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Stability and change in electoral patterns : the case of the 1972 British Columbia provincial election… Rumley, Dennis 1975

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STABILITY AND  CHANGE IN ELECTORAL PATTERNS:  THE CASE OF THE 1972 BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL ELECTION  IN VANCOUVER  by DENNIS RUMLEY B.A.,  U n i v e r s i t y o f Newcastle-Upon-Tyne,  1968  M.A.,  U n i v e r s i t y o f Newcastle-Upon-Tyne,  1970  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  i n the Department of Geography We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming required standard  to the  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA FEBRUARY, 1975.  In p r e s e n t i n g an  this  thesis  in partial  advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y  the  Library  I further for  shall  make i t f r e e l y  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n  his  of  this  written  representatives.  Date  gain  permission.  Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada  18th A p r i l 1 Q 7 5  for  for extensive  Columbia  Columbia,  I agree  for  that  r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . copying o f this  thesis  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r  I t i s understood  thesis for financial  Department o f  of B r i t i s h  available  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  by  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements  shall  that  copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my  ii  ABSTRACT Chairman:  P r o f e s s o r J u l i a n V.  Minghi  T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n demonstrates how neglected  variables previously  i n v o t i n g s t u d i e s - the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of the  political  system, m i g r a t i o n , models of p o l i t i c a l space, a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , and the geography of campaigning - can i n c r e a s e our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of stability  and  change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s .  The v a r i a b l e s  are  examined i n t h r e e l o c a l areas i n Vancouver, Canada, f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n .  Data were o b t a i n e d  i n t e r v i e w s o f i n h a b i t a n t s of the t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s ,  the  1972  from  and by  personal  personal  i n t e r v i e w s of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the competing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . argument i s p r e s e n t e d class-based  and  t h a t B.C.  t h i s provides  political  culture i s essentially  a background u n d e r s t a n d i n g to  development of p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l norms i n the t h r e e areas The  1972  e l e c t i o n i s seen i n the context  as an e l e c t i o n of r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t of c o n s i s t e n t v o t i n g h a b i t s and  a model of p o l i t i c a l  presented.  of B.C.  the studied.  p o l i t i c a l history  the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y .  Areas  ( p o l i t i c a l norms) a r e i d e n t i f i e d i n Vancouver  space d e s c r i b i n g these c o n s i s t e n c i e s i s  M i g r a t i o n data are used to show t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s tend  move to a r e a s whose p o l i t i c a l norm i s the same as t h e i r own preference.  The  A v a r i e t y of l a t e n t and m a n i f e s t  to  political  measures of f u n c t i o n a l  ©  i n t e g r a t i o n are used to show d i f f e r e n c e s i n the l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n  iii  i n the t h r e e areas under study. found t o be a s s o c i a t e d .  S t a t u s and v o t i n g behaviour  A s s o c i a t i o n s between l a t e n t  measures a r e found a t the aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a h i g h degree o f attachment  are  integration  levels.  to t h e i r a r e a o f  r e s i d e n c e a r e shown to v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the 'area norm'. D i f f e r e n c e s i n the s p a t i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t y campaigns and d i f f e r e n c e s i n the degree o f s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n of c a n v a s s i n g are shown to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h d i f f e r e n c e s i n e l e c t o r a l outcome. P o l l s f o r which p a r t i e s competed s t r o n g l y tended  to v o t e  d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm, a l t h o u g h v a r i e d w i t h the degree  of i n t e g r a t i o n o f the a r e a  this  concerned.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page LIST OF TABLES  v  LIST OF FIGURES  ix  LIST OF MAPS  x  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  xi  CHAPTER I  :  The Study o f E l e c t o r a l P a t t e r n s  CHAPTER I I  :  The B r i t i s h  CHAPTER I I I  :  Migration  Columbia P o l i t i c a l  1 Culture  and the Model o f P o l i t i c a l  21  Space  i n Vancouver  72 97  CHAPTER IV  :  L o c a l A r e a I n t e g r a t i o n i n Vancouver  CHAPTER V  :  L o c a l A r e a I n t e g r a t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour  131  CHAPTER VI  :  The Geography  o f Campaigning  168  CHAPTER V I I  :  Conclusions  and I m p l i c a t i o n s  199  BIBLIOGRAPHY  212  APPENDIX I  232  APPENDIX I I  253  V v.  LIST OF TABLES Page I  F i n a l Sample S i z e  II  Comparison  18  of the Sample w i t h the A c t u a l V o t i n g  Results III  19  F r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia Politics  Provincial  1928-1972  31  IV  Reasons Given f o r V o t i n g D e c i s i o n s  70  V  A r e a Versus V o t i n g Behaviour 1966-1972  83  VI  Residence i n P o l i t i c a l Zones  86  VII  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t Zone  VIII  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n an NDP  IX  Zone  95  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n a L i b e r a l Zone  X  95  95  Degree o f Agreement Between Mayhew's and P e r c e i v e d Boundaries  98  XI  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n H a s t i n g s E a s t  99  XII  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n Marpole  101  XIII  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n Dunbar-Southlands  104  XIV  L o c a l Area Boundary Consensus  105  XV  Areas and Names  106  XVI  Respondents  109  XVII  Components of Area Image  113  XVIII  Area and P e r c e i v e d C l a s s  114  Naming o f Other Areas i n the C i t y  vx ' Page XIX  Area and Closeness  122  XX  L o c a l Area Newspapers  126  XXI  S t a t u s and V o t i n g Behaviour  134  XXII  C l a s s S e l f - P e r c e p t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour  134  XXIII  Income and V o t i n g Behaviour  135  XXIV  R e l i g i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour  136  XXV  Country o f B i r t h and V o t i n g Behaviour  137  XXVI  V o t i n g Behaviour and L e v e l o f E d u c a t i o n  138  XXVII  V o t i n g Behaviour and Sex  139  XXVIII  Age and V o t i n g Behaviour  140  XXIX  Membership o f Formal O r g a n i s a t i o n s and V o t i n g Behaviour  141  I n d i v i d u a l S t a t u s by B l i s h e n  142  S t a t u s and I n t e g r a t i o n by Area  144  Area Naming and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r  151  V o t i n g Behaviour and Length o f Residence  152  XXXIV  R e a l Home and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r  154  XXXV  Area Becoming F r i e n d l i e r and V o t i n g Behaviour  155  XXXVI  Area L o o k i n g B e t t e r and V o t i n g Behaviour  156  XXXVII  Choosing t o Stay and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r  157  XXXVIII  C l o s e r to Those W i t h i n and V o t i n g Behaviour  158  XXXIX  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r  XXX XXXI XXXII XXXIII  i n E a s t End XL  161  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole  161  vii Page XLI  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Dunbar  XLII  161  E x t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r i n E a s t End  XLIII  163  E x t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r i n Marpole  XLIV  163  E x t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Dunbar  XLV  L o c a l A r e a Shopping  163 and V o t i n g Behaviour i n E a s t  End XLVI  L o c a l A r e a Shopping and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole  XLVII  165  165  L o c a l A r e a Shopping and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r i n Dunbar  165  XLVIII  L o c a l A r e a Newspaper and V o t i n g Behaviour  166  XLIX  P a r t y E x p e n d i t u r e 1972  175  L  Number o f Canvassers  178  LI  I s s u e s R a i s e d i n E a s t End  185  LII  I s s u e s R a i s e d i n Marpole  186  LII  I s s u e s R a i s e d i n Dunbar  187  LIV  I n d i v i d u a l s V i s i t e d by Canvassers i n Each A r e a  189  LV  Meeting Candidates by A r e a  190  LVI  Campaign M a t e r i a l R e c e i v e d  191  LVII  I s s u e Response by Area  191  LVIII  I n t e n s i t y o f P a r t y A c t i v i t y i n E a s t End  193  LIX  I n t e n s i t y o f P a r t y A c t i v i t y i n Marpole  193  I n t e n s i t y o f P a r t y A c t i v i t y i n Dunbar S p a t i a l Competition and V o t i n g Behaviour i n E a s t End S p a t i a l Competition and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole S p a t i a l Competition and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Dunbar  LIST OF FIGURES  1  '  Model of P o l i t i c a l Space i n Vancouver  2  Model of L o c a l Area I n t e g r a t i o n  3  Model of P a r t y A c t i v i t y and V o t i n g B e h a v i o u r  4  An I n t e g r a t e d  D e s c r i p t i v e Model o f Urban S p a t i a l  S t r u c t u r e i n Vancouver  LIST OF MAPS Page 1  L o c a l Areas i n Vancouver  15  2  The V o t i n g P a t t e r n i n the C i t y o f Vancouver 1963-1972  74  3  V o t i n g Behaviour i n E a s t End 1972  147  4  V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole 19 72  148  5  V o t i n g Behaviour i n Dunbar 1972  149  6  S p a t i a l O r g a n i s a t i o n o f the L i b e r a l Campaign i n Marpole  7  172  S p a t i a l O r g a n i s a t i o n o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e  Campaign  i n E a s t End 8  S p a t i a l Competition  173 of Canvassing  i n E a s t End  1972  180  9  S p a t i a l Competition  o f Canvassing  i n Marpole 1972  182  10  S p a t i a l Competition  of Canvassing  i n Dunbar 1972  183  xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I would l i k e to acknowledge above a l l t h e g r e a t debt I owe to my a d v i s o r throughout t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s J u l i a n Minghi,  dissertation,  now of the U n i v e r s i t y of South C a r o l i n a .  The working  r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t we have had i n t h e p a s t f o u r y e a r s has been b o t h extremely s t i m u l a t i n g and f r i e n d l y .  I n p a r t i c u l a r , I would l i k e t o .  thank him f o r p r o v i d i n g a v e r y p o s i t i v e working environment. I would a l s o l i k e t o thank P r o f e s s o r J.W. House, o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, f o r f i r s t  i n t r o d u c i n g me t o  p o l i t i c a l geography, and P r o f e s s o r J.R.V. P r e s c o t t , o f the U n i v e r s i t y of Melbourne, f o r i n t e r e s t i n g me p a r t i c u l a r l y i n e l e c t o r a l geography, and f o r h i s h e l p i n t h e e a r l i e r s t a g e s .  In t h i s regard,  Professor  K e v i n Cox o f t h e Ohio S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y was a l s o h e l p f u l . I would l i k e t o thank the o t h e r members of my committee and members of s t a f f of the Geography Department a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia who c a j o l e d me a l o n g and commented on v a r i o u s of t h e d i s s e r t a t i o n a t d i f f e r e n t stages  of i t s p r e p a r a t i o n ,  parts  especially  P r o f e s s o r J.D. Chapman, P r o f e s s o r W.G. Hardwick, P r o f e s s o r Marwyn Samuels and P r o f e s s o r Cole H a r r i s .  I would a l s o l i k e t o thank  P r o f e s s o r W a l t e r Young, a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t , who f o r c e d me t o be a p o l i t i c a l geographer. I would l i k e t o thank t h e C a r t o g r a p h i c  U n i t o f t h e Department  of Geography, U n i v e r s i t y of Western A u s t r a l i a , f o r p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h e maps.  xii  L a s t , b u t n o t l e a s t , I am g r a t e f u l  t o my w i f e , H i l a r y , f o r  h e r e n c o u r a g e m e n t a n d s u p p o r t t h r o u g h o u t , a n d w i t h o u t whom t h i s t h e s i s w o u l d never have begun.  CHAPTER 1  THE STUDY OF ELECTORAL PATTERNS  This chapter has f o u r main aims. thesis  and p l a c e i t i n i t s c o n t e x t .  First,  to introduce the  Second, t o b r i e f l y  geographic l i t e r a t u r e dealing with e l e c t o r a l patterns. discuss the thesis  i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l and o u t l i n e  the  s p e c i f i c questions b e i n g asked.  was  collected  review the Third,  to  the relevance of  F o u r t h , t o d e s c r i b e how d a t a  i n o r d e r t o answer t h e q u e s t i o n s  posed.  THE T H E S I S AND I T S CONTEXT An is  electoral pattern,  the r e s u l t  o r t h e s p a t i a l outcome o f an e l e c t i o n ,  o f mapping e l e c t i o n  results  a t the lowest scale  the  polling district)  for which published s t a t i s t i c s  The  e l e c t o r a l pattern i s a product of highly  (often  are available.  complex f a c t o r s ,  for i t  r e p r e s e n t s t h e a g g r e g a t i o n o f a m u l t i t u d e o f i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s made f o r a number o f r e a s o n s .  The a p p r o a c h t o t h e p r o b l e m o f an a d e q u a t e  explanation of the pattern i s thus, o f necessity, The  main aim o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n  multidisciplinary.  i s t o d e m o n s t r a t e how  variables  n e g l e c t e d i n a contemporary v i e w o f e l e c t o r a l geography can enhance our  understanding of the s t a b i l i t y  and change i n e l e c t o r a l  Some p o l i t i c a l s o c i o l o g i s t s  and p o l i t i c a l  duced t h i s c o m p l e x i t y b y a t t e m p t i n g t o e x p l a i n in  patterns.  s c i e n t i s t s have r e -  voting  behaviour  solely  terms o f i n d i v i d u a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as a g e ,  sex  and s o c i a l c l a s s  (Lipset,  1960), without reference t o the s o c i a l  and  p o l i t i c a l environment w i t h i n  Such s t u d i e s have tended t o t r e a t  which the individuals  are located.  t h e v o t e r as i f he were c u t o f f  from h i s surroundings,  "suspended, as i t were, above the p o l i t i c a l  and s o c i a l conditions of his community" (Ennis, 1962,  181).  Such  facts about the voter become abstractions i f they are separated t h e i r underlying s p a t i a l structure and dynamism.  from  In p a r t i c u l a r , this  approach ignores the role of i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r a c t i n g i n geographic space, t h e i r attachments to t h e i r l o c a l area, and the consequent impact on the e l e c t o r a l pattern.  I t also ignores the impact of the  s p a t i a l migration of voters, and the s p a t i a l aspects of the campaigns of the competing p a r t i e s . However, this i s not to diminish the part played by socioeconomic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the explanation of e l e c t o r a l patterns. I t w i l l be demonstrated here that the development of the B r i t i s h Columbia p o l i t i c a l culture has been e s s e n t i a l l y class-based  (Chapter  II) and that objectively defined status (based on occupation) and subjectively defined class (the respondents perception of his class a f f i l i a t i o n ) are important socio-economic indices associated with voting behaviour, and provide a p a r t i a l explanation  (Chapter V).  In order to increase our understanding of the e l e c t o r a l pattern however, we need to examine the s p a t i a l patterning of individuals with l i k e class and status a f f i l i a t i o n s .  I t w i l l be  argued here that s p a t i a l concentrations of individuals with s i m i l a r class a f f i l i a t i o n s w i l l tend to reinforce the association between class and voting behaviour - that i s , a 'clustering e f f e c t ' Foldare, 1968).  Concentrations  (see  w i l l lead to the development i n  an area of a ' p o l i t i c a l norm' (the norms are described i n Chapter III) which w i l l tend to provide a reference point f o r , and structure the voting behaviour of, individuals l i v i n g i n that area.  (Chapter V).  3 Although will  area  l e a d to an a c c e l e r a t e d t r e n d toward the homogeneity of v o t i n g  behaviour, of  the t r e n d toward s t a t u s homogeneity i n an  the most important  territoriality.  c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s the i n d i v i d u a l sense  For the purposes of t h i s s t u d y ,  territoriality  i s d e f i n e d as the sense o f attachment t o g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a (Cohen and Rosenthal,  1971,  31).  Thus, the way  i n which i n d i v i d u a l s f e e l  a  'sense of b e l o n g i n g ' and i n t e r a c t w i t h o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g w i t h i n t h a t a r e a can be used as a measure of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y  (Chapter I V ) .  T h i s i s the p r o c e s s by which the p o l i t i c a l norms of an a r e a and  change.  On  the o t h e r hand, l a c k o f attachment to the- a r e a o f  r e s i d e n c e on the p a r t o f an i n d i v i d u a l , reduces  the l i k e l i h o o d of  v o t i n g w i t h the a r e a norm, and a l s o e s t a b l i s h e s him mover out of the a r e a  ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1970).  i n d i v i d u a l to another  a r e a may  stability  develop  him  as a p o t e n t i a l  The m i g r a t i o n of t h a t  have a long-term  impact  on  the  and change of the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n (Chapter I I I ) .  Another major p r o c e s s o f r e i n f o r c i n g the p o l i t i c a l norms i n an a r e a i s through  the e l e c t i o n campaign.  I t w i l l be shown t h a t  i n t e r n a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n of an a r e a a r e g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the s p a t i a l a l l o c a t i o n of p a r t y r e s o u r c e s . (Chapter V I ) . GEOGRAPHIC STUDIES OF ELECTIONS Geographers have examined e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s i n a number o f ways ( M c P h a i l , 1971;  P r e s c o t t , 1972), b u t , i n g e n e r a l , t h e r e has been  l i t t l e i n - d e p t h a n a l y s i s of t h e i r s t a b i l i t y  and  change.  i n g e n e r a l , p o l i t i c a l v a r i a b l e s have been i g n o r e d i n  Furthermore,  geographic  V  explanations of v o t i n g behaviour. p r e v i o u s geographic inquiry.  These major shortcomings  of  r e s e a r c h on e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s l e d to the p r e s e n t  4 The r e g i o n a l approach to the s t u d y of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , f o r example, i s concerned e s s e n t i a l l y w i t h the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  and  d e s c r i p t i o n of p o l i t i c a l - g e o g r a p h i c a l r e g i o n s based on e l e c t i o n a t the n a t i o n a l s c a l e  (Kollmorgon, 1936;  1955), p r o v i n c i a l s c a l e and a t the urban s c a l e The  C r e s l e r , 1952;  Smith and H a r t ,  (Dean, 1949; B u r g h a r d t , 1963; B u r g h a r d t , 1964), (Lewis, 1965; Kasperson, 1965).  ' e n v i r o n m e n t a l - p o l i t i c a l ' approach to the study of e l e c -  t o r a l p a t t e r n s attempted i n p a r t to examine the e f f e c t of influences'  ( K r o b h e i l , 1916)  on v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  or 'geographic f a c t o r s '  w i t h r e f e r e n c e to the n a t u r a l The  'natural  (Prescott,  1972)  There i s a g e n e r a l p h i l o s o p h i c problem w i t h  t h i s approach i n t h a t i t t r i e s  1971,  returns  to e x p l a i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r environment.  ' a r e a l s t r u c t u r a l ' approach, on the o t h e r hand  (McPhail,  7 ) , has attempted t o match census and e l e c t o r a l b o u n d a r i e s i n  o r d e r to p r o v i d e a s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s a t one p o i n t i n time (Simmons, 1967). is  A p a r t from the 'matching' problem,  the problem of the ' e c o l o g i c a l f a l l a c y '  (Robinson, 1955)  i n f e r s i n d i v i d u a l b e h a v i o u r from aggregated d a t a .  which  Thus, an i n d i v i d u a l  s u r v e y approach i s used i n the p r e s e n t s t u d y . The  ' s p a t i a l approach' i s i n p a r t a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t the  s t r u c t u r a l ' approach i n t h a t i t c o n s i d e r s the l a t t e r to be 'aspatial'  (Reynolds and A r c h e r , 1969).  T h i s approach has  emphasised  s p a t i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and 'acquaintance f i e l d s '  'areal  essentially therefore  as important  a d d i t i o n a l e x p l a n a t o r y v a r i a b l e s i n the s t u d y o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s (Cox, 1969).  The problem w i t h t h i s approach, however, i s t h a t i t  c o n c e n t r a t e s on one e l e c t i o n out of p o l i t i c a l  c o n t e x t , and d i s r e g a r d s  the p o t e n t i a l importance o f p o l i t i c a l v a r i a b l e s THE  i n any  explanation.  THESIS VARIABLES The  approach used i n the p r e s e n t study has  l i m i t a t i o n s of p r e v i o u s approaches. i s seen i n the  The  a r i s e n out o f  the  e l e c t i o n used as a case study  context of the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia  Politics.  T h i s i s e s s e n t i a l i n an e x p l a n a t o r y sense because the e l e c t i o n i s seen as p a r t of an on-going p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s and ture  (Chapter I I ) .  Further,  part  as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t  of a p o l i t i c a l to the study of  dynamics of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s ,  the m i g r a t i o n o f v o t e r s w i t h i n  couver i s examined i n t o and  of  (Chapter I I I ) .  out  'zones o f . l a t e n t  not  partisanship'  and  V).  Finally,  The  o f any  Political The  e l e c t o r a l pattern  term ' p o l i t i c a l  c h o i c e w i l l be made by  be  (Chapter V I ) .  c u l t u r e ' has  been d e f i n e d  as  consisting  commonly a c c e p t e d r u l e s of i n d i v i d u a l  group i n t e r a c t i o n i n terms o f which a u t h o r i t a t i v e d e c i s i o n  (Kim,  1964,  331).  a l l the  The  'actors' within  political  of a new  a political  system.  study of the s t a b i l i t y  - may  and  system"  General s h i f t s i n  c u l t u r e of a p o l i t i c a l system - f o r example, the p o l i t i c a l party  and  c u l t u r e of a p o l i t i c a l system w i l l  r e f l e c t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y  political  ex-  Culture.  o f "commonly s h a r e d g o a l s and and  the  campaign - the geography of campaigning - i s  c o n s i d e r e d as an a d d i t i o n a l important p o l i t i c a l v a r i a b l e i n the planation  one  p r e v i o u s l y been c o n s i d e r e d i n g e o g r a p h i c  e x p l a n a t i o n s of v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r (Chapters T V s p a t i a l a s p e c t s o f the  the  Van-  I n d i v i d u a l attachment to a r e a of r e s i d e n c e i s  f u r t h e r v a r i a b l e which has  cul-  have important i m p l i c a t i o n s  change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s .  the  introduction for A  the  consider-  6 a t i o n o f the e v o l u t i o n o f the p a r t y system i n B r i t i s h  Columbia from  b e f o r e the time of C o n f e d e r a t i o n , leads us to an a p p r e c i a t i o n of  the  p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e o f the P r o v i n c e as a background to the e x p l a n a t i o n of e l e c t o r a l patterns.  I t lends i n s i g h t i n t o the p o l i t i c a l norms  v a l u e s of the sample areas  and  chosen f o r s t u d y , as w e l l as g i v i n g some  i n s i g h t i n t o the g e n e r a l ' p o l i t i c a l mood' a t the time o f the  1972  election. Migration. The  second major e x p l a n a t o r y  component p r e s e n t e d  in this  dissert-  a t i o n i s m i g r a t i o n between areas of l a t e n t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p w i t h in  the c i t y of Vancouver.  The  first  requirement  i n t h i s r e g a r d i s to  i d e n t i f y the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n over a number o f e l e c t i o n s . done by i d e n t i f y i n g areas of c o n s i s t e n t support  This i s  f o r each o f the com-  p e t i n g p a r t i e s f o r the l a s t f o u r P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s i n . Vancouver 1963,  1966,  1969  and 1972  - and p r e s e n t i n g a d e s c r i p t i v e model o f  p o l i t i c a l space.  The  was  t h a t the New  the f i r s t  time  1963  e l e c t i o n i s used as a c u t - o f f because  e l e c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia. regarded  Democratic P a r t y had  contested  Areas o f c o n s i s t e n t support  M i g r a t i o n from one  zone to another  be 210).  can s e r v e to change o r r e i n f o r c e  the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n dependent on the s t a b i l i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l itical  an  can  as zones o f " l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p " ( E u l a u e t a l , 1966,  this  pol-  preference. There are t h r e e main p o s s i b i l i t i e s which r e q u i r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n  in  t h i s regard.  F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l s may  change t h e i r v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  as a r e s u l t of moving i n t o a d i f f e r e n t v o t i n g zone - the theory' of  (Campbell  processes  e t a l , 1960,  455).  'conversion  "Cox has proposed a c o n c e p t u a l model  l i n k i n g change i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n to p o l i t i c a l  be-  7 haviour  (Cox,  individual's set  1970).  His hypothesis i s that, i f migration occurs,  ' c o n t a c t space' w i l l  of s t i m u l i and  cues.  change and he w i l l be exposed to a  T h i s may  Thus, c o n v e r s i o n of i n - m i g r a n t s  the new  r e s u l t i n a change i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  to the p o l i t i c a l norm of the a r e a  tend to r e i n f o r c e t h a t norm and promote s t a b i l i t y  i n the  will  electoral  p a t t e r n of t h a t a r e a . The second p o s s i b i l i t y  i s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r -  ence i s s i m i l a r to t h a t o f the a r e a o f ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' i n which they l i v e may would induce  move to an a r e a of d i f f e r e n t  'latent p a r t i s a n s h i p .  change i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  T h i r d , i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e i s d i f f e r e n t that o f the a r e a o f ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' i n which they l i v e may to  an area of ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' w i t h  p r e f e r e n c e as t h e i r own. pattern. has n o t e d  This  1  One  T h i s would r e i n f o r c e s t a b i l i t y  study of migrants  t h a t any  and were reasons  the same g e n e r a l  from c i t y  from move  political i n the  electoral  to s u b u r b i a , f o r example,  changes i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  occurred before migration  f o r moving, r a t h e r than movement to s u b u r b i a b e i n g a  cause o f the change i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  ( B e r g e r , 1968).  L o c a l Area I n t e g r a t i o n . L o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n can be d e f i n e d i n l a t e n t and terms.  manifest  In a l a t e n t sense i t i s the degree to which i n h a b i t a n t s p e r -  ceive general boundaries belonging with  to t h e i r a r e a of r e s i d e n c e , and  t h a t a r e a - that i s , i t i s synonymous w i t h  (Cohen and R o s e n t h a l ,  1971,  31).  In a m a n i f e s t sense,  feel  a sense of  territoriality  i t i s the degree  to which s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s c a r r i e d on i n t e r n a l l y , as w e l l as use o f l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s such as shops and s c h o o l s .  L o c a l area  the inte-  g r a t i o n as d e f i n e d h e r e i s t h e r e f o r e concerned w i t h the emergence o f  8 territorial boundaries  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l perception of t e r r i t o r i a l and attachment t o t e r r i t o r y .  Although  i t i s o f t e n argued t h a t the 'community concept' has  been m o d i f i e d from an e c o l o g i c a l t o an i n t e r a c t i o n a l r a t i o n a l e ( f o r example, D r a b i c k ,  1965), the l o c a l a r e a i s s t i l l  regarded  as a mean-  i n g f u l and important  s o c i a l u n i t e s p e c i a l l y i n terms o f p a t t e r n i n g  i n d i v i d u a l behaviour  (Hills,  1968; Nohara, 1968).  The argument  t h a t the l o c a l a r e a i s no l o n g e r a s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l u n i t and a r i s e s p r i m a r i l y o u t of the American c o n t e x t i s a c o n t r o v e r s i a l one, although t h e r e i s no f i r m evidence  c o n c e r n i n g i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y i n Canada.  ( K e l l e r , 1968; Kornhauser 1959; Janowitz I t i s p o s t u l a t e d here  1967;  Shils  1962).  t h a t t h e g r e a t e r the degree o f l o c a l  a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n demonstrated by the i n h a b i t a n t s o f a l o c a l a r e a , the g r e a t e r t h e tendency f o r them t o v o t e homogeneously. e q u a l l y t o o t h e r forms o f b e h a v i o u r  - f o r example,  This applies  crime.  L o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be an important v a r i a b l e i n a d d i t i o n t o the n a t u r e o f i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic  characteristics  i n an e x p l a n a t i o n o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , f o r the g r e a t e r the exposure o f an i n d i v i d u a l to o t h e r members o f h i s group, the g r e a t e r the l i k e l i h o o d t h a t they w i l l  s e r v e as p o s i t i v e r e f e r e n c e groups f o r h i s  ( F o l a d a r e , 1968).  behaviour  I n a h i g h l y i n t e g r a t e d a r e a , t h e r e f o r e , the p o l i t i c a l  norm would o p e r a t e as a ' c o n s t r a i n t ' on i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r (Durkheim, 1938; B l a u , 1960). C o n v e r s e l y , i n an a r e a h a v i n g a low degree o f i n t e g r a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l norm would n o t o p e r a t e  as a ' c o n s t r a i n t ' .  One would t h e r e -  f o r e e x p e c t , i n such an a r e a , a heterogeneous e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n . Secondly,  even i n a h i g h l y i n t e g r a t e d a r e a , an i n d i v i d u a l who d i d n o t  9 f e e l a s t r o n g sense of b e l o n g i n g to t h a t a r e a would tend to v o t e differently The  from the ' p o l i t i c a l p a r t y norm'. f i r s t step i n the a n a l y s i s of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n as  an e x p l a n a t o r y f a c t o r i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r areas.  i s to d e l i m i t the  S o c i a l area a n a l y s i s and f a c t o r i a l e c o l o g y , a r e  which have been used i n t h i s r e g a r d .  1961;  techniques  However, the b a s i s o f s o c i a l  a r e a a n a l y s i s has been h e a v i l y c r i t i c i s e d Anderson and Ageland,  local  (Hawley and Duncan, 1957 ,;  Reissman, 1970).  Further, with  factorial  e c o l o g y , problems are posed w i t h the u n i t s of a n a l y s i s ,  the n a t u r e of the  d a t a , the  through  ' r e a l i t y ' of the f a c t o r s , and  A more s a t i s f a c t o r y  their stability  time.  t e c h n i q u e , to be used i n the p r e s e n t  has been to get r e s i d e n t s to d e l i m i t the boundaries r e s i d e n c e w i t h the a i d of a map  i f necessary  study,  of t h e i r area of  ( D r a b i c k and Buck, 1959).  The method i s more s a t i s f a c t o r y i n t h a t concensus on l o c a l a r e a bound a r i e s i s one index o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n The second  (Form, 1954).  s t e p i n the a n a l y s i s i s to i d e n t i f y , by a v a r i e t y  of o t h e r i n d i c e s , the degree of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a l a r e a s . As one author has noted, we  do not know enough about i n t e g r a t i o n to pos-  t u l a t e any one s e t of data as the index of i n t e g r a t i o n as such 1951,  332).  S e v e r a l i n d i c e s need t h e r e f o r e to be used.  One  (Landecker, component  of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n i s consensus on a r e a image, and of p a r t i c u l a r  im-  p o r t a n c e i n t h i s r e g a r d are r e f e r e n c e s to c l a s s and e t h n i c symbols i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of the a r e a (Ross, 1962,  80).  Further, mobility  p o t e n t i a l m o b i l i t y have been shown to be important integration  (Smith e t a l , 1954).  and  components o f a r e a  For example, o l d e r p e o p l e  tend to have  s t r o n g e r f e e l i n g s of attachment to t h e i r a r e a i n p a r t because of t h e i r r e l a t i v e l a c k of m o b i l i t y compared w i t h younger people  (McAllister,  1970,  10 ' 7-8).  O f t e n , t h e r e f o r e , l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i s used as a s u r r o g a t e f o r  area i n t e g r a t i o n  ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1970,  57).  Other i n d i c e s would i n c l u d e  whether or n o t i n h a b i t a n t s f e e l a t home i n the a r e a , whether o r n o t  they  t h i n k the a r e a i s p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y g e t t i n g b e t t e r , and whether i n h a b i t a n t s f e e l c l o s e r to those l i v i n g w i t h i n t h e i r area or to  those  l i v i n g outside of i t . A l l o f these components are what can be components of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with people facilities, manifest  and  d e s c r i b e d as  M a n i f e s t components would i n c l u d e l i v i n g w i t h i n the a r e a , the use o f  the r e a d i n g of the a r e a newspaper.  components taken  latent  Both l a t e n t  local and  t o g e t h e r can p r o v i d e a g e n e r a l i n d e x of a r e a  integration. Once the areas have been i d e n t i f i e d as h a v i n g r e l e v a n c e to i n h a b i t a n t s , and  the g e n e r a l degree of i n t e g r a t i o n has been e s t a b l i s h e d  i n each a r e a , i t remains to be shown how ted w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  attachment to a r e a i s a s s o c i a -  In o r d e r to achieve  t h i s a s e r i e s of hypotheses  c o n c e r n i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic t i c s and i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r important  their  characteris-  deemed by p r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h to be  i n d i c a t o r s of Canadian v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r need to be  tested.  It  w i l l be shown t h a t such a s s o c i a t i o n s w i l l g e n e r a l l y be found n o t to h o l d , and an  'area e f f e c t ' w i l l be demonstrated whereby i n d i v i d u a l s  a c c o r d i n g to the relation  ' p o l i t i c a l p a r t y norm' of t h e i r a r e a , r a t h e r than i n  to any socio-economic  category.  T h i s i s s i m i l a r to B e r e l s o n ' s  n o t i o n of the 'breakage e f f e c t ' , i n which people p a r t y s u p p o r t e d by they l i v e  vote  tend to vote f o r the  the ' c l i m a t e o f o p i n i o n ' o f the communities i n which  ( B e r e l s o n e t a l , 1954,  98).  Further, this  'area e f f e c t '  will  11 vary a c c o r d i n g to the degree of area i n t e g r a t i o n . areas w i t h a lower less.  degree o f i n t e g r a t i o n the  'area e f f e c t ' w i l l  S i m i l a r l y , i n areas of h i g h i n t e g r a t i o n the  be g r e a t e r .  be  'area e f f e c t '  F i n a l l y , the g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between area  and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r w i l l be The  Thus i n those  will  integration  demonstrated.  Geography of Campaigning. One  stability  f i n a l important n e g l e c t e d component i n the study of  and  the  change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s i s the geography of cam-  p a i g n i n g - t h a t i s , the s p a t i a l aspects of the e l e c t i o n campaigns of the competing p a r t i e s .  T h i s w i l l be  r e f l e c t e d i n the amount of  and money expended a t d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s , and issues raised.  the k i n d s of  time  localised  Three major arguments w i l l be examined h e r e .  First,  t h a t l o c a l p a r t y . a c t i v i t y w i l l be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r . Second, t h a t the competing p a r t i e s and s t r a t e g y i n t h e i r campaigns.  candidates w i l l  employ a s p a t i a l  T h i r d , t h a t the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f  this  s t r a t e g y , measured i n terms of e l e c t i o n outcome, w i l l be a s s o c i a t e d , to some e x t e n t , w i t h the i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y of the competing groups i n v a r i o u s areas of the One  important  city.  o b j e c t i v e of the campaign i s the s e l e c t i o n  c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n o f i s s u e s and problems (Froman, 1966,3). hypothesised  t h a t , from the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y v i e w p o i n t ,  o b j e c t i v e i n the campaign i s to win every p o l l . here  It is  the major  I t w i l l be  t h a t , working w i t h i n the framework o f p r e v i o u s e l e c t i o n  the competing p a r t i e s have d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l p r i o r i t i e s ,  and  cate t h e i r r e s o u r c e s i n a d i f f e r e n t i a l manner a c r o s s space. be demonstrated t h a t one  of the most important  and  argued results, thus  allo-  It will  factors i n devising  t h i s s t r a t e g y i s the r e s u l t s of p r e v i o u s e l e c t i o n s .  T h i s i s important  12 because i t means that the geography of campaigning i s o p e r a t i n g i n such a way  as to encourage s t a b i l i t y  i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  However, the degree to which the geography of campaigning w i l l change the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i s dependent i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s on i t s effectiveness.  The e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y  examined i n two main ways.  can be  F i r s t , examining the a s s o c i a t i o n between  s t r a t e g y and e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s .  Second, i n terms o f q u e s t i o n n a i r e  res-  ponses from i n d i v i d u a l s about the i n f l u e n c e of 'the campaign upon t h e i r voting behaviour. A geography of campaigning can be d e f i n e d a t a number o f l e v e l s . First,  the g e n e r a l P r o v i n c i a l campaign - the g e n e r a l  theme and  of o p i n i o n which each o f the p a r t i e s i s t r y i n g to promote. the  l e v e l of the c o n s t i t u e n c y  of the competing p a r t i e s .  - those p r i o r i t y  Second,  constituencies  T h i r d , the i n t r a - c o n s t i t u e n c y  climate  f o r each  level -  i s g e n e r a l l y some i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n c e i n terms o f p a s t v o t i n g  there  patterns  and i n terms o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and thus each p a r t y w i l l have i t s own i n t r a - c o n s t i t u e n c y p r i o r i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms o f which a r e a s to canvass and to drop l i t e r a t u r e . that questionnaire within  In the p r e s e n t  responses w i l l be o b t a i n e d  example, due to the f a c t  from three l o c a l areas  the c i t y , the geography of campaigning and i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s w i l l  be examined o n l y a t the i n t r a - l o c a l area  scale.  The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the l o c a l p a r t y  campaign i n terms o f the  e l e c t i o n outcome has been shown to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the 'degree of effort'  on the p a r t o f the competing p a r t i e s ( f o r example, see C u t r i g h t  and R o s s i , 1958; W o l f i n g e r ,  1963; C r o t t y , 196'8; C r o t t y , 1971, 446-7).  Thus, important d a t a requirements a r e the number o f p a r t y workers i n the campaign, the number o f times each a r e a  involved  i s canvassed, as w e l l as  13 the a c t u a l l o c a t i o n o f the campaign o f f i c e w i t h i n each  constituency,  o f t e n l o c a t e d t o 'draw' workers from f a v o u r a b l e s u r r o u n d i n g as w e l l as to a d v e r t i s e the p a r t y cause.  areas,  One w r i t e r has n o t e d ,  however, t h a t , even i f t h e p a r t y campaign does n o t produce any 'conv e r s i o n s ' o r change the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i n any way, the l e a s t i t achieves  i s a ' s t i r r i n g up' o f t h e e l e c t o r a t e ( T a y l o r , 1972, 331). T h i s  may be important  i n terms o f g e n e r a t i n g p a r t y workers, o r g e t t i n g i n -  d i v i d u a l s to c o n t r i b u t e t o the p a r t y e f f o r t i n some way, as w e l l as i n perhaps l o n g e r - t e r m manifest The  conversions  - t h a t i s , t h e r e a r e l a t e n t as w e l l as  f u n c t i o n s o f t h e geography o f campaigning i n t h i s sense. f i n a l component o f importance i n a geography o f campaigning  i s the nature  o f the c a n d i d a t e s  themselves.  E s p e c i a l l y important i n  t h i s r e g a r d i s whether o r n o t the c a n d i d a t e  i s an incumbent o r has run  for p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e before  a t any l e v e l .  Incumbents and non-  incumbents w i l l have d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l s t r a t e g i e s , g e n e r a l l y based on the aim o f ' g e t t i n g known', and the importance o f f a c e - t p - f a c e  contact  w i t h members o f t h e e l e c t o r a t e . THE  DATA For the purposes o f showing t h a t the above f a c t o r s a r e impor-  t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n the s t a b i l i t y t h r e e l o c a l areas  and change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s ,  i n Vancouver were chosen, and 100 p e o p l e were chosen  t  to be i n t e r v i e w e d i n each a r e a by p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r v i e w e r s u s i n g the l o c a l area questionnaire  (Appendix I ) .  Second, the competing can-  d i d a t e s and campaign managers i n the t h r e e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s c o n t a i n i n g the t h r e e l o c a l areas were i n t e r v i e w e d geography o f campaigning argument concerning  (Appendix I I ) .  to g a i n i n f o r m a t i o n on the H i s t o r i c a l data used i n t h e  the development o f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y system i n  . 14 B r i t i s h Columbia was  taken p r i m a r i l y from secondary s o u r c e s .  The  r a t i o n a l e f o r the c h o i c e o f the areas and the sample i s g i v e n below. Mayhew has i d e n t i f i e d 22 l o c a l areas i n Vancouver, each o f w h i c h , he argues, has some degree o f f u n c t i o n a l coherence (Mayhew, 1967,4). For the purposes o f the s u r v e y a n a l y s i s , the areas (Map i n t o t h r e e based on s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d i f f e r e n c e s . were as f o l l o w s :  1) were grouped  The t h r e e groups  Group 1 c o n t a i n e d S t r a t h c o n a , CBD,  Grandview-Woodland,  H a s t i n g s E a s t , Cedar C o t t a g e , R i l e y P a r k - K e n s i n g t o n , Mount P l e a s a n t , frew-Collingwood, V i c t o r i a D r i v e - F r a s e r v i e w and Sunset;  Ren-  Group 2 con-  t a i n e d F a i r v i e w , L i t t l e Mountain, K i l l a r n e y , Marpole, K i t s i l a n o and the West End;  Group 3 c o n t a i n e d O a k r i d g e , Dunbar-Southlands, P o i n t  Arbutus Ridge, K e r r i s d a l e and Shaughnessy.  Grey,  These t h r e e groups of  areas c o r r e s p o n d w i t h s p a t i a l l y s e g r e g a t e d c l u s t e r s i n Peucker and Rase's f a c t o r i a l e c o l o g y o f the c i t y  (Peucker and Rase, 1971).  Financial  c o n s t r a i n t s d i c t a t e d t h a t o n l y one a r e a from each group c o u l d be  chosen  f o r the a n a l y s i s .  fall  within different  Furthermore, i d e a l l y  the areas chosen would  'zones of l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' w i t h i n the c i t y .  t h i s c o n s t r a i n t i n mind, one a r e a from each group was g i v i n g the t h r e e areas o f H a s t i n g s E a s t , Marpole and (see Map  chosen  With  randomly,  Dunbar-Southlands  1).  With r e g a r d to sample s i z e , i t has been n o t e d t h a t no r e g u l a r p r o p o r t i o n of the ' p o p u l a t i o n ' under study i s n e c e s s a r i l y i d e a l 1965, 239-240), and the i d e a l sample s i z e w i l l r e l a t i v e homogeneity 25-6).  (Madge,  a l s o vary w i t h the  o f the ' p o p u l a t i o n ' ' ( B a c k s t r o m and Hursh,  1963,  By sampling from areas o f d i f f e r e n t g e n e r a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , as w e l l as areas o f d i f f e r e n t  'latent  partisanship',  16 we a r e t h e r e f o r e a t a n a d v a n t a g e i n e a c h a r e a was c h o s e n probability  regard.  on the assumption  that r e s i d e n t s would  a r e a norm. s i z e would  i n this  The f i n a l s a m p l e  size  t h a t t h e r e w o u l d b e a 50 p e r c e n t  vote f o r the p a r t y r e p r e s e n t i n g the  With a standard e r r o r of 3 per cent, the t o t a l  sample  t h u s b e 310 ( s e e P a r t o n , 1 9 5 0 , 3 0 7 ) , a n d w i t h t h e f i n a n c i a l  c o n s t r a i n t t h i s was s e t a t 300 e q u a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o t h e t h r e e a r e a s . The n e x t s t a g e was t o d e t e r m i n e how The v o t e r s l i s t s w e r e u s e d t o a s c e r t a i n each p o l l  t h e s a m p l e was t o b e t a k e n . t h e number o f h o u s e h o l d s i n  i n e a c h o f t h e t h r e e a r e a s u s i n g Mayhew's a r e a l  of t h e areas as a sampling frame.  definition  T o t a l numbers o f h o u s i n g  units  were cumulated  t o g i v e a t o t a l number o f h o u s i n g u n i t s o f r e g i s t e r e d  v o t e r s i n each  of the three areas  Backstrom for  and Hursh  the purposes'of  as t h e c l u s t e r .  (Backstrom and Hursh,  1963, 39-40).  a d v i s e sampling o f c l u s t e r s o f housing u n i t s , and t h e a n a l y s i s , and f o r convenience p o l l s were  used  Once t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f h o u s i n g u n i t s i s k n o w n , t h e n ,  i n order to define a 'skip i n t e r v a l ' ,  t h i s number i s d i v i d e d b y t h e  number o f sample c l u s t e r s  The n u m b e r o f s a m p l e c l u s t e r s f o r  each  a r e a was s e t a t 3 3 , w i t h t h r e e h o u s i n g u n i t s i n e a c h  sampled, of  p l u s an a r b i t r a r y  100 i n e a c h  polls  required.  area.  additional unit  are s e l e c t e d by use o f the s k i p i n t e r v a l ,  a selection of  Once t h e p o l l s  o r sample  the selected p o l l s  clusters  are ran-  t h e random number b e i n g e q u i v a l e n t t o a h o u s i n g u n i t  t h a n an i n d i v i d u a l . chosen.  sample  on p r o b a b i l i t y i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e  number o f h o u s i n g u n i t s i n e a c h p o l l .  domly s a m p l e d ,  to give the required  The s k i p i n t e r v a l t h u s p r o d u c e s  f o r c l u s t e r sampling based  cluster being  This i s repeated u n t i l  three housing units are  F o r each h o u s i n g u n i t i n t u r n , a d i f f e r e n t  s e l e c t i o n key i s used  to ensure  rather  respondent-  the c o r r e c t p r o p o r t i o n o f males and  females (see Backstrom and Hursh, 1963, 52-58).  The process is then  continued until 100 respondents are chosen from each area.  Due to  inaccurate voting enumeration, i t was then necessary to double-check the names and addresses of respondents from the telephone directory and the city directory.  Random substitutions within the chosen  sampling clusters were then allowed in cases of removal or non-existence. To obtain the desired information in relation to the aims of the study, two questionnaires were developed (Appendices I and II).  The  local area questionnaire (Appendix I) was to be administered personally to each respondent by professional interviewers hired and trained by York University Institute for Behavioural Research.  This questionnaire  was an amalgam of questions taken from other studies, mainly in Sociology, in relation to perception of local area, social interaction, membership of organisations, p o l i t i c a l participation, party identification, local party activity and personal data.  Before the questionnaire  reached its final form, i t underwent a series of pre-tests.  First,  a mailed pilot study was undertaken in April 1972. and a great deal of useful feedback from respondents plus information on obvious 'problem questions' was obtained.  Second, York University tested the ques-  tionnaire and advised on particular improvements.  Third, the ques-  tionnaire was administered to a highly c r i t i c a l p o l i t i c a l geography class.  Finally, before the actual fieldwork commenced, the ques-  tionnaire was pre-tested in the field by the professional interviewers, after a fairly thorough and c r i t i c a l briefing session with a l l of the interviewers present. The questionnaire was then personally administered to the sample  18 of 300 respondents from l a t e September to mid-October 4 to 6 weeks a f t e r the B.C.  Provincial election.  1972,  about  We were a d v i s e d  on t h i s matter by York U n i v e r s i t y i n terms o f any problem o f  recall,  t h a t , p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e had shown t h a t , i n the months immediately f o l l o w i n g an e l e c t i o n r e c a l l i n s i m i l a r s t u d i e s was  usually  quite  s h a r p , and, t h a t o t h e r s o c i a l f a c t o r s h a r d l y v a r y a t a l l under  normal  circumstances. To i n c r e a s e i n t e r e s t , and to warn respondents o f a f o r t h c o m i n g v i s i t o f an i n t e r v i e w e r , a l e t t e r was  s e n t to each respondent  t h r e e t o f o u r days b e f o r e the v i s i t .  Three attempts were made to  c o n t a c t each respondent, and, i f t h e r e was s t i t u t e , which had been randomly main sample, was  inserted.  no s u c c e s s , then a sub-  s e l e c t e d i n the same way  as the  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w i n g  i n A r e a 1 ( H a s t i n g s E a s t ) had been completed, funds f o r the completion o f A r e a 2 (Marpole) and A r e a 3 (Dunbar-Southlands) out.  The f i n a l sample i s as  TABLE I  about  final ran  follows:  F i n a l Sample S i z e  I d e a l Sample  A c t u a l Sample  Area 1  100  96  A r e a 2.  100  78  Area 3  100  78  300  252  Thus, the f i n a l sample c o n s i s t e d o f 252  respondents o r 84 p e r cent  of what was  i d e a l l y r e q u i r e d , 70 p e r cent of the names chosen  and  97 p e r cent o f those a c t u a l l y i n t e r v i e w e d . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a t the time o f w r i t i n g the 1971 available i n f u l l  not  to compare the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of the sample  w i t h socio-economic was  census was  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n each a r e a .  However, i t  p o s s i b l e to compare the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s w i t h i n each a r e a w i t h  the v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r of the respondents.  T a b l e I I g i v e s the com-  p a r i s o n between the sample and the a c t u a l r e s u l t s i n terms o f v o t i n g behaviour.  TABLE I I  I t w i l l be n o t e d , f i r s t  o f a l l , t h a t the  percentage  Comparison of the Sample w i t h the A c t u a l V o t i n g R e s u l t s  (%)  Refused SC NDP LIB PC e t c . A c t u a l Sample A c t u a l Sample A c t u a l Sample A c t u a l Sample 1  35.4  27.4  6.3  65.1  53.1  -  -  7.4  5.2  Area 2  24.4  32.5  19.2  35.6  23.1  23.5  25.6  10.0,  6.4  Area 3  19.2  24.2  12.8  16.7  11.5  45.4  30.8  14.4  14.1  All  27.0  27.5  12.3  39.1  31.0  22.5  17.5  10.5  8.3  Area  of  3  respondents who  e i t h e r r e f u s e d the q u e s t i o n on v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r ,  gave no answer, o r d i d n o t v o t e , i s f a i r l y h i g h - 27 p e r cent of the t o t a l sample, and e s p e c i a l l y h i g h i n Area 1. •  Second, i t w i l l  be  n o t e d t h a t , i n every case b u t one - the L i b e r a l v o t e i n A r e a 2 thesample i s u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t e d i n terms o f per cent v o t i n g f o r e v e r y p a r t y i n each a r e a .  The sample i s more  under-represented,  20 however, i n terms o f S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s , e s p e c i a l l y i n Area 1. In g e n e r a l , t h e r e f o r e , i t i s p r o b a b l y and no r e p l i e s  s a f e to say t h a t r e f u s a l s  to the v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r q u e s t i o n e x h i b i t no  important  s y s t e m a t i c b i a s save i n the case o f S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s . I n terms o f t h e geography o f compaigning, 24 c a n d i d a t e s and p a r t y workers were i n t e r v i e w e d  a f t e r the e l e c t i o n .  A t l e a s t two  respondents from each p a r t y were i n t e r v i e w e d i n each area.  A l l  f o u r major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were c o n t e s t i n g b o t h Marpole and DunbarS o u t h l a n d s , and o n l y the L i b e r a l P a r t y d i d n o t c o n t e s t H a s t i n g s The  party a c t i v i t y questionnaire  East.  (Appendix I I ) was developed from  p r e v i o u s work on l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y as w e l l - as i n r e l a t i o n to the requirements o f a geography o f campaigning, and p r e l i m i n a r y  research  among p a r t y workers p r i o r t o the e l e c t i o n . The  a n a l y s i s w i l l proceed w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of the development  o f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y system o f B r i t i s h Columbia to the time o f t h e 1972  e l e c t i o n i n Chapter I I .  Second, m i g r a t i o n  to and from the  'zones o f l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' i n Vancouver w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d i n Chapter I I I .  T h i r d w i l l be a d i s c u s s i o n o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n  w i t h d i f f e r e n c e s among the t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s , b e f o r e demonstrating i n Chapter V the l a c k o f a s s o c i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic v a r i a b l e s and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n c o n t r a s t to the a s s o c i a t i o n between a r e a and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r ,  and a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n and v o t i n g  F i n a l l y , Chapter V I a n a l y s e s three l o c a l  areas.  behaviour.  the geography o f campaigning w i t h i n the  21 CHAPTER I I  THE  This  BRITISH COLUMBIA POLITICAL CULTURE  chapter has t h r e e main aims.  of the f a c t o r s l e a d i n g party  system.  First,  t o the development o f the B r i t i s h  I t w i l l be shown t h a t  The a n a l y s i s w i l l  g i v e some i n s i g h t i n t o t h e f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d 'zones of l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p '  Chapter I I I .  Columbia  the development o f the p a r t y  system has been e s s e n t i a l l y c l a s s - b a s e d .  the  i t i s an a n a l y s i s  w i t h the development o f  i n Vancouver t o be d i s c u s s e d i n  A second aim i s t o demonstrate t h e d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s o f  the B.C. p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e i n Canada.  This  i s important w i t h  to the g e n e r a l argument o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n f o r i t i m p l i e s generalisations  about a s s o c i a t i o n s  n e c e s s a r i l y be a p p l i c a b l e i n B.C. the g e n e r a l  each e l e c t i o n .  that  elsewhere i n Canada may not  Of c o u r s e , t h i s w i l l a l s o depend  ' p o l i t i c a l mood' o r p o l i t i c a l environment s u r r o u n d i n g Thus, as the t h i r d aim, a c o n s i d e r a t i o n  dynamics o f the p a r t y the  reference  between v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and  socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l e v a n t  on  therefore  system i n B.C. w i l l  of the  lend some i n s i g h t i n t o  ' p o l i t i c a l mood' a t the time of the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . The  development o f the p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e w i l l be p r e s e n t e d  as a g e n e r a l p r o c e s s of a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n i n a 'neo-Hartzian' framework.  I t i s important f o r our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l  electoral pattern  t o see the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n as p a r t o f t h i s  general h i s t o r i c a l - p o l i t i c a l process. the  I n o r d e r t o demonstrate  1972 e l e c t i o n was an ' e l e c t i o n o f r e a c t i o n ' as p a r t  that  of a dynamic  .22 p r o c e s s r e l e v a n t t o i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , respondents  i n the  survey a n a l y s i s were asked, f o r the reasons why  they  did.  they v o t e d as  The r e s u l t s of t h i s w i l l be p r e s e n t e d at the end of the c h a p t e r . The major argument here i s d e r i v e d from, but not  t o , the H a r t z i a n fragment by Horowitz  approach  (Horowitz, 1966).  The  identical'  ( H a r t z , 1964), and  the c r i t i q u e  argument t h a t B.C.  is a  d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l culture i s reflected i n i t s p o l i t i c a l  history.  Although the P r o v i n c e has o f t e n been i d e n t i f i e d , w i t h good r e a s o n , with  'Western p r o t e s t ' , and i s sometimes d i s c u s s e d i n these terms  ( f o r example, D e s b a r a t s , 1971), the argument here i s t h a t B.C.  might  be b e t t e r d e s c r i b e d as  183),  where the  'the West beyond the West' (Sage, 1945,  'psychology of the West' i s important,  ( W a l l a c e . 1936-7, 141),.  but has been moulded and m o d i f i e d by l o c a l and d i f f e r e n t For example, p r o t e s t p o l i t i c s  i n B.C.  a g r a r i a n d i s c o n t e n t ( S a n f o r d , 1961, The d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of B.C. number of w r i t e r s s i n c e Sage. t h a t the B.C.  have never had t h e i r base i n  39;  Ormsby, 1953).  p o l i t i c s has been noted by a  For example, Robin has p o i n t e d out  s i t u a t i o n i s p l a i n l y unique both i n terms of the West  and i n terms of the country as a whole (Robin, 1967, Ormsby argues (Ormsby, 1953, 1961, i t was  v).  circumstances.  201).  Further,  f o r the d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y of the P r o v i n c e 53).  B.C.  has been termed a 'deviant case' ( S a n f o r d ,  In a study of the Canadian  noted t h a t , i n B.C.,  Federal p o l i t i c a l party  system,  d e v i a n t p o l i t i c a l t e n d e n c i e s a t the  F e d e r a l l e v e l which are m a n i f e s t i n a m u l t i - p a r t y s t r u c t u r e and  ascribe  weak support to the major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n g e n e r a l , a r e r e p l i c a t e d  at  the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l (McDaniel,  from 1949  to 1968,  1970,  26).  T h i s study  shows t h a t ,  the F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s c l a s s i f y B.C.  o n l y m u l t i - p a r t y system i n Canada.  as  the  T h i s i s i n c o n t r a s t to the  former  ' q u a s i - p a r t y system' which has been s a i d to e x i s t i n A l b e r t a (Macpherson, 1953).  A f u r t h e r mark of d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s i s the  that, according  author, B.C.  to one  has  c l a s s v o t i n g i n Canada (Gagne, 1970, p o i n t to the e x i s t e n c e i n B.C. THE HARTZIAN THESIS AND H a r t z examines New  the s t r o n g e s t p a t t e r n of  35).  A l l of these  characteristics  of a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e .  BRITISH COLUMBIA World s o c i e t i e s as fragments o f the l a r g e r  whole of Europe ( H a r t z , 1964), s i m i l a r to R a t z e l ' s of the e a r t h  ( R a t z e l , 1923,  106).  According  Europeanisation  to H a r t z ,  the  of f r a g m e n t a t i o n  c o n s i s t s of the p a r t d e t a c h i n g  p o l i t i c a l values  of the fragment are not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of  143)  and hence the fragment develops" on i t s own  o r i g i n a l context,  and hence develops'"without  process  from the whole.  " h i s t o r i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l spectrum" of the mother country 1966,  fact  The  the  (Horowitz,  outside i t s  inhibition"  ( H a r t z , 1964,  Horowitz i s c r i t i c a l o f McRae's a p p l i c a t i o n of the H a r t z i a n t h e s i s to  Canada i n a pan-North American way  (McRae, 1964), f o r i t focuses  on u n i f o r m i t i e s r a t h e r than d i f f e r e n c e s , and  t h e r e f o r e obscures  importance o f s o c i a l i s m i n Canada to the r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h o f (Horowitz,  1966).  ' t o r y touch'  a ' s o c i a l i s t touch'  (Horowitz,  1966,  148).  can apply i t on a 'pan-Canadian' s c a l e , and  a  therefore  Although Wilson  argued t h a t the Horowitz i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f i t s O n t a r i o one  toryism  E n g l i s h Canada, so h i s argument goes, has  coming out o f the American r e v o l u t i o n , and  the  (Wilson,  has 1972),  look again, not f o r  9).  uniformity, but f o r differences.  Although Horowitz notes that  McRae ignored the fact that, i n one Canadian Province - B.C. -CCF/NDP did  succeed i n becoming a major party, h i s interpretation does not  account f o r this (Horowitz, 1966, 149). The basis of the Hartzian thesis i s migration, and migration into a r e l a t i v e l y unconstrained environment.  The d i r e c t i o n and  i n t e n s i t y of migration to B.C. from the early days i s of obvious importance i n the development of the s o c i a l and hence p o l i t i c a l structure.  The process i s e s s e n t i a l l y one of action and reaction.  The " l i b e r a l society of English Canada with a *tory touch"' produces a reaction which becomes manifest i n socialism.  The more diverse the  fragment or fragments, obviously the greater the amount of action and reaction.  The r e l a t i v e d i v e r s i t y of economy and society i n B.C.  has, i n the development of i t s p o l i t i c s , i n part resulted i n a series of c o n f l i c t s and schisms. The i n i t i a l B r i t i s h fragment "who referred every question to h i s superiors'', contrasted with the independence Americans  and s e l f - r e l i a n c e of the  lured by gold and other mineral wealth (Howay, Sage and  Angus, 1942, 174).  Further,'Canadian' migrants to B.C. at f i r s t  were sharply distinguished from ' B r i t i s h Columbians' and Angus, 1942, 191).  (Howay, Sage  With the completion of the CPR, B.C.  became a c o l l e c t i n g area f o r the 'secondary fragment'.  On the one  hand i t contained B r i t i s h Columbiansi but then the s o c i a l structure was complicated by large influxes of people with 'Canadian' ideas from the East, many of whom were Tory.  Other influxes included those who  had escaped from the East to the f r o n t i e r , which emphasised the American s p i r i t of independence, s e l f - r e l i a n c e and pragmatism, plus  25, r a d i c a l American, miners from the South, American l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n . a r e a o f d i v e r s e economy. B.C.  and o t h e r s e s c a p i n g the  A l l o f these groups congealed i n an By 1961, o n e - f i f t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f  c o n s i s t e d o f Second World War immigrants and another  b o r n i n The P r a i r i e s The  ( S a n f o r d , 1961, 6 2 ) .  two-step p r o c e s s o f the 'secondary  fragment' to the new  f r o n t i e r embodied t h e r e f o r e two main v a l u e s i n the e a r l y of  f i f t h were  the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e .  formation  I t embodied the " c o r p o r a t e - o r g a n i c "  t o r y element p l u s the " n a t i o n a l i s t - e g a l i t a r i a n " i d e a s o f American liberalism.  Coupled w i t h the two forms o f a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n  noted  below - t h a t i s , r e a c t i o n t o the E a s t and i n t e r n a l r e a c t i o n , these v a l u e s produced  s o c i a l i s m i n B.C., based on indigenous r a d i c a l l a b o u r , which  caused a r e a c t i o n w i t h i n l a b o u r (hence e a r l y l a b o u r - s o c i a l i s t S o c i a l c r e d i t , on the o t h e r hand, developed  i n response  splits.)  to the .corpor-  a t i s m o f the L i b e r a l P a r t y and the t o r y i s m o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . Its  s u c c e s s i n B.C. was a l s o a t t r i b u t a b l e to i t s a b i l i t y  a pragmatic  a l t e r n a t i v e to the CCF/NDP.  i n the t r a d i t i o n o f American l i b e r a l i s m . and  to p r o v i d e  S o c i a l C r e d i t i n B.C. was b o r n I t was e s s e n t i a l l y a n t i - o r g a n i c  populist. As was n o t e d above, the a c t i o n - r e a c t i o n p r o c e s s i n B.C., although  complex, took two major forms.  F i r s t was the r e a c t i o n to E a s t e r n  i n t e r e s t s , which were s y m b o l i s e d  i n B.C. by the presence  'old'  p a r t i e s - the C o n s e r v a t i v e s and the L i b e r a l s .  o f the two  Second was  i n t e r n a l r e a c t i o n , b u t f o r d i f f e r e n t reasons, f o r and a g a i n s t socialist  ideology.  I n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the former  theme  r e s u l t e d i n the coming t o power o f the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y , and i n the l a t t e r case was m a n i f e s t , among o t h e r t h i n g s , i n terms o f the  26 d i v i s i o n between l a b o u r i s m and C r e d i t P a r t y was  s o c i a l i s m i n B.C.  spawned at a time o f d e p r e s s i o n , CCF was  m i n a t i o n o f 30 y e a r s o f s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y . Party  i n B.C.  to the  eventually  socialism.  The  its - inability  The  the second was  first  to govern p r a g reaction  second was  case was  B.C. Apart  d i f f i c u l t y i n two diverse  main  interpreta-  the d i f f i c u l t y between p a r t y  the n a t i o n a l CCF  This  l a t t e r argument has  (Young, 1969A).  to have an e d u c a t i o n a l  On  the  function.  were n a t u r a l l y a f r a i d of the  and  an argument over i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , w h i l e  an argument about the means f o r a c t i o n based on  interpretation.  was  reaction  internal reaction.  the d i f f i c u l t y of c o n s o l i d a t i n g  t i o n s of p h i l o s o p h y , and, movement.  as a  i t s modus o p e r a n d i i n  c o n f l i c t s , the p a r t i e s had  F i r s t was  cul-  CCF/NDP i s a r e a c t i o n to the b a s i c p r i n -  Both p r o t e s t p a r t i e s were b e s e t by from p e r s o n a l i t y  the  S o c i a l Credit  'West beyond the West', as w e l l as a  c i p l e s of t h a t o r i g i n a l fragment, and  areas.  The  emerged i n a time o f p l e n t y  o r i g i n a l Canadian fragment and  m a t i c a l l y i n the against  whereas the S o c i a l '  that  been f u l l y d i s c u s s e d  o t h e r hand, the  for  'movement'  Those s u p p o r t i n g the movement  c o n t a m i n a t i o n of t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s  arena of pragmatic p o l i t i c s would b r i n g .  T h i s problem, and  the  i t s con-  sequences, have been v e r y w e l l argued i n r e l a t i o n to H a r o l d W i l s o n ' s r o l e i n the B r i t i s h Labour P a r t y  (Foot,  1968).  Although i n the Horowitz scheme, the  r e l a t i v e importance of  s o c i a l i s m i s a t t r i b u t e d to the r e l a t i v e importance of t o r y i s m , r e a l i t y i t i s a two-way p r o c e s s - t h a t i s , a c t i o n and produces feedback c o n t i n u o u s l y . of s o c i a l i s m i n B.C.  has  also  in  reaction  For example, the r e l a t i v e importance contributed  to the  'tory  reaction'.  27, T h i s i s evidenced by  the c o a l i t i o n governments of the 1940's  and  the e v e n t u a l temporary changes i n the e l e c t o r a l system i n the e a r l y 1950's, b o t h designed by the o l d p a r t i e s  to keep the s o c i a l i s t s  power, a l t h o u g h , i r o n i c a l l y , i n so d o i n g , the o l d p a r t i e s t h e i r own  b a s i s of power.  political  parties  and r e c u r r i n g one.  Horowitz notes  the problem w i t h the H a r t z i a n t h e s i s , t h a t  i t makes i t d i f f i c u l t  to account  i n any p r e c i s e way  of congealment' of a p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e (Horowitz, B.C.,  destroyed  T h i s theme of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n as a r e s u l t  o f an attempt to m a i n t a i n power on the p a r t of B.C. i s an important  from  however, one  can argue t h a t t h i s was  f o r the ' p o i n t  1966,  153).  In  a multi-stage process.'  Congealment i n v o l v e d the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the d i v e r s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of p h i l o s o p h y n o t e d I n the f i r s t  above, and  f a v o u r e d the p a r t y to the movement.  case, the Regina M a n i f e s t o  of 1933  brought  l a b o u r and s o c i a l i s t groups on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e . the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y came to power i n 1952,  together  I n the second  and  t h i s can be  case, argued  as a ' p o i n t of congealment', o n l y 81 y e a r s a f t e r c o n f e d e r a t i o n . The prime c a r r i e r of the ' t o r y touch' i n Canada has been Conservative Party  (Horowitz, 1966,  156).  B.C.,  the  b e i n g the most  'American' P r o v i n c e , however, spawned a p a r t y which came to r e p r e s e n t its political  c u l t u r e which r e a c t e d a g a i n s t the o r g a n i c t o r y view.  I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s r e g a r d t h a t i t s o r i g i n a l l e a d e r was Conservative defector. 1952  i s p a r a l l e l e d by  The  development toward congealment i n  a d e c l i n e i n the g e n e r a l importance of  C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n B.C.  a  T h i s r e c i p r o c a l d e c l i n e was  the  predicted  o n l y seven y e a r s a f t e r the l a b o u r - s o c i a l i s t c o n s o l i d a t i o n (Brown,1940).  28 Brown p r e d i c t e d , a t t h a t time,  t h a t one of the e x i s t i n g p a r t i e s i n  B.C. was doomed to e x t i n c t i o n , and was c e r t a i n t h a t the p a r t y would n o t be  the CCF.  He argued t h a t , i n view o f the L i b e r a l P a r t y c o n s o l i d a t i o n  as the P a r t y o f r e a c t i o n , i t would be the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y t h a t would disappear first  (Brown, 1940, 169).;  I t i s important  to note t h a t , f o r the  time i n i t s h i s t o r y , by 1969, the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y h e l d no s e a t s  i n B.C. e i t h e r a t the F e d e r a l o r the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s .  However, i n  the 1972 e l e c t i o n s , the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y f e d e r a l l y gained more s e a t s In B.C. than a t any o t h e r time s i n c e D i e f e n b a k e r ,  and p r o v i n c i a l l y  gained  more s e a t s than any time s i n c e S o c i a l C r e d i t came t o power i n B.C. The  L i b e r a l P a r t y as the P a r t y o f r e a c t i o n w i t h i t s  " a n t a g o n i s t i c s y m b i o s i s " w i t h CCF/NDP (Horowitz,  1966, 168), and  the r e l a t i v e demise i n r e c e n t y e a r s o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n B.C., makes the former, w i t h i t s n a t i o n a l s t a n d i n g , an a l t e r n a t i v e t o S o c i a l C r e d i t a t the F e d e r a l l e v e l .  important  The importance  of e l e c t o r a l m i g r a t i o n i n Vancouver-Burrard from t h e L i b e r a l P a r t y a t the F e d e r a l l e v e l to S o c i a l C r e d i t a t the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , and back a g a i n , has been n o t e d  (Laponce, 1969, 171).  I t has been mentioned above t h a t the p r o c e s s  o f congealment  of the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e was a m u l t i - s t a g e one.  Certain periods  of a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n can be i d e n t i f i e d throughout the h i s t o r y o f B.C. p o l i t i c s .  The f i r s t s t a g e i s the p e r i o d t o 1903 which p r o v i d e s  the r a d i c a l s e t t i n g f o r the c u l t u r e - important  e s p e c i a l l y i s the  theme o f l a b o u r i s m and the f a c t t h a t t h i s i s the ' p r e - p a r t y e r a ' . Second i s the p e r i o d 1903-1933 which i n c l u d e s the attachment o f p a r t y l a b e l s a t the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l ,  the t r a n s p l a n t o f the ' o l d ' p a r t i e s  to B.C. onto t h i s r a d i c a l base, and some i n t e r n a l r e a c t i o n s .  Third,  29 is  the p e r i o d 1933-1952 w i t h the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of s o c i a l i s m ,  the  b e g i n n i n g of S o c i a l C r e d i t , and the e f f e c t of the former on the ' o l d ' parties. 1952  F o u r t h , i s the p e r i o d from the p o i n t o f congealment i n  to 1972,  S o c i a l C r e d i t b e i n g a r e a c t i o n to b o t h the second  t h i r d s t a g e s above. completes  F i n a l l y , i s the p e r i o d from 1972  and  on which  the o v e r a l l p r o c e s s i n terms o f our p r e s e n t argument.  g e n e r a l r e a c t i o n to S o c i a l C r e d i t mainly because  The  of i t s d i c t a t o r i a l  a t t i t u d e , i t s remoteness from the p e o p l e , and i t s l a c k o f openness. A g a i n the theme i s r e p e a t e d , as i t was^when S o c i a l C r e d i t came to power, o f the a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t y l e o f government s e l f - d e s t r u c t i n g . attempt  The  to h o l d power above a l l d e s t r o y e d the b a s i s o f t h a t power. Thus,  as i n the 1972 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , v o t e r s r e a c t e d to the p a r t y i n o f f i c e . Each r e a c t i o n can be seen as a major change - a new  political  component emerged o r came to power as a r e a c t i o n to those which preceded i t . B.C.  The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f new  p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s o f course r e s u l t e d i n g r e a t e r d i v i s i o n ,  t h i s can be demonstrated (Fe).  p o l i t i c a l components i n t o  In a  by  the and  the use of a f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n measure  h i g h l y f r a c t i o n a l i s e d e l e c t o r a l system t h e r e a r e many  percentage shares of the t o t a l v o t e o f e q u a l magnitude, so t h a t  no.  one p a r t y o b t a i n s a v e r y l a r g e share of the t o t a l v o t e (Rae, 1967 53).  F r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n v a l u e s and p a r t y s h a r e s of the t o t a l v o t e  f o r B.C.  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s from 1928-1972 are g i v e n i n  Table I I I .  Rae  regards an index o f 0.5  as r e p r e s e n t i n g i n t e r m e d i a t e :  f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n , and i t w i l l be noted t h a t , s i n c e 1928, B.C.  ,  have always been a t the l e a s t 0.5,  values i n  and, u s u a l l y , much h i g h e r .  More important to n o t e , i n r e l a t i o n to the above argument, i s t h a t  30/ the h i g h e s t f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n v a l u e s have o c c u r r e d a t the p o i n t s o f i n t r u s i o n o f the new major p r o t e s t p a r t i e s - t h a t i s , v a l u e s o f 0.727 o c c u r b o t h i n 1933 and 1952.  F u r t h e r , although v a l u e s have  fluc-  t u a t e d s i n c e t h a t date, the 1969 v a l u e was the lowest s i n c e 1952. The v a l u e i n 1972, however, r e v e r s e d t h i s apparent  t r e n d , and, a p a r t  from the v a l u e i n 1963, r e p r e s e n t s the most f r a c t i o n a l i s e d s i n c e 1952.  election  The 1969 f i g u r e , o f c o u r s e , r e l a t e s i n p a r t t o the  demise o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y up t i l l  1969, and the i n c r e a s i n g  s h a r e o f the v o t e d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d g o i n g t o the NDP and S o c i a l C r e d i t , p l u s the f a c t t h a t the o t h e r ' o l d ' p a r t y , the L i b e r a l s , had its  lowest share of the v o t e .  As w i l l be seen from T a b l e I I I , the  L i b e r a l share o f the v o t e , s i n c e the c o a l i t i o n , has s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d , and  t h i s c o n t i n u e d i n 1972.  The C o n s e r v a t i v e s i n 1972, on the o t h e r  hand, gained some o f the S o c i a l C r e d i t share o f the t o t a l v o t e . Thus, to summarise the g e n e r a l argument o f t h i s F i r s t , t h e r e was an i n i t i a l  chapter.  t o r y b a s e , b u t w i t h i m m i g r a t i o n p l u s the  mode and i n t e n s i t y of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n there was a l a r g e r e a c t i o n t o it.  Thus t h e r e emerged the f i r s t  political  phase i n the development o f the B.C.  c u l t u r e - the r a d i c a l b a s e w i t h a ' t o r y touch'.  This  'tory  touch', r e p r e s e n t i n g power and v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s , i n t r o d u c e d t h e p a r t y system b a s i c a l l y as a r e a c t i o n the growing p o l i t i c i s a t i o n o f t h i s base.  The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the p a r t y system i n t o B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  p o l i t i c s i s b e s t understood w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o the g e n e r a l c l a s s c o n f l i c t framework employed h e r e , r a t h e r than w i t h i n a f u n c t i o n a l framework, as a move toward s t a b i l i t y and e q u i l i b r i u m , as has been n o t e d elsewhere  ( f o r example, S a n f o r d , 1961).  To a c e r t a i n e x t e n t ,  31  TABLE I I I  Ffactionalisation Politics  in British  Fe  Value  Provincial  1928-1972  Party shares  Election  Columbia  (decimals)  Cons.  Lib.  CCF  .NDP  SC  1928  .556  .533  .400  -  -  1933  .727  -  .417  .315  -  1937  .697  .286  .373  .286  -  1941  .685  .309  .329  .334  -  1945  .548  .558  .376  -  1949  .500  .614  .351  .017  1952  .727  .097  .235  .343  .302  1953  .651  .011  .234  .295  .455  1956  .661  .031  .218  .283  .458  1960  .694  .067  .209  .327  .388  1963  .714  .113  .200  .278  .408  1966  .638  -  .202  .336  .456  1969  .630  -  .190  .339  .468  1972  .703  .126  .162  .392  .318  Source:  C a l c u l a t e d from the Statement  of Votes, R e g i s t r a r of V o t e r s .  32 this resulted i n the development of partyism - that i s , the commitment of labour leaders and followers to the G r i t and Tory Parties (Robin, 1968,  3).  What s t a b i l i t y that followed was  only temporary, for the  introduction of party l i n e s frustrated the p o l i t i c i s a t i o n of the r a d i c a l base i n B.C.,  already  divided, for i t divided people on o l d  party l i n e s , the L i b e r a l Party becoming the Party of reaction. However, at the time of the depression, more i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n and more immigration, and the consolidation of socialism, the CCF emerged as a major reaction to the transplant of the old parties onto the r a d i c a l base with the 'tory touch'. party which f i t t e d the B.C.  A further reaction produced a  p o l i t i c a l culture - the reaction was  only against socialism but also against the old p a r t i e s .  not  The S o c i a l  Credit Party represented a reaction against the corporatism of the L i b e r a l Party and the toryism of the Conservative Party. reaction which brought the NDP e l e c t i o n was  The  final  to power i n the August 30th P r o v i n c i a l  a major reaction, r e f l e c t e d i n the f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n  value, against a party that had l o s t touch with the electorate. The remainder of this chapter w i l l be an analysis of each of the major periods noted above i n the development of the B.C.  political  culture and the general action-reaction process which culminated i n the 1972  election.  THE PRE-PARTY ERA One  TO 1903  - AN OVERVIEW  author, i n a study of B.C.  party h i s t o r y to 1903,  has noted  that the facts seem to bear out'Lower's thesis that there has been a certain a r i s t o c r a t i c tinge to p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n Canada, and that ship has generally been accepted from above (Dobie, 1932,  235).  leaderIn  33, P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s a t t h a t time, no one sought e l e c t i o n u n l e s s a s s u r e d of some support from i n f l u e n t i a l members o f the community (Dobie, 1932, 238). ~  I t was a g a i n s t  the c o n s e r v a t i v e  constraints  of t h e e s t a b l i s h e d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f G r i t and Tory p a r t y i s m unionism t h a t the s o c i a l i s t , independent l a b o u r r a d i c a l s fought  (Robin, 1968, 18).  and s y n d i c a l i s t  The l a b o u r movement was a l s o  the p r o d u c t o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , n e c e s s i t a t e d , by the c o n c e n t r a t i o n  and was m o t i v a t e d , i f n o t  o f labour  i n urban a r e a s ,  changing economic p o s i t i o n o f the worker ( S a y w e l l , The  importance o f m i g r a t i o n  and t r a d e  and the  1951, 129).  i n t h i s development has a l r e a d y  been s t r e s s e d .  S a y w e l l regards the development of the r a d i c a l base  in. B.C. as b e i n g  a clear r e f l e c t i o n of increased m i l i t a n t a c t i v i t y  i n B r i t a i n and the U n i t e d 1951  129).  First,  States  f o l l o w i n g the N a p o l e o n i c Wars  (Saywell,  the i n f l u x o f Canadian-born migrants w i t h the  completion o f the CPR, and, w i t h the r a i l w a y - b u i l d i n g p e r i o d the number of Chinese a l s o i n c r e a s e d  considerably  (Loosmore, 1954, 13).  Further,  w i t h the i n f l u x of Americans came t h e i r o r g a n i s a t i o n - the Western Federation and  o f Miners (WFM),  t h e i r p o l i t i c a l ideas  an i n d u s t r i a l r a t h e r than a c r a f t u n i o n -  (Loosmore, 1954, 15).  Whereas the B r i t i s h  a r t i s a n t r a n s p l a n t i n t o Canadian s o c i e t y was e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l l y conservative,  and tended to r e i n f o r c e the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and  p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e i n B.C. (Robin, 1968, 1 3 ) , the e f f e c t o f the i n f l u x o f the Americans, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the metal-mining was a r a d i c a l one (Loosmore, 1954, 17). labour  conditions prevalent  industry,  The f r o n t i e r a t t i t u d e s and  i n the Western m e t a l l i f e r o u s areas i n  p a r t e x p l a i n the form o f unionism and p o l i t i c a l temperament o f the  34. miners who  came t o Canada  (Robin, 1968, 46).  N e v e r t h e l e s s , the  B r i t i s h workman, a l t h o u g h b a s i c a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e , was becoming r a d i c a l under p r e s s u r e  (Loosmore, 1954, 17).  capable o f Oriental  t i o n and a n t i - O r i e n t a l a g i t a t i o n h e l p e d to u n i f y and s o l i d i f y ranks ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 135). promote  immigra-  labour  Such u n i f i c a t i o n , and i t s tendency to  the development of c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , was  t u r e i n the emerging i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y o f B.C.  an i m p o r t a n t f e a -  ( S a n f o r d , 1961, 72).  In r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n w i t h the development of u n i f i c a t i o n and s o l i d a r i t y came the development of d i f f e r e n t forms o f unionism. e f f o r t s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n - f o r example,  However, e a r l y  the American Railway Union o f  1894 - were o f t e n f r u s t r a t e d and even n u l l i f i e d by the combined of employees  opposition  and the c o n s e r v a t i v e American F e d e r a t i o n of Labour (AFL)  (Loosmore, 1954, 6 ) . In the l a t e N i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the c e n t r e of p o l i t i c a l  activism  i n Canada s h i f t e d to the West, and e s p e c i a l l y to B.C., where p e o p l e had become d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h the f a i l u r e o f the Trades and Labour Congress (TLC), to 'get r e s u l t s ' i n Ottawa this  (Loosmore, 1954,11).  ascribes  ' s h i f t ' i n the main to the impact o f ' s p e c i a l c o n d i t i o n s ' p e c u l i a r  to B.C.  upon the new  s e t t l e r s , which, he argued, d e r i v e l a r g e l y from the  g e o g r a p h i c a l p o s i t i o n o f the P r o v i n c e B.C.  Loosmore  (Loosmore, 1954,  12).  F u r t h e r , the  economy was b a s e d on e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s - c o a l , base m e t a l s ,  f i s h i n g and lumbering, where the c a p i t a l investment and s t r u c t u r e of employment a s s u r e d i n d u s t r i a l r a t h e r than c r a f t u n i o n i s m (Robin,1968,44). The r a d i c a l n a t u r e o f l a b o u r , i t s u n i o n i s a t i o n and thence p o l i t i c i s a t i o n was the CPR, tility  a t h r e a t to the ' a r i s t o c r a t i c tendency'. The w e a l t h of  the power and i n f l u e n c e o f Dunsmuir  i n t e r e s t s , the open hos-  o f F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l governments, and the antagonism o f many  35 p o w e r f u l n o n - s o c i a l i s t unions and f e d e r a t i o n s , c r e a t e d an important r e a c t i o n and o p p o s i t i o n  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  139-140).  The  political  importance o f the l a b o u r movement i n t h i s p e r i o d i s e v i d e n c e d by the s e n d i n g of Ralph Smith from Nanaimo to the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly on an Independent Labour t i c k e t .  i n 1898  Measures were thus taken to p l a c a t e  l a b o u r , and two measures were brought i n by the F e d e r a l government. First,  to p r o h i b i t O r i e n t a l s from p l a c e r m i n i n g , and second, to l i m i t  ground work i n mines to e i g h t h o u r s p e r day. garded as f a i l u r e s i n t h e i r i n t e n t In  Both measures were r e -  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  143).  p a r t , the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f F e d e r a l P a r t y l a b e l s i n t o B.C.  vincial politics  i n 1903  under-  Pro-  can be seen as a r e a c t i o n to the i n a b i l i t y to  p l a c a t e labour p o l i t i c i s a t i o n .  C e r t a i n l y , one author sees l a b o u r  a g i t a t i o n as a f a c t o r i n the ending o f the 'pre-party e r a ' (Dobie, 1932, 247).  However, another w r i t e r has argued t h a t the i n s t a b i l i t y o f p o l -  i t i c a l and economic  life  i n B.C.  toward p a r t y i s m ( S a n f o r d , 1961,  t r i g g e r e d the movement from f a c t i o n a l i s m 71). The development  p a r t y system i n t h i s argument ,was  o f the P r o v i n c i a l  thus a response to t h i s i n o r d e r to  produce a more s t a b l e p o l i t i c a l alignment ( S a n f o r d , 1961, p r e s e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, the B.C.  74).  Provincial political  can b e t t e r be seen i n terms of a c l a s s c o n f l i c t model.  In the culture  Phenomena a r e  thus c o n s t a n t l y i n c o n f l i c t and change comes as a r e s o l u t i o n of t h i s flict.  con-  The system thus does n o t , o f n e c e s s i t y , approach s t a b i l i t y , b u t  becomes a s e r i e s of a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s , f o r the d y s f u n c t i o n a l elements are  i n h e r e n t w i t h i n the system ( f o r example,  compare M e r r i t t , 1963). Thus  w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , i m m i g r a t i o n , l a b o u r u n i o n i s a t i o n and  instability  c u l m i n a t i n g i n the s h o r t - l i v e d P r o v i n c i a l P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y i n 1902, i n t r o d u c t i o n o f p a r t y l a b e l s i n 1903  the  can e s s e n t i a l l y be seen as a r e a c t i o n  36 to  e v e r y t h i n g the l a t t e r r e p r e s e n t e d .  more f u l l y , i t i s n e c e s s a r y c u l t u r e to THE  B.C.  I n o r d e r to c l a r i f y  to l o o k more c l o s e l y a t the B.C.  1903  U n i o n i s a t i o n came r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y to B.C.,  1858,  i n V i c t o r i a i n 1852  the f i r s t one b e i n g  ( C l a r k , 1945,2).  thousands of Americans came i n t o B.C.  the presence  b r i n g i n g the i n f l u e n c e o f S a y w e l l argues t h a t  of Americans can be used to e x p l a i n the o u t b u r s t of r a d i c a l i s m  toward the end of the N i n e t e e n t h  century  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  s t r i k e a t Nanaimo c o a l mines i n 1861  131).  r e v e a l e d the s t r e n g t h o f  o r g a n i s a t i o n a t t h a t e a r l y date, and  a f t e r a f u r t h e r two y e a r s  c r a f t union appeared ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  132).  was  the  With the g o l d r u s h i n  t h e i r s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l environment.  The  political  1903.  POLITICAL CULTURE TO  Shipwrights  this a l i t t l e  the  first  In the p e r i o d 1864-1871 there  constant a g i t a t i o n among the coalminers of Vancouver I s l a n d , and,  in  the e a r l y 1870's the f i r s t s t e p s towards the p o l i t i c a l  c o n s o l i d a t i o n of  l a b o u r were taken.  i n B r i t a i n and  The b i d f o r a s h o r t e r working day  U n i t e d S t a t e s s p i l l e d over i n t o Canada (Robin, 1968, Although  p r i o r to J u l y 20th,  1871,  B.C.  was  17).  r u l e d by  the Hudson's  Bay  Company and an assortment  was  n o t one of p r o - or anti-government, b u t i l l - f e e l i n g between  I s l a n d and Mainland. c o l o n i e s i n 1866  of crown c o l o n i e s , the p o l i t i c a l mood  T h i s i l l - f e e l i n g a n t i - d a t e d the union of the  (Dobie, 1932,  245).  Even so, as e a r l y as 1871  Cosmos had made an appeal to the ' L i b e r a l s of the P r o v i n c e ' 1945,  the  two  De  (Sage,  177), even though p a r t y l a b e l s had n o t been i n t r o d u c e d i n t o  Provincial politics.  From 1871  to 1903,  B.C.  p o l i t i c s was  on a b a s i s  37  of l o o s e groupings of c l i q u e s and f a c t i o n s (Sanford,  1961, 6 9 ) .  However, t h i s d i d n o t mean t h a t t h e r e were no important  issues.  In 1872, f o r example, there appeared a d i v i s i o n i n P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s on the q u e s t i o n  o f r e l a t i o n s w i t h Ottawa, and t h i s was f a i r l y  u n t i l 1883 (Dobie, 1932, 245).  One f a c t i o n was bent on an a n t a g o n i s t i c  a t t i t u d e toward the F e d e r a l Government w h i l e the other was to be c o n c i l i a t o r y . and  The two P r o v i n c i a l governments between  1876-1883 f o l l o w e d  continuous  inclined 1873-1876  a p o l i c y of determined demands on the F e d e r a l  Government t o c a r r y out the Terms of Union (Dobie, 1932, 245).  One  f a c t o r i n t h i s d i v i s i o n was the o l d d i v i s i o n between I s l a n d and M a i n l a n d , but  a f t e r the F e d e r a l Government had begun r a i l w a y  had  g r a n t e d f i n a n c i a l a i d to the I s l a n d f o r a g r a v i n g  Island railway, 246).  c o n s t r u c t i o n and dock and an  there was l i t t l e b a s i s f o r the d i v i s i o n  Thus, i n the 1874 e l e c t i o n , the v a r i o u s  (Dobie, 1932,  c a n d i d a t e s had no  i n t e n t i o n t o be p a r t i s a n so l o n g as the o b l i g a t i o n s t o B.C. were fulfilled  (Dobie, 1932, 248).  Thus the p o l i t i c s  of the p e r i o d  tended  t o be p r a g m a t i c . However, by the mid-1870's t h e r e was a l r e a d y  an e s t a b l i s h e d  t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s i n Canada (Robin, 1968, 8 ) .  A s t r i k e among Nanaimo c o a l m i n e r s i n 1877 was s e t t l e d  o n l y by f o r c e of arms ( S a y w e l l ,  1951, 135).  In the p e r i o d  the L i b e r a l government i n Ottawa aroused g r e a t h o s t i l i t y its  1873-1878,  i n B.C. by  f a i l u r e t o c a r r y out the Terms of Union, and the L i b e r a l s took  a long time to d i s p e l t h a t memory (Dobie, 1932, 249).  B.C. MP's  gave  t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e to whatever p a r t y promised t o b u i l d the  )  38 t r a n s - c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y , and thus from 1878-1891 they the C o n s e r v a t i v e s By 1879  (Sage, 1945,  the B.C.  supported  178).  g o l d rushes were over, and many ex-miners  s e t t l e d on the l a n d o r turned to wage l a b o u r (Loosmore, 1954,  19).  At the same time, o r g a n i s a t i o n s l i k e the Workman's P r o t e c t i o n Association There was  (WPA)  were concerned  about the  'Chinese  question'.  i n t e n s e c o m p e t i t i o n f o r j o b s because of the low wage l e v e l s  of the Chinese  (Loosmore, 1954,  20).  By t h i s time l a b o u r had begun  to m a n i f e s t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n at the P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l l e v e l , i n 1882,  the f i r s t workingman's c a n d i d a t e s were s e l e c t e d , o f t e n on  an a n t i - C h i n e s e t i c k e t of labour a f t e r 1882 i s s u e s i n B.C.  was  (Loosmore, 1954, important  (Dobie, 1932,  22).  The  growing s t r e n g t h  i n the development of  of Labour tended  to g i v e more u n i t y  and d i r e c t i o n to the l a b o u r movement ( S a y w e l l , 1951, o r i g i n a t e d as a s e c r e t o r g a n i s a t i o n of craftsmen immediately  political  247).  The Order of the K n i g h t s  a f t e r the C i v i l War  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  e s t a b l i s h e d i n V i c t o r i a i n 1884.  134).  This  i n Philadelphia, 134),  from Hamilton where i t had begun i n Canada i n 1881 and was  and,  and had  spread  (Robin, 1968,  20),  The K n i g h t s were n e i t h e r  c r a f t nor i n d u s t r i a l i n t h e i r s t r u c t u r e , and had  idealistic  intentions.  They r e j e c t e d the n o t i o n of a c l a s s s t r u g g l e , opposed s t r i k e s ,  and  aimed at the improvement of workers and working c o n d i t i o n s (Loosmore, 1954,  26). The P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1886  by l a b o u r c a n d i d a t e s  (Loosmore, 1954,  was  ii).  the f i r s t  one  contested  There was  much resentment  39 by l a b o u r and  o t h e r s over the c o n t r o l of c u r r e n t p a r t y a f f a i r s  a c l i q u e , and on June 9 t h , 1886, e l e c t o r s ' was  a meeting of  by  'workingmen and  h e l d i n V i c t o r i a t o s e l e c t c a n d i d a t e s f o r the o p p o s i t i o n  i n the e l e c t i o n  (Dobie, 1932,  241).  Although  the K n i g h t s of Labour  took no p a r t i n the e l e c t i o n , the Workingman's P a r t y r a n c a n d i d a t e s i n V i c t o r i a and Nanaimo (Loosmore, 1954, candidates l o s t "B.C.  was  27).  t h e i r d e p o s i t s (Robin, 1968,  not y e t ready  (Loosmore, 1954,  However, a l l l a b o u r 27).  As Loosmore n o t e s ,  to e l e c t l a b o u r c a n d i d a t e s to the  legislature"  33).  Labour i n f l u e n c e was  a l s o e x e r t e d through the Trades  and  Labour C o u n c i l w i t h i t s p e r s i s t e n t demand f o r the r e s t r i c t i o n of O r i e n t a l immigration, the  and i t s a g i t a t i o n f o r s p e c i f i c remedies f o r  'hard times' of the n i n e t i e s  on the o t h e r hand, a l l i e d  (Dobie, 1932,  themselves  247).  The  craft  w i t h the American F e d e r a t i o n o f  Labour (AFL) which r e j e c t e d a t the o u t s e t any r a d i c a l  approach,  p r e f e r r i n g a p o l i c y of c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g to e i t h e r d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l action  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  134).  In  or  The K n i g h t s , on the o t h e r  hand, a l t h o u g h they r a n c a n d i d a t e s i n the 1886 (Robin, 1968,  unions,  27), d e c l i n e d r a p i d l y a f t e r w a r d  Vancouver C i v i c (Loosmore, 1954,  Election 40).  f a c t the l a b o u r movement i n g e n e r a l showed g e n e r a l l y l i t t l e  o r g a n i s a t i o n w i t h the long r e c e s s i o n between 1887 1951,  1896  (Saywell,  134). From 1889  Trades  and  however, which marked the f o r m a t i o n of the Vancouver  and Labour C o u n c i l (VTLC), and the Vancouver I s l a n d Miners  and Mine Labourers  P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n (MMLPA), a l l F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s  40  were marked by some o r g a n i s e d i n t e r v e n t i o n of B.C. 1954, was  1).  Union o r g a n i s a t i o n i n the B.C.  labour  (Loosmore,  i n t e r i o r at t h i s  time  almost n o n - e x i s t e n t u n t i l about the middle and l a t e 1890's when  the metal-mining i n d u s t r y mushroomed i n South-East B.C., a r e a was  p o p u l a t e d by Americans who  brought s k i l l  r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l t e n d e n c i e s (Robin, 1968, o r g a n i s a t i o n of a l l u n i o n s i n B.C. was B.C.  45).  i n o r g a n i s a t i o n and L a t e i n 1890,  formed and was  F e d e r a t e d Labour Congress, e s t a b l i s h e d i n i t i a l l y  e i g h t - h o u r day  ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 135).  and the  a broad  known as the to f i g h t f o r an  However, as the K n i g h t s came  from the E a s t and d e c l i n e d , so, f o r many y e a r s , as S a y w e l l n o t e s , workmen on the P a c i f i c Coast were n o t too e n t h u s i a s t i c about the Congress because b o t h p e r s o n n e l and p h i l o s o p h y were f u r n i s h e d by E a s t e r n Canada ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  134).  The  'Canadian' i d e a s of l a b o u r  o r g a n i s a t i o n were not t o be d i r e c t l y t r a n s f e r a b l e t o a new different  s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l environment i n B.C.  of  the p a r t y system i n B.C. was  in  the r e s t  '  The  and  development  t h e r e f o r e going to d i f f e r from t h a t  of Canada a l s o .  The i d e a of c l a s s c o n f l i c t i n B.C., more c l e a r l y expressed i n B r i t i s h Columbia  however, was (Loosmore,  becoming  1954,  51),  and i n the F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s of 1891 and 1896 p a r t y l i n e s came to be more c l e a r l y drawn (Dobie, 1932,  249).  The r e a c t i o n of the  government t o the growing importance of the p o l i t i c i s a t i o n of l a b o u r at  t h i s time was  reflected  i n the Labour D i s p u t e s B i l l  of 1893,  which  c a l l e d f o r more i n f o r m a t i o n on l a b o u r a c t i v i t y and i n i t i a t e d a Board  41 of  Arbitration  ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 136). There was n a t u r a l l y much  s u s p i c i o n and c r i t i c i s m o f t h i s measure on the p a r t o f l a b o u r ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 137). I n 1894, t h e r e appeared the f i r s t  "real  i n B.C. i n the form of the N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y .  'labour' p a r t y " Before  this point,  l a b o u r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n was c a r r i e d out by t h e unions  themselves,  for  example, MMLPA or VTLC, o r by "workingmen's p a r t i e s "  1954, for  (Loosmore,  64). Even s o , such p a r t i e s d i d n o t p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t  f o c u s s i n g c o n c e r t e d l a b o u r a c t i o n on a u n i t e d f r o n t .  appeal  There was  much i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n , l a t e n t and m a n i f e s t , about the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  p h i l o s o p h y o r the degree t o which l a b o u r s h o u l d become p o l i t i c i s e d .  Fear of d i v i s i o n on l a b o u r - u n i o n and a n t i - l a b o u r u n i o n l i n e s made some p o l i t i c i a n s w i l l i n g t o accept a L i b e r a l o r L i b e r a l - C o n s e r v a t i v e alignment  i n B.C. p o l i t i c s  (Dobie, 1932, 247). The f i r s t  Socialist  o r g a n i s a t i o n to take r o o t i n Canada was the S o c i a l i s t Labour P a r t y (SLP), an American o r g a n i s a t i o n which appeared i n O n t a r i o i n 1894. T h i s o r g a n i s a t i o n was e s s e n t i a l l y M a r x i s t and a n t i - u n i o n (Robin, 1968, 34).  Socialism f i r s t  appeared i n B.C. i n 1895 when the Kootenay miners  a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Western F e d e r a t i o n of Miners  (WFM), another  American M a r x i s t a s s o c i a t i o n ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 138). Thus, as has been noted above, a l t h o u g h B.C. p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s had remained e s s e n t i a l l y n o n - p a r t i s a n , a f t e r 1896 t h e r e began a demand f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f p a r t y l i n e s  (Dobie, 1932, 244). I n  the decade f o l l o w i n g 1896 a v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s transformed scene i n t o one of g r e a t e r p o l i t i c a l involvement.  the l a b o u r  American i n f l u e n c e  42  became dominant, s o c i a l i s m appeared, and d i r e c t a c t i o n and a c t i v i t y i n c r e a s e d i n tempo ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  137).  The  political  Federal  e l e c t i o n of 1896  marked the i n t r o d u c t i o n of p a r t y l i n e s i n t o  Federal p o l i t i c s  ( S a n f o r d , 1961,  by l a b o u r , and, L i b e r a l s , was  although  69), and Maxwell, who  elected i n Burrard  (Loosmore, 1954,  t h i s e a r l y s t a g e , the L i b e r a l P a r t y i n B.C.  of  reaction'.  83).  i n the 1898  had become the  'party  Party  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , nominated no  candidates  84).  With the a r r i v a l of A r t h u r Spencer i n B.C. Labour P a r t y was  the  Thus, even  A f t e r the Maxwell v i c t o r y , the N a t i o n a l i s t  (Loosmore, 1954,  nominated  t e c h n i c a l l y independent y e t v o t e d w i t h  at  d e c l i n e d , and,  was  B.C.  e s t a b l i s h e d (Grantham, 1942,  1900,  t h e r e developed  a new  88).  The passage i n 1898  the  Socialist  10), and from 1898  form of p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n (Loosmore,  of a law guaranteeing  b a l l o t secrecy  to 1954,  so  t h a t any  employee need no l o n g e r f e a r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n because of h i s  v o t e was  important  (Loosmore, 1954,  89).  The  e l e c t i o n of the  labour-  backed Smith i n Nanaimo w i t h the p r e c a r i o u s government m a j o r i t y enabled to  him  to g a i n some reform  the S o c i a l i s t P a r t y was  1899  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  "the f i r s t  142).  49).  That year has been d e s c r i b e d as marking  g r e a t s t r u g g l e between employer and  Ormsby has noted  employed i n B.C.  in  53).  t h a t the economic l i f e of B.C.  few y e a r s of the Twentieth  the c o n t i n u e d  A positive reaction  a more moderate Labour P a r t y i n i t i a t e d i n  n e a r l y a decade"(Robin, 1968,  first  (Robin, 1968,  Century was  i n jeopardy  during  the  because of  s o c i a l t e n s i o n and u n r e s t , e x e m p l i f i e d i n the F r a s e r  43  fishermen's SLP was formed  strike  h e a l e d and  (Ormsby, 1958,  331).  By  1900,  a split  the U n i t e d S o c i a l i s t Labour P a r t y  ( S a y w e l l , 1951,  143).  i n the  (USLP)  was  T h i s p a r t y p l u s the more moderate  Independent Labour P a r t y were s u c c e s s f u l o n l y i n Nanaimo w i t h r e - e l e c t i o n of Ralph Smith i n the 1900 1951,  144).  Conservative  The WFM,  Provincial election  on the other hand, had  candidates  f o r v a r i o u s concessions  For the F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n however, t h e r e was w i t h the i n i t i a t i v e  endorsed  certain  (Loosmore, 1954,  a Liberal-Labour  to c o n t a i n r a d i c a l i s m i n B.C.  ranks by a t t a c h i n g t h a t movement to the L i b e r a l P a r t y However, i n d u s t r i a l c o n f l i c t at t h i s time was  between the Lib-Lab was  alliance  (Robin,  1968,  55).  to see a d e c l i n e i n r e f o r m i s t 'labourism' and  (Loosmore, 1954, B.C.,  iii).  alliance,  iii).  within i t s  (Loosmore,  1954,  to ' d r i v e a wedge'  The p e r i o d 1900-1906 a rise in socialism  With the growth of s o c i a l i s m i n many p a r t s of  a s e r i e s of s p l i t s i n the e x i s t i n g labour reform movement were  created  (Loosmore, 1954, The  the 1902  152).  s t r u g g l e - between s o c i a l i s t s and  Kamloops Convention.  to gather 1951,  (Saywell,  coming from the L i b e r a l s i n the hope of g a i n i n g '  v o t e s as w e l l as attempting  129).  the  reformers  At t h i s c o n v e n t i o n  culminated  an e f f o r t was  in  made  the s c a t t e r e d groups i n t o one p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n ( S a y w e l l ,  146).  The  P r o v i n c i a l P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y was  formed as a k i n d of  compromise moderate reform p a r t y of the d i v e r s e i n t e r e s t s , but s h o r t - l i v e d because of i n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n ( S a y w e l l , 1951, A t the same time t h e r e was movement - t h a t i s , of the SLP,  a c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the  was  147). socialist  the Canadian S o c i a l i s t League, and  the  44  USLP, i n t o the S o c i a l i s t P a r t y of B.C. (SPBC) (Robin, 1968, 4 0 ) . As Robin n o t e s , u n l i k e t h e i r O n t a r i o c o u n t e r p a r t s , B.C. s o c i a l i s t s achieved e a r l y e l e c t o r a l success  (Robin, 1968, 4 2 ) . I n 1903, the  Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l D i s p u t e s i n B.C., which was a n t i socialist  and a n t i - u n i o n i n i t s s t a n c e , advocated  of s o c i a l i s m  the l e g a l  prohibition  ( S a y w e l l , 1951, 140). A r e a c t i o n of t h i s k i n d and a t  t h i s time a g a i n s t the r a d i c a l unions h e l p e d t o b r i n g about  their  decline. When McBride B.C.  i n t r o d u c e d F e d e r a l P a r t y l i n e s i n t o t h e 1903  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , a l t h o u g h an important f a c t o r from one  v i e w p o i n t may have been s t a b i l i t y , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o see t h i s  ultimately  as a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t the r a d i c a l base which had s t e a d i l y grown and thus had l e f t an important l e g a c y .  F u r t h e r , the attempts a t  c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h l a b o u r , the reforms gained through  political  p r e s s u r e , the a l l i a n c e s w i t h both o l d p a r t i e s a t d i f f e r e n t times, and the e l e c t i o n of c a n d i d a t e s , e i t h e r those nominated d i r e c t l y o r endorsed, p r o v i d e evidence f o r the important p o l i t i c a l  impact  of the base.  