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Private inner city redevelopment in Vancouver : a case study of Kitsilano Stobie, Peter William 1979

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PRIVATE INNER CITY REDEVELOPMENT IN VANCOUVER: A CASE STUDY - OF KITSILANO by PETER WILLIAM STOBIE B . A . . , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1979 © P e t e r W i l l i a m S t o b i e , 1979 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 w e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 D E - 6 B P 75-5'1 1 E i i /ABSTRACT In Vancouver and an increasing nui±)er of other North American c i t i e s , private redevelopment i s responsible for a substantial share of structural change i n residential stock located i n the Central City. For the most part this change has involved the replacement of older de-tached houses by apartments. During the 1960's, the great majority of the apartment units thus produced were marketed as rental accommodation; more recently completed market projects i n Vancouver have featured con-dominium tenure almost exclusively. Besides generating structural change, the process of private redevelopment also has considerable social impact, the nature of which sometimes generates p o l i t i c a l conflict. Much of the impetus for private redevelopment has come from the increase i n downtown employment opportunities for middle and upper income white collar workers, coupled with a reduction i n the relative preference of many of those workers for the l i f e s t y l e offered by a suburban single family house compared with that afforded by a centrally located condom-inium apartment. This thesis examines the process of private redevelopment as i t evolved, i n Vancouver's inner ci t y during the 1970's. To provide a context for the discussion, factors responsible for the creation of strong metropolitan demand pressures for multiple unit accommodation are established, as are the events which led to a decline i n the return available from the construction of rental apartments and a coincident increase i n the number of more profitable condominium projects. The i i i . spread of these projects throughout the apartment zoned areas of several inner c i t y neighbourhoods i s shown to be responsible for the demolition of a substantial number of the moderate cost rental units contained i n those neighbourhoods, at a time when such units were in short supply. Consequently, people displaced by condominium redevelopment faced serious relocation problems. One of Vancouver's more heavily redeveloped inner c i t y neighbourhoods - Kitsilano - i s chosen as the location for a case study which considers the problems of displacement caused by redevelopment, and the local p o l i t i c a l response to those problems by residents and City Council. ]ykjor data sources include published and unpublished government and archival material, the Canadian Census, a survey of residents displaced by redevelopment, newspaper clippings, and the author's own observations from working with a Kitsilano neighbourhood group. The study shows that a reordering of the distribution of income and l i f e s t y l e groups i n Vancouver i s well underway. Private redevelop-ment has provided the opportunity for a significant number of higher income individuals to take up residence i n areas which were formerly almost totall y occupied by lower middle class, often family, households. The residents displaced most recently have faced considerable d i f f i -culties in their search for accommodation, as the supply of affordable units in their neighbourhoods has been sharply reduced by demolition followed by redevelopment. In Kitsilano, the p o l i t i c a l attempts by i v . residents to maintain a supply of moderate cost rental housing suitable for families were spirited but met with limited success. The events i n Kitsilano suggest that landscape evolution i n Vancouver continues to be determined by City Council, the property industry, and the preferences of consumer groups with significant market power; meaning-'ful citizen participation i n urban decision making has not yet been achieved. V . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE 1 CHAPTER 1: THE VANCOUVER HOUSING MARKET IN THE 1970'S: THE REGIONAL CONTEXT OF CCNIXIMINTIM REDEVELOPMENT 1.1 Introduction 4 1.2 Demand Factors 8 1.3 Income and Shelter Costs 19 1.4 Supply Factors 27 1.5 Summary 30 CHAPTER 2: INNER CITY REDEVELOPMENT 2.1 Introduction 32 2.2 Inner City Resurgence 32 2.3 The Effects of Inner City Development i n Vancouver 39 2.4 The Distribution of Condominium Development 47 2.5 Summary 56 CHAPTER 3: NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE IN KITSILANO: AN OVERVIEW 3.1 Introduction 58 3.2 Demographic and Housing Trends 1961-76 58 3.3 The Advent of Condominium Redevelopment 73 3.4 Socio-Economic Trends Associated With Condominium Redevelopment 73 3.5 Summary 84 CHAPTER 4: THE IMPACT OF DISPLACEMENT ON LOW INCOME APARTMENT AREA RESIDENTS 4.1: Introduction 85 4.2 Changes i n the Housing Stock 85 4.3 Displacement Survey 87 v i . Page 4.3.1 The Sample 87 4.3.2 Relocation Patterns 88 4.3.3 Attitudes Towards Previous and Present Housing 92 4.3.4 Changes i n Size of /Accommodation 97 4.3.5 Changes i n Act i v i t i e s 98 4.4 Previous Relocation Studies 100 4.4.1 The Spatial Pattern of Relocation 101 4.4.2 The Response to Displacement 101 4.4.3 Rent Increases 103 4.5 Summary 104 CHAPTER 5: POLITICS AND PLANNING IN KITSIIANO 5.1 Introduction 105 5.2 Citizen Participation i n Toronto and Vancouver 105 5.3 Citizen Opposition at the Neighbourhood Level: Kitsilano i n the Early 1970's 109 5.4 Local Area Planning i n Kitsilano 117 5.5 Evaluation of the Plan 130 5.6 WBCC Reaction to the Plan 137 5.7 The Demise of Citizen Participation 144 5.8 Summary 149 CHAPTER 6: INNER CITY CHANGE AND GOVERNMENT POLICY 6.1 Introduction 151 6.2 Municipal Non-Profit Housing Experience -Toronto and Vancouver 151 6.3 Federal Housing Policy 159 6.4 Overview 162 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUDING REMARKS 7.1 The Process of Private Redevelopment 163 7.2 Implications of Development Trends 164 7.3 Citizen Opposition to Condominium Redevelopment i n Kitsilano 166 Page BIBLIOGRAPHY 169 APPENDIX 174 v i i i . LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1.1 Growth in Residential Types 4 1.2 Total and Apartment Starts (Vancouver CMA) 6 1.3 Growth of Condominium Starts (GVRD) 6 1.4 Trends in Dwelling Type and Tenure Composition (GVRD) 7 1.5 Apartment Occupancy Rate by Age Group 9 1.6 Estimated Net Migration 12 1.7 Average Size of Households by Age Group 13 1.8 Households by Number of Persons 13 1.9 Fertility Ratios 14 1.10 Husband and Wife Families Without Children at Home by Age of Head (GVRD) 14 1.11 Non-Family Households by Age of Head 14 1.12 Single Parent Families by Age of Head 15 1.13 Non-Family Households by Age Group 15 1.14 Trends in Senior Citizen Non^Family Household Formation 16 1.15 Dwelling Type Occupancy Trends Among Senior Citizen Household Head's 18 1.16 Comparison of Monthly P.I.T. Payments and.Monthly Disposable Income 22 1.17 Income Distribution of Renters and Home Purchasers 23 1.18 Income Characteristics of Renters and Condominium Purchasers 25 1.19 Rate of Return on Apartment Unit Costing $25,000 30 2.1 Total New Office Space Construction 36 2.2 Number of Demolished Units by Local Area 39 2.3 Demolition and Replacement of Multiple Conversions 41 2.4 Comparison Between Inner City Incomes and Vancouver Incomes 44 2.5 Distribution of Average Incomes for Inner City Census Tracts 44 2.6 Income Distribution of Condominium Purchasers 45 2.7 Distribution'of Condominium.Construction (1970-76) 52 ix. Table 2.8 Inner City Multiple Dwelling Unit Trends 54 2.9 Inner City Population, Dwelling Unit and Household Size Trends 55 3.1 Age Structure Trends (Apartment Area) 62 3.2 Age Structure Trends (Conversion Area) 64 3.3 Age Structure Trends (Single Family Area) 66 3.4 Elementary School Enrolment Trends 69 3.5 Trends i n Dwelling Unit Composition (Kitsilano) 70 3.6 Tenure Patterns (Kitsilano) 70 3.7 Kitsilano Income Profile 77 4.1 Reduction i n Older Housing Stock (Kitsilano Apartment Area) 86 4.2 Condominium Units Constructed and the Housing Destroyed to Create Space for those Units 86 4.3 Sample Characteristics 89 4.4 Level of Satisfaction with Housing Occupied Before and After Relocation 92 4.5 Cross Tabulation of Rent Increases and Income Groups 95 4.6 Distribution of Rent/Income Ratios Before and After Displacement 95 4.7 Comparison of Single Parent Rent Increases to Household Income Ranges 96 4.8 Trends i n the Occurrence of Single Parent Families i n Kitsilano 97 5.1 Number of Development Permit Applications 132 6.1 Income Related Housing Shortfalls by Household Types 161 X. LIST OF MAPS Page Map 2.1 Vancouver Local Areas 33 2.2 Demolitions of Rental Stock 40 2.3 Distribution of Condortiiniums in Vancouver 50 2.4 City of Vancouver Apartment Areas 51 3.1 Kitsilano Residential Sub-Areas 60 3.2 The Distribution of Conversion and Redevelopment Activity 71 4.1 Relocation Sites 90 x i . LIST OF FIGURES Page Fig. 1.1 Migrants by Point of Origin to City of Vancouver and G.V.R.D. 10 1.2 Components of Housing Cost Increases i n Burnaby 21 1.3 Trends i n Newly Completed and Unoccupied Dwellings 26 2.1 Growth of Downtown Office Space and Employment 37 2.2 Inner City Household Trends 46 2.3 Housing Affordability Problems 48 3.1 Household Trends (Kitsilano Apartment Area) 61 3.2 Household Trends (Conversion Area) 63 3.3 Household Trends (Kitsilano Single Family Area) 65 3.4 Household Size Trends (Kitsilano) 68 3.5 Condominium Advertisement 74 3.6 Condominium Advertisement 75 3.7 Condominium Advertisement 75 5.1 WBCC Leaflet 129 5.2 RUSH Leaflet 140 x i i . LIST OF PICTURES Page Plate 3.1 Retail Development in Kitsilano 79 3.2 Retail Development in Kitsilano 79 3.3 Renovation /Activity in the Conversion /Area 82 3.4 Duplex in South Eastern Kitsilano 82 3.5 Townhouse Development 83 3.6 Townhouse Development 83 5.1 Carriage House 116 5.2 First KHS Project 142 5.3 Second KHS Project 142 Acfaicwledgements I would l i k e to thank my advisor, David Ley, for his sage counsel and patience. I am also grateful to John Mercer for some helpful suggestions at a crucial time and to Angus Weller for his expert cartographic assistance. In addition, the members of the West Broadway Citizens' Committee taught me much about the r e a l i t i e s of urban development, for that I thank them. Finally, financial assistance provided by the U.B.C. Graduate Fellowship fund was much appreciated as were the efforts of my fait h f u l and sk i l l e d typist Murray Shoolbraid. 1. Preface During the late 1960's and early 1970's, there was substantial dis-content with the way i n which Canadian c i t i e s were evolving (Lorimer, 1970; Hardwick, 1974). Uncontrolled high r i s e development and freeway construction were subject to increasing criticism, particularly i n Tor-onto and Vancouver where there was condemnation of the harmonious re-lationship between the property industry and municipal politicians which produced those trends (Lemon, 1974; Pendakur, 1972). Eventually dis-satisfaction became sufficiently widespread that reform councils com-mitted to increased public participation i n decision making and a more humane form of development were elected i n both c i t i e s . In Vancouver, the reform council was particularly interested i n establishing the central part of the c i t y as a residential as well as a commercial environment. Consequently attempts were made to improve ame-nities i n the downtown and environs; emphasis was placed on the improve-ment of the pedestrian environment, the provision of adequate public transit and the creation of diverse residential opportunities. This ap-proach proved popular and added to inner ci t y housing demand which was already on the increase as a result of expanded downtown employment in the professional, financial, management, and service sectors. As a re-sult, inner c i t y residential neighbourhoods experienced considerable re-development pressure fulminating i n the wave of condcndnium construction which occurred during the early 1970's. Most geographical research concerning inner c i t y private redevelop-ment in Canada has concentrated on structural change u t i l i z i n g longitudi-nal mapping and s t a t i s t i c a l analysis as the primary means of investiga-tion. Bourne (1967) examined the pattern of redevelopment in Toronto, suggested reasons for that pattern, and developed a model to predict fu-ture landscape evolution. Murphy (1973) adopted a similar approach i n a study of the expansion of rental apartments in Victoria. Neither author examined closely the social effects of private redevelopment. In addi-tion, the interplay among developers, politicians and citizens, which i s often instrumental i n determining landscape change, received only cursory attention. Gaylor (1971) commented from a slightly different viewpoint, emphasizing the planning and social problems associated with ad hoc p r i -vate rental apartment redevelopment. He also suggested reasons why the West End i n Vancouver was able to attract enough redevelopment activity to generate a sizeable population increase while the central areas of most American c i t i e s were suffering from population migration and urban blight. This thesis w i l l incorporate elements of the approaches u t i l i z e d by both Bourne and Gaylor. The pattern of private redevelopment i n Van-couver's inner c i t y w i l l be examined as both a structural process and an agent of social change. In addition, particular attention w i l l be paid to the p o l i t i c a l aspects of private redevelopment. Chapter 1 considers metropolitan economic and demographic factors which led to the establish-ment of the condominium as the most profitable form of multiple unit te-nure and thereby to a sharp reduction i n rental apartment construction. In Chapter 2 the focus shifts to Vancouver's inner ci t y . The pattern of condominium redevelopment i s examined and reasons for that pattern are suggested. Social and demographic trends associated with condominium 3. redevelopment are also discussed. Chapter 3 deals with the irtpact of condominium redevelopment on one inner c i t y neighbourhood - Kitsilano. The discussion covers the alterations i n both social character and the landscape resulting from that redevelopment. Kitsilano was chosen be-cause during the early 1970's i t experienced more private redevelopment than any other inner ci t y neighbourhood and i t s residents were particu-l a r l y vocal i n their opposition to that redevelopment. Chapter 4 exa-mines the principal effects of redevelopment - the demolition of rental housing and the dislocation of low and moderate income tenants. Chapter 5 discusses the p o l i t i c a l response to these processes i n the actions and act i v i t i e s of City Council and a Kitsilano neighbourhood group. Chapter 6 considers the effectiveness of government programs designed to deal with low income housing problems created by market act i v i t i e s such as condominium redevelopment. Finally, Chapter 7 provides a general summary of the findings. 4. Chapter 1 The Vancouver Housing Market in the 1970's;  The Pegional Context of Condcminium Redevelopment 1.1 HSITRODUCTION During the last decade, the dominance of single family dwellings i n the housing stock of the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t has lessened substantially. Between the years 1961 and 1971, the proportional share of single family dwellings to total units declined from 78.3 per cent to 61.8 per. cent. Over the same period apartments increased from 21.7 per cent to 34.4 per cent of the regional housing stock. In the period 1966-1971 alone, the number of apartments increased by 136.8 per cent while the quantity of single family dwellings grew by only 18.2 per cent (Table 1.1). TABLE 1.1  GROWTH IN RESIDENTIAL TYPES  for the G.V.R.D., 1961, 1966, and 1971 1961 1966 1971 % Change No. % of No. % of No. % of 1961-1971 Total Total Total 1. Single Detached 171,620 78.3 182,575 67.4 202,790 61.8 18.2 2. Single Attached N.A. — 8,800 3.2 12,470 3.8 41.1 3. Apartments 47,630 21.7 79,802 29.4 112,810 34.4 136.8 Total 219,250 271,177 328,070 Source: The Census of Canada - 1961, 1966 and 1971. Notes: 1. Single detached means a single unit completely separated from a l l other dwellings. 2. Single attached refers to dwelling units separated by a common wall extending from ground to roof. 3. Apartments includes apartment units as well as up and down duplexes. 5. Since 1971, however, multiple dwelling starts have steadily declined (see Table; L2) concomitant with a s h i f t i n the traditional tenure characteristics of those starts. Virtually a l l apartments completed during the period 1960-70 were marketed as rental accommodation but since that time an increasing proportion of multiple dwelling units have featured condominium tenure (see Table 1.3). As a result of these two trends and Federal tax changes which w i l l be discussed later, the volume of new rental apartments entering the market has dwindled markedly. In fact, between the years 1971 and 1974, the c i t y of Vancouver which contains 56.8 per cent of the region's rental apartment stock, experienced a net reduction of 3.8 per cent in terms of those units (Davis, 1976:239). That reduction and the decline i n apartment starts already mentioned occurred i n the face of a regional vacancy rate which did not r i s e above one per cent from the middle of 1972 u n t i l the last quarter of 1976. Thus in the early 1970's the rental apartment market was plagued by a shortage of supply, a sluggish response to that shortage and a high level of demand. The results of this reduced rate of rental construction and alteration i n the tenure composition of new mult-iple dwelling units i s shown in Table 1.4; note the increases in owned * single attached and apartment units as well as the relatively small increment i n rental apartments as compared to the period 1966-71 (Table 1.1). This situation primarily affected those with the least economic a b i l i t y to compete in a tight market. Condominiums, as the main source of new multiple dwelling units, ranged from $30,000 to more than $125,000 in price depending on location and amenities. The construction of these •n * These are mainly how townhouse condominiums. 6. TABLE 1.2 TOTAL AND APARTMENT STARTS VANCOUVER CM.A. YEAR TOTAL APARTMENT Q, "3 1961 5588 2264 40.52 1962 7387 3581 48.48 1963 8941 5067 56.67 1964 12791 8496 66.42 1965 11684 7586 64.93 1966 9138 4673 51.14 1967 13896 7360 52.96 1968 15690 9721 61.96 1969 17690 11945 67.52 1970 13437 7766 57.80 1971 15553 8822 56.72 1972 16210 6896 42.54 1973 17334 7281 42.00 1974 14552 6349 43.63 1975 8230 2893 35.15 Source: Canadian Housing Statistics. TABLE 1.3 GROWTH OF CONDOMINIUM STARTS (GVRD) (1) (2) YEAR MULTIPLE DWELLING STARTS CC*NDCMINIUM UNITS % (2) of (1) 1969 12525 690 5.5 1970 8617 780 9.1 1971 9879 2030 20.5 1972 8531 2146 25.2 1973 8235 3944 47.9 1974 7258 4345 59.9 Source: Greater Vancouver Real Estate Board, 1976. 7. TABLE 1.4 Trends i n Dwelling Type and Tenure Composition  (GVRD 1971-76) Tenure Owned Rented Dwelling Type 1971 1976 % change 1971 1976 % change Single Detached 178,225 189,800 + 6.5 24,860 22,470 -.9.6 Single Attached 3,110 7,490 +104.8 9,370 9,895 +5.6 Apartment 8,615 16,535 +91.9 104,210 116,985 +12.2 Source: Census of Canada, 1971-76. high priced units has for the most part taken place i n f u l l y b u i l t up areas and therefore necessitated the demolition of existing structures. Many of these structures, particularly in the c i t y of Vancouver, were older detached houses converted into moderate cost rental units. Thus, high cost condominiums replaced low cost rental accommodation. Normally, theory suggests (W. Grigsby, 1963:84-94) the loss of these units would be compensated for by the " f i l t e r i n g down" of more expensive units, that i s high income individuals would occupy condominiums thereby freeing their former housing for middle income people who would i n turn pass their accommodation on to low income individuals. However, as a recent report to the B.C. Rent Review Commission points out: "The distance of the group (in terms of disposable income) for whom new housing i s produced (the rich) from those who suffer the greatest housing shortage (the poor) i s such as to dissapate the effect of the increase of quality housing among middle income groups before reach-ing the poor" (Inter-departmental Study Team on Housing and Rents, 1975:135). Hence, f i l t e r i n g f a i l s to replace the low cost units lost through the process of demolition and redevelopment. 8. Later chapters w i l l examine the impact of this process and the loss of low cost units on Kitsilano - an inner ci t y Vancouver neighbourhood. Preceding that discussion, i t i s useful to provide a contextual review of the factors responsible for the character of the regional multiple dwelling market in the early 1970's. Such a review requires a consider-ation of both supply and demand forces. On the supply side, the focus of concern i s the events which have led to a reduction i n the p r o f i t available from the construction of rental apartments as compared to condominium projects, with a resultant decline i n the former and i n -crease i n the latter. On the demand side, salient topics include de-mographic trends which have resulted i n the expansion of age groups and household types normally occupying multiple dwelling accommodation; the outstripping of gains i n disposable income by the costs of home owner-ship; and changing social attitudes which have contributed to increased apartment occupancy rates among young and old adults. 1.2 DEMAND FACTORS Table 1.5 outlines the proportionate growth of apartment occupancy during the last decade by the age group of the household head and shows that while a l l cohorts demonstrated increases, the gains for the popu-lation under 25 years, 25-34 years and over 64 years were the most sub-stantial. Further, the gains i n absolute size demonstrated by these groupings also outdistanced a l l other cohorts. Clearly, such a pattern suggests that a significant portion of total regional demand for mul-t i p l e dwelling acccmmodation occurred among young and old adults. In the following discussion, demographic and other forces which helped to produce that demand i n the last decade w i l l be examined. In addition, 9. TABLE 1.5 APARTMENT CCOJPANCY RATE BY AGE GROUP OF HOUSEHOLD HEAD FOR THE VANCOUVER C.M.A. 1966 1971 AGE OF OCCUPYING OCCUPYING HEAD TOTAL APARTMENTS RATE TOTAL APARTMENTS RATE 15-24 50847 10435 20.5 73340 17380 23.7 25-34 111534 16307 14.6 144125 27980 19.4 35-44 120458 11524 9.6 123995 13585 10.9 45-54 108859 11347 10.4 120925 14075 11.6 55-64 74952 11028 14.7 93935 15315 16.3 65+ 93739 19161 20.4 101985 24975 24.5 Source: Census of Canada, 1966, 1971. trends i n the composition of newly formed households played a s i g n i f i -cant role. During the period 1966-71, the 20-29 years cohort expanded by more than 40 per cent i n the GVRD. This expansion resulted partly from the maturation of infants born during the post war "baby boom" period but the main cause was the impact of net migration. The latter accounted for 76.5 per cent of total population growth i n the GVRD between the years 1966-71; the figures for the young adult cohorts varied from 72 to 74 per cent (GVRD, 1973:5). Considering the extent of the increases experienced by these cohorts, net migration emerges as a very s i g n i f i -cant growth factor which certainly must have influenced the expansion in apartment occupancy rates demonstrated by young adult groups. While this proposition i s not directly verifiable, i t i s supported by circumstantial evidence. Figure 1.1 shows that the cit y of Vancou-ver attracted more than one-third of a l l migrants arriving i n the GVRD. Figure 1.1 Migrants by Point of Origin to City of Vancouver and G.V.R.D. (1966-1971) 200,000 180,000 160,000 140,000 120,000 100,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 20,000 0 G.V.R.D. Vancouver o o I o o o o migrants from: B f l u S j Canada (excluding B.C.) r . ; . . ' . v.i r.vV..-:-l Outside of Canada B.C. (excluding G.V.R.D.) 1 ° "* source: L'uJy, 1975 11. Further, net nugration figures for the c i t y demonstrate that the bulk of those migrants were 20-24 years of age, although a sizeable portion also f e l l into the 15-19 years group (see Table 1.6). One would expect any children of those age groups to be under 5 years of age. However, Table 1.6 shows a net out-migration of 63 children i n that cohort. Hence, i t seems l i k e l y that most of Vancouver's immigrants (and there-fore a considerable portion of a l l regional immigrants) were either single or members of childless couples (Johnston, 1975: 10). /As house-holds of this type and age structure tend to occupy multiple dwelling units, one effect of net migration appears to be the generation of a sizeable amount of demand for that form of accommodation, particularly because young migrant households are unlikely to move into ownership un t i l they are well established. It i s l i k e l y that the dominance of net migration i n population growth w i l l , with the aid of the post war "baby boom", maintain the young adult cohorts (20-24 years and 25-29 years) as the region's l a r -gest population segments for the remainder of this decade. In fact, according to a GVRD planning department population forecast, those co-horts w i l l comprise a slightly higher proportion (17.4 per cent) of regional inhabitants by 1981 than they did i n 1971 (16.8 per cent) (GVRD, 1973: 6). If this prediction proves correct and i f young adults maintain similar patterns of housing preference to those they displayed in the last decade, then a large amount of potential demand for mul-t i p l e dwelling accommodation w i l l l i k e l y exist u n t i l at least 1980. The extent of this demand depends largely on the way i n which the young adult cohorts organize themselves into households. During the TABLE 1.6 ESTIMATED NET MIGRATION 1966-1971 CITY OF VANCOUVER Age i n 1971 1971 Pop. 1966 Pop. (1 age group behind) Deaths Estimated Net -Migration 0-4 24,430 31,260 530 -6,300 5-9 28,155 30,200 80 -1,965 10-14 30,620 31,325 60 - 580 15-19 33,390 29,430 70 4,030 20-24 44,415 31,485 145 13,075 25-29 34,480 33,495 190 1,130 30-34 24,775 26,760 200 - 1,785 35-39 23,460 24,200 245 - 495 40-44 24,595 25,490 380 - 515 45-49 26,665 26,840 625 450 50-54 25,530 26,475 925 20 55-59 26,020 27,210 1,280 90 60-64 22,190 23,200 1,645 635 65-69 17,955 19,020 2,050 985 70-74 14,225 16,355 2,575 445 75-79 11,205 14,815 3,170 - 440 80-84 8,215 12,045 3,680 - 150 85-89 4,370 7,790 3,360 60 90-94 1,280 3,290 2,040 30 95-99 245 815 740 170 100 + 35 130 155 60 Source: City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1973: 6. 13. last decade, trends i n this regard favoured the creation of multiple dwelling demand. In the period 1966-71, the young adult cohorts ex-perienced a decline i n average household size (Tables 1.7 and 1.8) prompted by a diminishing birth rate (Table 1.9); a resultant increase in childless couples (Table 1.10); rapid growth in non-family households, the majority of which contained only one person (Table 1.11); and an i n -crease i n single parent families (Table 1.12). The effect of these trends was to increase the number of households competing for space and those which could be adequately housed, at least i n terms of space re-quirements, i n apartments. TABLE 1.7 AVERAGE SIZE OF HOUSEHOLDS BY AGE GROUPS (GVRD) AGE OF HEAD 1966 1971 Male Female Male Female Under 25 2.5 1.8 2.4 1.8 25-34 3.7 2.3 3.3 2.2 A l l heads 3.2 3.0 Source: Census of Canada, 1966 and 1971. TABLE 1.8 HOUSEHOLDS BY NUMBER OF PERSONS (GVRD) AGE OF HEAD DATE NUMBER OF PERSONS Under 25 1966 1 3223 (21.3)* 2 6601 (43.6) 3 3405 (22.5) 1971 5955 (23.8) 11320 (45.3) 4890 (19.6) 25-34 1966 5120 (10.5) 9853 (20.2) 8711 (17.9) 1971 9015 (12.9) 18105 (25.9) 13860 (19.8) * Figures i n brackets are percentages of total households for the i n -dicated year, and age group. Source: Census of Canada, 1966,1971. 14. TABLE 1.9  FERTILITY RATIOS* (GVRD) 1956 1961 1966 1971 104.2 89.4 65.9 56.7 * Number of l i v e births per 1,000 women aged 15-49. Source: Lioy , 1975. TABLE 1.10  HUSBAND AND WIFE FAMILIES WITHOUT CHILDREN AT HOME BY AGE OF HEAD (GVRD) (1) (2) (3) AGE OF HEAD YEAR TOTAL NO CHILDREN % (2) of (1) Under 25 1966 9,339 4,871 52.2 1971 12,300 6,835 55.6 25-34 1966 41,129 8,933 21.7 1971 51,515 13,495 26.2 Source: Census of Canada, 1966, 1971. TABLE 1.11  *NON-FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS BY AGE OF HEAD  AND PROPORTION COMPRISED OF ONE PERSON (GVRD) (1) (2) Change in (1) Change i n (2)  AGE OF HEAD YEAR TOTAL ONE PERSON 1966-71 1966-71 Under 25 1966 5989 3620 1971 11120 5955 + 85.7% +64.5% 25-34 1966 7081 5120 1971 13425 9015 + 89.6% + 76.1% * These consist of unrelated people l i v i n g together. Source: Census of Canada, 1966, 1971. 15. TABLE 1.12 SINGLE PARENT FAMILIES BY AGE OF HEAD (GVRD) AGE OF HEAD YEAR TOTAL CHANGE Under 25 1966 592 1971 1360 129.7 25-34 1966 1796 1971 4740 148.9 Source: Census of Canada, 1966, 1971. The social forces which helped to produce the above changes i n household structure are complex and their consideration l i e s beyond the scope of this thesis. I t would seem however that fundamental changes in a number of areas would be required to change, for example, the de-clining birth rate. As Lioy (1975:26) states: The decline of f e r t i l i t y i n the younger age groups (20-29 and 30-34) may refle c t both the international concern for reaching zero population growth and the change i n women's attitudes to-wards childbearing and liberalization, but i t mainly reflects the economic problems encountered i n the rearing of children. With regard to the growth of non-family households, a recent study pre-dicted further growth of this social form among young adult groups du-ring the remainder of the 1970's. Table 1.13 provides the details of that projection. TABLE 1.13 NON-FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS BY AGE GROUP (VANCOUVER CM.A.) AGE OF HEAD 1971 %TOTAL* 1976 %TOTAL* 1981 %TOTAL* 15-24 11,500 (45.2) 20,200 (54.1) 32,600 (62.6) 25-34 13,600 (18.8) 26,500 (24.5) 48,400 (30.9) * Total of a l l households i n indicated age group. Source: Kirkland, 1973. This projection, i f accurate, lends further support to the idea that strong multiple dwelling demand w i l l continue u n t i l 1981 or later, be-cause the typically small size of non-family households allows them to be adequately accommodated i n such dwellings. While young adults display considerable potential for growth i n terms of the establishment of non-family households, senior citizens headed more such households i n 1971 than any other age category and, according to CMHC projections shown i n Table 1.14, w i l l continue to do so over the remainder of this.decade. It i s interesting to note that while older adults w i l l continue to comprise the largest single group-ing of non-family households, i n absolute terms, during that time, their relative contribution to total households of that type w i l l gra-dually decline (Table 1.14). That decline results from the already discussed growth of young adult non-family households. TABLE 1.14 TRENDS IN SENIOR CITIZEN NON-FAMILY HOUSEHOLD FORMATION (VANCOUVER CM.A.) TOTAL % OF HOUSEHOLDS IN AGE GROUP % OF TOTAL NON-FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS 1966 23,200 30,600 40,100 53,400 44.7 38.6 1971 48.6 34.4 1976 52.6 31.2 1981 55.9 28.8 Source: Kirkland, 1973. The high incidence of non-family households i n the over 65 years age group partly accounts for that group's expanding apartment occu-pancy rate referred to earlier. In 1971, almost 84 per cent of such 17. households contained only one person; of these, 69 per cent were women. For many senior citizens residing alone, particularly women, the physi-cal and financial burdens of maintaining anything other than an apart-ment are simply too great. In addition, common experience suggests that older couples move from single family dwellings to apartments for reasons of cost and con-venience. Doubtless this movement has accelerated i n the past several decades as the number of senior citizens taking up residence with their children has declined. Perhaps this decline i s reflected i n the i n -crease of the headship rate* from 55.49 to 59.48 i n the over 65 years group during the period 1961-71 (Interdepartmental Study Team on Hous-ing and Rent, 1975: 78) . Table 1.15 illustrates the changing residential trends of senior citizens. Clearly shown are the increases i n apartment occupancy rates displayed by both male and female older adults and the corresponding decline i n single family dwelling occupancy rates. In both cases, the female groups experienced the more pronounced changes. To this point, the more salient demographic reasons for recent growth i n demand for the GVRD's multiple dwelling sector have been explored. I t has been shown that trends i n the growth and composition of young adults (15-34 years) and senior citizen headed households con-tributed significantly to that growth. Generally, as indicated by * Headship rate i s the proportion of a particular age group or population that heads a household. 