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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Effects of the unit "Indians in transition" upon the attitudes of white high school students towards… Lefroy, Mark Stephen 1973

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THE EFFECTS OF THE UNIT "INDIANS IN TRANSITION" UPON THE ATTITUDES OF WHITE HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS TOWARDS INDIANS by ,MARK STEPHEN LEFROY B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS 1n the Department of SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATION We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the requir e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1973 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed w ithout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f SOCIAL- Q f u D ' e -5 O £> Q ( 4-f7 o The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada ,1 ABSTRACT The study examines the problem of a t t i t u d e measurement, with s p e c i f i c reference to the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f a book Indians i n  T r a n s i t i o n p r e s c r i b e d f o r use i n B r i t i s h Columbia secondary s c h o o l s . The treatment c o n s i s t e d o f an ordered one month classroom exposure to the three s e c t i o n s of the book, which roughly f o l l o w the Canada Studies Foundation recommended format o f : statement of the pro-blem, roots of the problem, and p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n s to the problem. Rat i o n a l e f o r p r e d i c t i n g a p o s i t i v e change i n a t t i t u d e l a r g e -l y derived from the w r i t i n g s o f Hovland and F i s h b e l n , and demonstrable p a r a l l e l s between t h e i r t h e o r i e s and the m a t e r i a l s i n Indians i n Tran- s i t i o n . The design was a randomized i n t a c t groups assigned to ex-perimental and c o n t r o l modes, p o s t - t e s t only format, i n v o l v i n g a sample o f some three hundred lower mainland secondary students. Control groups d i d not r e c e i v e a r e l a t e d Indian-based treatment, but were engaged 1n s t u d i e s o f a n e u t r a l n a t u r e — t h e r e g u l a r e x p l o r a t i o n u n i t of the grade 10 c u r r i c u l u m . This introduced a p o s s i b l e "Hawthorne" e f f e c t , but was unavoidable due to the absence o f any other s p e c i f i c a l l y a t t i t u d e -o r i e n t e d program d e a l i n g with Indian problems on any systemized b a s i s . 11 The other major problem appeared to be a lack of s t r i c t de-f i n i t i o n and c o n t r o l over the a p p l i c a t i o n of the treatment. However t h i s problem, which d e r i v e d i n part from the p r a c t i c a l , non-laboratory nature o f the study, d i d not prevent s i g n i f i c a n t f i n d i n g s , and thus perhaps serves to emphasize the usefulness o f t h i s m a t e r i a l i n a wide range of classroom s i t u a t i o n s . I t was necessary to develop a new instrument f o r the study. This was a Thurstone type s c a l e based l o o s e l y upon an e a r l i e r general s c a l e by Remmers. I t was t e s t e d f o r s e n s i t i v i t y by means o f v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y t e s t s and was found s a t i s f a c t o r y . S i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e was found a t the .05 l e v e l between experimental and c o n t r o l groups, and thus i t was concluded that groups of students subjected to a Continuing Concerns approach u n i t on Canadian Indians demonstrate a more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e toward Indians than do groups of students f o l l o w i n g the r e g u l a r c u r r i c u l u m . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER ONE - THE SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM 1 Background The Problem D e f i n i t i o n of Terms Hypotheses Ra t i o n a l e of the Hypotheses The Assumptions made i n the Study D e l i m i t a t i o n of the Study J u s t i f i c a t i o n of the Study CHAPTER TWO - REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 16 CHAPTER THREE - METHODOLOGY 29 Measuring Instrument Method of Scoring V a l i d i t y R e l i a b i l i t y Design Sampling Procedure C o l l e c t i o n of Data A n a l y s i s of Data CHAPTER FOUR - WEAKNESSES TO BE CONSIDERED 35 CHAPTER FIVE - DATA AND CONCLUSIONS 38 CHAPTER SIX - POSSIBILITIES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH. . 42 REFERENCES APPENDICES -A. Excerpts from p a r t s one, two and three of Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n . B. The t h e o r e t i c a l r a t i o n a l e f o r the pre-d i c t i o n of a t t i t u d e change; An A r t i c l e by M a r t i n F i s h b e i n . 44 47 C A general b i b l i o g r a p h y of s t u d i e s i n i n t e r - r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s . The Instrument: 1. An a r t i c l e by Thurstone on the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f , h i s s c a l e . 2. The Remmers S c a l e , upon which t h i s study bases i t s instrument. 3. A copy of the instrument constructed f o r t h i s study, i n c l u d i n g s cale values of items f o r s c o r i n g . 1 CHAPTER ONE - THE SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM Background The r o o t s of t h i s study l i e i n the work of the N a t i o n a l H i s t o r y P r o j e c t c u l m i n a t i n g i n the book What C u l t u r e ? What Heritage? by A. B. Hodgetts, published by the Ontario I n s t i t u t e f o r Studies i n Education i n 1968. The N a t i o n a l H i s t o r y P r o j e c t c a r r i e d out a massive d e s c r i p t i v e study, funded by T r i n i t y C o l l e g e School, of the q u a l i t y of i n s t r u c t i o n i n Canadian h i s t o r y , S o c i a l Studies and c i v i c education i n elementary and secondary schools throughout Canada. The study was mainly concerned w i t h what has come to be known as C i v i c s - - p a r t i c u l a r l y the i n f l u e n c e of formal i n s t r u c t i o n i n developing the f e e l i n g s and a t t i t u d e s of young Canadians toward t h e i r country and i t s problems, and the knowledge upon which these a t t i t u d e s are based. To quote from Hodgetts: "The two-year study took the form of: The Student Q u e s t i o n n a i r e : an o p i n i o n survey and an attempt t o determine the r o l e of the school and other s o c i a l i z i n g f o r c e s i n forming these o p i n i o n s . I t has been administered, i n French or E n g l i s h , mainly at the grade 12 l e v e l , to some 10,000 students across Canada. The Open-Ended Essay: a simple l i t t l e q uestion which we f i r s t began t o use almost by accident to take up s l a c k f i f t e e n minute times at the ends of c l a s s e s we were observing. Students were asked to w r i t e a short essay on the t o p i c "What do you t h i n k 2 of Canada, and what do you t h i n k of Canadian H i s t o r y ? " Essays, i n French or E n g l i s h , were submitted by s l i g h t l y more than 1,000 students from f i v e provinces, Quebec, O n t a r i o , Saskatchewan, A l b e r t a , and B r i t i s h Columbia. As w i l l be shown l a t e r , and c o n t r a r y t o e x p e c t a t i o n s , these essays have provided some of our most i l l u m i n a t i n g i n f ormation. The student,Interview: an hour-long s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w designed to f i n d out what degree of c o r r e l a t i o n , i f any, e x i s t s between the q u a l i t y of i n s t r u c t i o n i n Canadian Studies and the i n f o r m a t i o n , f e e l i n g s and a t t i t u d e s of the students toward Canada. I t was administered during the summer of 1966 to a group of 72 grade 10 boys from Ontario and Quebec. The teacher Interview: a one-and-one-half-hour s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w designed to explore teachers' i n t e r e s t i n and a t t i t u d e s toward Canada and Canadian H i s t o r y , the d i f f i c u l t i e s and successes they were expe r i e n c i n g i n teaching Canadian H i s t o r y , and the recommendations they had f o r making i t a more meaningful subject. F i v e hundred of these i n t e r -views have been gathered from teachers of Canadian h i s t o r y or S o c i a l S t u d i e s i n a l l ten provinces. The Student-Teacher Questionnaire: designed prim-a r i l y , but not e x c l u s i v e l y , t o determine the q u a l i t y of i n s t r u c t i o n i n Canadian s t u d i e s that these f u t u r e teachers had r e c e i v e d from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e u n i v e r s i t i e s . I t was administered i n French or E n g l i s h t o both r e g u l a r and summer school students i n 14 f a c u l t i e s of education. The P r e l i m i n a r y Interview: used by the D i r e c t o r i n the e a r l y months of the p r o j e c t to determine the areas of concern that school and u n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s thought we should i n v e s t i g a t e . This two-hour, l o o s e l y s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w was administered to about 200 persons d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h some aspect of Canadian s t u d i e s . The School P r o f i l e and Classroom Observations: we observed some 850 teachers i n 247 schools i n 20 c i t i e s across Canada. Our observations were recorded i n essay form as w e l l as on a d e t a i l e d check l i s t . This l i s t contained 95 d e s c r i p t i v e c a t e g o r i e s and was accompanied by a 75-page handbook. 3 While i n each school, we a l s o i n t e r v i e w e d the p r i n c i p a l and recorded, again on a c h e c k - l i s t , such t h i n g s as ethnic and socio-economic back-ground of the students, the a u d i o - v i s u a l m a t e r i a l s a v a i l a b l e f o r Canadian s t u d i e s , the number of Canadian h i s t o r y books i n the school and classroom l i b r a r i e s and the extent to which these books were being used. We a l s o gathered a tremendous number of what, f o r l a c k of a b e t t e r name, we have c a l l e d "handouts"--such t h i n g s as mimeographed a s s i g n -ments, essay t o p i c s , reading l i s t s , i n t e r n a l l y set examinations, and so on. L i t e r a t u r e of the types l i s t e d below was a l s o s t u d i e d . Departments of Education Handouts: data on the scope and sequence of a l l h i s t o r y courses i n the ten p r o v i n c e s , the p r e s c r i b e d or a u t h o r i z e d textbooks, m a t e r i a l s r e l a t e d to the methods of i n s t r u c t i o n , aims and contents of a l l Canadian s t u d i e s courses, and copies of p r o v i n c i a l l y set examinations i n these s u b j e c t s . Current L i t e r a t u r e : through a c l i p p i n g and reading s e r v i c e , we have t r i e d to keep up w i t h newly published books and a r t i c l e s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o our f i e l d of inquiry."- 1' There i s no doubt t h a t some aspects of the method-ology, evidence and c o n c l u s i o n s of t h i s r e p o r t are open to question, but the sheer scope and numbers i n v o l v e d give credence to i t s f i n d i n g s . The damning f a c t t h a t emerged was t h a t most students were judged to have completed t h e i r s chooling without a fundamental p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , economic, or s o c i a l understanding of t h e i r n a t i o n . "Why i s there a Canada? What i s i t s nature? They simply didn't have a r e a l awareness of the d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the exposed, m u l t i - e t h n i c and r e g i o n a l l y d i v e r s e nature of the t o t a l Canadian environment. In f a c t the f i n d i n g s suggest that school s t u d i e s about Canada oft e n had the e f f e c t of strengthening the d i v i s i v e i n f l u e n c e s i n our s o c i e t y . These conclusions l e d t o f u r t h e r study, research and a s e r i e s of i n t e r -4 views and conferences out of which, some $345,000 l a t e r , emerged the Canada Studies Foundation."2 S p e c i f i c a l l y , the f i n d i n g s which r e l a t e to t h i s study were almost u n i v e r s a l l y d e v a s t a t i n g i n t h e i r assessment of the s t a t e of Canadian s t u d i e s . There was a chapter devoted to each area o b s e r v e d — t h e course of study; the classroom and i t s a c t i v i t i e s ; and the c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e r e s u l t s manifested i n the students. In each case the f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the r e a l i t y of the s i t u a t i o n f e l l f a r short of sta t e d o b j e c t i v e s and standards. In the area of courses of study the f i n d i n g s were t h a t without exception the i n t e r e s t s and concerns were those that preoccupied academic h i s t o r i a n s of the 1920's, narrowly confined to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y . More v i t a l t o p i c s such as m i n o r i t y r i g h t s , p r o t e s t s , c l a s s move-ments, u r b a n i z a t i o n , the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , a r t , education and r e l i g i o n upon Canadian s o c i e t y and peoples are v i r t u a l l y ignored. Controversy, d i f f e r i n g h i s t o r i c a l v iewpoints and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , the c o n t r i b u t i o n s and v i c i s s i t u d e s of native peoples and immigrants are avoided i n n e a r l y every case. The emphasis was c l e a r l y on memorization of d i s c r e t e , d e s c r i p t i v e , f a c t s ; w i t h no a n a l y s i s , no v a l u i n g , no attempt at r e a l i s m or relevance. The classroom observations y i e l d e d the same sort of 5 devotion t o l e c t u r e or t e x t b o o k - o r i e n t e d f a c t u a l r e c a l l . The study demonstrated that even i f shortcomings i n subject matter were c o r r e c t e d by the development of new programs, present teaching methods would ensure that very l i t t l e v a l u a b l e l e a r n i n g would occur. The chapter on the students themselves i s the most d i s c o u r a g i n g , f o r here i s manifested the r e s u l t s of f a i l u r e s i n c u r r i c u l u m and method. Canadian high school graduates have n e i t h e r the i n t e l l e c t u a l s k i l l s , the knowledge ( d e s p i t e the great emphasis on f a c t u a l r e c a l l ) , nor the a t t i t u d e s that t h e i r mentors p r o c l a i m as o b j e c t i v e s necessary f o r r e s p o n s i b l e Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p . They are u n i n s p i r e d and a p a t h e t i c about t h e i r h e r i t a g e , f i r m l y entrenched i n t h e i r r e g i o n a l i s m and i n t o l e r a n c e . In every case the damning general statements i n the r e s p e c t i v e chapters are backed by s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n ; and each chapter i s f o l l o w e d by an appendix of raw data. In each case the s t a t i s t i c a l treatment i s r e l a t i v e l y u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d but appropriate to the s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d d e s c r i p t i v e work attempted. By i t s m u l t i p l i c i t y and v a r i e t y of methods, by i t s l a r g e sample s i z e s and s i m p l i c i t y of design, the study i s convincing i n i t s condemnation of Canadian " c i v i c s education. The c h i e f recommendation of the r e p o r t was t h a t a Canadian s t u d i e s consortium be formed to c a r r y on i n v e s t i g a -6 t i o n of the problem, to recommend a c t i o n , and to research, fund and produce new programs and methods f o r Canadian s t u d i e s . As a consequence the extremely well-funded Canada Studies Foundation was founded i n February, 1970. "Behind the work of the foundation i s the viewpoint expressed i n the Hodgetts r e p o r t t h a t t e a c h i n g about Canada i n the schools, c o n t r a r y to a l l i t s stated o b j e c t i v e s , tends to strengthen the d i v i s i v e i n c l u e n c e s i n our s o c i e t y . I t does not. counterbalance the i n e v i t a b l e and d e s i r a b l e r e g i o n a l i s m of Canada by g i v i n g students an adequate understanding of the t o t a l Canadian environment. The Hodgetts rep o r t and s t u d i e s done by the Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m r e v e a l t h a t most schools have not lessened p r e j u d i c i a l a t t i t u d e s nor have they f o s t e r e d an awareness of the d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s of our m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y . Broadly speaking, the foundation a s s i s t s i n the development and c o o r d i n a t i o n of p r o j e c t teams of educators i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of Canada. The teams c o n s i s t of classroom teachers, u n i v e r s i t y p r o f e s s o r s of d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s , experts i n l e a r n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e , and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . The u l t i m a t e aim of the p r o j e c t s t h a t are being funded i s to develop classroom m a t e r i a l s and t e a c h i n g methods t h a t w i l l r e f l e c t the nature of Canadian s o c i e t y i n a l l i t s d i v e r s i t y and help students to understand and become more in v o l v e d i n t h e i r t o t a l Canadian environment. T y p i c a l l y , m a t e r i a l s used i n Nova S c o t i a t o teach c h i l d r e n there about B r i t i s h Columbia have been produced i n Toronto p u b l i s h i n g houses. We happen to t h i n k t h a t B r i t i s h Columbia might play a r o l e i n i n t e r -p r e t i n g t h i s province to others, and v i c e versa. The method of study developed and endorsed by the Canada St u d i e s P r o j e c t i s the "Continuing Concerns," or "Continuing Problems," approach--(problems worthy of our c o n t i n u i n g concern). This i n v o l v e s an e m p i r i c a l l y based i n q u i r y designed to a s c e r t a i n t h a t a given problem does i n 7 f a c t e x i s t ; an examination of the h i s t o r i c a l background and v a r y i n g viewpoints i m p l i c i t i n the problem v i a documents, anecdotes, r o l e - p l a y i n g , poetry and l i t e r a t u r e , f a c t u a l and emotional data, and other sources of high impact and i n t e r e s t ; and f i n a l l y an a t t i t u d e - c e n t r e d a n a l y s i s of the a l t e r n a t i v e p o s i t i o n s and proposed s o l u t i o n s f o r t h a t problem, i n which the student i s encouraged t o take and defend a stand based upon h i s value system and h i s know-ledge of the f a c t s surrounding the i s s u e s . From an inventory of the many- c o n t i n u i n g problems f a c i n g Canadians, the Canada S t u d i e s Foundation has s e l e c t e d four major areas f o r treatment i n the above manner. Each was held to be of supreme importance and urgency, and of t r u l y n a t i o n a l scope. F i r s t among these was the r e l a t i o n s between the v a r i o u s ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c groups i n Canadian s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g the r e l a t i o n s between French and E n g l i s h speaking Canadians, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between white Canadians and nati v e Indians. One of the l a r g e r teams under P r o j e c t Canada West, (a r e g i o n a l arm of the Foundation) i s the one from Manitoba. This group i s producing m a t e r i a l s f o r classroom use i n examining the l a t t e r problem of native-white r e l a t i o n s . However, i t i s not expected t h a t these m a t e r i a l s w i l l be a v a i l a b l e f o r some time, as the process of i n v e s t i g a t i o n , a n a l y s i s and study precedes a c t u a l production of classroom m a t e r i a l s . A l l the Foundation p r o j e c t s are proceeding w i t h 8 pa i n s t a k i n g c a u t i o n , exhaustive examination of o b j e c t i v e s , methods and m a t e r i a l s , p i l o t s t u d i e s , committee r e p o r t s , and thorough r e s e a r c h . As a consequence,•materials are not l i k e l y to be r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e u n t i l about 1975. "The Foundation hopes t o accomplish i t s goals w i t h i n f i v e years and then go out of business. When m a t e r i a l s from the p r o j e c t s . . . are a c t u a l l y i n use there w i l l have to be an assess-ment and e v a l u a t i o n of them."4 However, t h i s e v a l u a t i o n of the concerns and methods of the new Canadian s t u d i e s as they are a c t u a l l y implemented i n the schools need not be l e f t e n t i r e l y t o the mi d d l e - d i s t a n t f u t u r e . A Canada Studies-type Continuing Concerns u n i t , t r e a t i n g Indian-white r e l a t i o n s , does e x i s t and has been i n use i n B.C. High Schools since September, 1971. This book, Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n , ^ was designed as a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d u n i t e x p r e s s l y modelled a f t e r the above described approach by the author, G e r a l d Walsh, of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Walsh created t h i s book s p e c i f i c a l l y as a response to the statements of the Foundation i n d i c a t i n g a need f o r m a t e r i a l s t r e a t i n g t h i s area of n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t i n t h i s manner. Because i t i s a one man p r o j e c t , not constr a i n e d by d e l i b e r a t i o n s i n search of consensus, by meetings and p o s i t i o n papers, by the need to r e p o r t back f i n d i n g s and progress to a higher body at frequent i n t e r v a l s , the book was produced i n a f r a c t i o n of the time that any of the l a r g e r 9 p r o j e c t s can hope to be. Thus i t had been i n use two f u l l school years and o f f e r e d a'unique opportunity to preview the e f f e c t s of the content, goals and methods of the Foundation m a t e r i a l s before they are a c t u a l l y a v a i l a b l e f o r widespread use. Though i t must be admitted t h a t the book cannot i n f a c t be termed a p i l o t p r o j e c t of the Foundation, i t s conscious adherence to Canada Studies Foundation concerns and methods, the impact t h a t Founda-t i o n m a t e r i a l s are expected to have i n the near f u t u r e , and the simple f a c t that Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n i s i n i t s e l f a new resource widely used i n B.C. Schools, a l l c o n t r i b u t e to making an assessment of i t s usefulness a worthwhile endeavour. The Problem The problem, t h e r e f o r e , was to determine whether or not the resource m a t e r i a l s i n Indians, i n T r a n s i t i o n , as they are used i n the schools, b r i n g about the d e s i r e d p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e toward Indian people, r e l a t i v e t o the measured e f f e c t s of the more t r a d i t i o n a l c u r r i c u l u m content. P e f I n i t i o n ^ - p f T^rms F i s h b e i n , upon whose w r i t i n g s the theory of t h i s study i n some part r e s t s , s u p p l i e s d e f i n i t i o n s of the c r i t i c a l terms b e l i e f and a t t i t u d e : " B e l i e f i s d e f i n e d as the p r o b a b i l i t y dimension of a c o n c e p t — i s t h i s given r e l a t i o n s h i p probable or improbable? A t t i t u d e i s defined as the e v a l u a t i v e dimension of a concept — i s i t good or bad?"" 10 O p e r a t i o n a l l y , f o r t h i s study, a t t i t u d e was defined as the p o s i t i v e or negative a f f e c t as measured by the instrument (a Thurstone type scale constructed s p e c i f i c -a l l y f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h ) . B e l i e f s , then, are o p e r a t i o n a l l y the statements which make up tha t same,instrument (and are th e r e f o r e given a p o s i t i v e or negative p r o b a b i l i t y value by the res e a r c h s u b j e c t ) . Hypotheses The general hypothesis was tha t groups of students subjected to a Continuing Concerns approach u n i t on Canadian Indians would demonstrate more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e s toward Indians than would groups of students subjected to the normal, non-Indian centred, non-attitude based a c t i v i t y . S p e c i f i c a l l y , those groups of students subjected to Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n would score higher on a Thurstone scale of a t t i t u d e s toward Indians, constructed f o r t h i s study, than would those students subject to n e u t r a l , non-a t t i t u d i n a l m a t e r i a l s . The n u l l hypothesis: H : = The a l t e r n a t i v e hypothesis: Hj_: Where: and represent the mean scores of populations represented by the treatment and c o n t r o l groups r e s p e c t i v e l y . 11 R a t i o n a l e of the Hypotheses The r a t i o n a l e l eading t o such a p r e d i c t i o n must k n i t c l o s e l y w i t h the i n t e n t i o n s and methodology of the treatment. The theory of a t t i t u d e change which most c l o s e l y a l i g n s w i t h Walsh's ideas as manifested i n Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n i s t h a t l a i d down by F i s h b e i n i n "The R e l a t i o n s Between B e l i e f and A t t i t u d e . " The f o l l o w i n g quotations from F i s h b e i n are i n t e r s p e r s e d w i t h r e l a t i v e comments concerning corresponding p o r t i o n s of Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n , and w i l l be footnoted as a whole, not i n d i v i d u a l l y . F i s h b e i n ' s theory i m p l i e s t h a t a t t i t u d e change w i l l occur when: " ( l ) an i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f s about an object change . . . " T h i s i s p r e c i s e l y the g o a l of the f i r s t s e c t i o n of Walsh's b o o k — t o p r o v i d e e m p i r i c a l l y sound data i n order t o c l e a r up any misconceptions the reader may have about I n d i a n s . " . . . and/or (2) when the e v a l u a t i v e aspect of b e l i e f s about an object change . . . " Again, Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n attempts to. b r i n g about t h i s very s h i f t i n part two, using a f f e c t i v e - e m o t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l accounts of the Indian's experience w i t h white c u l t u r e , designed to encourage the student t o re-evaluate h i s b e l i e f s . Thus, while e m p i r i c a l data i n the f i r s t s e c t i o n may persuade the subject t h a t the stereo-type "drunken Indian" i s not as u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e as he once thought, the a f f e c t i v e content of the second s e c t i o n i s designed to f u r t h e r a t t i t u d e 12 change by tempering h i s d i s d a i n f o r that sector of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n t h a t can at a given moment be a c c u r a t e l y described as "drunken" w i t h some understanding of the antecedent c o n d i t i o n s . " I t should be noted t h a t b e l i e f s about an object may change i n two ways: ( l ) new b e l i e f s may be lear n e d , t h a t i s , new concepts may be r e l a t e d t o the a t t i t u d e o b j e c t , new stimulus-response a s s o c i a t i o n s may be learned, and (2) the st r e n g t h of already held b e l i e f s may change, tha t i s the p o s i t i o n of b e l i e f s i n the ha b i t f a m i l y h i e r a r c h y may be a l t e r e d . . . " The treatment was designed t o introduce new and persuasive data i n part one i n order t o b r i n g about ( l ) , and to a f f e c t the r e l a t i v e importance of e x i s t i n g and newly-learned b e l i e f s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n part two, but a l s o to an extent i n part one. The general emphasis i n the u n i t upon beginning w i t h the i n i t i a l b e l i e f system and a t t i t u d e s of the student, r a t h e r than assuming a c l e a n s l a t e , i s echoed i n F i s h b e i n ' s statement t h a t : " . . . the amount and d i r e c t i o n of a t t i t u d e change w i l l be a f u n c t i o n of ( l ) the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n i t i a l a t t i t u d e and, thus, the number, st r e n g t h , and e v a l u a t i v e aspects of h i s s a l i e n t b e l i e f s , and (2) the number, st r e n g t h , and e v a l u a t i v e aspects of the new b e l i e f s he l e a r n s . Here, however, an important d i s t i n c t i o n must be made between l e a r n i n g the contents of an a t t i t u d e change communication and l e a r n i n g something about an a t t i t u d e o b j e c t . " Thus, r a t h e r than preaching a " d e s i r a b l e " set of b e l i e f s about Indi a n s , and expecting the student-subjects to adopt a correspondingly "enlightened" a t t i t u d e , the u n i t 13 acknowledges an i n i t i a l b e l i e f - a t t i t u d e system and encourages the student t o analyze i t i n the l i g h t of new data and widespread v i e w p o i n t s . " . . . an i n d i v i d u a l ' s a t t i t u d e toward some concept w i l l only change i f he l e a r n s something new about the concept, i f he forms a new S-R a s s o c i a t i o n . Simply l e a r n i n g t h a t the communication says S i s R w i l l not produce a t t i t u d e change. To use the terminology of Hovland, J a n i s , and K e l l e y (1953), a t t i t u d e change only occurs when the i n d i v i d u a l 'accepts' the communication." Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n attempts t o achieve t h i s acceptance by i n v o l v i n g the student i n "ought" s i t u a t i o n s , by asking him t o analyze and value, r a t h e r than memorize r o t e f a c t . I t i s i n t h i s aspect of i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n t h a t the t h i r d part of the book has i t s g r e a t e s t intended e f f e c t . The e m p i r i c a l data which s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s theory of a t t i t u d e change are reviewed and c r i t i c i z e d i n F i s h b e i n ' s a r t i c l e , 7 included i n the appendix. The Assumptions Made i n This Study The f i r s t and fundamental assumption, of course, was the one made i n most s t u d i e s of a t t i t u d e c h a n g e — t h a t a p e n c i l and paper s e l f - r e p o r t i n g instrument i s a v a l i d measurement of a t t i t u d e . In tha t i t can be argued that responses to such an instrument are i n f a c t behaviour, t h a t the treatment and hypothesized r e s u l t s are e s s e n t i a l l y c o g n i t i v e , and tha t t h i s method i s at present the most p r e c i s e method of gauging the b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s 14 of such c o g n i t i v e phenomena, the assumption i s not untenable. I t was a l s o assumed that the b e l i e f and a t t i t u d e s t r u c t u r e s of the subjects were s u f f i c i e n t l y open and f l e x i b l e t h a t new c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e data would have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t upon them. Further, i t was assumed that the school can have a r o l e i n a t t i t u d e formation, t h a t the l a t t e r was not s o l e l y determined by other, non-academic l e a r n i n g and experience. F i n a l l y i t was assumed that the teachers i n v o l v e d i n the study used the m a t e r i a l s as they were intended t o be used, not simply as an unstructured source of m a t e r i a l s "about Indians." D e l i m i t a t i o n of the Study Only those teachers who agreed to use the book s u b s t a n t i a l l y as i t was intended t o be u s e d — t h a t i s , as a three part r e l a t i v e l y s t r u c t u r e d u n i t designed t o f a c i l i t a t e a t t i t u d e change—were included i n the pool from which the treatment groups were randomly s e l e c t e d . Those who s e l e c t e d only a few sources from the book, or used the book such t h a t i t does not comprise the main focus of a u n i t on Canadian Indians, were e l i m i n a t e d as u n s u i t a b l e f o r e i t h e r c o n t r o l or treatment c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The s u b j e c t s of the study were r e s t r i c t e d t o B r i t i s h Columbia Lower Mainland Tenth Grade students i n schools not having a s i g n i f i c a n t Indian p o p u l a t i o n . This served t o e l i m i n a t e the confounding e f f e c t s t h a t a p p r e c i a b l e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h Indians might have had. 15 J u s t i f i c a t i o n of the Study The study was j u s t i f i e d on the b a s i s of i t s being an opportunity t o preview the performance of the Continu-ing Concerns Approach before i t s widespread i n t r o d u c t i o n i n the form of numerous Canada Studies Foundation p r o j e c t s , and on the p u r e l y pragmatic b a s i s of e v a l u a t i n g t h i s new and expensive resource m a t e r i a l upon i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o the s c h o o l s . The e v a l u a t i o n was unidimensional (only the apparent a t t i t u d e change was measured)and p r a c t i c a l (only the a c t u a l performance of the book, as i t i s being used, not as i t might t h e o r e t i c a l l y or p o t e n t i a l l y be used, was assessed). Thus i t was both a u s e f u l and simple design, and might be r e p l i c a t e d , w i t h m o d i f i c a t i o n s , i n order t o provide much-needed e v a l u a t i o n of new m a t e r i a l s i n S o c i a l Studies and other academic areas. 16 CHAPTER TWO - REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE There i s much evidence t o s u b s t a n t i a t e the idea that a t t i t u d e s toward races can be changed i n the c l a s s -room, though i t has seldom r e l a t e d to Indians. Thurstone himself e s t a b l i s h e d as long ago as 1933 t h a t the presen-t a t i o n of motion p i c t u r e s can have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t upon the r a c i a l and s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s of c h i l d r e n — a n d t h a t such change p e r s i s t s f o r a r e l a t i v e l y ' l o n g time. Another researcher t o which the instrument i n t h i s study p a r t i a l l y owes i t s genealogy, H. H. R.emmers, used the s c a l e i n c l u d e d i n Appendix D t o show t h a t teaching m a t e r i a l s t a k i n g as l i t t l e as f i f t e e n minutes of c l a s s time may produce s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n the a t t i t u d e of White high school students toward Negroes. Furthermore, he showed th a t these changes w i l l p e r s i s t a f t e r a f u l l year. An extensive review of the e a r l i e r l i t e r a t u r e of race a t t i t u d e change i s a v a i l a b l e i n Stember, Education and A t t i t u d e Change—The E f f e c t of Education on P r e j u d i c e Against M i n o r i t y Groups. I n s t i t u t e of Human R e l a t i o n s Press, 1961. More r e c e n t l y , Georgeoff, Jones, Bahlke and 10 Howard hypothesized that the Caucasian members of c l a s s e s experiencing a c u r r i c u l u m of Negro h i s t o r y , c u l t u r e and 17 l i t e r a t u r e would discover t h a t the Negro had a great and s i g n i f i c a n t p a st, and would be more l i k e l y t o view the Negro as an equal. This experiment, c a r r i e d out i n twenty-two i n t e g r a t e d f o u r t h grade classrooms was of a p r e t e s t p o s t t e s t three group c o n t r o l group des i g n . The p r e t e s t was t o encure equivalence i n an i n t a c t groups s i t u a t i o n , but u n f o r t u n a t e l y l i m i t s the degree t o which the f i n d i n g s can be g e n e r a l i z e d . Other l i m i t i n g f a c t o r s were unequal numbers i n the experimental and c o n t r o l modes, and the f a c t t h a t the authors d i d not e s t a b l i s h t h a t t h e i r i n s t r u m e n t — o f the s o c i o m e t r i c t y p e — i n f a c t was i n i t s e l f a v a l i d measurement of a t t i t u d e as they d e f i n e d i t . The f i n d i n g s of the study were t h a t there was s i g n i f i c a n t change f o r the experimental group comprised of White and Negro c h i l d r e n from d i f f e r e n t neighbourhoods (the Negro c h i l d r e n being bussed t o the schools i n q u e s t i o n ) . There was no s i g n i f i c a n t change f o r the experimental group of Negro and White c h i l d r e n from the same neighbourhood, nor f o r the c o n t r o l group of s i m i l a r composition. Unfortun-a t e l y there was no c o n t r o l group e q u i v a l e n t t o the different-neighbourhood experimental group, so i t cannot be determined i f the s i g n i f i c a n t change was the r e s u l t of a t r e a t m e n t - c u l t u r a l naivete i n t e r a c t i o n , as would seem t o be the case. Another study i n v o l v i n g r a c i a l groups other than Indians was t h a t of Elrod,"'"*' hypothesizing t h a t p r e j u d i c e 18 would be reduced i n high school students exposed to a f i l m serving as a persuasive element i n reducing p r e j u d i c e . An adapted Bogardus S o c i a l Distance Scale was administered as a p r e t e s t to each of f i f t y - f o u r s u bjects i n two c l a s s e s . One week l a t e r the f i l m An American G i r l , d e a l i n g w i t h p r e j u d i c e , was administered and one c l a s s immediately rewrote the Bogardus as a p o s t e s t . Group two had a d i s c u s -s i o n on the f i l m and i t s t o p i c the f o l l o w i n g day and then completed the p o s t e s t . This d i f f e r e n c e immediately r a i s e s the question of h i s t o r y as a confounding f a c t o r . Another weak point i n the design i s the l a c k of a t r u e c o n t r o l group. However, the b r e v i t y of the time l a g and the f a c t t h a t gain scores were used tends to counterbalance these p o s s i b l e f l a w s . A t w o - t a i l e d t - t e s t on the d i f f e r e n c e i n mean scores from pre t o postest f o r each group revealed t h a t both achieved s i g n i f i c a n t gains at the .01 l e v e l . In view of the d i r e c t i o n a l hypothesis, i t i s somewhat s u r p r i s -ing t h a t the more powerful o n e - t a i l e d t e s t was not used. The group having the d i s c u s s i o n showed l e s s change, and the authors concluded t h a t t h i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d the evidence t h a t d i s c u s s i o n f o l l o w i n g a persuasive communication al l o w s the subject t o r e v e r t to o r i g i n a l a t t i t u d e s . However, i n t e r v e n i n g events of another nature may have confounded t h i s r e s u l t , and the mere f a c t of time d i f f e r e n t i a l may e x p l a i n i t . The idea of r e v e r s i o n v i a d i s c u s s i o n may apply t o one kind of communication and be t o t a l l y c o n t r a r y t o the 19 dynamics of another. Hovland's ideas about communication "acceptance" f i g u r e h e a v i l y here. Presumably d i s c u s s i o n could have the exact opposite e f f e c t from r e v e r s i o n i f the communication was t r u l y "accepted" and i n t e r n a l i z e d , r a t h e r than merely noted or observed. Again the o v e r a l l f i n d i n g s of t h i s study i n d i c a t e that there i s reason to b e l i e v e that school m a t e r i a l s can b r i n g about d e s i r e d a t t i t u d e change, d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t i t deals w i t h a v a r i e t y of r a c i a l and n a t i o n a l groups, but not Indians. Though i t was p o s s i b l e , because of the l a c k of a c o n t r o l group, th a t the gains were p a r t i a l l y the r e s u l t of r e g r e s s i o n , h i s t o r y , or t e s t - l e a r n i n g , they were s u b s t a n t i a l enough t h a t i t can be assumed t h a t the school m a t e r i a l s had a p o s i t i v e e f f e c t . 12 Rubin's study of the e f f e c t s of f i l m e d media versus s i m i l a r l e c t u r e , reading and d i s c u s s i o n t o p i c s , i n f i n d i n g t h a t the l a t t e r proved sup e r i o r (though both showed s i g n i f i c a n t g a i n s ) , seems to s e r i o u s l y question E l r o d ' s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t r e v e r s i o n had occurred through d i s c u s s i o n . This i s e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r when i t i s noted t h a t Rubin's media treatment g a i n scores could w e l l have r e s u l t e d from regres-s i o n , t e s t l e a r n i n g , maturation and other f a c t o r s that plague s t u d i e s w i t h no c o n t r o l group. Thus while the f a r greater gains of the d i s c u s s i o n type treatment may at l e a s t p a r t l y be a c c r e d i t e d t o the treatment, the same i s not n e c e s s a r i l y t r u e of the media treatment. Other d i f f i -20 c u l t i e s w i t h t h i s study were the d i f f e r i n g lengths of treatment--four months media, versus a concentrated s i x weeks of seminars—and the instrument, which was con-s t r u c t e d by the author according t o h i s own c r i t e r i a and not v a l i d a t e d f o r m a l l y . Thus the r e s u l t s of t h i s study are c h i e f l y v a l u a b l e to the extent that they s u b s t a n t i a t e or agree w i t h other more r i g o r o u s r e s e a r c h . C l o s e r t o the proposed study i n t h a t i t involves'' the use of readings t o b r i n g about stimulus-response changes, and i s l i m i t e d to white subjects not i n s o c i a l contact w i t h the a t t i t u d e o b j e c t s , i s the Litcher-Johnson J O study. The p r e d i c t i o n was tha t the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the stimulus concept (Negro) i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h p o s i t i v e p r i n t e d s t i m u l i would change the response p a t t e r n to the o r i g i n a l s t i m u l u s . This very strong study was a l s o a p r e t e s t - p o s t e s t , c o n t r o l group design, w i t h s i x t y - e i g h t s u bjects evenly and randomly assigned t o c o n t r o l and treatment modes. This study avoided many of the confounding v a r i a b l e s p o s s i b l y a f f e c t i n g the others by tru e randomization. The f a c t t h a t elementary s u b j e c t s were used ensured t h a t the experimental and c o n t r o l teachers had unusual c o n t r o l over many p o t e n t i a l confounding v a r i a b l e s . For i n s t a n c e , i t i s known f o r c e r t a i n t h a t the m u l t i - e t h n i c readers were the only source of t h i s nature i n the classrooms. The great l e n g t h of the treatment p e r i o d (four months) may have made the questions 21 of h i s t o r y and maturation more s a l i e n t , but the c o n t r o l group design i s considered adequate i n counterbalancing these e f f e c t s . And despite Remmer's evidence t h i s extended treatment period seems more t y p i c a l of school, as opposed t o l a b o r a t o r y , p r a c t i s e , and more c r e d i b l e i n terms of long term b e h a v i o r a l r e s u l t s . This study, l i k e the proposed r e s e a r c h , avoids the confounding e f f e c t of d i r e c t s o c i a l contact w i t h the race i n question by l i m i t i n g i t s sample (and thus i t s population) , t o schools w i t h no pjegroes. The instruments used were two s o c i a l d i s t a n c e t e s t s , (the C l a r k D o l l Test and the Show Me T e s t ) ; a Categories Test, designed t o a s c e r t a i n the r e l a t i v e importance of colour i n the c h i l d ' s value system; and a comparison t e s t , i n which the subject ranks Whites and Negroes on such t r a i t s as honesty, l a z i n e s s , neatness, t r u t h f u l n e s s and the l i k e . A l l were administered i n d i v i d u a l l y at the beginning and end of the study. The f i n d i n g s were t h a t on a l l four t e s t s there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between treatment and c o n t r o l groups. The p r e - t e s t , used as an i n d i c a t o r of pre-treatment equivalence, n a t u r a l l y l i m i t s the degree t o which the f i n d i n g s can be g e n e r a l i z e d , as does the r e s t r i c t i o n t o Negro-naive c h i l d r e n . However, t h i s l a t t e r l i m i t a t i o n i s not very s e r i o u s i n l i g h t of the f a c t t h a t i t i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s p o p u l a t i o n t h a t needs t h i s type of academic exposure most. 22 Another study using l i t e r a t u r e which resembles t h a t used i n Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n i s that of Standley and S t a n d l e y . - ^ The a t t i t u d e object was Negroes, and again the design was a pre and postest c o n t r o l group type. The hypothesis was t h a t exposure to l i t e r a t u r e w r i t t e n by and about blacks would produce more openness and l e s s p r e j u d i c e as measured by the Rokeach Race B e l i e f S c a l e . A small problem arose over the d e f i n i t i o n of "openness", which was not defined other than by example. O p e r a t i o n a l l y the d i f f i c u l t y was solved by r e c o g n i z i n g openness as t h a t which the Rokeach Sc a l e measures, but even t h i s has i t s shortcomings i n terms of i n f e r r i n g from r e s u l t s . The treatment resembled p a r t s two and three of Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n , i n t h a t i t was comprised of l i t e r a r y records of v i v i d s i t u a t i o n s i n which B l a c k s were i n t i m i d a t e d and d i s c r i m i n a t e d against (corresponding t o part I I ) , and e x e r c i s e s i n which the reader must make a judgement i n a c o n f r o n t a t i o n s i t u a t i o n between Black and White, together w i t h d i s c u s s i o n s of t h i s type (resembling the v a l u i n g part I I I of Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n ) . Again the p r e t e s t was c h i e f l y used t o ensure equivalence of the n u m e r i c a l l y s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t treatment and c o n t r o l groups (19 vs. 22), and the s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the d i f f e r e n c e i n postest mean scores i n d i c a t e d there was a b e h a v i o r a l change as measured by the Rokeach s c a l e . In 23 In i m p l y i n g t h a t more of t h i s type of i n s t r u c t i o n should be undertaken, the authors st r e s s e d the concern f o r r e c o g n i z i n g preconceptions and using both c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e data to break down stereotypes - a dominant theme i n Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n . T r a n s i t i o n Another study sharing t h i s concern w i t h the p o t e n t i a l of both c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e data i n a t t i t u d e 15 formation was the u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d but persuasive L i k o v e r study of t w e n t y - s i x elementary c h i l d r e n ' s a t t i t u d e s toward Negroes. The sample was d i v i d e d i n t o matched, (not random), treatment and c o n t r o l groups of t h i r t e e n each, w i t h t r e a t -ment r e c e i v i n g B l a c k h i s t o r y through readings, s t o r i e s , dance, song, a r t , and d i s c u s s i o n , and a c h r o n o l o g i c a l , m u l t i - v i e w p o i n t n a r r a t i v e of s t r u g g l e and s u f f e r i n g s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n . Both groups were evaluated according to a r e l a t i v e l y s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r a c t i o n s c a l e (there were f i v e Negroes i n each group), according to r i g o r o u s l y kept process r e c o r d s , and mother i n t e r v i e w s a f t e r the t r e a t -ment or n e u t r a l a c t i v i t y p e r i o d of two weeks was complete. By f a r the most dramatic evidence of change was found i n the mother i n t e r v i e w s , though the process records showed a d i f f e r e n c e , as d i d the i n t e r a c t i o n s c a l e (but i t s f i n d i n g s were the l e a s t s t r i k i n g ) . The study r e l i e s h e a v i l y on anecdotal evidence, and p a i n t s a persuasive p i c t u r e of 24 of a t t i t u d e change i n the treatment group. Though there i s a c o n s c i e n t i o u s e f f o r t at maintaining s t r u c t u r e and o b j e c t i v i t y i n i t s observations, the study i s not i r o n c l a d i n i t s r i g o u r and p r e c i s i o n , but again i s c r e d i b l e i n th a t i t s f i n d i n g s do not contravene those of more s c i e n t i f i c a l l y o b j e c t i v e r e s e a r c h s t u d i e s . Due t o the pau c i t y of research on a t t i t u d e s toward Indians, i t has been necessary to draw from s t u d i e s regarding a t t i t u d e s toward other groups. However, w i t h the awakening of a consciousness concerning the r o l e of n a t i v e Indians has come the beginnings of a body of research i n t o t h i s problem. F i s h e r - ^ u t i l i z e d a three group (two t r e a t -ment and one c o n t r o l ) p r e t e s t postest design, using s i x reading s e l e c t i o n s and d i s c u s s i o n , not as propaganda, but presenting Indians r e a l i s t i c a l l y and s y m p a t h e t i c a l l y . Eighteen f i f t h grade c l a s s e s from three d i s t i n c t d i s t r i c t s , one i n t e g r a t e d , one e s s e n t i a l l y White, and one e s s e n t i a l l y B lack, were randomly chosen such t h a t each of treatment A (readings only) treatment B (readings plus d i s c u s s i o n ) , and c o n t r o l ( n e u t r a l a c t i v i t y ) had two c l a s s e s from each d i s t r i c t f o r a t o t a l of s i x c l a s s e s per group. A l l were pre and post t e s t e d w i t h the Test of A t t i t u d e Toward American Indians f o r C h i l d r e n i n Upper Elementary Grades, a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n technique f u s i o n of Thurstone psychophysical and L i k e r t summated r a t i n g s . F i s h e r found the a l t e r n a t e forms r e l i a -b i l i t y of h i s instrument t o be .89, and v a l i d a t e d i t by 25 c o r r e c t l y p r e d i c t i n g that Indians would outscore naive non-Indians, who would outscore non-Indians surrounded by a r e s e r v a t i o n on a preview t e s t . I t was found, as hypothesized, that the reading m a t e r i a l changed the a t t i t u d e i n question, and that the reading m a t e r i a l plus d i s c u s s i o n had an even greater e f f e c t . However, i t was noted that the c o n t r o l group a l s o gained, though not s i g n i f i c a n t l y - - t h u s perhaps s u b s t a n t i a t -i n g the b e l i e f t h a t non-control group designs are subject to c r i t i c i s m i n t h a t they do not c o n t r o l f o r whatever v a r i a b l e s caused t h i s g a i n . Other i n c i d e n t a l f i n d i n g s which bear upon s i m i l a r s t u d i e s , i n c l u d e d the f a c t t h a t the i n t e g r a t e d c l a s s e s showed the g r e a t e s t change, the black ranked second, and the a l l - w h i t e c l a s s e s changed l e a s t , and t h a t a n a l y s i s showed that f o r a given i n d i v i d u a l , a gain i n i n f o r m a t i o n was accompanied by greater a t t i t u d e change. The f i r s t once more p o i n t s out the p o s s i b l e confounding v a r i a b l e of i n t e r - r a c i a l s o c i a l contact, and the l a t t e r s u b s t a n t i a t e s the view that there i s a c o g n i t i v e r o l e i n a t t i t u d e change as w e l l as an a f f e c t i v e . The f i n a l study i n t h i s review i s the one most c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l to the proposed research i n theory, method s u b j e c t s , and a t t i t u d e o b j e c t . Pecoraro-' - 7 constructed a s e r i e s of s p e c i a l lessons emphasizing the p o s i t i v e aspects 26 of the I n d i a n , h i s a r t , c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e , c o n t r i b u t i o n to contemporary s o c i e t y , l i t t l e - k n o w n h i s t o r y , and h i s r e l a t i o n s w i t h the white man. The lessons were centred around colour-sound f i l m , s l i d e - t a p e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , readings, commercial m a t e r i a l s , and d i s c u s s i o n s — a l l s t r e s s i n g student involvement. A c o n t r o l group pre and postest design was used. The instruments were a semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , IBM scored; a Thurstone type a t t i t u d e scale adapted from an a t t i t u d e toward Negroes sc a l e i n Shaw and Wright; and an open-ended sentence completion t e s t . There were Indian and non-Indian subgroups i n both the treatment and c o n t r o l modes. Two schools were i n v o l v e d — a r u r a l non-Indian school and a r e s e r v a t i o n school. F i n d i n g s were t h a t as a r e s u l t of the treatment u n i t the non-Indian c h i l d r e n showed s i g n i f i c a n t gain on the semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , but f a i l e d to show any gain on the a t t i t u d e s c a l e . Comparing the treatment and c o n t r o l groups of non-Indian c h i l d r e n , i t was seen th a t the treatment group scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on postest of the semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , but again showed no s i g n i f i c a n t s u p e r i o r i t y on the a t t i t u d e s c a l e . The zero gain on the a t t i t u d e s c a l e , combined w i t h the c o n t r o l group's l o s s on the same from pre to p o s t e s t , i n d i c a t e s that the adaptation of a negro-object t e s t f o r Indians was simply not s e n s i t i v e enough to overcome the e f f e c t s of r e g r e s s i o n as demonstrated i n the c o n t r o l group l o s s . 27 Other f i n d i n g s were th a t the Indian c h i l d r e n outgained the White c h i l d r e n on both measures, scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on p o s t e s t s , and i n general r e f l e c t -ed more change, i n d i c a t i n g heightened self-image. Since there were no Indian-naive s u b j e c t s , there was no opportun-i t y t o measure the i n t e r a c t i o n of treatment and Indian n a i v e t e . The open-ended sentence completions were reported v e r b a l l y , were not q u a n t i f i e d or c l a s s i f i e d f o r m a l l y , but apparently demonstrated p o s i t i v e change f o r a l l treatment groups. This aspect of the study added v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t as t o the degree and type of a t t i t u d e change i n c u r r e d , but due t o i t s i n f o r m a l i t y , could not have stood as the study's only methodology. The combination of a l l three measurements makes t h i s experiment's f i n d i n g s very c o n v i n c i n g , whereas each of the instruments was not e n t i r e l y d e f i n i t i v e i n i t s e l f . The i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s study, as w i t h the ot h e r s , i s t h a t t h i s type of per s u a s i v e , i n v o l v i n g communication, based at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y on c o g n i t i v e as w e l l as a f f e c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s , can b r i n g about a t t i t u d e change measurable by a wide v a r i e t y of instruments. Furthermore, by t h e i r success i n p r e d i c t i o n , these s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e t h a t there i s indeed room f o r improvement i n students' r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s — e v e n i n the self-images of members of the m i n o r i t i e s themselves. 28 I t would appear t h a t there i s a.great need i n our s c h o o l s f o r w e l l planned m a t e r i a l s d e a l i n g with r a c i a l and s o c i a l problems. 29 CHAPTER THREE - METHODOLOGY Measuring Instrument - (See Appendix D) The instrument used was a Thurstone type s c a l e f o r measuring a t t i t u d e toward Indians, c o n s t r u c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r t h i s study. A pool of statements about Indians, ranging from extremely p o s i t i v e to extremely negative i n t h e i r e v a l u a t i v e aspect, was accumulated and presented t o a body of judges. Since the time of Thurstone's a r t i c l e , i t has been e s t a b l i s h e d by p r a c t i s e t h a t a much lower number of judges than he had s t i p u l a t e d w i l l give a v a l i d s c a l e . Thus i t was determined the the panel f o r t h i s r esearch would number approximately t w e n t y - f i v e t o t h i r t y -f i v e . Each of the t h i r t y judges was a lower mainland teacher a c t i v e i n Indian Education and had experience w i t h Indian c h i l d r e n . These "experts" ranked each of one hundred-plus items on a scale of one t o eleven, negative t o p o s i t i v e . Using the Method of Equal Appearing I n t e r v a l s , and t r a d i t i o n a l Thurstone s t a t i s t i c a l methods, t h i r t y t o f o r t y items were s e l e c t e d f o r the f i n a l instrument. The p r e c i s e method of c o n s t r u c t i n g a Thurstone s c a l e i s contained i n the a r t i c l e " A t t i t u d e s can be Measured" by Thurstone, i n c l u d e d i n Appendix D, along w i t h a t y p i c a l Thurstone s c a l e . Items such as these were i n c l u d e d i n the i n i t i a l p o o l : 30 Indians should be regarded as any other group. Indians are the noblest people on e a r t h . Indians are l a z y drunken bums. Indians have s o c i a l problems, but these are not of t h e i r own making. Indians should be p r o h i b i t e d from l e a v i n g the r e s e r v a t i o n s . Indians have long enjoyed a unique and s p e c i a l understanding of nature. Indians should be allowed to i n t e r m a r r y w i t h any group they so choose. Education beyond grade 10 i s wasted upon the I n d i a n . Indians are not very smart compared t o other groups. Indians tend t o be dishonest and s l y . Method of S c o r i n g Subjects were asked t o agree or disagree w i t h each of the items on the f i n a l instrument and the median of the s c a l e values of statements endorsed was the score f o r each i n d i v i d u a l . These values were determined by the judges using the Equal Appearing I n t e r v a l s Method. Item s c a l e values are shown alongside corresponding statements i n Appendix D. V a l i d i t y . The v a l i d i t y of the instrument r e s t s i n the a u t h o r i t y of the expert judges, and was s u b s t a n t i a t e d by comparing scores of a known p o s i t i v e group (Indian Education Students) w i t h those of a more n e u t r a l group (undergraduates i n other 31 f i e l d s ) , i t having been very d i f f i c u l t t o i s o l a t e a known negative group i n t h i s case. The mean f o r twenty-two Indian Education students t a k i n g the t e s t was 7.3. For the twenty-two Education students not t a k i n g Indian Education, the mean was 6.5. This d i f f e r e n c e proved s i g n i f i c a n t at the .10 l e v e l , but not at the .05 l e v e l . Since at t h i s e d u c a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l l e v e l i t i s agreed that a g e n e r a l l y p o s i t i v e r a c i a l outlook i s expected f o r a l l s u b j e c t s , such f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e at l e a s t an acceptable degree of s e n s i t i v i t y f o r the instrument. A known negative group would l i k e l y have provided more s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s . R e l i a b i l i t y R e l i a b i l i t y was determined by s p l i t - h a l f a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n of t h i s t e s t t o each of the above groups, and by comparison of scores i n consecutive a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s of the instrument. The s p l i t - h a l f r e l i a b i l i t y was computed at .94, and the t e s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y was computed at .89. Both are considered acceptable l e v e l s f o r t h i s use. Design The experimenter was unable to randomly ass i g n i n d i v i d u a l s t o treatment and c o n t r o l groups, t h e r e f o r e the method of randomized i n t a c t groups was used. That i s , i t was c l a s s e s (and teachers) that were randomly assigned t o c o n t r o l and experimental treatments, and c l a s s mean scores, 32 r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l scores, that were used f o r a n a l y s i s . While t h i s made the req u i r e d number of sub j e c t s higher, i t a l s o tended t o make f o r a more powerful design i n terms of f i n d i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e , by reducing the e r r o r term i n the va r i a n c e . The design was a randomized i n t a c t groups assigned to experimental and c o n t r o l , postest only format. R ( c l a s s e s ) X 0 R ( c l a s s e s 0 Treatment was c a r r i e d out i n normal S o c i a l Studies c l a s s e s f o r approximately one month, during which time the c o n t r o l groups were engaged i n n e u t r a l s t u d i e s , not s p e c i f i c a l l y aimed at changing a t t i t u d e s toward Indians; t h a t i s , the r e g u l a r e x p l o r a t i o n s e c t o r of the grade 10 cur r i c u l u m . Thus the only manipulated v a r i a b l e was treatment-nontreatment. No p r e t e s t was used, because of the p o t e n t i a l s e n s i t i z i n g e f f e c t s , and because f i n d i n g s could be g e n e r a l i z e d only to a p o p u l a t i o n experiencing such a p r e t e s t . Thus t e s t i n g as main e f f e c t , and p o s s i b l e i n t e r a c t i o n , w e r e c o n t r o l l e d , and i t i s p o s s i b l e to g e n e r a l i z e t o a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n ; namely, a l l urban grade ten c l a s s e s who have been subjected to Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y f o r about a month, and who have not had s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l experience w i t h Indians. 