The  development of the r a d i c a l base and t h e t r a n s p l a n t o f the o l d p a r t i e s as a r e a c t i o n t o the base thus marks t h e end of the f i r s t  stage o f  the o v e r a l l a c t i o n - r e a c t i o n p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i n B.C. p o l i t i c s which culminated i n t h e 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  election.  OLD PARTY TRANSPLANT 1903-1933 Having now c o n s i d e r e d the r a d i c a l base of B.C. p o l i t i c s , the second major stage i n the development o f the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e the t r a n s p l a n t o f the o l d p a r t i e s i n t o B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s - w i l l  45  be d i s c u s s e d and a n a l y s e d .  On the one hand t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f  p a r t y l i n e s d i d p r o v i d e some s t a b i l i t y e l e c t o r a l l y , and, on the o t h e r , i t n o t o n l y l e g i t i m i s e d s o c i a l i s m but helped f r u s t r a t e i t s l a r g e r development i n terms of e l e c t o r a l s u c c e s s , the L i b e r a l P a r t y b e i n g t h e 'party o f r e a c t i o n ' .  Although  the p o l i t i c a l  leaders  a p p a r e n t l y were t r y i n g t o s a t i s f y as many groups as p o s s i b l e (Dobie, 1936,  154), the p o i n t of view of t h e o l d p a r t i e s , w i t h i n c r e a s i n g  i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , u r b a n i s a t i o n and immigration  excluded  a significant  m i n o r i t y o f economic and s o c i a l groups (Young, 1969B, 109).  Before  the f o r m a t i o n o f a n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t p a r t y which was committed t o p a r l i a m e n t a r y s u c c e s s , d i s c o n t e n t was n o t f o c u s s e d and  socialist parties.  Most unions  i n the B.C. l a b o u r  f o l l o w e d t h e p o l i c y of the AFL, t o  which some were a f f i l i a t e d , and gave t h e i r support  t o whichever  c a n d i d a t e , L i b e r a l o r C o n s e r v a t i v e , who seemed t o promote t h e i r interest  (Dobie, 1936, 156). Thus the p e r i o d 1903 t o 1933 i n B.C.  p o l i t i c s was e s s e n t i a l l y a two-party but l e s s important,  factions  One w r i t e r has noted  system, a l t h o u g h  t h e r e were o t h e r ,  ( S a n f o r d , 1961, 8 5 ) . t h a t an important  f e a t u r e of t h i s p e r i o d  was the " s t r u g g l e between one p a r t y t o r e t a i n and t h e o t h e r t o c a p t u r e the b e n e f i t s of o f f i c e " two-party  (Dobie, 1936, 161). Evidence  system which operated  of the e s s e n t i a l  i n t h i s period i s given i n Table I I I  where t h e f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n v a l u e to 1933 remained c l o s e t o the l e v e l of i n t e r m e d i a t e f r a c t i o n a l i s a t i o n . labour, s o c i a l i s t ,  s o l d i e r , farmer  The f a c t i o n s noted and, businessman.  above were v a r i o u s -  The problems of  l e a d e r s h i p , economy and patronage combined to f o r c e d i v i s i o n ,  especially  46' w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y .  I t i s worth n o t i n g at t h i s p o i n t  t h a t the U n i t e d Farmers of B.C.  (UFBC) grew out of the  Conservative  P a r t y , r a t h e r than, as on the P r a i r i e s , out of the L i b e r a l (Ormsby, 1953, The  Party  73).  C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , although  f o u r e l e c t i o n s of i t s t r a n s p l a n t , was  s u c c e s s f u l i n the  to win  first  o n l y one more P r o v i n c i a l  e l e c t i o n i n B.C.,  i n 1928,  and, by 1933,  coming of the CCF  rendered  the P a r t y u s e f u l o n l y as a p a r t n e r i n  c o a l i t i o n to keep the s o c i a l i s t s out. World War had  the r e a c t i o n to the  j e l l e d and  i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n and  By  the b e g i n n i n g  ' t o r y touch' i n B.C.  the L i b e r a l P a r t y took over  l e v e l , the C o n s e r v a t i v e s , a p a r t from 1904, to and to  1930.  The  i n t r o d u c t i o n of the CCF  of the  Provincial  to 1937.  to  At the F e d e r a l  h e l d the most s e a t s i n  i n t o B.C.  Federal  political  THE  B.C.  tended  1953.  i n v o l v e d , we  and  need to examine the  c u l t u r e a l i t t l e more c l o s e l y from 1903  to  B.C.  1933.  POLITICAL CULTURE 1903-1933 During  L a u r i e r as B.C.  t h e time t h a t c o n c e s s i o n s were b e i n g g a i n e d MP's  were a l l L i b e r a l s i n 1904  S o c i a l i s t P a r t y of Canada was  being organised  from  ( B l a c k , 1960,  15),  (Grantham, 1942,  F u r t h e r , a t the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , even though the C o n s e r v a t i v e s in  B.C.  politics,  In o r d e r to c l a r i f y the argument a l i t t l e more f u l l y , i d e n t i f y the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s  First politics  the i n c r e a s i n g d i s a f f e c t i o n w i t h the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , g i v e the L i b e r a l s the most s e a t s up  the  power, many reforms were secured by the SLP  the  20). were  i n the e a r l y y e a r s  47 (Grantham, 1942, B.C.  30).  The  theme of  has been a s i g n i f i c a n t one  v i s i t e d Ottawa i n 1903 In the 1907  ' b e t t e r terms' w i t h Ottawa f o r  i n B.C.  ( B l a c k , 1960,  p o l i t i c s ever s i n c e McBride  15).  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , three s o c i a l i s t  candidates  were e l e c t e d , but McBride's r e j e c t i o n of L a u r i e r ' s terms h e l p e d him  i n c r e a s e h i s s u p p o r t , thereby weakening non-tory  strength  ( B l a c k , 1960,  15).  I t appeared  a t t h i s time t h a t the  of s e c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s were more important than the i n t e r n a l r e a c t i o n to the  to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , and 1909  in Provincial  ' t o r y touch'.  d e c i s i o n to b u i l d a CN l i n e employing  357).  appeal  politics  Further, with  no A s i a t i c s , l a b o u r was  the C o n s e r v a t i v e s won  c o n t e s t (Ormsby, 1958,  legislative  the placated  a l a r g e v i c t o r y i n the  However, the s o c i a l i s t v o t e o u t s i d e  of Vancouver t o t a l l e d more than t h a t of the L i b e r a l s , but a f t e r  1912  e l e c t o r a l support began t o f a l l as the L i b e r a l s g a i n e d s t r e n g t h (Robin, 1968, 5681  101). i n 1909  The s o c i a l i s t v o t e was  o n l y 4844 i n 1912  (Grantham, 1942,  Robin a t t r i b u t e s t h i s d e c l i n e t o  52).  several factors including doctoral r i g i d i t y ,  internal disruption,  n e g l e c t of e l e c t o r a l o r g a n i s a t i o n (Robin, 1968, was,  t h a t , by 1912  i n the 1912 socialists by  McBride had become the  compared w i t h  102).  A further  'symbol of B.C.  and factor  success',  and  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , l o s t o n l y 2 of 42 s e a t s , b o t h t o the (Ormsby, 1958,  the f a c t t h a t t h e r e was  363).  104).  s o c i a l i s t problem was  compounded  c o m p e t i t i o n f o r the l a b o u r v o t e by b o t h  S o c i a l i s t P a r t y of Canada (SPC) (Robin, 1968,  The  and  the S o c i a l Democratic  At the meetings of the B.C.  Party  the  (SDP)  F e d e r a t i o n of Labour  a t this, time, r e s o l u t i o n s f o r the c r e a t i o n of a new  p o l i t i c a l party  48 were defeated  (Robin, 1968,  105).  With the onset of the F i r s t World War  came unemployment,  the c o l l a p s e of the r e a l e s t a t e and  b u i l d i n g booms and  i n the f o r t u n e s  Party  (Ormsby, 1958,  of the C o n s e r v a t i v e 383).  The  TLC  anchor' of the L i b e r a l and The  p e r i o d 1914  to 1918  farmers, and  Provincial politics  The  f i r s t was  the growth of  the f i r s t  118).  two  the o r g a n i s a t i o n of  then second the growing importance of l a b o u r ,  the l a t t e r was  'safe  p a r t i e s (Robin, 1968,  t h e r e f o r e t o see  f o r c e s i n Canadian p o l i t i c s .  decline  s t a r t e d to d r i f t away from the  Conservative  was  i n B.C.  the  to r e c e i v e p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n  the  although  (Young, 1969B,  14). When McBride l e f t the C o n s e r v a t i v e go  to England as the B.C.  (Black,  1960,  18).  i n 1915  to  a g e n t - g e n e r a l , Bowser became premier  There was  q u a l i t i e s which the l a t t e r  leadership  a f e e l i n g about the poor  possessed  (Ormsby, 1958,  leadership  54), and  Brewster,  the L i b e r a l l e a d e r , at the same time i n d i c a t e d t h a t the L i b e r a l P a r t y would be r e s p o n s i v e B.C.  1916  to the needs of the p e o p l e .  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , the C o n s e r v a t i v e s  were r e j e c t e d  the L i b e r a l s were g i v e n a l a r g e v i c t o r y (Ormsby, 1958, was  387).  the f i r s t major p o l i t i c a l r e a c t i o n w i t h i n the o l d p a r t y  i n B.C.  and This  transplant  politics. However, economic problems f a c e d the new  and  Thus i n the  a continued  accompanied by markets and  l a c k of c o n f i d e n c e  L i b e r a l premier,  i n the P r o v i n c i a l government  the f a r m e r s ' concern about the f u t u r e , w i t h  increasing production  costs  (Ormsby, 1953,  was  contracting  554-5).  The  49 farmers its  themselves o r g a n i s e d  c h i e f proponent.  i n t o a movement w i t h J.L. Pridham as  As a r e s u l t o f h i s l e a d e r s h i p the U n i t e d  Farmers o f B.C. (UFBC) came i n t o e x i s t e n c e i n 1917 (Ormsby, 1953, . 56).  Pridham accepted  rejected partyism  the Wood p r i n c i p l e of 'group government' and  (Ormsby, 1953, 5 6 ) . Although  the UFBC programme  showed s i m i l a r i t i e s t o t h a t o f the U n i t e d Farmers o f A l b e r t a (UFA), the farmers  i n B.C. d i d n o t have as i n t e n s e a h o s t i l i t y  i n t e r e s t s as P r a i r i e a g r a r i a n s UFBC movement sprang  (Ormsby, 1953, 5 7 ) . F u r t h e r , the  out o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e Party,, r a t h e r  as on the P r a i r i e s , out o f t h e L i b e r a l P a r t y The  to Eastern  than,  (Ormsby, 1953, 7 3 ) .  o t h e r main f o r c e d u r i n g t h i s time, t h a t o f l a b o u r , was  s t i m u l a t e d by the R u s s i a n R e v o l u t i o n and was g i v e n temporary by  the s e t t i n g up of t h e Canadian Labour P a r t y i n 1917.  to these events  The r e a c t i o n  on t h e p a r t o f t h e o l d p a r t y t r a n s p l a n t was a thorough  i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the I n d u s t r i a l Workers o f the World on the grounds t h a t i t was "attempting i n d u s t r i a l unrest ordered  direction  t o spread  (IWW)  activities  s e d i t i o n and ferment  i n B.C." (Robin, 1968, 164). The F e d e r a l government  t h i r t e e n o r g a n i s a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g IWW, which appeared i n 1906,  to disband  (Grantham, 1942, 108).  I n 1919, however, t h e r e was a c a l l  f o r One B i g Union (OBIT) a t the Western Labour Conference (Robin, 1968, 177). proposal  The Vancouver c o u n c i l was the f i r s t  one t o adopt the c o n f e r e n c e  (Robin, 1968, 178), but t h e r e was l i t t l e  E a s t e r n Canada (Robin, 1968, 192).  sympathy f o r OBU i n  The s t a t e o f u n r e s t a t t h i s  time  f o l l o w i n g t h e war, was compounded by t h e problem of p l a c i n g r e t u r n i n g s o l d i e r s i n employment  (Ormsby, 1958, 405), and the Winnipeg  general  50  s t r i k e was f o l l o w e d by sympathy s t r i k e s i n Vancouver (Grantham, 1942, 122). The  farmer p r o t e s t , a p a r t from UFBC i t s e l f , became m a n i f e s t  i n the r i s e o f the P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y i n 1920 which r e p r e s e n t e d of some elements of UFBC, d i s s a t i s f i e d v e t e r a n s  a fusion  and p o l i t i c a l l y  minded Vancouver businessmen ( B l a c k , 1960, 21). To counter  this, i n  the 1920 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n the L i b e r a l s had t o put up Labour, S o l d i e r and Farmer c a n d i d a t e s had  (Ormsby, 1958, 413). Henry Wise Wood  spoken a g a i n s t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n f o r the UFBC alone a t t h e i r 1920  convention  (Ormsby, 1953, 61). While the P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y i s seen as  an a g r a r i a n p r o t e s t movement, which .was i n f u l l  swing i n O n t a r i o and  Western Canada (Black, 1960, 2 1 ) , and was s t i m u l a t e d by t h e e l e c t i o n of a UFO government i n O n t a r i o , the f o r c e o f l a b o u r , on t h e o t h e r hand, became d i s u n i t e d .  I n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n caused by i n t e r - u n i o n r i v a l r y  f i n a l l y destroyed 1968,  the OBU and the B.C. wing d e f e c t e d i n 1920 (Robin,  193). The SPC d e c i d e d  t o c o n t e s t o n l y Vancouver and P r i n c e  Rupert i n t h e P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and the apparent d i s r u p t i o n of t h e . l a b o u r movement by t h e advent o f OBU l e d i n 1920 t o t h e d i s b a n d i n g of the B.C. F e d e r a t i o n o f Labour (Robin, 1968, 198). Although  the L i b e r a l s won the 1920 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , i t  was w i t h a reduced  number o f s e a t s .  between t h e L i b e r a l s and o r g a n i s e d 1965,  By 1921, the end of t h e a l l i a n c e l a b o u r was approaching  228), and by the autumn o f that year  w i t h i n the L i b e r a l P a r t y  (Hromnysky,  t h e r e was growing d i s s e n s i o n  (Ormsby, 1958, 414).  At the F e d e r a l l e v e l , t h e farmer p r o t e s t was o r g a n i s e d  around  51  the n a t i o n a l P r o g r e s s i v e R e c o n s t r u c t i o n P a r t y , which, i n the election largest  gained 65 s e a t s , and although parliamentary  official 32-3).  t h i s made i t the second  group, the p a r t y d i d not choose to form  o p p o s i t i o n "because of t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s " Although  Provincial  the P r o v i n c i a l  P a r t y gained  representing a g r i c u l t u r a l interests  i n B.C.  and,  i n the  t o t h i s time had  not  agricultural  and because the farmers were o r g a n i s e d s u f f i c i e n t l y w e l l to  g a i n t h e i r demands without  d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n (Dobie,  Dobie c l a s s i f i e s the Farmers P a r t y of 1920, 1922-1924, and the Peoples  P a r t y of 1932,  notes  t h a t t h e i r main c a l l was  1936,  159).  Thus, up t r a n s p l a n t was  the P r o v i n c i a l  a l l as  1936,  P a r t y of  ' P r o g r e s s i v e s ' , and  the P r o g r e s s i v e s  (Dobie,  as  (Young, 1969B, 30).  to t h i s time, although  the r e a c t i o n t o the o l d p a r t y  not f e l t w i t h a l l - e m b r a c i n g p r o t e s t p a r t i e s ,  the development of the p r o c e s s  Progressive parties.  159).  f o r the r i g h t k i n d of l e a d e r s h i p  K i n g , on the o t h e r hand, saw  "impatient L i b e r a l s "  in  1924  3 seats, t h i r d parties  been as s u c c e s s f u l compared w i t h the P r a i r i e s because of diversity  the  (Young, 1969B,  t h i s p a r t y gained 2 s e a t s i n B.C.,  election  1921  saw  the emergence of  certain  However, i n c r e a s i n g l y so t h e r e was  w i t h i n both o l d p a r t i e s .  t h i s phase  dissension  In the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , f o r example, i n  the p e r i o d 1916-1922, 'Young C o n s e r v a t i v e s ' c o n s i d e r e d not got t h e i r share of patronage (Dobie, r e a f f i r m a t i o n of Bowser as C o n s e r v a t i v e w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , and  1936,  158).  t h a t they Further,  had  the  l e a d e r brought much d i s s i d e n c e  especially  from the young  Conservatives  52  (Ormsby, 1958, above had  420).  farmer  s l o g a n was,  The P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y , which, as was  support, emerged, and  i n the 1924  w i t h O l i v e r as L i b e r a l premier,  noted  election  their  and Bowser the  C o n s e r v a t i v e l e a d e r , "Turn O l i v e r out and don't l e t Bowser i n " (Dobie, 1936,  159).  The P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y was  to f i g h t , among o t h e r  t h i n g s , f o r a r e d u c t i o n i n f r e i g h t r a t e s (Ormsby, 1953,  69).  The P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y c o n t e s t e d i t s l a s t e l e c t i o n amid charges  of L i b e r a l c o r r u p t i o n , and Ormsby has noted  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n was  423).  O l i v e r t r i e d to e x p l o i t  ' b e t t e r terms' q u e s t i o n (Hromnysky, 1965,  members.  1924  a r e v o l t a g a i n s t "machine p o l i t i c s and  s p o i l s system" (Ormsby, 1958,  Bowser l o s t  t h a t the  t h e i r s e a t s and  the  the  229), but b o t h he  and  the P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y e l e c t e d t h r e e  Bowser, angry, then d e c i d e d to r e t i r e  ( B l a c k , 1960,  and the P r o v i n c i a l P a r t y faded q u i c k l y , some former r e t u r n i n g to the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y  ( B l a c k , 1960,  Meanwhile, the R u s s i a n R e v o l u t i o n had the growth of the l a b o u r movement.  22),  Conservatives  23).  s t i m u l a t e d and r e t a r d e d  I t s t i m u l a t e d enthusiasm  among  m i l i t a n t l a b o u r l e a d e r s , y e t encouraged, a p a r t from a g e n e r a l p u b l i c reaction against socialism  (Grantham, 1942,  139),  P a r t y of Canada to b ecome a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the CLP l a t t e r move had  the Communist i n 1924.  This  the e f f e c t , not of u n i f y i n g the l a b o u r movement, but  of d i v i d i n g i t by b r i n g i n g i n t o sharper f o c u s the c l e a v a g e between r a d i c a l s and moderates, and by 1926 groups w i t h i n the CLP  reached  the s t r u g g l e between these  a peak (Robin, 1968,  two  258).  Thus, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the p a r t y system i n t o B.C.  Provincial  53  politics,  a l t h o u g h p e r h a p s p r o v i d i n g some r e l a t i v e  c e r t a i n l y d i d not  stability,  s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o f i n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n and  d i v i s i o n w i t h i n a l l of the p a r t i e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , which, another The  sense,  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the p a r t y system brought  o l d p a r t i e s , however, were a  'safe anchor'  u n i o n w i t h i n t h e s o c i a l i s t movement, w h i c h , unable  in  about.  amid a l a c k o f  because of t h i s  was  to p r o v i d e the r e a c t i o n to the o l d p a r t y t r a n s p l a n t i n  this period. The finally  'warring f a c t i o n s ' w i t h i n the Conservative  l e d t o t h e d e p o s i t i o n o f B o w s e r i n 1926  e l e c t e d t h e new d i v i s i o n and  leader.  a constant  (Dobie,  1936,  and M c L e a n t o o k o v e r a s regarded  t o 1933,  Tolmie  was  the  internal  r e a c t i o n w i t h i n the Conservative P a r t y continued.  e x a m p l e , t h e r e was 'Bowserites'  H o w e v e r , f r o m 1928  and  Party  t h r e a t of d e f e c t i o n of  158).  resentful  In the L i b e r a l P a r t y , O l i v e r  l e a d e r , and  t h e 1928  and  known T o l m i e  L i b e r a l g o v e r n m e n t was  ( O r m s b y , 1958,  433).  Further,  and  was  the the  h a v i n g p r o b l e m s e s p e c i a l l y w i t h t h e PGE  the economic s i t u a t i o n ,  died  Provincial election  p r i m a r i l y as a p e r s o n a l i t y c o n t e s t - McLean v e r s u s  l o c a l born  For  the C o n s e r v a t i v e s got i n ( B l a c k ,  and 1960,  24). However, T o l m i e ' s  incumbency i n V i c t o r i a marked the  beginning  of a l o n g p e r i o d of d e p r e s s i o n f o r the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n O n l y o n c e s i n c e w o u l d t h e y s e n d a g r e a t e r number o f MP's in  1958  - and,  at the P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l ,  more t h a n o n e - q u a r t e r  of the t o t a l  B.C.  to Ottawa -  they would never again  seats i n the l e g i s l a t u r e .  win Black  54  has  noted the apparent i n e p t i t u d e of the Tolmie government  1960,  28), which may  cabinet  have r e l a t e d i n p a r t to the i n e x p e r i e n c e  (Ormsby, 1958,  Tolmie i n 1928  (Black,  441).  Dobie has  to use h i s l a r g e m a j o r i t y  making i n an attempt to apply  pointed  of  to the f a i l u r e  the  of  for constructive p o l i c y -  r e l i e f measures.  However, h i s  f a i l u r e to c o n t r o l p a r t y d i s s i d e n t s allowed the p u b l i c to see  that  c o n t r o l of p a r t y r a t h e r than the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t seemed to be  the  prime c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the government (Dobie, 1936, The  i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t and  t r a n s p l a n t continued,  and,  160).  r e a c t i o n w i t h i n the o l d  i n 1931,  the  party  'Bowserites' knew t h a t ,  demanding a c o n v e n t i o n , t h i s would s p l i t the p a r t y and b r i n g i n the next P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n (Dobie, 1936, of 1932  160).  the unions e x i s t e d by p e r m i s s i o n ,  l i k e l y to be  j u s t as  ' t o r y touch',  i n the 1972  election.  s u c c e s s f u l , f o r p h i l o s o p h i c r i g i d i t y of any  gained s e a t s but never c o n t r o l i n B.C.  had  already  politics.  The  launched a ' c i t i z e n s h i p movement' which was  t h a t "the day  rather  ' t o r y touch', at a time of d e p r e s s i o n ,  has  In a p r o p h e t i c  Report  not by r i g h t (Young, 1969B,  c o n t r i b u t e to i t s d o w n f a l l  In the e a r l y 1930's, the  162).  161),  These two. a t t i t u d e s , deeply entrenched i n the  would, i n the end,  hardly  and  defeat  Kidd  regarded government s o c i a l s e r v i c e s as a p r i v i l e g e ,  than as a r i g h t , as many p e o p l e thought (Dobie, 1936,  108).  The  by  was kind  'Bowserites' 'non-partisan'.  statement on the f u t u r e of h i s own  p a r t y , Bowser  claimed  of p a r t y i n P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s was  o v e r " (Dobie,  1936,  G e n e r a l p u b l i c d i s c o n t e n t w i t h B.C.  emergence of the CCF,  which claimed  p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , and  the  t h a t b o t h o l d p a r t i e s were bankrupt,  . 55 plus  the d i s a r r a y of the C o n s e r v a t i v e  v i c t o r y i n the 1933  Party,  Provincial election.  Tolmie had  'union government' w i t h the L i b e r a l s and b o t h L i b e r a l s and  Conservatives  With the C o n s e r v a t i v e s was  e l e c t e d , and  the CCF  gave the L i b e r a l s a proposed a  appealed f o r s u p p o r t , but  opposed the i d e a  ( B l a c k , 1960,  s p l i t , many r a n as independents.  the L i b e r a l P a r t y  formed the new  as- the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n .  the s o c i a l i s t c h a l l e n g e "  and  The  One  Unionist  government, w i t h  L i b e r a l Party  "was  to meet  o f f e r e d " p r a c t i c a l i d e a l i s m " as  " v i s i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m " (Dobie, 1936,  164).  The  29).  c a l l a g a i n was  against for  pragmatism. The CCF  L i b e r a l v i c t o r y i n the 1933  as the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n  apart  from 1937,  marked the end planted  i t has  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and  (a p o s i t i o n which, u n t i l 1972,  h e l d ever s i n c e i n B.C.  of the phase where the two  d i r e c t l y i n t o B.C.  o l d p a r t i e s were t r a n s Dobie i n d i c a t e d at  t h a t time t h a t the L i b e r a l s , u n l i k e the C o n s e r v a t i v e s  important f a c t o r s w h i c h brought the o l d p a r t y i n B.C.  i n t o one  p o l i t i c s was  party.  i n B.C.,  had  to make a s u c c e s s f u l t r a n s i t i o n  to " r e a l l y s o c i a l i s e d democracy" (Dobie, 1936,  end  and,  Provincial politics),  Provincial politics.  the b a s i s to develop a p a r t y f i t t e d  the  166).  One  of the most  t r a n s p l a n t phase to  the a b i l i t y of the l e f t  to e f f e c t i v e l y  T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n B.C.  an  unite  as i t o c c u r r e d  a t a time when the t r a n s p l a n t appeared to be d i s i n t e g r a t i n g anyway. T h i s f a c t i s important a l s o , f o r i t means t h a t , i n a d i v e r s e such as B.C. was  i n terms of economy and  unworkable.  The  Province  s o c i e t y , the two-party system  p r o t e s t p a r t i e s can  thus be regarded as  reactions  56  a g a i n s t the  attempt to  'constrain'  this diversity.  PROTEST PARTY REACTION 1933-1952 During the  transplanting  of the o l d p a r t i e s  onto the  radical  base, t h e r e a r o s e a s e r i e s of p r o t e s t / p r o g r e s s i v e / r e f o r m movements which have been d i s c u s s e d i n g e n e r a l terms above. movements were f a i r l y s h o r t - l i v e d , and dissension versus  of  The  l e d to the  and  emergence of these two politics.  The  the p e r i o d  CCF  1933  main ' p r o t e s t  and  and  CCF  was  established  took the  Credit not  ideas  to b r i n g  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  36).  the  w i t h i t came s o c i a l u n r e s t  first  Canada d u r i n g the  Parties  to see  the  Provincial 55).  was  the  a " v i g o r o u s champion" While i t took government i n  about d i s c u s s i o n  of  Alberta, Social  doctrines  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  the  were  35).  to f e e l the b u s i n e s s d e p r e s s i o n ,  (Ormsby, 1958,  j o l t e d the m i d d l e c l a s s , and  ambitions,  (Young, 1969B,  Social Credit  imported, f u r t h e r m o r e , from A l b e r t a Vancouver was  was  same  i t appeared to have l e a r n t  for a Social Credit  d e p r e s s i o n i n B.C.  of f r u s t r a t e d  p a r t i e s ' i n B.C.  of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system (Young, 1969B, 39).  it  'movement'  Social Credit  to 1952  from the P r o g r e s s i v e e x p e r i e n c e , and  d e p r e s s i o n to pave the way  internal  a p r o d u c t of the  d e p r e s s i o n a c t e d as a c a t a l y s t  When the lesson  exploitation,  e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the  (Young, 1969A, 15),  q u e s t i o n of  P r o g r e s s i v e movement was  "quasi-colonial"  these  many were plagued by  d i v i s i o n , sometimes over the  'party'.  feelings that  and  Most of  i t was  442).  they who  1930's (Grantham, 1942,  The  depression  began the r e v o l t  166).  and  While S o c i a l  in Credit  57  proposed t o r e p a i r and modify the f r e e e n t e r p r i s e system to make i t work as i t should  on the f r o n t i e r , the CCF proposed t o s u b s t i t u t e  a b e t t e r system (Young, 1969A, 36).  I n the eyes of many i t was  c a p i t a l i s t system which had f a i l e d , and, i n B.C., b o t h i n the c o l l a p s e of the C o n s e r v a t i v e the CCF whose aim i t was  Party  i t was  a r e a c t i o n to what the o l d p a r t y  S o c i a l C r e d i t at t h i s time was r a d i c a l base i n B.C., ingredient. were s t i l l  Two  before  not.  t h i s was symbolised  and i n the b i r t h of  to r e p l a c e t h a t system.  the CCF i n t o B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s was  The i n t r o d u c t i o n of  therefore appropriate, f o r  t r a n s p l a n t stood  f o r , whereas  Furthermore, the l e g a c y  the o l d p a r t y  the  t r a n s p l a n t , was  of the  an important  f u r t h e r r e a c t i o n s i n the g e n e r a l p r o c e s s ,  however,  to come.  In order  t o examine the p r o t e s t r e a c t i o n s a l i t t l e more f u l l y ,  we need t o d i s c u s s  the B.C. p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e from 1933  to 1952 i n  more d e t a i l .  THE B.C. POLITICAL CULTURE 1933-1952 The f i n a l movement toward a u n i t e d earnest  i n October 1929 when v a r i o u s  s o c i a l i s t party- began i n  independent l a b o u r p a r t i e s i n  Western Canada convened i n Regina and formed a Western of Labour P a r t i e s  (Robin, 1968,  269).  In 1931, two  Conference  intellectuals,  Frank S c o t t and Frank U n d e r h i l l agreed t h a t Canada needed  a  new  p o l i t i c a l p a r t y and, as a b e g i n n i n g , they e s t a b l i s h e d a s o c i e t y , the League f o r S o c i a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n  (LSR) i n Toronto (Young, 1969A, 52-3).  By e a r l y summer 1932 branches of the LSR were i n Vancouver Victoria  (Grantham,  1942,  188).  The growing d i s c o n t e n t  and  among farm  58  and  l a b o u r groups i n the West culminated i n the C a l g a r y  of 1932,  and by 1933  the Regina M a n i f e s t o of the  Cooperative  Commonwealth F e d e r a t i o n (CCF) had been f o r m u l a t e d . was  designed  The  (Ormsby, 1958,  however, had more i n f l u e n c e than any of the  groups i n the CCF The  programme  t o appeal to f a r m e r s , t r a d e u n i o n s , s m a l l businessmen,  the unemployed, as w e l l as d o c t r i n a i r e s o c i a l i s t s The LSR,  conference  SPC  affiliated  (Young, 1969A, 75).  (BC) was  C a l g a r y (Grantham, 1942,  the o n l y o r g a n i s e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a t 203).  On the b a s i s of p r e s s and r a d i o r e p o r t s  a f t e r the C a l g a r y c o n f e r e n c e , CCF ( S a n f o r d , 1961,  452).  100).  c l u b s sprang up a l l over  However, i n the 1933  B.C.  e l e c t i o n , i t was  opposed  by b u s i n e s s , i n d u s t r y , the o l d p a r t i e s , the p r e s s , and even some r e l i g i o u s i n f l u e n c e s (Grantham, 1942, to power i n B.C.  234).  The CCF/NDP would come  o n l y when b o t h o l d p a r t i e s opposed the p a r t y i n  power, and not CCF/NDP.  Because of the C o n s e r v a t i v e demise at  this  time, many t r a d i t i o n a l C o n s e r v a t i v e s v o t e d L i b e r a l , and even so, new  p a r t y gained 32 per cent of the v o t e and  104).  7 seats (Sanford,  S i n c e t h a t time, CCF/NDP has never had  of the p o p u l a r v o t e  (Table I I I ) , i n B.C.  than b o t h o l d p a r t i e s . and promised  a 'new  e l e c t i o n i n B.C. (Sherman, 1966,  1961,  l e s s than 28 per  cent  Provincial elections, better  P a t t u l l o thus became the new  d e a l ' (Ormsby, 1958,  the  453).  has been termed a 'watershed.'  The  Liberal 1933  premier  Provincial  in Provincial  affairs  24).  At about the same time, a r e p o r t e r , Henry T o r e y , gained some i n f o r m a t i o n about S o c i a l C r e d i t t h e o r i e s from an E n g l i s h newspaper, and he and W i l l i a m T u t t e began a study group i n 1932  (Horsfield,  1953,  59 37).  They were j o i n e d by W i l l i a m Rose and  as the Douglas S o c i a l C r e d i t group, B.C.  the group became known  s e c t i o n , although  not f u n c t i o n o u t s i d e of Vancouver or o r g a n i s e p o l i t i c a l l y years  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, When i n 1935  for several  37-8).  the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y came t o power i n A l b e r t a ,  the S o c i a l C r e d i t League of B.C. p o l i t i c a l party.  they d i d  was  obtaining a charter f o r a  T h i s then became the B.C.  S o c i a l C r e d i t League  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  46).  i n t e n t i o n i n 1936  to c o o r d i n a t e e f f o r t s to e l e c t a S o c i a l C r e d i t  government i n B.C.  The U n i t e d Farmers of Canada announced  (Ormsby, 1953,  73).  Due  to the f a i l u r e of  on a matter of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Douglas t h e o r i e s , to woo S o c i a l C r e d i t League, he s e t up the B.C. him  ( B l a c k , 1960,  32).  In the  t h i s time, e s p e c i a l l y i n mining  1937  a g a i n , they had  number of s e a t s , and the C o n s e r v a t i v e s became the  o p p o s i t i o n f o r the l a s t time.  48-9).  P a t t e r s o n became the  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , although the L i b e r a l s won reduced  B.C.  C r e d i t Union which' acknowledged  r e s i g n a t i o n i n 1936,  l e a d e r of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y  Aberhart,  the  as the n a t i o n a l l e a d e r of the movement ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953, A f t e r Tolmie's  their  Economic c o n d i t i o n s had (Ormsby, 1958,  467).  a  official  improved  by  With the improved  performance of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , the Kamloops c o n v e n t i o n i n was  regarded by one w r i t e r as "the b e g i n n i n g s  the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y " ( A t k i n s o n , 1941, S o c i a l C r e d i t League was to l o s e f a v o u r i n 1939  1938  of the r e n a i s s a n c e of  375).  Further, although  the  g i v i n g him p u b l i c s u p p o r t , P a t t u l l o began  e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r another  over f i n a n c e (Ormsby, 1958,  471).  ' b a t t l e w i t h Ottawa'  By t h i s time the CCF was  stronger  60  than i n 1933 it  (Young, 1969B, 65), and  during  reached i t s peak (Young, T969B, 67).  f a r as to p r e d i c t t h a t the CCF government i n the 1941  One  The  p e r i o d 1941  became again  as  169).  At  again  saw  a number of moves designed and  keep i t from power.  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , the number of  cut from 31 to 21, w h i l e CCF  the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n .  gained 14 s e a t s ,  Maitland,  the  but Winch, the CCF  L i b e r a l and  Conservative  leader, declined  (Ormsby, 1958,  p a r t i e s , however, m a i n t a i n e d a  t r a n s i t i o n from movement to p a r t y by  p a r a l l e l e d by a concern w i t h urban s o c i a l i s m and  the CCF  adversary.  was  a c l o s e r alignment  t r a d e unions than the f a r m e r s , e s p e c i a l l y o u t s i d e  Prairies  (Young, 1969A, 87).  the  It i s s i g n i f i c a n t , therefore, that, i n  the i n d u s t r i a l unions endorsed CCF  (Young, 1969B,  The  tacit  w i t h the  1943,  the  477).  r e l a t i o n s h i p at t h i s time, f e a r i n g f u r t h e r growth of a j o i n t The  and  Conservative  l e a d e r thus c a l l e d f o r a u n i o n government which would i n c l u d e CCF,  one  election.  to 1952  B.C.  1945  managed to e l e c t o n l y  to f r u s t r a t e the growing importance of the CCF For example, i n the 1941  to  Provincial  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n (Brown, 1940,  i n the 1940  L i b e r a l s e a t s was  1940  w r i t e r even went  would become the B.C.  the F e d e r a l l e v e l , on the other hand, CCF member from B.C.  the p e r i o d  as t h e i r p o l i t i c a l  arm  74).  A year l a t e r , Manning, the premier of A l b e r t a , began to organise  the S o c i a l C r e d i t A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  and  i n December 1944  The  p o i n t was  the S o c i a l C r e d i t A s s o c i a t i o n was  62),  launched.  emphasised at t h a t time t h a t S o c i a l C r e d i t and  Socialism  61  were o p p o s i t e p h i l o s o p h i e s League ran candidates e l e c t e d , and 1953,  i n the 1949  the League gained  B.C.  Social Credit  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n but none were  o n l y 1.6  support,  s e a t s dropped from 14  government i t s e l f ,  per cent of the v o t e  In the 1949 ebb  and  g r a d u a l l y , from 1941,  to 7 i n 1949.  However, the  l i k e the s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s b e f o r e  undergoing continued  lowest  The  s t r a i n and  i n t e r n a l disagreement  F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n the C o n s e r v a t i v e  s i n c e 1904  1933,  and gained  the growing s p l i t  ( B l a c k , 1960,  blow was  1960,  With  the  convention,  organisations  a t the next e l e c t i o n  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  79).  The  a r e p o r t s t r o n g l y c r i t i c a l of the H o s p i t a l Insurance  Scheme which was L i b e r a l s and  was  44), Anscomb i n d i c a t e d t h a t the L i b e r a l - C o n s e r v a t i v e  agreement would end final  coalition  Party h i t i t s  o n l y t h r e e s e a t s i n B.C.  between F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l  the  the number  (Black,  d i s c o n t e n t w i t h Anscomb as l e a d e r of the p a r t y at the 1950 and  (Horsfield,  c o a l i t i o n government embodied the r e a c t i o n t o  p e r c e i v e d growth i n CCF  40).  64).  79). The  of CCF  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  brought b e f o r e the l e g i s l a t u r e and which d i v i d e d the  Conservatives  In December 1951,  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  80).  a leading Conservative,  unhappy f o r some  time over the performance of the c o a l i t i o n l e f t  the p a r t y , and,  a s m a l l group of f o l l o w e r s , a l l i e d  the S o c i a l C r e d i t  League ( B l a c k , 1960, q u a l i t y ' i n B.C. a range of  49).  T h i s p a r t y suddenly took on a  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  'progressive' p o l i c i e s  h o s p i t a l insurance  himself with  83), and  with  'crusading  i t s programme i n c l u d e d  i n c l u d i n g the a b o l i t i o n of compulsory  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  84).  I t was  a p e r f e c t moment f o r  .62  an a l t e r n a t e p a r t y  t o CCF  to a p p e a l to the e l e c t o r a t e - to the  the r u r a l v o t e r s wanting r o a d s , and who  feared  was  f o r a middle-of-the-road free-enterprise  1958,  the p r o g r e s s of CCF  the businessman i n the  489).  The  the  o t h e r main way  the  CCF.  (Ormsby, 1958,  487).  The  government  i n t r o d u c t i o n of the a l t e r n a t i v e v o t i n g  north,  cities  promise (Ormsby, system  was  the c o a l i t i o n of o l d p a r t i e s hoped to f r u s t r a t e  However, t h i s system i n the  1952  Provincial election  helped S o c i a l C r e d i t , f o r i t meant t h a t second c h o i c e s were o f t e n t h e i r favour  ( i f not  w i t h the o l d p a r t i e s first  choice,  the  the  first)  i n a r e g i s t r a t i o n of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n  (Angus, 1952).  Further,  ( H o r s f i e l d , 1953,  Thus, w i t h the  1952  The  protest party.  S o c i a l C r e d i t was  CCF  was  s t i l l kept the  1952  and  Conservatives disappeared u n t i l  conservative  old party  impeded by  a r e a c t i o n to the  1953  a  transplant  conservative  old parties  ' t o r y touch', w h i l e CCF  a r e a c t i o n to what these p a r t i e s r e p r e s e n t e d . s t i l l ' r e m a i n e d a f t e r the  for a  87).  p r o g r e s s of the  w e l l as to s o c i a l i s m , but  giving Social Credit  e l e c t i o n , government by  came to an end.  THE  by  e l e c t o r a t e were s t i l l v o t i n g  form of government  in  The  as was  ' L i b e r a l remnant'  P r o v i n c i a l elections, while  the  1972.  SOCIAL CREDIT REACTION 1952-1972 The  period  consolidation  from 1952  of a p o l i t i c a l  1952  can  thus be  B.C.  'congealed'.  to 1972  e s s e n t i a l l y a time of  c u l t u r e t h a t was  regarded as a p o i n t The  was  B.C.-based.  at which the  C o n s e r v a t i v e s had  political  The  year  culture  no-one i n the l e g i s l a t u r e  of  63 from 1956,  and the system became e s s e n t i a l l y t h r e e - p a r t y w i t h  Social  C r e d i t i n power, CCF/NDP as the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n , w i t h a s m a l l number of s e a t s going t o the L i b e r a l P a r t y . set  i n the 1953  The  c u l t u r e was  e l e c t i o n when the v o t i n g procedure was  finally  'normalised'  and S o c i a l C r e d i t gained a h e a l t h y v i c t o r y . There was  little  concern i n the 1952  election with  Social  C r e d i t p h i l o s o p h y or the p a r t y ' s i n e x p e r i e n c e (Ormsby, 1958, Furthermore, the 1953  campaign saw  the o l d p a r t i e s t o S o c i a l C r e d i t than a n y t h i n g symbolised and  a shift  of b u s i n e s s support  ( S a n f o r d , 1961,  209).  the congealment of the B.C.  political  t r a n s p l a n t continued to d i s i n t e g r a t e , o r , a t l e a s t , the By 1954,  the C o n s e r v a t i v e F e d e r a l and  a s s o c i a t i o n s were s p l i t , and, a t t h a t time, Bennett d i s a f f e c t e d C o n s e r v a t i v e s were j o i n i n g ( B l a c k , 1960, of  54).  The  from  T h i s more  l e g i t i m i s e d the r e a c t i o n t o the o l d p a r t y t r a n s p l a n t .  p a r t of i t .  489).  culture,  This  Conservative  Provincial c l a i m e d t h a t many  the S o c i a l C r e d i t  C o n s e r v a t i v e s p l i t culminated  'movement'  i n the p u b l i c a t i o n  the "Blue Book" which gave "some of the reasons f o r the motion of  No Confidence The  i n the n a t i o n a l l e a d e r " ( B l a c k , 1960,  1956  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n saw  55).  the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of  Social  C r e d i t s u p p o r t , w h i l e the C o n s e r v a t i v e P r o v i n c i a l a s s o c i a t i o n c o u l d o n l y f i n d 22 c a n d i d a t e s t o c o n t e s t 52 s e a t s , and a l l were d e f e a t e d ( B l a c k , 1960,  58).  Bennett was  now  c l a i m i n g t h a t the CCF  C r e d i t P a r t i e s "were the o n l y i n t a c t p o l i t i c a l (Ormsby, 1958,  489).  and  alternatives i n  However, the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n B.C.  Social B.C." took a  major temporary upswing i n p o p u l a r i t y when D i e f e n b a k e r became N a t i o n a l  64  l e a d e r , and i n the 1958 F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n gained 18 s e a t s , t h e i r b e s t ever showing i n B.C.  The apparent  /  sudden growth i n u n i t y was  a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e new l e a d e r ( B l a c k , 1960, 6 2 ) . The pragmatic  p o l i t i c s o f S o c i a l C r e d i t were demonstrated  i n t h e 1960 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n when the s l o g a n was 'vote f o r the Government t h a t gets t h i n g s done' (Smiley, 1962, 122).  The S o c i a l  C r e d i t s t r a t e g y f o r the sharp r i s e i n unemployment a t t h a t time was to  'blame Ottawa' ( S a n f o r d , 1961, 231). F u r t h e r , the home-ownership  g r a n t was r a i s e d  to 'stop S o c i a l i s m ' (Sherman, 1966, 206). From 1960  on, t h e i d e a of S o c i a l C r e d i t as a n e g a t i v e r e a c t i o n t o s o c i a l i s m was an important the  p a r t of S o c i a l C r e d i t s t r a t e g y .  ' s o c i a l i s t hordes'  However, the i d e a of  a t subsequent e l e c t i o n s was, i n the end, an  o v e r p l a y e d one, e s p e c i a l l y t o an i n c r e a s i n g l y educated e l e c t o r a t e . Meanwhile, the CCF Regina M a n i f e s t o , by 1950, had come t o be regarded  as outdated  (Young, 1969B, 75). F i r s t ,  the Winnipeg  D e c l a r a t i o n i n 1956, and then, i n 1958, the CCF and CLC cooperated to form a 'new p a r t y ' which was c r e a t e d i n J u l y 1961 (Young, 1969B, 7 7 ) . The  presence  of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from farming  of a h i s t o r i c a l than p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e  o r g a n i s a t i o n s was more (Young, 1969A, 7 5 ) . The  New Democratic P a r t y r e p r e s e n t e d a move towards the model o f the B r i t i s h Labour P a r t y  (Young, 1964).  With the a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h t h e t r a d e  use c o u l d be made of union dues f o r p a r t y a c t i v i t i e s 257).  However, Bennett  ( S a n f o r d , 1961,  i n t r o d u c e d B i l l 42 s h o r t l y a f t e r , which  t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , and a l l unions  unions,  forbade  had t o d e c l a r e and s i g n t h a t they  would abide by i t (Sherman, 1966, 188).  65  The  S o c i a l Credit Party  became i n c r e a s i n g l y e q u i v a l e n t  what the o l d p a r t i e s stood f o r i n B.C. one  of the f e a t u r e s  the  s t r u g g l e between the  of the phase of the  ' b e n e f i t s ' of o f f i c e . Fulton,  As was  two  The  old party  was  the  p a r a l l e l under S o c i a l C r e d i t caused Davie i n 1963,  49).  s i t u a t i o n under the o l d p a r t y  Bill  to crusade f o r i n t e g r i t y i n  42 was  r e m i n i s c e n t a l s o of  the  t r a n s p l a n t where the u n i o n s , l i k e  the  s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , e x i s t e d by p e r m i s s i o n , r a t h e r have seen and  earlier,  transplant  p a r t i e s to r e t a i n o r c a p t u r e  as C o n s e r v a t i v e l e a d e r  government (McGeer, 1972,  mentioned  than by r i g h t .  t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y are doomed to f a i l u r e . i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s argument, t h a t by longest-serving  (Sherman, 1966, was  Further,  February 1965,  Bennett had  history beating  j u s t as, i n 1952,  become  McBride  the h o s p i t a l  government, so,  i n 1966,  the B.C.  Hospital  issue  seemingly done by  the  S o c i a l C r e d i t government  i s i m p o r t a n t , because h o s p i t a l s , and  to become i s s u e s  i n the  1972  187),  an a n t i - p a r l i a m e n t a r y  an  but  nothing  (McGeer, 1972,  115).  other s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were  Provincial election.  S o c i a l C r e d i t , then, was (McGeer, 1972,  the  Association  Report branded B.C.'s f i v e l a r g e s t h o s p i t a l s as o b s o l e t e ,  This  the  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e ,  P r o v i n c i a l premier i n B.C.  306).  we  an  an important f a c t o r which p r e c i p i t a t e d the r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t  old party  was  As  argued, the presence of d i c t a t o r i a l a t t i t u d e s and  a u t h o r i t a r i a n system of c o n t r o l on an expanding f r o n t i e r i n  the  to  characterised  by pragmatic  politics  a u t h o r i t a r i a n o u t l o o k (Sherman, 1966,  attitude  ( S m i l e y , 1962,  however, t h a t the d e s i r e f o r s t r o n g  leadership  121).  Robin has  i n B.C.  i s due  84),  and  argued, more  66  likely  to "the  authoritarian  e f f e c t s of attitudes  the  a c q u i s i t i v e f r o n t i e r " than  (Robin, 1972A, 41).  McGeer argues t h a t  S o c i a l C r e d i t movement i n many ways i s symbolised by driving habits, so on  186-193).  His  f i n a l verdict  the  Gaglardi - his  h i s j e t t r i p s , h i s tendency to i g n o r e the  (McGeer, 1972,  to  law  i s that  and  the  Bennett government undermined i n s t i t u t i o n s i t should have defended (McGeer, 1972,  232).  Social Credit  had  shown i t s e l f  to be  s o c i a l i s t machine than e i t h e r of the two (Angus, 1952,  524).  The  e l e c t i o n , however, was t a c t i c w i t h any  'red  the  last  credulity.  The  a more e f f e c t i v e a n t i -  other n o n - s o c i a l i s t  s c a r e ' campaign i n the time S o c i a l C r e d i t  1969  Provincial  c o u l d use  e x i s t e n c e of s o c i a l i s m  independence of Bennett from the  elite  This contrived  210).  p o w e r f u l , and  h i s aim  (McGeer, 1972,  216).  little. The  For Bennett i n B.C.  S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y had  culture 1962,  - i t was  price  a p o l i t i c a l l a b e l mattered the job  become the B.C.  However, the p a r t y f i t t e d a conservative party with a  (Young, 1969B,  e q u i v a l e n t of the the P r o v i n c i a l ' r a d i c a l touch'  104). old  political (Smiley,  121). S i n c e the  1969  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n within to the  do  economic  extremely  became t o keep power at v i r t u a l l y any  What mattered was,.could he  party transplant.  to make him  this  as a main  a l t e r n a t i v e , i n c r e a s e d the (Robin, 1967,  parties  leadership  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , t h e r e had  been growing  S o c i a l C r e d i t ranks, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n  i s s u e , and  i n r e l a t i o n to the p r o v i s i o n  of s o c i a l  67 services.  The  f i r s t problem was  to do w i t h Bennett h i m s e l f and  d i c t a t o r i a l a t t i t u d e t o , among o t h e r s , members of h i s own Second, was was  Bennett's age,  party.  the q u e s t i o n of h i s s u c c e s s o r .  Third,  the improvement of s e r v i c e s , e s p e c i a l l y the h o s p i t a l s e r v i c e .  In the 1969  P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , d e s p i t e the shortcoming i n the  h o s p i t a l programme, Dr. i n Oak two  and  his  Bay  Scott Wallace defeated  (McGeer, 1972,  114).  However, Dr. W a l l a c e was  d e f e c t o r s to the C o n s e r v a t i v e  would be running w i t h  the incumbent  P a r t y who,  i n the 1972  a revived Conservative  Party.  one  Liberal of  election,  Change  was  i n the a i r i n the 1972  e l e c t i o n , and the f a c t t h a t the S o c i a l C r e d i t  P a r t y was  going i n t o the e l e c t i o n without  the o n l y one  symbolised  THE  NDP  REACTION,  1972  Conservative  MLA's as w e l l as a new  P a r t y , r e v i v e d by  t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n of  l e a d e r , a l s o r e v i v e d Davie F u l t o n ' s  of i n t e g r i t y ' from 1963,  the year  of the h i g h e s t  a new  l e a d e r , who,  o i l r o u t e s down the B.C.  the o t h e r  During  'platform  The  Liberal  f r e s h from a ' f i g h t ' over  coast a t the F e d e r a l l e v e l , was  'urban f i g h t e r s ' to  two  fractionalisation  s i n c e S o c i a l C r e d i t came to power (Table I I I ) .  P a r t y , t o o , had and  leader,  t h e i r i n a b i l i t y , or r e f u s a l , to change.  The  index  a new  tanker now  joining  'fight' Social Credit.  the campaign, b o t h o l d p a r t i e s exposed weaknesses i n  the S o c i a l C r e d i t programme and p a s t performance. o t h e r hand, r e f u s e d to be b a i t e d and  t h i s had  NDP,  on  the  r e f u s e d to rouse the o p p o s i t i o n  which would undoubtedly r e a c t a g a i n s t them. ' q u i e t campaign', and  The  T h e i r s t r a t e g y was  the e f f e c t of v i r t u a l l y  a  nullifying  68 Bennett attempts to appeal  once more to 'red s c a r e '  tactics  effectively. The  symbolism of S o c i a l C r e d i t as the s p e c t r e of the o l d  p a r t y t r a n s p l a n t was  evident  i n the i s s u e s of the age  of  the  government, or t h e age of B e n n e t t , which were r a i s e d d u r i n g 1972  campaign (see Chapter V I ) .  i n t e r e s t s of the p e o p l e was campaigning i n v a r i o u s areas of o r g a n i s a t i o n and  Bennett's removal from  symbolised  the  the  by h i s l o n e , s e c r e t i v e  of the P r o v i n c e .  The  l e a d e r s h i p were e x e m p l i f i e d by  i n t e r n a l problems the r e f u s a l of  the l o c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n i n C h i l l i w a c k to endorse Harvey Schroeder (who  won  the s e a t ) , and  by G a g l a r d i , who,  culminated  i n the p u b l i c a t t a c k on Bennett  as McGeer p o i n t s out, symbolised  S o c i a l C r e d i t stood f o r .  With t h i s i n mind, and  much of what  the view t h a t  perhaps the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y appealed more t o a u t h o r i t a r i a n c h a r a c t e r s , then f o l l o w i n g Fromm, such c h a r a c t e r s can a l s o be r e c o g n i s e d by "the h a t r e d t h a t c r i e s a g a i n s t an a u t h o r i t y when i t s power i s weakened and when i t begins Arguing  t h i s way,  i n the 1972  we  to t o t t e r "  e l e c t i o n would r e a c t a g a i n s t S o c i a l C r e d i t and  the c o a l i t i o n i n 1949 defeated, The  so was  169).  can r e c o g n i s e t h a t some S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s  t h e i r v o t e , perhaps to the r e v i v e d C o n s e r v a t i v e  was  (Fromm, 1941,  which was  Party.  switch  Thus,  beset w i t h i n t e r n a l problems  the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y i n  like and  1972.  r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t S o c i a l C r e d i t a l s o came a f t e r the  had  a l i e n a t e d a number of groups, such as the d o c t o r s , the  and  labour.  Funds from teachers  party  teachers  groups, f o r example, were used to  69  f u r t h e r the campaign o f those c a n d i d a t e s who stood the b e s t chance of d e f e a t i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t c a n d i d a t e s . Teamster's Union, n o r m a l l y  I n the case of l a b o u r , the  non-partisan,  committed i t s e l f  and other a s s i s t a n c e t o c a n d i d a t e s who voted  to f i n a n c i a l  i n the l e g i s l a t u r e i n  March 1971 a g a i n s t t h e government d e c i s i o n t o o r d e r s t r i k i n g Teamsters back t o work under t h e M e d i a t i o n As has been noted,  Commission A c t .  the NDP was the most s u c c e s s f u l i n  c r y s t a l l i z i n g t h e mood of the e l e c t o r a t e a t t h i s time. theme - ' T e l l them.  T h e i r campaign  Enough i s Enough' - " I n v i t e d the v o t e r s t o r e j e c t  a p a r t y t h a t no longer seemed l e s s t h e p r o v i n c e ' s " (Smith,  capable o f r u n n i n g  i t s own a f f a i r s much  1972, 8 ) . The NDP campaign s l o g a n i s  borrowed f r o m - C e c i l K i n g , when, i n May 1968, he p u b l i s h e d h i s 'enough i s enough' a r t i c l e i n the D a i l y M i r r o r demanding H a r o l d W i l s o n ' s resignation.  I t i s an i r o n i c s i t u a t i o n when a f o r m e r l y  anti-Labour  s l o g a n i s used to e l e c t t h e B.C. e q u i v a l e n t . The r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y i n t h e 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n can thus be regarded g e n e r a l dynamic p r o c e s s  as.: an i n t e g r a l p a r t  of a  - a s e r i e s o f a c t i o n s and r e a c t i o n s throughout  the h i s t o r y of B.C. p o l i t i c s p r o d u c i n g  a distinctive p o l i t i c a l culture.  CONCLUSION The argument has been made i n t h i s chapter system i s e s s e n t i a l l y c l a s s - b a s e d .  t h a t the B.C. p a r t y  F u r t h e r , t h a t B.C. p o l i t i c s  represent  a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i n Canada, and i s t h e r e f o r e b e t t e r d e s c r i b e d , n o t as the West, b u t as 'the West beyond the West'.  