information on this subject beyond the information afforded by our text. The dynastic annals are mute, as are the d i c t i o n a r i e s , secular and Buddhist. The Buddhist h i s t o r i c a l c o l l e c t i o n s , as the Fo Tsu T'ung Chi and the Shih Shih Chi Ku Lueh, are equally s i l e n t . Hurvitz remarks that at times, when the clergy encountered d i f f i c u l t i e they could not esol-vo-s c l a r i f y themselves, they might ask the state to s e t t l e the problem. Perhaps th i s i s one of those events. so 95) Read wu with 3 editions and Palace e d i t i o n . ^ j j ^ (Taisho) would mean 'what they had formerly agreed upon. 1 96) See note 61 to the introduction. 97) See note 61 to the introduction. 98) This could also mean "the two monasteries held r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s (or p r i n c i p a l s ) i n veneration." Prof. Fulleyblank, UBC, suggested the t r a n s l a t i o n i n the text. 99) ^ fc Ch'i Wang Yuan Chi (603-626) Chiu T'ang Shu 61}., Hsin T'ang Shu 79. Kao Tsu's fourth-son, appointed Prince of Ch'i at the end of 617• 100) - ^ ^ - ^ f Yen Hsing, in Ch'ang An. 101) . J ^ 4-"^ ^ C. /p^x 1 kung chiao hsien; could also mean "the extraordinary g i f t s were so numerous that they became jumbled i n the g i v i n g . " 102) Mispunctuated. Should read ^ x J ffi tfffy ao* pu chih hsing tsang. nien c h ' i . . . 103) i& hsien l o u f e i chiu 101}.) c5? ^P- ssu sheng; the four kinds of b i r t h : from egg, womb, moisture and transformation; i . e . , a l l beings. 105) san pao; t r i r a t n a , the Buddha, Dharma and. Sangha, the T r i p l e Jewel. 105a) Frof. L i Chi, Emerita, UBC showed me how to translate these tvio sentences. 106) Read chia with 3 editions and Falace e d i t i o n . 107) So he was seventy^four years old i n 623. Born 5U9. 8 1 1 0 7 a ) Prof. Link, UBC, rede t h i s suggestion. 1 0 8 ) Bead $ tseng with 3 editions and Palace. 1 0 9 ) f 3 f \ ill Nan Shan i n Shensi. 1 1 0 ) Read l-K i with Taisho. 1 1 0 a ) Prof. Link, UBC, suggests "money and s i l k " simply implies r i c h e s . 1 1 1 ) J^^ . jffl j&t j"f chin shang ch'u wei ch'in wan T'ai Tsung ruled when Tao Hsuan compiled this biography.h He was L i Shih Min E^"££ ^  (600-61+9) second son of Kao Tsu. Chiu T'ang Shu 2 and 3 and Hsin T'ang Shu 2 f o r early l i f e and reign. He murdered the heir apparent and forced his father's abdication i n 6 2 6 , and ruled u n t i l 61+9. (Ch'en 2 1 6 - 2 1 9 . Bingham 1 + 9 8 . ) 1 1 2 ) j r \ & : chu hsing wu ch'ang; sarve samskara anityah; hsing = samskara, conditioned existence. 1 1 3 ) ^ J ^ , s ^ e n ^ ' Three Vehicles (san sheng) are the sreVaka, pratyekabuddha and bodhisattva. 111+) ^ ~j~ ~PH2J ming kao shih t i ; could also mean 'higher than the tenth stage'. The ten stages are the ten stages of Bodhisattvahood. 115) '''f 4'|f 4£ £ wei huai hung yu po jo H 6 ) i$ \$ 2 ^ fllb p i e n y u p a o y'd c h i e h t t o J Not only does the Prince f l a t t e r the man, but he also makes a good Buddhist point - that which i s t r u l y Buddhist must pass beyond the realm of designation, even-designation by superlatives. 117) rf»J^| ch'an l i n ; Buddhist monasteries. 8 2 118) 5^ ^% ^ chan l u hsi ch'en 119) ^ ^ / $ ^ | | L ^ " f e n S P i a o s h i h 120) Nai Yuan 'Crabapple orchard' refers to Buddhist monasteries. The story behind the metaphor is recorded at some length in Taisho 5 5 3, £ ' $ ^ ^ ~ J K 5 , T.lli.896c-902a, and Taisho 5 5 k , ^ # 1 ^ 1 ^ K ^ n > T.lk.902b-906b (both translated by An Shih Kao, ^i^I ^ ) and Taisho 1, ^  ^ ^ x. , T.1.13b-lkb, (translated by Chu Fo Nien, £ j [ ^ ) and briefly summarized in Taishc l ? 