33 Because of the random assignment of c l a s s e s , teacher d i f f e r e n c e s and s e l e c t i o n were c o n t r o l l e d f o r . V a r i a b l e s such as h i s t o r y (perhaps a T.V. s p e c i a l on White-Indian r e l a t i o n s ) , and maturation were c o n t r o l l e d f o r by the non-treatment group. Instrument decay and r e g r e s s i o n were i r r e l e v a n t t o the study. Sampling Procedure Teachers of grade ten c l a s s e s i n Lower Mainland schools were int e r v i e w e d to determine t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o administer Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n as s p e c i f i e d f o r the treatment group i n t h i s study. Only teachers (and thus c l a s s e s ) i n schools having no s i g n i f i c a n t Indian p o p u l a t i o n were i n c l u d e d . From the pool of w i l l i n g t e a chers, ten c l a s s e s were randomly drawn f o r treatment and ten f o r c o n t r o l , these c o n d i t i o n s p r e v a i l i n g f o r one month. C o l l e c t i o n of Data At the end of the month of treatment or n e u t r a l a c t i v i t y , the instrument was administered, w i t h ten c l a s s means f o r treatment and ten c l a s s means f o r c o n t r o l being computed. Then a grand mean f o r treatment and a grand mean f o r c o n t r o l were computed. Tables of c l a s s means, d e v i a t i o n scores, and Grand Means are provided. A n a l y s i s of Data The simple t - t e s t f o r s i g n i f i c a n c e of d i f f e r e n c e between two means was o p t i m a l , the power being increased by 34 the use of randomized groups. I t was a o n e - t a i l e d t e s t because of the d i r e c t i o n a l hypothesis, and the l e v e l of s i g n i f i c a n c e was set at .05. 35 CHAPTER FOUR - WEAKNESSES TO BE CONSIDERED The c h i e f weaknesses of t h i s design d e r i v e d from the author's l a c k of a u t h o r i t y i n the schools. Due to a l a c k of any a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y , there was no o p p o r t u n i t y f o r random assignment of i n d i v i d u a l s to treatment and c o n t r o l . And even though t h i s problem was l a r g e l y solved by random assignment of i n t a c t groups, there remained the problem t h a t the pool from which t h i s sample was drawn may i n f a c t have d i f f e r e d s y s t e m a t i c a l l y from the p o p u l a t i o n of Indian-naive c l a s s e s i n the lower mainland. The pool c o n s i s t e d of c l a s s e s whose teachers had i n d i c a t e d by i n t e r v i e w t h a t they were w i l l i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the study; t h a t i s , use or not use the m a t e r i a l at the designated time i n the designated way. This i n c u r r e d two l i m i t a t i o n s : there may have been great v a r i a n c e i n teacher i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s m a t e r i a l , over which the author had l i t t l e c o n t r o l ; and teachers a d m i n i s t e r i n g the u n i t as part of the study may have done a more e f f e c t i v e job of p r e s e n t a t i o n than might the teacher p o p u l a t i o n . However, the f i r s t l i m i t a t i o n can be p a r t l y discounted i n that teacher variance i n the sample may i n f a c t have l e g i t i m a t e l y represented a s i m i l a r spectrum i n the p o p u l a t i o n . The second problem of a semi-Hawthorne e f f e c t upon teacher performance i s a problem which plagues most i n school r e s e a r c h , and could have only been removed by subterfuge or hidden measurement—an i m p o s s i b i l i t y i n t h i s case. 36 A second weakness was the f a c t t h a t there was no c o n t r o l over the content of other courses, such as E n g l i s h , i n which i n t e r - r a c i a l m a t e r i a l s might have been i n t r o d u c e d , thus confounding the r e s u l t s . Because c l a s s e s do not move from subject to subject i n i n t a c t groups, there was no guarantee t h a t c o n t r o l groups would counterbalance t h i s , though i t might be assumed t h a t students ex p e r i e n c i n g such m a t e r i a l would have d i s t r i b u t e d themselves about evenly i n treatment and c o n t r o l groups by chance. A p o i n t , perhaps v u l n e r a b l e to c r i t i c i s m , i s the f a c t t h a t the c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n was s p e c i f i c a l l y n e u t r a l and not a t t i t u d e - o r i e n t e d , thus perhaps i n t r o d u c i n g a "Hawthorne E f f e c t " i n favour of the Experimental c o n d i t i o n . However, i t must be pointed out tha t no such a t t i t u d e -o r i e n t e d program p r e s e n t l y e x i s t s which might be matched again s t the Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n treatment. The present c u r r i c u l u m concentrates on White e x p l o r a t i o n of B r i t i s h North America, w i t h l i t t l e or no c o n s i d e r a t i o n of Indian matters or c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Thus i t i s more v a l i d t o measure Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n a g a i n s t the n o n - a t t i t u d i n a l m a t e r i a l a c t u a l l y i n use, than i t would be to manufacture some other, l e s s n e u t r a l c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n . The author would have l i k e d t o have had more than ten i n t a c t group means i n each mode, but due to the s e l e c t i o n process by i n t e r v i e w , and the p r o j e c t e d pool s i z e , t h i s was 37 about the maximum tha t resources allowed. I t i s a l s o recognized t h a t the study was l i m i t e d i n t h a t i t t r e a t e d only an urban p o p u l a t i o n , and though i t was hoped a random s e l e c t i o n of treatment and c o n t r o l groups would r e s u l t i n socio-economic and c u l t u r a l equivalence, there i s no guarantee t h a t some i n t e r v e n i n g f a c t o r s introduced by sampling from many schools d i d not produce some sample p e c u l i a r i t y . The author r e a l i z e s t h a t the design was simple ( w i t h no b l o c k i n g of f a c t o r s , analysis- of v a r i a n c e , or s o p h i s t i c a t e d s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s ) , but f e e l s t h a t t h i s c o n t r i b u t e d to a stronger design i n view of the a v a i l a b l e resources. Such s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d n e s s should a l s o c o n t r i b u t e t o i t s persuasiveness i n s o f a r as school a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and other l a y persons are concerned, i n view of the r e s u l t s . In sum, i t would seem t h a t the g r e a t e s t weakness was i n the l a c k of s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n and c o n t r o l over the tr e a t m e n t — a n d t h a t t h i s problem l a y i n the e s s e n t i a l l y p r a c t i c a l , non-laboratory, but r e a l - s e t t i n g of the study. That the r e s u l t s demonstrate s i g n i f i c a n t change de s p i t e t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , demonstrates t h a t much more c l e a r l y the value of the Continuing Concerns approach and Indians i n  T r a n s i t i o n . A h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d and l i m i t e d treatment might have y i e l d e d more v a r i e d and comprehensive data, but a more r e a l i s t i c r e f l e c t i o n of a c t u a l p r a c t i s e such as t h i s proved of more value i n assessing t h i s method and m a t e r i a l as i t i s a c t u a l l y used. CHAPTER FIVE - DATA AND CONCLUSIONS Table One - Experimental C o n d i t i o n C l a s s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 N 28 27 31 33 34 28 31 32 26 29 C l a s s Mean 6.6 6.7 7.3 6.5 7.0 6.7 6.8 7.0 7.1 6.6 D e v i a t i o n (Dev. S c o r e ) 2  Score • -.23 -.13 + .47 -.33 + .17 -.13 -.03 + .17 + .27 -.23 T o t a l T o t a l Grand Mean Net 10 299 6.83 0 .0529 .0169 .2209 .1089 .0289 .0169 .0009 .0289 .0729 .0529 T o t a l .6008 VARIANCE = Sj = .06675 39 Table Two - C o n t r o l C o n d i t i o n C l a s s N C l a s s Mean D e v i a t i o n Score (Dev. Sec 1 31 5.7 -.25 .0625 2 28 5.8 -.15 .0225 3 30 6.0 + .05 .0025 4 26 5.9 -.05 .0025 5 32 6.0 + .05 .0025 6 33 5.5 -.45 .2025 7 31 5.9 -.05 .0025 8 32 6.3 + .35 .1225 9 29 6.2 + .25 .0625 10 31 6.2 + .25 .0625 T o t a l T o t a l Grand Mean Net T o t a l 10 303 5.95 0 .5750 VARIANCE = S 2 2 = .06398 40 Test of Hypothesis N u l l Hypothesis: H Q : ^ ± = 2 A l t e r n a t i v e Hypothesis: Where and ^ % represent the mean scores of populations represented by the treatment and c o n t r o l groups r e s p e c t i v e l y , To t e s t the n u l l hypothesis, the o n e - t a i l e d t - t e s t was employed: t = X l " * 2 N l S l 2 + N 2 S 2 " ^ N j ^ N 2 where o~ ~ Xx = 6.83 X 2 = 5.95 = 10 ( c l a s s e s ) N 2 = 10 ( c l a s s e s ) S i 2 = .06675 S 2 = .06398 2 . v lJi)X^Q46J5)+(IPX. 06398J. = p^o <r = \| 10+10-2 ° t 6.83 - 5.95 - o -5! .8521 1 , 1 + 10 This f e l l w i t h i n the area of r e j e c t i o n f o r the 95th p e r c e n t i l e of a t - t a b l e w i t h 18 degrees of freedom. Thus the n u l l hypothesis was r e j e c t e d , and the a l t e r n a t i v e hypothesis was accepted. The d i f f e r e n c e i n grand means was h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l . 41 O p e r a t i o n a l l y , i t was concluded t h a t the c l a s s e s of students subjected to Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on the constructed Thurstone-type scale of a t t i t u d e s toward Indians than d i d those c l a s s e s subjected to the r e g u l a r , n o n - a t t i t u d i n a l m a t e r i a l s . More g e n e r a l l y , i t was concluded t h a t groups of students subjected to a Co n t i n u i n g Concerns approach u n i t on Canadian Indians demonstrate a more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e toward Indians than do groups of students subjected to the r e g u l a r , non-Indian centred c u r r i c u l u m , i n s o f a r as the sc a l e used was a v a l i d measurement of such a t t i t u d e s . 42 CHAPTER SIX - POSSIBILITIES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH In t h a t the hypothesis t e s t e d out as p r e d i c t e d , there are s e v e r a l avenues of continued research open. Most obvious i s r e p l i c a t i o n i n r u r a l areas, as opposed to urban. I t would a l s o be advantageous to r e p l i c a t e i n areas where there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t Indian p o p u l a t i o n , thus determining whether the t r e a t m e n t - r a c i a l n a i v e t e i n t e r -a c t i o n seen i n many other s t u d i e s holds t r u e . This study might a l s o determine i f these m a t e r i a l s a f f e c t the Indian's self-image s i g n i f i c a n t l y , or i f such m a t e r i a l s can improve a c t u a l r a c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n i n t e g r a t e d s i t u a t i o n s . This b r i n g s to mind other adaptations of the m a t e r i a l i n con j u n c t i o n w i t h more overt b e h a v i o r a l a t t i t u d e measures, perhaps using i n t e r a c t i o n a n a l y s i s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between c o g n i t i v e and a f f e c t i v e data i n b r i n g i n g about a t t i t u d e could be pursued by i n t r o -ducing some measurement of i n f o r m a t i o n gained during the treatment, and c o r r e l a t i n g scores on t h i s and the a t t i t u d e instrument. I t could be determined i f there was a d i f f e r -e n t i a l e f f e c t upon members of subcultures or races. In the past i t has been shown that non-Whites tend to respond b e t t e r to a n t i - p r e j u d i c e m a t e r i a l even when the race i n question i s not t h e i r own. Do O r i e n t a l students respond more p o s i t i v e l y 43 t o Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n than do White students? Is there a d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t i n terms of socio-economic s t a t u s ? The C o n t i n u i n g Concerns approach could be a p p l i e d to other a t t i t u d i n a l problems such as p o l l u t i o n , and the r e s u l t s measured. Today everyone advocates environmental education, but i s i s not known whether such programs are having an e f f e c t . O b v i o u s l y , f u r t h e r work could be done i n e v a l u a t i n g or perhaps modifying the constructed Thurstone-type s c a l e . I t s v a l i d i t y could be f u r t h e r t e s t e d against known groups; i t s r e l i a b i l i t y s u b s t a n t i a t e d by r e p l i c a t i o n and t e s t - r e t e s t procedures. The s e n s i t i v i t y and usefulness of such an instrument can only be determined by repeated frequent a p p l i c a t i o n . F i n a l l y , since i t has been shown t h a t the e f f e c t i v e -ness of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t e x t can be measured i n terms of one of i t s s t a t e d o b j e c t i v e s , there i s no reason why other m a t e r i a l i n our S o c i a l S t u d i e s classroom cannot be s i m i l a r l y evaluated i n terms of t h e i r proclaimed o b j e c t i v e s . I t i s time we sought more e m p i r i c a l feedback about the methods and m a t e r i a l s i n use throughout our school system. 44 REFERENCES 1. A. B. Hodgetts, What C u l t u r e ? What H e r i t a g e ? , O.I.S.E., 1968, pp. 2-3. 2. John C. R i c k e r , "The Canada St u d i e s Foundation F a c t s , Fables and F a n t a s i e s " (Address to Nova S c o t i a S o c i a l S t udies Teachers) Nova S c o t i a Teacher, May, 1971. 3. George Tompkins, C o - d i r e c t o r of Canada S t u d i e s Foundation, "Taking the Blandness out of Canadian H i s t o r y , " U.B.C. Reports. V o l . 18, No. 1, Jan. 12, 1972, p.9. 4. I b i d . 5. Gerald Walsh, Indians i n T r a n s i t i o n . M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1971. 6. M a r t i n F i s h b e i n and Bertram Raven, "An O p e r a t i o n a l D e f i n i t i o n of B e l i e f and A t t i t u d e , " A t t i t u d e Theory and Measurement. M a r t i n F i s h b e i n (ed.) Wiley and Sons, 1967, p. 188. 7. . "A Behavior Approach to the R e l a t i o n s Between B e l i e f s about an Object and the A t t i t u d e Toward the Object," F i s h b e i n , I b i d . 8. L. L. Thurstone and Ruth Peterson, Motion P i c t u r e s and t h e _ S o c i a l A t t i t u d e s of C h i l d r e n , MacMillan, 1933. 9. H. H. Remmers, "Changing A t t i t u d e s Toward a R a c i a l Group," Purdue S t u d i e s i n Higher Education, V o l . 31, pp. 109-114, 1936. 10. John Georgeoff, Imogene Jones, Susan Bahlke, O r v i l l e Howard, "The E f f e c t of the C u r r i c u l u m on R a c i a l Cleavage," Contemporary Ed.. V o l . 41, pp. 297-303. 11. Wilbur E l r o d , "The E f f e c t of Persuasive Communication on I n t e r - r a c i a l A t t i t u d e s , " Contemporary Education, V o l . 39: pp. 148-51, Jan. 1968. 12. I r w i n M. Rubin, "The Reduction of P r e j u d i c e Through Mass Media," J o u r n a l of A d u l t Education, V o l . 19: pp. 43-52, 1967. 45 13. John L. L i t c h e r and David V/. Johnson, "Changes i n A t t i t u d e s Toward Negroes of White Elementary-School Students A f t e r Use of M u l t i - E t h n i c Readers," J o u r n a l of Educational Psychology, V o l . 60, pp. 158-62, A p r i l , 1969. 14. Fred L. Standley and Nancy V. Standley, "An E x p e r i -mental Use of Black L i t e r a t u r e i n a.Predomin-a n t l y White U n i v e r s i t y , " Research in, the  Teaching of E n g l i s h , V o l . 4: pp. 139-48, F a l l , 1970. 15. B e l l e L i k o v e r , "The E f f e c t of Black H i s t o r y on an I n t e r - r a c i a l Group of C h i l d r e n , " C h i l d r e n , V o l . 17: pp. 177-82. Sept. 1970. 16. Frank L. F i s h e r , " I n f l u e n c e s of Reading and D i s c u s s i o n on the A t t i t u d e s of F i f t h Graders Toward American Indians," The J o u r n a l of Educational  Research. V o l . 62, pp. 130-134, Nov. 1964. 17. Joseph Pecoraro, "The E f f e c t of a S e r i e s of S p e c i a l Lessons on Indian H i s t o r y and C u l t u r e Upon the A t t i t u d e s of Indian and Non-Indian Students," Maine State Department of Education, August, 1970, ERIC Document EDO 043 556. 18. A l l e n L. Edwards, Techniques of A t t i t u d e Scale Con-s t r u c t i o n . Appleton-Century C r o f t s , New York, 1957. 19. M a r t i n F i s h b e i n , Readings i n A t t i t u d e Theory and Measurement. John Wiley and Sons, N.Y., 1967. 20. Chester A. Insko, Theories of A t t i t u d e Change, Appleton Century C r o f t s , N.Y., 1967. 21. Charles A. K e i s l e r , Barry E. C o l l i n s , Norman M i l l e r , A t t i t u d e Change--A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s of Theoreti-c a l Approaches. Wiley and Sons, N.Y., 1969. 22. Michael A. Malec, A t t i t u d e Change, Markham P u b l i s h i n g Co. Chicago: 1971. 23. A. N. Oppenheim, Questionnaire Design and A t t i t u d e Measurement. Heineman, London: 1966. 24. Marvin E. Shaw and Jack M. Wright, S c a l e s f o r the Measurement of A t t i t u d e s . McGraw-Hill, New York, 1967. 46 25. Carolyn W. S h e r i f and Mazafer S h e r i f , A t t i t u d e , Ego Involvement, and Change, John Wiley, N.Y., 1967. 26. Donald T. Campbell and J u l i a n C. S t a n l e y , Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs f o r Research. Rand McNally, Chicago, 1963. 4 7 APPENDIX "A' E r a d i a n s in Transit ion An Inquiry Approach G E R A L D W A L S H Faculty of Education University of British Columbia KiCCL'iLI AND AND STEWART LIMIT Ml Contents PREFACE Vii One: The Problem / 1. Prejudice and Discrimination 2 2. The Poverty of the Indians 5 3. Dependency and a Sense of Loss .14 4. Education 19 5. Rising Expectations 24 Two: The Roots of the Problem 37 1. The Beothuk Indians of Newfoundland 38 2. The Eastern Algonkian Tribes 40 3. Indians of the Plains 55 4. The Indians of British Columbia 83 5. Industrialization and Urbanization 108 Three: Solving the Problem 122 1. Possible Solutions 123 2. What is an Indian? 124 3. The Indian Act and the Department of Indian Affairs 4. Assimilation? Separation? Integration? 145 5. The White Paper: Proposals and Responses 153 6. Steps to Progress / 71 7. The Problem is Urgent 194 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 199 THE PROBLEM ONE 1 The Problem During the period since the end of World War 11 the question ol racial and inter-cultural relations have become an important focus of concern both at the international and the national level. The superiority of the white man, an idea long accepted without serious question, has been repeatedly and persistently challenged. The peoples of Asia and most of Africa have freed themselves from European colonial dominativ>n. Within nations racial minorities have asserted their rights to equality as never before. Recent events in the United States have shown that minority groups within a democratic society who have been classified as inferior by that society arc no longer willing to accept that status. First the Negroes, then the Indians and the Mexicans and now the poor people, have taken action to improve their conditions. Their tactics have ranged from non-violent protest to the threat of militant action and the disruption of American society. Canada has until now been more fortunate in the case of its principal racial minority, the Indians. This has not been because Canadians have been wiser or more just but because the Indians of Canada have been slower to become aroused and to demand improvements in their status. But there are unmistakeable signs that Indians in this country arc rapidly becoming more conscious of the disadvantages under which they live and their demands for change are becoming increasingly militant. There is more than a faint possibility that if Indians fail to achieve improvements in their situation by peaceful means, some of them may resort to more violent methods. It is doubtful whether such methods would benefit the Indians; it is certain that they would not be beneficial to Canadian society. The problem for Canada today, then, is to find ways in which the aspirations of these first Canadians for a better life can be satisfied. The following selections arc .introduced to show some of the realities of the social, economic and political conditions in which Indians live and to show how the problem is seen from a number of different viewpoints. T H E PROBLEM 3 1. Are there any cases, in your opinion, in which the discriminating behaviour is justifiable? 2. Select two or three of the examples. In each case, try to imagine thai you arc Indian or Metis. How would you react? Examples of Inferior Treatment The few [examples] that arc listed below were chosen because they represent the standard policies of groups of White people rather than the prejudiced be-havior of individual persons. Each example was verified by the Social and Economic Research Office in the course of its study. 1. Three years ago an Indian family left its reserve and settled on the fringe of a White village. Adult members of the family sought and obtained employ-ment with various White employers and managed to save some money. Last year they decided to move to the village site proper. A house was chosen for purchase and a small deposit made to guarantee the contract. When villagers heard of the sale, they urged the owner to refund ihe deposit. They feared that other Indians would also want to stay in the village. The money was refunded and the Indian family is still residing in the fringe settlement, fully aware of the efforts made to prevent them from integrating. The Secretary-Treasurer related this incident to one of the research assistants, concluding, "We do not have any Indian problems in town because we know how to deal with them." 2. One of the devices used in the study to arrive at. an estimate of the population of Indian descent living in large villages and towns was to check each name on the provincial voters' list. As this was being done in one town, a municipal official, who had taken part in the enumeration advised, "That list will not help very much. We did not list Half-Breeds and Indians for fear they would believe they have earned residence in town and ask for relief." 3. News that Treaty and Non-Treaty Indians were moving in prompted the Municipal Council of one village to discuss this matter at its regular meeting. The council decided to have an inspection of their homes and surroundings made at once and if found unsuitable or their inhabitants liable to be on relict, to have their homes condemned and action taken to have them removed from the village. 4. Married couples applying to Welfare agencies to adopt children arc queried about nationality preferences. They are asked whether they would accept Metis and Indian children. Approximately 75 per cent answer in the negative. Amongst those who would not object to Metis and Indian children arc many parents who would accept them only if their Indian physical characteristics were not too pronounced. 5. Theatre usherettes in at least two Manitoba towns are instructed by theatre proprietors to make Indians sit in a special section of the building. 6. The House Committee of an urban church received a request from a group of Indians for the monthly use of a meeting room. After considerable discus-sion the Committee refused on the basis that the Indian group might include some undesirables who would not respect church property. Table A. Per cent distribution of main sources of employment of bands by industry and/or occupational Bands Ranked 0 — — „ g a/c Average « | Sjg g ' 5^ e o j s -• 0 z — <- c Per Capita -| g & „ | g o „ | J J - t M a 5 x J -= -o g K •= -=£ '5. Real Income S-5 S-S ° ° S j? £ --3 -o jc 6 32 « -2 Ji E B. a. k a from Gainful i - p S o c ' - g o p ' - S » 3 a § =» a Employment < S W £ < S u £ (2 E O 55 UiO fc Skidegate 1252 10.6 6.7 21.6 4.9 Caughnawaga 793 9.2 8.2 Walpole Is. 715 6.16 5.9 2.9 3.0 6.5 Sheshaht, V.I. 664 10.7 10.7 .8 Lorette 630 10.5 8.7 3.0 14.0 Squamish 630 8.0 8.0 1.5 • 2.1 Tyendinaga 516 8.3 * 8.0 8.1 Curve Lake 350 7.3 3.1 6.8 Six Nations 350 7.5 4.0 Mistnssini 34! 5.5 5.6 8.1 2.9 2.3 Masset 336 3.8 3.8 20.5 6.0 Dog Rib Rae 332 5.67 8.0 12.3 4.0 Port Simpson 325 6.9 4.35 30.0 Kamloops 314 9.5 7.2 Surcee 302 6.7 2.82 10.7 Fort William 298 8.1 6.45 31.7 Williams Lake 291 7.5 3.23 13.3 Moose Factory 284 6.24 6.1 Fort Alexander 255 7.1 1.7 River Dev.-r: 250 4.9 3.5 53.4 15.4 2.7 St. Mary's 7.27- 2.3 55. S 3.3 Attawapiskat 247 2.0 10.2 26.6 13.9 5.0 17.8 4.2 6.2 Casual Unskilled Skilled Clerical Professional Farm Proprietor Proprietor Non-Farm 70.3 3.24 6.5 83.6 8.5 • 3.0 55.4 8.0 8.1 8.7 3.5 24.8 72.3 32.3 18.5 10.1 2.0 19.5 62.6 28.3 1.7 1.7 24.5 36.5 12.0 17.5 4.6 30.6 28.5 8.1 35.8 26.8 2.1 8.5 12.9 4.7 27.6 2.3 1.4 52.2 14.9 1.9 4.3 28.6 4.0 5.5 36.4 24.6 51.8 8.6 1.4 11.5 21.4 10.7 6.9 23.5 40.1 16.9 8.4 23.9 10.6 25.7 48.0 24.6 4.9 5.6 5.1 6.2 2.5 2.6 3.7 22.5 1.2 3.3 3.8 8.0 54.3 42.5 2.1 12.3 6.2 TWO 52 The Roots of the Problem Enough has been said in Part One to show that there exists a basic problem in Canada with respect to its first citizens. With a few exceptions they arc poor; they hold the most poorly-paid jobs and suffer high unemployment rates; they are relatively poorly educated; they arc subject io prejudice and discrimination. In a real sense they live as strangers in the land that was owned entirely by their ancestors before the white man came. They are a people who have been robbed of their heritage. Small wonder then that some are apathetic and without hope, /while many are bitter and cynical about the intentions of TfRTwhite majority. Such a state of affairs is wrong. It runs contrary to the ideals of justice and equality of treatment to which we in Canada are committed. It is also dangerous because in the growing dis-content of Indians lies a threat to the peace and stability of Canadian society. It is therefore a moral problem as well as a political one, and it may'be stated thus: what are the Canadian people going to do in order to provide the Indians in Canada with the opportunity to live a free and full life? This is a difficult problem to which we will- return later. Before doing so, we will try to answer another question: pre-cisely how did the present situation develop? In tracing the experiences of Indians in their contact with the White Man and his culture, we should achieve a better understanding of the problem. What then did happen in the collision between the culture of the White Man and the cultures of the various Indian tribes? We already know some of the answers to this question. We know, for example, that the Indians were displaced from owner-, ship of most of the land known today as Canada. We also know that in some way these "first citizens" became second-class citizens. But there are other questions we need to ask and to answer if we arc to have a genuine understanding of the present situation. Here are some of them: I. Why were Europeans so successful in taking ojrer the •r>t-38 INDIANS IN TRANSITION country? Did the Indians resist? If so, why were they unsuccessful? 2. What were the effects on them of the introduction of | European religion, contact with fur traders,'and elements 'of European civilization such as alcohol, firearms, and • smallpox and other diseases to which they had no im-! munity? How did these things affect their traditional ways of life - their economies, technologies, political | organizations, their customs and their beliefs about life? ! In other words, what price, material and psychological, did the Indians pay for their encounter with Europeans? 3. What contributions did the Indians make, either directly or indirectly, to the establishment of the White Man in this part of North America? As you study the selections that follow, bear these questions in mind. The answers to them help us to understand the difficul-ties in which the Indians of Canada find themselves today. 1. The Beothuk Indians of N e w f o u n d l a n d On September 14, 1829, the English newspaper The London Times contained an article which told a tragic story. It announced the death of a woman and the end of a people. DIED - At St. John's, Newfoundland, on the 6th of June last in the 29th year of her age, Shanawdithit, supposed to be the last of the Red Indians or Bcothuks, This interesting female lived six years a captive among the English, ami when taken notice of latterly exhibited extra-ordinary mental j talents. She was niece to Mary March's husband, a chief of the tribe, who was accidentally killed in 1819 at the Red Indian Lake in the interior while endeavouring to rescue his wife from the party of English who took her, the view being to open a friendly intercourse with the tribe The story of the encounter of the Beothuk and the White Man has been summarized by a Canadian scholar, Diamond Jenness. • • 5 3 ~ my tribe was powerful, but now many of my people die every winter. Some children are born, but they are no good - they die soon." Now in the interests of ethnology, if not of humanity, would it not be worth somebody's while to send a qualified doctor to patch up as best he might the remnants of the tribes of the Casca and Liard Indians, and prevent the spread of contagion? A good deal of money is spent annually by the Dominion and the various Provincial Governments in doing whatever is done for the Indians of Canada — surely a little might be spared for this outlying part of the country; and let the man whose salary it pays be a doctor ind not an Indian agent. No surveys are wanted; no reservations need be staled off; for, if the present state of affairs continues but a few more years, extinction will put every Indian beyond the limitation of the agent's reserve. Warburton Pike, Through the Subarctic Forest (London: Edward Arnold, 1896), pp. 86-87, 98-99. .1. What effects of culture contact does Pike observe? 2. "What was the matter with them all?" The chief explained what had happened to his people, but did not really explain why. In the light | of what you have "learned so far, write a paragraph giving your answer to the question. 3, Pike deplores what has happened to the Indians. What action does he propose? Discuss the adequacy of his analysis and his proposals. 