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UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

John Collier and the Protestant churches Stacey, Susan Carol LeCompte 1973

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1 r- i JOHN COLLIER AND. THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES* by SUSAN LECOMPTE STAGEY B.A., Whitworth College (Spokane, Washington), 1971 A. THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS' i n the Department of History We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December, 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT In 1933 President Franklin Roosevelt appointed John C o l l i e r to the post of United States Indian Commissioner. C o l l i e r had been a s o c i a l worker i n New York City and C a l i f o r -nia during the early twentieth century, but the e f f e c t s of the i n d u s t r i a l mode of l i f e that he constantly witnessed made him extremely pessimistic about the a b i l i t y of the modern world to foster and sustain any type of healthy s o c i a l system. In the early 1920's he was the guest of the Taos Pueblos Indian tribe for several months, and during his stay with these native Americans he was deeply impressed by their genius at main-taining, i n the face of nearly overwhelming pressure, a culture whose primary function was the creation and sustenance of well-balanced i n d i v i d u a l and group p e r s o n a l i t i e s . Throughout the 1920's: he incessantly battled against any l e g i s l a t i o n , executive order, or s o c i a l or economic pressure that was endangering what he saw to be one of the l a s t t r u l y humane c i v i l i z a t i o n s on earth. When he became Commissioner, he i n s t i t u t e d a program designed to revive the t r i b a l structures, their power and status systems, th e i r languages, their r e l i g i o n s , and a l l other v i t a l aspects of th e i r existence. He backed this up with a compre-hensive plan for economic, educational, and health improvement so that the natives would be able to s o l i d l y entrench them-selves i n the type of l i f e they desired. One group who opposed t h i s p o l i c y of C o l l i e r ' s were the Protestant missionaries who labored among the aborigines. From the e a r l i e s t days of their missions they had set themselves - i i -- i i i -to the task of " c i v i l i z i n g " the Indian and helping him to assimilate into the larger American society where he could more e a s i l y and more e f f e c t i v e l y function as a C h r i s t i a n . They were therefore dismayed by C o l l i e r ' s attempt to promote segregation, i s o l a t i o n , and a return to the o r i g i n a l l i f e -s t yles, although they did come to approve of the other aspects of his work. This thesis examines C o l l i e r ' s philosophy and program of Indian administration through his own writings and through executive reports, explores the depth and importance of their Indian missions to the Protestant churches, and then sets forth and analyzes the negative Protestant reaction to C o l l i e r ' s Commissionership. I t attempts to explore the nature of a confrontation between two powerful forces i n American l i f e . The general conclusion that emerges from t h i s work i s that C o l l i e r ' s appointment marks the f i r s t r e a l break i n the cooperation of church and state i n Indian a f f a i r s . C o l l i e r began a secularization of the o f f i c e that has continued to the present day. The missionaries recognized the implication of t h i s secularization for their own future and responded accordingly. Both-sides had r a l l i e d around i d e o l o g i c a l standards (the church was committed to i t s theology, C o l l i e r to his s o c i o l o g i c a l b e l i e f s ) and neither could nor would give way. Thus the mis-sionaries tended to work themselves out of a major role i n the management of Indian a f f a i r s . TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I. THE ESSENTIAL JOHN COLLIER k I I . THE INDIANS' CHAMPION 21 I I I . THE NEW DEAL FOR THE INDIANS 3^ IV. INDIANS AND. MISSIONARIES. 50 V. THE MISSIONARY RESPONSE TO COLLIER 82 CONCLUSIONS' 118 BIBLIOGRAPHY 122 iv INTRODUCTION This thesis explains and analyzes the reaction of the Protestant churches to the United States Indian policy which John Col l ier developed and vigorously promoted during his years as Indian Commissioner (1933 to 19^5)• The time period and the various topics involved in this research offer many and al luring temptations for digression, but three themes w i l l remain the center of attention. The f i r s t i s Col l ier himself, the second i s the background of church involvement in Indian affa irs, and the third i s the manner in which the Protestant churches responded to Co l l ier ' s vision of the native American's role in American society. The f i r s t few chapters w i l l examine John Co l l ie r ' s l i f e and thought. Involved in social work throughout his career, i t was Co l l ie r ' s passion for the Indians which propelled him into one of the highest bureaucratic positions in Washington, D.C., and which set him on the same stage as many of the great names; of our century. He never considered himself primarily a public man, however, and i t was always the inner, philosophic self which he cultivated most carefully. From this meditative pen-chant and from his long and often frustrating t o i l in community work he developed a world view in which he saw a dist inct and c r i t i c a l place for the Indians. Faithful to his vision, he was impervious to the claims of land and money interests and to the theories of those who believed that there were other ways to order Indian af fa i rs . Almost fanatically unwilling to com-promise his bel iefs, i t was inevitable that he would meet s t i f f -2-opposition. The Protestant churches were one such opponent. The study of these churches i s not based on individual Protestants, whether prominent or not, and the beliefs they may have held, although such individuals may be used to i l lus t rate some par-t icular point. It i s with the inst i tut ional church that the next few chapters are concerned. Furthermore this research does not necessarily include each and every sect encompassed within the Protestant faith as not a l l were signif icantly en-tangled in Indian af fa i r s . It does include those prominent religious organizations whose credal statements place them within the Protestant pale and whose crusading inst incts led them to the Indians. These institutions were busily engaged in philosophizing about, ministering to, and planning for the native population from the day the f i r s t European settler climbed out of his ship. From decade to decade and within various groups the theories about what should be done with the aborigines differed, but the general concensus was that some sort of interference in the Indian l i f e was necessary. There gradually developed a close working relationship between gov-ernment and church in matters of Indian policy to the point where the religious partner could often choose those who were to function in the c i v i l capacities. With the advent of Co l l ie r ' s program, however, the missionary was somewhat unceremoniously evicted from his: sphere of influence and self-determination for the Indian was the order of the day. The last chapter deals with the way in which the churches coped with t h i s s i t u a t i o n ; i t describes their i n i t i a l reaction, the process of adjustment, and the f i n a l r esolution. This thesis i s not intended to be a biography of C o l l i e r or a study of Indian p o l i c y . I t i s rather an examination of how one of the major i n s t i t u t i o n s of American l i f e met a chal-lenge on a s o c i a l issue posed by a powerfully unorthodox man i n an unsettled and uncertain time. CHAPTER I THE ESSENTIAL JOHN COLLIER To write of a high government o f f i c i a l whose stated policy and driving ambition was the promotion of rac ia l segre-gation would l ike ly indicate a thesis on some personality out of the late nineteenth century, especially i f he were known to have been born and reared in the deep South. John Col l ier, however, was a man of the twentieth century, whose po l i t i ca l contemporaries were not the fathers of Jim Crow:but those same men who shaped Franklin Roosevelt's. New Deal. Furthermore i t was the Indian whom he wished to segregate. By pursuing such a policy he hoped to shield them from the destructive elements of European culture, both to ensure the Indian the right to choose his own l i f e - s t y le and to conserve for America a reservoir of alternative social structures and philosophies from which to draw i f her own proved incapable of supplying the needs; of the rest of her peoples. It i s d i f f i cu l t to categorize Col l ier as a member of any particular social or po l i t i ca l movement. A' short narrative of his family background and of his career would probably be more useful in showing how he f i t ted into the structure and temper of his times-. He was born into a large and prominent Georgia family— his father was a banker who served as mayor of Atlanta, as president of the Cotton States Exposition of 1895» and as a leading member of several major Southern organizations. Col l ier, however, lost both of his parents fa i r l y early in l i f e . After his mother's death in l897» when he was thirteen, he attended a convent school in rural Georgia. When his father died in 1900, he returned to Atlanta to f in ish high school and then spent many months camping in the Appalachians and l iv ing with mountain people. In 1902 he enrolled in Colum-bia University in New York to study l iterature and biology. While in New York Coll ier became involved with a social set that included many of the prominent intel lectuals of early twentieth century America, and in such an environment he was exposed to many of the popular philosophical stances of the day. During this same period he participated in various human-i tar ian projects, none of which met with any remarkable suc-cess. In 1907 he attended the College de France in order to study under some of the most prominent psychologists of that period. The next year he returned to the United States by way of Boston where he was appalled by the lack of any kind of f a c i l i t i e s for dealing with the problems of the immigrants who were streaming into the country in massive numbers. From 1908 to 1920, therefore, his energies were devoted to community work in New York C i t y . 2 Most of this time was spent in association with The People's Institute, an organization intended to function "as a medium of adult education and a free forum for the discussion of weighty questions in po l i t i c s , l i terature, economics and sociology" and which hoped to reduce misunderstandings between people of differing classes and po l i t i ca l leanings.-* Col l ier joined the Institute as i t s civic secretary and as editor of -6-i t s newspaper, and while on the s t a f f did extensive research into the commercial amusements available to the public, the conditions of c h i l d l i f e i n the c i t y , and the t r a i n i n g of s o c i a l workers. During t h i s time he wrote widely i n a l l these f i e l d s and was instrumental i n the establishment of the Nation-al. a l Board of Censorship for f i l m s . After World War I many of the programs i n which C o l l i e r had pa r t i c i p a t e d faded away for lack of funds and encourage-ment. He therefore accepted an o f f e r to become the director of adult education for the State of C a l i f o r n i a . His educational theory and techniques did not meet with o f f i c i a l approval, how-ever, so i n November, 1920, he resigned his p o s i t i o n and l e f t for the wilderness of the Sonora Mountains of Mexico. While on his way south, he received l e t t e r s from a f r i e n d l i v i n g i n Taos, New Mexico, urging him to v i s i t her. Intending to stay only a few days, the C o l l i e r s spent approximately eight months there.^ C o l l i e r ' s f r i e n d was a New Yorker who had married one of the leaders of the Taos Pueblos, and i t was she and her hus-band who introduced the future Indian Commissioner to these In-dians and th e i r l i f e - s t y l e . To C o l l i e r , Taoe seemed l i k e a new world: The discovery that came to me there, i n that tiny group of a few hundred Indians, was of personality-forming i n s t i t u t i o n s ' even now unweakened, which had survived repeated and immense h i s t o r i c a l shocks, and which were going right on i n the production of states of mind, attitudes of mind, e a r t h - l o y a l t i e s and human l o y a l t i e s , amid a context of beauty which suffused a l l the l i f e of the group. What I observed and experienced was a power of a r t — o f the l i f e -making a r t — g r e a t e r i n kind than anything I had known i n my own world before." -7-He began to feel that a l l his previous endeavors, although they had fa i led to achieve their proposed aims, had prepared him to appreciate and understand the value of the Indian way of l i fe : , "...they led me to say within myself, with absolute f ina l i ty about the Indians: This effort toward community must not f a i l ; there can be no excuse or pardon i f i t f a i l s . Although he returned to San Francisco during the 1921-1922 school year to teach social science at San Francisco State Teachers College, and although he at that time intended to make California his home, he devoted much time and thought to a study of the Indians. He grew especially sensitive to the acts of President Harding's Secretary of the Interior, Albert B. F a l l , concerning Indian land and resources. When a friend offered to arrange financial support i f he would resign his teaching position and work full-time for Indian rights, he did so.^ John Col l ier cannot be adequately presented by out-l in ing the particulars of his l i f e , however. While i t i s a perilous h istor ica l venture to try to fathom the depths of any personality, the fact that Col l ier l e f t behind so many intro-spective writings makes i t less presumptuous to try to deter-mine the factors that motivated his actions. Besides a rather intensive autobiography which deals more with his beliefs and feelings than with the events of his l i f e , he published several volumes of poetry and injected much of his personal philosophy into the books and magazine art ic les that he wrote throughout his career. The following paragraphs do not presume to offer -8-an incis ive analysis of Co l l ie r ' s psyche, but rather present some of the dominant themes that he expressed in his more philosophic and poetical writings. This i s done in the hope of revealing the nature and intensity of the moral principles which controlled his actions. Orthodox.religion was not a particularly significant element in Co l l ie r ' s l i f e . He was reared in the Methodist church and spent two years of his adolescence at a Catholic boarding school, but he would not accept the Christian dogma: "Within Catholicism, I experienced nothing except wisdom and great human kindness. I passed out from Catholicism with no inward struggle, with no pain. Removing myself from Catholi-cism was removing myself from the absolutist God of any creed, any philosophy."9 Throughout his writings, he seems to regard the church only i n i t s role as a social agency and secular power. Its sp ir i tual aspects seem to have held l i t t l e s i gn i f i -cance for him.''"® Co l l ie r ' s panegyrics on nature could well lead some to believe that i t was the untainted wilderness which claimed his sp ir i tual loyalt ies. Indeed, he sounds l ike a prophet of the modern ecology passion: Ecologically understood, our planet i t se l f , with i t s atmosphere, waters, and soi l s , and a l l i t s animate l i f e , i s one single event. The event, i n i t s multitudes, complexities and interdependencies, in i t s unexhausted potential and i t s inexhaustible ranges of l iberty far exceeds the conceptual reach of any age prior to our own, and far exceeds our own age's conceptual and emotional reach, though i t does not exceed our own age's contraecological  power to destroy. Throughout his l i f e story one constantly finds him headed off -9-for the solace of the wilds, "From my eighteenth year, I would go on foot for months of each summer across the southern Appalachians...the glorious, virgin forests s t i l l persisted 12 there from before the days of the red men, or any man." After his fai lure in an early humanitarian project "...what I did was to depart to the mountains, equipped with nothing but a piece of canvas, a waterbag, a frying pan, a hatchet, and a knife. For about six months I l ived in the wilderness of the southern Appalachians..."^ After seven years of work at the People's Institute, "I reviewed the gains and losses since 1908, and suddenly there s\*ept over me the longing, experi-enced again and again in my l i f e , for wilderness...Thereupon, I surrendered a l l positions and work connections:, and with Lucy and our three sons...I departed to the North Carolina wilds. The year which ensued was f i l l e d with deep l i f e , immersion into the si lent quietude of the wilderness...."-^ And, after his; frustrations in Cal ifornia, "...I departed for the Sonora Mountains of Mexico. The family would camp there for a year or longer. It was the desert we wanted—the non-human wilder-ness. "^ 5 statements such as these have led one c r i t i c to say that "If this i s not animism, i t borders intimately upon what the philosophers describe as pantheism. Consequently, i t i s logical for the one-time Indian Commissioner to deprecate Christian influences upon the aborigines and to exalt the prim-i t i ve , pagan elements in their societies. Col l ier , however, was by no means the individual ist ic type of back-to-nature man; he had an inf lexible bel ief in the -10-indispensible role of society in human existence. "Societies exist. They create a people's temperament, the world-view and the color and structure of personality among their members. They deep-dye the peoples...societies di f fer one from the other, they make the man. To individuals they are nurture, shaper, and fate.""*-''' He; asserted that unt i l the present century "mankind l ived the determining part of i t s l i f e in face-to-face, primary social groups: i n vi l lage communities: and federations of v i l -lage communities," and that this manner of l i f e was marked by "cooperation and reciprocity," by "the conserving and cher-ishing of earth and i t s f lora and creature l i f e , " and by the type of education which was "the art of informing, enriching, tempering, and social izing the personality, and of internal-18 iz ing the moral imperatives." In European culture, the local community has dissolved and has not been replaced by any more inclusive world community. He maintained that modern man i s therefore a social isolate who must cope with an exploitive system which undermines cultures and value systems, devours natural resources, and constantly gambles in power confl icts which often lead to wars. Col l ier saw the only hope for peace-fu l , creative, and spir i tual ly satisfying human existence in the re-attainment of local communities where "the fateful years of personality formation and attitude formation" could be l ived 19 out. His entire career in social work was dedicated to re-viving or reconstructing such social structures. Thus devotion to "the non-human wilderness" and to -11-human society were both fundamental elements i n C o l l i e r ' s makeup, while r e l i g i o n had more or l e s s been exorcised, but none of these factors could be pointed to as the c o n t r o l l i n g ethic of his l i f e . C o l l i e r himself, however, had an analysis of what was: Always i t has appeared to me that there exists for-ever an inflow and outflow between the human being and the human being i n groups, and between these and the world of nature. This consciousness of the union of man with man, and of the race of man with nature, with each thing and with a l l things and with the everything that i s — t h i s conscious- . ness has been the l i v i n g center of my l i f e ' s phi-l o s ophy.^ My own seventeenth-eighteenth year, succeeding upon the most l e t h a l shock I have ever experienced ^ i i s father's suicide^, was i n i t s essence an emergence, by means of, and out past and beyond, a l l of experi-ence that I had ever known: out past and beyond my own s e l f , beyond v i s i b l e , audible nature—an emer-gence into what seemed to myself to be a union with the s p i r i t of the whole. Whether v a l i d perception or i l l u s i o n , that emergence proved to be my l i f e ' s determinant—then (nearly six t y years ago) as now. Keeping one's mind and one's p r a c t i c a l l i f e open-eyed to emergent wholes.. ..this has been, I venture, the c o n t r o l l i n g ethic, or i f one w i l l , the moral imperative of my own l i f e h i s t o r y . . . . A l l other undertakings ^except the American Indian enter-prise/^, as i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y embodied, have commanded me e n t i r e l y u n t i l s w i f t l y , and as a rule s i l e n t l y , I pass out from them. And I passed out from them i n no instance to grasp a securer opportunity, or any other measurable opportunity, but instead to return to that which, i n these paragraphs, I have c a l l e d the s p i r i t of the whole.^ C o l l i e r was widely read i n l i t e r a t u r e , sociology, and psychology, but the writings which s t i r r e d him most profoundly were those of the philosophers, esp e c i a l l y Nietzsche: "Nietzs yet remains at the center of my own thinking being, with his concept of the 'beyond man' as the yet-unrealized potential within l i v i n g man, present man; and of the entire task of l i f e -12-as the ordering of society and of thought so as to invoke the beyond-man from present man."22 Other thinkers to whom C o l l i e r f e l t indebted were Lester Frank Ward, Freud, Jung, F. W. H. Myers, varied s o c i a l psychologists and g e s t a l t i s t s , Herbert Spencer, Walt Whitman, William Morris, Robert Owen, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, the European Utopians, Shelley, Byron, Words-worth, Fiona Macleod, William Butler Yeats, and S i r Horace P l u n k e t t . 2 5 In addition to these l i t e r a r y s t i m u l i , C o l l i e r ' s i n -t e l l e c t was aroused by what he observed on h i s t r a v e l s . While i n Europe, C o l l i e r saw the early days of many s o c i a l movements, but those that intrigued him most were the cooperative and labor movements i n France, Belgium, England, and Ireland. Im-pressed as he was by them, he could not wholeheartedly support them: From t h e i r early years, the v i s i o n of even these movements was walled within the concept that en-closed a l l nineteenth-century philosophy—the con-cept of the economic, the s e l f i s h , the i s o l a t e d center of man's motivation. L i b e r a l s , s o c i a l i s t s , cooperative commonwealth proponents, a l l believed i n the same nature of man as did those who opposed the i r doctrines of human sameness, and a l l believed that the narrow segment of man they saw, or thought they saw—nineteenth-century, western man—was universal man. How out of ages far gone i n pre-history .. .man i s something d e c i s i v e l y other than the i s o l a t e d , economic man, was barely, i f at a l l , suspected by thinkers then...." 2^" Through the many years of his community work C o l l i e r was sustained "by a b e l i e f which died hard i n me: the b e l i e f that what I may c a l l the Occidental ethos and genius were the hope of the world; that they might also become the world's doom; and my unwearying task was to make some difference i n -13-that Occidental ethos and genius. X % C~ J For t h i s reason he threw himself into the work of the People's Institute and was p a r t i c -u l a r l y energetic i n his attempts to reform the movie industry. He hoped that t h i s artform would become "the people's theatre", concentrating on the universal aims of mankind, "the longing to witness through t h i s powerful medium not the perversions of modern man, but the s t i r r i n g s i n his soul for beauty, harmony, and above a l l , shared responses and shared experiences, making him come a l i v e to himself and the world and people around him. In short...the f i l m industry could unite us...as a vast com-munity." 2 6 By the end of h i s career i n New York, he was extremely d i s i l l u s i o n e d about the pot e n t i a l of the modern western world to provide any type of healthy s o c i a l environment for man. I t s Zeit g e i s t ("its ethos, i t s sick s p i r i t , i t s atomizing i n t e l l e c -t u a l and moral aims- and purposes*') appalled him. He described his milieu as follows: Our western world way of l i f e ( s o c i o l o g i c a l l y , i t may be c a l l e d the gesellschaft mode of l i f e — l i f e l i v e d s o l i t a r i l y by i n d i v i d u a l s who are divorced from communion with one another toward ends greater than any of them, as i n d i v i d u a l s ) , has us i n i t s g r i p . I t conquered the programs and purposes of the People's; In s t i t u t e , which was formed expressly to counteract th i s i s o l a t i n g of the s e l f within the crowd. The People's I n s t i t u t e was seeking to bring to the common fol k of New York, as we. now i n retrospect r e a l i z e , what i s known as the gemeinschaft mode of l i f e (the s u f f i c i n g brotherhood, within innumerable l o c a l communities which are moved by shared purposes), but that e f f o r t , and, for the 'modern western world 1, that mode of l i f e , faded before the scorching onset of the gesellschaft mode of l i f e — b e f o r e the shattering, aggressive-drive toward competitive u t i l i t y . . . ..The gesellschaft mode of l i f e i s a lonely one: mecha-nisms and s o c i a l organizations for shared, sustained -re-public greatness, which could unite men, great and humble, within common purposes and endeavors, exist no longer. The recreation of such mechanisms i s our world's task. Indeed, i t i s c r i t i c a l to our survival....Can such mechanisms for community exis-tence be re-created within the socio-economic order which engulfs us now, deeper and always deeper; engulfs us i n i t s denial of a l l order except that imposed by i n d u s t r i a l i s m and militarism, intermixed with governmental authority? Much of my l i f e has been l i v e d i n the search of the answer to t h i s question, t h i s challenge. 2'' C o l l i e r ' s encounter with Indian society was a tonic for h i s pessimism; there was, he believed, t h i s one l a s t hope for the salvation of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . He had previously considered the Indians a long-lost cause, but h i s experience with the Taos Pueblos changed his mind. Repeatedly, I had been s o l i c i t e d on behalf of America's Indian peoples; but always I had re-s i s t e d and refused. I t was too l a t e , I believed; that golden age was., done....For years I believed that the long, remorseless course of events, the s o c i a l destruction p i l e d on b i o l o g i c a l destruction which the white man had wrought upon the Indians, must have k i l l e d , i n most Indians, that most pro-found of t h e i r s p i r i t u a l possessions--the one our sick world most needs. That possession i s a way of l i f e at once simple, since i t i s d i s c i p l i n e d , and complex: i t involves world view and sentiment of s e l f ; i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t r a d i t i o n and symbol-invested b e l i e f , which i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y r e a l i z e s man as a co-partner i n a l i v i n g u n i v e r s e — man and nature intimately co-operant and mutually dependent. I t i s a way of l i f e which r e a l i z e s the i n d i v i d u a l and his society as wholly r e c i p r o c a l and both of them as drawing value and power to the r a c i a l and cosmic future, and past and future are not only that which i n l i n e a r time-sequence has been or i s yet to be, but are propulsive, e f f i c i e n t l i v i n g r e a l i t y here and now....through a l l the slaughter of American Indian b i o l o g i c a l stocks, the slaughter of t h e i r s o c i e t i e s and trampling upon their values, strange as i t may seem, they have kept the f a i t h . The inner core-value, com-plex and various, has not been ki l l e d . . . . C o u l d we make i t our own, there would be an et e r n a l l y inexhaustible earth and a forever l a s t i n g peace. 