8 l , ^IcF • ^ ^JL » T.38.917b.20-21, by Chi Tsang. (The tradition is also recorded, according to Morohashi and T'zu Kai, in a quote which both dictionaries reproduce (Morohashi is l i k e l y following Tzu Kai) from the ^  f£ , in the " ^ " ^ j j£ f • However, the quote is not to be found in the versions of the ^  g g-fQ. Jjj*, I have found.) An attractive young woman is said to have been born from a self-born crabapple tree. Later in her l i f e she donated to the Buddha the orchard where the tree was located. It was one of the places where he taught in the course of the VimalakTrtinirdesa. However, in KumarajTva's translation of the VimalakTrti, as well as in the Agama translated by Chu Fo Nien, referred to above, the tree is a mango tree (^^ , sk r i t . amra) and 'crabapple' is a mistranslation. Seng Chao, in his commentary to the VimalakTrti, Taisho" 1 7 7 5 , I^'^Z- , 83 T.38.328bl passim, records his conversation with Ku~"a"rajTva concerning this point. KumarajTva describes a mango to Chao - " l i k e a pear, but not l i k e a pear." - and Chao remarks that Chih Ch'ien's ( ^ ^AV\ ) t r a n s l a t i o n of the VimalakTrti said ^ ~ crabapple grove. There i s another t r a d i t i o n , recorded i n the -frfy ^fr^^j'^J^ » ? ' Commercial Press, Shanghai, 1936, 0335, pp. 2^-26, where the t r a d i t i o n i s recorded tc have Its o r i g i n s from the fact that at the Po Ma monastery, ^\ ^f" -*-n ^° Tj"anS> a crabapple orchard was planted and produced exquisite f r u i t . The '/^ f J | 111 ""^ £L , Taisho 2092, volume 5i.10lL.be, attests the existence of the crabapple orchard, but I concur with the Tzu Hal (whose judgement Morohashi does not reproduce) that this t r a d i t i o n seems f a l s e . 121) Sung Men. Jerry Schmidt, fellow graduate student at UBC, -suggests that 'pine gate' ref e r s to a natural gate formed by a stand of pine trees, which frequently are associated p h y s i c a l l y and, then, metaphori-c a l l y with the huts of recluses. The pine i s chosen as the symbol of constancy, as i t i s evergreen. Closing the pine gate could then r e f e r to disappearing into seclusion,, Frof. L i Ch'i, Bmerita, UBC, also c i t e s a passage i n T'ang 7 Po Chii I t s \t[ ^ ^z^/ft » where 'closing the pine gate' refers to disappearing into obscurity. In any event the context makes i t clear that death i s implied. 8 k 1 2 1 a ) Prof. L i Chi, Emerita, "JBC, translated this sentence for me. A 1 2 2 ) 5 c h l h hsiancr S S ! I j "Ultimate Mark Monastery." 1 2 3 ) Bead <f^£ ts'ui with 3 editions and Palace. 1 2 k ) Read #h<l chia with 3 editions and Palace. 125) Bead J ^ yuan with a l l editions but Ming, which gives lang. There is a Hui Yuan attested as Chi Tsang's disciple, see note 1 3 9 below. Furthermore, in that instance there is no variant reading, and I have been unable to locate a 'Hui Lang' who studied with Chi Tsang. 126) Read hsu with the Taisho. 1 2 7 ) Bead / f ^ pel with Yuan and Ming. 1 2 7 a ) See "The Sources" for a discussion of this following section. It appears to be the inscription just mentioned in the text. Prof. Link, UBC, made this suggestion. 1 2 8 ) Either hsiang Taisho, Sung and Palace or ' f j ^ hsiang, Yuan and Ming, is acceptable ,-e-t tfeirs t*rf*e-. 129) /TLi fan; evidently no one distinguished Iranians from Indians at this time. 1 3 0 ) feng l i u ; 'romantic' Taoists, unfettered by convention, attempting to embody spontaneity. See Fung Yu Lan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, edited by D. Bodde, NY 1 9 k 8 , chapter 2 0 . 13D 5 8 9 1 3 2 ) chiang yin, in Chiangsu. Miss Li Chi, Professor Emerita, UBC, states that there is only one chance in many that this means 'south of the river', and since a place 85 of this name exists in the appropriate area, we have a l l the more reason to agree with her. 1 3 3 ) Read ^ mu with Taisho, Sung, Yuan and Palace. 