18. TABLE 1.15 DWELLING TYPE OCCUPANCY TRENDS AMONG SENIOR CITIZEN HOUSEHOLD HEADS (GVRD) APARTMENTS Age Group and Sex 1961 No. 65-69 Years Male 1888 Female 1451 70 years and over Male 4294 Female 4243 of Total 20.0 35.3 20.3 37.6 No. 3685 3260 7505 10530 1971 % of Total 1961-71 26.6 51.3 + 6.6 + 16.0 32.0 + 11.7 56.0 + 18.4 SINGLE FAMILY DWELLINGS Age Group and Sex 65-69 Years Male Female 1961  No. 7145 2505 70 years and over Male 16107 Female 6654 % of Total 75.9 60.9 76.3 58.9 No. 9660 2875 15020 7635 1971 % of Total 1961-71 69.6 45.2 64.1 40.6 - 9.3 - 15.7 - 12.2 - 18.3 -j SourceTCensus of Canada, 1961, 1971. 19. gains i n the non-family household sector, both groups demonstrated a movement towards a greater degree of residential independence. This trend, when augmented by declining birth rates among young adult cou-ples, produced a decline i n average household size making the apart-ment a feasible form of shelter for greater numbers of young and old adult households. While considerable change remains a possib i l i t y , projections pre-sented indicated that the demographic forces which helped to produce the increased apartment occupancy rates during the la s t decade w i l l l i k e l y continue i n a similar, albeit less pronounced fashion u n t i l at least 1980. Hence i t i s expected that strong demand for multiple dwelling accommodation w i l l persist during that time.* 1.3 INCOME AND SHELTER COSTS The demographically induced demand pressure discussed above was augmented by the ina b i l i t y of incomes to keep pace with the costs of owner-occupied housing i n the GVRD. In this section, i t w i l l be argued that for a significant and increasing portion of the regional popula-tion, the single family dwelling has become unaffordable and further that the other major type of owned accommodation - the condominium -also demands expenditures beyond the means of many households. For these households, rental accommodation, primarily of the multiple dwelling variety, represents the only viable form of shelter. * Of course, a change i n national immigration policy might considerably alter the quantity of that demand. Almost one-third of a l l migrants entering the GVRD between 1966 and 1971 came from foreign countries (Lioy, 1975: 26). 20. A recent study (Social Policy and Research Dept., 1973) calculated the gains i n disposable income received by an average industrial worker during the period 1963-73 and compared those gains to trends in the principal, interest and taxation payments required for the purchase of a standard 1200 square foot bungalow in suburban Burnaby over the same period. The results of that comparison (Table 1.16) show that the l a t -ter, triggered mainly by escalating land costs (Figure 1.2), outstripped the former by 158 per cent. As a result, according to the study, "... over the l a s t 10 years (1963-73) the average industrial worker has been forced out of the Burnaby homeownership market" (Social Policy and Re-search Dept., 1973: 25). Moreover, a further analysis was conducted to determine what parts of the region a worker commanding an average income could afford to inhabit. The analysis concluded that i n 1973 only Haney, Langley and Maple Ridge - outlying s a t e l l i t e areas over 15 miles from Vancouver among the municipalities of the Vancouver Metropolitan area -f e l l within the purchasing power of such a household. However, as the study points out, a l l calculations assumed only one wage earner i n the household whereas female participation rates, par-ti c u l a r l y among married women, climbed steadily during the 1960's and continued to increase into the 1970's. It i s d i f f i c u l t to correct for this factor because mortgage lenders normally include only 20-50 per cent 7 of a spouse's income in the determination of permissable debt loadf but i t has helped to defray the r i s i n g cost of housing. In any case, the average se l l i n g price of a single family dwelling increased to approximately $57,000 by 1974 in the GVRD. Assuming a 10 Figure 1.2 Components of Housing Cost Increases in Burnaby 1963-1973 Source: Social Policy and Research Dept., 1973 22. TABLE 1.16  COMPARISON OF MONTHLY P.T.T. PAYMENTS AND MONTHLY DISPOSABLE INCOME YEAR TOTAL P.I.T. (Mo.) INDEX MONTHLY INDEX P.I.T. as % Total P.I.T. DISPOSABLE DISPOSABLE of DISPOSABLE INCOME INCOME INCOME 1963 127 100 348 100 36.5 1964 133 105 359 103 37.3 1965 142 112 373 107 38.1 1966 160 126 394 113 40.6 1967 187 148 413 119 45.3 1968 224 177 431 124 52.2 1969 260 205 458 132 56.8 1970 283 224 493 142 57.4 1971 294 232 539 155 54.6 1972 305 241 611 176 49.9 1973 434 343 644 185 67.4 Source: United Way, 1973. per cent down payment, the 11.5 per cent interest rate then current, and a 25 year term, principal and interest charges on such a dwelling would amount to $512 per month. Taxes would l i k e l y add a further $60-$70 to that t o t a l . Hence, to f a l l within the 25 per cent debt service/ income ratio preferred by most mortgage lenders, a household would re-quire an income of about $22,800 per year. Recent information (Inter-Departmental Study Team on Housing and Rents, 1975) suggests that less than 20 per cent of GVRD households commanded such an income i n 1974. Moreover, one would suspect that many such households already occupied single family dwellings because only 10 per cent of renter households 23. reported an annual income of over $21,000 i n 1974. TABLE 1.17 INCOME DISTRIBUTION OF RENTERS AND HOME PURCHASERS (VANCOUVER METROPOLITAN AREA, 1974) Income/Year Renters (%) Home Purchasers (%) - 9,000 9,000 - 11,999 12,000 - 14,999 46 5 16 22 10 25 15,000 + 28 48 Source: Interdepartmental Study Team on Housing and Rents, 1975, and Canadian Housing S t a t i s t i c s , 1974. Table 1.17 provides a comparison between the d i s t r i b u t i o n s o f i n -come of renters and borrowers purchasing e x i s t i n g housing. The most dramatic evidence of the d i f f e r e n c e between the two l i e s i n the f a c t that 46 per cent of the former group reported an income of le s s than $9,000 per year i n contrast with only 5 per cent of the l a t t e r group. I t i s worth noting however that a c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of a l l renters as poor would be i n c o r r e c t because 38 per cent of that group made more than $12,000 a year. The important po i n t i s that the bulk of renters reported incomes considerably below those of households with the a b i -l i t y t o purchase owned accommodation. Further, over h a l f of renter households i n the GVRD spent more than 25 per cent of t h e i r income on s h e l t e r costs as compared to l e s s than a quarter of owner-occupied households. Given t h i s high house-24. hold income to shelter ratio and the relatively low cost of rental accommodation ($185 on average for a one bedroom apartment) compared to the monthly payments ($550-$650) attached to home ownership, i t i s unlikely that renters would be financially capable of demonstrating any significant degree of movement towards homeownership under present mar-ket conditions. The situation i s similar with respect to condcminium purchase -the logical means of accumulating equity for those unable to afford single family dwellings. Table 1.18 compares the income characteris-t i c s of condominium buyers with renters and reveals comparable d i f f e r -ences to those noted with respect to home owners. These differences are most apparent i n the average income figures for renters and owners because of the d i f f i c u l t y i n comparing dissimilar income groupings used i n the renter and condominium purchaser data. In comparison to owned accomodation, the costs of rental units appear rather modest. As was noted earlier, the (1975) average rent for a one-bedroom apartment located i n the GVRD was about $185; the figure for a two-bedroom apartment varied between $250 and $300 (Greater Vancouver Real Estate Board, 1975: B-9). Rental costs i n -creased by almost 80 per cent between 1963 and 1973 whereas disposable income grew by 85 per cent and home ownership costs by 242 per cent (Social Policy and Research Dept., 1973: 23). One would expect that normally such a situation would result i n the transferral of demand from owned to rented accommodation (Smith, 1974: 30-32). But considering the massive recent increases i n house 25. TABLE 1.18  INCOME CHARACTERISTIC OF RENTERS  AND CONDOMINIUM PURCHASERS (GVRD, 1974) Condominium Purchasers  Income/Year Row % Apartments (%) below 10,000 4 13 10,000 - 13,999 22 28 14,000 - 17,499 30 17 17,500 - 19,999 16 6 20,000 - 24,999 17 16 25,000 + ' 11 20 Average Income $18,067 Renters below 9,000 46 9,000 - 12,000 16 12,000 - 15,000 10 15,000 - 18,000 10 18,000 - 21,000 8 21,000 + 10 Average Income $11,058 Sources: Interdepartmental Study Team on Housing and Rents, 1975; Canadian Housing Statistics, 1974. prices some individuals may have decided that their a b i l i t y to buy a single family dwelling would only lessen as prices increased even fur-ther. In that regard, Dale-Johnson suggests the following scenario: ... i f the consumer i s convinced that prices of houses for sale w i l l continue to escalate he w i l l make every attempt to make his purchase now rather than wait.... Ownership becomes a growing asset as the consumer recognizes the protection Figure 1.3 Trends in Newly Completed and Unoccupied Dwellings (Vancouver Metropolitan Area) 2.000 -| i i i — i 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 A A unoccupied row and apartment condominiums • • unoccupied houses and duplexes Source; Canadian Housing Statistics 1974, 1975, and 1976 27. against inflation which i t affords. In fact, higher prices w i l l not deter buyers but w i l l provide them with more and more impetus to establish a toe-hold i n the marketplace. (Dale-Johnson, 1975: 127.) Of course, potential buyers must have the a b i l i t y to purchase dwellings offered i n the market place. Comparing the income distribution of renters to the payments required for homeownership revealed that a sub-stantial proportion of renters lacked that a b i l i t y . Hence, one must conclude that based on income constraints at least, rental demand w i l l remain strong i n the GVRD while the realizable segment of owned housing demand w i l l decline. Some evidence of this decline i s found in figure 1.3 which outlines trends i n newly completed but unsold houses and apartments over the period 1972-76. It i s clear that condominiums particularly faced considerable consumer resistance. 1.4 SUPPLY FACTORS The above discussion suggests a lack of correspondence between the nature of regional multiple dwelling demand and supply i n the early 1970's. Demographic forces and the distribution of income com-bined to produce a strong demand for moderately priced rental apart-ments as witnessed by the GVRD's persistently minute vacancy rate. Yet, very l i t t l e of that type of accommodation has been b u i l t in re-cent years; almost a l l multiple dwelling structures recently completed have been marketed as condominiums. But, as of the end of 1976, 1700 such units remained unoccupied presumably because people seeking mul-t i p l e dwelling units either could not afford condominium prices or did not desire owned accommodation. 28. Thus, the situation seems paradoxical i n the short run: what i s demanded i s not being b u i l t ; what i s being b u i l t i s not demanded. How-ever, condominium construction and the lack of rental starts has re-sulted from the property industry acting, as i t always does, to maxi-mize profits. Using that criterion solely, recent multiple dwelling construction trends make eminent sense because as John Sherman of Block Bros. Industries put i t : "The expected returns from a building to be sold as a condominium are -twice as high as those on a rental apartment building..." (Canadian Building, 1974: 20). The promise of such pro-f i t s * produced condominium starts at such a rate that by the end of 1976, as noted above, available units far outnumbered customers. Several major factors contributed to the unfavourable p r o f i t pic-ture of rental apartments. Federal tax reform instituted at the be-ginning of 1972 removed the capital cost allowance which had been ap-plicable to rental structures. Essentially, this allowance permitted individuals or corporations to subtract losses incurred i n rental op-erations from other income for purposes of tax calculations. Many wealthy professionals took advantage of this provision to reduce their overall tax burden. Because of the nature of the allowance, there was an incentive to charge marginal rents and therefore, i n many cases, accommodation was provided at a cost which would have been uneconomic for someone whose livelihood was dependent solely on rental income. * Such profits were realized. For example, Daon, one of the main con-dominium builders i n the GVRD, reported an increase i n profits of 86 per cent i n 1974 ($3.1 million) as compared to 1973 ($1.7 million) (The Province, Jan. 13, 1975). 29. Moreover, the property industry gained an incentive to build rental apartments because professionals were willin g to pay market prices for those apartments to obtain tax write-off benefits. The cancellation of these benefits forced rental housing to at-tract capital only i n response to the return on investment i t genera-ted. Hence in 1972-73, the region experienced considerable upward pressure on rents to chance p r o f i t a b i l i t y thereby inducing a capital inflow. The provincial government fearing that sharp rental increases would place an onerous burden on low and moderate income people intro-duced rent controls on existing structures i n 1974. Newly constructed buildings were exempted from controls for a period of five years. That exemption did not, as was i t s purpose, encourage new rental construction. Citing r i s i n g costs, developers claimed that the eco-nomic rents charged for new units would make those units uncompetitive with controlled apartments and, therefore, unprofitable for the i n -vestor. Table 1.19 illustrates the high rents as compared to present levels which i t was claimed must be charged to gain a return sufficient to encourage capital investment. In contrast, condominiums were profitable and possessed other ad-vantages. These included a quick return on investment and a lack of maintenance, management and tenant militancy problems. Thus, condom-iniums captured the multiple dwelling market. Recently, given the oversupply of condonuniums, developers have changed their market stra-tegy. Instead of attempting to s e l l a l l units, some have been rented. Strata t i t l e on these rented units has been retained however so that 30. TABLE 1.19 PATE OF RETURN ON APARTMENT UNIT COSTING $25,000 Fiscal 1975 % Increases Required to achieve Average Rental Rate of Return indicated Income +20 +30 +40 +50 +60 +70 Gross Rental Income 185 222 240 259 277 296 314 Operating Expenses 76 84 84 84 84 84 84 Net Operating Income 109 138 156 175 193 212 230 Mortgage Payments 179 179 179 179 179 179 179 Net Cash Flow - Monthly -70 -41 -23 - 4 14 33 51 Net Cash Flow - Annually -840 -492 -276 -48 168 396 612 Return on Investment negative neg. neg. neg. 3% 8% 12% Notes: 1. Rental income i s based on the average gross rental income earned by Block Bros, i n f i s c a l 1975 and assuming various percentage increases. 2. Expenses are also based on the average expenses for f i s c a l 1975 and assuming a 10% cost increase for the coming year. 3. Mortgage payments assume that a $20,000 mortgage payable in monthly instalments of $179 over a 25-year period with interest of 10% i s obtainable. 4. The return on investment assumes that the apartment suite can be constructed for an average cost of $25,000 and that 80% of the i n -vestment can be financed by a mortgage, therefore requiring the developer to invest $5,000 equity capital. Source: Block Bros. Annual Report, 1975. they may be sold upon the expiry of the five year rent control exemption period or i f a change occurs i n the amount of demand for condominiums. Rents for such units average between $200-$350 for a one-bedroom apart-ment and from $300-$500 for a two-bedroom one (Hayes, 1975: 9). 1.5 SUMMARY An overview of the GVRD multiple dwelling market has shown that while considerable potential demand for multiple unit rental accommoda-tion has existed during this decade and w i l l l i k e l y continue, such ac-commodation remains in short supply and there has been l i t t l e movement to rectify that shortage before 1976. Furthermore i t was established that the lack of an increase i n supply resulted from the negligible p r o f i t involved i n building and marketing rental acccmmodation as com-pared with that available from condominium development. The societal groups most affected by that situation were those - the low to moderate income elderly, young single adults, childless couples and single parent families - who inhabit multiple dwelling rental accommodation and face a dwindling supply of residential options as in-migration and household formation increase competition for what i s a fixed or even diminishing inventory. That competition receives added impetus from the dominant trend i n the multiple dwelling market towards condominiums, which i n urbanized areas generally require the demolition of low to moderate cost rental housing. 32. CHAPTER 2  INNER CITY REDEVELOPMENT 2.1 INTRODUCTION Of a l l GVRD municipalities, the replacement of moderate cost rental units by expensive condominium apartments was most widespread i n the City of Vancouver. The bulk of this activity took place i n inner c i t y neighbourhoods* - the West End, Kitsilano, Fairview, Mt. Pleasant and Grandview-Woodlands (see Map 2.1). This chapter w i l l outline the major reasons for the distribution and examine, in general terms, the impact on the housing stock and social character of the inner ci t y which has resulted from condominium construction. The main purpose here i s to provide background information for a later detailed discussion of these topics i n the context of the inner c i t y neighbourhood of Kitsilano. 2. 2 INNER CITY RESURGENCE The location of high cost housing in the city represents a depart-ure from the trend i n many North American c i t i e s where such housing i s mainly confined to the suburbs as represented i n the theoretical land use pattern suggested by Alonso: ... the poor w i l l tend to central locations on expensive land and the ri c h to cheaper land on the periphery. The reason for this i s not that the poor have greater purchasing power, but rather that they have steeper bid rent curves. This stems from the fact, that at any given location, the poor can buy * Vancouver land registry office information reveals that,82.9 per cent of a l l condominium units constructed i n Vancouver during the period 1970-76 were located i n these neighbourhoods. 3"4, less land than the rich, and since only a small quantity of land i s involved, charges i n i t s price are not as important for the poor as the costs and inconvenience of commuting. The ri c h , on the other hand buy greater quantities of land, and are consequently affected by changes in i t s price to a great degree. In other words, because of variations i n density among different levels of income, accessibility be-haves as an inferior good. (Alonso, 1960: 58) • In effect therefore, inner c i t y condominium development was the result of a decision on the part of higher income people to choose accessibility to c i t y centre over space. A similar occurrence has been noted i n other parts of North America. Iorimer (1971) commented on the movement of young professionals into an inner c i t y working class area i n Toronto. Lipton (1977) observed that i n a few major American c i t i e s (especially New York, Philadelphia, Washington, D.C, and San Francisco) the number of high income inner ci t y residents increased substantially during the 1960's. He reported that: "... c i t i e s (with) administrative CBD's, without heavy industry, and with significant commuting distance to the suburbs from the core were l i k e l y to contain middle-class and upper-class neighbourhoods near the centre" (Lipton, 1977: 146). Lipton identified other contributing factors: There have been significant changes i n l i f e style that de-crease the relative d e s i r a b i l i t y of single-family, suburban homes compared to central c i t y multiple-family dwellings. Decreasing family size has reduced the portion of adults' lives i n which they must consider amenities that are child related when choosing housing.... The greater number of singles, caused by deferring or postponing marriage and by divorce, creates a greater supply of people who do not have the time for house management or possibly the desire for suburban isolation. As more women enter the work force i n administrative jobs, and both husbands and wives commute to downtown, the suburban location w i l l became less desirable. (Lipton, 1977: 146-47) * I t should be noted that Lipton's thesis only applies to certain groups, primarily middle to upper income dcwntown white collar workers. Overall, the dominant trend towards suburban growth in North America continues; witness the recent population increases i n communities l i k e Surrey and Delta. 35. Lipton's findings, although based on American data, appear relevant to the city of Vancouver. The lifestyle and household composition changes he mentions are common to virtually a l l of urbanized North America. Further, much of the impetus for inner city condominium development in Vancouver grew out of the massive growth in office space and employment which occured during the late 1960's and early 1970's in the downtown and central Broadway areas (see Table 2.1 and Figure 2.1). This growth - a manifestation of Vancouver's emergence as a major financial and management centre in Western Canada (see Hardwick, 1974 and Gutstein, 1975) - involved considerable numbers of young professionals, middle management, technicians and clerical staff many of whom, either singly or jointly with a working spouse, were able to afford a luxury condominium unit. Moreover, such accommodation was desirable to that group because: 1) . i t offered easy accessibility to work and a wide range of recreational and shopping opportunites. 2) . i t provided a more luxurious environment (tennis courts, saunas, swimming pools and larger floor space) than the traditional rental apartment. 3) . i t represented a means of acquiring equity - an important con-sideration to young couples eventually intending to purchase a single family dwelling. 4) . i t offered a more controlled living enviroment than apartments, for fellow owners would be more committed to building mainten-ance and order. Further, during the same period, the image of the inner city as a residential area was enhanced by the attempts of the TEAM majority on city council to revitalize the central part of the city and establish i t as a place to live as well as work - - these ventures included the Granville Mall, Gastown Redevelopment, False Creek housing, and revised Table 2.1 TOTAL NEW OFFICE SPACE CONSTRUCTION, CITY OF VANCOUVER, 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 7 3 AREA 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 TOTALS DOWNTOWN S q . F t . 4 9 9 , 0 0 0 1 0 3 , 4 0 0 1 . 2 7 7 . 0 0 0 1 7 0 . 0 0 0 6 1 4 , 7 8 5 1 7 3 , 8 4 0 1 . 3 2 6 , 5 5 0 4 1 8 , 0 0 0 4 , 1 6 4 , 5 7 5 X 9 7 . 0 1 6 9 . 8 X 9 1 . 5 X 7 0 . 4 X 8 5 . 9 X 4 4 . OX 8 0 . 2 X 7 0 . 7 X 7 8 0 . 5 Broadway S q . F t . 1 2 . 8 4 3 3 5 , 1 0 0 1 0 1 . 8 1 2 71 , 6 1 9 5 8 . 7 7 5 1 8 2 , 2 4 4 1 7 0 , 0 7 1 1 5 7 . 7 5 5 7 9 0 , 2 9 9 t 2 . 5 1 2 3 . 7 X 7 . 3 X 2 9 . ( . X 8 . 2 X 4 6 . 2 X 1 0 . 3 X 2 6 . 7 X 1 5 . O X REST OF CITY S q . F t . 2 . 6 5 0 9 , 6 1 0 1 5 . 5 8 5 0 4 2 , 0 8 0 3 8 , 6 1 5 1 5 8 . 2 2 9 1 5 , 7 4 5 2 8 2 , 5 1 4 t 0 . 5 1 6 . 5 % 1 .IX - 5 . 9 X 9 . 8 X 9 . 6 X 2/6X 5 . 4 X TOTALS S q . F t : 5 1 4 . 4 9 3 1 4 8 , 1 9 0 1 , 3 9 4 . 3 9 7 241 . 6 1 9 7 1 5 , 6 4 0 3 9 4 , 6 9 9 1 , 6 5 4 , 8 5 0 591 , 5 0 0 5 . 2 3 7 . 3 8 8 X 100.OX 1 0 0 . 0 X 1 0 0 . O X 1 0 0 . o x - 1 0 0 . O X 1 0 0 . 0 1 1 0 0 . O X 1 0 0 . O X 1 0 0 . O X S Q . F T . NET RENTABLE SPACE BY YEAR OF COMPLETION S o u r c e : D . H a y e s , 1 9 7 3 . 37 . Figure 2.1 Growth of Downtown Office Space and Employment 1966-1975 13-^ h 65 J 12 H 11 H ,£ 10 H 5" 9 H L- 60 h 55 h 50 h 45 3 er O 3! 3 O < a n 8 7 H 6 r- 40 r- 35 1965 1 9 6 6 1967 1 9 6 8 1969 1 9 7 0 1971 1 9 7 2 1973 1 9 7 4 Yt»r End —I 1— 1975 1 9 7 6 30 o c s s. Source: Hays, 1975a 38. downtown guidelines encouraging pedestrian and residential developments. Developers were quick to realize that the housing demand expressed by relatively affluent centrally located worker combined with the high cost of single family dwellings and a shortage of rental accommodation (see Chapter I) v i r t u a l l y guaranteed ready acceptance of luxury condom-* iniums. As a result inner ci t y Vancouver experienced extensive private condominium development beginning i n 1970-71. This development greatly influenced the urban land market. /As one author put i t : "The impact of the s h i f t towards condominium ownership i s most obvious in the price of urban land, which i s largely determined by the value that people place on i t s "services". In the case of rental apartments, the price that people are will i n g to pay in rents to acquire an apartment in a particular location determines the price that a landlord/developer can afford to pay for land. Given that an apartment in a condominium project i n exactly the same location w i l l attract a "higher rent" (or what i s the same be valued more highly by an owner-occupier) a developer who i s building a condominium can afford to bid a higher price for the land than he could i f he were building a rental apartment. Thus, the net impact of the condominium phenomenon has been to increase the price of urban land and in the process, to increase the rents that must pre-v a i l before apartment construction can profitably be undertaken" (Hayek etal,1975:48). As a result of the increase i n land values, owners of older inner cit y housing were able to realize substantial and immediate profits by selli n g to developers. Many owners took advantage of that opportunity'. In fact some owners were so anxious to s e l l their land for redevelopment they became militant i f threatened with the removal of that opportunity. In Grandview-Woodlands, a proposal to downzone the apartment area intend-ed to reduce the pace of redevelopment during the preparation of a local area plan met with s t i f f opposition from some property owners who pro-* A further segment of demand came from older home owners who wished to escape the burdens of single family dwelling upkeep and were able to do so by purchasing a cxmdominium with the equity they had acquired by home ownership. 39. tested by marching i n the streets (Vancouver Sun, March 11, 1977: 10). 2. 3 THE EFFECTS CF INNER CITY DEVELOPMENT IN VANCOUVER The private redevelopment involved i n these projects altered both the income mix and housing stock of the inner city. These alterations stemmed from the loss, without replacement, of many moderate cost rental units through demolition and "upward f i l t e r i n g " . Map 2.2 and Table 2.2 detail the extent of demolition activity i n Vancouver during the period August, 1975 to January, 1977. Over 90 per cent of rental units demolished during that period were located i n inner c i t y communities. While complete information i s not available, the pattern was probably similar for the period January, 1971 to July, 1975. However, i t i s l i k e l y that the West End experienced a much lower pro-portion of total demolitions during that period because few condominium TABLE 2.2 NUMBER OF DEMOLISHED UNITS BY LOCAL AREA Local Area No. units Local Area No. Units Downtown 62 South Cambie 1 West End 277 Shaughnessy 2 D.T.E.S. 4 Arbutus 4 Strathcona 5 Dunbar 2 Kitsilano 146 West Point Grey 1 Fairview 92 Kerrisdale Mount Pleasant 59 Oakridge 2 Grandview 170 Sunset 7 Hastings-Sunrise 10 Victoria-Fraser 4 Renfrew-C. 8 Killarney 4 Cedar Cottage 12 Marpole 7 Riley Park 6 (Source: McAfee, 1977.) 41. units were constructed there between 1972 and 1974. Most demolition activity probably occurred i n the catmunities of Kitsilano, Fairview, Mt. Pleasant and Grandview-Woodlands which received 70 per cent of a l l condominium units constructed i n Vancouver, during the period 1972-74. In total i t i s estimated that the ci t y lost at least 2842 rental units by demolition during the years 1973 to 1976 (McAfee, 1977: 1). Assuming that the proportion of these units located i n the inner ci t y remained constant, the loss i n that area was approximately 2600 units. Most of those units were located i n converted houses. Hence i t i s worth noting the information regarding the demolition of that housing type which i s contained i n Table 2.3. The most striking aspect of this data i s the number of units not replaced by any construction. This cate-gory comprised three-quarters of total units demolished during a period (January 1973 - August 1975) when the rental vacancy rate was less than one per cent. TABLE 2.3 DEMOLITION AND RFJPIACEMENT OF MULTIPLE CONVERSIONS (VANCOUVER) Multiple Conversions January 1, 1973- August 16, 1975-August 1, 1975 February 1, 1977 Buildings Units Buildings Units Demolished 281 1659 77 547 Replaced by S.F. houses 4 4 0 0 Replaced by Duplexes 0 0 1 2 Replaced by Apartments 23 887 9 267 Replaced by Businesses 38 154 2 5 Not replaced to date 170 1240 50 630 Source: McAfee, 1977. 