5. Industrialization and Urbanization The Indians of Canada did not have the opportunity to recover from the effects of the impact of the white map's culture on their own. While still disorganized by the results of the contact with fur traders, missionaries, and settlers, they foujnd themselves in a country that was growing steadily in populatioji while at the same time rapidly becoming industrialized. The industrialization of Canada in the twentieth century had tended lo l.eep the Indians off balance and disoriented. Modern industry ha:, certain essen-tial requirements. Workers must have specialized skills, and these require special education and training. A modern factory, office, or other business operation, in order to be successful in a com-petitive world, has to be efficient; efficiency requires that workers -are on the job regularly, at specific times and for specific periods. Production schedules have to be achieved and deadlines have to be met. These requirements are rigorous enough for those reared in the white culture, but they are specially difficult for the Indians. For many reasons Indians have not benefited greatly from the , education provided fox" them. As to the question of time - punctu-fcAIOrTV ality and regular attendance - Indians often fad it difficult to adjust to the white man's sense of time. Furthermore, they have less tolerance to the boredom of the humdrum routine of the dull, repetitive jobs which are a part of the industrial way of life. Add to this the rapid growth of towns and cities, and one cm get some idea of the feelings of confusion and helplessness th: t assailed the Indians. One of their more eloquent spokesman. Chief Dan George, conveys these feelings in this moving state-ment. . . . . Was it only yesterday that men sailed around the moon . . . And is it to-morrow they will stand up on its barren surface? You and I marvel that man should travel so far and so fast. . . . Yet, if they have travelled far then 1 have travelled farther . . . . and if they have travelled fast, then I faster .... for I was born a thousand years ago . . . . born in a culture of bows and arrows. But within the span of half a life I was flung across the ages to the culture of the atom bomb. . . . and from bows and arrows to atom bombs is a distance far beyond a flight to the moon. I was born in an age that loved the things of nature and gave them beautiful names like Tes-wall-u-wit instead of dried up names like Stanley Park. I was born when people loved all nature and spoke to it as though it has a s o i i l . . . . I can remember going up Indian River with my father when I was very young I can remember him watching the sun light fires of Mount Pay-nay-nay as it rose above its peak. I can remember him singing his thanks to it as he often did . . . . singing the Indian word '"thanks .'' so very very softly . . . And then the people came more and more people came . . . . like a crushing rushing wave they came hurling the years aside!! and suddenly I found myself a young man in the midst of the twentieth century. I found myself and my people adrift in this new age . . . . but not part of it. Engulfed by its rushing tide, but only as a captive eddy . . . going round and round . . . . On little reserves, on plots of land we floated in a kind of grey unreality . . . . ashamed of our culture which you ridiculed . . . . unsure of who we were or where we were going . . . . uncertain of our grip on the present.... weak in our hope of the future . . . And that is where we pretty well stand today. I had a glimpse of something better than this. For a few brief yea s I knew my people when we lived the old life I knew them when there was still a dignity in our lives and a.feeling of worth in our outlook. I knew them when there was unspoken confidence in the home and a certain knowl-edge of the path we walked upon. But wc were living on the dying energy of a dying culture . . . . that was slowly losing its forward thrust. I think it was the suddenness of it all that hurt us so. We did not have time to adjust to the startling upheaval around us. We seemed to have lost what v.c had without a replacement for it. We did not have the time to take your 20th century progress and eat it little by little and digest it. It was forced feeding from the start and our stomach turned sick and we vomited. Do you know what it is like to be without mooring? Do you know what it is like to live in surroundings that arc ugly and everywhere you look you see ugly things strange things strange and ugly things? It depresses 56-man, for man must be surrounded by the beautiful if his soul is lu grow. What did we see in the new surroundings you brought us? Laughing faces, pitying faces, sneering faces, conniving faces. Faces that ridiculed, faces that stole from us. It is no wonder we turned to the only people who did not steal , and who did not sneer, who came with love. They were the missionaries and .' they came with love and 1 for one will ever return that love. Do you know what it is like to feel you are of no value to society and those ' around you? To know that people came to help you but not to work with you , for you knew that they knew you had nothing to offer . . . . ? Do you know what it is like to have your race belittled :\nd to come to learn that you are only a burden to the country? Maybe we tiki not have the 1 skills to make a meaningful contribution, but no one would wait for us to catch 1 up. We were shoved aside because we were dumb and could never learn. »: What is it like to be without pride in your race, pride in yo-ir family, pride j. and confidence in yourself? What is it like? You don't know for you never i tasted its bitterness. | I shall tell you what it is like. It is like not caring about tomorrow for what ? does tomorrow matter. It is like having a reserve that looks like a junk yard | because the beauty in the soul is dead and why should the soul express an | external beauty that does not match it? It is like getting drunk and for a few <; brief moments an escaping from ugly reality and feeling a sense of importance, r It is most of all like awaking next morning to the guilt of betrayal. For the | alcohol did not fill the emptiness but only dug it deeper. And now you hold out your hand and you beckon to me to come across J; the street . . . . come and integrate you say . . . . But how can i come ..... I am naked and ashamed. How can I come in dignity? I have no presents ... I ' have no gifts. What is there in my culture you value . . . . my poor treasure you \ can only scorn. f Am I then to come as a beggar and receive all from your omnipotent hand? f Somehow I must wait . . . I must delay. I must find myself. I must find my | treasure. I must wait until you want something of me ... . until you need < something that is me. Then I can raise my head and say to my wife and family t-. . . . listen they are calling they need me .... I must go. I Then I can walk across the street and I will hold my head high for I will I meet you as an equal. I will not scorn you for your deeming gifts and you |" will not receive me in pity. Pity I can do without my manhood I cannot < do without. I I can only come as Chief Capllano came to Captain Vancouver ... as one [ sure of his authority . . . certain of his worth . . . . master of his house .... and leader of his people. I shall not come as a cringing object of your pity. I shall r come in dignity or I shall not corne at all. > You talk big words of integration in the schools. Does it really exist? Can & we talk of integration until there is social integration .... unless there isjj; integration of hearts and minds you have only a physical presence .... and the | walls are as high as the mountain range. f Come with me to the playgrounds of an integrated high school see f how level and flat and ugly the black top is . . . . but look .... now it is recess? time the students pour through the doors . . . . soon over here is a group of white students . . . . and see over there near the fence ... a group of' native students . . . . and look again . . . . . the biack is no longer level mountain ranges rising . . . valleys falling . . . and a great chasm seems to he opening up between the two groups . . . . yours and mine . . . . but no one seems capable of crossing over. But wait soon the bell will ring and tie students will leave the play yard. Integration has moved indoors. There isn't much room in a class room to dig chasms so there are only little ones there . . . . only little ones for we won't allow big ones . . . . at least, not right under our noses so we will cover it all over with black top . . . . cold . . . . black . . . . f lat. . . . and full of ugliness in its sameness. I know you must be saying . . . . tell us what Do you want. What do \vc want? We want first of all to be respected and to feel we are people of worth. We want an equal opportunity to succeed in Hie . . . . but we cannot succeed on your terms . . . . we cannot raise ourselves ott your norms. We need special-ized help in education . . specialized help in the formative years . . . . . special courses in English. We need guidance counseling . . . . we need equal job opportunities for our graduates, otherwise our students will lose courage and ask what is the use of it all. Let no one forget i t . . . . we are a people with special right guaranteed to us by promises and treaties. We do not beg for these rights, nor do we thank you . . . we do not thank you for them because we paid for them . . . .and Clod help us the price we paid was exorbitant! We paid for them with our culture, our dignity and self-respect. We paid and paid and paid until we became a beaten race, poverty-stricken and conquered. But you have been kind to listen to me and I know that in your heart you wished you could help. I wonder if there is much you can do and yet there is a lot you can do . . . when you meet my children in your classroom respect each one for what he is . . . a child of our Father in heaven, and your brother. Maybe it all boils down to just that. The difficulties faced by Indians in adjusting to the requirements of a rapidly-changing industrial society have been studied by-anthropologists. The two tables which follow are summaries of ' the cultural beliefs and preferences of Indians before contact with Whites and after prolonged exposure to the White Man's culture. They should help us to see what changes have occurred and how the changes have not helped Indians to cope with modern Canadian society. 1. If ambition to succeed through competition and striving to achieve one's own ends is important in our society, how would an Indian who believed in the traditional values get on in our society? 2. A white person judging an Indian in terms of the White value orienta-tion might easily come to the conclusion that he is lazy, careless about the future, and unambitious. How might an Indian judge an average White person in terms of traditional Indian values? 3. What signs do you see in our society of groups of White people adopting values similar to the traditional Indian values? Table II. Dominant Value Orientation prior to While Dominance White Indian-Eskimo Human nature is evil but perfcctable Man dominates, exploits and controls nature Future-oriented Doing and activity oriented Individualistic Capitalistic (commercial) Nationalistic In harmony with nature Past and present oriented Being-in-becoming Collaborative (tribal) • Communistic in the non-political sc (sharing) Communal C. Hendry, Beyond Traplincs (Toronto: The Anglican Church of Canada, 1969), p. 32. What is the traditional attitude towards time? How does it differ from that of Whites? What would be the Indian attitude towards such things as long-range planning, meeting future deadlines, etc.? If you were managing an industrial undertaking e.g. a. factory or a logging operation, would you tend to prefer to employ a person with the White orientation or the traditional Indian value oricntnti'n? Explain and defend your decision. Tabic I. Indian Accommodation and/or lack of Accommo-dation fo the Dominant White •Culture Before After Sustained Exposures to White In harmony with nature, a sense of wholeness Community concept of t possession Collaborative relations (collateral) Friendliness and trust Concrete behavior governed by moral codes Interdependence Loss of integrated whole and personal integrity Cumulative concept applied to the individual Individualistic relations Hostility, contempt, suspicion Increased license due to cultural breakdown Ecologically trapped in poverty, de-pendent on subsidies, and uneconomic occupational activities Ibid., p. 35. 1. What are the attitudes towards White society which have been gen-erated in Indians by prolonged exposure to White culture? How would these attitudes make it difficult for Indians to adjust to an environment predominantly White? (e.g. an industrial plant in which most of the workers were white, a modem Canadian town or city, etc.) 2. What would probably be the attitudes of Indians who remained in an impoverished reservation environment towards those Indians who "made it" in the white man's world? 3. How have the effects of culture contact made the Indians sus-ceptible to alcoholic excess? How does excessive drinking make their adaptation to modern society more difficult? 4. Generally speaking, how would you describe the effects of culture contact on Indian personality? Do these effects contribute to the Indians' ability to adapt successfully to an urban-industrial way of life? Despite the difficulties facing them in the urban and industrial world, there has been a significant movement of Indians oft" the reserves. The figures for British Columbia may be taken us typical of nation wide trends during the ten year period 1960—i 970. 1960 1970 On Reserve 32,210 (83.2%) 32,935 (66.3%) Off Reserve 6,520 (16.8%) 16,716 (33.7%) Total 38,730 49,651 This is not to suggest that !he traffic is all one way - off the reserve. Many Indians who leave the reserve find that they can-not make a satisfactory adjustment to life off the reserve, so they return. But the trend is definitely there. Life on many reserves means poverty and dependence. The young in particular are attracted by the apparent opportunities in the larger society. Some make a successful, or at least a satisfactory, adjustment. Many more, however, have been attracted to towns and cities, but do not have the .skills they need in order to succeed. Unable to secure employment, they find themselves on the welfare rolls and living in poor accommodation on the fringes of the com-munity. Unfortunately in this condition, they render themselves liable to prejudice and discrimination. Too easily they are labelled lazy, drunken, and irresponsible. These people are in a kind of no-man's land. They do not have the psychological sup-port that life on the reserve could provide, nor have they found acceptance in the larger society. At best, this is a marginal exist-ence of psychological and material deprivation; at worst, it leads through loneliness to tragedy. This poem, written by a young Indian man about the Skid Row area of Vancouver, tells of the route travelled by many young Indians, men and women alike. Hardened Artery Vancouver, a sprawling city, a brawling city, a knocked-jdown-dragged-out kind of city. j This is the city of bright sounds, the fight sounds and the thirty-cents-short-to-get-tight sounds. I Listen Jack . . . do you hear that beat? Do you hear the ru-itling of restless feel . . . and muffled shuffle of night, flowing down on a clown, down street of a down, down town? You're at Hasting and Columbia Jack, the end of the track and there's no turn-ing back, because this is the corner! This is the Corner man! and this is the East End of Town. i The East End of Town, and some people say its the best end of town, ant you're standing on wasting street, a bitter tasting street, a foot-sore drag callec, Hasting Street... ; 1; You want to see this street for real? ; f. Be a lamp post. j This is a bruised street, a used street, a very much accused street. It's a sometime street, a funttmes street, but mostly it's a you're-just-abous through street! !.' A tired street, a liared street, and when you're with it and. having it rough, itj,; a "God it's hell to-be-wired street." |y This is an odd sort of street, a people who forgot-God-sort-of street. i-A drab buildinged homely street, a sure-as-hell lonely street. It's a great stre< full of bad ones, a street full of sad ones, slouching and staring, their pale face, wearing a look of indifference and their slumped shoulders bent from the weigt of the monkey. | These are the night people, the living-in-fright people. i These are the face hardened, these are the case hardened. f These are the tough ones, the al ways-got-stuff ones. |; The quick ones, the slick ones, and the five o'clock bilc-throatcd sick ones, f This is the corner man, and down here is really down. Take a good look arounj Take a good look! n GOOD LOOK! I B E A L|\MP POST .! The First Citizen, No. 1, November 1969, p. 2. \ One institution which has come into being in response to tl j problem is the Friendship Centre. Many Friendship Centres'ha-j sprung up. Rural centres serve as "drop in" places where peo/ | of Indian ancestry can meet and get information about what th); may expect when they move from the reserves or remote ar( to towns and cities. Those in the urban centres refer Indiansj community services and agencies which can provide them w assistance, find jobs and housing, secure legal aid, provide lo.* h: from emergency funds, offer recreational and group activity pro-grams and numerous other services. Some figures may convey an idea of the cxient of the work: In the year ending March 31, 1966, the Canadian Indian Centre of Toronto saw 15,338 persons participate in their pro-grams, with an average monthly attendance of 1,728 during the period. Between May, 1965 and August, 1966, the Winnipeg Centre sponsored an Alcoholics Anonymous group, referred 32 people to legal aid, 5 to the National Parole Board, 286 to the Indian Affairs Branch, made 326 job placements, and operated a home-finding service. During 1966, the Calgary Indian Friendship Society placed 1,450 men and women in jobs, referred 250 to other services and agencies, gave legal advice to 175, found housing for 125, pro-vided special tutoring for 32 students and made loans to 135 people. Clearly the work being done by these centres across the country is valuable, although they are all working with inadequate budgets and underpaid staff. A study sponsored by the Depart-ment of Indian Affairs and Northern Development states: The number of Indian people moving into the cities and towns of our country is already large and will undoubtedly increase substantially as over-popula-tion of the reserves forces Indian people to move elsewhere. The problem is already serious and gov-ernments have been slow lo recognize a trend that cannot fail to create serious problems in the very near future. Indians and the Law (Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1967), p. 54. It recommends that the work of Friendship Centres be encour-aged by substantial increases in federal, provincial and municipal grants; and that the Citizenship Branch of the federal government study ways of assisting'the centres to develop sound programs for Indian people coming into the cities and towns. The chairman of the group making this study, Dr. Gilbert Monture, summarizes the problem in his preface to the report: The transition from the relatively happy and secure life of the reserve to the highly competitive urban-ized life of our cities and towns has been made necessary by overwhelming economic pressures. However, it often inflicts loo severe a strain on a people ill-equipped by tradition, temperament, edu-cation, and economic attitudes to withstand. (Many 62 " :. •!• INDIA.- HI TRANSIT ION > non-Indians arc also breaking under this .strain and arc indulging in dangerous forms of escape • ; ! from the realities of life.) Add to this the latent non-acceptance of the Indian by much of the. non-In-dian society and the difficulty of adjustment to the white man's standards of moral and social conduct becomes compounded. Small wonder tint maiiyln- .'. » dians seek to withdraw and exhibit a disregard for the concepts and the values of the dominant society. I am of the opinion that just as the blame for the present unhappy condition does not rest solely on the shoulders of any one of the parties involved, the ultimate solution can be found only by joint and sincere action. Ibid., pp. 7-8. 1. The choice available to Indians seems to be cither to remain on the reserve or to enter urbanized life. What are the implications of each choice? 2. What are the special difficulties Indians have to cope with.if they are to make a successful adjustment to urbanized lii'c? In what ways are non-Indians better prepared for this way pf life? 3. Give one or two examples of "the latent non-acceptance" of the Indian mentioned by Dr. Monturc. Explain how these would make successful- adjustment difficult. 4. Dr. Monture mentions that some non-Indians arc cracking under the pressure of modern urban-industrial living and are indulging in dan-gerous forms of escapism. Give examples of these. Are changes in our way of life needed to reduce stress? If so, what changes you suggest? Despite the difficulties, some Indians have made a successful adjustment to the urban-industrial way of li:e. Many have com-peted successfully with white men in business. There arc indi-vidual Indians, for example, who own fishing, boats and equip-ment worth hundreds of thousands of dollars, and who make j incomes in the five figure bracket. Indians have distinguished themselves in many aspects of Canadian life. You may be able to add to this list of some who are active at the present time: Dr. Gilbert Monture, internationally-known engineer and world expert on mineral economics. Ethel Brant Monture, noted authority on Indian culture and ' traditions Senator James Gladstone Len Marchand, Member of Parliament George Clutesi and Gerald Tail Feather, painters of renown Dr. Howard Adams, a spokesman for Indians and Metis in Saskatchewan Harold Cardinal, author of The Unjust Society THE ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM 1 1 7 Chief Dan George, actor in plays and films Jean Paul Nolet, a prominent radio announcer Buffy Ste. Marie and Alanis Obomsawin, folk singers Dr. A. Spence and Dr. Peter Kelly, Anglican and United Church ministers. Questions for Discussion 1. It is often argued by Indian critics that the history taught to Canadian students is biased and unfair in that it conveys misconceptions about Indians and their role in Canadian history. To what extent do you think this criticism is justified? 2. Discuss the ideas expressed in these statements taken from school textbooks: a) Who calls, the Redman poor and sick, he calls. Who comes, the white man rich anc' strong, he comes. Who watches to see that pity reigns, God watches. b) "They fought more ferociously than any other Indians that we encountered in our westward movement." c) "The white man from Europe brought with him knowledge and skill far greater than that of the wisest Indian." _d) "Indians were doomed by the coming of the white man. The. number of Indians was small because they didn't know how to develop America's natural resources, that is the soil, the minerals, the water power and the other natural riches of the land." e) "The missionaries regarded the Indians primarily as souls to be saved. They taught the Indians agriculture and handicrafts." f) "It is probable that the North American tribes, in the course of their wanderings, lived for generations in the frozen waste of Alaska. This experience deadened their minds and killed their imagination and initiative." g) "How, for instance, could the missionaries express the idea of a loving father to natives whose conception was that of cruel and evil spirits?" h) "After the laws were passed [legalizing the treaties with the Indians], the condition of the Indian improved somewhat. Thou sands of Indians continued to live in squalor on their reservations, but other thousands took their place as citizens." 3. The Indians were not the only people who came under the impact of European culture. India, China and Japan were influenced hy Europeans. But whereas Indian cultures were shattered by the contact, those of the countries mentioned were changed but not to such a great degree. How do you account for the difference? 4. It may be argued that, without the co-operation of the Indians and without the benefit of the technology that they had developed lo enable them to cope with their environment, while men could not succeeded in establishing themselves in Canada. iNUiANo IN IHANSII ION THREE Solving the Problem In Parts One and Two we have looked at the problem of Indians in Canadian society and we have traced the historical develop-ment underlying the problem. We have seen that Indians are poor compared to the majority of other Canadians and that they are becoming relatively poorer. With a few exceptions they work at the poorest paid jobs and suffer a high level of unemploy-ment. Many are dependent on some kind of welfare payment. Generally speaking they have benefited little from the kind of education that has been provided for them. We have seen, too, that they are subjected to many forms of discrimination. The historical study has shown that the Indians of Canada are a people who have been disinherited both territorially and culturally. Today they arc a people who live uncertainly between two cultural worlds - the one consisting of the remnants of a traditional culture, shattered by that of the White Man, and the other the world of the White Man's culture? They are unable to return to the past. The march of historical events has made that impossible. Hitherto they have not been able to make a satis-factory adjustment to a world dominated by Whites. A few have entered the world of the White Man and have been successful in it, usually at the price of assimilation. Many do not wish to enter this world, especially if the price of admission is the sacri-fice of their identity as Indians. Meanwhile, they remain second-class citizens. But things arc stirring. An increasing number ol Indians arc voicing dissatisfaction with their poverty, infcrioi social status, and the general hopelessness of their lives. They are becoming increasingly aware of what has happened to them in the past and how this has affected what they are today. The number who arc angry and impatient is growing. They want a new deal and they want it soon. The demands for action will grow, as the rapidly growing Indian population intensifies pressure on the resources of the reserves. (The problem facing Canada is how to make it possible for Indians to live a full and satisfying life within Canadian society. It is a difficult problem. Whether it is fairly met and dealt with will be a test of Canada's claim to be a truly just and demo-cratic society. In Part Three we shall look more closely at the problem/what proposals are being offered for its solution, and how and why proposed solutions differ'. This book will offer no final conclusions. It will be up to you, on the basis of your study of the problem, to arrive at your own conclusions a, to what should be done to resolve it. Possible Solutions What then are the possible answers to the question of the future role of Indians in Canadian society? It seems that there are three: assimilation, separation, and integration. Assimilation The dictionary definition of assimilate is "to make or become like: to digest." If a cat eats a canary, it assimilates it. The canary becomes, in some way, a part of the cat. It is absorbed by the cat. For the Indians, assimilation would mean that they wou'd be absorbed into the larger society. They would no longer be Uvnti-fiable as different from other Canadians. Eventually, if assimila-tion were complete, they would inter-marry with other Canadians and disappear as a separate, identifiable part of the population. There would, in effect, be no nore Indians as such, but merely Canadians of Indian or partially Indian ancestry. Separation This would mean that the Indians would exist as a separate and distinct group. Those who are in favour of this arrangement hold a view which is similar to that held by the separatists in Quebec, or those black people, in the United States who want a separate black community. While remaining Within the territory now know as Canada, they would be independent of and separate from Canadian society. They would have a separate Indian society, organized by Indians, governed by Indians, and presumably operating according to Indian ideas and values. This philosophy rejects or considers impossible the integration of Indians into Canadian society. Those who believe in it view with alarm,the idea of assimilation. They wish, above all. to preserve an Indian wav of life. Integration Somewhere between the two schools of thought advocating assimilation and separation, ave those who believe that the future of the Indians lies in some form of integration into Canadian society. Basic to this philosophy is the belief that, within the framework of Canadian society, Indians should be assisted, through financial aid, education, and expert technical advice where required, to break out of their present depressed social and economic conditions, and to live full and satisfying lives. This would mean putting an end to poverty, dependency and discrimination. It would icquirc that Indians take over the responsibility for making the important decisions in matters affecting their lives. They would decide for example, how to implement the kind of education program that will best serve their needs, the way they should organize their government, how to plan for the best use of their resources, etc. All this should take place within, and with the assistance and co-operation of, Canadian society. Integration differs from assimilation in that the choice would be left to individual Indians to decide for themselves whether they wish to be assimilated into Canadian society or to retain their Indian identity. It differs from co-existence in that a working relationship would be maintained between the Indians and the larger Canadian society. Indians would still be a part of Canadian society, not distinct and separate from it. Before considering the merits of these difi'erent points of view and examining what is being proposed at the present time, we shall look at the way things now stand. We have already studied some of the components of the problem, but we have yet to look at some of the questions raised by it. How, for example, is an Indian defined in law? What is the Indian Act and how does it affect Indians? What relations exist between the Indians and the various levels of government - federal, provin-cial and local? It is" necessary to know something about these matters in order to understand the implications of the proposals, to understand the attitudes of Indian and non-Indian spokesmen, and to appreciate the complex nature of the problem and the difficulties in the way of achieving change satisfactory to every-one concerned. 