2° -15-These b e l i e f s impelled C o l l i e r to throw a l l his energies into Indian work for the next twenty-five years. When he l e f t Indian work i n 19^5, however, his departure was true to his pattern of returning to "the s p i r i t of the whole." "However, my r e a l l y c o n t r o l l i n g reason / f o r re-signing the CommissionershipJ7 lay outside the Indian Ser-vice or government service.. The Indian New Deal had been meant for p r a c t i c a l effectiveness, but also (and i n iden-t i c a l terms) as a contribution to problems and situations, world-wide—the problems of non-white, non-literate, and variously dependent peoples, with more than a b i l l i o n of population. I wanted to be free to give myself e n t i r e l y to 2 9 t h i s world wide need." y E. Palmer Patterson II wrote an a r t i c l e i n which he compared Duncan Campbell Scott and John C o l l i e r , both of whom were leading Indian administrators (Scott i n the Cana-dian government) and both of whom were poets. Patterson examines t h e i r u n o f f i c i a l , p o e t i c a l writings to see i f there are "clues to the attitudes toward Indians which influenced them as they carri e d out their duties." He analyses C o l l i e r as follows: C o l l i e r , encountering beauty and order i n the peace-oriented society of the Pueblos, was part of a l a t e r generation, one which had experienced World War I and read Spengler, Freud, and Mein Kampf, though i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i g i n s are found i n the decade of the 1890's. That generation had deep doubts about the old c e r t a i n t i e s of progress and Western su p e r i o r i t y . Thus C o l l i e r i s a product of the reconstruction of European s o c i a l thought whose greatest thinkers...shifted the axis of that t r a d i t i o n /the n a t i o n a l i s t tradition/' to make -16-room for the new d e f i n i t i o n of man as something more (or less) than a l o g i c a l l y c a l c u l a t i n g a n i -mal. ...As Scott expresses a possible r a t i o n a l e for assimilation, so C o l l i e r has formulated an ideology for Indian resurgence. C o l l i e r , then, was a secular i n t e l l e c t u a l who was keenly sensitive to the human condition. He believed i n the unlimited p o t e n t i a l of each i n d i v i d u a l and was firmly con-vinced that only through s o c i a l organizations could these potentials be recognized, nurtured, and f u l f i l l e d . His career was an exhaustive crusade i n search of creative, people-oriented community structures. He had weighed r e l i g i o n and found i t wanting. Philosophers had molded h i s i d e a l s but could not s a t i s f y them. He r e a l i z e d that the most i d e a l i s t i c s o c i a l movements and the most intensive community work could never reverse the vi c i o u s , personality-destroying trends of the modern, i n d u s t r i a l , Western world. His v i s i o n of the reattainment of the l o c a l community where the intimate r e l a t i o n -ship between man, h i s fellows, and nature would nourish a l l aspects of the l i v e s of a l l men and promote peace and harmony, seemed a phantom u n t i l h i s contact with Indian society con-vinced him that i t was s t i l l possible to have that mode of l i f e i n t h i s world. His work with the Indians was not the culmina-tion of h i s career, however; i t was rather an interlude during which he learned and developed s o c i a l philosophies, techniques, and programs to carry to those who needed them. As d i s i l l u s i o n e d as he was with his c i v i l i z a t i o n , C o l l i e r never abandoned i t . He worked through the bureaucratic system he so b i t t e r l y c r i t i c i z e d i n an attempt to mend i t . Des--17-p i t e h i s f l i r t a t i o n s with other l i f e - s t y l e s , he never denied his own culture, but p e r s i s t e n t l y sought ways to modify and reconstruct i t to f i t his ideas of how a society should function and what i t should accomplish. NOTES TO CHAPTER I John C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith: A' Memoir and Some  Essays on L i f e and Thought (Denver: Sage Books, 1963), pp. 15-37; Current Biography: Who1s News and Why, 19**1, ed. Maxine Block (New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 19*1-1), p. 159; "C. A. C o l l i e r Injured," New York Times, September 28, 1900, p. 1. 2 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 37-65* •^"Charles Sprague-Smith," The National Cyclopaedia of  American Biography (New York: James T. White and Company, 1935), XXIV, 1^ 8-149; John C o l l i e r , "Charles Sprague Smith," Survey, A p r i l 9, 1910, p. 80. ^ o r information on C o l l i e r ' s work at the People's Insti t u t e see: C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 68-89. For his writings on amusements see: John C o l l i e r , "Light on Moving Pictures," Survey, October 1, 1910, p. 80; "'Movies' and the Law," Survey, January 20, 1912, pp. 1628-1629; "Film Shows and Lawmakers," Survey, February 8, 1913, pp. 6^ 3-644; "Moving Pictures, Their Function and Proper Regulation," Playground, October 1910, pp. 232-239; "National Board of Censorship of Motion Pictures," Playground, March 1912, pp. k02-k0k; "Should the Government Censor Motion Pictures?" Playground, July 1912, pp. 129-132; "Back of Our Footlights: The Half-Forgotten Social Functions of the Drama," Survey, June 5, 1915, PP* 213-217; "Before Our Footlights: The School-keeping of the Motion-picture Showmen," Survey, July 3, 1915, PP. 315-317. 320; "Cen-sorship i n Action," Survey, August 7, 1915, pp. *f23-*f27; "The Learned Judges and the Films," Survey, September *f, 1915, PP* 513-516; "Censorship and the National Board," Survey, October 2, 1915, pp. 9-14, 31-33; "Anthony Comstock—Liberal," Survey, November 6, 1915, pp. 127-130, 152-153; "The Theater of To-morrow," Survey, January 1, 1916, pp. 381-385, *fll;' "A Film Library," Survey, March *f, 1916, pp. 663-668; "For a New Drama," Survey, May 6, 1916, pp. 137-1*H; "The Stage, A. New World," Survey, June 3, 1916, pp. 251-260; "Caliban of the Yellow Sands," Survey, July 1, 1916, pp. 3^3-350. For an example of his research into c h i l d l i f e i n New York see: Edward J . Barrows and John C o l l i e r , The City Where Crime i s Play. ^ C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 90-91, 115-118. 6 i b i d . , p. 126. 7 i b i d . , p. 123. i b i d . , pp. 127-131. -19-^ i b i d . , p. 24. "^For example, John C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Ameri- cas (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 19^7), pp. 117-llB", 147-148. ''""'"John C o l l i e r , "Wilderness and Modern Man," i n Wild-lands i n Our C i v i l i z a t i o n , ed. David Brower (San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1964), p. 126. 12 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, p. 27. 1 3 i b i d . , p. 48. l l f i b i d . , p. 82. " ^ C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Americas, p. 18. 1^Joseph F. Thorning, review of The Indians of the  Americas, by John C o l l i e r , i n The Americas, V ( A p r i l 19497, 4"977 17 C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Americas, p. 23. -j Q John C o l l i e r , On the Gleaming Way (Denver: Sage Books, 1949), p. 159. 1 9 i b i d . , p. 161. 20 2 1 i b i d . 22 i b i d . 23 i b i d . , 24 25 26 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, p. 32. , P P . 77-78. , p. 38. , P P . 32, 37, 44, 64-65. , p. 64. , p. 68. , p. 72. , P P . 93-94. i b i d . , i b i d . i b i d . 2 ? i b i d . -20-28 C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Americas, pp. 18, 21-23. 29 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 305-306. 30 E. Palmer Patterson I I , "The Poet and the Indian: Indian Themes i n the Poetry of Duncan Campbell Scott and John C o l l i e r , " Ontario History, LIX (June I967), 69-?8. CHAPTER II THE. INDIANS' CHAMPION John C o l l i e r ' s f u l l - t i m e involvement with the Ameri-can Indians began i n 1922 when he l e f t h i s teaching post i n San Francisco and departed for the Southwest. Soon aft e r his a r r i v a l i n New Mexico he learned of the Bursum B i l l , l e g i s -l a t i o n which would allow certain whites who had s e t t l e d on Pueblo lands to sue for t i t l e to those lands.^ C o l l i e r appointed himself to the task of informing the Indians about the b i l l and i t s implications for them. As a r e s u l t of his b r i e f i n g the Pueblos organized for the f i r s t time since 1680 (when they drove the Spanish from t h e i r t e r r i t o r y ) and decided to carry a personal protest to Washington, D.C. Seventeen Indians, C o l l i e r , and a Santa Fe lawyer (Francis C. Wilson) took o f f on t h i s mission which was paid for out of C o l l i e r ' s pocket. Stopping f i r s t i n Chicago, they found wealthy spon-sors and spoke at several meetings. I t was here that Harold L. Ickes, Franklin Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior and C o l l i e r ' s superior while Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s , was drawn into the Indian cause.^ They stopped for a short time at Washington and then went on to New York, where they again gained considerable attention.** They appeared before the League for P o l i t i c a l Education whose founder, Robert E. Ely, was soon to launch the American Indian Defense Association (which l a t e r merged with the National Association on Indian A f f a i r s to become the Association on American Indian A f f a i r s ) . Furthermore, i n New York "...the Catholics came i n with us, -22-and from t h i s time on the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions stood by us through thick and t h i n . " 6 £ number of prominent Jews also came to the support of the Indians at t h i s time. Fred M. Stein figured prominently i n the American Indian Defense Association, and Louis Marshall, the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l lawyer, contributed several hundred thousand d o l l a r s worth of 7 l e g a l services. Returning to Washington, they p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the hearings before the House Committee on Indian A f f a i r s i n January, 1923» and to the chagrin of the Indian Bureau, the Bursum B i l l was k i l l e d . The Bureau leveled charges that the newly formed AIDA was a Soviet t o o l and that Russian Communism was involved i n t h e i r e f f o r t s on behalf of the Indians. In the same year Secretary of the In t e r i o r Albert B. F a l l and the Bureau t r i e d to push through the Indian Omnibus b i l l , which would have deprived the Indians of many of their land and water r i g h t s , but the AIDA, working with Senator Robert LaFollette, defeated i t . * * For the rest of the decade C o l l i e r ' s l i f e was i n -volved with the work of the AIDA. Founded i n 1923 as an agency for opposing the Bursum B i l l , i t owed i t s existence to Robert E. Ely, who had c a l l e d together a conference of the various Indian welfare associations i n June of 1923 to plan a concerted strategy for the next l e g i s l a t i v e session. This New York meeting produced a set of p r i n c i p l e s which were to guide the p o l i c i e s of the soon-to-be-formed AIDA. These included: 1. To induce the Government to observe with respect to the Indians i t s treaty and contractual o b l i --23-gations with the same measure of good f a i t h that would be expected of a private i n d i v i d u a l who had assumed si m i l a r obligations. 2. To induce the Government to f u l f i l l with respect to those of the Indians toward whom i t has assumed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of guardianship, the f u l l measure of i t s fiduc i a r y obligations, with the same s t r i c t observance of the i n t e r e s t s of the wards and the same recognition of moral and finan-c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as would be expected of a private i n d i v i d u a l who had undertaken a si m i l a r trusteeship. 3. To induce the Government to safeguard for the Indians the same right s to l i f e , l i b e r t y and pro-perty that are guaranteed to a l l other persons by the Federal Constitution and to accord to them the same measure of r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y within the law, as i s secured to a l l other persons by that i n s t r u -ment. 4. To induce the Government to adopt and foster such reasonable measures as w i l l enable the Indians to preserve, for their own happiness, and for the in s t r u c t i o n and enlightenment of mankind, the d i s t i n c t i v e features of the i r ancient c i v i l i z a -t i o n . 5. To modify, i n so far as may prove necessary, the exis t i n g agencies of contact and control i n such manner as to insure the co-ordination of a l l the humanitarian and constructive services of the Government, i n the f u l f i l l m e n t of the moral and f i n a n c i a l obligations of guardianship, and to substitute for the present autocratic depart-mental control of Indian l i f e a system of bene-f i c i a n t supervision regulated by law, consistent with the p r i n c i p l e s of an enlightened Democracy. 6. To advocate l e g i s l a t i o n , where necessary, for the accomplishment of these ends and to oppose i n Congress a l l action inconsistent with these p r i n c i p l e s and aims. 7. To disseminate accurate information about Indian l i f e , customs and tr a d i t i o n s to the end that action with respect to them s h a l l be taken only i n the l i g h t of f u l l information, and that an enlightened public opinion s h a l l help to formu-l a t e Governmental and other a c t i v i t i e s a f f e c t i n g t h e i r welfare.9 C o l l i e r was responsible for the actual establishment of the organization and was i t s executive secretary from the s t a r t . Although i t soon had branches i n San Francisco, Pasa-dena, Santa Barbara, and Los Angeles, C o l l i e r chose to work -24-primarily i n Washington, where he maintained his: headquarters and a continuous lobby. He also edited the Association's publication, American Indian Life. 1® In general, he and his organization "were devoted to a preservation of Indian c u l -tures and to the repeal of the allotment p o l i c y i n favour of the retention or restoration of t i t l e to Indian land i n the tr i b e rather than i n the i n d i v i d u a l . " 1 1 Most of the membership consisted of "writers, a r t i s t s , s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and reformers who had been working i n Indian a f f a i r s on a l o c a l basis, but who had not pa r t i c i p a t e d a c t i v e l y on the national Indian scene....These men and women possessed substantial influence i n public and academic c i r c l e s , and a l l were deeply sympathetic to Indian t r i b a l cultures. Impressed with the i n s i g h t s to be gained by s o c i a l science, they were immediately interested i n applying the lessons of 'indirect r u l e ' emergent from the experience of c o l o n i a l powers and i n the problems of developing a sense of community and neighborhood i n a s w i f t l y urbanizing 12 culture." In 1923 the Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s issued a "Dance Order" which instructed the reservation superintendents to discourage any dances or parts of ceremonials that they con-sidered to be immoral, indecent, or dangerous. C o l l i e r and his group immediately protested that t h i s v i o l a t e d the Indians' co n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t to r e l i g i o u s freedom. They further main-tained that the ceremonials were i n fact b e a u t i f u l r e l i g i o u s 13 r i t u a l s and not at a l l of an obscene character. Throughout 1923 and 1924 there also raged a ba t t l e on -25-the peyote question. The peyote c u l t , which had originated i n the l a t e nineteenth century among certain Plains tribes who had recently been s e t t l e d on reservations, became a wide-spread, Pan-Indian movement of the early twentieth century, and was incorporated into the Native American Church i n 1918. Various groups pressed for anit-peyote l e g i s l a t i o n i n the federal Congress and again C o l l i e r l e d the f i g h t to protect Ik t h i s aspect of Indian r e l i g i o n . By the end of 1923 C o l l i e r had established himself as one of the major figures of the Indian r i g h t s movement. The new Secretary of the Interior, Herbert W. Work, therefore i n -vite d him to be one of "The Committee of One Hundred" to review and o f f e r advice on Indian p o l i c y . This committee, consisting of a number of prominent Americans (e.g., Bernard M. Baruch, Gen. John J . Pershing, William Jennings Bryan), clergymen, Indian defense leaders, and anthropologists, agreed on the need for a better quality of education and health f a c i l i t i e s for Indians, on the desire to see "the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c native arts and c r a f t s " encouraged, and on the decision to approve Indian dances and ceremonials as long as they were not unlawful nor against "the i n t e r e s t s of morality". They also recommended that the National Research Council study peyote to see whether or not i t was detrimental to the health or morals of i t s users. They also advised immediate and careful i n v e s t i g a t i o n of former 15 Secretary F a l l ' s land p o l i c y i n r e l a t i o n to Indian holdings. y In 1926, the Brookings I n s t i t u t e began an intensive study of the administration of Indian A f f a i r s at the request of -26-the Secretary of the I n t e r i o r . Called the Merriam Report when i t was published i n 1928, i t helped subsequent Indian administrators i n t h e i r reform programs. C o l l i e r was not d i r e c t l y involved i n the preparation of this report, but he 16 was consulted extensively. During t h i s time C o l l i e r also published dozens of a r t i c l e s i n many of the nation's magazines dealing with the Indians of the country and their s i t u a t i o n . These essays described various tribes and t h e i r peculiar conditions, stripped certain congressional b i l l s dealing with Indian matters of t h e i r l e g a l terminology, or proposed exhaustive changes i n the administration of Indian concerns. A l l emphasized one or more of several themes that C o l l i e r wanted 17 to impress upon the public's consciousness. One such issue was the need for comprehensive reform i n the federal Indian service. C o l l i e r r e l e n t l e s s l y accused the Indian Bureau of misemploying i t s unquestionable and nearly absolute rule over Indian l i f e . He claimed that these abuses stemmed from the Bureau's i n e f f i c i e n c y due to i t s bureaucratic nature, from an absence of coordination between federal, state, and l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , and from the organization's jealousy of i t s power. What was needed, i n C o l l i e r ' s opinion, was a p o l i t i c a l change i n the topmost o f f i c i a l s , an end to the Indian Service as i t then existed, and the establishment of a program which concentrated on a g r i c u l t u r a l development, health ser-vices, l o c a l schools, conservation, housing reform, economic counseling (especially for those t r i b e s whose land was r i c h i n -27-o i l and other desirable natural resources), and t r i b a l s e l f -government. Another theme was his d i s t a i n for l e g i s l a t o r s whose sole i n t e r e s t i n Indian a f f a i r s was the trading value of In-dian lands i n their l o g r o l l i n g maneuvers. S t i l l another sub-ject was his h o s t i l i t y to white aggression against Indian land and culture and the national attitudes which seemed to sanction i t . Not a few of h i s writings were dedicated to demonstrating that Western culture was not the r e a l i z a t i o n of Utopian dreams and that the Indian c i v i l i z a t i o n i n many respects produced more well-balanced p e r s o n a l i t i e s . When Herbert Hoover took o f f i c e i n 1929> be appointed Charles J . Rhodes and J . Henry Scattergood, two Quaker business-men, as Indian Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner, respec-t i v e l y . Although the s p i r i t of the Indian Service became more receptive to reform measures under t h e i r administration, and although they took steps to humanize the handling of Indian a f f a i r s (especially i n the matter of the schooling of Indian children), they did not push for l e g i s l a t i o n which would have lent more power to th e i r program. They became bogged down i n Indian department bureaucracy and entangled i n the entrenched methods of work and thought which governed the i n s t i t u t i o n , and i n the end th e i r humanitarian aspirations bowed to the domination of the old system. The AIDA had held back any c r i t i c i s m of Rhodes and Scattergood u n t i l the new administra-tion could prove i t s e l f , but as i t became clear that no sub-s t a n t i a l reforms were to be made permanent, C o l l i e r again -28-c a l l e d public attention to the p l i g h t of the Indians. In 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt was inaugurated president of the United States, Harold Ickes became his Secre-tary of the I n t e r i o r , and the two of them were responsible for the appointment of C o l l i e r to the post of Commissioner of In-dian A f f a i r s . The story of his s e l e c t i o n i s related by Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . , i n The Age of Roosevelt: Once Joe Robinson was backing an unsuitable candidate for the Indian Commissionership. To s e t t l e the matter, Roosevelt asked Robinson and Ickes—who had h i s own more q u a l i f i e d candidate—over to the White House for tea. Then the President set Robinson t a l k i n g about his recent defense of the administration against Huey Long, spurring him on by exclamations of wonder and admiration. As the apparently aimless tal k continued, Ickes began to doubt whether Roosevelt would ever reach the point; 'I f e l t that, for some reason, the President had decided to put o f f the operation.* F i n a l l y , as dinner was announced and the two men rose to leave, Roosevelt said, 'By the way, Joe, I would l i k e to tal k with you about the Indian Commissionership. You have a man from Arkansas....1 have had a l o t of protests about him from women's organizations, Indian r i g h t s associations and reformers generally. Now, I don't suppose that you and I want to go up against that kind of opposition.' Caught o f f guard, Robinson mumbled a reply. 'Well, I thought that you would f e e l that way about i t , ' the President said suavely. *I have been under pressure to name John C o l l i e r . And Harold Ickes, here, does not want Meritt. He does not believe that he can work with him. He wants C o l l i e r . Since he i s to be responsible, I suppose that the thing to do i s to l e t him have the man he wants.' ° The d e t a i l s of C o l l i e r ' s program during his commis-sionership w i l l be discussed i n the following chapter, but a summary of his work i s not out of place here. C o l l i e r ' s major achievement during his term was the passage of the Wheeler-Howard B i l l (the Indian Reorganization Act) i n 1934. With the help of Interior Department lawyers, C o l l i e r drew up the act which was to be the l e g a l basis of h i s program and which was -29-designed to help Indians establish economic and p o l i t i c a l home rul e , to protect them against white encroachment on their lands and cultures, and to improve th e i r educational opportunities. Following t h i s milestone, C o l l i e r plunged into administrative, c u l t u r a l , and economic reforms. By 19^0, for example, half of the employees of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s were Indians. He also abolished the boarding schools which separated Indian children from their families and cultures; stimulated i n t e r e s t i n Indian art, music, and f o l k l o r e by helping to create the Indian Arts and Crafts Board; set up economic, conservational, and a g r i -c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g programs; and encouraged anthropological research. During World War II larger issues than the needs of the Indians forced themselves into C o l l i e r ' s attention. Milton Eisenhower, i n charge of the administration of several of the concentration camps for Japanese-Americans, asked C o l l i e r and the Indian Service to take complete r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the largest of these, the one i n Poston, Colorado, which was the temporary home of 18,000 people. C o l l i e r did so on the condi-tion that they could run i t along the same p r i n c i p l e s that guided them i n working with Indians, and t h i s was immediately agreed to. Although the inhabitants were r e s t r i c t e d to the premises, within the camp they organized their own governmen-t a l system, developed cooperatives, participated i n adult edu-cation programs, farmed and landscaped as they pleased, and were encouraged to make c r i t i c i s m s of the administration of the -30-camp. Eisenhower transferred to other war work, however, and his successors did not at a l l approve of C o l l i e r ' s approach to concentration camp organization. The Indian Ser-20 vice, therefore, soon withdrew from the enterprise. In 19^ 5 C o l l i e r resigned the Commissionership and helped to establish the Institute of Ethnic A f f a i r s , designed to contribute to the solution of the problems of the dependent peoples of the world. He was also an advisor on trusteeship matters to the United States delegation at the f i r s t session 21 of the United Nations General Assembly i n London i n 1946. From 19^ 7 to 1954 he was a professor of sociology and anthro-pology at the City College of New York, and was professor 22 emeritus from 1954 to h i s death. He continued h i s writing, producing America 1s Colonial Record (1946), The Indians of the Americas (194?), Patterns and Ceremonials of the Indians of the Southwest (1949), On the Gleaming Way (194.9), and From Every Zenith (1963). In addition, he frequently came to the defense of Indians when the work he had done seemed threatened by l a t e r administrations. 2-^ He died i n 1968 at Taos, New ?4 Mexico. NOTES TO CHAPTER II Congressional Record, 67th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 12323-12325. 2 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, p. 132. \ b i d . , p. 132. 4 For example, "Pueblos Unite i n P e t i t i o n , " New York  Times, November 7, 1922?, p. 6; Elizabeth Shepley Sergeant, "Big Powwow of Puebloes," New York Times:, November 26, 1922, IV, p. 6; "City Too Cramped for Pueblo Indians," New York  Times, January 15, 1923, P» 28; "Plea for Pueblo Indians; Town H a l l Audience Hears Bureau Denounced and Raises $1,400," New York Times, January 25, 1923, p. 9. C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 131-133. ^ i b i d . , p. 133* ? i b i d . , p. 133. 8 i b i d . , pp. 133-135. Q ^"Plan to Safeguard Welfare of Indians," New York  Times, June 24, 1923, p. 17. ^ C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, p. 135. ^"Lawrence E. Lindley, "Lay Organizations i n Indian A f f a i r s i n the United States," The North American Indian Today, ed. C. T. Loran and T. F. Mcllwraith (Toronto: The University of Toronto Press, 1943), p. 125. 12 Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian  Identity (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1971), p. 201. 1 5 i b i d . , pp. 201-202. i b i d . , pp. 239-284; see also J.. S. S l o t k i n , The Peyote  Religion: A Study i n Indian-White Relations (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, 1956*7; Vincenzo P e t r u l l o , The Diabolic Root: A Study of Peyotism, The New Indian Religion, Among the Delawares (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1934); A l i c e Marriott and Carol K. Rachlin, Peyote (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1971). -32-15 •'Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, pp. 202-204. •""•^ The Insti t u t e for Government Research, The Problem of  Indian Administration.(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1928), p. 77. 17 John C o l l i e r , "Red A t l a n t i s , " Survey, October 1, 1922, pp. 15-20, 63, 66; "Plundering the Pueblo Indians," Sun-set, January 1923, pp. 21-25, 56; "Pueblos' Last Stand," Sun- set, February 1923, pp. 19-22, 65-66; "Our Indian P o l i c y , " Sunset, March 1923, pp. 13-15, 89-93; "No Trespassing," Sunset, May 1923, pp. 14-16, 58, 60; "American Congo," Survey, August 1, 1923, pp. 467-476; "America's Treatment of her Indians," Current  History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, August 1923, pp. 771-781; "Pueblos' Land Problem," Sunset, November 1923, pp. 15, 101; "Fate of the Navajos," Sunset, January 1, 1924, pp. 11-13, 60, 62, 73-74; "Navajos," Survey, January 1, 1924, pp. 332-339, 363-365; "Room for the IndiansI" Woman Ci t i z e n , March 8, 1924, pp. 9-10; "Red Slaves of Oklahoma," Sunset, March 1924, pp. 9-11, 94-100; "Accursed System," Sunset, June 1924, pp. 15-16, 80-82; "Persecuting the Pueblos," Sunset, July 1924, pp. 50, 92-93; "Pueblo T i t l e s , " Survey, March 15, 1926, PP. 703-704; "Are We Making Red Slaves?" Survey, January 1, 1927, pp. 453-455, 474.-475, 477, 480; "Vanquished Indians," Nation, January 11, 1928, pp. 38-41; "Hammering at the Prison Door," Survey, July 1, 1928, pp. 389, 402-405; "Senators and Indians," Survey, January 1, 1929, pp. 425-428, 457; "Indians, Inc.," Survey, February 1, 1930, pp. 519-523, 547-549; "Pueblo Lands," Survey, February 15, 1931, pp. 548-549; "Indian Bureau's Record," Nation, October 5, 1932, pp. 303-305. 18 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 148-156. 19 Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . , The A^e of Roosevelt:  The Coming of the New Deal (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1958), pp. 556-557. 20 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, pp. 301-303. 21 i b i d . , pp. 315-316. 22 ' - •• Who' s Who i n America: A Biographical Dictionary of Notable Men and Women (Chicago: The A. N. Marquis Company, 1958), XXX, 557. 23 For example, John C o l l i e r , "Back to Dishonor?" Christian Century, May 12, 1954, pp. 578-580; "Letter to General Eisenhower," Nation, January 10, 1953, pp. 29-30; -33-"Ex-Commissioner Scores Indian B i l l , " New York Times, Septem-ber 26, 19^9, p. 28; "Indian Takeaway: Betrayal of a Trust," The Nation, October 2, 1954, pp. 290-291. "John C o l l i e r , Ex-Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s , Is Dead at 84," New York Times, May 9, 1968, p. 4?. CHAPTER III THE NEW DEAL FOR THE INDIANS The two preceding chapters have t r i e d to reveal the background and nature of the man who stepped into the commis-sionership i n 1933. Not r e l i g i o u s i n an orthodox sense, C o l l i e r was a secular missionary v/ith an evangelical zeal for repai r i n g man's relationships with other men and with the world i n which they abide. This chapter deals with the Indian policy which grew out of th i s ideology. There was enthusiastic optimism about the future of Indian a f f a i r s as C o l l i e r took o f f i c e . One newsmagazine noted: There w i l l be r e j o i c i n g on the reservations, at lea s t among the Indian inhabitants, at the news of John C o l l i e r ' s appointment as head of the In-dian Bureau. We may now look forward to that sweeping reform i n the service which he has so long demanded. I t w i l l not be an easy task. Mr. C o l l i e r must contend with the entrenched and s e l f i s h i n t e r -ests that have controlled and exploited the bureau for so many years at the expense of the Indians. Moreover, he must face the opposition of those who have been the objects of h i s own sharp and con-tinuous attack....We know his courage and appar-ently the President i s ready to strengthen his hand. For the f i r s t time i n many years the Indians have a r i g h t to expect justice and sympathy from t h e i r guardians i n Washington. C o l l i e r ' s f i r s t major project upon assuming the post was h i s drafti n g of the Indian Reorganization Act, the l e g i s -l a t i o n which was to provide the l e g a l basis for h i s programs. In structuring t h i s milestone of Indian p o l i c y , C o l l i e r and his aides were guided by certain p r i n c i p l e s which he had formu-lated during his many years of studying and working for the native peoples of America. In his writings C o l l i e r condenses these p r i n c i p l e s to -35-three points: "Economic r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the Indians, p r i n -c i p a l l y on the land. Organization of the Indian t r i b e s for managing t h e i r own a f f a i r s . C i v i l and c u l t u r a l freedom and opportunity for the Indians." Thxs program was to be accom-plished by recognizing Indian s o c i e t i e s , by giving them re-s p o n s i b i l i t y and power, by allowing them to use t h e i r land as they saw f i t , and by guaranteeing them every freedom that other Americans enjoy (e.g., freedom to organize, the r i g h t to r e l i -gious l i b e r t y , e t c . ) . Furthermore, the government was to help the Indian s o c i e t i e s to take advantage of t h i s program by helping them organize, by making credit available, by providing technological, business, and l e g a l education, by giving them r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the natural resources; on t h e i r lands, by providing c a p i t a l goods, and by helping them develop respon-s i b l e democratic systems. F i n a l l y , research i n the f i e l d of Indian a f f a i r s by both administrators and laymen was to be encouraged.