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Stability and change in electoral patterns : the case of the 1972 British Columbia provincial election… Rumley, Dennis 1975

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STABILITY AND CHANGE IN ELECTORAL PATTERNS: THE CASE OF THE 1972 BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL ELECTION IN VANCOUVER by DENNIS RUMLEY B.A., University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1968 M.A., University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA FEBRUARY, 1975. In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C olumbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and st u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Geography The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date 18th Apri l 1Q75 i i ABSTRACT Chairman: Professor J u l i a n V. Minghi This d i s s e r t a t i o n demonstrates how variables previously neglected i n voting studies - the p o l i t i c a l culture of the p o l i t i c a l system, migration, models of p o l i t i c a l space, area i n t e g r a t i o n , and the geography of campaigning - can increase our understanding of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. The variables are examined i n three l o c a l areas i n Vancouver, Canada, f o r the 1972 B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n . Data were obtained from personal interviews of inhabitants of the three l o c a l areas, and by personal interviews of representatives of the competing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . The argument i s presented that B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture i s e s s e n t i a l l y class-based and t h i s provides a background understanding to the development of p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l norms i n the three areas studied. The 1972 e l e c t i o n i s seen i n the context of B.C. p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y as an e l e c t i o n of reaction against the S o c i a l Credit Party. Areas of consistent voting habits ( p o l i t i c a l norms) are i d e n t i f i e d i n Vancouver and a model of p o l i t i c a l space describing these consistencies i s presented. Migration data are used to show that i n d i v i d u a l s tend to move to areas whose p o l i t i c a l norm i s the same as t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l preference. A v a r i e t y of l a t e n t and manifest measures of f u n c t i o n a l © i n t e g r a t i o n are used to show differences i n the l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n i i i i n the three areas under study. Status and voting behaviour are found to be associated. Associations between lat e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures are found at the aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l s . Individuals with a high degree of attachment to t h e i r area of residence are shown to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the 'area norm'. Differences i n the s p a t i a l organisation of p o l i t i c a l party campaigns and differences i n the degree of s p a t i a l competition of canvassing are shown to be associated with differences i n e l e c t o r a l outcome. P o l l s f o r which p a r t i e s competed strongly tended to vote disproportionately i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm, although t h i s varied with the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n of the area concerned. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF FIGURES i x LIST OF MAPS x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT x i CHAPTER I : The Study of E l e c t o r a l Patterns 1 CHAPTER I I : The B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Culture 21 CHAPTER I I I : Migration and the Model of P o l i t i c a l Space i n Vancouver 72 CHAPTER IV : Local Area Integration i n Vancouver 97 CHAPTER V : Local Area Integration and Voting Behaviour 131 CHAPTER VI : The Geography of Campaigning 168 CHAPTER VII : Conclusions and Implications 199 BIBLIOGRAPHY 212 APPENDIX I 232 APPENDIX I I 253 V v. LIST OF TABLES Page I F i n a l Sample Size 18 II Comparison of the Sample with the Actual Voting Results 19 I I I F r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s 1928-1972 31 IV Reasons Given for Voting Decisions 70 V Area Versus Voting Behaviour 1966-1972 83 VI Residence i n P o l i t i c a l Zones 86 VII Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n a S o c i a l Credit Zone 95 VIII Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n an NDP Zone 95 IX Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n a L i b e r a l Zone 95 X Degree of Agreement Between Mayhew's and Perceived Boundaries 98 XI Perceived Boundaries i n Hastings East 99 XII Perceived Boundaries i n Marpole 101 XIII Perceived Boundaries i n Dunbar-Southlands 104 XIV Local Area Boundary Consensus 105 XV Areas and Names 106 XVI Respondents Naming of Other Areas i n the City 109 XVII Components of Area Image 113 XVIII Area and Perceived Class 114 vx XIX XX XXI XXII XXIII XXIV XXV XXVI XXVII XXVIII XXIX XXX XXXI XXXII XXXIII XXXIV XXXV XXXVI XXXVII XXXVIII XXXIX XL ' Page Area and Closeness 122 Local Area Newspapers 126 Status and Voting Behaviour 134 Class Self-Perception and Voting Behaviour 134 Income and Voting Behaviour 135 Religion and Voting Behaviour 136 Country of B i r t h and Voting Behaviour 137 Voting Behaviour and Level of Education 138 Voting Behaviour and Sex 139 Age and Voting Behaviour 140 Membership of Formal Organisations and Voting Behaviour 141 In d i v i d u a l Status by Blishen 142 Status and Integration by Area 144 Area Naming and Voting Behaviour 151 Voting Behaviour and Length of Residence 152 Real Home and Voting Behaviour 154 Area Becoming F r i e n d l i e r and Voting Behaviour 155 Area Looking Better and Voting Behaviour 156 Choosing to Stay and Voting Behaviour 157 Closer to Those Within and Voting Behaviour 158 Internal S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n East End 161 Internal S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole 161 v i i Page XLI In t e r n a l S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar 161 XLII External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n East End 163 XLIII External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole 163 XLIV External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar 163 XLV Local Area Shopping and Voting Behaviour i n East End 165 XLVI Local Area Shopping and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole 165 XLVII Local Area Shopping and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar 165 XLVIII Local Area Newspaper and Voting Behaviour 166 XLIX Party Expenditure 1972 175 L Number of Canvassers 178 LI Issues Raised i n East End 185 LII Issues Raised i n Marpole 186 LII Issues Raised i n Dunbar 187 LIV Individuals V i s i t e d by Canvassers i n Each Area 189 LV Meeting Candidates by Area 190 LVI Campaign Ma t e r i a l Received 191 LVII Issue Response by Area 191 LVIII Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n East End 193 LIX Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n Marpole 193 Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n Dunbar S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n East End S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar LIST OF FIGURES 1 ' Model of P o l i t i c a l Space i n Vancouver 2 Model of Local Area Integration 3 Model of Party A c t i v i t y and Voting Behaviour 4 An Integrated Descriptive Model of Urban S p a t i a l Structure i n Vancouver LIST OF MAPS Page 1 Local Areas i n Vancouver 15 2 The Voting Pattern i n the City of Vancouver 1963-1972 74 3 Voting Behaviour i n East End 1972 147 4 Voting Behaviour i n Marpole 19 72 148 5 Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar 1972 149 6 S p a t i a l Organisation of the L i b e r a l Campaign i n Marpole 172 7 S p a t i a l Organisation of the Conservative Campaign i n East End 173 8 S p a t i a l Competition of Canvassing i n East End 1972 180 9 S p a t i a l Competition of Canvassing i n Marpole 1972 182 10 S p a t i a l Competition of Canvassing i n Dunbar 1972 183 x i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e to acknowledge above a l l the great debt I owe to my advisor throughout the preparation of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , J u l i a n Minghi, now of the Un i v e r s i t y of South Carolina. The working r e l a t i o n s h i p that we have had i n the past four years has been both extremely stimulating and f r i e n d l y . In p a r t i c u l a r , I would l i k e to . thank him for providing a very p o s i t i v e working environment. I would also l i k e to thank Professor J.W. House, of the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, f or f i r s t introducing me to p o l i t i c a l geography, and Professor J.R.V. Prescott, of the University of Melbourne, f o r i n t e r e s t i n g me p a r t i c u l a r l y i n e l e c t o r a l geography, and f o r his help i n the e a r l i e r stages. In t h i s regard, Professor Kevin Cox of the Ohio State University was also h e l p f u l . I would l i k e to thank the other members of my committee and members of s t a f f of the Geography Department at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia who cajoled me along and commented on various parts of the d i s s e r t a t i o n at d i f f e r e n t stages of i t s preparation, e s p e c i a l l y Professor J.D. Chapman, Professor W.G. Hardwick, Professor Marwyn Samuels and Professor Cole H a r r i s . I would also l i k e to thank Professor Walter Young, a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t , who forced me to be a p o l i t i c a l geographer. I would l i k e to thank the Cartographic Unit of the Department of Geography, Un i v e r s i t y of Western A u s t r a l i a , f o r preparation of the maps. x i i L a s t , b u t n o t l e a s t , I am g r a t e f u l t o my w i f e , H i l a r y , f o r h e r encouragement and s u p p o r t t h r o u g h o u t , and w i t h o u t whom t h i s t h e s i s w o u l d n e v e r have begun. CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY OF ELECTORAL PATTERNS T h i s c h a p t e r has f o u r main aims. F i r s t , t o i n t r o d u c e t h e t h e s i s and p l a c e i t i n i t s c o n t e x t . Second, t o b r i e f l y r e v i e w t h e g e o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s . T h i r d , t o d i s c u s s t h e t h e s i s i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l and o u t l i n e t h e r e l e v a n c e o f t h e s p e c i f i c q u e s t i o n s b e i n g a s k e d . F o u r t h , t o d e s c r i b e how d a t a was c o l l e c t e d i n o r d e r t o answer t h e q u e s t i o n s p osed. THE THESIS AND ITS CONTEXT An e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n , o r t h e s p a t i a l outcome o f an e l e c t i o n , i s the r e s u l t o f mapping e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s a t t h e l o w e s t s c a l e ( o f t e n the p o l l i n g d i s t r i c t ) f o r w h i c h p u b l i s h e d s t a t i s t i c s a r e a v a i l a b l e . The e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i s a p r o d u c t o f h i g h l y complex f a c t o r s , f o r i t r e p r e s e n t s t h e a g g r e g a t i o n o f a m u l t i t u d e o f i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s made f o r a number o f r e a s o n s . The approach t o t h e p r o b l e m o f an adequate e x p l a n a t i o n o f the p a t t e r n i s t h u s , o f n e c e s s i t y , m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y . The m ain aim o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s t o d e m o n s t r a t e how v a r i a b l e s n e g l e c t e d i n a contemporary v i e w o f e l e c t o r a l geography can enhance o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e s t a b i l i t y and change i n e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s . Some p o l i t i c a l s o c i o l o g i s t s and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s have r e -duced t h i s c o m p l e x i t y b y a t t e m p t i n g t o e x p l a i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r s o l e l y i n terms o f i n d i v i d u a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s u c h as age, s e x and s o c i a l c l a s s ( L i p s e t , 1 9 6 0 ) , w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e t o t h e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e n v i ronment w i t h i n w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l s a r e l o c a t e d . Such s t u d i e s have tended t o t r e a t t h e v o t e r as i f he were c u t o f f from his surroundings, "suspended, as i t were, above the p o l i t i c a l and social conditions of his community" (Ennis, 1962, 181). Such facts about the voter become abstractions i f they are separated from their underlying spatial structure and dynamism. In particular, this approach ignores the role of individuals interacting in geographic space, their attachments to their local area, and the consequent impact on the electoral pattern. It also ignores the impact of the spatial migration of voters, and the spatial aspects of the campaigns of the competing parties. However, this i s not to diminish the part played by socio-economic characteristics in the explanation of electoral patterns. It w i l l be demonstrated here that the development of the British Columbia p o l i t i c a l culture has been essentially class-based (Chapter II) and that objectively defined status (based on occupation) and subjectively defined class (the respondents perception of his class a f f i l i a t i o n ) are important socio-economic indices associated with voting behaviour, and provide a partial explanation (Chapter V). In order to increase our understanding of the electoral pattern however, we need to examine the spatial patterning of individuals with like class and status a f f i l i a t i o n s . It w i l l be argued here that spatial concentrations of individuals with similar class a f f i l i a t i o n s w i l l tend to reinforce the association between class and voting behaviour - that i s , a 'clustering effect' (see Foldare, 1968). Concentrations w i l l lead to the development i n an area of a ' p o l i t i c a l norm' (the norms are described i n Chapter III) which w i l l tend to provide a reference point for, and structure the voting behaviour of, individuals living i n that area. (Chapter V). 3 Although the trend toward status homogeneity i n an area w i l l lead to an accelerated trend toward the homogeneity of voting behaviour, the most important consideration i s the i n d i v i d u a l sense of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . For the purposes of t h i s study, t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i s defined as the sense of attachment to geographical area (Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971, 31). Thus, the way i n which i n d i v i d u a l s f e e l a 'sense of belonging' and i n t e r a c t with other i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g w i t h i n that area can be used as a measure of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y (Chapter IV). This i s the process by which the p o l i t i c a l norms of an area develop and change. On the other hand, lack of attachment to the- area of residence on the part of an i n d i v i d u a l , reduces the l i k e l i h o o d of him voting with the area norm, and also establishes him as a p o t e n t i a l mover out of the area ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1970). The migration of that i n d i v i d u a l to another area may have a long-term impact on the s t a b i l i t y and change of the e l e c t o r a l pattern (Chapter I I I ) . Another major process of r e i n f o r c i n g the p o l i t i c a l norms i n an area i s through the e l e c t i o n campaign. I t w i l l be shown that i n t e r n a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern of an area are generally associated with the s p a t i a l a l l o c a t i o n of party resources. (Chapter VI). GEOGRAPHIC STUDIES OF ELECTIONS Geographers have examined e l e c t o r a l patterns i n a number of ways (McPhail, 1971; Prescott, 1972), but, i n general, there has been l i t t l e in-depth analysis of t h e i r s t a b i l i t y and change. Furthermore, i n general, p o l i t i c a l v ariables have been ignored i n geographic V explanations of voting behaviour. These major shortcomings of previous geographic research on e l e c t o r a l patterns led to the present in q u i r y . 4 The regional approach to the study of e l e c t o r a l patterns, for example, i s concerned e s s e n t i a l l y with the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and description of p o l i t i c a l - g e o g r a p h i c a l regions based on e l e c t i o n returns at the n a t i o n a l scale (Kollmorgon, 1936; Cresler, 1952; Smith and Hart, 1955), p r o v i n c i a l scale (Dean, 1949; Burghardt, 1963; Burghardt, 1964), and at the urban scale (Lewis, 1965; Kasperson, 1965). The 'environmental-political' approach to the study of e l e c -t o r a l patterns attempted i n part to examine the e f f e c t of 'natural influences' (Krobheil, 1916) or 'geographic f a c t o r s ' (Prescott, 1972) on voting behaviour. There i s a general philosophic problem with this approach i n that i t t r i e s to explain i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour with reference to the n a t u r a l environment. The 'areal s t r u c t u r a l ' approach, on the other hand (McPhail, 1971, 7), has attempted to match census and e l e c t o r a l boundaries i n order to provide a s o c i o l o g i c a l explanation of e l e c t o r a l patterns at one point i n time (Simmons, 1967). Apart from the 'matching' problem, i s the problem of the ' e c o l o g i c a l f a l l a c y ' (Robinson, 1955) which i n f e r s i n d i v i d u a l behaviour from aggregated data. Thus, an i n d i v i d u a l survey approach i s used i n the present study. The ' s p a t i a l approach' i s i n part a reaction against the 'areal s t r u c t u r a l ' approach i n that i t considers the l a t t e r to be e s s e n t i a l l y ' a s p a t i a l ' (Reynolds and Archer, 1969). This approach has therefore emphasised s p a t i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and 'acquaintance f i e l d s ' as important a d d i t i o n a l explanatory v a r i a b l e s i n the study of e l e c t o r a l patterns (Cox, 1969). The problem with this approach, however, i s that i t concentrates on one e l e c t i o n out of p o l i t i c a l context, and disregards the p o t e n t i a l importance of p o l i t i c a l variables i n any explanation. THE THESIS VARIABLES The approach used i n the present study has a r i s e n out of the l i m i t a t i o n s of previous approaches. The e l e c t i o n used as a case study i s seen i n the context of the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c s . This i s e s s e n t i a l i n an explanatory sense because the e l e c t i o n i s seen as part of an on-going p o l i t i c a l process and part of a p o l i t i c a l c u l -ture (Chapter I I ) . Further, as a s t a r t i n g point to the study of the dynamics of e l e c t o r a l patterns, the migration of voters within Van-couver i s examined into and out of 'zones o f . l a t e n t partisanship' (Chapter I I I ) . I n d i v i d u a l attachment to area of residence i s one further v a r i a b l e which has not previously been considered i n geographic explanations of voting behaviour (Chapters TV and V). F i n a l l y , the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign - the geography of campaigning - i s considered as an a d d i t i o n a l important p o l i t i c a l v a r i a b l e i n the ex-planation of any e l e c t o r a l pattern (Chapter VI). The P o l i t i c a l Culture. The term ' p o l i t i c a l culture' has been defined as consisting of "commonly shared goals and commonly accepted rules of i n d i v i d u a l and group i n t e r a c t i o n i n terms of which a u t h o r i t a t i v e decision and choice w i l l be made by a l l the 'actors' within a p o l i t i c a l system" (Kim, 1964, 331). The p o l i t i c a l culture of a p o l i t i c a l system w i l l be r e f l e c t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l party system. General s h i f t s i n the p o l i t i c a l culture of a p o l i t i c a l system - f o r example, the introduction of a new p o l i t i c a l party - may have important implications f o r the study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. A consider-6 ation of the evolution of the party system i n B r i t i s h Columbia from before the time of Confederation, leads us to an appreciation of the p o l i t i c a l culture of the Province as a background to the explanation of e l e c t o r a l patterns. I t lends i n s i g h t i n t o the p o l i t i c a l norms and values of the sample areas chosen for study, as w e l l as giving some i n s i g h t i n t o the general ' p o l i t i c a l mood' at the time of the 1972 e l e c t i o n . Migration. The second major explanatory component presented i n t h i s d i s s e r t -ation i s migration between areas of l a t e n t p o l i t i c a l partisanship with-i n the c i t y of Vancouver. The f i r s t requirement i n t h i s regard i s to i d e n t i f y the e l e c t o r a l pattern over a number of e l e c t i o n s . This i s done by i d e n t i f y i n g areas of consistent support f o r each of the com-peting p a r t i e s f o r the l a s t four P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s in. Vancouver -1963, 1966, 1969 and 1972 - and presenting a d e s c r i p t i v e model of p o l i t i c a l space. The 1963 e l e c t i o n i s used as a cut-off because t h i s was the f i r s t time that the New Democratic Party had contested an e l e c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Areas of consistent support can be regarded as zones of " l a t e n t partisanship" (Eulau et a l , 1966, 210). Migration from one zone to another can serve to change or r e i n f o r c e the e l e c t o r a l pattern dependent on the s t a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l p o l -i t i c a l preference. There are three main p o s s i b i l i t i e s which require consideration i n t h i s regard. F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l s may change t h e i r voting behaviour as a r e s u l t of moving in t o a d i f f e r e n t voting zone - the 'conversion theory' (Campbell et a l , 1960, 455). "Cox has proposed a conceptual model of processes l i n k i n g change i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n to p o l i t i c a l be-7 haviour (Cox, 1970). His hypothesis i s that, i f migration occurs, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s 'contact space' w i l l change and he w i l l be exposed to a new set of s t i m u l i and cues. This may r e s u l t i n a change i n voting behaviour. Thus, conversion of in-migrants to the p o l i t i c a l norm of the area w i l l tend to r e i n f o r c e that norm and promote s t a b i l i t y i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern of that area. The second p o s s i b i l i t y i s that i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r -ence i s s i m i l a r to that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e may move to an area of d i f f e r e n t 'latent p a r t i s a n s h i p 1 . This would induce change i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. Third, i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l preference i s d i f f e r e n t from that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e may move to an area of 'latent partisanship' with the same general p o l i t i c a l preference as t h e i r own. This would reinfo r c e s t a b i l i t y i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. One study of migrants from c i t y to suburbia, f o r example, has noted that any changes i n voting behaviour occurred before migration and were reasons for moving, rather than movement to suburbia being a cause of the change i n voting behaviour (Berger, 1968). Local Area Integration. Loca l area i n t e g r a t i o n can be defined i n l a t e n t and manifest terms. In a l a t e n t sense i t i s the degree to which inhabitants per-ceive general boundaries to t h e i r area of residence, and f e e l a sense of belonging with that area - that i s , i t i s synonymous with t e r r i t o r i a l i t y (Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971, 31). In a manifest sense, i t i s the degree to which s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s c a r r i e d on i n t e r n a l l y , as w e l l as the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s such as shops and schools. Local area i n t e -gration as defined here i s therefore concerned with the emergence of 8 t e r r i t o r i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l perception of t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries and attachment to t e r r i t o r y . Although i t i s often argued that the 'community concept' has been modified from an e c o l o g i c a l to an i n t e r a c t i o n a l r a t i o n a l e (for example, Drabick, 1965), the l o c a l area i s s t i l l regarded as a mean-i n g f u l and important s o c i a l unit e s p e c i a l l y i n terms of patterning i n d i v i d u a l behaviour ( H i l l s , 1968; Nohara, 1968). The argument that the l o c a l area i s no longer a s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l unit and arises p r i m a r i l y out of the American context i s a co n t r o v e r s i a l one, although there i s no f i r m evidence concerning i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y i n Canada. ( K e l l e r , 1968; Kornhauser 1959; Janowitz 1967; S h i l s 1962). It i s postulated here that the greater the degree of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n demonstrated by the inhabitants of a l o c a l area, the greater the tendency f o r them to vote homogeneously. This applies equally to other forms of behaviour - for example, crime. Local area i n t e g r a t i o n i s considered to be an important v a r i a b l e i n addition to the nature of i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n an explanation of e l e c t o r a l patterns, for the greater the exposure of an i n d i v i d u a l to other members of h i s group, the greater the l i k e l i h o o d that they w i l l serve as p o s i t i v e reference groups f o r h i s behaviour (Foladare, 1968). In a highly integrated area, therefore, the p o l i t i c a l norm would operate as a 'constraint' on i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour (Durkheim, 1938; Blau, 1960). Conversely, i n an area having a low degree of i n t e g r a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l norm would not operate as a 'constraint'. One would there-fore expect, i n such an area, a heterogeneous e l e c t o r a l pattern. Secondly, even i n a highly integrated area, an i n d i v i d u a l who did not 9 f e e l a strong sense of belonging to that area would tend to vote d i f f e r e n t l y from the ' p o l i t i c a l party norm'. The f i r s t step i n the analysis of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n as an explanatory factor i n voting behaviour i s to d e l i m i t the l o c a l areas. S o c i a l area analysis and f a c t o r i a l ecology,are techniques which have been used i n this regard. However, the basis of s o c i a l area analysis has been heavily c r i t i c i s e d (Hawley and Duncan, 1957 ,; Anderson and Ageland, 1961; Reissman, 1970). Further, with f a c t o r i a l ecology, problems are posed with the units of a n a l y s i s , the nature of the data, the ' r e a l i t y ' of the f a c t o r s , and t h e i r s t a b i l i t y through time. A more s a t i s f a c t o r y technique, to be used i n the present study, has been to get residents to delimit the boundaries of t h e i r area of residence with the a i d of a map i f necessary (Drabick and Buck, 1959). The method i s more s a t i s f a c t o r y i n that concensus on l o c a l area boun-daries i s one index of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n (Form, 1954). The second step i n the analysis i s to i d e n t i f y , by a v a r i e t y of other i n d i c e s , the degree of area i n t e g r a t i o n i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a l areas. As one author has noted, we do not know enough about i n t e g r a t i o n to pos-tulate any one set of data as the index of i n t e g r a t i o n as such (Landecker, 1951, 332). Several indices need therefore to be used. One component of area i n t e g r a t i o n i s consensus on area image, and of p a r t i c u l a r im-portance i n this regard are references to class and ethnic symbols i n the de s c r i p t i o n of the area (Ross, 1962, 80). Further, mobility and p o t e n t i a l mobility have been shown to be important components of area i n t e g r a t i o n (Smith et a l , 1954). For example, older people tend to have stronger feelings of attachment to t h e i r area i n part because of t h e i r r e l a t i v e lack of mobility compared with younger people ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1970, 10 ' 7-8). Often, therefore, length of residence i s used as a surrogate for area i n t e g r a t i o n ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1970, 57). Other indices would include whether or not inhabitants f e e l at home i n the area, whether or not they think the area i s p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y g etting b e t t e r , and whether inhabitants f e e l closer to those l i v i n g within t h e i r area or to those l i v i n g outside of i t . A l l of these components are what can be described as l a t e n t components of area i n t e g r a t i o n . Manifest components would include s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with people l i v i n g within the area, the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s , and the reading of the area newspaper. Both latent and manifest components taken together can provide a general index of area in t e g r a t i o n . Once the areas have been i d e n t i f i e d as having relevance to t h e i r inhabitants, and the general degree of i n t e g r a t i o n has been established i n each area, i t remains to be shown how attachment to area i s associa-ted with voting behaviour. In order to achieve this a s e r i e s of hypotheses concerning associations between i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s and i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour deemed by previous research to be important i n d i c a t o r s of Canadian voting behaviour need to be tested. I t w i l l be shown that such associations w i l l generally be found not to hold, and an 'area e f f e c t ' w i l l be demonstrated whereby i n d i v i d u a l s vote according to the ' p o l i t i c a l party norm' of t h e i r area, rather than i n r e l a t i o n to any socio-economic category. This i s s i m i l a r to Berelson's notion of the 'breakage e f f e c t ' , i n which people tend to vote for the party supported by the 'climate of opinion' of the communities i n which they l i v e (Berelson et a l , 1954, 98). Further, t h i s 'area e f f e c t ' w i l l 11 vary according to the degree of area i n t e g r a t i o n . Thus i n those areas with a lower degree of i n t e g r a t i o n the 'area e f f e c t ' w i l l be l e s s . S i m i l a r l y , i n areas of high i n t e g r a t i o n the 'area e f f e c t ' w i l l be greater. F i n a l l y , the general association between area i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour w i l l be demonstrated. The Geography of Campaigning. One f i n a l important neglected component i n the study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns i s the geography of cam-paigning - that i s , the s p a t i a l aspects of the e l e c t i o n campaigns of the competing p a r t i e s . This w i l l be r e f l e c t e d i n the amount of time and money expended at d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s , and the kinds of l o c a l i s e d issues raised. Three major arguments w i l l be examined here. F i r s t , that l o c a l p a r t y . a c t i v i t y w i l l be associated with voting behaviour. Second, that the competing p a r t i e s and candidates w i l l employ a s p a t i a l strategy i n t h e i r campaigns. Third, that the effectiveness of t h i s strategy, measured i n terms of e l e c t i o n outcome, w i l l be associated, to some extent, with the i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y of the competing groups i n various areas of the c i t y . One important objective of the campaign i s the s e l e c t i o n and c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n of issues and problems (Froman, 1966,3). I t i s hypothesised that, from the p o l i t i c a l party viewpoint, the major objective i n the campaign i s to win every p o l l . I t w i l l be argued here that, working within the framework of previous e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s , the competing p a r t i e s have d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l p r i o r i t i e s , and thus a l l o -cate t h e i r resources i n a d i f f e r e n t i a l manner across space. I t w i l l be demonstrated that one of the most important factors i n devising this strategy i s the r e s u l t s of previous e l e c t i o n s . This i s important 12 because i t means that the geography of campaigning i s operating i n such a way as to encourage s t a b i l i t y i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. However, the degree to which the geography of campaigning w i l l change the e l e c t o r a l pattern i s dependent i n the f i n a l analysis on i t s e ffectiveness. The effectiveness of s p a t i a l strategy can be examined i n two main ways. F i r s t , examining the association between strategy and e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s . Second, i n terms of questionnaire res-ponses from i n d i v i d u a l s about the influence of 'the campaign upon t h e i r voting behaviour. A geography of campaigning can be defined at a number of l e v e l s . F i r s t , the general P r o v i n c i a l campaign - the general theme and climate of opinion which each of the p a r t i e s i s t r y i n g to promote. Second, the l e v e l of the constituency - those p r i o r i t y constituencies f o r each of the competing p a r t i e s . Third, the intra-constituency l e v e l - there i s generally some i n t e r n a l difference i n terms of past voting patterns and i n terms of s o c i a l structure, and thus each party w i l l have i t s own intra-constituency p r i o r i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of which areas to canvass and to drop l i t e r a t u r e . In the present example, due to the f a c t that questionnaire responses w i l l be obtained from three l o c a l areas within the c i t y , the geography of campaigning and i t s effectiveness w i l l be examined only at the i n t r a - l o c a l area s c a l e . The effectiveness of the l o c a l party campaign i n terms of the e l e c t i o n outcome has been shown to be associated with the 'degree of e f f o r t ' on the part of the competing p a r t i e s (for example, see Cutright and Rossi, 1958; Wolfinger, 1963; Crotty, 196'8; Crotty, 1971, 446-7). Thus, important data requirements are the number of party workers involved i n the campaign, the number of times each area i s canvassed, as w e l l as 13 the actual l o c a t i o n of the campaign o f f i c e within each constituency, often located to 'draw' workers from favourable surrounding areas, as w e l l as to advertise the party cause. One w r i t e r has noted, however, that, even i f the party campaign does not produce any 'con-versions' or change the e l e c t o r a l pattern i n any way, the l e a s t i t achieves i s a ' s t i r r i n g up' of the elec t o r a t e (Taylor, 1972, 331). This may be important i n terms of generating party workers, or getting i n -dividuals to contribute to the party e f f o r t i n some way, as w e l l as i n perhaps longer-term conversions - that i s , there are l a t e n t as w e l l as manifest functions of the geography of campaigning i n th i s sense. The f i n a l component of importance i n a geography of campaigning i s the nature of the candidates themselves. E s p e c i a l l y important i n th i s regard i s whether or not the candidate i s an incumbent or has run fo r p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e before at any l e v e l . Incumbents and non-incumbents w i l l have d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l s t r a t e g i e s , generally based on the aim of 'getting known', and the importance of face-tp-face contact with members of the e l e c t o r a t e . THE DATA For the purposes of showing that the above factors are impor-tant considerations i n the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns, three l o c a l areas i n Vancouver were chosen, and 100 people were chosen t to be interviewed i n each area by p r o f e s s i o n a l interviewers using the l o c a l area questionnaire (Appendix I ) . Second, the competing can-didates and campaign managers i n the three constituencies containing the three l o c a l areas were interviewed to gain information on the geography of campaigning (Appendix I I ) . H i s t o r i c a l data used i n the argument concerning the development of the p o l i t i c a l party system i n . 14 B r i t i s h Columbia was taken p r i m a r i l y from secondary sources. The ra t i o n a l e f o r the choice of the areas and the sample i s given below. Mayhew has i d e n t i f i e d 22 l o c a l areas i n Vancouver, each of which, he argues, has some degree of f u n c t i o n a l coherence (Mayhew, 1967,4). For the purposes of the survey an a l y s i s , the areas (Map 1) were grouped into three based on socio-economic dif f e r e n c e s . The three groups were as follows: Group 1 contained Strathcona, CBD, Grandview-Woodland, Hastings East, Cedar Cottage, R i l e y Park-Kensington, Mount Pleasant, Ren-frew-Collingwood, V i c t o r i a Drive-Fraserview and Sunset; Group 2 con-tained Fairview, L i t t l e Mountain, K i l l a r n e y , Marpole, K i t s i l a n o and the West End; Group 3 contained Oakridge, Dunbar-Southlands, Point Grey, Arbutus Ridge, Kerris d a l e and Shaughnessy. These three groups of areas correspond with s p a t i a l l y segregated clusters i n Peucker and Rase's f a c t o r i a l ecology of the c i t y (Peucker and Rase, 1971). F i n a n c i a l constraints dictated that only one area from each group could be chosen for the analysis. Furthermore, i d e a l l y the areas chosen would f a l l w i thin d i f f e r e n t 'zones of latent partisanship' within the c i t y . With th i s constraint i n mind, one area from each group was chosen randomly, giving the three areas of Hastings East, Marpole and Dunbar-Southlands (see Map 1). With regard to sample s i z e , i t has been noted that no regular pro-portion of the 'population' under study i s n e c e s s a r i l y i d e a l (Madge, 1965, 239-240), and the i d e a l sample s i z e w i l l also vary with the r e l a t i v e homogeneity of the 'population''(Backstrom and Hursh, 1963, 25-6). By sampling from areas of d i f f e r e n t general socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , as w e l l as areas of d i f f e r e n t 'latent partisanship', 16 we a r e t h e r e f o r e a t an advantage i n t h i s r e g a r d . The f i n a l sample s i z e i n e ach a r e a was chosen on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e r e w o u l d be a 50 p e r c e n t p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t r e s i d e n t s w o u l d v o t e f o r t h e p a r t y r e p r e s e n t i n g the a r e a norm. W i t h a s t a n d a r d e r r o r o f 3 p e r c e n t , t h e t o t a l sample s i z e w o u l d t h u s be 310 (see P a r t o n , 1950, 3 0 7 ) , and w i t h t h e f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t t h i s was s e t a t 300 e q u a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o t h e t h r e e a r e a s . The n e x t s t a g e was t o d e t e r m i n e how the sample was t o be t a k e n . The v o t e r s l i s t s were u s e d t o a s c e r t a i n the number o f h o u s e h o l d s i n each p o l l i n each o f t h e t h r e e a r e a s u s i n g Mayhew's a r e a l d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e a r e a s as a s a m p l i n g frame. T o t a l numbers o f h o u s i n g u n i t s were cu m u l a t e d t o g i v e a t o t a l number o f h o u s i n g u n i t s of r e g i s t e r e d v o t e r s i n each o f the t h r e e a r e a s ( B a c k s t r o m and H u r s h , 1963, 39-40). B a c k s t r o m and H u r s h a d v i s e s a m p l i n g o f c l u s t e r s o f h o u s i n g u n i t s , and f o r t h e p u r p o s e s ' o f the a n a l y s i s , and f o r c o n v e n i e n c e p o l l s were used as t h e c l u s t e r . Once t h e t o t a l number o f h o u s i n g u n i t s i s known, t h e n , i n o r d e r t o d e f i n e a ' s k i p i n t e r v a l ' , t h i s number i s d i v i d e d by the number o f sample c l u s t e r s r e q u i r e d . The number o f sample c l u s t e r s f o r each a r e a was s e t a t 33, w i t h t h r e e h o u s i n g u n i t s i n each c l u s t e r b e i n g s a m p l e d , p l u s an a r b i t r a r y a d d i t i o n a l u n i t t o g i v e t h e r e q u i r e d sample o f 100 i n each a r e a . The s k i p i n t e r v a l t h u s p r o d u c e s a s e l e c t i o n o f p o l l s f o r c l u s t e r s a m p l i n g b a s e d on p r o b a b i l i t y i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e number o f h o u s i n g u n i t s i n e a c h p o l l . Once t h e p o l l s o r sample c l u s t e r s a r e s e l e c t e d by use o f t h e s k i p i n t e r v a l , t h e s e l e c t e d p o l l s a r e r a n -domly sampled, t h e random number b e i n g e q u i v a l e n t t o a h o u s i n g u n i t r a t h e r t h a n an i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s i s r e p e a t e d u n t i l t h r e e h o u s i n g u n i t s a r e chosen. F o r each h o u s i n g u n i t i n t u r n , a d i f f e r e n t r e s p o n d e n t -s e l e c t i o n key i s u s e d t o e n s u r e t h e c o r r e c t p r o p o r t i o n o f males and females (see Backstrom and Hursh, 1963, 52-58). The process is then continued until 100 respondents are chosen from each area. Due to inaccurate voting enumeration, i t was then necessary to double-check the names and addresses of respondents from the telephone directory and the city directory. Random substitutions within the chosen sampling clusters were then allowed in cases of removal or non-existence. To obtain the desired information in relation to the aims of the study, two questionnaires were developed (Appendices I and II). The local area questionnaire (Appendix I) was to be administered personally to each respondent by professional interviewers hired and trained by York University Institute for Behavioural Research. This questionnaire was an amalgam of questions taken from other studies, mainly in Sociology, in relation to perception of local area, social interaction, membership of organisations, polit ical participation, party identifica-tion, local party activity and personal data. Before the questionnaire reached its final form, i t underwent a series of pre-tests. First , a mailed pilot study was undertaken in April 1972. and a great deal of useful feedback from respondents plus information on obvious 'problem questions' was obtained. Second, York University tested the ques-tionnaire and advised on particular improvements. Third, the ques-tionnaire was administered to a highly cri t ical polit ical geography class. Finally, before the actual fieldwork commenced, the ques-tionnaire was pre-tested in the field by the professional interviewers, after a fairly thorough and crit ical briefing session with a l l of the interviewers present. The questionnaire was then personally administered to the sample 18 of 300 respondents from l a t e September to mid-October 1972, about 4 to 6 weeks a f t e r the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . We were advised on t h i s matter by York University i n terms of any problem of r e c a l l , that, previous experience had shown that, i n the months immediately following an e l e c t i o n r e c a l l i n s i m i l a r studies was usually quite sharp, and, that other s o c i a l factors hardly vary at a l l under normal circumstances. To increase i n t e r e s t , and to warn respondents of a forthcoming v i s i t of an interviewer, a l e t t e r was sent to each respondent about three to four days before the v i s i t . Three attempts were made to contact each respondent, and, i f there was no success, then a sub-s t i t u t e , which had been randomly selected i n the same way as the main sample, was inserted. Unfortunately, a f t e r the interviewing i n Area 1 (Hastings East) had been completed, funds f o r the f i n a l completion of Area 2 (Marpole) and Area 3 (Dunbar-Southlands) ran out. The f i n a l sample i s as follows: TABLE I F i n a l Sample Size Ideal Sample Actual Sample Area 1 100 96 Area 2. 100 78 Area 3 100 78 300 252 Thus, the f i n a l sample consisted of 252 respondents or 84 per cent of what was i d e a l l y required, 70 per cent of the names chosen and 97 per cent of those a c t u a l l y interviewed. Unfortunately, at the time of w r i t i n g the 1971 census was not a v a i l a b l e i n f u l l to compare the representativeness of the sample with socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n each area. However, i t was possible to compare the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s within each area with the voting behaviour of the respondents. Table I I gives the com-parison between the sample and the actual r e s u l t s i n terms of voting behaviour. I t w i l l be noted, f i r s t of a l l , that the percentage TABLE I I Comparison of the Sample with the Actual Voting Results (%) Refused SC NDP LIB PC etc. Actual Sample Actual Sample Actual Sample Actual Sample Area 1 35.4 27.4 6.3 65.1 53.1 - - 7.4 5.2 Area 2 24.4 32.5 19.2 35.6 23.1 23.5 25.6 10.0, 6.4 Area 3 19.2 24.2 12.8 16.7 11.5 45.4 30.8 14.4 14.1 A l l 3 27.0 27.5 12.3 39.1 31.0 22.5 17.5 10.5 8.3 of respondents who e i t h e r refused the question on voting behaviour, gave no answer, or did not vote, i s f a i r l y high - 27 per cent of the t o t a l sample, and e s p e c i a l l y high i n Area 1. • Second, i t w i l l be noted that, i n every case but one - the L i b e r a l vote i n Area 2 -thesample i s under-represented i n terms of per cent voting f o r every party i n each area. The sample i s more under-represented, 20 however, i n terms of S o c i a l Credit voters, e s p e c i a l l y i n Area 1. In general, therefore, i t i s probably safe to say that refusals and no r e p l i e s to the voting behaviour question e x h i b i t no important systematic bias save i n the case of S o c i a l Credit voters. In terms of the geography of compaigning, 24 candidates and party workers were interviewed a f t e r the e l e c t i o n . At l e a s t two respondents from each party were interviewed i n each area. A l l four major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were contesting both Marpole and Dunbar-Southlands, and only the L i b e r a l Party did not contest Hastings East. The party a c t i v i t y questionnaire (Appendix II) was developed from previous work on l o c a l party a c t i v i t y as well- as i n r e l a t i o n to the requirements of a geography of campaigning, and preliminary research among party workers p r i o r to the e l e c t i o n . The analysis w i l l proceed with a discussion of the development of the p o l i t i c a l party system of B r i t i s h Columbia to the time of the 1972 e l e c t i o n i n Chapter I I . Second, migration to and from the 'zones of l a t e n t partisanship' i n Vancouver w i l l be considered i n Chapter I I I . Third w i l l be a discussion of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n with differences among the three l o c a l areas, before demonstrating i n Chapter V the lack of asso c i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic variables and voting behaviour i n contrast to the association between area and voting behaviour, and area i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour. F i n a l l y , Chapter VI analyses the geography of campaigning within the three l o c a l areas. 