42. Presumably, demolition preceded construction to such an extent be-cause developers wished to avoid any eviction problems when they were f i -nally ready to begin construction. The poor condition of structures may have been another contributing factor, though i t could not have been too inportant because about 90 per cent of demolished buildings were i n "reasonable structural repair" (McAfee, 1977: 2). The supply of moderately priced rental housing was further reduced by "upward f i l t e r i n g " , involving the upgrading of some units and a change in tenure of others. Increased f i r e insurance premiums on con-verted houses have led some owners to alter non-self-contained accommo-dation to higher priced self-contained units. Others have made similar changes simply to increase revenues. In addition, there was a movement towards the conversion of rental apartments to condominium tenure. This trend became so widespread that Vancouver City Council, fearing a s e r i -ous reduction of rental stock, declared a moratorium on such conversions in 1973. Enterprising property owners managed to circumvent this mora-torium however and i n 1978 one could s t i l l see many former rental units for sale, particularly in the West End and South Granville areas. The City Planning Department estimated that "upward f i l t e r i n g " i n a l l i t s forms may be responsible for the loss of 1,000 units annually from the lower cost rental stock (McAfee, 1977: 1). Hence the stock of moderately priced inner c i t y rental housing was substantially reduced between 1972 and 1976. This reduction created serious problems for low income inner c i t y residents; the supply of housing they could afford was being eroded and, because of that dwind-li n g supply, prices for the remaining reasonably priced rental units .43. were increasing. Thus, inner city private redevelopment in Vancouver increased the amount of housing in the upper end of the price range while decreasing supply in the lower end of that range. This may have been the net re-sult of redevelopment during the 1960's, but the impact during the 1970's was much more dramatic. In the latter instance, condominiums requiring a mortgage payment in the vicinity of $300-$500 per month replaced units renting for $90-$150 per month. With regard to the earlier period, the average rent for an inner city unit in 1971 after the 1960's apartment boom was $114 compared to $130 for the city as a whole (Cansus of Cana-da, 1971). 7Assuming that 25 per cent of gross income is a desirable rent out-lay, a household with a net income of approximately $5500 per year could have comfortably afforded an inner city apartment in 1971. At that time over 50 per cent of a l l inner city households reported incomes in excess of that amount (see Table 2.4). Hence, apartment development did not seriously distort the relationship between housing costs and incomes; the inner city remained an area of moderate income and moderate rents. In comparison, condominium development expanded the upper end of the inner city income range. Data from the 1971 census show that inner city households were generally less affluent than averages for the city as a whole (see Table 2.5). In fact, Table 2.5 indicates that only one of 26 inner city census tracts achieved an average income equal to or greater than the city average. Condominium purchase required an income considerably higher than the city average. In 1975 when the average 44. TABLE 2.4 COMPARISON BETWEEN INNER CITY INCOMES AND VANCOUVER INCOMES 1971 POPULATION Household (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Income ($) Inner City Vancouver %(1) of (2) % of Total (1) % of Tol - 1,000 3,390 5,370 63.13 4.84 3.50 1,000-2,999 12,310 21,585 57.03 17.57 14.07 3,000-4,999 11,465 20,090 57.07 16.36 13.10 5,000-6,999 10,630 20,490 51.88 15.17 13.36 7,000-9,999 13,215 30,600 43.19 18.86 19.94 10,000-15,999 13,690 32,195 42.52 19.54 20.99 16,000-19,999 3,425 12,865 26.62 4.89 8.38 20,000+ 1,950 10,215 19.09 2.78 6.65 Total 70,075 153,415 TABLE 2.5  DISTRIBUTION OF AVERAGE INCOMES FOR INNER CITY CENSUS TRACTS, 1971 Average Income ($) 4500-4999 5000-5499 5500-5999 6000-6499 6500-6999 7000-7499 7500-7999 8000-8499 8500-8999 9000-9499 No. of Census Tracts 2 0 3 4 5 3 4 2 2 1 Vancouver City Average Income = $9,317 Source: Census of Canada, 1971. 45. household income for the c i t y had climbed to about $12,000 per year, i t was estimated that an income of at least $15,000 a year was required to buy a condominium in Vancouver (The Province, June 5, 1975: 5) . Figures from the CMHC annual report for 1974 suggest that this estimate may, i n fact, be low (Table 2.6). TABLE 2.6 INCOME DISTRIBUTION OF CCNDCMINIUM PURCHASERS Family Income ($) % of Total 0 - 9,999 3.6 10,000-13,999 21.7 14,000-17,499 30.6 17,500-19,999 16.1 20,000-24,999 17.1 25,000 + 10.9 Average Family Income -• $18,067 Source: Canadian Housing Statistics, 1974. These figures refer to the metropolitan area but as inner c i t y condom-iniums' commanded a premium price i t seems logical to assume that most purchasers of those condominiums would have come from the upper end of the above income distribution. The proliferation of multiple dwelling units i n the inner c i t y which began i n the 1960's was accompanied by particular trends in house-hold size and structure. These included reductions i n household size and the number of families with children as well as increases i n non-family households and childless couples, ' (See Figure 2.2). 4 6 . Figure 2.2 Inner City Household Trends Household Size 70,000 65,000 60,000 55,000 50,000 45,000 | 40,000 0 ) ^ 35,000 o 6 30,000 z 25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 0 1966 1971 Household Structure 1971 1966 . 4 2 . 9 % 63!67^ non-family households families with children families without children 'figures represent percentage of total household source: Census of Canada, 1966—1971 As was mentioned in Chapter 1, these trends were caused by a range of factors including demographic forces and changing social attitudes. Hence, i t i s incorrect to suggest that private redevelopment was p r i -marily responsible for shifts i n inner cit y household composition. How-ever, redevelopment did create the housing stock which permitted those shifts. By 1977, as one would expect, the sectors of the public least ser-ved by the production of expensive multiple dwelling units faced the most severe housing problems. TAn analysis of housing costs and incomes conducted by the City Planning Department revealed that 42,570 house-holds renting acrammodation spent more than the desirable maximum (25 per cent of gross income) on housing (see Figure 2.3). Over 90 per cent of this group earned $12,000 a year or less but those earning less than $8,000 annually were particularly hard h i t . A shortfall of 6,000 af-fordable units was reported for the latter income range. In addition, tenant families earning between $8,000 and $12,000 a year experienced a shortf a l l of 4,000 affordable family sized units (McAfee, 1977a). 2.4 THE DISTRIBUTION OF CCMXMINIUM DEVELOPMENT Just as most demolition activity involving rental accoirmodation occurred i n the inner c i t y during the period 1970-76 so did most con-dominium construction.* As can be seen from Map 2.3 and Table 2.7 the * Clearly, this distribution was influenced by the fact that most of Vancouver's apartment zoned land i s located i n the inner c i t y (see Map 2.4). Yet, zoning alone did not determine the pattern. As was noted earlier, a number of demand factors favoured the central part of the city ; witness the lack of cx^ndoirunium clusters i n apartment areas (Marpole and Kerrisdale) located outside the inner c i t y . -13,4-15 (45>/0) C?i\ff4 ^ 15°/, OF /^COM£ OUJ/J HO MB fvROMSEp PRJDK. 70 /'JIO. Oft UJITH CJQMSI P£RJi-&L£-ELPZfU.y i/J Z/, Hough's-FAHU.i£$/n*/i HOLING APULTS /7,3?6 A pours '^i > ZS% income * JhfTO HOUSING Ht~DS-ft.LV /MV/M? ihtccHex — — PunfMPAtk <I7*>? j F-AMlLlG'i WITH W B f f M * If \ CJHLOREH_ _ 7o£'_ FAMILY WITH OHUX&ri Y £ ^ o / 3 / j MM/MM* 19V S o u r c e 1 M c A f e e , 1977a 49. distribution of condcaruiiium construction and therefore the impact of that construction was not uniform. Moreover, different areas underwent different rates of construction during time. Most units b u i l t between 1970 and 1973 were located either i n Kitsilano or the South Granville portion of Fairview. 7After that time, there was a more even distribution between these neighbourhoods and Mt. Pleasant, the West End and Grand-view-Woodlands. The i n i t i a l dominance of Kitsilano and South Granville was caused by a combination of factors. Those areas offered a high level of ame-nity and a sizeable stock of relatively new (i.e. less than 10 years old) rental apartments. They were therefore able to attract investment capital.* In addition, the West End - for long the site of most of Van-couver's apartment construction - was already heavily redeveloped by 1970. Most prime West End view lots were occupied by high rise rental apartments constructed during the 1960's. As the popularity of condominium l i v i n g increased and demand strengthened, developers were able to s h i f t their a c t i v i t i e s to less environmentally attractive East side neighbourhoods; note the substan-t i a l number of units completed i n Mt. Pleasant and Grandview-Woodlands beginning in 1973 (see Table 2.7). The size of condominium projects varied according to available capital, the amount of land assembled, and zoning. Projects registered * See Bourne (1967) for a discussion of the relationship between a neighbourhood's environmental qualities, existing housing stock and a b i l i t y to attract developer capital. TABLE 2.7 DISTRIBUTION OF CONDOMINIUM CONSTRUCTION 1970-76 Inner City YEAR WEST END KITSILANO FAIRVTEW GPANDVTEW-WCODIANDS MT. PLEASANT STRATHCONA INNER CITY Plans Units Plans Units Plans Units Plans Units Plans Units Plans Units Total 1970 1 14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 14 1971 0 0 2 44 2 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 71 1972 0 0 7 226 7 265 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 514 1973 0 0 4 142 6 301 0 0 2 110 0 0 12 553 1974 5 264 7 243 7 116 8 209 12 408 0 0 40 1240 1975 8 257 14 416 7 144 7 197 7 241 0 0 43 1255 1976 8 422 14 208 9 149 5 159 11 344 1 8 48 1290 22 957 48 1279 38 1002 20 565 33 1126 1 8 163 4937 Outside Inner City KILIARNEY ARBUTUS MARPOLE OTHER TOTAL 1970 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 24 1 24 1971 1 135 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 135 1972 2 210 0 0 0 0 3 35 5 245 1973 1 104 1 76 0 0 3 26 5 206 1974 0 0 1 118 1 16 2 17 4 151 1975 2 62 0 0 2 36 0 0 4 98 1976 _0 0 2 17 _3 31 3 99 _8 147 Total 6 511 4 211 6 83 11 201 28 1006 Source: Vancouver Land Registry Office Files i n the West End (zoned for high rise) tended to be larger (43 units on average) than those b u i l t i n the portions of the inner c i t y zoned for three story apartments. Projects located i n the latter area averaged 28 units i n size. Condominiums registered i n the Fairview area after 1973 were particularly small, averaging less than 17 units i n both 1974 and 1976. This may have been caused by land assembly problems, zoning, or consumer preference for compact projects. Inner c i t y private redevelopment produced a moderate increase i n multiple unit density (see Table 2.8). It i s interesting that despite this increase, inner c i t y population and average household size actually declined between 1971 and 1976 (Table 2.9). I t i s suspected that the population decline was p a r t i a l l y "... the result of residential units being demolished and replaced by commercial/industrial developments" (P. Johnston, 1977: 22). This was probably most true i n the CBD, par-t i c u l a r l y the downtown east side where a number of sleeping and house-keeping units were demolished to make way for such developments. In the apartment areas, the decreases are less easy to explain. Perhaps some of the decline in population i n these areas can be attributed to the discrepancy between the vacancy rate i n a l l units anticipated by the c i t y planning department (approximately 0.5 per cent) and that reported by the census (5.3 per cent). Even i f the 0.5 per cent rate had occurred however, the inner c i t y would have experienced a de-cline i n population of 4400 people during the period 1971-76.* I t would *. This calculation assumes an average of 2.04 persons per household (the inner c i t y average obtained from 1976 census figures) for a l l units less 0.5 per cent. TABLE 2.8 INNER CITY MULTIPLE DWELLING UNIT TRENDS, 1971-75  (By Neig]±ourhcod) * Neighbourhood No of Units Change in % 1971 1975 West End 22310+ 26791 +20.09 Kitsilano 10770 11203 + 4.02 Fairview 7955 9238 +16.13 Mt. Pleasant 6530 7139 + 9.33 Grandview-Woodlands 5405 5571 + 3.07 Strathcona 3960 4051 + 2.30 CBD 2440 2222 - 8.93 59370 66215 +11.53 * Includes apartments, conversions, and semi-detached housing occupied at time of data collection. The figures are net, reflecting both demolition activity and new construction. + There are problems with both the 1971 and 1975 figures for the West End. In 1971, the census failed to include some lodging houses as occupied dwelling units. Hence, that figure is a false low. In 1975, the planning department designated some apartment/hotels (e.g. Denman Place) as apartments only. Therefore, that figure is a false high. Source: City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1975. TABLE 2.9 INNER CITY POPULATION, DWELLING UNITS AND HOUSEHOLD SIZE TRENDS, 1971-76 (By Neighbourhood) Neighbourhood* Population Occupied Units Average Household 1971 1976 Change in *o 1971 1976" Change i n o. + 1971 Size 1976 Change i n % West End 38130 36900 - 3. 2 23090 25131 + 8. 84 1. 65 1.47 -10.90 Kitsilano 37475 35273 - 5. 9 16670 18406 + 10. 41 2. 25 1.92 -14.66 Fairview 19435 16920 -12. 95 9700 9545 - 1. 60 2. 00 1.77 -11.50 Mt Pleasant "20665 21140 + 2. 30 7600 8963 + 17. 93 2. 72 2.36 -13.24 Grandview-Woodlands 32705 28555 -12. 69 9440 10200 8. 05 3. 47 2.80 -19.31 Strathcona+ 11530 9794 -15. 06 2895 2409 - 16. 79 3. 98 4.07 + 2.26 C.B.D.+ 6130 5020 -18. 11 1080 534 - 50. 55 5. 68 9.40 +65.49 166070 153602 - 7. 51 70475 75188 + 6. 69 2. 36 2.04 -13.56 * Census tract divisions rather than local area boundaries are used to represent these neighbourhoods. Tracts more than 50 per cent within a local area were included i n that area i n the preparation of this table. + Definitional problems involving transient hotels and permanent dwelling units make these results unreliable. - 1976 dwelling unit figures are preliminary. Source: Census of Canada, 1971, 1976. 56. appear therefore that a substantial proportion of the reduction i n inner c i t y population resulted from declines i n average household size. In fact i f the average household size had remained constant between 1971 and 1976, inner c i t y population would have increased by about 24,000 people, given the census vacancy rate. If the planning department rate was used, the increase would have been slightly less than 33,000 people. Without detailed household structure data, i t i s impossible to de-termine the reasons for the decline i n inner c i t y household size. How-ever, that decline would suggest the continuation of increases noted earlier i n non-family households and childless couples which occurred be-tween 1966 and 1971. I t i s possible that the deliberate exclusion of children from most inner c i t y condominium developments contributed to these increases. 2/5 SUMMARY In summation, during the period 1971-76 private redevelopment added approximately 4900* high cost condominium apartments to the inner c i t y housing inventory. To create space for those condominiums, 2600 low to moderate cost rental units were demolished. The reduction i n rental stock during that period was increased by the conversion of rental apartments to condominium tenure and the upgrading of some other rental units. Decreases i n supply put extreme pressure on low income people who were displaced by demolition and forced to search for alternate * This figure represents roughly 10 per cent of the 1971 inner c i t y rental apartment stock. 57. affordable accommodation i n a tightening market. This search was made even more d i f f i c u l t by rental apartment vacancy rates of less than one per cent from 1973 to 1976. It was suggested that financial and management related employment growth i n the central part of the c i t y as well as changing social a t t i -tudes and l i f e s t y l e s created demand for the condominium units produced by redevelopment. The distribution of these units among inner c i t y neighbourhoods was uneven through time; i n the early 197O's Kitsilano and South Granville attracted most projects but by 1973, Mt. Pleasant and, to a lesser extent, Grandview-Woodlands were experiencing a sig-nificant portion of total inner c i t y condominium construction. Available information indicated that declines i n household size and the number of families with children which began i n the 1960's continued into the 1970's. In contrast, growth was noted i n the quan-t i t y of non-family households and childless couples. Condominium de-velopment has altered the traditional income structure of the inner ci t y . The high cost of this residential form attracted many more high income individuals than had formerly lived i n the area while forcing some people of lower income to find accommodation elsewhere. 58. Chapter 3 NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE IN KITSILANO; AN OVERVIEW 3.1 INTRODUCTION The impact of inner c i t y condominium redevelopment has been p a r t i -cularly heavy i n Kitsilano. During the period 1970-76 more condominium units were b u i l t i n this d i s t r i c t than i n any other i n Vancouver. This chapter w i l l examine changes in land use and social character associated with that construction. I t w i l l be suggested that generally these chan-ges are a continuation of trends which began with the rental apartment boom i n the 1960's. However, irtportant differences exist between the nature of change in the 1960's and that present i n the 1970's; these differences w i l l be highlighted. 3.2 DEMOGRAPHIC AND HOUSING TRENDS 1961-76 During the period 1961-76, Kitsilano experienced the same kind of change in population composition and housing stock which occurred to a greater or lesser degree i n other parts of the inner city. The number of family households, middle-aged adults (35-54 years), and children de-clined, while non-family households and the young adult cohorts (20-35 years) expanded. These demographic trends were accompanied by a sharp increase i n the type of accommodation (multiple dwelling units) preferred by young non-family households and a decrease i n the more traditional form of family housing, single detached units. Private redevelopment involving rental apartments i n the 1960's and condominiums i n the 1970's 59. was the main process responsible for these shifts i n housing stock. While the nature of demographic and housing stock change i n Kitsilano was pervasive, the intensity of that change was strongly influenced by zoning by-laws. Clearly Kitsilano's apartment and conversion zoned sec-tors contained more po s s i b i l i t i e s for redevelopment to multiple dwelling densities than the single family d i s t r i c t . The relationship between demographic and land use change i s well illustrated by comparing household and age structure trends i n areas of Kitsilano which, by virtue of their zoning, underwent dissimilar amounts of land use change through time. Map 3.1 details the areas* chosen for this purpose: 1) The apartment d i s t r i c t i n which most of Kitsilano's redevelop-ment occurred during the 1960's and early 1970*s. 2) The conversion area which underwent l i t t l e new construction during that time, but rather extensive subdivision and re-furbishing of existing structures. N.B. The area around Connaught Park remains unexamined here be-cause the census tract which includes i t contains a large portion of apartment zoned land outside Kitsilano, which makes the analysis d i f f i c u l t . 3) The single family area, whose housing stock remained relative-l y stable during the same period. * To f a c i l i t a t e the comparison of data through time, areas were chosen on the basis of census not zoning boundaries. Hence, a l l contain a variety of land use but the predominant residential type in each area i s indicated by i t s designation. Kitsilano Residential Sub-Areas o ro a ~TJ c m c m n i r m ^ " ^ • • c z m c m r~IJ U m E ' i r r m cr::.i c i i n p a c ZlU C_Lfl L I U i J ; v ! I .3 fe.-. .3 L EL^&M CT3 cl'll U H EOP C=H : deportment of pfenning ond civic development 61. Figure 3 .1 Household Trends (Kitsilano Apartment Area) 1951 1961 1971 1976 •o o 9,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2J00Q 1,000 0 O O O £ o o o a c 0 O o o c o o' 0 o c O O 0 O ( 0 o o o t ) O O 0 ( ) O 0 0 < ) O 0 o < D O O O ( 1 O o o ( S O O O ( D O O O ( 3 O O O C O O O O £ 0 o o o 3 O O O 0 0 o o 0 0 O 0 0 o o o D O O O 3 a o o 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 o o o o o o 0 0 0 3 O O O 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3 O O O o o o P 0 0 O O O O O O O   O O O 0 o o o o o o O 0 O 0 o o O O O 0 O o 0 o o e o o 0 0 o o o o O O O O 0 o O 0 0 O O o O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 O O 0 O 0 o O O O O O O 0 0 0 O O O 0 o o o o o O O 0 O O D O O 0 o o o o o o o o O O O O 0 0 o  0 0 0 0 o  0 0 0 0 0 O 0 O O 0 o O 0 O O o o o o o o o o o o 0 0 o o 0 O O 0 0 o O O O O O O O O O O O 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O o o o o o O O O 0 0 o 0 0 0 O O O O 0 o o o o O O 0 O 0 0 o o o o o o o c o o o o o o o o o o O O 0 o o o o o o 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o O o o o o o o o o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 o o o o o O o o o o o o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 c o o 0 o o o 0 o o o 0 o o o 3 0 0 0 3 O 0 O 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3 O O 0 3 O O O 3 O O O 3 0 0 0 3 O O O 0 O O O O 0 O O O O 0 O O O o o o o o o O O 0 O O O O O O 0 0 o O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o o O O O O 0 o O O O O 0 o O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O 0 O O o o O O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O O O O O o o o o o o O O O O O O QnQ.,g,,Uit non-family households families without children families with children source: Census of Canada, 1951-1976 62. TABLE 3.1 AGE STRUCTURE TRENDS (APARTMENT AREA) 1951 - 71 1951 1961 1971 1976 Age No. o, "o No. Q. "5 No. Q, *o No. o. "o 0-4 1081 7.5 1160 7.8 650 4.0 365 2.4 5-9 745 5.2 744 5.0 515 3.2 315 2.1 10-14 580 4.0 658 4.4 390 2.4 330 2.2 15-19 672 4.7 738 5.0 835 5.1 580 3.8 20-24 1240 8.7 1421 9.6 3485 21.4 2635 17.4 25-34 2756 19.2 2709 18.3 4080 25.0 5075 33.6 35-44 2138 14.9 2454 16.5 1445 8.9 1295 8.6 45-54 1646 11.5 1877 12.6 1470 9.0 1360 9.0 55-64 1544 10.8 1354 9.1 1500 9.2 1370 9.1 65-69 778 5.4 607 4.1 565 3.5 540 3.6 70 + 1136 7.9 1575 10.6 1330 8.2 1245 8.2 TOTAL 14316 14847 16295 15110 Source: Census of Canada 1971 - 76. Household F i g u r e d Trends (Kitsilano Conversion Area) 63. 1951 1961 1971 1976 3,600 3,200 2 3 0 0 2v400 2,000 1,600 1,200 800 400 > O O 0 O £ ) O 0 O O C ) o o o o c ) O O O 0 c 3 O O O O C ) O 0 o o C > 0 0 0 0 t J O 0 0 o < l o o o o : > O 0 0 0 ( > 0 o o o c J D O O 0 C j o o o o c )O0OO( J O O O O ( 3 O O 0 0 ( J O O O O < 5 O O O O ( D O 0 O 0 ( i o o o o < )OO00( > O O O O ( J 0 O O O < > O O O O ( #4 0>*.-o o o o o o o o O O O O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o c 0 0 o 0 < O O O 0 0 c o o o 0 o c 0 O 0 o o c O O O O 0 c oooo o o O 0 0 C O O O O O C 0 O O o o c O o 0 o o c o o o 0 o c o o o o o e o o o o o c o o o o c c o o o o o c o o o o o c o o o o o c 0 0 0 O 0 c O 0 O O 0 c o o o o o c O O 0 o o c O O O o o c 0 0 o o c c o O O 0 C O O O o o o c o o o o o c o o o o o c ftLfi.n.g.ftf ( 0 0 o o 0 o ) O O O O 0 o I ) O O O O O O ) O O O 0 o o I > o o o o o o | J O O O O O O ) 0 o o o o o J O O O O O O ] o o o o o o J O O O O O O J O O O O O O ? O O o o o o J O O O O O O J O O O O O O J O O O O O O 3 0 0 O O O 01 3 O 0 0 0 0 0 D 0 O O O O Ol [ J O O O O O O iift.o.fljP..n.fl ) O 0 O O O O ) o o o o o 0 J O O O O O O n n o O Q o non-family households families without children families with children source: Cansus of Canada, 1951-1076 64. TABLE 3.2 AGE STRUCTURE TRENDS (CONVERSION AREA) Males and Females 1951 1961 1971 1976 Age No. Q, "8 NO. a No. % No. Q, "6 0-4 768 8.6 753 8.1 485 5.4 345 4.2 5-9 522 5.8 604 6.5 490 5.4 325 4.0 10-14 373 4.2 610 6.6 490 5.4 405 4.9 15-19 405 4.5 553 5.9 550 6.1 510 6.2 20-24 668 7.5 714 7.7 1355 15.0 1145 14.0 25-34 1695 18.9 1410 15.1 1695 18.7 2170 26.4 35-44 1315 14.7 1287 13.8 880 9.7 785 9.6 45-54 976 10.9 1168 12.5 925 10.2 785 9.6 55-64 1016 11.3 840 9.0 950 10.5 790 9.6 65-69 485 5.4 397 4.3 335 3.7 345 4.2 70 + 730 8.2 973 10.5 875 9.7 600 7.3 TOTAL 8953 9309 9040 8205 Source: Census of Canada 1971 - 76. 65. Figure 3.3 Household Trends (Kitsilano Single Family Area) 1951 1961 1971 1976 2 o a> M 3 1 1,800 1,600 1,400 1,200 1,000 800 600 400 200 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O I o o o o o o o c : OOOOOOOI oooooooc OOOOOOOI OOOOOOOI O O O O O O O C o o o o o o o c a o o o o o O o o o o o o c : O O O O O O O C O O O O 0 O O c O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O C s u ? ? ,g i ig , , a , i O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 o OOOOOO a o o o o o 0 O O 0 O 0 OOOOOO OOOOOO OOOOOO OOOOOO OOOOOO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 O 0 O C O o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 O O O o o o o 0 o o o o 0 O o o o 0 O o o 0 0 0 0 o 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o 0 o o o o o o o o o o o 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o o o fg.8,gi»ifrle.iflifliftl 3 0 0 0 0 o o o 0 0 o o 0 0 0 0 0  0 o 0 0 0 O 0 c 0 c 0 o 0 O 0 o o c 0 0 0 O 0 0 O O 0  o 0 o o 0 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 O 0 o 0 0 0 0  o 0 O 0 0 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 D 0 0 O O 0 o 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 O 0 o o 0 o  0 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 0 0 o 0 O 0 0 0 o o o o o 0 0 0 0 o o 0 0 0 o 0 0 0 0  0 0 0 0 o 0 0 0 0  0 0 O 0 0 O 0 0 0 0  o O O o O 0 0 0 0  o  O 0 0 O 0 0 0  » o ) o > 0 O O O 0 0 c 0 O 0 0 0 c 0 O 0 0 0 c l.'.ft. f. non-family households families without children families with children source: Census of Canada, 1951-1976 66. TABLE 3.3 AGE STRUCTURE TRENDS (SINGLE FAMILY AREA) Males and Females 1951 1961 1971 1976 Age No. Q. "5 No. o *o No. o, "o No. Q. "5 0-4 481 8.7 393 7.3 270 5.2 230 4.7 5-9 357 6.4 369 6.8 335 6.5 220 4.5 10-14 279 5.0 406 7.5 380 7.4 295 6.1 15-19 278 5.0 381 7.1 445 8.6 375 7.7 20-24 377 6.8 312 5.8 500 9.7 510 10.5 25-34 909 16.3 607 11.3 670 13.0 975 20.0 35-44 901 •16.2 757 14.1 565 10.9 495 10.2 45-54 686 12.3 796 14.8 665 12.9 495 10.2 55-64 657 11.8 583 10.8 620 12.0 580 11.9 65-69 276 5.0 248 4.6 230 4.5 235 4.8 70 + 357 6.4 531 9.9 480 9.3 456 9.4 TOTAL 5558 5383 5160 4863 Source: Census of Canada 1971 - 76. 67. A comparison of Figures 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 reveals a general corres-pondence in terms of shifts in household structure between the three areas, during the period 1961-76. A l l experienced growth in non-family households and declines in families with children. These trends were most pronounced in the apartment and conversion areas. Slight differ-ences between the three areas occurred in the childless couple sector. That group expanded marginally in the apartment district, while decli-ning in the single family and conversion areas. Changes in age structure reflected dominant trends in household structure (Tables 3.1-3.3). Young adults display a much higher rate of non-family household formation than other age.groups. Consequently, the apartment district which experienced the greatest increase in non-family households of the three zoning areas also underwent the most growth in young adult cohorts. Similarly, the single family area which demon-strated the smallest decline in families with children of the three areas also experienced the smallest decline in numbers of children (0-14 years) and in the cohorts (35 - 54 years) which one would expect to contain the parents of those children. The pattern is further indica-ted by Figure 3.4 which shows the decline in household size associated with increases in non-family households and childless couples was much more pronounced in the apartment and conversion areas than in the single family district. An indication of the decline in children throughout the neighbourhood is provided by Table 3.4 which details enrollment data for Kitsilano's two main elementary schools. Tables 3.5 and 3.6 de-scribe changes in dwelling unit and tenure composition during the period 1961-76. Strong growth occurred in the multiple dwelling unit sector in the conversion and apartment areas. Concomitantly, rental units 6 8 . tingle family area conversion area apartment district source: Census of Canada, 1961-1976 TABLE 3.4 ELEMENTARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENT TRENDS (KITSILANO) , 1966-77 Henry Hudson School Bayview School 1966 443 630 1967 415 642 1968 398 621 1969 420 585 1970 422 497 1971 375 470 1972 358 425 1973 300 386 1974 338 368 1975 304 334 1976 317 341 1977 319 364 Change 1966- 77 -28% -42% Source: Vancouver School Board, 1978. increased while the number of owner-occupied dwellings declined. By 1971, only the single family area retained a substantial proportion of owner-occupants. In the period 1971-76, the trend towards multiple dwelling units continued, but new construction i n the apartment area mainly involved condominium rather than rental units. Consequently, the proportion of owner-occupancy i n that area rose from 12 per cent in 1971 to 17 per cent i n 1976. 70. TABLE 3.5 TRENDS IN DWELLING UNIT COMPOSITION (KITSIIANO), 1961 - 76 Apartment Area Single and Detached Apartments and Duplexes 1961 1,440 3,772 1971 1,160 7,070 1976 775 8,270 Conversion Area Single and Detached Apartments and Duplexes 1961 1,565 1,108 1971 1,535 1,965 1976 1,235 2,390 Single Family Area Single and Detached Apartments and Duplexes 1961 1,379 284 1971 1,415 340 1976 1,315 435 1961 1971 1976 1961 1971 1976 1961 1971 1976 TABLE 3.6  TENURE PATTERN (KITSIIANO) , 1961-76  Apartment Area Owned 1,477 (26)* 960 (12) 1,575 (17) Owned 1,643 -(55) 1,335 (38) 1,285 (35) Conversion Area Single Family Area Owned 1,337 (78) 1,250 (71) 1,225 (70) Rented 4,147 (74) 7,265 (88) 7,495 (83) Rented 1,321 (45) 2,160 (62) 2,345 (65) Rented 381 (22) 505 (29) 530 (30) Source: Census of Canada, 1961, 1971, 1976. * Figures i n brackets indicate per cent of total units for given year. The overall pattern of redevelopment and conversion activity for the period 1971-76 i s displayed on Map 3.2. The concentration of con-dominium activity below Fourth Avenue i s related to the amenity value of the area, which i s close to both beach front and park land, and offers fast downtown access. In addition, some locations below Fourth Avenue provide a striking view of the ocean and North Shore mountains. The distribution of rental to condominium conversions highlights the impor-tance of location. Two of these structures face directly on the ocean; two have a view of the water and mountains from their h i l l s i d e sites; another abuts Kitsilano Park. The conversion pattern i s rather scattered; but one noticeable concentration, located i n the south-east portion i s present. Previous-ly, this section of Kitsilano had undergone limited conversion activity• so the upswing during the period 1971-76 may have been an attempt by absentee owners to increase their cash flow i n a time of strong demand for rental accommodation. Thus the link between housing and household change i s clear; house-holds seek out the type of accommodation which best suits their needs. The apartment d i s t r i c t , i n which most of Kitsilano's new multiple dwelling units were bu i l t , demonstrated substantial growth in the types of households (childless couples and non-family households) best served by that form of housing, and a sharp decline i n the type of household (families with children) which usually requires non-apartment units. The other two zoning areas showed a similar correspondence between the construction of new dwelling types and a growth in the households com-patible with those dwelling types. 