^ The Indian Reorganization b i l l (also c a l l e d the Wheeler-Howard b i l l ) took nearly f i f t y pages to set fo r t h s p e c i f i c l e g i s l a t i o n to put these divers proposals into e f f e c t . I t s main features were as follows: 1. Future land allotment i s prohibited. 2. The trust period i s everywhere extended. 3. The a c q u i s i t i o n of land for landless" Indians i s authorized, with 12,000,000 a year appropriated for t h i s purpose. k. T r i b a l corporations are authorized and these may accept relinquishments of the t i t l e to a l l o t t e d lands i n exchange for cash or for shares i n the corporation. 5. A. system of f i n a n c i a l c r e d i t f o r Indians i s es-tablished and $10,000,000 i s authorized as a -36-revolving fund for t h i s purpose. 6.. Indian t r i b e s are permitted to organize:. When organized, the Executive cannot rescind t h e i r organization, and the organized t r i b e s are given important powers, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n matters af-fe c t i n g t r i b a l funds and the expenditures of the Indian Service. 7. Indians who may qualify for the jobs of Indian Service are exempted from c i v i l - s e r v i c e require-ments. 8. The tr a i n i n g of Indians i n colleges and trade: and professional schools for leadership of t h e i r people and for success i n the outside world i s provided f o r , $250,000 a year being authorized. 9. The Secretary of the Inte r i o r i s authorized and directed to apply the p r i n c i p l e s of conservation to Indian forests and range lands, through compre-hensive and e f f e c t i v e language. 10. The undisposed-of surplus and ceded lands, about 2,000,000 acres, are restored to tr i b e ownership.-7 After twenty-nine sessions before the Committee on Indian A f f a i r s and much debate on the f l o o r , i t passed the Senate i n a modified form. Following a s i m i l a r l y stormy pro-cess i n the House, an amended version was returned to the Sen-ate and a conference report eventually allowed the passage of a revised b i l l which was presented to and approved by P r e s i -dent Roosevelt. 0 C o l l i e r , therefore, had won approval of the l e g a l framework he had devised for his reform program, but several of the provisions he considered v i t a l to i t s effectiveness did not survive the Congressional gauntlet. He had hoped to set up a s i m p l i f i e d system of c i v i l and criminal law enforcement which would be responsible to the t r i b e s and which would be answerable only to the federal courts. Furthermore-, he wanted the power to consolidate the lands which had been a l l o t t e d and to return them to the t r i b a l estates. Because of heirship problems created by the allotment l e g i s l a t i o n and because many of the allotments had passed into non-Indian hands, i t was d i f f i c u l t for the tr i b e s to make long-range plans for their 1 land holdings. Since the lands the whites had taken over were scattered among the Indian holdings i n checkerboard fashion, i t was also d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to make: large-scale plans. Congress, however, denied C o l l i e r the 7 power to implement these aspects of his program.' One of the sections (section 10) of the act sti p u -l a t e d that i t would apply only to those t r i b e s who approved g i t with a majority vote of their members. In the following year, 189 of the 266 trib e s (132,000 of 195,000 Indians) for whom i t was designed ( i t did not include the Indians of Okla-homa or Alaska) r a t i f i e d i t and thereby voted themselves into the Indian New Deal.^ The tribes which accepted i t then drew up their own constitutions and by-laws, determining what ri g h t s the federal government, the tr i b e s , and the i n d i v i d u a l had i n t r i b a l affairs. 1® After completing t h i s groundwork, C o l l i e r applied himself to the task of getting the maximum e f f e c t i v e -ness from his b i l l i n the shortest possible time. The problem of Indian lands was, of course, always foremost i n C o l l i e r ' s mind. One of his major aims was land ac q u i s i t i o n , for which the federal government was to provide 52,000,000 yearly. Between 1933 and 1937, approximately 3,600,000 acres were added to the Indian domain through restora-tio n of lands to reservation status which had been formerly opened to homestead entry and through various land purchase 11 funds. After 1936, money became tighter and the Indian -38-12 Bureau never again received i t s annual $2,000,000. Never-theless, between 1937 and 1940, i t acquired another 500,000 a c r e s . ^ No public funds were available for land purchases;; during the war years, but money l e f t over from previous: appropriations and some t r i b a l purchases: kept the program 14 goxng. Close c o r o l l a r i e s of the land a c q u i s i t i o n project were the cessation of allotments and sales of Indian property, the reinstatement of government trusteeship, and the i n i t i a l attempts to consolidate Indian holdings. A few allotments and sales were permitted upon speci a l and urgent request from i n d i v i d u a l s , but for the most part, the l o s s of land from the t r i b a l estates was e f f e c t i v e l y stopped. The consolidation process was very slow, however, and very l i t t l e was accomplished during C o l l i e r ' s term. Once the allotment mechanism was turned o f f , i t was easier to resolve many of the l e g a l cases con-cerning the ownership of Indian land; much probate work was executed and the procedures and records necessary for t h i s task were better o r g a n i z e d . ^ Much of the land that the Indians l o s t between 1887 and 1933 was t h e i r best farming and grazing acreage. The property they retained therefore needed a great deal of care i f i t was ever to be productive. For t h i s reason, C o l l i e r i n s t i t u t e d an intensive conservation program. Working with the S o i l Conservation Service of the Department of A g r i -culture, the t r i b e s and the Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s developed engineering works and revegetation, land use, range control, -39-and stock reduction projects. In addition, conservation principles: were taught i n the Indian schools, beginning with 16 the e a r l i e s t grade l e v e l s . The Indian Emergency Conservation Work funds (after 1937, the C i v i l i a n Conservation Corps, Indian Division) also provided some measure of land improvement. Working on t e l e -phone l i n e s , horse t r a i l s , bridges, f i r e lanes, t r a i l s i d e clearing, insect and rodent control, forest f i r e f i g h t i n g , fence building, and other such tasks, the native peoples learned the s k i l l s involved i n th i s type of work, and as most of the Indian D i v i s i o n were Indians, many of them obtained supervisory t r a i n i n g . Since a certain amount of the emergency money was earmarked for work on the reservations, the value of 17 the Indian holdings was also increased. ' Some of the remaining reservation land was r i c h i n natural resources, and these, too, needed careful c u l t i v a t i o n . Forestry programs and mineral development plans were therefore drawn up to help the natives "use these natural resources i n a way which w i l l preserve t h e i r productivity and at the same time furnish the maximum possible economic and s o c i a l benefit to the Indians." Through studies, application of conservation mea-sures, and business t r a i n i n g , the Bureau hoped to create p r o f i t a b l e enterprises and to t r a i n the Indians to sustain 19 them. To embark on even a small-scale a g r i c u l t u r a l , lumber, mining, or other business endeavor, however, requires a con-siderable amount of c a p i t a l . As Indians could not put up -40-government trust lands as security for loans and as few owned any other type of acceptable c o l l a t e r a l , there were v i r t u a l l y no sources of c r e d i t available to them. For t h i s reason, the IRA. established a ten m i l l i o n d o l l a r revolving c r e d i t fund for those t r i b e s that accepted i t s provisions. The governing body of the t r i b e was made the agency responsible for deciding which indi v i d u a l s or chartered corporations within i t s community received these funds. Loans to i n d i v i d u a l s were used b a s i c a l l y for agriculture, loans to groups were generally used for various business or i n d u s t r i a l endeavors, and some loans were approved for educational and r e l i e f purposes. Bureau represen-tatives p a r t i c i p a t e d by helping t r i b e s to set up evaluation procedures and standards for applications: and by a s s i s t i n g the applicants i n making r e a l i s t i c judgments concerning the amounts 20 they needed and could repay. Despite these extensive and much-needed reforms i n the economic sphere of the i r l i v e s , the depression years found the Indian population even more enmeshed i n t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r l y unfortunate f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t . C o l l i e r , therefore, saw that as much Indian labor as possible was used i n the federal projects r e l a t i n g to the reservations. Various construction programs provided employment, trai n i n g opportunities, and needed f a c i l i t i e s for the native population. Funded la r g e l y by the Public Works Program, houses, hospitals, farm buildings, schools, and heating, water, sewer, 21 and power systems were added to the Indian holdings. Ex--22 tensive road systems were b u i l t on the reservations. I r r i -- l i -gation projects employed Indian workmen and taught them the 23 s k i l l s necessary for maintaining and managing them. Besides the on-the-job t r a i n i n g arrangements, C o l l i e r encouraged the development of extension programs and i n d u s t r i a l education. According to his plans, the community centers or various organizations i n the t r i b e would provide an audience for demonstrations of a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques, l i v e s t o c k shows, construction procedures, household care, and so on. He hoped that by giving such advice on the wise use of resources, the 24 t r i b a l standards of l i v i n g would be raised. Increasing numbers of Indians were employed by the Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s i n a l l categories of positions: regu-l a r , i r r e g u l a r , and emergency labor. In 1934, 1,785 of the 5»325 regular workers were natives; i n 1938, they held one-half of these regular jobs. By 1940, over half of a l l employees of the Bureau were Indian. In addition, the Indian Employment Divi s i o n of the Bureau found government jobs for Indians outside 25 of the Indian Service. C o l l i e r ' s i n t e r e s t was not only i n matters pragmatic. His concern for the protection of the Indian a r t i s a n l e d him to establish the Indian Arts and Crafts Council shortly a f t e r he took o f f i c e . This agency was to protect, encourage, and f i n d markets for the a r t i s t i c products of the aboriginal c u l -ture. This was to be accomplished by making raw materials available, by researching methods to improve the quality of the product, by obtaining government trademarks of genuineness and quality, by helping the craftsmen to obtain loans, by organizing -42-and p u b l i c i z i n g exhibitions, by market research, and by 26 creating new marketing agencies or encouraging old ones. A l l i e d with the appreciation of native a rt was the Bureau's encouragement of anthropological research. Many studies were made of the organization and function of certain tribes i n order to aid the Bureau i n creating programs that wouldn't i n t e r f e r e with t r a d i t i o n a l power or status structures. Indian language, folk l o r e , and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were 27 also s c r u t i n i z e d . ' The need for reform i n the Bureau was one of C o l l i e r ' s f i e r c e s t b a t t l e c r i e s i n his pre-Commissioner days and the i n -s t i t u t i o n of that reform was one of the hallmarks of his twelve years i n o f f i c e . His basic plan was to decentralize the Ser-vi c e . He invested as much authority as possible i n the t r i b a l governing bodies and i n the f i e l d personnel that worked with them. Besides avoiding the red tape that communicating with Washington always involved, t h i s move restored a great deal of sovereignty to the chieftains i n the hope that t h i s would help restore the t r a d i t i o n a l power structures of the tri b e s and would encourage i n i t i a t i v e at the l o c a l l e v e l . Besides decen-t r a l i z i n g the Indian Service, C o l l i e r wanted to end i t s auton-omy over Indian a f f a i r s by involving other federal, state, and non-governmental agencies i n the programs he had devised. Fed-era l departments that helped give shape to the Indian New Deal included the C i v i l i a n Conservation Corps, the S o i l Conservation Service, the U.S. Public Health Service, the Bureau of Animal Husbandry, the Bureau of American Ethnology, the Federal Emer--43-gency R e l i e f Administration, the A g r i c u l t u r a l Adjustment Administration, and the Land Program. By virt u e of the pro-visions of the Johnson-O'Malley Act of 1934, the Indian Ser-vice was able to make contracts with the states whereby the l a t t e r would agree to provide some health, educational, and s o c i a l services to the reservations. In addition, the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the American Indian Defense Association, the Indian Rights Association, and other such agencies were given more freedom to pursue th e i r p o l i c i e s . Besides formulating these major plans on Bureau reform, C o l l i e r revised o f f i c e procedures to make them more e f f i c i e n t , i n s t i -tuted the c o d i f i c a t i o n of data, started compiling more r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c s , encouraged in-service t r a i n i n g , and developed i n f o r -?8 mation services. Health care for the native population also received a great deal of C o l l i e r ' s attention. During his administration, tuberculosis, trachoma, and venereal diseases were especially troublesome. To combat these he recr u i t e d great numbers of new personnel, b u i l t hospitals and c l i n i c s , sought increased cooper-ation with the federal Public Health Service and with state and l o c a l health programs, commissioned surveys to determine the health needs of Indians, provided as much dental service as possible, widened the vaccination program, provided nursing tr a i n i n g for Indian g i r l s , encouraged research into the diseases prevalent among the natives, i n s t i t u t e d a better records system, and started health education projects. As a reward for his labors, he had the s a t i s f a c t i o n of seeing the Indian death rate -kk-decrease and the Indian population increase at a rate faster than that of the rest of the n a t i o n . 2 9 The education of Indian children was always a major matter to C o l l i e r . Early i n his administration he Bet forth the three major tasks he wanted to accomplish i n th i s area: "(a) improving existing schools; (b) reducing and eliminating Indian boarding schools and transferring Indian children back to t h e i r own homes; (c) developing day schools that w i l l work with adults as well as children and become r e a l centers for Indian community life."^° Many Indian children were trans-ferred to public schools because of agreements made with the states by the Bureau. In the schools that the Indian Service continued to run, there was increased emphasis on becoming l i t e r a t e , b i - l i n g u a l , self-supporting, and fa m i l i a r with the ways of the larger American society without being separated from their own homes and heritage. Special textbooks, more relevant to Indian environment and often i n two languages, were introduced i n the primary grades. Health education was^  stressed. Art was encouraged. In the secondary schools vocational and a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g became the major f i e l d of study, espe-c i a l l y during the war years. Scholarships and educational 31 loans: became more p l e n t i f u l and adult education more popular. There was one certain aspect of Indian education that C o l l i e r was espe c i a l l y anxious to reform. In the years during which the missionaries dominated the reservation schools, they often forbade native r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l expressions and i n -si s t e d upon compulsory i n s t r u c t i o n i n the Chri s t i a n f a i t h . -45-Therefore, i n January of 1934, C o l l i e r issued a c i r c u l a r i n which he unequivocally declared a new p o l i c y : There are Government schools into which no trace of Indian symbolism or art or c r a f t expression has been permitted to enter. There are large numbers of Indians who believe that t h e i r native r e l i g i o u s l i f e and Indian culture are frowned upon by the Government, i f not actually banned. A c c o r d i n g l y — No interference with Indian r e l i g i o u s l i f e or expression w i l l hereafter be tolerated. The c u l -t u r a l history of Indians i s i n a l l respects to be considered equal to that of any non-Indian group. The new regulations did not ac t u a l l y ban missionaries from the reservations, but rather required that, for boarding school students, s p e c i f i c directions from the parents concerning r e l i -gious education be received before any such t r a i n i n g began. Religious exercises i n the day schools could not be held during regular school hours, but the f a c i l i t i e s could be used for such a purpose at other times.33 In one of h i s yearly reports, C o l l i e r himself gives; a good summary of his administration's goals: Indian Service p o l i c i e s , funds, and personnel focus i n the ultimate upon the family, and community l i f e of the Indians. To improve their standards of l i v i n g , to combat sickness and disease, to provide c u l t u r a l expression, to increase the s o c i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n s of home and community l i f e , these are the fundamental objectives of the Indian Service. Basic, of course, i s the program of economic r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p a r a l l e l i n g that of conserving and making e f f i c i e n t use of natural resources. Closely related to these are the commu-nit y services of hospitals and nursing, education, development of arts and c r a f t s , and the enforcement of law and order. Noble as a l l these plans and projects were, and ener-getic as C o l l i e r was i n their prosecution, they were only a feeble beginning to what he wanted to accomplish. The war' drained nearly a l l the funds and much of the personnel of the -46-Indian Bureau. Centuries of well-earned d i s t r u s t of European aims made i t d i f f i c u l t to persuade the natives to try s t i l l another program. The fact that many Indians, having no land and l i t t l e money, were l i t e r a l l y s t a r t i n g from nothing at a time when many white Americans were i n desperate f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s was another obstacle. But the s p i r i t of the new administration was unmistakeable, and i t was vigorous enough to sound an alarm i n certain camps. NOTES TO CHAPTER I I I 1The Nation, A p r i l 26, 1933, p. 4-59. 2 C o l l i e r , From Every Zenith, p. 173* ^ C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Americas, pp. 261-264. The Dawes (General Allotment) Act of 1887 was the l a s t major l e g i s l a t i o n dealing with Indians before 1934. I t was i n -tended to encourage assimilation of the native population i n t o white society. I t was thought that i f each Indian had his own parcel of land, he would more quickly acclimate himself to the thought patterns and l e g a l systems of the European population and shed his primitive ways. Accordingly, the act provided that the t r i b a l domains be divided into l o t s of certain sizes and a l l o t e d to the i n d i v i d u a l t r i b a l members; any extra land was to be opened to white settlement. After a certain trust period, during which the government held t i t l e to the lands while the Indian learned to cope with his new r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , he was given fee simple t i t l e to his p l o t . The r e s u l t of the l e g i s -l a t i o n was that most of the allotments were purchased from the Indians by whites. In 188?, Indian lands numbered 130,000,000 acres; i n 1933 they had only 49,000,000 acres l e f t . C o l l i e r ' s l e g i s l a t i o n put an end to the allotment program and reinstated government t r u s t . 5 Congressional Record, 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, p. 11743. Congressional Record, 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 9071, 9221, 9222, 9607, 10583, 11122-11139, 11226-11229, 11634, 11724-11744, II83O-II83I, 12001-12004, 12073, 12161-12165, 12256-12257, 12340, 12451. 7 C o l l i e r , The Indians of the Americas, p. 265. Q Congressional Record, 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, p. H725. ^John C o l l i e r , "Office of Indian A f f a i r s , " Annual Report  of the Secretary of the Inte r i o r for the F i s c a l Year Ending June  30. 1940 (Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1940), p. 364. (Hereafter c i t e d as the Annual Report.) 10 Annual Report, 1938, p. 250. 11 Annual Report, 1937, pp. 198, 204. -48-1 2 Annual Report. 1 9 4 1 , pp. 450-451. "^Annual Report, 1 9 4 0 , p. 368. Annual Report, 1944, p. 239. 1937 Annual Report, 1935, pp. 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 ; 1936, pp. l8?-l88; 1 , p. 210; 1938, p. 218; 1939, P P . 34-44; 1940, pp. 370-375; 1941, pp. 426-428; 1944, pp. 2 4 0 - 2 4 2 . 3 Annual Report, 1934, p. 106. 2 0Annual Report, 1934, pp. 80-81; 1937, pp. 201-204; 1938, pp. 250-253; 1940, pp. 375-376; 1941, pp. 423-424. " 2 1Annual Report, 1934, pp. 117-118; 1935, p. 151; 1936, pp. 186-187; 1937, pp. 223-224; 1938, pp. 257-258; 1939, pp. 5 8 -59. 22 Annual Report, 1934, pp. 108-109; 1935, pp. 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 ; 1936, pp. 201-202; 1937, 222-223; 1938, pp. 232-233; 1940, p. 390; 1944, p. 2 4 6 . 2Vnnual Report, 1934, pp. 111-114; 1935, pp. 124-128; 1936, pp. 179-184; 1937, P P . 211-215; 1938, pp. 225-227; 1942, pp. 2 4 0 - 2 4 1 ; 1944, p. 248. 25&nnual Report, 1934, pp. 114-115; 1935, pp. 122-124; >. 204-205; 1937, p. 2 4 2 ; 1938, p. 257; 1940, pp. 389-n . rm. 4"SQ-44o_ 1936, P P . • _w ^ , 392; 1941, pp. 439-^0 -49-26 Annual Report, 1934, p. 119; 1936, p. 165; 1937, pp. 224-226; 1938, p. 233; 1939, pp. 44-46; 1940, pp. 394-397; 1941, pp. 436-439; 1942, pp. 252-253; 1944, pp. 248-249. 27 Annual Report, 1934, p. 119; 1935, p. 135; 1936, pp. 164-165. 28 Annual Report, 1934, pp. 118-120; 1935, pp. 119-122; 1936, pp. 203-204; 1937, pp. 240-245; 1938, pp. 256-257; 1939, pp. 61-64; 1940, pp. 392-393; 1941, pp. 440-442. 29 Annual Report, 1934, pp. 92-96; 1935, pp. 136-140; 1936, pp. 174-179; 1937, pp. 233-239; 1938, pp. 238-244; 1939, P P . 46-51; 1940, pp. 379-384; 194l, pp. 431-434; 1942, p. 256; 1943, p. 282; 1944. pp. 249-250. 3 0Annual Report, 1934, p. 84. 3 1Annual Report, 1934, pp. 84-92; 1935, pp. 128-135; 1936, pp. 166-174; 1937, pp. 226-233; 1938, pp. 244-247; 1939, P P . 52-55; 1940, pp. 384-389; 1941, pp. 412-416; 1942, pp. 243-244; 1944, pp. 246-248. 5 2Annual Report, 1934, p. 90. 3 3 i b i d . , pp. 90-91. 34 Annual Report, 1939, p. 46. CHAPTER IV INDIANS AND MISSIONARIES Before discussing the church reaction to C o l l i e r ' s program, i t i s necessary to describe the range and vigor of the r e l i g i o u s involvement i n the history of American Indian affairs:. The fact that C o l l i e r ' s "New Deal" struck a sensitive chord i n Protestant c i r c l e s indicates that they considered t h e i r work with the Indians to be a p r i n c i p a l aspect of t h e i r reason for existence. This chapter w i l l b r i e f l y explain how and why the Protestants took their message to the natives of the continent and w i l l try to determine the importance of t h i s mission to th e i r view of their own significance and power as a s o c i a l force i n America. A: concern for the souls of the savages was evident i n the very e a r l i e s t days of exploration and settlement. The Spanish and Portuguese sent not only t h e i r explorers and warriors to the Americas, but t h e i r p r i e s t s as well. There was nothing which the Spanish government had more earnestly at heart than the conversion of the Indians:. I t forms the constant burden of t h e i r i n -structions, and gave to the m i l i t a r y expeditions: i n th i s western hemisphere somewhat the a i r of a cru-sade....Not to care for the soul of his benighted enemy was to put his own ^ h e Spanish soldier * s / i n jeopardy....Whoever died i n the f a i t h , however immoral had been his l i f e , might be said to die i n the Lord. Such was the creed of the C a s t i l i a n knight of that day. 1 The English, although nearly a century behind the Spaniards i n t h e i r colonization of the New World, were no l e s s greedy for the treasures that America held, but again r e l i g i o n was an important factor i n their empire building. I t was not acceptable to them that the natives continue i n t h e i r pagan -51-state, but i t was even l e s s desirable that the Catholics be the instruments of the i r salvation. In his discourse on the advantages of American colonies for England, Richard Hakluyt sta r t s with a consideration of the r e l i g i o u s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s : of his nation: Seeing that the people of that parte of America from 30. degrees i n F l o r i d a northewarde unto 63. degrees (which ys yet i n no Chri s t i a n princes a c t u a l l possession) are i d o l a t e r s . . . i t i s necessary for the salvation of those poore people which have s i t t e n so long i n darknes and i n the shadowe of deathe, that preachers should be sent unto them....Nowe- the Kinges and Queenes of England have the name of Defen-dours of the Faithe. By which t i t l e I thinke they are not onely chardged to mayneteyne and patronize the faithe of Christe, but also to inlarge and advaunce the same....Now the meanes to sende such as s h a l l labour e f f e c t u a l l y i n this business.ys, by planting one or twoo; colonies of our nation upon that fyrme, where they may remaine i n s a f e t i e , and f i r s t learne the language of the people nere adjoyninge...and by l i t t l e and l i t t l e acquainte themselves with t h e i r manner.... for preachers to come unto them rashly with oute some such preparation for th e i r s a f e t i e , i t were nothing e l s but to ronne to the i r apparaunte and certaine destruction, as yt happened unto those Spanishe f f r y e r s , that, before any plantings...landed i n F f l o r i d a , where they were miserably massacred by the savages....And t h i s enterprise the princes of the r e l l i g i o n (amonge whom her Majestie ys p r i n c i p a l l ) oughte the rather to take i n hande, because the papists confirme themselves and drawe other to theire side, shewinge that they are the true Catholicke church because they have bene the onely converters of many mil l i o n s of i n f i d e l l s to C h r i s t i a n i t i e . In the f i r s t charter of the V i r g i n i a colony, the crown commends the colonizers' "desires for the furtherance of so noble a work, which may, by the providence of Almighty God, hereafter tend* to the glory of his divine Majesty, i n propagating of C hristian r e l i g i o n to such people, as yet l i v e i n darkness and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God, and may i n time bring the i n f i d e l s and savages, l i v i n g i n those parts, -52-to human c i v i l i t y , and to a se t t l e d and quiet government...."3 Furthermore, the ministers of the colony are instructed "that they, with a l l diligence, care, and respect, doe provide, that the true word, and service of God and Christian f a i t h be preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the salvage people which doe or s h a l l adjoine unto them, or border upon them, according to the doctrine, r i g h t s , and r e l i g i o n now professed and established within our realme of England." The seal of the Massachusetts Bay Colony portrayed an Indian with the words "Come over and help us", and i t s charter required that the colony be managed so that "our said people, inhabitants there, maie be soe r e l i g i o u s l y , peaceablie, and c i v i l l y governed, as the i r good l i f e and or d e r l i e conversacon maie wynn and i n c i t e the natives of the country to the knowledg and obedience of the onlie true God and Savior of mankinde, and the Ch r i s t i a n fayth, which, i n our r o y a l l intencon and the adven-turers free profession, i s the p r i n c i p a l l ende of t h i s plan-tacon."