21 CHAPTER II THE BRITISH COLUMBIA POLITICAL CULTURE This chapter has three main aims. F i r s t , i t i s an analysis of the factors leading to the development of the B r i t i s h Columbia party system. I t w i l l be shown that the development of the party system has been e s s e n t i a l l y class-based. The analysis w i l l therefore give some i n s i g h t into the factors associated with the development of the 'zones of latent partisanship' i n Vancouver to be discussed i n Chapter I I I . A second aim i s to demonstrate the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture i n Canada. This i s important with reference to the general argument of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n for i t implies that generalisations about associations between voting behaviour and socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s relevant elsewhere i n Canada may not nec e s s a r i l y be applicable i n B.C. Of course, t h i s w i l l also depend on the general ' p o l i t i c a l mood' or p o l i t i c a l environment surrounding each e l e c t i o n . Thus, as the t h i r d aim, a consideration of the dynamics of the party system i n B.C. w i l l lend some i n s i g h t into the ' p o l i t i c a l mood' at the time of the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . The development of the p o l i t i c a l culture w i l l be presented as a general process of action and rea c t i o n i n a 'neo-Hartzian' framework. I t i s important f o r our understanding of the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l pattern to see the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n as part of t h i s general h i s t o r i c a l - p o l i t i c a l process. In order to demonstrate that the 1972 e l e c t i o n was an 'elect i o n of reaction' as part of a dynamic .22 process relevant to i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour, respondents i n the survey analysis were asked, for the reasons why they voted as they did. The r e s u l t s of t h i s w i l l be presented at the end of the chapter. The major argument here i s derived from, but not i d e n t i c a l ' to, the Hartzian fragment approach (Hartz, 1964), and the c r i t i q u e by Horowitz (Horowitz, 1966). The argument that B.C. i s a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l culture i s r e f l e c t e d i n i t s p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y . Although the Province has often been i d e n t i f i e d , with good reason, with 'Western protest', and i s sometimes discussed i n these terms (for example, Desbarats, 1971), the argument here i s that B.C. might be better described as 'the West beyond the West' (Sage, 1945, 183), where the 'psychology of the West' i s important, (Wallace. 1936-7, 141),. but has been moulded and modified by l o c a l and d i f f e r e n t circumstances. For example, protest p o l i t i c s i n B.C. have never had t h e i r base i n agrarian discontent (Sanford, 1961, 39; Ormsby, 1953). The d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of B.C. p o l i t i c s has been noted by a number of writers since Sage. For example, Robin has pointed out that the B.C. s i t u a t i o n i s p l a i n l y unique both i n terms of the West and i n terms of the country as a whole (Robin, 1967, 201). Further, Ormsby argues for the d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y of the Province (Ormsby, 1953, 53). B.C. has been termed a 'deviant case' (Sanford, 1961, v ) . In a study of the Canadian Federal p o l i t i c a l party system, i t was noted that, i n B.C., deviant p o l i t i c a l tendencies at the Federal l e v e l which are manifest i n a multi-party structure and ascribe weak support to the major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n general, are r e p l i c a t e d at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l (McDaniel, 1970, 26). This study shows that, from 1949 to 1968, the Federal e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s c l a s s i f y B.C. as the only multi-party system i n Canada. This i s i n contrast to the former 'quasi-party system' which has been s a i d to e x i s t i n A l b e r t a (Macpherson, 1953). A further mark of d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s i s the f a c t that, according to one author, B.C. has the strongest pattern of class voting i n Canada (Gagne, 1970, 35). A l l of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s point to the existence i n B.C. of a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l culture. THE HARTZIAN THESIS AND BRITISH COLUMBIA Hartz examines New World s o c i e t i e s as fragments of the larger whole of Europe (Hartz, 1964), s i m i l a r to Ratzel's Europeanisation of the earth (Ratzel, 1923, 106). According to Hartz, the process of fragmentation consists of the part detaching from the whole. The p o l i t i c a l values of the fragment are not representative of the " h i s t o r i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l spectrum" of the mother country (Horowitz, 1966, 143) and hence the fragment develops" on i t s own outside i t s o r i g i n a l context, and hence develops'"without i n h i b i t i o n " (Hartz, 1964, 9). Horowitz i s c r i t i c a l of McRae's a p p l i c a t i o n of the Hartzian thesis to Canada i n a pan-North American way (McRae, 1964), for i t focuses on uniformities rather than di f f e r e n c e s , and therefore obscures the importance of s o c i a l i s m i n Canada to the r e l a t i v e strength of toryism (Horowitz, 1966). English Canada, so h i s argument goes, has a 'tory touch' coming out of the American revolution, and therefore a ' s o c i a l i s t touch' (Horowitz, 1966, 148). Although Wilson has argued that the Horowitz i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f i t s Ontario (Wilson, 1972), one can apply i t on a 'pan-Canadian' s c a l e , and look again, not for uniformity, but for differences. Although Horowitz notes that McRae ignored the fact that, in one Canadian Province - B.C. -CCF/NDP did succeed i n becoming a major party, his interpretation does not account for this (Horowitz, 1966, 149). The basis of the Hartzian thesis i s migration, and migration into a relatively unconstrained environment. The direction and intensity of migration to B.C. from the early days is of obvious importance in the development of the social and hence p o l i t i c a l structure. The process is essentially one of action and reaction. The " l i b e r a l society of English Canada with a *tory touch"' produces a reaction which becomes manifest in socialism. The more diverse the fragment or fragments, obviously the greater the amount of action and reaction. The relative diversity of economy and society in B.C. has, in the development of i t s p o l i t i c s , in part resulted in a series of conflicts and schisms. The i n i t i a l British fragment "who referred every question to his superiors'', contrasted with the independence and self-reliance of the Americans lured by gold and other mineral wealth (Howay, Sage and Angus, 1942, 174). Further,'Canadian' migrants to B.C. at f i r s t were sharply distinguished from 'British Columbians' (Howay, Sage and Angus, 1942, 191). With the completion of the CPR, B.C. became a collecting area for the 'secondary fragment'. On the one hand i t contained British Columbiansi but then the social structure was complicated by large influxes of people with 'Canadian' ideas from the East, many of whom were Tory. Other influxes included those who had escaped from the East to the frontier, which emphasised the American s p i r i t of independence, self-reliance and pragmatism, plus 25, r a d i c a l American, miners from the South, and others escaping the American l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n . A l l of these groups congealed i n an area of diverse economy. By 1961, o n e - f i f t h of the population of B.C. consisted of Second World War immigrants and another f i f t h were born i n The P r a i r i e s (Sanford, 1961, 62). The two-step process of the 'secondary fragment' to the new f r o n t i e r embodied therefore two main values i n the e a r l y formation of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture. I t embodied the "corporate-organic" tory element plus the " n a t i o n a l i s t - e g a l i t a r i a n " ideas of American l i b e r a l i s m . Coupled with the two forms of action and reaction noted below - that i s , reaction to the East and i n t e r n a l reaction, these values produced s o c i a l i s m i n B.C., based on indigenous r a d i c a l labour, which caused a reaction within labour (hence early l a b o u r - s o c i a l i s t s p l i t s . ) S o c i a l c r e d i t , on the other hand, developed i n response to the .corpor-atism of the L i b e r a l Party and the toryism of the Conservative Party. Its success i n B.C. was also a t t r i b u t a b l e to i t s a b i l i t y to provide a pragmatic a l t e r n a t i v e to the CCF/NDP. S o c i a l Credit i n B.C. was born i n the t r a d i t i o n of American l i b e r a l i s m . I t was e s s e n t i a l l y anti-organic and pop u l i s t . As was noted above, the action-reaction process i n B.C., although complex, took two major forms. F i r s t was the reaction to Eastern i n t e r e s t s , which were symbolised i n B.C. by the presence of the two 'old' p a r t i e s - the Conservatives and the L i b e r a l s . Second was i n t e r n a l reaction, but f o r d i f f e r e n t reasons, f o r and against s o c i a l i s t ideology. In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the former theme resulted i n the coming to power of the S o c i a l Credit Party, and i n the l a t t e r case was manifest, among other things, i n terms of the 26 d i v i s i o n between labourism and s o c i a l i s m i n B.C. whereas the S o c i a l ' Credit Party was spawned at a time of depression, CCF was the c u l -mination of 30 years of s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y . The S o c i a l Credit Party i n B.C. eventually emerged i n a time of plenty as a reaction to the o r i g i n a l Canadian fragment and i t s - i n a b i l i t y to govern prag-m a t i c a l l y i n the 'West beyond the West', as w e l l as a reaction against socialism. The CCF/NDP i s a reaction to the b a s i c p r i n -c i p l e s of that o r i g i n a l fragment, and i t s modus operandi i n B.C. Both protest p a r t i e s were beset by i n t e r n a l reaction. Apart from personality c o n f l i c t s , the p a r t i e s had d i f f i c u l t y i n two main areas. F i r s t was the d i f f i c u l t y of consolidating diverse i n t e r p r e t a -tions of philosophy, and, second was the d i f f i c u l t y between party and movement. The f i r s t case was an argument over i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , while the second was an argument about the means f o r action based on that i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . This l a t t e r argument has been f u l l y discussed f o r the n a t i o n a l CCF (Young, 1969A). On the other hand, the 'movement' was to have an educational function. Those supporting the movement were n a t u r a l l y a f r a i d of the contamination of t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s the arena of pragmatic p o l i t i c s would b r i n g . This problem, and i t s con-sequences, have been very w e l l argued i n r e l a t i o n to Harold Wilson's r o l e i n the B r i t i s h Labour Party (Foot, 1968). Although i n the Horowitz scheme, the r e l a t i v e importance of s o c i a l i s m i s a t t r i b u t e d to the r e l a t i v e importance of toryism, i n r e a l i t y i t i s a two-way process - that i s , a c t i o n and reaction produces feedback continuously. For example, the r e l a t i v e importance of s o c i a l i s m i n B.C. has also contributed to the 'tory reaction'. 27, This i s evidenced by the c o a l i t i o n governments of the 1940's and the eventual temporary changes i n the e l e c t o r a l system i n the e a r l y 1950's, both designed by the old p a r t i e s to keep the s o c i a l i s t s from power, although, i r o n i c a l l y , i n so doing, the o l d p a r t i e s destroyed t h e i r own basis of power. This theme of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n as a r e s u l t of an attempt to maintain power on the part of B.C. p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i s an important and recurring one. Horowitz notes the problem with the Hartzian t h e s i s , that i t makes i t d i f f i c u l t to account i n any precise way f o r the 'point of congealment' of a p o l i t i c a l culture (Horowitz, 1966, 153). In B.C., however, one can argue that t h i s was a multi-stage process.' Congealment involved the consolidation of the diverse i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of philosophy noted above, and favoured the party to the movement. In the f i r s t case, the Regina Manifesto of 1933 brought together labour and s o c i a l i s t groups on a n a t i o n a l scale. In the second case, the S o c i a l Credit Party came to power i n 1952, and this can be argued as a 'point of congealment', only 81 years a f t e r confederation. The prime c a r r i e r of the 'tory touch' i n Canada has been the Conservative Party (Horowitz, 1966, 156). B.C., being the most 'American' Province, however, spawned a party which came to represent i t s p o l i t i c a l culture which reacted against the organic tory view. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n this regard that i t s o r i g i n a l leader was a Conservative defector. The development toward congealment i n 1952 i s p a r a l l e l e d by a decline i n the general importance of the Conservative Party i n B.C. This r e c i p r o c a l decline was predicted only seven years a f t e r the l a b o u r - s o c i a l i s t consolidation (Brown,1940). 28 Brown predicted, at that time, that one of the e x i s t i n g p a r t i e s i n B.C. was doomed to e x t i n c t i o n , and was c e r t a i n that the party would not be the CCF. He argued that, i n view of the L i b e r a l Party consolidation as the Party of reaction, i t would be the Conservative Party that would disappear (Brown, 1940, 169).; I t i s important to note that, f o r the f i r s t time i n i t s h i s t o r y , by 1969, the Conservative Party held no seats i n B.C. e i t h e r at the Federal or the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s . However, i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n s , the Conservative Party f e d e r a l l y gained more seats In B.C. than at any other time since Diefenbaker, and p r o v i n c i a l l y gained more seats than any time since S o c i a l Credit came to power i n B.C. The L i b e r a l Party as the Party of reaction with i t s "antagonistic symbiosis" with CCF/NDP (Horowitz, 1966, 168), and the r e l a t i v e demise i n recent years of the Conservative Party i n B.C., makes the former, with i t s n a t i o n a l standing, an important a l t e r n a t i v e to S o c i a l Credit at the Federal l e v e l . The importance of e l e c t o r a l migration i n Vancouver-Burrard from the L i b e r a l Party at the Federal l e v e l to S o c i a l Credit at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , and back again, has been noted (Laponce, 1969, 171). I t has been mentioned above that the process of congealment of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture was a multi-stage one. Certain periods of action and reaction can be i d e n t i f i e d throughout the h i s t o r y of B.C. p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t stage i s the period to 1903 which provides the r a d i c a l s e t t i n g f o r the culture - important e s p e c i a l l y i s the theme of labourism and the f a c t that t h i s i s the 'pre-party era'. Second i s the period 1903-1933 which includes the attachment of party labels at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , the transplant of the 'old' p a r t i e s to B.C. onto t h i s r a d i c a l base, and some i n t e r n a l reactions. Third, 29 i s the period 1933-1952 with the consolidation of so c i a l i s m , the beginning of S o c i a l Credit, and the e f f e c t of the former on the 'old' p a r t i e s . Fourth, i s the period from the point of congealment i n 1952 to 1972, S o c i a l Credit being a reaction to both the second and t h i r d stages above. F i n a l l y , i s the period from 1972 on which completes the o v e r a l l process i n terms of our present argument. The general reaction to S o c i a l Credit mainly because of i t s d i c t a t o r i a l a t t i t u d e , i t s remoteness from the people, and i t s lack of openness. Again the theme i s repeated, as i t was^when S o c i a l Credit came to power, of the auth o r i t a r i a n s t y l e of government s e l f - d e s t r u c t i n g . The attempt to hold power above a l l destroyed the basis of that power. Thus, as i n the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , voters reacted to the party i n o f f i c e . Each reaction can be seen as a major change - a new p o l i t i c a l component emerged or came to power as a reaction to those which preceded i t . The introduction of new p o l i t i c a l components in t o the B.C. p o l i t i c a l process of course res u l t e d i n greater d i v i s i o n , and th i s can be demonstrated by the use of a f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n measure (Fe). In a hi g h l y f r a c t i o n a l i s e d e l e c t o r a l system there are many percentage shares of the t o t a l vote of equal magnitude, so that no. one party obtains a very large share of the t o t a l vote (Rae, 1967 , 53). F r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n values and party shares of the t o t a l vote for B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s from 1928-1972 are given i n Table I I I . Rae regards an index of 0.5 as representing intermediate: f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n , and i t w i l l be noted that, since 1928, values i n B.C. have always been at the l e a s t 0.5, and, usually, much higher. More important to note, i n r e l a t i o n to the above argument, i s that 30/ the highest f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n values have occurred at the points of i n t r u s i o n of the new major protest p a r t i e s - that i s , values of 0.727 occur both i n 1933 and 1952. Further, although values have f l u c -tuated since that date, the 1969 value was the lowest since 1952. The value i n 1972, however, reversed this apparent trend, and, apart from the value i n 1963, represents the most f r a c t i o n a l i s e d e l e c t i o n since 1952. The 1969 f i g u r e , of course, r e l a t e s i n part to the demise of the Conservative Party up t i l l 1969, and the increasing share of the vote during that period going to the NDP and S o c i a l Credit, plus the f a c t that the other 'old' party, the L i b e r a l s , had i t s lowest share of the vote. As w i l l be seen from Table I I I , the L i b e r a l share of the vote, since the c o a l i t i o n , has s t e a d i l y declined, and this continued i n 1972. The Conservatives i n 1972, on the other hand, gained some of the S o c i a l Credit share of the t o t a l vote. Thus, to summarise the general argument of t h i s chapter. F i r s t , there was an i n i t i a l tory base, but with immigration plus the mode and i n t e n s i t y of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n there was a large reaction to i t . Thus there emerged the f i r s t phase i n the development of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture - the r a d i c a l base with a 'tory touch'. This 'tory touch', representing power and vested i n t e r e s t s , introduced the party system b a s i c a l l y as a reaction the growing p o l i t i c i s a t i o n of this base. The introduction of the party system into B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s i s best understood with reference to the general class c o n f l i c t framework employed here, rather than w i t h i n a fu n c t i o n a l framework, as a move toward s t a b i l i t y and equilibrium, as has been noted elsewhere (for example, Sanford, 1961). To a c e r t a i n extent, 31 TABLE I I I F f a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s 1928-1972 P a r t y s h a r e s ( d e c i m a l s ) E l e c t i o n Fe V a l u e Cons. L i b . CCF .NDP SC 1928 .556 .533 .400 - -1933 .727 - .417 .315 -1937 .697 .286 .373 .286 -1941 .685 .309 .329 .334 -1945 .548 .558 .376 -1949 .500 .614 .351 .017 1952 .727 .097 .235 .343 .302 1953 .651 .011 .234 .295 .455 1956 .661 .031 .218 .283 .458 1960 .694 .067 .209 .327 .388 1963 .714 .113 .200 .278 .408 1966 .638 - .202 .336 .456 1969 .630 - .190 .339 .468 1972 .703 .126 .162 .392 .318 S o u r c e : C a l c u l a t e d f r o m the S t a t e m e n t o f V o t e s , R e g i s t r a r o f V o t e r s . 32 this resulted in the development of partyism - that i s , the commitment of labour leaders and followers to the Grit and Tory Parties (Robin, 1968, 3). What st a b i l i t y that followed was only temporary, for the introduction of party lines frustrated the po l i t i c i s a t i o n of the radical base in B.C., already divided, for i t divided people on old party lines, the Liberal Party becoming the Party of reaction. However, at the time of the depression, more industrialisation and more immigration, and the consolidation of socialism, the CCF emerged as a major reaction to the transplant of the old parties onto the radical base with the 'tory touch'. A further reaction produced a party which f i t t e d the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture - the reaction was not only against socialism but also against the old parties. The Social Credit Party represented a reaction against the corporatism of the Liberal Party and the toryism of the Conservative Party. The f i n a l reaction which brought the NDP to power in the August 30th Provincial election was a major reaction, reflected i n the fractionalisation value, against a party that had lost touch with the electorate. The remainder of this chapter w i l l be an analysis of each of the major periods noted above in the development of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture and the general action-reaction process which culminated in the 1972 election. THE PRE-PARTY ERA TO 1903 - AN OVERVIEW One author, in a study of B.C. party history to 1903, has noted that the facts seem to bear out'Lower's thesis that there has been a certain aristocratic tinge to p o l i t i c a l l i f e in Canada, and that leader-ship has generally been accepted from above (Dobie, 1932, 235). In 33, P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s at that time, no one sought e l e c t i o n unless assured of some support from i n f l u e n t i a l members of the community (Dobie, 1932, 238). ~ I t was against the conservative constraints of the established i n s t i t u t i o n s of G r i t and Tory partyism and trade unionism that the s o c i a l i s t , independent labour and s y n d i c a l i s t r a d i c a l s fought (Robin, 1968, 18). The labour movement was also the product of the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution, and was motivated, i f not necessitated, by the concentration of labour i n urban areas, and the changing economic p o s i t i o n of the worker (Saywell, 1951, 129). The importance of migration i n th i s development has already been stressed. Saywell regards the development of the r a d i c a l base in. B.C. as being a clear r e f l e c t i o n of increased m i l i t a n t a c t i v i t y i n B r i t a i n and the United States following the Napoleonic Wars (Saywell, 1951 129). F i r s t , the i n f l u x of Canadian-born migrants with the completion of the CPR, and, with the railway-building period the number of Chinese also increased considerably (Loosmore, 1954, 13). Further, with the i n f l u x of Americans came t h e i r organisation - the Western Federation of Miners (WFM), an i n d u s t r i a l rather than a c r a f t union -and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l ideas (Loosmore, 1954, 15). Whereas the B r i t i s h a r t i s a n transplant into Canadian societ y was e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l l y conservative, and tended to re i n f o r c e the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure i n B.C. (Robin, 1968, 13), the e f f e c t of the i n f l u x of the Americans, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the metal-mining industry, was a r a d i c a l one (Loosmore, 1954, 17). The f r o n t i e r attitudes and labour conditions prevalent i n the Western metalliferous areas i n part explain the form of unionism and p o l i t i c a l temperament of the 34. miners who came to Canada (Robin, 1968, 46). Nevertheless, the B r i t i s h workman, although b a s i c a l l y conservative, was capable of becoming r a d i c a l under pressure (Loosmore, 1954, 17). O r i e n t a l immigra-t i o n and a n t i - O r i e n t a l a g i t a t i o n helped to unify and s o l i d i f y labour ranks (Saywell, 1951, 135). Such u n i f i c a t i o n , and i t s tendency to promote the development of class-consciousness, was an important fea-ture i n the emerging i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y of B.C. (Sanford, 1961, 72). In r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n with the development of u n i f i c a t i o n and s o l i d a r i t y came the development of d i f f e r e n t forms of unionism. However, early e f f o r t s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n - for example, the American Railway Union of 1894 - were often f r u s t r a t e d and even n u l l i f i e d by the combined opposition of employees and the conservative American Federation of Labour (AFL) (Loosmore, 1954, 6). In the la t e Nineteenth century, the centre of p o l i t i c a l activism i n Canada s h i f t e d to the West, and e s p e c i a l l y to B.C., where people had become d i s s a t i s f i e d with the f a i l u r e of the Trades and Labour Congress (TLC), to 'get r e s u l t s ' i n Ottawa (Loosmore, 1954,11). Loosmore ascribes t h i s ' s h i f t ' i n the main to the impact of ' s p e c i a l conditions' p e c u l i a r to B.C. upon the new s e t t l e r s , which, he argued, derive l a r g e l y from the geographical p o s i t i o n of the Province (Loosmore, 1954, 12). Further, the B.C. economy was based on extractive i n d u s t r i e s - coal, base metals, f i s h i n g and lumbering, where the c a p i t a l investment and structure of employment assured i n d u s t r i a l rather than c r a f t unionism (Robin,1968,44). The r a d i c a l nature of labour, i t s unionisation and thence p o l -i t i c i s a t i o n was a threat to the ' a r i s t o c r a t i c tendency'. The wealth of the CPR, the power and influence of Dunsmuir i n t e r e s t s , the open hos-t i l i t y of Federal and P r o v i n c i a l governments, and the antagonism of many 35 powerful n o n - s o c i a l i s t unions and federations, created an important reaction and opposition (Saywell, 1951, 139-140). The p o l i t i c a l importance of the labour movement i n t h i s period i s evidenced by the sending of Ralph Smith from Nanaimo to the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n 1898 on an Independent Labour t i c k e t . Measures were thus taken to placate labour, and two measures were brought i n by the Federal government. F i r s t , to p r o h i b i t Orientals from placer mining, and second, to l i m i t under-ground work i n mines to eight hours per day. Both measures were re-garded as f a i l u r e s i n t h e i r intent (Saywell, 1951, 143). In part, the introduction of Federal Party labels into B.C. Pro-v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s i n 1903 can be seen as a reaction to the i n a b i l i t y to placate labour p o l i t i c i s a t i o n . C e r t a i n l y , one author sees labour a g i t a t i o n as a factor i n the ending of the 'pre-party era' (Dobie, 1932, 247). However, another w r i t e r has argued that the i n s t a b i l i t y of p o l -i t i c a l and economic l i f e i n B.C. triggered the movement from f a c t i o n a l i s m toward partyism (Sanford, 1961, 71). The development of the P r o v i n c i a l party system i n this argument ,was thus a response to t h i s i n order to produce a more stable p o l i t i c a l alignment (Sanford, 1961, 74). In the present i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l culture can better be seen i n terms of a class c o n f l i c t model. Phenomena are thus constantly i n c o n f l i c t and change comes as a r e s o l u t i o n of this con-f l i c t . The system thus does not, of necessity, approach s t a b i l i t y , but becomes a s e r i e s of actions and reactions, f or the dysfunctional elements are inherent w i t h i n the system (for example, compare M e r r i t t , 1963). Thus with i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , immigration, labour unionisation and i n s t a b i l i t y culminating i n the s h o r t - l i v e d P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party i n 1902, the introduction of party labels i n 1903 can e s s e n t i a l l y be seen as a reaction 36 to everything the l a t t e r represented. In order to c l a r i f y t h i s a l i t t l e more f u l l y , i t i s necessary to look more c l o s e l y at the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture to 1903. THE B.C. POLITICAL CULTURE TO 1903 Unionisation came r e l a t i v e l y early to B.C., the f i r s t one being the Shipwrights i n V i c t o r i a i n 1852 (Clark, 1945,2). With the goldrush i n 1858, thousands of Americans came in t o B.C. bringing the influence of t h e i r s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l environment. Saywell argues that the presence of Americans can be used to explain the outburst of r a d i c a l i s m toward the end of the Nineteenth century (Saywell, 1951, 131). The s t r i k e at Nanaimo coal mines i n 1861 revealed the strength of organisation at that e a r l y date, and a f t e r a further two years the f i r s t c r a f t union appeared (Saywell, 1951, 132). In the period 1864-1871 there was constant a g i t a t i o n among the coalminers of Vancouver Island, and, i n the early 1870's the f i r s t steps towards the p o l i t i c a l consolidation of labour were taken. The b i d for a shorter working day i n B r i t a i n and the United States s p i l l e d over i n t o Canada (Robin, 1968, 17). Although p r i o r to July 20th, 1871, B.C. was ruled by the Hudson's Bay Company and an assortment of crown colonies, the p o l i t i c a l mood was not one of pro- or anti-government, but i l l - f e e l i n g between Island and Mainland. This i l l - f e e l i n g anti-dated the union of the two colonies i n 1866 (Dobie, 1932, 245). Even so, as e a r l y as 1871 De Cosmos had made an appeal to the 'Liberals of the Province' (Sage, 1945, 177), even though party labels had not been introduced into P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . From 1871 to 1903, B.C. p o l i t i c s was on a basis 37 of loose groupings of cliques and f a c t i o n s (Sanford, 1961, 69). However, t h i s d i d not mean that there were no important issues. In 1872, for example, there appeared a d i v i s i o n i n P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s on the question of r e l a t i o n s with Ottawa, and t h i s was f a i r l y continuous u n t i l 1883 (Dobie, 1932, 245). One f a c t i o n was bent on an antagonistic a t t i t u d e toward the Federal Government while the other was i n c l i n e d to be c o n c i l i a t o r y . The two P r o v i n c i a l governments between 1873-1876 and 1876-1883 followed a p o l i c y of determined demands on the Federal Government to carry out the Terms of Union (Dobie, 1932, 245). One factor i n t h i s d i v i s i o n was the o l d d i v i s i o n between Island and Mainland, but a f t e r the Federal Government had begun railway construction and had granted f i n a n c i a l a i d to the Island f o r a graving dock and an Island railway, there was l i t t l e basis f o r the d i v i s i o n (Dobie, 1932, 246). Thus, i n the 1874 e l e c t i o n , the various candidates had no in t e n t i o n to be p a r t i s a n so long as the obligations to B.C. were f u l f i l l e d (Dobie, 1932, 248). Thus the p o l i t i c s of the period tended to be pragmatic. However, by the mid-1870's there was already an established t r a d i t i o n a l pattern of a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s i n Canada (Robin, 1968, 8). A s t r i k e among Nanaimo coalminers i n 1877 was s e t t l e d only by force of arms (Saywell, 1951, 135). In the period 1873-1878, the L i b e r a l government i n Ottawa aroused great h o s t i l i t y i n B.C. by i t s f a i l u r e to carry out the Terms of Union, and the L i b e r a l s took a long time to d i s p e l that memory (Dobie, 1932, 249). B.C. MP's gave t h e i r p o l i t i c a l allegiance to whatever party promised to b u i l d the ) 38 trans-continental railway, and thus from 1878-1891 they supported the Conservatives (Sage, 1945, 178). By 1879 the B.C. gold rushes were over, and many ex-miners s e t t l e d on the land or turned to wage labour (Loosmore, 1954, 19). At the same time, organisations l i k e the Workman's Protection Association (WPA) were concerned about the 'Chinese question'. There was intense competition for jobs because of the low wage l e v e l s of the Chinese (Loosmore, 1954, 20). By t h i s time labour had begun to manifest p o l i t i c a l action at the P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l l e v e l , and, i n 1882, the f i r s t workingman's candidates were selected, often on an anti-Chinese t i c k e t (Loosmore, 1954, 22). The growing strength of labour a f t e r 1882 was important i n the development of p o l i t i c a l issues i n B.C. (Dobie, 1932, 247). The Order of the Knights of Labour tended to give more unity and d i r e c t i o n to the labour movement (Saywell, 1951, 134). This originated as a secret organisation of craftsmen i n P h i l a d e l p h i a , immediately a f t e r the C i v i l War (Saywell, 1951, 134), and had spread from Hamilton where i t had begun i n Canada i n 1881 (Robin, 1968, 20), and was established i n V i c t o r i a i n 1884. The Knights were neither c r a f t nor i n d u s t r i a l i n t h e i r structure, and had i d e a l i s t i c i n t e n t i o n s . They rejected the notion of a class struggle, opposed s t r i k e s , and aimed at the improvement of workers and working conditions (Loosmore, 1954, 26). The P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1886 was the f i r s t one contested by labour candidates (Loosmore, 1954, i i ) . There was much resentment 39 by labour and others over the control of current party a f f a i r s by a c l i q u e , and on June 9th, 1886, a meeting of 'workingmen and e l e c t o r s ' was held i n V i c t o r i a to s e l e c t candidates f o r the opposition i n the e l e c t i o n (Dobie, 1932, 241). Although the Knights of Labour took no part i n the e l e c t i o n , the Workingman's Party ran candidates i n V i c t o r i a and Nanaimo (Loosmore, 1954, 27). However, a l l labour candidates l o s t t h e i r deposits (Robin, 1968, 27). As Loosmore notes, "B.C. was not yet ready to e l e c t labour candidates to the l e g i s l a t u r e " (Loosmore, 1954, 33). Labour influence was also exerted through the Trades and Labour Council with i t s persistent demand for the r e s t r i c t i o n of O r i e n t a l immigration, and i t s a g i t a t i o n f or s p e c i f i c remedies f o r the 'hard times' of the n i n e t i e s (Dobie, 1932, 247). The c r a f t unions, on the other hand, a l l i e d themselves with the American Federation of Labour (AFL) which rejected at the outset any r a d i c a l approach, p r e f e r r i n g a p o l i c y of c o l l e c t i v e bargaining to either d i r e c t or p o l i t i c a l action (Saywell, 1951, 134). The Knights, on the other hand, although they ran candidates i n the 1886 Vancouver C i v i c E l e c t i o n (Robin, 1968, 27), declined r a p i d l y afterward (Loosmore, 1954, 40). In f a c t the labour movement i n general showed generally l i t t l e organisation with the long recession between 1887 and 1896 (Saywell, 1951, 134). From 1889 however, which marked the formation of the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council (VTLC), and the Vancouver Island Miners and Mine Labourers Protective Association (MMLPA), a l l Federal elections 40 were marked by some organised intervention of B.C. labour (Loosmore, 1954, 1). Union organisation i n the B.C. i n t e r i o r at t h i s time was almost non-existent u n t i l about the middle and l a t e 1890's when the metal-mining industry mushroomed i n South-East B.C., and the area was populated by Americans who brought s k i l l i n organisation and r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l tendencies (Robin, 1968, 45). Late i n 1890, a broad organisation of a l l unions i n B.C. was formed and was known as the B.C. Federated Labour Congress, established i n i t i a l l y to f i g h t f o r an eight-hour day (Saywell, 1951, 135). However, as the Knights came from the East and declined, so, for many years, as Saywell notes, workmen on the P a c i f i c Coast were not too enthusiastic about the Congress because both personnel and philosophy were furnished by ' Eastern Canada (Saywell, 1951, 134). The 'Canadian' ideas of labour organisation were not to be d i r e c t l y transferable to a new and d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l environment i n B.C. The development of the party system i n B.C. was therefore going to d i f f e r from that i n the rest of Canada also. The idea of class c o n f l i c t i n B.C., however, was becoming more c l e a r l y expressed i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Loosmore, 1954, 51), and i n the Federal elections of 1891 and 1896 party l i n e s came to be more c l e a r l y drawn (Dobie, 1932, 249). The reaction of the government to the growing importance of the p o l i t i c i s a t i o n of labour at t h i s time was r e f l e c t e d i n the Labour Disputes B i l l of 1893, which c a l l e d f o r more information on labour a c t i v i t y and i n i t i a t e d a Board 41 of A r b i t r a t i o n (Saywell, 1951, 136). There was n a t u r a l l y much suspicion and c r i t i c i s m of th i s measure on the part of labour (Saywell, 1951, 137). In 1894, there appeared the f i r s t " r e a l 'labour' party" i n B.C. i n the form of the N a t i o n a l i s t Party. Before t h i s point, labour p o l i t i c a l action was c a r r i e d out by the unions themselves, for example, MMLPA or VTLC, or by "workingmen's p a r t i e s " (Loosmore, 1954, 64). Even so, such parti e s did not provide s u f f i c i e n t appeal for focussing concerted labour action on a united f r o n t . There was much i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n , l a t e n t and manifest, about the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of philosophy or the degree to which labour should become p o l i t i c i s e d . Fear of d i v i s i o n on labour-union and anti-labour union l i n e s made some p o l i t i c i a n s w i l l i n g to accept a L i b e r a l or Liberal-Conservative alignment i n B.C. p o l i t i c s (Dobie, 1932, 247). The f i r s t S o c i a l i s t organisation to take root i n Canada was the S o c i a l i s t Labour Party (SLP), an American organisation which appeared i n Ontario i n 1894. This organisation was e s s e n t i a l l y Marxist and anti-union (Robin, 1968, 34). Socialism f i r s t appeared i n B.C. i n 1895 when the Kootenay miners a f f i l i a t e d with the Western Federation of Miners (WFM), another American Marxist association (Saywell, 1951, 138). Thus, as has been noted above, although B.C. p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s had remained e s s e n t i a l l y non-partisan, a f t e r 1896 there began a demand f o r the introduction of party l i n e s (Dobie, 1932, 244). In the decade following 1896 a v a r i e t y of factors transformed the labour scene into one of greater p o l i t i c a l involvement. American influence 42 became dominant, so c i a l i s m appeared, and d i r e c t a ction and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y increased i n tempo (Saywell, 1951, 137). The Federal e l e c t i o n of 1896 marked the introduction of party l i n e s into B.C. Federal p o l i t i c s (Sanford, 1961, 69), and Maxwell, who was nominated by labour, and, although t e c h n i c a l l y independent yet voted with the L i b e r a l s , was elected i n Burrard (Loosmore, 1954, 83). Thus, even at t h i s early stage, the L i b e r a l Party i n B.C. had become the 'party of r eaction'. A f t e r the Maxwell v i c t o r y , the N a t i o n a l i s t Party declined, and, i n the 1898 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , nominated no candidates (Loosmore, 1954, 84). With the a r r i v a l of Arthur Spencer i n B.C. the S o c i a l i s t Labour Party was established (Grantham, 1942, 10), and from 1898 to 1900, there developed a new form of p o l i t i c a l action (Loosmore, 1954, 88). The passage i n 1898 of a law guaranteeing b a l l o t secrecy so that any employee need no longer fear discrimination because of h i s vote was important (Loosmore, 1954, 89). The e l e c t i o n of the labour-backed Smith i n Nanaimo with the precarious government majority enabled him to gain some reform (Robin, 1968, 49). A p o s i t i v e reaction to the S o c i a l i s t Party was a more moderate Labour Party i n i t i a t e d i n 1899 (Saywell, 1951, 142). That year has been described as marking "the f i r s t great struggle between employer and employed i n B.C. i n nearly a decade"(Robin, 1968, 53). Ormsby has noted that the economic l i f e of B.C. during the f i r s t few years of the Twentieth Century was i n jeopardy because of the continued s o c i a l tension and unrest, exemplified i n the Fraser 43 fishermen's s t r i k e (Ormsby, 1958, 331). By 1900, a s p l i t i n the SLP was healed and the United S o c i a l i s t Labour Party (USLP) was formed (Saywell, 1951, 143). This party plus the more moderate Independent Labour Party were successful only i n Nanaimo with the r e - e l e c t i o n of Ralph Smith i n the 1900 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n (Saywell, 1951, 144). The WFM, on the other hand, had endorsed c e r t a i n Conservative candidates f o r various concessions (Loosmore, 1954, i i i ) . For the Federal e l e c t i o n however, there was a Liberal-Labour a l l i a n c e , with the i n i t i a t i v e coming from the L i b e r a l s i n the hope of gaining ' votes as w e l l as attempting to contain radicalism i n B.C. within i t s ranks by attaching that movement to the L i b e r a l Party (Loosmore, 1954, 129). However, i n d u s t r i a l c o n f l i c t at t h i s time was to 'drive a wedge' between the Lib-Lab a l l i a n c e (Robin, 1968, 55). The period 1900-1906 was to see a decline i n reformist 'labourism' and a r i s e i n socialism (Loosmore, 1954, i i i ) . With the growth of s o c i a l i s m i n many parts of B.C., a series of s p l i t s i n the e x i s t i n g labour reform movement were created (Loosmore, 1954, 152). The struggle - between s o c i a l i s t s and reformers culminated i n the 1902 Kamloops Convention. At t h i s convention an e f f o r t was made to gather the scattered groups into one p o l i t i c a l organisation (Saywell, 1951, 146). The P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party was formed as a kind of compromise moderate reform party of the diverse i n t e r e s t s , but was s h o r t - l i v e d because of i n t e r n a l dissension (Saywell, 1951, 147). At the same time there was a consolidation of the s o c i a l i s t movement - that i s , of the SLP, the Canadian S o c i a l i s t League, and the 44 USLP, into the S o c i a l i s t Party of B.C. (SPBC) (Robin, 1968, 40). As Robin notes, unlike t h e i r Ontario counterparts, B.C. s o c i a l i s t s achieved early e l e c t o r a l success (Robin, 1968, 42). In 1903, the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n B.C., which was a n t i -s o c i a l i s t and anti-union i n i t s stance, advocated the l e g a l p r o h i b i t i o n of socialism (Saywell, 1951, 140). A reaction of t h i s kind and at th i s time against the r a d i c a l unions helped to bring about t h e i r decline. When McBride introduced Federal Party l i n e s into the 1903 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , although an important f a c t o r from one viewpoint may have been s t a b i l i t y , i t i s possible to see th i s ultimately as a reaction against the r a d i c a l base which had s t e a d i l y grown and thus had l e f t an important legacy. Further, the attempts at c o n c i l i a t i o n with labour, the reforms gained through p o l i t i c a l pressure, the a l l i a n c e s with both o l d p a r t i e s at d i f f e r e n t times, and the e l e c t i o n of candidates, e i t h e r those nominated d i r e c t l y or endorsed, provide evidence f o r the important p o l i t i c a l impact of the base. The development of the r a d i c a l base and the transplant of the o l d pa r t i e s as a rea c t i o n to the base thus marks the end of the f i r s t stage of the o v e r a l l action-reaction p o l i t i c a l process i n B.C. p o l i t i c s which culminated i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . OLD PARTY TRANSPLANT 1903-1933 Having now considered the r a d i c a l base of B.C. p o l i t i c s , the second major stage i n the development of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c ulture -the transplant of the old pa r t i e s into B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s - w i l l 45 be discussed and analysed. On the one hand the introduction of party l i n e s did provide some s t a b i l i t y e l e c t o r a l l y , and, on the other, i t not only l e g i t i m i s e d socialism but helped f r u s t r a t e i t s larger development i n terms of e l e c t o r a l success, the L i b e r a l Party being the 'party of reaction'. Although the p o l i t i c a l leaders apparently were t r y i n g to s a t i s f y as many groups as possible (Dobie, 1936, 154), the point of view of the old p a r t i e s , with increasing i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , urbanisation and immigration excluded a s i g n i f i c a n t minority of economic and s o c i a l groups (Young, 1969B, 109). Before the formation of a nationa l s o c i a l i s t party which was committed to parliamentary success, discontent was not focussed i n the B.C. labour and s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s . Most unions followed the p o l i c y of the AFL, to which some were a f f i l i a t e d , and gave t h e i r support to whichever candidate, L i b e r a l or Conservative, who seemed to promote t h e i r i n t e r e s t (Dobie, 1936, 156). Thus the period 1903 to 1933 i n B.C. p o l i t i c s was e s s e n t i a l l y a two-party system, although there were other, but less important, fa c t i o n s (Sanford, 1961, 85). One w r i t e r has noted that an important feature of t h i s period was the "struggle between one party to r e t a i n and the other to capture the benefits of o f f i c e " (Dobie, 1936, 161). Evidence of the e s s e n t i a l two-party system which operated i n t h i s period i s given i n Table I I I where the f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n value to 1933 remained close to the l e v e l of intermediate f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n . The facti o n s noted above were various -labour, s o c i a l i s t , s o l d i e r , farmer and, businessman. The problems of leadership, economy and patronage combined to force d i v i s i o n , e s p e c i a l l y 46' -within the Conservative Party. I t i s worth noting at t h i s point that the United Farmers of B.C. (UFBC) grew out of the Conservative Party, rather than, as on the P r a i r i e s , out of the L i b e r a l Party (Ormsby, 1953, 73). The Conservative Party, although successful i n the f i r s t four e l e c t i o n s of i t s transplant, was to win only one more P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i n B.C., i n 1928, and, by 1933, i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n and the coming of the CCF rendered the Party useful only as a partner i n c o a l i t i o n to keep the s o c i a l i s t s out. By the beginning of the F i r s t World War the reaction to the 'tory touch' i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s had j e l l e d and the L i b e r a l Party took over to 1937. At the Federal l e v e l , the Conservatives, apart from 1904, held the most seats i n B.C. to 1930. The introduction of the CCF into B.C. Federal p o l i t i c s , and the increasing d i s a f f e c t i o n with the Conservative Party, tended to give the L i b e r a l s the most seats up to 1953. In order to c l a r i f y the argument a l i t t l e more f u l l y , and i d e n t i f y the p o l i t i c a l processes involved, we need to examine the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture a l i t t l e more c l o s e l y from 1903 to 1933. THE B.C. POLITICAL CULTURE 1903-1933 During the time that concessions were being gained from Laurier as B.C. MP's were a l l L i b e r a l s i n 1904 (Black, 1960, 15), the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada was being organised (Grantham, 1942, 20). Further, at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , even though the Conservatives were i n power, many reforms were secured by the SLP i n the early years 47 (Grantham, 1942, 30). The theme of 'better terms' with Ottawa f o r B.C. has been a s i g n i f i c a n t one i n B.C. p o l i t i c s ever since McBride v i s i t e d Ottawa i n 1903 (Black, 1960, 15). In the 1907 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , three s o c i a l i s t candidates were elected, but McBride's r e j e c t i o n of Laurier's terms helped him increase his support, thereby weakening non-tory l e g i s l a t i v e strength (Black, 1960, 15). I t appeared at t h i s time that the appeal of s e c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s were more important i n P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s than the i n t e r n a l reaction to the 'tory touch'. Further, with the decision to b u i l d a CN l i n e employing no A s i a t i c s , labour was placated to a c e r t a i n extent, and the Conservatives won a large v i c t o r y i n the 1909 contest (Ormsby, 1958, 357). However, the s o c i a l i s t vote outside of Vancouver t o t a l l e d more than that of the L i b e r a l s , but a f t e r 1912 e l e c t o r a l support began to f a l l as the L i b e r a l s gained strength (Robin, 1968, 101). The s o c i a l i s t vote was only 4844 i n 1912 compared with 5681 i n 1909 (Grantham, 1942, 52). Robin a t t r i b u t e s t h i s decline to several f a c t o r s including doctoral r i g i d i t y , i n t e r n a l d i s r u p t i o n , and neglect of e l e c t o r a l organisation (Robin, 1968, 102). A further f a c t o r was, that, by 1912 McBride had become the 'symbol of B.C. success', and i n the 1912 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , l o s t only 2 of 42 seats, both to the s o c i a l i s t s (Ormsby, 1958, 363). The s o c i a l i s t problem was compounded by the f a c t that there was competition f o r the labour vote by both the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada (SPC) and the S o c i a l Democratic Party (SDP) (Robin, 1968, 104). At the meetings of the B.C. Federation of Labour at this, time, resolutions f o r the creation of a new p o l i t i c a l party 48 were defeated (Robin, 1968, 105). With the onset of the F i r s t World War came unemployment, the collapse of the r e a l estate and b u i l d i n g booms and the decline i n the fortunes of the Conservative Party i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s (Ormsby, 1958, 383). The TLC started to d r i f t away from the 'safe anchor' of the L i b e r a l and Conservative p a r t i e s (Robin, 1968, 118). The period 1914 to 1918 was therefore to see the growth of two forces i n Canadian p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t was the organisation of the farmers, and then second the growing importance of labour, although the l a t t e r was the f i r s t to receive p u b l i c attention (Young, 1969B, 14). When McBride l e f t the Conservative leadership i n 1915 to go to England as the B.C. agent-general, Bowser became premier (Black, 1960, 18). There was a f e e l i n g about the poor leadership q u a l i t i e s which the l a t t e r possessed (Ormsby, 1958, 54), and Brewster, the L i b e r a l leader, at the same time indicated that the L i b e r a l Party would be responsive to the needs of the people. Thus i n the B.C. 1916 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , the Conservatives were rejected and the L i b e r a l s were given a large v i c t o r y (Ormsby, 1958, 387). This was the f i r s t major p o l i t i c a l r eaction within the old party transplant i n B.C. p o l i t i c s . However, economic problems faced the new L i b e r a l premier, and a continued lack of confidence i n the P r o v i n c i a l government was accompanied by the farmers' concern about the future, with contracting markets and increasing production costs (Ormsby, 1953, 554-5). The 49 farmers themselves organised into a movement with J.L. Pridham as i t s chief proponent. As a r e s u l t of h i s leadership the United Farmers of B.C. (UFBC) came into existence i n 1917 (Ormsby, 1953, . 