2. What is an Indian? The Indian Act defines an Indian as "a person who pursuant to this Act is registered as an Indian or is entitled to be registered as an Indian." If you are legally an Indian,j you can live on reserves and are entitled to certain rights. However, a person may be a full-blooded Indian and yet may he; be an Indian according to the law., in which case he does n'ot have a right to membership on a reserve or any title to resources or reserve land. How, then, does one come to be defined as an Indian by this law? Normally, children of registered Indians are Indian. A woman, whether Indian or non-Indian, who marries a treaty or registered Indian automatically becomes a legal Indian. However, Indian status can be lost. That is, a legal Indian can become, in the eyes of the law, a non-Indian. For example, . if an Indian woman marries a non-Indian man, she automatically loses her Indian status. Also, an Indian may choose to give up his Indian status by applying :.o Ottawa for enfranchisement. Thus he gains full citizenship rights and becomes, in effect, a, Canadian like anyone else. In doing so he renounces his treaty or aboriginal rights, gives up forever his right to membership on a reserve and all title to his share of resources or reserve iand, and cannot return to the reserve to take up residence. Tims he may cut himself off from the rest of his family and his friends. By the same act he prevents his. descendants from establishing a legal Indian identity should they wish to do so. There arjc many-people of Indian descent in Canada tcday who might jwish to be recognized legally as Indian?: but are unable to do so beiause an ancestor decided to renounce his legal claims to being Indian. Even within the legal definition there are difference and distinctions, such as those between treaty Indians and registered Indians. Treaty Indians are those whose ancestors signed treaties with the crown whereby they ceded land in return for specified rights. Registered Indians are those whose ancestors did not i-\..-U,„ n ^ r n - nf fhf \nrthWCSt sign treaties (in the Maritime,,Quebec, pa ts o  the Nortn^t Territories, and in most of British Columbia), but who chose under the Indian Act to be regarded as legal or ree^ cred Indians. These differences are divisive. Many non-treaty Indians are afraid that association with treaty Indians will weaken their position with regard to aboriginal claims. On the other handj many treaty Indians believe that association with non-treaty , Indians will endanger their treaty rights. There is a growing impatience, particularly among the younger people, with the anomalies and divisions created by this legal definition. They are seeking a definition of themselves which is satisfying and meaningful because it expresses their true identity, their "Indianness." It is self-definition, not this network of inhuman legalities or the recently-proposed alternative of assimilation, that will foster Indian unity. All the legal definitions fail to accomplish one thing - they fail to solve the real, human problem of identity. . . . Our identity, who we are; this is a basic question that must be settled if 4 ^-~.-.t H..c,^ riht' himself with-and and unoersioou. i u an 0 r,-,-i,.lind a„,„ma,icaUy means : b * i * Canadian. T h < [ ^ ^ r t ^ ^ c we are to progress, n. nauvi H t l s u" '" " • ^ >• Z basicaS, faiking a b o u , - i automatically eans beine Canadian. The German Canadian has a 1 ,n S S ^ S n y ; the Ukrainian has a homeland; even the French C anad.an, 2 0 . Rely on reason and logic (your reason and logic) instead of Tightness and morality. Give thousands of reasons for things, but do not be trapped into arguments about what is right. 2 1 . Hold a conference on Human Rights, have everyone blow off steam and tension, andigo home feeling that things are well in hand. 1 1 • • • 1. What is the central idea of the cartoon shown on page 141? 2. In what! ways are the ideas expressed similar to those expressed, by (a) Cardinal, (b) Gambill? ;r 3. On the basis of the knowledge you have acquired so far, do you consider that the cartoon represents the truth about Indians and their .relationship to the government,; the law and the church? : ' ,'1. What idea is this cartoon trying to get across? , ,2. If Indians do, in fact, generally mistrust white men, what is likely to-;;' ." be their reaction to proposals !:or change which originate fromthem'?'; .3.' Do these criticisms reflect only'the views' of a minority'Of. radical" ''i , individuals who are speaking only for themselves? Ordo 'they •express", '.'.'. '•' the attitudes of a significant number of Indians? You may be able; to answer {this by reading the-folktwing statement, part of a presentation made in 1969 by the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood to a conference . on human rights in Brandon, Manitoba. What view is expressed of..the:; past work of the Federal Government ant! the Department of Indian' Affairs? What similarity does il^bear to Cardinal's statement'.'. V .• ' fell' I f ' , • •v - ' | | | . •I'if- r' '110' N • I'l". :#' : % K it*. -fiji'ii KR:'-0 m I >.; ••.'••."•. V'• j,.rt Questions for Discussion 1. "We are not going out of Ottawa with answers but with questions. We must, for the love of God, find a means of consultation with,the."• Indians that is honest, open, comp'ftte, sincere and constructive: We must ensure that the choices dictated by their values are' made ; available to them. The best thing the government could dp is get the hell out of the way." ' ; ^ '.'£'' . T h e Honourable Robert K.'Andras,-. Minister without .'Portfolio,-/ October, 1968. f •'>•'•• This statement was made by the Minister as he began a series of, consultations with Indian leaders across the country. To'what extent do you think the intention in this, statement was reflected in the : government' White Paper on Indian policy? , : .2. Would you support the White Papir, in whole, in part, or. not at all? Support your answer with relevant <>,cts and arguments. ; / 3. Give an outline of the Indian affairs policy you would recommend. Make it in the form of a number cit recommendations'. 'Briefly justify each 'recommendation. -j , k ' . ...'. \ \ 4. Predict, the'consequences of a gp\i|rnrnent .-attempt to carry: out the proposals in the White Paper. ;• ' t-Acknowledgements ; .This page constitutes an extension of the copyright page. For permission to reprint copy-right material, grateful acknowledgement is made to the following: . , • •'•'the A N G L I C A N C H U R C H O F C A N A D A , Toronto, for use of material from Beyond Traplines, ,,']by C. Hendry. - ' 1 , T H E C A N A D I A N B R O A D C A S T I N G C O R P O R A T I O N , Toronto, for extracts from The Way of the' :) Indian. Reproduced by permission of The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. { • ' T H E C A N A D I A N C H U R C H M A N , Toronto, for the use of various articles. V i V . T H B C H A M P L A I N S O C I E T Y , Toronto, for extracts from John McLean's Notes of a Twenty-•'f five Years Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory, edited by W. S. 'Wallace; and for the 11 extract from David Thompson's Narrative, 1784-1312, .edited by R. Clover. . ; / C L A R K E , I R W I N A N D C O M A N Y L I M I T E D , Toronto, for the,extract from Canadian Portraits: ipi: Famous Indians by Ethel Brant Monture. Copyright 1960 by Clarke, Irwin & Co. Ltd. "j; Used by permission of Clarke, Irwin and Co. Ltd. . -i: T H E D E P A R T M E N T O F A G R I C U L T U R E A N D I M M I G R A T I O N , Manitoba, for extracts from A Study .-j, of the Population of Indian Ancestry in Manitoba, by Jean H. Legasse. ' • ' W I L S O N D U F F , for'extracts and illustrations from hi;; book The Indian History of British' 3. Columbia, Vol. 1, . ,';,' ';• T H E F I R S T C I T I Z E N , Vancouver, for the use of various, extracts. ' ' G E R R Y G A M B I L L , for the extracts from Akwesasne Notes. ; i. . T H E G L O B E A N D M A I L , Toronto, for the use of various articles, and the cartoon by James Reidford. • . . , ] . 1 i , . H A R P E R A N D R O W P U B L I S H E R S INC., New York, for the, extract from The New Indians by '?' Stan Steiner. Copyright © 1968 by Stan Steiner. Reprinted! by permission * of - Harper & Row Publishers Inc. • ' ' .'-.•.••:'. i ;': '<^M'»«»-qp^ii^JiiLl^wiiMnwrt - i • •& i <*W * W r >4/r»i,\ <m rt k. < If* - n l f JH»> t - 1 ' >'. V ><«•'•< & - '• '•APPENDIX  nB" 44. A Behavior Theory Approach to the Relations bdiveeu Beliefs about art Object arid- the A ttitude Toward the Object j MARTIN FISHBEIN In another paper in this book, Fishbein (see pp. 257 to 266) presented a distinction between beliefs about an object arid the attitude toward that object. Generally speaking, attitudes were conceptualized as learned predispositions to respond to an object or class of objects in a consistently favorable or unfavorable way, and beliefs about an object were viewed as hy-potheses concerning the nature of the object and its relations to other objects. Consistent with the works of Doob (1947), Lott (1955), Osgood et al. (1957), Rhine (1958), and.others, both of diese phenomena (i.e., beliefs about an object and attitude) may readily be placed within the framework of behavior theory. As Lott has pointed out, the placement of attitude within the framework of behavior theory "ap-pears to be a more research-oriented and poten-tially fruitful approach, td the problem." (p. 321). Indeed, by following the principles of behavior theory, a model of attitude acquisition and a model of the relationships between be-liefs about an object and the|attitude toward the object can be generated. Before turning to, these models, however, let us j briefly consider the behavior theory view of attitudes and be-liefs about an object. A T T I T U D E . Consistent with the work of 'Osgood and his associates (1957, 1965), an attitude may be char-acterized as a "mediating evaluative response," that is, as a learned implicit response that: varies in intensity and. tends to "mediate" or guide an individual's more overt evaluative Spccialiy prepared for this book. responses to an object or concept. I wo points about this view should be noted. L'irst, attitude-is treated as a unidimensional concept: it refers only to the "evaluation" of a concept (i.e.. us "goodness" or "badness")! In this respect, it is entirely consistent with Thurstonc s-.(19iil) defi-nition of attitude as "the amount of affect for or-, against a psychological object. Second, as Osgood et al. have pointed out. •: every point in-semantic space has an evaluative component (even though the component may be of zero magnitude when the evaluative judgments are neutral)." Thus, with, respect to any object, an individual has a positive, negative, or neu-tral attitude; that is, there is a mediaun^ eval-uative resjionse associated with every stimulus. B E L I E F A B O U T AN O B J E C T ' ..As Fishbein (see pp. 257 to 266 in this book) ' has: pointed out, any belief about an object can be defined in terms of the probability or "improbability" that a, particular relation-ship exists between the object of belief (e.g., an. attitude object) and any oilier object, con-cept, value, or goal. If the object of belief, (i.e., the' attitude object) is viewed as a stimulus . and if the object or concept related to the ob-. ject of belief is viewed as'a "response, a belief statement may be viewed as a stimulus-response association. Thus a belief about an ob|cct may be seen as being highly related to the 'proba-'. bility that the stimulus elicits the response. ; that is, to the probability that there is an asso-ciation between the stimulus (the attitude ob-ject) and the response (any other concept). Furthermore, it should be noted that an indi-vidual has many beliefs \;tbout any aspect of !l!)0 ATTITUDE THEORY 11 is world. That is, an;, individual associates' many. different concepts'"with any given atti-tude object. The totality of an individual's beliefs about an object tan thus be viewed as a belief system. In addition, this system of re-sponses associated with a given stimulus may also be viewed as a habit-family-hierarchy of •responses (Hull, 1943). The higher the response in the hierarchy, the greater is the probability that the response is associated with the stimu-lus, that is, the stronger is the belief. Empirical evidence supporting' this conception of a belief system has been presented by Fishbeiu (1903). To. summarize, both beliefs about an object and the attitude toward the object have been placed within a behavior theory framework. Attitudes have been viewed as learned, mediat-ing evaluative responses, and beliefs about an object have been viewed in terms of the proba-bility (or strength) of stimulus-response associ-ations. Furthermore, a belief system has been conceptualized as a habit-family-hierarchy of responses: Given these descriptions, a model of attitude acquisition and a model of1 the rela-tionships between beliefs and attitudes can be', developed by following the principles of be-havior theory and, in particular, the principle of mediated (i.e., secondary or conditioned) generalization (see Birge, 1941; Cofer and Foley, 1942; Murdoek, 1952; Mednick, 1957). 1. A MODEL OF ATTITUDE ACQUISITION In the foregoing article in this book (pp. , 382 to 388), Rhine, working from Osgood's definition of attitude (i.e.", "the evaluative di-mension of a concept"), develops a model of attitude acquisition based• on a consideration of the process of concept formation. Rhine's model may be seen in Figure 1. To review S — r f -r f — s f (A) S 5> n • • '>;.,;''.;.:•''•:,; •: ••. (7,1 ' briefly, Rhine argues that no attitude is present in either A (first-order concept) or B (second-order concept) of Figure 1. However, "there is an attitude when the mediator of at least one of the first-order concepts, is an evaluative one." Thus, as Rhine views it, we first acquire the first-order mediators (or concepts) "thick lips" and "dark skin" from sets of first-order stimuli of lip thicknesses and skin shades. When the stimuli produced by these mediators come to elicit the second-order mediator "Negro," we have a second-order concept, but not an atti-tude (see Figure Mi). It is only when a series of first-order "evaluative stimuli" elicit a first-order evaluative mediator (e.g., "bad"), and the stimulus produced by this evaluative medi-ator also conies to elicit die second-order mediator "Negro," that an attitude is present (see Fig. 1C). Thus, according to this con-ceptualization, we may acquire the concept "Negro" and not. have an attitude toward "Negro." The concept and the attitude can be learned independently or simultaneously. Similar views of the relationship between con-cept learning and attitudes have been presented by Clark and Clark (1958) and Allport (1954). . However, as was pointed out in the discussion of' attitude, all concepts contain an evaluative component. That is, there is an attitude, an evaluative response associated with all concepts. Furthermore, it should be noted that as Osgood used the term "concept," it referred to any discriminable aspect of the individual's world; it might refer to any object, person, word, groups of words, and so on. Thus, as this term is used by Osgood, all "stimuli" and all "re-sponses" (verbalizable or not) are viewed as concepts. In A of Figure 1, then, all the "first-order stimuli" of various skin shades eliciting the \ \>"2 — a. (B) S > > n • Se ~f> r\.. - s 4 r2 - i s — -y> n T- s i (C) Figure 1. Ramon J. Rhine's theory of attitude acquisition (from Rhine, 1958). (A) First-order concept; (B) second-order concept; (C) attitude. S — a first-order stimulus; S — an evaluative stimulus; r, = a first-order mediator; t, ± a first-order evaluative mediator; x,, = a second-order mediator; s — the- stimulus pro-duced by a mediator. ..•••• A -THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BELIEFS AND \ I f I I UI)I ••f-ii,'' A S (A) (B) Figure 2. A general model of attitude acquisition. (A), First-order concept, with attitude; (B) second-order concept with attitude. S — a stimulus; 'r 1 = o first-order mediator; r1 . a first-order evaluative mediator; T2 — a second-order mediator; T.2 — a second-order evaluative mediator; s*~ the stimulus produced by a mediator. The higher the stimulus in the stimulus hierarchy, the greater the -.probability that it will elicit the concept (either first-,- second-, or n-order). The evaluative mediators represent a summation of the ^ aluative responses elicited by the stimuli. The strength of the evaluative mediator, i.e., the. attitude, is a function of the evaluative dimension of each of the. stimuli and the probability that the stimuli elicit the concept. 72 MP-mediator or concept "dark skin" also elicit an j .evaluative response. These evaluative responses are seen as being summative; ^ through the medi-ation process, the summated evaluative response 1is associated with die mediator or concept "dark i skin." Thus, on future occasions, "dark skin" will elicit an evaluative response jthat is a function j of the stimuli that elicit it; (i.e., dark skin). ; This may be seen in A of Figure 2. Similarly, j the stimuli produced by other first-order con-. cepts or mediators (e.g., thick lips, curly hair) •: will elicit evaluative responses at the same time | that they elicit the "second-order mediator" or concept "Negro." Therefore] on future occa- j sions, the concept or stimulus , "Negro" w i l l ! elicit an evaluative response.j an attitude, that i is a function of the stimuli that elicit it (i.e., j Negro). This may be seen in \B of Figure 2. ']. The probability that the stimuli (e.g., dark ij skin, thick lips) elicit the mediator or concept [ "Negro," also influence the evaluation of (the I attitude toward) "Negro." If a stimulus that i elicits a strong evaluative response only elicits | "Negro" 40 per cent of the time, while another stimulus that also elicits a strong , evaluative response'elicits "Negro" 80 per cent of the time, the latter will contribute more to the evalua-tion of "Negro" than will the former. Thus attitude toward any concept! is a function of the evaluations of the stimuli that elicit the concept and the probability that these stimuli will elicit the concept. j ...This conception of attitude acquisition dif-fers from Rhine's in that, following Osgood. et al. (1957), all stimuli have evaluative re-sponses associated .with them. Furthermore,:, •every time a'new concept is learned, an attitude, • is automatically, acquired %vith it. Attitude acquisition is an automatic, ivonverbahzed -. process that occurs in conjunction with con cept learning. 2, A MODEL OF THE REI \ HONSHU'S BI , TWEEN BELIEFS ABOUT j \\ OBJICT AND THE ATTITUDE TOWARD THE OBJECT i .(•• : • . . . . . . . . *. .-, The theory of concept formation and attitude..-;: .''Acquisition carries important implications for .the study of beliefs about an object, and ••the;,.:.-attitude toward it. If concepts are learned as-/, • the theory suggests; it follows that i n .indir;; . v.idual's beliefs about the concept should, bo,; some function of the learning process. In the ,,'example above, we can assiirne iliat^'a't i'lcastyV. two of the individual's bcliels about Negroes-.""., are" that (1), Negroes have dark- skiii, >';iiicl (2)';:.,:' .Negroes have thick lips.: Furthermore.V'if• '.'da'rli-.'.'^;' .skin" has elicited "Negro" more , frequently >.', than "thick lips", has, his belief: that. NegrOesfv -, have dark .skin should' be stronger".than..his::1, '•.belief that Negroes have thick lips.'••If;";for...t!he?jv' purpose of explication, .wc consider -the ..process •:• . 6t'-.concept formation '.-as. input,, .and.• beliefs^; \ about the object as output, then (even grant-; ing the asymmetry of .backward and .-forward.; , si'ilsociation) immediately 'after, concept forma-: B U S ] •^r#§ v..--p, • »4.ixa I l l 392 ATTITUDE THEORY. tion' the output should be highly correlated with or equal to the input. This may be seen in Figure 3, which presents the theoretical model of the output side of the relationship, the model of the relations between beliefs about ah object and the attitude toward that object. 1 s •=.-— n . _ S _ X ^ ~C?» r% : Figure 3. Some relations between beliefs about an object and the attitude t&uiard the object. (A) A mediation model; (B ) n classical conditioning model; (C) an extension of the classical condition-ing model. S — « stimulus,,'(r.g., Negro); r1 — a first-order mediator (e.g., dark skin); r.^ — a second-order mediator (e.g., Negro); r e — an evalu-ative mediator; s = the stimulus produced by a mediator. In Figure 'iA, it can be seen that immediately after concept formation, the concept (or stimu: lus) elicits the set of responses that have served to'define it (e.g., "dark" skin," "thick lips," etc.). Each of these mediating responses, how-ever,' also serve as stimuli'. Viewing these re-sponses in this way (i.e.,.;:ts stimuli), it can be seen that the right-hand side of Figure 3/4 is identical to the model 6( attitude acquisition presented in Figure 9.11. That is, "dark skin," "thick lips," etc., will each tend to elicit the concept "Negro" as well as a positive, negative, 7 or neutral evaluative response. As was discussed above, these evaluative' responses summate;' through the mediation process, the summated evaluative response becomes associated with the concept "Negro." In addition, the summated evaluative re-sponse (i.e., the attitude) also becomes associ-ated with the concept (or stimulus) through the process of classical conditioning. This can be seen in Figure §B, where, for the purpose of presentation, only one belief is considered. Following the classical conditioning paradigm, it can be seen that, to a certain degree, the evaluative response (i.e., the UCR—uncondi-tioned response) elicited by "dark skin" (i.e., the UCS—unconditioned stimulus) becomes associated with the concept "Negro" (i.e., the CS—conditioned stimulus). The stronger the association between "Negro" and "dark skin" (i.e., the stronger the belief that "Negroes have dark skin"), the more the evaluation of "dark skin" will become associated with "Negro." , However, as already mentioned, an individual has many beliefs about any given concept, and the evaluation associated with each of these beliefs will also become associated, in part, with the attitude object or concept. This can ' be seen in Figure SC. Again, it should be noted that the evaluative responses associated with each of the beliefs are viewed, as summative; ' thus it is this summated evaluative response, i.e., this attitude, that becomes associated with the concept (e.g., Negro). Furthermore, the amount of the evaluative response associated with each belief that is available for summa-tion, is a function of the strength of the belief. •That is, if "Negro" elicits "dark skin" 95 per cent of the time and "thick lips" 60 per cent of the time, the evaluation of "dark skin" will contribute more to the evaluation of "Negro" than will the evaluation of "thick lips." An individual's attitude toward any object, then, is learned as a result of both mediation and conditioning. The complete model of the relations between beliefs about an object and the attitude toward that object can be seen in Figure .4. It should again be noted that the model of attitude acquisition is included within the model of the relations between beliefs and attitude. Thus it becomes apparent that beliefs about an object and die attitude toward that , object are in a continuous, dynamic relation-ship. Changes in any one part of the system may produce changes in all the other parts. In addition, in Figure 4, it can be seen that THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BELIEFS A N D A r I I I I J D I / / / / I i • • *r\ f t ' 1 / ]• //il i i {• 8" (A) / V t s Figure 4. A model of the relation between belief about and' attitude loiuard an object. S — the stimulus, i.e, attitude object; — first-order media- ,'• tors elicited by S, indicating belief r, about S; rp = an evaluative mediator; r 2 = a second-order mediator. ! ' , tlie summated evaluative response (i.e., the attitude) that is learned in concept formation • is identical (for all practical purposes) to the summated evaluative response acquired through conditioning. However, it should be recalled that the discussion above was' only concerned , with the beliefs an individual . held Immedi-ately following concept attainment. Once a concept has been, learned (or once a given stim-ulus has been labeled), new beliefs are acquired' and some of the original beliefs may be weak-ened or strengthened. That isj "new" concepts or v.responses" become associated with the atti-C tude object, and many of the original S-r asso-, ciations may be positively or negatively reinforced. Each of these changes in belief will affect the evaluation of the attitude object (i.e.. the stimulus concept). This may be seen in Figure 5. , • .:*••.•:••].>'.•;;•; In A of Figure 5, it can be seen that, follow-ing concept formation,', the presentation of a .'. "stimulus" (e.g., Negro—r-S'^ ,) will elicit a learned, mediating evaluative response (i.e.. an attitude—r c) and a response representing the stimulus (i.e., r v). That is, the subject .tends to. rcad, or to repeat to himself, the stimulus toward which be is attending: he makes a lar beling" response (Hovland, Jams, and Kelly, 1953). Furthermore, it, should be recalled that-' • the, learned mediating' evaluative response is a function .of the individual s initial beliefs about the attitude object. Figure 5 is identical to Figure 4, except that the mediating beliefs (e.g., "dark skin," "thick lips, etc.) have been: omitted for purposes of presentation. •. Once the individual has learned the.concept, however, he may learn new associations. to it. For example, he may now learn that "Negroes • are athletic." This new response (i.e.. athletic —rn) becomes a part of the individual s habit-'.family-hierarchy of responses to the stimulus . "Negro" (SA.). Similar lo the other responses in the hierarchy, the response athletic may also be viewed as a stimulus that itself elicits a learned mediating evaluative response. This evaluative response elicited bv athletic will summate with the evaluative response elicited by ..the attitude object (i.e., -Negro), which, it will be recalled, is itself a summated response-based on all the other beliefs in the individual's hierarchy. Through the processes-of condition;. 'ing'and mediated generalization, this:' new.. • summated evaluative response becomes assoch ated, with the stimulus iconcept .(i.e.. .-Negro):-;j'vm'.; ' . ;i!R"'. v • !:; • x, Y 1 7 v (B) Figure J.1 A model of attitude change. (A) Before learning new information; (B), after learning new information. SN = the stimulus (e.g., Negro); rc<== an evalua-tive response; r N = a mediating response representing the stimulus; r, = « media: ting response representing the newly learned information (e.g., Negroes are athletic); s — the stimulus produced by a mediator. - • r 39-1 'i ]' ATTITUDE,THEORY * j' ' '• )>,'• >'• thus,' on future occasions, the j attitude object (i.e.;i Negro) will elicit this "new" summated mediating evaluative response . (i.e., this atti-tude)." This may be seen in B of Figure 5. It should again be recalled that the stronger the association between "Negro" and "athletic" (i.e., the stronger the SN-rA association or the stronger the belief that "Negroes are athletic"), the more the evaluation of. "athletic" will con-tribute to the evaluation of "Negro." Similarly, any change in the strength of previously held beliefs (i.e., weakening or strengthening any of die S-r associations) will also change the evalu-ative influence of that belief on the final eval-uation of the stimulus concept (SN). Because most learning probably occurs after the concept is- learned (or the stimulus is 'labeled"), attitudes can best be viewed as be-ing functions of the individual's beliefs about the attitude object. Indeed, it is possible that many of the stimuli that originally influenced concept formation do not remain in the indi-vidual's belief system. That is, they may drop out,of the response hierarchy completely either through replacement by new beliefs or through negative reinforcement. .».; To summarize, then, 'attitudes are most likely learned initially as.,part of the process . of concept formation. Oric'e the concept has: been learned, however, the individual learns many new'things about it,'that is, he associates many different objects, concepts, values, or goals with the attitude object (the stimulus concept). This set of responses associated with the concept may be viewed as a belief system — a habit-family-hierarchy 'of responses. The higher the response i n % h e hierarchy, the greater the probability that-Vhe response is asso-ciated with the stimulus concept, that is, the stronger the belief. Each^'of these associated responses may also be viewed as stimuli, which themselves elicit a learned mediating evaluative response. These mediating-evaluative responses are viewed as summative; through the processes of mediated generalization and conditioning, this summated evaluative response becomes ssociated with the stimulus concept. Thus, when the concept is presented, it will elicit this summated evaluative response, that is, it will elicit this learned •-attitude. Finally, it should be noted that the'bigher the response in the hierarchy (i.e., the.stronger the belief), the greater will be the amount of its evaluative response that is available for summation. Thus, in its simplest form, the theoretical model (see Figure 4) leads to the prediction that an individual's attitude toward any object is a function of (1) the strength of his beliefs about the object (i.e., those beliefs in his re-sponse hierarchy) and (2) what Fishbein (1963) has called the evaluative aspect of those beliefs • (i.e., the evaluation of the associated responses). Algebraically, this may be expressed as follows: ' N i 1 . '. where A0 = the attitude toward object o , Bl = the strength of belief i about o, that is, the "probability" or "improba-bility" that ,o is associated with some other concept x( at = the evaluative aspect of Bp that is, the evaluation of x, N = the number of beliefs about o, that is, the number of responses in the : individual's habit-family-hierarchy Before turning to a consideration of some of the evidence supporting this hypothesis, sev-eral points should be made: 1. It should be noted that this prediction is similar to predictions made by other inves-tigators (e.g., Smith, 1949; Cartwright, 1949; Rosenberg, 1956, 1960; Zajonc, 1954; Peak, ' 1955). For example, Rosenberg, working from the point of view of a consistency principle, has predicted that the affect attached to an attitude object will be highly related to (a) "the perceived instrumentality of the attitude object," that is, the judged probability that • the attitude object would lead to, or block, the attainment of "valued states," and (b) the "value importance," that is, the intensity of affect expected from these "valued states."1 Similarly, Zajonc, working within the frame-work of a theory of "cognitive set," has pre-dicted that the valence of (i:e., attitude toward) i Algebraically, the central equation of Rosen-berg's theory may be expressed as follows: •V ' • ... <-i where An = the attitude toward the object, /( = the belief or probability that the object will lead I to or block, the attainment of a given valued state "i," Vi = the "value importance" or the amount of \' alfect expected from valued stale "i," and N = the • number of beliefs. THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BELIEFS AND A I IT I UDI m any object is a function of (a) the valence of f its characteristics, and (b) the "prominence" 1 of these characteristics, where "prominence" refers to "the ability of the' characteristic to j represent, the object," that is, the belief that i the characteristic is indeed a'defining attribute ! of the object.2 Although there are several thco- I retical and methodological differences between J the various theories that have dealt with the j belief-attitude relationship (e.g., see Fishbein, 1961), the important point is that all of them j essentially lead to the hypothesis that an indi- j vidual's attitude toward any object is a func- j tion of his beliefs about the object and the .! evaluative aspects of those beliefs. 