^ At a l a t e r date, Georgia's founders, although without missionary zeal of t h e i r own, granted f i v e hundred acres to the Moravians for an Indian mission. Although pecuniary motives cannot be dislodged from their leading place i n the l i s t of reasons for European coloni-zation of America, the r e l i g i o u s impulse, including the desire to C h r i s t i a n i z e the natives, cannot be dismissed as r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t . As one author explains: A congenial a l l i a n c e between r e l i g i o n and trade i n the -53-l a t e sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries profoundly influenced the beginnings of what would one day become the B r i t i s h Empire..The fact i s that l a t e Elizabethan and Jacobean preachers, Anglicans and Puritans a l i k e , were keenly aware of the necessity of checkmating Spain, and they waged an incessant campaign to arouse the English nation to awareness of the danger that threatened i t . . . . England as a whole, however, was only dimly conscious of the implications of the Spanish empire, and many English-men were ardent i s o l a t i o n i s t s . . . . T h e Protestant clergy, with t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l hatred of Catholic Spain, set to work to shake England out of i t s lethargy. They succeeded i n paving the way for empire.''7 The desire for e c c l e s i a s t i c a l expansion, therefore, found j u s t i f i c a t i o n for i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n the existence of a host of pagans on the American shores. Those benevolent Englishmen of the time whose concern for things s p i r i t u a l included the salva-t i o n of the Indians thus found that t h e i r i n t e r e s t s happily coin-cided with those of their state and that they were, i n fact, encouraged to commence the i r r e l i g i o u s (especially missionary) e f f o r t s i n the New World. After the i n i t i a l settlements, disruptions, and re-settlements of the various c o l o n i a l ventures, several d i s t i n c t groups of churches were conspicuous i n America. Nearly a l l were imbued with the desire to minister to the natives and nearly a l l experienced the f r u s t r a t i o n of these missionary e f f o r t s . S p e c i f i c examples w i l l i l l u s t r a t e . In the southern colonies ( V i r g i n i a from i t s beginnings; Maryland, Georgia, the Carolines, and New York a f t e r the Restor-ation) Anglicanism was the established church, and as such played a role i n both the secular and r e l i g i o u s matters of the American o settlements. 0 In the e a r l i e s t days of these colonies there was great enthusiasm for winning Indian converts. In 1613, Alexander -5k-Whitaker wrote back to London: Let the miserable condition of these naked slaves of the d i v e l l move you to compassion toward them. They acknowledge that there i s a great good God, but know him not, having the eyes of t h e i r understanding as yet blinded: wherefore they serve the d i v e l l for feare, aft e r a most base manner....Wherefore my brethern, put on the bowels of compassion, and l e t the lamentable es-tate of these miserable people enter i n your considera-t i o n : One God created us, they have reasonable soules and i n t e l l e c t u a l f a c u l t i e s as well as wee....Awake you true hearted English men, you servants of Jesus Christ, remember that the Plantation i s Gods, and the reward your Countries. Wherefore, aime not at your present pr i v a t gaine, but l e t the glory of God, whose Kingdome you now plant, & good of your Countrey, whose wealth you seeke, so farre prevaile with you, that you respect not a present returne of gaine for th i s yeare or two: but that you would more l i b e r a l l y supplie for a l i t t l e space, t h i s your Christian worke....° Indian troubles, p a r t i c u l a r l y the massacre of 1622, had a dampening e f f e c t on missionary zeal, however, that lasted u n t i l the end of the century.""*® By 1700 many churchmen i n England r e a l i z e d that a sub-s t a n t i a l missionary e f f o r t was necessary i f Anglicanism was to be an e f f e c t i v e voice i n c o l o n i a l l i f e . Therefore the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel i n Foreign Parts was established i n 1701 with considerable royal, p o l i t i c a l , and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l support. I ts concern was to extend the Church of England beyond the B r i t i s h shores, and for the next eighty years America was i t s prime target."'"''* Its main tasks were: ""...in the f i r s t place, to s e t t l e the state of r e l i g i o n , as well as may be, among our own  people there, which, by a l l accounts we have, very much wants their pious care; and then to proceed, i n the best methods they can, toward the conversion of the natives:." 1 2 T n e s.P.G. missionaries made substantial inroads i n New England and the middle colonies -55-during the eighteenth century; th e i r e f f o r t s among the Indians, however, do not seem to have been crowned with success. 1^ H i s t o r i c a l l y , the Puritans are probably the best-known of the r e l i g i o u s groups i n the colonies.. Although they were anxious to make converts among the Indians:, they were often de-prived of s p i r i t u a l leadership for t h e i r own congregations, and i t was not u n t i l about 1650 that any major work was done among the natives. In Massachusetts, one of the e a r l i e s t such mis-sionaries was Thomas Mayhew, who, with his father, converted Ik many of the natives of Martha's Vineyard to C h r i s t i a n i t y . The major missionary work among the Indians was that of John E l i o t , however, who came to New England i n 1631 and soon afterwards be-gan his pastorship. During the l640's he learned the Indian tongue and v i s i t e d various native v i l l a g e s from time to time. In 16^ 7 he was s u f f i c i e n t l y confident of his mastery of the language and of the progress of his converts to begin an ardent campaign to encourage t h i s aspect of the ministry and to secure f i n a n c i a l support for i t . Because of E l i o t ' s e f f o r t s the con-version of the Indians became a major Puritan project, and from I65O to I665 the missionary movement grew. The "praying towns", consisting of congregations of Indian Christians, were b u i l t , European tools were distributed to the natives, and educational programs commenced. "The President and Society for Propagation of the Gospell i n New-England" provided great sums of money for teachers, books, and in t e r p r e t e r s . E l i o t produced an Indian tran s l a t i o n of the Bible and various other religious, works were soon available i n the Indian language. The years 1665-1675 saw -56-the harvest of t h i s great crusade; more missionaries extended the f i e l d of operations, and plans were being made to provide higher education for the many natives who were becoming l i t -e r a t e . 1 ^ The Plymouth Puritans were not so successful. The In-dians l i v i n g around them were not as receptive to religious: ideas, they did not have missionaries with a b i l i t i e s comparable to those of E l i o t and Mayhew, and they didn't have as much money as the Massachusetts Bay settlements to spend on education. The Connecticut Puritans were not much more fortunate, as they were faced with the resistance of certain key Indian leaders, which e f f e c t i v e l y prevented t h e i r reaching the rest of the t r i b e members.^° King P h i l l i p ' s War (I675-I676) spelled doom for the New England Indian population. Hundreds were k i l l e d , struck down by hunger or i l l n e s s , or forced to migrate. Following t h e i r defeat the tr i b e s were r e s t r i c t e d to an early form of reservation. E l i o t continued his work among them, but as the years went on, the In-dians gradually disappeared from the New England scene; by 1750 only a few thousand were l e f t . After E l i o t ' s death missionary 17 work among them ceased u n t i l shortly before the Revolution. Although the Puritans cannot be accused of the ruthless r a c i a l attitudes which l a t e r generations used to j u s t i f y the expulsion of the natives to the western lands, they do stand g u i l t y of some misjudgments about the aborigines. F i r s t of a l l , they underestimated the reluctance of the Indian to give up his own r e l i g i o n for the European one. Secondly, they had extremely -57-high standards for acceptance into church membership. They i n s i s t e d that t h e i r converts not only have a thorough know-ledge of the Scriptures and Puritan theology and morals, but that they adopt concepts and l i f e - s t y l e s completely foreign to their own way of l i f e . The Indian converts had to r e l i n -quish t h e i r former l i v e s ; to become Ch r i s t i a n was to become non-Indian. I t was, therefore, ...unlikely that natives and New Englanders, separated by vast differences, i n p o l i t i c a l , economic, r e l i g i o u s , and s o c i a l patterns, could share the same corner of the continent without occasional clashes of i n t e r e s t and arms. But what i s most s i g n i f i c a n t i s that when troubled times came, the d i v i s i o n of forces was not along purely ethnic l i n e s . Red man and white had enough i n common to pick their quarrels over issues: rather than over skin color. This, i n i t s e l f , i s a sign that the New England Puritans had treated the In-dians not as a race apart, but as fellow sinners i n God's great universe. I t also makes more poignant the ultimate f a i l u r e of the Puritans' mission to the wilderness.-1-° The other major C a l v i n i s t body i n America was the Dutch Reformed Church which was transplanted from Europe to the New York area by the Dutch West India Company and which was never very strong as a r e l i g i o u s force because i t s adherants had come to America for riches, not to escape r e l i g i o u s persecution. Only the ministry seemed concerned about the Indians—many sources indicate that the colonists were more l i k e l y to turn heathen than 19 to convert the heathen to their f a i t h . Most of the missionary e f f o r t s were aimed at the Indian children. As one minister ( i n 1628) put i t : : As to the natives of t h i s country, I f i n d them e n t i r e l y savage and wild, strangers to a l l decency, yea, u n c i v i l and stupid as garden poles, p r o f i c i e n t i n a l l wickedness and godlessness....It would be well then to leave the -58-parents as they are, and begin with the children, who are s t i l l young. So be i t . But they ought to be separated from th e i r parents...in order to place them under the i n s t r u c t i o n of some experienced and godly schoolmaster, where they may be instructed not only to speak, read, and write i n our language, but also especially i g the fundamentals of our Ch r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n . . . . Several years l a t e r (1654) missionary success apparently s t i l l eluded them: ...you make mention i n your l e t t e r , that you have gathered from our l e t t e r s , that the knowledge of the Gospel i s making great progress among the Indians here. Speaking with a l l deference, we do not know or think that we have furnished any such i n t e l l i g e n c e i n our l e t t e r s . We greatly wish, indeed, that such were the state of things among the Indians, but as yet, there i s l i t t l e appearance of it....We do not indeed expect much f r u i t of r e l i g i o n among these barbarous nations, u n t i l they are brought under the government of Europeans, as these l a t t e r increase i n numbers. 2 1 The Baptists, the Friends, the Presbyterians, the Lutherans, and various other smaller denominations were also being transplanted to the American shores i n the c o l o n i a l period, but due to the pressures of adapting to a new environment and due to the poverty of these p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s , most did not 22 begin large-scale Indian missions u n t i l a f t e r the Revolution. In the course of the vast German migration to the Ameri-can colonies, one r e l i g i o u s sect, the Moravians, took refuge i n Georgia (1735) and l a t e r moved to Pennsylvania (1740). Their chief aim i n migrating, apart from escaping persecution, was to do missionary work among the German s e t t l e r s and the Indians. Their settlements of Bethlehem and Nazareth supported about f i f t y missionaries who did extensive work among the Six Nations and i n the Susquehanna Valley. Between 1765 and 1770, David Zeisberger, their leading missionary, established missions -59-(Friedenshutten, Schonbrunn, Gnadenhutten, and others) on the Susquehanna, Alleghany, and Tuscarawas Rivers. These f a c i l i t a t e d the conversion of large numbers of Indians who consequently s e t t l e d into a more a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e - s t y l e . 2 3 In the opinion of many, the Moravians "conducted the most e f f i c i e n t missionary work among the Indians of any of the early c o l o n i a l churches." For the most part, then, the r e l i g i o u s bodies; of c o l o n i a l America could claim few s p i r i t u a l v i c t o r i e s among the pagans of the continent. Many came to America with the hope and sincere intention of winning these people to their f a i t h , but they did not have a s u f f i c i e n t l y extensive knowledge of the Indians to develop means of approaching them successfully. What was; accom-plished was l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the labors of i n d i v i d u a l s i n -stead of a concerted church e f f o r t . At any rate, r e l i g i o n was: at a low ebb through most of the c o l o n i a l period; funds and clergy were scarce nearly everywhere, and the colonists were generally concerned with material rather than s p i r i t u a l matters. The churches, therefore, had to spend most of t h e i r energy keeping the i r European charges within some semblance of C h r i s t i a n i t y . The C a l v i n i s t churches held to very s t r i c t standards for church membership, and this meant that missionary work necessarily entailed an extensive and costly education program. Other denomi-nations were either too recently established or too poor (or both) to i n i t i a t e any large missions work. F i n a l l y , the c o l o n i a l period saw a great deal of warfare i n which the Indians took part against the B r i t i s h c o l o n i s t s . This tended to make the Europeans think of the Indian as a treacherous and savage foe rather than -60-as a p o t e n t i a l C h r i s t i a n brother and thus created a climate of h o s t i l i t y that made missionary work a l l the l e s s appealing. The nation's r e l i g i o u s scene experienced a vigorous: r e v i t a l i z i n g process, however, i n the phenomenon known as the Great Awakening, "the r e l i g i o u s r e v i v a l that swept through the American colonies between 1739 and 17^2. *'2^ The most important by-product of the r e v i v a l within the scope of t h i s paper was the new s o c i a l consciousness and broad humanitarianism which resulted i n a renewed enthusiasm for Indian missions. By the middle of the eighteenth century, however, a new missionary impulse, coming d i r e c t l y out of the r e v i v a l , sent John Sargent to begin his mission among the Stockbridge Indians i n Western Massachusetts, and led Eleazar Wheelock to open hi s school for the t r a i n i n g of missionaries and Indian youth for mission-ary work among the Indians. The r e v i v a l also was responsible for s t a r t i n g Presbyterian Indian missions. David Brainerd, a convert of the r e v i v a l expelled from Yale College because of his revivalism, transferred his church relationship to the Presbyterians and devoted the remainder of his short l i f e to work among the New Jersey and Pennsylvania Indians. His s a i n t l y character and l i f e of devotion as revealed i n his diary edited by Jonathan Edwards was a tremendous stimulus i n promoting in t e r e s t i n missions. Samuel Kirkland's missionary a c t i v i t i e s among the Senecas and Oneidas i n central New York was also a d i r e c t outreach of r e v i v a l i n f l u e n c e . 2 " These missions flourished for several years, but as the Revolution neared the American churches fixed their attention on other c r i s e s that more deeply affected t h e i r white congrega-tions. Throughout the Revolution and i n the years immediately following i t , missionary work among the aborigines was nearly non-existent. For approximately f i f t e e n years af t e r independence was secured American church work was at a v i r t u a l s t a n d s t i l l . The war and the philosophies that accompanied i t l e d many to free -61-themselves from r e l i g i o u s bonds that they had f e l t compelled to assume i n the more conventional pre-war society. The general disruption caused by the h o s t i l i t i e s forced many of the churches to reorganize and rebuild, an e f f o r t that made 27 them neglect an active preaching program for several years. The Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians emerged most r a p i d l y with national organizations and spread into the West as the massive post-war westward migrations began. Many of the churches with close European ties; remained on the sea-board and t r i e d to "Americanize" t h e i r clergy, l i t e r a t u r e , and f i n a n c i a l sources:. A l l of these denominations eventually re-turned to a f a i r l y aggressive evangelizing work as soon as they 28 were i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y strong enough. This task was f a c i l i t a t e d by the spread of another great "awakening" i n the l a s t few years of the 1700»s and i n the f i r s t decade of the new century which f i l l e d the churches with new members and renewed vigor. In the wake of t h i s r e v i v a l there was again aroused a p i e t i s t i c fervor to carry the Christian message to the heathen, and a great many missionary so c i e t i e s were organized which proclaimed t h i s as either a primary or secondary g o a l . 2 ^ These included The Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and Others i n North America (I787), the Society of the United Brethern for Propagating the Gospel Among the Heathen (1787); the New York (1796), the Northern (1797), the Connecticut (1798), the Massachusetts (1799), and the Western (1802) Missionary Societies; the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (1810), and the United -62-Foreign Missionary Society (1817). In the Baptist constitution (1814) and the papers of the Missionary and Bible Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church i n America (1820) s i m i l a r s e n t i -ment i s expressed.?® The s o c i e t i e s were hampered at f i r s t by the lack of money (which meant that they could support few missionaries and that these few had to serve t r i b e s close to the society's headquarters) and by the fact that state and regional supremacy prevented the construction of nationwide transportation and communication systems which could widen the scope of missionary a c t i v i t y . This meant that the missionary work of the period (1790-1812) was generally the t o i l of a few individuals.." 5 1 After the War of 1812 the tide of nationalism that swept the country changed the "scope of missionary operations. De-nominations organized churchwide s o c i e t i e s which drew funds from members i n a l l regions. Missionary directors envisioned stations strung across the continent, and an expanding economy and im-proved transportation made these dreams p r a c t i c a l . More money meant larger stations sta f f e d by missionaries who l i v e d there year-round. Better transportation offered access to tribes further away and enabled the missionary to serve the cause of 32 Manifest Destiny." In the years between 1789 and 1825 the federal govern-ment t r i e d handling Indian a f f a i r s with "peaceful persuasion and negotiation." The p o l i t i c a l sages of the day believed that the aborigines could and should conform to the ways of European c i v i l i z a t i o n and accordingly encouraged the establishment of -63-schools among the various t r i b e s . This encouragement was r e i n -forced i n 1819 with an appropriation of $10,000 which the P r e s i -ddnt was to receive each year to employ "capable persons of good moral character" to teach the Indians a g r i c u l t u r a l s k i l l s and to ins t r u c t Indian children i n the conventional schoolroom a r t s . The presidents generally distributed t h i s money to the mission-33 ary s o c i e t i e s , and by 1825 there were t h i r t y - e i g h t such schools. Tribes. Mo. Choctaw 11 East and West Cherokee 9 Seneca 3 Chickasaw 2 Oneida 2 Osage 2 Ottawa 2 Chippewa 1 Creek 1 Missouri 1 Passamaquoddy 1 Potawatomie 1 Tuscarora 1 Wyandot 1 By Whom Established American Board of Foreign Missions Seven by the Am. Bd. of Foreign Missions; two by Baptist Gen-er a l Convention Two by United Foreign Mission Society; one by Baptist General Convention One by Cumberland Mission Board; one by Synod of South Carolina and Georgia One by Baptist General Convention; one by Protestant Episcopal Church United Foreign Mission Society One by Baptist General Convention; one by Western Mission Society United Foreign Mission Society Baptist General Convention Jesuit Society for Propagating the Gos-pel , etc. Baptist General Convention United Foreign Mission Society Methodist Episcopal Church^ These were the major missionary organizations of the nineteenth century, and they expanded their work i n various parts: of the country as the f r o n t i e r continued westward. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions started as a broadly interdenominational society i n 1810, but i t was soon dominated by the Congregationalists and the New School Presbyterians (those who had moved away from the s t r i c t Calvinism of the Westminster -64-Confession)• Between the War of 1812 and the C i v i l War i t sup-ported more Indian missionaries than any other society. The United Foreign Missionary Society, which was founded i n 1817 and which absorbed several of the C a l v i n i s t s o c i e t i e s that sprang from the second Great Awakening (most notably the New York Missionary Society), was i n turn absorbed into the ABCFM i n 1826. The Old School Presbyterians disapproved of the a c t i v i t i e s of the American Board and so made the Western Missionary Society their agency among the Indians. The Cumberland Mission Board was the missionary organization of the Cumberland Presbyterians, who had broken away from the larger Presbyterian group i n one of the re-v i v a l schisms. The Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and Others i n North America was the creation of twenty-one Congregational clergymen and laymen i n I787. This society, with the aid of Harvard College, supported the few non-Moravian mission-aries s t i l l at work among the Indians at the end of the Revolution. Thus most of the missionary endeavor i n the 1812-1860 period was that of C a l v i n i s t bodies. The Baptists, however, were very energetic i n t h i s a c t i v i t y once they started. The Baptist General Missionary Convention was established i n l 8 l 4 , and they began extensive work among the Southern Indians., In the same year, Isaac McCoy, one of their most famous agents, began his mission i n Indiana. In 1820, the Episcopalians founded the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church i n the United States, which worked primarily with the Oneidas i n Wisconsin. The Friends did not have a s p e c i f i c missionary society, but i n t h e i r yearly -65-meetings they appropriated support for the various members of 35 their group engaged i n mission work. The government-aided mission schools were considered successful by the l e g i s l a t o r s and the " c i v i l i z a t i o n " fund was therefore renewed annually. In the next few years, however, federal Indian p o l i c y moved i n a new d i r e c t i o n : "The year 1825 might be regarded as the year terminating the old federal Indian p o l i c y of peaceful persuasion and negotiation and beginning the new coercive p o l i c y . " 3 ^ The Indians were pushed to the west of the M i s s i s s i p p i River and the eastern missions had to close down to follow them. Washington continued to contribute i t s yearly $10,000 plus other sums of money provided by treaty s t i p u l a t i o n s for education. Private c i t i z e n s and mission s o c i e t i e s donated increasingly large amounts for the same purposes. The mission-aries re-established t h e i r schools and resumed a vigorous teaching program with impressive r e s u l t s . Many Indians sent t h e i r children to them and many were turned away for lack of f a c i l i t i e s , despite the increasing numbers of buildings, teachers, and materials. Not only did the missionaries have their former eastern congregations to tend to, but t h e i r scope was expanded to include the Indians indigenous to the West. The o f f i c i a l fund was not increased, but the treaty agreements were altered to provide more money for schools. In addition, some tri b e s contributed from their own resources. In 18/34, there were s i x t y schools with 137 teachers and 2,000 pupils; by 1848 "sixteen manual labor schools, eighty-seven boarding and other schools were reported i n operation, and several additional manual labor schools under contract." 3? Mis--66-sionaries were sent to the Plains t r i b e s and to the P a c i f i c coast and hopes were high for the C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n of the entire continent.?^ The l840's saw the ebb of t h i s great evangelical movement as "...the slavery issue began to hamper mission e f f o r t . The missionary current as part of the great national tide broke upon the rocks of sectionalism. As denominations divided into northern and southern churches, missions were parceled out between the con-tending p a r t i e s . F i n a l l y the turmoil of the C i v i l War compelled many mission stations to close their doors."? 9 The Presbyterians were s p l i t between the "Old" and "New" Schools, with the pre-dominantly Southern "Old" school withdrawing to form i t s own mission society. The Episcopalians were divided among the high and low (evangelical) churchmen. Other churches^ suffered s i m i l a r schisms. In addition to the breakdown of the old denominations there was the emergence of new sects and v a r i e t i e s of r e l i g i o u s experience, including Mormonism, Mil l e r i s m (the Seventh Day Ad-v e n t i s t s ) , s p i r i t u a l i s m , and communistic experiments. And above a l l t h i s hung the a b o l i t i o n issue, which s p l i t the churches that were f a i r l y evenly distributed throughout the nation (namely, the Baptists, the Methodists, and the Presbyterians).**® In t h i s missionizing period between the War of 1812 and the C i v i l War, the Protestants undertook to both Christianize and c i v i l i z e the American Indian. Various denominations stressed one over the other (Moravians favored C h r i s t i a n i t y f i r s t , Quakers, Congregationalists, and Presbyterians were ardent c i v i l i z a t i o n -f i r s t adherants, and the Baptists and Methodists varied), but none denied that both were necessary elements of th e i r mission to the aborigines. The c i v i l i z a t i o n they hoped to impart was that of the nineteenth century United States; they propagated econo-mic individualism, republicanism and democracy, and the l i b e r t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . Protestantism, of course, was seen to be an i n t e g r a l part of t h i s whole system.**1 "Thus the missionary held the basic values of his culture i n common with other Americans. He dressed i n a certain s t y l e , possessed but one wife, believed i n abstract j u s t i c e , ate certain foods i n certain ways, and favored the s p e c i f i c economic and p o l i t i c a l system of h i s fellow countrymen. At the same time missionaries represented a sub-culture within American l i f e , for they emphasized theology and morals more than other people. They adhered more vigorously to the sexual code, were more honest (or were supposed to be), pro-pounded the theological system more seriously, and were more con-cerned with the minor taboos of drink and the verbal prohibitions against obsenity, profanity, and blasphemy." c The Indians were the most i n need of c i v i l i z i n g salvation because th e i r l i f e s t yles were the least attuned to t h i s u n i l i n e a r progress toward the goals held dear by Americans of the day. They were savagism personified: they did not grasp "The i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral q u a l i t i e s that Americans have deemed necessary to c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the United States." Since the missionary's "stock i n trade" was moral evaluation i t was he who took i t upon himself to bring the savages to the l e v e l of culture deemed necessary for p a r t i -cipation i n the. Ch r i s t i a n world which the r e l i g i o u s of the day were busi l y planning. There was a sense of urgency about t h i s -68-task, as well, as this was a period of m i l l e n i a l expectation— they had to work quickly and well l e s t the Second Coming f i n d 43 them with work undone. As the century progressed, however, and schools were established, churches b u i l t , and congregations enlarged, there was never a long-lasting, general f e e l i n g of e l a t i o n about the work accomplished. The ABCFM did close i t s mission operations among the Cherokees with the announcement that i t s presence there was no longer needed, but even there i t was probably f i n a n c i a l pressure that forced the decision. The churches generally saw their Indian work as a f a i l u r e for a variety of reasons. In the f i r s t place they expected immediate success that was impossible i n such a contact s i t u a t i o n . Secondly, interpretations of what constituted success varied according to those involved; the d e f i n i t i o n depended on the class outlook, r e l i g i o u s perspectives:, and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the observer. Those who stressed an emotional rather than i n t e l l e c t u a l r e l i g i o n could see more en-couraging r e s u l t s , for example, but a l l accounted th e i r slow success a f a i l u r e . Because the missionaries believed that t h e i r charges could not sustain their C h r i s t i a n status without assuming the white c i v i l i z a t i o n , they f e l t compelled to spend considerable time on the c i v i l i z i n g process, but the more time spent teaching white man's ways meant less time spent propagating the Gospel, and vice versa. Thus the mission process was i n e v i t a b l y snail-paced. What i s more, the American culture of the time was not s t a t i c : "Even i f the Indians had achieved the material condition the whites possessed at the commencement of missionization, the Indians -69-would s t i l l have been considered backward i n l i g h t of the subsequent change i n American c i v i l i z a t i o n . Here success 45 turned b i t t e r because the goal had ac t u a l l y changed." Not only the unreasonably high standards of the mis-sionaries hindered their success, however; very substantial c u l t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s also stood i n t h e i r way. When the mis-sionary made converts he created a faction i n the tribe and thereby set up an opposition to his further e f f o r t s . In addition, Indians were loath to give up t h e i r accustomed l i f e - s t y l e s , and even i f they had, i t was no guarantee that the white population was w i l l i n g to accept them: "By discriminating against the aborigine upon the basis of a b e l i e f of white c u l t u r a l superiority, Americans forced the Indian to remain savage and guaranteed the 46 f a i l u r e of the missionary program." As the churches h i t the skids i n the l840's so did their missionary program which was a discouragement to them despite several decades of fervent and devoted e f f o r t . Meanwhile the i n s i s t e n t mood of manifest destiny took another tack i n the handling of Indian a f f a i r s : In the £40's, Americans discovered that the West, to which they had consigned the Indian, i t s e l f needed the creative hand of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The notion of removal, of pushing the Indian to the Great Plains, somewhere west of the M i s s i s s i p p i , no longer seemed practicable; for then he would stand between Americans and Santa Fe, Oregon, and C a l i f o r n i a . He had to be dealt with; his newly acquired lands had to be taken over; and s t i l l he had to be brought to c i v i l i z a t i o n , or die. What eventually resulted was the reservation system, whereby Indians were segregated and gathered together on speci-f i c pieces of land assigned to s p e c i f i c t r i b e s . These were to be savage islands i n the midst of c i v i l i z e d seas. The good hope was that once they were on th e i r islands, , Indians would be at long l a s t l i a b l e to proper c i v i l i z i n g . ' -70-During Reconstruction many of the Indian wars (the Sioux i n the l860's, l870's, and 1890's, the Cheyenne and Ara-48 pahoes i n the l860's, the Modocs and Nez Perces i n the l870*s, to name a few) broke out due to the incessant pressure of white settlement i n the West, and many of the missionaries there had to f l e e . The humanitarian movement of the day demanded that something be done to aid the Indians. During President Grant's administration, therefore, the "Peace P o l i c y " was inaugurated. I t provided two m i l l i o n d o l l a r s for immediate r e l i e f and set up a Board of Indian Commissioners to administer i t . This board, which had the power to inspect and advise the Indian O f f i c e , was i n sympathy with the missionaries and acted as an intermediary between them and the government. At t h i s time the reservation agencies were apportioned to various church bodies for r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n and Indian agents were chosen l a r g e l y from l i s t s of 49 nominees submitted by the churches. Generally speaking, however, aft e r the C i v i l War the campaign for the welfare of the Indians f e l l into the hands of the humanitarians, "for American censure i n the past century had reduced the Indian to a state so p i t i f u l as to be comprehended only by philanthropy and humanitarianism."