56). Pridham accepted the Wood p r i n c i p l e of 'group government' and rejected partyism (Ormsby, 1953, 56). Although the UFBC programme showed s i m i l a r i t i e s to that of the United Farmers of Albe r t a (UFA), the farmers i n B.C. did not have as intense a h o s t i l i t y to Eastern i n t e r e s t s as P r a i r i e agrarians (Ormsby, 1953, 57). Further, the UFBC movement sprang out of the Conservative Party,, rather than, as on the P r a i r i e s , out of the L i b e r a l Party (Ormsby, 1953, 73). The other main force during t h i s time, that of labour, was stimulated by the Russian Revolution and was given temporary d i r e c t i o n by the s e t t i n g up of the Canadian Labour Party i n 1917. The reaction to these events on the part of the o l d party transplant was a thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World (IWW) a c t i v i t i e s on the grounds that i t was "attempting to spread s e d i t i o n and ferment i n d u s t r i a l unrest i n B.C." (Robin, 1968, 164). The Federal government ordered t h i r t e e n organisations, including IWW, which appeared i n 1906, to disband (Grantham, 1942, 108). In 1919, however, there was a c a l l f o r One Big Union (OBIT) at the Western Labour Conference (Robin, 1968, 177). The Vancouver council was the f i r s t one to adopt the conference proposal (Robin, 1968, 178), but there was l i t t l e sympathy for OBU i n Eastern Canada (Robin, 1968, 192). The state of unrest at t h i s time following the war, was compounded by the problem of plac i n g returning s o l d i e r s i n employment (Ormsby, 1958, 405), and the Winnipeg general 50 s t r i k e was followed by sympathy s t r i k e s i n Vancouver (Grantham, 1942, 122). The farmer protest, apart from UFBC i t s e l f , became manifest i n the r i s e of the P r o v i n c i a l Party i n 1920 which represented a fusion of some elements of UFBC, d i s s a t i s f i e d veterans and p o l i t i c a l l y minded Vancouver businessmen (Black, 1960, 21). To counter t h i s , i n the 1920 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n the L i b e r a l s had to put up Labour, Soldier and Farmer candidates (Ormsby, 1958, 413). Henry Wise Wood had spoken against p o l i t i c a l action for the UFBC alone at t h e i r 1920 convention (Ormsby, 1953, 61). While the P r o v i n c i a l Party i s seen as an agrarian protest movement, which .was i n f u l l swing i n Ontario and Western Canada (Black, 1960, 21), and was stimulated by the e l e c t i o n of a UFO government i n Ontario, the force of labour, on the other hand, became disunited. Internal dissension caused by inter-union r i v a l r y f i n a l l y destroyed the OBU and the B.C. wing defected i n 1920 (Robin, 1968, 193). The SPC decided to contest only Vancouver and Prince Rupert i n the P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and the apparent d i s r u p t i o n of the. labour movement by the advent of OBU led i n 1920 to the disbanding of the B.C. Federation of Labour (Robin, 1968, 198). Although the L i b e r a l s won the 1920 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , i t was with a reduced number of seats. By 1921, the end of the a l l i a n c e between the L i b e r a l s and organised labour was approaching (Hromnysky, 1965, 228), and by the autumn of that year there was growing dissension within the L i b e r a l Party (Ormsby, 1958, 414). At the Federal l e v e l , the farmer protest was organised around 51 the n a t i o n a l Progressive Reconstruction Party, which, i n the 1921 e l e c t i o n gained 65 seats, and although t h i s made i t the second largest parliamentary group, the party did not choose to form the o f f i c i a l opposition "because of t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s " (Young, 1969B, 32-3). Although t h i s party gained 2 seats i n B.C., and, i n the 1924 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n the P r o v i n c i a l Party gained 3 seats, t h i r d p a r t i e s representing a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s i n B.C. to t h i s time had not been as successful compared with the P r a i r i e s because of a g r i c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y and because the farmers were organised s u f f i c i e n t l y w e l l to gain t h e i r demands without d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l action (Dobie, 1936, 159). Dobie c l a s s i f i e s the Farmers Party of 1920, the P r o v i n c i a l Party of 1922-1924, and the Peoples Party of 1932, a l l as 'Progressives', and notes that t h e i r main c a l l was for the r i g h t kind of leadership (Dobie, 1936, 159). King, on the other hand, saw the Progressives as "impatient L i b e r a l s " (Young, 1969B, 30). Thus, up to t h i s time, although the reaction to the old party transplant was not f e l t with all-embracing protest p a r t i e s , t h i s phase i n the development of the process saw the emergence of c e r t a i n Progressive p a r t i e s . However, in c r e a s i n g l y so there was dissension within both old p a r t i e s . In the Conservative Party, f o r example, i n the period 1916-1922, 'Young Conservatives' considered that they had not got t h e i r share of patronage (Dobie, 1936, 158). Further, the r e a f f i r m a t i o n of Bowser as Conservative leader brought much dissidence within the Conservative Party, and e s p e c i a l l y from the young Conservatives 52 (Ormsby, 1958, 420). The P r o v i n c i a l Party, which, as was noted above had farmer support, emerged, and i n the 1924 e l e c t i o n t h e i r slogan was, with O l i v e r as L i b e r a l premier, and Bowser the Conservative leader, "Turn O l i v e r out and don't l e t Bowser i n " (Dobie, 1936, 159). The P r o v i n c i a l Party was to f i g h t , among other things, for a reduction i n f r e i g h t rates (Ormsby, 1953, 69). The P r o v i n c i a l Party contested i t s l a s t e l e c t i o n amid charges of L i b e r a l corruption, and Ormsby has noted that the 1924 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n was a r e v o l t against "machine p o l i t i c s and the s p o i l s system" (Ormsby, 1958, 423). O l i v e r t r i e d to e x p l o i t the 'better terms' question (Hromnysky, 1965, 229), but both he and Bowser l o s t t h e i r seats and the P r o v i n c i a l Party elected three members. Bowser, angry, then decided to r e t i r e (Black, 1960, 22), and the P r o v i n c i a l Party faded quickly, some former Conservatives returning to the Conservative Party (Black, 1960, 23). Meanwhile, the Russian Revolution had stimulated and retarded the growth of the labour movement. It stimulated enthusiasm among m i l i t a n t labour leaders, yet encouraged, apart from a general public re a c t i o n against s o c i a l i s m (Grantham, 1942, 139), the Communist Party of Canada to b ecome a f f i l i a t e d with the CLP i n 1924. This l a t t e r move had the e f f e c t , not of unifying the labour movement, but of d i v i d i n g i t by bringing into sharper focus the cleavage between r a d i c a l s and moderates, and by 1926 the struggle between these two groups within the CLP reached a peak (Robin, 1968, 258). Thus, the introduction of the party system into B.C. P r o v i n c i a l 53 p o l i t i c s , a l t h o u g h perhaps p r o v i d i n g some r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , c e r t a i n l y d i d n o t s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o f i n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n and d i v i s i o n w i t h i n a l l of the p a r t i e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , w h i c h , i n a n o t h e r s e n s e , t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e p a r t y system b r o u g h t a b o u t . The o l d p a r t i e s , however, were a ' s a f e a n c h o r ' amid a l a c k o f u n i o n w i t h i n t h e s o c i a l i s t movement, w h i c h , because o f t h i s was u n a b l e t o p r o v i d e t h e r e a c t i o n t o t h e o l d p a r t y t r a n s p l a n t i n t h i s p e r i o d . The ' w a r r i n g f a c t i o n s ' w i t h i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y f i n a l l y l e d t o t h e d e p o s i t i o n o f Bowser i n 1926 and T o l m i e was e l e c t e d t h e new l e a d e r . However, f r o m 1928 t o 1933, t h e i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n and r e a c t i o n w i t h i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y c o n t i n u e d . F o r example, t h e r e was a c o n s t a n t t h r e a t of d e f e c t i o n o f r e s e n t f u l ' B o w s e r i t e s ' ( D o b i e , 1936, 158). I n t h e L i b e r a l P a r t y , O l i v e r d i e d and McLean t o o k o v e r as l e a d e r , and t h e 1928 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n was r e g a r d e d p r i m a r i l y as a p e r s o n a l i t y c o n t e s t - McLean v e r s u s t h e l o c a l b o r n and known T o l m i e (Ormsby, 1958, 433). F u r t h e r , t h e L i b e r a l government was h a v i n g p roblems e s p e c i a l l y w i t h t h e PGE and t h e economic s i t u a t i o n , and t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s got i n ( B l a c k , 1960, 24). However, T o l m i e ' s incumbency i n V i c t o r i a marked t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a l o n g p e r i o d of d e p r e s s i o n f o r t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n B.C. O nly once s i n c e would t h e y send a g r e a t e r number o f MP's t o Ottawa -i n 1958 - and, a t the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , t h e y w o u l d n e v e r a g a i n w i n more t h a n o n e - q u a r t e r o f the t o t a l s e a t s i n t h e l e g i s l a t u r e . B l a c k 54 has noted the apparent ineptitude of the Tolmie government (Black, 1960, 28), which may have r e l a t e d i n part to the inexperience of the cabinet (Ormsby, 1958, 441). Dobie has pointed to the f a i l u r e of Tolmie i n 1928 to use h i s large majority for constructive p o l i c y -making i n an attempt to apply r e l i e f measures. However, h i s f a i l u r e to c o n t r o l party dissidents allowed the public to see that control of party rather than the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t seemed to be the prime consideration of the government (Dobie, 1936, 160). The i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t and reaction within the old party transplant continued, and, i n 1931, the 'Bowserites' knew that, by demanding a convention, t h i s would s p l i t the party and bring defeat i n the next P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n (Dobie, 1936, 160). The Kidd Report of 1932 regarded government s o c i a l services as a p r i v i l e g e , rather than as a r i g h t , as many people thought (Dobie, 1936, 161), j u s t as the unions existed by permission, and not by r i g h t (Young, 1969B, 108). These two. a t t i t u d e s , deeply entrenched i n the 'tory touch', would, i n the end, contribute to i t s downfall i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n . In the early 1930's, the 'tory touch', at a time of depression, was hardly l i k e l y to be successful, f o r philosophic r i g i d i t y of any kind has gained seats but never control i n B.C. p o l i t i c s . The 'Bowserites' had already launched a ' c i t i z e n s h i p movement' which was 'non-partisan'. In a prophetic statement on the future of h i s own party, Bowser claimed that "the day of party i n P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s was over" (Dobie, 1936, 162). General public discontent with B.C. p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , and the emergence of the CCF, which claimed that both old p a r t i e s were bankrupt, . 55 plus the disarray of the Conservative Party, gave the L i b e r a l s a v i c t o r y i n the 1933 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . Tolmie had proposed a 'union government' with the L i b e r a l s and appealed f o r support, but both L i b e r a l s and Conservatives opposed the idea (Black, 1960, 29). With the Conservatives s p l i t , many ran as independents. One Unionist was elected, and the L i b e r a l Party formed the new government, with the CCF as- the o f f i c i a l opposition. The L i b e r a l Party "was to meet the s o c i a l i s t challenge" and offered " p r a c t i c a l idealism" as against "visionary socialism" (Dobie, 1936, 164). The c a l l again was for pragmatism. The L i b e r a l v i c t o r y i n the 1933 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and the CCF as the o f f i c i a l opposition (a p o s i t i o n which, u n t i l 1972, and, apart from 1937, i t has held ever since i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s ) , marked the end of the phase where the two old p a r t i e s were trans-planted d i r e c t l y into B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . Dobie indicated at that time that the L i b e r a l s , unlike the Conservatives i n B.C., had the basis to develop a party f i t t e d to make a successful t r a n s i t i o n to " r e a l l y s o c i a l i s e d democracy" (Dobie, 1936, 166). One of the most important factors which brought the old party transplant phase to an end i n B.C. p o l i t i c s was the a b i l i t y of the l e f t to e f f e c t i v e l y unite i n t o one party. This i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n B.C. as i t occurred at a time when the transplant appeared to be d i s i n t e g r a t i n g anyway. This f a c t i s important also, for i t means that, i n a diverse Province such as B.C. i n terms of economy and society, the two-party system was unworkable. The protest p a r t i e s can thus be regarded as reactions 56 against the attempt to 'constrain' t h i s d i v e r s i t y . PROTEST PARTY REACTION 1933-1952 During the transplanting of the old p a r t i e s onto the r a d i c a l base, there arose a series of protest/progressive/reform movements which have been discussed i n general terms above. Most of these movements were f a i r l y s h o r t - l i v e d , and many were plagued by i n t e r n a l dissension and d i v i s i o n , sometimes over the question of 'movement' versus 'party'. The Progressive movement was a product of the same feelin g s of " q u a s i - c o l o n i a l " e x p l o i t a t i o n , and of f r u s t r a t e d ambitions, that led to the establishment of the CCF and S o c i a l Credit P a r t i e s (Young, 1969A, 15), and the period 1933 to 1952 was to see the emergence of these two main 'protest p a r t i e s ' i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . The depression acted as a c a t a l y s t (Young, 1969B, 55). When the CCF was established i t appeared to have learnt the lesson from the Progressive experience, and was a "vigorous champion" of the parliamentary system (Young, 1969B, 39). While i t took the depression to pave the way for a S o c i a l Credit government i n A l b e r t a , i t took the depression i n B.C. to bring about discussion of S o c i a l Credit ideas ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 36). S o c i a l Credit doctrines were not imported, furthermore, from Alberta ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 35). Vancouver was the f i r s t to f e e l the business depression, and with i t came s o c i a l unrest (Ormsby, 1958, 442). The depression j o l t e d the middle c l a s s , and i t was they who began the r e v o l t i n Canada during the 1930's (Grantham, 1942, 166). While S o c i a l Credit 57 proposed to repair and modify the free enterprise system to make i t work as i t should on the f r o n t i e r , the CCF proposed to substitute a better system (Young, 1969A, 36). In the eyes of many i t was the c a p i t a l i s t system which had f a i l e d , and, i n B.C., t h i s was symbolised both i n the collapse of the Conservative Party and i n the b i r t h of the CCF whose aim i t was to replace that system. The introduction of the CCF into B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s was therefore appropriate, f o r i t was a reaction to what the old party transplant stood f o r , whereas S o c i a l Credit at t h i s time was not. Furthermore, the legacy of the r a d i c a l base i n B.C., before the old party transplant, was an important ingredient. Two further reactions i n the general process, however, were s t i l l to come. In order to examine the protest reactions a l i t t l e more f u l l y , we need to discuss the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture from 1933 to 1952 i n more d e t a i l . THE B.C. POLITICAL CULTURE 1933-1952 The f i n a l movement toward a united s o c i a l i s t party- began i n earnest i n October 1929 when various independent labour p a r t i e s i n Western Canada convened i n Regina and formed a Western Conference of Labour Parties (Robin, 1968, 269). In 1931, two i n t e l l e c t u a l s , Frank Scott and Frank U n d e r h i l l agreed that Canada needed a new p o l i t i c a l party and, as a beginning, they established a society, the League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction (LSR) i n Toronto (Young, 1969A, 52-3). By early summer 1932 branches of the LSR were i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a (Grantham, 1942, 188). The growing discontent among farm 58 and labour groups i n the West culminated i n the Calgary conference of 1932, and by 1933 the Regina Manifesto of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) had been formulated. The programme was designed to appeal to farmers, trade unions, small businessmen, the unemployed, as w e l l as d o c t r i n a i r e s o c i a l i s t s (Ormsby, 1958, 452). The LSR, however, had more influence than any of the a f f i l i a t e d groups i n the CCF (Young, 1969A, 75). The SPC (BC) was the only organised representative at Calgary (Grantham, 1942, 203). On the basis of press and radio reports a f t e r the Calgary conference, CCF clubs sprang up a l l over B.C. (Sanford, 1961, 100). However, i n the 1933 e l e c t i o n , i t was opposed by business, industry, the old p a r t i e s , the press, and even some r e l i g i o u s influences (Grantham, 1942, 234). The CCF/NDP would come to power i n B.C. only when both old partie s opposed the party i n power, and not CCF/NDP. Because of the Conservative demise at t h i s time, many t r a d i t i o n a l Conservatives voted L i b e r a l , and even so, the new party gained 32 per cent of the vote and 7 seats (Sanford, 1961, 104). Since that time, CCF/NDP has never had le s s than 28 per cent of the popular vote (Table I I I ) , i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s , better than both old p a r t i e s . P a t t u l l o thus became the new L i b e r a l premier and promised a 'new deal' (Ormsby, 1958, 453). The 1933 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i n B.C. has been termed a 'watershed.' i n P r o v i n c i a l a f f a i r s (Sherman, 1966, 24). At about the same time, a reporter, Henry Torey, gained some information about S o c i a l Credit theories from an English newspaper, and he and William Tutte began a study group i n 1932 ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 59 37). They were joined by William Rose and the group became known as the Douglas S o c i a l Credit group, B.C. s e c t i o n , although they did not function outside of Vancouver or organise p o l i t i c a l l y f o r several years ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 37-8). When i n 1935 the S o c i a l Credit Party came to power i n A l b e r t a , the S o c i a l Credit League of B.C. was obtaining a charter f o r a p o l i t i c a l party. This then became the B.C. S o c i a l Credit League (H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 46). The United Farmers of Canada announced t h e i r i n t e n t i o n i n 1936 to coordinate e f f o r t s to e l e c t a S o c i a l Credit government i n B.C. (Ormsby, 1953, 73). Due to the f a i l u r e of Aberhart, on a matter of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Douglas theories, to woo the B.C. S o c i a l Credit League, he set up the B.C. Credit Union which' acknowledged him as the n a t i o n a l leader of the movement ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 48-9). Aft e r Tolmie's resignation i n 1936, Patterson became the leader of the Conservative Party (Black, 1960, 32). In the 1937 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , although the L i b e r a l s won again, they had a reduced number of seats, and the Conservatives became the o f f i c i a l opposition for the l a s t time. Economic conditions had improved by t h i s time, e s p e c i a l l y i n mining (Ormsby, 1958, 467). With the improved performance of the Conservative Party, the Kamloops convention i n 1938 was regarded by one writer as "the beginnings of the renaissance of the Conservative Party" (Atkinson, 1941, 375). Further, although the S o c i a l Credit League was giving him public support, P a t t u l l o began to lose favour i n 1939 e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r another 'battle with Ottawa' over finance (Ormsby, 1958, 471). By t h i s time the CCF was stronger 60 than i n 1933 (Young, 1969B, 65), and during the period 1940 to 1945 i t reached i t s peak (Young, T969B, 67). One writer even went as f a r as to predict that the CCF would become the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l government i n the 1941 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n (Brown, 1940, 169). At the Federal l e v e l , on the other hand, CCF managed to e l e c t only one member from B.C. i n the 1940 e l e c t i o n . The period 1941 to 1952 again saw a number of moves designed to f r u s t r a t e the growing importance of the CCF and keep i t from power. For example, i n the 1941 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , the number of L i b e r a l seats was cut from 31 to 21, while CCF gained 14 seats, and became again the o f f i c i a l opposition. Maitland, the Conservative leader thus c a l l e d f o r a union government which would include the CCF, but Winch, the CCF leader, declined (Ormsby, 1958, 477). The L i b e r a l and Conservative p a r t i e s , however, maintained a t a c i t r e l a t i o n s h i p at t h i s time, fearing further growth of a j o i n t adversary. The t r a n s i t i o n from movement to party by the CCF was p a r a l l e l e d by a concern with urban so c i a l i s m and a c l o s e r alignment with the trade unions than the farmers, e s p e c i a l l y outside the P r a i r i e s (Young, 1969A, 87). I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t , therefore, that, i n 1943, the i n d u s t r i a l unions endorsed CCF as t h e i r p o l i t i c a l arm (Young, 1969B, 74). A year l a t e r , Manning, the premier of Alberta, began to organise the S o c i a l Credit Association of Canada ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 62), and i n December 1944 the S o c i a l Credit Association was launched. The point was emphasised at that time that S o c i a l Credit and Socialism 61 were opposite philosophies ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 64). The S o c i a l Credit League ran candidates i n the 1949 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n but none were elected, and the League gained only 1.6 per cent of the vote ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 79). The B.C. c o a l i t i o n government embodied the reaction to the perceived growth i n CCF support, and gradually, from 1941, the number of CCF seats dropped from 14 to 7 i n 1949. However, the c o a l i t i o n government i t s e l f , l i k e the s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s before 1933, was undergoing continued s t r a i n and i n t e r n a l disagreement (Black, 1960, 40). In the 1949 Federal e l e c t i o n the Conservative Party h i t i t s lowest ebb since 1904 and gained only three seats i n B.C. With the discontent with Anscomb as leader of the party at the 1950 convention, and the growing s p l i t between Federal and P r o v i n c i a l organisations (Black, 1960, 44), Anscomb indicated that the Liberal-Conservative agreement would end at the next e l e c t i o n ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 79). The f i n a l blow was a report strongly c r i t i c a l of the Hospital Insurance Scheme which was brought before the l e g i s l a t u r e and which divided the L i b e r a l s and Conservatives ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 80). In December 1951, a leading Conservative, unhappy for some time over the performance of the c o a l i t i o n l e f t the party, and, with a small group of followers, a l l i e d himself with the S o c i a l Credit League (Black, 1960, 49). This party suddenly took on a 'crusading q u a l i t y ' i n B.C. ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 83), and i t s programme included a range of 'progressive' p o l i c i e s including the a b o l i t i o n of compulsory h o s p i t a l insurance ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 84). It was a perfect moment f o r .62 an alternate party to CCF to appeal to the electorate - to the north, the r u r a l voters wanting roads, and the businessman i n the c i t i e s who feared the progress of CCF (Ormsby, 1958, 487). The promise was f o r a middle-of-the-road free-enterprise government (Ormsby, 1958, 489). The introduction of the a l t e r n a t i v e voting system was the other main way the c o a l i t i o n of old p a r t i e s hoped to f r u s t r a t e the CCF. However, t h i s system i n the 1952 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n helped S o c i a l Credit, f o r i t meant that second choices were often i n t h e i r favour ( i f not the f i r s t ) i n a r e g i s t r a t i o n of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the old p a r t i e s (Angus, 1952). Further, by giving S o c i a l Credit f i r s t choice, the electorate were s t i l l v oting for a conservative form of government ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, 87). Thus, with the 1952 e l e c t i o n , government by old party transplant came to an end. The progress of the CCF was impeded by a conservative protest party. S o c i a l Credit was a r e a c t i o n to the old p a r t i e s as w e l l as to socialism, but s t i l l kept the 'tory touch', while CCF was a reaction to what these partie s represented. The ' L i b e r a l remnant' s t i l l ' r e m a i n e d a f t e r the 1952 and 1953 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s , while the Conservatives disappeared u n t i l 1972. THE SOCIAL CREDIT REACTION 1952-1972 The period from 1952 to 1972 was e s s e n t i a l l y a time of consolidation of a p o l i t i c a l culture that was B.C.-based. The year 1952 can thus be regarded as a point at which the p o l i t i c a l culture of B.C. 'congealed'. The Conservatives had no-one i n the l e g i s l a t u r e 63 from 1956, and the system became e s s e n t i a l l y three-party with S o c i a l Credit i n power, CCF/NDP as the o f f i c i a l opposition, with a small number of seats going to the L i b e r a l Party. The culture was f i n a l l y set i n the 1953 e l e c t i o n when the voting procedure was 'normalised' and S o c i a l Credit gained a healthy v i c t o r y . There was l i t t l e concern i n the 1952 e l e c t i o n with S o c i a l Credit philosophy or the party's inexperience (Ormsby, 1958, 489). Furthermore, the 1953 campaign saw a s h i f t of business support from the old partie s to S o c i a l Credit (Sanford, 1961, 209). This more than anything symbolised the congealment of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , and l e g i t i m i s e d the r e a c t i o n to the old party transplant. This transplant continued to d i s i n t e g r a t e , or, at l e a s t , the Conservative part of i t . By 1954, the Conservative Federal and P r o v i n c i a l associations were s p l i t , and, at that time, Bennett claimed that many di s a f f e c t e d Conservatives were j o i n i n g the S o c i a l Credit 'movement' (Black, 1960, 54). The Conservative s p l i t culminated i n the p u b l i c a t i o n of the "Blue Book" which gave "some of the reasons f o r the motion of No Confidence i n the n a t i o n a l leader" (Black, 1960, 55). The 1956 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n saw the consolidation of S o c i a l Credit support, while the Conservative P r o v i n c i a l a s s o c i a t i o n could only f i n d 22 candidates to contest 52 seats, and a l l were defeated (Black, 1960, 58). Bennett was now claiming that the CCF and S o c i a l Credit P a r t i e s "were the only i n t a c t p o l i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s i n B.C." (Ormsby, 1958, 489). However, the Conservative Party i n B.C. took a major temporary upswing i n popularity when Diefenbaker became National 64 leader, and i n the 1958 Federal e l e c t i o n gained 18 seats, t h e i r / best ever showing i n B.C. The apparent sudden growth i n un i t y was att r i b u t e d to the new leader (Black, 1960, 62). The pragmatic p o l i t i c s of S o c i a l Credit were demonstrated i n the 1960 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n when the slogan was 'vote f o r the Government that gets things done' (Smiley, 1962, 122). The S o c i a l Credit strategy for the sharp r i s e i n unemployment at that time was to 'blame Ottawa' (Sanford, 1961, 231). Further, the home-ownership grant was raised to 'stop Socialism' (Sherman, 1966, 206). From 1960 on, the idea of S o c i a l Credit as a negative reaction to socialism was an important part of S o c i a l Credit strategy. However, the idea of the ' s o c i a l i s t hordes' at subsequent elections was, i n the end, an overplayed one, e s p e c i a l l y to an incr e a s i n g l y educated e l e c t o r a t e . Meanwhile, the CCF Regina Manifesto, by 1950, had come to be regarded as outdated (Young, 1969B, 75). F i r s t , the Winnipeg Declaration i n 1956, and then, i n 1958, the CCF and CLC cooperated to form a 'new party' which was created i n July 1961 (Young, 1969B, 77). The presence of representatives from farming organisations was more of a h i s t o r i c a l than p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (Young, 1969A, 75). The New Democratic Party represented a move towards the model of the B r i t i s h Labour Party (Young, 1964). With the a f f i l i a t i o n with the trade unions, use could be made of union dues f or party a c t i v i t i e s (Sanford, 1961, 257). However, Bennett introduced B i l l 42 shor t l y a f t e r , which forbade t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , and a l l unions had to declare and sign that they would abide by i t (Sherman, 1966, 188). 65 The S o c i a l Credit Party became incr e a s i n g l y equivalent to what the old p a r t i e s stood f o r i n B.C. As was mentioned e a r l i e r , one of the features of the phase of the old party transplant was the struggle between the two p a r t i e s to r e t a i n or capture the 'benefits' of o f f i c e . The p a r a l l e l under S o c i a l Credit caused Davie Fulton, as Conservative leader i n 1963, to crusade for i n t e g r i t y i n government (McGeer, 1972, 49). B i l l 42 was reminiscent also of the s i t u a t i o n under the o l d party transplant where the unions, l i k e the s o c i a l services, existed by permission, rather than by r i g h t . As we have seen and argued, the presence of d i c t a t o r i a l attitudes and an a u t h o r i t a r i a n system of control on an expanding f r o n t i e r i n the twentieth century are doomed to f a i l u r e . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s argument, that by February 1965, Bennett had become the longest-serving P r o v i n c i a l premier i n B.C. h i s t o r y beating McBride (Sherman, 1966, 306). Further, j u s t as, i n 1952, the h o s p i t a l issue was an important factor which p r e c i p i t a t e d the reaction against the old party government, so, i n 1966, the B.C. Hospital Association Report branded B.C.'s f i v e largest h o s p i t a l s as obsolete, but nothing was seemingly done by the S o c i a l Credit government (McGeer, 1972, 115). This i s important, because h o s p i t a l s , and other s o c i a l services were to become issues i n the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . S o c i a l Credit, then, was characterised by pragmatic p o l i t i c s (McGeer, 1972, 187), an a u t h o r i t a r i a n outlook (Sherman, 1966, 84), and an anti-parliamentary a t t i t u d e (Smiley, 1962, 121). Robin has argued, however, that the desire for strong leadership i n B.C. i s due more 66 l i k e l y to "the e f f e c t s of the a c q u i s i t i v e f r o n t i e r " than to a u t h o r i t a r i a n attitudes (Robin, 1972A, 41). McGeer argues that the S o c i a l Credit movement i n many ways i s symbolised by Gaglardi - h i s d r i v i n g habits, h i s j e t t r i p s , h i s tendency to ignore the law and so on (McGeer, 1972, 186-193). His f i n a l v e r d i c t i s that the Bennett government undermined i n s t i t u t i o n s i t should have defended (McGeer, 1972, 232). S o c i a l Credit had shown i t s e l f to be a more e f f e c t i v e a n t i -s o c i a l i s t machine than e i t h e r of the two other n o n - s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s (Angus, 1952, 524). The 'red scare' campaign i n the 1969 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , however, was the l a s t time S o c i a l Credit could use t h i s t a c t i c with any c r e d u l i t y . The existence of s o c i a l i s m as a main a l t e r n a t i v e , increased the independence of Bennett from the economic e l i t e (Robin, 1967, 210). This contrived to make him extremely powerful, and h i s aim became to keep power at v i r t u a l l y any p r i c e (McGeer, 1972, 216). For Bennett i n B.C. a p o l i t i c a l l a b e l mattered l i t t l e . What mattered was,.could he do the job (Young, 1969B, 104). The S o c i a l Credit Party had become the B.C. equivalent of the old party transplant. However, the party f i t t e d the P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l culture - i t was a conservative party with a ' r a d i c a l touch' (Smiley, 1962, 121). Since the 1969 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , there had been growing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n within S o c i a l Credit ranks, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n to the leadership issue, and i n r e l a t i o n to the p r o v i s i o n of s o c i a l 67 services. The f i r s t problem was to do with Bennett himself and h i s d i c t a t o r i a l a t t i t u d e to, among others, members of h i s own party. Second, was Bennett's age, and the question of h i s successor. T h i r d , was the improvement of services, e s p e c i a l l y the h o s p i t a l s e r v i c e . In the 1969 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , despite the shortcoming i n the h o s p i t a l programme, Dr. Scott Wallace defeated the incumbent L i b e r a l i n Oak Bay (McGeer, 1972, 114). However, Dr. Wallace was one of two defectors to the Conservative Party who, i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n , would be running with a revived Conservative Party. Change was i n the a i r i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n , and the f a c t that the S o c i a l Credit Party was the only one going into the e l e c t i o n without a new leader, symbolised t h e i r i n a b i l i t y , or r e f u s a l , to change. THE NDP REACTION, 1972 The Conservative Party, revived by t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n of two MLA's as w e l l as a new leader, also revived Davie Fulton's 'platform of i n t e g r i t y ' from 1963, the year of the highest f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n index since S o c i a l Credit came to power (Table I I I ) . The L i b e r a l Party, too, had a new leader, who, fresh from a ' f i g h t ' over tanker and o i l routes down the B.C. coast at the Federal l e v e l , was now j o i n i n g the other 'urban f i g h t e r s ' to ' f i g h t ' S o c i a l Credit. During the campaign, both old p a r t i e s exposed weaknesses i n the S o c i a l Credit programme and past performance. The NDP, on the other hand, refused to be baited and refused to rouse the opposition which would undoubtedly react against them. Their strategy was a 'quiet campaign', and t h i s had the e f f e c t of v i r t u a l l y n u l l i f y i n g 68 Bennett attempts to appeal once more to 'red scare' t a c t i c s e f f e c t i v e l y . The symbolism of S o c i a l Credit as the spectre of the old party transplant was evident i n the issues of the age of the government, or the age of Bennett, which were r a i s e d during the 1972 campaign (see Chapter VI). Bennett's removal from the i n t e r e s t s of the people was symbolised by h i s lone, s e c r e t i v e campaigning i n various areas of the Province. The i n t e r n a l problems of organisation and leadership were exemplified by the r e f u s a l of the l o c a l organisation i n Chilliwack to endorse Harvey Schroeder (who won the s e a t ) , and culminated i n the public attack on Bennett by Gaglardi, who, as McGeer points out, symbolised much of what So c i a l Credit stood f o r . With t h i s i n mind, and the view that perhaps the S o c i a l Credit Party appealed more to a u t h o r i t a r i a n characters, then following Fromm, such characters can also be recognised by "the hatred that c r i e s against an authority when i t s power i s weakened and when i t begins to t o t t e r " (Fromm, 1941, 169). Arguing t h i s way, we can recognise that some S o c i a l Credit voters i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n would react against S o c i a l Credit and switch t h e i r vote, perhaps to the revived Conservative Party. Thus, l i k e the c o a l i t i o n i n 1949 which was beset with i n t e r n a l problems and was defeated, so was the S o c i a l Credit Party i n 1972. The reaction against S o c i a l Credit also came a f t e r the party had alienated a number of groups, such as the doctors, the teachers and labour. Funds from teachers groups, for example, were used to 69 furth e r the campaign of those candidates who stood the best chance of defeating S o c i a l Credit candidates. In the case of labour, the Teamster's Union, normally non-partisan, committed i t s e l f to f i n a n c i a l and other assistance to candidates who voted i n the l e g i s l a t u r e i n March 1971 against the government decision to order s t r i k i n g Teamsters back to work under the Mediation Commission Act. As has been noted, the NDP was the most successful i n c r y s t a l l i z i n g the mood of the electorate at t h i s time. Their campaign theme - ' T e l l them. Enough i s Enough' - "Invited the voters to r e j e c t a party that no longer seemed capable of running i t s own a f f a i r s much less the province's" (Smith, 1972, 8). The NDP campaign slogan i s borrowed from-Cecil King, when, i n May 1968, he published h i s 'enough i s enough' a r t i c l e i n the Daily Mirror demanding Harold Wilson's resignation. I t i s an i r o n i c s i t u a t i o n when a formerly anti-Labour slogan i s used to e l e c t the B.C. equivalent. The reaction against the S o c i a l Credit Party i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n can thus be regarded as.: an i n t e g r a l part of a general dynamic process - a series of actions and reactions throughout the h i s t o r y of B.C. p o l i t i c s producing a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l c ulture. CONCLUSION The argument has been made i n t h i s chapter that the B.C. party system i s e s s e n t i a l l y class-based. Further, that B.C. p o l i t i c s represent a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l culture i n Canada, and i s therefore better described, not as the West, but as 'the West beyond the West'. The 70 development of t h i s culture has been presented as a dynamic process of a c t i o n and reaction i n a 'neo-Hartzian' framework. The main stages i n t h i s process - the development of a r a d i c a l base, the transplant of the old partie s as a reaction to t h i s base, the protest p a r t i e s as a reaction to t h i s transplant and to each other, the f i n a l congealment of the p o l i t i c a l culture i n 1952, and the NDP re a c t i o n to the S o c i a l Credit segment of that culture - have a l l been described and analysed. As the r e s u l t of the 1972 e l e c t i o n , i n t h i s argument, i s an i n t e g r a l part of t h i s process, then voting behaviour i n that e l e c t i o n i s c l a r i f i e d with reference to the h i s t o r y of the P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l context. The 1972 r e a c t i o n i s therefore not to be seen i n i s o l a t i o n . To demonstrate that t h i s was a^conscious r e a c t i o n , respondents to the questionnaire were asked why they voted the way they d i d (see Appendix I ) . Table IV gives the r e s u l t s of t h i s . I t w i l l be noted that TABLE IV Reasons Given f o r Voting Decisions Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Reaction 22 21 19 Party P o l i c y 14 9 12 The Candidates 7 6 17 Always Voted This Way 4 8 7 No Choice - 4 1 S a t i s f i e d As Is - 8 2 Anti-NDP - 1 4, Other 16 4 5 No Reason/No Answer 33 17 11 TOTAL 96 78 78 c o n s i s t e n t l y i n each a r e a , a t l e a s t 20 per c e n t of r e s p o n d e n t s gave as t h e i r r e a s o n f o r v o t i n g t h e way t h e y d i d as s o m e t h i n g w h i c h c o u l d be c a t e g o r i z e d as ' r e a c t i o n ' , s u c h a s , f o r example, "wanted a S o c i a l C r e d i t d e f e a t " o r " g e t S o c i a l C r e d i t o u t " . I n a l l t h r e e a r e a s t h e ' r e a c t i o n r e a s o n f o r v o t i n g was t h e most i m p o r t a n t one. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t , f r o m T a b l e VI t h e r e were more r e s p o n d e n t s i n A r e a 2 ( M a r p o l e ) t h a n i n any o t h e r a r e a who were s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e s i t u a t i o n as i t was a t t h e t i m e of t h e e l e c t i o n - t h a t i s , d i d not want S o c i a l C r e d i t t o be d e f e a t e d . S i m i l a r l y , i n A r e a 1 ( H a s t i n g s E a s t ) no r e s p o n d e n t v o t e d f o r r e a s o n s s t a t e d t o be a n t i - N D P , w h i l s t A r e a 3 ( D u n b a r - S o u t h l a n d s ) had t h e l a r g e s t p e r c e n t a g e o f r e s p o n d e n t s who s t a t e d t h a t t h e y v o t e d f o r anti-NDP r e a s o n s . T h i s i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h e x p e c t a t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n t o a model of p o l i t i c a l s pace w h i c h w i l l be p ut f o r w a r d and e l a b o r a t e d upon i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r - t h a t i s , t h a t v o t e r s l i v i n g w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r v o t i n g zone i n t h e c i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , and w i t h p a r t i c u l a r a t t a c h m e n t s t o and a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h i n t h a t zone, t e n d t o v o t e w i t h t h e ' m a j o r i t y f e e l i n g ' ( u s u a l l y i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e v o t i n g h i s t o r y ) o f t h a t zone. 72, CHAPTER I I I MIGRATION AND THE MODEL OF POLITICAL SPACE IN VANCOUVER This chapter has two main aims. F i r s t , to define 'zones of late n t partisanship' i n the c i t y and present a model of p o l i t i c a l space describing the general p o l i t i c a l norms of p a r t i c u l a r c i t y areas. Second, to analyse personal migration h i s t o r i e s taken from the voter survey (see Appendix I) i n an attempt to asce r t a i n whether the model i s a stable representation of the general e l e c t o r a l pattern i n the c i t y , or whether, i n f a c t , i t i s undergoing change. Tentative evidence suggests that the zones, i n general, are performing an agglomerative function - that i s , they are acting as c o l l e c t i n g areas f o r i n d i v i d u a l s with s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l preferences. On the basis of t h i s conclusion i t i s reasonable to argue that the e l e c t o r a l pattern i n Vancouver i s becoming inc r e a s i n g l y segregated and thus tending toward s t a b i l i t y . A MODEL OF POLITICAL SPACE IN VANCOUVER In terms of the f i r s t aim of t h i s chapter, voting behaviour at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l was mapped by p o l l i n terms of the winning party i n each p o l l f o r the l a s t four elections - 1963, 1966, 1969 and 1972. The r e s u l t i s therefore a gene r a l i s a t i o n of the dominant pattern. The 1963 e l e c t i o n was used as a s t a r t i n g point because t h i s was the f i r s t e l e c t i o n contested i n Vancouver by the New Democratic Party. There was some s l i g h t problem i n matching a l l of the boundaries for p o l l s over that time span, but, i n general, using the 1972 p o l l map as a base, there were few r e a l problems i n t h i s regard. The r e s u l t s of t h i s are given i n Map 2. A party had to win a p o l l at l e a s t 3 of 4 times to q u a l i f y to claim i t as i t s t e r r i t o r y . Further, any p o l l which had been won at l e a s t twice by a d i f f e r e n t party was c l a s s i f i e d as 'mixed'. In view of the minimal success of the Conservative Party i n Vancouver since 1963, the map has only three other c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s - L i b e r a l , NDP and S o c i a l Credit. The s p a t i a l r e g u l a r i t i e s i n voting behaviour i n the l a s t four el e c t i o n s emerge rather c l e a r l y from the map. The area west of G r a n v i l l e Street, excluding K i t s i l a n o has remained f a i r l y s o l i d l y L i b e r a l from 1963 with only four minor S o c i a l Credit ' i n t r u s i o n s ' and one 'mixed' area. Apart from a r e l a t i v e l y small s e c t i o n east of G r a n v i l l e between 52nd and 59th, t h i s i s the only area of consistent L i b e r a l strength i n the c i t y . Between G r a n v i l l e and Fraser, south of 16th, there i s a marked zone of consistent S o c i a l Credit support. This zone tapers off to the east of Fraser into an area of mixed So c i a l Credit and NDP support. Other areas of consistent S o c i a l Credit support are the West End, e s p e c i a l l y north of Burrard, and Chinatown, which emerges as a S o c i a l Credit block v i r t u a l l y surrounded by NDP support. The area to the east of Chinatown, the area to the east of the mixed S o c i a l Credit-NDP support, and much of K i t s i l a n o are a l l characterised by f a i r l y consistent support for the NDP. The p o l l s which are c l a s s i f i e d on the map as 'mixed' a l l tend to be M A P 2 THE VOTING PATTERN IN THE CITY OF VANCOUVER B C 1963-1972 N 0 1 Smiles L IBERAL N.D.P ] SOCIAL CREDIT MIXED Burrard Inlet Ln-Tj-J .75-located at the margins of an area of support for a p a r t i c u l a r party. Thus the area from 13th to 16th from G r a n v i l l e to Collingwobd i s an area of 'mixed' p o l l s acting as a kind of 'buffer' between the L i b e r a l area to the south and the NDP area to the north. S i m i l a r l y , the area running north-south along the east side of G r a n v i l l e from 22nd to 52nd acts as a buffer between the L i b e r a l area to the west and the S o c i a l Credit area to the east. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, that the separation of S o c i a l Credit and NDP areas to the east of Fraser i s marked by a 'zone of t r a n s i t i o n ' rather than an area of 'mixed' p o l l s . One f i n a l area of such p o l l s surround the CBD, which i t s e l f has remained f a i r l y cons i s t ently NDP. Two•interesting areas for possible future research emerge from the map, and also from a consideration of the argument presented i n Chapter I I . The f i r s t i s concerned with r e l a t i v e l y small areas which are surrounded by zones of consistent support for a d i f f e r e n t party. There are the examples i n the area west of G r a n v i l l e , f or example, of S o c i a l Credit support surrounded by a zone of L i b e r a l support. S i m i l a r l y , there are two or three NDP p o l l s i n the S o c i a l Credit zone, and, i n K i t s i l a n o , a S o c i a l Credit area surrounded by NDP support. The basic question thus would be, what kinds of things characterise these anomalies? How are they d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the surrounding areas? Are there any d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l associations common to cases which are similar? The second area r e l a t e s to the argument i n Chapter I I , but transferred to the voting map of Vancouver. What changes were there i n the voting map a f t e r each major re a c t i o n i n 76 the h i s t o r y of B.C. p o l i t i c s ? A comparative h i s t o r i c a l analysis of t h i s kind may y i e l d some i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s . figUP6 1 Model of P o l i t i c a l Space i n Vancouver However, perhaps a more basic question i n terms of the present discussion i s , how can t h i s map be generalised, and does any d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l pattern emerge which may suggest c e r t a i n things to us about urban structure? If we abstract very s l i g h t l y from the map we can draw a map s i m i l a r to that shown i n Figure 1. This may be c a l l e d a 77 model of p o l i t i c a l space for Vancouver. Such models, have been ignored by urban and e l e c t o r a l geographers a l i k e . There i s no good reason why a model of p o l i t i c a l space of this kind should not be j u s t as v a l i d a d e s c r i p t i o n of urban s p a t i a l structure as models i n the past which have used either socio-economic data or f u n c t i o n a l zones as t h e i r base. The d i f f e r e n c e i n approach i n f e r r e d here i s one between the use of formal or f u n c t i o n a l regions i n models of urban structure. However, Figure 1 presents both a formal and a f u n c t i o n a l model. I t i s a formal model i n the sense that the zones are defined i n the t r a d i t i o n a l formal geographic manner, and, i t i s fu n c t i o n a l from the viewpoint of the competing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , as w i l l be demonstrated i n Chapter VI. Furthermore, and more importantly with regard to t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l zones w i l l act as p o l i t i c a l norms for i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g within r e l a t i v e l y integrated areas. . Within such areas the 'area norm' (or a shared set of standards or rules) w i l l operate to structure the voting behaviour of inhabitants i n p a r t i c u l a r d i r e c t i o n s . The model of p o l i t i c a l space described i n Figure 1 i s highly suggestive of a zonal/sectoral arrangement between 1963 and 1972 i n Vancouver. Again, as i n Map 2, the d i v i s i o n s between the zones are not absolute but are marked by 'zones of t r a n s i t i o n ' . The model consists of an inner r i n g - the CBD - which i s characterised by NDP support, surrounded by a broken r i n g of S o c i a l Credit support. This i s again surrounded by a further r i n g of NDP support which merges with and NDP sector i n the east. The outer or fourth r i n g consists of a 78 serie s of sectors - the L i b e r a l sector i n the west, the S o c i a l Credit sector i n the centre, and the NDP sector i n the east. The S o c i a l Credit sector and NDP sector of the outer r i n g are separated by a mixed zone of S o c i a l Credit and NDP support which tends to p a r a l l e l Kingsway which provides i t s northern boundary. Although t r a d i t i o n a l models of urban structure apparently f a i l to describe adequately the nature of the c i t y of Vancouver (Hardwick, 1971, 112), the model of p o l i t i c a l space outlined above accords w e l l with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the c e n t r a l system i n an a l t e r n a t i v e model (Hardwick, 1971, 112-114). The inner zone i n Figure 4 accords with the inner r i n g of CBD i n t h i s model. . Second, the "zone of t r a n s i t i o n " accords with the bisected S o c i a l Credit r i n g i n our model. Third, the "inner c i t y housing area" (Hardwick, 1971, 114) f i t s with our t h i r d r i n g of NDP support. Fourth, the "old suburban s i n g l e family areas" which are " s o c i a l l y segregated neighbourhoods" accords with our seri e s of four sectors i n our outer zone. No mention i s made i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of the c e n t r a l system, however, of a s e c t o r a l arrangement of the outer zone. I t may be that the outer zone socio-economically does not exhibit any s e c t o r a l pattern, yet Peucker and Rase, using the 1961 census as a base, which admittedly i s outside the temporal span under discussion here, point to the p o s s i b i l i t y of a s e c t o r i a l trend (Peucker and Rase, 1971, 85). I t i s important to note here that the zonal-sectoral model of p o l i t i c a l space presented here f i t s w e ll with recent c a l l s f o r an integrated model of urban structure. Johnston, for example c a l l s for 79-. such a model, and states that socio-economic status groups tend to concentrate within c e r t a i n sectors, and within each sector there i s a zonal arrangement (Johnston, 1971, 119). A zonal-sectoral pattern has been noted by Robson i n Sunderland (Robson, 1969). Further, Timms has noted that the zonal and sector models each are presented and discussed as i f they were " t o t a l schemes capable of capturing a l l , or nearly a l l , of the s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n i n the urban r e s i d e n t i a l s tructure" (Timms, 1971, 229). He too argues f o r the in t e g r a t i o n of the two models (Timms, 1971, 229). Thus, d i s t i n c t phases i n the development of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture can be compared i n a s p a t i a l sense i n Vancouver by examining the models of p o l i t i c a l space during these phases. Often, as was argued i n Chapter I I , such changes r e l a t e to the intr o d u c t i o n of a new p o l i t i c a l element into the p o l i t i c a l system. In a s o c i a l sense, therefore, change can be examined i n r e l a t i o n to the introduction onto the urban scene of new s o c i a l elements, such as minority groups. Thus, most of the work which has been done i n t h i s regard examines the invasion of areas by d i s t i n c t r a c i a l groups (Johnston, 1971, 179). Of course, models of p o l i t i c a l space l i k e that outlined above, s i m i l a r to models of urban s o c i a l structure, can be used f o r comparative purposes, both temporally - at d i f f e r e n t times at the same l o c a t i o n -and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y . There may be some problem i n terms of the d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l systems - for example, a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l party structure - but c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparison of such models of p o l i t i c a l space ( e s p e c i a l l y between c i t i e s which i n v i t e comparison - such as 80 Vancouver and Perth), would produce some i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s . Such r e s u l t s would be us e f u l both to urban as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l geography. MIGRATION AND POLITICAL ZONES In terms of the second aim of t h i s chapter, an analysis of whether i n d i v i d u a l intra-urban migration i s contributing to the change or s t a b i l i t y of the e l e c t o r a l pattern e n t a i l s a consideration of two main p o s s i b i l i t i e s concerning the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between change of residence and voting behaviour. F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l s may change t h e i r voting behaviour as a r e s u l t of moving into a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone. This would promote s t a b i l i t y i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. Second, i n d i v i d u a l s may take t h e i r p o l i t i c a l preference with them when they move. This may a f f e c t the e l e c t o r a l pattern i n two main ways. F i r s t , i f i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l preference i s s i m i l a r to that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e move to an area of d i f f e r e n t 'latent c partisanship', t h i s would induce change i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. Conversely, i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l preference i s d i f f e r e n t to that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e may move to an area i n which the p o l i t i c a l norm i s s i m i l a r to t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l preference. This would re i n f o r c e s t a b i l i t y i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. These p o s s i b i l i t i e s r a i s e a series of questions which w i l l be examined here. F i r s t , were there any changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour from 1966 to 1969 to 1972? Second, i f there were any changes, are 81-they associated with changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l zones? In t h i s regard, there may have been some intra-urban migration, yet to a s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l zone. I f t h i s were the case, with regard to our argument, then voting behaviour would not change. Further, there may be a definable pattern to intra-urban migration which could have two facets. F i r s t , that i n d i v i d u a l s migrate to s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l zones within the c i t y . Second, that t h e i r 'status a s p i r a t i o n s ' encourage migration from, say, the "inner c i t y housing area" of NDP support, to the " s o c i a l l y segregated neighbourhoods", and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , to a zone of perceived higher s o c i a l status, such as the L i b e r a l zone, for example. The second major question above may be reversed i n order to ask a t h i r d , namely, i f there have been no changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour from 1966 to 1972, have there been any changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l zones, either to s i m i l a r zone types or to d i f f e r e n t zone types? This question r a i s e s a serie s of a l t e r n a t i v e questions. The basic question here i s , how f a r does voting behaviour i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n r e l a t e to p o l i t i c a l zones of residence i n which i n d i v i d u a l s have previously lived? In other words, do i n d i v i d u a l s tend to take t h e i r urban p o l i t i c a l sub-culture with them when they move to a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone? In an operational sense, there-fore, i s voting behaviour i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n associated with previous zones of residence which d i f f e r from those i n which i n d i v i d u a l s currently l i v e ? Four other questions emerge from t h i s main one. F i r s t , i s voting behaviour associated with 82 previous p o l i t i c a l zones i f they are s i m i l a r to those i n which i n d i v i d u a l s currently l i v e ? Second, i s voting behaviour associated with previous p o l i t i c a l zones i f they are d i f f e r e n t from those i n which i n d i v i d u a l s currently l i v e ? T h i r d , i s voting behaviour associated with the l a s t zone of residence, or with a zone from which an i n d i v i d u a l moved r e l a t i v e l y recently? Fourth, i s voting behaviour associated with the sum t o t a l of previous p o l i t i c a l zones i n which an i n d i v i d u a l has lived? CHANGES IN VOTING BEHAVIOUR With regard to the f i r s t s e r i e s of questions above, data on voting behaviour i n the three elections from 1966 to 1972 were c o l l e c t e d (see Appendix I ) . In each of the elections area and voting behaviour are found to be consistently associated*, as the model of p o l i t i c a l space implies. However, with regard to changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour, Table V demonstrates that, comparing behaviour i n 1972 with 1969 and 1966, there have been considerable s h i f t s . The Tau C associations' 1" i n d i c a t e i n a l l cases negative associations, although weak, between voting behaviour i n 1966 compared with 1972, and voting behaviour i n 1969 compared with 1972. This i s further evidence of the 1972 e l e c t i o n being an ' e l e c t i o n of reac t i o n ' , as was argued i n Chapter I I . * at the 0.005 l e v e l Kendall's Tau C i s a nonparametric index of as s o c i a t i o n varying from -1 to +1 depending on the degree of association. 83 TABLE V Area Versus Voting Behaviour, 1966-1972 1972 Vote Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 . 1969. vote -0.102 -0.037 -0.086 1966 vote -0.167 -0.026 -0.108 1969 Vote 1966 vote 0.525 0.514 0.690 For example, i n Area 1, of those respondents voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969, 60 per cent voted NDP i n 1972, and only 13 per cent voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1972. This raises the p o s s i b i l i t y , that, at a time of reaction, switchers go from the government party to the our model. The consistency of the 'area norm' i s demonstrated by the f a c t that, i n Area 1, of those voting NDP i n 1969, 79 per cent voted NDP i n 1972, and 4 per cent voted S o c i a l Credit. The consistency of the S o c i a l Credit vote, on the other hand was much higher i n Area 2, the 'area norm' f o r which, according to our model, i s the S o c i a l Credit party. For example, of those voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969, 50 per cent voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1972. Consistency of vote i n terms of the other p a r t i e s , however, was again greater i n Area 2. For example, a l l NDP voters i n 1969 voted NDP i n 1972, and 69 per cent of those voting L i b e r a l i n 1969 voted L i b e r a l i n 1972, although 13 per cent switched to S o c i a l C r e d i t , and 13 per cent to NDP. Further, party representing what may be c a l l e d the 'area norm' - the NDP i n 84 40 per cent of those voting Progressive Conservative i n 1972 had voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1969. In Area 3, the consistency of L i b e r a l support from 1969 to 1972 a t t e s t s to the importance of that party as-the 'area norm' - 68 per cent of those voting L i b e r a l i n 1969 voted L i b e r a l i n 1972, although there was some switching (11 per cent) to NDP. The NDP vote, however, was even more consistent, with 71 per cent of those voting NDP i n 1969 voting NDP i n 1972, although there was some reverse switching (22 per cent) to the L i b e r a l Party. Of those voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969 i n Area 3, 47 per cent voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1972, whereas 24 per cent switched to the Progressive Conservatives and 18 per cent to the L i b e r a l s . I t i s evident then that, i n Area 3, as i n Area 1, there was some switching from 1969 to 1972 to the 'area norm' - i n t h i s case, the L i b e r a l Party. The changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour from 1966 to 1972 and from 1969 to 1972 contrast markedly with the consistency which i s evident between 1966 and 1969. Table V shows that i n a l l three areas the Tau C value was highly p o s i t i v e , with Area 3 having the strongest association, and Area 2 the weakest. It may be, therefore, with the lack of any evidence to the contrary, that voting behaviour i s r e l a t i v e l y stable from one e l e c t i o n to the next, save f o r such 'elections of reaction' as i n 1972. VOTING SHIFTS AND RESIDENCE CHANGE Having now demonstrated that there were marked changes i n the voting behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s from 1966 to 1972 and from 1969 to 1972, we may address our second question - whether such changes are associated 85 with changes i n residence from one p o l i t i c a l zone to another. Table VI gives the r e s i d e n t i a l h i s t o r y of respondents i n each area f o r the three locations before the present one. As w i l l be noted, i n terms of s t a b i l i t y of residence, Area 1 i s the most s t a b l e , followed by Area 3 and then Area 2. The most important zone f o r the l a s t house of residence for respondents i n Area 1 was an NDP zone, followed by the mixed S o c i a l Credit/NDP zone. In contrast, the most important zone for the l a s t house of residence for respondents i n Area 2 was a S o c i a l Credit zone, followed by the L i b e r a l and the S o c i a l Credit/NDP zones. One might expect from t h i s that respondents i n Area 3 came l a s t from the L i b e r a l zone, but t h i s i s not the case. The most important zones i n Area 3 were equally S o c i a l Credit and NDP with L i b e r a l coming next. With these points i n mind, i t would appear that to demonstrate a clear association between change i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour and change i n i n d i v i d u a l residence would be extremely d i f f i c u l t , e s p e c i a l l y i n Areas 1 and 2. Two l i n e s of inquiry were attempted. F i r s t , an attempt was made to see i f there was any association between 1972 voting behaviour and whether respondents had l i v e d elsewhere. Second, an attempt was made to see i f residence outside the present area would be associated with 1972 voting behaviour, holding 1969 voting behaviour constant. With regard to the f i r s t l i n e of inq u i r y , i n a l l three areas there were very weak associations between 1972 voting behaviour and whether respondents had l i v e d elsewhere. In Area 1 (Tau C = -0.073), f o r example, of those voting NDP i n 1972, 49 per cent had l i v e d i n another TABLE VI Residence i n P o l i t i c a l Zones (%) Hadn't Lived i n Another Vane Zone Last Lived Outside SC Zone 2nd Last Last House House NDP Zone Lib Zone SC/NDP Zone "3rd 2nd 3rd 2nd 3rd 2nd 3rd Last Last Last Last Last Last Last Last Last Last House House House House House House House House House House Area 1 51 0 19 13 Area 2 26 32 10 15 0 15 Area 3 30 19 19 15 13 oo 87 part of the c i t y . S i m i l a r l y , 33 per cent of S o c i a l Credit voters had l i v e d elsewhere. However, of those having l i v e d i n another area of the c i t y , 54 per cent voted NDP i n 1972. Although changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour have been observed i n a l l areas, changes i n the nature of the p o l i t i c a l zone type i n which respondents have previously l i v e d have been r e l a t i v e l y small. One might perhaps expect therefore, that only i n Area 3 w i l l we observe the p o s s i b i l i t y of 'conversion' - that i s , a change i n voting behaviour as a r e s u l t of migration between d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zones. However, the above evidence suggests the operation of part of our second p o s s i b i l i t y noted above - that i s , when i n d i v i d u a l s move they tend to take t h e i r p o l i t c a l preference with them - i n t h i s case they tend to move to a zone whose p o l i t i c a l , norm i s the same as t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l preference. However, the process may d i f f e r i n Area 3 where in-migration may have been the r e s u l t , i n part, of 'status a s p i r a t i o n s ' and/or s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . One i n t e r e s t i n g point which does emerge from the data i s that voters voting i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm i n a l l three areas have been r e l a t i v e l y the most mobile i n the sense that they have l i v e d i n other areas of Vancouver. We have already noted t h i s above i n r e l a t i o n to the NDP voter i n Area 1. In Area 2 (Tau C = -0.073), S o c i a l Credit voters were the most mobile. For example, of those voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1972, 87 per cent had l i v e d i n another part of the c i t y , compared with 67 per cent of those voting NDP. Further, i n area 3 (Tau C = -0.061), 75 per cent of those voting L i b e r a l i n 1972 had l i v e d 88 i n another area of the c i t y , compared with 70 per cent of those voting S o c i a l Credit. I t i s therefore possible to argue here that those who are the most mobile i n each area, a f t e r having l i v e d i n other parts of Vancouver have 'retreated' i n t o t h e i r l o c a l area and assumed more strongly l o c a l i s e d associations than inhabitants who have not l i v e d elsewhere. This argument accords with recent ideas concerning the " s e c u r i t y aspect" of l o c a l areas (Johnston, 1971, 110), and the possible operation of some kind of 'retreat' process i n those areas for reasons o f - s o c i a l and economic s e c u r i t y . The impact of i n s e c u r i t y , due i n part to m o b i l i t y , may, a f t e r a length of time, encourage i n d i v i d u a l s to develop r e l a t i v e l y strong attachments to p a r t i c u l a r a r e a s \ and adhere to those area norms -i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r instance the voting behaviour norm. This i s an area of future research. However, i f i t be true, then each of the l o c a l areas would be expected to be perceived as d i s t i n c t , and function, i n general, as l o c a l i s e d t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s . This w i l l be discussed further i n Chapter IV. In order to attempt to r e l a t e changes i n voting behaviour more d i r e c t l y to changes i n residence, 1972 voting behaviour was correlated with length of residence i n the present area, holding 1969 voting behaviour constant. This was repeated holding 1966 voting behaviour constant. The r e s u l t s of t h i s a n a l y s i s , however, did not add any substantiation to our f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y noted above - that r e l o c a t i o n i n a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone i s associated with a change i n voting E s p e c i a l l y i n areas possessing remnants of f r o n t i e r values - see Chapter I I . 89 behaviour. For example, associations f o r the whole sample, as w e l l as i n d i v i d u a l areas, holding 1966 voting behaviour constant, were generally very weak or weak. Holding 1969 voting behaviour constant, only one party and one zone demonstrated an association - the NDP and the NDP zone. Ths suggests two things. F i r s t , that changes i n voting behaviour are not neces s a r i l y associated with changes of residence. Second, that norms i n the NDP zone are probably stronger than i n the other zones. Even here, however, associations were generally not very strong. For example, f o r the whole sample, there was a f a i r negative ass o c i a t i o n (Tau C = -0.233) between 1972 voting behaviour and length of residence, holding NDP voting i n 1969 constant. Of those voting NDP i n 1969, 54 per cent who voted NDP i n 1972 had l i v e d i n t h e i r area of residence f o r more than 10 years. S i m i l a r l y , i n Area 1, (Tau C = -0.211), of those voting NDP i n 1969, 64 per cent who voted NDP i n 1972 had l i v e d there f o r more than 10 years. Thus, the association between length of residence i n an area and consistency of voting behaviour i s much more important than the ass o c i a t i o n between change i n residence and change i n voting behaviour For example, there was no evidence of S o c i a l Credit voters coming from another zone and being 'converted' to NDP i n Area 1, from 1969 to 1972. This i s substantiated by the fa c t that, i n Area 1, 47 per cent of those voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969, voted NDP i n 1972 and had l i v e d i n that area f o r more than 10 years. However, there are two p l a u s i b l e explanations here. F i r s t , that the change i n vote from 1969 to 1972 on 90 the part of some S o c i a l Credit voters i n Area 1 was r e l a t e d to the general process of reaction. Second, that the conversion process, i f i t e x i s t s at a l l , takes place over a time span of more than 10 years. Of course, to be able to substantiate the l a t t e r p o s s i b i l i t y i n d i v i d u a l s would have to be studied over a long time span i n order to note changes i n residence as w e l l as voting behaviour at each e l e c t i o n . This was not possible within the l i m i t e d scope of the t present inquiry. PATTERN CHANGE AND RESIDENCE CHANGE The second general p o s s i b i l i t y noted above i s whether i n d i v i d u a l s take t h e i r p o l i t i c a l preference with them when they move. The f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y i n t h i s regard i s whether i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l preference i s s i m i l a r to that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e , move to an area of d i f f e r e n t 'latent partisanship' thereby inducing change i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. The question thus becomes, i s 1972 voting behaviour associated to any degree with previous residence i n other p o l i t i c a l zones? In r e l a t i o n to t h i s , we f i r s t wanted to know whether previous voting behaviour was associated with a previous zone of residence. Thus, 1969 voting behaviour was correlated with the l a s t zone of residence of i n d i v i d u a l s f or each area. In a l l cases, associations were s l i g h t . However, there were some changes associated with the nature of the p o l i t i c a l zone of each area. For example, i n Area 1 (Tau c = 0.081), 25 per cent of those l i v i n g l a s t i n a S o c i a l Credit zone voted NDP i n 1969. In Area 2 (Tau C = 0.155), 25 per cent of those l i v i n g 91 i n an NDP zone l a s t voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1969, and 25 per cent of those l i v i n g l a s t i n the L i b e r a l zone voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1969. S i m i l a r l y , i n Area 3, (Tau C = 0.019) 47 per cent of those l i v i n g l a s t i n a S o c i a l Credit zone voted L i b e r a l in' 1969, and 27 per cent of those l i v i n g l a s t i n an NDP zone voted L i b e r a l i n 1969. Thus, there was some r e l a t i o n to the present area norm f o r voting, despite the l a s t zone of residence. This f i n d i n g i s substantiated by c o r r e l a t i n g 1972 voting behaviour with the l a s t zone of residence holding constant the length of residence i n the present zone. In Area 1, for example, there were f a i r negative associations between the l a s t zone of residence and 1972 voting behaviour f o r those l i v i n g i n the area le s s than one year (Tau C = -0.500), f o r 1-2 years (Tau C = -0.444) and f o r 2-5 years (Tau C = -0.400). S i m i l a r l y the association was very weak f o r those l i v i n g i n the area f o r more than 10 years (Tau C = -0.058). Very weak, usually negative, associations were also noted i n Area 2. In Area 3, a very s i m i l a r pattern to Area 1 was observed. That i s , that again there was a f a i r negative a s s o c i a t i o n between the l a s t zone of residence and 1972 voting behaviour f o r those l i v i n g i n the area less than one year (Tau C = -0.417), f o r 1-2 years (Tau C = -0.167), and for 2-5 years (Tau C = -0.648). Again, for those l i v i n g i n the area f o r more than 10 years, the associations were very weak (Tau C = -0.065). When taking 1969 voting behaviour i n t o account, the r e s u l t s were very s i m i l a r . For example, f o r those l i v i n g i n Area 1 for more than 10 years and voting NDP i n 1969, there was a s l i g h t negative 92 ass o c i a t i o n between 1972 vote and l a s t zone of residence (Tau C = -0.181). The a s s o c i a t i o n was stronger, however, between 1972 vote and l a s t zone of residence for those l i v i n g i n Area 1 f o r more than 10 years, and voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969 (Tau C = -0.496). Further, i n Area 2, there was a negative association between 1972 vote and l a s t zone of residence for those l i v i n g i n the area 2-5 years and voting L i b e r a l i n 1969 (Tau C = -0.240). S i m i l a r l y f o r those voting S o c i a l Credit i n 1969 and l i v i n g i n Area 2, 5-10 years, there was a strong negative a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972 vote-and the l a s t zone of residence (Tau C = -0.800). In Area 3, associations i n general were weak. For example, those l i v i n g f o r more than 10 years i n the area and voting L i b e r a l i n 1969, there was a very weak association between 1972 vote and l a s t zone of residence (-0.022), and f o r S o c i a l Credit voters i n 1969 l i v i n g f o r more than 10 years i n the area, there was a weak association between 1972 vote and l a s t zone of residence (Tau C = 0.160). Thus, i n general, the evidence suggests that there i s very l i t t l e and even a negative a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972 voting behaviour and previous zone of residence. One f i n a l attempt to examine the p o s s i b i l i t y of change i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern through migration was undertaken by examining the question of whether the sum t o t a l of previous p o l i t i c a l zones i n which respondents had l i v e d was associated with 1972 voting behaviour. However, i n a l l three areas the associations were very weak. In Area 1, f o r example, there was a very weak negative association (Tau C = -0.035); 93 i n Area 2, a very weak p o s i t i v e a ssociation (Tau C = 0.043), and i n Area 3 a weak p o s i t i v e association (Tau C = 0.108). PATTERN STABILITY AND RESIDENCE CHANGE It has now been demonstrated, f i r s t , that there i s no evidence that changes i n voting behaviour are a r e s u l t of change i n residence (although c e r t a i n of the r e s u l t s were suggestive). Second, i t has been shown that i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l preference i s s i m i l a r to that of the area of 'latent partisanship' i n which they l i v e tend not to move to an area of d i f f e r e n t 'latent partisanship'. The question then becomes, i f change of vote i s not associated with change of residence, and voting behaviour i s not associated with the norms of previous zones of residence, how are the two v a r i a b l e s , vote and change of residence, associated? A l l a v a i l a b l e evidence seems to point to the conclusion that change of residence i s associated with p o l i t i c a l preference per se, rather than any change i n p o l i t i c a l preference. Hence, previous voting behaviour i s not associated with previous zones of residence; hence 1972 voting 'behaviour i s not associated with residence i n previous zones, e i t h e r i n part or i n t o t a l ; hence changes i n voting behaviour between 1966 and 1972 and 1969 and 1972 are not associated with changes i n residence. If our alternate p o s s i b i l i t y i s c orrect, then an important question i s generated, namely, are i n d i v i d u a l s moving to p o l i t i c a l zones which are s i m i l a r to t h e i r own voting behaviour i n 1972? This question can be answered by associating 1972 voting behaviour with the present area of residence holding previous zone of 94 residence constant. Tables VII, VIII and IX show the r e s u l t s of t h i s . I t w i l l be noted that, from Table VII, 51 per cent of those who used to l i v e i n a S o c i a l Credit zone and moved to Area 3 - within the L i b e r a l zone - voted L i b e r a l i n 1972, although s t i l l some 34 per cent voted S o c i a l Credit. S i m i l a r l y , 25 per cent of those l i v i n g previously i n a S o c i a l Credit zone and moving to Area 1 - within an NDP zone -voted NDP i n 1972, although an equal percentage s t i l l voted S o c i a l Credit. Area 2 i n t h i s regard provides something of an anomaly, i n that, although 20 per cent of those previously l i v i n g i n a S o c i a l Credit zone supported S o c i a l Credit i n 1972, 24 per cent voted L i b e r a l . In Table VIII, 38 per cent of those formerly l i v i n g i n an NDP zone and moving into Area 2, voted S o c i a l Credit i n 1972. S i m i l a r l y , i n Area 3, 36 per cent of those formerly l i v i n g i n an NDP zone voted L i b e r a l i n 1972. In contrast to the S o c i a l Credit vote i n Table VII, 67 per cent of those formerly resident i n an NDP zone and presently l i v i n g i n Area 1 voted NDP i n 1972. F i n a l l y , i n Table IX, 50 per cent of those formerly l i v i n g i n a L i b e r a l zone voted NDP i n Area 1, while 63 per cent of those i n Area 2 formerly l i v i n g i n a L i b e r a l zone voted L i b e r a l . In Area 3, 36 per cent of those formerly resident i n a L i b e r a l zone voted L i b e r a l i n 1972. In a l l three figures for a l l three areas there was s u b s t a n t i a l movement in t o a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone, the 'norm' of which was the same as i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour i n 1972. The two exceptions were both i n Area 2 - for the l a s t house to be i n a S o c i a l Credit zone 95 TABLE VII Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n a S o c i a l  Credit Zone (%) Did not Vote S o c i a l Credit NDP L i b e r a l PC Area 1 50 25 25 - -Area 2 40 20 16 24 -Area 3 9 34 51 2 TABLE VIII Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n an NDP Zone (%) Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Did not Vote 33 25 29 S o c i a l Credit 38 NDP 67 13 29 L i b e r a l 25 36 PC TABLE IX Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Voting Behaviour and Previous Residence i n a L i b e r a l Zone Did not Vote S o c i a l Credit NDP 50 51 27 L i b e r a l 63 36 PC 50 18 27 * From now on, s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s given i n the Tables and re f e r r e d to i n the text are underlined f o r s i m p l i c i t y . 96 ( T a b l e V I I ) , and f o r t h e l a s t house t o be i n a L i b e r a l zone ( T a b l e IX) . An a f f i r m a t i v e answer t o our a l t e r n a t e q u e s t i o n poses t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of t h e p o l i t i c a l zones i n Vancouver p e r f o r m i n g an a g g l o m e r a t i v e f u n c t i o n . That i s , t h a t t h e y a r e a c t i n g as c o l l e c t i n g a r e a s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s , and t h a t , as a r e s u l t , t h e s p a t i a l p a t t e r n of v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n t h e c i t y i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y s e g r e g a t e d . We can a rgue f u r t h e r t h a t one a s s o c i a t e d f a c t o r i n i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s t h a t l o c a l a t t a c h m e n t s t o an a r e a t e n d t o be r e l a t i v e l y weak. Thus, as has been shown i n terms of v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , i n d i v i d u a l s whose norms d i f f e r f r o m t h o s e s u r r o u n d i n g them w i l l t e n d t o move, i f p o s s i b l e , t o a r e a s t h a t have s i m i l a r norms. I t i s t o t h e s e v a r i a b l e s , a t t a c h m e n t t o a r e a , i n terms of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , and i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r r e s p e c t i v e l y , t h a t t h e f o l l o w i n g two c h a p t e r s now t u r n . 97 CHAPTER IV LOCAL AREA INTEGRATION IN VANCOUVER The main aim of the present chapter i s to demonstrate that each of the l o c a l areas being used i n the analysis are perceived as being d i s t i n c t i v e t e r r i t o r i a l units and to show that each has a d i f f e r e n t degree of i n t e r n a l i n t e g r a t i o n based on a v a r i e t y of s o c i o l o g i c a l measures. This w i l l provide a s t a r t i n g point for the analysis i n Chapter V. The measures used were respondents' perceptions of l o c a l area boundaries, area names, area image, socio-economic class of area, length of residence, whether the area i s regarded as t h e i r r e a l home, the 'state' of the area, choice of residence, perception of closeness to inhabitants of the area. These can a l l be described as latent measures (see Mann, 1954). Manifest measures such as frequency of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with area inhabitants as w e l l as the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s , such as shops and schools, and the reading of the area newspaper, were also used. Aggregating the measures used, i t w i l l be shown that Marpole (Area 2) i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y less integrated than e i t h e r Dunbar (Area 3) or Hastings East (Area 1). The implications of t h i s f o r the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns w i l l be explored i n Chapter V. 98 LOCAL AREA BOUNDARIES Respondents were asked what they considered the boundaries of t h e i r area of residence to be. The interviewers probed f o r north, south, east and west boundaries, and, i f no precise boundaries were given, probed further f o r information on the general s p a t i a l extent of the area, and, i f necessary, showed the respondent a map of Vancouver (see Appendix I ) . The r e s u l t s showed marked differences with the boundaries drawn by Mayhew"'" (see Table X) . TABLE X Degree of Agreement Between Mayhew's and Perceived Boundaries (%) N. Boundary S. Boundary E. Boundary W. Boundary Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Area 1 41 25 55 11 Area 2 9 87 5 6 Area 3 37 32 10 51 As Table X shows, agreement with Mayhew's boundaries by respondents l i v i n g within h i s areas i s not e s p e c i a l l y close, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Area 2, Areas 1 and 3 have the same average l e v e l of agreement i f the rows are t o t a l l e d and divided by four. I t may be, therefore, that Area 2 i s not as w e l l defined as the other two areas. Further, looking at each column i n turn, we note that the highest degree of agreement i n a l l cases with Mayhew are those boundaries which At the 0.005 l e v e l . 