The  70 development  o f t h i s c u l t u r e has been p r e s e n t e d as a dynamic p r o c e s s  of a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n i n a  ' n e o - H a r t z i a n ' framework.  i n t h i s p r o c e s s - the development of  The main s t a g e s  of a r a d i c a l base, the t r a n s p l a n t  the o l d p a r t i e s as a r e a c t i o n t o t h i s base, the p r o t e s t  as a r e a c t i o n t o t h i s t r a n s p l a n t and t o each o t h e r , the congealment the  of the p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e i n 1952,  parties  final  and the NDP  r e a c t i o n to  S o c i a l C r e d i t segment of t h a t c u l t u r e - have a l l been d e s c r i b e d  and a n a l y s e d . As the r e s u l t of the 1972  e l e c t i o n , i n t h i s argument, i s an  i n t e g r a l p a r t of t h i s p r o c e s s , then v o t i n g behaviour i n t h a t  election  is  political  c l a r i f i e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e to the h i s t o r y of the P r o v i n c i a l  context.  The 1972 r e a c t i o n i s t h e r e f o r e not t o be seen i n i s o l a t i o n .  To demonstrate  t h a t t h i s was  q u e s t i o n n a i r e were asked why I).  a ^ c o n s c i o u s r e a c t i o n , respondents t o t h e they v o t e d the way  T a b l e IV g i v e s the r e s u l t s of t h i s .  TABLE IV  they d i d (see Appendix  I t w i l l be noted  that  Reasons Given f o r V o t i n g D e c i s i o n s Area 1  Area 2  Area 3  Reaction  22  21  19  Party P o l i c y  14  9  12  7  6  17  4  8  7  -  4  1  S a t i s f i e d As I s  -  8  2  Anti-NDP  -  1  4,  Other  16  4  5  No Reason/No Answer  33  17  11  TOTAL  96  78  78  The  Candidates  Always Voted T h i s No  Way  Choice  c o n s i s t e n t l y i n e a c h a r e a , a t l e a s t 20 as t h e i r r e a s o n f o r v o t i n g be  c a t e g o r i z e d as  t h e way  per cent of respondents  they d i d as something w h i c h  ' r e a c t i o n ' , such a s , f o r example, "wanted a  Credit defeat" or "get S o c i a l Credit out". ' r e a c t i o n r e a s o n f o r v o t i n g was interesting  t h e most i m p o r t a n t one.  i n A r e a 2 ( M a r p o l e ) t h a n i n any o t h e r a r e a who  Social the  It is respondents  were s a t i s f i e d  with  a t the time of the e l e c t i o n - t h a t i s ,d i d  not want S o c i a l C r e d i t t o be d e f e a t e d .  Similarly,  i n Area 1 (Hastings  E a s t ) no r e s p o n d e n t v o t e d f o r r e a s o n s s t a t e d t o b e a n t i - N D P , Area 3 (Dunbar-Southlands) who  could  I n a l l three areas  t o n o t e t h a t , f r o m T a b l e V I t h e r e w e r e more  t h e s i t u a t i o n as i t was  gave  had  the l a r g e s t percentage of  s t a t e d t h a t they v o t e d f o r anti-NDP  reasons.  whilst  respondents  This i s consistent  w i t h e x p e c t a t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n t o a model of p o l i t i c a l  space which  will  be p u t f o r w a r d and e l a b o r a t e d u p o n i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r - t h a t i s , t h a t voters living within a particular voting and w i t h p a r t i c u l a r a t t a c h m e n t s tend to vote w i t h the  t o and  zone.  of Vancouver,  associations within that  'majority f e e l i n g '  voting h i s t o r y ) of that  zone i n the c i t y  zone,  ( u s u a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to the  72,  CHAPTER I I I MIGRATION AND THE MODEL OF POLITICAL SPACE IN VANCOUVER  T h i s chapter  has two main aims.  First,  l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' i n t h e c i t y and p r e s e n t  to define  'zones of  a model o f p o l i t i c a l  space d e s c r i b i n g t h e g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l norms of p a r t i c u l a r c i t y  areas.  Second, t o a n a l y s e p e r s o n a l m i g r a t i o n h i s t o r i e s taken from the v o t e r survey (see Appendix I ) i n an attempt t o a s c e r t a i n whether t h e model i s a s t a b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the g e n e r a l  e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i n the  c i t y , or whether, i n f a c t , i t i s undergoing change.  Tentative  evidence  suggests t h a t the zones, i n g e n e r a l , a r e p e r f o r m i n g an a g g l o m e r a t i v e f u n c t i o n - t h a t i s , they a r e a c t i n g as c o l l e c t i n g areas f o r i n d i v i d u a l s with s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l preferences. it  i s reasonable  On t h e b a s i s of t h i s  conclusion  t o argue t h a t t h e e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i n Vancouver i s  becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y segregated and thus tending  toward  stability.  A MODEL OF POLITICAL SPACE IN VANCOUVER In terms o f t h e f i r s t at  aim o f t h i s c h a p t e r ,  v o t i n g behaviour  t h e P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l was mapped by p o l l i n terms of t h e winning  p a r t y i n each p o l l f o r the l a s t f o u r e l e c t i o n s - 1963, 1966, 1969 and  1972.  pattern. was  The r e s u l t  The 1963 e l e c t i o n was used as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t because t h i s  the f i r s t  Party.  i s t h e r e f o r e a g e n e r a l i s a t i o n of the dominant  e l e c t i o n contested  i n Vancouver by t h e New Democratic  There was some s l i g h t problem i n matching a l l o f t h e b o u n d a r i e s  for  p o l l s over t h a t time span, but,  map  as a base, there were few  i n g e n e r a l , u s i n g the 1972  r e a l problems i n t h i s r e g a r d .  r e s u l t s of t h i s a r e g i v e n i n Map  2.  A p a r t y had  to win  The  a p o l l at  l e a s t 3 of 4 times to q u a l i f y to c l a i m i t as i t s t e r r i t o r y . any  p o l l which had been won  classified  as  Conservative  'mixed'.  In view of the minimal success  P a r t y i n Vancouver s i n c e 1963, and  L i b e r a l from 1963  only  three  The  four  a r e a west of  remained f a i r l y  solidly  w i t h o n l y f o u r minor S o c i a l C r e d i t ' i n t r u s i o n s '  'mixed' a r e a .  Apart  G r a n v i l l e between 52nd and  from a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l s e c t i o n e a s t of  59th, t h i s i s the o n l y a r e a of c o n s i s t e n t  L i b e r a l s t r e n g t h i n the c i t y . 16th,  has  the  s p a t i a l r e g u l a r i t i e s i n v o t i n g behaviour i n the l a s t  G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t , e x c l u d i n g K i t s i l a n o has  one  the map  of  was  Social Credit.  e l e c t i o n s emerge r a t h e r c l e a r l y from the map.  and  Further,  at l e a s t twice by a d i f f e r e n t p a r t y  o t h e r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s - L i b e r a l , NDP The  poll  Between G r a n v i l l e and F r a s e r , south  t h e r e i s a marked zone of c o n s i s t e n t S o c i a l C r e d i t  of  support.  T h i s zone t a p e r s o f f to the e a s t of F r a s e r i n t o an area of mixed S o c i a l C r e d i t and C r e d i t support  NDP  support.  a r e the West End,  Other areas  of c o n s i s t e n t S o c i a l  e s p e c i a l l y n o r t h of B u r r a r d ,  Chinatown, which emerges as a S o c i a l C r e d i t b l o c k v i r t u a l l y by NDP  support.  The  and  surrounded  a r e a to the e a s t of Chinatown, the a r e a to  e a s t of the mixed S o c i a l Credit-NDP support,  and much of K i t s i l a n o  a r e a l l c h a r a c t e r i s e d by f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t support p o l l s which are c l a s s i f i e d on the map  as  the  f o r the NDP.  'mixed' a l l tend  to  The be  MAP 2  N  THE VOTING PATTERN IN THE  CITY O F V A N C O U V E R B C 1963-1972 0  Burrard  1 Smiles  Ln-Tj-J  LIBERAL N.D.P ] S O C I A L CREDIT MIXED  Inlet  .75l o c a t e d a t the margins of an a r e a of support  for a particular party.  Thus the a r e a from 13th to 16th from G r a n v i l l e to Collingwobd a r e a of 'mixed' p o l l s a c t i n g as a k i n d of area t o the south and running n o r t h - s o u t h  the NDP  ' b u f f e r ' between the  a r e a to the n o r t h .  area  a l o n g the e a s t s i d e of G r a n v i l l e from 22nd to 52nd  C r e d i t a r e a to the e a s t . S o c i a l C r e d i t and NDP  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note,  the  Social  t h a t the s e p a r a t i o n  areas to the east of F r a s e r i s marked by  'zone of t r a n s i t i o n ' r a t h e r than an area of a r e a of such p o l l s surround cons i s t e n t l y  Liberal  S i m i l a r l y , the  a c t s as a b u f f e r between the L i b e r a l a r e a to the west and  of  i s an  the CBD,  'mixed' p o l l s .  which i t s e l f has  One  remained  a  final fairly  NDP.  T w o • i n t e r e s t i n g areas f o r p o s s i b l e f u t u r e r e s e a r c h emerge from the map, i n Chapter  and a l s o from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the argument p r e s e n t e d  II.  The  which a r e surrounded party.  f i r s t i s concerned  by zones of c o n s i s t e n t support  surrounded  S i m i l a r l y , t h e r e are two  C r e d i t zone, and, NDP  for a different  There are the examples i n the a r e a west of G r a n v i l l e , f o r  example, of S o c i a l C r e d i t support support.  w i t h r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l areas  support.  or t h r e e NDP  p o l l s i n the  Social  i n K i t s i l a n o , a S o c i a l C r e d i t a r e a surrounded  by  The b a s i c q u e s t i o n thus would be, what k i n d s of t h i n g s  c h a r a c t e r i s e these anomalies? surrounding  by a zone of L i b e r a l  areas?  How  the  Are t h e r e any d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s  common to cases which a r e s i m i l a r ? argument i n Chapter  a r e they d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from  The  second a r e a r e l a t e s to the  I I , but t r a n s f e r r e d to the v o t i n g map  What changes were t h e r e i n the v o t i n g map  of Vancouver.  a f t e r each major r e a c t i o n i n  76  the h i s t o r y  of B.C. p o l i t i c s ?  A comparative h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s of  t h i s k i n d may y i e l d some i n t e r e s t i n g  f i g U P 6 1  results.  Model o f P o l i t i c a l Space i n Vancouver  However, perhaps a more b a s i c q u e s t i o n  i n terms o f the p r e s e n t  d i s c u s s i o n i s , how can t h i s map be g e n e r a l i s e d , and does any d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l p a t t e r n emerge which may suggest c e r t a i n urban s t r u c t u r e ?  I f we a b s t r a c t v e r y  draw a map s i m i l a r  to that shown i n F i g u r e 1.  t h i n g s t o us about  s l i g h t l y from the map we can T h i s may be c a l l e d a  77  model of p o l i t i c a l space f o r Vancouver.  Such models, have been  i g n o r e d by urban and e l e c t o r a l geographers a l i k e . r e a s o n why  a model of p o l i t i c a l  There i s no  good  space of t h i s k i n d s h o u l d not be  j u s t as v a l i d a d e s c r i p t i o n of urban s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e as models i n the  p a s t which have used e i t h e r socio-economic d a t a or f u n c t i o n a l  zones as t h e i r base.  The d i f f e r e n c e i n approach i n f e r r e d here i s one  between the use of f o r m a l or f u n c t i o n a l r e g i o n s i n models of urban structure. model.  However, F i g u r e 1 p r e s e n t s b o t h a f o r m a l and a f u n c t i o n a l  I t i s a f o r m a l model i n the sense t h a t the zones a r e d e f i n e d  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m a l g e o g r a p h i c manner, and, i t i s f u n c t i o n a l from the v i e w p o i n t of t h e competing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , as w i l l demonstrated i n Chapter V I .  be  Furthermore, and more i m p o r t a n t l y w i t h  r e g a r d t o t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l  zones w i l l a c t as  political  norms f o r i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g w i t h i n r e l a t i v e l y i n t e g r a t e d a r e a s . . W i t h i n such areas the 'area norm' (or a shared s e t of s t a n d a r d s or r u l e s ) w i l l o p e r a t e t o s t r u c t u r e the v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r of i n h a b i t a n t s in particular  directions.  The model of p o l i t i c a l  space d e s c r i b e d i n F i g u r e 1 i s h i g h l y  s u g g e s t i v e of a z o n a l / s e c t o r a l arrangement between 1963 and 1972 i n Vancouver. not  A g a i n , as i n Map  2, the d i v i s i o n s between the zones a r e  a b s o l u t e but a r e marked by  'zones of t r a n s i t i o n ' .  c o n s i s t s of an i n n e r r i n g - the CBD  The model  - which i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by  s u p p o r t , surrounded by a broken r i n g of S o c i a l C r e d i t s u p p o r t . i s a g a i n surrounded by a f u r t h e r r i n g of NDP and NDP  s e c t o r i n the e a s t .  NDP This  support which merges w i t h  The o u t e r or f o u r t h r i n g c o n s i s t s of a  78  s e r i e s of s e c t o r s - the L i b e r a l s e c t o r i n the west, the C r e d i t s e c t o r i n the c e n t r e , and the NDP S o c i a l C r e d i t s e c t o r and NDP  Social  s e c t o r i n the e a s t .  The  s e c t o r of the outer r i n g are s e p a r a t e d  by a mixed zone of S o c i a l C r e d i t and NDP  support which tends t o  p a r a l l e l Kingsway which p r o v i d e s i t s n o r t h e r n boundary. A l t h o u g h t r a d i t i o n a l models of urban s t r u c t u r e a p p a r e n t l y fail  to d e s c r i b e a d e q u a t e l y the n a t u r e of the c i t y of Vancouver  (Hardwick,  1971,  112), the model of p o l i t i c a l space o u t l i n e d above  accords w e l l w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n of the c e n t r a l system a l t e r n a t i v e model (Hardwick,  1971,  112-114).  F i g u r e 4 accords w i t h the i n n e r r i n g of CBD  The  i n an  i n n e r zone i n  i n t h i s model. . Second,  the "zone o f t r a n s i t i o n " accords w i t h the b i s e c t e d S o c i a l  Credit  r i n g i n our model.  (Hardwick,  1971, "old  114)  T h i r d , the " i n n e r c i t y housing a r e a "  f i t s w i t h our t h i r d r i n g of NDP  support.  F o u r t h , the  suburban s i n g l e f a m i l y a r e a s " which are " s o c i a l l y  neighbourhoods" zone.  segregated  accords w i t h our s e r i e s of f o u r s e c t o r s i n our o u t e r  No mention i s made i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of the c e n t r a l  however, of a s e c t o r a l arrangement of the o u t e r zone.  I t may  system, be  that  the o u t e r zone s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a l l y does not e x h i b i t any s e c t o r a l p a t t e r n , yet  Peucker  and Rase, u s i n g the 1961  census as a base, which a d m i t t e d l y  i s o u t s i d e the temporal span under d i s c u s s i o n h e r e , p o i n t t o the p o s s i b i l i t y of a s e c t o r i a l t r e n d (Peucker and Rase, 1971, It  85).  i s important t o n o t e here t h a t the z o n a l - s e c t o r a l model of  p o l i t i c a l space p r e s e n t e d here f i t s w e l l w i t h r e c e n t c a l l s f o r an i n t e g r a t e d model of urban  structure.  J o h n s t o n , f o r example c a l l s f o r  79-.  such a model, and s t a t e s t h a t socio-economic s t a t u s groups tend t o c o n c e n t r a t e w i t h i n c e r t a i n s e c t o r s , and w i t h i n each s e c t o r t h e r e i s a z o n a l arrangement  (Johnston, 1971, 119). A z o n a l - s e c t o r a l p a t t e r n  has been noted by Robson i n Sunderland (Robson, 1969).  F u r t h e r , Timms  has n o t e d t h a t the z o n a l and s e c t o r models each a r e p r e s e n t e d and d i s c u s s e d as i f they were " t o t a l schemes capable o f c a p t u r i n g a l l , or  n e a r l y a l l , of the s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n i n t h e urban r e s i d e n t i a l  structure" the  (Timms, 1971, 229). He too argues f o r the i n t e g r a t i o n of  two models (Timms, 1971, 229).  development  o f t h e B.C. p o l i t i c a l  Thus, d i s t i n c t phases i n the  c u l t u r e can be compared i n a  s p a t i a l sense i n Vancouver by examining the models of p o l i t i c a l d u r i n g these phases.  O f t e n , as was argued i n Chapter I I , such  space changes  r e l a t e t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a new p o l i t i c a l element i n t o the political examined  system.  I n a s o c i a l sense, t h e r e f o r e , change can be  i n r e l a t i o n t o the i n t r o d u c t i o n onto t h e urban scene of  new s o c i a l elements, such as m i n o r i t y groups. which has been done i n t h i s r e g a r d examines distinct racial  groups  Thus, most of the work  the i n v a s i o n of areas by  (Johnston, 1971, 179).  Of c o u r s e , models of p o l i t i c a l  space l i k e  that o u t l i n e d  above,  s i m i l a r t o models o f urban s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , can be used f o r comparative purposes, b o t h t e m p o r a l l y - a t d i f f e r e n t times a t t h e same l o c a t i o n and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y .  There may be some problem i n terms o f t h e  d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l systems - f o r example,  a different p o l i t i c a l  party  s t r u c t u r e - but c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparison of such models o f p o l i t i c a l space ( e s p e c i a l l y between c i t i e s which i n v i t e comparison - such as  80  Vancouver and P e r t h ) ,  would produce some i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s .  r e s u l t s would be u s e f u l both t o urban as w e l l  MIGRATION AND  Such  as p o l i t i c a l geography.  POLITICAL ZONES  In terms o f the second aim of t h i s c h a p t e r , an a n a l y s i s whether i n d i v i d u a l i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s c o n t r i b u t i n g change or s t a b i l i t y of  i n d i v i d u a l s may  change t h e i r v o t i n g  i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  b e h a v i o u r as a T h i s would  Second, i n d i v i d u a l s may  t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e w i t h them when they move. the  e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i n two main ways.  p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e i s s i m i l a r to that partisanship'  between  behaviour.  r e s u l t of moving i n t o a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone. stability  consideration  c o n c e r n i n g the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p  change of r e s i d e n c e and v o t i n g First,  t o the  o f the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n e n t a i l s a  two main p o s s i b i l i t i e s  of  First,  promote take  T h i s may  affect  i f i n d i v i d u a l s whose  of the area of  'latent  i n which they l i v e move t o an area of d i f f e r e n t  'latent  c  partisanship',  t h i s would induce change i n the e l e c t o r a l  pattern.  C o n v e r s e l y , i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e i s d i f f e r e n t to that  of the a r e a of ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p '  i n which they l i v e may move  to an a r e a i n which the p o l i t i c a l norm i s s i m i l a r t o t h e i r p o l i t i c a l preference. pattern.  T h i s would r e i n f o r c e  stability  own  i n the e l e c t o r a l  These p o s s i b i l i t i e s r a i s e a s e r i e s of q u e s t i o n s which w i l l  be examined h e r e . F i r s t , were t h e r e any changes i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r from 1966 to 1969 t o 1972?  Second, i f t h e r e were any changes, a r e  81they a s s o c i a t e d w i t h changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l zones?  In t h i s  regard,  t h e r e may have been some i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , y e t t o a s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l zone.  I f t h i s were the case, w i t h r e g a r d t o our argument,  then v o t i n g behaviour  would n o t change.  F u r t h e r , t h e r e may be a  d e f i n a b l e p a t t e r n t o i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n which c o u l d have two facets.  F i r s t , that i n d i v i d u a l s migrate  w i t h i n the c i t y .  Second, t h a t t h e i r  to s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l  ' s t a t u s a s p i r a t i o n s ' encourage  m i g r a t i o n from, s a y , the " i n n e r c i t y housing to the " s o c i a l l y segregated  a r e a " o f NDP  support,  neighbourhoods", and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , t o  a zone o f p e r c e i v e d h i g h e r s o c i a l s t a t u s , such as t h e L i b e r a l f o r example.  zones  zone,  The second major q u e s t i o n above may be r e v e r s e d i n  o r d e r t o ask a t h i r d , namely, i f t h e r e have been no changes i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g behaviour  from 1966 t o 1972, have t h e r e been any  changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l zones, e i t h e r t o s i m i l a r zone types o r t o d i f f e r e n t zone types? T h i s q u e s t i o n r a i s e s a s e r i e s of a l t e r n a t i v e  questions.  The b a s i c q u e s t i o n here i s , how f a r does v o t i n g behaviour 1972  e l e c t i o n r e l a t e to p o l i t i c a l  i n the  zones of r e s i d e n c e i n which  i n d i v i d u a l s have p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d ?  I n other words, do i n d i v i d u a l s  tend t o take t h e i r urban p o l i t i c a l s u b - c u l t u r e w i t h them when they move t o a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l f o r e , i s v o t i n g behaviour associated with previous  zone?  i n t h e 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  election  zones of r e s i d e n c e which d i f f e r  i n which i n d i v i d u a l s c u r r e n t l y l i v e ? from t h i s main one.  I n an o p e r a t i o n a l sense, t h e r e -  from  Four other q u e s t i o n s  F i r s t , i s v o t i n g behaviour  those  emerge  associated with  82  p r e v i o u s p o l i t i c a l zones i f they are s i m i l a r t o those i n which individuals currently live?  Second, i s v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r a s s o c i a t e d  w i t h p r e v i o u s p o l i t i c a l zones i f they a r e d i f f e r e n t from those i n which i n d i v i d u a l s c u r r e n t l y l i v e ? a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the l a s t  T h i r d , i s v o t i n g behaviour  zone of r e s i d e n c e , o r w i t h a zone  which an i n d i v i d u a l moved r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y ? b e h a v i o u r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the sum i n which an i n d i v i d u a l has  from  Fourth, i s v o t i n g  t o t a l of p r e v i o u s p o l i t i c a l zones  lived?  CHANGES IN VOTING BEHAVIOUR With r e g a r d to the f i r s t s e r i e s of q u e s t i o n s above, d a t a v o t i n g behaviour  i n the t h r e e e l e c t i o n s from 1966  collected  (see Appendix I ) .  behaviour  are found  to 1972  on  were  In each of the e l e c t i o n s area and v o t i n g  to be c o n s i s t e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d * , as the model of  p o l i t i c a l space i m p l i e s .  However, w i t h r e g a r d t o changes i n i n d i v i d u a l  v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , T a b l e V demonstrates t h a t , comparing behaviour 1972  w i t h 1969  and 1966,  t h e r e have been c o n s i d e r a b l e s h i f t s .  Tau C associations' " i n d i c a t e i n a l l cases n e g a t i v e 1  a l t h o u g h weak, between v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and v o t i n g behaviour  i n 1969  e v i d e n c e of the 1972  e l e c t i o n b e i n g an  argued  i n 1966  compared w i t h 1972.  in The  associations,  compared w i t h  1972,  This i s further  ' e l e c t i o n of r e a c t i o n ' , as  was  i n Chapter I I .  * a t the 0.005 l e v e l K e n d a l l ' s Tau C i s a nonparametric index of a s s o c i a t i o n v a r y i n g from -1 to +1 depending on the degree of a s s o c i a t i o n .  83  TABLE V  Area Versus V o t i n g Behaviour,  1972  1966-1972  Vote  1  Area 2  Area 3 .  1969. v o t e  -0.102  -0.037  -0.086  1966  -0.167  -0.026  -0.108  Area  vote  1969 1966  0.690  0.514  0.525  vote  Vote  For example, i n Area 1, of those respondents C r e d i t i n 1969,  60 per cent v o t e d NDP  v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1972.  i n 1972,  voting Social  and o n l y 13 per  cent  T h i s r a i s e s the p o s s i b i l i t y , t h a t , a t  a time of r e a c t i o n , s w i t c h e r s go from the government p a r t y t o the p a r t y r e p r e s e n t i n g what may our model.  The  be c a l l e d the  c o n s i s t e n c y of the  'area norm' - the NDP  'area norm' i s demonstrated by  the f a c t t h a t , i n Area 1, of those v o t i n g NDP v o t e d NDP  i n 1972,  i n 1969,  and 4 p e r cent v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t .  of the S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e , on the o t h e r hand was the  in  79 per  cent  The c o n s i s t e n c y  much h i g h e r i n A r e a  2,  'area norm' f o r which, a c c o r d i n g to our model, i s the S o c i a l  Credit party.  For example, of those v o t i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t  50 per cent v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1972. terms of the o t h e r p a r t i e s , however, was For example, a l l NDP  v o t e r s i n 1969  of those v o t i n g L i b e r a l i n 1969  in  1969,  C o n s i s t e n c y of v o t e i n a g a i n g r e a t e r i n Area  v o t e d NDP  i n 1972,  v o t e d L i b e r a l i n 1972,  2.  and 69 per although  per cent switched t o S o c i a l C r e d i t , and 13 p e r cent t o NDP.  cent  13  Further,  84  40 per cent of those v o t i n g P r o g r e s s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e i n 1972 v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1969. support from 1969 the  t o 1972  In Area 3, the c o n s i s t e n c y of L i b e r a l  a t t e s t s t o the importance  NDP.  The NDP  a l t h o u g h t h e r e was  v o t e , however, was  cent of those v o t i n g NDP  i n 1969  C r e d i t i n 1972,  some s w i t c h i n g (11 per cent) to  even more c o n s i s t e n t , w i t h 71 per v o t i n g NDP  i n 1969  i n 1972,  although  there  The  I t i s evident  then  some s w i t c h i n g from 1969  to  'area norm' - i n t h i s case, the L i b e r a l P a r t y . changes i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g behaviour  from 1969  t o 1972  e v i d e n t between 1966 the Tau C v a l u e was  from 1966  and  1969.  h i g h l y p o s i t i v e , w i t h Area 3 having the s t r o n g e s t  r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e from one  VOTING SHIFTS AND Having now v o t i n g behaviour  1972  T a b l e V shows t h a t i n a l l t h r e e areas  I t may  be, t h e r e f o r e , w i t h  l a c k of any evidence to the c o n t r a r y , t h a t v o t i n g behaviour  of r e a c t i o n ' as i n  to  c o n t r a s t markedly w i t h the c o n s i s t e n c y which i s  a s s o c i a t i o n , and Area 2 the weakest.  we may  Social  to the P r o g r e s s i v e  18 per cent to the L i b e r a l s .  t h a t , i n Area 3, as i n Area 1, t h e r e was to the  Of  i n Area 3, 47 per cent v o t e d  whereas 24 per cent switched  C o n s e r v a t i v e s and  and  voted  some r e v e r s e s w i t c h i n g (22 per cent) t o the L i b e r a l P a r t y .  those v o t i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t  1972  of t h a t p a r t y as-  'area norm' - 68 per cent of those v o t i n g L i b e r a l i n 1969  L i b e r a l i n 1972,  was  had  the  is  e l e c t i o n to the next, save f o r such  'elections  1972. RESIDENCE CHANGE demonstrated t h a t t h e r e were marked changes i n the  of i n d i v i d u a l s from 1966  address our second  to 1972  and  from 1969  to  1972,  q u e s t i o n - whether such changes a r e a s s o c i a t e d  85  w i t h changes i n r e s i d e n c e from one p o l i t i c a l zone t o a n o t h e r .  Table  VI g i v e s the r e s i d e n t i a l h i s t o r y o f respondents i n each a r e a f o r the t h r e e l o c a t i o n s b e f o r e the p r e s e n t one. As w i l l be n o t e d , i n terms of s t a b i l i t y of r e s i d e n c e , Area 1 i s the most s t a b l e , f o l l o w e d by A r e a 3 and then Area 2.  The most important zone f o r t h e l a s t house o f  r e s i d e n c e f o r respondents i n Area 1 was an NDP zone, f o l l o w e d by t h e mixed S o c i a l Credit/NDP  zone.  I n c o n t r a s t , the most important zone  f o r t h e l a s t house o f r e s i d e n c e f o r respondents i n Area 2 was a S o c i a l C r e d i t zone, f o l l o w e d by the L i b e r a l and the S o c i a l Credit/NDP One might  zones.  expect from t h i s t h a t respondents i n A r e a 3 came l a s t  the L i b e r a l zone, b u t t h i s i s n o t the c a s e .  from  The most important  zones  i n Area 3 were e q u a l l y S o c i a l C r e d i t and NDP w i t h L i b e r a l coming n e x t . With these p o i n t s i n mind, i t would appear t h a t t o demonstrate  a clear  a s s o c i a t i o n between change i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and change i n i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n c e would be extremely d i f f i c u l t ,  especially i n  Areas 1 and 2. Two l i n e s of i n q u i r y were attempted.  F i r s t , an attempt was  made t o see i f t h e r e was any a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972 v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and whether respondents had l i v e d elsewhere.  Second,  an attempt was  made t o see i f r e s i d e n c e o u t s i d e t h e p r e s e n t a r e a would be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h 1972 v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , h o l d i n g 1969 v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r c o n s t a n t . With r e g a r d t o the f i r s t  l i n e o f i n q u i r y , i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s t h e r e were  v e r y weak a s s o c i a t i o n s between 1972 v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and whether respondents had l i v e d elsewhere.  I n Area 1 (Tau C = -0.073), f o r  example, of those v o t i n g NDP i n 1972, 49 p e r cent had l i v e d i n another  TABLE VI  Residence i n P o l i t i c a l  Hadn't Lived in Another Zone  Lived Outside Vane Last  Zones  SC Zone 2nd Last Last House House  (%)  "3rd Last House  0  NDP Zone 2nd 3rd Last Last Last House House House  L i b Zone 2nd 3rd Last Last Last House House House  SC/NDP Zone Last House  2nd Last House  3rd Last House  13  19  Area 1  51  Area 2  26  32  10  15  Area 3  30  19  19  15  0  15  13  oo  87  p a r t of the c i t y . l i v e d elsewhere.  S i m i l a r l y , 33 per cent of S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s had However, of those h a v i n g l i v e d  the c i t y , 54 per cent v o t e d NDP  in  i n another a r e a of  1972.  Although changes i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r have been observed i n a l l a r e a s , changes i n the n a t u r e of the p o l i t i c a l  zone  type i n which respondents have p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d have been r e l a t i v e l y small. we  One might perhaps  expect t h e r e f o r e , t h a t o n l y i n Area 3 w i l l  observe the p o s s i b i l i t y of  ' c o n v e r s i o n ' - t h a t i s , a change i n  v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r as a r e s u l t of m i g r a t i o n between d i f f e r e n t zones.  political  However, the above e v i d e n c e suggests t h e o p e r a t i o n o f p a r t o f  our second p o s s i b i l i t y noted above - t h a t i s , when i n d i v i d u a l s move they tend to take t h e i r p o l i t c a l p r e f e r e n c e w i t h them - i n t h i s  case  they tend t o move t o a zone whose p o l i t i c a l , norm i s t h e same as t h e i r own  p o l i t i c a l preference.  where i n - m i g r a t i o n may a s p i r a t i o n s ' and/or One  However, the p r o c e s s may  d i f f e r i n Area 3  have been the r e s u l t , i n p a r t , of  'status  social mobility.  i n t e r e s t i n g p o i n t which does emerge from the d a t a i s t h a t  v o t e r s v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm i n a l l t h r e e areas have been r e l a t i v e l y the most m o b i l e i n the sense t h a t they have l i v e d i n o t h e r areas of Vancouver. to the NDP  We have a l r e a d y noted t h i s above i n r e l a t i o n  v o t e r i n A r e a 1.  v o t e r s were the most m o b i l e . C r e d i t i n 1972,  In A r e a 2 (Tau C = -0.073),  Social  For example, of those v o t i n g  Social  87 per cent had l i v e d i n another p a r t o f the  compared w i t h 67 per cent of those v o t i n g NDP. (Tau C = -0.061),  Credit  city,  F u r t h e r , i n area 3  75 per cent of those v o t i n g L i b e r a l i n 1972  had  lived  88 i n another area of the c i t y , compared w i t h voting Social Credit. those who  70 per cent of  those  I t i s t h e r e f o r e p o s s i b l e to argue here t h a t  are the most m o b i l e i n each a r e a , a f t e r h a v i n g  lived in  other p a r t s of Vancouver have ' r e t r e a t e d ' i n t o t h e i r l o c a l area assumed more s t r o n g l y l o c a l i s e d a s s o c i a t i o n s than i n h a b i t a n t s have not  l i v e d elsewhere.  concerning and  T h i s argument accords w i t h r e c e n t  the " s e c u r i t y a s p e c t " of l o c a l areas  the p o s s i b l e o p e r a t i o n of some k i n d of  areas  f o r reasons o f - s o c i a l and The  (Johnston,  who ideas  1971,  ' r e t r e a t ' process  in  those  i n p a r t to m o b i l i t y , may,  a l e n g t h of time, encourage i n d i v i d u a l s to develop r e l a t i v e l y attachments to p a r t i c u l a r a r e a s \  and  adhere to those  i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e the v o t i n g behaviour norm.  i n g e n e r a l , as l o c a l i s e d t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s .  after strong  a r e a norms T h i s i s an  However, i f i t be t r u e , then each of  l o c a l areas would be expected to be p e r c e i v e d  f u r t h e r i n Chapter  110),  economic s e c u r i t y .  impact of i n s e c u r i t y , due  a r e a of f u t u r e r e s e a r c h .  and  the  as d i s t i n c t , and f u n c t i o n , T h i s w i l l be  discussed  IV.  In o r d e r to attempt to r e l a t e changes i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r more d i r e c t l y  to changes i n r e s i d e n c e , 1972  correlated with  l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i n the p r e s e n t  v o t i n g behaviour c o n s t a n t . behaviour constant. any  v o t i n g behaviour  The  T h i s was  repeated  was  area, holding  h o l d i n g 1966  1969  voting  r e s u l t s of t h i s a n a l y s i s , however, d i d not  add  s u b s t a n t i a t i o n to our f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y noted above - t h a t r e l o c a t i o n  i n a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a change i n v o t i n g  E s p e c i a l l y i n areas p o s s e s s i n g Chapter I I .  remnants of f r o n t i e r v a l u e s  -  see  89  behaviour.  For example, a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r the whole sample, as w e l l  as i n d i v i d u a l a r e a s , h o l d i n g 1966 g e n e r a l l y v e r y weak or weak. o n l y one p a r t y and one the NDP  behaviour  v o t i n g behaviour  and  two  things.  First,  t h a t changes i n v o t i n g  are not n e c e s s a r i l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h changes of r e s i d e n c e .  o t h e r zones.  zone are probably s t r o n g e r than i n the  Even h e r e , however, a s s o c i a t i o n s were g e n e r a l l y not v e r y  For example, f o r the whole sample, t h e r e was  association  (Tau C = -0.233) between 1972  of r e s i d e n c e , h o l d i n g NDP i n 1969,  v o t i n g i n 1969  54 per cent who  v o t e d NDP  a fair  v o t i n g behaviour constant.  i n 1972  had  Of  and l e n g t h  lived i n their  S i m i l a r l y , i n Area 1,  -0.211), of those v o t i n g NDP  64 per cent who  i n 1969,  negative  those v o t i n g  of r e s i d e n c e f o r more than 10 y e a r s .  had  constant,  zone demonstrated an a s s o c i a t i o n - the NDP  Second, t h a t norms i n the NDP  NDP  H o l d i n g 1969  c o n s t a n t , were  zone. Ths suggests  strong.  v o t i n g behaviour  area  (Tau C =  v o t e d NDP  in  1972  l i v e d t h e r e f o r more than 10 y e a r s . Thus, the a s s o c i a t i o n between l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i n an  and c o n s i s t e n c y of v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  i s much more important  than  area the  a s s o c i a t i o n between change i n r e s i d e n c e and change i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r For example, t h e r e was  no evidence of S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s coming  from  another  'converted' to NDP  to  1972.  T h i s i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by the f a c t t h a t , i n Area 1, 47 per cent of  those  zone and b e i n g  i n Area 1, from 1969  v o t i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1969,  v o t e d NDP  a r e a f o r more than 10 y e a r s .  However, t h e r e a r e two  e x p l a n a t i o n s here.  First,  i n 1972  and had  l i v e d i n that  plausible  t h a t the change i n v o t e from 1969  t o 1972  on  90  the p a r t of some S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s i n Area 1 was g e n e r a l p r o c e s s of r e a c t i o n . if  r e l a t e d to the  Second, t h a t the c o n v e r s i o n  process,  i t e x i s t s a t a l l , takes p l a c e over a time span of more than 10  years.  Of course, to be a b l e to s u b s t a n t i a t e the l a t t e r  possibility  i n d i v i d u a l s would have to be s t u d i e d over a l o n g time span i n o r d e r to  note  changes i n r e s i d e n c e as w e l l as v o t i n g behaviour  election.  T h i s was  a t each  not p o s s i b l e w i t h i n the l i m i t e d scope of  the  t  present  inquiry.  PATTERN CHANGE AND  RESIDENCE CHANGE  The second g e n e r a l p o s s i b i l i t y noted above i s whether take t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e w i t h them when they move.  individuals  The  first  p o s s i b i l i t y i n t h i s r e g a r d i s whether i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e i s s i m i l a r to t h a t of the a r e a of which they l i v e , move to an area of d i f f e r e n t thereby  'latent partisanship' i n 'latent partisanship'  i n d u c i n g change i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  becomes, i s 1972 v o t i n g behaviour r e s i d e n c e i n other p o l i t i c a l  The  thus  a s s o c i a t e d to any degree w i t h p r e v i o u s  zones?  In r e l a t i o n to t h i s , we f i r s t  wanted to know whether p r e v i o u s v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r was a p r e v i o u s zone of r e s i d e n c e .  question  associated with  Thus, 1969 v o t i n g behaviour was  w i t h the l a s t zone of r e s i d e n c e of i n d i v i d u a l s f o r each a r e a .  correlated In a l l  c a s e s , a s s o c i a t i o n s were s l i g h t . However, t h e r e were some changes a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the n a t u r e of the p o l i t i c a l zone of each a r e a .  For example, i n Area 1 (Tau c =  0.081), 25 p e r cent of those l i v i n g l a s t i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t zone v o t e d NDP  i n 1969.  In Area 2 (Tau C = 0.155), 25 per cent of those  living  91  i n an NDP  zone l a s t v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1969,  those l i v i n g  last  i n the L i b e r a l zone v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n  S i m i l a r l y , i n A r e a 3,  last  1969.  (Tau C = 0.019) 47 per cent of those l i v i n g  i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t zone v o t e d L i b e r a l i n ' 1969, living  and 25 per cent of  i n an NDP  and  zone v o t e d L i b e r a l i n 1969.  last  27 per cent of Thus, t h e r e  some r e l a t i o n t o the p r e s e n t a r e a norm f o r v o t i n g , d e s p i t e the  those  was last  zone of r e s i d e n c e . T h i s f i n d i n g i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by c o r r e l a t i n g 1972 b e h a v i o u r w i t h the l a s t of  zone of r e s i d e n c e h o l d i n g c o n s t a n t the l e n g t h  r e s i d e n c e i n the p r e s e n t zone.  In Area 1, f o r example, t h e r e were  f a i r n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n s between the l a s t v o t i n g behaviour  f o r those l i v i n g  -0.500), f o r 1-2  years  -0.400).  zone of r e s i d e n c e and  i n the a r e a l e s s than one year  (Tau C = -0.444) and f o r 2-5  S i m i l a r l y the a s s o c i a t i o n was  the a r e a f o r more than 10 years  s i m i l a r p a t t e r n to Area 1 was  (Tau C = -0.058). i n Area 2.  observed.  (Tau C = -0.417), f o r 1-2 (Tau C = -0.648).  years  (Tau C =  (Tau C = in  Very weak, u s u a l l y In A r e a 3, a v e r y  That i s , t h a t again t h e r e  a f a i r n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n between the l a s t f o r those l i v i n g  years  1972  v e r y weak f o r those l i v i n g  n e g a t i v e , a s s o c i a t i o n s were a l s o noted  v o t i n g behaviour  voting  zone of r e s i d e n c e and  i n the a r e a l e s s than one  1972  year  (Tau C = -0.167), and f o r 2-5  A g a i n , f o r those l i v i n g  was  years  i n the a r e a f o r more than  10 y e a r s , the a s s o c i a t i o n s were v e r y weak (Tau C = -0.065). When t a k i n g 1969 were v e r y s i m i l a r .  v o t i n g behaviour  i n t o account,  For example, f o r those l i v i n g  than 10 y e a r s and v o t i n g NDP  i n 1969,  t h e r e was  the r e s u l t s  i n Area 1 f o r more  a slight  negative  92  a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972 -0.181). and  last  The  v o t e and  a s s o c i a t i o n was  last  zone of r e s i d e n c e (Tau C =  s t r o n g e r , however, between 1972  zone of r e s i d e n c e f o r those l i v i n g i n Area 1 f o r more than  10 y e a r s , and v o t i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1969 i n Area  vote  2, t h e r e was  (Tau C = -0.496).  a n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972  Further,  v o t e and  last  zone of r e s i d e n c e f o r those l i v i n g  i n the area 2-5  L i b e r a l i n 1969  S i m i l a r l y f o r those v o t i n g S o c i a l  C r e d i t i n 1969  (Tau C = -0.240). and  l i v i n g i n Area 2, 5-10  n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972 (Tau C = -0.800).  In Area  For example, those l i v i n g L i b e r a l i n 1969, and 1969  last  y e a r s and v o t i n g  y e a r s , t h e r e was  vote-and  the l a s t  zone of r e s i d e n c e  3, a s s o c i a t i o n s i n g e n e r a l were weak. f o r more than 10 years i n the a r e a and v o t i n g  t h e r e was  a v e r y weak a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972  zone of r e s i d e n c e  vote  (-0.022), and f o r S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e r s i n  l i v i n g f o r more than 10 y e a r s i n the a r e a , t h e r e was  a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972  a strong  v o t e and  Thus, i n g e n e r a l , the evidence  last  a weak  zone of r e s i d e n c e (Tau C = 0.160).  suggests  even a n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n between 1972  that there i s very l i t t l e v o t i n g behaviour  and  and  previous  zone of r e s i d e n c e . One  f i n a l attempt to examine the p o s s i b i l i t y  e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n through m i g r a t i o n was q u e s t i o n of whether the sum respondents  had  l i v e d was  total  undertaken by examining  the  of p r e v i o u s p o l i t i c a l zones i n which  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h 1972  v o t i n g behaviour.  i n a l l t h r e e areas the a s s o c i a t i o n s were v e r y weak. example, t h e r e was  of change i n the  However,  I n Area 1, f o r  a v e r y weak n e g a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n (Tau C = -0.035);  93  i n Area 2, a v e r y weak p o s i t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n (Tau C = 0.043), and i n Area 3 a weak p o s i t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n (Tau C = 0.108).  PATTERN STABILITY AND  RESIDENCE CHANGE  I t has now been demonstrated, f i r s t , t h a t changes i n v o t i n g behaviour  t h a t t h e r e i s no  evidence  a r e a r e s u l t of change i n r e s i d e n c e  (although c e r t a i n of the r e s u l t s were s u g g e s t i v e ) .  Second, i t has  been shown t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e i s s i m i l a r to t h a t o f the a r e a o f ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' i n which they l i v e to move to an a r e a of d i f f e r e n t  'latent partisanship'.  tend not  The q u e s t i o n  then becomes, i f change of v o t e i s not a s s o c i a t e d w i t h change of r e s i d e n c e , and v o t i n g behaviour p r e v i o u s zones of r e s i d e n c e , how of  residence, associated?  i s not a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the norms of are the two v a r i a b l e s , v o t e and change  A l l a v a i l a b l e evidence  seems to p o i n t t o the  c o n c l u s i o n t h a t change o f r e s i d e n c e i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  political  p r e f e r e n c e p e r s e , r a t h e r than any change i n p o l i t i c a l  preference.  Hence, p r e v i o u s v o t i n g behaviour of  residence;  i s not a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r e v i o u s zones  hence 1972 v o t i n g 'behaviour  i s not associated with  r e s i d e n c e i n p r e v i o u s zones, e i t h e r i n p a r t or i n t o t a l ; i n v o t i n g behaviour  between 1966 and 1972 and 1969 and 1972 a r e not  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h changes i n r e s i d e n c e . i s c o r r e c t , then an important  I f our a l t e r n a t e  q u e s t i o n i s generated,  i n d i v i d u a l s moving t o p o l i t i c a l v o t i n g behaviour  hence changes  possibility  namely, a r e  zones which a r e s i m i l a r to t h e i r  own  i n 1972?  T h i s q u e s t i o n can be answered by a s s o c i a t i n g 1972 v o t i n g behaviour w i t h the p r e s e n t a r e a o f r e s i d e n c e h o l d i n g p r e v i o u s zone of  94  residence constant. I t w i l l be noted to  T a b l e s V I I , V I I I and IX show the r e s u l t s o f t h i s .  t h a t , from T a b l e V I I , 51 p e r cent of those who used  l i v e i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t zone and moved t o Area 3 - w i t h i n the  L i b e r a l zone - v o t e d L i b e r a l i n 1972, a l t h o u g h s t i l l voted S o c i a l C r e d i t . i n a Social Credit  S i m i l a r l y , 25 per cent of those l i v i n g p r e v i o u s l y  zone and moving t o Area 1 - w i t h i n an NDP zone -  v o t e d NDP i n 1972, although an e q u a l percentage Credit.  some 34 p e r cent  s t i l l voted  Social  Area 2 i n t h i s r e g a r d p r o v i d e s something of an anomaly, i n  t h a t , although 20 per cent of those p r e v i o u s l y l i v i n g  i n a Social  C r e d i t zone supported S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1972, 24 p e r cent v o t e d In T a b l e V I I I , 38 p e r cent o f those f o r m e r l y l i v i n g zone and moving i n t o Area 2, v o t e d S o c i a l C r e d i t i n 1972. i n Area 3, 36 p e r cent o f those f o r m e r l y l i v i n g L i b e r a l i n 1972.  Liberal.  i n an NDP Similarly,  i n an NDP zone v o t e d  I n c o n t r a s t t o the S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e i n T a b l e V I I ,  67 p e r cent o f those f o r m e r l y r e s i d e n t i n an NDP zone and p r e s e n t l y living  i n Area 1 v o t e d NDP i n 1972. F i n a l l y , i n T a b l e IX, 50 p e r cent of those f o r m e r l y l i v i n g i n  a L i b e r a l zone v o t e d NDP i n Area 1, w h i l e 63 p e r cent o f those i n Area 2 f o r m e r l y l i v i n g  i n a L i b e r a l zone v o t e d L i b e r a l .  I n Area 3,  36 p e r cent of those f o r m e r l y r e s i d e n t i n a L i b e r a l zone v o t e d i n 1972.  Liberal  I n a l l t h r e e f i g u r e s f o r a l l t h r e e areas t h e r e was s u b s t a n t i a l  movement i n t o a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l zone, t h e 'norm' o f which was the same as i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  i n 1972.  The two e x c e p t i o n s were  both i n A r e a 2 - f o r the l a s t house to be i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t zone  95  TABLE V I I  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n a S o c i a l C r e d i t Zone D i d not Vote  (%) Social Credit  NDP  Liberal  PC  Area 1  50  25  25  -  -  Area 2  40  20  16  24  -  Area 3  9  34  51  2  TABLE V I I I  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n an NDP Zone D i d not Vote  Area 1  33  Area 2  25  Area 3  29  TABLE IX  Social Credit  NDP 67  38  13  25  29  36  Social Credit  NDP  Area 1  50  Area 2  51  *  PC  V o t i n g Behaviour and P r e v i o u s Residence i n a L i b e r a l Zone Did not Vote  Area 3  Liberal  (%)  27  Liberal  PC 50  63  18  36  27  From now on, s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s g i v e n i n the T a b l e s and r e f e r r e d to i n the t e x t a r e u n d e r l i n e d f o r s i m p l i c i t y .  96  ( T a b l e V I I ) , and  f o r the  l a s t h o u s e t o be  i n a L i b e r a l zone  (Table  IX) . An possibility  a f f i r m a t i v e answer t o our of  the p o l i t i c a l  agglomerative function.  a r e s u l t , the  associated t o an  terms of v o t i n g  s i m i l a r norms.  a c t i n g as c o l l e c t i n g  of v o t i n g We  can  migration  r e l a t i v e l y weak.  behaviour i n the argue f u r t h e r i s that  T h u s , as  local  has  t e n d t o move, i f p o s s i b l e ,  that,  city  that  one  attachments  from  to areas that  I t i s to these v a r i a b l e s , attachment to area,  l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , and  behaviour r e s p e c t i v e l y , that  the  i t s association with  following  two  is  b e e n shown i n  b e h a v i o u r , i n d i v i d u a l s whose norms d i f f e r  s u r r o u n d i n g them w i l l  terms of  segregated.  factor i n intra-urban  a r e a t e n d t o be  they are  the  an  s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s , and  s p a t i a l pattern  becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y  q u e s t i o n poses  zones i n Vancouver p e r f o r m i n g  That i s , t h a t  areas f o r i n d i v i d u a l s with as  alternate  c h a p t e r s now  those have in  voting turn.  97  CHAPTER IV  LOCAL AREA INTEGRATION IN VANCOUVER  The main aim of the p r e s e n t c h a p t e r i s to demonstrate t h a t each of the l o c a l areas b e i n g used i n the a n a l y s i s are p e r c e i v e d as b e i n g d i s t i n c t i v e t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s and to show t h a t each has  a  d i f f e r e n t degree of i n t e r n a l i n t e g r a t i o n based on a v a r i e t y of s o c i o l o g i c a l measures.  T h i s w i l l p r o v i d e a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r the  a n a l y s i s i n Chapter  The measures used were respondents'  V.  of  l o c a l area boundaries,  of  a r e a , l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e , whether the a r e a i s regarded  r e a l home, the of  a r e a names, a r e a image, socio-economic as  as l a t e n t measures (see Mann, 1954).  their  These can a l l be d e s c r i b e d  M a n i f e s t measures such  as  of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h a r e a i n h a b i t a n t s as w e l l as  the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s ,  such as shops and  s c h o o l s , and  r e a d i n g of the a r e a newspaper, were a l s o used. A g g r e g a t i n g  the the measures  used, i t w i l l be shown t h a t Marpole (Area 2) i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n t e g r a t e d than e i t h e r Dunbar (Area 3) o r H a s t i n g s E a s t The  class  ' s t a t e ' of the a r e a , c h o i c e o f r e s i d e n c e , p e r c e p t i o n  c l o s e n e s s to i n h a b i t a n t s of the a r e a .  frequency  perceptions  i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s f o r the s t a b i l i t y  p a t t e r n s w i l l be e x p l o r e d i n Chapter  V.  and change of  less  (Area 1 ) . electoral  98  LOCAL AREA BOUNDARIES Respondents were asked what they c o n s i d e r e d the b o u n d a r i e s of  t h e i r a r e a o f r e s i d e n c e to be.  The i n t e r v i e w e r s probed f o r n o r t h ,  s o u t h , e a s t and west b o u n d a r i e s , and, i f no p r e c i s e boundaries were g i v e n , probed f u r t h e r f o r i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e g e n e r a l s p a t i a l e x t e n t of  the a r e a , and, i f n e c e s s a r y , showed t h e respondent a map of  Vancouver  (see Appendix  I).  The r e s u l t s showed marked  differences  w i t h t h e b o u n d a r i e s drawn by Mayhew"'" (see T a b l e X) .  TABLE X  Degree of Agreement Between Mayhew's and P e r c e i v e d Boundaries  (%)  N. Boundary S. Boundary E. Boundary W. Boundary Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Same as Mayhew Area 1  41  25  55  11  Area 2  9  87  5  6  Area 3  37  32  10  51  As T a b l e X shows, agreement w i t h Mayhew's b o u n d a r i e s by respondents l i v i n g w i t h i n h i s areas i s n o t e s p e c i a l l y particularly  close,  i n Area 2, Areas 1 and 3 have the same average l e v e l o f  agreement i f the rows a r e t o t a l l e d and d i v i d e d by f o u r .  I t may be,  t h e r e f o r e , t h a t A r e a 2 i s n o t as w e l l d e f i n e d as the o t h e r two a r e a s . F u r t h e r , l o o k i n g a t each column i n t u r n , we note t h a t the h i g h e s t degree of agreement i n a l l cases w i t h Mayhew a r e those b o u n d a r i e s which  At  t h e 0.005 l e v e l .  99 are  p h y s i c a l - F r a s e r R i v e r i n Area 2 and B u r r a r d I n l e t i n Area 1, o r  p o l i t i c a l - U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands i n A r e a 3 and Burnaby i n A r e a  1.  E x c l u d i n g these boundaries from our c o n s i d e r a t i o n would g i v e A r e a 3 the  b e s t degree of agreement and A r e a 2 the l e a s t . As f a r as a c t u a l b o u n d a r i e s are concerned, T a b l e XI g i v e s  the  p e r c e i v e d boundaries f o r A r e a  TABLE XI  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n H a s t i n g s E a s t  N. Boundary Burrard  1.  S. Boundary  E. Boundary  W.  