73. 3.3 THE /ADVENT OF CONDCMJJSinJM REDEVELOPMENT By the end of the 1960's the trend towards apartment redevelop-ment was well established i n Kitsilano. Hence, to switch successfully to more lucrative condominium redevelopment, developers had only to modify the tenure of their projects and attract a more affluent sub-market to occupy those projects. The former was simply a case of extra paperwork, for i t involved only cosmetic design revisions. The latter required a s k i l l f u l marketing campaign aimed at the obvious client group - young downtown executives, professionals, and other white-collar workers. Figures 3.5 and 3.6 i l l u s t r a t e how that campaign was conduct-ed. The locational advantages and amenities of Kitsilano were empha-sized; note the map indicating the proximity of the project to the downtown and the references i n both advertisements to Kitsilano Beach ("close to the sea";"...a Seabreeze away from the beach"). Overall, a particular l i f e style was promised for a particular type of person, "... ci t y people going places... or already there", interested i n an urbane, comfortable l i f e style featuring "...the ultimate i n luxury, privacy and security...near to the night l i f e of Vancouver's heart... with private tennis and swinging as a matter of course." But such luxury and convenience dod not come cheaply; note the prices for suites in the "Carriage House" and the "Westwind" shown i n Figure 3.7. Natu-r a l l y , the spread of luxury condominiums sel l i n g at such inflated p r i -ces altered Kitsilano's income mix. 3.4 SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRENDS ASSOCIATED WITH (XNDCMINIUM REDF^ VELOPMENT A study of Kitsilano's apartment area, commissioned by the City of Vancouver Social Planning Department i n 1975, indicated that the average Figure 3.5 74. Classic Cood lines, good breeding Symbol of a time when the best was appreciated, enjoyed and savoured. When leisure and luxury went hand in hand. A way of life re-captured for Carriage House, Vancouver's most prestigious new condominium residence. Carriage House is for city people going places ... or already there. A classic ivory tower of your very own, close to the sea. , ArVith private tennis and swimming as a matter of course. And near to the night life of Vancouver's heart. 2255 West Eighth Avenue The Mfeshrind i— West Coast evergreens surround Kitsilano's graceful, contemporary Westwind condominium, a Seabreeze away from the beach. Tne ultimate in luxury, privacy and security. Silent, high-ceilinged rooms, superbly decorated wjth your own custom touches. — All of the Wonderful Things you Love about Vancouver. Tel: 731-6221 Open 4-8:30 p.m. Another project developed by A. Molnar. Weekends 1-6 p.m. Figure 3 . 6 S T R A T A T I T L E D ! FAIRVIEW SLOPES VIEW TOWNHOUSE! 945 W. 7TH - OPEN MON 1:30-3:30. Rare find! 3 storey, super modem. 1 bdrm townhouse Award winning design featuring 1200 sq. ft. & a mind blowing view of the city, mountains, ocean etc. Priced to sell! High $80's! Penny Graham KITS 2 BDRM. FIREPLACE! No. 210-2255 W. 8TH - OPEN SUN. 3:15-5. Beautifully decorated, spacious comer suite in well-maintained bldg. En-suite & 2nd bath, w/w carpeting, 4 appls. Everything like new -Vendor transferred. Only $59,900' Call Mrs. Stephanie Carros or Di Musters . ... CARRIAGE HOUSE! NORTH WEST CORNER! No.801 - 2445 W. 3RD. - OPEN SAT. 1-3. The only 2 bdrm. for sale on this corner (to our knowledge) Sweeping view from every room! Concrete bldg. Very soundproof! 2 full baths. Tennis, pool, etc. $98,500 Bonnie Hydes GRANVILLE GARDENS! 2 BDRMS! No. 701 - 1616 W. 13TH - OPEN SUN. 3:15-5. Must sell! 100 sq. ft of luxury in this beautifully appointed suite. Panorama view from every window Deluxe appls & washer/ dryer Vendors want to move Sept. 15 • Make your offer! Mrs. Stephanie Carros .. . 2 BDRM. ft 2 BATH NO307 - 2770 BURRARD ST. Now a rare opportunity to own 2 bdrm., living rm. with open F/place, 2 sets plmbg with over 900 sq ft. of living area in well managed bldg All appls. included. John Land KERRISDALE 2 BDRM! 2 BATH! No.201 - 5350 BALSAM ST. - OPEN SUN. 1-3. Terrific location, lovely & spacious suite. 2 full baths, 23' living rm., Call Mrs. Stephanie Carros — LANDMARK HORIZON 2366 W. 3RD Deluxe 1 bdrm. condo in popular Kits. Over 770 sq. ft. of luxurious living. Frost-free fridge, self-cleaning oven U/G parking, sunshine kitchen plus many extras. Asking $48,700 John Land j Figure 3 . 7 76. household income for condominiums was 26% higher than that for rental apartments, 33% higher than that for single detached dwellings, and 42% higher than that for conversions i n the same area. The average income figure ($11,000) reported for condominium house-holds was not particularly high, but 17% of the sample was retired. Moreover, as the study points out, "... i n 74% of those units composed of a person l i v i n g alone or with immediate family members (which i n -cludes 99% of total units), none of the members of the family are em-ployed f u l l time.... as a direct result, 33% of 98 self-owned apartment units had a total household income less than $12,000 per year." How-ever, "...36% (of total units) f e l l into the $12,000 to $20,000 per year household income range, while the remaining 15% who replied* were over the $20,000 per year level" (City of Vancouver Social Planning Depart-ment, 1975:4-5). A more recent study of condcarunium dwellers (Eadie, 1978) i n Vancouver and Victoria reported that 46% of cx)ndonunium house-holds i n low and high-rise apartments earned more than $16,000 a year. The same study stated that 51% of working condominium residents in low and high-rise apartments were employed in managerial or profess-ional capacities. The Social Planning Department report mentions that 32% of Kitsilano condcminium residents were similarly employed, whereas only 14-16% of Kitsilano apartment area residents were cla s s i f i e d as professional or management personnel i n 1971 (Census of Canada, 1971). In contrast, Table 3.7 shows that, even with considerable apartment * 16% of the 98-unit sample did not know their income, or refused to reply to the question when asked. 77. construction* during the 1960's, Kitsilano remained a moderate income area i n 1971. In fact, percentage differences between average male i n -comes for the cit y and the residential areas of Kitsilano were greater in 1971 than i n 1961. In these same areas average female incomes i n Kitsilano equalled or exceeded the c i t y average i n both years, although those incomes were much lower i n absolute terms than male incomes. Thus the construction of a substantial amount of new apartment units and the conversion of existing structures during the 1960's did TABLE 3.7  KITSIIANO INCOME PROFILE  Area Average Incomes of Individuals 1961 1971 M F M F City of Vancouver 3979 2265 6904 3527 Single Family Area 4130 (+4) ** 2444 (+8) 6450 (-7) 3550 (+1) Conversion Area 3793 (-5) 2440 (+8) 5897 (-15) 3518 (0) Apartment D i s t r i c t ! 3379 (-15) 2260 (0) 5580 (-19) 3824 (+8) 3723 (-6) 2529 (+12) —j-4747 L-6353 (-31) (-8) 3541 4374 (0) (+19) Source: Census of Canada, 1961-71. ** Figures i n brackets indicate difference i n percent between c i t y average and area average. # The figures for the apartment area refl e c t census tract boundaries i n that area. The lines denote comparable figures i n 1961 and 1971. * Apartment units increased by 87% i n the apartment d i s t r i c t during the period 1961-71, and by 77% i n the conversion area. not drastically alter Kitsilano's income mix, although that construct-ion was associated with considerable change i n household and age struc-ture. Essentially Kitsilano's income mix remained stable because rents remained modest.* In addition, population growth during the 1960's was centred i n the young adult groups who on average earn less than the older cohorts; and these latter groups experienced a decline during the same period. The influx of more affluent people into Kitsilano i s indicated by the transformation i n the nature of the r e t a i l sector i n the neighbour-hood. During the 1960's, many r e t a i l outlets i n Kitsilano focused on counter-culture a c t i v i t i e s (for example, small boutiques, craft supplies and sales, "Head Shops", vegetarian restaurants and the l i k e ) , or were small service outlets of the "Mom and Pop" variety. In the 1970's, how-ever, there has been a swing to more sophisticated retailing, particu-l a r l y in the Fourth Avenue business section which l i e s i n the centre of the condominium redevelopment area. Several stores featuring f a i r l y costly furniture and accessories have opened, a trend towards more ex-pensive specialty restaurants has begun, and a store exclusively offer-ing c l a s s i c a l music recordings has been a success. Gradually older, general, household stores are being replaced by specialty consumer out-let s . The new stores are for the most part taking up act i v i t i e s close-ly suited to the l i f e style requirements of the new, more affluent Kitsilano residents (see Plates 3.1-2). * Average rents i n the three census tracts comprising the apartment area were $119, $133 and $117 i n 1971. The average for the c i t y was $130. 79. Plate 3 . 2 Examples of the new trend in Kitsilano r e t a i l development! leisure services and an antique shop. 80. Hence, i t i s clear that condcminium redevelopment has resulted i n substantial changes in Kitsilano's social character. The luxurious nature of condcminium acccmmodation has attracted people of high social status to Kitsilano. Census income and occupational data suggest that in 1971 few such people resided i n the apartment area. I t seems safe to conclude that this was no longer the case i n 1975, when over 40% of the multiple dwelling units i n the apartment area were condominiums (Kitsilano Planning Office, 1975: 1). Besides expanding the proportion of higher income residents, con-dcminium redevelopment eroded the lower income acccarirodation by the removal of older housing. As we w i l l see i n the next chapter, r e s i -dents displaced by this process were hard pressed to find alternative accorroTJodation i n the tight housing market which prevailed i n Kitsilano during the early 1970's. Consequently, many such people were forced to leave the neighbourhood. Further, while condominium redevelopment was restricted to the apartment d i s t r i c t , i t doubtless affected land values i n other parts of Kitsilano. Redevelopment activity tends to increase speculation i n areas bordering that redevelopment. Such speculation increases the cost of housing, and probably added to the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by people of moderate income searching for afford-able acccmmodation. In addition, a considerable amount of refurbishing of older houses has taken place i n Kitsilano's conversion areas about 1974 (see Plate 3.3). This refurbishing, encouraged by the Federal Residential Rehab-i l i t a t i o n Assistance Program (RRAP), which provides low interest loans and grants for home improvement, has added to the attractiveness 81. of the conversion areas and, therefore, to the cost of housing (Phil-l i p s , 1976). It i s apparent that, i n many cases, the people renovating and occupying these older houses come from the same social group as the majority of condominium residents (Bishop, 1978). Further, developers, perhaps i n anticipation of a zoning change, have i l l e g a l l y b u i l t several fourplexes i n a section of Kitsilano de-signated for duplex development. This process involved the demolition of an older house and i t s replacement by what i s called a duplex but i s i n r e a l i t y rented as four units (The Herald and Times, June 1, 1978: 1). The result of this process i s to increase pressure for similar development and density i n other parts of the duplex area, and thereby to drive up housing prices (see Plate 3.4). Another trend which has produced pressure for increased redevelop-ment ac t i v i t y i s the recent i n i t i a t i o n of at least ten luxury townhouse projects i n a section of Kitsilano bounded by Third Avenue, MacDonald Street, Cornwall Avenue, and Larch Street (see Plates 3.5-6). This act i v i t y has taken place despite City Planning Department guidelines which specify that the area should retain i t s traditional character as a conversion and single family d i s t r i c t . Three of the projects are l o -cated within a two-block s t r i p on the east side of MacDonald Street -a main t r a f f i c artery. Such v i s i b l e alteration of the existing stock suggests that the surrounding area i s experiencing rapid change and therefore increased speculative activity i s encouraged. Continued townhouse redevelopment w i l l further reduce Kitsilano's moderate cost rental supply which has already been seriously depleted by redevelop-ment associated demolition i n the apartment area. 82. Plate 3.k A new 'duplex' i n the south-eastern part of K i t s i -lano. Note each half of the duplex: has 2 mail boxes in d i c a t i n g the structure contains 4 households. 8 3 . Plate 3 . 5 A townhouse development in the Kitsilano conversion area. The asking price is $l39tOOO for a 2 bedroom unit with den. Plate 3 . 6 Another townhouse project located inthe same area. The asking price for these units is $ 1 1 3 , 0 0 0 . 84 3.5 SUMMARY In summary, we have seen that condominium redevelopment affected both the land use and social character of Kitsilano. In terms of land use, effects included a reduction i n moderate cost and older housing, which were replaced by luxury condominium accommodation. As the sup-ply of older housing i n the apartment area was reduced, the prices of remaining moderate cost units in other parts of the neighbourhood were increased following the usual course i n supply and demand situations. Moreover, condominium redevelopment helped to establish Kitsilano as an extremely fashionable residential area, and consequently encouraged investment directed at the renovation of older housing i n the conver-sion areas of the neighbourhood. Again, the effect of this renovation was to boost land prices and reduce the supply of moderate cost housing. With respect to social change, several effects were noted. The trend towards smaller households and away from families with children, which began with rental apartment redevelopment i n the 1960's, was accelerated by condominium redevelopment. The marketing of condominium projects was designed to attract the young affluent, professional or exe-cutive working in the downtown - a group not widespread i n Kitsilano during the 1960's. The influx of this group, besides influencing the price and nature of housing i n the area, has begun to alter the char-acter of the r e t a i l sector. Most stores now opening i n Kitsilano offer some type of expensive l i f e style accoutrement. The transition from a moderate family area to an affluent, childless enclave i s well under way. 85. Chapter 4  The Impact of Displacement on Low Income Apartment Area Residents 4.1 PRODUCTION The removal of older housing i n the Kitsilano apartment area, which accompanied private redevelopment, substantially reduced the supply of moderate cost acccmmodation and also created serious d i f f i -culties for the households displaced by demolition. This chapter w i l l examine changes i n the housing stock and the problems raised by demo-l i t i o n for lower income residents. 4.2 CHANGES IN THE HOUSING STOCK Table 4.1 details the reduction i n older housing stock which oc-curred i n the Kitsilano apartment area during the period 1968-76. Table 4.2 shows demolitions directly attributable to condominium con-struction between 1971 and 1976, and the number of new units so pro-duced. Clearly, condorninium redevelopment substantially increased unit density. However, i t i s important to note that the consequences i n -cluded the loss of a sizeable portion of the apartment area's single family, duplex and conversion stock, which had already been seriously depleted by rental apartment redevelopment i n the late 1960's. More-over, at least another 270 rental apartment units were converted to condominium tenure during the period 1971-76. Hence, seme 1,360 ex-pensive condcminium units were added to the apartment area's housing 86. TABLE 4.1 REDUCTION IN OLDER HOUSING STOCK KITSIIANO APARTMENT AREA, 1968 - 76 % Change 1968 1974 1976 1968-76 No. Units No. Units No. Units No. Units Single Family and Duplex 427 457 270 293 217 234 -49 -49 Conversions 345 1,550* 212 996 190 850 -45 -45 * Conversion figures are approximate Sources: City of Vancouver, 1968: 12; Kitsilano Planning Office, 1974:1; City of Vancouver Land Use maps, 1976. TABLE 4.2 CCNDOyLINIUM UNITS CONSTRUCTED AND THE HOUSING DESTROYED TO CREATE SPACE FOR THOSE UNITS (1971 - 76) Condominium Construction Housing Demolished Single Family and Duplex Conversions Apartments No. un i t s No. Units No. units No. Units 40 1,094 70 77 61 278 4 28 Sources: Vancouver Land Registry Office; City of Vancouver Development Permits and Land Use maps, 1976. stock at the cost of at least 650 units of predominantly moderate cost housing; the actual loss was almost certainly greater, for, as Table 4.1 shows, 700 units i n converted dwellings alone were removed from 1968 to 1976. At the same time, the apartment area moved closer to complete 87. architectural monotony, as breaks i n the rows of three-storey walk-ups, provided by the often interesting facades of older houses, became i n -creasingly scarce. 4.3 DISPIiOMENT SURVEY Condcminium redevelopment created major relocation problems for those displaced by demolition. To gain same idea of the impact of dis-location on individuals, a survey was conducted of tenants displaced by three selected condcminium projects in 1974-75. These tenants were i n -terviewed between six and twelve months after displacement. Topics i n -vestigated i n the survey included: the pattern of relocation; impress-ions of present and past locations; differences between current and former housing i n terms of rent, level of satisfaction and size; and changes i n activity patterns caused by displacement. A copy of the questionnaire appears in Appendix I. 4.3.1 THE SAMPLE A comprehensive search succeeded i n locating 36 households, or about 40% of the total displaced by the three projects. It i s believed that the remainder were undiscoverable for a number of reasons, i n -cluding doubling up, movement away from the Lower Mainland,* and taking up residential arrangements which did not which did not require use of private telephones or separate u t i l i t y accounts. Thus i t might be ar-gued that the households who were impossible to trace had been forced * It was determined that the members of at least a further 8 house-holds had l e f t the Lower Mainland, but attempts to contact them failed. 88. to make a more radical adjustment to displacement than those who were traceable.* In terms of age, occupation, and income, the sample appears broad-ly representative of the Kitsilano apartment area population. Most of the tenants interviewed were young, white-collar workers of low to mode-rate income (see Table 4.3, and see Chapter 3 for the apartment area demographic p r o f i l e ) . Their median income range was only $3,500 to $4,500 a year. Very few were part of traditional family households; 47% were single, 19% were married without children, 14% were single parents, 11% were married with children, and 8% were l i v i n g common-law. It i s interesting to note that, although conversion residents are thought to be a heavily transient population, over 40% of the sample had lived i n their former residences for two years or longer. 4.3.2 RELOCATION PATTERN A majority of the displaced tenants relocated i n or near Kitsilano, and a smaller group moved to the cheaper rental area of East Vancouver (Map 4.1). The remaining sites are i n South Vancouver and i n neigh-bouring suburbs. One household not shown on the map relocated i n Pow-e l l River. In to t a l , 30% of the households relocated i n Kitsilano. A further 14% found accommodation in contiguous neighbourhoods. Of the remainder, 25% relocated i n East Vancouver, 11% i n South Vancouver, 8% * I t i s l i k e l y , for example, that a number of the elderly tenants may have moved into Senior Citizens' Homes, or perhaps into an in-law's suite with relatives. Their changed form of housing tenure would remove them from records as a separately identified household. Table 4.3 89. Sample Characteristics A G E : 20 - 24 4 (11.1)* White collar Blue collar Retired Unemployed Student Income Range $ 2,500 2,501 - 3,500 3,501 - 4,500 4,501 - 5,500 5,501 - 6,500 6,501 - 9,000 9,001 - 10,000 10,501 - 12,000 12,000 + Age Structure  25 - 34 35-44 55 - 65 17(47.2) 8 (22.2) 3 (8.3) Occupations (self-assigned) 18 (50) 5 (13.9) 4 (11.1) 7 (19.4) 2 ( 5.5) Household Income Distribution Number 65 + 4 (11.1) 5 (13. 9) 8 (22. 2) 6 (16. 6) 2 ( 5. 5) 1 ( 2. 8) 5 (13. 9) 2 ( 5. 5) 4 (11. 1) 3 ( 8. 3) Sex Male 20 (55.6) No. of 1 Persons 15 (41.6) Single Common-Law 17(47.2) 3(8.3) Household Size 2 3 13 (33.3) 7 (19.4) Marital Status Female 16 (44.4) 5 1 (2.7) Average • 1.86 Married without Children Married with Children 7 (19.4) 4 (11.1) Length of Residence Less than 6 months 5(13.9) 6 months -1 year 7(19.4) 1-2 years 2 - 3 years 3 - 5 years 9 (25) 8(22.2) 2(5.6) Single Parent 5 (13.8) 5 + years 5(13.9) * Figures in brackets are per cent of total respondents. Map 4.1 o Ch 91. in the downtown, and, with the exception of the one household which moved to Powell River, the rest took up residence i n neighbouring sub-urbs. Reasons for choosing locations, and satisfaction with those l o -cations, varied considerably throughout the sample. However, some general points emerged. Of the 11 people who remained i n Kitsilano, 10 stated a preference for one or several aspects of the neighbourhood as a major factor i n their relocation decision. Aspects mentioned i n -cluded locational advantages (access to transportation and the down-town) , amenities (the beach or shops), and more intangible features. Among the latter were a sense of neighbourhood attachment - a feeling that Kitsilano was compatible with one's l i f e style. As one respondent put i t : "Kitsilano i s my neighbourhood. Most of my friends l i v e here. I l i k e the people, the beach and a l l the l i t t l e shops. I don't want to l i v e anywhere else." A preference for Kitsilano was also common among people who re-located i n other parts of the Lower Mainland. Of the respondents who took up residence outside Kitsilano, two-thirds indicated that they preferred their former location and would have stayed there i f given a choice. The most common reason given for relocating outside Kitsilano was a lack of affordable accommodation there. A l l but one of the people moving to East Vancouver indicated that they had taken up residence there for reasons of cost rather than because of any advantages offered by the area. Of the four people expressing a preference for their present l o -cation, three had purchased housing since their eviction. Thus their 92. response i s not surprising, given the preference of most Canadian tenants for the status of home ownership (Dzus and Romsa, 1977). 4.3.3 ATTITUDES TffiiARDS PREVIOUS AND PRESENT HOUSING Despite the fact that the poor quality of older housing i s often cited as a reason for redevelopment, the relocatees expressed a high expressed a high level of satisfaction with their previous dwellings. Somewhat less enthusiasm was expressed for their present accommodation (see Table 4.4). In t o t a l , 83% of the sample indicated that they would not have willingly moved from their former residence, and that they preferred i t to their current accommodation. Their reasons included physical condition and features of the units, the cost of those units, and more friendly relations with their neighbours. TABLE 4.4  LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH HOUSING OCCUPIED BEFORE AND AFTER RELOCATION BEFORE Very Satisfied Satisfied Neutral Dissatisfied Very Dissatisfied 27 (76%) 9 (24%) - -AFTER Very Satisfied Satisfied Neutral - Dissatisfied Very Dissatisfied L# (36%) 16 (44%) 4 (11%) 3 (8%) References to physical features were both general and specific. The following statements are typical: "My place was well kept up inside, even though i t looked a b i t rundown from the outside. It had nice big rooms and lots of li g h t . " 93. "I really liked the l i t t l e alcoves and irregular spaces. It wasn't predictable lik e this box [a one-bedroom apart-ment in Kitsilano] that I'm l i v i n g i n now." "It was cosy, comfy, well-lived-in. Old but nice. I had real leaded glass i n my windows, and a fireplace." "I was on the top floor and I had a balcony with a fine view. Here [a basement suite i n Kitsilano] I look out my window and a l l I see i s a lane and the back of an ugly apartment." Respondents from one site (located on Eighth Avenue) reported par-t i c u l a r l y friendly relations with their former neighbours, and express-ed a good deal of dissatisfaction with their current accommodation. As one respondent put i t : "I hate this place [a small house i n Dunbar which the res-pondent shares with five others]. On Eighth we had a gar-den which stretched across three backyards. Everybody worked on i t . There's no garden here, and I pay $50.00 a month more rent. I don't even know who lives next door, and I've been here almost six months." Another former Eighth Avenue resident, a single parent with a young g i r l , missed the babysitting assistance supplied to her by her former neighbours. "The people upstairs or next door were always w i l l i n g to help me out [by babysitting]. I'd pay them back by i n -vi t i n g them to dinner, or baking them something. I've sort of lost track of those people since I moved, though, and anyway i t ' s different i f you're not l i v i n g i n the same house or next door." Yet another respondent spoke of the neighbourly feelings present at the Eighth Avenue s i t e : "We used to have house dinners.... The doors were never locked, and we were always v i s i t i n g next door. The people over here [in Mount Pleasant] aren't nearly as friendly." Respondents from the other two sites did not seem to have shared the same strong interaction with their neighbours. Only 18% of that group mentioned that their past location was more friendly than their 94. present one. Of the remainder, two thought i t was less friendly, and the remainder did not express an opinion. A complaint shared by respondents from a l l sites was increased rents, often for equivalent or inferior accommodation. Table 4.5, which correlates rent increases with income groups, shows that house-holds earning less than $5,500 a year experienced 70% of a l l rent i n -creases greater than $20 per month. Table 4.6 details the substantial increases i n rent/income ratios which resulted from displacement. Prior to relocation, 51% of respondents spent less than the desirable 25% of gross household income. After relocation, only 27% f e l l into that category. In addition, relocation resulted i n 40% of the sample paying more than 50% of their household income for rent; only 12% paid that much prior to relocation. Most striking of a l l , the modal cate-gory of the rent/income ratio was less than 15% prior to displacement, but 50 - 70% after relocation. Single parents were particularly hard h i t by rent increases. The d i f f i c u l t y of finding acccmmcdation i n a tight housing market, faced by a l l respondents, was compounded by social disapproval i n the case of single parents, for rental units which permitted children were much more scarce (and consequently more costly) than other accommodation. This finding supports the argument of Barber (1975) and Lee (1977) con-cerning the particular plight of single-parent households i n the hous-ing market. Two of the five single parents indicated that they had to take time off work (four weeks i n one case and two i n the other) to look for 95. TABLE 4.5 CROSS TABULATION OF RENT INCREASES AND INCOME GROUPS : RENTAL INCREASE IN DOLLARS PER MONTH MINUS PLUS Income Range -36-70 -10-35 10-20 21-40 41-60 61-80 8lH Less than $2,500 - - 3 1 1 - -$2,501 - 3,500 - - 3 4 1 - -3,501 - 4,500 - — - 2 3 - 1 4,501 - 5,500 - 1 - - 1 - -5,501 - 6,500 - - - - - - -6,501 - 9,000 1 - 1 1 - 1 1 9,001 - 10,500 - - 1 - - 1 -10,501 - 12,000 - 1 - - 1 - 1 12,000 + - - 1 - - - -TOTALS 1 2 9 8 7 2 TABLE 4.6  DISTRIBUTION OF RENT/INCOME RATIOS  BEFORE AND AFTER DISPLACEMENT  Rent/Income Ratio* Before After Less than 15.0% 10 (30)** 6 (18) 15.0 - 24.9 7 (21) 3 (9) 25.0 - 34.9 4 (12) 4 (12) 35.0 - 49.9 8 (24) 4 (12) 50.0 - 69.9 4 (12) 15 (45) 70.0 or more - 1 (3) * Rent/income ratios were calculated using the median of respondents in one group. ** Figures i n brackets are per cent of total respondents. 96. housing and to ensure that their children were settled i n a new school. Another single parent, unable to find affordable housing, moved i n with her parents - an arrangement she found unsatisfactory. However, one single parent actually managed to reduce her rent from $305 to $240 per month i n the process of relocation. She was offered a house, close to the one she had been renting, by the same landlord who had evicted her prior to the demolition of her former residence. After vainly searching for an alternative, she accepted the offer because i t was the middle of November and she had two children to look after. However, she did not expect to remain very long i n her new home. The landlord previously promised her at least a year i n her original house - she lasted three months. He made similar assurances again, but she has heard that someone i s buying the three adjacent conversions on the block, and four lots would make a very attractive parcel for condomin-ium redevelopment. I t i s unlikely that her landlord would re s i s t at-tempts to complete that parcel. In the Kitsilano apartment area, i t i s particularly d i f f i c u l t to find secure rental housing when you are a single parent with two children, earning less than $9,000 a year. The other single parents i n the sample did not have as helpful a landlord, and therefore faced steep rent increases, as shown i n Table 4.7. TABLE 4.7  COMPARISON OF SINGLE PARENT RENT  INCREASES TO HOUSEHOLD INCOME RANGES Rent Before Rent After Increase Household income Range  Relocation Relocation 1) $130 $235 $105 (81%) $6,501 - 9,000 2) $ 80 $240 $180 (200%) $4,501 - 5,500 3) $185 $245 $ 60 (32%) $5,501 - 6,500 97. The reduction i n the supply of moderate cost rental accommodation suitable for single parent families which accompanied condcminium re-development appears to have had predictable results. Table 4.8 shows the sharp decline i n single parent families which occurred during the period 1971-76 in Kitsilano's apartment d i s t r i c t - the area i n which most demolition of rental units took place. Smaller losses were re-corded in the more stable conversion and single family areas. While the reasons for this pattern cannot be determined without specific household data, the correspondence between rate of decline of single parent families and amount of redevelopment activity i s striking. TABLE 4.8 TRENDS IN THE OCCURRENCE OF SINGLE PARENT FAMILIES IN THE RESIDENTIAL DISTRICTS OF KITSILANO 1971 1976 % Change Single Family Area 200 180 -10 Conversion Area 305 305 0 Apartment Area 515 400 -22 Source: Census of Canada, 1971-76. 