99 are p h y s i c a l - Fraser River i n Area 2 and Burrard I n l e t i n Area 1, or p o l i t i c a l - University Endowment Lands i n Area 3 and Burnaby i n Area 1. Excluding these boundaries from our consideration would give Area 3 the best degree of agreement and Area 2 the l e a s t . As f a r as actual boundaries are concerned, Table XI gives the perceived boundaries for Area 1. TABLE XI Perceived Boundaries i n Hastings East N. Boundary S. Boundary E. Boundary W. Boundary Burrard I n l e t - 44 Broadway - 25 Boundary - 51 Main - 18 Pender - 1 F i r s t 12 Cassiar - 9 Nanaimo 11 Hastings - 18 Kingsway - 14 Renfrew - 5 Clark 9 Oxford - 1 Grandview - 4 Rupert - 1 Commercial - 11 Charles - 1 41st 2 66 responses Renfrew 5 F i r s t - 2 Marine 1 V i c t o r i a 5 Fourth - 1 12th 1 Cassiar 1 Venables - 1 Hastings 1 Fraser 1 69 responses 16th 1 Cotton 1 22nd 3 Kamloops 1 Dundas - 1 Rupert 1 65 responses Vernon 1 65 responses I t w i l l be noted that most respondents gave Burrard I n l e t as the northern boundary of the area, and t h i s accords with Mayhew, although 100 many regarded Hastings Street as an a l t e r n a t i v e (see Map 1). In the south, the largest proportion of respondents regarded Broadway as the boundary, which again accords with Mayhew, but more respondents defined other boundaries, e s p e c i a l l y Kingsway and F i r s t Avenue, the former, of course, being the southern boundary of the Vancouver East P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t . The r e l a t i v e importance of F i r s t Avenue as w e l l as Kingsway, however, suggest.some i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within Area 1. The eastern boundary was defined by the majority as Boundary Road, whereas the boundary i n the west provided minimal agreement with that of Mayhew, whose western boundary, Nanaimo, was second to Main Street i n importance. Further, Commercial and Clark were also important, and, i n t h i s regard, we can view the perceived boundary, e s p e c i a l l y where there i s no clear p h y s i c a l d i v i d e , not as a l i n e , but as a zone. Main Street, although having the highest degree of consensus i s c l e a r l y seen l o c a l l y as the divide between east and west sections of the c i t y . Main. Street, therefore, may have been perceived, l i k e Burrard I n l e t , as a physi c a l d i v i d e , and therefore as a 'natural' boundary. The actual zone i n the west seems to f a l l between Nanaimo and Clark with streets within that zone accounting for over h a l f of c i t a t i o n s and over 40 per cent are within the Nanaimo-Commercial zone. Thus, i f we take Nanaimo as the eastern margin of the zone, and Commercial as the western margin, the boundary l i n e could be drawn anywhere within t h i s . The importance of Commerical i s i n t e r e s t i n g , and may r e l a t e to fun c t i o n a l associations I t a l i a n respondents have with I t a l i a n shops, friends and 101 • r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n the Grandview-Woodland area adjacent to Hastings East (see Map 1 and Gale, 1972). Thus, i n general, i n Area 1, i f we take the perceived boundary with the largest number of c i t a t i o n s we come very close to the boundaries proposed by Mayhew, with the exception of the western boundary. Table XII gives the perceived boundaries f o r Area 2. In contrast to Area 1 boundaries of Area 2 do not coincide with those of Mayhew very c l o s e l y . For example, the largest proportion of respondents TABLE XII Perceived Boundaries i n Marpole N. Boundary S. Boundary E. Boundary W. Boundary Park Drive - 6 Fraser River - 16 Oak 15 G r a n v i l l e - 37 57th Ave. - 7 Marine Drive - 57 V i c t o r i a - 3 W. Boulevard - 12 59 th 11 60th Ave. 1 G r a n v i l l e 6 Cambie - 1 49th 11 70th 1 Cambie 31 Oak - 3 54th 1 71st 2 Main - 5 Marine - 13 41st 18 72nd 1 Shaughnessy - 1 Ad era - 1 64th 4 73rd 1 Fraser St. 5 Heather - 1 60th 5 77th 1 Knight 1 French - 1 61st 1 80 th 1 Ontario 3 Dunbar - 2 33rd 1 77 responses Osier 1 Hudson - 1 Broadway 1 Boundary 1 Angus - 3 69 th 1 Hudson 1 Laurel - 1 63rd 1 Ash 2 76 responses 70th 7 75 responses 45 th 1 76 responses 102 regarded F o r t y - F i r s t Avenue as the northern boundary compared with 57th Avenue i n Mayhew's study. However, again, we could argue that the northern boundary i s a zone, for between 49th Avenue and 59th Avenue are contained over 40 per cent of c i t a t i o n s . Thus a l i n e between these two avenues would give the northern boundary. However, the r e l a t i v e importance of 41st Avenue as a boundary suggests the existence of sub-areas within the l o c a l area, or the l o c a l area being part of a s l i g h t l y larger u n i t . The southern boundary, on the other hand, was c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to that of Mayhew, with only 8 respondents out of 77 giving a boundary other than the Fraser River or Marine Drive. Respondents obviously did not regard the i n d u s t r i a l area to the south of Marine Drive and to the r i v e r i n general as part of t h e i r l o c a l area, even though they might have f u n c t i o n a l associations with i t i n terms of workplace. The largest proportion of respondents regarded Cambie Street, rather than Ontario as the eastern boundary. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note here the existence of Cambie Street as the old d i v i d e between the M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Point Grey and South Vancouver before amalgamation i n 1929. Only two respondents agreed with Mayhew and gave Ontario as the eastern boundary. In the west, most people regarded G r a n v i l l e as the boundary compared with Mayhew's Angus Drive, although West Boulevard was also important. Thus, as i n Area 1, i f we take boundaries with the la r g e s t number of c i t a t i o n s , Area 2 would be bounded i n the north by a zone, i n the south by Marine Drive, i n the east by Cambie and i n the west by G r a n v i l l e , giving an area of somewhat d i f f e r e n t dimensions than that proposed by Mayhew. 103 Table XIII gives the perceived boundaries for Area 3. The boundaries as perceived i n Area 3, l i k e those i n Area 2, do not generally agree very c l o s e l y with those proposed by Mayhew. However, taking the boundary with the highest number of c i t a t i o n s for the northern boundary gives 16th Avenue, which i s the same as Mayhew, and i s part of the o l d northern boundary of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey. The southern boundary i s s l i g h t l y more confused with 41st Avenue, Marine Drive and the Fraser River being important a l t e r n a t i v e s . The importance e s p e c i a l l y of the former, suggests an i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Area 3, probably between Dunbar i n the north and Southlands i n the south, and t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n perceived boundaries, and perhaps w i l l be also r e f l e c t e d i n area names to be considered next. For the eastern boundary, Blenheim i s the most important, but c i t a t i o n s f o r Macdonald, G r a n v i l l e , Dunbar and McKenzie are also numerous. The major eastern boundary zone, however, seems to l i e between Blenheim and Macdonald, where more than 60 per cent of c i t a t i o n s can be located. For the western boundary, the majority of respondents regarded the Endowment Lands as the boundary, although 14 per cent believed Dunbar to be the boundary. With Dunbar being also perceived as an eastern boundary by 11 per cent of respondents, i t i s l i k e l y that i t i s the boundary for some i n t e r n a l sub-division within the area. As was noted above, consensus on l o c a l area boundaries i s one measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . We can obtain a crude measure of t h i s kind by summing proportions given by respondents to the highest 104 TABLE XIII Perceived Boundaries i n Dunbar-Southlands N. Boundary S. Boundary E. Boundary W. Boundary 26th Ave. - 1 S.W. Marine - 10 Macdonald - 10 Endowment Lands - 41 33rd - 8 Fraser River - 17 Dunbar 8 Dunbar - 10 Quesnel - 1 41st - 29 Marguerite - 1 Alma - 3 25th - 7 33rd - 7 McKenzie 7 Macdonald - 1 Broadway - 3 49 th - 5 Trafalgar 1 Sasamat - 2 35th - 1 35th - 2 Oak 3 Wallace - 2 41st - 1 25th - 1 Carnarvon - 1 Blenheim - 2 S.W. Marine - 1 37th - 1 Balaclava - 2 McKenzie - 1 10 th - 7 72 responses Arbutus - 6 Tolmie - 1 12 th - 2 Gr a n v i l l e 8 Collingwood - 1 37th - 1 Alma 1 Crown - 5 28th - 1 Blenheim - 16 Blanca - 1 16 th - 30 Cambie - 1 70 responses English Bay - 6 Quesnel - 3 70 responses Burrard 2 fig u r e f o r each area (Table XIV). The highest t h e o r e t i c a l measure would thus be 100. Table XIV shows that, i n terms of l o c a l area boundary consensus, Area 1 i s the most integrated, followed by Area 2 and then Area 3. I n t u i t i v e l y , the f a c t that Area 3 i s the l e a s t integrated on t h i s measure i s s u r p r i s i n g , and, yet, an explanation might be offered i n terms of i t being, not one area, but two - that i s , Dunbar and Southlands, with 41st Avenue, perhaps, being the boundary between the 105 TABLE XIV Local Area Boundary Consensus Average North South East West Consensus Area 1 63.8 38.5 77.3 27.7 52 Area 2 23.7 74.0 41.0 48.7 47 Area 3 42.9 40.3 22.6 58.6 41 two. This point can be demonstrated with reference to area names. AREA NAMES Consensus on area names, l i k e area boundaries, i s a further la t e n t measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . Area names also provide a measure of the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a l o c a l area. Of the t o t a l sample of 252, only 13 respondents did not think that t h e i r l o c a l area had a name, and only 18 could not or did not name t h e i r area. There was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between l o c a l area and name"'" (Table XV). The most d i s t i n c t i v e area i n terms of consensus on l o c a l area name was Area 2, where 69 per cent of i t s respondents believed the area to be named Marpole. For Area 1, 50 per cent of respondents named the area East End or East Vancoufer compared with 21 per cent who thought the area was c a l l e d East Hastings. Area 3, Dunbar-Southlands, had the lowest degree of consensus. This again i s not s u r p r i s i n g when one considers, as was intimated i n r e l a t i o n to area boundaries, that the area comprises two sub-units, Dunbar and Southlands, and, n a t u r a l l y , t h i s i s 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . TABLE XV Areas and Names (%) Names Area 1 Area 2 No Name 16 3 Renfrew 4 -East End 50 East Hastings 21 Grandview 3 Marpole - 69 South Vancouver - 9 Shannon - 1 South Cambie - 1 Marpole/Oakridge - 9 Ker r i s d a l e - 1 Oakridge - 3 Southlands -Dunbar Point Grey Kerrisdale/Dunbar Mackenzie Heights - -Dunbar/Point Grey Dunbar Heights - -Other 6 4 l'G7 r e f l e c t e d i n the names given. Thus, 45 per cent of respondents i n Area 3 named the area Dunbar, while 17 per cent named the area Southlands. Although there i s a strong r e l a t i o n between area and name, there i s some evidence to support the existence of a 'border area'. For example, 8 per cent of those i n Dunbar believed that t h e i r area was c a l l e d Point Grey which i s adjacent to i t (see Map 1). Further, 1 per cent of those i n Mayhew's Marpole region named t h e i r l o c a l are Kerri s d a l e as did 8 per cent of Dunbar respondents. This f i n d i n g i s consistent with expectation and the fac t that K e r r i s d a l e s p a t i a l l y separates Dunbar and Marpole. S i m i l a r l y , i n Area 2, some respondents believed the area to be named Oakridge (3 per cent) or Marpole/Oakridge (9 per cent), Oakridge being adjacent to Marpole (see Map 1). The existence of a 'border area' i s further substantiated i n Area 1, where 3 per cent .of respondents named the area Grandview and 4 per cent named i t Renfrew, both of these areas again being adjacent to Area 1 (see Map 1). There i s some evidence too that respondents i n Dunbar and Marpole s t i l l c l i n g to the names of the o l d municipal components of Vancouver. For example, 9 per cent of Marpole respondents named the area South Vancouver. S i m i l a r l y , i t has already been noted that 8 per cent of Dunbar respondents named the area Point Grey. F i n a l l y , there i s some evidence of i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , s i m i l a r to the r e s u l t s on the perception of boundaries, into more l o c a l i s e d areas 108. (apart from East End) w i t h i n the l o c a l areas. For example, 6 per cent of Dunbar respondents named the area Mackenzie Heights, and, s i m i l a r l y , 1 per cent of respondents i n Marpole named the area Shannon, compared with 1 per cent who named i t South Cambie (Table XV). Thus, while there i s greater consensus on area name i n Marpole than e i t h e r Dunbar or East End, there i s , nevertheless, some i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . This degree of consensus, l i k e that i n terms of the perception of l o c a l area boundaries, can be taken as evidence of the greater degree of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n i n Marpole compared with the other two areas. In order to demonstrate that respondents view the c i t y as being composed of named areas, they were asked i f they could name other parts of the c i t y . The majority of respondents named at lea s t one of the other l o c a l area names i n the c i t y (see Map 1), and a l l of the areas were c i t e d at some point or other (Table XVI). I f the number of c i t a t i o n s can be used as a surrogate f o r area d i s t i n c t i v e -ness, then when t h i s i s compared with Mayhew's survey of c i t a t i o n s i n the telephone d i r e c t o r y , there are some diff e r e n c e s . For example, Mayhew's study shows Ker r i s d a l e to be the most d i s t i n c t i v e area of the c i t y compared with K i t s i l a n o i n the present study (Mayhew, 1967). It would be reasonable to assume that, i n areas where inhabitants have l i v e d i n other parts of the c i t y , that there would be a greater tendency to view the c i t y as being composed of named areas, and, thereby,have a greater capacity to c i t e the names of such areas. TABLE XVI Respondents Naming of Other Areas i n the Cit y Mayhew's Telephone Citations Rati: K i t s i l a n o 137 23 West End 132 16 Kerrisdale 131 46 Point Grey 107 9 Shaughnessy 91 9 Marpole 80 34 Dunbar 75 29 CBD 64 -Oakridge 62 10 Fraserview 56 14 Hastings East 44 29 Fairview 39 8 Grandview 39 36 K i l l a r n e y 39 10 L i t t l e Mountain 37 3 Mount Pleasant 35 12 Renfrew 25 16 Arbutus 10 14 Cedar Cottage 6 2 R i l e y Park 3 -Sunset 3 13 Strathcona 2 4 110 One might also expect some ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' i n terms of area naming. That i s ^ there would be a tendency f o r respondents to name more r e a d i l y those areas immediately adjacent to t h e i r own, except, perhaps, i n the case of the most d i s t i n c t i v e areas such as K i t s i l a n o , West End and K e r r i s d a l e , which would tend to be known by most respondents. With regard to the f i r s t point, there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between area and having l i v e d i n another part of the city"'". The larges t proportion of our sample who have l i v e d i n another area occurs i n Marpole (77 per cent), compared with 71 per cent i n Dunbar and 48 per cent i n East End. One might expect, therefore, f o r Marpole respondents to have a r e l a t i v e l y greater knowledge of other area names in.the c i t y , unless, of course, Marpole respondents have tended to concentrate i n p a r t i c u l a r areas of the c i t y i n previous residences. However, i n 11 of 22 cases, a greater proportion of Dunbar respondents named the areas, compared with Marpole having 7 and East End 4. With regard to any ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' , taking adjacent areas to a l l three areas a greater proportion of respondents from Dunbar named i t s four adjacent areas of Point Grey, K i t s i l a n o , Arbutus and Kerrisd a l e than any other (see Map 1). S i m i l a r l y , a greater proportion of East End respondents named i t s three adjacent areas of Grandview, Cedar Cottage and Renfrew-Collingwood than any other area. In Marpole, however, although a greater proportion of respondents named 2 of i t s 3 adjacent areas - Oakridge and Sunset, the 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . I l l other area, K e r r i s d a l e , was named by a larger proportion of Dunbar respondents. One could argue from t h i s that Dunbar i s closer to Kerris d a l e than i s Marpole, and t h i s i s c e r t a i n l y true i n p o l i t i c a l terms, as our model of p o l i t i c a l space i n Chapter III i n d i c a t e s . The ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' i n terms of naming of adjacent areas, i s evidence i n a l l three areas of the existence of more l o c a l i s e d f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s on behalf of the inhabitants. AREA IMAGE One further important component of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , as was noted e a r l i e r , i s consensus on area image. Further, i f the l o c a l areas can be shown to be d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l e n t i t i e s , then the degree of consensus w i l l also be r e f l e c t e d i n d i s t i n c t area images f o r each of the areas. Images as defined i n t h i s study do not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e purely to p h y s i c a l objects such as edges and nodes, but have an important s o c i a l component. They r e f e r to an open-ended question which asks the respondent what kind of a place h i s area of residence i s , and what, i f anything, makes i t d i f f e r e n t from other parts of the c i t y . I f there was any h e s i t a t i o n or reluctance to answer the question, the interviewers were asked to probe and to ask the respondent simply to describe the area (see Appendix I ) . In reply to a s i m i l a r question i n another study, Ross noted the general reference to class and ethnic symbols (Ross, 1962, 80), and t h i s i s no l e s s true of the three areas i n the present study. A content analysis was performed on r e p l i e s to the question and the 112 themes were tabulated by frequency of c i t a t i o n (Table XVII). In East End, f o r example, the most important component of area image i s e t h n i c i t y , c i t e d by 35 per cent of the sample from that area, compared with 12 per cent f o r Marpole and 3 per cent for Dunbar. Thus, obviously, e t h n i c i t y i s an important d i s t i n c t i v e element i n the area image f o r Area 1. In Marpole on the other hand, the most important component i s that the area has a large proportion of apartments, c i t e d by 44 per cent of the sample, compared with no c i t a t i o n s i n East End and 1 per cent i n Dunbar. In Dunbar, the most important element was the quietness of the area, although t h i s was not d i s t i n c t i v e , and whereas i t was c i t e d by 38 per cent of i t s respondents, 27 per cent i n East End and 23 per cent i n Marpole also c i t e d t h i s element. In Marpole, income and class was the second most component ( c i t e d by 35 per cent), while i n both East End (27 per cent) and Dunbar (27 per cent) i t came t h i r d . I t i s c l e a r , then, from Table XVII, that e t h n i c i t y and class are among the most s i g n i f i c a n t components of area image i n the three areas. In order to examine further the element of class i n area image, respondents were asked l a t e r i n the questionnaire to c l a s s i f y t h e i r area on a class scale (see Appendix I ) . The r e s u l t s showed that there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between l o c a l area and perceived class"'" (Table X I I ) . It w i l l be noted that i n a l l three areas, the largest propor-At the 0.005 l e v e l . TABLE XVII Components of Area Image (%) East End Marpole Dunb, T r a f f i c n o i s e / p o l l u t i o n 8 29 -L i t t l e or no through t r a f f i c 2 1 4 Quiet area 27 23 38 Access to good transport 15 31 10 Good place to l i v e / f r i e n d l y 34 28 22 E t h n i c i t y 35 12 3 Poor service provision 8 3 -Prox. to downtown 7 9 10 Income/class 27 35 27 Deterioration 9 1 -Taxes/property values/rents 3 21 6 Age of area 2 17 14 I n d u s t r i a l 1 22 -Apartment area - 44 1 Better climate - 9 3 Trees/semi-rural/countryfied - 10 31 R e l a t i v e l y stable immobile pop. 4 1 15 Views 1 5 12 Golf courses - 1 4 PNE • 6 - -Fraser River - 8 -Sawmills - 17 -University/Endowment Lands 3 15 114 TABLE XVIII Area and Perceived Class (%) No Class Given Lower Lower-Middle Middle Upper-Middle East End 5 6 25 57. 6 Marpole 1 1 15 68 13 Dunbar 3 0 4 58 36 t i o n of respondents c l a s s i f i e d t h e i r area as middle c l a s s , and t h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true i n Marpole. The East End i n comparison had a much larger proportion of respondents who perceived the area as lower-middle or lower c l a s s , whereas Dunbar had no respondent who regarded the area as lower-class and the highest proportion of respondents who c l a s s i f i e d the area as upper-middle c l a s s . I t i s evident that there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of consensus i n perceived class of area i n Marpole compared with the other two areas, with East End having the lowest degree of consensus i n t h i s regard. The above fi n d i n g s , with regard to the importance of class i n area image i n a l l three areas, tend to question e a r l i e r ones which note that respondents i n Dunbar, f o r example, are less i n c l i n e d towards class concepts (Gibson, 1972, 161). This i s true i f Dunbar i s compared with Marpole, but i s not true when Dunbar i s compared with East End (Table XVII). From Table XVII, taking a minimum c i t a t i o n of 10 per cent of the sample i n each area f o r each theme, we can characterise East End 1!5 by e t h n i c i t y , f r i e n d l i n e s s , quietness, income and class and access to good transportation. S i m i l a r l y , Marpole can be characterised by apartments, income and c l a s s , access to good transportation, t r a f f i c noise and p o l l u t i o n , quietness, f r i e n d l i n e s s , industry, a concern with rents and property values, sawmills, the age of the area and e t h n i c i t y . F i n a l l y , Dunbar can be characterised by quietness, r u r a l nature, income and c l a s s , f r i e n d l i n e s s , the University and Endowment Lands, a r e l a t i v e l y stable immobile population, the age of the area, views, proximity to downtown and access to good transportation. We note from t h i s the r e l a t i v e l y complex images of Marpole and Dunbar compared with East End, which tends to substantiate e a r l i e r findings regarding the nature of i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the former two areas compared with the l a t t e r . If we take those elements which were not c i t e d by at le a s t 15 per cent of the sample i n the other areas we can determine the e s s e n t i a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e components of each area image. Thus, i n East End, the e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s can be summarised by the element of e t h n i c i t y . Further, i n Marpole, e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s can be summarised by apartments, access to good transportation, t r a f f i c noise and p o l l u t i o n , industry, a concern with property values and rents, and sawmills. F i n a l l y , Dunbar can be summarised by elements of a r u r a l nature, the University and Endowment Lands, a r e l a t i v e l y stable immobile population, views, and proximity to downtown. East End respondents, f o r example, noted the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of 116 various n a t i o n a l i t i e s e s p e c i a l l y I t a l i a n s and Chinese, which often produced severe language problems. Further, many f e l t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by ' c i t y h a l l ' , e s p e c i a l l y i n terms of the provision of c e r t a i n s e r v i c e s . This f e e l i n g of discrimination i n terms of public p o l i c y on the part of people i n t h i s area of Vancouver has been noted before (Gibson, 1972, 145), and i s a good argument for area representa-t i o n on c i t y c o u n c i l . The following two comments summarise the range of types of reply to t h i s question: 1) "No, not very d i f f e r e n t from other areas. A l l working people. Under-kept. They never cut the grass on c i t y property." (12) 2) " T e r r i b l e . A tremendous mixture of n a t i o n a l i t i e s , wide v a r i e t y of income and educational backgrounds. People born i n the area were "accepted", whereas newcomers found i t very d i f f i c u l t to break into the close k n i t society. Their c h i l d r e n f i n d i t e s p e c i a l l y hard, having to 'prove' themselves to other neighbour-hood k i d s , and the ' b u l l i e s ' seemed to be other previously established newcomers." (4) In Marpole, respondents noted the growth of apartments i n the area i n recent years and i t s e f f e c t on property values and rents. Further, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of industry, p a r t i c u l a r l y sawmills, were d i s t i n c t i v e components, along with t r a f f i c noise and p o l l u t i o n and access to good transportation. The following two comments summarise the range of types of image held by respondents of t h i s area: 1) " I t i s an in-between area, caught between good r e s i d e n t i a l and i n d u s t r i a l areas. We are between well-to-do and working peoples 117 homes. This makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r children of have-not fa m i l i e s to keep up with expensive school programmes. The remaining houses i n the area should be rezoned f o r multiple occupancy. This would permit e l d e r l y persons to remain i n t h e i r homes. Other homes are rented to transient young people. In t h i s r e s u l t i n g t r a n s i t i o n , fewer c h i l d r e n hence a nearby school was nearly closed down." (156) 2) " I t has the r i v e r running beside i t , the a i r p o r t near i t . I t ' s not quite as crowded as some parts of town. I t has a l o t of industry such as sawmills and plywood m i l l s nearby. Most of the roads i n the area lead to highway 99." (141) Dunbar respondents noted that the area had a r e l a t i v e l y stable immobile population and was close to the Un i v e r s i t y and the Endowment Lands. The area has good views over the surrounding part of the c i t y , has a 'countryfied' atmosphere, and yet i s close to downtown. This tends to confirm e a r l i e r work on the harmony of Dunbar residents with nature (Gibson, 1972, 161). Representative of images of t h i s area were: 1) " I t i s healthy and high and slopes toward the south. No sawdust burners as you would f i n d i n Marpole." (246) 2) "Nice family area. This street i s noisy but generally a quiet area. Lots of trees and houses are w e l l kept up." (210) LENGTH OF RESIDENCE As has been noted e a r l i e r , length of residence i s often used 118-as a surrogate f o r l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . I t can thus be regarded as a lat e n t f u n c t i o n a l measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . Although there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area,and length of residence"'', a much higher proportion of East End respondents (70 per cent) had l i v e d i n t h e i r area f o r more than 10 years compared with Dunbar (50 per cent) and Marpole (40 per .cent). The r e l a t i v e immobility of residents of East End has been noted before (Peucker and Rase, 1971, 93). Thus, i f length of residence i s an adequate measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , one might expect i t to be associated with other c r i t e r i a . One would also expect that East End respondents would d i f f e r from respondents of other areas on other i n t e g r a t i o n measures. Length of residence i n the l o c a l area was also found to be 2 associated with age, status and home tenure . For example, the r e l a t i v e m o b i l i t y of younger people compared with older people i s confirmed by our data - that i s , there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e 3 between age and length of residence . Second, the data confirm that, i n general, the higher the status of the respondent, the greater h i s 4 r e l a t i v e m o b i l i t y . Third, a very high proportion of i n d i v i d u a l s (80 per cent) who have l i v e d i n t h e i r area f o r more than 10 years own t h e i r own home. S i m i l a r l y , a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of those renting (57 per cent) have l i v e d i n t h e i r area f o r one year or l e s s . 2 At the 0.005 l e v e l . , At the 0.005 l e v e l . , At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . 119 REAL HOME Respondents were asked whether or not they regarded t h e i r l o c a l area as t h e i r r e a l home (see Appendix I ) . Although there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area and t h i s variable"'", a greater percentage of Marpole respondents (28 per cent) than ei t h e r East End (20 per cent) or Dunbar (12 per cent) respondents, did not regard the area as t h e i r r e a l home. One could possibly a t t r i b u t e these data to a number of f a c t o r s . F i r s t , Marpole would be perceived by many as a 'transient' area, and therefore having an environment of p o t e n t i a l mobility r e f l e c t e d i n the d i s t i n c t i v e 'apartment' component i n i t s area image. Second, from the data on length of residence, the expectation, i t was that East End would perhaps be more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the other areas i f that v a r i a b l e was a meaningful surrogate. However, the d i s t i n c t i v e component of i t s area image, e t h n i c i t y , has already been stressed, and, thus respondents, although having l i v e d i n the area f o r some time, may s t i l l have strong attachments to the 'homeland'. In general, however, the longer respondents had l i v e d i n the 2 l o c a l area, the more they regarded i t as t h e i r r e a l home . The p r o b a b i l i t y i s that there i s a two-way i n t e r a c t i o n between r e a l home and length of residence. Thus we could argue that the more respondents come to regard the l o c a l area as t h e i r r e a l home, the lower the p o t e n t i a l m o b i l i t y . Further, i t has been noted elsewhere that complaints about At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . 120 dwelling unit space and the p h y s i c a l environment around the home have strong p r e d i c t i v e power on future r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y (Rossi, 1955; Michelson, 1970, 102). These r e l a t i o n s h i p s thus f i t with the image of Marpole as 'apartment' and ' i n d u s t r i a l ' , and with Dunbar as being 'countryfied'. The resultant greater p o t e n t i a l m o b i l i t y i n Marpole compared with Dunbar i n reference to dwelling u n i t s and general p h y s i c a l environment, i s thus r e f l e c t e d i n the greater proportion of respondents i n that area who do not regard i t as t h e i r r e a l home. 'STATE' OF AREA In the discussion i n Chapter I I I above, i t was noted that one factor i n intra-urban migration may be that l o c a l area attachments on the part of i n d i v i d u a l s were not p a r t i c u l a r l y strong. In r e l a t i o n to t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , respondents were asked two questions r e l a t i n g to the 'state' of t h e i r area. F i r s t , whether they thought that the area was becoming f r i e n d l i e r , l e s s f r i e n d l y or i f i t had j u s t stayed the same. Second, whether the areas were beginning to look worse p h y s i c a l l y , look better or whether they had stayed the same (see Appendix I ) . There were s i g n i f i c a n t differences between responses to each question. However, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e also between area and responses to both questions"*". In the East End for example, the larges t proportion of respondents thought that t h e i r area was getting le s s f r i e n d l y and was looking worse p h y s i c a l l y . Further, Dunbar had the At the 0.005 l e v e l . 121 l a r g e s t proportion of respondents who answered to both questions that t h e i r area was staying the same. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the f e e l i n g s of s t a b i l i t y noted i n area image (Table XVII), and perhaps the concern of inhabitants of that area with maintaining the status quo. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between responses to the f r i e n d l i n e s s question and length of residence."'" For example, of those having l i v e d i n the area f o r more than 10 years, 40 per cent believed the area had become a f r i e n d l i e r place to l i v e . CHOICE OF RESIDENCE For t h i s i n d i c a t o r of attachment to l o c a l area, respondents were asked whether, i f they had t h e i r choice, they would continue to l i v e i n t h e i r l o c a l area or not. Although there was a s i g n i f i c a n t 2 d i f f e r e n c e between area and t h i s v a r i a b l e , there were some differences by area. For example, 31 per cent of Marpole respondents stated that, i f they had t h e i r choice, they would not continue to l i v e i n that area, compared with 28 per cent i n East End and 13 per cent i n Dunbar. This f i n d i n g confirms, i n part, data on 'state' of area above i n terms of the degree of favourable d i s p o s i t i o n toward an area. Further, there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between t h i s v a r i a b l e and length of At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . 122 , residence i n the l o c a l a r e a \ and those who regarded t h e i r l o c a l 2 area as t h e i r r e a l home, i n general, would continue to l i v e there . CLOSENESS The f i n a l latent f u n c t i o n a l measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n i s the degree of closeness respondents f e e l towards those people who l i v e within the areas compared with those who l i v e outside. Although there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area and -3 closeness , some i n t e r e s t i n g conclusions emerge (Table XIX). F i r s t , TABLE XIX Area and Closeness (%) No Response Within Outside Both Neither East End 6 23 43 16 11 Marpole 3 17 58 21 3 Dunbar 1 22 45 23 9 i n a l l three areas a greater proportion of respondents f e l t closer to people outside, although t h i s was more true of Marpole respondents from the other two areas. Second, a greater proportion of Dunbar respondents f e l t equally close to both groups of people, and, t h i r d , a larger proportion of respondents from East End f e l t closer to neither those within or those without. This evidence tends to confirm the impression of Marpole as a 'transient' more mobile and l e s s integrated area than the other two. At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . 123 With regard to other v a r i a b l e s , there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between closeness and choice and closeness and length of residence, although there was no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between closeness and the variables of r e a l home and 'state' of area.''' LOCAL AREA INTERACTION Although i n a previous study of l o c a l areas i n Vancouver, some consensus on s o c i a l b e l i e f s was noted within selected areas, the assumption that these areas were i n fa c t integrated s o c i a l e n t i t i e s has not been adequately tested (Gibson, 1972, 10). As has been demonstrated, the above lat e n t components of l o c a l area in t e g r a t i c provide one means for such a n a l y s i s . The other basis for analysis i s a consideration of manifest f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s (Mann, 1954), such as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with people l i v i n g within as w e l l as outside of the l o c a l areas, plus the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s , such as shops and schools, and the reading of the area newspaper. As far as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s concerned, respondents were asked to state the number and frequency of contact with friends and l o c a l area inhabitants as w e l l as t h e i r l o c a t i o n (see Appendix I ) . Although there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e by area f o r both number and frequency of contacts within the l o c a l area, some i n t e r e s t i n g points emerged. For example, i n East End, 52 per cent of respondents generally made only two contacts or l e s s within t h e i r l o c a l area compared with 47 per cent i n Marpole and 40 per cent i n Dunbar, but the 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 124 frequency of contact i n the East End was much greater than within the other two areas. The greater number of contacts was made i n Dunbar - 60 per cent of respondents with three or more - yet the frequency of contact compared with the other areas was l e s s . In terms of the number and frequency of contacts outside of the l o c a l area, there was a s i g n f i c a n t difference by area''". However, 42 per cent of East End respondents had two or less contacts outside of t h e i r area compared with 33 per cent i n Marpole and 29 per cent i n Dunbar. Conversely, Dunbar had the greatest proportion of respondents with three or more contacts outside of the l o c a l area (68 per cent), compared with Marpole (64 per cent) and East End (51 per cent). Thus, i t i s evident that Dunbar respondents have a greater degree of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n both within and outside of t h e i r l o c a l area, measured i n terms of number of contacts, with East End respondents having the l e a s t , although the frequency of contact, e s p e c i a l l y within that area i s greater. There was a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between number of contacts outside of the l o c a l area and a l l latent i n t e g r a t i o n measures. The only v a r i a b l e where there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e f o r number of 2 contacts within the l o c a l area was r e a l home . These associations tend to suggest that communication alone i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to achieve l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , and, perhaps that personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s are not e s s e n t i a l f o r i n d i v i d u a l attachment to an area. 2 At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . 125 In terms of the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s , information was gained on the use of l o c a l stores, schools, and reading of the l o c a l newspaper. The use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s , such as stores, can be used as a further manifest measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . Respondents i n t h i s regard were asked where they shopped mostly f o r food within t h e i r area, and the address of the store where most of t h e i r food i s usually bought (see Appendix I ) . In a l l three areas, the majority of respondents bought most of t h e i r food at stores located within t h e i r l o c a l area. However, there were some differences by area. In East End, for example, 67 per cent of respondents bought most of t h e i r food within compared with 81 per cent i n Marple and 83 per cent i n Dunbar. The presence of c h i l d r e n i n an area tends to bring people together (Michelson, 1970, 180), and thus the l o c a t i o n of schools, and attendance by chi l d r e n i n the l o c a l area would provide an integrat i n g function. In a l l cases, the majority of ch i l d r e n i n the area also attended school i n the area, although t h i s was much less f o r Marpole (73 per cent), as for East End (91 per cent) and Dunbar (95 per cent). F i n a l l y , as was noted above, l o c a l area newspapers serve to aid consensus (Janowitz, 1967), and the data showed no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area and l o c a l newspaper read"*" (Table XX). I t w i l l be noted from Table XX, that Dunbar has the most d i s t i n c t i v e readership At the 0.005 l e v e l . 126 TABLE XX Local Area Newspapers (%) Highland Echo East Ender Hastings News L'Eco I t a l i a n o / Courier Western News The Paper Oakridge News Richmond News Pa c i f i s c h e Rundschau No paper read East End 21 10 17 2 Marpole 1 Dunbar 27 3 41 17 6 5 39 51 12 3 1 3 26 of the area newspaper, with the lowest percentage who do not read i t (26 per cent) and the highest percentage who read one p a r t i c u l a r newspaper - the Courier. The Courier i s also the most important paper i n Marpole, although the Oakridge News i s of some importance, and the Richmond News at t e s t to the outside contacts which Marpole has. The East End, on the other hand, has a f a i r l y d i s t i n c t i v e s e l e c t i o n with the Highland Echo being the most important. It i s important to note here, that f o r a l l of the var i a b l e s d e s c r i p t i v e of the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s - shopping, schools, and reading of the l o c a l newspaper - there Is a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e 127 between them and both latent measures of Integration and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n variables."'' However, the associations which we have on l o c a l area int e g r a t i o n suggest a model of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n below (Figure 2). The model respresents a complex serie s of two-way Figure 2: Model of Local Area Integration 'state' of area 1 length of residence< >closeness I choice int e r a c t i o n s between the variables length of residence, closeness, choice, 'state' of area, r e a l home and intra-area i n t e r a c t i o n . The form of the model i s further substantiated by the lack of association between for example, length of residence and in t r a - a r e a i n t e r a c t i o n , and closeness and r e a l home''". SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Components of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n extracted f o r the analysis have now been tested i n three l o c a l areas i n Vancouver. Such l o c a l areas were f i r s t i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r inhabitants i n terms of t h e i r boundaries and second i n terms of area name. In each case, the areas were found to be s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y d i s t i n c t , with inhabitants having d i s t i n c t i v e images of them. The areas have been shown to be f u n c t i o n a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t both i n latent and manifest terms, although the r e l a t i o n 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . r e a l home intra-area i n t e r a c t i o n 128 : i between these elements at present i s uncertain. The evidence from the analysis thus support the o r i g i n a l contention that l o c a l areas i n Vancouver have f u n c t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Further, the general thesis that the inhabitants view the c i t y as a composite of area names and perceive t h e i r own area as being d i s t i n c t i n terms of name and image i s upheld. The area, furthermore, were perceived as having 'status a s c r i p t i v e ' functions. Rather than summarise i n d e t a i l a l l of the findings of t h i s chapter, some of the main points have been c o l l e c t e d i n Table XXI. This table represents r e l a t i v e consensus on a v a r i e t y of measures for the three areas, and the composite indices of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n have been computed. F i r s t , a measure based on a l l items, where possibl e , gives Dunbar the highest r e l a t i v e degree of l o c a l area int e g r a t i o n with a score of 52 compared with 51 both for East End and Marpole. Second, taking into account only those scores for the r e l a t e d components i n the model of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n (Figure 2), gives findings r e l a t e d somewhat more to i n t u i t i v e expectation. In t h i s case, the s e l e c t i v e index s t i l l gives Dunbar the highest degree of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , c l o s e l y followed by East End, but places Marpole s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower on the scale. Two f i n a l points emerge from Table XXI. F i r s t , the index for a l l measures gives a l l three areas a value of more than 50 per cent -that i s , a majority of respondents i n the three areas have a greater i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e i r l o c a l areas than with some other t e r r i t o r i a l 129 TABLE XXI Area and Relative Consensus East End Marpole Dunbar 1. Ind i v i d u a l status 30 22 21 (highest) 2. Individual class perception 75 73 68 (highest) 3. Local area boundaries 52 47 41 4. Area name (highest) 50 69 45 5. Area image (highest) 35 44 38 6. Perceived class of area 57 68 58 (highest) 7. Length residence 10 yrs+ 70 40 50 8. Real home (100-not) 80 72 88 9. State of area ( f r i e n d l i e r ) 32 29 31 10. Choice (100-not) 72 69 87 11. Closeness (within) 23 17 22 12. Shopping (within) 67 81 83 13. Local newspaper (highest) 21 27 51 Index of in t e g r a t i o n 664 658 683 ( a l l measures) 13 13 13 51 51 52 Index of in t e g r a t i o n 55_ 45_ 57 (measures 7, 8, 9, 10 & 11) unit . This means, f i r s t l y that areas are l o c a l l y relevant. Second, the notions of a lack of a sense of community of a 'community without propinquity', or of a 'mass society' do not apply to the majority of 130 t h e r e s p o n d e n t s f r o m each a r e a . T h i s h o l d s t o o f o r t h e s e l e c t i v e i n d e x i n E a s t End and Dunbar, b u t n o t f o r M a r p o l e . That i n d e x g i v e s M a r p o l e a s c o r e of 45, w h i c h means t h a t t h e arguments f o r a l a c k of a sense of community and so on do a p p l y t o t h e m a j o r i t y of r e s p o n d e n t s i n t h a t a r e a . The second p o i n t i s t h a t t h e i n d i c e s o f i n t e g r a t i o n do n o t p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t e v i d e n c e f o r r e g a r d i n g a p a r t i c u l a r t y p e o f ' s t a t u s a r e a ' as h a v i n g a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r degree of i n t e g r a t i o n . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n c o n f l i c t s w i t h t h o s e f r o m o t h e r a r e a s ( f o r example, Smith e t a l . , 1954; B e l l and B o a t , 1957; Wellman e t a l . , 1 971). The r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s , e s p e c i a l l y i n terms o f t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n t h e 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n i n Vancouver w i l l now be examined i n C h a p t e r V. 131 CHAPTER V LOCAL AREA INTEGRATION AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR The aim of t h i s c h a p t e r i s t w o - f o l d . F i r s t , i t i s p r o p o s e d t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h e o n l y s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i g n i f i c a n t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , and hence i m p o r t a n t i n an a n a l y s i s o f t h e s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , i s o b j e c t i v e l y d e f i n e d s t a t u s (based on o c c u p a t i o n ) . T h i s r e i n f o r c e s t h e argument p r e s e n t e d i n C h a p t e r I I , t h a t t h e B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i s e s s e n t i a l l y c l a s s - b a s e d . I t i s a l s o t o r e i n f o r c e t h e argument t h a t , i n o r d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s t a b i l i t y and change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , a c o n s i d e r a -t i o n o f a r a n g e of s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a l o n e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . I t w i l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t , r a t h e r t h a n e x p l a i n i n g v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r by a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a s e r i e s o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s ( a p a r t from s t a t u s ) , v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r can be more r e a d i l y e x p l a i n e d by r e f e r e n c e t o an a r e a norm. I t w i l l be a r g u e d t h a t v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n t o an a r e a norm can be e x p l a i n e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o i n d i v i d u a l a t t a c h m e n t t o a r e a o r t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , as w e l l as by m a n i f e s t i n t e g r a t i o n . Thus, s e c o n d , i t w i l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t t h e degree t o w h i c h t h e r e i s an a s s o c i a t i o n between v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and a r e a norm, w i l l be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e degree o f a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n b o t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l and a g g r e g a t e l e v e l s . I t w i l l be shown, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n M a r p o l e i n t h e 1972 e l e c t i o n adhered much l e s s t o t h e a r e a norm t h a n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n E a s t End o r Dunbar, as a 132 r e s u l t of i t s lower degree of in t e g r a t i o n . As norms can be defined as generally accepted group standards of conduct and behaviour, so a ' p o l i t i c a l norm' i n an area would be the generally expected e l e c t o r a l pattern i n that area i n any one e l e c t i o n . I t therefore r e l a t e s to the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of a p a r t i c u l a r area (see Chapter I I I ) . Like a l l norms, adherence to a p o l i t i c a l norm i n an area on the part of an i n d i v i d u a l voter depends on the degree of attachment to the group - i n the present case, a ' s o c i o - s p a t i a l ' group or l o c a l area. Associations between i n d i v i d u a l tendencies to vote i n r e l a t i o n to an area norm and i n d i v i d u a l attachments to area ( i n a lat e n t and manifest sense) are not simple, as w i l l be demonstrated below. The clearest r e s u l t s , for example, are obtained from the components of the model of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n (Figure 2). Furthermore, i t w i l l be demonstrated that the strength of adherence to voting behaviour norms i s greater i n areas of generally lower status group composition even though the l e v e l of in t e g r a t i o n i n those areas (i n the present case, one area - that i s , East End) i s no greater. We are therefore dealing with a complex set of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between status, i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour translated s p a t i a l l y into the status composition of an area, area i n t e g r a t i o n , and the e l e c t o r a l pattern. We w i l l begin with a discussion of socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n order to point up the r e l a t i v e importance of status. SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS Associations between socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and voting behaviour are well-known and provide a framework for p o l i t i c a l sociology (for example, see L i p s e t , 1963), and have recently been discussed i n d e t a i l with reference to voting behaviour i n Canada (see Meisel, 1972). The status-class argument i s an important and inconclusive one i n Canadian voting behaviour studies (for example, see A l f o r d , 1963; Engelmann and Schwartz, 1967; Wilson, 1968; Meisel, 1972). Blishen has put forward an objective measure of status using occupation (Blishen, 1967). This scale can be broken down into s i x sub-categories which define occupations generally as follows -owners and professionals, managerial, service i n d u s t r i e s , s k i l l e d , s e m i - s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d . With regard to our argument, an a s s o c i a t i o n i s posited between the proportion employed i n managerial and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations and L i b e r a l vote. Further, an association i s posited between semi- s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d workers and NDP vote. Both associations are supported by our data, and, i n general, there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between status and voting behaviour''" (Table XXI). Meisel has found that data for occupations are r e i n f o r c e d by responses e l i c i t e d about self-perception of class (Meisel, 1972, 5). However, our data showed a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between subjective c l a s s and voting behaviour"''. However, there are s l i g h t associations between upper-middle class i d e n t i f i e r s and L i b e r a l voting behaviour and lower-middle class i d e n t i f i e r s and NDP voting At the 0.005 l e v e l . 134 behaviour (Table XXII). TABLE XXI Status and Voting Behaviour (%) Owners & Semi Profess. Manag. Service S k i l l e d S k i l l e d U n s killed Retired Did not Vote 3 10 10 10 12 16 18 S o c i a l Credit 7 10 19 7 10 10 29 NDP 5 9 12 7 21 24 21 LIBERAL 18 18 16 11 14 0 18 PC 10 19 14 19 10 5 24 TABLE XXII Class Self-Perception and Voting Behaviour (%) Did not Vote PC L i b e r a l NDP SC No response 56 6 6 19 6 Lower-middle 14 5 19 48 14 Middle 26 8 17 32 13 Upper-Middle 19 11 30 15 11 Income i s regarded as being an important v a r i a b l e i n the s o c i a l structure i n terms which are often expressed p o l i t i c a l l y as maintaining the status quo, or i n an i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l m o b i l i t y (Porter, 1965, 76). Porter, f o r example, takes income as an objective measure of class i n Canada (Porter, 1965, 100). An association might therefore be expected between lower income (less than $7,000) and NDP vote. I t has been pointed out that NDP gains l i t t l e or no 135 support from the economic e l i t e (Porter, 1965, 297), and that NDP supporters themselves regard the party as representing the poor (Laponce, 1969, 72). Thus, one would not expect those with higher incomes ($15,000+), to vote NDP. Both of these expectations are sustained by our data, although, i n general, there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between income and voting behaviour"'' (Table XXIII) . TABLE XXIII Income and Voting Behaviour (%) Less than $5,000 $5,001-$7,500 $7,501-$10,000 $10,001-$15,000 $15,000+ Did not vote 29 12 16 18 9 S o c i a l Credit 32 10 26 16 10 NDP 22 22 28 22 0 L i b e r a l 18 11 11 27 14 PC 19 14 29 19 19 In Canada, r e l i g i o n i s one of the major bases of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t (Porter, 1965, 512; Meisel, 1972, 3). Thus an association would be expected between proportion of Catholics and L i b e r a l vote, (see Anderson, 1966). S i m i l a r l y , an association would be expected between the proportion of Protestants and NDP vote (see Meisel, 1967, 52). Further, there i s some evidence to suggest that a greater proportion of a - r e l i g i o u s tend to support the NDP than any other party (for example, Laponce, 1969, 68). This l a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n i s 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 136 the only one substantiated by our data, (Table XXIV), and, i n general, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between r e l i g i o n and voting behaviour"''. TABLE XXIV Rel i g i o n arid Voting Behaviour (%) No response Protestant United Church Anglican None The length of residence i n Canada has been seen to be important i n terms of previous p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n , i f any, to those held i n Canada (Porter, 1965, 82). Some 63 per cent of our sample were born i n Canada, and thus, one might expect that immigration and immigrant groups would be an important element i n voting behaviour. On the contrary, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d ifference between country of b i r t h and voting behaviour . (Table XXV). For example, Meisel found that the association between Canadian-born voters and L i b e r a l voting behaviour was less than that between Post-Second World War immigrants (Meisel, 1972, 9). Second, that the Conservative Party appealed more to e a r l i e r s e t t l e r s rather than more 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . Did not vote PC L i b e r a l NDP SC 62 0 8 15 15 30 8 18 29 12 23 20 20 20 11 20 20 20 23 11 24 2 20 39 7 137 recent a r r i v a l s . T h i r d , that proportionately, the NDP would gain less pre-1946 immigrants (Meisel, 1972, 9). A l l three associations are not upheld by our data. On the other hand, a fourth, more i n t u i t i v e l y relevant association, that a larger proportion of the 'lower rungs' of Porter's mosaic would vote NDP, i s sustained (Table XXV) . TABLE XXV Country of B i r t h and Voting Behaviour (%) not vote SC NDP LIB PC 27 11 26 21 10 28 13 32 17 11 25 25 25 13 0 18 15 58 6 3 Canada B r i t a i n and U.S.A. France, Germany, Holland Scandinavia, E. Europe, I t a l y , Japan, other 'c. European' The l e v e l of education i s regarded as an Important surrogate f o r l e v e l of information, and i s thus important i n a consideration of flows of information. Further, i t i s generally believed that a higher l e v e l of education i s associated with higher turnout (Lipset, 1963, 228). However, a general association between education l e v e l and voting behaviour i s here rejected''". In terms of i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i e s , on the other hand, two associations are sustained. F i r s t , there i s an association between higher (University) education categories and 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 138 L i b e r a l support (Table XXVI). Second, there i s an asso c i a t i o n between lower l e v e l s of education (elementary and secondary) and NDP support, (Table XXVI). As we have seen, therefore, apart from two s p e c i f i c cases, the general association between education and voting behaviour i s rejected. This conclusion i s s i m i l a r to that of Meisel, who does not regard education l e v e l as a p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i n d i c a t o r of voting behaviour (Meisel, 1972, 7). TABLE XXVI Voting Behaviour and Level of Education (%) No Answer Grades 1-8 Grades 9-13 Voc./ tech. Univ./ college Did not vote 9 18 35 16 22 S o c i a l Credit 0 19 39 26 16 NDP 0 24 42 13 19 L i b e r a l 9 5 30 16 41 Conservative 5 10 24 14 48 . The general r e l a t i o n s h i p between sex and voting behaviour again i s well-known. There i s a preference for women to maintain the status quo, and thus to support the conservative p a r t i e s (Lipset, 1963, 231). In Canada, i t appears that there i s a tendency for women to support the Conservative Party (Meisel, 1972, 12). However, our data from the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i n Vancouver dispute t h i s f i n d i n g (Table XXVII). Jewett has pointed out that proportionately less women vote NDP (Jewett, 1962), but our data show t h i s to be untrue. Further, Anderson has shown an association between the 139 Table XXVII Voting Behaviour and Sex (%) Did Not Vote S o c i a l Credit NDP L i b e r a l PC Men 22 17 26 21 7 Women 32 8 35 14 10 proportion of men and NDP. vote (Anderson, 1966). Our data show that a greater proportion of women rather than men voted NDP i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n . The general association between sex and voting behaviour, l i k e education, i s thus rejected"*". r i g h t alignment of the four p a r t i e s as NDP-Liberal-Social C r e d i t -Conservative (Laponce, 1969, 161), then one might assume the importance of age i n voting behaviour based on another well-known r e l a t i o n s h i p . The tendency f o r the younger voter to i d e n t i f y with the l e f t , and the older voter with the r i g h t , has been discussed (Lipset, 1963, 231). In B.C., age has been regarded as a major discriminatory factor between supporters of d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s (Laponce, 1969, 135). An association between young voters (20-35) and NDP support would thus be expected. Apart from gaining support i n the l i t e r a t u r e (Anderson, 1966), i t has been pointed out that older voters tend not to vote for the NDP (Young, 1964, 197). However, our data show that a s i m i l a r proportion of support for the NDP i s gained from respondents 45 and younger, and over 45 (Table XXVIII). If i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s we define a ' c l a s s i c a l ' l e f t -At the 0.005 l e v e l . TABLE XXVIII Age and Voting Behaviour (%) 140 Before 1905 1905-1915 1916-1925 1926-1935 1936-1945 1946-1953 Did not vote 13 16 19 15 15 16 S o c i a l Credit 29 13 26 13 10 10 NDP 18 10 22 13 21 17 L i b e r a l 11 25 18 9 18 18 PC 24 5 24 14 14 19 The data do provide some support f or the notion that middle and o l d age voters tend to vote S o c i a l Credit, and the largest proportion of S o c i a l Credit vote i s i n the r e t i r e d category. However, apart from t h i s a ssociation, the general as s o c i a t i o n between age and voting behaviour i s rejected"''. F i n a l l y , membership of organisations has been seen as a d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g component between voters of d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y the association between the trade unions and the NDP. Thus, an ass o c i a t i o n between trade union membership and voting f o r the NDP i s expected. Further, an association i s expected between membership of a professional society and voting f o r the L i b e r a l Party. Both associations are sustained by our data (Table XXIX), and, i n general, there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between membership of formal organisations and voting behaviour"''. Thus apart from an asso c i a t i o n between status and voting behaviour, At the 0.005 l e v e l . 141. TABLE XXIX Membership of Formal Organisations and Voting Behaviour (%) Trade Trade Non-members Prof. Soc. Assoc. Union Did not vote 74 7 4 15 So c i a l Credit 68 10 7 16 NDP 60 6 5 27 L i b e r a l 55 36 2 7 PC 71 10 0 19 and between membership of formal organisations and voting behaviour, a l l other general associations between socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and voting behaviour were rejected"*". This confirms the point made i n Chapter I I , that associations between such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and voting behaviour found i n other parts of Canada, may not nec e s s a r i l y hold i n the B.C. p o l i t i c a l culture. Further, i t supports our general argument that, i n order to adequately explain and understand the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns, factors other than a range of soc i o -economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s need to be examined. Individuals need to be studied i n r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l environment i n which they l i v e . THE 'AREA EFFECT' From the above evidence, the expectation would be that the examination of the s p a t i a l patterning of i n d i v i d u a l s with l i k e status At the 0.005 l e v e l . 142 a f f i l i a t i o n s would lead part way to the explanation of the s t a b i l i t y and change of the e l e c t o r a l pattern. S p a t i a l concentrations of i n d i v i d u a l s with s i m i l a r status w i l l tend to r e i n f o r c e t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with voting behaviour. Such concentrations w i l l , i n part, lead to the development i n an area of a ' p o l i t i c a l norm' e s p e c i a l l y when the 'status areas' are shown to have l o c a l relevance to t h e i r inhabitants. Thus we would expect that voters would vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm rather than i n r e l a t i o n to any socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c other than status. We would expect, therefore, that, from the nature of our data (Table XXX) that the p o l i t i c a l norm i n East End and Dunbar would be more c l e a r l y defined than i n Marpole because of i t s r e l a t i v e status homogeneity. TABLE XXX Individual Status by Blishen (%) No Occupation Given 1 2 3 4 5 6 East End 3 3 2 7 11 20 30 Marpole 1 5 22 17 8 19 5 Dunbar 0 21 15 17 9 3 1 However , we cannot assume that status homog eneity i n i i s n e c e s s a r i l y associated with i n d i v i d u a l attachment to that area. The above argument would be strengthened gre a t l y , therefore, i f an association could be demonstrated between i n d i v i d u a l status and i n d i v i d u a l attachment i n each of our case areas. In order to achieve t h i s a se r i e s of comparisons was undertaken between i n d i v i d u a l responses to 143 the main i n t e g r a t i o n questions - name of area, length of residence, r e a l home, 'state' of area, choice, and closeness - and i n d i v i d u a l status i n each area. If a l l of the status groups l i v i n g i n an area f e l t s i m i l a r l y i n terms of the inte g r a t i o n measures, then the n u l l hypothesis using chi-square would be rejected - that i s , the conclusion would be that there i s a high degree of consensus among a l l status groups l i v i n g i n an area"*". Conversely, i f a l l groups f e l t d i f f e r e n t l y with regard to t h e i r area attachment then the n u l l hypothesis would be accepted -that i s , the conclusion would be that there e x i s t s a lower degree of group consensus i n an area"*". The r e s u l t s of the analysis are given i n Table XXXI. From the table i t w i l l be observed that, as Dunbar was defined i n Chapter IV as the area having the highest degree of in t e g r a t i o n , so, i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l status - i n t e g r a t i o n r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i t has the highest degree of consensus. S i m i l a r l y , as East End had the second highest i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l , so too i n terms of s t a t u s - i n t e g r a t i o n r e l a t i o n s h i p s . F i n a l l y , Marpole, having the lowest degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i n Chapter IV also has the lowest degree of group consensus from the re s u l t s i n Table XXXI. From a geographic point of view, i f , as has been shown status i s associated with voting behaviour, and that the s p a t i a l concentration of status groups i s also associated with i n d i v i d u a l attachment to area or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , then i t i s consistent to argue that t e r r i t o r i a l i t y 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . TABLE XXXI Status and Integration by Area Length Area of Real Looking Name Residence Home F r i e n d l i e r Better Choice Closeness East End R A A A R A R Marpole R A A A A A A Dunbar A A R R R R R R = n u l l hypothesis rejected at the 0.005 l e v e l . A = n u l l hypothesis accepted at the 0.005 l e v e l . -p-145. i t s e l f i s associated with voting behaviour and hence i s important i n an understanding of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. Greater attachment to an area on the part of an i n d i v i d u a l voter w i l l lead to greater attachment to the p o l i t i c a l norms of that area and vice-versa. TERRITORIALITY AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR In Chapter IV we examined t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n terms of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . An association between l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour can be demonstrated at two l e v e l s - the aggregate and the i n d i v i d u a l . At the aggregate l e v e l (the l e v e l of the l o c a l area) two associations w i l l be demonstrated. F i r s t , the more integrated the l o c a l area, the more p o l i t i c a l l y homogeneous i t w i l l be i n 1972. Second, the more integrated the l o c a l area, the more i t w i l l r e f l e c t the area norm, i n the 1972 r e s u l t s . Both associations are confirmed by our data. I t has already been shown that the majority of inhabitants of East End and Dunbar possess a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n compared with Marpole. With regard to our f i r s t a s s o c i a t i o n we would therefore expect that Marpole would be l e s s p o l i t i c a l l y homogeneous than either East End or Dunbar. From Maps 3, 4 and 5 depicting the 1972 r e s u l t s i n each area, we can see t h i s to be the case. In East End, a l l p o l l s were won by the NDP, a l l with at l e a s t 50 per cent of the vote, with three partie s competing (Map 3). In Dunbar, a l l p o l l s but one were won by the L i b e r a l s , with no p o l l having more than 55 per cent of the vote L i b e r a l , with four p a r t i e s 146 competing (Map 5). The 1972 pattern i n Marpole, on the other hand, i s more complex (Map 4). In t h i s area, the NDP generally won p o l l s on the east side, with the north and west con s i s t i n g of a mixture of S o c i a l C r e d i t , L i b e r a l and NDP-won p o l l s . The f i r s t a s s o c i a t i o n between voting behaviour and l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , i s thus upheld. With regard to our second as s o c i a t i o n that the more integrated the l o c a l area, the more i t w i l l r e f l e c t the area norm i n voting, can be demonstrated by comparing Maps 3, 4 and 5 with Map 2. I t w i l l be seen that the two most integrated areas - East End and Dunbar - both r e f l e c t the area norm i n voting behaviour i n the 1972 r e s u l t s - that i s , NDP and L i b e r a l r e s p e c t i v e l y . Marpole, on the other hand, does so only p a r t i a l l y , and, i n f a c t , the majority of p o l l s are won by NDP (Map 4). Our second aggregate l e v e l a ssociation i s thus sustained. At the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , i n general there i s no simple association between i n d i v i d u a l voting i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm and i n d i v i d u a l attachment to area. The general argument presented here i s that i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i s associated with the degree of i n d i v i d u a l attachment to area. Thus, i n each area, a s e r i e s of associations between i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour and components of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l be examined. The i n t e g r a t i o n components examined w i l l be naming of area, length of residence w i t h i n the area, whether or not the area i s regarded as the inhabitant's r e a l home, the 'state' of the area, choice of residence, and i n d i v i d u a l attachment to people l i v i n g w i t h i n and outside of the area. Any lack of association i s regarded as being p a r t l y with reference : 147 map 3 ""; '. ~~~ VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN EAST END 1972 (all polls won by NDP) *o • ft • « * c- » • e> o cr-::-:-:-:--.:.-.-:-:-::-: o « o • • !o # a o » e O O « O * V |-| ViMJi-.lnWil _ i \ _ _ i f : : :L___^__-o o o o e • o o e o e o a o c * I C * O 0 c 0 ft ft c e • • & O • a • o * o o o e « 0 » c * o e « o r e « » p o « o f t » e » «>_u___£__C 11 ! I i © o « o « e • « o e * « l 1.1 .III'.'. o e c o » o • • V c _ *>._«£• * * I * I L^j*>*^^a"«i^H-K III11 III 0 7 0 % N D P H 6 3 - 7 0 % • 5 7 - 6 3 % • 5 1 - 5 7 % [MAP A VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN M A R P O L E 1972 9 « • • O f go a e • e l * © o o © i f t « f t ft o o c » j Social Credit polls N D P polls Liberal polls oo 5p0yards 149 M A P 5 VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN DUNBAR 1972 (all poll but one won by the liberals) i © o • © ft ft ft ft ft ft e o o a e e o • o o o e « o e ft e ft e ft • ft © ft O ft ft ft e ft ft ft ft o ft ft ft ft ft ft C ft ft ft ft-s-^r . ftftoftoeov e * « » o f t « < p f t f t f t f t f t « e « 0 o f t f t f t o e o o f t i ftftftftftftOftft ftOftftftftftftOi " o ft y o > ft Q ft :.;:: ;::;v::;v:: vj> Jiiiiiil j fell] 11 11 k* 51-55% Liberal 560 yards 40-50% ] less than 40% won by Social Credit 150 to differences i n area int e g r a t i o n - that i s , expectations for Marpole are le s s because t h i s i s the le a s t integrated area. Thus, f o r the f i r s t i n t e g r a t i o n i n d i c a t o r , an association between area name and voting behaviour i s expected. However, i n the East End, such an association was rejected"'", due, i n part, to the j o i n t importance of East Hastings and East End as area names. However, i t i s important to note that a majority of respondents who voted i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm (that i s , NDP), named the area East End. S i m i l a r l y , i n Marpole, the general association between area name and voting behaviour was rejected"'". However, again, the majority of those voting f o r the area norm - S o c i a l Credit - named the area Marpole. Further, i n Dunbar, the general a s s o c i a t i o n between voting behaviour and area name was also rejected"'". This could be explained i n part by the dichotomous nature of that area - d i v i s i b l e into Dunbar i n the north and Southlands i n the south. Again, however, a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of those voting f o r the area norm - L i b e r a l -named the area Dunbar (Table XXXII). It may be, from the following Table, that consensus i n area name i s not a p a r t i c u l a r l y s a t i s f a c t o r y measure of attachment to area and hence not e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l i n an analysis of vo t i n g behaviour. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, that, with regard to the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of area i n t e g r a t i o n , the strongest association between area name and At the 0.005 l e v e l . 151' TABLE XXXII Area Naming and Voting Behaviour (%) A) East End No name East given Grandview Hastings E. End Renfrew NDP Voting 6 4 24 57 4 B) Marpole No name South Marpole/ given Shannon Van. Marpole Oakridge Oakridge SC Voting 0 7 7 67 7 7 C) Dunbar No name Dunbar/ Mack. Pt. K e r r i s . / given Pt. Grey Hts. Grey Dunbar Southlands S. K e r r i s Lib Voting 0 13 13 13 33 25 4 voting behaviour occurred i n Marpole, and the weakest association occurred i n Dunbar. I t may be, that, i n a dynamic s i t u a t i o n , those s t i l l c l i n g i n g to the area norm i n terms of voting behaviour w i l l tend to have the greatest degree of attachment to the area. This i s further tentative evidence toward the operation of a 'retreat process' induced by mobility and change, and noted above i n Chapter I I I . I t has been shown that length of residence, e s p e c i a l l y f o r those who have l i v e d i n t h e i r area f o r more than 10 years, i s an important surrogate measure for l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n . With regard to the general argument presented here, i t i s therefore expected that there w i l l be a tendency i n each area for those l i v i n g there f o r more than 10 years to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Thus, 152 i n the East End, an association i s expected between the NDP vote and more than 10 years of residence. S i m i l a r l y , f o r Dunbar, an association i s expected between the L i b e r a l vote and more than 10 years of residence. However, i n Marpole, as with a l l of the integration-voting behaviour i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the expectation i s that the association would be very much weaker, as Marpole i s the l e a s t integrated of a l l three areas. Although i n each area a general association was not found between length of residence and voting behaviour"'", i n a l l three areas an ass o c i a t i o n was found between those voting i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm and more than 10 years residence (Table XXXIII). TABLE XXXIII Voting Behaviour arid Length of Residence (%) A) East End le s s than l-<2 2-<5 5-<10 1 year years years years 10 years + NDP voting 4 2 10 12 73 B) Marpole SC voting 7 7 20 13 53 C) Dunbar Lib voting 8 21 13 13 46 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 153 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the associations were not quite i n the d i r e c t i o n as expected when taking degrees of area i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o account. Dunbar, f o r example, had the weakest association. An examination of the voting behaviour of those having l i v e d i n each area f o r more than 10 years, however, revealed a consistent pattern i n both East End and Dunbar - that i s , a marked tendency to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm - although t h i s was not the case i n Marpole where s i m i l a r proportions (26 per cent) voted NDP as w e l l as S o c i a l Credit. This i s a cl e a r i n d i c a t i o n that the length of residence - voting behaviour r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not as well-defined i n Marpole as i n either Dunbar or the East End. Furthermore, from Table XXXIII, i t i s c l e a r , , t h a t , apart from i n the East End, there i s no clear l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the longer a respondent has l i v e d i n an area and his tendency to vote with regard to the area norm. I t has been demonstrated above that a larger proportion of Marpole inhabitants did not regard t h e i r l o c a l area as t h e i r r e a l home, compared with East End or Dunbar respondents. I t would be expected, therefore that the r e l a t i o n between those who regard t h e i r area as t h e i r r e a l home and the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm would be less well-defined i n Marpole. However, i n a l l three areas the expectation would be that the majority of those voting f o r the area norm would regard the area as t h e i r r e a l home. The data confirmed t h i s l a t t e r expectation, and i t was found that over 80 per > 154 cent of inhabitants i n each area voting for the area norm regarded the area as t h e i r r e a l home. However, i n an area l i k e Marpole, which i s the l e a s t integrated area, and thus the p o l i t i c a l norm i s less well-defined, the reverse r e l a t i o n s h i p did not hold - that i s , more inhabitants who regarded the area as t h e i r r e a l home voted NDP rather than S o c i a l Credit. The r e l a t i o n s h i p held for the other two areas, however (Table XXXIV). The general association between r e a l home and voting behaviour was rejected i n a l l three areas"*". TABLE XXXIV Real Home and Voting Behaviour (%) A) East End Did not vote PC Lib NDP SC Inhabs. reg. area as r e a l home 34 4 0 55 7 B) Marpole C) Dunbar Did not vote PC Lib NDP SC Inhabs. reg. area as r e a l home 22 4 22 29 24 Did not vote PC Lib NDP SC Inhabs. reg. area as r e a l home 19 16 30 13 12 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 155 S i m i l a r l y , general associations between voting behaviour and respondents' opinions as to whether t h e i r area was improving both s o c i a l l y (that i s , becoming f r i e n d l i e r ) and p h y s i c a l l y (that i s , i t s p h y s i c a l appearance) were rejected"''. However, i t was expected that p o s i t i v e opinions about the area - such as the area i s becoming f r i e n d l i e r , or the area i s looking better - were expected to be associated with voting i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Thus, f o r East End, an association was expected between NDP voting and those who thought t h e i r area was becoming f r i e n d l i e r . S i m i l a r l y , f o r Marpole an association was expected between S o c i a l Credit voting and those who thought t h e i r area was becoming f r i e n d l i e r , and f o r Dunbar an ass o c i a t i o n was expected between L i b e r a l voting and those who thought t h e i r area was becoming f r i e n d l i e r . Again, however, the expectations were confirmed f o r both East End and Dunbar, but not f o r Marpole (Table XXXV). TABLE XXXV Area Becoming F r i e n d l i e r and Voting Behaviour (%) Did not vote PC Lib NDP SC East End 39 3 0 55 3 Marpole 17 13 22 26 22 Dunbar 21 13 33 4 17 For the other component of 'state' of area, the general expectation was that there would be an association between those who At the 0.005 l e v e l . 156 thought that t h e i r area was looking better, and voting i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. The association was upheld i n East End and Marpole, but was p a r t i a l l y upheld i n Dunbar (Table XXVI). TABLE XXXVI Area Looking Better and Voting Behaviour (%) Did not vote PC Lib NDP. SC East End 39 5 0 52 . 4 Marpole 21 5 15 26 31 Dunbar 17 14 24 7 24 The r e s u l t s i n Table XXXV may perhaps be explained p a r t i a l l y with reference to area i n t e g r a t i o n - that i s , that Marpole i s the lea s t integrated area, and thus norms of behaviour would be les s w e l l -defined compared with East End, where, s u r p r i s i n g l y , from the r e s u l t s perhaps, the norm appears to be much more well-defined than i n Dunbar. The r e s u l t s i n Table XXXVI, on the other hand, are not so r e a d i l y e x p l i c a b l e . However, as both v a r i a b l e s on the 'state' of the area do not appear i n the model of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n (Figure 2) t h e i r u t i l i t y i n the understanding of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns i s probably l i m i t e d . Choice of residence, on the other hand, was included i n the model (Figure 2). However, i n a l l three areas a general as s o c i a t i o n between choice of residence and voting behaviour was rejected"*". 1 At the 0.005 l e v e l . 157 However, with regard to area norm voting two sets of r e l a t i o n s h i p s are expected. F i r s t , that those who vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm would choose to stay i n t h e i r area of residence. Second, that there would be an association between those choosing to stay and area norm voting dependent on the l e v e l of area i n t e g r a t i o n . In other words, those choosing to stay would tend to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm more r e a d i l y i n more integrated areas. The f i r s t expectation i s confirmed by our data where, of area norm voters, the largest proportion chose to stay. The second expectation i s also confirmed with, i n Marpole, the larges t proportion choosing to stay a c t u a l l y voting NDP rather than S o c i a l Credit (Table XXXVII). As has been demonstrated, Marpole i s the l e a s t integrated of the three areas, and t h i s f i n d i n g supports the proposition that the e l e c t o r a l pattern i n that area ( i f 1972 trends continue) i s i n the process of change from S o c i a l Credit to NDP. TABLE XXXVII Choosing to Stay and Voting Behaviour (%) East End Marpole Dunbar not vote PC Lib NDP SC 38 3 0 53 7 16 8 24 28 24 21 16 30 11 11 S i m i l a r l y , the degree to which inhabitants i n the three areas f e e l closer to people l i v i n g within t h e i r area of residence was also included i n the model of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n (Figure 2). The 158 general expectation with regard to t h i s v a r i a b l e i s that there would be an as s o c i a t i o n between those f e e l i n g closer to people l i v i n g w ithin the l o c a l area and area norm voting dependent on the l e v e l of area i n t e g r a t i o n . Second, that there would be a tendency for those who vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm to f e e l c l o s e r to those l i v i n g within t h e i r area of residence. Table XXXVIII gives the r e s u l t s with regard to the f i r s t expectation. TABLE XXXVIII Closer to Those Within and Voting Behaviour (%) Did not vote PC Lib NDP SC East End 27 0 0 73 0 Marpole 31 15 15 15 23 Dunbar 6 12 . 47 12 18 I t w i l l be noted that the l e a s t integrated area has a s u b s t a n t i a l l y lower proportion of those who f e e l closer to people wi t h i n the l o c a l area voting f o r the area norm, S o c i a l Credit. However, s u r p r i s i n g l y , Dunbar, the most integrated area, has a much lower proportion voting f o r the area norm than East End. I t may be, therefore, that the status type and composition of an area modifies associations between attachment to area and voting behaviour. This conclusion emerges from an examination of a l l associations between attachment to area and voting behaviour, given i n Tables XXXII - XXXVIII, where, i n general, the strength of the associations i n Dunbar was le s s than i n East End. Thus the strength of adherence 159 to voting behaviour norms may be greater i n areas of generally lower status composition even though the l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n i n those areas may be the same or l e s s . However, with regard to the second expectation, area norm voters i n both East End and Marpole tended to f e e l closer to those l i v i n g outside of the area, although the proportion was much less i n East End (35 per cent) than i n Marpole. In Dunbar, on the other hand, equal proportions of area norm voters f e l t c l o s e r to those within and outside of t h e i r area. Several l a t e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures have now been examined i n r e l a t i o n to voting behaviour, and a ser i e s of associations has been demonstrated. Any exceptions have generally occurred i n the le a s t integrated of the three areas, Marpole, although i t has been noted that status type and composition of area may modify the strength of integration-voting behaviour associations. MANIFEST INTEGRATION AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR In view of the complexity of i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n both within the l o c a l area and outside of i t , only the number of such i n t e r a c t i o n s w i l l be considered here, rather than t h e i r i n t e n s i t y . With regard to i n t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the general expectation i s that the larger the number of such interactions,fcthe greater the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Conversely, the expectation i s that the largest proportion of those inhabitants who state that they i n t e r a c t with no household within t h e i r l o c a l area 160 w i l l t e n d n o t t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a r e a norm. F o r i n t e r n a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n g e n e r a l , i t seems t h a t t h e r e i s a c u t - o f f p o i n t a t about f i v e h o u s e h o l d s , above w h i c h i n t e r a c t i o n s i g n i f i c a n t l y d e c l i n e s . Thus, f o r t h e p u r p o s e s of t h i s a n a l y s i s , a s s o c i a t i o n s between i n t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d o n l y up t o t h i s p o i n t . W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e f i r s t p o i n t , i t i s e x p e c t e d t h a t i n E a s t End, t h e l a r g e r t h e number o f i n t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t s , t h e g r e a t e r t h e - p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e NDP. F o r M a r p o l e , t h e l a r g e r t h e number o f c o n t a c t s , t h e g r e a t e r t h e p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t , and, f o r Dunbar, i t i s e x p e c t e d t h a t t h e l a r g e r t h e number of i n t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t s t h e g r e a t e r t h e p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e L i b e r a l . However, t h e g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n i s o n l y p a r t i a l l y u p h e l d i n M a r p o l e , where t h o s e w i t h t h e l a r g e s t number o f c o n t a c t s tended t o v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t , w h i l s t i n b o t h E a s t End and Dunbar, t h e a s s o c i a t i o n s were n o t u p h e l d ( T a b l e s XXXIX, XL and X L I ) . The o t h e r g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n was u p h e l d i n M a r p o l e and Dunbar - t h a t i s , t h o s e w i t h no i n t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t s tended n o t t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a r e a norm. I n M a r p o l e , f o r example, t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of t h o s e w i t h no i n t e r n a l c o n t a c t s v o t e d L i b e r a l ( T a b l e X L ) , and, i n Dunbar, t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n v o t e d NDP ( T a b l e X L I ) . I n E a s t End, on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f t h o s e w i t h no s o c i a l c o n t a c t s v o t e d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a r e a norm - t h a t i s , NDP ( T a b l e X X I X ) . Thus, i t w o u l d seem t h a t , a l t h o u g h t h e d e g r e e of i n t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s n o t o f g r e a t 161 TABLE XXXIX Internal S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n  East End (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 Did not vote 6 27 9 12 29 PC 0 20 20 40 20 NDP 0 24 14 18 29 SC 0 17 0 17 33 TABLE XL Inte r n a l S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n  Marpole (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 Did not vote 5 0 26 5 42 PC 0 20 20 20 20 Lib 0 35 25 5 20 NDP 0 11 6 28 33 SC 0 13 27 7 33 TABLE XLI Internal S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n  Dunbar (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 Did not vote 0 20 27 0 40 PC 0 18 0 18 36 Lib 0 8 21 4 38 NDP 0 44 11 1 1 1 1 SC 0 20 10 0 50 162 importance i n terms of voting behaviour, e s p e c i a l l y i n East End, whereas the lack of such i n t e r a c t i o n i s an important i n d i c a t o r , e s p e c i a l l y i n Marpole and Dunbar. In terms of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n outside of the l o c a l area, the general expectation i s that the greater the degree of such i n t e r a c t i o n , the greater the propensity not to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Conversely, i t i s expected that the lower the degree of external s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the greater the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. For external i n t e r a c t i o n i n general, there seems to be a cut-off point at about 6-10 households, above which i n t e r a c t i o n s i g n i f i c a n t l y declines. Thus, f o r the purposes of t h i s a n a l y s i s , associations between external s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and voting behaviour w i l l be considered only up to t h i s point. With regard to the f i r s t point, concerning the asso c i a t i o n between external s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and voting behaviour, i t i s expected that the greater the number of s o c i a l contacts, the greater the propensity not to vote NDP i n East End. S i m i l a r l y , i n Marpole, i t i s expected that the greater the number of external s o c i a l contacts, the greater the propensity not to vote S o c i a l Credit, and, for Dunbar, i t i s expected that the greater the number of external s o c i a l contacts, the greater the propensity not to vote L i b e r a l . A l l three expectations are rejected. In a l l cases, the data show that the greater the number of external contacts, e s p e c i a l l y up to 3-5, outside of the l o c a l area, the greater the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm (Tables XLII, XLIII and XLIV). Our second expectation that the TABLE XLII External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n  East End (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 6-10 Did not vote 9 21 6 6 27 6 PC 20 0 20 0 60 0 NDP 2 22 10 16 33 12 SC 0 17 50 0 17 17 TABLE XLIII External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 6-10 Did not vote 5 5 11 16 16 23 PC 0 0 0 0 40 60 Lib 0 10 20 5 30 30 NDP 0 0 6 33 33 28 SC 0 7_ 7 20 40 20 TABLE XLIV External S o c i a l Interaction and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar (%) No Response None One Two 3-5 6-10 Did not vote 0 27 7 7 53 0 PC 0 9 0 9 64 9 Lib 4 4 13 13 38 17 NDP 0 11 11 22 33 11 SC 0 10 20 10 30 20 164 lower the degree of external i n t e r a c t i o n , the greater the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm i s also rejected i n a l l three areas, although, i n East End, a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of the NDP vote (22 per cent) said that they had no s o c i a l contacts outside of t h e i r l o c a l area. I t seems, therefore, that i n t e r n a l and external s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s , i n general, weakly associated with voting behaviour. The number of contacts i n t e r n a l l y and e x t e r n a l l y are generally poor i n d i c a t o r s , although the lack of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h i n the l o c a l area, i s weakly associated with voting behaviour. Shopping for food within the l o c a l area has been discussed above as another manifest component of i n t e g r a t i o n . The general expectation i n r e l a t i o n to voting behaviour i s that the greater the tendency to shop within the l o c a l area, the greater the propensity to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Thus, f o r East End, i t i s expected that a greater proportion of those who shopped within t h e i r l o c a l area vote NDP, rather than any other party. S i m i l a r l y , f or Marpole, i t i s expected that a greater proportion of those who shop with i n t h e i r l o c a l area vote S o c i a l Credit rather than any other party. F i n a l l y , f o r Dunbar, i t i s expected that a greater proportion of those who shop within the area vote L i b e r a l rather than any other party. Rather s u r p r i s i n g l y , only i n Marpole was the association demonstrated (Tables XLV, XLVI and XLVII). Our f i n a l expectation concerning the a s s o c i a t i o n of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n with voting behaviour concerns the reading of l o c a l news-165 TABLE XLV Local Area Shopping and Voting Behaviour i n East End (%) Shop Mostly Shop Mostly Shop f o r Some No Response Within Outside Within Did not vote 6 71 12 12 PC 0 20 60 20 NDP 2 67 24 8 SC 0 83 17 0 TABLE ' XLVI Local Area Shopping and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole (%) Shop Mostly Shop Mostly Shop f o r Some No Response Within Outside Within Did not vote 5 74 16 5 PC 0 80 20 0 Lib 0 80 15 5 NDP 0 83 11 6 SC 0 93 7 0 TABLE XLVII Local Area Shopping and Vot ing Behaviour i n Dunbar (%) Shop Mostly Shop Mostly Shop f o r Some No Response Within Outside Within Did not vote 0 87 0 13 PC 0 82 18 0 Lib 0 83 13 4 NDP 11 89 0 0 SC 0 80 20 0 166 papers. For the purposes of the analysis, only the most important newspaper c i t e d i n each area (Table XX) w i l l be considered. The general expectation i s that the large s t proportion of those who read t h i s newspaper w i l l vote i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm. Thus, for East End, i t i s expected that the largest proportion of those reading Highland Echo w i l l vote NDP. S i m i l a r l y , for Marpole, the large s t proportion of those reading Courier w i l l vote S o c i a l Credit. And, fo r Dunbar, the larges t proportion of those reading Courier w i l l vote L i b e r a l . The associations were demonstrated for both East End and Dunbar, but again, not f o r Marpole (Table XLVIII). TABLE XLVIII Local Area Newspaper and Voting Behaviour (%) A) East End Did not vote PC NDP SC H. Echo 30 15 50 17 B) Marpole Did not vote PC LIB NDP SC Courier 14 10 33 24 19 C) Dunbar Did not vote PC LIB NDP SC Courier 20 18 38 8 10 CONCLUSION The main aim of t h i s chapter has been to demonstrate an ass o c i a t i o n between voting behaviour and l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , and, i n p a r t i c u l a r to demonstrate that voting i n r e l a t i o n to an area norm 167 i s dependent i n part on the degree of attachment to area. Adherence to the p o l i t i c a l norm of an area was shown to be associated with measures of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y both at the aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l s . However, the same pattern did not emerge when manifest measures of in t e g r a t i o n were r e l a t e d to voting behaviour. The o v e r a l l pattern i s consistent, however, for manifest i n t e g r a t i o n measures were not found to be associated with t e r r i t o r i a l i t y (Figure 2). It would seem, therefore, that i n t e r n a l i s e d f e e l i n g s of attachment to area are f a r more important i n voting behaviour than i n d i v i d u a l outward manifestations such as socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . I ndividual status, however, was an important v a r i a b l e i n voting behaviour, and status composition i n an area was associated with lat e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures. Thus the complex s e r i e s of i n t e r r e l a t i o n -ships between status composition of an area, area i n t e g r a t i o n and e l e c t o r a l pattern have been examined. One other important mechanism f o r changing or r e i n f o r c i n g the p o l i t i c a l norms of an area i s through the e l e c t i o n campaign. From a geographic viewpoint, therefore, a consideration of the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign i s important i n any analysis of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. 