Broadway  Boundary - 51  Main  12  Cassiar  -  9  Nanaimo  - 14  Renfrew  -  5  Clark  Rupert  -  1  Commercial  Inlet -  44  Pender  -  1  Hastings  -  18  Oxford  -  1  Grandview -  4  Charles  -  1  41st  2  First  -  2  Marine  Fourth  -  1  Venables  -  1  69  responses  - 25  First Kingsway  66  responses  Boundary - 18 11 9 - 11  Renfrew  5  1  Victoria  5  12th  1  Cassiar  1  Hastings  1  Fraser  1  16th  1  Cotton  1  22nd  3  Kamloops  1  1  Rupert  1  Vernon  1  Dundas  -  65 responses  65 responses  I t w i l l be noted t h a t most respondents gave B u r r a r d I n l e t the  n o r t h e r n boundary  as  o f the a r e a , and t h i s a c c o r d s w i t h Mayhew, a l t h o u g h  100  many regarded H a s t i n g s S t r e e t as an a l t e r n a t i v e  (see Map 1 ) . I n  the s o u t h , the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of respondents r e g a r d e d Broadway as the boundary, which a g a i n a c c o r d s w i t h Mayhew, b u t more respondents d e f i n e d o t h e r b o u n d a r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y Kingsway and F i r s t Avenue, t h e former, o f c o u r s e , b e i n g t h e s o u t h e r n boundary o f the Vancouver E a s t Provincial Electoral District.  The r e l a t i v e importance o f F i r s t  Avenue as w e l l as Kingsway, however, suggest.some i n t e r n a l w i t h i n A r e a 1.  differentiation  The e a s t e r n boundary was d e f i n e d by the m a j o r i t y as  Boundary Road, whereas  the boundary i n the west p r o v i d e d m i n i m a l  agreement w i t h t h a t o f Mayhew, whose western boundary, Nanaimo, was second to Main S t r e e t i n importance.  F u r t h e r , Commercial and C l a r k were  a l s o important, and, i n t h i s r e g a r d , we can view the p e r c e i v e d boundary, e s p e c i a l l y where t h e r e i s no c l e a r p h y s i c a l d i v i d e , n o t as a l i n e , b u t as a zone.  Main S t r e e t , a l t h o u g h h a v i n g t h e h i g h e s t degree of consensus  i s c l e a r l y seen l o c a l l y as the d i v i d e between e a s t and west s e c t i o n s o f the c i t y .  Main. S t r e e t , t h e r e f o r e , may have been p e r c e i v e d , l i k e  Burrard  I n l e t , as a p h y s i c a l d i v i d e , and t h e r e f o r e as a ' n a t u r a l ' boundary. The a c t u a l zone i n the west seems t o f a l l between Nanaimo and C l a r k w i t h s t r e e t s w i t h i n t h a t zone a c c o u n t i n g f o r over h a l f o f c i t a t i o n s and over 40 p e r cent a r e w i t h i n the Nanaimo-Commercial  zone.  Thus, i f we take  Nanaimo as t h e e a s t e r n margin o f the zone, and Commercial as the western margin, the boundary l i n e c o u l d be drawn anywhere w i t h i n  this.  The importance of Commerical i s i n t e r e s t i n g , and may r e l a t e t o f u n c t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s I t a l i a n respondents have w i t h I t a l i a n shops, f r i e n d s and  101 • relatives living East  i n the Grandview-Woodland a r e a a d j a c e n t t o H a s t i n g s  (see Map 1 and G a l e , 1972).  Thus, i n g e n e r a l , i n A r e a 1, i f we  take the p e r c e i v e d boundary w i t h t h e l a r g e s t number o f c i t a t i o n s we come v e r y c l o s e to the b o u n d a r i e s proposed by Mayhew, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the western  boundary.  T a b l e X I I g i v e s the p e r c e i v e d boundaries f o r Area 2.  In  c o n t r a s t t o A r e a 1 boundaries o f A r e a 2 do n o t c o i n c i d e w i t h those of Mayhew v e r y c l o s e l y .  TABLE X I I  F o r example, the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of respondents  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n Marpole  N. Boundary  S. Boundary  E. Boundary  Park D r i v e -  6  F r a s e r R i v e r - 16  Oak  57th Ave.  7  Marine D r i v e - 57  Victoria  -  W. Boundary 15 -  Granville  - 37  3  W. B o u l e v a r d - 12  6  Cambie  -  1  Oak  -  3  5  Marine  - 13  1  Ad e r a  -  1  59 t h  11  60th Ave.  1  Granville  49th  11  70th  1  Cambie  54th  1  71st  2  Main  41st  18  72nd  1  Shaughnessy  64th  4  73rd  1  Fraser St.  5  Heather  -  1  60th  5  77th  1  Knight  1  French  -  1  61st  1  80 th  1  Ontario  3  Dunbar  -  2  33rd  1  Osier  1  Hudson  -  1  Broadway  1  Boundary  1  Angus  -  3  69 t h  1  Hudson  1  Laurel  -  1  63rd  1  Ash  2  70th  7  45 t h  1  76 responses  77 responses  75 responses  31 -  76 responses  102  regarded  F o r t y - F i r s t Avenue as the n o r t h e r n boundary compared w i t h  57th Avenue i n Mayhew's study.  However, a g a i n , we c o u l d argue t h a t  the n o r t h e r n boundary i s a zone, f o r between 49th Avenue and 59th Avenue a r e c o n t a i n e d over 40 per cent of c i t a t i o n s .  Thus a l i n e  between these two avenues would g i v e the n o r t h e r n boundary.  However,  the r e l a t i v e importance o f 4 1 s t Avenue as a boundary suggests the e x i s t e n c e of sub-areas  w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a , o r the l o c a l a r e a b e i n g  part of a s l i g h t l y larger unit.  The southern boundary, on t h e o t h e r  hand, was c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h a t o f Mayhew, w i t h o n l y 8  respondents  out of 77 g i v i n g a boundary o t h e r than the F r a s e r R i v e r or Marine Drive.  Respondents o b v i o u s l y d i d n o t r e g a r d the i n d u s t r i a l area t o  the south of Marine D r i v e and t o the r i v e r i n g e n e r a l as p a r t of t h e i r l o c a l a r e a , even though they might have f u n c t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h it  i n terms of w o r k p l a c e .  regarded  The l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of  respondents  Cambie S t r e e t , r a t h e r than O n t a r i o as the e a s t e r n boundary.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note here the e x i s t e n c e of Cambie S t r e e t as the o l d d i v i d e between the M u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f P o i n t Grey and South Vancouver b e f o r e amalgamation i n 1929.  Only  two respondents  and gave O n t a r i o as the e a s t e r n boundary. regarded  agreed w i t h Mayhew  I n t h e west, most  people  G r a n v i l l e as the boundary compared w i t h Mayhew's Angus D r i v e ,  a l t h o u g h West B o u l e v a r d was a l s o important. take boundaries  Thus, as i n Area 1, i f we  w i t h t h e l a r g e s t number o f c i t a t i o n s , Area 2 would be  bounded i n the n o r t h by a zone, i n t h e south by Marine D r i v e , i n the east by Cambie and i n the west by G r a n v i l l e , g i v i n g an a r e a of somewhat d i f f e r e n t dimensions than t h a t proposed by Mayhew.  103  T a b l e X I I I g i v e s the p e r c e i v e d boundaries boundaries  f o r Area 3.  The  as p e r c e i v e d i n Area 3, l i k e those i n Area 2, do not  g e n e r a l l y agree v e r y c l o s e l y w i t h those proposed  by Mayhew.  However,  t a k i n g the boundary w i t h the h i g h e s t number of c i t a t i o n s f o r the n o r t h e r n boundary g i v e s 16th Avenue, which i s the same as Mayhew, and i s p a r t o f the o l d n o r t h e r n boundary of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of P o i n t Grey. The  s o u t h e r n boundary i s s l i g h t l y more confused w i t h 41st Avenue,  Marine D r i v e and the F r a s e r R i v e r b e i n g important importance  e s p e c i a l l y of t h e former,  alternatives.  suggests an i n t e r n a l  differentiation  i n Area 3, p r o b a b l y between Dunbar i n the n o r t h and Southlands s o u t h , and  this i s reflected  i n perceived boundaries,  i n the  and perhaps w i l l  be a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n area names t o be c o n s i d e r e d n e x t . boundary, Blenheim  The  For the e a s t e r n  i s the most important, but c i t a t i o n s f o r Macdonald,  G r a n v i l l e , Dunbar and McKenzie are a l s o numerous.  The major e a s t e r n  boundary zone, however, seems t o l i e between Blenheim  and Macdonald,  where more than 60 p e r cent of c i t a t i o n s can be l o c a t e d . western boundary, the m a j o r i t y of respondents  regarded  For  the  the Endowment  Lands as the boundary, although 14 per cent b e l i e v e d Dunbar t o be boundary.  the  With Dunbar b e i n g a l s o p e r c e i v e d as an e a s t e r n boundary by  11 per cent of respondents,  i t i s l i k e l y t h a t i t i s the boundary f o r  some i n t e r n a l s u b - d i v i s i o n w i t h i n the a r e a . As was  noted above, consensus on l o c a l area boundaries  measure of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n .  We  i s one  can o b t a i n a crude measure of  t h i s k i n d by summing p r o p o r t i o n s g i v e n by respondents  t o the h i g h e s t  104 TABLE X I I I  P e r c e i v e d Boundaries i n  N. Boundary  S. Boundary  26th  E. Boundary  -  1  S.W.  -  10  Macdonald  33rd  -  8  Fraser River -  17  Dunbar  Quesnel  -  1  41st  -  29  25th  -  7  33rd  -  Broadway  -  3  49 t h  35th  -  1  41st  -  W.  Boundary  Endowment Lands -  41  8  Dunbar  -  10  Marguerite -  1  Alma  -  3  7  McKenzie  7  Macdonald  -  1  -  5  Trafalgar  1  Sasamat  -  2  35th  -  2  Oak  3  Wallace  -  2  1  25th  -  1  Carnarvon  -  1  Blenheim  -  2  -  1  37th  -  1  Balaclava  -  2  McKenzie  -  1  10 t h  -  7  Arbutus  -  6  Tolmie  -  1  12 t h  -  2  Granville  8  Collingwood  -  1  37th  -  1  Alma  1  Crown  -  5  28th  -  1  Blenheim  - 16  Blanca  -  1  16 th  -  30  Cambie  -  1  -  6  Quesnel  -  3  S.W.  Ave.  Dunbar-Southlands  Marine  English  Bay  Marine  72 responses  70 responses  Burrard  f i g u r e f o r each a r e a (Table XIV). would thus be  - 10  70 responses  2  The h i g h e s t t h e o r e t i c a l measure  100.  T a b l e XIV shows t h a t , i n terms of l o c a l a r e a boundary  consensus,  A r e a 1 i s the most i n t e g r a t e d , f o l l o w e d by A r e a 2 and then A r e a 3. I n t u i t i v e l y , the f a c t t h a t A r e a 3 i s the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d on  this  measure i s s u r p r i s i n g , and, y e t , an e x p l a n a t i o n might be o f f e r e d i n terms of i t b e i n g , not one a r e a , but two - t h a t i s , Dunbar and Southlands, w i t h 41st Avenue, perhaps, b e i n g the boundary between the  105  TABLE XIV  L o c a l Area Boundary Consensus  North  South  East  West  Average Consensus  Area 1  63.8  38.5  77.3  27.7  52  Area 2  23.7  74.0  41.0  48.7  47  Area 3  42.9  40.3  22.6  58.6  41  two.  T h i s p o i n t can be demonstrated w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o a r e a names.  AREA NAMES Consensus on a r e a names, l i k e a r e a b o u n d a r i e s , l a t e n t measure of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n .  i s a further  Area names a l s o p r o v i d e  a measure of the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n l o c a l area.  of a  Of the t o t a l sample of 252, o n l y 13 respondents d i d  not t h i n k t h a t t h e i r l o c a l area had a name, and o n l y 18 c o u l d n o t or d i d not name t h e i r a r e a .  There was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e  between l o c a l a r e a and name"'" (Table XV).  The most d i s t i n c t i v e  area  i n terms of consensus on l o c a l area name was Area 2, where 69 p e r cent o f i t s respondents  b e l i e v e d the a r e a t o be named Marpole.  Area 1, 50 p e r cent o f respondents Vancoufer  consensus.  1  the a r e a was  called  Area 3, Dunbar-Southlands, had the lowest degree o f  T h i s a g a i n i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g when one c o n s i d e r s , as was  intimated i n r e l a t i o n two  named the area E a s t End o r E a s t  compared w i t h 21 p e r cent who thought  East H a s t i n g s .  For  to area boundaries,  s u b - u n i t s , Dunbar and Southlands,  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  that the area  comprises  and, n a t u r a l l y , t h i s i s  TABLE XV  Areas and Names (%)  Names  Area 1  Area 2  No Name  16  3  Renfrew  4  -  E a s t End  50  East Hastings  21  Grandview  3  Marpole  -  69  South Vancouver  -  9  Shannon  -  1  South Cambie  -  1  Marpole/Oakridge  -  9  Kerrisdale  -  1  Oakridge  -  3  Southlands  -  Dunbar Point  Grey  Kerrisdale/Dunbar Mackenzie H e i g h t s  -  -  Dunbar H e i g h t s  -  -  Other  6  4  Dunbar/Point  Grey  l'G7  reflected  i n the names g i v e n .  Thus, 45 p e r cent o f respondents i n  Area 3 named t h e area Dunbar, w h i l e 17 p e r cent named the a r e a Southlands. Although  t h e r e i s a s t r o n g r e l a t i o n between a r e a and name,  t h e r e i s some evidence t o support t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a 'border  area'.  For example, 8 p e r cent of those i n Dunbar b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i r was c a l l e d P o i n t Grey which i s a d j a c e n t t o i t (see Map 1 ) .  Further,  1 p e r cent of those i n Mayhew's Marpole r e g i o n named t h e i r are K e r r i s d a l e as d i d 8 p e r cent of Dunbar respondents. finding  area  local This  i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h e x p e c t a t i o n and the f a c t t h a t K e r r i s d a l e  s p a t i a l l y s e p a r a t e s Dunbar and Marpole. respondents  Similarly,  b e l i e v e d the a r e a t o be named Oakridge  Marpole/Oakridge (see Map 1 ) .  i n Area 2, some (3 p e r cent) or  (9 p e r c e n t ) , Oakridge b e i n g a d j a c e n t t o Marpole  The e x i s t e n c e o f a 'border a r e a ' i s f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e d  i n Area 1, where 3 p e r cent .of respondents  named the a r e a Grandview  and 4 p e r cent named i t Renfrew, b o t h of these areas a g a i n b e i n g a d j a c e n t to Area 1 (see Map 1 ) . There i s some evidence too t h a t respondents Marpole s t i l l Vancouver.  c l i n g t o t h e names of the o l d m u n i c i p a l components of  F o r example, 9 p e r cent of Marpole respondents  the a r e a South Vancouver.  Similarly,  8 per cent o f Dunbar respondents  named  i t has a l r e a d y been noted t h a t  named the a r e a P o i n t Grey.  t h e r e i s some evidence of i n t e r n a l results  i n Dunbar and  differentiation, similar  on the p e r c e p t i o n o f b o u n d a r i e s ,  i n t o more l o c a l i s e d  Finally, to the areas  108.  ( a p a r t from E a s t End) w i t h i n t h e l o c a l a r e a s . cent o f Dunbar respondents similarly,  F o r example, 6 p e r  named the area Mackenzie H e i g h t s , and,  1 p e r cent o f respondents  i n Marpole named the a r e a  Shannon, compared w i t h 1 p e r cent who named i t South Cambie ( T a b l e XV). Thus, w h i l e t h e r e i s g r e a t e r consensus on a r e a name i n Marpole than e i t h e r Dunbar o r East End, t h e r e i s , n e v e r t h e l e s s , some i n t e r n a l  differentiation.  T h i s degree o f consensus, l i k e t h a t  i n terms of the p e r c e p t i o n o f l o c a l a r e a b o u n d a r i e s ,  can be taken  as evidence o f the g r e a t e r degree o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n i n Marpole compared w i t h t h e other two a r e a s . In o r d e r t o demonstrate t h a t respondents b e i n g composed of named a r e a s , they were asked o t h e r p a r t s o f the c i t y . least  view t h e c i t y as i f they c o u l d name  The m a j o r i t y o f respondents  one o f the o t h e r l o c a l a r e a names i n t h e c i t y  a l l o f the areas were c i t e d the number o f c i t a t i o n s n e s s , then when t h i s the telephone  a t some p o i n t o r other  named a t (see Map 1 ) , and  ( T a b l e XVI).  can be used as a s u r r o g a t e f o r a r e a  If  distinctive-  i s compared w i t h Mayhew's survey o f c i t a t i o n s i n  d i r e c t o r y , t h e r e a r e some d i f f e r e n c e s .  F o r example,  Mayhew's study shows K e r r i s d a l e t o be the most d i s t i n c t i v e the c i t y compared w i t h K i t s i l a n o I t would be r e a s o n a b l e i n h a b i t a n t s have l i v e d  i n the p r e s e n t study  area of  (Mayhew, 1967).  t o assume t h a t , i n areas where  i n o t h e r p a r t s o f the c i t y , t h a t t h e r e would be  a g r e a t e r tendency t o view the c i t y as b e i n g composed of named a r e a s , and,  thereby,have a g r e a t e r c a p a c i t y t o c i t e the names o f such  areas.  TABLE XVI  Respondents Naming o f Other Areas i n the C i t y  Citations  Mayhew's Telephone Rati:  Kitsilano  137  23  West End  132  16  Kerrisdale  131  46  P o i n t Grey  107  9  Shaughnessy  91  9  Marpole  80  34  Dunbar  75  29  CBD  64  -  Oakridge  62  10  Fraserview  56  14  Hastings East  44  29  Fairview  39  8  Grandview  39  36  Killarney  39  10  Little  37  3  Mount P l e a s a n t  35  12  Renfrew  25  16  Arbutus  10  14  Cedar Cottage  6  2  R i l e y Park  3  -  Sunset  3  13  Strathcona  2  4  Mountain  110 One might naming.  a l s o expect some ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' i n terms of a r e a That i s ^ t h e r e would be a tendency f o r respondents  more r e a d i l y those areas immediately  t o name  a d j a c e n t t o t h e i r own, e x c e p t ,  perhaps, i n t h e case o f t h e most d i s t i n c t i v e areas such as K i t s i l a n o , West End and K e r r i s d a l e , which would tend t o be known by most respondents. With r e g a r d t o the f i r s t p o i n t , t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between a r e a and h a v i n g l i v e d i n another p a r t o f the city"'". The l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of our sample who have l i v e d i n another a r e a occurs i n Marpole  (77 p e r c e n t ) , compared w i t h 71 per cent i n Dunbar  and 48 p e r cent i n East End. Marpole respondents  One might  expect, t h e r e f o r e , f o r  t o have a r e l a t i v e l y g r e a t e r knowledge of o t h e r  a r e a names i n . t h e c i t y , u n l e s s , o f course, Marpole respondents  have  tended t o c o n c e n t r a t e i n p a r t i c u l a r areas of the c i t y i n p r e v i o u s residences.  However, i n 11 of 22 c a s e s , a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of  Dunbar respondents named the a r e a s , compared w i t h Marpole h a v i n g 7 and E a s t End 4.  With r e g a r d t o any ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' ,  taking  a d j a c e n t areas t o a l l t h r e e areas a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents from Dunbar named i t s f o u r a d j a c e n t areas o f P o i n t Grey, Arbutus and K e r r i s d a l e than any o t h e r (see Map 1 ) .  Kitsilano,  Similarly, a  g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f E a s t End respondents named i t s t h r e e a d j a c e n t areas o f Grandview, Cedar Cottage and Renfrew-Collingwood other a r e a .  than any  I n Marpole, however, a l t h o u g h a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f  respondents named 2 o f i t s 3 a d j a c e n t areas - Oakridge and Sunset, t h e  1  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  Ill o t h e r a r e a , K e r r i s d a l e , was respondents.  One  named by a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n of Dunbar  c o u l d argue from t h i s t h a t Dunbar i s c l o s e r  K e r r i s d a l e than i s Marpole, and  to  t h i s i s c e r t a i n l y true i n p o l i t i c a l  terms, as our model of p o l i t i c a l space i n Chapter  III indicates.  The  ' l o c a t i o n a l e f f e c t ' i n terms of naming of a d j a c e n t a r e a s , i s evidence i n a l l t h r e e areas of the e x i s t e n c e of more l o c a l i s e d  functional  r e l a t i o n s on b e h a l f of the i n h a b i t a n t s .  AREA IMAGE One was  f u r t h e r important  component of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , as  noted e a r l i e r , i s consensus on a r e a image.  areas  F u r t h e r , i f the  local  can be shown to be d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l e n t i t i e s , then the degree  of consensus w i l l a l s o be r e f l e c t e d i n d i s t i n c t a r e a images f o r each of the a r e a s .  Images as d e f i n e d i n t h i s study do not n e c e s s a r i l y  r e l a t e p u r e l y to p h y s i c a l o b j e c t s such as edges and nodes, but have an important  s o c i a l component.  q u e s t i o n which asks the respondent  They r e f e r to an open-ended  what k i n d of a p l a c e h i s a r e a of  r e s i d e n c e i s , and what, i f a n y t h i n g , makes i t d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r p a r t s of the c i t y .  I f t h e r e was  any h e s i t a t i o n or r e l u c t a n c e to answer  the q u e s t i o n , the i n t e r v i e w e r s were asked respondent  t o probe and  the  simply t o d e s c r i b e the a r e a (see Appendix I ) .  In r e p l y to a s i m i l a r q u e s t i o n i n another the g e n e r a l r e f e r e n c e to c l a s s and and  to ask  e t h n i c symbols  study, Ross noted (Ross, 1962,  t h i s i s no l e s s t r u e of the t h r e e areas i n the p r e s e n t  A content a n a l y s i s was  80),  study.  performed on r e p l i e s to the q u e s t i o n and  the  112 themes were t a b u l a t e d by frequency of c i t a t i o n End,  f o r example, the most important  ethnicity,  (Table X V I I ) .  In E a s t  component of a r e a image i s  c i t e d by 35 per cent of the sample from t h a t a r e a , compared  w i t h 12 p e r cent f o r Marpole and 3 per cent f o r Dunbar. obviously, ethnicity image f o r A r e a 1.  i s an important  Thus,  d i s t i n c t i v e element i n the a r e a  I n Marpole on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e most  important  component i s t h a t the a r e a has a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of apartments,  cited  by 44 per cent of the sample, compared w i t h no c i t a t i o n s  i n E a s t End  and 1 p e r cent i n Dunbar.  element was  In Dunbar, the most important  the q u i e t n e s s of the a r e a , a l t h o u g h t h i s was n o t d i s t i n c t i v e , and whereas i t was c i t e d by 38 per cent of i t s respondents,  27 p e r cent  i n E a s t End and 23 per cent i n Marpole a l s o c i t e d t h i s element. Marpole,  income and c l a s s was the second most component  In  ( c i t e d by 35  per c e n t ) , w h i l e i n both E a s t End (27 per cent) and Dunbar (27 p e r cent) i t came t h i r d . and  I t i s clear,  then, from T a b l e X V I I , t h a t  c l a s s a r e among the most s i g n i f i c a n t  ethnicity  components of a r e a image i n  the t h r e e a r e a s . In o r d e r to examine f u r t h e r the element of c l a s s i n a r e a image, respondents  were asked  l a t e r i n the q u e s t i o n n a i r e to c l a s s i f y  a r e a on a c l a s s s c a l e (see Appendix I ) . was no s i g n i f i c a n t  The r e s u l t s  their  showed t h a t t h e r e  d i f f e r e n c e between l o c a l a r e a and p e r c e i v e d class"'"  (Table X I I ) . I t w i l l be noted  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  t h a t i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s , the l a r g e s t  propor-  TABLE XVII  Components of Area Image  (%)  East End  Marpole  Dunb,  Traffic noise/pollution  8  29  -  L i t t l e or no through  2  1  4  27  23  38  Access t o good t r a n s p o r t  15  31  10  Good p l a c e to l i v e / f r i e n d l y  34  28  22  Ethnicity  35  12  3  Poor s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n  8  3  -  Prox. t o downtown  7  9  10  27  35  27  9  1  -  3  21  6  2  17  14  1  22  -  area  -  44  1  climate  -  9  3  Trees/semi-rural/countryfied  -  10  31  R e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e immobile pop.  4  1  15  Views  1  5  12  -  1  4  • 6  -  -  -  8  -  -  17  -  3  15  Quiet  traffic  area  Income/class Deterioration Taxes/property Age  values/rents  of area  Industrial Apartment Better  Golf  courses  PNE Fraser  River  Sawmills University/Endowment Lands  114  TABLE XVIII  Area and P e r c e i v e d C l a s s  (%)  No C l a s s Given  Lower  LowerMiddle  Middle  E a s t End  5  6  25  57.  Marpole  1  1  15  68  13  Dunbar  3  0  4  58  36  t i o n o f respondents  classified  was e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n Marpole.  t h e i r a r e a as m i d d l e  or lower  6  c l a s s , and t h i s  The E a s t End i n comparison had a  much l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents middle  UpperMiddle  who p e r c e i v e d t h e a r e a as lower-  c l a s s , whereas Dunbar had no respondent  who  regarded  the a r e a as l o w e r - c l a s s and the h i g h e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents c l a s s i f i e d t h e a r e a as upper-middle  class.  who  I t i s evident that there  i s a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of consensus i n p e r c e i v e d c l a s s o f a r e a i n Marpole compared w i t h t h e other two a r e a s , w i t h E a s t End h a v i n g the lowest degree o f consensus i n t h i s r e g a r d . The  above f i n d i n g s , w i t h r e g a r d t o the importance  of c l a s s  i n a r e a image i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s , tend t o q u e s t i o n e a r l i e r ones which note t h a t respondents c l a s s concepts w i t h Marpole,  i n Dunbar, f o r example, a r e l e s s i n c l i n e d  towards  (Gibson, 1972, 161). T h i s i s t r u e i f Dunbar i s compared but i s n o t t r u e when Dunbar i s compared w i t h E a s t End  (Table X V I I ) . From T a b l e XVII,  t a k i n g a minimum c i t a t i o n of 10 p e r cent of  the sample i n each area f o r each theme, we can c h a r a c t e r i s e E a s t End  1!5 by e t h n i c i t y , f r i e n d l i n e s s , q u i e t n e s s , income and c l a s s and access to  good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , Marpole can be c h a r a c t e r i s e d by  apartments,  income and c l a s s , access t o good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , t r a f f i c  n o i s e and p o l l u t i o n , q u i e t n e s s , f r i e n d l i n e s s , i n d u s t r y , a concern w i t h r e n t s and p r o p e r t y v a l u e s , s a w m i l l s , t h e age of the a r e a and ethnicity.  F i n a l l y , Dunbar can be c h a r a c t e r i s e d by q u i e t n e s s , r u r a l  n a t u r e , income and c l a s s , f r i e n d l i n e s s , the U n i v e r s i t y and Endowment Lands, a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e immobile p o p u l a t i o n , t h e age o f the a r e a , views, p r o x i m i t y t o downtown and access t o good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n .  We  note from t h i s the r e l a t i v e l y complex images of Marpole and Dunbar compared w i t h E a s t End, which tends t o s u b s t a n t i a t e e a r l i e r  findings  r e g a r d i n g the n a t u r e o f i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the former  two  areas compared w i t h the l a t t e r . I f we take those elements which were not c i t e d by a t l e a s t 15 p e r cent of the sample i n the o t h e r areas we can determine the e s s e n t i a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e components o f each a r e a image. End, of  Thus, i n E a s t  t h e e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s can be summarised by t h e element  ethnicity.  F u r t h e r , i n Marpole,  summarised by apartments,  e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s can be  access t o good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , t r a f f i c n o i s e  and p o l l u t i o n , i n d u s t r y , a concern w i t h p r o p e r t y v a l u e s and r e n t s , and sawmills.  F i n a l l y , Dunbar can be summarised by elements o f a r u r a l  n a t u r e , the U n i v e r s i t y and Endowment Lands, a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e p o p u l a t i o n , views,  immobile  and p r o x i m i t y t o downtown.  East End respondents,  f o r example, noted  the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of  116  v a r i o u s n a t i o n a l i t i e s e s p e c i a l l y I t a l i a n s and Chinese, which o f t e n produced severe language problems. by  F u r t h e r , many f e l t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  ' c i t y h a l l ' , e s p e c i a l l y i n terms of the p r o v i s i o n of  services.  certain  T h i s f e e l i n g of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n terms of p u b l i c p o l i c y  on the p a r t of people  i n t h i s a r e a of Vancouver has been noted  before  145),  (Gibson, 1972,  t i o n on c i t y c o u n c i l .  "No,  comments summarise the range  question:  not v e r y d i f f e r e n t from other a r e a s .  Under-kept. 2)  i s a good argument f o r a r e a r e p r e s e n t a -  The f o l l o w i n g two  of types of r e p l y to t h i s 1)  and  "Terrible.  A l l working  people.  They never cut the g r a s s on c i t y p r o p e r t y . " A tremendous m i x t u r e  (12)  of n a t i o n a l i t i e s , wide v a r i e t y  of income and e d u c a t i o n a l backgrounds.  People b o r n i n the  were "accepted", whereas newcomers found i t v e r y d i f f i c u l t break i n t o the c l o s e k n i t s o c i e t y . e s p e c i a l l y hard, having hood k i d s , and  the  to 'prove'  area to  Their children find i t themselves to o t h e r  neighbour-  ' b u l l i e s ' seemed t o be other p r e v i o u s l y  e s t a b l i s h e d newcomers."  (4)  In Marpole, respondents a r e a i n r e c e n t y e a r s and  noted  the growth of apartments i n the  i t s e f f e c t on p r o p e r t y v a l u e s and r e n t s .  F u r t h e r , the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of i n d u s t r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y s a w m i l l s , were d i s t i n c t i v e components, along w i t h t r a f f i c n o i s e and p o l l u t i o n access to good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n .  The  f o l l o w i n g two  the range of types of image h e l d by respondents 1)  comments summarise  of t h i s  area:  " I t i s an in-between a r e a , caught between good r e s i d e n t i a l i n d u s t r i a l areas.  We  and  are between w e l l - t o - d o and working  and  peoples  117 homes.  T h i s makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r c h i l d r e n of have-not  f a m i l i e s to keep up w i t h expensive  s c h o o l programmes.  remaining houses i n the area s h o u l d be rezoned occupancy.  T h i s would permit e l d e r l y persons  t h e i r homes. people.  " I t has  for multiple t o remain i n  Other homes are r e n t e d t o t r a n s i e n t young  In t h i s r e s u l t i n g t r a n s i t i o n , fewer c h i l d r e n hence  a nearby s c h o o l was 2)  The  n e a r l y c l o s e d down."  the r i v e r r u n n i n g b e s i d e i t ,  (156)  the a i r p o r t near i t .  I t ' s not q u i t e as crowded as some p a r t s of town.  I t has  a  l o t of i n d u s t r y such as s a w m i l l s and plywood m i l l s  nearby.  Most of the roads i n the a r e a l e a d t o highway 99."  (141)  Dunbar respondents  noted  t h a t the area had  s t a b l e immobile p o p u l a t i o n and was Endowment Lands. of the c i t y , has downtown.  a relatively  c l o s e to the U n i v e r s i t y and  the  The area has good views over the s u r r o u n d i n g p a r t a ' c o u n t r y f i e d ' atmosphere, and y e t i s c l o s e to  T h i s tends to c o n f i r m e a r l i e r work on the harmony of Dunbar  r e s i d e n t s w i t h nature  (Gibson, 1972,  161).  R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of images of  t h i s a r e a were: 1)  " I t i s h e a l t h y and h i g h and s l o p e s toward the s o u t h . burners  2)  as you would f i n d i n Marpole."  "Nice f a m i l y a r e a . area.  No  sawdust  (246)  T h i s s t r e e t i s n o i s y but g e n e r a l l y a q u i e t  L o t s of t r e e s and houses a r e w e l l kept up."  (210)  LENGTH OF RESIDENCE As has been noted e a r l i e r , l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i s o f t e n used  118-  as a s u r r o g a t e f o r l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n .  I t can thus be r e g a r d e d  as a l a t e n t f u n c t i o n a l measure o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . t h e r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area,and  Although  l e n g t h of  residence"'', a much h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n of East End respondents  (70 p e r  cent) had l i v e d i n t h e i r a r e a f o r more than 10 y e a r s compared w i t h Dunbar (50 p e r cent) and Marpole (40 per .cent).  The r e l a t i v e  i m m o b i l i t y of r e s i d e n t s o f East End has been noted b e f o r e (Peucker and Rase, 1971, 9 3 ) .  Thus, i f l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i s an adequate measure  of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , one might expect other c r i t e r i a .  One would a l s o expect t h a t E a s t End respondents  d i f f e r from respondents Length  i t t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h would  o f o t h e r areas on o t h e r i n t e g r a t i o n measures.  of r e s i d e n c e i n the l o c a l area was a l s o found  t o be  2 a s s o c i a t e d w i t h age, s t a t u s and home tenure r e l a t i v e m o b i l i t y o f younger people  .  F o r example, t h e  compared w i t h o l d e r people i s  confirmed by our d a t a - t h a t i s , t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e 3 between age and l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e . Second, the d a t a c o n f i r m t h a t , i n g e n e r a l , the h i g h e r the s t a t u s of the respondent,  the g r e a t e r h i s  4 relative mobility  .  T h i r d , a v e r y h i g h p r o p o r t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s (80  p e r cent) who have l i v e d own home.  i n t h e i r area f o r more than 10 y e a r s own t h e i r  S i m i l a r l y , a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of t h o s e r e n t i n g (57 p e r  cent) have l i v e d i n t h e i r a r e a f o r one y e a r o r l e s s . 2  , ,  At At At At  the 0.005 the 0.005 t h e 0.005 the 0.005  level. level. level. level.  119 REAL HOME Respondents were asked whether o r not they regarded l o c a l a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home (see Appendix a significant  I).  A l t h o u g h t h e r e was  d i f f e r e n c e between a r e a and t h i s variable"'",  percentage of Marpole respondents  their  a greater  (28 p e r cent) than e i t h e r  E a s t End  (20 p e r cent) or Dunbar (12 p e r cent) r e s p o n d e n t s , d i d not r e g a r d the a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home. a number of f a c t o r s . a 'transient'  these d a t a t o  F i r s t , Marpole would be p e r c e i v e d by many as  a r e a , and t h e r e f o r e h a v i n g an environment  mobility reflected a r e a image.  One c o u l d p o s s i b l y a t t r i b u t e  i n the d i s t i n c t i v e  'apartment'  of  potential  component i n i t s  Second, from the data on l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e , the  e x p e c t a t i o n , i t was t h a t E a s t End would perhaps be more  differentiated  from the o t h e r areas i f t h a t v a r i a b l e was a m e a n i n g f u l s u r r o g a t e . However, the d i s t i n c t i v e  component of i t s area image, e t h n i c i t y , has  a l r e a d y been s t r e s s e d , and, thus respondents, a l t h o u g h h a v i n g l i v e d i n the a r e a f o r some time, may s t i l l have s t r o n g attachments  t o the  'homeland'. In g e n e r a l , however, the l o n g e r respondents had l i v e d i n the 2  l o c a l a r e a , the more they regarded i t as t h e i r r e a l home . probability  i s t h a t t h e r e i s a two-way i n t e r a c t i o n  and l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e .  The  between r e a l home  Thus we c o u l d argue t h a t the more respondents  come t o r e g a r d the l o c a l a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home, t h e lower the p o t e n t i a l mobility.  At At  F u r t h e r , i t has been noted elsewhere t h a t c o m p l a i n t s about  t h e 0.005 l e v e l . the 0.005 l e v e l .  120  d w e l l i n g u n i t space and the p h y s i c a l environment around the home have s t r o n g p r e d i c t i v e power on f u t u r e r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y ( R o s s i , M i c h e l s o n , 1970, Marpole as  102).  These r e l a t i o n s h i p s thus f i t w i t h the image of  'apartment' and  'countryfied'.  ' i n d u s t r i a l ' , and w i t h Dunbar as b e i n g  The r e s u l t a n t g r e a t e r p o t e n t i a l m o b i l i t y i n Marpole  compared w i t h Dunbar i n r e f e r e n c e t o d w e l l i n g u n i t s and p h y s i c a l environment, i s thus r e f l e c t e d respondents  1955;  i n t h a t a r e a who  general  i n the g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of  do not r e g a r d i t as t h e i r r e a l home.  'STATE' OF AREA In the d i s c u s s i o n i n Chapter f a c t o r i n i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n may  I I I above, i t was  noted  were asked two  In r e l a t i o n to  questions r e l a t i n g to  the  ' s t a t e ' of t h e i r a r e a .  was  becoming f r i e n d l i e r , l e s s f r i e n d l y or i f i t had j u s t s t a y e d  same.  F i r s t , whether they thought  Second, whether the areas were b e g i n n i n g  l o o k b e t t e r or whether they had  responses  p r o p o r t i o n of respondents  In the East End  thought  the  to each q u e s t i o n . and  f o r example, the  t h a t t h e i r a r e a was  l o o k i n g worse p h y s i c a l l y .  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  area  s t a y e d the same (see Appendix I ) .  a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e a l s o between a r e a  to b o t h questions"*".  f r i e n d l y and was  t h a t the  to l o o k worse p h y s i c a l l y ,  There were s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between responses However, t h e r e was  one  be t h a t l o c a l area attachments on  the p a r t of i n d i v i d u a l s were not p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r o n g . t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , respondents  that  largest  getting less  F u r t h e r , Dunbar had  the  121  l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of respondents t h a t t h e i r a r e a was  who  s t a y i n g the same.  f e e l i n g s of s t a b i l i t y noted  answered to b o t h  questions  T h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the  i n a r e a image (Table X V I I ) , and perhaps  the concern of i n h a b i t a n t s of t h a t a r e a w i t h m a i n t a i n i n g the s t a t u s quo. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note d i f f e r e n c e between responses of residence."'"  t h a t t h e r e was  no  significant  to the f r i e n d l i n e s s q u e s t i o n and  For example, of those having  length  l i v e d i n the area f o r  more than 10 y e a r s , 40 per cent b e l i e v e d the area had become a f r i e n d l i e r p l a c e to  live.  CHOICE OF RESIDENCE For t h i s i n d i c a t o r of attachment to l o c a l a r e a , were asked whether, i f they had  respondents  t h e i r c h o i c e , they would c o n t i n u e t o  l i v e i n t h e i r l o c a l area or not.  Although  t h e r e was  a  significant  2 d i f f e r e n c e between a r e a and by a r e a . if  t h i s v a r i a b l e , t h e r e were some d i f f e r e n c e s  F o r example, 31 per cent of Marpole respondents  they had  stated that,  t h e i r c h o i c e , they would not c o n t i n u e to l i v e i n t h a t a r e a ,  compared w i t h 28 per cent i n E a s t End and 13 per cent i n Dunbar. f i n d i n g c o n f i r m s , i n p a r t , data on  ' s t a t e ' of a r e a above i n terms o f  the degree of f a v o u r a b l e d i s p o s i t i o n toward an a r e a . was  Further, there  no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between t h i s v a r i a b l e and l e n g t h of  A t the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l .  This  122 ,  r e s i d e n c e i n the l o c a l a r e a \  and those who regarded  their  local 2  a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home, i n g e n e r a l , would c o n t i n u e t o l i v e t h e r e .  CLOSENESS The is  f i n a l l a t e n t f u n c t i o n a l measure o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n  the degree of c l o s e n e s s respondents f e e l towards those  people  who l i v e w i t h i n the areas compared w i t h those who l i v e o u t s i d e . Although  t h e r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between a r e a and -  3 closeness  TABLE XIX  , some i n t e r e s t i n g c o n c l u s i o n s emerge (Table XIX). No Response Within A r e a and Closeness (%)  Outside  Both  First, Neither  E a s t End  6  23  43  16  11  Marpole  3  17  58  21  3  Dunbar  1  22  45  23  9  i n a l l t h r e e areas a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents f e l t c l o s e r to people  outside, although  from the other two a r e a s . respondents f e l t  t h i s was more t r u e o f Marpole respondents Second, a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f Dunbar  e q u a l l y c l o s e t o both groups of p e o p l e ,  a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents from E a s t End f e l t those w i t h i n or those w i t h o u t .  T h i s evidence  and, t h i r d ,  closer to neither  tends t o c o n f i r m t h e  i m p r e s s i o n of Marpole as a ' t r a n s i e n t ' more m o b i l e and l e s s i n t e g r a t e d area than the o t h e r two.  At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l .  123  With r e g a r d to o t h e r v a r i a b l e s , t h e r e was  a  significant  d i f f e r e n c e between c l o s e n e s s and  c h o i c e and  of  no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between  r e s i d e n c e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e was  c l o s e n e s s and  the v a r i a b l e s of r e a l home and  c l o s e n e s s and  length  ' s t a t e ' of area.'''  LOCAL AREA INTERACTION Although  i n a p r e v i o u s study of l o c a l areas i n Vancouver,  some consensus on s o c i a l b e l i e f s was  noted w i t h i n s e l e c t e d a r e a s ,  the assumption t h a t these areas were i n f a c t i n t e g r a t e d s o c i a l e n t i t i e s has not been adequately  t e s t e d (Gibson, 1972,  10).  As  been demonstrated, t h e above l a t e n t components of l o c a l a r e a p r o v i d e one means f o r such a n a l y s i s . a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of m a n i f e s t  integratic  other b a s i s f o r a n a l y s i s i s  functional relations  as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h p e o p l e of  The  has  (Mann, 1954),  l i v i n g w i t h i n as w e l l  the l o c a l a r e a s , p l u s the use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s ,  such  as o u t s i d e  such as shops  and s c h o o l s , and the r e a d i n g of the area newspaper. As f a r as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s concerned, asked  to s t a t e the number and  frequency  and  t h e r e was  frequency  were  of c o n t a c t w i t h f r i e n d s  l o c a l a r e a i n h a b i t a n t s as w e l l as t h e i r l o c a t i o n Although  respondents  and  (see Appendix I ) .  a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e by a r e a f o r b o t h number  of c o n t a c t s w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a , some i n t e r e s t i n g  p o i n t s emerged.  F o r example, i n E a s t End,  g e n e r a l l y made o n l y two  52 per cent o f  c o n t a c t s or l e s s w i t h i n t h e i r l o c a l  respondents area  compared w i t h 47 per cent i n Marpole and 40 per cent i n Dunbar, but  1  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  the  124  frequency  o f c o n t a c t i n the East End was much g r e a t e r than w i t h i n  the other two a r e a s .  The g r e a t e r number o f c o n t a c t s was made i n  Dunbar - 60 p e r cent of respondents w i t h t h r e e o r more - y e t t h e frequency  o f c o n t a c t compared w i t h t h e o t h e r areas was l e s s .  terms o f t h e number and frequency  In  of c o n t a c t s o u t s i d e o f the l o c a l  a r e a , t h e r e was a s i g n f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e by area''".  However, 42 p e r  cent o f E a s t End respondents had two or l e s s c o n t a c t s o u t s i d e o f t h e i r area compared w i t h 33 p e r cent i n Marpole and 29 p e r cent i n Dunbar.  Conversely,  Dunbar had the g r e a t e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents  w i t h t h r e e or more c o n t a c t s o u t s i d e o f t h e l o c a l area  (68 p e r c e n t ) ,  compared w i t h Marpole (64 p e r cent) and E a s t End (51 p e r c e n t ) .  Thus,  i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t Dunbar respondents have a g r e a t e r degree o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n both w i t h i n and o u t s i d e o f t h e i r l o c a l a r e a , measured i n terms of number o f c o n t a c t s , w i t h E a s t End respondents h a v i n g t h e l e a s t , although is  the frequency  of contact, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h i n that area  greater. There was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between number o f c o n t a c t s  o u t s i d e o f t h e l o c a l a r e a and a l l l a t e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures.  The  o n l y v a r i a b l e where t h e r e was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e f o r number o f 2 c o n t a c t s w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a was r e a l home . to suggest  These a s s o c i a t i o n s tend  t h a t communication a l o n e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t  to achieve  local  area i n t e g r a t i o n , and, perhaps t h a t p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e n o t e s s e n t i a l f o r i n d i v i d u a l attachment t o an a r e a . 2  A t t h e 0.005 l e v e l . At the 0.005 l e v e l .  125 I n terms o f the u s e of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s ,  i n f o r m a t i o n was  gained on the u s e of l o c a l s t o r e s , s c h o o l s , and r e a d i n g o f the l o c a l newspaper.  The use of l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s ,  such as s t o r e s , can be used  as a f u r t h e r m a n i f e s t measure o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . in  Respondents  t h i s r e g a r d were asked where they shopped m o s t l y f o r food w i t h i n  t h e i r a r e a , and t h e address  of t h e s t o r e where most o f t h e i r food i s  u s u a l l y bought (see Appendix I ) . of respondents  I n a l l t h r e e a r e a s , the m a j o r i t y  bought most of t h e i r food a t s t o r e s l o c a t e d w i t h i n  t h e i r l o c a l area.  However, t h e r e were some d i f f e r e n c e s by a r e a .  East End, f o r example, 67 per cent of respondents  In  bought most o f t h e i r  food w i t h i n compared w i t h 81 p e r cent i n Marple and 83 p e r cent i n Dunbar. The presence together  of c h i l d r e n i n an area tends  to b r i n g p e o p l e  ( M i c h e l s o n , 1970, 180), and thus the l o c a t i o n of s c h o o l s ,  and attendance  by c h i l d r e n i n the l o c a l a r e a would p r o v i d e an  integrating function. a r e a a l s o attended  In a l l cases, t h e m a j o r i t y o f c h i l d r e n i n t h e  s c h o o l i n the a r e a , a l t h o u g h t h i s was much l e s s  f o r Marpole (73 p e r c e n t ) , as f o r E a s t End (91 p e r cent) and Dunbar (95 p e r c e n t ) . F i n a l l y , as was noted  above, l o c a l a r e a newspapers s e r v e t o  a i d consensus (Janowitz, 1967), and the d a t a showed no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between area and l o c a l newspaper read"*" (Table XX). be noted  from T a b l e XX, t h a t Dunbar has the most d i s t i n c t i v e  At t h e 0.005 l e v e l .  It will readership  126 TABLE XX  L o c a l Area Newspapers (%)  E a s t End  Marpole  H i g h l a n d Echo  21  1  E a s t Ender  10  H a s t i n g s News  17  L'Eco  Italiano  Dunbar  2  /  51  27  Courier 12 Western News 3 The  Paper 1  17 Oakridge News 6 Richmond News 3  5  3  41  39  26  P a c i f i s c h e Rundschau No paper read of  the area newspaper, w i t h t h e lowest percentage who do n o t read i t  (26 p e r cent) and t h e h i g h e s t percentage who read one p a r t i c u l a r newspaper - t h e C o u r i e r . i n Marpole,  The C o u r i e r i s a l s o t h e most important  a l t h o u g h t h e Oakridge News i s o f some importance,  and t h e  Richmond News a t t e s t t o t h e o u t s i d e c o n t a c t s which Marpole has. E a s t End, on the other hand, has a f a i r l y the H i g h l a n d Echo b e i n g the most It  i s important  paper  The  d i s t i n c t i v e selection with  important.  t o note h e r e , t h a t f o r a l l o f t h e v a r i a b l e s  d e s c r i p t i v e o f the use o f l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s  - shopping,  r e a d i n g of t h e l o c a l newspaper - t h e r e I s a s i g n i f i c a n t  s c h o o l s , and difference  127 between them and both l a t e n t measures o f I n t e g r a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n variables."''  However,  the a s s o c i a t i o n s  and s o c i a l which we have  on l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n suggest a model o f l o c a l a r e a below ( F i g u r e  Figure  2:  2).  integration  The model r e s p r e s e n t s a complex s e r i e s of two-way  Model of L o c a l Area  Integration  ' s t a t e ' of a r e a r e a l home length intra-area interaction  1  I  of r e s i d e n c e <  >closeness  choice  i n t e r a c t i o n s between the v a r i a b l e s choice,  length  closeness,  ' s t a t e ' of a r e a , r e a l home and i n t r a - a r e a i n t e r a c t i o n .  form of the model i s f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e d between f o r example, l e n g t h and  of r e s i d e n c e ,  The  by the l a c k of a s s o c i a t i o n  of r e s i d e n c e and i n t r a - a r e a i n t e r a c t i o n ,  c l o s e n e s s and r e a l home''".  SUMMARY AND  CONCLUSION  Components  of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n e x t r a c t e d  f o r the a n a l y s i s  have now been t e s t e d i n t h r e e l o c a l areas i n Vancouver. areas were f i r s t  i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s  boundaries and second i n terms of a r e a name.  Such l o c a l  i n terms of t h e i r  I n each c a s e , the areas  were found t o be s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y d i s t i n c t , w i t h i n h a b i t a n t s d i s t i n c t i v e images of them.  having  The areas have been shown t o be f u n c t i o n a l l y  s i g n i f i c a n t both i n l a t e n t and m a n i f e s t terms, a l t h o u g h the r e l a t i o n  1  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  128  :  i  between these elements at p r e s e n t the a n a l y s i s thus support  i s uncertain.  The  evidence  the o r i g i n a l c o n t e n t i o n t h a t l o c a l  i n Vancouver have f u n c t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e .  F u r t h e r , the  name and having  image i s upheld.  areas  general  t h e s i s t h a t the i n h a b i t a n t s view the c i t y as a composite of names and p e r c e i v e t h e i r own  from  area  a r e a as b e i n g d i s t i n c t i n terms of  The  area, furthermore,  were p e r c e i v e d  as  'status a s c r i p t i v e ' f u n c t i o n s . Rather than summarise i n d e t a i l a l l of the f i n d i n g s of  c h a p t e r , some of the main p o i n t s have been c o l l e c t e d i n T a b l e  this XXI.  T h i s t a b l e r e p r e s e n t s r e l a t i v e consensus on a v a r i e t y of measures f o r the t h r e e a r e a s , and  the composite i n d i c e s of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n  have been computed.  F i r s t , a measure based on a l l items, where  p o s s i b l e , g i v e s Dunbar the h i g h e s t r e l a t i v e degree of l o c a l i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h a s c o r e of 52 compared w i t h Marpole.  area  51 both f o r E a s t End  Second, t a k i n g i n t o account o n l y those s c o r e s f o r the  and  related  components i n the model of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n ( F i g u r e 2 ) , g i v e s f i n d i n g s r e l a t e d somewhat more to i n t u i t i v e e x p e c t a t i o n . the s e l e c t i v e index s t i l l  In t h i s  case,  g i v e s Dunbar the h i g h e s t degree of l o c a l  i n t e g r a t i o n , c l o s e l y f o l l o w e d by E a s t End, but p l a c e s Marpole  area  significantly  lower on the s c a l e . Two  f i n a l p o i n t s emerge from T a b l e XXI.  F i r s t , the index f o r  a l l measures g i v e s a l l t h r e e areas a v a l u e of more than 50 per cent  -  t h a t i s , a m a j o r i t y of respondents i n the t h r e e areas have a g r e a t e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h t h e i r l o c a l a r e a s than w i t h some o t h e r  territorial  129 TABLE XXI  Area and R e l a t i v e Consensus  East End  Marpole  Dunbar  1.  Individual status (highest)  30  22  21  2.  Individual class perception (highest)  75  73  68  3.  L o c a l area boundaries  52  47  41  4.  Area name ( h i g h e s t )  50  69  45  5.  A r e a image ( h i g h e s t )  35  44  38  6.  P e r c e i v e d c l a s s of area (highest)  57  68  58  7.  Length r e s i d e n c e  70  40  50  8.  R e a l home (100-not)  80  72  88  9.  S t a t e o f area  32  29  31  10 y r s +  (friendlier)  10.  Choice (100-not)  72  69  87  11.  Closeness  23  17  22  12.  Shopping ( w i t h i n )  67  81  83  13.  L o c a l newspaper ( h i g h e s t )  21  27  51  664 13  658 13  683 13  51  51  52  Index of i n t e g r a t i o n (measures 7, 8, 9, 10 & 11)  55_  45_  57  unit.  are l o c a l l y relevant.  (within)  Index of i n t e g r a t i o n ( a l l measures)  T h i s means, f i r s t l y  t h a t areas  the n o t i o n s of a l a c k of a sense o f community o f a 'community  Second, without  p r o p i n q u i t y ' , or of a 'mass s o c i e t y ' do n o t a p p l y t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f  130 the respondents from each a r e a .  This holds too f o r the s e l e c t i v e  i n E a s t E n d and D u n b a r , b u t n o t f o r M a r p o l e .  That i n d e x g i v e s  a s c o r e o f 4 5 , w h i c h means t h a t t h e a r g u m e n t s f o r a l a c k o f a  index  Marpole sense  o f c o m m u n i t y and s o on do a p p l y t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f r e s p o n d e n t s i n t h a t area. The  s e c o n d p o i n t i s t h a t t h e i n d i c e s o f i n t e g r a t i o n do  provide s u f f i c i e n t evidence f o r regarding a p a r t i c u l a r  type of  a r e a ' as h a v i n g a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r d e g r e e of i n t e g r a t i o n . conclusion c o n f l i c t s w i t h those from other areas et a l . ,  1954; The  of t h e i r  B e l l and B o a t , 1 9 5 7 ;  'status  This  ( f o r example,  Wellman e t a l . ,  not  Smith  1971).  r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s , e s p e c i a l l y i n terms  a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n t h e 1972  E l e c t i o n i n Vancouver  w i l l now  be  examined i n Chapter  B.C. V.  Provincial  131  CHAPTER V  LOCAL AREA INTEGRATION AND  The  aim of t h i s chapter i s t w o - f o l d .  