4.3.4 CHANGES IN SIZE OF ACCOMMODATION As was mentioned earlier, most tenants interviewed preferred their pre-relocation to their post-relocation accommodation. One important reason for this was that, i n most cases, respondents moved into a unit smaller or equivalent to the one previously occupied and yet paid more for the new unit. Almost 68% of the sample moved into smaller or equivalent units but averaged a 35% increase; a further 12% paid an 98. average of 20% less for smaller or equivalent accommodation, while the f i n a l 20% paid an average of 35% more for larger units. Over a l l , then, there was a net reduction i n the size of units and the desirabi-l i t y of the neighbourhood, and yet a net increase i n housing costs. 4.3.5 CHANGES IN ACTIVITIES Respondents were asked to relate any changes in their normal ac-t i v i t y pattern which had resulted from relocation. People who had moved away from the immediate v i c i n i t y of their former residence re-ported changes i n shopping patterns and bank use, and a few mentioned some alteration of recreational a c t i v i t i e s . Examples of the latter i n -cluded a decline i n attendance at Kits House functions and Kitsilano Community Centre a c t i v i t i e s . One respondent mentioned that he no long-er paddled his kayak at Kitsilano Beach! On a more serious note, two women who relocated i n different parts of East Vancouver complained that they did not f e e l they could safely walk i n those neighbourhoods. For them, this was a serious restriction. Neither had cars, and both had used walking as a major mode of trans-portation and recreation while resident i n Kitsilano. Further, a woman renting a house at the Eighth Avenue site supported herself by taking i n Senior Citizen boarders and children on a day care basis. After re-location, she was unable to find an affordable house which would have allowed her to continue these a c t i v i t i e s . Consequently, she was forced to take up residence i n a downtown government hostel, as were her two Senior Citizen boarders. Relocation i n this case resulted i n a woman's loss of her means of livelihood, a considerable reduction i n the quality 99. of her housing, and consequently an almost total disruption of her l i f e style. Her two Senior Citizen boarders were similarly affected. The journey to work was another area where some change was ex-perienced. Four of the nine households which relocated i n East Van-couver reported that i t took them longer to get to work than when they lived i n Kitsilano. One of the respondents who moved to Richmond also complained about increased travelling time. Only 25% of respondents reported a change i n their contact with friends as a result of relocation. Of those reporting such a change, two were l i v i n g i n Richmond, one i n Marpole, and the remainder i n East Vancouver. It i s clear that the distance moved from Kitsilano caused these disruptions in friendship patterns. Overall, i t can be concluded that relocation affected respondents in three main ways: (1) They were displaced from housing with which, i n most cases, they were well satisfied, and forced to search for alternate acccmmodation at a time when such accommodation was i n short sup-ply and rents were increasing. (2) They paid substantially more rent for housing they liked less than their former units. (3) Because of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n finding alternate accommodation, 48% of respondents were forced to relocate outside Kitsilano. None of these respondents l e f t Kitsilano of their own volition, although a further 8% did choose to move to other areas. Other effects included some change i n day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s , but, with the exceptions noted earlier, that change did not appear to be a serious 100. imposition. 4.4 PREVIOUS -RELOCBTION STUDIES Earlier relocation studies have, in the main, concentrated on public renewal projects* involving working-class, usually ethnic, pop-ulations. Clearly, the Kitsilano sample could not be described i n those terms. Moreover, displacement i n Kitsilano was induced by p r i -vate, not public, redevelopment, and therefore no government housing or financial assistance was available.** However, both the Kitsilano sample and other displaced groups faced similar relocation problems (locating available housing, coping with increased rents, and the l i k e ) , because they a l l lacked the resources to command anything but marginal housing. Further restriction was added in the United States because some displaced groups, particularly blacks, were denied access to the f u l l range of housing they could afford. The Kitsilano sample also suffered from a lack of choice, as a result of the extremely tight rental market which prevailed i n Vancouver at the time they were dis-placed. Thus, the Kitsilano survey and other relocation studies were conducted i n rather different types of neighbourhoods, and involved dissimilar social groups. It i s , therefore, interesting to compare * See Reynolds (1963) for a survey of the American experience, and Robertson (1973) for a Canadian example. ** In 1977, amendments to the provincial landlord and tenant legislation included the provision that people evicted to permit redevelopment should receive up to $300, payable by their landlord, towards moving expenses. This provison was not i n effect in 1975 although about 30 per cent of the respondents did receive landlord assistance with moving expenses., 101. some of the findings of the Kitsilano survey with those of other re-location studies, to determine whether contrasting social groups l i v -ing i n dissimilar neighbourhoods have similar relocation experiences and attitudes towards displacement. 4.4.1 THE SPATIAL PATTERN OF RELOCATION Reynolds (1963), i n a survey of the American relocation experience, and Robertson (1973) in a Victoria case study, found that the majority of displaced households tended to relocate nearby. Both attributed this clustering tendency to neighbourhood attraction. In addition, Hartman (1963) points out that working class people are frequently only familiar with a relatively small area surrounding their immediate area. Consequently, they tend to look for accommodation within that area. In the American case, r a c i a l segregation also contributed to the pattern. As discussed earlier, neighbourhood attraction was the prime cause of clustering i n the Kitsilano sample. I t was also noted that a lack of affordable housing i n Kitsilano caused some respondents to move to other areas, particularly East Vancouver, even though their preference was to remain i n Kitsilano. 4.4.2 THE RESPONSE TO DISPLACEMENT Overall, the most common reaction of Kitsilano respondents to displacement was anger directed at the rental increases and decline i n quality of housing which accompanied relocation. However, the Eighth Avenue group seemed more annoyed at losing a desirable social environ-ment than they were concerned with the increased costs of alternate accommodation. 102. The reaction of this group contains elements of the grief response demonstrated by people displaced from Boston's West End by urban renewal. Fried (1963) i n describing their response, referred to "... the feelings of painful loss, the continued longing, the general depressive tone, frequent symptoms of psychological or social or somatic distress, the occasional expressions of both direct and displaced anger ... and tend-encies to idealize the lost place" which were experienced to varying de-grees by the majority of the West End sample (Fried, 1963: 152). The Eighth Avenue group display some of the same symptoms - feelings of anger, loss, and a tendency to idealize the lost place - as did West End residents i n Boston. However, the intensity of the grief response was much greater for the latter group than for the Kitsilano residents. ' This p a r t i a l l y results from differences i n the depth of loss suffered by the two groups. With reference to the West End group, Michelson (1976: 68) describes the importance of the local area: The people were l i v i n g i n high enough densities so that many related families could l i v e near each other ... From their windows, people could easily view passers-by, and they were close enough to h a i l them i f desired ... Stores which the local residents patronized were scattered throughout the neighbourhood, so that even the pursuit of routine daily errands would bring people within range of the doors and windows of a wide number of potential contacts. The people never idealized their housing i t s e l f . What they did value, however, was the combination of type of building and si t i n g of buildings relative to each other, the streets, and the commercial land uses. This combination brought people into frequent, spontaneous, and intense contact with their rela-tives. I t strongly supported their style of l i f e . The particular physical attributes of the West End supported the lo c a l -ized social interaction, the kinship t i e s , and group identity which were so important to that area's residents. Hence, the destruction of the West End seriously disrupted the lives of hundreds of households. In 103. contrast, the Eighth Avenue group lost desirable social interaction among less than ten unrelated households. In addition, Fried would probably argue that class differences contributed to the contrast i n response to relocation of the two groups: there i s a marked relationship between class studies and depth of grief; the higher the status, by any of several indices, the smaller the proportions of severe grief. I t i s primarily i n the working class, and largely because of the importance of external s t a b i l i t y , that dislocation from a familiar residential area has so great an effect on fragmenting the sense of spatial identity. Generally speaking, an integrated sense of spatial identity i n the middle class i s not as contingent on the external stabi-l i t y of place or as dependent on the localization of social patterns, interpersonal relationships, and daily routines. (Fried, 1963: 158) While the Kitsilano sample could not be described as middle class i n the usual sense, because of their low income, there i s no evidence that they placed as much importance on the local area as did West End residents. In Kitsilano i t was less than a total way of l i f e that was lost. 4.4.3 RENT INCREASES Although differences between the Kitsilano sample and other d i s -placed groups, i n terms of response to relocation and social orienta-tion, are evident, there i s a similarity with respect to rental i n -crease experience. Hartmann reported a 73% increase i n median rent among West End relocatees (Hartmann, 1964: 275). Robertson (1973: 79), i n a study of a Victoria renewal project, found that rents increased by 40% on average. As noted earlier, the Kitsilano sample also ex-perienced substantial rent increases averaging 29% overall, although 104. their impact was relatively much more severe for the poorest households. I t was i n response to the evident injustice of such redevelopment trends that p o l i t i c a l opposition arose. 4.5 SUMMARY An examination of housing stock change i n the Kitsilano apartment area indicated that during the early 1970's approximately 1360 luxury condominium units were constructed at the cost of more than 650 units of moderate cost single family and conversion units. Problems encoun-tered by people displaced by that process included a tight rental mar-ket generally and a lack of affordable rental accx)mmodation i n Kitsilano specifically. Consequently relocatees were forced to pay more for ac-commodation they liked less than their former units and, i n many cases, to move to areas less desirable than Kitsilano. Single parent families were particularly hard h i t by relocation d i f f i c u l t i e s because units i n which children were acceptable were even more scarce than other types of rental housing. A review of previous relocation studies showed that people displaced by urban renewal i n the 1960's experienced more social disruption than the Kitsilano sample but that the level of relocation-related economic d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the two groups was similar. In Kitsilano, i t was primarily the evident injustice of these problems that prompted resident opposition to private condominium redevelopment. 105. CHAPTER 5  POLITICS AND PLANNING IN KITSIIANO 5.1 INTRODUCTION The displacement of moderate income renters i n Kitsilano did not go unchallenged; resident opposition to the social and landscape effects of condominium redevelopment was strong and consistent. This chapter w i l l examine the acti v i t i e s of the citizens' group most involved i n that opposition. In addition, attempts by City Council to deal with the problems of inner c i t y redevelopment, i n particular the Local Area Plan-ning Program, w i l l be analyzed. It i s suggested that resident attempts to gain a measure of neighbourhood control over development trends i s part of a more general movement, the aim of which i s to establish c i t i -zen participation as a major part of the government decision-making pro-cess at a l l levels. 5.2 CITIZEN PARTICIPATICN IN TORONTO AND VANCOUVER In the 1960's substantial change occurred i n p o l i t i c a l style and fundamental attitudes throughout Canada. At the beginning of the de-cade, the election of Pierre Trudeau as Prime Minister, with his play-boy image and long association with radical causes, would have been un-thinkable. Yet, i n 1968, Trudeau appealed to iihe sentiments of the day i with his concept of participatory democracy and easily won national en-dorsement. 106. A reordering was also taking place at the municipal level. Tradi-tionally, c i v i c politicians worked to enhance property values by en-couraging growth - almost any type of growth i t seemed. Not surprising-ly , same of the strongest supporters and closest confidants of such po-l i t i c i a n s were members of the development industry and downtown busi-nessmen (Lorimer, 1970; Lorimer, 1972). This view of c i t y government as just another corporation began to be challenged i n the 1960's by those who f e l t that, i n many cases, benefits obtained from the con-struction of highrises or a freeway system did not justify the attendant neighbourhood destruction and social disruption. People holding this view moved to replace growth with conservation as a guiding principle i n urban planning and to open up municipal decision-making to more citizen input. In Canada, this change was particularly evident i n To-ronto and Vancouver. In Toronto, the issues which prompted most public outcry were ram-pant high rise development and freeway construction (Lemon, 1974). Both violated the principle of neighbourhood preservation which by the late 1960's was widely supported. Construction of the Spadina Expressway proved to be the type of issue around which broad based citizen organ-ization was possible. The many groups who opposed Spadina sought the power to further their cause by entering the 1969 municipal election. L i t t l e success was achieved however, although three reform aldermen were elected. Organizing proceeded under the guidance of the Stop Spadina -Save Our City - Coordinating Committee (SSSOCCC) . But within a few years the threat of Spadina i n concert with continued high rise develop-ment brought together a wide cross-section of groups, including both small property owners and tenants who were concerned with neighbourhood 107. preservation specifically and urban issues generally. The resultant group - the Confederation of Resident and Ratepayer /Associations (CORRA) - "... dealt with city-wide policy questions of process and large de-velopments not dealt with by local groups...", but did not t i e candi-dates i t supported to a particular platform - "each candidate ran his own campaign" (Lemon, 1974: 49-50). CORRA had considerable success in the 1972 campaign: The loose coalition strategy worked far more effectively than most anticipated. Of 14 aldermanic candidates definitely supported, only three were not elected. Five or six more moderate aldermen who supported the CO'72 endorsees on many questions were also elected, so that a clear majority of council members are concerned about neighbourhood preser-vation and are not sympathetic to uncontrolled development, unlike the old council(Lemon, 1974: 50). In addition, David Crombie, a reform alderman (although more moderate than his colleagues) was unexpectedly elected as Mayor. Vancouver, i n the late 1960's, was governed by the Non-Partisan Association (NPA) and had been since 1935. The NPA u t i l i z e d a corpor-ate form of government which, i n theory, divided power so that dual commissioners administered the c i v i c bureaucracy while council i n s t i -gated policy. In practice, "the senior administrators, by necessity i n part, adopted a dual role of administrator and policy i n i t i a t o r and ad-visor. City Council i n turn acted as i f they were the owners, the d i -rectors of a company, or the trustees of the public wealth.... Given the preoccupation of the population at large with the material up-grading of the c i t y and a common wisdom that growth was 'good', the system worked remarkably well" (Hardwick and Hardwick, 1974: 91). Un-fortunately there was very l i t t l e f l e x i b i l i t y or responsiveness i n the system; the bureaucracy, the repository of power i n Vancouver, set goals 108. which "... served the ends of the bureaucratic system f i r s t and other community needs second" (Hardwick, 1974: 31). Council acted more as managers than representatives of the people. They were "... reactive to i n i t i a t i v e s of the bureaucracy and private sector, making decisions in an ad hoc fashion within some assumed, but not articulated, policy frameworks" (Hardwick, 1974: 92). Consequently, there was l i t t l e scope for citizen participation i n decision making. Indeed, u n t i l the 1960's, most citizens were satis-fied with the NPA stewardship and did not wish to participate. By the late 1960's however, the same concerns - neighbourhood preservation, rapid transit and the like - which were expressed i n other parts of North America also had strong support i n Vancouver. Thus when i n 1967, Council, acting on the advice of i t s bureaucracy, proposed the con-struction of an interchange, to be located on Carrall Street i n China-town, which would eventually link up to East-West and North-South free-ways as well as to a waterfront freeway and third crossing of Burrard Inlet, public opinion was outraged. The low income Chinese community, concerned with the serious impact of the proposed development on their neighbourhood, were joined i n their opposition by a number of middle class, l i b e r a l , groups who were determined to prevent the establishment of a precedent for future freeway development. After several stormy public meetings council abandoned their proposal (Pendakur, 1972). The freeway debate convinced many that only by a change i n the composition of council could they guarantee a change i n transportation and development policy. Consequently, three parties cxarimitted to re-direction i n cit y government were formed i n the late 1960's: the Com-109. mittee of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal branch of the New Democratic Party (NDP), and The Electors' Action Movement (TEAM). The least radical of the three (TEAM) - whose membership was dominated by professionals, academics and others with strong links to the Liberal establishment - was also the most successful. Promising increased c i t i -zen participation i n decision making, rapid transit, and planned, con-trolled, development emphasizing public amenities, TEAM swept into power in 1972 by electing 9 of 11 council members. 5.3 CITIZEN OPPOSITION AT THE NEIGHBORHOOD LEVEL: KITSILANO IN THE  EARLY 1970'S While many were committed to city-wide action, others continued to work at the neighbourhood level. In Kitsilano, a major controversy arose over attempts to build high rise apartments near Kitsilano Beach. The effect of such construction would have been to block the views of residents located behind the high rises and many feared increased den-s i t i e s and the creation of a new West End. After a series of sub-missions to Council and discussions with several developers, i t was agreed that high rises would be restricted to the top of the h i l l over-looking Kitsilano Beach and the pressure group disbanded. Another issue provided the impetus for more continuous organizing. West Broadway, a main shopping artery i n Kitsilano was proposed for beautification by a private developer i n late 1972. Part of the plan involved the demolition of existing housing to provide space for parking and new shops. When the owners of those houses discovered they might face expropriation, reaction was swift. The West Broadway Citizens 110. Ccranittee (WBCC) was formed and after more than eight months' effort succeeded i n halting the project. Encouraged by their success, WBCC members decided to broaden their area of operation i n an attempt to achieve their overall goals of neigh-bourhood preservation and resident control over development. They de-cided next to contest a proposed multi-storey apartment located i n an area which, although zoned for a iraximum height of 120 feet, did not yet contain any high rises. The issue was complicated by the fact that the high r i s e , to provide low cost senior citizen housing, was sponsored by a non-profit service club (The Shalom Branch No. 178 of the Royal Canadian Legion)and funded by a l l three levels of government.* WBCC ob-jections included the contentions that high rises were not suitable for senior citizen housing (see Audain, 1972), that the construction of such a building i n the proposed location would set a precedent for additional projects, and that the project was inappropriate i n an area of three storey apartments. The c i v i c Design Panel agreed with the latter point and reccmmended refusal of the project although i t was supported by the Technical Planning Board because i t met zoning retirements. The Board referred the matter to City Council who granted their approval i n Sep-tember, 1973. As the project moved through the levels of bureaucracy, resistance i n Kitsilano grew, led by WBCC and the Kitsilano Citizens' Committee (KCC). The latter group, headed by Shelagh Day,** who lived across the * The city provided land rather than capital. ** Day has been associated with human rights issues i n B.C. and i s now (1978) an equal opportunity officer at City Hall. 111. street from the project site, was formed specifically to contest the 7th and Maple project and was supported by the Kitsilano Area Resources Association (KARA).* WBCC f e l t that two groups contesting an issue from essentially the same position would result in an inefficient campaign and suggested a common front under their leadership. Day and her f o l -lowers declined the offer. KARA was slightly resentful of WBCC at this point, feeling that i t s role as 'representative' of the community was threatened. In the past, the strategy of KARA had been to provide c i -tizens who reacted to a particular issue with the s k i l l s to further their resistance and then, when the issue was resolved, to withdraw u n t i l the next controversy arose. Consequently, while KARA provided WBCC with support services, i t would have preferred that the group had disbanded after the Beautification issue was settled and l e f t the lead-ership role i n the 7th and Maple issue to KCC. WBCC had a different perspective on citizen participation, belie-ving that the KARA model of ccstirnunity involvement would not produce any significant change i n the urban decision making process. Neighbourhood control over development would never be achieved by a reactive stance. A more radical alteration of traditional power relations would require the f u l l efforts of a strong, cxrarutted body possibly a l l i e d with those of other, similar, neighbourhood groups. Hence WBCC saw involvement i n issues as both a necessary task of any ccmmunity group and as a means KARA was f i r s t formed i n 1966 to provide comtunity services; i t s ac t i v i t i e s included a weekly newspaper, planning services, an infor-mation centre and the provision of organizers for corimunity groups. 112. of building neighbourhood support to contest more fundamental matters. Disagreement over roles i n concert with differences in opinion concerning tactics eventually caused WBCC, KCC and KARA to end coopera-tive efforts, although their positions regarding the 7th and Maple high rise were vi r t u a l l y identical. As the controversy continued, WBCC emerged as a much more effective unit than either KCC or KARA. KCC ceased operation i n November, 1973, while WBCC gained the support of seme 20 Kitsilano groups for i t s position on the high r i s e . Eventually the project was scaled down to four stories containing the same number of suites as the original proposal. In addition, WBCC was able to con-vince City Council to hold a public hearing which resulted i n the down-zoning of a l l Kitsilano to a three storey maximum limi t . At this point (January, 1974) relations between KARA and WBCC were so bad that KARA spokesmen argued against downzoning at the hearing despite their earlier support. Ley (1974: 83) indicates that "this decision was primarily a p o l i t i c a l gesture directed against WBCC." KARA, never blessed with a large membership, gradually reduced i t s operations and ceased to exist by December, 1974. While enjoying major success i n i t s campaign against high rises, WBCC also suffered a defeat i n i t s f i r s t major confrontation with a private developer. By the middle of 1973, the group had taken a po-si t i o n against condominium redevelopment, particularly objecting to the loss of moderate income housing and the social change that process en-tailed. When i t became known (in the summer of 1973) that a project was proposed for a si t e at Third and Balsam Street that was both a con-dcminium and a high ri s e , WBCC's opposition was vehement. The high rise 113. was to be located only one half block away from the western edge of the apartment zoned area, so that i n addition to displacing moderate income tenants, the project threatened to f a c i l i t a t e future westward expansion of the high r i s e zoned area. Land assembly for the development, which was to occupy seven lots, began early i n 1973 and was completed by late March. Thirty-day evic-tion notices were issued at the end of November to f a l l due on December 31, 1973. During the period leading up to the issuance of eviction no-tices, WBCC attempted to organize the block residents. Petitions were circulated i n the area and several public meetings were held. At the same time, there was a search for grounds which might permit the re-jection of the development by c i t y council. Both these endeavours were hindered by lack of resources but one fact which at f i r s t seemed to contain considerable promise was discovered. Research regarding the land assembly revealed that there had been a change i n the original development permit. One of the lots included i n that application became unavailable as the owner, realizing he had been given false information as to the value of his property by the real estate agent who was assembling land for the developer,* refused to s e l l after he had i n i t i a l l y agreed to do so. Court action by the developer fa i l e d to gain enforcement of the original agreement to s e l l . * In 1973 the developer, Imperial Ventures, was also involved i n several other luxury condominium "adult only" projects i n various parts of the Metro Vancouver area. At least one other of these projects was the subject of citizen opposition. 114. Hence, the developer was forced to buy another piece of property at the eastern end of the block thereby completing his assembly. This deal was concluded after the issuance of the development permit i n September 1973, so that the necessary changes in legal description were pencilled i n at a later date. WBCC took the position that this action invalidated the original development permit and a new one would have to be issued. They hoped this would give ci t y council the opportunity to reject the development in l i g h t of an imirrLnent downzoning hearing regarding the area, resident opposition to highrises, and TEAM'S stated policy of citizen participation i n decision making. Such was not to be the case, however. The Board of Administration reported to city council that such changes were routine even though they appear to contravene the Zoning and Development By-law which states: It shall be unlawful for any person to erase, alter, or modify any development permit including the application thereof or any plans or drawings accompanying the same. After this i n i t i a l setback the energies of WBCC were switched to the interim downzoning of Kitsilano. This, as noted earlier, was achieved at a public meeting held on January 31, 1974 and that result provided a further reason for continuing to oppose the high rise which was now a non-conforming land use, although, of course, the downzoning could not be retroactive. Further attempts to have the project blocked by ci t y council proved f r u i t l e s s . The provincial government was approached and while a spokesman from the housing department expressed sympathy, there was l i t t l e the provincial government could do and no concrete action was forthccming. 115. After receiving no aid from the provincial government, WBCC deci-ded to halt the project by the use of a picket lin e . It was hoped that this strategy would stop construction and, as well, secure publicity regarding the reasons for opposition to the development. By this means further community support might be engendered and pressure brought to bear on city council. In the f i r s t instance, the picket line proved to be a successful t a c t i c . Excavation was halted for the better part of three days and considerable publicity resulted. WBCC managed to arrange a meeting with the developer in which the possibility of constructing a three story building containing some low cost accommodation was dis-cussed. The developer agreed to consider the idea but instead secured an injunction prohibiting further picketing. The action effectively ended WBCC's strong and consistent opposition to the project. A few further submissions were made to ci t y council but they did nothing to halt the development which was completed in 1975 (see Plate 5.1). Thus by the early months of 1974, WBCC had enjoyed mixed success in dealing with a TEAM-dominated City Council. In the case of the Third and Balsam high ri s e , the results had been particularly frustra-ting, and while WBCC had won the West Broadway Beautification, senior citizens high r i s e and downzoning issues, negotiations had not always been amicable. TEAM council members, many of whom were used to refined intellectual debate, thought of WBCC leaders as a group of disaffected, bellicose radicals with p o l i t i c a l ambitions who would not l i s t e n to reason. WBCC, on the other hand, considered TEAM to be a collection of e l i t i s t liberals who could not be trusted to keep their promises of increasing citizen participation. This adversary relationship probably 116. Plate 5.1 "The Carriage House", the last high r i s e completed i n the Kitsilano apartment area. In 1974-75 suite prices ranged from $60,000 to $98,000 depending on floor space and location within the building. Un-reduced the possibility of council acting to change development trends in Kitsilano and certainly caused some WBCC members to have misgivings over their involvement in TETAM's attempt to promote resident involve-ment i n neighbourhood decision making - the Local Area Planning Program. 