168 CHAPTER V I THE GEOGRAPHY OF CAMPAIGNING I n t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , t h e f i n a l n e g l e c t e d v a r i a b l e t o be c o n s i d e r e d h e r e i s the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y i n p u t , o r from a g e o g r a p h i c v i e w p o i n t , t h e geography o f c a m p a i g n i n g . I t i s p r e s e n t e d h e r e as one t e n t a t i v e a s p e c t o f o v e r -a l l p a r t y campaign p o l i c y and can be i m p o r t a n t i n two main ways. F i r s t , i n r e i n f o r c i n g a r e a norms, e s p e c i a l l y , as t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l d e m o n s t r a t e , i n a r e a s o f h i g h s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n i n c a n v a s s i n g . Second, the geo-graphy o f cam p a i g n i n g i s r e l e v a n t t o the s t u d y o f t h e change o f e l e c -t o r a l p a t t e r n s by p r o v i d i n g some b a s i s f o r l o n g e r - t e r m ' c o n v e r s i o n s ' , as i s t h e case i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e campaign i n t h e t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s b e i n g examined. The i m p a c t o f t h i s w i l l v a r y i n p a r t a c c o r d i n g to the degree o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . One o f t h e f u n c t i o n s o f c a m p a i g n i n g i s t o m o b i l i s e s y m p a t h e t i c s u p p o r t , and t h u s t h e geography o f ca m p a i g n i n g i m p l i e s d i f f e r e n t i a l s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n and m o b i l i s a t i o n o f such s u p p o r t . I t i s t h u s an i m p o r t a n t v a r i a b l e i n t h a t i t p r o v i d e s a v e r y l o c a l i s e d p o l i t i c a l en-v i r o n m e n t w i t h i n w h i c h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r t a k e s p l a c e . The g e n e r a l a r g u -ment h e r e i s t h a t t h e e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e geography o f c a m p a i g n i n g . I n o t h e r w ords, t h e d e g r e e o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y i n d i f f e r e n t a r e a s w i l l be s t a t i s t i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e l e c t i o n o u t -come a t b o t h a g g r e g a t e and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l s . The a g g r e g a t e l e v e l com-p r i s e s t h e degree o f a r e a l c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y and t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e e l e c t i o n by p o l l , and t h e i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l c o n s i s t s 169 of i n d i v i d u a l response to such a c t i v i t y and i n d i v i d u a l outcome i n terms of voting behaviour. In order to obtain information from both the competing p a r t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s regard, two questionnaires were used. For the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , a questionnaire was administered to candidates and campaign managers i n the three constituencies within which the three l o c a l areas considered i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n are located (Appendix I I ) . Second, questions r e l a t i n g to i n d i v i d u a l response to party a c t i v i t y and i t s outcome, were included on the l o c a l area ques-tionnaire (Appendix I ) . In terms of the former, a t o t a l of 24 per-sonal ".interviews were undertaken, shortly a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , with a minimum of two interviews per party i n each of the three areas to ensure r e l i a b i l i t y . Before proceeding with the an a l y s i s , i t i s important to note that c e r t a i n constraints apply i n any discussion of the geography of campaigning. Decisions made by campaign organisers must be made within the l i m i t s of the constituency and p o l l boundaries which are 'given' before the campaign i s a c t u a l l y organised. In t h i s regard, therefore, the campaign, at the outset i s organised s p a t i a l l y , and p r e c i s e l y how i t i s organised w i l l depend, i n part, on the s p a t i a l configuration of such boundaries. Furthermore, constituency boundaries tend to b i s e c t l o c a l areas, and, consequently, constituencies are generally not func-t i o n a l e n t i t i e s . As one writer has noted, electors need an e l e c t i o n to learn or be reminded that they l i v e i n a p a r t i c u l a r named electorate (Laponce, 1969, 3). The analysis of the geography of campaigning presented i n t h i s chapter has f i v e main components. F i r s t , i t w i l l be demonstrated that the competing p a r t i e s w i l l organise t h e i r campaigns on a s p a t i a l b a s i s . 170 Second, that they w i l l employ a spatial strategy in their campaigns. By spatial strategy is meant the plan by which parties allocate their resources spatially within a constituency. Variations in spatial or-ganisation and spatial strategy w i l l depend on the nature of the com-peting candidates, and, in particular whether the candidates are i n -cumbents, have run for p o l i t i c a l office before, or have had no previous public p o l i t i c a l exposure. Third, the spatial variations of issues raised by the parties among the three local areas considered w i l l be described. Fourth, i t w i l l be suggested that the response of those living within each polling d i s t r i c t i s associated with the degree of intensity of local party activity. F i f t h , the voting behaviour of those living within each polling d i s t r i c t w i l l be shown to be associated with the degree of intensity of party campaigning in each d i s t r i c t . The effectiveness of the spatial strategies of the competing parties w i l l be shown to be associated with the internal organisation of each party. SPATIAL ORGANISATION A l l p o l i t i c a l parties in a l l Canadian Provinces use the con-stituency as a basic spatial organising unit for the campaign. This is a 'given'. Invariably, the constituency-based organisations break down the constituency into a number of organising units or d i s t r i c t s . The c r i t e r i a for defining such d i s t r i c t s , which include availability of staff as well as the results of the preceding election, may vary according to the constituency organisation, and according to the nature of the candidates. However, i f d i s t r i c t s are used as organising units, they are simply agglomerations of polling d i s t r i c t s . Below the level of the d i s t r i c t is the p o l l , which i s normally the lowest level of spatial organisation. In certain cases, no d i s t r i c t s are defined, and thus the constituency i s organised f o r the campaign by p o l l s . The purpose of using d i s t r i c t s and p o l l s as s p a t i a l u nits i s purely organisational. The d i s t r i c t comprises a number of p o l l s , and i s defined i n terms of organisational convenience. However, sometimes an attempt i s made to define the d i s t r i c t i n terms of a l o c a l . area or a neighbourhood. Thus, f o r the L i b e r a l campaign i n Vancouver-Point Gray, Dunbar was used as an organisational d i s t r i c t . However, other c r i t e r i a are used f o r d i s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n . For instance, the d i s t r i c t may be defined on a p h y s i c a l b a s i s . Thus, a major concentra-t i o n of apartments i n Marpole was d i s t r i c t 8 of a 2 0 - d i s t r i c t L i b e r a l campaign i n Vancouver South (Map 6). S i m i l a r l y , the area surrounding the PNE i n East End was d i s t r i c t 2 i n a 1 7 - d i s t r i c t Conservative cam-paign i n Vancouver-East (Map 7). In general, apart from the NDP campaign i n Marpole, only the L i b e r a l and Conservative p a r t i e s were organising t h e i r campaigns on a d i s t r i c t basis. S o c i a l Credit and NDP campaigns were generally organised on an ad hoc basis at the l e v e l of the p o l l . In those cases where d i s t r i c t s were used, each d i s t r i c t has a chairman, who, with the a i d of p o l l captains f o r each p o l l within the d i s t r i c t , w i l l organise the d i s t r i c t campaign. For those cases where d i s t r i c t s were not used, each p o l l w i l l usually have a p o l l captain, i f manpower allows t h i s , who w i l l organise canvassing and l e a f l e t d i s t r i b u t i o n within that p o l l based on d i r e c t i v e s normally from a constituency campaign committee. This committee w i l l normally com-pr i s e of a l l d i s t r i c t chairmen, i f there are any, plus a number of i n d i v i d u a l s who are i n charge of p a r t i c u l a r s p e c i a l i s e d functions, such as money, signs, transportation and public r e l a t i o n s . M A P 6 SPATIAL ORGANISATION OF THE L IBERAL CAMPAIGN IN MARPOLE SPATIAL ORGANISATION OF THE o L 700yards 174 SPATIAL STRATEGY As was noted above, s p a t i a l strategy i s the plan by which the competing partie s a l l o c a t e t h e i r resources s p a t i a l l y within a con-stituency. Decisions taken f o r such a l l o c a t i o n of resources are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the campaign committee. However, s p a t i a l strategy can be examined at another l e v e l - that i s , the p r i o r i t y assigned to a p a r t i c u l a r constituency by P r o v i n c i a l Headquarters. One c r i t e r i a would be used to measure such p r i o r i t i e s i s the r e l a t i v e expenditure by constituency. However, the expenditure of a l l p a r t i e s does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t s p a t i a l p r i o r i t i e s . In the case of the NDP, for example, expenditure i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the amount of money able to be r a i s e d i n each constituency. Thus, the configuration of constituency boundaries provides a s p a t i a l constraint with regard to fund-raising a b i l i t y . Thus the NDP spent more i n Vancouver-Point Grey than Vancouver-East because they were able to r a i s e more (Table XLIX). The large sums of money f o r both S o c i a l Credit and L i b e r a l s , on the other hand, were used i n an attempt to r e - e l e c t t h e i r incumbent candidates i n Vancouver-South and Vancouver-Point Grey r e s p e c t i v e l y . Both of these p a r t i e s had well defined s p a t i a l p r i o r -i t i e s despite t h e i r a b i l i t y to r a i s e money l o c a l l y . The-Conservatives, on the other hand, decided to concentrate more of t h e i r resources i n Point Grey, where two well-known candidates who had previously run s u c c e s s f u l l y at the c i v i c l e v e l , were running P r o v i n c i a l l y f o r the f i r s t time. Thus, the nature of the candidate i s the second important com-pondnt of party s p a t i a l strategy. In both Vancouver-East and Vancouver-South, Conservative candidates had l i t t l e or no previous public exposure 175 in p o l i t i c s . However, the budget is obviously of great importance in terms of the quality and quantity of campaign literature the local campaign can produce and use. It is also of importance in paying for other local advertising media, such as lawn signs, and the a b i l i t y to mail literature or use professional firms to 'drop' literature in certain areas of the constituency. The NDP, however, does this by volunteer labour. The budget is important too in terms of operating an effective campaign headquarters or offices located within each constituency. TABLE XLIX Party Expenditure 1972 Vancouver-East Vancouver-South Vancouver-Point Grey SC $16,867 $30,000 $22,500 NDP $ 5,304 $ 8,016 $ 6,217 Lib — $ 5,071 $16,067 PC $ 3,284 $ 1,525 $ 4,378 Source: Registrar of Voters, Vancouver, B.C. The third important factor in terms of spatial campaign strategy is the number of workers each campaign office has at i t s disposal. This is the most important factor influencing spatial -strategy, second only to previous election results. An ideal can-vassing strategy can be severely hampered by a lack of manpower. Table L gives the number of canvassers used in each of the three constituencies by the competing parties. One important factor in the interpretation of this data is the decision to be made by each party 176 whether c a n v a s s i n g by v o l u n t e e r w o r k e r s o r c a n v a s s e r s i s t o be an i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h e campaign. S o c i a l C r e d i t i n V a n c o u v e r - E a s t and V a n c o u v e r - S o u t h t h o u g h t i t was n o t , whereas t h e NDP i n V a n c o u v e r -E a s t and t h e L i b e r a l s i n V a n c o u v e r - P o i n t Grey and S o u t h t h o u g h t t h a t p e r s o n a l l y c a n v a s s i n g was a m a j o r p a r t o f t h e i r campaigns. The main aim o f t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , on t h e o t h e r hand, was t o g e t t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y unknown c a n d i d a t e s known, and t h u s i n g e n e r a l t h e c a n -d i d a t e s t h e m s e l v e s p e r s o n a l l y c a n v a s s e d l a r g e a r e a s i n t h e i r r i d i n g s t o g e t t h e m s e l v e s as much e x p o s u r e as p o s s i b l e . Of c o u r s e , one i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n g a i n i n g p a r t y w o r k e r s r e l a t e s t o t h e degree o f ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' w i t h i n e ach c o n s t i t u e n c y . Thus, w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o our u r b a n model ( F i g u r e 2) i t i s e a s i e r f o r t h e L i b e r a l s . . t o o b t a i n c a n v a s s e r s i n P o i n t Grey, and f o r t h e NDP t o o b t a i n c a n -v a s s e r s i n E a s t , t h a n i t i s f o r t h e o t h e r p a r t i e s . I t i s f u r t h e r d e s i r a b l e t h a t s y m p a t h e t i c w o r k e r s c a n have easy a c c e s s t o t h e c o n s t i t u e n c y campaign o f f i c e o r o f f i c e s . I n g e n e r a l , a l t h o u g h c o s t and a v a i l a b i l i t y o f space a r e i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s , t h e campaign o f f i c e p r o v i d e s an i m p o r t a n t a d v e r t i s i n g f u n c t i o n and a t t e m p t s t o be s e e n as an a r t e r y o f t h e p a r t y . I t i s t h u s b e s t l o c a t e d i n o r n e a r t o a s h i p p i n g a r e a where p e o p l e c a n drop i n , and on o r n e a r t o a bus r o u t e . One o t h e r f a c t o r i n t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e campaign o f f i c e i s t h e n o t i o n o f l o c a t i n g i t i n an a r e a o f r e l a t i v e l y s y m p a t h e t i c s u p p o r t b a s e d on p r e v i o u s v o t i n g f i g u r e s . L o c a t i o n i n an a r e a o f r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h i s a good m o b i l i s i n g f a c t o r . T h i s i s i m p o r t a n t f o r i t p r o v i d e s t h e o f f i c e w i t h a 'base' f r o m w h i c h t o o p e r a t e , and a t e r r i t o r y f r o m w h i c h w o r k e r s c a n be r e a d i l y 'drawn'. Thus, i n c e r t a i n c a s e s , t h i s was an i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e campaign o f f i c e . 177 W i t h t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e b u d g e t , t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c a n d i d a t e s , and t h e number o f campaign w o r k e r s , i n mind, c e r t a i n d e c i s i o n s have t o be made as t o t h e s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y t o be f o l l o w e d i n t h e campaign. The c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e most e f f e c t i v e use o f s c a r c e r e s o u r c e s i s a g a i n an i m p o r t a n t one. Dependent on t h e above f a c t o r s , each p a r t y i n e ach a r e a w i l l d e c i d e w h i c h p o l l s w i t h i n t h e c o n s t i t u e n c y a r e t o be p e r s o n a l l y c a n v a s s e d , f i r s t by v o l u n t e e r w o r k e r s , a n d s e c o n d , i n c e r t a i n c a s e s , by t h e c a n d i d a t e s t h e m s e l v e s . I n t h e l a t t e r c a s e , o f t e n t h i s s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y i n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s was a m a t t e r o f c o n v e n i e n c e and g e n e r a l l y ad h o c , r a t h e r t h a n r e l a t i n g t o some p r e - c o n c e i v e d p l a n . However, w i t h r e g a r d t o c a n v a s s e r s , u s u a l l y t h e s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y was f a i r l y e x p l i c i t , and a d hered t o w h e r e v e r p o s s i b l e . Second, d e c i s i o n s have t o be made c o n c e r n i n g t h e t y p e s o f i s s u e s t o be r a i s e d i n t h e l o c a l campaign u s i n g campaign l i t e r a t u r e and o t h e r a d v e r t i s i n g m e d i a , s u c h as l o c a l newspapers and p u b l i c m e e t i n g s . Each o f t h e s e w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d i n t u r n . W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y o f c a n v a s s i n g each p a r t y i n each a r e a d e f i n e d by c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a w h i c h p o l l s were t o be c a n v a s s e d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e g e n e r a l aims o f t h e i r campaigns. The b a s i s on w h i c h c a n v a s s i n g d e c i s i o n s were made was t h e 1969 ' P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n r e t u r n s f o r each a r e a . I n E a s t End, t h e S o c i a l C r e d i t c a n v a s s was c o n c e r n e d above a l l w i t h m o b i l i s i n g f a v o u r a b l e s u p p o r t i n 1969, and t h u s t h e c a n v a s s was c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h o s e p o l l s w h i c h t h e p a r t y won i n t h a t e l e c t i o n and a l s o t h o s e p o l l s w h i c h were o n l y m a r g i n a l l y l o s t . The NDP s t r a t e g y i n E a s t End was more 178 specific. Polls with 40 per cent or less voting NDP were avoided because they were generally considered relatively weak. The reasoning was that the greater the canvassing presence in a p o l l , the greater the likelihood that there would be a higher turnout, and, thus, in relatively weak polls, this must be avoided i f possible. The NDP canvass in East End was, therefore, restricted to those polls which gave the party at least 55 per cent of the vote in 1969. The aims of the Conservatives, on the other hand, were slightly different. F i r s t , they had no 1969 Provincial returns to use as a basis. Second, their candidates were relatively unknown, although both lived in the constituency. The aim at the outset was thus to have a blanket coverage of the area, but, due mainly to organisational inexperience, and, in particular, lack of manpower, the constituency was thinly covered, especially in the north. Further, the Conservative Party had an additional aim to rebuild and to provide a community base for future party organisation. TABLE L Number of Canvassers Vancouver-East Vancouver-South Vancouver-Point Grey SC 12 NDP 200 Lib PC 18 Source: Personal interview 10 25 50 10 80 80 150 10 SPATIAL COMPETITION The d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l s t r a t e g i e s of the parties meant pr i m a r i l y , i n r e l a t i o n to S o c i a l Credit and NDP, that they were competing i n areas of previously known strength. However, there was competition f o r many p o l l s , and, i n some cases, p o l l s were canvassed by a l l three p a r t i e s (Map 8). Map 8 shows that, i n East End, although there are a number of p o l l s where s p a t i a l com-p e t i t i o n was weak (usually these were..canvassed by S o c i a l C r e d i t ) , there are a number of areas of medium (two-party) and strong (three-party) competition. In Marpole, again NDP canvassing was c a r r i e d on i n areas of strength based on 1969 r e s u l t s . A minimum of 40 per cent of the 1969 vote was necessary f o r canvassing, and t h i s meant that most NDP can-vassing i n Vancouver-South was c a r r i e d on i n the East of the r i d i n g , and only four p o l l s were canvassed by the NDP i n Marpole. For S o c i a l Credit, on the other hand, Marpole was a p r i o r i t y area, par-t i c u l a r l y the c e n t r a l portion running north to south. Canvassing i n t h i s case was not based on any s p e c i f i c f i g u r e from the 1969 returns as i t was i n East End, but rather that Marpole t r a d i t i o n a l l y had voted Special Credit (see Map 2). The aim of both the L i b e r a l s and Conservatives was to canvass a l l p o l l s i n Marpole, both with a view to getting as much exposure as possible f o r t h e i r little-known candidates. However, the a l l - i n c l u s i v e Conservative strategy, as i n East End, tended to break down because of lack of manpower and the r e l a t i v e l y poor l o c a t i o n of i t s campaign o f f i c e . The Conservative canvass was thus l i m i t e d to the west side of Marpole. For the L i b e r a l s , 180 MAP 8 SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN EAST END 1972 JOI \» o • e e> « « • * ft © o • o < I © o e e o ft « e « e « , p o « «• o « ©«£**• • • o © © o o ft T ' • * » • • e © © © < . ft ft « 'ft tt ft « _ » o e s « o © £ © • ft * ft o o I:::; ft, t 9 ft To « • o b • ft * e J |fi y g i ^ ^ . H ^ O ft ft " • e o o o f t o e o f t e e o f t O f t o o f t e • e f t - f t « o « e f t ftftftODOftftftft l o o e f t C f t e o f t f t U f t o © e o e o f t o o f t O Q f t f t f t © • o f t o f t f t f t o o e o t t o f t f t • ftftftoftooeee©© - - - - - - - - - - . - ( f t T a - t >'v3 strong-3parties mediurn-2 parties weak-1 party on the other hand, manpower was not such a problem. The party could draw workers e s p e c i a l l y from the west and north of Marpole, and was thus able to canvass the whole area. The s p a t i a l competition of canvassing i n most of Marpole was medium with an area of weak canvassing (Liberal) on the east side, and some pockets of strong competition i n the centre and north (Map 9). No p o l l was canvassed by a l l four p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . S p a t i a l competition i n Dunbar i n terms of canvassing was generally stronger than i n e i t h e r East End of Marpole, f o r there was no area of weak s p a t i a l competition, most of the area co n s i s t i n g of strong s p a t i a l competition, and including several p o l l s with very strong s p a t i a l competition, being canvassed by a l l four partie s (Map 10). Contrary to NDP strategy i n Vancouver-East, S o c i a l Credit strategy i n Dunbar was to canvass low p o l l s based on the 1969 returns. The aim here was to acquaint areas of previously low S o c i a l Credit support with the q u a l i t i e s of the two candidates who were f a i r l y well-known at the c i v i c l e v e l . TheiNDP, on the other hand, continued i t s strategy of not arousing the opposition, and thus canvassed only i n those p o l l s which i n 1969 showed a minimum support of 15 per cent, which was above the average i n Dunbar f or that party. The Conservative strategy, as i n East End and Marpole was to attempt to gain as much exposure as possible, and thus the candidates themselves did a great deal of personal canvassing. The L i b e r a l s , on the other hand, being the incumbents, had a very w e l l -developed party organisation, had plenty of workers and plenty of money. Fear of arousing opposition i n Dunbar was thus not a consideration f o r them, as there was no L i b e r a l equivalent to the IMAP 9 SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN MARPOLE IN 1972 weak-1 party :•] strong-3parties medium-2 Darties 0 0 0 0 " » • e o ' • • o e i • o O 0 ' • * •*« • a o i j • " " " 3 0 s° Jt o ti U J 'J U L j & > t t. H h b) o o o o o ^ o o o o e o o o o o i 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 -0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o e • o o o o o o o ^ o o o o o e o e o o o o o o e o A t o o o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 _ o o o o o o o o « o o * o o^-• • • o o o o o o o e o o o ; 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 " o e o o e o o o < - o o o o o o * • » o o e o » o * » i . • • Q e o o o o o f r * * o o o o o o o o o i - -o o v o e o o o t t * * 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 " * * o o o o 0 a o o o o o o o o eh,.. o o e o e o o o o l . .. 0 0 0 0 0 9 9 0 05- • • C O , o * • o • • e> o o o o o o • o • • • < • O O O O O 0 O 0 O O O 0 0 O 0 0 0 O O O O 0 O O « 0 0 O O 0 0 0 0 * < O O 0 0 O 0 O * > O O 0 « O O O 0 O O 0 0 O 9 O O 0 O 0 0 A O O 0 © O O O 0 O 0 O O . O O 1 O O O O 0 * O © 0 — " . 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 - - . • * 0 « c o • o • o e » © « « 0 0 0 0 0 O 0 0 O « O 1 o C 0 « • • o " ~ o o o O O ' o a o o^1 • 1 0 0„ . O • • O O C9 a • • • • o. o • e • • • • " » 0 . , . , ( * * o e • » » * e • e 9 © • CO N3 500yards 183  MAP 10 SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN DUNBAR 1972 •>:•:•:•! very strong-4 parties strong-3 parties medium-2 parties 560yards 184 'red s c a r e 1 . The L i b e r a l Party therefore canvassed f a i r l y thoroughly every p o l l i n the area. ISSUES Apart from the factors of s p a t i a l organisation and s p a t i a l strategy, there are important s p a t i a l differences among issues raised i n the three l o c a l areas under consideration here, which are relevant i n a geography of campaigning. Such dif ferences i n issues r a i s e d by the competing p a r t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t areas of the c i t y may r e l a t e i n part to differences i n urban p h y s i c a l f a b r i c and/or s o c i a l structure. In general, information on issues was transmitted by campaign l i t e r a t u r e which was either l e f t by the canvasser, but more generally was under-taken as a l e a f l e t 'drop'. Most parties i n a l l three l o c a l areas dropped at l e a s t one piece of l i t e r a t u r e to a l l homes, save f o r S o c i a l Credit i n East End, where the s i n g l e drop was only p a r t i a l l y completed, although i n c e r t a i n cases there can be two and sometimes three 'drops', such as, i n the case of the l a t t e r , NDP i n East End and the Conservatives i n Dunbar. An analysis of the content of the campaign material used i n the drops shows there to be differences between the three areas i n terms of issues r a i s e d , as well as some party differences within each area. Table LI gives the issues r a i s e d by l o c a l canvassing and l i t e r a t u r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i n East End. The only two issues common to a l l three competing p a r t i e s evident i n the campaign l i t e r a t u r e i n East End are old age pensions and the need to develop secondary industry. Further, several l o c a l i s e d issues were ra i s e d such as harbour development, low r e n t a l housing, l o c a l representation, need for a l o c a l day care centre and swimming pool, and the need to improve l o c a l s t r e e t s . 185 F u r t h e r , t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f s u c h l o c a l i s s u e s was n o t c o n f i n e d t o any one p a r t y . TABLE L I I s s u e s R a i s e d i n E a s t End Harbour Low r e n t a l h o u s i n g L o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n Unemployment Secondary i n d u s t r y Day c a r e c e n t r e O l d age p e n s i o n s Swimming p o o l Improved s t r e e t s Urban development A r r o g a n c e o f government C r e d i b i l i t y o f government P u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n s e r v i c e E d u c a t i o n g r a n t s A u t o i n s u r a n c e E n vironment Low-cost bus s e r v i c e Labour-management r e l a t i o n s NDP x x x X X X X X PC X X X X X X SC X X X X X S o u r c e : L o c a l p a r t y campaign l i t e r a t u r e . I n Dunbar, t h e development o f t h e J e r i c h o l a n d s was t h e o n l y i s s u e common t o a l l f o u r p a r t i e s e v i d e n t i n t h e campaign l i t e r a t u r e . T h i s i s s u e was one o f s e v e r a l l o c a l i s e d i s s u e s a l o n g w i t h t h e Endowment lands and Indian r i g h t s (Table L I I I ) . TABLE LII Issues Raised i n Marpole NDP Education x Old age pensions x Tenants' r i g h t s x Auto insurance x Tran s i t x P o l l u t i o n x Free c o l l e c t i v e bargaining x Health and welfare x Unemployment x Secondary industry x Recreation Shannon Housing x Natural resource development x Taxes Source: Local party campaign l i t e r a t u r e 187 TABLE L I I I I s s u e s R a i s e d i n Dunbar J e r i c h o Endowment Lands I n d i a n R i g h t s C a n d i d a t e s r e c o r d E n vironment Auto i n s u r a n c e E d u c a t i o n Secondary i n d u s t r y O l d age p e n s i o n s H e a l t h R e a l e s t a t e s p e c u l a t i o n W e l f a r e • I n t e g r i t y Need f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e T h i r d c r o s s i n g Neighbourhood pubs R e s o u r c e s R a p i d t r a n s i t NDP PC SC L i b X X X X X X X x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X S o u r c e : L o c a l p a r t y campaign l i t e r a t u r e . 188 A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e many i s s u e s w h i c h a r e common t o a l l t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s , t h e r e fe a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n , n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , w h i c h i s r e l a t e d t o t h e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l n a t u r e o f each a r e a . The s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t , however, i s t h a t i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o v i e w t h e i n d i v i d u a l v o t e r n o t o n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e s p a t i a l com-p e t i t i o n o f c a n v a s s i n g w i t h i n each a r e a , b u t a l s o t o t h e s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n o f i s s u e s r a i s e d by t h e competing p a r t i e s among a r e a s . THE RESPONSE I t w i l l be s u g g e s t e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s e t o t h e s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y o f t h e co m p e t i n g p a r t i e s w i l l be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e degr e e o f i n t e n s i t y o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y i n each a r e a . The r e s p o n s e can be examined i n terms of whether r e s p o n d e n t s had been v i s i t e d by p a r t y c a n v a s s e r s , had r e c e i v e d p a r t y l i t e r a t u r e , and t h e k i n d s o f i s s u e s c o n s i d e r e d i m p o r t a n t i n t h e campaign. I n o t h e r w o r d s , t o examine t h e degr e e t o w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n d i s t r i b u t e d b a s e d on p a r t y s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y was b e i n g r e c e i v e d . The degr e e o f i n t e n s i t y o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y c a n be examined i n terms of t h e number o f t i m e s c hosen a r e a s were c a n v a s s e d and 'dropped', as w e l l as t h e number o f w o r k e r s i n v o l v e d i n v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f t h e campaign. The a s s o c i a -t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s e w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d i n t h e t h i r d s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r . I n terms o f i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s e t o p a r t y c a n v a s s i n g by a r e a , t h e d a t a showed t h e r e t o be no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e * ( T a b l e L I V ) . A t t h e 0.005 l e v e l . 189 TABLE LIV Individuals Visited by Canvassers In Each Area (%) East End Marpole Dunbar Liberal - 44 56 NDP 58 37 5 PC 6 13 81 SC 17 67 17 Liberal/NDP,, - 67 33 Liberal/PC - 33 67 Lib/NDP/PC - 33 67 Lib/NDP/PC/SC - 33 67 Party canvassing was thus more readily received on behalf of those parties traditionally representing certain areas in the city, as in our model of p o l i t i c a l space (Figure 2). Thus the largest response in terms of v i s i t s received for the Liberals was in Dunbar compared with East End for NDP and Marpole for Social Credit. One would generally expect this finding i f the spatial strategy generally holds that the competing parties tend to canvass more in those areas where they have done best in previous elections. This holds true also in terms of the proportion of respondents who reported meeting candidates in each area, and again there was no significant'difference by area \ and the largest proportion of those who reported meeting At the 0.005 level. 190 L i b e r a l candidates, f o r example, was i n Dunbar, compared with DNP candidates i n East End and S o c i a l Credit candidates i n Marpole (Table LV). The rest response to both Conservative canvassing and to meeting candidates, on the other hand, was i n Dunbar (Tables LIV and LV). TABLE LV Meeting Candidates by Area (%) East End Marpole Dunbar No meeting 92 87 77 L i b e r a l 0 4 9 NDP 7 0 1 PC 0 4 10 In terms of campaign material received by respondents, again there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e by area*. However, i n a l l three areas the majority of respondents stated that they had received campaign l i t e r a t u r e from a l l of the competing p a r t i e s , although t h i s varied s l i g h t l y by area (Table LVI). Further, i n Dunbar, the most important response i n terms of campaign material received was on behalf of the L i b e r a l s , compared with the NDP i n both East End and Marpole. With the s p a t i a l d ifferences i n i n d i v i d u a l response to party a c t i v i t y , one would expect that there would also be some di f f e r e n c e At the 0.005 l e v e l . TABLE LVI Campaign Material Received (%) East End Marpole None 17 8 L i b e r a l - 83 NDP 81 87 PC 72 85 SC 77 78 A l l 70 67 TABLE LVII Issue Response by Area (%) East End Marpole Age of government 17 35 Leadership 4 9 B.C. labour laws 8 9 Unemployment 23 13 Minimum wage 4 4 Health services 9 8 Auto insurance 7 15 Welfare services 14 12 Education 10 13 Old age pensions 29 31 Secondary industry 5 3 Environment 4 5 Rents/low-income housing 3 10 19 2 i n terms o f p e r c e i v e d i s s u e s . An a s s o c i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l i s s u e r e s p o n s e and t h e p a r t y r a i s i n g t h a t i s s u e i n an a r e a w h i c h has p e r s o n a l l y c o n t a c t e d i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e campaign w o u l d t h e r e f o r e be e x p e c t e d . T a b l e L V I I shows t h e i s s u e s w h i c h r e s p o n d e n t s c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e most i m p o r t a n t . F o r b o t h M a r p o l e and Dunbar, t h e age o f t h e government was c o n s i d e r e d by r e s p o n d e n t s t o be the most i m p o r t a n t i s s u e , compared w i t h o l d age p e n s i o n s i n E a s t End. However, o l d age p e n s i o n s was t h e second most i m p o r t a n t i s s u e i n M a r p o l e , compared w i t h unemployment i n b o t h E a s t End and Dunbar ( T a b l e L V I I ) . I n E a s t End, o f a l l o f t h e i s s u e s l i s t e d i n T a b l e L V I I , e i g h t were r a i s e d by t h e NDP, f o u r by t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s , and t h r e e by S o c i a l C r e d i t ( T a b l e L I ) . I n M a r p o l e , o f a l l t h e i s s u e s l i s t e d i n T a b l e L V I I , t e n were r a i s e d by t h e NDP, s e v e n by S o c i a l C r e d i t , f o u r by t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s and t h r e e by t h e L i b e r a l s ( T a b l e L I I ) . S i m i l a r l y , i n Dunbar, s i x of t h e i s s u e s were r a i s e d by t h e NDP, f o u r by t h e L i b e r a l s , f o u r by t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s and one by S o c i a l C r e d i t ( T a b l e L I I I ) . Thus, w i t h r e g a r d t o our above e x p e c t a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g an a s s o c i a t i o n between r e s p o n s e and p a r t y a c t i v i t y , we w o u l d e x p e c t t h a t , t h e NDP campaigned w i t h g r e a t e r i n t e n s i t y i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s t h a n any of t h e o t h e r competing p a r t i e s . T h i s a s s o c i a t i o n i s seen t o h o l d i n b o t h E a s t End and M a r p o l e i n terms of v a r i o u s measures o f i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y , b u t n o t i n Dunbar where t h e L i b e r a l s were t h e most a c t i v e ( T a b l e s L V I I I , L I X and L X ) . 193 TABLE LVIII Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n East End Number i n campaign (t o t a l ) No. who helped throughout Number of o f f i c e workers No. of canvassers No. of canvasses No. of 'drops' NDP PC 800 40 400 10 15 5 • 200 18 1 P a r t i a l l y 1 3 2 SC 20 12 12 12 P a r t i a l l y 1 P a r t i a l l y 1 TABLE LIX Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n Marpole NDP PC SC LIB Number i n campaign (to t a l ) 200 70 200 125 No. who helped throughout 150 50 100 30 No. of o f f i c e workers 10 6 8 10 No. of canvassers 25 10 10 50 No. of canvasses 2 1 1 1 No. of 'drops' 2 1 2 1 TABLE LX Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y i n Dunbar NDP PC SC LIB Number i n campaign (t o t a l ) 150 60 100 1500 No. who helped throughout 80 25 50 1000 No. of o f f i c e workers 10 15 10 50 No. of canvassers 80 10 80 150 No. of canvasses 2 1 1 1 No. of 'drops' P a r t i a l l y 2 3 2 1 194 PARTY ACTIVITY AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR . Having now demonstrated that the competing p a r t i e s employ a s p a t i a l strategy i n t h e i r campaigns which i s p a r t i a l l y - r e f l e c t e d . i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l response - i n r e l a t i o n to the i n t e n s i t y of party a c t i v i t y , our t h i r d major argument considered i n t h i s chapter i s that such a c t i v i t y i s associated with voting behaviour. Unfortunately, the number of i n d i v i d u a l s i n our sample who reported being v i s i t e d by a canvasser i s too small f o r a n a l y s i s , and thus the argument i s examined at the l e v e l of the p o l l . Results can therefore be regarded only as suggestive. Between areas, the expectation i s , therefore, that the party with the greatest degree of a c t i v i t y w i l l obtain above average votes i n those p o l l s i n which i t canvassed. Thus, i t i s expected that i n both East End and Marpole, p o l l s canvassed by NDP w i l l give that party an above average vote. Further, within areas, i t i s expected that the party representing the area norm w i l l do best i n areas of high competition i n terms of canvassing e s p e c i a l l y i n the most integrated l o c a l areas. Both associations are sustained by our data. The NDP did obtain a bet t e r than average vote i n those canvassed p o l l s i n East End and Marpole (Tables LXI and LXII r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , whereas, although the Li b e r a l s had the greatest i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y i n Dunbar, as they canvassed every p o l l , i t was not pos s i b l e to examine the ass e r t i o n . In terms of our second expectation, NDP d i d best i n the areas of high competition i n East End, and the L i b e r a l s did best i n the areas of high 195 competition i n Dunbar. S o c i a l Credit, on the other hand, did not do best i n areas of high competition i n Marpole. TABLE LXI S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n East End (%) SC NDP PC Average % per p o l l 26.9 64.6 7.2 Average % per canvassed p o l l 27.3 65.7 7.2 Average % i n areas high comp. 25.0 67.2 7.0 Average % i n areas med. comp. 27.8 64.0 7.4 Average % i n areas non-comp. 26.1 63.7 7.4 TABLE LXII S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n Marpole (%) SC NDP LIB PC Average % per p o l l 31.5 36.5 22.8 9.0 Average % per canvassed p o l l 27.0 40.0 22.8 10.0 Average % i n areas high comp. 29.2 39.6 22.2 8.8 Average % i n areas med. comp. 31.2 35.8 26.8 9.5 Average % i n areas non-comp. 36.2 37.0 18.8 7.8 ' . _In terms of i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i e s and the association between party a c t i v i t y and voting behaviour, S o c i a l Credit did better than average i n those p o l l s that they canvassed only i n East End. The NDP, on the other hand, did better than average i n those p o l l s canvassed i n a l l three areas. The Conservatives, furthermore, did better than average 1?6 i n those p o l l s canvassed i n both Marpole and Dunbar, and did no worse i n East End. S o c i a l Credit had t h e i r best r e s u l t s i n areas of medium or no s p a t i a l competition, whereas the Conservatives did best i n p o l l s i t canvassed i n Marpole and Dunbar, but i n East End did best i n areas of medium or no competition (Tables LXI, LXII and LXIII). TABLE LXIII S p a t i a l Competition and Voting Behaviour i n Dunbar (%) SC NDP LIB PC Average % per p o l l 23.9 17.2 44.8 14.1 Average ° '{ per canvassed p o l l 22.2 20.7 44.8 14.7 Average ° I i n areas high comp. 22.7 15.0 46.1 13.7 Average ° 1 i n areas med. comp. 26.8 17.2 42.0 13.9 MODEL OF PARTY ACTIVITY AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR From what has been discussed i n r e l a t i o n to party a c t i v i t y and voting behaviour a d e s c r i p t i v e model can be formulated. The model has f i v e components - e l e c t i o n outcome, number of volunteers, s p a t i a l organisation, s p a t i a l strategy and s p a t i a l response. The components are re l a t e d i n the sensethat depending on whether a party does w e l l or poorly i n the e l e c t i o n i s associated with the number of volunteers i t w i l l mobilise and thus can c a l l upon for help i n the subsequent campaign. The number of volunteers a v a i l a b l e i s d i r e c t l y associated with the degree to which the party can e f f e c t i v e l y organise i t s campaign s p a t i a l l y and can carry out i t s s p a t i a l strategy. This i n 197 turn i s associated with the degree of s p a t i a l response on the part of i n d i v i d u a l voters i n terms of whether they have been v i s i t e d by canvassers, have received campaign m a t e r i a l , and have perceived c e r t a i n issues. This varies within as w e l l as between areas. This response i s then associated with voting behaviour. I m p l i c i t i n the model i s the importance of feedback, and the model can be entered at any point. Its form i s given i n Figure 3. Figure 3 Model of Party A c t i v i t y and Voting Behaviour E l e c t i o n Number of CONCLUSION This chapter has dealt with a highly complex serie s of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s p a t i a l aspects of the e l e c t i o n campaign and the e l e c t o r a l pattern. Its aim has been f i r s t to introduce the subject of the geography of campaigning, and, second, to demonstrate that i t i s associated with voting behaviour, and i s therefore important i n a consideration of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. However, despite the importance of a consideration of the geography of campaigning i n the study of e l e c t o r a l patterns, i t must be 1 9 8 emphasised that the conclusions drawn are very t e n t a t i v e . Future research would require a greater number of interviews from workers of every party to obtain more accurate data. Second, candidates and campaign workers should be interviewed both before and a f t e r the e l e c t i o n i n order to ensure that interviews taken only a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , as i n the present study, are not j u s t purely ' r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n s ' of what occurred. Third, more accurate data i s required on p r e c i s e l y which i n d i v i d u a l s were v i s i t e d by which party, and at what stage i n the campaign. Adherence to these three considerations would make a geography of campaigning a more i n t e r e s t i n g and worthwhile area f o r future i n v e s t i g a t i o n . 