1 2. It should also be noted that this hypothesis , is entirely consistent with the way in which most standardized attitude measurement instru- ' ments obtain their estimates of attitude. That j is, as Fishbein (see pp. 257 to 266 in this book) i has pointed out, most of the: standard attitude measurement instruments i (e.g., Thurstone, Scales, Likert Scales, Guttman Scales, etc.) ob-tain their estimates of attitude through a con-sideration of a set of the respondent's beliefs | about the attitude object and the evaluative aspects of those beliefs. Thus, in' a sense, the algebraic formula presented . above may be viewed as a general formula for obtaining esti- ; mates of attitude. In Figure 3£>, however, it can be seen that the only beliefs that serve as . determinants of an individual's attitude are those that are present in j his habit-family-hierarchy of responses. That is, although all of. an individual's beliefs about an object serve as indicants of his attitude toward the object, it is only the individual's salient beliefs, i.e., those in his hierarchy, that!serve as determi-nants of attitude. Although a complete discus-sion of the distinction between determinants and indicants of attitude is beyond the scope of the present paper, this distinction does sug-gest that the best estimates of attitude will be : ' ':' ;. 2 Algebraically, the central equation of Zajonc's theory may be expressed as follows: Ag = Va(b) / ^Vaja) Prom(a) i <=1 i  '•(N2 + N)/Z where A . = attitude toward the object, Va(o) =; the valence, of the object, Va(a) = the valence of the characteristic "a," Prom(a) = the prominence of characteristic "a" and N = the number of char- j, acteristics. , 'obtained when the estimate is'based solely pm a consideration of an individual's •• saliptxt. be-..V"' liefs. Support for this hypothesis may be found:, . in Rosenberg's contribution to this book (seev .pp. 325 to 331). He found 'that estimates of attitude based on a consideration of an indi-'-i Vidual's salient beliefs (i.e., those elicited by-the ••. '••Subject) were considerably - more accurate than * : "estimates based on a, consideration, of 35 be-.-liefs selected on an a priori basis: • . - .It should be recalled that most attitude mea-y :. iiurement , instruments consist .of..-a. series of.:;, belief statements selected on some a. priori-, '.'^ rounds. Thus most of the beliefs that, they.-i contain are probably not salient for the re- -tporidents. Although these instruments will r •.:'still provide valid estimates (or measures) o f -tlattitude, there is undoubtedly some loss in the: precision of the estimate. Clearly, the greater f 'the proportion and absolute , number of salient ^beliefs contained in the instrument, the smaller will be the loss in validity. w, •',-•.. This, however, raises a question about the. .number of beliefs that can be salient for an? individual. That is, how many objects.. con-cepts, values, or goals" can an individual asso- :-• '••'date with an attitude. object at any point in * time? Studies on the span of attention Or appre- . hension suggest that, in general, an individual '-can only perceive, and attend to. six to eleven -objects at the same time (Woodworth. and;-; Schlossbcrg, 1954; Miller, 1956). Eyeh..thoughV groupings do increase the number of objects-that can be. perceived, it seems likely that only :;. ,,-six to eleven • beliefs are salient,, that is, ;are iri'y the individual's hierarchy, at any one .time'.!, \That is, although an individual may have many.;; •''•'beliefs about any given attitude object,; there:;':' .are probably only six ' to- eleven beliefs thatjy ..actually appear in his hierarchy (nc..'that are • above some response threshold) and function/-:.as determinants of attitude. Somewhat the same .• Vycind of notion has been suggested by March- • -.:and Simon (1958) in their distinction' between :(: ""satisficing" and "optimizing . these investigators: .. According to . Most human decision-making . . . is concerned... • .with the discovery and selection of satisfactory,-^ /alternatives; only in exceptional cases is it con-,-, , .-"cerned with the discovery and selection -.of 'op-v • timal alternatives. (p;'T41) • ^rorii the point of view presented here,' satis- / [ficing" .involves only 'the six to eleven • mime-.i. v 396 ATTITUDE THEORY • -Jerdiately salient, beliefs, whereas "optimizing .!> takes into account many more beliefs.' .J ' I ' : A recent study by. Kaplan (1966) provides f- some support for die hypothesis that only 'six /•.'to eleven beliefs function as the primary deter-..,?>'minants of an individual's attitude. Kaplan V asked his subjects to list as many "characttr-.•'• istics, qualities, and attributes" of "Negroes" >2 as they could. The number of beliefs presented *; by subjects varied from 3 I to 25. Two estimates y of attitude were computed for each subject;— one based on a consideration of all his re-sponses, and one based on.a consideration |of - only "salient" beliefs,^ with saliency being oper-:; ationally defined in :;erms of position in the \. response hierarchy. That is, Kaplan assumed , ':• that, at most, a subject might have nine salient ', beliefs. Thus, even though a subject might have '.listed move than nine beliefs, only the first,. Jiiine that he listed were taken into account in 1•; this latter estimate of his attitude. Consistent with expectations, the estimates of attitude 'based only on the • "sa?.ient" beliefs were more -accurate predictors of attitude than estimates based on the total set of beliefs an individual • •'listed. •' ' . >;;. • j • Although the findings of Rosenberg and Kaplan support the hypothesis that an indi-vidual's attitude toward any object is primarily determined by his. salient beliefs, and that there are probably only six to' eleven beliefs that are salient, it must be made clear that these findings do not imply that valid estimates of attitude cannot be obtained from nonsalient beliefs. Indeed, both of these investigators did , obtain valid estimates of attitude from consid-erations of nonsalient. beliefs. However, the most precise estimates 'of attitude were those| . based solely on salient beliefs and their evalu-' ative aspects. Furthermore, because only salient beliefs function as detenninianis of attitude, it will be only through a consideration of these beliefs that one will be able to gain an under-standing of the genesis .of attitude. 3. A final question concerns the types of be-liefs that are related to and/or function as determinants of attitude. A review of the litera-ture on attitude organization and change indi-cates considerable controversy about. this question. For example, many investigators (e.g., Krech and Crutchfield, 1918, Katz and Stotland, . 1959; Abelson and Rosenberg, 1958) have at-tempted to distinguish between beliefs that are attitudinal in nature (i.e., those that contain an • implicit or explicit evaluation of the attitude 77 object):and beliefs that are unrelated to atti-tude (i.e., so-called "descriptive or reportorial" beliefs). Indeed, with very few exceptions (e.g., Campbell, 1950; Zajonc, 1954; Fishbein, 1963), ;' • investigators have tended to ignore these "de-scriptive or reportorial" beliefs in their in-vestigations of attitude. Furthermore, due to \ . the various techniques of item selection that are used, this type of belief is seldom, if ever, found as an item on one of the standard attitude measuring instruments. From the point of '. •; view of theory presented here, however, any • \ type of belief (e.g., descriptive, reportorial, . instrumental, etc.) may serve as a determinant-or indicant of an individual's attitude. That is, any belief that is present in the individual's habit-family-hierarchy has an evaluative medi-ating response associated with it (i.e., all beliefs have evaluative aspects), and thus it will con-tribute to the individual's attitude. In addition, it seems reasonable to assume that the strongest beliefs about an object that an individual holds are those beliefs that serve to define and de-scribe the object for him, diat is, descriptive beliefs. Because these beliefs are likely to be high in the individual's hierarchy, they prob-ably serve as some of the most important de-terminants of attitude. Thus, rather than ignore "descriptive or reportorial" beliefs, the present approach suggests that increased attention should be paid to them in future studies of ' attitude organization and change. Because most investigators have tended to ignore "descriptive beliefs," it was felt that this type of belief would provide the most severe test of the hypothesis. Thus, in the initial test of the theory presented above, an attempt was made to predict subjects' attitudes toward Negroes from a consideration of their descriptive beliefs about Negroes (i.e., their beliefs about the characteristics and components of Negroes), and from the evaluative aspects of these beliefs. Specifically, following a pro-cedure developed by Maltzman, Bogartz, and • Breger,(1958), 125 5s listed what they believed to be the five characteristics that best described Negroes. The ten characteristics of Negroes that were most salient for the population, that is, the ten most frequent responses given by the subjects, were then selected for further consideration (e.g., dark skin, curly hair, athletic, musical, tall, etc.). Although it is clear that not all of the beliefs considered are "pure descriptive beliefs," many of them (e.g., Negroes have dark skin, Negroes have curly THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BELIEFS AND ATTITUDE ,307. 781 E'r7 T tl'f' , hair, etc.) would be considered as "non-evaluative" and/or unrelated to attitude by most: investigators. Two weeks later, 50 of the subjects returned for a second session of the experiment. Using Fishbein and Raven's (1962) evaluative (A) and probability (B) Scales to measure attitude and belief respectively (see pp. 183 to 189 in this book), each subject rated each of the characteristics on the A Scale and each of the belief statements on the B Scale. In addition, all Ss rated the concept "Negro" on the A Scale. Using the algebraic formula pre-sented above (i.e., SB4a4), estimated attitude scores were computed for each subject. That is, a subject's rating of each belief statement (i.e., B() was multiplied by his rating of the charac-teristic that was related to "Negroes" (i.e., at), and these ten products (one for each belief) were then summed. In support of the theory, the Spearman rank^order correlation between; estimated and obtained attitudes (i.e., the direct evaluation of the concept "Negro" on the A jScale) equaled .801 (N = 50, p < .001). In other studies, it has been found that a leader's attitudes toward the members of his group could be predicted from a knowledge of his beliefs about the members' behaviors (i.e., his rating of the "probability" or "improbabil-ity" that the member "listened attentively to others," "expressed his opinions tactfully," etc.) and the evaluations of those behaviors (Fish- , bein, 1965). Similarly, in an unpublished study, . Fishbein and Feldman have obtained evidence that a voter's attitude toward a political candi-date (on either the Presidential or the Congres-. sioual level) is a function of, his (i.e., the voter's) beliefs about the characteristics of the candidate (e.g., "he has legislative experience," "he is a 'farmer") and the candidate's stands on various issues (e.g., "he is in favor of Medicare," "he is 'in favor of an immediate end to atmospheric; nuclear testing"), and his (i.e., the voter's) eval-uations of these characteristics and issues. r These findings, together! with the previous findings of Rosenberg (1956, 1960), Zajonc (1954), and others, provide! strong support for the hypothesis that an individual's attitude to-; ward any object is a function of his beliefs •i/about the object and the evaluative aspects of s those beliefs. It should be noted, however, that "i these findings do riot necessarily support the -j particular theoretical model of the relationships .''.between beliefs and attitudes that has been •proposed here. That is, as.jwas mentioned ear-;lier, other.investigators have arrived at similar hypotheses from different theoretical :, vicw^fij': 4,points. Thus the findings reported. above lend/i'V • »Sts much support to their theoretical, models as-"$J! •'yuhey do to the one presented here:' .The .model• tji presented here, however, d(jes |>rovi(le:'ari idter-" | '^native way of viewing the belief-attitude rela-Jj. tionship and thus suggests research hypotheses'/,, •£*that would not necessarily follow from the.other .^.theories (e.g., the hypothesis that an individ- f. '••!;ual's attitude is primarily determined by only! ; i; six to eleven salient beliefs). Although a: discus- .(* v! sion of all the implications of the ..theory is ' '.Tbeyond the scope of the present .paper,-.a .leW'-'V '^implications are worth considering. ';. '; V1-'! .-7$/ "y :..M'. ."SOME IMPLICATIONS OF THE THEORY •••% The most obvious implications of the theory > ^'concern the question of attitude change. Ac- / ^...cording to the theory, attitude change will occur V '/Iwhen: (1) an individual's beliefs about an ob- »: J'ject change and/or (2) when die evaluative ': •'aspect of beliefs about an object change. It ; • J'.should be noted that beliefs about an object '* may change in two ways: (I)' new beliefs may ', Al'>be learned, that is, new concepts may be related ; ..i"to the attitude object, new stimulus-response '•^'associations may be learned, and (2) the strength \. J$ot already held beliefs may change, that is, the' .^position of beliefs in the habit-family hierarchy , may be altered through positive or,negative re- , inforcemcm. Furthermore,, referring back to '(•Figure 5B, it can be seen that the amount and :.„ direction of attitude change will be a function ' •;fe°f (1) the individual's initial attitude and, thus,,;' 'the number, strength,,and evaluative aspects of;',' his salient beliefs, and (2) the number, strength,: and evaluative aspects of the new beliefs he,! learns. Here, however, an imjjortarit distinction';;; v must be made between learning the contents of an attitude change communication and,/ '.''-learning something about the attitude object.', .'fl'-That is, an individual's attitude toward some'/ , '^concept will only change if he learns something ., '.•jj^ new about the concept, if lie forms a,new. S-r"< ^'association. Simply learning that, "the"commu- r nication says S is r" will not produce, attitude • jj! change.8 To use the terminology of .Hovland, '." 3 It should he noted that learning that "the com-., ' . munication says S is r" can produce- delayed..atti- •'.•' r'-.tude change. That is, .over time, the individual./ may forget the source of information and- only re- • call that "S is r." This "new" belief about S may. , ..t'.then lead to attitude xhange. This phenomenon' V.of delayed change has been referred to as "the" ' sleeper eflect" by Hovland* Janis, and Kellcy (1953). i ""J 'i''%':' * :.fX-< •;'. :./.'.-h .' i 1 - : ' . i 11, 398. ATTITUDE THEORY r| Janis, and Kelley (1953), attitude change only occurs when die individual "accepts" the com-munication. Unfortunately, most so-called tests of "learning" that are conducted in attitude change studies are merely tests of retention, or , recall, of the contents of; the communication, that is, they are measures of the subjects' beliefs about what the communication said, rather than tests of whether the subjects have learned the S-r associations that the message was designed to teach them, that is, measures of the subjects' beliefs about the attitude object. In addition, it should be noted that accord-ing to the theory, every, time an individual learns a new, belief that associates the attitude object with some positively evaluated concept, his attitude will, change in a positive direction. Similarly, if the new belief associates the atti-tude; object with a negatively evaluated con-cept,1 his attitude will change in a negative direction. That is, attitude change, as well as attitude per se, is viewed as a function of the total amount of affect associated with an indi-vidual's beliefs about, the-'attitude object. In contrast to this, most theories based on a no-tion of "consistency" would predict that atti-tudes and attitude change are functions of the mean amount of affect associated with an indi-vidual's beliefs.4 According to these theories, if an object, is associated with other objects that •ire positively evaluated,' it is "consistent" to have a positive attitude toward it. Similarly, if the; object is associated with other objects that are negatively evaluated;''it is "consistent" to' have a negative attitude* toward it. If the ob-ject is associated with some objects that are positively evaluated and''.some that are nega-tively evaluated, a relatively neutral attitude would be consistent. Furthermore, if the object • • • . *v.'. • is associated with "extremely, good things," a high positive attitude is consistent; if it is as-sociated with "slightly. good i things," • a low positive attitude is consistent. From a strict con-sistency viewpoint, then, if an object is asso-. dated 'with some "extremely good things" and some "slightly good tilings," an individual's at-titude toward, it should be somewhere between high and low positive if k is to be consistent. Thus, if an individual originally believed that the object was associated yith "extremely good things," aiid then learned,;some new beliefs as-sociating the object with 'Slightly good things," •t A notable exception to tb.'s is'Rosenberg (1950), who bases his theory on a. notion of consistency, • . yet postulates cognitive summation. 791 according to most consistency theories these new beliefs (even though phey associate the object with positively evaluated things) will actually serve to lower the individual's attitude. This prediction is explicitly made in Osgood's con-gruity theory, and implicitly follows from I-Iei-der's balance theory and Festinger's dissonance theory. Thus, although, die theory proposed here views attitude organization and change as processes of "cognitive summation," most theories based on a notion of consistency view attitude organization and change as processes of "cognitive balance" or "cognitive averag-ing."5 Finally, it is worth noting that the theory also has implications for an understanding of the relationships between attitudes and behav-ior. In general, psychologists have had little success in attempting to predict overt behavior of the non-pencil-and-paper type from attitudes. At least one of the major reasons for this lack: , of success is the fact that the attitude that is • measured is usually inappropriate. That is, the attitude that is measured is usually an attitude toward some concept "X," while the behavior that is predicted is 5s behavior with respect to some object "x" (a single instance of the gen-eral class of X). For example, an investigator might obtain measures of an individual's atti-tude toward "Negroes" or "Jews," and then attempt to predict the individual's behavior with respect to a particular Negro or a par-ticular Jew. In the classic study by LaPiere (1934), restaurant, hotel, and motel owners, after giving service "with no trouble" to a Chi-nese couple, were later asked, "Will you accept members of the Chinese race as guests in your establishment?" Over 90 per cent of the re-sponses to this question were negative. Thus, although these people responded negatively to-ward the general concept "Chinese," this was not reflected in their behavior toward specific individuals within the general class. Generally speaking, the attitudes measured on attitude scales, at least when dealing with attitudes toward specific national and ethnic groups, are attitudes based on stereotypes. That is, the beliefs about die grbup that are salient for the individual are general characteristics (e.g., dark skin, curly hair, musical, athletic, lazy, etc.) that serve to define, describe, and differentiate the general class of stimuli (e.g., 5 For a further discussion of the distinction be-tween summation (adding) and balance (averaging), see pages 437 to 413 in this book. •t ST" ~r—"Wrt!, JjJgSJ THE RELATIONS BETWEEN BELIEFS AND ATTITUDE' • s u a 399 I S Negroes) that the person is rating. When a per-son is confronted with a specific Negro, how- . ever, his beliefs are likely to be quite different' than those that serve to describe "Negroes in"! general." Because an individual's attitude to-ward any object is a function of his salient. beliefs about the object, it follows that his atti-tude toward "Negroes in general" (i.e., the atti-tude measured on the attitude scale) is likely to',, be quite, different than his attitude toward any : particular Negro. Clearly, if a relationship be-tween attitude and behavior does exist (and there arc some questions about this assump-tion), it cannot be found until, at a minimum, attitudes toward the appropriate stimulus ob-ject,are measured. ' * Although many of the implications described would also follow from other views of the,belief-%*i . attitude relationship,.- .the theory projjosed in | this paper does seem to provide a pdisirrionious: :*!".$• .explanation for a considerable, number of pHe-:-;vt!5 noniena in the area of attitude organization and.; change. -The final test of the thcb'ry.,'• hotocyerv'v wiiljlie in its ability to generate'., testable'-'h^ - !;"•";*:& potheses and to stimulate research in areas that' - ;.j might otherwise be overlooked. . .','".•"' REFERENCES ' Abclson, R. P., and Rosenberg, M. J. Symbolic psychologift'i" a model of attitudinal cognition. Behav. Sci., 1958, 3, 1-13. j 3 '••: . ","."'' Allport, G. W. The nature of prejudice. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1954. : , Hiigc, J. S. The role of verbal responses in transfer. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Yale University, 1941." : .'.-'•' ' Campbell, D. T. Indirect assessment of social attitudes. Psychol. Bull., 1950, .47, .15-38. (See. pp. 163 to 179 in this book.) v ';.'.': Cartwright, D. P. Some principles of mass persuasion. Huniy Relat., 1949, 2, 253-267. Clark, K. B., and Clark, M. P. Racial identification and preference in Negro children. In E.E. Maccoby, T. M. Newcomb, and E. L. Hartley (Eds.), Readings in social psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1958. "" Cofer, C. N., and Foley, J. P. Mediated generalization and, interpretation of verbal behavior: I. Prolegomena. Psychol. Rev., 1942. 49, 513-540. '••* ' \ '•] Doob, L. W. The behavior of attitudes. Psychol. Rev., 1947, 54, 135-156. (See pp.' 42 to 50 in this book.) ! -":.. Fishbein. M. A theoretical and empirical investigation of .the inter-relation between beliefs about an object and the attitude toward that object. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, U. C. L. A., 1961. ,'•''.. Fishbein, M. An investigation of the relationships between beliefs about an object and the attitude toward that object. Hum. Relat., 1963, 16,-233-240.- ""'.-•.' Fishbein, M. The prediction of interpersonal preferences a.id group member satisfaction from estimated attitudes. /.' pers. soc. Psychol., 1965, I, 663-667. i , • Fishbein, M. A consideration of beliefs and their role in attitude measurement. In M. Fishbein (Ed.), Readings in attitude theory and measurement. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967. (See pp. 257 to 266 in this book.) Fishbein, M., and Raven, B. H. The AB scales: an operational definition of belief and attitude. Hum. Relat., 1962, 15, 35-44. (Sec pp. 183 to 189 in this,book.) \ Hovland, C. I., Janis, I. L., and Kelly, H. H. Communication and persuasion., New. Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. Hull, C. L. Principles of behavior. New York: Appletoii Century, 1943. Kaplan, K. J. A methodological comparison of two techniques of attitude . measurement. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Illinois, 1966..' '•; Katz, D., and Stotland, E. A preliminary statement to a theory of attitude structure and change..' In S. Koch (Ed.), Psychology: a study of a science. Vol,:8, Formulation of the person iiud the social context. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1949. Krech, 1).. and Crutchlield, R. S. Theory and problems of social psychology. New York:' McGraw-Hill, 1948. I. ' j LaPiere, R. T. Attitudes vs. actions. Social Forces, 1934, 13, 230-237. (See pp. 26 to 31 in this: ' book.) . ' j ' , . j .';';.' , ,. ''..'.. Lott, B. Eisman. Attitude formation: the development of a': color preference response through mediated generalization. /. abnorm. soc. Psychol., 1955, 50, 321-326. (See pp. 366'to 372 in this book.) II iilt'-i.': ir i'fcflj!;." l f | w , ' . "„W-"?-. . . -.1 , . :i|l:H«. b • ' - " * | « , - .*;? ,'. .i - i. .; n ; ; : : ."' •UK) ATTITUDE T H E O R Y . Malt'zman, I., Ilogartz, W., and Breger, L. A procedure for increasing word association origi- • nality and its transfer effects. J. exp. Psychol., 1958, 56, 392-398. 1 March, J. G., and Simon, H.'"'A. Organizations. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958. Mcdnick; M. I. Mediated generalization and the incubation effect as a function of manifest anxiety. /. abnorm. soc.Psychol, 1957, 55, 3.15-321. • Miller, G. A. The magical number seven, plus or minus two: some limits on our capacity for processing information. Psychol. Rev., 195G, 62, 81-97. . . • • Murdock, B. B.,-.Jr. The effects of failure and retroactive inhibition on mediated generalization.: J. exp. Psychol., 1952, '44, 156-164. j Osgood, C. E. Cross-cultural .comparability in attitude'measurement via multilingual semantic differentials. In I. D. Steiner and M. Fishbein (Eds.), Current studies in social psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehait and Winston, 1965. (See pp. 108 to .116 in this book.) Osgood, C. E:, Suci, G. J.,-and Tannenbaum, P. H. !x/ie measurement of meaning. Urbana: University of Illinois Press; 1957. j Peak, H. Attitude and motivation. In M. Jones (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation. .Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1955. j. Rhine, R: J. A concept-formation approach to attitude acquisition. Psychol. Rev., 1958, 65, 3G2-370. (See pp. 382 to 388. in this hook.) Rosenberg, M. J. Cognitive'structure and attitudinal alfect. /. abnorm. soc. Psychol, 1956, 53, 367-372. (See pp. 325 to P31 in this book.) Rosenberg, M. J. A structural theory of attitude dynamics. Pub. Opin. Quart., 1900, 24, 319-310. Smith, M. B. Personal values as determinants of a political attitude. J. Psycliol, 1949, 28, 477-•480. , ' •".<:• - ' . " ' ' . Thurstone, L. L. Measurement,of social attitudes. J. abnorm. soc. Psychol, 1931, 26, 249-269. (See pp. 14 to 25 in this book.) , 1 'Woodward, R. S.,and Scholossberg, H. Experimental psychology. New York: Holt and Co., 1954. Zajonc, R. 15. Structure of the cognitive field. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 1954. APPENDIX "C •v-:h-.x-m if* INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION i Intercultural education, in the sense of systematic educational efforts to bring about better relationships in an American democracy made up of people of . varied races, religions, nationalities, and social-class backgrounds, dates approximately from the period of World War I, in which fundamental questions of loyalties were raised. Two philosophies' conflicted: assimilation and cultural pluralism. As in many de-bates between supposedly rigid alternatives, a middle way developed, a philosophy of cultural democracy (163) which called for loyalty to American demo-cratic ideals plus variation in social customs such as those concerned with food, recreation, holidays, and so forth. . 1 As a postwar outgrowth of the loyalties debate, men of good will recommended that American schools put more emphasis upon brotherhood and under-standing among Americans of varied backgrounds. Anti-Catholic feeling and the revival of the Ku Klux Klan in the twenties also contributed to the emer-gence of intercultural education. Intercultural educa- • tion entered the missionary stage (160) as proponents attempted to sensitize people to the necessity for-better intercultural ' relations, ' including educational endeavors.' <" •• ft-'. •" '<•»?•'<..•• ' ': -'* 5 ' -'Jid? l it h" . '•'>* : -n The second stage in the development of int'ercul-.tural education was perhaps inescapable and . might well-be called'the stage of 'the simple' answers (1(A)). For instance, some teachers encouraged pageants'ami plays in which yoiing people dessed up in the' cos-tumes of their ancestors (116, 126, 133). 'Meeting.",, in schools and • neighborhoods were, held in which people were assumed to have developed endurim:'.. empathy through; sharing background experience- ' (54). Units were developed ..on - the- contribution's, to' American life .of- outstanding people of minorir.;!' group backgrounds.' The Springfield Plan, was'-pro-';--posed by zealoiis pioneers as a model for other-' school systems, though responsible - leaders in the'-Springfield; Massachusetts. ' Schools -denied the;, .ii:-Vf a panacea (28). Warnings against undue reliance/on' the transplanting of pians were occasionally sounded (155). • During the stage of the simple answers, few earrie-:'-. pioneers took steps to validate their answers. |<c. search, especially controlled experimentation, v.a-frequent. It is little wonder that Cook'' (34) dc-crrh'e:.1, intercultural cdueaton as moralistic, promotional. ;ir>,'!.. badly confused;, that Wirth. in an introduction'.' .;'.;•' Rose's summary •( 122). pointed out that medio;!