5.4 LOCAL AREA PLANNING TN KITSILANO As part of i t s 1972 election platform, TEAM promised to foster c i -tizen participation i n decision making. Some of the founding members of TEAM (for example Art P h i l l i p s , Walter Hardwick and Peter Oberlander) owed their presence i n p o l i t i c s i n part to the freeway debate of the late 1960's which clearly demonstrated the importance and potential of such participation. Art P h i l l i p s i n a pre-1972 election interview stated his intention to provide neighbourhoods with community planners "[to] enable citizens to say what happens i n their neighbourhoods" (Hrushowy, Nov. 21, 1972: 5). But this was not to be the effect of Local Area Planning i n Kitsilano. Another key element i n the TEAM platform was a range of policies designed to create a "liveable c i t y " . These included a continuation of office space growth i n the downtown but with reduced densities and an emphasis on pedestrian a c t i v i t i e s , housing, public transit, character areas such as Gastown, and open space (The Province, Dec. 6, 1972: 28; The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 14, 1973: 20). No longer was the downtown to evolve simply as the property industry and big business dictated, TEAM reformers were determined to create a downtown where a pedestrian would be presented with a variety of street level a c t i v i t i e s ; where people could work, l i v e , and choose from a wide range of cultural and enter-118. teinment options; where a car would be discouraged i f not banned and where an appreciation of Vancouver's beautiful natural setting would not be denied to people by "walls of concrete and glass" (The Vancouver  Sun, Feb. 14, 1973: 20). This attractive package doubtless encouraged the massive growth in office space which occurred i n the downtown during the early 1970's. Certainly the recruitment of the white coLTar workers required to f i l l o f f i c e towers i s easier i n c i t i e s offering high levels of amenity (Ley, 1978). The growth of jobs and improvement of the downtown environment prompted a demand for high quality housing to meet the needs of the burgeoning white collar population. The inner c i t y was the logical area for much of this housing with Kitsilano proving to be a particu-l a r l y desirable neighbourhood. Thus TEAM efforts to change the down-town from the "industrial c i t y " to the "liveable c i t y " created much of the impetus for condcminium redevelopment i n Kitsilano. At the same time the Local Area Planning program was to determine what form of de-velopment (if any) neighbourhood residents preferred. By the middle of 1974 when Local Area Planning (LAP) got underway, the planning options were rapidly disappearing for at least the apartment zoned area. After discussions between interested residents, the planner ass-igned to Kitsilano, and City Council's Standing Committee on Community Development, i t was decided to form a planning committee composed of representatives of "major community and interest groups i n the area" rather than hold neighbourhood elections. Planning was to be under-taken jointly by the committee and LAP staff on a "cooperative" basis. In the words of alderman Volrich, who was assigned as liaison between 119. City Council and Kitsilano residents: The planners and citizens w i l l work together to identify the issues and matters of concern to the cornmunity, to suggest solutions and courses of action, and to plan goals and policies for the future of the area, i n other words, both w i l l be i n i t i a t o r s . (Volrich, 1974: 2) The obvious weakness of the LAP program from WBCC's point of view was that i t involved no decentralization of decision making. A letter sent to the Kitsilano planner contained the following reservations: We have no illusions that the program in i t s present form w i l l result immediately in major decisions affecting Kitsilano being made by the community rather than c i t y council.... Our participation... i s based on the assump-tion that, over time, more and more of the control over local development within the community w i l l be vested i n the members of the groups and individuals who reside within this corrmunity. (WBCC, 1974) WBCC was not alone in i t s concern over the lack of actual community decision making invested i n LAP. At a public meeting called to discuss the program, briefs presented by the Burrard NDP Association and the Kitsilano Planning Committee, a subgroup of KARA, discussed the same theme. They both pointed to the fact that no decentralization of decision making was b u i l t into the proposed LAP structure. City Council retained a l l the power. The Kitsilano Local Area Planning Committee (KLAPC) would act only as an advisory body. They would not be able to control local local development. As the planning process began, i t was decided to divide Kitsilano into land use areas and consider each separately. The logical f i r s t choice for consideration was the apartment area which was under con-siderable redevelopment pressure. In fact, i t quickly became evident that planning would not be feasible unless the pace of redevelopment 120. was slowed. Consequently, the KLAPC decided to recommend to council that the area north of Fourth Avenue bounded by Larch and Burrard i n which most redevelopment was occurring, should be downzoned to RT-2 (townhouses and conversions) u n t i l the planning process could be com-pleted. The committee's submission to council contained the following points: 1. The present trend i n condominium development is not providing moderately priced rental accommodation. At this time i t i s f e l t by the members that this area of Kitsilano should be primarily rental units. 2. There i s the danger that a drastic change in the type of people i n the area could occur through this form of develop-ment. I t i s not known who we should be planning for at this time. Until this i s determined we should maintain the social character of Kitsilano. (City of Vancouver, July 9, 1974) Council b r i e f l y considered the committee's suggestion, and then voted i t down by an 8-3 margin on July 9, 1974, even though i t was supported by the Kitsilano planner, Don Janczewski, and the head of the City Planning Department, Ray Spaxman, who stated "the best way to preserve the options for the future of the community i s to rezone the area on an interim basis" (City of Vancouver, July 9, 1974: 822). Of TEAM members on council, only the most l e f t leaning - Darlene Marzari, a social worker and Michael Harcourt, a lawyer - voted for the motion. They were joined i n their vote by Harry Rankin, a founding member of COPE, a labour lawyer and avowed so c i a l i s t . The remaining TEAM council members contradicted their earlier image of strongly sup-121. porting citizen participation by voting against the i n i t i a l submission of a planning committee they had themselves established. At the f i r s t meeting of that committee Alderman Volrich, one of those who voted against the motion, made the following statement: ... City Council and the various boards that effect planning within the area w i l l be giving the highest regard to rec-commendations of this ccrardttee. (Kitsilano Planning Office, 1974a: 2) This apparent discrepancy between word and deed added to WBCC's sus-picions concerning the LAP process. Dissatisfaction grew as displace-ment and demolition increased during the summer and early f a l l of 1974. Finally, on October 2, 1974, a monthly WBCC meeting passed a motion de-manding that the KLAPC approach c i t y council with the following pro-posal: "That no demolition permit be issued which provides for the destruction of rental accommodation unless: 1. The developer can provide other rental accommodation for those being displaced. 2. That this accommodation be of the same quality, quantity and price range. 3. That this accommodation be within the boundaries of Kitsilano i f the resident so desires" (City of Vancouver, Oct. 22, 1974). After considerable debate, the KLAPC voted 7 to 1 i n favour of this radical proposal and agreed to submit i t to council. No motion on the submission was made because the powers required to implement i t were not included i n the City Charter.* As an alternative, the Director of * Alterations of the City Charter are a provincial responsibility but i n this case no application for change was made. 122. Planning suggested that one means of resolving the present housing d i -lemma in the Kitsilano area was the "interim downzoning of the area u n t i l such time as the area development plan i s finalized" (City of Vancouver, Oct. 22, 1974: 18). 7 Mderman Rankin, following up. on this suggestion, reintroduced the proposal to downzone the apartment area to RT-2 f i r s t made i n July. Again this proposal was voted down, this time by a 5 to 3 margin. How-ever, a second motion made by Alderman Marzari, that each application for demolition of residential property i n Kitsilano received i n the next four months be reviewed by ci t y council, was passed. That motion, how-ever, was l i t t l e more than a gesture without changes in the City Char-ter which would have allowed council to refuse demolition permits. The absence of Council support for KLAPC submissions convinced WBCC that i t s energies would be better spent i n other endeavours. It therefore withdrew from the Committee and began to organize a tenants' union whose goals were to ensure secure housing and adequate mainten-ance of rental accommodation for members. In addition WBCC continued to provide housing advice and to contest particularly disruptive evic-tion cases. Later sections of the Chapter w i l l consider the perform-ance of WBCC after leaving KLAPC. The remainder of KLAPC returned to the problems of devising a plan for the apartment area. Before considering sub-areas, however, the Committee established overall planning goals for the neighbourhood as follows: 1. Kitsilano should grow to reach a reasonable and optimum popu-lation which w i l l maintain the positive aspects of the area. 123. 2. A diversity of people i n Kitsilano should be maintained. 3. Diversity should be encouraged within the neighbourhoods of Kitsilano. 4. Allow a greater diversity of building types. 5. Old homes that are capable of providing sound housing should be retained wherever possible. 6. Commercial development should be i n scale with the communities. 7. Explore alternatives to the present method of controlling development and design. 8. Efforts should be made to make Kitsilano more attractive. 9. Reduce noise levels. 10. Outdoor common space in the form of small parks and play-grounds should be within walking distance of everyone. 11. Public use of the Kitsilano waterfront should be ensured. 12. Residents should have the opportunity to remain in the area as i t changes. 13. Continue to provide opportunities for resident involvement in the planning of the area. 14. Co-ordinate social service planning and the physical planning process. 15. Promote public transit i n the area. 16. Through t r a f f i c should be discouraged from using residential streets - roads and transit f a c i l i t i e s should be designed to have the least detrimental effect on the community. 17. Solve the problems caused by heavy parking i n residential areas. 124. 18. A dual approach w i l l be adopted i n dealing with ccmrmjnity f a c i l i t i e s by centralizing some and decentralizing others. (Source: Kitsilano Planning Office, 1974b.) These statements are so broad i n scope that a discussion of them serves l i t t l e purpose. Instead, the goals that apply specifically to housing and development w i l l be considered i n the context of a plan proposed for the apartment area. A draft of the plan was completed i n late 1974 and a public meet-ing was called to discuss i t on December 16. The topics treated i n the plan included transportation, housing, population increase and social change, commercial and industrial areas, parks, street improvements and social services. However, the discussion at the public meeting barely got past the f i r s t topic, transportation. One of the two sug-gestions* to decrease the problem of through t r a f f i c using residential rather than a r t e r i a l streets i n the apartment area was the Burrard-Arbutus connector - a six lane road running from the Burrard Street bridge to the corner of Broadway and Arbutus Streets. This proposal was f i r s t made i n the 1929 overall Vancouver plan prepared by Harold Bartholomew and had surfaced several times since. The most recent i n -carnation had been i n 1969 when the idea had again been strongly re-sisted by Kitsilano residents. Thus to find the connector included i n a plan which was supposedly based on Kitsilano citizen opinion was di s -quieting, particularly to those who were already suspicious of the LAP process. People at the meeting maintained that the main beneficiaries of the connector would be affluent Kerrisdale residents returning from * The other was ir^ntaining the status quo which was rejected because of the seriousness of the problem. 125. their downtown work places. One WBCC member suggested that an Angus Drive connector running from 16th Avenue and Burrard to Arbutus through the exclusive Shaughnessy d i s t r i c t would be a more appropriate pro-posal! The Planner and a representative of the Engineering Department argued that the Connector would solve the problem of through t r a f f i c using residential rather than a r t e r i a l streets i n the apartment area. Those who disagreed pointed out that the Connector would run within a block of two senior citizen developments at Seventh Avenue and Maple Street. Moreover, the construction of the Connector would involve the demolition of rental housing when such housing was i n short supply. In the discussion, the representative of the Engineering Depart-ment and the Planner revealed that the Connector was the policy of City Council. This was not widely known and prompted the accusation that City Council was using the LAP process to introduce the Connector through the "back door". This point was reinforced by the fact that the KLAPC had previously voted against the Connector. Finally, the representative of the Engineering Department admitted that about 20 per cent of the problem could be eliminated by increasing flow via the proper regulation of stop lights and by the addition of a few stop signs on residential streets. One of the few voices arguing for the Connector was that of George Moul, the president of Kitsilano Ratepayers Association, the same or-ganization which had f i r s t resisted the proposal i n the 1930's. Moul f e l t that the Connector would solve local t r a f f i c problems, would meet the future needs of the ci t y and contribute to the orderly development of Kitsilano. His views were less than generously supported. The 126. Planner premised to sample opinion i n the apartment area on the issue more broadly by means of a questionnaire which would include a range of options beyond those i n the plan. Because of the controversy surrounding the Connector, the remaining proposals were not f u l l y discussed and so a follow-up meeting was called for January 14, 1975. At this meeting housing proved the most conten-tious issue. Policies i n the plan relating to that issue were as f o l -lows: 1. The downzoning of parts of the area to encourage their retention because of architectural merit and the pro-vision of moderate cost rental units. About 50 b u i l -dings totaling 265 units were covered by this proposal. 2. The encouragement of and aid to property owners who wished to remain in the apartment area. The aid would include entitlement to funding from the Resi-dential Rehabilitation Assistance Program (not pre-viously available to residents of the apartment area), and downzoning of properties to RT-2 (at the owner's request) to reduce taxes and to permit long term pre-servation. RT-2 zoning permits conversions and town-houses as a conditional use. 3. The retention of 3 storey apartment zoning near the beach area (so that the views of dwellings behind that area would not be blocked), and on streets that already contained a preponderance of three storey walk-ups, coupled with the introduction of more flexible regulations i n other parts of the area so that two sto-ries would be an outright use but i f certain features were included a maximum of four stories would be allowed. These features included units for families, senior citizens, and/or lower income people; usable open space; landscaping; and the retention of exist-ing buildings compatible with the street's character. The reaction of many at the meeting was that the proposals would not result i n the retention of moderate income rental housing i n the area because no control over demolition was included and the provision of moderate income units in new structures was at the behest of the 127. developer. Moreover, there was no control procedure to ensure that the units provided by 'density bonusing' would be made available to those for whom they were intended. Overall, l i t t l e agreement emerged from the two meetings both of which were attended by a sizeable number of WBCC members and others who supported the group. The reaction to the draft plan and other submissions to the KLAPC and LAP staff were considered before the f i n a l draft was prepared for presentation at a public meeting. Because of the many subjects treated in the plan and the focus of this thesis, only the most contentious po-l i c i e s (those dealing with housing and the Burrard-Arbutus Connector) w i l l be considered. Substantial revision of the draft plan had occurred but this had been mainly i n detail and not i n overall direction. However, the plan did recommend against the Burrard-Arbutus Connector because: ... the construction of the Connector i s not considered appropriate when land use and the need for improved t r a f f i c flow i s balanced i n the long term. The t r a f f i c situation has existed up to this time without this development. It i s also f e l t that the development of a road such as this at the pre-sent time with the de-emphasis on automobiles and highways may be a mistake. However, the negative environmental effect that this proposal w i l l have upon residential areas i s believed to be severe and most important. (City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1975: 15.) Thus resident opposition was heeded on this point. With respect to proposed housing policies l i t t l e change was apparent. The plan recommended raising the allowable Floor Space ratio (F.S.R.) from 0.6 to 1.0 for older homes, allowing town houses to be bu i l t on "locked-in" lots, a density bonusing system to allow greater FSR's as described earlier, " i n f i l l " housing, and the downzoning of owner occupied 128. houses to RT-2 upon request of the owner. In addition, relocation ass-istance was to be provided to tenants displaced by redevelopment, and site acquisition was to be initiated for senior citizens, and low to moderate income family housing. A public meeting was called to discuss the plan on A p r i l 29, 1975. The meeting was attended by two aldermen, Michael Harcourt (a l e f t i s t TEAM member and Kitsilano resident) and Harry Rankin, the lone COPE rep-resentative on council. The chairman was Tom Hinkle, a member of KLAPC. Discussion began with the least controversial issues, bike paths and the l i k e , but Jacques Khouri, WBCC Chairman, managed to force a change in the agenda by arguing that most people were i n attendance to discuss housing and the Burrard-Arbutus Connector and should not be forced to s i t through the presentation of less pressing issues. In the discussion that followed i t was repeatedly maintained by residents that the plan would not pro-tect existing low or moderate income housing or the inhabitants of that housing; too much depended on the goodwill of developers. The Burrard-Arbutus Connector was also strongly c r i t i c i z e d and i t was suggested that the properties the City had already purchased in assembling land for the Connector should be used for moderate income family housing.* WBCC members were i n the forefront of the opposition although others took part as well. The tone and substance of their objectives i s i l l u s -trated by figure 5.1 which shows a lea f l e t distributed throughout the The expression of opposition to the Connector continued despite a recommendation i n the draft plan against i t because Council members had yet to vote on the matter and they had the f i n a l say. Figure 5.1 PUBLIC MEETING TUESDAY, APRIL 29, KITS HIGH SCHOOL, 7:30 P.M. 3000 KITS RESIDENTS FAft EVICTION' WILL YOii BE ONE OF THEM? (see map - over) IS $ 19,000+ YOUR INCOME? IF NOT, YOU WILL NOT BE ABLE TO BUY THE CHEAPEST HOUSING PROPOSED FOR KITSILANO. i lies l a t e CITY It i t h i s e s t a r t l i n g r e s u l t s are part of the st KITSILANO MASTER PLAN PROPOSED BY PLANNERS 5 DEVELOPER/SPECULATORS. s l i k e l y you Plan - Here' have not s Why: seen copies of A 6 - LANE FREEWAY (The Arbutus/Burrard Cuiineotor ) w i l l cut through the heart of K i t s i l a n o eroding s e v e r a l neigh-bourhoods, (a) Many Houses have 5 w i l l be demolished to meet the requirements of the connector. 300 u n i t s of good low cost housing could be b u i l t on the extra land required f or the expanded freeway alone (b) This freeway i s on the doorstep of 2 Seniors Housing P r o j e c t s , (c) Cypress Street w i l l Pack Your Bags vou won't ;tay . . i f 5 f i g h t ! be widened r i g h t by Henry Hudson School - c h i l d r e n f o r roads! (d) A nice freeway f o r people from Shaughnessy 6 S.W. Marine Drive to get downtown. (2) INCREASED DENSITY 25% - 400$ i n some areas. This Means: (a) More cars on the s t r e e t - Increased p o l l u t i o n , n o i s e, a c c i d e n t s , parking problems (you think York, Yew, Vine, 1st 8 2nd are bad now!?) (b) overloading of present f a c i l i t i e s e.g. parks, buses (c) increased l o n e l i n e s s , i s o l a t i o n a l i e n a t i o n (d) r e l a t e d t h e f t s , a s s a u l t s , e t c . (5) UPZONING - Organized r e s i d e n t s , l a s t year forced downzoning (no h i g h r i s e s ) l a s t year. Since then, developer pressure to upzone w i l l see 3 s t o r i e s go to 4. (4) HUGE DECREASE IN LOW-MIDDLE INCOME HOUSING ( l e s s than $19,000 income) despite the f a c t that the plan t a l k s about the need for more housing, 1200 Units of housing (for 3000 people) w i l l come down. The more demolished, the greater the pressure to demolish s t i l l more. (5) MORE HOUSING FOR THE RICH - the C i t y Planner c a l l s t h i s DIVERSITY'.- K i t s i l a n o already has a wide v a r i e t y of housing s t y l e s 5 l i f e s t y l e s . P r i c e s f or 1 bedroom condominiums i n K i t s i l a n o average $60,000. Some are over $100,000. About 95% of r e s i d e n t s p r e s e n t l y l i v i n g here cannot a f f o r d these p r i c e s . (6) "GOOD FAITH" OF DEVELOPERS 5 SPECULATORS i s what the whole plan r e s t s on -do you know one developer or speculator who acts i n good f a i t h ? (7) Tbe Planner says that "the housing w i l l he a e s t h e t i c a l l y appealing' but 95% of us won't be here to enjoy i t ! ft DON'T LET THIS PLAN SLIP THROUGH - COME OUT 5 FIGHT WE AIM TO STAY WEST BROADWAY CITIZENS COMMITTEE - 2150 W. 4th. (•»ice). . Hi 130. apartment area prior to the meeting. The main opposition to the WBCC position came from George Moul and a few of his supporters who f e l t the Connector and the provisions of the plan generally would f a c i l i t a t e the orderly development of Kitsilano. Hinkle probably f e l t obliged to de-fend the plan because of his membership on the KLAPC and i n doing so, suggested that the re-introduction of high rise zoning for the apartment area would occur i f the plan was not supported. This ill-advised state-ment drew a chorus of boos from the crowd. In another ill-advised action, WBCC supporters attacked Dan Jan-czewski, the Kitsilano Planner, on a personal basis for his failure, i n their view, to produce a plan which would protect moderate income housing and tenants. Both Rankin and Harcourt pointed out that attacking staff was not the way to secure change. Rankin took the position that u n t i l a fundamental alteration i n the p o l i t i c a l structure occurred, the only sensible strategy was to press c i t y council with proposals that had some chance of acceptance. The results of the meeting were inconclusive, although more criticism than support of the plan was expressed. The Burrard-Arbutus Connector drew the strongest negative reaction with dis-approval of housing policies second. After the public meeting, the plan and i t s policies were considered by City Council and adopted on May 6, 1975 with few revisions. The vote was unanimous. 5.5 EVALUATION OF THE PIAN The specific policies i n the Kitsilano plan concerned with housing and the social consequences of redevelopment were: #1: In order to encourage the retention of some older housing, the floor space ratio allowed on homes i n this area be increased to 1.0. #2: Tcwnhouses be permitted i n the multiple-family zone. #3: Owners of single-family homes, duplexes, conversion homes (as well as apartments) be e l i g i b l e for housing maintenance assistance through the Residential Rehab-i l i t a t i o n Assistance Program (RRAP). #4: The City Planning Department's Heritage Group and Heritage Advisory Ccmmittee be requested to examine buildings or groups of buildings to determine i f any merit designation for heritage reasons. #5: Owners of individual or groups of existing buildings be permitted to rezone their property from the present zoning to an RT-2 type zoning, at the owner's i n i t i a t i v e such rezoning to RT-2 to be reversible only with the consent of City Council. #6: ' I n f i l l ' housing be permitted in the apartment neigh-bourhood. #7: The RM-3A apartment zoning be modified to encourage a more imaginative form of development. #8: Relocation assistance should be provided for displaced tenants as an aspect of the redevelopment process. #9: Site acquisition be init i a t e d for senior citizen and low/moderate income family housing. #10: Senior citizen and low/moderate income units be pro-vided within new multi-family units through a 'bonus' system. #11: A limited number of properties at the present time be zoned to RT-2. (City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1975: 1.) It i s informative to compare the intent of these policies with their effects. The increase i n FSR, the provision of RRAP funds, i n f i l l heri tage, and spot downzoning proposals were a l l intended to retain older buildings while the other proposals with the exception of policy #8 whose purpose i s self-evident, were designed to encourage the construc-tion of new low-to-moderate income, senior citizen, and family housing. Few obtained the desired result to any significant degree. 132. A report on the apartment area zoning in Kitsilano (City of Van-couver, 1977) contains the following table which breaks down development permit applications by purpose for the one and one-half year periods be-fore and after adoption of rezoning proposals i n the local Area Plan. I t i s noteworthy that the 'add to and/or convert' category increased from 3 before rezoning to 11 after rezoning. TABLE 5.1 NUMBER CF DEVELOPMENT PERMIT APPLICATIONS (AS OF JULY 15, 1977) Type of Development 1-h year period 1-h year period before rezoning after rezoning (RM-3A) (RM-3A1, RM-3B) Add to and/or convert 3 (12%) 11 (30%) Alter existing Apartment 3 (12%) 9 (24%) New Apartment 20 (76%) 11 (30%) Townhouse + I n f i l l 0 (not permitted) 6 (16%) TOTALS 2J5 37 Source: City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1977: 6. The author of the report indicates that the majority of these projects were of the 'add to' variety. However, this represents only about 2 per cent of the older buildings present i n the apartment area as of 1975. Thus while the FSR increase proposal appears to have stimulated a c t i -vity, i t s overall impact has been small. The townhouse policy produced 5 projects, a l l of which were expensive, albeit family housing; only one i n f i l l project was b u i l t and this provided moderate income family hous-ing.* The introduction of RRAP funding appears to have had a much greater _ This was sponsored by the Kitsilano Housing Society, an a f f i l i a t e of WBCC and w i l l be discussed later. 133. impact. At least 68 applications for RRAP assistance were received i n the one and one-half year period following implementation of the plan. The terms of the program specify that only owner-occupiers with incomes below $11,000 a year are e l i g i b l e for forgiveable grants; other owners may receive loans however, at 10 per cent interest. Landlords on the other hand may claim up to $10,000 per unit consisting of a maxiinum grant of $3,750 (which the landlord must match on an equal basis) and the balance, a loan at eight per cent.* As there are few owner occupiers in Kitsilano with incomes below $11,000 a year, landlords are the chief beneficiaries (Murdoch, 1976). This i s somewhat unfortunate because while the renovation activity stimulated by RRAP encourages the retention of the remaining older housing i n the area, increases i n housing costs also result because the policing of rent increases following RAPP funded landlord owned projects i s ineffective (Murdoch, 1976: 6). Moreover, i n i t i a l rents after RRAP improvements may also be beyond the reach of moderate income people. One project i n Kitsilano after receiving $20,000 of RAPP funding offered two-bedroom suites at approximately $350 per month (The Courier, August 26, 1976: 27). This rent while not outrage-ously high would only be affordable by a household earning more than $16,500 a year. Thus the policies intended to retain existing housing have had mixed but generally limited success; the most successful of these (RRAP) appears to have had the side effect of adding to the cost of some rental units. The landlord may use the loan portion to match the forgiveable grant. 134. The proposals for changes in apartment zoning were intended to encourage diversity and innovative design as well as the provision on moderate income, family or senior citizen housing. Expanded usable open space, roof gardens and increased balcony size are features of apart-ments submitted for approval under the new zoning regulations. /As a result, new proposed apartments have varying degrees of ... inno-vative design and therefore contribute to the diversity of buildings." Moreover, the new apartments contain 32 per cent two-bedroom units "... suitable for families with children", although the zoning regulations c a l l for only 20 per cent (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1977: 7). But there i s no guarantee that these units w i l l be occupied by families. Most two-bedroom suites i n Kitsilano condcminium projects completed under the previous zoning regulations were occupied by childless couples; also, most inner c i t y condominiums do not permit occupancy by families with young children. In addition, the main proposal aimed at i n i t i a t i n g the construction of new moderate income units has been totall y unsuccess-f u l : no project has attempted to take f u l l advantage of density bonusing. Developers have claimed that i n many cases they cannot provide the amount of usable open space required to obtain an FSR of 1.45 and build to an FSR of 1.95 which i s allowed i f non-market units are included i n the project.