199 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS The importance of a consideration of the neglected factors i n the study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns has been demonstrated. The d i s s e r t a t i o n has taken a s p a t i a l viewpoint, and, has, of necessity, considered a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of some of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l processes operating i n space i n order to increase our understanding of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. The aim of the d i s s e r t a t i o n has not been to provide a f i n a l s o l u t i o n to t h i s understanding, but has endeavoured more to provide "prudent and stimulating i n s i g h t s rather than (for) any d i s c i p l i n a r y formula, (for his) a r t i s t i c f i n e sse i n geographic d e s c r i p t i o n , (his) power to suggest rather than convince, to evoke ideas rather than impose doctrine, and to open hew horizons rather than define f r o n t i e r s " (Buttimer, 1971^58). If t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n has achieved any of t h i s then i t s purpose w i l l have been f u l f i l l e d . CONCLUSIONS However, the study has endeavoured to expand the horizons of e l e c t o r a l geography and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , to present the argument that i t i s important, for the understanding of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns, to view the i n d i v i d u a l with reference to h i s surroundings - that i s , the p o l i t i c a l culture of the p o l i t i c a l system i n which he l i v e s , the changes i n the p o l i t i c a l party system and resultant impacts on the e l e c t o r a l pattern, as w e l l as the p o l i t i c a l 200 mood at the time of the e l e c t i o n . Further, models of p o l i t i c a l space need to be considered i n future voting studies i n order to begin to i d e n t i f y the p o l i t i c a l norms of the area i n which an i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s . Important too i s the impact on the e l e c t o r a l pattern of migration as wel l as the Impact of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and urban structure and t h e i r changes. F i n a l l y , from the p o l i t i c a l party viewpoint, the degree to which s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign are associated with the e l e c t o r a l pattern. A l l of these considerations are dynamic and constitute some of the complexity of the urban p o l i t i c as well as providing means by which the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns can be analysed. The major f i n d i n g of Chapter I I , that the NDP v i c t o r y was part of the ongoing process of ac t i o n and reaction i n B.C. p o l i t i c s , and should be c l e a r l y seen i n that regard, has obvious implications for the study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. An area which had been c o n s i s t e n t l y supporting S o c i a l Credit - that i s , Marpole - changed i t s dominant party bias to NDP i n 1972. However, one of the problems i n dealing with the dynamics of p o l i t i c a l c ulture i s that of ascertaining the ' p o l i t i c a l mood' of the electorate at the time of the e l e c t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l mood i s e s s e n t i a l l y a group phenomenon or f e e l i n g which i s often f a i r l y well-defined - f o r example, a f e e l i n g that S o c i a l Credit must go - or i s rather vague. Further, i t may or may not be r e f l e c t e d i n the communications media, i n i n t e r -personal r e l a t i o n s , or i n opinion p o l l s p r i o r to the e l e c t i o n . However, i t i s of p o t e n t i a l importance as a concept i n the analysis of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns i n terms of i t s impact. For example, i t i s possible to argue that the p o l i t i c a l mood was i n part 201 responsible for the removal of two well-known and established S o c i a l Credit candidates i n the constituency of L i t t l e Mountain i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n . I t may be e s p e c i a l l y important, therefore, when the area under question has had l i t t l e change i n status composition^ l i t t l e migration, and no change i n i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l . However, the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign may help to r e i n f o r c e or change trends i n the p o l i t i c a l mood of an e l e c t o r a t e . I t i s possible to argue that a congruence between p o l i t i c a l mood and campaign of a p a r t i c u l a r party i s more b e n e f i c i a l to that party than a "cross-pressured" s i t u a t i o n where diverse influences are i n c o n f l i c t and not i n the same d i r e c t i o n . The major findings of Chapter I I I are that zones of latent partisanship do e x i s t i n Vancouver and that i n d i v i d u a l s are tending to move to that zone which i s c l o s e s t to t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l preference. However, t h i s l a t t e r f i n d i n g i s very t e n t a t i v e , and i s by no means conclusive. One of the problems i n t h i s analysis i s the s t a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l preference and I t s p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n s h i p to changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . Factors of s o c i a l expectation and status m o b i l i t y may be intervening v a r i a b l e s which have not been given due consideration i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . A great deal of further work, undertaken over a number of years, i s necessary before these r e l a t i o n -ships are f i n a l l y established. The major conclusions of Chapter IV, that, i n some l o c a l areas the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e l y low, and, yet i n others s t i l l remains at a s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l , r a i s e s questions about the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of an American model i n Canadian society. In two l o c a l areas studied -East End and Dunbar - a majority of inhabitants, on a v a r i e t y of measures, f e l t a sense of belonging to t h e i r area of residence. I t may be that Canada i s at an e a r l i e r stage of s o c i a l 'development' and, -202 hence, i n the future w i l l be faced with problems of anomie and d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n a l l l o c a l areas i n the c i t y . At the aggregate l e v e l i n Chapter V i t was shown that, once l o c a l areas are defined with a degree of i n t e g r a t i o n , that they begin to function as ' s o c i o - s p a t i a l ' groups and adherence to area norms i s associated with the degree of area i n t e g r a t i o n . Cohesiveness thus tends to lead to uniformity of behaviour. At the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , on the other hand, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour was much les s c l e a r . As a possible explanation i n t h i s regard, i t could be that the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s only relevant at the group l e v e l and that i n d i v i d u a l associations are much more d i f f u s e and, hence, do not exhibit any r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e pattern. With regard to the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign both within and among the three l o c a l areas under study, we are dealing with a highly complex set of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t can be argued, however, that campaigning a c t i v i t i e s r e s u l t i n a ' s t i r r i n g up' of the electorate, with the main aim of 'getting out the vote'. However, several problems arose i n t h i s a n a l y s i s . F i r s t , i s the problem of gaining basic data from the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s concerned. Important here i s whether representatives of the various p a r t i e s are w i l l i n g to part with t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r approach to the campaign. Further, depending on the timing of the interview - whether before or a f t e r the e l e c t i o n - the strategy may be ' r a t i o n a l i s e d ' to what the party representative thinks the researcher would l i k e to hear. This may be e s p e c i a l l y true a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , although obtaining r e l a t i v e l y c o n f i d e n t i a l campaign material before e l e c t i o n day poses an equally important problem. Second, i s the problem of obtaining accurate information from 203 i n d i v i d u a l s about whether or not they were contacted by a canvasser. In a h e c t i c campaign there i s often a genuine problem of r e c a l l here. One way of overcoming t h i s i n the future may be to t r y ( i f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were w i l l i n g ) to check party records from i n d i v i d u a l canvassers to see which voters were a c t u a l l y contacted and which were not. Two other problems a r i s e out of t h i s . , F i r s t , i f the accuracy of i n d i v i d u a l data on the impact of party a c t i v i t y i s questionable, then the only associations obtainable are between the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t and the areas of party a c t i v i t y at an aggregate l e v e l - that i s , the p o l l . This was achieved i n Chapter VI. The l i m i t a t i o n s of these associations i n view of the data problems are accepted here. I t i s possible to argue, however, that, i n a s t a t i c s i t u a t i o n , a party doing w e l l i n c e r t a i n p o l l s i n the 1969 e l e c t i o n may automatically do w e l l i n 1972, other things being equal. Thus the impact of the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign on the e l e c t o r a l pattern could be argued to be minimal. However, i t i s important to note i n t h i s regard that one of the findings of Chapter VI was that, taking one of the functions of the canvass to 'get out the vote', then i n areas of high s p a t i a l competition f o r the vote, p o l l s tended to r e f l e c t above average r e s u l t s f o r the p o l i t i c a l norm. This was found to be e s p e c i a l l y true i n the two areas of higher i n t e g r a t i o n , East End and Dunbar. One general problem, however, which created d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a l l of the ana l y s i s , i s the use of a r e a l d i v i s i o n s . For example, on the one hand, Chapter IV was t e s t i n g the relevance of the boundaries i d e n t i f i e d by Mayhew and, yet, f o r the sake of data c o l l e c t i o n , Mayhew's areas were the most appropriate and l e a s t problematic ones to use. Thus, 204 at the outset, using Mayhew's areas as a sampling frame necessitated a tacit assumption that, in fact, his areas did have functional relevance and that their boundaries did have significance to the inhabitants. . The other general problem of areal divisions which arose i n Chapter VI was the use of electoral ridings and polling d i s t r i c t s . Again, like Mayhew's areas, these divisions were 'externally determined' and not designed specifically for this study. As was noted in Chapter VI they provide spatial constraints on the conduct of the cam-paign also. However, in terms of a consideration of area integration, the boundaries of these divisions pay l i t t l e regard for local area boundaries. Hence local areas are often either bisected or are incor-porated into a larger unit with which i t has l i t t l e functional relationship. IMPLICATIONS With regard to future research a consideration of the p o l i t i c a l culture and changes i n the p o l i t i c a l party system i s important because i t lends considerable insight into the development of the electoral pattern and thus improves our understanding of i t . However, future re-search in this area would need to concentrate specifically on the impact on the electoral pattern of the introduction of a new p o l i t i c a l party, and, i f there was change in the pattern, to attempt to ascertain why changes occurred in some areas rather than others. Of particular interest in this regard would be the detailed study of the impact of the introduction of the Social Credit Party on the Vancouver electoral pattern in the 1952 and 1953 B.'C. Provincial Elections, as well as the introduction of the National Alliance Party and i t s impact on the electoral pattern of the Perth Metropolitan Area in the 1974 State Election. 205 The findings of Chapter I I I have a number of implications f o r future research. F i r s t , i s i n the area of the model of p o l i t i c a l space and i t s comparability with s o c i a l models of the same c i t y , as well as the cross-comparability of models of p o l i t i c a l space i n d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s . With regard to the l a t t e r s i t u a t i o n , problems immediately a r i s e i n terms of the i n i t i a l comparability of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t countries. However, cross-comparability of urban models of p o l i t i c a l space i n say Canada would provide a s t a r t i n g point i n recognising common 'electoral patterns and h i g h l i g h t i n g common p o l i t i c a l processes. Of basic importance, of course, i s a much more detail e d analysis of the patterns themselves, and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the incidence of a p a r t i c u l a r small area of consistent p o l i t i c a l support which i s surrounded by areas of completely d i f f e r e n t support. These can be seen i n Map 2, and, of p a r t i c u l a r importance, for example may be such questions as how Chinese a t t i t u d e s of r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n i n South-East A s i a have r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d pattern of e l e c t o r a l behaviour i n Chinatown. Why i s i t that, over a period of 4 e l e c t i o n s one or two p o l l s c o n s i s t e n t l y are d i f f e r e n t or 'anomalous' from the areas which surround them? The second area of future inquiry a r i s i n g out of Chapter I I I i s a more d e t a i l e d analysis of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between intra-urban migration, i n d i v i d u a l voter changes and the e l e c t o r a l pattern. A more det a i l e d analysis of i n d i v i d u a l migration h i s t o r i e s obtained i n the personal interview (see Appendix 1) may give us some in s i g h t into the intra-urban migration pattern but, i n order to r e l a t e t h i s to changes i n i n d i v i d u a l voting behaviour, i n d i v i d u a l s need to be studied over a long time span. Important f o r future research i n t h i s regard however, 206 i s the r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , status a s p i r a t i o n and changes i n voting behaviour which r e f l e c t s i n the e l e c t o r a l pattern. Is a change i n status associated with f i r s t migration and second a change i n voting behaviour? What i s the d e t a i l e d i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between status change, residence change and voting behaviour change? In t h i s d i s s e r t a -t i o n we have examined residence change and voting behaviour change r e l a t i o n -ships, but not t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with change i n status and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . The t h i r d area of future research a r i s i n g out of Chapter I I and recurring again i n Chapter V i s the need to expand and analyse the existence of a possible 'retreat' process i n the urban area. I t was noted i n Chapter I I I , f o r example, that those who voted i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm had previously been r e l a t i v e l y mobile. The speculation which requires inquiry a r i s i n g out of t h i s i s that continual m o b i l i t y over a period of time has r e s u l t e d i n i n s e c u r i t y and thus has encouraged i n d i v i d u a l s to develop r e l a t i v e l y strong attachments to p a r t i c u l a r areas and adhere to those area norms - i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r instance, the voting behaviour norm. How t h i s a c t u a l l y occurs and at what point an i n d i v i d u a l develops attachments a f t e r a period of r e l a t i v e m o b i l i t y again i s an area of future research. However, i t was suggested i n Chapter I I I that a factor i n intra-urban m o b i l i t y may be that c e r t a i n necessary f u n c t i o n a l associations are not being f u l f i l l e d . For example, the i n d i v i d u a l does not f e e l at home i n the area, or has no friends i n the immediate v i c i n i t y . The tentative f i n d i n g therefore was that those who are not integrated i n t o a l o c a l area tend to move to an area whose voting norm i s the same as t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l preference. Important to note here i n t h i s regard i s that i n areas undergoing change, as i n Marpole, there i s s t i l l some 207 strong r e s i d u a l attachment to area by i n d i v i d u a l s voting for the area norm (see Chapter V). The general findings can be combined to present an integrated d e s c r i p t i v e model of urban s p a t i a l structure i n Vancouver, derived from Chapters I I I and IV (Figure 4). The model i s zonal and s e c t o r a l (based on Figure 1) as w e l l as being formal ( i n the p o l i t i c a l sense) and f u n c t i o n a l ( i n the s o c i a l sense). I t consists of a zonal/sectoral pattern ( p o l i t i c a l - f o r m a l ) superimposed on a composite of l o c a l areas ( s o c i a l - f u n c t i o n a l ) . The model consists of four concentric r i n g s , derived from Figure 1, based on voting pattersn i n Vancouver i n the 0 l a s t four P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s . The outermost r i n g , or the "old suburban s i n g l e family areas", consists of four sectors based on these voting patterns. The inner r i n g , or CBD, i s a formal zone i n the p o l i t i c a l sense (Figure 1) as w e l l as being a f u n c t i o n a l zone (Map 1). The second r i n g , or "zone of t r a n s i t i o n " , i s a formal zone i n the p o l i t i c a l sense (Figure 1), but consists of two f u n c t i o n a l l o c a l areas of Strathcona and the West End. The t h i r d zone, or "inner c i t y housing area", i s a formal p o l i t i c a l zone, but consists of four f u n c t i o n a l l o c a l areas - K i t s i l a n o , Fairview, Mount Pleasant and Grandview-Woodland. The outermost zone consists of a l l of the remaining f u n c t i o n a l l o c a l areas (see Map 1), arranged within four formal ( p o l i t i c a l ) sectors. The model i s a more r e a l i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n of s p a t i a l structure i n Vancouver than the c l a s s i c a l models, accords with the need to develop a f u n c t i o n a l model (Hardwick, 1971) , as well as the need to provide an integrated s e c t o r a l and zonal model (Johnston, AN INTEGRATED DESCRIPTIVE MODEL OF THE U R B A N SPATIAL STRUCTURE IN VANCOUVER FORMAL BOUNDARIES FUNCTIONAL BOUNDARIES 209 1971). However, the model i s derived from one p a r t i c u l a r case, and thus needs t e s t i n g i n other Canadian c i t i e s . Implied i n the model i s the need to see how inhabitants l i v i n g i n other areas of the c i t y perceive the boundaries of t h e i r l o c a l area, and the degree to which those areas are f u n c t i o n a l l y • integrated. Important too i s the study of the evolution of area i n t e g r a t i o n and how i t changes. Further, how the model of p o l i t i c a l space i n Vancouver (Figure 1) changed, i f at a l l , with the introduction of a new p o l i t i c a l element into the system (for example, the formation of the NDP). Of p a r t i c u l a r importance from Chapter IV i s the need to study how attachment to area or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y a c t u a l l y evolves i n an urban area. Is i t a p a r t i c u l a r temporal process? Does i t r e l a t e s p e c i f i c a l l y to a set of common symbols? What makes a s o c i o - s p a t i a l group? Is attachment to area simply a function of the status composition of the area? As was suggested i n Chapter V there i s an i n t e r r e l a t i o n between status composition and i n t e g r a t i o n at the aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , but i s status type also important? With regard to the f i r s t point i s the development towards i n t e r n a l status s i m i l a r i t y r e i n f o r c e d by the process of m o b i l i t y and change r e s u l t i n g i n increasing i n t e r n a l cohesion coupled with a 'retreat' process and hence an evolution of a definable t e r r i t o r y ? With regard to the second point, do areas composed c h i e f l y of lower status groups tend to be more integrated, for example? The evidence presented i n Chapter IV would suggest the reverse - that i s , Dunbar, consisting of higher status groups was found 210 to be more integrated than East End which consists c h i e f l y of lower status groups, although the differences i n i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l s were r e l a t i v e l y small. The problem as f a r as future research i n t h i s area i s concerned i s to begin to i d e n t i f y how and why t h i s i s the case. Is i t an unconscious 'osmotic' kind of process as Campbell suggested several years ago (Campbell, 1958) i n which norms are unconsciously learned? The evidence from Chapter V suggests that t h i s may be the most us e f u l l i n e of future inquiry f or associations between manifest area i n t e g r a t i o n and voting behaviour were minimal. The d e t a i l e d study of the evolution and change of p o l i t i c a l regions i n the c i t y over a number of years i s one area of future research which may c l a r i f y t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . However, apart from l o c a l areas being relevant to voting i behaviour they may also be relevant to a number of other types of behaviour. The status/type/composition - area i n t e g r a t i o n - behaviour set of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s may be important i n contributing to an under-standing of a v a r i e t y of behaviour i n space, such as crime and delinquency, f o r example. Degrees of area i n t e g r a t i o n may be important considerations i n studies of mental i l l n e s s . The geography of campaigning, apart from c l a r i f y i n g the r e l a t i o n -ships between s p a t i a l organisation, s p a t i a l strategy, issues, response and voting behaviour, o f f e r s scope for future work at a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s and i n d i f f e r e n t countries. However, the s p a t i a l aspects of campaigning may not be so r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e at other l e v e l s of the p o l i t i c a l system - f o r example, the c i v i c l e v e l - or i n d i f f e r e n t countries - f o r example, i n A u s t r a l i a , i t i s compulsory 211 to vote at a l l l e v e l s above the c i v i c l e v e l , and hence at these l e v e l s , the relevance of a geography of campaigning may be minimal. However, the most important im p l i c a t i o n to a r i s e out of t h i s study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns i s that we are dealing with complex sets of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which dependent and independent v a r i a b l e s become extremely d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y . This points to the l i m i t a t i o n s of a s t r i c t l y s c i e n t i f i c approach to the study of e l e c t o r a l patterns i n a r e a l world s i t u a t i o n , and, thus, the dynamics of the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , migration, the model of p o l i t i c a l space, status, i n t e g r a t i o n , and the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaign, which are a l l i n t e r r r e l a t e d phenomena, must be taken together i n an h o l i s t i c approach to adequately understand the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l patterns. 212 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, A. P l e b i s c i t e s and Referenda i n B.C., 1978-1952. 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(IF 'NO' GO TO Q2) b) (IF'YES' or 'MAYBE' TO a), ASK): Could you t e l l me what you think i s the name of th i s area of the city ? (IF RESPONDENT CITES A  CONSTITUENCY NAME, PROVINCIAL  OR FEDERAL, PROBE FOR OTHER  AREA NAMES) 1 yes 2 no 3 maybe 1 Renfrew 2 East End/East Vancouver 3 East Hastings/Hastings East 4 Vancouver Heights 5 Grandview 6 Marpole 7 South Vancouver 8 Shannon 9 South Cambie A Marpole/Oakridge B Kerrisdale/South Kerri s d a l e C Oakridge D Southlands E Dunbar F (West) Point Grey G Kerrisdale/Dunbar H McKenzie Heights J Dunbar/Point Grey K sDunbar Heights L Blenheim F l a t s M Other(s) (specify)  c) (IF 'YES' OR 'MAYBE' TO a), ASK): Would you t e l l me which streets provide the boundaries of t h i s area? How about the Northern Boundary Southern Boundary Eastern Boundary_ Western Boundary_ (SHOW MAP IF NECESSARY) Would you t e l l me a l i t t l e about t h i s area of Vancouver? What kind of a place i s i t ? Is there anything, for instance, that makes i t d i f f e r e n t i n any way from other areas of Vancouver? (IF RELUCTANT TO  ANSWER MUCH, PROBE AND ASK, 'WELL HOW WOULD YOU DESCRIBE THIS AREA?') 234 Q3 Would you t e l l me as many names of other local areas in Vancouver as you can think of? (IN CERTAIN 'DOUBLE-BARRELLED'  NAMES, CIRCLE EVEN IF RESPONDENT  NAMES ONLY ONE-HALF OF THE NAME) 1 Arbutus Ridge 2 CBD/Downtown 3 Cedar Cottage 4 Dunbar-Southlands 5 Fairview 6 Grandview-Woodland 7 Hastings East 8 Kerrisdale 9 Killarney A Kitsilano B L i t t l e Mountain C Marpole D Mount Pleasant E Oakridge F (West) Point Grey G Renfrew-Collingwood H Riley Park-Kensington J Shaughnessy K Strathcona L Sunset M Victoria-Fraserview N West End P Other(s) (specify)  Could you t e l l me how long you've l i v e d i n t h i s area of Vancouver? a) Do you think of t h i s area as your r e a l home? b) (IF 'NO', ASK): What area or place do you think of as your r e a l home? a) In the time that you've l i v e d here, have you found t h i s area becoming a f r i e n d l i e r place to l i v e , a less f r i e n d l y place, or, has i t j u s t stayed the same? b) In the time that you've l i v e d here, have you found t h i s area beginning to look worse p h y s i c a l l y , look b e t t e r , or, has i t j u s t stayed the same? If you had your choice, would you continue to l i v e i n th i s area of Vancouver? a) Have you l i v e d i n another area of Vancouver? 235 1 less than 1 year 2 1 year to l e s s than 2 years 3 2 years to less than 5 years 4 5 years to less than 10 years 5 10 years plus 1 yes 2 no 1 f r i e n d l i e r 2 less f r i e n d l y 3 stayed the same 4 don't know 1 look better 2 look worse 3 stayed the same 4 don't know 1 yes 2 no 3 maybe 4 don't know 1 yes 2 no (IF 'NO' GO TO g)) 236 b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me the name of the area i n Vancouver i n which you l a s t lived? (IN CERTAIN 'DOUBLE-BARRELLED'  NAMES, CIRCLE EVEN IF  RESPONDENT NAMES ONLY ONE- HALF OF THE NAME) 1 Arbutus Ridge 2 CBD/Downtown 3 Cedar Cottage 4 Dunbar-Southlands 5 Fairview 6 Grandview-Woodland 7 Hastings East 8 Kerrisdale 9 K i l l a r n e y A K i t s i l a n o B L i t t l e Mountain C Marpole D Mount Pleasant E Oakridge F (West) Point Grey G Renfrew-Collingwood H R i l e y Park-Kensington J Shaughnessy K Strathcona L Sunset M Victoria-Fraserview N West End P Other (specify)  c) (IF 'YES' TO a), ASK): Would you please give me the address of the residence that you l i v e d i n la s t ? For the sake of privacy I'd be g r a t e f u l i f you would give me the street and block number, and not the f u l l address. 237 d) (IF 'YES' TO a), ASK): What type of b u i l d i n g did you l i v e i n l a s t ? Was i t a ......1 duplex or t r i p l e x 2 s i n g l e family house 3 town house, row house or garden apartment 4 apartment bldg. without elevator 5 apartment bldg. with elevator 6 s u i t e i n house 7 other (specify)  e) (IF 'YES' TO a), ASK): (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 1) Could you please t e l l me how you would categorise that area from the l i s t on t h i s card by reading out the corresponding l e t t e r ? f ) (IF 'YES' TO a), ASK): How long did you l i v e i n that area of Vancouver? B lower class A lower-middle class C middle class E upper-middle c l a s s D upper class 1 less than 1 year 2 1 year to less than 2 years 3 2 years to less than 5 years 4 5 years to les s than 10 years 5 10 years plus 238 g) Could you t e l l me where you l i v e d before that? Again, f o r the sake of privacy, I'd be g r a t e f u l i f you would j u s t give me the street and block number, and not the f u l l address. (REPEAT QUESTION TO COVER  10 YEARS BACK) block st r e e t year moved i n Q9 (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 1) Could you please t e l l me how B lower class you would categorise the area A lower-middle class i n which you now l i v e by read- C middle class ing out the corresponding l e t t e r E upper-middle class from t h i s card? D upper class SOCIAL INTERACTION: Q10 a) How many households would you 1 none say you v i s i t s o c i a l l y i n ... 2 one (NAME AREA GIVEN IN REPLY TO 3 two QI b), OR, IF NO NAME GIVEN, 4 3-5 SAY, 'THIS AREA OF 5 6-10 VANCOUVER') 6 11-25 7 25+ 8 don't know (IF 'NONE', GO TO Q l l ) 239 b) (IF 'ONE' OR MORE, ASK): Could you please give me the addresses of these households? For the sake of privacy, I'd be g r a t e f u l i f you would only give me the str e e t and block number, and not the f u l l address. address sev times a week once a week sev times a month once a month less than 1 a month c) How often, on the average, would you say you v i s i t e d each of these households? Is i t several times a week, once a week, several times a month, once a month, or less than once a month? (MARK WITH 'X' ON  THE ABOVE TABLE) 240 Q l l a) How many households i n Vancouver 1 none outside of your area of 2 one residence would you say you 3 two v i s i t s o c i a l l y ? 4 3-5 5 6-10 6 11-25 7 25+ 8 don't know (IF 'NONE', GO TO Q12) b) (IF 'ONE' OR MORE, ASK): Could you please give me the addresses of these households? For the sake of privacy, I'd be gr a t e f u l i f you would only give me the stre e t and block number, and not the f u l l address. address sev times a week once a a week sev times a month once a month le s s than 1 a month 241 c) How often, on the average, would you say. you v i s i t e d each of these households? Is i t several times a week, once a week, several times a month, once a month, or less than once a month? (MARK WITH 'X' ON  THE ABOVE TABLE) Who would you say you f e e l closer to, people who you see and v i s i t who l i v e within your area of residence, or those who l i v e outside? a) What Vancouver c i t y newspaper(s) do you read? b) Do you read any Vancouver l o c a l area newspapers? c) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which one(s) you read? 1 within 2 outside 3 both 4 neither 1 Sun 2 Province 3 Sun + Province 4 None 1 yes 2 no 1 Echo/Highland Echo 2 East Ender 3 Hastings News 4 L'Eco I t a l i a n 5 Courier/Kerrisdale Courier 6 Western News 7 The Paper 8 Point Grey Gazette 9 Marpole News A Brentwood News B Oakridge News C Richmond News D Other(s) (specify)  Q14 a) Do you or your family shop f or most of your food i n t h i s area? b) Could you please give me the addresses of the store(s) where you or your family buy most of your food? (BLOCK AND STREET  ENOUGH. IF NOT SURE, PROBE  FOR STORE NAME AND GENERAL  LOCATION) MEMBERSHIP OF ORGANISATIONS: Q15 a) Are you a member of any prof e s s i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , trade associations or unions i n Vancouver? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you name them for me please? Organisation name Type Q16 a) Are you a member of any (other) 1 yes organisations and groups, such 2 no as sports, recreation and hobby clubs, f r a t e r n a l , c i v i c and charitable organisations, s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l clubs and s o c i e t i e s , c h i l d r e n a c t i v i t y organisations, ratepayers,tenants, etc., or any others, for example, church organisations, and so on? 1 yes 2 no 3 some 1 yes 2 no 243 b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you name them for me please? Organisation name Type POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: In addition to information on your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n clubs and groups, I'd l i k e to ask you about your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n B.C. p o l i t i c s at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l . Q17 a) Did you vote i n the August 30 1 yes 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Election? 2 no b) (IF 'NO', ASK): Could you t e l l me why you didn't vote please? (IF 'NO' IN a), GO TO Q18) c) (IF 'YES' IN a), ASK): Could you please t e l l me which candidates you voted for? (IF RESPONDENT IS RELUCTANT, PROBE FOR WHICH PARTY VOTED  FOR)  244 d) (IF 'YES' IN a), ASK): Could you t e l l me why you voted t h i s way? e) (IF 'YES' IN a), ASK): What would you say was more 1 party important i n your choice 2 candidates the party or the candidates? 3 other (specify) Q18 What would you say were the major issues i n the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n campaign? PARTY IDENTIFICATION: Q19 a) Did you personally do anything 1 yes to help any party during the 2 no 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n campaign? (IF 'NO', GO TO Q20) 245 b) (IF 'YES', ASK); Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l party i t was you helped? c) (IF 'YES' IN a) , ASK) : What did you a c t u a l l y do? 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 1 gave money 2 addressed mail 3 a s s i s t e d i n campaign o f f i c e 4 canvassed 5 d i s t r i b u t e d l i t e r a t u r e 6 put up lawn sign, door or window sign 7 helped d i s t r i b u t e signs 8 held a coffee party 9 scrutineer A Other (specify)  Q20 a) Do you remember i f you voted i n the 1969 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Election? b) (IF 'VOTED', ASK): Could you t e l l me which party you voted for? 1 voted 2 did not vote 3 can't remember 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 6 Other (specify)  246 Q21 a) How about the 1966 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n - did you vote then? 1 voted 2 did not vote 3 can't remember b) (IF 'VOTED', ASK): Could you t e l l me which party you voted for? 1 Communis t 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 6 Other (specify)  Q22 a) Are you a member of any p o l i t i c a l party? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l party you are a member of? 1 yes 2 no 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 6 Other (specify)  LOCAL PARTY ACTIVITY: Q23 a) During the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l 1 yes E l e c t i o n campaign, did any 2 no canvassers (or people) from any of the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s c a l l at your home? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Which Party(ies) v i s i t e d your home? 247 Q24 a) Were any pamphlets or other campaign material from any of the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s delivered to your home during the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n b) Q25 a) 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive 5 S o c i a l Credit 1 yes 2 no campaign? (IF 'YES', ASK); Could you t e l l me which party(ies) l e f t material? 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit From which source or sources did you get most of your news about the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Election? Was i t 1 radio 2 TV 3 t a l k i n g to people 4 newspapers 5 campaign l i t e r a t u r e 6 other (specify) __. 248 b) (IF BY 'TALKING TO PEOPLE', ASK): What sort of people did you t a l k to most? 1 friends 2 neighbours 3 r e l a t i v e s 4 fellow workers 5 other (specify) Q26 a) Did any of the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s contact your home by telephone during the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n campaign? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l party telephoned your home? 1 yes 2 no 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit Q27 a) Was your home contacted by any 1 yes of the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s on the 2 no day of the P r o v i n c i a l Election? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l party contacted your home? 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 249 Q28 a) Did you go to any l o c a l candidates p o l i t i c a l meetings during the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n campaign? b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s held the meetings which you went to? 1 yes 2 no 1 Communist 2 L i b e r a l 3 New Democratic Party 4 Progressive Conservative 5 S o c i a l Credit 6 A l l Candidates meeting c) (IF 'ALL CANDIDATES MEETING', ASK) Which party or candidates were you impressed with most at the a l l candidates meetings? Q29 a) Did you meet any of the candidates during the course of the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n campaign? 1 yes 2 no b) (IF 'YES', ASK): Which candidates did you meet? PERSONAL DATA: Now, f i n a l l y , I would l i k e to ask you a few questions about yo u r s e l f . Q30 Sex: (INTERVIEWER OBSERVATION) 1 Male 2 Female Q31 (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 2) Could you please t e l l me which 1 before 1905 number on t h i s card corresponds to 2 1905-1915 the year when you were born? 3 1916-1925 4 1926-1935 5 1936-1945 6 1946-1953 Q32 a) Could you please t e l l me i f 1 yes you are married? 2 no b) (IF 'YES', ASK):' Do you have any chil d r e n at 1 yes school i n th i s area? 2 no c) (IF 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which school(s) they go to? Q33 Could you t e l l me i f you are the 1 yes head of your household? 2 no 3 other (specify) Q34 Could you please t e l l me the S p e c i f i c job occupation of the head of your Type of Company household? (IF RESPONDENT IS  THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, THEN ASK  FOR 'YOUR OCCUPATION'.' PROBE FOR SPECIFIC JOB AND TYPE OF COMPANY) Q35 (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 3) Could you please t e l l me which number on t h i s card corresponds to the annual income of the head of your household? (IF RESPONDENT IS  THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, THEN ASK FOR  'YOUR ANNUAL INCOME') 1 less than $5,000 2 $5,001-$7,500 3 $7501-$10,000 4 $10,001-$15,000 5 over $15,000 Q36 (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 4) Could you please t e l l me which l e t t e r on t h i s card corresponds to the s o c i a l class that you see yourself as belonging to? A lower class C lower-middle class E middle class D upper-middle class B upper class Q37 Could you t e l l me i f you own, lease or rent t h i s residence? 1 own 2 lease 3 rent 4 other (specify) Q38 a) Could you t e l l me which country you were born in? b) (IF NOT IN CANADA, ASK): How long have you l i v e d i n Canada? 1 less than 5 years 2 5 to 10 years 3 10 years, 1 day, to 20 years 4 over 20 years Q39 Could you please t e l l me your r e l i g i o u s preference? 252 Q40 What was the l a s t type of school 1 grades 1-8 grades 9-13 (high school) voc a t i o n a l / t e c h n i c a l u n i v e r s i t y / c o l l e g e you attended? 2 3 4 Q41 (INTERVIEWERS OBSERVATION) Type of home? 1 s i n g l e family house 2 duplex or t r i p l e x 3. town house, row house or garden apartment 4 apartment bldg. without elevator 5 apartment bldg. with elevator 6 su i t e i n house 7 other (specify)  THANK YOU VERY MUCH INDEED.' APPENDIX II LOCAL PARTY ACTIVITY: Area No.: •  Party: Communist . Conservative L i b e r a l NDP S o c i a l Credit R o l e : Candidate Campaign Manager . O f f i c e Manager Area c o n t r o l l e r P o l l Captain Party worker NOTE: START EITHER AT A . OR B. AND THEN TO C. A. Questions 1-3 for candidates only ' 1. How long have you been i n p o l i t i c s ? 2. How d i d you get your s t a r t i n p o l i t i c s ? 3. What other o f f i c e s have you held or run for? 254 B. Questions 4-9 for others only 4. What was the f i r s t campaign i n which you worked f o r (name party)? 5. (IF NOT 1972 PROVINCIAL CAMPAIGN, ASK): Have you always worked f o r t h i s party? 6. (IF NO ASK): Between what years were you not working for t h i s party? 7. Did you work f o r another party? 8. (IF YES ASK): Which party was this? Yes No Yes No Communist L i b e r a l Conservative NDP S o c i a l Credit Other (specify) 9. What led you to become act i v e i n the (name party)? C. A l l questions now to a l l respondents: ORGANISATION: 10. How was the campaign i n your c o n s t i t u -ency organised? That i s , did one person run the whole campaign, or were s p e c i f i c jobs given to s p e c i f i c people? 11. If the work was divided, who did what jobs? 12. Are constituency organisations d i f f e r e n t i n d i f f e r e n t constituencies i n Vancouver? 13. (IF YES ASK): How are they d i f f e r e n t ? 14. I f you had a committee, was i t active? What did i t do? 15. What help, i f any, did the regular party organisation give? 16. How many people were a c t i v e l y engaged i n the campaign? 17. How many helped throughout the whole of the campaign? 18. Were these a l l volunteers? 18A. When did your campaign begin? 19. How many meetings did you have during the campaign with the constituency workers? 20. What help did other groups give? (e.g. trade associations, labour unions, etc.)? 21. What were the reasons behind the choice of the l o c a t i o n of the campaign o f f i c e ? 22. Was the campaign organised s p a t i a l l y i n any way? That i s , were people assigned to s p e c i f i c areas or s p e c i f i c p o l l s ? 23. (IF YES ASK): Why was i t decided to s p l i t up the organisation i n th i s way? Yes No ADVERTISING: 24. What advertising media did you use to put your issues and your (candidates) personality before the public? P u b l i c a l l candidates meetings Public party meetings Radio TV Newspaper advertising Newspaper s t o r i e s B i l l b o a r d s Lawn signs Window signs Bumper s t i c k e r s Sound trucks Direct mailing Door-to-door canvassing and l e a f l e t d i s t r i b u t i o n Lapel buttons Other (specify) Coffee p a r t i e s Movies Bring i n s p e c i a l speakers 257 25. Did the meetings a t t r a c t large or small audiences? That i s , were they e f f e c t i v e means of reaching the public? 26. Did the audience, i n general, seem: ' f r i e n d l y ' 'unfriendly' 'non-partisan' 27. Where were the meetings located? 28. Who sponsored the pu b l i c meetings? 29. Would i t be possible to obtain copies of your (candidates) speeches to a l l of the meetings? 30. Would i t be possible to obtain obtain times and content of TV and radio advertisements? 31. In which newspapers did you advertise? 32. Did you think the newspapers were Yes f a i r and accurate to you? No (IF NO): Why? 33. I f newspaper s t o r i e s were used, how did you get them into the papers? '  34. Who was responsible f o r erecting any b i l l b o a r d s , and where were they located? .  35. Who d i s t r i b u t e d the signs and who used them? • 36. Was there any p a r t i c u l a r plan for the l o c a t i o n of signs and b i l l b o a r d s ? 37. If d i r e c t mailing was used, who addressed the cards and envelopes? 38. How many o f f i c e workers did you have? 39. I f door-to-door canvassing was used, who did i t , and how many canvassers did you have? 40. Which areas or p o l l s were canvassed? A l l , or were they selected? 41. I f selected ask: Why were these p a r t i c u l a r p o l l s (areas) selected? 42. How many times was each area canvassed? 43. Did the candidates themselves v i s i t any p a r t i c u l a r p o l l s or areas? 44. (IF YES ASK): Which p o l l s (areas) were they, and why were they chosen? 45. How many 'drops' of l i t e r a t u r e were undertaken? 46. Was there any s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the timing and content of such material? 47. Were p o l l cards distributed? Mailed or delivered by hand? 48. Did you speak to or v i s i t clubs, Yes vets, organisations, chambers of No commerce, etc.? 49. (IF YES): Which did you v i s i t ? 50. Of a l l of the advertising media used, which one, i n your opinion, was the most e f f e c t i v e ? 51. Why? ADMINISTRATIVE ACTIVITY: 52. Did your constituency organisation Yes do anything to get voters registered? No (IF YES): What did i t s p e c i f i c a l l y do? 53. Did i t keep some kind of voters No record by p o l l ? No 54. Has the constituency got f a i r l y Yes complete records of i t s own . No supporters and independents? 55. Did (name party) know whether voters Yes i n the constituency were registered No or not? 56. Were the records used to check voters Yes at the p o l l s on e l e c t i o n day? No 57. (IF YES): How were voters checked? 58. Were people i n the constituency contacted by phone at a l l ? 59. (IF YES): Who were they? (e.g., undecided voters, possible helpers, etc.) 60. How many people were given l i f t s to the p o l l i n g stations? 61. How did you f e e l the l e v e l of support for your party was going before the election? What kind of reaction, for example, did you get to canvassing? MONEY: 62. How much, roughly speaking, did the l o c a l constituency campaign cost? 63. How was the money divided among the various advertising media? 64. How did you finance the campaign? 65. Who were the chief contributors? (IF RETICENT, ASK): a) Did the party help you out? By what amount? b) Did friends help you out? By what amount? c) Did any organisations help you out? By what amount? 66. Did you have as much money as you needed? 67. (IF NO ASK): In what ways could you have used more? STRATEGY AND ISSUES: 68. In your opinion was there a f a i r l y c l e a r plan f o r your party i n t h i s constituency about the type of a c t i v i t y to be followed? 69. How did t h i s plan evolve? 70. Did you have any help i n the plan from 'experts' outside of the party? (IF YES): Who? 71. Could you t e l l me more about the plan? For example, did your campaign concentrate on any p a r t i c u l a r area i n the constituency? 72. (IF YES, ASK): Which areas, and why were they chosen? 73. How important i n t h i s were the 1969 returns i n your constituency? 74. What r e l a t i o n was there between the constituency and the party c e n t r a l o f f i c e on p o l i c y and campaign strategy? 75. Was the approach divided i n any way between the candidates? 76. What issues did you s t r e s s , and why? 77. If you had i t to do over again, would you change your emphasis on p a r t i c u l a r issues? Would you emphasize d i f f e r e n t issues? Would you campaign more i n d i f f e r e n t areas? 78. At what time i n the campaign did you introduce your chief issue and chief argument? 79. Why did you choose that time? 80. At what time i n the campaign did you make your greatest e f f o r t ? 81. Do you think that any other timing i n the presentation of issues would have made your campaign more successful? 82. Did you f i n d that your advertising and information was getting across to a l l of the constituents, some, or only a few? 83. How could you t e l l t h i s , and why do you think that t h i s was occurring? SUPPORT; 84. Were you formally endorsed by any group (s)? 85. (IF YES ASK); Which group(s) were (was) these (this)? 86. Were you informally supported by any group(s), e.g., any l o c a l community groups? (IF YES ASK): Which were these? 87. Did any of the supporting groups spend money for you, e.g., buy newspaper space, buy radio time, etc.? (IF YES ASK): Which were they? 88. Did you have an opportunity to speak to supporting or endorsing groups? PERCEPTION OF PARTY'S ROLE: 89. Would you say that there are important differences between your | party and the others? (IF YES ASK): What are the major differences you see? 264 OPPOSITION: 90. What do you t h i n k was t h e most e f f e c t i v e p a r t y o f t h e o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s ' campaigns? 91. What do you t h i n k were t h e i r s t r o n g e s t - i s s u e s ? 92. What m i s t a k e s do you t h i n k y o u r opponents made? 93. Do you t h i n k t h a t y o u r o p p o s i t i o n s p e n t more o r l e s s money t h a n you i n t h i s c o n s t i t u e n c y ? OUTCOME: 94. What i n f l u e n c e s do you g i v e most c r e d i t f o r y o u r ( n o t ) g e t t i n g e l e c t e d ? Was i t a m a t t e r o f campaign t e c h n i q u e s , community t r a d i t i o n , p e r s o n a l i t i e s , o r what? 95. As f a r as t h e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s i n Vancouver a r e c o n c e r n e d , was i t d e c i d e d a t t h e o u t s e t o f t h e campaign t o c o n c e n t r a t e more e f f o r t on some c o n s t i t u e n c i e s t h a n o t h e r s ? (±.e., how Communist C o n s e r v a t i v e L i b e r a l NDP S o c i a l C r e d i t Yes No was your plan d i f f e r e n t from that  i n other constituencies?) (IF YES ASK): a) Why and how was t h i s done? b) How successful do you think t h i s was? CONCLUDING QUESTION: 96. Who else was deeply involved i n your campaign? Would i t be worthwhile f or me to t a l k to them? 

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