-; rested upon assumptions which had not been eriiic,,/;. and systematically examined: that Williams i 171, wrote that a dearth of appropriate research 'and;., consequent lack/of demonstrated base for. action we:.-' characteristic. ' : - -.-"Intercultural education besan to come of aee uliea-World War II and the threat of Nazism coii.fromed Americans. The"'third stage in the development ,oi intercultural education was the stage of the prorois- • ing practices. National agencies, such as the National Conference of Christians and lews, the Anti-Defaiii. tion League of B'nai B'rith, and the American Jew ish Committee, increasingly stressed and supp'onea.. intercultural education. For instance, the Anti-Dcf.'i-mation League'.' initiated an excellent serie- • >' Freedom Pamphlets. The Bureau for lntercultur.-Education extended its publications program 'and'ai-c worked in the field with several school systems. New organizations were created, including lntcreroup J'c ucation in Cooperating Schools (139, 146) and. th College Study iri.Vlntcrgroup Relations (33, 35. 36 An educational technique well utilized for intci . cultural education was the workshop.-(52, S4). I the summer of .1942 only two summer workshop- i.'-intercultural education took place: those at Colonic!.-State College of Education and at Teachers Collcgt-Columbia University. Ten years later, u'niversiiic-werc sponsoring;38 variously titled workshops on-ir, terctiltural and ' intergroup' education (125).' In 66 workshops were held in what' was increasing!.'• •being termed human relations. ;•' Yearbooks disseminated promising ^practices. • dc veloped throughvftcld studies and in ' workshop-, li'v 1945 yearbook of the National Council for the Sec:. Studies. Democratic Unman Relations (142). di scribed possible.teaching units, ways to .permeate c-tablishcd subjects' with intercultural .insights, -the-improvement of cuidance. the development of extrv 82 4 iJ.-. » ^ ' ;' ft -1 r-ii •': it "." "-! ' '4',' ' ' •A" '("E fell AX '-• f" •' 'A 'c I l l 'Mr mm l l ; l l s ! # § ' %' -•.l#l'Sif: ' i ' l i i i i i i r •;;!§#ii!ifi!i. i l l m *v;-j;fl' ;$$*' S' enrriciilar activities, and the utilization'of community resources. Two years later (lie John Dewey '.Society-, sponsored publication of Inti'rcultunil Attitudes hi ilw M.tkini: (8ft). which deali with Ih.c development of altitudes through I lie influence-of patents, the pri-mary teacher, adult-sponsored youth groups, the • junior high school teacher, the high-school, teacher,-gangs, and the school as a whole. ' i Many hundreds of resource units were written by teachers: the overwhelming majority were unpub-lished, hut a few were nationally distributed. Quillcn and Manna (117) appended ii resource unit to their professional book on the teaching of the social, studies. Crary and Robinson (41) related activities io selected problems in a unit on civil rights for the . National Council for the Social Studies. 1 The fourth and current stage in intercultural edu- -cation is the quest for research bases. Research in intercultural relations is difficult. As Allport (5) indi- , cated. it is difficult to know what indexes of change (dependent variables) to look for, to isolate the • program of action being tested (independent vari-ables), to create satisfactory control groups, and to know when to evaluate the effects of a program. Bibliographical surveys were helpful to the develop- -' mem of further research. In this connection. Kline-fvrg (87). Maclvcr (96). Murphy and others (101). and Newcomb (103), as well as Rose (122) and '•' Wi'liams (171). did yeoman work. True, the evalu-ation studies listed in the bibliographical summaries were bewilderingly diverse as to findings. 1 If research was to bridge the gap between 'the problem and attempts to control, it, research by teams was needed. One such project was sponsored by the American Jewish Committee and reported in Harper's Studies in Prejudice series. Adorno and others (3) advanced and supported a theory of the authoritarian personality characterized by conven-tionality and rigidity. Bettleheim and Janowitz (12) explored the dynamics of prejudice and demonstrated •a marked correlation between anti-Semitism , and social mobility, particularly downward mobility. Ack-crman and Jahoda (1) inquired into the relationship between anti-Semitism and emotional disorder. Low-cnthal and Gutcnrian (95) and Massing (97) were concerned less with personality patterns of individuals and more with attitude change in the broad context of the community with its complex cultural influences. . Through staff members and students, research was carried on at newly created human-relations training 'centers at New York University, the University! of Chicago, the University of Miami, the University of Pennsylvania, and other educational institutions. Re-sultant findings have usually been published sepa-rately and independently; syntheses are lacking which .**'ould afford a basis for comparative appraisal. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES. Statements of the aims •>nil objectives of intercultural education have been influenced by the theory of cultural democracy (163). In one of the early yearbooks on intercultural educa-tor). Americans All, Arndt H02, Ch. 1) advocated .'hat our culture be an indigenous one. but that in '•K-K i n and creations—congenial rfo"dcm<*rncy-iof*ft1l Uio» countries and peoples from which American peops. have come and arc'coming. Me added that, the pm-.-poses toward which we need to' work must lie -founded • upon principles which lie al the basis of our demo- •• cratic tradition. As seen by Vickcry and Cole (163). -the term. -, intercultural described the relationship' between and .-. , among all racial, religious, ethnic, and socio-economic ' groups in the United States whose patterns of be--' havior were distinctive. The key concepts around . which a program 'of intercultural education should be built were cultural democracy, race, religion, cul- ': ture, majority and minority groups, prejudice, .and acculturation. Inasmuch as Cole was executive dircc- .'•'•' tor and Vickery -his associate, this viewpoint was dominant in the Bureau for Intcrcultural-Education. during the late thirties and early forties. .' With the emergence of the field studies of Inter-group Education iii Cooperating Schools durinc the-middle forties, the term intergroup education was . often used, representing a focus on group relation-, ships which included race, religion, nationality, and -. social class, yet extended beyond these dimensions. . Chworowsky (32) in 1950 defined, intergroup educa-< lion-as guidance in. the reconstruction of those atti-tudes and practices which express themselves in • prejudiced thinking-and feeling and in acts of dis-crimination and segregation directed against others because of their race, creed, and.-'or ethnic orieinv He added • that to .these sources of prejudice arc sometimes added rural-urban animosity, sectionalism. . and even discrimination based on sex or age-er.oup or prejudice againr.f' the handicapped. A common de-velopment in both-'intercultural and intergroup edu-. cation throughout .the forties was the recognition that the. over-all aim of a more inclusive democratic be-havior, regardless of race, creed, or, ethnic group, should be stressed: rather than the disadvantages'ot-minority-group membership (32).. ", Cole (39), looking back in 1953 upon' his work-ten years earlier, ..believed that he and Vickerv had < neglected the interpersonal stakes in intercultural - situations, assuming too lightly that right knowledge- • would change attitudes. He believed that "Intergroup, : Education .in Cooperating Schools had included the .whole gamut of interpersonal associations in school life, but that on occasion it had failed to. focus con-vincingly the specific intercultural problems in edu-cation. He concluded that the intercultural issue in citizenship education should receive a relative and valid emphasis with the interpersonal issue. . Chworowsky (32) believes that human-relations education may become one with education in general/ Cook (34) says that the term human relations is so - broad that it covers emphases which should be cen-tral, for example,'race and creed. Support for this apprehension may be found by examining articles listed in periodical indexes under "human relations: For instance, Yale University's Institute of Human Relations represents, a way of handling pure research into human behavior. Human relations as used bv Rntffc (75) in rVlruvnrP Fiitrp.'»n-rrfr,oV^r<<: ' rt'iv;--<- <p. .'W>' 720 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATlt)N. 84 volvcs practical ways of helping children more about. the dynamic force of their motional strengths is also of tci\ |to learn motions., •a nd used and to accept their own weaknesses. Human relation •in a broad "Dale Carnegie" sense. One can under-stand win one writer tilled his article, "l.etis' Get It Straight: What Are Human Relations'.'" (18,1. A formulation which avoids.-oh the,one hand,'the extremes of restriction to race, religion, and nation-,, ality and. on the other, the admission of j any and • all relationships among human beings' is( that of Duekrey (55). He suggests that intercultural, or inter-group education is the intentional effort to develop in people through education an understanding of the, 'total cultural pattern of American life, its 'diversities \f and its common ideals. Perhaps too. as pointed out by Watson (168). the problem may be .less one of terminology and more one of the adequacy of what-ever is done under any terminology. Watson believes that methods developed by and associated with inter-group education in the past arc inadequate for the grave intergroup dissensions of today. ' He is con-|, vinced. that they tell us little about what tp try 'with | Mississippi legislatures and their constituencies. CURRICULUM. During the forties, the Bureau ' for Intercultural Education initiated a scries of publi-cations. "Problems of Race and Culture in American Education." Viekery and Cole's liiicradiiir.al Ediicn-. tion in .1 tiicrii i'.n Schools 1163). .which appeared in 19-C-. was. essentially, philosophical rathci than re-., search-oriented: it dealt with proposed objectives'and methods. A , book for high-school students by the anthropologist Hortense Powdermaker. Probing Our •Prejudices (1141. was the first textbook written especially for the emerging field of intercultural edu-cation. A report on experimentation in 11 high •.schools in New York City and Westchester County •• —-1* ' <->-ls/sr\l which schools in rvew I U I * >_.,.., . described a fact-finding project in each school which • culminated in presentation ' of the, students' own documentary play (24). ).:•, '•-The first research-oriented Bureau publication was • Minority Problems in the Public Schools,] by Brameld (21). He'studied administrative policies and prac-tices in seven actual school systems, which were »given fictitious names in his report. His report in- • '• eluded a chart which synthesized his findings as to .the community setting, the school system, the sig-nificance of administrative practices and policies for intercultural relationships, and his evaluation in re-port-card form. He reported a high degree of diversity in intercultural practices and policies. Ad-! ministrative policy ranged from direct, forthright 'attack upon minority problems, through a twilight • zone of uncertainly, to a policy almost completely . opposed to direct attack of any'kind, j Bureau publications for direct use in high-school •.•  classrooms include Race Relations in a Democracy :'• (23) and Becoming,American (79). laworski (80) had earlier written a play for . student presentation. A -unit for teachers.'•.Democracy,.'.Demands It. was . .Project. The, v.. Learn . What They. Live, by I-raeer anil'-' ' " •-'• •''•' ;\Radke-Yarrow. (.152). which will be desermed .later ',:5>c'-•':.''• in this article. - , •'• ... , • '•: <t:..:'',•:-." With support fropi, the National Conterericc 'of- ' "v"'" Christians and. lews. Intergroup-Education ur C oop;':• •'•.• : • .-derating..Schools was launched during the torlies -A V-. ' an experimental project:, it eventually involved '2?ri '!'•',••;, •..programs it.^72 school communities. In the ;"Uork-•"" .-:«•', .'•'•in Progress", series, published by,the American.-Gmfns'h'}-' cil on -Education, the staff .of the. project reported, ih'e; A . , outcomes of field work and told." of instrUcuorj'ili • '•"""•;••' ..materials developed. Curriculum development in..'se'e-;*-Vy;'' ondary' and', elementary schools; •re.5pecuvcH,r;'«f;t<v,'!*r'<'{.! - reported in {Curriculum Hi .Intergroup Relairons ••( l^Vr? --': and Elementary Curriculum in"Intergrottp-rRclatiiiijA^ma^, (1451. The - emphasis was upon the d,eveloj>mc.m human:rela!ion.s attitudes.'concepts, and skills. thrtn?cn..*.>'Jc:^ -- systematic in-service work with, teachers and result-;." **»;" ing revisioiTof existing curriculums'-throueh-cbopera'--*' ?.• • tive planning. Taba and Elk ins (141) described an' .' 'cighlh-gracW'.program which stressed indirect, methods of bringing! about attitude .change.- throueh' fic:w.-.v'..-" reading, factual studies, group; processes, and .fa;:-.!--. ' ance approaches. Sociometric tests for susdvine -.x-:.,!; • -v. .-•relations inVrespect to grouping and group work -we:e-. • reported in'. Diagnosht.t:' Human . Relations • .Scc-.'.s • "(144). . -••ni ..'•'.•'•..••' The Intergroup Education project ai<-o .conceived. • literature ijjs a medium for extending the .seiiMtiMtv -.-• of the learner lo the values and viewpoint- ot-a vaii- ••'•. ety of culture groups. An irit.rodu.ctorv.- pook- wa* • prepared.:.-.ind an annotated bibliogr'aphv 'on • human . . relations, largely works of fiction, originally devel-oped by Heaton and others, has- been kept up to \ date through occasional revised, .editions . under .the : '-; : title Reading Ladders for Human Relations (78),; - In the,summary report of the -stuav. Taba and -; '•others (546), described theory,.'curriculum develop, ''ment, and'.organization. The authors concluded thst-. cooperative experimentation, in - proeram - •.pattern* combining research and program buiidme was both :'•-'• possible1 and productive. They reported that within •. • the current framework of public-school • education .. , considerable emphasis on intergroup education w.i* • possible without either straining the framework it-.-.,-. -self or unnecessarily diluting the Work on behalt.-nf ,-'. better human and group relations. ' Studies^of the human-relations procrams of liberal- V arts colleges are limited and inadequate: Smilev < 13-' surveyed';intergroup education on the college le*-.'. through: a questionnaire. For-the United -States Na- ,. . tional Student Association, two/authors reported on / methods'of action which might1;be useful to ,tanipu> organizations trying to bring ;about better • human relations in colleges (98). ,. Teacher education . has .'fared better throueh .'the • four-year field study under, the title: College Study- • in Intergroup Relations. College Pro v ran is m /«•'< '• group Education (35). an account of more than--2d0 experimental projects carried on bv H teacher-iraia-ing colleges through a period of four vears. descnrcd v< ,'• , 1 .' ' •' :'>\'jt .'/i -;i • *•** *.« ':'•'.%!* ' 'it-.*1. $$$$ '''!.''' ' , •..', -i;,i;,.i,js, * ' '. ' . \.''.'rK. •• •. •<:'. • • : X. -;it''lK' > I-! V # - ' ^ . • r. :-r . . i- •. 'V1', :• if '': ' •  • i '•-!;•-,'' r\W :^iA . • **\ •• 11 }'•• •] ' '• fii' i . .' .V/'h-V ii 'The second volume. Intergroup Relations in Teacher] teachers and serial-service "personnel- v»i.., . . . J . . •/JiHuiio'ii (36). interprets materials from the College)"-Protestant, and female; Conclusions were thatWoi siudy. In comparing academic approaches, to prcju-j ' - :" ««n«t nart opposed to pre .lice and its reduction with group work and comimi-;-iiv participation. Cook concludes that changes in ,;iiilcnl attitudes in a desired direction are seldom •.civ great and that little can be learned about change i-.duciion unless testing is followed by case studies'. He indicates that group-process education and com-munity participation produce greater increases in liberal views than do academic methods, whereas the •r appear to account for greater gains, in factual ,85 , / i i l e i Protestant, and female.- C U I K I U O I U shop members were in most part opposed to preju-dice, were somewhat conservalive-tradiiionalisiie regarding politics and religion, and were slightly anti-authoritarian, with many not disposed to accept a socio-psychological explanation of a group'conflict or a militant program for dealing with it. Franklin (60) studied four workshops and cont-eluded that learning seemed to Have been facilitated by democratic participation in selecting the workshop goals and by a friendly workshop climate with a minimum of threat and with a supporting sense of common purpose. There seemed to be a direct con-nection between workshop outcomes and the amount' of support perceived in the back-home setting. N T T I V S T P I rrTION. The amot vileec use wtue,. --hnicue Workshops. The work hop ^ m t e r c u U u r a , a " T C , U v W v Tl6 has pointed out that spon-..aueation. V.cket> nas i religious, . o r > o f early workshops assume I t a acia g M-^^\^{^,Tr^ and data S c o n c i n g prejudice; and K-e in reducing prcjua.ee. ««. • . u ;„trnrtnred nto courses. However ,,,iir. community studies: curnct> urn analysis Interpretation of data, p r v ™ ™ C l o n a l -reeds: f ° - d ^ and! hu-support perceived in the DacK-nums J<. . , . . .~ . PROBLEMS OF.INSTRUCTION. The amount of research on prejudice in general is such that only.the summaries of research will be mentioned here.- As Allport (5) points, out. there are not less/than !50 J evaluation studies on the resolution of intergroup'. tensions listed in'/availablc bibliographical surveys (87, 96, 101, 103, 122, 171). Reviewing such studies'.', 1 Van Til and, Dcnemark (159). concluded thai the.; ',' weight of the evidence appeared to support,two major „' sources of prejudice and discrimination toward.mi-nority groups: cultural learning and frustration. Prejudice in C&Vnfrcn. Laskcr (91 ),. three decades ago. reported ethnic prejudices in children aged five and six and argued that such viewpoints are acquired, not inborn. Criswell (42)'reported the first sizable. -« -iiU.irfii from' .kindergarten systematic study of children through eighth grade of whom three fourths Negro. She. found that cleavages were more pro-,, nounced between the sexes than between races, that whites did not withdraw from association with, Ne-groes before the fourth-grade level and did not group ; up before the fifth, and that Negroes began to .with-draw from whites by the third grade. Using a "faces test," a set of mixed photographs. Horowitz (77) .' ' differed from Criswell by finding a definite color bias from kindergarten on up. with own-color. choice most prevalent 'at upper-grade levels/ Meltzer (99) found ethnic antipathies well 'formed by the fifth grade. Blake and Dennis (-15)' reported' "bad trait stereotyping" of Negro children by whites' at the fourth-grade level: Radkc and Lippilt (118) discovered that white Gentile, children-who had'no.' -:.i,„„ !.-<«/« . or • Negroes 'had w ere ... t . -r'l emotiona nee group aynainiea. u.,^  „ and techniques of emotional re-education: and hu m.m-relations skills. 1 Schiff (125) agreed that in-1942 the major cmpha-M< in workshops was upon racial and religious, con-victs. He reported characteristic content areas of 1952 workshops as: child growth and development, :ccn-age tensions, social-class differences, and group dynamics. Partridge (110) has contributed a lively report on her participation in such a group-oriented *orkshop. 1 '•',..•..' I i-'valuation of workshops is on the increase., Birn-. Nuim.and VVolcott (14) studied institute-type courses md described them as useful. Taba (138) appraised 'i i University of Chicago workshops which were held Nriwccn 1945 and 1950 and which linked training jf.d action; she concluded that they produced signifi-iJnt changes in orientation, productivity, and leadcr-lfiip. Bogardus (16) reported that af the University of Southern California an experimental group of "•'duate students after a six-week workshop changed lf!c'«" attitudes in the direction of greater ethnic un-••'f.^ landing. He considered the change statistically '-.-niTicant when compared with results from a.control <roup and reported that no decrease was noted nine .Months after the workshop ended. j 1 cvinson and Schermerhorn (92) attempted to d*:ermine what,kinds of people enroll in an inter-'s °Up-relal ions workshop and to assess the attitudinal ind cniotiona' ~ ' - " m ' | " i i n n nn its members. ..,:Tb*y studied discovered that wnue direct contact'.with either Jews . or • Negroes -had "strong prejudices" toward them by .the age of nine' years. Allport and Kramer (7) found that prejudiced.-'.' white college. students had • unpleasant memories of ethnic group'-contact dating back to, ages between.-, 6 and 16. Oniy a fourth of this sample reported the • appearance of,their first anti-Jewish feeling after the-age of .16, only a fifth their first anti-Negro feeling.-.. f'' Trager;-'anoi -Radke-Yarrow in- various collabora-tions (119,. 151) and in the Philadelphia Early. '.. Childhood Project (152) .have illuminated the .early Troup.relat ions workshop and to assess m e „... •. development in young children of consciousness of •"td emotional effects of a workshop on its members. ' difference. In Philadelphia varied teacher's of kinder--" ' a'!'195! Western Reserve University' garteh and fii'it and second grades we're selected'from ••- -'• •"•riritr.cinss six dissimilar schools. Social-episodes tests consisted ''.'•" f *7't •"'' % ; -• --'-'•" rl '•' ' .< • \ i .^i'•;, !'. > ,.; 'j_;* w : ,-tvSi^ -;•*-.•'' : i ;'"? • ' \ ' . .;• i • .. ,' it j . • |.:|' '.: :*:!'-i'l' ' '.' 1 : ' c^ i" *•' <t '"i -.'/•.' - ' ' / ' - ' '•' 1' - j-*' .-a • V3' j?;'i'i''-|' f-~-'''ys-v.. \" h-4 $ II I I I ••$0.. ^®,.», Is ,#1 f ! mry ' MM-• ''^'ll^tlilri' -' ' . I l l l ..'5L^ sfeip .•••."•fi^m ' ' I S I S TTT of drawings of children in school and neighborhood situations. Role-performance tests were form-board 'arrangements with dolls. The conclusion was reached that at an early age children do learn about and adopt attitudes toward racial and religious groups. In the third year of the experiment, four teachers were assigned as club leaders to groups of children. Four of the groups of children were taught in accord- '; ancc with cultural democracy and four groups- were taught in accordance with acceptance of the .status quo (152). Summarizing the study, Trager (149) concluded that young children are aware of racial and religious differences, that they do learn undemo-cratic values and behavior in the adult social environ-' ment in which they live, and that attitudes can be changed. ' ' The findings, with such attendant publiciiy as the article by Pollock (113), have gone far to! contradict the usual assumption that young children have no prejudices. Readable books which, suggest approaches, to young children, such as that of Stendler and Mar-tin (135). or deal broadly with human-relations edu-cation, such as that of Lane and Beauchamp (90), have further extended understanding of prejudice in children and have suggested ways to,reduce hostilities. Caste and Class. Another helpful source of insights for improved intercultural education is research into caste and class, as described by Davis (47). Hollings-hcad (76). Warner and Lunt (165), and Warner and others (166). \ In a series of case studies Davis and Doll<.rd (48) made the first systematic application of:' the caste-- . class point of view to child rearing. Davis and Havig- ; hurst (49) surveyed Chicago white and Negro middle-and lower-class mothers, with the sample divided into • four color-class groups. Significant statistical, differ- ; ences in child rearing were found between classes, and colors, with class differences more definitive than color differences. The work of Warner ; and others '. (166), the case studies by Davis and Dollard (48),v' and the Elmtown study by Hollingshead (76) showed that in school attendance, choice of curriculums,-'.' student social status, teacher rewards and punish- / .mcnts, administrative control, and board membership • and operation, white upper-class or upper-middle-class children were definitely favored. | Many school programs currently rnake use of the concepts of social class. The concepts and data on social learning developed by Davis (45, | 46), Davis • and Havighurst (50), and Eells and others (56) were used in setting up experiments in group development, classroom atmosphere, and interpersonal j relations in connection with projects of Intergroup Education in , Cooperating Schools. The implications of these ideas •., for diagnosing classroom atmosphere and student needs were stated by Brady (19, 20), by Hardiman and Robinson (70), and by Robinson |(121), who .demonstrated the effects of family class-cultures on: . the learning of meanings, feelings, and yalues. Group Dynamics. A third source of research help-,ful in meeting problems of classroom instruction is , got its impetus from the work and writing-of It win' (93). Bcnrie and Muntyan (II) have edited a '-'o]V[r\r , of writings on individual and group development -,ri)' on the dynamics of interpersonal relations as' u'rdcs~ to curriculum change. Thelen (148) developed s-r-0 principles of learning-by-action techniques and er-'-::' involvement..'In an issue of the Review of /•",//,,„/;..... y, Research (156) devoted exclusively to research - -'. human relations and programs of action.' 'co'ntp'r—';-tions by Benne. Levit, Horowitz, and Wnhey reported research on group dynamics. EVALUATION. Current research throws Ciu<:-:) upon the .efficacy of some suggested approaches • ;'• improved intercultural education. Allport (5) v-',. •' that research indicates that information- docs v-.^ necessarily•'alter either attitude or action, thai .... gtiins seem slighter than those of other cducati...* methods. However, he adds that thoueh fact; .r. not be enough, they still seem indispensable: A - : also believes that the evidence is inconclusive--.n •;: the effectiveness of direct versus indirect appro that there are good grounds for do'ubtinc the. tiveness of mass media propaganda bombai-.tmo.v>„ that individual therapy reaches few. On the' <itr.<r hand, the following approaches to dcvelopim- .let: ; cratic human relations through intercultural ciiuc.it:.-> have some support from research. ..' • :• Creation of a Democratic Atmosphere \sk and Jahoda (1, 2) found that emotional pre,li.p,-.--. tions to anti-Semitism include anxictv. confusion A-the concept of self, unsatisfactory interpersonal rci.i-tionships, conformity, fear of the different, poor pci-: ception of reality, an inconsistent value system, a poorly developed conscience. Wholesome tamm • relationships prior to and concurrent, with hclpf-;j school experiences minimize such difficulties. ',. - Giles (S3), Kilpatrick (85), Taba (140). and Wo ton^and others (169) believe that a warm. fricr.J.v democratic atmosphere : in schools may help =. strengthen the healthy attitudes already prcscr.i many young people and may, to some degree at •lev'.' make up for, the shortcomings in home cnvironrruw experienced by others. The importance of the classroom teacher in ifff*' ing attitude changes and the influence which the ,tudes of the teacher have upon those ol the >tm..j" have been pointed out (123, 152). | Bostwick I stressed the contributions of teachers ,who .Oceani-an analysis of the problems and neells o f their-oaf students ji.nd of the community in which their sunic^ 1 lived. Hilliard (74) called for improvement of ..•>.•>•;* learning and cited the research of EJorncy, S u l l n . " Jersild, and Murphy, which indicates that onl> person who learns to accept himself can esiab'-1-' positive friendly relations with others. Developing a democratic• atmosphere in-. >•."».'>•?. involves-'the grouping of children, the use of lea-!v ship; roles, and the remodeling' 'of student. coin."-' 1 Jennings;;-.(R1, 82). -Jennings, arid ot'h'ers..-'f83>.. Olson (109) described ways of. usine . . s o a ' T n i - - 1 data, in'iimproving human .relations in clas:-r<.V£-'"•W"'7 r l , . „ ^ „ , ; „ . . P v „ 1 r of tV>r> Tlhri m^olhrrs M441 jtrcssedthe use nndm.s-'i-• liarics. and open questions as diagnostic devices for a-achers. Gramhs. in a readable pamphlet (65), en-riched customary uses of the group process. Cunning-_;nl and others (-43) reported studies and experiments •, iinderstandiiig group behavior of,boys and' girls. Huflis (251. to whom human relations means'csscn--.,;iv- mental health, reports that his Delaware human-•.laiions classes helped boys and girls learn how to along with themselves and with others; he adds :;..r, 12 masters' and doctors' theses have evaluated • program and have indicated that students have , • jnefitcd from it in personality development (26). iiiemann (104) urges that elementary- and sccond-••..school, students learn about the dynamics of t'eli.ivior. ("diiiact Through Situations Involving Cooperation. I.'u- findings reported by StoufTer and others (136), (from data obtained by the War Department. ,:\l those reported by Whittcmore (170) with regard ••.I the experience in the "GI Universities" following he war lend strong support to the broadening of . :::eigroup contacts involving cooperation. Contact ; particularly promising when attention is focused v concrete tasks or goals requiring common effort,', -idler than upon more abstract considerations of .•nee or of desirable policy which emphasize • and iv.usc traditional prejudices. The value of contacts '.,". situations involving cooperation was reported by ' V . M N C I I and Collins (51) with respect to intergroup .'•:',!.icts in public housing projects, and by Wittenberg il'73i with respect to neighborhood projects. • Find-ing by Pliclps (111, 112) in school work camps(also vrcrn to corroborate the value of this technique.!The Philadelphia Early Childhood Project (152) pointed' sui that contacts need to be accompanied by other change techniques to prevent some prejudiced persons from regarding the contact merely as an exception to tftcir previously formulated generalizations. j A major advocate of broadening intergroup under-cinding through contacts in situations involving co--peraiion is Olsen (106, 107). He calls for "guided rtrsonal experiences" through the work of resource f ^ ' - r l e field trips, surveys, service projects, and social ••'••'"i! (105). One form of social living, the youth •'"•^ crcncc, was adapted to a delegate conference for ''"•Jem leaders in Chicago, and this resulted in ."