* It i s also more than l i k e l y that a developer "[does] not want 'cheap' units i n his 'luxury' apartment building" or "... may be afraid that an unnecessarily long time period may be involved i n arrang-ing for the bonused units" (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1977: 7). * This d i f f i c u l t y i s increased by the front footage restriction of 200 feet which i s included i n the new regulations. 135. In any case only 2 of 11 apartment projects accepted under the new zoning have so far been b u i l t . Both are expensive with suites i n the $60-70,000 range i n one and i n the $80,000 bracket i n the other. TAs mentioned neither contain non-market units. Another policy intended to provide "sufficient low-cost housing... to replace that which i s lost through redevelopment" (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1977: 3), has also enjoyed limited success. Site acqui-s i t i o n for senior citizen and low/moderate income family housing has involved the purchase of two parcels at the cost of $375,000 in funds provided by the federal Neighbourhood Improvement Programme. As of June, 1978 these parcels had not been developed although construction of one project involving 9 units of family housing had begun. This limited achievement i s attributed to d i f f i c u l t i e s i n meeting "Federal social housing and funding regulations and the complexities of providing this type of housing moderate cost in an area with land costs geared to higher priced randorunium units" (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1977: 3). In addition, the attempt to retain dwellings "not appropriately zoned as multiple-family" because "they are generally sound substantial houses" (Plan Policy #7) was entirely unsuccessful (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1975: 4). The plan recommended that 27 buildings com-prising 146 units should be rezoned to RT-2 but the owners of those buildings opposed that proposal and i t was eventually withdrawn. By the time the plan was i n effect, one of the three blocks involved i n the policy was already assembled and now contains two condominium develop-ments. The f i n a l policy to be considered here attempts to deal with the 136. effects of displacement (Policy #8). The irriplementation of this policy involved requiring developers to submit a letter with their development permit application stating whether the existing buildings on the site contain low income people, long term resident families or senior c i t -zens and i f so what assistance i s being provided for such tenants. The statements in these letters are not checked, hence i t i s not surprising that a l l applicants "have either stated that the buildings are vacant, none of the tenants f a l l into the categories mentioned or 'reasonable assistance' would be provided" (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1977:3). It i s claimed that the volume of complaints regarding displacement has lessened since the advent of this policy. It should also be noted that less redevelopment activity has occurred i n Kitsilano during the same period than previously because of the 'soft' condominium market. Overall, the plan policies have contributed to the diversity of expensive housing i n the area. I t would appear however that the propo-sals designed to encourage the retention of older buildings have achieved rather limited success and those aimed at the construction of moderate income units, almost none. This i s a key point because the plan was i n -tended to permit the evolution of the area to multiple-family densities while maintaining a diversity of income groups by the provision of "lower-income units.... on a long-term basis rather than relying on the 'whims' of the market." However, "... unless long term policies are adopted to provide a mix of income groups, the demolition of the existing, potentially low-inoome housing should be prevented u n t i l the housing situation eases" (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1975: 9). McAfee (1977a) has shown that the situation for low to moderate income renters 137. remains serious. Yet there has been l i t t l e movement towards providing low income accommodation "on a long term basis" or preventing the demo-l i t i o n of existing low income housing. For example, the Director of Planning, i n an attempt to reduce the impact of redevelopment on low income renters, suggested the following amendments to the plan: 1. That no demolition permit that involves the loss of existing low-cost units be issued u n t i l a similar amount i s provided within the area, either by private or government actions. 2. That no development permit for multiple-unit buildings be issued u n t i l a similar amount of units that may be lost are provided by either private or government actions. (City of Vancouver Planning Dept., 1975a: 4.) Council chose not to accept these amendments, thereby permitting the continued redevelopment of the apartment area without any effective means of rehousing moderate income tenants displaced by redevelopment. 5.6 WBCC REACTION TO THE PLAN As a response to the city plan and as a policy statement designed to engender neighbourhood support, WBCC proposed their own plan for the apartment area. Features of the plan included the goal of retaining "... every building that provides sound, secure housing at a reasonable rent or price" and a board, consisting of six elected Kitsilano r e s i -dents and one alderman, empowered to rule on development and demolition permits for the neighbourhood. The board was to evaluate proposals using a series of guidelines including the following: 1. Developers must show that demolishing a building or reducing the number of suites i n a building i s the only economically feasible way of meeting the housing p r i o r i t i e s (as defined by the board). 138. 2. Developers must show that they are providing pri o r i t y housing at a rent or price those needing that housing can afford before developments would be permitted. (WBCC, 1975: 3-4.) Priority was to be given to developments which would help to re-establish the social mix which was present i n Kitsilano during the period 1966-71: more housing for families with children, and less for affluent childless couples. The essence of this plan was community control and neighbour-hood preservation. Of course, i t s iitplementation would have required considerably more decentralization of decision making power than City Council was willing to support. Consequently, the WBCC plan received l i t t l e consideration and none of i t s proposals were introduced. Realizing that l i t t l e was to be gained by dealing with City Hall, WBCC began to organize tenants i n an attempt to gain enough power to force change. A new a f f i l i a t e , Renters United for Secure Housing (RUSH), was formed to undertake this task. A concentration on tenant issues represented a departure for WBCC which, as mentioned above, was formed to contest an issue which mainly affected property owners. However, the leadership of WBCC, some of them founding members, realized that i f re-development was allowed to proceed unchallenged i n the apartment area, then other parts of the neighbourhood would cone under strong pressure for up-zoning and subsequent redevelopment. As a second means of dealing with apartment area problems, the Kitsilano Housing Society (KHS) was set up by WBCC to purchase older housing and retain i t primarily for moder-ate income families. RUSH, despite some early successes (more than 150 units organized in the f i r s t few months of operation) never managed to attract enough 139. tenants for effective action. D i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in organizing included tenant complacency, caused in part by the protections offered by the B r i t i s h Columbia Government's landlord and tenant legislation, very limited resources including a lack of f u l l time paid staff, and the time pressures of advising tenants and contesting development issues -activ i t i e s which continued i n addition to organizing. Overall, tenants were reluctant to become involved with a tenant's union u n t i l their housing was directly threatened. Consequently, RUSH was constantly res-ponding to crises rather than building a power base. After several attempts at mass organizing u t i l i z i n g l e a f l e t distribution (see Figure 5.2) and door-to-door campaigning, i t was decided to return to contest-ing local issues and providing tenant advice. This approach was intend-ed as a means of generating support prparatory to larger scale organizing. However RUSH was not able to maintain their store front office through membership contributions and was forced to close i t i n June, 1976 - at which time both RUSH and WBCC ceased to be an active force i n Kitsilano. At this point the efforts of long time WBCC members were trans-ferred to the Kitsilano Housing Society (KHS) which appeared at f i r s t to face greater obstacles than the tenants' union. The aim of the Society was to buy key properties to prevent assembly for condcminium develop-ment, at the same time providing a continuing stock of low-to-moderate income housing in the apartment area. The strategy was to attract enough money for down-payments through private subscriptions and then finance the remaining costs. Once a building was purchased, KHS and the tenants would together establish a rent structure which would provide sufficient cash flow to cover debt servicing, taxes and maintenance. No rental i n -creases would occur with the exception of those required to cover i n -EVICTIONS CAN BE STOPPED! BUT you must act before it happens 3000 TENANTS IN YOUR NEIGHBOURHOOD WILL BE EVICTED SHORTLY BECAUSE . . . 1. CITY HALL HAS APPROVED A REDEVELOPMENT PLAN FOR YOUR AREA (RM3A) WHICH: (a) prenotes l u x u r y , h i g h - p r i c e d condominiums (you need an income o f $19,000) (b) c a l l s f o r d e m o l i t i o n of e x i s t i n g r e n t a l accomodation and f o r c i n g o u t of t e n a n t s . 2. YOU ARE PROBABLY ONE OF THESE TENANTS (you l i v e i n the RK3A a r e a ) ; HUNDREDS HAVE ALREADY 3EEN EVICTED. 3. YOU MAY THINK YOUR LANDLORD IS A "GOOD GUY" BECAUSE YOUR RENTS ARE LOW! FREQUENTLY THIS MEANS THAT THE LANDLORD INTENDS TO SELL - LARGE PROFITS WILL 3E MADE WHEN HE SELLS TO DEVELOPERS - SO HE CAN AFFORD TO KEEP THE RENTS LOW, PARTICULARLY, I F IT MEANS PUTTING LITTLE WORK INTO THE PREMISES. 4. SOKE TENANTS HAVE FOUND OTHER ACCOMODATION, ONLY TO 3E EVICTED AGAIN. 5. I F YOU ARE LUCKY TO FIND A SUITE (the vacancy r a t e i n K i t s i s l e s s t h a n 1 % ) , ON THE AVERAGE YOUR RENT WILL 3E 5C% HIGHER THAN YOUR RENT NOW. 6. TENANTS HAVE A RIGHT TO DECENT HOUSING ACCOMODATION AND TO SECURITY OF HOUSING. •• TO STOP THESE EVICTIONS MANY TENANTS ARE, AT LAST, ORGANIZING TOGETHER BEFORE EVICTION HAPPENS. * YOU CAN DO VERY LITTLE TO STOP EVICTION 3Y YOURSELF, BUT MANY TENANTS, TOGETHER, CAN STOP THEM. - THE IDEA IS - YOU HELP OTHER TENANTS IN THE ORGANIZATION WHEN THEY NEED IT, AND THEY WILL HELP YOU WHEN YOU NEED IT. (We don't have m i l l i o n s of $$$, l i k e d e v e l o p e r s and C i t y H a l l , but we do have thousands o f t e n a n t s ; when these tenants o r g a n i z e t o g e t h e r they can w i e l d an i n c r e d i b l e amount o f power.) - ORGANIZED TENANTS CAN DEMAND AND GET: (1) NO EVICTIONS (2) CLEAN AND DECENT HOUSING (3) NO ILLEGAL RENT HIKES - above 10.6% (4) NO DISCRIMINATION AGAINST FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN (5) NO DEPOSITS - which t i e up t e n a n t s ' money. DON'T WAIT UNTIL IT'S TOO LATE, SIGN UP NOW - c a l l o r drop i n to 2150 West 4 t h Avenue, Monday to Friday 1:00 - 9:00 p.m., and Saturday from 12:00 to 5:00 p.m.' p.s• If you can't support your fellow tenants then please,' at least, return to us the enclosed computer card when' you receive your eviction notice. , •_' HELPING TENANTS TO*MANAGE BETTER.. 141. creased operating costs. Jacques Khouri, Qiairman of KHS, managed to raise $16,500 which allowed the purchase of three buildings to t a l l i n g 10 units at F i r s t Avenue and Maple Street. KHS outbid Andre Molnar, a well known Vancou-ver developer of expensive condominiums, paying $130,000 for the site which v/as obtained from conventional mortgage lenders. In March of 1976 KHS attempted to expand their holdings by applying to City Council for $100,000 in seed money which would have permitted the purchase of $2,000,000 worth of rental property. Council refused this request. Undaunted, KHS approached CMHC for funding and eventually re-ceived an $8,000 start-up grant to begin upgrading of the s i t e at F i r s t Avenue and Maple Street. After discussion with an architect and the tenants, i t was decided to ' i n f i l l ' the l o t . This involved the con-struction of five townhouse units suitable for single parent families. After negotiating with CMHC, funding for the ' i n f i l l ' project was ob-tained and construction was completed in 1977. Costs of the units, i n -cluding land, averaged $32,000 which i s considerably below the price of other newly constructed accorrmodation i n Kitsilano (see Plate 5.2). When CMHC took over project financing, KHS was able to recapture i t s original investment and begin to look for another s i t e . The result of this search was an older apartment building containing nine units l o -cated at Broadway and Vine. Again the dciwnpayment ($35,000) came from public subscription (the Buy Back Kitsilano Fund) and this time the $25,000 second mortgage was provided by the Metropolitan Council of the United Church at a very low interest rate (The Vancouver Sun, May 20, Plate 5.2 The f i r s t KHS project. In the foreground are the two refurbished existing buildings. The ' i n f i l l * townhouses can be seen to the right of the picture Plate 5«3 The second KHS project. The picture shows the solar heated town house units. 143. 1977: 9) . lAirther, KHS managed to secure a National Research Council demonstration grant to offset the cost of incorporating solar heating i n the ' i n f i l l ' section of the project (see Plate 5.3). In the meantime CMHC agreed to provide other construction costs of the eight townhouses to be included i n that section. /After construction i s completed, the project w i l l provide 17 units of moderate cost housing most of which w i l l be suitable for families and w i l l operate as a cooperative (Western  News, Apr i l 12, 1978: 1). Thus KHS using the money of members and supporters has succeeded i n providing 32 units of moderate cost housing while retaining existing buildings and preventing evictions. This i s of course exactly the app-roach to redevelopment WBCC had consistently advocated and represents greater production than the City has yet been able to achieve under their site acquisition policy which was included i n the apartment plan.* Hence WBCC, now as KHS, has remained steadfast i n their philosophy and have demonstrated that their position i s workable. Of course, the total num-ber of units provided i s small and does not come close to solving the problem of inner ci t y moderate income housing, but, considering the ob-stacles (limited i n i t i a l support from government at a l l levels, pro-tracted negotiations and the like)/ i t i s an impressive achievement. Throughout, WBCC and i t s a f f i l i a t e groups maintained a consistent set of principles and fought to impress them upon the landscape. The One of the two sites purchased with NIP funds i s tentatively scheduled for 32 townhouses but this project remains far from a firm proposal. The other s i t e has 9 units under construction. I t i s anticipated that the units w i l l serve as moderate income housing although income requirements have not been firmly established. 144. tactics used i n this regard often resulted i n confrontation and embittered adversaries. This belligerent posture reduced the possibility of gaining concessions from either the City or Provincial Government but at the same time appeared to add to the group's ccmmitment and drive. In any event, there i s nothing to suggest that the types of concessions (decentraliza-tion of decision making and funding for moderate income housing) desired by WBCC would have been forthcoming i f the group had maintained more amicable relations with government. 5.7 T H E DEMISE OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATICN The i n a b i l i t y of WBCC to convince City Council to take action i n the redevelopment issue stemmed from a lack of sufficient municipal funds to permit an adequate moderate income housing program, a reluctance on the part of TEAM leadership to "interfere" with the housing market and a grow-ing dissatisfaction among i t s leadership with the complexities of citizen participation. This dissatisfaction became apparent during the i n i t i a l attempt at local area planning (LAP) i n the City's West End. Both c i t i -zens and planners involved i n the program stated that Council did not take their suggestions seriously. Paul Murphy, spokesman for the West End Community Council, contended that "... City Council i s more interested i n creating the i l l u s i o n of participation than i n responding to the reality ... I think Council i s playing games with us. The planning team i s v i -sible here but that's about a l l . " (The Vancouver Sun, May 21, 1974: 18). Lynn Uibel, co-ordinator of the West End Planning Team, complained that "... not a l l our recxDmmendations are being listened to. It's sometimes very frustrating," and commented further: 145. "I think that Council sometimes wants to use local area planning teams as buffers so that i t doesn't have to li s t e n directly to cxommunity groups." (The Vancouver Sun, May 21, 1974: 18.) Uibel f i n a l l y resigned, at least p a r t i a l l y because "... Council backed out of cit i z e n participation." He maintained along with other members of the planning team, that "... Council has been frightened away from LAP because citizens have not endorsed everything put forward by City Hall " ( The Vancouver Sun, August 13, 1974: 6). Uibel was not the only planner to resign as a result of disagree-ments with City Council over the LAP program. Dan Janczewski, the local area planner i n Kitsilano from May to September of 1974 and later the Local Area Planning coordinator for the City, resigned i n January of 1976 after a series of disputes with Council over a rezoning of the Downtown East Side. Janczewski and the planning department proposed the area be rezoned from industrial to residential usage to protect i t s 2,400 housing units and to allow NIP funding to be used to upgrade neighbour-hood f a c i l i t i e s . Mayor Ph i l l i p s wanted the area to remain under indus-t r i a l zoning so that developers anxious to expand Gastown or build office buildings adjacent to the police station and law courts could be accommodated. The dispute (fulminated with the Mayor accusing Janczewski and the planner for the area, Dorothy Jan, of producing "incompetent crap" and t e l l i n g them to "get off your ass" at a public meeting called to discuss options for the Dciwntown East Side (Glover, 1975: 26) . Jan-czewski claims that the dispute over the Dcwntown East Side i s indicative of a fundamental difference i n viewpoints concerning development goals: "Vancouver i s s t i l l i n the 'City Beautiful' mentality ... whereas most planners are now trying to develop the 'City Humane'" (Glover, 1975: 26). 146. Throughout, Mayor Phi l l i p s and other TEAM aldermen continued to chip away at the foundations of citizen participation and LAP. At a TEAM meeting i n 1974, P h i l l i p s succeeded i n having a motion which sup-ported "citizen participation i n neighbourhood planning and decision making" changed to "citizen participation in neighbourhood planning at the appropriate time" (Sewell, 1974). He also clashed with the Director of Planning publicly over the direction of LAP and stated that a six months program should be sufficient for one cxmrnunity. In Phillips's view no ongoing neighbourhood planning process was necess-ary. Antagonism from Council was also evident i n their tendency to question the legitimacy of the representatives of LAP committees. Alderman Bowers, i n discussing a dcwnzoning proposal made by the KLAPC, said, "We should know i f we're hearing from 20 kooks or i f what we're being told i s representative" (The Province, Aug. 2, 1974: 25). Of course Council had previously appointed the KLAPC. It appears that the LAP experience i n Vancouver i s by no means unique. Anderson (1977) studied neighbourhood planning i n four c i t i e s (Vancouver, Toronto, Hamilton and Winnipeg), interviewing 43 planners, and found that: most of the (local area planning) programs have limited ( i f any) success. And most planners involved quickly become disillusioned with their role i n the planning process. Instead of acting as resource people for cxmimunity-based, decision making groups, they discover that City Council expects them to act as buffers, pro-tecting politicians from their constituents. Their primary function i s not to change the status quo, but to maintain i t . (Anderson, 1977: 35.) According to seme TEAM aldermen the controversy over citizen par-ticipation resulted from a widespread misunderstanding of TEAM policy on the matter. Walter Hardwick, a TEAM alderman from 1968 to 1974, 147. differentiates among three government models: corporate, the NPA sys-tem explained earlier; participatory, where "the elected o f f i c i a l i s seen as directly accountable to the wishes of constituents, continuously interacting with them, and presenting their views in council debate"; and consultative, where "policy making (rests) with a representative council, prepared to draw advice from both the professionals and the public, and then transform i t into plans and policies." (Hardwick and Hardwick, 1974: 93.) Mderman Volrich made i t clear that i n his view TEAM favoured the consultative model: "... our policy has never been one of giving decision-making power to citizens' groups. It never has been and I don't think i t should be" (The Vancouver Sun, Aug. 13, 1974: 6). Yet TEAM spokesmen did not make that clear during the 1972 cam-paign. The :tshen TEAM mayoralty candidate, Art P h i l l i p s , decried the fact that "too many think citizen involvement i s a nuisance to be to-lerated only i f necessary" (The Province, Nov. 24, 1972: 5) and pro-mised to "guide the development of the City according to the wishes of the people" (The Vancouver Sun, Aug. 13, 1974: 6). While these state-ments do not promise decentralization of decision making, they contain the implication that citizen opinion would strongly influence the actions of a TEAM Council. Certainly P h i l l i p s maintained that "... i t has always been my position that unless there i s an overriding c i v i c interest, then we should do what the neighbourhood wants" (The Courier, July 3, 1975: 1). But TEAM was also determined to take a strong leadership role be-cause, i n Phillips's words: ... big decisions (in land development) i n recent years have been made by senior c i v i l servants .... Basically, Council has abdicated the policy making role to senior staff. There has been insufficient thinking i n terms of 148. broad policy. Instead, development of real estate has been a series of ad hoc decisions. There has been no real overall plan that you could plug anything into. Council must become the decision making body.... (The Province, Dec. 6, 1972: 28.) Thus TEAM attempted to balance i t s cxrardtment to citizen participation against i t s determination to guide c i t y development with a view to achieving particular policy goals, especially the creation of the " l i v e -able" c i t y as described earlier. This balancing was not a d i f f i c u l t problem as long as there was a high level of agreement between Council and public opinion. However, when i t became clear during the LAP pro-, cess that such accord did not always exist, TEAM began to change i t s position on citizen participation — as indicated by Mayor Phillips's 1974 restatement of TEAM policy on that issue, the failure of the major-i t y of TEAM Council members to support proposals made by the KLAPC which they had appointed, and clashes with planning staff over the duration and importance of LAP. In the case of Kitsilano, Council's reluctance to support tenant representations was increased by financial pressures. Redevelopment added to property values which i n turn resulted i n increased tax revenues. As P h i l l i p s i n 1972 stated: ... municipal councils are so dependent on property taxes i t makes i t easy for them to opt for developments that w i l l produce added revenue. This i s one of the arguments deve-lopers use. And i t strikes home. (The Province, Dec. 6, 1972: 28.) In addition, council was pressed by speculators, homeowners and land-lords to protect their investment by retaining existing zoning. Finally the redevelopment of Kitsilano was consistent with TEAM'S view of desi-rable development because i t provided high quality centrally located 149. h o u s i n g - a n e c e s s i t y f o r t h e c o n t i n u e d e v o l u t i o n o f t h e d o w n t o w n a s a f i n a n c i a l a n d i n a n a g e m e n t c e n t r e . 5.8 SUMMARY We h a v e s e e n t h a t d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s i n n e r c i t y r e d e v e l o p -m e n t h e l d b y t h e T E A M m a j o r i t y o n C o u n c i l a n d WBCC m e m b e r s l e d t o c o n -f l i c t . WBCC w a s a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h d e v e l o p m e n t t r e n d s i n K i t s i l a n o a n d w o r k e d t o r e t a i n t h a t n e i g h b o u r h o o d ' s s t o c k o f a f f o r d a b l e r e n t a l u n i t s . T E A M , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w a s c c a r m i t t e d t o t h e r e v i t a l i -z a t i o n o f c e n t r a l V a n c o u v e r a n d w a s s u p p o r t i v e o f a s e r i e s o f m e a s u r e s i n t e n d e d t o a c h i e v e t h a t g o a l i n c l u d i n g t h e p r o v i s i o n o f d i v e r s e r e s i -d e n t i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r d o w n t o w n w o r k e r s b y m e a n s s u c h a s c o n d o m i n i u m r e d e v e l o p m e n t . C o n s e q u e n t l y w h i l e s o m e c o u n c i l m e m b e r s e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n o v e r t h e s o c i a l e f f e c t s o f p r i v a t e i n n e r c i t y r e d e v e l o p m e n t , t h e T E A M m a j o r i t y w a s n o t a n x i o u s t o c u r t a i l a p r o c e s s w h i c h w a s p r o d u c i n g w h a t t h e y c o n s i d e r e d t o b e a d e s i r a b l e p r o d u c t . T h e n a t u r e o f t h e c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n T E A M a n d WBCC w a s i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f a s e r i e s o f i s s u e s r e l a t i n g t o L o c a l A r e a P l a n n i n g , d e m o l i t i o n c o n t r o l a r i d d o w n z o n i n g . I t w a s s h o w n t h a t o v e r a l l t h e l o c a l a r e a p l a n p r e p a r e d f o r t h e a p a r t m e n t d i s t r i c t i n c r e a s e d r e d e v e l o p m e n t p o s s i b i l i t i e s a n d f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e a f f o r d a b l e u n i t s t o r e p l a c e t h o s e l o s t t h r o u g h d e m o l i t i o n . M o r e o v e r , c i t y c o u n c i l w a s u n w i l l i n g t o a d o p t d o w n z o n i n g o r d e m o l i t i o n c o n t r o l m e a s u r e s w h i c h m i g h t h a v e r e d u c e d t h e r a t e a t w h i c h m o d e r a t e c o s t r e n t a l s t o c k w a s d i s a p p e a r i n g . B e c a u s e o f t h e p r o b l e m s w i t h WBCC a n d o t h e r n e i g h b o u r h o o d g r o u p s , t h e m a j o r i t y o f T E A M c o u n c i l m e m b e r s g r e w d i s e n c h a n t e d w i t h t h e L A P p r o -150. gram and attempts were made to de-emphasize its importance. Some TEAM aldermen claimed that the controversy surrounding the LAP program re-sulted from a misunderstanding of TEAM policy on the matter. According to those spokesmen the intention never was to decentralize decision ma-king but rather to take into account neighbourhood opinion in reaching council decisions which affected those neighbourhoods. Realizing that City Council was unwilling or unable to halt the loss of affordable rental units in Kitsilano, WBCC tried unsuccessfully to organize a tenants' union whose function would have been to ensure security of tenure. A second undertaking of WBCC was the creation of KHS, which managed to produce 37 rental units mostly suitable for families. 151. Chapter 6 INNER-CITY CHANGE AND CCJVERNMENT POLICY 6.1 INTRODUCTION As we have seen, the LAP Program was not very successful i n dealing with the social problems created by redevelopment in Kitsilano. This chapter w i l l examine a more ambitious attempt to deal with these prob-lems — the creation of a Municipal Housing Corporation. The success of Vancouver in that regard w i l l be contrasted with the achievements of a similar corporation i n Toronto. In addition, there w i l l be a general review of the way i n which the low income housing programs and policies of the senior levels of government affect municipal efforts i n housing production. 