to demonstrate associated of  that the only  status  and  class-based.  ( b a s e d on o c c u p a t i o n ) .  i t i s proposed  characteristic significantly  This  I I , t h a t t h e B.C.  the s t a b i l i t y  and  i s objectively  r e i n f o r c e s t h e argument  political  culture i s essentially  change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s ,  of socio-economic  I t w i l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d association with  t o an a r e a norm.  that, rather  than e x p l a i n i n g v o t i n g  a s e r i e s of socio-economic v a r i a b l e s  I t w i l l be a r g u e d  n o r m c a n be e x p l a i n e d or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ,  with  as w e l l  Thus, second,  a  considera-  reference  that voting  behaviour  (apart by  from  reference  i n r e l a t i o n t o an  to i n d i v i d u a l attachment  as by m a n i f e s t i n t e g r a t i o n .  i t w i l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d  t h a t the degree to  r e l a t e d to the degree of area i n t e g r a t i o n both a t  i n d i v i d u a l and  aggregate  levels.  v o t i n g behaviour i n Marpole  area  to area  i s an a s s o c i a t i o n b e t w e e n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and a r e a norm,  be d i r e c t l y  to  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s alone i s i n s u f f i c i e n t .  s t a t u s ) , v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r c a n be m o r e r e a d i l y e x p l a i n e d  there  analysis  I t i s a l s o t o r e i n f o r c e t h e argument t h a t , i n o r d e r  t i o n of a range  by  socio-economic  change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s ,  presented i n Chapter  understand  First,  w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , and hence i m p o r t a n t i n an  the s t a b i l i t y  defined  VOTING BEHAVIOUR  I t w i l l be shown, t h e r e f o r e ,  i n t h e 1972  t o t h e a r e a norm t h a n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  e l e c t i o n adhered i n E a s t End  which will  the that  much l e s s  o r Dunbar, as  a  132 r e s u l t o f i t s lower degree of i n t e g r a t i o n . As norms can be d e f i n e d as g e n e r a l l y accepted group of  conduct  and b e h a v i o u r , so a ' p o l i t i c a l norm' i n an a r e a would be  the g e n e r a l l y expected election.  standards  e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i n t h a t a r e a i n any one  I t t h e r e f o r e r e l a t e s t o t h e p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of a  p a r t i c u l a r a r e a (see Chapter  III).  L i k e a l l norms, adherence t o  a p o l i t i c a l norm i n an a r e a on the p a r t of an i n d i v i d u a l v o t e r depends on the degree o f attachment t o t h e group - i n the p r e s e n t case, a ' s o c i o - s p a t i a l ' group o r l o c a l a r e a .  A s s o c i a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l  t e n d e n c i e s t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o an area norm and i n d i v i d u a l to  attachments  a r e a ( i n a l a t e n t and m a n i f e s t sense) a r e n o t s i m p l e , as w i l l be  demonstrated below.  The c l e a r e s t r e s u l t s , f o r example, a r e o b t a i n e d  from the components of the model of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n ( F i g u r e 2 ) . Furthermore,  i t w i l l be demonstrated t h a t the s t r e n g t h of adherence t o  v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r norms i s g r e a t e r i n areas of g e n e r a l l y lower s t a t u s group c o m p o s i t i o n even though the l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n i n those  areas  ( i n the p r e s e n t case, one a r e a - t h a t i s , E a s t End) i s no g r e a t e r . We a r e t h e r e f o r e d e a l i n g w i t h a complex s e t of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s t a t u s , i n t e g r a t i o n and v o t i n g behaviour  translated  spatially  i n t o the s t a t u s composition o f an a r e a , area i n t e g r a t i o n , and t h e electoral pattern.  We w i l l b e g i n w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of  socio-economic  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n o r d e r t o p o i n t up the r e l a t i v e importance  of s t a t u s .  SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS A s s o c i a t i o n s between socio-economic v o t i n g behaviour  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and  a r e well-known and p r o v i d e a framework f o r p o l i t i c a l  sociology  ( f o r example, see L i p s e t , 1963), and  discussed  i n d e t a i l with reference  (see M e i s e l , The one  to v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i n Canada  1972). s t a t u s - c l a s s argument i s an  important and  i n Canadian v o t i n g behaviour s t u d i e s  1963;  Engelmann and  B l i s h e n has  have r e c e n t l y been  put  Schwartz, 1967;  inconclusive  ( f o r example, see  W i l s o n , 1968;  Meisel,  forward an o b j e c t i v e measure of s t a t u s  o c c u p a t i o n ( B l i s h e n , 1967).  unskilled.  With r e g a r d  to our  a s s o c i a t i o n i s p o s i t e d between the p r o p o r t i o n p r o f e s s i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s and  Both a s s o c i a t i o n s are supported by  Further,  an  u n s k i l l e d workers and  NDP  vote.  i n general,  there  our  d a t a , and,  association  v o t i n g behaviour''"  XXI). M e i s e l has  found t h a t d a t a f o r o c c u p a t i o n s are  by responses e l i c i t e d 5).  However, our  reinforced  about s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n of c l a s s ( M e i s e l ,  1972,  d a t a showed a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between  s u b j e c t i v e c l a s s and v o t i n g behaviour"''.  However, there  are  slight  a s s o c i a t i o n s between upper-middle c l a s s i d e n t i f i e r s and  Liberal  v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and  NDP  At  -  employed i n m a n a g e r i a l  s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between s t a t u s and  (Table  as f o l l o w s  argument, an  L i b e r a l vote.  i s p o s i t e d between s e m i - s k i l l e d and  i s no  using  p r o f e s s i o n a l s , managerial, s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s , s k i l l e d ,  s e m i - s k i l l e d and  and  1972).  T h i s s c a l e can be broken down i n t o  s i x s u b - c a t e g o r i e s which d e f i n e o c c u p a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y owners and  Alford,  the 0.005 l e v e l .  lower-middle c l a s s i d e n t i f i e r s and  voting  134  behaviour  (Table  TABLE XXI  XXII).  S t a t u s and V o t i n g Behaviour  (%)  Owners & Profess.  Manag.  D i d not Vote  3  10  10  10  12  16  18  Social Credit  7  10  19  7  10  10  29  NDP  5  9  12  7  21  24  21  LIBERAL  18  18  16  11  14  0  18  PC  10  19  14  19  10  5  24  TABLE XXII  Skilled  Semi Skilled  Unskilled  C l a s s S e l f - P e r c e p t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour  Did not Vote No  Service  response  PC  Liberal  NDP  (%)  SC  56  6  6  19  6  Lower-middle  14  5  19  48  14  Middle  26  8  17  32  13  Upper-Middle  19  11  30  15  11  Income i s regarded as b e i n g  an important v a r i a b l e i n the  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n terms w h i c h are o f t e n expressed p o l i t i c a l l y maintaining  the s t a t u s quo,  ( P o r t e r , 1965,  76).  NDP  vote.  as  or i n an i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l m o b i l i t y  P o r t e r , f o r example, t a k e s income as an  measure of c l a s s i n Canada ( P o r t e r , 1965, t h e r e f o r e be  Retired  100).  objective  An a s s o c i a t i o n might  expected between lower income ( l e s s than $7,000) and  I t has been p o i n t e d  out  t h a t NDP  gains  l i t t l e or  no  135  support from the economic e l i t e  ( P o r t e r , 1965,  297), and t h a t  NDP  s u p p o r t e r s themselves  r e g a r d the p a r t y as r e p r e s e n t i n g the poor  (Laponce, 1969,  Thus, one would not expect those w i t h h i g h e r  72).  incomes ($15,000+), t o v o t e NDP.  Both of these e x p e c t a t i o n s a r e  s u s t a i n e d by our d a t a , a l t h o u g h , i n g e n e r a l , t h e r e was  no  significant  d i f f e r e n c e between income and v o t i n g behaviour"'' (Table XXIII) .  TABLE XXIII  Income and V o t i n g Behaviour  Less than $5,000  (%)  $5,001$7,500  $7,501$10,000  $10,001$15,000  $15,000+  Did not v o t e  29  12  16  18  9  Social  32  10  26  16  10  NDP  22  22  28  22  0  Liberal  18  11  11  27  14  PC  19  14  29  19  19  Credit  In Canada, r e l i g i o n i s one of the major bases of p o l i t i c a l conflict  ( P o r t e r , 1965,  512;  M e i s e l , 1972,  3).  Thus an  association  would be expected between p r o p o r t i o n o f C a t h o l i c s and L i b e r a l v o t e , (see Anderson,  1966).  S i m i l a r l y , an a s s o c i a t i o n would be  between the p r o p o r t i o n of P r o t e s t a n t s and NDP 52).  v o t e (see M e i s e l ,  1  1967,  F u r t h e r , t h e r e i s some evidence to suggest t h a t a g r e a t e r  p r o p o r t i o n of a - r e l i g i o u s tend to support the NDP party  expected  ( f o r example, Laponce, 1969,  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  68).  than any o t h e r  This l a t t e r association i s  136 the o n l y one t h e r e was  s u b s t a n t i a t e d by our d a t a ,  a significant  (Table XXIV), and,  d i f f e r e n c e between r e l i g i o n and  i n general,  voting  behaviour"''.  TABLE XXIV  R e l i g i o n arid V o t i n g Behaviour  Did not v o t e No  response  PC  (%)  Liberal  NDP  SC  62  0  8  15  15  Protestant  30  8  18  29  12  United  23  20  20  20  11  Anglican  20  20  20  23  11  None  24  2  20  39  7  Church  The  l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e  i n Canada has been seen to  important  i n terms of p r e v i o u s p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s  relation,  i f any,  63 p e r  and  to those h e l d i n Canada ( P o r t e r , 1965,  be their  82).  cent o f our sample were b o r n i n Canada, and thus, one  expect t h a t immigration  and  immigrant groups would be an  element i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r . d i f f e r e n c e between country  On  might  important  the c o n t r a r y , t h e r e was  of b i r t h and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  Some  a .  significant (Table  XXV).  For example, M e i s e l found t h a t the a s s o c i a t i o n between Canadian-born v o t e r s and  L i b e r a l v o t i n g behaviour was  Second World War Conservative  1  immigrants  less  ( M e i s e l , 1972,  than t h a t between P o s t -  9).  Second, t h a t  the  P a r t y appealed more to e a r l i e r s e t t l e r s r a t h e r than more  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  137  recent a r r i v a l s .  T h i r d , t h a t p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y , t h e NDP  l e s s pre-1946 immigrants ( M e i s e l , 1972, a r e not upheld by our d a t a .  On  9).  would g a i n  A l l three a s s o c i a t i o n s  the other hand, a f o u r t h , more  i n t u i t i v e l y r e l e v a n t a s s o c i a t i o n , t h a t a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n of  the  'lower  (Table  rungs'  of P o r t e r ' s mosaic would v o t e NDP,  i s sustained  XXV) .  TABLE XXV  Country  of B i r t h and V o t i n g Behaviour  not  vote  (%)  SC  NDP  LIB  PC  Canada  27  11  26  21  10  B r i t a i n and U.S.A.  28  13  32  17  11  France, Germany, H o l l a n d  25  25  25  13  0  S c a n d i n a v i a , E. Europe, I t a l y , Japan, o t h e r 'c. European'  18  15  58  6  3  The for  l e v e l of e d u c a t i o n i s regarded  as an Important  l e v e l of i n f o r m a t i o n , and i s thus important  f l o w s of i n f o r m a t i o n .  i n a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of  Further, i t i s generally believed that a higher  l e v e l of e d u c a t i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h i g h e r t u r n o u t 228).  (Lipset,  However, a g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between e d u c a t i o n l e v e l  v o t i n g behaviour  i s here rejected''".  on the o t h e r hand, two  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  In terms of i n d i v i d u a l  a s s o c i a t i o n s are s u s t a i n e d .  an a s s o c i a t i o n between h i g h e r  1  surrogate  1963, and parties,  F i r s t , there i s  ( U n i v e r s i t y ) e d u c a t i o n c a t e g o r i e s and  138 L i b e r a l support lower  (Table XXVI).  l e v e l s of education  (Table XXVI).  Second, t h e r e i s an a s s o c i a t i o n between  (elementary  As we have seen,  and secondary) and NDP s u p p o r t ,  t h e r e f o r e , a p a r t from two s p e c i f i c  cases, t h e g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between e d u c a t i o n and v o t i n g is rejected.  behaviour  T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f M e i s e l , who does  not r e g a r d e d u c a t i o n l e v e l as a p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i n d i c a t o r of v o t i n g behaviour  TABLE XXVI  ( M e i s e l , 1972, 7 ) .  V o t i n g Behaviour No Answer  and L e v e l o f E d u c a t i o n  Grades 1-8  Grades 9-13  (%)  Voc./ tech.  Univ./ college  D i d not v o t e  9  18  35  16  22  Social Credit  0  19  39  26  16  NDP  0  24  42  13  19  Liberal  9  5  30  16  41  Conservative  5  10  24  14  48 .  The g e n e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between sex and v o t i n g a g a i n i s well-known.  There i s a p r e f e r e n c e f o r women t o m a i n t a i n t h e  s t a t u s quo, and thus to support 231). support  behaviour  the conservative p a r t i e s  ( L i p s e t , 1963,  I n Canada, i t appears t h a t t h e r e i s a tendency f o r women t o the Conservative Party  ( M e i s e l , 1972, 12).  However, our d a t a  from the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i n Vancouver d i s p u t e t h i s finding  (Table XXVII).  Jewett has p o i n t e d out t h a t p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y  l e s s women v o t e NDP (Jewett, 1962), b u t our data show t h i s t o be untrue.  F u r t h e r , Anderson has shown an a s s o c i a t i o n between t h e  139 T a b l e XXVII  V o t i n g Behaviour and Sex (%)  Did Not Vote  Social Credit  NDP  Liberal  PC  Men  22  17  26  21  7  Women  32  8  35  14  10  p r o p o r t i o n of men and NDP. v o t e (Anderson, 1966).  Our d a t a show  t h a t a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f women r a t h e r than men v o t e d NDP i n t h e 1972  election.  The g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between sex and v o t i n g  b e h a v i o u r , l i k e e d u c a t i o n , i s thus rejected"*". If  i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s we d e f i n e a ' c l a s s i c a l '  left-  r i g h t alignment of the f o u r p a r t i e s as N D P - L i b e r a l - S o c i a l C r e d i t Conservative of  (Laponce, 1969,  161), then one might  assume t h e importance  age i n v o t i n g behaviour based on another well-known r e l a t i o n s h i p .  The tendency  f o r the younger v o t e r t o i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e l e f t ,  o l d e r v o t e r w i t h t h e r i g h t , has been d i s c u s s e d ( L i p s e t , 1963, In  B.C.,  and t h e 231).  age has been regarded as a major d i s c r i m i n a t o r y f a c t o r  between s u p p o r t e r s of d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s  (Laponce, 1969,  135).  An  a s s o c i a t i o n between young v o t e r s (20-35) and NDP s u p p o r t would thus be expected.  Apart from g a i n i n g support i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e  (Anderson,  1966), i t has been p o i n t e d out t h a t o l d e r v o t e r s tend n o t t o v o t e f o r the NDP (Young, 1964,  197).  However, our d a t a show t h a t a s i m i l a r  p r o p o r t i o n of support f o r the NDP i s gained from respondents younger,  At  and over 45 ( T a b l e X X V I I I ) .  the 0.005 l e v e l .  45 and  140  TABLE XXVIII  Age and V o t i n g  Before 1905  Behaviour  19051915  (%)  19161925  19261935  19361945  19461953  D i d not v o t e  13  16  19  15  15  16  Social  29  13  26  13  10  10  NDP  18  10  22  13  21  17  Liberal  11  25  18  9  18  18  PC  24  5  24  14  14  19  Credit  The d a t a do p r o v i d e some support f o r the n o t i o n age v o t e r s  t h a t m i d d l e and o l d  tend to v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t , and the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n  S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t e i s i n the r e t i r e d c a t e g o r y .  However, a p a r t  of  from  t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n , the g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between age and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i s rejected"''. F i n a l l y , membership o f o r g a n i s a t i o n s  has been seen as a  d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g component between voters of d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y the  a s s o c i a t i o n between the t r a d e unions and the NDP.  a s s o c i a t i o n between t r a d e u n i o n membership and v o t i n g expected.  Further,  f o r the NDP i s  an a s s o c i a t i o n i s expected between membership  of a p r o f e s s i o n a l s o c i e t y and v o t i n g associations  Thus, an  are sustained  f o r the L i b e r a l P a r t y .  Both  by our d a t a (Table XXIX), and, i n g e n e r a l ,  t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between membership o f f o r m a l organisations  and v o t i n g behaviour"''.  Thus a p a r t  At  from an a s s o c i a t i o n between s t a t u s  the 0.005 l e v e l .  and v o t i n g  behaviour,  141. TABLE XXIX  Membership of Formal O r g a n i s a t i o n s  and V o t i n g  Behaviour  Non-members  P r o f . Soc.  Trade Assoc.  Trade Union  Did not vote  74  7  4  15  Social Credit  68  10  7  16  NDP  60  6  5  27  Liberal  55  36  2  7  PC  71  10  0  19  and  between membership of f o r m a l  a l l other  general  organisations  (%)  and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r ,  a s s o c i a t i o n s between socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r were rejected"*".  T h i s c o n f i r m s the p o i n t made  i n Chapter I I , t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s between such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r found i n other  p a r t s o f Canada, may n o t n e c e s s a r i l y h o l d i n  the B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . t h a t , i n order  Further,  i t supports our g e n e r a l  argument  to a d e q u a t e l y e x p l a i n and understand the s t a b i l i t y and  change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s ,  f a c t o r s other  than a range of s o c i o -  economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s need t o be examined.  I n d i v i d u a l s need t o be  s t u d i e d i n r e l a t i o n t o the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l environment i n which they  THE  live.  'AREA EFFECT' From the above e v i d e n c e , t h e e x p e c t a t i o n  examination o f the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  would be t h a t the  of i n d i v i d u a l s with l i k e  status  142  affiliations and  would l e a d p a r t way  t o the e x p l a n a t i o n  change of the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  of the  stability  S p a t i a l concentrations  of  i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h s i m i l a r s t a t u s w i l l tend to r e i n f o r c e t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with v o t i n g behaviour.  Such c o n c e n t r a t i o n s  the development i n an area of a 'status areas' Thus we  are shown to have l o c a l r e l e v a n c e  to t h e i r  inhabitants.  would expect t h a t v o t e r s would v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the  than s t a t u s .  We  t h a t the p o l i t i c a l norm i n E a s t End  would be more c l e a r l y d e f i n e d  area  socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  would expect, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t , from the  of our d a t a (Table XXX)  to  ' p o l i t i c a l norm' e s p e c i a l l y when the  norm r a t h e r than i n r e l a t i o n to any other  w i l l , i n part, lead  nature  and  Dunbar  than i n Marpole because of i t s r e l a t i v e  s t a t u s homogeneity.  TABLE XXX  I n d i v i d u a l Status  by B l i s h e n  (%)  1  2  3  4  5  6  3  3  2  7  11  20  30  Marpole  1  5  22  17  8  19  5  Dunbar  0  21  15  17  9  3  1  No  East  End  Occupation Given  However , we  cannot assume t h a t s t a t u s homog e n e i t y i n  i  i s n e c e s s a r i l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d i v i d u a l attachment to t h a t a r e a .  The  above argument would be s t r e n g t h e n e d g r e a t l y , t h e r e f o r e , i f an a s s o c i a t i o n c o u l d be demonstrated between i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s and i n d i v i d u a l attachment i n each of our  case a r e a s .  In order  to a c h i e v e t h i s  s e r i e s of comparisons was  undertaken between i n d i v i d u a l responses  a to  143 the main i n t e g r a t i o n q u e s t i o n s  - name of a r e a , l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e ,  r e a l home, ' s t a t e ' o f a r e a , c h o i c e , and c l o s e n e s s - and i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s i n each a r e a . I f a l l of the s t a t u s groups l i v i n g i n an a r e a f e l t  similarly  i n terms o f the i n t e g r a t i o n measures, then the n u l l h y p o t h e s i s  using  c h i - s q u a r e would be r e j e c t e d - t h a t i s , t h e c o n c l u s i o n would be t h a t t h e r e i s a h i g h degree o f consensus among a l l s t a t u s groups i n an area"*".  Conversely,  living  i f a l l groups f e l t d i f f e r e n t l y w i t h  regard  to t h e i r a r e a attachment then the n u l l h y p o t h e s i s would be accepted  -  t h a t i s , t h e c o n c l u s i o n would be t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s a lower degree o f group consensus i n an area"*". i n T a b l e XXXI.  The r e s u l t s of the a n a l y s i s a r e g i v e n  From the t a b l e i t w i l l be observed  d e f i n e d i n Chapter IV as t h e a r e a h a v i n g  t h a t , as Dunbar was  t h e h i g h e s t degree of i n t e g r a t i o n ,  so, i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s - i n t e g r a t i o n r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i t has the h i g h e s t degree o f consensus.  S i m i l a r l y , as E a s t End had the second  h i g h e s t i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l , so t o o i n terms o f s t a t u s - i n t e g r a t i o n relationships.  F i n a l l y , Marpole, having  i n Chapter IV a l s o has the lowest  the lowest  degree o f i n t e g r a t i o n  degree o f group consensus from t h e  r e s u l t s i n Table XXXI. From a geographic  p o i n t o f view, i f , as has been shown s t a t u s  i s associated with v o t i n g behaviour,  and t h a t the s p a t i a l  concentration  of s t a t u s groups i s a l s o a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d i v i d u a l attachment t o a r e a or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , then i t i s c o n s i s t e n t t o argue t h a t  1  A t the 0.005 l e v e l .  territoriality  TABLE XXXI  S t a t u s and I n t e g r a t i o n by Area  Area Name  Length of Residence  Real Home  Friendlier  Looking Better R  E a s t End  R  A  A  A  Marpole  R  A  A  A  Dunbar  A  A  R  R  Choice A A  R  Closeness R  A R  A R  R = n u l l h y p o t h e s i s r e j e c t e d a t t h e 0.005 l e v e l . A = n u l l h y p o t h e s i s accepted a t the 0.005 l e v e l .  -p-  145. itself  i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g behaviour  i n an u n d e r s t a n d i n g  and hence i s important  of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s .  G r e a t e r attachment to an a r e a on the p a r t of an i n d i v i d u a l v o t e r w i l l l e a d t o g r e a t e r attachment to the p o l i t i c a l norms of t h a t a r e a  and  vice-versa.  TERRITORIALITY AND In Chapter area i n t e g r a t i o n . v o t i n g behaviour  IV we  examined t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n terms of  local  An a s s o c i a t i o n between l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n can be demonstrated at two  and the i n d i v i d u a l . area) two  VOTING BEHAVIOUR  At the aggregate  level  a s s o c i a t i o n s w i l l be demonstrated.  l e v e l s - the  aggregate  (the l e v e l of the First,  local  the more i n t e g r a t e d  the l o c a l a r e a , the more p o l i t i c a l l y homogeneous i t w i l l be i n Second, the more i n t e g r a t e d the l o c a l a r e a , the more i t w i l l the area norm, i n the 1972  results.  and  Both a s s o c i a t i o n s are  1972.  reflect  confirmed  by our d a t a . I t has of E a s t End  a l r e a d y been shown t h a t the m a j o r i t y of i n h a b i t a n t s  and Dunbar possess a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of l o c a l  i n t e g r a t i o n compared w i t h Marpole. we would t h e r e f o r e expect  With r e g a r d t o our f i r s t  t h a t Marpole would be l e s s  homogeneous than e i t h e r E a s t End or Dunbar. d e p i c t i n g the 1972 case.  In East End,  r e s u l t s i n each a r e a , we a l l p o l l s were won  association  politically  From Maps 3, 4 and can see t h i s to be  by the NDP,  5 the  a l l w i t h at l e a s t  50 per cent of the v o t e , w i t h t h r e e p a r t i e s competing (Map Dunbar, a l l p o l l s but one were won  area  by the L i b e r a l s , w i t h no  3).  In  poll  h a v i n g more than 55 per cent of the v o t e L i b e r a l , w i t h f o u r p a r t i e s  146 competing  (Map  5).  i s more complex (Map  The  1972  4).  p a t t e r n i n Marpole, on t h e o t h e r hand,  In t h i s a r e a , the NDP  g e n e r a l l y won  polls  on the e a s t s i d e , w i t h the n o r t h and west c o n s i s t i n g of a m i x t u r e S o c i a l C r e d i t , L i b e r a l and NDP-won p o l l s . between v o t i n g behaviour  and  The  of  f i r s t association  l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , i s thus  upheld.  With r e g a r d to our second a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t the more i n t e g r a t e d the l o c a l a r e a , the more i t w i l l r e f l e c t the a r e a norm i n v o t i n g , can be demonstrated by comparing Maps 3, 4 and 5 w i t h Map seen t h a t the two most i n t e g r a t e d areas - East End r e f l e c t the a r e a norm i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i s , NDP  and L i b e r a l r e s p e c t i v e l y .  so o n l y p a r t i a l l y , and, NDP  (Map  4).  Our  2.  and  i n the 1972  It w i l l  be  Dunbar - both r e s u l t s - that  Marpole, on the other hand, does  i n f a c t , the m a j o r i t y o f p o l l s are won  second aggregate l e v e l a s s o c i a t i o n i s thus  At the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , i n g e n e r a l t h e r e i s no  by  sustained.  simple  a s s o c i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm and i n d i v i d u a l attachment t o a r e a .  The  is  i n the 1972  that i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g behaviour  g e n e r a l argument p r e s e n t e d B.C.  Provincial  here  election  i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the degree of i n d i v i d u a l attachment to a r e a .  Thus,  i n each a r e a , a s e r i e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g behaviour The  and  components of l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l be  examined.  i n t e g r a t i o n components examined w i l l be naming of a r e a , l e n g t h of  r e s i d e n c e w i t h i n the a r e a , whether o r not the a r e a i s regarded i n h a b i t a n t ' s r e a l home, the and  Any  the  ' s t a t e ' of the a r e a , c h o i c e of r e s i d e n c e ,  i n d i v i d u a l attachment to people  area.  as  l i v i n g w i t h i n and o u t s i d e of  l a c k of a s s o c i a t i o n i s regarded  as b e i n g p a r t l y w i t h  the reference  147  :  map 3  "";  '. ~~~  VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN EAST END 1972 (all polls won by NDP)  *o • ft • « * c- » • e> o cr-::-:-:-:--.:.-.-:-:-::-: o « o • • o # a o » e O O « O * V |-| ViMJi-.lnWil  !  o  _i\  o o o e • o o e o e o a o c * I C * O 0 c 0 ft ft c e • • & O • a • o * o o o e « 0 » c * o e « o r e « » p o « o f t » e » «>_u___£__C 11 © o « o « e • « o e * « l o e c o » o • • V c _ *>._«£•  !I 1.1 .III'.'.  i **I*I  :::L___^__-  __if  L ^ j * > * ^ ^ a " « i ^ H - K III11 III  070%NDP H63-70%  •57-63%  •51-57%  [MAP A VOTING f  9 « • • O go a e • el * © o o © i f t « f t ft o o c  Social Credit polls  »j  B E H A V I O U R IN M A R P O L E 1972  N D P polls  Liberal polls  oo  5p0yards  149 5  M A P  VOTING  B E H A V I O U R IN  D U N B A R 1972  (all poll but one won by the liberals)  ft-s-^r .  ftftoftoeov e * « » o f t « < p f t f t f t f t f t « e « 0 o f t f t f t o e o o f t i ftftftftftftOftft ftOftftftftftftOi  ft ft ft " o ft ft y o > ft ft Q ft  ft e  i © o  •  o o e o • o o e « o © e ft e ft e ft • ft © ft O ft ft ft e ft ft ft ft o o  e  .;::;:;v:;v::vj>  :  a  :  :  :  :  Jiiiiiil j  fell]  11 11 k*  ft ft ft ft ft  ft C ft ft ft  560 yards  51-55% Liberal 40-50% ] less than 40% won by Social Credit  150  to d i f f e r e n c e s i n a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n - t h a t i s , e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r Marpole are l e s s because t h i s i s the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d a r e a . Thus, f o r the f i r s t  i n t e g r a t i o n i n d i c a t o r , an a s s o c i a t i o n  between a r e a name and v o t i n g behaviour  i s expected.  However, i n  the E a s t End, such an a s s o c i a t i o n was rejected"'", due, i n p a r t , t o the j o i n t  importance o f E a s t H a s t i n g s and E a s t End as a r e a names.  However, i t i s important  t o note t h a t a m a j o r i t y o f respondents  v o t e d i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm E a s t End.  who  (that i s , NDP), named the a r e a  S i m i l a r l y , i n Marpole, the g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between a r e a  name and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r was rejected"'".  However, a g a i n , the m a j o r i t y  of those v o t i n g f o r the a r e a norm - S o c i a l C r e d i t - named the a r e a Marpole.  Further,  i n Dunbar, the g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between v o t i n g  behaviour  and area name was a l s o rejected"'".  T h i s c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d  i n p a r t by the dichotomous n a t u r e of t h a t a r e a - d i v i s i b l e Dunbar i n the n o r t h and Southlands  i n the south.  into  A g a i n , however, a  s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n o f those v o t i n g f o r the area norm - L i b e r a l named the a r e a Dunbar (Table  XXXII).  I t may be, from t h e f o l l o w i n g T a b l e , t h a t consensus i n a r e a name i s not a p a r t i c u l a r l y s a t i s f a c t o r y measure of attachment t o a r e a and hence n o t e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l i n an a n a l y s i s o f v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e , t h a t , w i t h r e g a r d to t h e d i f f e r e n t  levels  of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n , t h e s t r o n g e s t a s s o c i a t i o n between a r e a name and  A t the 0.005 l e v e l .  151' TABLE XXXII  A)  Area Naming and V o t i n g Behaviour  (%)  East End No name East given Grandview H a s t i n g s  NDP V o t i n g  6  4  24  E. End Renfrew 57  4  B) Marpole No name South Marpole/ given Shannon Van. Marpole Oakridge Oakridge SC V o t i n g  0  7  7  67  7  7  C) Dunbar No name Dunbar/ Mack. P t . Kerris./ given P t . Grey H t s . Grey Dunbar Southlands S. K e r r i s Lib  Voting  0  v o t i n g behaviour  13  13  33  25  4  o c c u r r e d i n Marpole, and the weakest a s s o c i a t i o n  o c c u r r e d i n Dunbar. still  13  I t may b e , t h a t , i n a dynamic s i t u a t i o n ,  c l i n g i n g t o the a r e a norm i n terms o f v o t i n g behaviour  tend t o have the g r e a t e s t degree o f attachment t o t h e a r e a . i s f u r t h e r t e n t a t i v e evidence  those will This  toward the o p e r a t i o n o f a ' r e t r e a t  p r o c e s s ' induced by m o b i l i t y and change, and noted  above i n Chapter  III. I t has been shown t h a t l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e , e s p e c i a l l y f o r those who have l i v e d important to  i n t h e i r a r e a f o r more than 10 y e a r s , i s an  s u r r o g a t e measure f o r l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . With r e g a r d  the g e n e r a l argument p r e s e n t e d  here, i t i s therefore  expected  t h a t there w i l l be a tendency i n each area f o r those l i v i n g f o r more than 10 y e a r s t o v o t e  i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e area norm.  there Thus,  152 i n the E a s t End, an a s s o c i a t i o n i s expected between the NDP and more than 10 y e a r s of r e s i d e n c e . a s s o c i a t i o n i s expected y e a r s of r e s i d e n c e .  vote  S i m i l a r l y , f o r Dunbar, an  between the L i b e r a l v o t e and more than  However, i n Marpole,  i n t e g r a t i o n - v o t i n g behaviour  10  as w i t h a l l of the  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the e x p e c t a t i o n  i s t h a t the a s s o c i a t i o n would be v e r y much weaker, as Marpole i s the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d of a l l t h r e e a r e a s .  Although  i n each a r e a a  g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n was n o t found between l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e and v o t i n g behaviour"'", i n a l l t h r e e areas an a s s o c i a t i o n was found between those v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n to the area norm and more than 10 y e a r s residence  (Table XXXIII).  TABLE XXXIII A)  (%)  l e s s than 1 year  l-<2 years  2-<5 years  5-<10 years  4  2  10  12  73  7  7  20  13  53  8  21  13  13  46  10 y e a r s +  Dunbar Lib voting  1  of Residence  Marpole SC v o t i n g  C)  arid Length  E a s t End  NDP v o t i n g B)  V o t i n g Behaviour  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  153 It i s interesting  to note t h a t the a s s o c i a t i o n s were n o t  q u i t e i n t h e d i r e c t i o n as expected i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o account. association.  when t a k i n g degrees o f a r e a  Dunbar, f o r example, had the weakest  An examination  of the v o t i n g behaviour  of those  having  l i v e d i n each a r e a f o r more than 10 y e a r s , however, r e v e a l e d a c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n i n both E a s t End and Dunbar - t h a t i s , a marked tendency t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o the a r e a norm - a l t h o u g h not  the case i n Marpole where s i m i l a r p r o p o r t i o n s  v o t e d NDP as w e l l as S o c i a l C r e d i t .  t h i s was  (26 p e r cent)  This i s a clear i n d i c a t i o n that  t h e l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e - v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not as  w e l l - d e f i n e d i n Marpole as i n e i t h e r Dunbar o r the East End. Furthermore, from Table XXXIII, i t i s c l e a r , , t h a t , a p a r t from i n the East End, t h e r e i s no c l e a r l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l o n g e r a respondent has l i v e d  i n an area and h i s tendency t o v o t e  w i t h r e g a r d to t h e a r e a norm. I t has been demonstrated above t h a t a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f Marpole i n h a b i t a n t s d i d n o t r e g a r d t h e i r l o c a l area as t h e i r home, compared w i t h East End o r Dunbar respondents. expected,  real  I t would be  t h e r e f o r e t h a t t h e r e l a t i o n between those who r e g a r d  their  a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home and t h e p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o the a r e a norm would be l e s s w e l l - d e f i n e d i n Marpole. areas  However, i n a l l t h r e e  the e x p e c t a t i o n would be t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y o f those v o t i n g f o r  the a r e a norm would r e g a r d t h e a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home. confirmed  t h i s l a t t e r e x p e c t a t i o n , and i t was found  >  The d a t a  t h a t over  80 p e r  154 cent of i n h a b i t a n t s i n each a r e a v o t i n g f o r t h e a r e a norm the a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home. is  regarded  However, i n an area l i k e Marpole, which  t h e l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d a r e a , and thus t h e p o l i t i c a l norm i s l e s s  w e l l - d e f i n e d , the r e v e r s e r e l a t i o n s h i p d i d n o t h o l d - t h a t i s , more i n h a b i t a n t s who regarded than S o c i a l C r e d i t .  the a r e a as t h e i r r e a l home v o t e d NDP r a t h e r  The r e l a t i o n s h i p h e l d f o r t h e other two a r e a s ,  however (Table XXXIV).  The g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n between r e a l home  and v o t i n g behaviour was r e j e c t e d i n a l l t h r e e areas"*".  TABLE XXXIV  R e a l Home and V o t i n g Behaviour  (%)  A) East End Did not vote Inhabs. r e g . a r e a as r e a l home  34  PC  4  Lib  0  NDP  SC  55  7  NDP  SC  29  24  NDP  SC  13  12  B) Marpole Did n o t v o t e Inhabs. r e g . area as r e a l home  22  PC  4  Lib  22  C) Dunbar Did n o t v o t e  PC  Lib  19  16  30  Inhabs. r e g . a r e a as r e a l home  At t h e 0.005 l e v e l .  155  S i m i l a r l y , g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s between v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r and respondents' o p i n i o n s as to whether t h e i r a r e a was improving both socially  ( t h a t i s , becoming f r i e n d l i e r ) and p h y s i c a l l y  i t s p h y s i c a l appearance) were rejected"''.  (that i s ,  However, i t was  expected  t h a t p o s i t i v e o p i n i o n s about the a r e a - such as the a r e a i s becoming f r i e n d l i e r , o r the a r e a i s l o o k i n g b e t t e r - were expected to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n t o the a r e a norm.  Thus, f o r  E a s t End, an a s s o c i a t i o n was expected between NDP v o t i n g and those who  thought t h e i r a r e a was becoming f r i e n d l i e r .  Similarly, for  Marpole an a s s o c i a t i o n was expected between S o c i a l C r e d i t v o t i n g and those who  thought t h e i r a r e a was becoming f r i e n d l i e r , and f o r Dunbar  an a s s o c i a t i o n was expected between L i b e r a l v o t i n g and those who thought  t h e i r a r e a was becoming f r i e n d l i e r .  A g a i n , however, the  e x p e c t a t i o n s were confirmed f o r both E a s t End and Dunbar, but n o t f o r Marpole ( T a b l e XXXV).  TABLE XXXV  A r e a Becoming F r i e n d l i e r and V o t i n g Behaviour Did not vote  PC  Lib  (%)  NDP  SC  E a s t End  39  3  0  55  3  Marpole  17  13  22  26  22  Dunbar  21  13  33  4  17  For the o t h e r component of ' s t a t e ' o f a r e a , the g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n was t h a t t h e r e would be an a s s o c i a t i o n between those who  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  156  thought  t h a t t h e i r a r e a was l o o k i n g b e t t e r , and v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n  to the area norm.  The a s s o c i a t i o n was upheld i n E a s t End and  but was p a r t i a l l y upheld i n Dunbar  TABLE XXXVI  ( T a b l e XXVI).  Area Looking B e t t e r and V o t i n g Behaviour  PC  D i d not v o t e  Marpole,  Lib  (%)  NDP.  SC  E a s t End  39  5  0  52  . 4  Marpole  21  5  15  26  31  Dunbar  17  14  24  7  24  The r e s u l t s i n T a b l e XXXV may perhaps be e x p l a i n e d p a r t i a l l y w i t h r e f e r e n c e to a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n - t h a t i s , t h a t Marpole i s the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d a r e a , and thus norms of behaviour would be l e s s w e l l d e f i n e d compared w i t h E a s t End, where, s u r p r i s i n g l y , from the r e s u l t s perhaps,  the norm appears  to be much more w e l l - d e f i n e d than i n Dunbar.  The r e s u l t s i n T a b l e XXXVI, on the o t h e r hand, a r e not so readily explicable.  However, as b o t h v a r i a b l e s on the ' s t a t e ' of the  a r e a do n o t appear i n the model o f l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n their u t i l i t y  i n the u n d e r s t a n d i n g  e l e c t o r a l patterns i s probably  ( F i g u r e 2)  of the s t a b i l i t y and change of  limited.  Choice of r e s i d e n c e , on the o t h e r hand, was i n c l u d e d i n the model ( F i g u r e 2 ) .  However, i n a l l t h r e e areas a g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n  between c h o i c e o f r e s i d e n c e and v o t i n g behaviour was rejected"*".  1  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  157 However, w i t h r e g a r d to area norm v o t i n g two a r e expected.  F i r s t , t h a t those who  s e t s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s  v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o the a r e a  norm would choose to s t a y i n t h e i r area of r e s i d e n c e . t h e r e would be an a s s o c i a t i o n between those choosing  Second, t h a t to s t a y  and  a r e a norm v o t i n g dependent on the l e v e l of area i n t e g r a t i o n .  In  o t h e r words, those choosing  to s t a y would tend to v o t e i n r e l a t i o n  to the a r e a norm more r e a d i l y i n more i n t e g r a t e d a r e a s .  The  first  e x p e c t a t i o n i s confirmed by our d a t a where, of a r e a norm v o t e r s , t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n chose to s t a y .  The  second e x p e c t a t i o n i s a l s o  confirmed w i t h , i n Marpole, the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n choosing a c t u a l l y v o t i n g NDP  to s t a y  r a t h e r than S o c i a l C r e d i t (Table XXXVII).  As  been demonstrated, Marpole i s the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d of the t h r e e and t h i s f i n d i n g supports i n t h a t a r e a ( i f 1972  East  End  the p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n  NDP.  Choosing  not  to Stay and V o t i n g Behaviour  vote  PC  Lib  (%)  NDP  SC  38  3  0  53  7  Marpole  16  8  24  28  24  Dunbar  21  16  30  11  11  S i m i l a r l y , the degree to which i n h a b i t a n t s i n the t h r e e f e e l c l o s e r to people  areas,  t r e n d s c o n t i n u e ) i s i n t h e p r o c e s s of change  from S o c i a l C r e d i t to  TABLE XXXVII  has  l i v i n g w i t h i n t h e i r a r e a of r e s i d e n c e was  i n c l u d e d i n the model of l o c a l a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n  (Figure 2).  The  areas also  158  g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d to t h i s v a r i a b l e i s t h a t t h e r e would be an a s s o c i a t i o n between those f e e l i n g c l o s e r to people  living  w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a and a r e a norm v o t i n g dependent on the of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n . those who  Second, t h a t t h e r e would be a tendency  for  v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm t o f e e l c l o s e r t o  l i v i n g w i t h i n t h e i r a r e a of r e s i d e n c e . r e s u l t s w i t h r e g a r d to the f i r s t  TABLE XXXVIII  End  Marpole Dunbar  vote  those  T a b l e XXXVIII g i v e s the  expectation.  C l o s e r to Those W i t h i n and V o t i n g  D i d not East  level  Lib  PC  Behaviour (%)  NDP  SC  27  0  0  73  0  31  15  15  15  23  6  12  47  12  18  I t w i l l be noted  .  t h a t the l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d area has  s u b s t a n t i a l l y lower p r o p o r t i o n of those who  a  f e e l c l o s e r to people  w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a v o t i n g f o r the a r e a norm, S o c i a l  Credit.  However, s u r p r i s i n g l y , Dunbar, the most i n t e g r a t e d a r e a , has a much lower p r o p o r t i o n v o t i n g f o r the a r e a norm than E a s t End. be,  t h e r e f o r e , t h a t the s t a t u s type and  It  may  composition of an a r e a  m o d i f i e s a s s o c i a t i o n s between attachment t o a r e a and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n emerges from an examination  of a l l a s s o c i a t i o n s  between attachment to area and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , g i v e n i n T a b l e s XXXII - XXXVIII, where, i n g e n e r a l , the s t r e n g t h of the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Dunbar was  l e s s than i n E a s t End.  Thus the s t r e n g t h of adherence  159 to v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r norms may  be g r e a t e r i n areas of g e n e r a l l y  lower s t a t u s composition even though the l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n i n those areas may  be the same or  less.  However, w i t h r e g a r d t o the second v o t e r s i n both East End  and Marpole tended  e x p e c t a t i o n , a r e a norm to f e e l c l o s e r t o those  l i v i n g o u t s i d e of the a r e a , a l t h o u g h the p r o p o r t i o n was i n E a s t End  (35 per cent) than i n Marpole.  much l e s s  In Dunbar, on the o t h e r  hand, e q u a l p r o p o r t i o n s of area norm v o t e r s f e l t  c l o s e r t o those  w i t h i n and o u t s i d e of t h e i r a r e a . S e v e r a l l a t e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures have now  been examined  i n r e l a t i o n t o v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , and a s e r i e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s has been demonstrated.  Any  e x c e p t i o n s have g e n e r a l l y o c c u r r e d i n the  l e a s t i n t e g r a t e d of the t h r e e a r e a s , Marpole, noted  t h a t s t a t u s type and  composition of a r e a may  of i n t e g r a t i o n - v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r  MANIFEST INTEGRATION AND  a l t h o u g h i t has been modify  the s t r e n g t h  associations.  VOTING BEHAVIOUR  I n view of the complexity of i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l  interaction  both w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a and o u t s i d e of i t , o n l y the number of i n t e r a c t i o n s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d h e r e , r a t h e r than t h e i r  such  intensity.  With r e g a r d to i n t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n i s t h a t the l a r g e r the number o f such i n t e r a c t i o n s , f c t h e g r e a t e r the p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm.  Conversely,  the  e x p e c t a t i o n i s t h a t the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of those i n h a b i t a n t s who s t a t e t h a t they i n t e r a c t w i t h no household  within their local  area  160 will  tend not  interaction  to vote  in relation  t o t h e a r e a norm.  i n g e n e r a l , i t seems t h a t t h e r e  For  internal  i s a cut-off point  at  about f i v e h o u s e h o l d s , above w h i c h i n t e r a c t i o n s i g n i f i c a n t l y d e c l i n e s . Thus, f o r the purposes of t h i s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and to  this  the  v o t i n g behaviour  the  be  considered  to the  first  only  up  p o i n t , i t i s expected that i n  l a r g e r t h e number o f i n t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t s , t h e  -propensity  t o v o t e NDP.  For Marpole, the  c o n t a c t s , the g r e a t e r the p r o p e n s i t y Dunbar, i t i s expected t h a t the contacts general  the greater  to vote  the p r o p e n s i t y  to vote  l a r g e s t number o f c o n t a c t s  i n b o t h E a s t End  (Tables  X X X I X , XL  i n M a r p o l e and tended not  and  and  XLI).  Liberal  voted  NDP  in relation  (Table X L ) , and,  (Table X L I ) .  p r o p o r t i o n of  However,  the those  Social Credit, upheld  g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n was  upheld  internal social  t h o s e w i t h no  for  social  i n M a r p o l e , where  t o t h e a r e a norm.  contacts  In Marpole, f o r internal  contacts  i n Dunbar, the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n  I n E a s t End,  t h o s e w i t h no  a r e a n o r m - t h a t i s , NDP although  Liberal.  tended to vote  other  example, the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of voted  S o c i a l C r e d i t , and,  D u n b a r - t h a t i s , t h o s e w i t h no  to vote  l a r g e r t h e number o f  Dunbar, the a s s o c i a t i o n s were not The  East  greater  l a r g e r t h e number o f i n t e r n a l  a s s o c i a t i o n i s only p a r t i a l l y upheld  w i t h the whilst  will  internal  point. With regard  End,  a n a l y s i s , a s s o c i a t i o n s between  on  the other hand, the l a r g e s t  s o c i a l contacts voted  (Table XXIX).  i n r e l a t i o n to  the  T h u s , i t w o u l d seem t h a t ,  the degree of i n t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s not  of  great  161  TABLE XXXIX  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n E a s t End (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  3-5  Did not vote  6  27  9  12  29  PC  0  20  20  40  20  NDP  0  24  14  18  29  SC  0  17  0  17  33  TABLE XL  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole  (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  3-5  Did not vote  5  0  26  5  42  PC  0  20  20  20  20  Lib  0  35  25  5  20  NDP  0  11  6  28  33  SC  0  13  27  7  33  TABLE XLI  I n t e r n a l S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Dunbar  (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  3-5  Did n o t v o t e  0  20  27  0  40  PC  0  18  0  18  36  Lib  0  8  21  4  38  NDP  0  44  11  SC  0  20  10  1  1  1  0  1  50  162 importance i n terms of v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r ,  e s p e c i a l l y i n E a s t End,  whereas the l a c k o f such i n t e r a c t i o n i s an important  indicator,  e s p e c i a l l y i n Marpole and Dunbar. In terms of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n o u t s i d e o f the l o c a l  area,  the g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n i s t h a t the g r e a t e r t h e degree o f such i n t e r a c t i o n , the greater the propensity not to vote i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm.  Conversely,  i t i s expected  t h a t the lower the degree  of e x t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the g r e a t e r the p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a r e a norm.  For e x t e r n a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n g e n e r a l ,  t h e r e seems t o be a c u t - o f f p o i n t a t about 6-10 h o u s e h o l d s , above which i n t e r a c t i o n s i g n i f i c a n t l y d e c l i n e s .  Thus, f o r the purposes  of t h i s a n a l y s i s , a s s o c i a t i o n s between e x t e r n a l s o c i a l and v o t i n g behaviour  interaction  w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d o n l y up t o t h i s p o i n t .  With r e g a r d to the f i r s t p o i n t , c o n c e r n i n g  the a s s o c i a t i o n  between e x t e r n a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , expected  t h a t the g r e a t e r t h e number of s o c i a l c o n t a c t s , the g r e a t e r  the p r o p e n s i t y not t o v o t e NDP i n E a s t End. it  i t is  i s expected  S i m i l a r l y , i n Marpole,  t h a t the g r e a t e r t h e number of e x t e r n a l s o c i a l  contacts,  the g r e a t e r t h e p r o p e n s i t y not t o v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t , and, f o r Dunbar, i t i s expected  t h a t the g r e a t e r the number o f e x t e r n a l s o c i a l  c o n t a c t s , the g r e a t e r the p r o p e n s i t y not t o v o t e L i b e r a l . expectations  are r e j e c t e d .  A l l three  I n a l l c a s e s , the data show t h a t the g r e a t e r  the number o f e x t e r n a l c o n t a c t s , e s p e c i a l l y up to 3-5, o u t s i d e o f t h e l o c a l a r e a , the g r e a t e r the p r o p e n s i t y t o v o t e norm (Tables X L I I , X L I I I and XLIV).  i n r e l a t i o n t o the a r e a  Our second e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t t h e  TABLE X L I I  External  S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g  Behaviour i n  E a s t End (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  9  21  6  6  27  6  20  0  20  0  60  0  NDP  2  22  10  16  33  12  SC  0  17  50  0  17  17  Did not vote PC  TABLE X L I I I  S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g  External Marpole  3-5  6-10  Behaviour i n  (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  3-5  6-10  Did n o t v o t e  5  5  11  16  16  23  PC  0  0  0  0  40  60  Lib  0  10  20  5  30  30  NDP  0  0  6  33  33  28  SC  0  7_  7  20  40  20  TABLE XLIV  External Dunbar  S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n and V o t i n g  Behaviour i n  (%)  No Response  None  One  Two  3-5  6-10  D i d not v o t e  0  27  7  7  53  0  PC  0  9  0  9  64  9  Lib  4  4  13  13  38  17  NDP  0  11  11  22  33  11  SC  0  10  20  10  30  20  164 lower the degree of e x t e r n a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the g r e a t e r the to v o t e  i n r e l a t i o n t o the area norm i s a l s o r e j e c t e d i n a l l t h r e e  areas, although, vote  (22  propensity  i n East End,  a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of the  per cent) s a i d t h a t they had no  their local  NDP  s o c i a l c o n t a c t s o u t s i d e of  area.  I t seems, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t i n t e r n a l and  external  social  i n t e r a c t i o n i s , i n g e n e r a l , weakly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g The number of c o n t a c t s i n t e r n a l l y and i n d i c a t o r s , although  behaviour.  e x t e r n a l l y are g e n e r a l l y poor  the l a c k of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ,  particularly  w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a , i s weakly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g  behaviour.  Shopping f o r food w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a has been d i s c u s s e d above as another m a n i f e s t  component of i n t e g r a t i o n .  