1 3 k ) Read jL". ^ s a n P a^ with Taisho, Sung, Palaco. Yuan and Ming give ^ ~ f " san shih, t h i r t y , but this i s not consonant with his great Interest In the Lotus. (see note 33 to the introduction.) 1 3 5 ) See note 3k to the introduction. 1 3 6 ) ~f~ shih men; perhaps these are the ^ ^ shih hsuan men or the AnziP- l i shih wu a i , both of the Eua Yen School. 1 3 7 ) sheng, translated ' b i r t h ' throughout this passage, could also be translated ' l i f e ' i n a l l but t h i s instance, and therefore we translate i t ' b i r t h ' throughout. 1 3 8 ) This seems to be the end of the eulogy. See 'The Sources fo r a discussion of this point. 1 3 9 ) l 2 j f E u i Y u a n (597-6U7) took up monastic l i f e with Chi Tsang i n 606. His biography (HTFHC.3ffl01.19bc ) records h i s Lotus teaching, but no other textual involvements. However, as we have seen above (Note 3 3 to the introduction) t h i s biographical c o l l e c t i o n also records only Chi Tsang's Lotus involvement, so i t i s no i n d i c a t i o n concerning Eui Yuan's t o t a l i n t e r e s t s . See note 6k to the introduction concerning some of Chi Tsang' other students. 86 IkO) w u c h e n s s u ; in-Hsi An Prefecture 2 5 ^ /jfm Shensi. +-4-l k l ) f f ^ Lan T'ien, a prefecture i n Shen Hsi',- now i n Hsi An Pref., v ^ i n Shensi. Ik2) A " t ^ • Jen shih; we would be happier i f this read "shih Jen", an-d this i s the way vie understand i t . EOOXS Bingham, W. Chien, K. Conze, E. de Bary, T., editor Fung-Bodde Gernet, J . Eurvitz, L. Murti, T.R.V. Robinson, R. Stcherbatsky Takakusu, J . T'ang, Yung T'ung The F a l l of the Sui and the Rise  of the T'ang, The Founding of the T'ans Uvnastv, American Council of Learned Societies Studies m Chinese and Related Civ i l i z a t i o n s , No. 1+, Ealtimore, Waverly Fress, 191+1. Buddhism in China, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1961+. Buddhist Thought in India, Ann Arbor Faperbacks, University of Michigan Press, 196?. The Buddhist Tradition, Modern Library, New York, 1969. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Macmillan, NY, 191+b. • Les Aspects Economlques du Bouddhisme, ricole Francaise d 'Extreme-Orient, Saigon 1956. Chih-I, Melanges ChinoIses,et Bouddhiques ,x no. XII, Institut Beige des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, Bruxelles 1962. The Central Philosophy of Buddhism, George Allen and Unwin, Ruskln House, Museum Street, London, second edition, 1 9 7 0 . Early Madhyamika in India and China, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1967* Buddhist Logic, 2 vol., Dover Publications, New York, 1962. The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy, Office Appliance Co., Honolulu, 1956. Kan Wei Liang-Chin Nan-Pel Ch'ao Fo- Chi ao-SfaltVi, " 2 voTT" , Taiwan Photoreprint. 83 ARTICLBS Boodberg, P. Mochizuki, S. Wright, A. Wright, A. (Wright-H) The Rise and F a l l of the House of Yang, HJAS k (1939) pp. 253-270. Chi Tsang, jtafc > i n Bukkyo Dai-.jiten W 5 ^ Tokyo, 1937, I.529c-530b. The Formation of Sui Ideology, J.K. Fairbanks, ed., Chinese Thought and  I n s t i t u t i o n s , Chicago 1957, T J ? . 71-10k. Biography and Hagiography Hui-Chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks S i l v e r Jubilee  Volume of Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, Kyoto 195k, 383-k32. From the Taisho FHCC FTTC KSC HKSC KTFHC SSCKL v + J - < \ Fa Hua Chuan Chi ' J X ^ ? \% ^ Z_> Taisho* 2068. Fo Tsu T'ung Chi '/ Taisho" 2035. Kao Seng Chuan Jg-y \ * Taisho 2059. Hsu Kao Seng Chuan f{\ |? j^J Taisho 2060. , , Hung Tsan Fa Hua Chuan/^H p -tf \¥f Taishc* 2067. ^ ^ & Shih Shih Chi Ku Lueh k V Taisho 2037-

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