6.2 MUNICIPAL NON-PROFIT HOUSING EXPERIENCE - VANCOUVER AND TORONTO At f i r s t , the creation of a Non-Profit Housing Corporation appeared to be an ideal strategy for attacking the problem of low-income housing. City Government with i t s intimate knowledge of Vancouver's housing prob-lems would set the p r i o r i t i e s and the senior levels of government would provide most of the funding. Unfortunately, the act i v i t i e s of the Cor-poration were so beset with d i f f i c u l t i e s that i t failed to i n i t i a t e any substantial new construction, and i t s director, Maurice Jeroff, resigned after only one year. The following gives an indication of the problems which contributed to the ineffectiveness of the Vancouver Housing Cor-poration: 152. Jeroff experienced the frustration of attempting to con-struct housing which met CMHC, Provincial and City Plan-ning guidelines for family housing.... combined with the lack of front-end financial support from the city, an absence of agreed-upon city housing goals and strong citizen opposition to locating projects in existing communities. (McAfee, 1977b: 21.) The lack of front-end funding in conjunction with a lack of full-time staff prevented the housing corporation from initiating its own site acquisition program; instead i t was forced to call on developers to offer sites which would then be purchased using NHA Section 15.1 fund-ing. This approach proved less than satisfactory: The Vancouver experience suggests that the proposal call method may well bring forth marginal sites upon which developers are unsure of the future marketability of units. Architects employed by developers, normally accustomed to building higher density adult-oriented accommodation, are not necessarily those most experienced in identifying and designing for the physiological and psychological needs of lower income, often single parent families with young children. (McAfee, 1977b: 24.) Further difficulties were created by a lack of direction from Council: Absence of a clear council mandate to provide accommodation for persons on modest incomes, the lack of agreement whether land in lower cost suburban single family areas should be developed for multiple family housing and the absence of agreed upon guidelines as to what constitutes acceptable higher density housing resulted in varying levels of under-standing about a city housing corporation and equally varying levels of corrmitment by council members to corp-oration activities. (McAfee, 1977b: 22.) In fact most aldermen assigned responsibility for housing to the Federal and Provincial governments, and while willing to accept any units the Corporation was able to secure under programs funded by those govern-ments, they were reluctant to allocate any municipal money to housing. Given the limited resources of municipalities, this is not a surprising 153. attitude, but one wonders i f i t i s a correct one given the relative success of the Toronto Housing Corporation. The reform council elected i n Toronto i n 1972 set out to develop a housing policy for the c i t y which would serve the needs of the dis-advantaged and eliminate the problems experienced by earlier large scale urban renewal and slum clearance programs. To accomplish this goal, council established a task force which towards the end of 1973 submitted a report entitled Living Room: an /Approach to Home Banking  and Land Banking for the City of Toronto. The policy developed by the report was intended "to guide both public and private developers i n building housing that would serve people the market had overlooked" and provide for "the protection and improvement of the city's neighbour-hoods and their existing housing" (Stutz: 1977:14). Towards these ends a City Non-Profit Housing Corporation was created and the existing City Housing Department was expanded so that i t could deal with the planning, development, and administration responsibilities of the corporation. As with any new undertaking, particularly one of this magnitude, start-up problems were encountered. In 1974 and 1975, the Housing Pro-gram was able to begin construction on only 341 units of new assisted housing while obtaining funding commitments for a further 700 units. The goal for the same period was 1400 units. However, the acquisition and rehabilitation undertaken by the existing housing section of the program was able to purchase 1034 units i n 1974 and 1975 compared with a projected quota of 825 units. Almost 60 per cent of the acquired units were suitable for families, rents were kept well below market levels, and tenants were encouraged to take an active role i n the man-154. agement of their buildings. Overall, most problems i n a l l sectors of the program were related to bureaucratic delays. Particularly trouble-some areas were funding negotiations with CMHC and the approval of re-zoning applications by the Ontario Municipal Boards (City of Toronto Housing Department, 1976). Despite the many positive aspects of Toronto's housing program, particularly compared with Vancouver's limited efforts i n housing policy and production, the former has been c r i t i c i z e d . Caulfield (1974) main-tained that the program scale was too small to deal with Toronto's hou-sing problems, that the spread of town houses i n older working class neighbourhoods remained unchecked and that Mayor Crombie used the li m i -ted production of the housing program to justify granting developers the right to continue with expensive projects, even though those pro-jects were resisted by neighbourhood residents and involved the demo-l i t i o n of low cost housing. Irrespective of the truth of Caulfield's criticisms however, the fact remains that i n Toronto the council has taken a much more active role i n housing matters than i n Vancouver. This unequal level of per-formance has resulted from several factors. F i r s t , Vancouver's council never provided the sort of firm policy direction contained i n the L i - ving Room statement. Yet council was certainly aware of the major hou-sing problems facing a minority of Vancouver residents. In 1974, Mi-chael Harcourt, then a TEAM alderman and chairman of the Housing and Environment CornrrLttee stated that c i t y housing policy should be direct-ed at "... giving p r i o r i t y to encouraging the development of housing for working families and senior citizens, f i l l i n g the need for special-155. i t y housing such as single men's hostels, neighbourhood rehabilitation schemes, and tougher bylaw enforcement ... to control blockbusting" (The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 28, 1974). While i n general form these goals are not dissimilar from those included i n Living Room, they were never translated into specific production quotas or programs. The absence of a concrete policy framework proved troublesome. In fact McAfee (1977b: 25) argues that: "Experience with the Vancouver City Housing Corporation suggests that i t i s unrealistic to i n i t i a t e a housing construction pro-gram i n the absence of agreed upon cit y housing goals." The lack of policy direction despite the obvious need for such direction probably resulted from the majority of Council viewing social housing either as a low pri o r i t y concern or the responsibility of other levels of govern-ment. Certainly, during the period i n question, much of Council's at-tention was focused on downtown rezoning and False Creek redevelopment. The latter project was l i k e l y perceived as sufficient City involvement i n the production of subsidized housing. I t should be remembered how-ever that of the approximately 300 assisted units b u i l t i n False Creek, only one-third were occupied by the groups most i n need - single and two parent low income families (Parker, 1979 ) . A second contribution to Vancouver's weak housing record has been the attitude of the great majority of the City's residents who,already well housed themselves, were reluctant to support the financing of sub-sidized housing or the rezoning of small parcels of land i n single family areas to permit the construction of compact family housing. In 1976, council approached the electorate with a five year capital borrowing program. Because the program had been defeated twice earlier, i t was 156. divided into sections with the idea that at least p a r t i a l acceptance might be achieved. However, with the exception of public works and f i r e h a l l s , a l l sections, including a $5,000,000 housing proposal, were defeated. A polling map (Skinnarland, 1977: 12) shows that, generally, inner ci t y neighbourhoods supported the housing program while single family areas voted against i t . This pattern probably reflected substan-t i a l inner c i t y housing problems and also property owner concern over taxes and their lack of interest i n housing for disadvantaged groups. Residents of single family areas also strongly opposed attempts to l o -cate subsidized multiple dwelling projects i n their neighbourhoods. They feared that such projects would reduce property values, encourage speculators, and set a precedent for further rezonings. The majority of council was sympathetic to these objections and refused to rezone four c i t y owned properties located i n single family areas even though the re-zoning was sought by Maurice Jeroff, the City Housing Corporation Di-rector, to allow the construction of compact family housing. Council also turned down several other rezoning applications involving private co-operative projects.':1 Mayor P h i l l i p s gave two major reasons for his vote against a rezoning i n the Dunbar area: "Fi r s t , i t has always been my position that unless there i s an overriding c i v i c interest, then we should do what the neigh-bourhood wants. Secondly, I believe that single family neigh-bourhoods are worth preserving. Mine was not a vote against co-op housing, i t was a vote against spot zoning" (The Courier, July 3, 1975: 1). * City Council bowed to neighbourhood resistance i n 4 of 6 cases i n -volving the rezoning of ci t y owned land for subsidized family hou-sing to be b u i l t by City Housing Corporation. The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Housing Corporation b u i l t family units on the two sites that were rezoned. 157. NPA aldermen voting against rezonings argued similarly but made other points as shown i n the following statement by Alderman Bird: "The c i t y would have been subsidizing PENTA [the co-operative group involved i n the Dunbar project] to the tune of $5,000 a unit.* We simply couldn't afford i t . . . . Housing i s the responsibility of the Provincial Government" (The Courier, June 26, 1975: 2). The position of the majority of Council with respect to spot rezoning in single family areas added to the problems faced by the Housing Cor-poration. The City did not own sites suitable for family projects i n mutiple dwelling zoned areas. Moreover, because of the cost of such sites, their acquisition was impossible under CMHC funding regulations. Thirdly, the election of the Social Credit Party to provincial government i n 1975 resulted i n a change of attitude towards municipally produced housing. The previous NDP administration had actively encou-raged the creation of a Vancouver Housing Corporation and promised sup-port for i t s a c t i v i t i e s ; however such support was not high on the Social Credit l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s . * * This change i n government perspective pre-sented the Corporation with further d i f f i c u l t i e s as i t attempted to gain sufficient backing to make units available to households earning less than $12,000 annually. * This subsidy was i n the form of a reduction i n the cost of the ci t y owned land which was to be used for the project. ** Overall, the Social Credit government has reduced spending directed at the construction of assisted housing and increased expenditures on income subsidies. The Shelter Aid for Elderly Renters (SAFER) program i s an example of this change i n emphasis. See Mercer, 1978, for a f u l l discussion. 158. Fourthly, the operations of the Housing Corporation were troubled by some questionable management decisions and a certain amount of inter-departmental squabbling. With respect to the former, the most obvious example was the decision not to hire f u l l time staff. As a result, the Corporation was forced to use staff from other departments on a part-time basis, which slowed down the development of proposals. Moreover, the part-time staff came from departments which did not always share the p r i o r i t i e s of the Corporation. For example, the Planning Department was assigned much of the Corporation's site selection and analysis work. Yet, the Director of that Department, Ray Spaxman, objected to a pro-posal by Maurice Jeroff involving the construction of several apartments to serve as family accommodation. Spaxman argued that the design for these apartments lacked features necessary for successful family housing such as direct ground access for each unit (The Vancouver Sun, June 26, 1976: 11). Before that question could be resolved Jeroff had resigned. However, the nature of the problem demonstrates why i t was important for the Corporation to have clear policy guidelines and enough f u l l time staff for iirplementation. Thus the attempts of Vancouver's Housing Corporation to augment the dwindling supply of affordable family rental housing i n the inner c i t y met with limited success as a result of less than enthusiastic support by council, a lack of adequate funding and policy direction, the with-drawal of some provincial programs and public opposition to subsidized housing. Of even greater importance, considering the level of costs i n -volved, were the p r i o r i t i e s of CMHC. The following comments included in a report prepared by the City of Toronto Housing Department i l l u s t r a t e 159. the nature of municipal disaffection with the a c t i v i t i e s of CMHC: The most serious failure of federal housing policy l a s t year was that the Federal Government, contrary to most municipali-ties and the provinces and the great majority of Canadians, did not perceive assisted housing to be a high priority i n the allocation of resources.... Direct lending by CMHC acc-ounted for $821 million and $257 million was set aside for such programs as senior citizen, public housing and rural housing. These latter programs serve low income Canadians, those worst h i t by inflatio n . The CMHC direct lending pro-grams, on the other hand, serve moderate and middle income households. In 1975, federal housing policy acted as a mechanism for transfer payments to middle income households ... moderate and middle income [CMHC] programs took the larger share of resources, some 68 per cent, i n 1974 and 1975.... [Overall], 34 per cent of federal budgetary re-sources in housing [including tax measures] go to low income groups while middle income groups get 66 per cent. (City of Toronto Housing Dept., 1976: 37-8.) 6.3 FEDERAL HOUSING POLICY Dennis and Fish (1972) have argued that the second class status of low income housing programs has resulted from a reluctance on the part of national o f f i c i a l s to put those programs in a policy context. Instead the federal government has used housing "as an economic lever, to con-t r o l employment and growth" and generally allowed the private market to decide the nature and distribution of housing production i n Canada (Dennis and Fish, 1972: 128). As a result, those with substantial eco-nomic means are better served while many poor and moderate income house-holds face continual housing d i f f i c u l t i e s . If this situation i s to be corrected, "the basic value judgements about what constitutes the equi-table distribution of society's housing resources must be made before the market functions are called into play" (Dennis and Fish, 1972: 348). Failing such a fundamental change i n approach, existing programs intended to deal with the housing problems of low to moderate income 160. households must be more carefully designed. For example, a major at-tempt to increase private production of rental units (the Assisted Rental Program - ARP) has had marginal success i n providing the type of housing most needed i n Vancouver - affordable rental units suitable for families. McAfee (1978) comments as follows: While ARP may be a profitable exercise from the perspective of the investor, the benefits to the community are less obvious. In the i n i t i a l phases of the program, ARP sub-sidies were similar for a l l sizes of units. Given the higher rate of return for building bachelor and one-bedroom units, ARP subsidies lead to an imbalance i n the type of new stock provided. During 1977, only 9% of 1,141 ARP units produced in the City were two-bedroom, potential family units. The remaining 23% bachelor and 68% one-bedroom units duplicated the type of stock currently available i n the City. As well as f a i l i n g to provide the type of accomodation most needed, ARP i s not supplying moderate cost units: "At 30% of income, most ARP units are only affordable to households earning i n excess of $12,000 annually." In the City of Vancouver, only about one-third of renters f a l l into that category (McAfee, 1978: 9). Of course, there are many worthwhile aspects of CMHC programs. The decision to fund co-op pro-jects on a continuing basis has proved particularly beneficial. In addition, NIP and RRAP have provided substantial funds to assist i n the stabilization of inner c i t y communities. False Creek redevelopment would have been impossible without extensive financial participation by the senior levels of government. The new federal low income program i s capable of providing family acccmmodation for households earning as l i t t l e as $10,000 per year. However, this may not happen, because: For every household paying less than the average rent [the amount necessary to cover principal, interest, taxes and operating costs] another household must make up the d i f f e r -ence. It w i l l be necessary to attract high income house-holds ($15,000+) into the program i n order to offset the lower rents paid by less affluent households. Since the 161. program i s unlikely to attract these higher income households due to viable alternative housing the net result w i l l be that the new "low income" program w i l l only penetrate to a moderate income level and cannot serve the needs of very low income households. (City of Vancouver Housing Planning Team, 1979: 23). Overall, despite considerable capital expenditures, housing for lower income households i s not being provided. In 1977, new "affordable" units assisted by governments potentially helped one household i n 300 of the non-elderly households l i s t e d as having a housing problem. Most "ass-isted" units are affordable only to households having i n -comes in excess of $12,000. Only 28% of "assisted" units b u i l t i n the City i n 1977 were affordable to the majority of renters., (City of Vancouver Housing Planning Team, 1979, 18.) In Vancouver, some 40,000 tenant households currently face affordability problems (Table 6.1). TABLE 6.1 INCOME RELATED HOUSING SHORTFALLS BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (1978) Families With Young Children  Income Shortfall - $8,000 1,000 units $8,000-12,000 8,000 units $12,000-18,000 7,000 units over $18,000 ample supply Households Without Young Children  Income Shortfall - $8,000 23,000 units $8,000-12,000 adequate supply $12,000-18,000 adequate supply over $18,000 ample supply Source: City of Vancouver Planning Department Housing Team, 1979a: 5. 162. These shortfalls were no doubt exacerbated by redevelopment related demolition because the type of housing involved would probably have met the cost and residential requirements of the households now experiencing affordability problems. That i s not to say that without redevelopment activity no shortfalls would now exist but rather to suggest that these shortfalls would not be as extensive as they now are. 6.4 OVERVIEW Thus the low income housing problem i n Vancouver remains serious; i t s solution requires several complementary types of corrective action including income assistance for households demonstrating ineffective demand and building or acquisition programs designed to f u l f i l the r e -quirements of the underhoused. The City of Vancouver Planning tepartment Housing Study Team (1979) has identified the groups facing the most se-rious problems (the handicapped, low income single and two parent families, low income singles and seniors) and proposed programs to meet the needs of those groups. The implementation of the programs would require an ex-penditure of approximately $23 million annually and would therefore re-quire the financial participation of a l l three levels of government. In that regard the Housing Study Team report notes that City of Vancouver households receive approximately $110 million i n housing subsidies of various types. Most of this money, goes to households not facing a hous-ing cost problem. Hence, a restructuring of government spending on hous-ing could significantly improve the situation of those most in need with-out seriously affecting other segments of society. 163. Chapter 7  CCNCLUDING REMARKS 7.1 THE PROCESS OF PRIVATE REDEVEIOPMENT The causes of private redevelopment i n Vancouver are generally simi-l a r to those noted i n other c i t i e s . As Bourne comments: The underlying rationale for redevelopment as a process of change i s basically economic. New construction occurs to meet demands that cannot be met within the existing building stock, and when i t represents a profitable course of action. Two processes have been shown to operate, both based on the concept of obsolescence. F i r s t obsolescence may derive d i -rectly from deterioration and depreciation,... and second from economic succession. The latter factor i s essentially a competitive growth effect, when existing use i s outbid by another for occupancy of a given s i t e . (Bourne, 1967: 173.) Clearly economic succession i s the significant force i n the case of Vancouver. Many structures demolished to make way for condcminiums were sound but could not generate enough income to compete with the profits available from the marketing of condominiums. The demand which prompted condominium redevelopment stemmed from a number of sources. Public and private investment intended to establish the central part of the c i t y as a desirable place to l i v e was partially responsible. In addition, the expansion of white collar jobs i n the downtown played a role, and associated with i t were changing social attitudes which favoured the sort of l i f e s t y l e and accessibility to downtown amenities provided by inner c i t y condominiums. 164. 7.2 IMPLICATICNS OF DEVELOPMENT TRENDS The acceptance of inner c i t y l i v i n g by the affluent suggests that the distribution of income groups posited by Alonso and others requires revision at least i n a post-industrial city. Broadly speaking, the tra -ditional view has been that the r i c h w i l l sacrifice accessibility for space and choose to l i v e i n suburban locations. The poor on the other hand who can afford l i t t l e space regardless of where they locate, opt for accessibility and therefore reside close to ci t y centres. As a re-sult, according to Alonso a paradox occurs: "the poor l i v e near the centre on expensive land, and the r i c h on the periphery, on cheap land" (Alonso, 1960: 149). In Vancouver, present trends are inverting this thesis. A substantial number of higher income people are choosing to occupy expensive condcminiums, that i s , relatively small amounts of space, located i n formerly moderate income inner c i t y neighbourhoods. In the case of Kitsilano and several other inner ci t y d i s t r i c t s , con-siderable dislocation of former residents has accompanied this process. The relocation data reported i n Chapter 4 suggests that many of the peo-ple thus displaced are moving into smaller and less satisfactory accom-modation often located on the east side of Vancouver - an area of com-paratively low land values and less amenity than Kitsilano. Thus a re-ordering of the distribution of inner c i t y income groups has accompanied recent redevelopment. The affluent now occupy a substantial portion of high cost inner ci t y apartment areas while the former occupants of those areas have been forced to seek acccmrpdation i n sections of the city not * yet considered desirable enough for redevelopment. 165. I t i s possible that the residential options available to moderate income households i n Vancouver w i l l be further reduced. We have seen that condominium redevelopment spread from areas of high amenity such as Kitsilano to less environmentally attractive areas such as Mount Pleasant. At present (1978) the randominium market i s 'soft', and a considerable oversupply exists, but demand may increase again i n the future, causing renewed pressure on the small supply of moderate cost housing remaining in the inner c i t y apartment zoned areas. As that supply dwindles, interest w i l l doubtless s h i f t to the adjacent conversion areas which abut the apartment d i s t r i c t s . In Kitsilano, for example, recent redevelopment and renovation activity i n the conversion zone has included the construction of townhouses (some of i t i n transgression of existing zoning by-laws), and the extensive refurbishing of older houses. The former involves demolition of existing, usually rental units and both trends produce very expensive housing. I t would seem that although the demand for lower priced, condominiums ($35,000-$50,000 range) i s pre-sently limited, higher priced units i n say the $80,000-$120,000 range can s t i l l be successfully marketed (Brown, July 21, 1977: 22). Hence townhouses and renovated dwellings w i l l l i k e l y s e l l relatively well even during the current 'soft* market. They have the same locational advan-tages as inner c i t y condominiums but offer lower densities and, i n many cases, even more luxurious finishing. This trend i s well developed i n Toronto (Caufield, 1974: 33). The emerging landscape i n Central Vancouver i s one shaped by the desires of the affluent sections of post-industrial society. These de-sires include the creation of a sensually pleasing, luxurious, resident-166. i a l environment; the pr o v i s i o n of a v a r i e t y o f r e t a i l and entertainment opportunities; and the removal of the remnants of the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y which lack the sensory appeal demanded t y p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l a e s t h e t i c t a s t e . 7.3 CITIZEN OPPOSITION TO CCMXMINIUM RFJ3FA7FJTJPMENT IN VANCOUVER As we have noted, c i t i z e n attempts to change the course o f redeve-lopment i n K i t s i l a n o met with mixed success. Some major v i c t o r i e s were won and neighbourhood residents were made aware of the e f f e c t s of con-dcminium redevelopment. In addi t i o n , the K i t s i l a n o Housing Society proved th a t affordable inner c i t y family housing could be retained. How-ever, the main goals of the West Broadway C i t i z e n s Committee - to gain neighbourhood c o n t r o l of development and to maintain K i t s i l a n o ' s t r a -d i t i o n a l character - were not achieved, p a r t i a l l y because WBCC was unable to organize on a large enough s c a l e t o influence, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , p o l i t i -c a l d ecisions a f t e r i t s i n i t i a l downzoning success. Factors which pre-vented suc c e s s f u l broad-based organizing included tenant apathy* and i n -s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l resources. In a d d i t i o n , the problems associated with condcminium redevelopment d i d not a t t r a c t the at t e n t i o n of the powerful l i b e r a l middle c l a s s r e f o r -mers who had e a r l i e r contested the construction o f freeways i n downtown Vancouver and worked f o r increased p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n municipal de-cision-making. Indeed, with some exceptions, the el e c t e d representatives *Despite i t s reputation f o r activism, apathy appears to be a continuing problem i n K i t s i l a n o , a t l e a s t i n terms of housing matters. See Tana-be (1963) f o r a dis c u s s i o n o f the apartment area i n the e a r l y 1960's. 167. of those reformers (TEAM) were generally supportive of condcminium re-development because i t provided a supply of high quality housing near the downtown which f a c i l i t a t e d the growth of the 'executive' ci t y and reduced the number of workers conmiting to the downtown from suburban l o -cations, both of which were major TEAM goals. Hence, the opponents of condominium redevelopment had to contend with not only the desire for profits on the part of the property industry but also the urban vision of the darninant municipal p o l i t i c a l party. The results of that unequal contest were predictable; condominium redevelopment proceeded apace, with the exception of a few projects which were successfully opposed. The limited a b i l i t y of people to influence development trends i n their own neighbourhood suggests that i n Vancouver the movement towards increased public participation i n decision-making which had so much mo-mentum in the late 1960's and early 1970's has actually produced very l i t t l e alteration i n either urban power relations or the nature of structural change. The control of land use decision making remains firmly in the group of politicians and members of the property industry com-mitted to a course of development which, while perhaps defensible from a s t r i c t l y economic point of view, continues to reduce the residential options available to moderate income people, particularly families, who wish to l i v e i n central Vancouver. 168. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALONSO, W. 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Condominiums: A Decade of Experience i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Van-couver: B r i t i s h Columbia Real Estate Association, 1978. FRIED, M. "Grieving for a Lost Home", i n L.J.Duhl (ed.), The Urban Con- dition. New York: Basic Books, 1963. FRIEDEN, B. "Locational Preferences i n the Urban Housing Market", i n Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 1962. GLOVER, R. "Local Area Planner Quits After City Hall Hassling", iri The  Vancouver Sun, Dec. 18, 1975. Greater Vancouver Real Estate Board. Real Estate Trends i n Greater Van- couver. Vancouver, 1963-78. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . Population Forecast. Vancouver, GVRD, .1973. GRIGSBY, W. Housing Markets and Public Policy. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1963. 170. GUTSTEIN, D. Vancouver Ltd. Toronto: James Lorimer & Co., 1975. HARDWICK, W.G. Vancouver. Toronto: C o l l i e r MacMillan, 1974. HARDWICK, W.G. and HARDWICK, D.F. "Civic Government: Corporate, Con-sultative or Participatory?" i n D. 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Interdepartmental Study Team on Housing and Rents. Housing arid Rent Con- t r o l i n B.C. Vancouver: (Mimeo), 1975. JENSEN, J.C. The Urban Land Development Process and the Local Area: A Comparative Study of Kitsilano arid Grandview Woodlands. Vancouver: M. Sc. Thesis, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1975. JOHNSTON, P. "Vancouver's Population: Some Trends", i n Quarterly Review, Vol. 2 No. 4, October, 1975. JOHNSTON, P. "1976 Population Distribution", i n Quarterly Review, Vol. 4 No. 2, Ap r i l , 1977. KTRKLAND, J.S. Demand for Housing i n Canada. Ottawa: CMHC, 1973. Kitsilano Planning Office. Apartment Area Fact Sheet. Mimeo, 1974. 171. Kitsilano Planning Office. Planning Committe Minutes. May, 1974a. Kitsilano Planning Office. Kitsilano Goals. 1974b. LEE, T. "Choice and Constraints in the Housing Market: the Case of One^ Parent Families i n Tasmania", i n The Australian and New Zealand  Journal of Sociology, February, 1977. LEMCN, J.T. 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West Broadway Citizens Committee and Renters United for Secure Housing. Local Area Plan for Kitsilano. August, 1975. 174 . APPENDIX 175. Displacement Questionnaire 1. How long did you l i v e i n the 2400 block West 3rd? 2. In general, how satisfied were you with that dwelling? Very satisfied Satisfied Neutral Dissatisfied Very Dissatisfied 3. What i n particular do you think makes you fe e l that way? 4. Could you b r i e f l y describe your former apartment? # rooms self-contained: yes no approximate floor space sq. f t . any further comments ' 5. Would you rrdnd t e l l i n g me how much rent you paid for your old apartment?$_____ 6. How much notice did you receive prior to moving from your old apartment? wks. 7. How long did you look for a new place? weeks 8. Did you have any particular problems finding a new place? If so, what were they? 9. Approximately how much were your moving costs?__ 10. How satisfied are you with your new place? Very satisfied Satisfied Neutral Dissatisfied Very Dissatisfied 11. What do you particularly l i k e or di s l i k e about i t ? Like Dislike 12. Did you have any particular reason for choosing this location? 176. (2) 13. Can you think of anything which you feel i s better about your new place or i t s location than your place on 3rd? Worse? Better Worse 14. Could you t e l l me how much your rent i s at present? $ 15. How many rooms do you have here? Is i t self-contained? Yes No Approximate floor space sq. f t . 16. Would you please think about your present day to day ac t i v i t i e s and t e l l me how they may have changed from when you were on 3rd? Shops- same different ' ' Friends- same different ' " ' Recreational A c t i v i t i e s - same Different Any other changes? 17. Overall would you say that you prefer the neighbourhood around here to that around 3rd? Could you please give me some reasons for your pre-ference? 18. Which of the following describes you? Blue collar worker Unemployed Retired White colla r worker 19. Into which category would your household income f a l l ? $2500 or l e s s _ $2501-3500 $3501-4500_ $4501-5500 $5501-6500 $6501-9000 $9001-10,500 $10,501-12,000 more than $12,000 20. By observation Present housing type Age Sex 21. Do you l i v e here by yourself? 


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