The  general  e x p e c t a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r i s t h a t the g r e a t e r tendency to shop w i t h i n the l o c a l a r e a , the g r e a t e r the to v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm.  l o c a l area v o t e NDP,  r a t h e r than any  propensity  Thus, f o r E a s t End,  expected t h a t a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of those who  it is  shopped w i t h i n  other party.  the  their  Similarly, for  Marpole, i t i s expected that a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of those who w i t h i n t h e i r l o c a l a r e a v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t r a t h e r than any  shop  other  F i n a l l y , f o r Dunbar, i t i s expected t h a t a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of who  shop w i t h i n the a r e a v o t e L i b e r a l r a t h e r than any  Rather s u r p r i s i n g l y , o n l y i n Marpole was (Tables XLV, Our  XLVI and  other  party. those  party.  the a s s o c i a t i o n demonstrated  XLVII).  f i n a l expectation concerning  the a s s o c i a t i o n of l o c a l  area  i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r concerns the r e a d i n g of l o c a l news-  165 TABLE XLV  L o c a l Area Shopping  No Response  and V o t i n g Behaviour  Shop M o s t l y Within  i n E a s t End (%)  Shop M o s t l y Outside  Shop f o r Some Within  Did not vote  6  71  12  12  PC  0  20  60  20  NDP  2  67  24  8  SC  0  83  17  0  TABLE ' XLVI  L o c a l A r e a Shopping  No Response  and V o t i n g  Shop M o s t l y Within  Behaviour i n Marpole  Shop M o s t l y Outside  Shop f o r Some Within  Did not vote  5  74  16  5  PC  0  80  20  0  Lib  0  80  15  5  NDP  0  83  11  6  SC  0  93  7  0  TABLE XLVII  L o c a l A r e a Shopping  No Response  and Voti n g  Shop M o s t l y Within  Behaviour i n Dunbar (%)  Shop M o s t l y Outside  Shop f o r Some Within  Did n o t v o t e  0  87  0  13  PC  0  82  18  0  Lib  0  83  13  4  NDP  11  89  0  0  0  80  20  0  SC  (%)  166 papers.  For the purposes of the a n a l y s i s , o n l y the most  newspaper c i t e d i n each a r e a  (Table XX)  important  w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d .  The  g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n i s t h a t the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of those who t h i s newspaper w i l l v o t e i n r e l a t i o n to the a r e a norm. E a s t End, Highland  i t i s expected  Thus, f o r  t h a t the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of those  Echo w i l l v o t e NDP.  S i m i l a r l y , f o r Marpole, the  reading  largest  p r o p o r t i o n of those r e a d i n g C o u r i e r w i l l v o t e S o c i a l C r e d i t . for  read  And,  Dunbar, the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of those r e a d i n g C o u r i e r w i l l  Liberal.  The  a s s o c i a t i o n s were demonstrated f o r both E a s t End  vote  and  Dunbar, but a g a i n , not f o r Marpole (Table X L V I I I ) .  TABLE XLVIII A)  H. B)  East  (%)  End  Echo  D i d not v o t e  PC  NDP  30  15  Did not v o t e  PC  LIB  14  10  33  D i d not v o t e  PC  LIB  20  18  38  50  SC 17  Marpole  Courier C)  L o c a l A r e a Newspaper and V o t i n g Behaviour  NDP 24  SC 19  Dunbar  Courier  NDP 8  SC 10  CONCLUSION The main aim of t h i s chapter has been to demonstrate an a s s o c i a t i o n between v o t i n g behaviour  and  l o c a l area i n t e g r a t i o n , and,  i n p a r t i c u l a r to demonstrate t h a t v o t i n g i n r e l a t i o n to an a r e a norm  167 i s dependent i n p a r t on the degree o f attachment to a r e a . to  Adherence  the p o l i t i c a l norm of an area was shown to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  measures of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y b o t h at the aggregate However,  and i n d i v i d u a l  levels.  the same p a t t e r n d i d not emerge when m a n i f e s t measures of  i n t e g r a t i o n were r e l a t e d to v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  The o v e r a l l p a t t e r n i s  c o n s i s t e n t , however, f o r m a n i f e s t i n t e g r a t i o n measures were n o t found to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t e r r i t o r i a l i t y  ( F i g u r e 2).  I t would seem,  t h e r e f o r e , t h a t i n t e r n a l i s e d f e e l i n g s of attachment t o area a r e f a r more important i n v o t i n g behaviour than i n d i v i d u a l outward m a n i f e s t a t i o n s such as socio-economic  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and s o c i a l  interaction.  I n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s , however, was an important v a r i a b l e i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , and s t a t u s c o m p o s i t i o n i n an a r e a was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l a t e n t i n t e g r a t i o n measures.  Thus the complex s e r i e s of i n t e r r e l a t i o n -  s h i p s between s t a t u s c o m p o s i t i o n of an a r e a , area i n t e g r a t i o n and e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n have been examined. One o t h e r important mechanism f o r changing  or r e i n f o r c i n g the  p o l i t i c a l norms of an area i s through the e l e c t i o n campaign.  From a  geographic v i e w p o i n t , t h e r e f o r e , a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s p a t i a l a s p e c t s of  the campaign i s important i n any a n a l y s i s of the s t a b i l i t y and change  of  electoral patterns.  168  CHAPTER V I  THE GEOGRAPHY OF CAMPAIGNING  In the discussion of the s t a b i l i t y patterns, the f i n a l neglected variable  t o be considered here  p o l i t i c a l p a r t y i n p u t , o r from a geographic of campaigning.  and change o f e l e c t o r a l  I t i s presented here  i sthe  v i e w p o i n t , t h e geography  a s one t e n t a t i v e a s p e c t o f o v e r -  a l l p a r t y c a m p a i g n p o l i c y a n d c a n b e i m p o r t a n t i n two m a i n w a y s . i n r e i n f o r c i n g a r e a norms, e s p e c i a l l y , as t h i s in  areas  of high s p a t i a l  graphy o f campaigning  chapter w i l l  competition i n canvassing.  i s relevant to the study  demonstrate,  Second, t h e geo-  o f t h e change o f e l e c -  t o r a l p a t t e r n s b y p r o v i d i n g some b a s i s f o r l o n g e r - t e r m is  ' c o n v e r s i o n s ' , as  t h e case i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e campaign i n t h e t h r e e l o c a l areas  examined.  The i m p a c t  of l o c a l area  First,  being  o f t h i s w i l l v a r y i n p a r t a c c o r d i n g to the degree  integration.  One o f t h e f u n c t i o n s o f c a m p a i g n i n g  i s to mobilise  s u p p o r t , and thus t h e geography o f campaigning s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n and m o b i l i s a t i o n o f such  sympathetic  implies differential support.  I t i s thus an  important v a r i a b l e i n that i t provides a very l o c a l i s e d p o l i t i c a l environment  w i t h i n which v o t i n g behaviour  ment h e r e  i s t h a t t h e e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e geography  of campaigning.  takes place.  The g e n e r a l  argu-  I n other words, t h e degree of l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y i n  d i f f e r e n t areas w i l l be s t a t i s t i c a l l y come a t b o t h a g g r e g a t e  associated with the election  and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l s .  p r i s e s t h e degree of a r e a l correspondence the r e s u l t s o f t h e e l e c t i o n by p o l l ,  The a g g r e g a t e  level  outcom-  o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y and  and t h e i n d i v i d u a l  level  consists  169 of i n d i v i d u a l response  t o such a c t i v i t y and i n d i v i d u a l outcome i n terms  of v o t i n g behaviour.  I n order t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n from both the  competing p a r t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s r e g a r d , two q u e s t i o n n a i r e s were used.  F o r the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , a q u e s t i o n n a i r e was a d m i n i s t e r e d  t o c a n d i d a t e s and campaign managers i n t h e t h r e e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s w i t h i n which t h e t h r e e l o c a l areas c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n a r e l o c a t e d (Appendix I I ) .  Second, q u e s t i o n s r e l a t i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l response t o  p a r t y a c t i v i t y and i t s outcome, were i n c l u d e d on t h e l o c a l a r e a questionnaire  (Appendix I ) .  I n terms o f t h e former,  s o n a l ".interviews were undertaken,  a t o t a l o f 24 p e r -  s h o r t l y a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , with a  minimum o f two i n t e r v i e w s p e r p a r t y i n each o f t h e t h r e e areas t o ensure reliability. B e f o r e p r o c e e d i n g w i t h t h e a n a l y s i s , i t i s important  to note  t h a t c e r t a i n c o n s t r a i n t s a p p l y i n any d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e geography o f campaigning.  D e c i s i o n s made by campaign o r g a n i s e r s must be made  w i t h i n the l i m i t s o f t h e c o n s t i t u e n c y and p o l l boundaries 'given' b e f o r e t h e campaign i s a c t u a l l y o r g a n i s e d .  which a r e  In t h i s  regard,  t h e r e f o r e , the campaign, a t t h e o u t s e t i s o r g a n i s e d s p a t i a l l y , and p r e c i s e l y how i t i s o r g a n i s e d w i l l depend, i n p a r t , on t h e s p a t i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n of such b o u n d a r i e s .  Furthermore, c o n s t i t u e n c y boundaries  l o c a l a r e a s , and, consequently, tional entities.  tend t o b i s e c t  c o n s t i t u e n c i e s a r e g e n e r a l l y not func-  As one w r i t e r has  noted,  e l e c t o r s need an e l e c t i o n  to l e a r n o r be reminded t h a t they l i v e i n a p a r t i c u l a r named e l e c t o r a t e (Laponce, 1969, 3 ) . The  a n a l y s i s o f the geography o f campaigning p r e s e n t e d  chapter has f i v e main components.  First,  i n this  i t w i l l be demonstrated t h a t  the competing p a r t i e s w i l l o r g a n i s e t h e i r campaigns on a s p a t i a l b a s i s .  170 Second, that they w i l l employ a s p a t i a l strategy i n their campaigns. By s p a t i a l strategy i s meant the plan by which parties a l l o c a t e t h e i r resources  s p a t i a l l y within a constituency.  Variations i n s p a t i a l or-  ganisation and s p a t i a l strategy w i l l depend on the nature of the competing candidates, and, i n p a r t i c u l a r whether the candidates are i n cumbents, have run f o r p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e before, or have had no previous public p o l i t i c a l exposure.  Third, the s p a t i a l variations of issues  raised by the parties among the three l o c a l areas considered w i l l be described.  Fourth, i t w i l l be suggested that the response of those  l i v i n g within each p o l l i n g d i s t r i c t  i s associated with the degree of  i n t e n s i t y of l o c a l party a c t i v i t y .  F i f t h , the voting behaviour of  those l i v i n g within each p o l l i n g d i s t r i c t w i l l be shown to be associated with the degree of i n t e n s i t y of party campaigning i n each d i s t r i c t .  The  effectiveness of the s p a t i a l strategies of the competing parties w i l l be shown to be associated with the i n t e r n a l organisation of each party. SPATIAL ORGANISATION A l l p o l i t i c a l parties i n a l l Canadian Provinces use the constituency as a basic s p a t i a l organising unit f o r the campaign. i s a 'given'.  Invariably, the constituency-based  down the constituency  This  organisations break  into a number of organising units or d i s t r i c t s .  The c r i t e r i a f o r defining such d i s t r i c t s , which include a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a f f as well as the r e s u l t s of the preceding  e l e c t i o n , may vary  according  to the constituency organisation, and according to the nature of the candidates.  However, i f d i s t r i c t s are used as organising u n i t s ,  they are simply agglomerations of p o l l i n g d i s t r i c t s . Below the l e v e l of the d i s t r i c t i s the p o l l , which i s normally the lowest l e v e l of s p a t i a l organisation.  In c e r t a i n cases, no  districts  a r e d e f i n e d , and thus the c o n s t i t u e n c y i s o r g a n i s e d f o r the  campaign by p o l l s .  The purpose of u s i n g d i s t r i c t s  units i s purely organisational.  and p o l l s as  The d i s t r i c t comprises a number of  p o l l s , and i s d e f i n e d i n terms of o r g a n i s a t i o n a l convenience. sometimes an attempt i s made to d e f i n e the d i s t r i c t a r e a or a neighbourhood. P o i n t Gray, Dunbar was  t i o n of apartments i n Marpole was campaign the  PNE  i n Vancouver  South (Map  i n E a s t End was  p a i g n i n Vancouver-East campaign  district (Map  of  campaigns  F o r i n s t a n c e , the  Thus, a major c o n c e n t r a -  d i s t r i c t 8 of a 2 0 - d i s t r i c t 6).  the p o l l .  S i m i l a r l y , the a r e a s u r r o u n d i n g  2 i n a 1 7 - d i s t r i c t C o n s e r v a t i v e cam-  7).  I n g e n e r a l , a p a r t from the  on a d i s t r i c t b a s i s .  NDP  Social Credit  In those cases where d i s t r i c t s  and  w i t h the a i d of p o l l  were used, each d i s t r i c t  c a p t a i n s f o r each p o l l  d i s t r i c t , w i l l o r g a n i s e the d i s t r i c t campaign.  c a p t a i n , i f manpower a l l o w s t h i s , who  within  F o r those c a s e s  where d i s t r i c t s were not used, each p o l l w i l l u s u a l l y have a  leaflet  Liberal  were g e n e r a l l y o r g a n i s e d on an ad hoc b a s i s a t the l e v e l  has a chairman, who, the  However,  i n Marpole, o n l y t h e L i b e r a l and C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t i e s were  o r g a n i s i n g t h e i r campaigns NDP  i n Vancouver-  used as an o r g a n i s a t i o n a l d i s t r i c t .  be d e f i n e d on a p h y s i c a l b a s i s .  However,  i n terms of a l o c a l .  Thus, f o r t h e L i b e r a l campaign  o t h e r c r i t e r i a a r e used f o r d i s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n . d i s t r i c t may  spatial  poll  w i l l o r g a n i s e c a n v a s s i n g and  d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n t h a t p o l l based on d i r e c t i v e s n o r m a l l y from  a c o n s t i t u e n c y campaign  committee.  T h i s committee w i l l n o r m a l l y com-  p r i s e o f a l l d i s t r i c t chairmen, i f t h e r e a r e any, p l u s a number of i n d i v i d u a l s who  a r e i n charge of p a r t i c u l a r s p e c i a l i s e d  such as money, s i g n s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and p u b l i c  functions,  relations.  MAP 6 SPATIAL  ORGANISATION  OF THE  LIBERAL  CAMPAIGN IN M A R P O L E  SPATIAL ORGANISATION OF THE  oL  700yards  174 SPATIAL STRATEGY As was  noted above, s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y i s the p l a n by which the  competing p a r t i e s a l l o c a t e t h e i r r e s o u r c e s s p a t i a l l y w i t h i n a stituency.  D e c i s i o n s taken f o r such a l l o c a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s a r e  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the campaign committee. s t r a t e g y can be examined a t another  However, s p a t i a l  l e v e l - t h a t i s , the  a s s i g n e d t o a p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t i t u e n c y by P r o v i n c i a l One  con-  priority  Headquarters.  c r i t e r i a would be used t o measure such p r i o r i t i e s  i s the  r e l a t i v e e x p e n d i t u r e by c o n s t i t u e n c y .  However, the e x p e n d i t u r e of  a l l p a r t i e s does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t  spatial priorities.  case of the NDP,  f o r example, e x p e n d i t u r e i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the  amount of money a b l e to be r a i s e d i n each c o n s t i t u e n c y . c o n f i g u r a t i o n of c o n s t i t u e n c y boundaries with regard to f u n d - r a i s i n g a b i l i t y . Vancouver-Point  In the  Grey than Vancouver-East  r a i s e more (Table XLIX).  The  Thus, the  provides a s p a t i a l Thus the NDP  spent more i n  because they were a b l e t o  l a r g e sums of money f o r b o t h  C r e d i t and L i b e r a l s , on the o t h e r hand, were used  Social  i n an attempt  r e - e l e c t t h e i r incumbent c a n d i d a t e s i n Vancouver-South and Grey r e s p e c t i v e l y .  constraint  to  Vancouver-Point  Both of t h e s e p a r t i e s had w e l l d e f i n e d s p a t i a l  i t i e s d e s p i t e t h e i r a b i l i t y t o r a i s e money l o c a l l y .  prior-  The-Conservatives,  on the o t h e r hand, d e c i d e d t o c o n c e n t r a t e more of t h e i r r e s o u r c e s i n P o i n t Grey, where two well-known c a n d i d a t e s who  had p r e v i o u s l y r u n  s u c c e s s f u l l y a t the c i v i c l e v e l , were r u n n i n g P r o v i n c i a l l y f o r the first  time. Thus, the n a t u r e of the c a n d i d a t e i s the second  important  pondnt of p a r t y s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y .  In b o t h Vancouver-East  South,  l i t t l e o r no p r e v i o u s p u b l i c  C o n s e r v a t i v e c a n d i d a t e s had  and  com-  Vancouverexposure  175 in politics.  However, the budget i s obviously of great importance  i n terms of the q u a l i t y and quantity of campaign l i t e r a t u r e the l o c a l campaign can produce and use.  It i s also of importance i n  paying for other l o c a l advertising media, such as lawn signs, and the a b i l i t y to mail l i t e r a t u r e or use professional firms to 'drop' l i t e r a t u r e i n c e r t a i n areas of the constituency. does t h i s by volunteer labour.  The NDP,  The budget i s important  however, too i n  terms of operating an e f f e c t i v e campaign headquarters or o f f i c e s located within each constituency.  TABLE XLIX  Party Expenditure  Vancouver-East  1972  Vancouver-South  Vancouver-Point Grey  SC  $16,867  $30,000  $22,500  NDP  $ 5,304  $ 8,016  $  Lib  —  $ 5,071  $16,067  $ 3,284  $ 1,525  $ 4,378  PC Source:  Registrar of Voters, Vancouver, The t h i r d important  6,217  B.C.  factor i n terms of s p a t i a l campaign  strategy i s the number of workers each campaign o f f i c e has at i t s disposal.  This i s the most important  factor influencing s p a t i a l -  strategy, second only to previous election r e s u l t s .  An i d e a l can-  vassing strategy can be severely hampered by a lack of manpower. Table L gives the number of canvassers used i n each of the three constituencies by the competing p a r t i e s .  One  important  factor i n  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of this data i s the decision to be made by each party  176 whether  c a n v a s s i n g by v o l u n t e e r w o r k e r s o r c a n v a s s e r s i s t o be  an  i m p o r t a n t p a r t of t h e campaign.  S o c i a l Credit i n Vancouver-East  and V a n c o u v e r - S o u t h  n o t , w h e r e a s t h e NDP  t h o u g h t i t was  E a s t and t h e L i b e r a l s  i n Vancouver-  i n V a n c o u v e r - P o i n t Grey and South t h o u g h t  p e r s o n a l l y c a n v a s s i n g was  a major  part of t h e i r  campaigns.  a i m o f t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , was  that  The  to get  main  their  r e l a t i v e l y unknown c a n d i d a t e s known, and t h u s i n g e n e r a l t h e c a n didates themselves p e r s o n a l l y canvassed l a r g e areas i n t h e i r  ridings  t o g e t t h e m s e l v e s a s much e x p o s u r e a s p o s s i b l e .  one  important factor  Of c o u r s e ,  i n g a i n i n g p a r t y workers r e l a t e s t o the degree  ' l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p ' w i t h i n each c o n s t i t u e n c y . r e f e r e n c e t o o u r u r b a n m o d e l ( F i g u r e 2)  of  Thus, w i t h  i t i s easier f o r the L i b e r a l s . .  t o o b t a i n c a n v a s s e r s i n P o i n t G r e y , a n d f o r t h e NDP  to obtain  vassers i n East, than i t i s f o r the other p a r t i e s .  can-  I t i s further  d e s i r a b l e t h a t sympathetic workers can have easy access t o the c o n s t i t u e n c y campaign and a v a i l a b i l i t y  o f f i c e or o f f i c e s .  In general, although cost  of space a r e i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s , t h e campaign  p r o v i d e s an i m p o r t a n t a d v e r t i s i n g f u n c t i o n and a t t e m p t s t o be as an a r t e r y o f t h e p a r t y .  I t i s thus best located  office seen  i n or near to a  s h i p p i n g a r e a where p e o p l e c a n d r o p i n , and on o r n e a r t o a bus One  other factor  of l o c a t i n g  i n t h e l o c a t i o n of t h e campaign  i t i n an a r e a o f r e l a t i v e l y  on p r e v i o u s v o t i n g f i g u r e s . i s a good m o b i l i s i n g f a c t o r . office with a  office  i s the notion  sympathetic support based  L o c a t i o n i n an a r e a of r e l a t i v e  'drawn'.  strength  This i s important f o r i t provides the  'base' f r o m w h i c h t o o p e r a t e , and a t e r r i t o r y  w o r k e r s c a n be r e a d i l y  route.  from which  T h u s , i n c e r t a i n c a s e s , t h i s was  i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h e l o c a t i o n of the campaign  office.  an  177 W i t h the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the budget, the nature candidates,  and  i n the campaign.  The  resources  are  to the  s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y t o be  an  important  was  t o some p r e - c o n c e i v e d  canvassers,  using  by  the  types of  c a m p a i g n l i t e r a t u r e and  n e w s p a p e r s and  final  rather  fairly  other  p u b l i c meetings.  the  analysis  than to  explicit,  S e c o n d , d e c i s i o n s h a v e t o be  i s s u e s t o be  above  themselves.  However, w i t h r e g a r d  u s u a l l y t h e s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y was  the  volunteer  the candidates  g e n e r a l l y ad h o c , plan.  adhered to wherever p o s s i b l e . concerning  by  of  which p o l l s w i t h i n  case, o f t e n t h i s s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y i n the  a m a t t e r o f c o n v e n i e n c e and  relating  D e p e n d e n t on  p e r s o n a l l y canvassed, f i r s t  workers,and second, i n c e r t a i n cases, In the l a t t e r  one.  i n each area w i l l decide  t o be  followed  c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the most e f f e c t i v e use  i s again  f a c t o r s , each p a r t y constituency  the  t h e number o f c a m p a i g n w o r k e r s , i n m i n d , c e r t a i n  d e c i s i o n s h a v e t o b e made a s  scarce  of  r a i s e d i n the l o c a l  and made  campaign  a d v e r t i s i n g m e d i a , s u c h as E a c h o f t h e s e w i l l be  local  considered  in  turn. With regard i n each area t o be The  to the  d e f i n e d by  s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y of canvassing  c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a which p o l l s  canvassed i n r e l a t i o n to the g e n e r a l  b a s i s on w h i c h c a n v a s s i n g  Provincial election returns C r e d i t c a n v a s s was s u p p o r t i n 1969,  w h i c h t h e p a r t y won only marginally  aims of t h e i r  d e c i s i o n s w e r e made was  f o r each area.  In East  concerned above a l l w i t h m o b i l i s i n g  and  t h u s t h e c a n v a s s was i n t h a t e l e c t i o n and  lost.  each  The  NDP  concentrated  party were  campaigns.  the End,  1969  '  the  Social  favourable i n those  polls  a l s o those p o l l s w h i c h were  strategy i n East  End  was  more  178 specific.  P o l l s with 40 per cent or less voting NDP were avoided  because they were generally considered r e l a t i v e l y weak. was  The reasoning  that the greater the canvassing presence i n a p o l l , the greater  the l i k e l i h o o d that there would be a higher turnout, and, thus, i n r e l a t i v e l y weak p o l l s , t h i s must be avoided i f possible. canvass i n East End was,  The  NDP  therefore, r e s t r i c t e d to those p o l l s which  gave the party at least 55 per cent of the vote i n 1969.  The aims  of the Conservatives, on the other hand, were s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t . F i r s t , they had no 1969 P r o v i n c i a l returns to use as a basis.  Second,  their candidates were r e l a t i v e l y unknown, although both l i v e d i n the constituency.  The aim at the outset was thus to have a blanket  coverage of the area, but, due mainly to organisational inexperience, and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , lack of manpower, the constituency was covered, especially  i n the north.  thinly  Further, the Conservative Party  had an additional aim to rebuild and to provide a community base f o r future party organisation.  TABLE L  Number of  Canvassers  Vancouver-East  Vancouver-South  Vancouver-Point  SC  12  10  80  NDP  200  25  80  50  150  10  10  Lib  PC  Source:  18  Personal interview  Grey  SPATIAL  COMPETITION The d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l s t r a t e g i e s o f the p a r t i e s meant  p r i m a r i l y , i n r e l a t i o n t o S o c i a l C r e d i t and NDP, competing i n areas o f p r e v i o u s l y known s t r e n g t h .  t h a t they were However, t h e r e  was c o m p e t i t i o n f o r many p o l l s , and, i n some c a s e s , p o l l s were canvassed  by a l l t h r e e p a r t i e s  (Map 8 ) .  Map 8 shows t h a t , i n  E a s t End, a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e a number o f p o l l s where s p a t i a l comp e t i t i o n was weak ( u s u a l l y these were..canvassed by S o c i a l t h e r e a r e a number of areas o f medium party)  (two-party)  Credit),  and s t r o n g ( t h r e e -  competition. In Marpole, a g a i n NDP c a n v a s s i n g was c a r r i e d on i n areas o f  s t r e n g t h based on 1969 r e s u l t s . v o t e was n e c e s s a r y  A minimum of 40 per cent o f t h e 1969  f o r c a n v a s s i n g , and t h i s meant t h a t most NDP  can-  v a s s i n g i n Vancouver-South was c a r r i e d on i n t h e E a s t o f t h e r i d i n g , and  o n l y f o u r p o l l s were canvassed  by t h e NDP i n Marpole.  For  S o c i a l C r e d i t , on t h e o t h e r hand, Marpole was a p r i o r i t y a r e a , t i c u l a r l y t h e c e n t r a l p o r t i o n r u n n i n g n o r t h t o south.  par-  Canvassing  i n t h i s case was not based on any s p e c i f i c f i g u r e from t h e 1969 r e t u r n s as i t was i n E a s t End, but r a t h e r t h a t Marpole had v o t e d S p e c i a l C r e d i t (see Map 2 ) .  traditionally  The aim of both t h e L i b e r a l s  and C o n s e r v a t i v e s was t o canvass a l l p o l l s i n Marpole, both w i t h a view t o g e t t i n g as much exposure as p o s s i b l e f o r t h e i r l i t t l e - k n o w n candidates.  However, t h e a l l - i n c l u s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e s t r a t e g y , as  i n E a s t End, tended  t o break down because o f l a c k o f manpower and  the r e l a t i v e l y poor l o c a t i o n o f i t s campaign o f f i c e .  The C o n s e r v a t i v e  canvass was thus l i m i t e d t o the west s i d e o f Marpole.  For the L i b e r a l s ,  180  MAP 8 SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN EAST END 1972  JOI  \» o • e e > « « • * ft © o • o < I © o e e o ft « e « e « , p o « «• o « © « £ * * • • • o © © o o ft ' • * » • • e © © © < .ftft« 'ft tt ft « _ » o e s « o © £ © • ft * ft o o  I:::; T  ft, t  9  ft  To « • o b • ft * e |fi y g i ^ ^ . H ^ O ft ft " • e o o o f t o e o f t e e o f t O f t o o f t e • e f t - f t « o « e f t ftftftODOftftftft l o o e f t C f t e o f t f t U f t o © e o e o f t o o f t O Q f t f t f t © • o f t o f t f t f t o o e o t t o f t f t • ftftftoftooeee©© - - - - - - - - - .-(ft -  J  a  t  T  >'v3 strong-3parties  mediurn-2 parties  weak-1 party  on the o t h e r hand, manpower was n o t such a problem.  The p a r t y c o u l d  draw workers e s p e c i a l l y from t h e west and n o r t h of Marpole, and was thus a b l e t o canvass t h e whole a r e a .  The s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n o f  canvassing  i n most o f Marpole was medium w i t h an a r e a o f weak  canvassing  ( L i b e r a l ) on the e a s t s i d e , and some pockets  c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e c e n t r e and n o r t h by a l l f o u r p o l i t i c a l  (Map 9 ) .  of strong  No p o l l was  canvassed  parties.  S p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n i n Dunbar i n terms o f c a n v a s s i n g was g e n e r a l l y s t r o n g e r than i n e i t h e r E a s t End o f Marpole, f o r t h e r e was no a r e a of weak s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n , most of t h e a r e a  consisting  of s t r o n g s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n , and i n c l u d i n g s e v e r a l p o l l s w i t h v e r y s t r o n g s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n , b e i n g canvassed parties  (Map 10).  by a l l f o u r  C o n t r a r y t o NDP s t r a t e g y i n Vancouver-East,  S o c i a l C r e d i t s t r a t e g y i n Dunbar was t o canvass low p o l l s based on the 1969 r e t u r n s .  The aim here was t o a c q u a i n t areas o f p r e v i o u s l y  low S o c i a l C r e d i t support w i t h t h e q u a l i t i e s of t h e two c a n d i d a t e s who were f a i r l y well-known a t t h e c i v i c l e v e l . o t h e r hand, c o n t i n u e d and  thus canvassed  TheiNDP, on the  i t s s t r a t e g y o f n o t a r o u s i n g the o p p o s i t i o n ,  o n l y i n those p o l l s which i n 1969 showed a minimum  support o f 15 p e r cent, which was above t h e average i n Dunbar f o r that party.  The C o n s e r v a t i v e s t r a t e g y , as i n East End and Marpole  was t o attempt t o g a i n as much exposure as p o s s i b l e , and thus t h e candidates  themselves d i d a g r e a t d e a l o f p e r s o n a l c a n v a s s i n g .  The  L i b e r a l s , on t h e o t h e r hand, b e i n g t h e incumbents, had a v e r y w e l l developed  p a r t y o r g a n i s a t i o n , had p l e n t y o f workers and p l e n t y o f  money.  Fear o f a r o u s i n g o p p o s i t i o n i n Dunbar was thus n o t a  c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r them, as t h e r e was no L i b e r a l e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e  IMAP 9  SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN MARPOLE IN 1972 :•] strong-3parties  weak-1 party  medium-2 Darties >t  ti U J 'J U L j & t. H h b) o o o o o ^ o o o o e o o o o o i 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o e 0 0 0 0 • o o o o o o o ^ o o o o o e o " » • e o o o o o o e o A t o o o e o ' 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 • • _ o o o o o o o o « o o * o o^o e i• • • o o o o o o o e o o o ; • o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 " O 0 o'-e oo oo oe oo oo oo *< • » o o e o » o * » i . • • Q e o o o o o f r * * •*« • a o io oo oovoo oe oo oo oo ot it -* j • " " " 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 " * ** 30 o o o o 0 a o o o o o o o o eh,.. o o e o e o o o o l . .. 0 0 0 0 0 9 9 0 05- • • Jt o  • *  s°  CO , o * • o • • e> o o o o o o • o • • • < • O O O O O 0 O 0 O O O o a o o^ 0 0 O 0 0 0 O O O O 0 O • 1 O « 0 0 O O 0 0 0 0 * < O O 0 0 O 0 O * > O O 0 « 0 0„ O O O 0 O O 0 0 O 9 O O 0 O 0 0 A O O 0 © O O O 0 O 0 O O . O O O O O O 0 * O © 0 " 1  1  —  . 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 - . • * 0 « c o • o • o e » © « « 0 0 0 0 0 O 0 0 O « O1 o C 0 « • • o. O •" •~ O O C9 o o o O O '  a • *  • • • o. o • e • • • • " » . . 0  ,  , (  * o e • » » * e • e 9 © •  CO N3  500yards  183  MAP 10 SPATIAL COMPETITION OF CANVASSING IN DUNBAR 1972  •>:•:•:•! very strong4 parties strong3 parties medium2 parties  560yards  184 'red s c a r e . 1  The  every p o l l i n the  L i b e r a l Party  t h e r e f o r e canvassed f a i r l y  thoroughly  area.  ISSUES Apart  from the f a c t o r s of s p a t i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n and  spatial  s t r a t e g y , t h e r e a r e important s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s among i s s u e s r a i s e d i n the t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s under c o n s i d e r a t i o n h e r e , which a r e i n a geography of campaigning.  Such dif f e r e n c e s  relevant  i n i s s u e s r a i s e d by  the competing p a r t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t a r e a s of the c i t y may  r e l a t e i n part  t o d i f f e r e n c e s i n urban p h y s i c a l f a b r i c and/or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . general,  i n f o r m a t i o n on i s s u e s was  which was  t r a n s m i t t e d by campaign  literature  e i t h e r l e f t by the c a n v a s s e r , but more g e n e r a l l y was  taken as a l e a f l e t  In  under-  'drop'.  Most p a r t i e s i n a l l t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s dropped a t l e a s t  one  p i e c e of l i t e r a t u r e to a l l homes, save f o r S o c i a l C r e d i t i n E a s t where the s i n g l e drop was cases t h e r e can be two case of the l a t t e r , NDP  and  o n l y p a r t i a l l y completed, a l t h o u g h i n c e r t a i n sometimes t h r e e  i n E a s t End  An a n a l y s i s of the content  End,  and  'drops', such as, i n the  the C o n s e r v a t i v e s  i n Dunbar.  of the campaign m a t e r i a l used i n the drops  shows t h e r e to be d i f f e r e n c e s between the t h r e e a r e a s i n terms of i s s u e s r a i s e d , as w e l l as some p a r t y d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n each a r e a . T a b l e L I g i v e s the i s s u e s r a i s e d by l o c a l c a n v a s s i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n i n E a s t End. competing p a r t i e s e v i d e n t old  age  p e n s i o n s and  several localised  The  o n l y two  and  literature  i s s u e s common to a l l t h r e e  i n the campaign l i t e r a t u r e i n E a s t End  the need t o develop secondary i n d u s t r y .  c e n t r e and  Further,  i s s u e s were r a i s e d such as harbour development,  r e n t a l h o u s i n g , l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , need f o r a l o c a l day swimming p o o l , and  are  care  the need to improve l o c a l s t r e e t s .  low  185 Further, any  the d i s t r i b u t i o n  of such l o c a l  i s s u e s was n o t c o n f i n e d  to  one p a r t y .  TABLE L I  Issues  Raised  i n E a s t End NDP  PC  SC  Harbour Low r e n t a l Local  housing  x  representation  x  Unemployment Secondary Day c a r e Old  X  industry  x  centre  X  age p e n s i o n s  Swimming  pool  Improved  streets  X X  Education Auto  X  o f government  information  X  X  A r r o g a n c e o f government  Public  X  X  Urban development  Credibility  X  X  service  X  grants  X  insurance  X  X  Environment Low-cost bus s e r v i c e Labour-management  Source:  X  relations  Local party  campaign  literature.  I n D u n b a r , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e J e r i c h o l a n d s was t h e o n l y i s s u e common t o a l l f o u r p a r t i e s e v i d e n t This  i s s u e was o n e o f s e v e r a l l o c a l i s e d  i n t h e campaign issues along  literature.  w i t h t h e Endowment  lands and I n d i a n r i g h t s  TABLE L I I  (Table L I I I ) .  I s s u e s R a i s e d i n Marpole NDP  Education  x  Old age pensions  x  Tenants' r i g h t s  x  Auto i n s u r a n c e  x  Transit  x  Pollution  x  Free c o l l e c t i v e bargaining  x  H e a l t h and w e l f a r e  x  Unemployment  x  Secondary i n d u s t r y  x  Recreation Shannon Housing  x  N a t u r a l r e s o u r c e development  x  Taxes Source:  L o c a l p a r t y campaign l i t e r a t u r e  187  TABLE L I I I  Issues  Raised  i n Dunbar  NDP Jericho  X  Endowment L a n d s  X  Indian  X  X  X  insurance  Education industry  age p e n s i o n s  speculation  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  Health  X  X  X  X  Welfare  X  • Integrity  X  Need f o r a n a l t e r n a t i v e  X  Third  X  crossing  Neighbourhood Resources Rapid  pubs  X X  transit  Source:  X  X  Auto  estate  X  X  record  X  Secondary  Lib  x  Environment  Real  SC  Rights  Candidates  Old  PC  L o c a l p a r t y campaign l i t e r a t u r e .  X  188 Although  t h e r e a r e many i s s u e s w h i c h a r e common t o a l l t h r e e  l o c a l a r e a s , t h e r e fe a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n , n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , w h i c h i s r e l a t e d t o t h e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l n a t u r e o f each a r e a . to  The s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t , however, i s t h a t i t i s i m p o r t a n t  view the i n d i v i d u a l voter not only i n r e l a t i o n to the s p a t i a l  com-  p e t i t i o n o f canvassing w i t h i n each a r e a , but a l s o t o t h e s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n o f i s s u e s r a i s e d b y t h e c o m p e t i n g p a r t i e s among THE  RESPONSE It w i l l  to  be suggested i n t h i s s e c t i o n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l  the s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y of the competing p a r t i e s w i l l  w i t h the degree of i n t e n s i t y o f l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y The  areas.  response  be a s s o c i a t e d i n each  area.  r e s p o n s e c a n be examined i n terms o f whether r e s p o n d e n t s had been  v i s i t e d by p a r t y c a n v a s s e r s , had r e c e i v e d p a r t y l i t e r a t u r e , kinds of issues considered  important  i n t h e campaign.  and t h e  I n other  words, t o examine t h e degree t o w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n d i s t r i b u t e d based p a r t y s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y was b e i n g r e c e i v e d . of l o c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t y times  The d e g r e e o f i n t e n s i t y  c a n b e e x a m i n e d i n t e r m s o f t h e number o f  c h o s e n a r e a s w e r e c a n v a s s e d a n d ' d r o p p e d ' , a s w e l l a s t h e number  of workers i n v o l v e d i n v a r i o u s aspects tionsof in  on  o f t h e campaign.  i n d i v i d u a l response w i t h v o t i n g behaviour  the t h i r d In  section of this  will  The a s s o c i a be considered  chapter.  terms o f i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s e t o p a r t y c a n v a s s i n g by a r e a , t h e  d a t a showed t h e r e t o b e n o s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e *  A t t h e 0.005  level.  (Table L I V ) .  189 TABLE LIV  Individuals V i s i t e d by Canvassers In Each Area (%)  East End  Marpole  Dunbar  Liberal  -  44  56  NDP  58  37  5  PC  6  13  81  SC  17  67  17  Liberal/NDP,,  -  67  33  Liberal/PC  -  33  67  Lib/NDP/PC  -  33  67  Lib/NDP/PC/SC  -  33  67  Party canvassing was thus more r e a d i l y received on behalf of those parties t r a d i t i o n a l l y representing c e r t a i n areas i n the c i t y , as i n our model of p o l i t i c a l space (Figure 2).  Thus the largest  response i n terms of v i s i t s received f o r the L i b e r a l s was i n Dunbar compared with East End f o r NDP and Marpole f o r S o c i a l Credit.  One  would generally expect t h i s f i n d i n g i f the s p a t i a l strategy generally holds that the competing parties tend to canvass more i n those areas where they have done best i n previous elections.  This holds true  also i n terms of the proportion of respondents who reported meeting candidates by area \  i n each area, and again there was no s i g n i f i c a n t ' d i f f e r e n c e and the largest proportion of those who reported meeting  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  190 L i b e r a l c a n d i d a t e s , f o r example, was candidates  i n E a s t End  (Table L V ) .  The  and  i n Dunbar, compared w i t h  S o c i a l C r e d i t candidates  and  i n Marpole  r e s t response to both C o n s e r v a t i v e  to meeting c a n d i d a t e s , on the o t h e r hand, was  DNP  canvassing  and  i n Dunbar (Tables  LIV  LV).  TABLE LV  Meeting Candidates  by A r e a  (%)  E a s t End No meeting  Marpole  Dunbar  92  87  77  Liberal  0  4  9  NDP  7  0  1  PC  0  4  10  I n terms of campaign m a t e r i a l r e c e i v e d by respondents, t h e r e was  no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e by a r e a * .  again  However, i n a l l t h r e e  a r e a s the m a j o r i t y of respondents s t a t e d t h a t they had  received  campaign l i t e r a t u r e from a l l of the competing p a r t i e s , a l t h o u g h v a r i e d s l i g h t l y by a r e a important  (Table L V I ) .  this  F u r t h e r , i n Dunbar, the most  response i n terms of campaign m a t e r i a l r e c e i v e d was  b e h a l f of the L i b e r a l s , compared w i t h the NDP  i n both E a s t End  on and  Marpole. With the s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n d i v i d u a l response to p a r t y a c t i v i t y , one would expect  At the 0.005 l e v e l .  t h a t t h e r e would a l s o be some d i f f e r e n c e  TABLE LVI  Campaign M a t e r i a l Received  (%)  East End  Marpole  17  8  -  83  NDP  81  87  PC  72  85  SC  77  78  All  70  67  None Liberal  TABLE LVII  Issue Response by Area  (%)  E a s t End  Marpole  17  35  Leadership  4  9  B.C. l a b o u r laws  8  9  Unemployment  23  13  Minimum wage  4  4  Health services  9  8  Auto i n s u r a n c e  7  15  Welfare s e r v i c e s  14  12  Education  10  13  O l d age pensions  29  31  Secondary i n d u s t r y  5  3  Environment  4  5  Rents/low-income h o u s i n g  3  10  Age o f government  19 2  in  terms of p e r c e i v e d i s s u e s .  i s s u e response  and  An  a s s o c i a t i o n between  the p a r t y r a i s i n g  individual  t h a t i s s u e i n an a r e a  which  has p e r s o n a l l y c o n t a c t e d i n d i v i d u a l s i n the campaign would t h e r e f o r e be  expected.  t o be  T a b l e L V I I shows t h e i s s u e s w h i c h r e s p o n d e n t s  t h e most i m p o r t a n t .  t h e g o v e r n m e n t was  F o r b o t h M a r p o l e and  c o n s i d e r e d by respondents  i s s u e , c o m p a r e d w i t h o l d age pensions  was  pensions  w i t h u n e m p l o y m e n t i n b o t h E a s t End End,  of a l l of the i s s u e s l i s t e d  t h e NDP,  f o u r by  (Table L I ) .  t e n were r a i s e d by Conservatives  and  and  Dunbar  seven by  t h r e e by  one  Thus, w i t h r e g a r d t o our a s s o c i a t i o n between response t h e NDP  and  (Table L V I I ) .  t h r e e by  b o t h E a s t End  competing p a r t i e s .  In  by  i n Table  (Table L I I ) . t h e NDP,  f o u r by  S o c i a l Credit (Table  the  in  Liberals,  LIII).  above e x p e c t a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g p a r t y a c t i v i t y , we  the  an  would expect  that,  than  any  This a s s o c i a t i o n i s seen to h o l d i n intensity  of a c t i v i t y , b u t not i n Dunbar where t h e L i b e r a l s were t h e most LX).  by  LVII,  Similarly,  and M a r p o l e i n t e r m s o f v a r i o u s m e a s u r e s o f  ( T a b l e s L V I I I , L I X and  East  Social Credit  campaigned w i t h g r e a t e r i n t e n s i t y i n a l l t h r e e areas  of the other  age  compared  S o c i a l C r e d i t , f o u r by  the L i b e r a l s  and  important  However, o l d  of a l l the i s s u e s l i s t e d  t h e NDP,  the Conservatives  the most  of  i n Table L V I I , e i g h t were r a i s e d  Dunbar, s i x of the i s s u e s were r a i s e d by f o u r by  t o be  issue i n Marpole,  t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s , and  In Marpole,  D u n b a r , t h e age  i n E a s t End.  t h e s e c o n d most i m p o r t a n t  considered  active  193  TABLE L V I I I  I n t e n s i t y of P a r t y A c t i v i t y  Number i n campaign  (total)  No. who h e l p e d throughout Number of o f f i c e  workers  No. of c a n v a s s e r s  NDP  PC  SC  800  40  20  400  10  12  15  5  12  • 200  18  12  No. o f canvasses  1  No. o f 'drops'  3  TABLE LIX  i n E a s t End  Partially 1  Intensity of Party A c t i v i t y  Partially 1  2  Partially  1  i n Marpole  NDP  PC  SC  LIB  200  70  200  125  150  50  100  30  10  6  8  10  25  10  10  50  No. of canvasses  2  1  1  1  No. of 'drops'  2  1  2  1  Number i n campaign No. who h e l p e d No. of o f f i c e  (total)  throughout workers  No. o f c a n v a s s e r s  TABLE LX  I n t e n s i t y o f P a r t y A c t i v i t y i n Dunbar NDP  PC  SC  LIB  150  60  100  1500  No. who h e l p e d throughout  80  25  50  1000  No. of o f f i c e  10  15  10  50  80  10  80  150  2  1  1  1  Partially 2  3  2  1  Number i n campaign  workers  No. o f c a n v a s s e r s No. o f canvasses No. of 'drops'  (total)  194  PARTY ACTIVITY AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR . Having now demonstrated t h a t the competing p a r t i e s employ a s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y i n t h e i r campaigns which i s p a r t i a l l y - r e f l e c t e d . i n of  individual  response  -  terms  i n r e l a t i o n t o the i n t e n s i t y o f p a r t y  a c t i v i t y , our t h i r d major argument c o n s i d e r e d  i n t h i s chapter i s  t h a t such a c t i v i t y i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  Unfortunately,  the number o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n our sample who r e p o r t e d b e i n g v i s i t e d by a canvasser  i s too s m a l l f o r a n a l y s i s , and thus the argument i s  examined a t the l e v e l of t h e p o l l .  Results  can t h e r e f o r e be  regarded  o n l y as s u g g e s t i v e . Between a r e a s , the e x p e c t a t i o n with  i s , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t the p a r t y  the g r e a t e s t degree of a c t i v i t y w i l l o b t a i n above average  i n those p o l l s i n which i t canvassed.  votes  Thus, i t i s expected t h a t i n  b o t h E a s t End and Marpole, p o l l s canvassed by NDP w i l l g i v e t h a t p a r t y an above average v o t e .  F u r t h e r , w i t h i n a r e a s , i t i s expected  t h a t the p a r t y r e p r e s e n t i n g the area norm w i l l do b e s t high competition l o c a l areas.  i n terms of canvassing  i n areas of  e s p e c i a l l y i n the most i n t e g r a t e d  Both a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e s u s t a i n e d by our d a t a .  o b t a i n a b e t t e r than average v o t e i n those  The NDP d i d  canvassed p o l l s i n E a s t End  and Marpole (Tables LXI and LXII r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , whereas, although the L i b e r a l s had the g r e a t e s t i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y i n Dunbar, as they canvassed every p o l l ,  i t was not p o s s i b l e to examine the a s s e r t i o n .  In terms o f our second e x p e c t a t i o n , NDP d i d b e s t i n t h e areas o f h i g h competition  i n East End, and the L i b e r a l s d i d best  i n the areas  of h i g h  195  c o m p e t i t i o n i n Dunbar.  S o c i a l C r e d i t , on the o t h e r hand, d i d n o t  do b e s t i n areas o f h i g h c o m p e t i t i o n i n Marpole.  TABLE LXI  S p a t i a l C o m p e t i t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n E a s t End (%)  SC  NDP  Average % p e r p o l l  26.9  64.6  7.2  Average % p e r canvassed p o l l  27.3  65.7  7.2  Average % i n areas h i g h comp.  25.0  67.2  7.0  Average % i n a r e a s med. comp.  27.8  64.0  7.4  Average % i n areas non-comp.  26.1  63.7  7.4  TABLE LXII  PC  S p a t i a l C o m p e t i t i o n and V o t i n g Behaviour i n Marpole  SC  NDP  LIB  PC  31.5  36.5  22.8  9.0  27.0  40.0  22.8  Average % i n areas h i g h comp. 29.2  39.6  22.2  8.8  Average % i n areas med. comp. 31.2  35.8  26.8  9.5  Average % i n areas non-comp.  37.0  18.8  7.8  Average % p e r p o l l Average % p e r canvassed  '  poll  36.2  (%)  10.0  . _In terms o f i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i e s and t h e a s s o c i a t i o n between  p a r t y a c t i v i t y and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , S o c i a l C r e d i t d i d b e t t e r  than  average i n those p o l l s t h a t they canvassed o n l y i n E a s t End.  The NDP,  on the o t h e r hand, d i d b e t t e r than average a l l three areas.  i n those p o l l s canvassed i n  The C o n s e r v a t i v e s , f u r t h e r m o r e , d i d b e t t e r than  average  1?6  i n those p o l l s canvassed i n E a s t End.  i n both Marpole and Dunbar, and d i d no worse  S o c i a l C r e d i t had t h e i r b e s t r e s u l t s i n areas of  medium or no s p a t i a l c o m p e t i t i o n , whereas the C o n s e r v a t i v e s d i d b e s t i n p o l l s i t canvassed  i n Marpole and Dunbar, b u t i n E a s t End d i d  b e s t i n areas o f medium or no c o m p e t i t i o n  (Tables L X I , LXII and  LXIII).  TABLE L X I I I  S p a t i a l Competition  Average % p e r p o l l  and V o t i n g Behaviour  i n Dunbar  SC  NDP  LIB  PC  23.9  17.2  44.8  14.1  Average °'{ p e r canvassed  poll  22.2  20.7  44.8  14.7  Average °I i n areas h i g h  comp.  22.7  15.0  46.1  13.7  Average °1 i n areas med.  comp.  26.8  17.2  42.0  13.9  MODEL OF PARTY ACTIVITY AND VOTING  BEHAVIOUR  From what has been d i s c u s s e d i n r e l a t i o n t o p a r t y and v o t i n g behaviour has  (%)  activity  a d e s c r i p t i v e model can be f o r m u l a t e d .  The model  f i v e components - e l e c t i o n outcome, number of v o l u n t e e r s , s p a t i a l  o r g a n i s a t i o n , s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y and s p a t i a l response. are r e l a t e d i n the s e n s e t h a t  The components  depending on whether a p a r t y does w e l l  o r p o o r l y i n the e l e c t i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e number o f v o l u n t e e r s i t w i l l m o b i l i s e and thus can c a l l upon f o r h e l p i n the subsequent campaign.  The number of v o l u n t e e r s a v a i l a b l e i s d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d  w i t h t h e degree t o which the p a r t y can e f f e c t i v e l y o r g a n i s e i t s campaign s p a t i a l l y and can c a r r y out i t s s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y .  This i n  197 turn i s associated with  the degree o f s p a t i a l response on the p a r t  of i n d i v i d u a l v o t e r s i n terms o f whether they have been v i s i t e d by canvassers, issues.  have r e c e i v e d campaign m a t e r i a l , and have p e r c e i v e d  T h i s v a r i e s w i t h i n as w e l l as between a r e a s .  i s then a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r .  Implicit  certain  T h i s response  i n t h e model i s  the importance of feedback, and the model can be e n t e r e d  a t any p o i n t .  I t s form i s g i v e n i n F i g u r e 3.  Figure 3  Model of P a r t y A c t i v i t y and V o t i n g  Behaviour  Election  Number of  CONCLUSION T h i s chapter interrelationships and  has d e a l t w i t h a h i g h l y complex s e r i e s of  between s p a t i a l a s p e c t s  the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  of the e l e c t i o n  I t s aim has been f i r s t  campaign  t o i n t r o d u c e the  s u b j e c t of the geography o f campaigning, and, second, to demonstrate t h a t i t i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , and i s t h e r e f o r e i n a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l  important  patterns.  However, d e s p i t e the importance o f a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e geography o f campaigning i n t h e study o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , i t must be  198  emphasised t h a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n s drawn a r e v e r y t e n t a t i v e .  Future  r e s e a r c h would r e q u i r e a g r e a t e r number o f i n t e r v i e w s from workers o f every p a r t y t o o b t a i n more a c c u r a t e d a t a .  Second, c a n d i d a t e s and  campaign workers should be i n t e r v i e w e d b o t h b e f o r e and a f t e r the e l e c t i o n i n o r d e r t o ensure t h a t i n t e r v i e w s taken o n l y a f t e r t h e e l e c t i o n , as i n t h e p r e s e n t of what o c c u r r e d .  study,  a r e not j u s t p u r e l y  'rationalisations'  T h i r d , more a c c u r a t e data i s r e q u i r e d on p r e c i s e l y  which i n d i v i d u a l s were v i s i t e d by which p a r t y , and a t what stage campaign.  i n the  Adherence t o these t h r e e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s would make a  geography o f campaigning a more i n t e r e s t i n g and worthwhile a r e a f o r future investigation.  199  CHAPTER V I I CONCLUSIONS AND  The importance  of a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the n e g l e c t e d f a c t o r s i n  the study of the s t a b i l i t y demonstrated.  IMPLICATIONS  and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s has been  The d i s s e r t a t i o n has taken a s p a t i a l v i e w p o i n t ,  has, of n e c e s s i t y , c o n s i d e r e d a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of some of the  and,  social  and p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s o p e r a t i n g i n space i n o r d e r to i n c r e a s e our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the s t a b i l i t y  and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s .  The  aim of the d i s s e r t a t i o n has not been t o p r o v i d e a f i n a l s o l u t i o n t o t h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g , but has endeavoured more t o p r o v i d e "prudent  and  s t i m u l a t i n g i n s i g h t s r a t h e r than ( f o r ) any d i s c i p l i n a r y f o r m u l a , ( f o r his)  a r t i s t i c f i n e s s e i n geographic d e s c r i p t i o n ,  ( h i s ) power to suggest  r a t h e r than c o n v i n c e , t o evoke i d e a s r a t h e r than impose d o c t r i n e , to  open hew  h o r i z o n s r a t h e r than d e f i n e f r o n t i e r s "  ( B u t t i m e r , 1971^58).  I f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n has a c h i e v e d any of t h i s then i t s purpose have been  and  will  fulfilled.  CONCLUSIONS However, the study has endeavoured to expand the h o r i z o n s of e l e c t o r a l geography and, it  i n p a r t i c u l a r , t o p r e s e n t the argument t h a t  i s important, f o r the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the s t a b i l i t y  and change of  e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s , t o view the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s - t h a t i s , the p o l i t i c a l i n which he l i v e s ,  c u l t u r e of the p o l i t i c a l  the changes i n the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y system  r e s u l t a n t impacts on the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n , as w e l l as the  system  and  political  200 mood a t t h e time o f t h e e l e c t i o n . need t o be c o n s i d e r e d  F u r t h e r , models o f p o l i t i c a l  i n f u t u r e v o t i n g studies i n order  i d e n t i f y t h e p o l i t i c a l norms o f t h e a r e a  space  to begin to  i n which an i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s .  