-^ And most of those who took up the cause were those who had been involved i n the antislavery movement. Some concentrated on Indian-rights work, while others became involved i n a multitude of reform causes. The p o l i t i c a l sympathies of nearly a l l were with the Repub-l i c a n s . .. .Most of them l i v e d i n Massachusetts, Penn-sylvania, and New York, but a few had migrated to the Far West, where firsthand observation had converted them to work for Indian r i g h t s . Among them were congressmen, teachers, ministers, businessmen, Indian agents, Federal -71-Government o f f i c i a l s , farmers, j o u r n a l i s t s and writers, and several who could be c a l l e d professional reformers. Nearly a l l were middle-class i d e a l i s t s who believed i n the basic r i g h t of a l l men to freedom from oppression and who f e l t an obligation to bring t h i s b e l i e f to reality....Ideas of progressive t r a n s i t i o n and change did guide t h e i r thoughts and actions on most s i g n i f i -cant s o c i a l issues, but they were not revolutionaries: or t r u l y Utopian thinkers. They had no desire to over-turn the basic s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , or economic structure of the nation, and most of them were too experienced and too r e a l i s t i c to expect s o c i a l perfection....The reformers appealed to two authorities to j u s t i f y t h e i r demands for change. One was r e l i g i o u s , documented by the New Testament; the other was p o l i t i c a l , documented by the Declaration of Independence and the B i l l of Rights. The p o l i t i c a l authority was the l e g a l frame-work, and the r e l i g i o u s authority provided the basic foundation for the entire structure of human r i g h t s — the pervading power of love and the brotherhood of man-kind. P r a c t i c a l and r a t i o n a l on one hand, mystical and p i e t i s t i c on the other, they assumed that what they were doing was r i g h t and j u s t . Wendell P h i l l i p s c a l l e d i t a 'working reform C h r i s t i a n i t y * that he believed would regenerate the world.5 1 These reformers were no devotees of materialism, but they did believe that i f the Indians could own and c u l t i v a t e their own plots of land they would more e a s i l y learn the ways of and be ab-sorbed into the larger American society. They therefore supported the Dawes Act and campaigned for i t through to i t s adoption. A l -though i t did not contain a l l the provisions they had hoped for, i t did embody the majority of t h e i r demands, and they were gener-a l l y s a t i s f i e d that they had substantially improved the l o t of the Indian. Thereafter those who remained i n the movement (many of the great reformers were by t h i s time dead or incapacitated by age) tended to concentrate their e f f o r t s on watchdog a c t i v i t i e s — recommending the h i r i n g or removal of certain agents, c a l l i n g attention to corruption, and advising the government i n matters 5 2 dealing with s p e c i f i c t r i b e s . -72-As the reformers were taking over the cause of Indian a f f a i r s , the churches turned their attention to several new facts of American l i f e . These included the great increase i n the wealth of the nation, the r i s e of emotional r e l i g i o n s as many of the lower classes were forced out of the increasingly affluent middle-class sects, and the problems posed by a mi l i t a n t laboring c l a s s . Foreign missions commanded more and more of the church's attention, especially a f t e r the Spanish-American War. The home missionary work that continued was centered i n Oklahoma and i n the various reservations where the r e l i g i o u s workers maintained the schools and c l i n i c s they had established years before, but there was no great f e e l i n g of accomplishment concerning the work being done.53 The 1920's produced a decided decline i n missionary i n t e r e s t . In foreign mission f i e l d s the "heathen" were not so sure that they wanted Western r e l i g i o n . Nationalism made missionary presence unacceptable i n many parts of the world. An anti-(any) r e l i g i o n movement made the church's task even more d i f f i c u l t . The home missions to the Indians were not i n much 5k better condition. The Board of Indian Commissioners financed an extensive study of the matter and published i t s conclusions i n a b u l l e t i n e n t i t l e d "Christian Missions among the American Indians". Some of their opinions follow: This b u l l e t i n presents certain facts about the history, progress, present d i s t r i b u t i o n , and needs of the Christian missions among the American In-dians.... The missions maintained on Indian reserva-tions by the Protestant and Catholic churches have long been regarded as cooperating units with the board and the Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s i n the Federal -73-Government's e f f o r t to aid and qualify Indians to take t h e i r places as self-supporting, independent men and women i n the general c i t i z e n r y of the Nation. ...The Federal o f f i c e r s have recognized the missionaries as i n f l u e n t i a l members of the authorized personnel on the reservations. The Government as the guardian and trustee of some 240,000 Indians desires and welcomes the cooperation of the mission boards i n a l l endeavors to promote the welfare of the Indians. The members of the Board of Indian Commissioners are constrained to f e e l that the members of the Chris-tian churches are not s u f f i c i e n t l y informed on matters concerning our American Indians, and because of t h i s there seems to be a lack of i n t e r e s t i n the Indian mission a c t i v i t i e s . Information i s the mother of i n t e r e s t and i n t e r e s t i s the mother of generosity. The reader of t h i s b u l l e t i n , and p a r t i c u l a r l y of that part of i t which contains testimony and recom-mendations of the missionaries themselves, w i l l pro-bably agree that there i s room for greater e f f i c i e n c y i n the Indian mission f i e l d , for larger appropriations for Indian mission work, for more appreciation of the manifold problems faced by Indian missionaries, and a stronger recognition of t h e i r value as a C h r i s t i a n i z i n g and c i v i l i z i n g influence among the Indian people. ...The Board of Indian Commissioners believe that Christian teaching and the upbuilding of Ch r i s t i a n character are fundamental necessities, i n any plan of action designed 'to hasten the progress and develop-ment of the Indian wards of the United States and their absorption into active and serviceable c i t i z e n -ship.' I t i s hoped that the facts here presented w i l l quicken i n t e r e s t and_stimulate greater e f f i c i e n c y i n t h i s important work.-7-' As the country moved into the great depression missionary work suffered even more. They were a l l o t t e d even smaller budgets as contributions to the church greatly declined. The youth of the day tended to avoid missionary duties to work instead for more secular i d e a l s . The great r e v i v a l s of the past had usually spawned missionaries i n vast numbers, but these old awakenings 56 were not part of the contemporary e c c l e s i a s t i c a l s t y l e . Alarmed by this state of a f f a i r s , the various" mission boards commissioned a study of the matter. The r e s u l t of t h i s inquiry was a book by William E. Hocking, Rethinking Missions -74-(1932). I t recommended that missions; be continued and strengthened, but with changed methods and modified motives. It also r e f l e c t e d a growing insistence that the Protestant missionary e f f o r t be u n i f i e d to a much greater degree. "Though sharply resented by many missionaries, the report as a whole:-was well received by the executives of the missionary boards represented on the commission, and steps were soon being taken 57 to put many of the recommendations into operation."-" This b r i e f history of missionary work with the North American Indians serves to point out several aspects of this a c t i v i t y . One such fact i s that the churches have often been the handmaiden of the government. When the B r i t i s h wanted to bu i l d an empire, the missionaries were encouraged to go spread the r e l i g i o n of Englishmen to the inhabitants of the North American continent. When the int e r e s t s of the United States pointed to westward expansion, churches and the i r missionaries were helped to set up schools and chapels to prepare the Indians for the onslaught of the white culture i t was hoped they would learn to appreciate and adopt. When the corruption of the In-dian department became in t o l e r a b l e , the government turned to the r e l i g i o u s for advice on who to appoint, responded to th e i r pressure i n passing new Indian l e g i s l a t i o n , and gave over various reservations to the denominations for r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . Secondly, a gradual progress from the r e l i g i o u s to the secular can be seen i n Indian r e l a t i o n s . The seventeenth and eighteenth century missionaries r e l i e d for the most part on the i r own funds and i n i t i a t i v e to f u l f i l l t h e i r task. E l i o t , Mayhew, -75-and the rest took up the evangelization of the Indian by their own choice and worked l a r g e l y according to the i r own means and methods. In the nineteenth century the church became a part-ner of the government i n the handling of Indian a f f a i r s . In the early part of the century this involved accepting federal money for schools for the " c i v i l i z i n g " process. In the l a t t e r half, one element of the church continued t h i s acculturation task with the reservation schools and churches provided for i n Grant's Peace Policy while a more secular-minded group of "working re-form" Christians took over the Indian r i g h t s movement. The l a t t e r group was part of the reform stream from which C o l l i e r imbibed many of his philosophies even though they tended to fade away when they f e l t that they had done their best i n pressing through the Dawes*: B i l l . In the twentieth century the Indian reform movement passed into b a s i c a l l y secular hands, culminating with C o l l i e r ' s program which was not at a l l enamored of the idea of pressing the Indians into an American Protestant mold. This incessant design of c i v i l i z i n g the Indians was s t i l l another element of the American missionary movement. After having defined savagism as that which did not correspond to the American l i f e - s t y l e of the time, the American peopl* set out to r i d their nation of a l l that was foreign i n t h i s respect. As Thomas Hart Benton put i t : " C i v i l i z a t i o n , or extinction, has been the fate of a l l people who have found themselves i n the track of the advancing Whites, and c i v i l i z a t i o n , always the preference of the Whites, has been pressed as an object, while extinction has followed as a consequence of resistance. The Black and the Red Races have often f e l t t h e i r ameliorating i n f l u e n c e . F r o m the early Puritans, who wanted to conform the Indians to the habits of good C a l v i n i s t s , to the twentieth century Board of Indian Commissioners who believed that "Christian teaching and the upbuilding of Christian character" were necessities i f the American Indians were to become "active and serviceable" c i t i z e n s , there was never a thought that the Indians could be-come Christians without adopting a European Christian l i f e -s t y l e . This leads to the i n e v i t a b l e question: how did the Protestant missionaries of the 1930's respond to John C o l l i e r ' s plans to protect and preserve Indian l i f e and culture? NOTES TO CHAPTER IV William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of  Mexico, new and revised edition (London: George A l l e n and Unwin, Ltd., 1886), pp. 127-128; see also: Francis Augustus MacNutt, Fernando Cortez and the Conquest of Mexico (New York and London: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 190977 PP« 100-103; Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements Within the Present  Limits of the United States, 1513-156i~TNew York and London: G.P. Putnam's Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1911). PP« 38l-400; Henry Raup Wagner, with the collaboration of Helen Rand Parish, The L i f e and Writings of Bartolome de l a s Casas (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1967); Herbert E. Bolton, Coronado: Knight of Pueblos and Plains (New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1949), pp. 335-342; P h i l i p Ainsworth Means, F a l l of the Inca  Empire (New York: Gordian Press, Inc., 1964), pp. 165-170. 2 Richard Hakluyt, "A p a r t i c u l a r discourse concerning... the Westerne discoueries l a t e l y attempted," i n Documentary  History of the State of Maine, ed. Charles Deane, v o l . II (Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and Son, I887), pp. 7-H. 3 "Letters Patent...for two several Colonies and Plan-tations, to be made i n Virginia...Dated A p r i l 10, 1606," i n The Genesis of the United States, ed. Alexander Brown, v o l . I (London: William Heinemann, 1890), p. 53. L " A r t i c l e s , Instructions and Orders made...for the good Order and Government of the two several Colonies and Plantations to be made by our loving subjects, i n the Country commonly ca l l e d V i r g i n i a and America..." i n Brown, op. c i t . , v o l . I, pp. 67-68. 5 "The Charter of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay i n New England, 1628-29," i n Records of the Governor and Com-pany of the Massachusetts Bay i n New England, ed. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, v o l . I (Boston: The Press of William White, 1853), p. 17. 6 Edmund De Schweinitz, The L i f e and Times of David  Zeisberger, The Western Pioneer and Apostle to the Indians (Philadelphia: J . B. Lippincott and Company, I87O), pp. 15-16. 7 Louis B. Wright, Religion and Empire: The All i a n c e  between Piety and Commerce i n English Expansion, 1558-l625 (New York: Octagon Books, Inc., 1965), pp. v, v i . g William Warren Sweet, Religion i n Colonial America (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1965), pp. 28-72; -78-F. E. Mayer, The Religious Bodies of America (Saint Louis, Missouri: Concordia Publishing House, 196l), p. 268; Frank S. Mead, Handbook of Denominations i n the United States, f i f t h e dition (New York: Abingdon Press, 1970), p. 180. 9Alexander Whitaker, "Good Newes from V i r g i n i a , " i n American C h r i s t i a n i t y : An H i s t o r i c a l Interpretation with  Representative Documents, by H. Shelton Smith, Robert T. Handy, and L e f f e r t s A* Loetscher, v o l . I (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, I960), pp. 46, 48. 1 0Smith, Handy, and Loetscher, op. c i t . , p. 46. """•""Sweet, Religion i n Colonial America, pp. 57-59. 1 2 E r n e s t Hawkins:, H i s t o r i c a l Notices of the Missions of  the Church of England i n the North American Colonies Previous to the Independence of the United States (London:B. Fellowes, TB45),,p. 19. 1 5 i b i d . , pp. 263-269. l l f L l o y d C. M. Hare, Thomas May hew, Patriarch to the  Indians (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1932), pp. 86-112. ^ A l d e n T. Vaughan, New England Frontier: Puritans and  Indians 1620-1675 (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1965), pp. 241-30O. l 6 i b i d . , pp. 298-303. 1 7 i b i d . , pp. 309-322. -I o i b i d . , p. 338. 1 9Sweet, Religion i n Colonial America, pp. 192-203. 20 Letter from Rev. Jonas Michaelius to Rev. Adrian Smoutius, i n E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Records, State of New York, ed.-Hugh Hastings, v o l . I (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1901), pp. 56-6O. 2 1 L e t t e r from Revs. Megapolensis and Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam, i n E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Records, State of New  York, v o l . I, pp. 326-327. 2 2Sweet, Religion i n Colonial America, pp. 120-166, 210-270; Frank S. Mead, Handbook of Denominations, pp. 31-33, 108-109, -79-127; Rayner Wickersham Kelsey, Friends and the Indians, 1655- 1917 (Philadelphia: The Associated Executive Committee of Friends on Indian A f f a i r s , 1917). PP* 14-15. 23 -William Warren Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), pp. 107-109. 24 Mead, Handbook of Denominations, pp. 154-155* 25 The Great Awakening, edited by Alan Heimert and Perry M i l l e r (Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1967), p. x i i i . 26 Sweet, Religion i n Colonial America, p. 317* 27 Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America, pp. 189, 223. 2 8 i b i d . , pp. 193-222. 2 9 i b i d . , pp. 223-231. 3®Robert Berkhofer, J r . , Salvation and the Savage (University of Kentucky Press, 1965). p. 3* 3 1 i b i d . , p. 1. i b i d . , p. 2. 3 3George Dewey Harmon, Sixty Years of Indian A f f a i r s :  P o l i t i c a l , Economic, and Diplomatic, 1?89-1%50 (Chapel H i l l : The University of North Carolina Press, 1941), pp. I6O-I63. 3 2 f i b i d . , pp. 163-164. 3 5Berkhofer, pp. 162-178. •^Harmon, p. 167. 5 7 i b i d . , pp. 351-360. 38 Sweet, Religion i n the Development of American Culture (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1952), pp. 242-247. 39 ^Berkhofer, p. 2. -80-^Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America, pp. 258-284. 4l i Berkhofer, op. c i t . , pp. 4-15. 42 i b i d . , p. 9. ^ i b i d . , pp. 11-13. 44 i b i d . , pp. 152-158. ^ i b i d . , p. I58. ^ i b i d . , p. 159. 47 Roy Harvey Pearce, The Savages of America, revised ed i t i o n (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965), p. 239-^ i b i d . , p. 241. 49 Robert Winston Mardock, The Reformers and the American  Indian (Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1971), pp. 47-128; Kelsey, Friends and the Indians, pp. 162-170; William T. Hagan, American Indians (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), pp. 110-112. 5®Pearce, 0£. c i t . , p. 241. -^•Mardock, op., c i t . , pp. 1-2. 5 2 i b i d . , pp. 198-228. ^?Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America, pp. 345-363, 406-407; Walter Rauschenbusch, "A Theology for the Soc i a l Gospel," i n Loren B a r i t z , Sources of the American Mind, v o l . II (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966), pp. 47-68. 54 Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America, pp. 415-417. 55 U.S. Department of the Int e r i o r , Report of the Board  of Indian Commissioners to the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the  Year Ended June 30, 1927"TWashington: United States Government Pr i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1927), pp. 40-41. 56 Sweet, The Story of Religion i n America, p. 4l6. -81-57. ^Pearce, op_. ext., p. 240. i b i d . , p. 417. 58T CHAPTER V THE MISSIONARY RESPONSE TO COLLIER In searching the church publications, and especially those of the missionary s o c i e t i e s , for reaction to the Indian Reorganization Act and i t s consequences, i t i s surprising at f i r s t to discover that i t wasn't greeted with pages of immediate and indignant condemnation. At f i r s t reading i t seems a fringe issue; many other topics seem to have captured more ecclesias-t i c a l attention at that time. As William R. Hutchison put i t : • To the historians of American r e l i g i o u s thought few events or clusters of events have seemed so p i v o t a l as the Protestant theological "bouleverse-ment" of the years around 1930. Interpreters have, l a i d great stress upon America's awakening, at that moment of deep c u l t u r a l c r i s i s , to European theolo-gies of divine transcendence. They have remarked the sudden s t i r r i n g s of new l i f e i n American semi-naries a f t e r 1930, the publication of certain mani-festoes which preached a need for realism about human prospects, and the meteoric r i s e of Reinhold Niebuhr as prime c r i t i c of progressive optimism. Other historians of our culture have been debating whether an 'end of American innocence' i s most rea d i l y discernible just a f t e r V e r s a i l l e s , just be-fore Sarajevo, or perhaps as far back as the l890's. The theologians and church historians:, however, have remained nearly unanimous i n placing t h e i r theological watershed at the turn into the Depression decade. In the l i g h t of these larger developments, however, the church pronouncements on the Indian New Deal assume significance as examples of how Protestantism was adapting to the r e a l i t i e s of twentieth century America. I t i s therefore necessary to b r i e f l y examine what was predominant i n American Protestant thought of the time. One of these new trends i n d i c a t i v e of the new order of r e l i g i o u s matters i n the United States was the disassociation of Protestantism with Americanism. These two concepts were--83-equated i n the minds of many Americans by the end of the nine-teenth century. " I t i s a commonplace that toward the end of the nineteenth century Protestantism l a r g e l y dominated the American culture, s e t t i n g the p r e v a i l i n g mores and the moral standards by which personal and public, i n d i v i d u a l and group, conduct was judged. I f a culture i s the tangible form of a r e l i g i o n , i n the United States that r e l i g i o n was Protestantism. As H. Paul Douglas put i t , 'despite multiplying sectarian differences, Protestantism's prevalence tended to create a Protestant c u l t u r a l type....It was a triumph of r e l i g i o n s t i l l on the communal l e v e l . ' " In other words, "...the bulk of American Protestantism achieved during t h i s period a working i d e o l o g i c a l harmony with the modes of the modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i v i l i z a t i o n , the free-enterprise system, and the burgeoning imperialism."^ During the early part of the twentieth century, however, while Protestantism was being challenged by the labor problems of the day, by the new Protestant theologies (to be discussed i n following pages), and by the competition of popular secular organizations, the Catholics and Jews of the country were making substantial gains i n both numbers and i n the s o l i d a r i t y of the i r p o s i t i o n i n American society. The great I r i s h immigration of the period played a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n t h i s process: Due to th i s predominant I r i s h influence, Catholicism i n America soon acquired a speci a l character which... indubitably helped i t survive and adapt i t s e l f to American r e a l i t y . In the f i r s t place, the Catholicism the I r i s h brought with them seemed l e s s foreign to American eyes....It was English-speaking, ' p u r i t a n i c a l ' , democratic, popular, and a c t i v i s t i c . . . . B u t perhaps the -84-most d i s t i n c t i v e feature of I r i s h Catholicism...was the fusion of r e l i g i o n and nationalism i n the I r i s h mind. In the centuries of struggle against an a l i e n and Protestant master, national l o y a l t y came to take on an intense r e l i g i o u s : coloring....To be a Catholic was to be a true Irishman; to be an Irishman was to be a true Catholic...the I r i s h newcomer—after some hesitation—adopted t h i s country as his own, and transferred his deeply emotional nationalism to his adopted land. His Americanism took on the same r e l i -gious- fervor and soon came to be i d e n t i f i e d with his Catholicism....In any case, i t was under I r i s h hege-mony, and largely through the advantages which th e i r d i s t i n c t i v e background gave to the I r i s h clergy, that the Catholic Church i n America was consolidated into an American r e l i g i o u s community. The church that the I r i s h molded according to t h e i r r e l i g i o u s heritage absorbed and "Americanized" the German, I t a l i a n , and Slavic Catholics who also poured into the country at t h i s time. In becoming a major part of American r e l i g i o u s l i f e , the Catholics had to adjust somewhat to the American s o c i a l pecu-l i a r i t i e s . This adjustment involved becoming a c t i v i s t and con-forming th e i r b e l i e f s on the r e l a t i o n of church and state to the American t r a d i t i o n . The most important element of t h i s adjustment, however, was for the Church, which believed i t s e l f to be the one true and universal church, to regard i t s e l f as part of a r e l i g i o u s p l u r a l i t y : "By the second quarter of the present century the American Catholic, l i k e every other Ameri-can, was: thinking of his church as one of the three ' r e l i g i o n s of democracy,' side by side with the other two; he could hardly imagine an America without Protestants and Jews—even though he might be deeply suspicious of Protestants and not altogether free of anti-Semitism."5 The Jews of the United States underwent a s i m i l a r pro-cess. The i n f l u x : of East European Jews: i n the l a t e l800's--85-forced American Judaism to reorganize i t s e l f to accomodate them. As the second and th i r d generations of these immigrants improved their s o c i a l and economic standings they shed their sense of c u l t u r a l distinctiveness. They saw themselves as "Americans d i f f e r i n g from other Americans i n l i t t l e but r e l i -gion."^ The t h i r d generation f e l t so securely American that they began to return to and reassert the r e l i g i o n that t h e i r parents had tended to downplay, and there developed a consider-7 able scholarship i n and celebration of American Judaism. By the end of the f i r s t t h i r d of the twentieth century, therefore, America was no longer a primarily Protestant nation. Immigration and creative forces within Catholicism and Judaism had made for a condition of r e l i g i o u s pluralism rather than an o f f i c i a l or u n o f f i c i a l "state church". This, then, was one change that Protestants of the time were witnessing i n their world. While these r e l i g i o n s were coming to the fore, Prot-estantism was undergoing theological d i f f i c u l t i e s . This period saw the decline of l i b e r a l i s m i n i t s battles with the conserva-tives (fundamentalists) and r a d i c a l s (modernists) i n the church, and the emergence of neo-orthodoxy as the predominant theological statement of American Protestantism. The theological l i b e r a l s tended to emphasize human reason and play down divine revelation. They were optimistic about progress and saw man as inherently good., "The growing popularity of the l i b e r a l theology i n the early decades of the present century was i n some measure related to the closeness of -86-the churches to the culture. The i n t e l l e c t u a l revolution associated with the impact of s c i e n t i f i c and h i s t o r i c a l thinking had affected the prosperous and educated middle and upper classes, es p e c i a l l y i n the North, i n the l a t e r nineteenth century. Many of these people had been reared i n predominantly r e v i v a l i s t i c , Bible-centered, conservative Protestantism.... Not a few found that t h e i r f a i t h was being eaten away by the acids of modernity. In the c r i s i s , they found the new patterns o of l i b e r a l theology a way of saving f a i t h . " After World War I, however, philosophies emphasizing the goodness of man and the s p i r i t of progress l o s t t h e i r flavor and the conservatives strove to take control of the denomina-tions. They sought to have the churches accept the Bible as "the inerrant and verbally inspired Word of God." Their leader and figurehead was William Jennings Bryan, but a f t e r his death following the Scopes t r i a l , the movement l o s t i t s momentum and s p l i t into several f a c t i o n s . Several l i b e r a l leaders who were d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r former stance moved beyond l i b e r a l i s m to what was c a l l e d modernism. They defined i t as "the use of the methods of modern science to f i n d , state, and use the perma-nent and central values of inherited orthodoxy i n meeting the needs of a modern world." 