Important too i s the impact on t h e e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n o f m i g r a t i o n as w e l l as the Impact of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y changes.  and urban s t r u c t u r e and t h e i r  F i n a l l y , from t h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t y v i e w p o i n t , t h e degree t o  which s p a t i a l a s p e c t s o f t h e campaign a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the e l e c t o r a l pattern.  A l l o f these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  of t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f the urban p o l i t i c which the s t a b i l i t y  a r e dynamic and c o n s t i t u t e some as w e l l as p r o v i d i n g means by  and change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s  can be  analysed.  The major f i n d i n g o f Chapter I I , t h a t t h e NDP v i c t o r y was p a r t o f the ongoing p r o c e s s o f a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n i n B.C. p o l i t i c s , and  should  be c l e a r l y seen i n t h a t r e g a r d ,  for  the study o f t h e s t a b i l i t y  has obvious i m p l i c a t i o n s  and change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s .  a r e a which had been c o n s i s t e n t l y s u p p o r t i n g  S o c i a l C r e d i t - that i s ,  Marpole - changed i t s dominant p a r t y b i a s t o NDP i n 1972. one  An  However,  o f t h e problems i n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e dynamics o f p o l i t i c a l  culture  i s t h a t of a s c e r t a i n i n g the ' p o l i t i c a l mood' o f the e l e c t o r a t e a t t h e time o f the e l e c t i o n .  The p o l i t i c a l mood i s e s s e n t i a l l y a group  phenomenon or f e e l i n g which i s o f t e n f a i r l y w e l l - d e f i n e d  - f o r example,  a f e e l i n g t h a t S o c i a l C r e d i t must go - o r i s r a t h e r vague.  Further,  i t may o r may n o t be r e f l e c t e d i n t h e communications media, i n i n t e r personal it  r e l a t i o n s , or i n o p i n i o n p o l l s p r i o r t o t h e e l e c t i o n .  However,  i s o f p o t e n t i a l importance as a concept i n t h e a n a l y s i s of t h e  stability  and change o f e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s  i n terms of i t s impact.  For example, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o argue t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l mood was i n p a r t  201 responsible  f o r the removal o f two  well-known and  established Social  C r e d i t c a n d i d a t e s i n the c o n s t i t u e n c y  of L i t t l e Mountain i n the  B.C.  e s p e c i a l l y important,  Provincial Election.  I t may  when the a r e a under q u e s t i o n l i t t l e migration,  and  no  has  be  had  help  therefore,  change i n s t a t u s  change i n i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l .  s p a t i a l a s p e c t s of the campaign may in  little  composition^  However, the  to r e i n f o r c e or change  the p o l i t i c a l mood of an e l e c t o r a t e .  1972  trends  I t i s p o s s i b l e to argue t h a t  a congruence between p o l i t i c a l mood and  campaign of a p a r t i c u l a r p a r t y  i s more b e n e f i c i a l to t h a t p a r t y than a " c r o s s - p r e s s u r e d " where d i v e r s e i n f l u e n c e s are i n c o n f l i c t and not  situation  i n the same d i r e c t i o n .  The major f i n d i n g s of Chapter I I I are t h a t zones of l a t e n t p a r t i s a n s h i p do e x i s t i n Vancouver and  that i n d i v i d u a l s are  to move to t h a t zone which i s c l o s e s t to t h e i r own However, t h i s l a t t e r f i n d i n g i s v e r y conclusive.  One  changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . s t a t u s m o b i l i t y may due  t e n t a t i v e , and  be  and  Factors  of s o c i a l e x p e c t a t i o n  i s necessary before  of Chapter IV,  of an American model i n Canadian s o c i e t y .  be  given  these r e l a t i o n -  t h a t , i n some l o c a l a r e a s and,  remains a t a s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l , r a i s e s q u e s t i o n s  may  and  A g r e a t d e a l of f u r t h e r work,  the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e l y low,  Dunbar - a m a j o r i t y  measures, f e l t  stability  established.  The major c o n c l u s i o n s  and  i s by no means  i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s which have not been  undertaken over a number of y e a r s ,  E a s t End  preference.  I t s p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n s h i p to  consideration i n this dissertation.  ships are f i n a l l y  political  of the problems i n t h i s a n a l y s i s i s the  of i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e  tending  yet i n others about the  In two  still  applicability  l o c a l areas s t u d i e d  of i n h a b i t a n t s , on a v a r i e t y of  a sense of b e l o n g i n g  to t h e i r a r e a of r e s i d e n c e .  t h a t Canada i s a t an e a r l i e r stage of s o c i a l  It  'development' and, -  -  202 hence, i n the f u t u r e w i l l be  f a c e d w i t h problems of anomie  d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n a l l l o c a l a r e a s i n the  and  city.  At the aggregate l e v e l i n Chapter V i t was  shown t h a t , once  l o c a l a r e a s a r e d e f i n e d w i t h a degree of i n t e g r a t i o n , t h a t they b e g i n to f u n c t i o n as  ' s o c i o - s p a t i a l ' groups and  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the degree of a r e a tends to l e a d to u n i f o r m i t y  adherence to a r e a norms i s  integration.  of b e h a v i o u r .  Cohesiveness thus  At the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l ,  on the other hand, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e g r a t i o n and  voting  behaviour was  in this  regard,  much l e s s c l e a r .  i t c o u l d be  group l e v e l and hence, do not  a possible explanation  t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s o n l y r e l e v a n t a t  e x h i b i t any  readily identifiable  to the s p a t i a l a s p e c t s of the campaign both w i t h i n  h i g h l y complex s e t of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . t h a t campaigning a c t i v i t i e s r e s u l t i n a w i t h the main aim  of  ' g e t t i n g out  problems a r o s e i n t h i s a n a l y s i s .  are dealing with a  I t can be argued, however,  ' s t i r r i n g up'  the v o t e ' . First,  whether r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  of the v a r i o u s  gaining  Important here i s  p a r t i e s are w i l l i n g to p a r t w i t h  of the i n t e r v i e w - whether b e f o r e  the r e s e a r c h e r  several  i s the problem of  t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r approach t o the campaign.  be  of the e l e c t o r a t e ,  However,  b a s i c d a t a from the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s concerned.  s t r a t e g y may  and,  pattern.  among the t h r e e l o c a l a r e a s under study, we  timing  the  t h a t i n d i v i d u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s are much more d i f f u s e  With r e g a r d and  As  Further,  depending on  or a f t e r the e l e c t i o n -  ' r a t i o n a l i s e d ' to what the p a r t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e would l i k e to hear.  T h i s may  be  the  the thinks  e s p e c i a l l y true a f t e r  the e l e c t i o n , a l t h o u g h o b t a i n i n g r e l a t i v e l y c o n f i d e n t i a l campaign m a t e r i a l before  e l e c t i o n day  poses an e q u a l l y important problem.  Second, i s the problem of o b t a i n i n g a c c u r a t e  information  from  203 i n d i v i d u a l s about whether o r n o t they were c o n t a c t e d by a c a n v a s s e r . In a h e c t i c campaign t h e r e i s o f t e n a genuine problem o f r e c a l l  here.  One way o f overcoming t h i s i n t h e f u t u r e may be t o t r y ( i f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were w i l l i n g ) t o check p a r t y r e c o r d s from canvassers  individual  t o see which v o t e r s were a c t u a l l y c o n t a c t e d and which were  not. Two o t h e r problems a r i s e out of t h i s . , of i n d i v i d u a l data on t h e impact  F i r s t , i f the accuracy  of party a c t i v i t y i s questionable,  then the o n l y a s s o c i a t i o n s o b t a i n a b l e a r e between t h e e l e c t i o n and  t h e areas of p a r t y a c t i v i t y a t an aggregate  poll.  T h i s was a c h i e v e d i n Chapter  VI.  result  l e v e l - that i s , the  The l i m i t a t i o n s of these  a s s o c i a t i o n s i n view o f t h e d a t a problems a r e accepted here.  It is  p o s s i b l e t o argue, however, t h a t , i n a s t a t i c s i t u a t i o n , a p a r t y doing w e l l i n c e r t a i n p o l l s i n t h e 1969 e l e c t i o n may a u t o m a t i c a l l y do w e l l i n 1972, o t h e r t h i n g s b e i n g e q u a l .  Thus t h e impact  of the s p a t i a l  a s p e c t s o f t h e campaign on t h e e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n c o u l d be argued t o be minimal.  However, i t i s important  one o f t h e f i n d i n g s of Chapter  t o note i n t h i s r e g a r d t h a t  VI was t h a t , t a k i n g one o f t h e f u n c t i o n s  of the canvass t o 'get out t h e v o t e ' , then i n areas o f h i g h c o m p e t i t i o n f o r t h e v o t e , p o l l s tended f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l norm. two  spatial  t o r e f l e c t above average r e s u l t s  T h i s was found  t o be e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n t h e  areas o f h i g h e r i n t e g r a t i o n , E a s t End and Dunbar. One g e n e r a l problem, however, which c r e a t e d d i f f i c u l t i e s  of the a n a l y s i s , i s t h e use o f a r e a l d i v i s i o n s . one hand, Chapter  in all  F o r example, on t h e  IV was t e s t i n g t h e r e l e v a n c e o f t h e boundaries  i d e n t i f i e d by Mayhew and, y e t , f o r t h e sake o f d a t a c o l l e c t i o n , Mayhew's areas were t h e most a p p r o p r i a t e and l e a s t p r o b l e m a t i c ones t o use.  Thus,  204 at  the outset, using Mayhew's areas as a sampling frame necessitated  a t a c i t assumption that, i n f a c t , h i s areas did have functional relevance and that t h e i r boundaries d i d have significance to the inhabitants. . The other general problem of areal d i v i s i o n s which arose i n Chapter VI was the use of e l e c t o r a l ridings and p o l l i n g d i s t r i c t s . Again, l i k e Mayhew's areas, these divisions were 'externally and not designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r this study.  determined'  As was noted i n  Chapter VI they provide s p a t i a l constraints on the conduct of the campaign also.  However, i n terms of a consideration of area integration,  the boundaries of these d i v i s i o n s pay l i t t l e regard f o r l o c a l area boundaries.  Hence l o c a l areas are often either bisected or are incor-  porated into a larger unit with which i t has l i t t l e functional r e l a t i o n s h i p . IMPLICATIONS With regard to future research a consideration of the p o l i t i c a l culture and changes i n the p o l i t i c a l party system i s important because i t lends considerable insight into the development of the e l e c t o r a l pattern and thus improves our understanding of i t .  However, future r e -  search i n this area would need to concentrate s p e c i f i c a l l y on the impact on the e l e c t o r a l pattern of the introduction of a new p o l i t i c a l party, and, i f there was change i n the pattern, to attempt to ascertain why changes occurred i n some areas rather than others.  Of p a r t i c u l a r  interest i n this regard would be the detailed study of the impact of the introduction of the S o c i a l Credit Party on the Vancouver e l e c t o r a l pattern i n the 1952 and 1953 B.'C. P r o v i n c i a l Elections, as w e l l as the introduction of the National A l l i a n c e Party and i t s impact on the e l e c t o r a l pattern of the Perth Metropolitan Area i n the 1974 State Election.  205 The  f i n d i n g s of Chapter I I I have a number of i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r  future research. space and  First,  i s i n the a r e a of the model of  i t s comparability with  w e l l as the c r o s s - c o m p a r a b i l i t y different cities.  s o c i a l models of the same c i t y , of models of p o l i t i c a l  With r e g a r d  to the l a t t e r s i t u a t i o n ,  parties i n different countries.  p o l i t i c a l processes.  problems  of  political  However, c r o s s - c o m p a r a b i l i t y  space i n say Canada would p r o v i d e  p o i n t i n r e c o g n i s i n g common ' e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s and  themselves, and,  a  can be seen i n Map such q u e s t i o n s  2, and,  as how  starting  i s a much more  in particular,  i n c i d e n c e of a p a r t i c u l a r s m a l l a r e a of c o n s i s t e n t p o l i t i c a l which i s surrounded by a r e a s of c o m p l e t e l y  of  h i g h l i g h t i n g common  Of b a s i c importance, of course,  d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the p a t t e r n s  the  support  d i f f e r e n t support.  These  of p a r t i c u l a r importance, f o r example may  be  Chinese a t t i t u d e s of r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n i n South-  E a s t A s i a have r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d p a t t e r n of b e h a v i o u r i n Chinatown. or two  as  space i n  immediately a r i s e i n terms of the i n i t i a l c o m p a r a b i l i t y  urban models of p o l i t i c a l  political  Why  electoral  i s i t t h a t , over a p e r i o d of 4 e l e c t i o n s  p o l l s c o n s i s t e n t l y are d i f f e r e n t or  one  'anomalous' from the a r e a s  which surround them? The  second a r e a of f u t u r e i n q u i r y a r i s i n g out of Chapter I I I  i s a more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between migration,  i n d i v i d u a l v o t e r changes and  intra-urban  the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n .  d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of i n d i v i d u a l m i g r a t i o n h i s t o r i e s o b t a i n e d personal  interview  (see Appendix 1) may  i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n but,  g i v e us  A more  i n the  some i n s i g h t i n t o the  i n order to r e l a t e t h i s to changes  i n i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , i n d i v i d u a l s need to be s t u d i e d over a l o n g time span.  Important f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h  i n t h i s regard  however,  206 is  the r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , s t a t u s a s p i r a t i o n and  changes  i n v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r which r e f l e c t s i n the e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n . change i n s t a t u s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f i r s t m i g r a t i o n v o t i n g behaviour? change, r e s i d e n c e t i o n we  The  change and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r change?  existence  In t h i s d i s s e r t a -  change and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r change r e l a t i o n -  t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h change i n s t a t u s and  t h i r d a r e a of f u t u r e r e s e a r c h  recurring again  second a change i n  What i s the d e t a i l e d i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t u s  have examined r e s i d e n c e  s h i p s , but not  and  a r i s i n g out  social mobility.  of Chapter I I  i n Chapter V i s the need to expand and  analyse  of a p o s s i b l e ' r e t r e a t ' p r o c e s s i n the urban a r e a .  noted i n Chapter I I I , f o r example, t h a t those who the area norm had which r e q u i r e s  Is a  over a p e r i o d of time has  the It  was  voted i n r e l a t i o n  p r e v i o u s l y been r e l a t i v e l y m o b i l e .  i n q u i r y a r i s i n g out  and  The  to  speculation  of t h i s i s t h a t c o n t i n u a l m o b i l i t y  r e s u l t e d i n i n s e c u r i t y and  thus has  encouraged  i n d i v i d u a l s to develop r e l a t i v e l y s t r o n g attachments to p a r t i c u l a r a r e a s and  adhere to those area norms - i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e ,  b e h a v i o u r norm.  How  t h i s a c t u a l l y o c c u r s and  the  a t what p o i n t an i n d i v i d u a l  develops attachments a f t e r a p e r i o d of r e l a t i v e m o b i l i t y a g a i n of f u t u r e r e s e a r c h .  However, i t was  f a c t o r i n i n t r a - u r b a n m o b i l i t y may a s s o c i a t i o n s are not being  f e e l a t home i n the a r e a ,  The  t e n t a t i v e f i n d i n g t h e r e f o r e was  a l o c a l area t h e i r own  or has  area  a  that c e r t a i n necessary f u n c t i o n a l  fulfilled.  not  i s an  suggested i n Chapter I I I t h a t  be  voting  For example, the i n d i v i d u a l does no  f r i e n d s i n the immediate v i c i n i t y .  t h a t those who  are not  integrated into  tend to move to an area whose v o t i n g norm i s the same as  p o l i t i c a l preference.  Important to note here i n t h i s  i s t h a t i n a r e a s undergoing change, as i n Marpole, t h e r e  regard  is s t i l l  some  207  s t r o n g r e s i d u a l attachment to a r e a by  individuals voting  for  the  a r e a norm (see Chapter V ) . The  general  f i n d i n g s can be combined to p r e s e n t  an  integrated  d e s c r i p t i v e model of urban s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e i n Vancouver, from Chapters I I I and (based on F i g u r e and  IV  (Figure 4).  1) as w e l l as b e i n g  f u n c t i o n a l ( i n the s o c i a l s e n s e ) .  pattern  derived  The model i s z o n a l and formal  sectoral  ( i n the p o l i t i c a l  sense)  I t c o n s i s t s of a z o n a l / s e c t o r a l  ( p o l i t i c a l - f o r m a l ) superimposed on a composite of l o c a l  (social-functional). derived  from F i g u r e  The model c o n s i s t s of f o u r c o n c e n t r i c  areas  rings,  1, based on v o t i n g p a t t e r s n i n Vancouver i n the  0  l a s t four P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s . suburban s i n g l e f a m i l y a r e a s " , voting patterns.  The  The  outermost r i n g , or the  c o n s i s t s of f o u r s e c t o r s based on  i n n e r r i n g , or CBD,  i s a formal  p o l i t i c a l sense ( F i g u r e 1) as w e l l as b e i n g The  a r e a s of S t r a t h c o n a  and  c i t y housing a r e a " ,  i s a formal  c o n s i s t s of two  the West End.  The  zone i n  The  formal  t h i r d zone, or  the  "inner  c o n s i s t s of  outermost zone c o n s i s t s of a l l of  (political) sectors.  1).  functional local  p o l i t i c a l zone, but  remaining f u n c t i o n a l l o c a l areas (see Map  the  zone i n  f u n c t i o n a l l o c a l areas - K i t s i l a n o , F a i r v i e w , Mount P l e a s a n t Grandview-Woodland.  these  a f u n c t i o n a l zone (Map  second r i n g , or "zone of t r a n s i t i o n " , i s a f o r m a l  p o l i t i c a l sense ( F i g u r e 1 ) , but  "old  four  and the  1 ) , arranged w i t h i n  four  The model i s a more r e a l i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n  of s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e i n Vancouver than the c l a s s i c a l models, accords w i t h the need to develop a f u n c t i o n a l model (Hardwick, 1971) , as w e l l as the need to p r o v i d e  an i n t e g r a t e d s e c t o r a l and  z o n a l model  (Johnston,  A N INTEGRATED  DESCRIPTIVE MODEL OF THE U R B A N SPATIAL STRUCTURE IN VANCOUVER  FORMAL  BOUNDARIES  FUNCTIONAL  BOUNDARIES  209  1971).  However, the model i s d e r i v e d from one p a r t i c u l a r case,  thus needs t e s t i n g i n o t h e r Canadian  cities.  Implied i n the model i s the need t o see how  inhabitants  l i v i n g i n other areas of the c i t y p e r c e i v e the boundaries l o c a l a r e a , and integrated.  Important  i n Vancouver  of a new of the  their  too i s the study of the e v o l u t i o n of a r e a  i t changes.  F u r t h e r , how  the model of  ( F i g u r e 1) changed, i f a t a l l , w i t h the  political introduction  p o l i t i c a l element i n t o the system ( f o r example, the f o r m a t i o n NDP). Of p a r t i c u l a r  how  of  the degree t o which those areas are f u n c t i o n a l l y •  i n t e g r a t i o n and how space  and  importance  from Chapter  IV i s the need to study  attachment to area o r t e r r i t o r i a l i t y a c t u a l l y e v o l v e s i n an urban  area.  Is i t a p a r t i c u l a r temporal  process?  s p e c i f i c a l l y t o a s e t of common symbols? group?  Does i t r e l a t e What makes a  socio-spatial  Is attachment t o a r e a simply a f u n c t i o n of the s t a t u s  of the area?  As was  suggested  i n Chapter V t h e r e i s an  interrelation  between s t a t u s composition and i n t e g r a t i o n a t the aggregate i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , but i s s t a t u s type a l s o important?  composition  and  With r e g a r d  to the f i r s t p o i n t i s the development towards i n t e r n a l s t a t u s s i m i l a r i t y r e i n f o r c e d by the p r o c e s s of m o b i l i t y and change r e s u l t i n g i n i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n coupled w i t h a ' r e t r e a t ' p r o c e s s and hence an e v o l u t i o n of a d e f i n a b l e t e r r i t o r y ?  With r e g a r d to the second p o i n t , do  areas  composed c h i e f l y of lower s t a t u s groups tend to be more i n t e g r a t e d , f o r example?  The  evidence p r e s e n t e d  i n Chapter  IV would suggest  r e v e r s e - t h a t i s , Dunbar, c o n s i s t i n g of h i g h e r s t a t u s groups was  the found  210 to be more i n t e g r a t e d than E a s t End which c o n s i s t s c h i e f l y o f lower s t a t u s groups, a l t h o u g h the d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n t e g r a t i o n l e v e l s were r e l a t i v e l y small.  The problem as f a r as f u t u r e r e s e a r c h i n t h i s  a r e a i s concerned case.  i s t o b e g i n t o i d e n t i f y how  I s i t an unconscious  suggested s e v e r a l y e a r s ago u n c o n s c i o u s l y learned? t h i s may  and why  t h i s i s the  'osmotic' k i n d of p r o c e s s as  (Campbell, 1958)  Campbell  i n which norms a r e  The e v i d e n c e from Chapter V suggests  that  be the most u s e f u l l i n e of f u t u r e i n q u i r y f o r a s s o c i a t i o n s  between m a n i f e s t a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r were m i n i m a l . The d e t a i l e d study of the e v o l u t i o n and change of p o l i t i c a l r e g i o n s i n the c i t y over a number of y e a r s i s one a r e a of f u t u r e r e s e a r c h which may  clarify this  relationship.  However, a p a r t from l o c a l a r e a s b e i n g r e l e v a n t t o v o t i n g i b e h a v i o u r they may behaviour.  a l s o be r e l e v a n t t o a number of o t h e r types of  The s t a t u s / t y p e / c o m p o s i t i o n - a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n - b e h a v i o u r  s e t of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s may  be important i n c o n t r i b u t i n g t o an  under-  s t a n d i n g o f a v a r i e t y of b e h a v i o u r i n space, such as crime and d e l i n q u e n c y , f o r example.  Degrees of a r e a i n t e g r a t i o n may  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n s t u d i e s of mental  be  important  illness.  The geography of campaigning,  a p a r t from c l a r i f y i n g the r e l a t i o n -  s h i p s between s p a t i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n , s p a t i a l s t r a t e g y , i s s u e s ,  response  and v o t i n g b e h a v i o u r , o f f e r s scope f o r f u t u r e work a t a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s and i n d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s . a s p e c t s of campaigning  may  not  be so  However, the s p a t i a l  r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e at other  l e v e l s of the p o l i t i c a l system - f o r example, the c i v i c i n d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s - f o r example, i n A u s t r a l i a ,  l e v e l - or  i t i s compulsory  211 t o v o t e a t a l l l e v e l s above the c i v i c  l e v e l , and hence a t these  l e v e l s , the r e l e v a n c e of a geography of campaigning However, the most important i m p l i c a t i o n  may  be m i n i m a l .  to a r i s e out of t h i s  study of the s t a b i l i t y and change of e l e c t o r a l p a t t e r n s i s t h a t are  d e a l i n g w i t h complex s e t s of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s  and independent v a r i a b l e s  become extremely d i f f i c u l t  we  i n which dependent to i d e n t i f y .  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" P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l C l a s s i n Canada: The Case of Waterloo South", Canadian J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , V o l . 1 (1968), pp. 288-309. W i l s o n , J . "The 1971 O n t a r i o E l e c t i o n " , t a l k a t U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 24/2/72. W i l s o n , J.Q.  The Amateur Democrat.  (Chicago, 1966).  W i r t h , L. "Urbanism as a Way of L i f e " , American V o l . 44 (1938), pp. 1-24.  J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y ,  W o l f i n g e r , R.E. "The I n f l u e n c e of P r e c i n c t Work on V o t i n g Behaviour", P u b l i c O p i n i o n Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 27 (1963), pp. 387-398.  231  W r i g h t , J . E . " V o t i n g H a b i t s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s : A Note on Two Maps", G e o g r a p h i c a l Review, V o l . 22 (1932), pp. 666-672. Young, W.D. "The NDP: B.C.'s Labour P a r t y " , i n J . M e i s e l (ed.) Papers on the 1962 E l e c t i o n (1964), pp. 181-200. Young, W.D.  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Economic Geography", S o v i e t Geography, V o l . 7 (September, 1966), pp. 19-28.  232  APPENDIX I  L o c a l Area Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Department o f Geography U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia  PERCEPTION OF LOCAL AREA: Ql  a)  Do you t h i n k t h a t t h e r e i s a name  1 yes  f o r t h i s a r e a o f Vancouver?  2 no 3 maybe  (IF b)  'NO' GO TO Q2)  (IF'YES' o r 'MAYBE' TO a ) , ASK): Could you t e l l me what you t h i n k  1 Renfrew  i s t h e name of t h i s a r e a of t h e  2 E a s t End/East  city?  3 East Hastings/Hastings East  Vancouver  4 Vancouver H e i g h t s 5  Grandview  6 Marpole 7 South  Vancouver  (IF RESPONDENT CITES A  8 Shannon  CONSTITUENCY NAME, PROVINCIAL  9 South Cambie  OR FEDERAL, PROBE FOR OTHER  A Marpole/Oakridge  AREA NAMES)  B Kerrisdale/South Kerrisdale C Oakridge D Southlands E Dunbar F  (West) P o i n t  Grey  G Kerrisdale/Dunbar H McKenzie  Heights  J Dunbar/Point  Grey  K Dunbar H e i g h t s s  L Blenheim  Flats  M Other(s) (specify)  c)  ( I F 'YES' OR 'MAYBE' TO a ) , ASK): Would you t e l l me which s t r e e t s p r o v i d e the boundaries o f t h i s area? How about the N o r t h e r n Boundary Southern Eastern  Boundary Boundary_  Western Boundary_  (SHOW MAP I F NECESSARY) Would you t e l l me a l i t t l e about t h i s a r e a of Vancouver?  What k i n d o f a p l a c e i s i t ?  Is t h e r e a n y t h i n g , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h a t makes it  different  i n any way from other areas of  Vancouver?  (IF RELUCTANT TO ANSWER MUCH, PROBE AND ASK, 'WELL HOW WOULD YOU DESCRIBE THIS AREA?')  234 Q3  Would you t e l l me as many names of other l o c a l areas i n Vancouver as you can think of?  1 Arbutus Ridge 2 CBD/Downtown 3 Cedar Cottage 4 Dunbar-Southlands 5 Fairview 6 Grandview-Woodland 7 Hastings East 8 Kerrisdale  (IN CERTAIN 'DOUBLE-BARRELLED'  9 Killarney  NAMES, CIRCLE EVEN IF RESPONDENT  A Kitsilano  NAMES ONLY ONE-HALF OF THE NAME)  B L i t t l e Mountain C Marpole D Mount Pleasant E Oakridge F (West) Point Grey G Renfrew-Collingwood H Riley Park-Kensington J  Shaughnessy  K Strathcona L Sunset M Victoria-Fraserview N West End P Other(s) (specify)  235 Could you t e l l me how long you've  1 less  l i v e d i n t h i s a r e a o f Vancouver?  2 1 y e a r t o l e s s than 2 y e a r s  than 1 y e a r  3 2 y e a r s t o l e s s than 5 y e a r s 4 5 years t o l e s s 5 10 y e a r s p l u s  a)  b)  Do you t h i n k of t h i s a r e a as  1 yes  your r e a l home?  2 no  ( I F 'NO', ASK): What a r e a o r p l a c e do you t h i n k of  a)  as your r e a l home?  I n the time t h a t you've l i v e d  1 friendlier  h e r e , have you found  2 less  this  area  friendly  becoming a f r i e n d l i e r p l a c e t o  3 s t a y e d t h e same  l i v e , a less friendly place,  4 don't know  o r , has i t j u s t s t a y e d the same? b)  In the time t h a t you've l i v e d  1 look b e t t e r  h e r e , have you found t h i s  2 l o o k worse  area  b e g i n n i n g t o l o o k worse  3 s t a y e d the same  p h y s i c a l l y , look b e t t e r , o r ,  4 don't know  has i t j u s t s t a y e d t h e same? I f you had your  c h o i c e , would you  1 yes  c o n t i n u e t o l i v e i n t h i s a r e a of  2 no  Vancouver?  3 maybe 4 don't know  a)  Have you l i v e d i n another o f Vancouver?  area  1 yes 2 no  than 10 y e a r s  236 (IF b)  'NO' GO TO g))  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me t h e name o f the  1 Arbutus Ridge  a r e a i n Vancouver  2 CBD/Downtown  last  i n which you  3 Cedar Cottage  lived?  4 Dunbar-Southlands 5 Fairview 6 Grandview-Woodland 7 Hastings East (IN  CERTAIN 'DOUBLE-BARRELLED'  8 Kerrisdale  NAMES, CIRCLE EVEN I F  9 Killarney  RESPONDENT NAMES ONLY ONE-  A Kitsilano  HALF OF THE NAME)  B Little  Mountain  C Marpole D Mount P l e a s a n t E  Oakridge  F  (West) P o i n t  Grey  G Renfrew-Collingwood H R i l e y Park-Kensington J  Shaughnessy  K Strathcona L  Sunset  M Victoria-Fraserview N West End P Other ( s p e c i f y )  c)  ( I F 'YES' TO a ) , ASK): Would you p l e a s e g i v e me the address of the r e s i d e n c e t h a t you lived i n last?  F o r the sake of  p r i v a c y I'd be g r a t e f u l i f you would g i v e me the s t r e e t and b l o c k number, and not the f u l l a d d r e s s .  237 d)  ( I F 'YES' TO a ) , ASK): What type o f b u i l d i n g d i d you l i v e i n last?  Was i t a ......1 duplex or t r i p l e x 2 s i n g l e f a m i l y house 3 town house, row house or garden apartment 4 apartment b l d g . w i t h o u t e l e v a t o r 5 apartment b l d g . w i t h e l e v a t o r 6 s u i t e i n house 7 other (specify)  e)  ( I F 'YES' TO a ) , ASK): (HAND RESPONDENT  CARD 1)  Could you p l e a s e t e l l  me  B lower  class  how you would c a t e g o r i s e  A lower-middle  t h a t a r e a from t h e l i s t  C middle  on t h i s c a r d by r e a d i n g  E upper-middle  out the c o r r e s p o n d i n g  D upper c l a s s  class  class class  letter? f)  ( I F 'YES' TO a ) , ASK): How l o n g d i d you l i v e i n  1 l e s s than 1 y e a r  t h a t a r e a of Vancouver?  2 1 y e a r t o l e s s than 2 years 3 2 y e a r s t o l e s s than 5 y e a r s 4 5 y e a r s t o l e s s than 10 y e a r s 5 10 y e a r s p l u s  238 g)  Could you t e l l me where you  block  street  Could you p l e a s e t e l l me how  B lower  class  you would c a t e g o r i s e t h e area  A lower-middle  i n which you now l i v e by r e a d -  C middle  i n g out t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g l e t t e r  E upper-middle  from t h i s card?  D upper  l i v e d before that? for  y e a r moved i n  Again,  the sake o f p r i v a c y , I'd  be g r a t e f u l i f you would j u s t g i v e me the s t r e e t and b l o c k number, and not the f u l l address. (REPEAT QUESTION TO COVER 10 YEARS BACK)  Q9  (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 1)  class  class  SOCIAL INTERACTION: Q10 a)  How many households would you  1 none  say you v i s i t  2 one  s o c i a l l y i n ...  (NAME AREA GIVEN IN REPLY TO  3 two  QI b ) , OR, I F NO NAME GIVEN,  4 3-5  SAY,  5 6-10  'THIS AREA OF  VANCOUVER')  6 11-25 7 25+ 8 don't know  (IF  class  'NONE', GO TO Q l l )  class  239 b)  (IF 'ONE' OR MORE, ASK): Could you p l e a s e g i v e me the addresses of these households?  F o r the sake o f  p r i v a c y , I'd be g r a t e f u l i f you would o n l y g i v e me the s t r e e t and b l o c k number, and n o t the f u l l  address  c)  sev times a week  address.  once a week  sev times a month  How o f t e n , on t h e average, would you say you v i s i t e d households?  each of these  I s i t s e v e r a l times a  week, once a week, s e v e r a l times a month, once a month, or l e s s than once a month? THE ABOVE TABLE)  (MARK WITH 'X' ON  once a month  l e s s than 1 a month  240 Q l l a)  How many households  i n Vancouver  1 none  o u t s i d e o f your a r e a of  2 one  r e s i d e n c e would you say you  3 two  visit  4 3-5  socially?  5 6-10 6 11-25 7 25+ 8 don't know  (IF  b)  'NONE', GO TO Q12)  ( I F 'ONE' OR MORE, ASK): Could you p l e a s e g i v e me the addresses of these For  households?  the sake o f p r i v a c y , I'd be  g r a t e f u l i f you would o n l y g i v e me the s t r e e t and b l o c k number, and n o t the f u l l  address  address.  sev times a week  once a a week  sev times a month  once a month  l e s s than 1 a month  241 c)  How o f t e n , on the average, would you say. you v i s i t e d households?  each of these  I s i t s e v e r a l times a  week, once a week, s e v e r a l times a month, once a month, o r l e s s than once a month?  (MARK WITH 'X' ON  THE ABOVE TABLE) Who would you say you f e e l c l o s e r t o ,  1 within  p e o p l e who you see and v i s i t who l i v e  2 outside  w i t h i n your a r e a o f r e s i d e n c e , o r  3 both  those who l i v e o u t s i d e ?  4 neither  a)  What Vancouver c i t y  newspaper(s)  1 Sun 2 Province  do you read?  3 Sun + P r o v i n c e 4 None b)  c)  Do you read any Vancouver  local  1 yes  a r e a newspapers?  2 no  ( I F 'YES', ASK):  1 E c h o / H i g h l a n d Echo  Could you t e l l me which one(s) you read?  2 E a s t Ender 3 H a s t i n g s News 4 L'Eco  Italian  5 Courier/Kerrisdale 6 Western News 7 The Paper 8 P o i n t Grey G a z e t t e 9 Marpole News A Brentwood News B Oakridge News C Richmond News D Other(s) (specify)  Courier  Q14 a)  Do you or your f a m i l y shop f o r  1 yes  most of your food i n t h i s area?  2 no 3 some  b)  C o u l d you p l e a s e g i v e me t h e addresses o f the s t o r e ( s ) where you or your f a m i l y buy most o f your food? ENOUGH.  (BLOCK AND STREET  I F NOT SURE, PROBE  FOR STORE NAME AND GENERAL LOCATION) MEMBERSHIP OF ORGANISATIONS: Q15 a)  A r e you a member o f any professional societies,  1 yes trade  2 no  a s s o c i a t i o n s o r unions i n Vancouver? b)  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you name them f o r me Organisation  Q16 a)  please?  name  Type  Are you a member of any (other)  1 yes  organisations  2 no  and groups, such  as s p o r t s , r e c r e a t i o n and hobby clubs, f r a t e r n a l ,  c i v i c and  charitable organisations,  social,  c u l t u r a l c l u b s and s o c i e t i e s , children activity ratepayers,tenants, others,  organisations, e t c . , o r any  f o r example, church  organisations,  and so on?  243 b)  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you name them f o r me p l e a s e ? Type  O r g a n i s a t i o n name  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: In  a d d i t i o n t o i n f o r m a t i o n on your  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c l u b s and groups, I'd l i k e to  ask you about your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  B.C. p o l i t i c s Q17 a)  b)  at the P r o v i n c i a l  level.  D i d you v o t e i n the August 30  1 yes  1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n ?  2 no  ( I F 'NO', ASK): Could you t e l l me why you d i d n ' t vote please?  (IF c)  'NO' IN a ) , GO TO Q18)  ( I F 'YES' IN a ) , ASK): Could you p l e a s e t e l l me which c a n d i d a t e s you v o t e d f o r ? (IF RESPONDENT IS RELUCTANT, PROBE FOR WHICH PARTY VOTED FOR)  244 d)  ( I F 'YES' IN a ) , ASK): Could you t e l l me why you v o t e d t h i s way?  e)  ( I F 'YES' IN a ) , ASK): What would you say was more  1 party  important  2 candidates  i n your c h o i c e  the p a r t y o r the c a n d i d a t e s ?  3 other  Q18 What would you say were the major i s s u e s i n t h e 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l election  PARTY Q19 a)  campaign?  IDENTIFICATION: D i d you p e r s o n a l l y do a n y t h i n g  1 yes  to h e l p any p a r t y d u r i n g the  2 no  1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  Election  campaign?  (IF  'NO', GO TO Q20)  (specify)  245 b)  ( I F 'YES', ASK); Could you t e l l me which  1 Communist  p o l i t i c a l p a r t y i t was you  2 Liberal  helped?  3 New Democratic  Party  4 Progressive Conservative 5 Social c)  Credit  ( I F 'YES' IN a) , ASK) : What d i d you a c t u a l l y do?  1 gave money 2 addressed  mail  3 a s s i s t e d i n campaign 4  office  canvassed  5 distributed  literature  6 put up lawn s i g n , door o r window  sign  7 helped d i s t r i b u t e signs 8 held a coffee party 9 scrutineer A Other  Q20 a)  Do you remember in  i f you v o t e d  the 1969 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  b)  1 voted 2 d i d not v o t e 3 can't  Election?  (specify)  remember  (IF 'VOTED', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p a r t y  1 Communist  you v o t e d  2 Liberal  for?  3 New Democratic  Party  4 Progressive Conservative 5 Social 6 Other  Credit (specify)  246 Q21 a)  b)  How about the 1966 B.C.  1 voted  Provincial Election - did  2 d i d not vote  you v o t e then?  3 can't remember  ( I F 'VOTED', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p a r t y  1 Communis t  you v o t e d  2 Liberal  for?  3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive  Conservative  5 Social Credit 6 Other  Q22 a)  b)  Are you a member o f any  1 yes  political  2 no  party?  (specify)  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which  1 Communist  p o l i t i c a l p a r t y you a r e a  2 Liberal  member o f ?  3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive  Conservative  5 Social Credit 6 Other ( s p e c i f y )  LOCAL PARTY ACTIVITY: Q23 a)  During  the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l 1 yes  E l e c t i o n campaign, d i d any canvassers any  ( o r people)  of the p o l i t i c a l  c a l l a t your home?  from  parties  2 no  247 b)  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Which P a r t y ( i e s ) v i s i t e d  your  home?  1 Communist 2 Liberal 3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive 5 Social Credit  Q24 a)  Were any pamphlets o r other  1 yes  campaign m a t e r i a l from any o f  2 no  the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s d e l i v e r e d to your home d u r i n g the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  Election  campaign? b)  (IF  'YES', ASK);  Could you t e l l me which  1 Communist  party(ies) l e f t  2 Liberal  material?  3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive  Conservative  5 Social Credit Q25 a)  From which source o r sources d i d you g e t most of your news about the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Election?  Was i t  1 radio 2 TV 3 t a l k i n g t o people 4 newspapers 5 campaign 6 other  literature  ( s p e c i f y ) __.  248 b)  (IF BY 'TALKING TO PEOPLE', ASK): What s o r t of people d i d you  1  friends  t a l k t o most?  2 neighbours 3 relatives 4 f e l l o w workers 5 other  Q26 a)  D i d any of t h e p o l i t i c a l c o n t a c t your home by during  parties  telephone  (specify)  1 yes 2 no  the 1972 B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  E l e c t i o n campaign? b)  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me which p a r t y telephoned  political  your home?  1 Communist 2 Liberal 3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive 5 Social  Q27 a)  Was your home c o n t a c t e d by any  1 yes  of t h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s  2 no  day  b)  o f the P r o v i n c i a l  on the  Conservative  Credit  Election?  ( I F 'YES', ASK): 1 Communist  Could you t e l l me which p o l i t i c a l party contacted home?  your  2 Liberal 3 New Democratic P a r t y 4 Progressive 5 Social  Conservative  Credit  249 Q28  a)  D i d you go t o any  1 yes  local  2 no  c a n d i d a t e s p o l i t i c a l meetings d u r i n g the 1972 Election b)  B.C.  Provincial  campaign?  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me  1 Communist  which  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s h e l d the  2 Liberal  meetings which you went to?  3 New  Democratic  Party  4 Progressive Conservative 5 Social  Credit  6 A l l Candidates c)  ( I F 'ALL  CANDIDATES MEETING',  ASK)  Which p a r t y or c a n d i d a t e s were you impressed w i t h most at the all  Q29  a)  c a n d i d a t e s meetings?  D i d you meet any of the  1 yes  c a n d i d a t e s d u r i n g the  2 no  of the 1972 Election b)  B.C.  course  Provincial  campaign?  (IF 'YES',  ASK):  Which c a n d i d a t e s d i d you meet?  PERSONAL DATA: Now,  finally,  I would l i k e to ask  a few q u e s t i o n s about Q30  Sex:  you  yourself.  (INTERVIEWER OBSERVATION)  1 Male 2 Female  meeting  Q31 (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 2) Could you p l e a s e t e l l me which number on t h i s c a r d corresponds  1 b e f o r e 1905 to  the y e a r when you were born?  2 1905-1915 3 1916-1925 4 1926-1935 5 1936-1945 6 1946-1953  Q32 a)  b)  c)  Could you p l e a s e t e l l me i f  1 yes  you a r e married?  2 no  ( I F 'YES', ASK):' Do you have any c h i l d r e n a t  1 yes  s c h o o l i n t h i s area?  2 no  ( I F 'YES', ASK): Could you t e l l me w h i c h s c h o o l ( s ) they go to?  Q33 Could you t e l l me i f you a r e the head o f your household?  2 no  Q34 Could you p l e a s e t e l l me the o c c u p a t i o n o f the head of your household?  ( I F RESPONDENT IS  THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, THEN ASK FOR 'YOUR OCCUPATION'.'  PROBE  FOR SPECIFIC JOB AND TYPE OF COMPANY)  1 yes  3 other  (specify)  Specific  job  Type of Company  Q35  (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 3) Could you p l e a s e t e l l me which  1 l e s s than  number on t h i s c a r d corresponds t o  2 $5,001-$7,500  the annual income of t h e head o f  3 $7501-$10,000  your household?  4 $10,001-$15,000  ( I F RESPONDENT IS  THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, THEN ASK FOR  $5,000  5 over  $15,000  Could you p l e a s e t e l l me which  A lower  class  l e t t e r on t h i s c a r d  C lower-middle  'YOUR ANNUAL INCOME')  Q36  (HAND RESPONDENT CARD 4)  to  corresponds  the s o c i a l c l a s s that you  see y o u r s e l f as b e l o n g i n g to?  E middle  Q37 Could you t e l l me i f you own, lease or rent t h i s residence?  class  D upper-middle B upper  class  class  class  1 own 2 lease 3 rent 4 other  Q38 a)  (specify)  Could you t e l l me which country you were b o r n i n ?  b)  (IF NOT IN CANADA, ASK): How l o n g have you l i v e d i n  1 l e s s than 5 y e a r s  Canada?  2 5 to 10 y e a r s 3 10 y e a r s , 1 day, to 20 y e a r s 4 over 20 y e a r s  Q39 Could you p l e a s e t e l l me your r e l i g i o u s preference?  252 Q40 What was the l a s t you  type o f s c h o o l  1 grades 1-8 2 grades 9-13 ( h i g h s c h o o l )  attended?  3 vocational/technical 4 university/college  Q41 (INTERVIEWERS OBSERVATION) Type of home?  1 s i n g l e f a m i l y house 2 duplex or t r i p l e x 3. town house, row house o r garden  apartment  4 apartment b l d g . w i t h o u t e l e v a t o r 5 apartment b l d g . w i t h e l e v a t o r 6 s u i t e i n house 7 other (specify)  THANK YOU VERY MUCH INDEED.'  APPENDIX I I  LOCAL PARTY ACTIVITY: A r e a No.:  •  Party:  Communist .  Conservative Liberal NDP Social  R  o  l  e  Credit  Candidate  :  Campaign Manager .  Office Area Poll  Manager  controller Captain  P a r t y worker  NOTE:  START EITHER AT A . OR B. AND THEN TO C.  A.  Questions  1.  How l o n g have you been i n p o l i t i c s ?  2.  How d i d you get your  3.  What other o f f i c e s have you h e l d or run f o r ?  1-3 f o r c a n d i d a t e s o n l y '  start  in politics?  254 B.  Questions  4.  What was  4-9 f o r o t h e r s o n l y the f i r s t  campaign i n which  you worked f o r (name p a r t y ) ? 5.  ( I F NOT  1972 PROVINCIAL CAMPAIGN, ASK):  Have you always worked f o r t h i s  party?  Yes No  6.  (IF NO ASK): Between what y e a r s were you not working f o r t h i s p a r t y ?  7.  D i d you work f o r another  Yes  party?  No 8.  ( I F YES ASK): Which p a r t y was  Communist  this?  Liberal Conservative NDP Social Other  9.  What l e d you t o become a c t i v e i n the  C.  (name p a r t y ) ?  A l l q u e s t i o n s now to a l l respondents:  ORGANISATION: 10.  How was  the campaign i n your  ency organised?  constitu-  That i s , d i d one  person run the whole campaign, or were s p e c i f i c j o b s g i v e n to s p e c i f i c  people?  Credit (specify)  11.  I f the work was d i v i d e d , who d i d what jobs?  12.  Are constituency  organisations  different i n different  constituencies  i n Vancouver? 13.  (IF YES ASK): How a r e they  14.  different?  I f you had a committee, was i t a c t i v e ? What d i d i t do?  15.  What h e l p , i f any, d i d the r e g u l a r party o r g a n i s a t i o n give?  16.  How many p e o p l e were a c t i v e l y engaged i n the campaign?  17.  How many h e l p e d  throughout the whole  of the campaign? 18.  Were these a l l v o l u n t e e r s ?  18A.  When d i d your campaign begin?  19.  How many meetings d i d you have d u r i n g the campaign w i t h t h e c o n s t i t u e n c y workers?  20.  What h e l p d i d o t h e r groups g i v e ? (e.g. t r a d e a s s o c i a t i o n s , l a b o u r unions, e t c . ) ?  21.  What were the reasons behind the c h o i c e of the l o c a t i o n o f the campaign o f f i c e ?  22.  Was the campaign o r g a n i s e d i n any way?  spatially  Yes  That i s , were people  No  a s s i g n e d t o s p e c i f i c areas o r specific 23.  polls?  (IF YES ASK): Why was i t d e c i d e d t o s p l i t up the o r g a n i s a t i o n i n t h i s way?  ADVERTISING: 24.  What a d v e r t i s i n g media d i d you use t o put your i s s u e s  P u b l i c a l l c a n d i d a t e s meetings P u b l i c p a r t y meetings Radio  and your  (candidates)  TV  p e r s o n a l i t y b e f o r e the  Newspaper a d v e r t i s i n g  public?  Newspaper s t o r i e s Billboards Lawn s i g n s Window s i g n s Bumper s t i c k e r s Sound t r u c k s Direct mailing Door-to-door c a n v a s s i n g and leaflet distribution Lapel  buttons  Other ( s p e c i f y ) Coffee p a r t i e s Movies Bring i n s p e c i a l  speakers  257 25.  D i d the meetings a t t r a c t l a r g e o r s m a l l audiences?  That i s , were they  e f f e c t i v e means of r e a c h i n g 26.  the p u b l i c ?  D i d the audience, i n g e n e r a l , seem:  'friendly' 'unfriendly' 'non-partisan'  27.  Where were the meetings l o c a t e d ?  28.  Who  29.  Would i t be p o s s i b l e to o b t a i n c o p i e s  sponsored the p u b l i c meetings?  of your ( c a n d i d a t e s )  speeches t o a l l  of the meetings? 30.  Would i t be p o s s i b l e t o o b t a i n o b t a i n times and content  of TV and  r a d i o advertisements? 31.  I n which newspapers d i d you advertise?  32.  D i d you t h i n k the newspapers were  Yes  f a i r and a c c u r a t e  No  (IF NO): 33.  t o you?  Why?  I f newspaper s t o r i e s were used, how d i d you get them i n t o the papers?  34.  '  Who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r e r e c t i n g any b i l l b o a r d s , and where were they located?  35.  Who  .  d i s t r i b u t e d the s i g n s and who  used them?  •  36.  Was t h e r e any p a r t i c u l a r p l a n f o r the l o c a t i o n of s i g n s and b i l l b o a r d s ?  37.  I f d i r e c t m a i l i n g was used, who addressed the cards and envelopes?  38.  How many o f f i c e workers d i d you have?  39.  I f door-to-door c a n v a s s i n g was used, who d i d i t ,  and how many canvassers  d i d you have? 40.  Which areas o r p o l l s were All,  41.  o r were they s e l e c t e d ?  I f s e l e c t e d ask: Why were these particular polls  42.  canvassed?  (areas) s e l e c t e d ?  How many times was each a r e a canvassed?  43.  D i d the c a n d i d a t e s themselves  visit  any p a r t i c u l a r p o l l s or areas? 44.  ( I F YES ASK): Which p o l l s  (areas) were they, and  why were they chosen? 45.  How many 'drops' of l i t e r a t u r e were undertaken?  46.  Was t h e r e any s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h e t i m i n g and content of such m a t e r i a l ?  47.  Were p o l l cards d i s t r i b u t e d ? or d e l i v e r e d by hand?  Mailed  48.  D i d you speak t o o r v i s i t  clubs,  Yes  v e t s , o r g a n i s a t i o n s , chambers of  No  commerce, e t c . ? 49.  (IF YES): Which d i d you v i s i t ?  50.  Of a l l o f the a d v e r t i s i n g media used, which one, i n your o p i n i o n , was the most e f f e c t i v e ?  51.  Why?  ADMINISTRATIVE ACTIVITY: 52.  D i d your c o n s t i t u e n c y o r g a n i s a t i o n  Yes  do a n y t h i n g  No  (IF YES):  t o get v o t e r s r e g i s t e r e d ? What d i d i t s p e c i f i c a l l y  do? 53.  54.  D i d i t keep some k i n d of v o t e r s  No  r e c o r d by p o l l ?  No  Has the c o n s t i t u e n c y got f a i r l y  Yes  complete r e c o r d s of i t s own supporters 55.  .  No  and independents?  D i d (name p a r t y ) know whether v o t e r s  Yes  i n the c o n s t i t u e n c y were r e g i s t e r e d  No  or not? 56.  Were t h e r e c o r d s used t o check v o t e r s  Yes  a t the p o l l s on e l e c t i o n day?  No  57.  (IF YES): How were v o t e r s checked?  58.  Were p e o p l e i n the c o n s t i t u e n c y contacted  59.  by phone a t a l l ?  (IF Y E S ) : Who were they?  (e.g., undecided  voters, possible helpers, etc.) 60.  How many p e o p l e were g i v e n l i f t s to the p o l l i n g  61.  stations?  How d i d you f e e l the l e v e l of support f o r your p a r t y was going b e f o r e the election?  What k i n d of r e a c t i o n , f o r  example, d i d you g e t to  canvassing?  MONEY: 62.  How much, r o u g h l y  speaking,  l o c a l constituency 63.  d i d the  campaign c o s t ?  How was the money d i v i d e d among the v a r i o u s a d v e r t i s i n g media?  64.  How d i d you f i n a n c e the campaign?  65.  Who were the c h i e f c o n t r i b u t o r s ? (IF RETICENT, ASK): a) D i d the p a r t y h e l p you out? By what amount?  b) D i d f r i e n d s  h e l p you out?  By what amount? c) D i d any o r g a n i s a t i o n s h e l p you out? By what amount? 66.  D i d you have as much money as you needed?  67.  ( I F NO ASK): In what ways c o u l d you have used more?  STRATEGY AND ISSUES: 68.  In your o p i n i o n was t h e r e a f a i r l y c l e a r p l a n f o r your p a r t y i n t h i s c o n s t i t u e n c y about t h e type of a c t i v i t y t o be f o l l o w e d ?  69.  How d i d t h i s p l a n  evolve?  70.  D i d you have any h e l p i n t h e p l a n from ' e x p e r t s ' o u t s i d e o f the p a r t y ? (IF Y E S ) :  71.  Who?  Could you t e l l me more about t h e plan? For example, d i d your campaign c o n c e n t r a t e on any p a r t i c u l a r  area  i n the constituency? 72.  ( I F YES, ASK): Which a r e a s , and why were they chosen?  73.  How  important  i n t h i s were the  r e t u r n s i n your 74.  constituency?  What r e l a t i o n was c o n s t i t u e n c y and  1969  t h e r e between  the  the p a r t y c e n t r a l  o f f i c e on p o l i c y and  campaign  strategy? 75.  Was  the approach d i v i d e d i n any  between the  candidates?  76.  What i s s u e s d i d you  77.  I f you had you  s t r e s s , and why?  i t to do over a g a i n , would  change your emphasis  p a r t i c u l a r issues?  on  Would  you  emphasize d i f f e r e n t i s s u e s ? you 78.  way  Would  campaign more i n d i f f e r e n t  areas?  At what time i n the campaign d i d i n t r o d u c e your c h i e f i s s u e and  you  chief  argument? 79.  Why  d i d you choose t h a t time?  80.  At what time i n the campaign d i d make your g r e a t e s t  81.  Do you  you  effort?  t h i n k t h a t any  other  timing i n  the p r e s e n t a t i o n of i s s u e s would have made your campaign more s u c c e s s f u l ? 82.  Did you  f i n d that your a d v e r t i s i n g and  i n f o r m a t i o n was  g e t t i n g across  to a l l  of the c o n s t i t u e n t s , some, or o n l y a few?  83.  How c o u l d you t e l l  t h i s , and why do  you t h i n k t h a t t h i s was o c c u r r i n g ?  SUPPORT; 84.  Were you f o r m a l l y endorsed by any group (s)?  85.  (IF YES ASK); Which group(s) were (was) these  86.  Were you i n f o r m a l l y supported g r o u p ( s ) , e.g., any l o c a l  (this)?  by any  community  groups? (IF YES ASK): Which were 87.  these?  D i d any of the s u p p o r t i n g groups spend money f o r you, e.g., buy newspaper space, buy r a d i o time,  etc.?  (IF YES ASK): Which were 88.  they?  D i d you have an o p p o r t u n i t y t o speak to s u p p o r t i n g or e n d o r s i n g  groups?  PERCEPTION OF PARTY'S ROLE: 89.  Would you say t h a t t h e r e a r e important  d i f f e r e n c e s between your  | p a r t y and t h e o t h e r s ? (IF YES ASK): What a r e the major d i f f e r e n c e s you see?  264 OPPOSITION: 90.  What do y o u t h i n k was t h e m o s t effective  party  of the opposition  p a r t i e s ' campaigns? 91.  What do y o u t h i n k w e r e strongest  92.  their  -issues?  What m i s t a k e s do y o u t h i n k y o u r o p p o n e n t s made?  93.  Do y o u t h i n k t h a t y o u r  Communist  opposition  s p e n t m o r e o r l e s s money t h a n y o u  Conservative  in this  Liberal  constituency?  NDP Social OUTCOME: 94.  What i n f l u e n c e s do y o u g i v e credit  f o ryour  elected?  (not) getting  Was i t a m a t t e r o f c a m p a i g n  techniques,  community t r a d i t i o n ,  personalities, 95.  most  o r what?  As f a r as t h e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s i n  Yes  V a n c o u v e r a r e c o n c e r n e d , was i t  No  decided a t the outset  o f t h e campaign  to concentrate  m o r e e f f o r t o n some  constituencies  than others?  (±.e.,  how  Credit  was your p l a n d i f f e r e n t i n other  from t h a t  constituencies?)  (IF YES ASK): a) Why  and how was  this  done?  b) How  s u c c e s s f u l do you t h i n k  this  was?  CONCLUDING QUESTION: 96.  Who  e l s e was d e e p l y i n v o l v e d  campaign? me  i n your  Would i t be worthwhile f o r  to t a l k to them?  

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