9 Some retained a C h r i s t i a n position, while others became t h e i s t i c rather than C h r i s t i a n and s t i l l others became b a s i c a l l y humanists-. In general, r e l i g i o n became unattractive to many; Protestantism was i n a s p i r i t u a l depression. When the economic depression and the reports of the r i s e of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m and -87-barbarism i n the world of the 1930's appeared, l i b e r a l i s m disintegrated. Moving i n to take i t s place, however, was a new theological current from Europe, neo-orthodoxy (also c a l l e d d i a l e c t i c a l theology or theology of c r i s i s ) . The major American voice i n th i s movement was Reinhold Niebuhr, and he with his followers preached a return to an e a r l i e r theology that stressed the primacy of f a i t h , the c e n t r a l i t y of the Bible, the sinfulness of man, and the transcendence of God. It was a more r e a l i s t i c theology that decried f a i t h i n man's i n -nate goodness and i n his a b i l i t y and rejected p o l i t i c a l and economic systems that presupposed a human a b i l i t y to reason-ably control man's own destiny. The i n t e l l e c t u a l and theological toughness of t h i s new school gave American Protestantism a new and s o l i d core around which to organize and so helped the church rebu i l d i n the 1930's. 1 0 Another great source of stress i n the Protestantism of the time was the ecumenical movement. Although the f i r s t twenty years of the century had witnessed increased cooperation between the denominations i n the mission and Soc i a l Gospel programs, i n the campaign for the proh i b i t i o n of alcohol, and i n various other causes, i t wasn't u n t i l the 1920*s and 1930's that there developed a great push toward ecumenicity, or oneness i n the f a i t h . There occurred a growth of the community church movement ( i . e . , l o c a l churches that included a l l denominations) and a series of mergers that encouraged church union proponents. 1 1 Closer t i e s were also established between the various agencies of the churches-— especially the missions boards. Several of the missionary -88-journals also combined t h e i r operations at t h i s time. Foreign missions had been a favorite cause of the church since about 1900. Great congresses of missions boards declared the need for the C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n of the world, various organizations recruited students to help "evangelize the world i n t h i s generation", and the T.M.C.A., the Laymen's Missionary Movement, the Men and Religion Forward Movement, and other such 12 crusades engendered further enthusiasm for the cause. After World War I and the decline of missionary giving, the lack of new r e c r u i t s , and the appearance of opposition to missionary presence i n many places, the mission boards commis-sioned the study of the s i t u a t i o n referred to i n the l a s t chap-ter. During much of the 1930*s the boards were busy measuring the response to t h i s evaluation of mission work from f i e l d workers and others while trying to r e b u i l d the program. Thus, as the 1930's unfolded with a l l t h e i r economic and p o l i t i c a l convolutions, the Protestant churches of America were wrestling with th e i r own i n t e r n a l problems. They were ad-justing to being one of three major r e l i g i o u s communities rather than "a r e l i g i o u s movement sweeping the continent or as a national church representing the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the p e o p l e . " 1 3 They were also tr y i n g to close ranks with the ecumenical movement, to fi n d a stable theology, and to repair t h e i r foreign missions program. While a l l these tempests raged i n the Protestant world, C o l l i e r introduced his programs and the missionaries; of the day responded. His ideas were not new to them. They had clashed -89-with C o l l i e r and the AIDA over many issues i n the previous decade—most s i g n i f i c a n t l y over the Indian Department order discouraging t r i b a l dances ("There seems l i t t l e question that the Dance Order was issued i n response to pressure from mis-sionaries and /the Indian Rights Association^") 1**' and over the 15 peyote question. Their authority i n Indian matters had been challenged; the v a l i d i t y of their moral judgments had been ca l l e d into question. When C o l l i e r and the ideas.he espoused were given o f f i c i a l sanction by the administration that gave him the In-dian Commissionership, the i n i t i a l reactions of the missionaries were somewhat h o s t i l e and were expressed i n a tone that i n d i -cated annoyance with those who thought that a r a d i c a l new scheme for operating Indian a f f a i r s would produce more substantial progress than the t r a d i t i o n a l approaches. In 1933 George Hinman of the American Missionary Association summed up the p r e v a i l i n g views of his fellow workers on the American Indian missions: i n a book that he published that year. His thoughts on the C o l l i e r school of Indian management follow: From among them / t o u r i s t s , a r t i s t s , etcJ7 has arisen a considerable group of sentimentalists who object to any interference with the r e l i g i o n of the Indian, who i d e a l i z e the sun worship of the Pueblos and even apolo-gize for the use of p h a l l i c symbols i n the r e l i g i o u s processions. To them the missionary i s a nuisance. They maintain that the Indian must be allowed to prac-t i c e r e l i g i o n i n h i s own way. Some of them claim the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l guarantees for freedom of worship to protect the old t r i b a l ceremonies, overlooking the fact that much of the motive for keeping them up i s now l a r g e l y commercial, to s a t i s f y the c u r i o s i t y of t o u r i s t s looking for a show.... Many of the younger Indians have l o s t acquaint-ances with or i n t e r e s t i n the r i t e s of the old r e l i -gion, and some of the sentimentalists are urging that -90-they be taught these things i n the government boarding schools. There was a proposal made i n a conference of Indian Service teachers that Indian medicine men should be brought into the schools to give r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n to the Indian children just as the Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries do....Some a r t i s t s and writers dream of the perpetuation of an unmodi-f i e d Indian culture existing i n the midst of our Ameri-can c i v i l i z a t i o n as a sort of picture g a l l e r y for beauty lovers, l i k e the unchanging g l o r i e s of the moun-tains and canyons of the Indian country. Mary Austin, high priestess of the old Indian culture of the Southwest, finds the missionaries ab-solutely objectionable, and advocated...'letting the so-called Christianized Indians alone, and trust i n g time and l o c a l influence to restore them to the i r o r i -g i n a l culture.' She thinks 'the so-called Christianized Indians become, as a rule, untrustworthy, and lose the natural i n t e g r i t y of Indian character as well as the dignity of Indian culture.* But she overlooks the fact that the ' l o c a l influence' i s changing r a p i d l y . The Coolidge dam and the Hoover dam...will continue to modify the l o c a l influences, so that the old desert culture w i l l not much longer correspond to the environ-ment. ... In spite of protests the assimilating, power of our American c i v i l i z a t i o n i s steadily modifying the habits of a l l the Indians, and inevitably f i t t i n g them into the molds of our Christian s o c i a l standards. An appeal for the preservation of the old Indian culture could not well discriminate between the picturesque c o l o r f u l features of a public display for t o u r i s t s and the bru-t a l i t i e s and obscenities of the sun dance and the i n i t i a -tions. Those white persons who want to preserve the best of the old Indian culture can hardly set themselves up as judges of what i s best. That should be l e f t to the judgment of educated and thinking Indians who have had a chance to know both the old and the new. Hinman went on to summarize some of the progress that had been made i n re c o n c i l i n g Indians to Ch r i s t i a n l i f e - s t y l e s and then arrived at his evaluation of what the future program of mission work should be. He saw the basic mistake of e a r l i e r p o l i c y as the process of subjugating rather than assimilating the Indian. As a consequence the present-day missionary had to work with those natives handicapped by the "psychology of the defeated", and they therefore had to patiently and laboriously -91-win back the confidence of the Indians before they could expect them to be open to their r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . Con-sequently he saw the campaign for the economic and s o c i a l amelioration of the native l i v i n g conditions as the top p r i o r i t y for the contemporary missionary. One cannot study Protestant Indian missions without being convinced that the Indian's r e l i g i o u s progress i s considerably dependent on his economic status. The Salvation Army's formula, 'soup, soap and salvation', applies i n Indian missions; but the stages cannot follow as rapidly as they do i n some rescue work i n cities....The Indian can no longer take for granted the old economic l i f e of his ancestors; he can no longer maintain himself as they did i n the hunting or pastoral stage. He finds himself an a l i e n i n the new economic order of the white man. Material a i d given by the government has done l i t t l e to solve his problem of life-adjustment—which i s learning to work successfully under the conditions of American country and v i l l a g e l i f e , as his white neighbors are doing. Bewildered by the complexity of modern i n d u s t r i a l conditions, enfeebled by inaction and paternalism during the t r a n s i t i o n a l stage from the old to the new, embittered by the i n j u s t i c e and misunderstanding of the white man, he faces the task of 'getting a job' i n the common l i f e of his fellow Americans with un-usual handicaps. He asserted that the missionaries must r e a l i z e that one of the most important aspects of their ministry was to help the Indian make the c u l t u r a l t r a n s i t i o n from nomadic to i n d u s t r i a l l i f e and to teach the s k i l l s necessary to make such an adjustment. Hinman also saw the need of bringing c e r t a i n s o c i a l habits under the d i s c i p l i n e of state and l o c a l l e g a l standards. "The Indian i s now la r g e l y without the support of the old sanctions, and not yet brought under the influence of the new, the law and order of the American community. This i s a problem of r e l i g i o u s work, not merely a question of l e g a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . " He also f e l t that having to learn and adhere to the s t r i c t u r e s -92-of European j u s t i c e would hasten the end of the segregation of the white and Indian communities and thereby make i t easier for Indians to b u i l d the economic and s o c i a l l i v e s they desired. F i n a l l y , Hinman wanted to phase out missionary work and turn over the leadership of the Indian churches to native leaders who were supported by t h e i r own congregations. U n t i l such time as the Indians had self-maintaining and self-propagating Chris-no t i a n churches, he f e l t that the missionary work was u n f u l f i l l e d . At about the same time that Hinman's work appeared, another prominent churchman published a book that dealt somewhat more i n t e l l e c t u a l l y with the problems of missions. Robert E. Speer's The F i n a l i t y of Jesus Christ investigated the r e l a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y to non-Christian r e l i g i o n s . While taking a more objective view of the virtues and vices of the l a t t e r , he developed substantial arguments explaining why they were not acceptable to C h r i s t i a n i t y and how C h r i s t i a n churches should deal with them. I think that i t i s necessary that we should make some d i s t i n c t i o n s that are too often overlooked, with a good deal of resultant confusion. F i r s t between r e l i g i o n and race. Each race, i t i s held, develops i t s own r e l i g i o n , the r e l i g i o n best suited to i t s own character and needs....It may be that i t s r e l i g i o n has now become, as a depository and projection of the r a c i a l inheritance, a moulding educational influence i n the perpetuation of the race and i t s r a c i a l character, but even so i t was and i s i t s e l f an e f f e c t and not a cause of th|^ r a c i a l temper and personality and experience. He maintained, however, that C h r i s t i a n i t y could not be classed as a race r e l i g i o n . "The simple f a i t h that Jesus Christ, the 21 Son of God, i s Lord i s not a r a c i a l or Western f a i t h . " Further-more, he attacked one of the missionary assumptions of the nine--93-teenth century: A second d i s t i n c t i o n which must be made i s be-tween r e l i g i o n and culture or c i v i l i z a t i o n . The mistake i s constantly made of conceiving the mis-sionary enterprise as an interchange of cultures, and i t s problems as the problems of contacts with non-Christian r e l i g i o n s . Culture and r e l i g i o n are not i d e n t i c a l terms. No careful and true d e f i n i -t i o n of either w i l l allow their i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , un-l e s s ' r e l i g i o n ' i s used to cover everything and so loses a l l d e f i n i t i o n whatsoever. In addition: A t h i r d d i s t i n c t i o n must be drawn between r e l i -gions and their adherents....This...distinction w i l l save us from the error of condoning or over-looking the e v i l and falsehood i n the non-Christian r e l i g i o n s out of charity and tenderness toward the s i n c e r i t y and f a i t h of those who believe i n these-f a i t h s . 2 - 5 He went on to claim that whatever good and beauty may be found i n these r e l i g i o n s does not make them acceptable to Christians; i f they are not i n accordance with the Christian dogma, then the Ch r i s t i a n world i s duty-bound to present i t s ov/n f a i t h to them. They (the Christians) may not ignore, preserve or perpetuate, nor merge with them and remain t r u l y C h r i s t i a n . I t i s necessary to do away with the non-Christian content of the r e l i g i o n and r e f i l l i t with the gospel message. These two writers r e f l e c t e d the basic attitudes of the Protestant church to Indian missions at the outset of C o l l i e r ' s administration. Speer, the theologian, re-emphasizes the point that Christians are those with a f a i t h and a very d e f i n i t e set of b e l i e f s to perpetuate. To compromise or deviate from these b e l i e f s i s to abandon C h r i s t i a n i t y . What i s more, the Christian must seek out the heathen to present t h i s f a i t h to them; to be negligent i n t h i s respect i s to be a poor C h r i s t i a n . The -94-churchman i s responsible for the salvation of a l l his fellow men. Hinman, the author with the more intimate knowledge of th i s one mission f i e l d , emphasizes that the church cannot sympathize with the "sentimentalists" who s t r i v e to preserve the Indian culture. He maintained that the old Indian order was already gone, that the content had vanished, leaving only empty forms and meaningless r i t u a l s . He therefore stressed that the best Indian p o l i c y was that which hastened the assimi-l a t i o n of the native into white American l i f e , and he believed that the missionary had a v i t a l part i n that process. These were reactions to the general new humanitarian trend i n Indian a f f a i r s of which C o l l i e r was a part. With the announcement of the provisions of the Indian Reorganization Act, C o l l i e r ' s personal program for reservation management, the alarm i n the missionary ranks was soon expressed i n p r i n t . G. E. E. Lindquist, missionary at large for the Society for Pro-pagating the Gospel Among the Indians, wrote: Any p o l i c y , therefore, which d i r e c t l y or by i m p l i -cation, constitutes a l i m i t a t i o n of missionary co-operation ^/with the Indian Service^ and tends to n u l l i f y the constructive e f f o r t s of the past, as well as having far-reaching e f f e c t s on the future, i s a matter of deep concern to those interested i n the task of elevating and improving the condition of the American Indians. That such a l i m i t a t i o n i s i n prospect i s the conviction of missionary workers, both Indian and white, i f the recently announced plans of Hon. John C o l l i e r , the present Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s , are put into operation. 2^ Two aspects of these plans p a r t i c u l a r l y worried Lindquist: The underlying assumption of the C o l l i e r proposal i s that the 'Indian's master problem i s land'....Those interested i n missionary work among the Indians f e e l that while the possession of land i s important i t i s -95-by no means 'the Indian's master problem'. Land i t -s e l f i s only p o t e n t i a l wealth; the mere fact of possession w i l l not feed or clothe anyone....Unless there i s stimulated from within a desire to be and  to do, a l l the land with i t s wealth of untapped re-sources, w i l l a v a i l the Indian but l i t t l e . 'Too often we s t r i v e , ' as one worker has put i t , 'to conserve the Indian's property at the expense of his manhood, his ambition, his fi n e r values. He w i l l develop r e s p o n s i b i l i t y only by having r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to bear.' But the feature of the Government proposals that causes the deepest concern to missionary workers, and that i s apt to have the most baneful e f f e c t on the future of the Indian, i s the r e v i v a l of t r i b a l i s m and the segregation and i s o l a t i o n involved i n 'the back to the reservation* movement. Many f e e l also that the encouragement of the dance ceremonials i n the Commissioner's order of January 3» 1934...is one of the f i r s t steps i n the attempt to revive 'the c u l t of the pr i m i t i v e ' . This order direc t s the superinten-dents to inform the Indians 'that native r e l i g i o u s l i f e and Indian culture* i s not to be frowned upon by Government representatives; and, that 'no interference with Indian r e l i g i o u s l i f e or ceremonial expression w i l l hereafter be t o l e r a t e d . ' 2 0 Lindquist describes the missionary task as one of tryin g "to preserve the best of the past, and to f i l l i t with new meaning." He pointed out that while the missionaries had cooperated with the ethnologists, anthropologists, and others interested i n the o r i g i n a l Indian culture, they asserted always that "the Indian must be saved by a process of Chr i s t i a n a ssimilation to American l i f e , not by a c a r e f u l l y guarded and subsidized segre-gation." They opposed anything that encouraged separation and r a c i a l discrimination. The church, he claimed, considers the Indian's "e s s e n t i a l humanity and that the Church of Christ owes him more because he i s a human being than because he i s 27 an Indian." In March of 1934, both Catholic and Protestant mis-sionaries at the Plains Indian Congress i n Rapid City, South -96-Dakota, issued the following statement concerning t h e i r feelings about the l e g i s l a t i o n C o l l i e r was proposing: We are i n favor of: 1. The encouragement of s p i r i t u a l values, 2. The Indian making his contribution to the l i f e of community and nation. 3. The Indian sharing i n the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and the p r i v i l e g e s of government and c i t i -zenship. 4. 'No specia l advantages, no specia l disad-vantages' for the Indian. 5. The following features of the Wheeler-Howard b i l l : A'. The educational provisions, es p e c i a l l y the t r a i n i n g of Indian young people for positions i n the Indian service. B. The providing of land for young In-dians who are looking forward to the establishment of homes and were born too l a t e to acquire land r i g h t s . C. The e f f o r t to untangle the problems i n connection with heirship lands. D. Increasing self-government i n those d i s t i n c t l y Indian i n t e r e s t s i n which the Indians share exclusively as mem-bers of an Indian t r i b e or group. We are opposed to the following: 1. I t perpetuates segregation. In more progressive communities where the Indians share i n the general s o c i a l and economic l i f e of the community, i t means: even going back to segregation. Tribalism means exemptions and exemptions lead to race prejudice. 2. I t perpetuates freedom from taxation i n -stead of looking forward to the time when the Indian contributes his proportionate share to the cost of government* 3» The Indian Court also promotes segregation.. The Court may mean prompter j u s t i c e , but i t perpetuates the present i n t o l e r a b l e s i t u a t i o n where Indians escape punishment of crimes because they do not come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of state laws? and only very few Indian crimes are punishable under Federal Statute. k. While seemingly granting the Indian new l i b e r t i e s we are of the opinion that the b i l l means a great increase i n supervision and delay i n action on the part of the Secretary of the In t e r i o r and the Commis-sioner of Indian Affairs:. 5. The conviction back of the b i l l that the land allotment system i s at the bottom of the Indian's poverty. Possession of land as such does not mean salvation for any people. 6. The implication that physical values are supreme and s p i r i t u a l values are non-existent. ° Both Lindquist's and the Rapid City statements under-score the basic r e l i g i o u s objections to C o l l i e r ' s philosophy. They declared that no land policy could succeed i n improving the Indian condition i f the Indians themselves were not pre-pared to make the best of i t . Only when the natives became responsible for t h e i r lands would t h i s happen, and i t was through missionary e f f o r t s that they were learning the s p i r i t u a l values that prepared them to assume t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . They also discouraged anything that stood i n the way of the accul-turation process for which they had so d i l i g e n t l y worked. The bulk of t h e i r work i n the nineteenth century had involved " c i v i l i z i n g " the native population. They looked to the day when red man and white could l i v e together as Ch r i s t i a n brothers, and thus they were most distressed by those parts of the Indian Reorganization Act which seemed to foster segregation and empha-size that which was uniquely Indian. And again, they could not approve anything that impeded their task of converting souls to C h r i s t i a n i t y . Another writer took a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t tack i n up-holding the missionary po s i t i o n . Elaine Goodale Eastman opposed C o l l i e r ' s plans as reactionary and as detrimental to the Indian well-being. While admitting that " a l l pagan worship i s naturally frowned upon by Christian missionaries," she saw the crux of the -98-issue not i n the question of whether or not the native r e l i -gions, were harmonious with missionary dogma or even with the o r i g i n a l culture, but whether or not they were suited for the twentieth century Indians who had already been inten s i v e l y ex-29 posed to European culture. She concluded by claiming that C o l l i e r was "no true f r i e n d to our Indians. We have spent and are spending m i l l i o n s annually i n a national e f f o r t to b u i l d them up—not as exotic t r i b e s with primitive conceptions of l i f e and conduct, but as competent i n d i v i d u a l s , and as an acceptable element i n the general population....Is there not something hopelessly incongruous about rhapsodizing— and p u b l i c a l l y upholding—their communal, dramatic prayer for r a i n , while at the same time teaching s c i e n t i f i c forestry and erosion control, and investing hundreds of thousands of dollars of the tax-payers' money i n a l o c a l , up-to-date water supply?" 3® That same year Mrs. Eastman published another a r t i c l e ("Does Uncle Sam Foster Paganism?") which evoked a response from C o l l i e r i n the same publication. She was objecting to the Commissioner's c i r c u l a r i n s t r u c t i n g his superintendents not to i n t e r f e r e with Indian r e l i g i o u s l i f e or ceremonial ex-pression. She feared that t h i s encouragement might foster the r e v i v a l of such r i t u a l s as the Sun Dance torture, some of the death ceremonies, the ghost dance, the peyote c u l t s , and other such pra c t i c e s . She argued that although these r i t e s may have had meaning i n the ancient i s o l a t e d cultures of the pre-Colum-bian Indian, they could not s p i r i t u a l l y s a t i s f y the more worldly 31 native of the present day. "The r e a l danger l i e s i n promoting -99-confusion worse confounded among the young and the suggestible, or where i s o l a t e d groups are s t i l l i n the e a r l i e r stages of the inevitable t r a n s i t i o n , d i f f i c u l t enough at best....The predes-tined end of these observances, i n many cases now reached, i s complete degradation, as paid exhibitions for the amusement of the crowd. Yet some such pseudo-native i n s t i t u t i o n as the 'Peyote church', or a new 'Messiah craze' invented by s e l f -seeking f a k i r s , may serve to drug the Indian masses into for-getfulness of the fact that the present Indian p o l i c y tends not to the promised f u l l enfranchisement, but rather to a perpetual "52 t w i l i g h t of insincere praise and actual i n f e r i o r i t y . " ^ C o l l i e r r e p l i e d by f i r s t s t a t i n g his p o l i c y on the missionary presence i n Indian lands. He claimed that he and his department i n s i s t e d upon the f u l l e s t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l i b e r t y i n a l l matters a f f e c t i n g r e l i g i o n conscience, and culture for a l l Indians. He stated, furthermore, that any denomination or missionary, including the representatives of native Indian r e l i g i o n s , could use Indian service buildings to hold classes i n r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n on the condition that the pupils, i f under eighteen years of age, be present with parental consent. It forbade any form of coercion i n the propagation of r e l i g i o n , which, C o l l i e r claimed, was the prevalent missionary p o l i c y before his administration. He refuted Mrs. Eastman's charges that Indian r e l i g i o n s were "pagan" or " a t h e i s t i c " , claiming that they contain an emotional or mystical b e l i e f or experience of union with a purposeful being greater than oneself, that there i s a moral affirmation of accepting the w i l l of this --100-larger being and uniting one's personal forces with t h i s larger w i l l , that there i s a code of conduct, f e l t as moral and involved with the conscience, and that there are d i s c i p -l i n e s aimed toward the p u r i f i c a t i o n or enlargement of conscious-ness and toward communion with the larger power. He took exception to her claims that the Ghost Dance and Peyote cult were inherently harmful, and he denied that there was any sort of commercialization of the Indians going on as a result 33 of his program.*^ Mrs. Eastman took issue with his a r t i c l e i n a subsequent l e t t e r to the editor, but she could do l i t t l e more than accuse C o l l i e r of avoiding the question of whether the government was fostering a pagan renaissance by e x t o l l i n g the virtues of In-dian r e l i g i o n s . She again pointed out that whatever r e l i g i o u s fragments of the ancient Indian cultures remained had l i t t l e 34 s p i r i t u a l significance for the Indian of the day. This exchange i l l u s t r a t e s a fundamental and inevitable source of c o n f l i c t between the churchmen and C o l l i e r . The churches were bound to a set of b e l i e f s and to a pattern of involvement discussed i n Chapter Four ( i . e . , teaching the natives to adapt to the culture and l i f e - s t y l e of European Protestantism). They could not move with the tides of the popular philosophies of the day because they were firmly anchored to a d e f i n i t e theological system. U n t i l the C o l l i e r administration they did not need to worry about these s h i f t i n g currents as the Govern-ment had always proceeded on the assumption that i t was desirable that the Indians c u l t i v a t e a C h r i s t i a n l i f e - s t y l e . With the -101-advent of the Indian New Deal, however, they not only had to j u s t i f y their presence on the reservations i n terms of the progress they had made, but they had to also j u s t i f y the propagation of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r f a i t h . What the missionaries c a l l e d "pagan" was not necessarily non-religious to C o l l i e r . He had his own view as to what constituted a v a l i d r e l i g i o u s dogma, and as long as any set of b e l i e f s corresponded to that view he was ready to defend i t on con-s t i t u t i o n a l grounds. The missionaries saw t h i s as a sanction for a l l manner of barbarous practices and as an obstacle to the accomplishment of their goals; hence the c o n f l i c t between them. In 1935 another l e t t e r to the editor of The Christian  Century c a l l e d for the removal of C o l l i e r from his o f f i c e and the repeal or r a d i c a l amendment of the Wheeler-Howard Act on the grounds that the Commissioner had only a s u p e r f i c i a l under-standing of the Indians: and was advocating p o l i c i e s which would set back the work of Indian a f f a i r s by f i f t y years. The editors printed the l e t t e r as a matter of news, but commented that they could not "but regard the evidence of increasing misunder-standing and h o s t i l i t y between Protestant forces working among the Indians and the present administration of Indian a f f a i r s as unfortunate and tending rapidly toward a deplorable and 35 unnecessary break." y Other missionaries were publishing a r t i c l e s that year on the need for Ch r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n and education i n Indian 36 country and C o l l i e r was busy defending his p o l i c y of encouraging -102-the native religions-, although somewhat more diplomatically than i n his e a r l i e r r e t o r t s : There are important Indian groups who have no r e l i -gion but t h e i r native one. To crush i t i s only to make them godless human beings. The native r e l i g i o n s , shaped by human experience under supreme tensions across many ages of t r i b a l l i f e , contain p r i c e l e s s elements of beauty, of d i s c i p l i n e , of charity, and of resignation, which can be appreciated even though these r e l i g i o n s may be viewed as nothing except i n s t i t u t i o n s secular, s o c i a l , earthly. To tear them apart i s to tear apart the Indians' very protoplasm. Time and change are doing the work a l l too f a s t , with-out adding to their influence a lawless onslaught by the Government of the United States. The C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n has become native to a majority of the In-dians no l e s s than the pre-Columbian r e l i g i o n s . I t has e n t i r e l y supplanted the pre-Columbian r e l i g i o n i n some places. The two systems, more or les6 i n t e r a c t i n g , exist side by side i n many t r i b e s . The o f f i c i a l , p o l i c y toward the C h r i s t i a n missionary work has never been more hospitable or more p r a c t i c a l l y cooperative than i t i s right now. To stop the interference of the Government with native r e l i g i o n s has been, I earnestly believe, to help the r e a l cause of the missionaries. The missionaries, by and large, have been generous i n recognizing these f a c t s . I have dwelt on the subject for no reason except the fact that some missionaries, who are not the most of the missionaries, have c r i t i c i z e d b i t t e r l y the new p o l i c y of tolerance. 3' 7 He also i n v i t e d evaluation by the missionaries on s p e c i f i c points of h i s program and asked for suggestions on other p o l i c i e s that might be i n s t i t u t e d . For the next two years (1936 and 1937) as C o l l i e r ' s p o l i c i e s were implemented missionary c r i t i c i s m died down and the churches adopted a "wait and see" attitude. Mrs. Eastman, however, responded to C o l l i e r ' s i n v i t a t i o n to c r i t i c i z e h i s administration. Again i t was the underlying philosophy of recognizing and preserving the Indian culture to which she objected. She asserted that the missionaries did not campaign -103-against the native ways because they were native but because the inevitable end of the warring and buffalo hunting culture and i t s replacement by an a g r i c u l t u r a l or i n d u s t r i a l mode of l i f e made them meaningless and they therefore hindered the moral and c i v i c progress necessary i f the Indians were to achieve any kind of successful adaptation to the dominant European culture. Certain c u l t u r a l features that had to be rooted out included f a i t h i n and dependence upon medicine men, r i t e s involving public torture and mutilation, b e l i e f i n witchcraft and ghosts, the habit of giving away rather than accumulating wealth, the Peyote c u l t , r e l i g i o u s taboos against many common foods, polygamy, and the t r a d i t i o n of incessant petty warfare. She claimed that those who advocated retaining the "best" of Indian culture were judging by standards a l i e n to those of the natives and thus favored the retention of uncharacteristic and unimportant features of aboriginal l i f e . She went on to maintain that the restoration of the i n t e g r i t y of the Indian culture would involve recognizing the leadership of powerful t r i b a l leaders such as Geronimo, S i t t i n g B u l l , and Kicking Bear, and allowing the t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r t r i b a l feuds as well as a deep-seated and possibly b e l l i c o s e h o s t i l i t y to the white Americans l i v i n g near them. On.the other hand, our present-day Indian leaders have been trained by Christian men and women to lead away from, not back to, the p r i m i t i v e . Most of them are of mixed ancestry, and the same i s true of an estimated two-thirds of the Indian popula-tion, so-called. Intermarriage, says the Dutch s c i e n t i s t , Schrieke, i n his book, 'Alien Americans', i s 'America's greatest contribution' to the solu-tion of the Indian problem. The in e v i t a b l e t r a n s i -tion i s now far advanced. Surely the future of -104-these aspiring contemporary Americans cannot, to any s i g n i f i c a n t extent, l i e along aboriginal f o l k -ways? I f not, the 'missionary motive' i s s t i l l v a l i d , and Christ not only o f f e r s an advance on any and a l l native r e l i g i o n s but a new conception of God and the way of l i f e for man. As C o l l i e r began implementing his plans, therefore, the missionaries were steadfastly opposed to those which i n any way encouraged the renewal of native l i f e - s t y l e s or philosophies. Even a f t e r t h e i r "wait and see" period, they could not f i n d anything of value i n t h i s aspect of C o l l i e r ' s administration. In 1938, at a Conference of Friends of the Indians, the delegates, representing two secular Indian associations and Indian mission workers of twenty-eight Protestant churches, drafted a report c i t i n g "lawlessness, drinking, vice, i l l e g a l marriages i n Indian communities" and blamed t h i s on the "hands-of f p o l i c y " of the Government. They did not approve of C o l l i e r ' s encouraging the aborigines to "turn back to t h e i r so-called ancient cultures, and to revive pagan practices and ceremonials of the pre-Columbian era" as t h i s "appears to the Christian forces of America to be a denial of the r i g h t of the Indians to enter into an appreciation of t h e i r C h r i s t i a n heritage, 40 i m p l i c i t i n t h e i r status as American c i t i z e n s . " Although C o l l i e r ' s plans for c u l t u r a l resurgence were s t i l l t o t a l l y unacceptable i n missionary eyes, by 1939 both sides had mellowed somewhat. I f s t i l l not i n t o t a l agreement, each at l e a s t had begun to appreciate the e f f o r t s of the other. In A p r i l of 1939 an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "A Better Day for the Indians" appeared i n one of the missionary journals. I t re-ported on the government's progress i n the Indian New Deal, -105-and although i t offered no evaluation at l e a s t the t i t l e 4 l implied approval* That same year, Rev. G. A. Watermulder, a missionary for the Reformed Church, whichves t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative i n the f i e l d of Indian a f f a i r s , offered t h i s statement of his view of the state of the matter: ...we have not adequately understood the Indians. We, Europeans, have t r i e d to make them European-Americans. Yet the Indian type persists....We have often f a i l e d to understand t h e i r basic aboriginal culture. We have so often approached our Indian problem as we would the problem of our own race.... We have been forcing him to change his entire course of l i f e . As t h i s can come only by a slow process through many years under favorable condi-tions, our approaches:to t h i s d i f f i c u l t problem often reveal our lack of preparation for the task....We have no mission boards that prepare the i r missionaries for Indian service....We be-l i e v e however that a new day has begun to dawn. Both the Church and the government are facing the problems with deeper and clearer understanding. Any temporary resurgence of paganism, or humanis-t i c philosophies, w i l l not ultimately p r e v a i l . . . . I f we are true to our mission, and i n the name of Christ approach our problem, the American Indian w i l l be set free. Rudolf Hertz, the Superintendent of Congregational Indian Missions, also saw something of value i n the govern-ment program, although he was not about to wholeheartedly approve i t : At the best, of course, t h i s i s a time of s t r a i n and stress. The government can furnish the means and the men to carry through such an extensive plan. But the Indian needs more than money and advisors. He needs s p i r i t u a l as well as material v i s i o n . He needs moral stamina. He needs the w i l l to do the work. A l l these come from God, not from the govern-ment, and God's representatives on earth have be-fore them a big task indeed to help the Indian to continue i n constant touch with Him that supplieth a l l our needs....^3 -106-Thomas A l f r e d Tripp reviewed one p a r t i c u l a r educational i n s t i t u t i o n operated under the reformed p o l i c y of the new govern-ment, and he found the r e s u l t s encouraging. He concluded: "Now the task i s to enter vigorously upon the new phase which i s to meet the Indian on his own doorstep with the Ch r i s t i a n c u l - t u r e . " ^ Mark A. Dawber, another church worker, submitted an a r t i c l e summarizing and approving the progress of the IRA's 45 s o c i a l and economic aspects. ^ Watermulder seemed to appreciate the anthropological approach that C o l l i e r introduced into Indian a f f a i r s when he commented favorably on the "deeper and clearer understanding" that church and state were developing concerning native culture. He approved of these methods, however, not because they would enable a primitive l i f e - s t y l e to recognize and maintain i t s heritage, but rather because they would help the missionary to fabricate a more ef f e c t i v e program for reaching the souls he wanted to C h r i s t i a n i z e . He believed that while t h i s type of study would i n i t i a l l y make many enthusiastic about the pros-pects of r e v i t a l i z i n g t h i s ancient American culture, the perserverance of the church would survive long af t e r t h i s humanistic ardor subsided, and that the missionary cause would be a l l the stronger for i t . Hertz and Tripp recognized the value of the great amounts of money and manpower that C o l l i e r was able to command for his programs i n the f i r s t few years of h i s Commissionership. They were encouraged by the s o c i a l and material up-grading of Indian l i f e produced by t h i s program, but neither could agree -107-that C o l l i e r ' s long-range hopes for an improved standard of l i v i n g could ever materialize without the Indians being im-bued with the s p i r i t of C h r i s t i a n i t y . the missionary ranks, however, and again the major bone of contention was the government's support of t r i b a l i s m : While the opposition of the Indian Bureau to Christian missionary work i s not quite so pro-nounced as i t was two or three years ago, s t i l l , the encouragement of the 'ancient Indian t r a d i -tions' i s featured, and the r e v i v a l of old pagan r i t e s and ceremonies i s applauded at Washington. The Bureau established expensive and well-equipped hospitals with highly trained s t a f f s ; and yet at the same time encourages the submission of patients to native healers whose stock-in-trade i s a primi-tive and superstitious 'magic' that defies a l l modern rules of health and sanitation."*" Missionary Lindquist was s t i l l decrying the retention of the ancient cultures, t h i s time as a response to an ethno-l o g i c a l study of the Pueblos by Dr. E l s i e Clews Parsons, which concluded that Protestant C h r i s t i a n i t y was a disintegrating factor i n Pueblo l i f e . Lindquist protested: Tribalism, inherent i n the Pueblo r e l i g i o n , has been weighed i n the balances and found wanting. It cannot meet the tests of the t r a n s i t i o n period i n which the Indian now finds himself. I t i s be-cause of our conviction of the divine resources of the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h , a f a i t h which r i s e s above tri b a l i s m and nationalism, i t s adequacies to meet the need of a l l men and of a l l races, that the messengers of Christ seek to preach the Gospel and seek to propagate the Christian f a i t h among paternalism i n both governmental and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c i r c l e s . W. A. Petzoldt, of the Crow Baptist Mission, disapproved of both agencies' p o l i c i e s : There s t i l l remained some highly c r i t i c a l voices- i n S t i l l another c r i t i c i s m was that there was too much -108-Our country has been infected by the hysteria of government sweeping over the world....Our country w i l l come out of i t s hocus-pocus Pro-mised Land spree i n time....Too long has the white man carri e d the red man's burden. U n t i l recent years the Indian .has scarcely been asked what contributions he had to make to the betterment of his own condition....In a l l history no r a c i a l group has been experimented with as much as the Indian....In these l a t t e r days enough i s being done for him....Not enough has been done by_ the Indian for himself....The Indian problem i s no nearer solution today than i t was ten years ago....The Indian problem w i l l only be s a t i s -f a c t o r i l y solved by the Indians themselves and not by a benevolent bureaucracy at Washington. The Indian must be helped less and permitted to help himself more. The future w i l l record the evanescence of the Indian Office at Washington and the dawning of a better day for the Indian. Indianism w i l l give way to Americanism. The Indians of the old ways and days i s passing out of the picture....Education and the r e v i v i n g of the old customs are adverse to each other. They are beginning to see the f a l l a c y of t h i s Washing-tonized p o l i c y and are getting away from i t s b l i g h t i n g influence. The Indians of the future w i l l seek s e l f -support as a goal i n their churches....The In-dians w i l l provide their own Christian leader-ship. A l l any missionary can do i s to i n t r o -duce a t r i b e to Jesus Chris.t... .The Indian churches w i l l gradually merge with the white churches. ° Lindquist agreed about the need for the development so l e l y Indian churches: H i s t o r i c a l l y , the most successful missions are those i n which Indians have a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the evangelization of their own people.... While the primary objedtive of a l l Indian mission work i s to make known Christ and His Gospel, to do this most e f f e c t i v e l y the ultimate aim i s to develop and use Indian leadership...the white missionary should work himself out of a job....Great pressure i s being brought to bear on Indian youth to enter other secular c a l l i n g s , especially from Govern-mental agencies and notably so i n recent years. Progress i n r a i s i n g up q u a l i f i e d Indian Christian leaders w i l l continue to be slow unless mission-aries with greater earnestness continue to r e c r u i t , t r a i n and release an increasingly large number of -109-Indian workers for the evangelization of t h e i r own people. 9 C o l l i e r ' s encouragement of t r i b a l i s m s t i l l perturbed the missionaries, although they were becoming increasingly receptive to other aspects of his work. They pointed out what appeared to them to be r i d i c u l o u s contrasts between the en-couragement of both the primitive and the ultra-modern areas of Indian l i f e , and they proudly defended the progress they had made i n breaking down the t r i b a l t i e s that the Indian Ser-vice was trying to strengthen. More and more emphasis was placed on the importance of phasing out the spec i a l attention given the natives by both governmental and church agencies'. The theme of assimilation into European (and hopefully Christian) society became more i n s i s t e n t . With the advent of World War I I , the attention of both the church and state was diverted from Indian a f f a i r s to other concerns requiring both money and manpower. The Indians themselves tended to leave the reservations i n f a i r l y large numbers either to serve i n the m i l i t a r y or to work i n defense in d u s t r i e s . During t h i s time, however, the Board of Home Missions was extensively reorganized and the supervision of i t s Indian churches was transferred from the missionary d i v i s i o n to another department whose concern was with churches of diverse r a c i a l backgrounds. Increasing emphasis was put on building up Indian communities economically and s o c i a l l y , with the church as the guiding force and center of the community. Thomas A. Tripp, the executive secretary of the Board, explained their objectives as follows: -110-As i n the past, the Indians w i l l be given every possible encouragement to improve their economic and s o c i a l condition, working primarily through their churches. I f r e l i g i o n i s to be an e f f e c t i v e force for better home and community l i f e , the In-dian churches must f i r s t be strengthened as r e l i -gious i n s t i t u t i o n s . They should grow i n numbers. They should have the best possible teaching and preaching that they may know the purposes of the Ch r i s t i a n church.^ Our major aim today i s to encourage the greatest possible degree of self-determination i n the In-dian churches. This objective requires, of course, that the churches must pa r t i c i p a t e to the f u l l e s t degree i n t h e i r own support. Since t h i s aim has been put before them, several Indian churches have begun d e f i n i t e e f f o r t s looking to-ward self-support, and they are showing c r e d i t -able i n i t i a t i v e . Probably the most basic prob-lem of the Indian i s economic. Poverty abounds due to poor land and inadequate s k i l l s . This means that the r e l i g i o u s program must seek the economic improvement of the people. Toward th i s end i t i s assumed that the l o c a l church i s basic. In these Indian communities the church i s p r a c t i -c a l l y the only neighborhood organization. Pro-perly u t i l i z e d i t can become an instrument of s o c i a l integration and i n s p i r a t i o n to economic improvement. I t i s a possible r a l l y i n g point for community action and for personality development. Thus, the emphasis upon e f f e c t i v e parish work i s the focus of our Indian missions, not only for the s p e c i f i c a l l y religious_but for economic and s o c i a l objectives as well* Statements such as these sound very much l i k e the type of program C o l l i e r advocated a decade before, but with one very basic difference. C o l l i e r ' s hope for the Indian future was a complex v i s i o n i n which he hoped to improve the standard of l i v i n g for a l l Indians, while helping to repair and r e v i t a l i z e the numerous s o c i a l systems that characterized each of the many tribes under his supervision. He wanted to recreate the In-dian culture of the past i n a l l i t s i n t e g r i t y ; he wanted to - I l l -restore the language, the arts, the power structures, the moral codes, the r i t u a l s , the r e l i g i o n s , and a l l else that had given meaning to these ancient s o c i e t i e s and had en-abled them to mold the i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l s p i r i t s that had so moved him on his f i r s t v i s i t to Taos. He wanted to accomplish t h i s i n such a way that i t could not be l o s t i n the frenzy of a twentieth century i n d u s t r i a l i s m that was devouring even i t s own heritage. He sought, therefore, to i s o l a t e the t r i b e s long enough for them to strengthen their cultures to the point where they could survive renewed i n -vasions of t h e i r way of l i f e . Meanwhile, he was providing them with the health, educational, and other material f a c i l i -t i e s to learn the nature of the intruders. The Protestant church, however, and especially i t s missionaries to the Indians, viewed C o l l i e r ' s plans i n a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t . They didn't perceive the one great master-plan; instead they recognized only two major aspects of i t which they f e l t to be contradictory. They welcomed the en-couragement of material, s o c i a l , and health progress, and they noted the support of tribalism, segregation, and i s o l a t i o n . The former they could understand and accept; they themselves had worked for decades to bring about these same ends. They encountered the Indian as a poor, ignorant, and heathen savage, and everything i n their background and education t o l d them that the sooner they managed to c i v i l i z e , educate, and C h r i s t i a n i z e the natives, the better Indian l i v e s would be. They thus found that this aspect of C o l l i e r ' s New Deal coincided n i c e l y with -112-their own aims and prejudices and so they could accord him their s u p p o r t — e s p e c i a l l y when they recognized how e f f e c t i v e l y his administration could implement these goals. The other part of his plan, the support of tribalism, appalled them. They did not see how i t could possibly complement a plan for material amelioration; i n fact, they could only agree that i t would do nothing but hinder such a plan. They feared that C o l l i e r ' s program would encourage paganism and the myriad s o c i a l miseries that accompanied i t , and they feared the set-back of t h e i r d i l i g e n t and earnest labors. They could do nothing but object to any p o l i c y that threatened such a pros-pect. Therefore, at the beginning of his administration, C o l l i e r dismayed the missionaries, whose eyes were clouded by visions of the return of the Ghost Dance, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the Peyote c u l t , and the suppression of C h r i s t i a n contact with the aborigines. As the years went by, however, they were m o l l i f i e d by the greater attention and support accorded to other aspects of C o l l i e r ' s program. While th e i r fears about isolationism were s t i l l strongly expressed, they found grounds-for cooperation with the Indian Commissioner. By the time of the Second World War, they were f a i r l y comfortable with his program, and, knowing that the demands of the war e f f o r t pre-vented any drastic new plans and knowing that the increased contact between the two cultures caused by the war would hasten the assimilation program that they themselves had set out so many years before, they could take a more relaxed attitude -113-toward the Indian Service. In general, then, the church increasingly appreciated the economic and s o c i a l aspects of C o l l i e r ' s program and gradually made his policy on these matters th e i r own, but they steadfastly refused to accept his ideas about the recognition and preservation of Indian culture. NOTES. TO CHAPTER V William R. Hutchison, " L i b e r a l Protestantism and the •End of Innocence'" i n American C i v i l i z a t i o n : : Readings i n  the Cultural and I n t e l l e c t u a l History of the United States, ed. Eugene C. Drozdowski (Glenview, I l l i n o i s : Scott, Fores-man and Company, 1972), pp. 290-291. 2 Sidney E. Mead, The L i v e l y Experiment: The Shaping  of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n America (New York: Harper and Eow, 1963), p. 134". 3 i b i d . , p. 154. 4 W i l l Herberg, Protestant-Catholic-Jew: An Essay i n American Religious Sociology, rev, ed. (New York: Anchor Books, I960), pp. 145-147. 5 i b i d . , pp. 149-152.. i b i d . , p. 182. 7 i b i d . , pp. 172-198. 8 Robert T. Handy, "The American Scene," i n Twentieth  Century C h r i s t i a n i t y , ed. Stephen N e i l l , rev. ed. (New York:: Dolphin Books, Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1963), pp. 182-183. 9 i b i d . , pp. 193-194. i b i d . , pp. 197-195; also, J e r a l d C. Brauer, Protes- tantism i n America, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 196*5), Pp. 268-270; Loren Ba r i t z , Sources of the Ameri-can Mind, v o l . II (New York:: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966), pp. 3lS::317. 11 Handy, 0£. c i t . , pp. 199-200. 12 i b i d . , p. 185. 1 3 i b i d . , p. 202. 14 Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian  Identity: Modern Pan-Indian Movements: (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 197D, p. 201. -115-1 5 i b i d . , p. 275. 16 George Warren Hinman, The American Indian and  Christian Missions (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1953), pp. 159-160. 17 i b i d . , pp. 165, I67. l 8 i b i d . , p. 169. 1 9 i b i d . , pp.. 170-176. 20 Robert E. Speer, The F i n a l i t y of Jesus Christ (New Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Company, 193377 p. 280. 2 1 i b i d . , pp. 280-281. 2 2 i b i d . , p. 283. 2 3 i b i d . , pp. 283-284. 2 \ b i d . , pp. 348-377. 25 ^G. E. E. Lindquist, "The Government's New Indian Policy: Proposed Revival of Tribalism, Seen from the Missionary Angle," The Missionary Review of the World: An Interdenomina-t i o n a l Review of World-Wide Christian Progress, A p r i l 1934, p. 182. 2 6 i b i d . , pp. 182-183. 2 7 i b i d . , p. 184. 28 "Statement Unanimously Adopted by Missionaries, Both Catholic and Protestant, at Plains Indian Congress Held at Rapid City, South Dakota, March 2 to 5» with Special Reference to HR 2902 and S 2755." The Missionary Review of the World, A p r i l 1934, p. 184. 29 Elaine Goodale Eastman, "Are American Pagans Per-secuted?" The Missionary Herald at Home and Abroad, November 1934, pp. 4"6*l-462. 3°ibid., pp. 462-463. -116-31 Elaine Goodale Eastman, "Does Uncle Sam Foster Paganism?" The Ch r i s t i a n Century, August 22, 1934, pp. 1016-1017. 3 2 i b i d . , pp. 1017-1018. 33 John C o l l i e r , "A Reply to Mrs. Eastman," The  Christian Century, August 22, 1934, pp. 1018-1020. 3 4 Elaine Goodale Eastman, "Uncle Sam and Paganism," The Ch r i s t i a n Century, August 22, 1934, p. 1073. 35 "Indians Attack Commissioner," The C h r i s t i a n Cen-tury, June 5, 1935, p. 767. 3 6 For example, Rev. C. C. Brooks, "America's 'Last Stronghold of Paganism', The Navajo Indians—The Largest Tribe i n the United States," The Missionary Review of the World, May 1935, pp. 226-232. 3 7 -"John C o l l i e r , "New Deal for the American Indians," The Missionary Herald, November 1935, pp. 4 8 4 , 494. 38 Elaine Goodale Eastman, "The American Indian and His Religion: Native B e l i e f s and Customs and the Christian Mis-sionary Motive," The Missionary Review of the World, March 1937, pp. 128-130. 3 9 i b i d . , pp. 130-131. 40 "Indians' Friends," Time, May 2, 1938, p. 49. 4 1 "A Better Day for the Indians," The Missionary  Herald, A p r i l 1939, pp. 152-153. 4 2 Rev. G. A. Watermulder, "The Church and the Indians," The Missionary Review of the World, November 1939, P» 507. 43 Rudolf Hertz, "Outlook for the Dakota Indian," The  Missionary Review of the World, November 1939, p. 505. 44 Thomas Alf r e d Tripp, "After Santee—What?" The  Missionary Herald, February 1939, p. 55. ^Mark A. Dawber, "Thanksgiving and the American In-dian," The Missionary Herald, November 1939, p. 100. -117-46 Flora Warren Seymour, "A Desert Domain—Among the Indians," The Missionary Review of the World, October 1939, pp. 449-450. 47 G. E. E. Lindquist, "The Pueblo Indian Religion," The Missionary Review of the World, December 1939, p. 554. 48 W. A. Petzoldt, "The Next Steps," The Missionary  Review of the World, November 1939, PP- 505-506. 49 G. E. E.. Lindquist, "What American Indians Are Doing to Evangelize Their Own People," The Missionary Review  of the World, June 1939, pp. 299-301. 50 Thomas A l f r e d Tripp, "The Reorganization of Our Indian Work," The Missionary Herald, December 1942, p. 21. 51 Thomas A l f r e d Tripp, "Should They Be Uncle Sam's Stepchildren Any Longer?" The Missionary Herald, September 1944, pp. 25-26. CONCLUSIONS. In analyzing the material presented i n the preceeding chapters, two conclusions come to the forefront. Both deal with the church's relationship to the Federal government. In the f i r s t place, the discord between C o l l i e r and the Protestant missionaries was the f i r s t r e a l d i v i s i o n be-tween church and state i n the history of Indian a f f a i r s i n the United States. During the many decades that both were i n t i -mately concerned with Indians, l i t t l e c o n f l i c t over policy had occurred. When the government sought to expand into the conti-nent, the missionaries proved eager for the chance to carry their Gospel to the remotest t r i b e s . When the government wanted to c i v i l i z e the natives to make them more passive, i t found i t s agents i n the missionaries who wished to mold the Indians into r e p l i c a s of white American Christians. I f the aims of the fcro parties were not a l i k e , at l e a s t the churches could use t h e i r own means and thereby hope to win converts to t h e i r f o l d . When John C o l l i e r entered the arena of Indian a f f a i r s , however, with his program of economic, s o c i a l , medical, and educational improvement and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l for the natives-, the missionaries could only respond negatively. Their stock i n trade was the propagation of the C h r i s t i a n gospel. Any economic, " c i v i l i z i n g " , or p o l i t i c a l scheme that might further that end could meet with their approval, but a policy that r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r operation on the reservations and that en-couraged the development of the "paganism" against which they -119-had battled for centuries was nothing but an abomination to them. Thus the Protestant churches found themselves up against a thoroughly secular Indian Commissioner for the f i r s t time, and were forced to defend the continuing v a l i d i t y of t h e i r h i s t o r i c mission to the Indian people. C o l l i e r marked the beginning of a series of Indian administrators who preferred to use the methods of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , the ethnologist, the l i n g u s t , the economist, etc. instead of the man of God to do his work. It was the s t a r t of a seculariza-t i o n of Indian a f f a i r s and the missionaries i n good conscience could not approve. The second major point that can be made i s that the 1930's saw government and the church go o f f on opposite p h i l o -sophical tangents. While the bulk of Protestants were scurrying to the neo-orthodox standard and shedding t h e i r humanism for a starker view of man and his p o s s i b i l i t i e s . , the Indian Service was rediscovering the virtues and v i t a l i t y of the Indian l i f e -s t y l e . C o l l i e r ' s discovery of the native society had ended his pessimism about the human future and his program was i n -tended to leave the Indians to their own c u l t u r a l devices and thereby l e t them develop the best of a l l possible worlds for themselves. The churches, however, took what they considered to be a more r e a l i s t i c stance. The ancient cultures could never be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y revived because the environment that had pro-duced them was changed or changing. The presence of whites i n - 1 2 0 -settlements a l l over the country, the encroachment of a g r i -c u l t u r a l developments, the construction of dams and i r r i g a t i o n projects, and the contacts that had already been made between natives and white precluded any return to what had been. The Indians could not support themselves the way t h e i r ancestors; had with the hunts, they could not prove t h e i r manhood with the i n t e r t r i b a l wars of former days, and they could not roam the Plains i n the nomadic ways of their fathers. As their r e l i g i o n s were expressions and celebrations of these types; of a c t i v i t y , they became meaningless when the l i v e s of the-Indians were changed. The missionaries, therefore, claimed that any r e v i v a l of the r e l i g i o n s or ceremonies would do nothing but make the Indians into l i v i n g museum pieces. In their eyes the only solution was to continue the work already started and far gone:: the assimilation of the Indians into white American society. For t h i s reason they supported the economic and s o c i a l aspects of C o l l i e r ' s plan, but rejected anything that hinted at segregation or i s o l a t i o n . In summary, the c o n f l i c t between John C o l l i e r and the Protestant missionaries demonstrates two aspects of the church-state r e l a t i o n s h i p of the time. One was that the state was becoming increasingly secular i n i t s orientation while the church held firm to i t s e c c l e s i a s t i c a l b e l i e f s . The other was that the government of the day was moving towards humanism while the churches were becoming increasingly more c r i t i c a l of man's a b i l i t y to handle his own world successfully. One focus of t h i s struggle between two powerful i n s t i t u t i o n s i n -121-American l i f e was the area of Indian a f f a i r s , and during the 1930»s and 1940's there was no sign of either side compro-mising i t s guiding e t h i c s . LITERATURE CITED I. Government Publications C o l l i e r , John. "Report of the Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the:. F i s c a l Year Ending June 50, 1933'. Washington: United States Government Printing O f f i c e , 1933. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the I n t e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30. 1934. Washington:- United States Government Pri n t i n g O f f i c e , 1934. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1935. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1935« C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1936. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g Office, 1936. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Interior for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30* 1937. Washington: United States Government Pri n t i n g O f f i c e , 1937. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual. Report of  the Secretary of the I n t e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 50. 1958. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1938. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1939. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1939* C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1940. Washington: United States Government Pri n t i n g O f f i c e , 1940. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1941. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1941. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual. Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1942. Washington: United States-Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1942. -123-C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Int e r i o r f o r the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1945. Washington: United States Government Pri n t i n g O f f i c e , 1943. C o l l i e r , John. "Office of Indian A f f a i r s . " Annual Report of  the Secretary of the Inter i o r for the F i s c a l Year  Ending June 30, 1944. Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1944. Congressional Record. 6 7 t h Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 12323-12325. Congressional Record. 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 9071, 9221, 9222, 9607, 10583, 11122-11139, 11226-11229, 11634, 11724-11744, I I 8 3 0 - I I 8 3 I , 12001-12004, 12073, 12161-12165, 12256-12257, 12340, 12451. The Inst i t u t e for Government Research. The Problem-of Indian  Administration: Report of a Survey Made at- the Re-quest of Honorable Herbert Work, Secretary of the  Inte r i o r , and Submitted to Him, February 21 , 1928. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1928. Report of the Board of Indian Commissioners to the Secretary of  the I n t e r i o r , 1 9 3 0 . Washington: United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1930. I I . Books and A r t i c l e s by C o l l i e r A*. Books C o l l i e r , John. From Every Zenith: A Memoir and Some Essays on  L i f e and Thought. Denver: Sage Books, 1963. C o l l i e r , John. The Indians of the Americas. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1947. C o l l i e r , John. On the Gleaming Way: -Nava.jos,. Eastern Pueblos, Zunis, Hopis, Apaches, and Their Land; And Their Meanings  to the World. Denver: Sage Books, 1963. C o l l i e r , John and Moskowitz, I r a . Patterns and Ceremonials of the  Indians of the "Southwest". New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc., 1949. B. A r t i c l e s C o l l i e r , John. "The Accursed System: Why Lincoln's Denunciation of the Indian Service i s True to This Day." Sunset, June 1924, pp. 15-16, 80-82. -124-C o l l i e r , John. "American Congo." The Survey, August 1, 1923, pp. 467-476. C o l l i e r , John. "America's Treatment of Her Indians." Current  History; A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, August 1923, pp. 77I-70I. C o l l i e r , John. "Anthony Comstock—Liberal." The Survey, November 6, 1915, pp. 127-130, 152-153. C o l l i e r , John. "Are We Making Red Slaves?" The Survey, January 1, 1927, pp. 453-455, 474-475, 477, 4"So. C o l l i e r , John. "Back of Our Footlights': The Half-Forgotten Social Functions of the Drama." The Survey, June 5, 1915, pp. 213-217. C o l l i e r , John. "Back to Dishonor?" Christian Century, May 12, 1954, pp. 578-580. C o l l i e r , John. "Before Our Footlights: The School-keeping of the Motion Picture Showmen." The Survey, July 3, 1915, pp. 315-317, 320. C o l l i e r , John. "The Beleaguered Indian." The Nation, September 17, 1949, pp. 276-277. C o l l i e r , John. "Caliban of the Yellow Sands." The Survey, June 3, 1916, pp. 251-260. C o l l i e r , John. "Censorship and the National Board." The Survey, October 2, 1915, pp. 9-14, 31-33. C o l l i e r , John. "Censorship i n Action." The Survey, August 7, 1915, PP. 423-427. C o l l i e r , John. "Charles Sprague Smith." The Survey, A p r i l 9, 1910, p. 80. C o l l i e r , John. "Democracy Every Day." Addresses and Proceedings of the National Education Association of the United States, 191QTPP. 53-54. C o l l i e r , John. "The Fate of the Navajos: What W i l l O i l Money Do to the Greatest of Indian Tribes?" Sunset, January 1924, pp. 11-13, 60, 62, 73, 74. C o l l i e r , John. "A Film Library." The Survey, March 4, 1916, pp. 663-668. C o l l i e r , John. "Film Shows and Lawmakers." The Survey, February 8, 1913, PP. 643-644. C o l l i e r , John. "For a New Drama." The Survey, May 6, 1916, pp. 137-141. -125-C o l l i e r , John. "Hammering at the Prison Door." The Survey, July 1, 1928, pp. 389, 402-405. C o l l i e r , John. "The Indian Bureau's Record." The Nation, October 5, 1932, pp. 303-305. C o l l i e r , John. "Indians Inc." The Survey, February 1, 1930, pp. 519-523, 547-549. C o l l i e r , John. "Indian Takeaway: Betrayal of a Trust." The  Nation, October 2, 1954, pp. 290-291. C o l l i e r , John. "Keystone of the Arch." The Survey, November 18, 1911, p. 1200. C o l l i e r , John. "The Learned Judges and the Films." The Survey, September 4, 1915, pp. 513-516. C o l l i e r , John. "Letter to General Eisenhower." The Nation, January 10, 1953, pp. 29-30. C o l l i e r , John. "Light on Moving Pictures." The Survey, October 1, 1910, p. 80. C o l l i e r , John. "'Movies' and the Law." The Survey, January 20, 1912, pp. 1628-1629. C o l l i e r , John. "Moving Pictures, Their Function and Proper Regulation." Playground, October 1910, pp. 232-239. C o l l i e r , John. "National Board of Censorship of Motion Pictures." Playground, March 1912, pp. 402-404. C o l l i e r , John. "Navajos." The Survey, January 1, 1924, pp. 332-339, 363-365. C o l l i e r , John. "New Deal for the American Indians." The Missionary Herald, November 1935, PP. 483-484, 494. C o l l i e r , John. "No Trespassing: The Indian Bureau Proposes to Eject A l l Investigators from the Reservations It Rules." Sunset, May 1923, pp. 14-15, 58-60. C o l l i e r , John. "Our Indian Policy: Why Not Treat the Red Man as Wisely, as Generously as We Have Treated the F i l i p i n o . " Sunset, March 1923, pp. 13-15, 89-93. C o l l i e r , John. "Persecuting the Pueblos." Sunset, July 1924, pp. 50, 92-93. C o l l i e r , John. "Plundering the Pueblo Indians." Sunset, January 1923, pp. 21-25, 56. C o l l i e r , John. "Pueblo Lands." The Survey, February 15, 1931, pp. 548-549. -126-C o l l i e r , John. "Pueblos' Land Problem." Sunset, November 1923, pp. 15, 101. C o l l i e r , John. "Pueblos' Last Stand." Sunset, February 1923, pp. 19-22, 65-66. C o l l i e r , John. "Pueblo T i t l e s . " The Survey, March 15, 1926, pp. 703-704. C o l l i e r , John. "Red A t l a n t i s . " The Survey, October 1, 1922, pp. 15-20, 63, 66. C o l l i e r , John. "Red Slaves of Oklahoma." Sunset, March 1924, pp. 9-H, 94-100. C o l l i e r , John. "A Reply to Mrs. Eastman." The C h r i s t i a n Century, August 22, 1934, pp. 1018-1020. C o l l i e r , John. "Room for the Indians!" Woman C i t i z e n , March 8, 1924, pp. 9-10. C o l l i e r , John. "Senators and Indians." The Survey, January 1, 1929, pp. 425-428, 457. C o l l i e r , John. "Should the Government Censor Motion Pictures?" Playground, July 1912, pp. 129-132. C o l l i e r , John. "The Stage, A New World." The Survey, June 3, 1916, pp. 251-260. C o l l i e r , John. "The Theater of Tomorrow." The Survey, January 1, 1916, pp. 381-385, 411. C o l l i e r , John. "The Vanquished Indian." The Nation, January 11, 1928, pp. 38-41. C o l l i e r , John. "Wilderness and Modern Man." Wildlands i n Our  C i v i l i z a t i o n . Edited by David Brower. San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1964. C o l l i e r , John and Haas, Theodore H. "The United States Indian." Understanding Minority Groups. Edited Joseph B.. G i t t l e r . New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1956. I I I . Books and A r t i c l e s by Missionaries A. Books Hinman, George Warren. The American Indian and Chr i s t i a n Missions. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1933* -127-Lindquist, G. E. E. The Red Man i n the United States; An Intimate Study of the S o c i a l , Economic, and Religious  M f e of the American Indian. New York: George H. Dean Company, 1923. Speer, Robert E. The F i n a l i t y of Jesus Chris t . New Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1933. B. A r t i c l e s "A Better Day for the Indians." The Missionary Herald, A p r i l 1939, PP. 152-153. Brooks, G. C. "Amerida's 'Last Stronghold of Paganism,* The Navajo Indians—The Largest Tribe i n the United States." The Missionary Review of the World, March 1935, PP« 22o"-232. Dawber, Mark A. "Thanksgiving and the American Indian." The  Missionary Herald, November 1939, p. 100. Eastman, Elaine Goodale. "The American Indian and His Religion: Native B e l i e f s and Customs and the C h r i s t i a n Missionary Motive." The Missionary Review of the World, March 1937, PP- 123-130. Eastman, Elaine Goodale. "Are American Pagans Persecuted?" The Missionary Herald, November 1934, pp. 461-463. Eastman, Elaine Goodale. "Does Uncle Sam Foster Paganism?" The  Chr i s t i a n Century, August 22, 1934, pp. 1016-1018. Eastman, Elaine Goodale. "Uncle Sam and Paganism." The Christian  Century, August 22, 1934, p. 1073. Hertz, Rudolf. "Outlook for the Dakota Indian." The Missionary  Review of the World, November 1939, pp. 504-505. "Indians Attack Commissioner." The Ch r i s t i a n Century, June 5, 1935, p. 767. Lindquist, G. E. E. "The Government's New Indian Policy:. Pro-posed Revival of Tribalism, Seen from the Missionary Angle." The Missionary Review of the World, A p r i l 1934, pp. 182-lBTfT Lindquist, G. E. E. "The Pueblo Indian Religion." The Missionary Review of the World, December 1939, pp. 553-3W. Lindquist, G. E. E. "What American Indians Are Doing to Evan-gelize Their Own People." The Missionary Review of the World, June 1939, pp. 299-301. -128-Petzoldt, W. A. "The Next Steps." The Missionary Review of  the World, November 1939, PP« 305-506. Seymour, Fl o r a Warren. "A Desert Domain—Among the Indians." The Missionary Review of the World, October 1939, pp. 448-450. "Statement Unanimously Adopted by Missionaries, Both Catholic and Protestant, at Plains Indian Congress Held at Rapid City, South Dakota, March 2 to 5, with Special Reference to HR 2902 and S 2755." The Missionary  Review of the World, A p r i l 1934, p. 184. Tripp, Thomas A l f r e d . "After Santee—What?" The Missionary  Herald, February 1939, pp. 54-55* Tripp, Thomas A l f r e d . "The Reorganization of Our Indian Work." The Missionary Herald, December 1942, pp. 20-21. Tripp, Thomas Al f r e d . "Should They Be Uncle Sam's Stepchildren Any Longer?" The Missionary Herald, September 1944, pp. 23-26. Watermulder, G. A. "The Church and the Indians." The Missionary  Review of the World, November 1939, pp. 506-507. IV. Other Books A. Primary Adams, Evelyn C. American Indian Education: Government Schools  and Economic Progress. Morningside Heights, New York: King's Crown Press, 1946. American C i v i l i z a t i o n : Readings i n the Cultural and I n t e l l e c t u a l  History of the United States. Edited by Eugene C. Drozdowski. Glenview, I l l i n o i s : Scott, Foresman and Company, 1972. Ba r i t z , Loren. Sources of the American Mind: A C o l l e c t i o n of  Documents and Texts i n American I n t e l l e c t u a l History. Volume I I . London: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966. Beaver, Robert Pierce. Church, State, -and the American Indians: Two and a Half Centuries of Partnership, i n Missions  Between Protestant Churches and Government. St. Louis, Missouri: Concordia Publishing House, 1966. Berkhofer, Robert F., J r . Salvationand the Savage.: An Analysis  of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response:, 1787-1862. The University of Kentucky Press, 1965. -129-Bolton, Herbert E. Coronado: Knight of Pueblos and Pla i n s . New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 19^9. Brauer, Jerald C. Protestantism i n America: A Narrative History. Revised e d i t i o n . Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1965. Busk, Henry William. A Sketch of the Origin and the Recent History of the New England Company by the Senior Member of the Company. London: Spottiswoode and Company, TB"8¥7~ "The Charter of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay i n New Eng-land. 1628-29." Records of the Governor and Company  of the Massachusetts Bay i n New England. Edited by Nathaniel B. Shu r t l e f f . Volume I. Boston: The Press of William White, Printer to the Commonwealth, 1853. Clebsch, William A. From Sacred to Profane America: The Role of Religion i n American History. New York: Harper and Row, 19b8. DeSchweinitz, Edmund. The L i f e and Times of David Zeisberger, The Western Pioneer and Apostle of the Indians. P h i l a -delphia: J.B. Lippincott and Company, 1870. E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Records, State of New York. Edited by Hugh Hastings. Albany: James B. Lyon, State Printer, 1901. Eggleston, Edward. The Beginnings of a Nation: A History of the  Source and Rise of the E a r l i e s t English Settlements i n  America With Special Reference to the L i f e and Character of the People. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1900. F r i t z , Henry E. The Movement for Indian Assimilation, I86O-I89O. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963. Gaustad, Edwin Scott. A Religious History of America. New York: Harper and Row, 1966. The Genesis of the United States;, A Narrative of the Movement i n England, 1605-1616, Which Resulted i n the Plantation of  North America by Englishmen, Disclosing the Contest  between England and Spain for the Possession of the  S o i l Now Occupied by the United .States of America; Set  fort h through a Series of H i s t o r i c a l Manuscripts Now  F i r s t Printed,. Together.- with a Reissue of Rare Con-temporaneous Tracts, Accompanied by Bi b l i o g r a p h i c a l  Memoranda, Notes, and Brief Biographies. Collected, arranged, and edited by Alexander Brown. Two volumes. London: William Heinemann, I89O. Gray, Elma E. Wilderness Christians: The Moravian Mission to the Delaware Indians. Toronto: The Macmillan Company, 1956. -130-The Great Awakening: Documents I l l u s t r a t i n g the C r i s i s and  Its Consequences. Edited by Alan Heimert and Perry M i l l e r . Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1967. Hagan, William T. American Indians. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961. Hakluyt, Richard. "A P a r t i c u l a r discourse concerning the great necessitie and manifolde commodyties that are l i k e to growe to t h i s Realme of Englande by the Westerne discoueries l a t e l y attempted." Documentary History of  the State of Maine. Edited by Charles Deane. Volume I I . Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and Son, 1887. Handy, Robert T. A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and  H i s t o r i c a l R e a l i t i e s . New York: Oxford University Press, 1971. Hare, Lloyd C. M. Thomas Mayhew, Patriarch to the Indians (1593- 1682): The L i f e a i the Worshipful Governor and Chief  Magistrate of the Island of Martha's Vineyard; Proprie-tary of Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket and the Elizabeth  Islands, and Lord of the Manor of Tisbury i n North  America. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1932. Harmon, George Dewey. Sixty Years of Indian A f f a i r s : P o l i t i c a l , Economic, and Diplomatic, I789-I85O. Chapel H i l l : The University of North Carolina Press, 19^1. Hawkins, Ernest. H i s t o r i c a l Notices of the Missions of the Church  of England i n the North American Colonies Previous to the  Independence of the United States, Chiefly from the  Manuscript Documents of the Society for the Propagation  of the Gospel i n Foreign Parts. London: B. Fellows, l845« Herberg, W i l l . Protestant-Catholic-Jew: An Essay" i n American  Religious Sociology. Revised e d i t i o n . Garden City, New York: I960. Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, Inc., Hertzberg, Hazel W. The Search for an American Indian Identity: Modern Pan-Indian Movements. Syracuse: Syracuse Uni-v e r s i t y Press, 1971. Kellaway, William. The Net/ England Company 1649-1776: Missionary  Society to the American Indians. New York: Barnes and Noble, Inc., I960. Kelsey, Rayner Wickersham. Friends and the Indians, 1653-1917* Philadelphia: The Associated Executive Committee of Friends on Indian A f f a i r s , 1917. -131V L i t t e l l , Franklin Hamlin. From State Church to Pluralism: A Protestant Interpretation of Religion i n American  History. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1962. ( Lowery, Woodbury. The Spanish Settlements Within the Present  Limits of the United States, 1313-1561. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1911. MacNutt, Francis Augustus. Fernando Cortez and the Conquest of Mexico. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909. Mardock, Robert Winston. The Reformers and the American Indian. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1971. ti Marriott, A l i c e and Rachlin, Carol K. Peyote. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1971. Mayer, F. E. The Religious Bodies of America. Fourth e d i t i o n . Saint Louis, Missouri: Concordia Publishing House, I96I. Mead, Frank S. Handbook of Denominations i n the United States. F i f t h e d i t i o n . Nashville, Tennessee: Abingdon Press, 1970. Mead, Sidney, The L i v e l y Experiment: The Shaping of C h r i s t i a n i t y  i n America. New York: Harper and Row, 1963. Means, P h i l i p Ainsworth. F a l l of the Inca Empire. New York: Gordian Press, Inc., 196%. Meyer, Donald B. The Protestant Search for P o l i t i c a l Realism, 1919-1941. Berkeley and Los Angeles:: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, i960. M i l l e r , Robert Moats:. American Protestantism and So c i a l Issues., 1919-1939. Chapel H i l l : The University of North Carolina Press, 1958. The North American Indian Today. Edited by C. T. Loran and T. F. Mcllwraith. Toronto:: The University of Toronto Press, 1943. Patterns of Faith i n America Today. Edited by F. Ernest Johnson. New York: C o l l i e r Books, 1962. Pearce, Roy Harvey. The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of C i v i l i z a t i o n . Revised ed i t i o n . Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965. Petr u l l o , Vincenzo. The Diabolic Root: A Study of Peyotism, The  New Indian Religion, ilmong the Delawares. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,1934. -132-Pond, S. W., J r . Two Volunteer Missionaries Among the Dakotas  or The Story of the Labors of Samuel W. and Gideon H.  Pond. Boston and Chicago: Congregational Sunday-School and Publishing Society, 1893* Prescott, William H. History of the Cogjquest of Mexico. New and revised e d i t i o n . London: George A l l e n and Unwin, Ltd., 1886. Prucha, Francis Paul. American Indian Policy i n the Formative  Years: The Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts, 1790- 1834. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19627 The Religion of the Republic. Edited by Elwyn A. Smith. P h i l a -delphia: Fortress Press, 1971. Schlesinger, Arthur M., J r . The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming  of the New Deal. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1958T" Schmeckebier, Laurence F. The O f f i c e of Indian A f f a i r s : Its History, A c t i v i t i e s and Organization. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1927. Schultz, George A. An Indian Canaan: Isaac McCoy and the Vision of an Indian State. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972. The Shaping of American Religion. Edited by James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison. Two volumes. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 196l. Slotkin, J . S. The Peyote Religion: A Study i n Indian-White  Relations. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, 1956. Smith, H. Shelton, Handy, Robert T., and Loetscher, L e f f e r t s A. American C h r i s t i a n i t y : An H i s t o r i c a l Interpretation  with Representative Documents. Two volumes. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1963. Sweet, William Warren. Religion i n Colonial America. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1965* Sweet, William Warren. Religion i n the Development of American Culture, 1765-1840. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1952. Sweet, William Warren. Religion on the American Frontier: The Baptists 1783-1830; A Co l l e c t i o n of Source Material. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1931. Sweet, William Warren. Revivalism i n America: Its Origins, Growth and Decline. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1944. -133-Sweet, William Warren. The Story of Religion i n America. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. The Theology of the Christian Mission. Edited by Gerald H. Anderson. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.\ 1961. Twentieth Century C h r i s t i a n i t y : A Survey of Modern Religious Trends by Leading Churchmen. Edited by Stephen N e i l l . Revised e d i t i o n . Garden City, New York: Dolphin Books, Doubleday and Company, Inc., 19°3. Vaughan, Alden T. New England Frontier: Puritans and Indians, 1620-1675. Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1965* Wagner, Henry Raup. The L i f e and Writings of Bartolome de l a s Casas. Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 19677 Wright, Louis B. Religion and Empire: The A l l i a n c e between  Piety and Commerce i n English Expansion, 1558-1625. New York: Octagon Books, Inc., 1965. B. Secondary Alley, Robert S. So Help Me God: Religion and the Presidency, Wilson to Nixon. Richmond, V i r g i n i a : John Knox Press, 1972. Antieau, Chester James, Downey, Arthur T., and Roberts, Edward C. Freedom from Federal Establishment: Formation and Early  History of the F i r s t Amendment Religion Clauses. M i l -waukee: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1964. B a l t z e l l , E. Digby. The Protestant Establishment: Aristocracy  and Caste i n America. New York: Random House, 1964. B r i l l , E a r l H. The Creative Edge of American Protestantism. New York: The Seabury Press, Inc., 1966. Burnette, Robert. The Tortured Americans. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971. Culture and Commitment, 1929-1945. Edited by Warren Susman. New York: George B r a z i l l e r , Inc., 1973* Deloria, Vine J r . Of Utmost Good F a i t h . San Francisco: Straight Arrow Books, 1971. E l l i s , John Tracy. American Catholicism. Garden City, New York: Image Books, A Di v i s i o n of Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1965. -134-Fey, Harold E. and McNickle, D'Arcy. Indians and Other Americans: Two Ways of L i f e Meet. Revised e d i t i o n . New York: Harper and Row, 1970. Josephy, Alv i n M. J r . Red Power: The American Indians* Fight for  Freedom. New York: American Heritage Press, 1971. Levitan, Sar A. and Hetrick, Barbara. Big Brother's Indian  Program—With Reservations. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1971• May, Henry F. The End of American Innocence: A Study of the  F i r s t Years of Our Own Time, 1912-1917. New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1959. May, Henry F. Protestant Churches and Indu s t r i a l America. New York: Harper and Row, 1967* Meyer, William. Native Americans: The New Indian Resistance. New York: International Publishers, 1971. Miyakawa, T. Scott. Protestants and Pioneers: Individualism  and Conformity on the American Frontier. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1964. Nash, Roderick. The Nervous Generation: American Thought, 1917- 1950. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1970. Niebuhr, H. Richard. The Purpose of the Church and Its Ministry: Reflections on the Aims of Theological Education. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956. Niebuhr, H. Richard, Williams, Daniel Day, and Gustafson, James M. The Advancement of Theological Education. New York& Harper and Brothers, 1957* Schusky, Ernest L. The Right to be Indian. Board of National Missions of the United Presbyterian Church i n cooperation with the I n s t i t u t e of Indian Studies, State University of South Dakota, I965. Sperry, W i l l a r d L. Religion i n America. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1946. V. Other Articles; A. Primary "City Too Cramped for Pueblo Indians." New York Times, January 15» 1923, p. 28. "Ex-Commissioner Scores Indian B i l l . " New York Times, September 26, 1949, p. 28. -135-"Indians' Friends." Time, May 2, 1938, p. 49. "John C o l l i e r ' s Record." The Nation, March 24, 1945, pp. 321-322. McNickle, D'Arcy. "John C o l l i e r ' s V i s i o n . " The Nation, June. 3, 1968, pp. 718-719. The Nation, A p r i l 26, 1933, p. 459. Patterson, E. Palmer I I . "The Poet and the Indian: Indian Themes. i n the Poetry of Duncan Campbell Scott and John C o l l i e r . " Ontario History, June 1967, pp. 69-78. "People i n the Limelight!:. C o l l i e r and Brophy." The New Republic, March 5, 1945, p. 319. "Plan to Safeguard Welfare of Indians." New York Times, June 24, 1923, p. 17. "Plea for Pueblo Indians: Town Hall Audience Hears: Bureau De-nounced and Raises $1,400." New York Times, January 25, 1923, p. 9. "Pueblos Unite i n P e t i t i o n . " New York Times, November 7, 1922, p. 6. Sergeant, Elizabeth Shepley. "Big Powwow of Pueblos." New York  Times., November 26, 1922, IV, p. 6. Swing, Raymond Gram. "The Fight on the New Indian P o l i c y . " The  Nation, A p r i l 24, 1935, pp. 479-480. Thorning, Joseph F. Review of Indians of the Americas by John C o l l i e r . The Americas: A* Quarterly Review of Inter- American Cultural History, A p r i l 1949, pp. 497-498. Time, February 19, 1945, pp. 18-19. Time, June 24, 1940, p. 15. B. Secondary Atkins, Gaius Glenn. "The Crusading Church at Home and Abroad." Church History, September 1932, pp. 131-149. "C. A. C o l l i e r Injured." New York Times, September 28, 1900, p. 1. Gaddis, M e r r i l l E. "Religious Ideas and Attitudes i n the Early Frontier." Church History, 1933, pp. 152-170. "John C o l l i e r , Ex-Commissioner of Indian A f f a i r s , Is Dead at 84." New York Times, May 9, 1968, p. 47. -136-Leonard, Richard D. "The Presbyterian and Congregational Con-vention of Wisconsin, 1840-1850." Church History, 1938, 346-363. Oliphant, J . O l i n . "The American Missionary S p i r i t , 1828-1835." Church History, 1938, pp. 125-137. Schneider, Herbert W. "Post-War Protestantism." Church History, 1935, PP. 87-102. VI. Miscellaneous Works of Reference " C o l l i e r , John." Current Biography: Who' s News and Why, 19_4l. Edited by Maxine Block. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 194l. The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Being the History of the United States as I l l u s t r a t e d i n the Lives of the  Founders, Builders, and Defenders of the Republic, and  of the Men and Women Who are Doing the Work and Moulding  the Thought of the Present Time.- Edited by Distinguished Biographers, Selected from Each State; Revised and Approved by the Most Eminent Historians, Scholars, and Statesmen of the Day. Volume XXIV. New York: James T. White and Company, 1935. Who's Who i n America: A Biographical Dictionary of Notable Li v i n g  Men and Women. Volume 30. Chicago: The A. N. Marquis Company ,1958". 

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