•vmising follow-up activities by students (108). ftvisitation among young people has become an MjMishcd technique in intercultural education for •r«MJcning' intergroup contacts. Grosse (67), for in-,li"<c. described intervisitation among third grades K Ircsno. and Heap (72) described intercultural '•'*-•"?- j ' 1 motional Sensitization. The work of Prescott and his associates has been a valuable stimulus J recognizing the emotional facets of the learn-' l r:occss. Davidoff (44) found a positive correla-w.wcen empathy and attitude toward minority <r'-',»"^ . Kramer (88) directed attention to the jemo-— «•» « e u as tne cognitive a u u a t u u n m e s-ia (z\ attitudes. Woodruff and DiVesta (174) observed^ : M important way of altering attitudes is to, altyf the attitude is expressed,' a'process which must'nec.es-. ' ji sarily include emotional considerations. • • <T Part of the work of the staff of Intergroup E d u c a - \ tion in Cooperating Schools has been, devoted to the. medium of literature, particularly to novels (78). Reports suggesting the potentialities of literature for ., both the elementary and secondary levels have a l s o ' been made by Finley (57) and Franc (59). Trager and Everitt (150), speaking from experience with primary-grade children in the Philadelphia, public schools, doubted that books alone are sufficient, but ' suggested that their value lies in reinforcing, i n t e r - - , preting, and extending the experiences of children..' But the studies of .Hayes and Conklin (71) indicate •.. the superiority of vicarious experience over direct, experience. Hayes and Conklin attribute this to the easy manageability of vicarious experience as c o n - , trasted to direct experience and add,'somewhat sur-prisingly, that it'is difficult to make direct experience realistic. '>• ." Hcaton (73) described approaches to the consid-eration of feelings as facts. Hcaton's approach, ap-plied in a classroom with young children, takes. .tne • form of levels of discussion focusing.successively oi : "What happened?" "How did he feel?". "Could, thus.'. really happen?" "What would you have clone?" ' What : have we learned?" (40) Sociodrama, involving role playing, is an i'nercas- -ingly popular technique for helping people.put (hem- ' selves in others' shoes. M o r e n o (100) pioneered:' applied sociodrama as a diagnostic technique and as a way of training children in problem analysis and social skills. G. Shaftel and. F. Shaftel ,(128) have . , described an interesting hybridization of sociodrama "and the'use of literature. Techniques used occasionally for emotional sen-sitization include the study of rumor, an approach summarized in,, Allport's major study on . the nature .. of. prejudice (6). Rumor analysis was used by Schiff. in work with a human-relations agency (124) and by Tapp with sixth-grade classes (147). Spontaneous, playwriting is reported at the elementary ievel by Hanszen and Hollister (69). Analyses of the effective-ness of movies as a medium for attitude change have been made by Raths and F. N. Trager (120) and by Sherif and Sargent. (129). An occasional use of TV. is reported, such as Walker's report on T V programs which raised the question as to what chil-dren thought specific culture groups were reallv l ike (164). . • •••• Community Surveys and Audits. Krech and Crutch-field (89). Lippitt (94), and others have observed that the effectiveness of facts in bringing about atti-tudinal changes, is frequently dependent upon whether those whose attitudes require change are -tllcniselvess involved in obtaining the facts. Allport (5,j 6) mdi-. cates the importance of deep first-hand approaches, of learning through participant citizenship and of social programs attacking discrimination directly. Much of the work of the Commission on Community: Interrelations (30, 31, 127) has been devoted lo an analysis ofthejrole of action research in intergroup rr lair. Minneapolis, and Northtown community self-irvcys. noted such concrete changes as the passage f an FEPC ordinance, the admittance of Negroes tto a local union, the construction by private uilders of a 350-dwelling unit for Negro occupancy, nd the first employment of Negroes "as teachers, chool principals, policemen, and salesclerks. j Dodson (53) described fundamental field-work ex-erience as .characteristic of the professional training i human relations at .New York .University:. Stu-ents participated in social services, interviews, and -sembly programs and explored faculty-student re-'• itionships in the Riverside area.' a heterogeneous' ;.vtion' of New York City. Generalizing on: seven ,j .ich projects. Giles 164) reported that community j gencies are willing to accept their findings, that . indents are stimulated by them, and that such • rejects are worth the effort when judged byi group l roductivity and individual learning. j ! Yet there is little evidence, that elementary and i igh schools are doing much in' the way of encour-ging community surveys and audits so that ihdivid-als themselves may reconstruct their values. Imschool ction projects are only occasionally, described, and mong them is Sweet's account of a junior high ;hoo! program 1137). Lack of emphasis on surveys :id audits at elementary- and high-school levels may •e explained by the same factors Bigelow (13)'used c explain the relative lack of activity in teacher Jucation concerning human-relations education as a' • hole: community pressures, teacher insecurity, and-Jministrative unconcern. Working Toward Elimination of Segregation and Mseriminarion. Theoreticians of intercultural educa-ion have long pointed out that changing the sur- . ounding attitudes by eliminating discrimination and Tejudice is of surpassing importance for the achieve-nent of the goals of intercultural education. Watson 167) made this point in urging action for unity as le summarized the available research on the' effects :. jf legislation and social action. Cook (34) pointed ->ut\that discrimination teaches prejudice.. Ashley-;.' '.fontagu (8) noted that unless educational programs re.accompanied-by social and economic arrange-Ttctits which support the more desirable attitudes, all he institutional pressures upon the individual will be n, the direct ion. of a resumption of his original •ttitudes. ' . • . In contrast to the oft-repeated phrase, "You can't "egislate good human relations." evidence from tudics made in conjunction with the work, of the New York State Commission Against Discrimination 4, 131) indicated that patterns Of behavior! in em-ployment practices could be substantially altered in i short period of time. Especially following Ithe Su-rreme Court decision of 1954 and the decree of .955 declaring racial segregation in public j schools inconstitutional. there has been a growing recogni-tion of the importance of working toward, better , auman relations through elimination of segregation j md discrimination. | jj Al this w r i t i n g , research on desegregation of public studies. For instance, the Louisville experience.. jri. ,' orderly integration has been described by the superin.--tendent of schools and a journalist (27). • The S; Louis achievement of desegregation wis-analyzed' bv ! • Valien /154 i .t-'ra sociologist, and Sskwor i i 34V. a '.'  human-relations, .worker involved in• the. chaii'ts?..".Ba|. •'': timore's experience was described by Bard i <>.•• io|:,r and Fischer (58).'' The shift in Washington 'and attendant success and difficulties . were reported by.c. Hansen i 68). A little-known but-,cdmpeien; ;su:j-.. comparing desegregation in two Illinois communities','':. Alton and East St. Louis, is an unpublished doctor.-:! dissertation b>v,Tiirner (153): The Anii-Defamafion:' -League has contributed case studies to; the literature'', through reports', on Clinton. Tenn. (75). Sturcis.:, Kv... (61), and Mansfield (621 and Beaumont. Teu»v*' (.22). Williami;and Ryan reported on .-the. desejrec.-i. ' tion . experiences' of 24 'communities' (T 72 )..'• *-:,,-.;('.. Grambs. in ajjPublic Affairs Pamphlet (66). gerveY-•;' alized on- the''desegregation process. The experiences.." in cultural integration, of school facilities in. 'sese hi in-states were assembled by Van Til.'who also reported :; on comrnunitj^.action toward integration in'' S'ath-: • •ville i 157). -" -'; The best repository for information on de««.g'rep-"i tion of schools!''is the Southern Education Kapafvir.^i; Service. Financed by Ford philanthropy, the Service f maintains a library of clippings and 'reports-and -pub. lishes the Southern School Sews, self-described 'av "impartial and' objective." A, synthesis by reporters':;-. • titled With A.'i -Deliberate Speed -(130)'. summed up,'" the segregation situation in the South as of 1957. • . •• In individual schools, implementation of the re-search finding that social supports of democratic' behavior are strengthened by elimination of discrimi-; nation usually takes the form of unpublicized ad-ministrative acts.. These include actions concerning fraternities and sororities, school council represents, tion. extracurricular activities, and so forth. However, ; since such reforms are seldom publicized, research in this connection is lacking. '.••'.. An occasional publication by an educational or-. • ganizalion gathers together case studies and achieves generalizations; examples are two issues of Educa-tional Leadership (157, 158) published by the Asso-'•'. ciation for Supervision and Curriculum Development. But, in general, educational organizations arc con. spicuously and incongruously silent on school segre-gation. The great new frontier in intercultural education, as yet scarcely explored through research, is the problem of desegregation and integration in American schools. . F E B R U A R Y 1958 W I L L I A M V A N T I L R E F E R E N C E S frchools is laxJSKJ^ c«r»ptK^ '' and in thejform! of case i\ it* 1. A C K E R M A N . N A T H . X N W . . and I A H O D A . M A S . ^ : •'Anti-Semitism'" and Emotional Disorder. •' Harper. ,,1950. 135 p. ." • t r \ 2. ACSCERMAN. N A T H A N W . . and J A H O D . S . M A W ^ . "Toward a Dynamic Interpretation of An:i-Sem:':C Altitudes." Am J Orthopsychiatry .18: 163-73: ''^ Ai>-• r ' V > " i I 'f'l-t mm : c;. * mm-'...»-•:.,-'•T^ 'lps: :':i;--'®m; ' w fc'feJr.' I' ' If •' . / . . '%.£" ' -••;&!>" f p -:'-'r'- :c\%t : ' . ; , $ ¥ : « :• ';•>- *fe«3? •'• •r-.W.'fli: •i;"r':|pi|;:yp||;i|f :'.i;,;ii5:i;'.i'!|;:lpi| .'• t ' •-, •' iHsIr-»v...,fc m m p. | ; : t " Ii 1 | -:/.- . ' f t ' ' i i m m W I 'if-'I mitt . w si •' . . - - f i r f •v t t m AW A :VK '^5 : *'4« ' Ml3§-V A D O U N O . T H E O P O R W „ and OTHERS. , The'AU-'thorit'arian Personality. Harper, 1950. 990. p. I j A L I L U N A S . Lno .1. "Experiment in Human Rcla-tions." Social Ed 14: 29-30; 1950. j 5. A L L P O R T . G O R D O N W . The Resolution 6f\ Inter-group Tensions. National Conference of Christians „ k l Jens. 1952. 49 p. ; , 6. A L L P O R T . G O R D O N W . The Nature of Prejudice.. , Addison-Wesley. 1954. 537 p. : 7. A L L P O R T , G O R D O N W . , and K R A M E R, B. M . 'Some Roots of Prejudice." J Psychol 22: ,9-39; , 1946. . • 8. A S H L E Y - M O N T A G U , M O N T A G U E F. "The Im-provement of Human Relations Through Education." , Seh Soc 65: 465-69; 1947. •' 9. BARD, H A R R Y . "A Baltimorean Reports on De-j segregation." Ed Leadership 13:,88-96; 1955, ! . j in. BARD, HARRY. "Observations on Desegregation i in Baltimore: Three Years Later." Teach Col Rec: i 59: 268-81; 1958. : , " j l i . B L N N E , K E N N E T H B. , and M U N T Y A N , BOZIDAR I il!t>s.) Human Relations in Curriculum Change. 1 Dryden. 1951. 363 p. j j 12. B E T T E L H E I M , B R U N O, and J A N O W I T Z , M O R R I S . ! Dynamics of Prejudice. Harper, 1950. 227 p. | i 13. BiGELOw, K A R L W . "Preparing Teachers for J Intergroup Education." In American Association of ,1 Colleges for Teacher Education Yearbook 195].. The | Association. 1951. p. 29-34. ! ' V 14. B I R N U A U M , M A X. and W O L C O T T, L. B . "Human -"-'; Relations Education for Teachers Through the Institute Type Course." J Ed Sociol 23: 78-96; t i •>•»•>. ; I 15. B L A K E , ROBERT, and D E N N I S , W A Y N E. "The 3 Development of Stereotypes Concerning the Negro." j ; Aim Social Psychol 38: 525-31; 1943. [ ' :} 16. BOGARDUS, E M O R Y S. "Intercultural Education •t] and Acculturation." Sociol Social Res 34: 203-8; 1 1950. [i 17. B O S T W I C K , P R U D E N C E. "Some Aspects of In-••}, tcrgroup Education in the Denver Public Schools." ?! Ed Outlook 27: 133-39; 1953. -j 18. B O Y K I N , L E A N D E R L. "Let's Get It Straight:/ ...iWhat Are Human Relations?" Social Stud 46: 56-=159; 1955. ; 19. BRADY, E L I Z A B E T H H . "Children Bring Their Families to School." In Fostering. Mental Health in • \Our Schools. 1950 Yearbook, A.S.C.D. The Associa-t i o n . 1950. p. 18-31. i] 20. BRADY, E L I Z A B E T H H . "Social Learning Begins at Home." Ed Leadership 7: 292-96; 1950. ••: 21. B R A M E L D , T H E O D O R E . Minority Problems in •;' the Public Schools. Harper, 1946. 264 p. ,i 22. B REED, W A R R E N . Beaumont, Texas: College Desegregation Without Popular Support. Anti-Defa-.mation League of B'nai B'rith, 1957. 16 p. :,i 23. B R O W N , INA C. Race Relations in a Democracy. Harper, 1949. 205 p. :| 24. B R O W N , SPENCER. They See for Themselves. .-.Warper. 1945. 147 p. •1\ 25. B U L L I S , H A R O L D E . "Are We Losing Our Fight r;°r Improved Mental Health?" Prog Ed 30: 110-14;:, .! 26. B U L L I S , H A R O L D E . "Delaware Human Rela--. jions Classes." Understanding Child 20: 99-103; ' ., s'ons U 27. C A R M I C H A E L , ; O M E R, and J A M E S , W E L D O N : : | « e Louisville Story. Simon and Schuster, 1957:! 169 2S. C H A T T O , C L A R E N C E, and H A L L I G A N . A L I C E L. 14, - T - T T T - I The Story'of the Springfield Plan: Bathes, 1945;' 201 P- . :' - ' 29. C H E I N , ISIDOR. "The Problems of Incon r ncy A Restatement." J Social Issues 5, No. 3: 32-61: 1949. 30. C H E I N , SSIDOR, and OTHERS. "The Field-of Action Research." Am Psychologist 3: 43-50:. i948. 31. C H E I N , JSIDOR, and O T H E R S (EDS .) C st -. ency and Inconsistency in Intergroup Relations. / •Social Issues $; No. 3: 2-61; 1949. 32. C H W O R O W S K Y , M A R T I N P. "Intergroup Aspects of Teacher Education." In American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education Yearbook 19D0. -The , Association, 1950. p. 194-202. 33. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N . "The Frame of Refer-ence in the College Study."' / Ed Sociol 21: 31-42: '. 1947. 34. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N . "Intergroup Education.' In M O N R O E , W A L T E R S. ( E D . ) Encyclopedia of hdu-cationdl Research. Rev. ed. Macmillan, 1950. p. b 12-17. '•••..• 35. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N ( E D . ) College Programs • in Intergroup Education. A C E , 1950. 365 p. 36. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N ( E D . ) Intergroup Rela-tions in Teacher. Education. ACE, ,1951. 272 p. 37. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N , and C O O K , L I sr F " Intergroup Education. McGraw-Hill, 1954. 392 p. 38. C O O K , L L O Y D A L L E N , and C O O K , E L A I N E } - . . . . School Problems, in Human Relations. McGraw-Hill,' 1957., 292 p. ' ',.' 39. C O L E , S T E W A R T G. "Trends in Intergroup Ed-'" ucation." Relig Ed 48: 29-37; 1953. 40. 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"Integrating Minor--ity Groups into the Public Schools." Ed Leaders/tip-, 13: 70-139; 1955. * 159. V A N T I L , W I L L I A M , and D E N E M A I U ; . G E O R G E W . "Intercultural Education." R EdeRcs 2 0 : -274-86: ' i95o. ' i - ' i - p f i , ^ . • • .vy*' • 91 1 ' * 1 Mr c \ I 4 i •If-y-r 1 1. f: % I lit 1 ^ it-S i l l l i s t A PPEN DI X i D * 10. A ttitudes Can Be Measured I L . L . T H U R S T O N E 1. THE POSSIBILITY OF MEASURING ATTITUDE • | ' The purpose of this paper1 is to discuss the:' prohlern of measuring attitudes and opinions' and to offer a solution for it.jThe very fact thatj one offers a solution to a problem so complex!; as that of measuring differences of opinion orj attitude on disputed social issues makes it evi:j': dent from the start that the solution is more or; less restricted in nature and that it applies only! under certain assumptions that will, however, be described. In devising a method of measur-ing attitude I have tried to get along with the! fewest possible restrictions because sometimes: one is tempted to disregard so many factors that' the original problem disappears. I trust that I; shall not be accused of throwing out the baby' with its bath. j . . •! In promising to measure attitudes I shall;' make several common-sense assumptions that will be stated here at the outset so that sub.se-i quent discussion may not be fogged by confu-sion regarding them. If the reader is unwilling to grant these assumptions, then I shall have, nothing to offer him. If they are granted, we : can proceed with some measuring methods that ought to yield interesting results. ! • Reprinted from American Journal of Sociology, [ 1928, 33, 529-554, with permission of the Univer-sity of Chicago Press. This is one of a series of! papers by the staff of the Behavior Research Fund,; Illinois Institute for Juvenile j Research, Chicago. Series B, No. 110. I I l The original .manuscript for! Ibis paper has en-' Jnyrd n jfireM deal of friendly cillll'luni, mum; of which tui'iw on tiiutlciit <if icriuhmlofty I U H I H O I H C , ; on the assumptions which are here stated. In order to keep this paper within reasonable length, the' description of the detailed psychophysical methods used and the construction'of several attitude scales,! are reserved for separate publication. This paper concerns then only an outline;of otic solution to j the problem of measuring, attitude. WI'JV'M' •:M<t V'H&>It is necessary to state at the very outset jusf.-' :. j.jWjhat we shall here mean by the terms "attitude" '•'-•'and "opinion." This is all the more necessary ••because the natural first impression about these '• riv/o concepts is that they arc not amenable to ^measurement in any real sense. It. will be con-'^e'eded at the outset that an attitude is a .com--' • ;',t'plex affair which cannot be wholly described :'!4piy any single numerical index, for the problem.-' "*;of measurement this statement is analogous to.-v/vhe observation that an ordinary table is a coni-^j.plex affair which cannot be wholly described by • ••J any single numerical index. So is,a man such a ^complexity which cannot be wholly represented ,J'\,by a single index. Nevertheless'wc do not.hesi-. >t.ate to say that wc measure the table. The con-, text usually implies what it is about the 'table "that we propose to measure. We say without'. 'hesitation that we measure a man when we take 'some anthropometric measurements of him. The context may well imply without explicit ' declaration what aspect of, the man we are mea-'.' :;Suring, his- cephalic index, his height, or weight, """or what not. Just in the same sense we shall say. here that we are measuring attitudes. We shall .'.ys.iate or imply by the context the aspect of. • .people's attitudes that:.we are measuring. The '"point is that ii is just as legitimate to say that , ,'Hve are measuring attitudes ax if is io'say that, ""..we are measuring tables, or. men.' •*• ; The concept "attitude" will be used hcre'io: ..'.t denote the sum total of a man's'.inclinations"' ..,and feelings, prejudice or bias, preconceived •, .'notions, ideas, fears, threats, and' convictions • nhoni: liny specified.topic. Thus a inan's :n i itiu"lo1 UIHUII. pncil'iKi'ii means here til! thai In- lecl.-i ii-'nd,! : .thinks about peace.and war. It is admittedly, a ; •  subjective and personal affair. The concept "opinion" will here mean a /verbal expression of altitude. If a man says that we made a mistake in entering the war against Germany, that statement will here be spoken of ' •••': v ><"'_• ' •' • 77 • -78 ATTITUDE MEASUREMENT a* an opinion. The term "opinion will De-restricted to verbal expression. But it: is an expression of what? It expresses a n attitude, supposedly. There should be n o difficulty in .. understanding this use of the two. terms. The . verbal expression is the opinion. Our interpre-tation o f the expressed opinion is that the " man's attitude is pro-German. An opinion sym-bolizes an attitude. ! ' ! ' Our next point concerns what it is that we want to measure. When a man says that we . mailt a mistake in entering the war with Ger- • many, the thing that interests us is not really , the string of words as such or even the imme-diate meaning of the sentence merely as it 'i stands, but rather the attitude of the speaker, the thoughts and feelings of the man about the •' United States, and the war, and Germany. It is the attitude that really interests us. The opinion has interest only;in sO far as we interpret it as a symbol of attitude. It is therefore something about attitudes''that we want to measure. We 1 shall use opinions as the means for measuring-v attitudes.2 , .t: '.'/•• ' There comes to mind the uncertainty of using an opinion as an index of attitude. The man may be a liar. If he is not intentionally misrepresenting his real attitude on a disputed cpjcstion, he may nevertheless modify the ex-pression of it for reasons of courtesy, especially in those situations in which frank expression of • attitude may not be well received. Thisjhas led' to the suggestion1 that a man's action is a safer, index of his attitude than what he says. But his actions may. also be distortions of his atti-tude. A politican extends friendship and hos-. .' pitality in overt action while hiding an attitude , that he expresses more truthfully to an intimate friend. Neither.his opinions nor his overt acts constitute in any sense an infallible guide to the subjective inclinations and preferences that con-stitute his attitude. Therefore we must remain content to use opinions, or other forms of ac-tion, merely as indices o f attitude. It must be 'i Professor Faris, who has been kind enough to give considerable constructive criticism | to the manuscript fortius paper, has suggested! that we may be measuring opinion but that we tare cer-tainly not measuring attitude. It is in part a ter-minological question which turns on the concept of attitude. I£ the concept of attitude as (here dc-• fined is not acceptable, it may be advisable to •>. change the terminology provided that a distinction is retained bcty«.;n (1) the objective index, which is here called the statement or opinion, arid (2) the inferred subjective inclination of the person, which is here called the attitude variable. ! /•••'U'f'IIJ.- .: ' '• - - •' 93' recognized thatJ;'there is a discrepancy, some error of measurement as it were, between the opinion or overtaction that we use as an index and the attitude that we infer from such an index. But this discrepancy between the index and "truth" is universal. When you want to know the temperature of your room, you look at the thermometer and use its reading as an index of :,. temperature just as though there were no error . in the index and just as though there were a single temperature reading which is the "cor-, reel" one'for the room. If it is desired to ascer-- tain the volume of a glass paper weight, the volume is postulated as an attribute of the piece of glass, even though volume is an abstraction. The volume is measured indirectly by noting " the dimensions of the glass or by immersing it '. in water to see how much water it displaces. . , These two procedures give two indices whjch .-. might not agree exactly. In almost every situa-1 tion involving measurement there is postulated • • an abstract continuum such as volume or tem-perature, and the allocation of the thing mea--* sured to that continuum is accomplished usually by indirect means through one or more indices. Truth is inferred only from the relative con-.;; sistency of the several indices, since it is never directly known. We are dealing with the same .'. type of situation in attempting to measure atti-tude. We must postulate an attitude variable ; which is like practically all other measurable attributes in the nature of an abstract contin-uum, and , we must find one or more indices which will satisfy us to the extent that they are internally consistent. In the present study we shall measure the subject's attitude as expressed by the acceptance or rejection of opinions. But we shall not .. thereby imply that he will necessarily act in ac--, cordance with the opinions that he has indorsed. Let this limitation be clear. The measurement V of attitudes expressed by a man's opinions does . - not necessarily mean the prediction of what he will do. If his expressed opinions and his ac-tions are inconsistent, that does not concern us now, because we are not setting out to predict overt conduct. We shall assume that it is of in-terest to know what people say that they believe even if their conduct turns out to be inconsis-. tent with their professed opinions. Even if they '•',' are intentionally distorting their attitudes, we are measuring at least the attitude which they are trying to make people believe that they have. Wc lake for granted that people's attitudes arc subject to change. When we have measured a man's attitude on any issue such as pacifism^ wc shall not. declare such a measurement to be in any sense an enduring or constitutional con-stant. His attitude may change, of course, from one day to the next, and it is our task to mea-sure such changes, whether they be due to un-known causes or to the presence of some known persuasive factor such as the reading of a dis-course on the issue in question. However, such fluctuations may also be attributed in part to error in the measurements, themselves. In order to isolate the errors of, the measurement instru-ment from the actual fluctuation in attitude, we must calculate the standard error of mea-surement of the scale itself, and this, can be accomplished by methods already well known in mental measurement. We shall assume that' an attitude scale is used only in those situations in which one may reasonably expect people to tell the truth about their convictions or opinions. • If a denomina-tional school were to submit to its students a scale of attitudes about the church, one should hardly expect intelligent students to tell the truth about their convictions; if they deviate from orthodox beliefs. At least, the findings could be challenged if the situation in which attitudes are expressed contains pressure or im-plied threat bearing directly on the attitude to be measured. Similarly, it would be difficult to discover attitudes on sex liberty by a written questionnaire, because of the well-nigh univer-sal pressure to conceal such j attitudes where they deviate from supposed conventions. It is assumed that attitude scales vyill be used only in those situations that offerj a minimum of pressure on the attitude to be measured. Such situations are common enough: All that we can do with an; attitude scale is to measure the attitude actually expressed with the full realization that the subject may be consciously hiding his true attitude or that the social pressure of the situation has made him really believe what he expresses. This is a mat-ter for interpretation. It is something probably worth while to measure an attitude expressed by opinions. It is another problem to interpret in each case the extent to which the subjects have expressed what' they really believe. A l l that we can do is to minimize as far as possible the conditions that prevent oiir subjects from telling the truth, or else to adjust our interpre-tations accordingly. ' j . ATTITUDES CAN HU• MEASURED 7!> When we discuss opinions, about, prohibition, for example, we quickly find that, these opinions i are multidimensional, that they cannot all be ; ':, represented in a linear continuum. The various "opinions cannot, be completely described merely , as "more" or "less." They scatter in many, ch-: mansions, but the very idea of measurement : implies a linear continuum of some sort such , as length, price, volume, weight, age. When the .. idea of measurement', is applied to scholastic ,:! achievement, for example, it is necessary to force the qualitative variations into.a scholastic '!', linear scale of some kind. We judge in a similar .'' way such qualities as mechanical skill, the ex-• cellence of handwriting, and the amount of a man's education, as though these traits were ; strung out along a single scale, although they i are of course in reality scattered in many di-,'. mensions. As a matter of fact, we get along ' quite well with the concept of a scale in de-i scribing traits even so qualitative as education, i social and economic status, or beauty. A scale -'1. or linear continuum is implied when we say i that a man has more education than . another. •" or that a woman is more beautiful than another. '! even though, if pressed, we admit that perhaps j the pair involved in each of the comparisons ' have little if anything'in common. It is clear that the linear continuum which is implied in a "more and less" judgment may be conceptual: j that it does not necessarily have, the physical i existence of a yardstick. j' And so it is also with attitudes. We do not ' hesitate to compare them by the ' more and less" type of judgment. We say about, a man. '•'for example, that he is more in favor of prolu-V . bition than some other, and the judgment con-j . veys its meaning very well with the implication of a linear scale along, which people or opin-'•. ions might be allocated. ";.'' ••>. ' 2. T H E A T T I T U D E V A R I A B L E .j The first restriction on the 'problem of mea-• •• ' su'ring attitudes is to specify an attitude vari-i able and to limit the measurement to that. An | example will make this clear. Let us consider i • the prohibition question and let us take as the I attitude variable the degree ,o£ restriction that i should be imposed on indivictual liberty in the | consumption of alcohol. This degree of restne-.; tion can be thought of as a continuum ranging , , j . • from complete and absolute jfreedomor license i'to.'equally, complete and absolute restriction, j ' and it would of course include neutral and m-j . different attitudes. 80 ATTITUDE, MEASUREMENT. not be-that we In collecting samples from which to construct a scale we might ask a hundred individuals to write out their/opinions about prohibition. Among these we might find one which expresses the belief that prohibition has increased the use of tobacco. Surely this is an opinion con-cerning prohibition, but it would not be at all serviceable for measuring the attitude variable just mentioned."Hence it would be irrelevant. Another man might express the opinion that prohibition has eliminated an important source of government revenue. This is also an jopinion -concerning prohibition, but it would long to the particular attitude variable have set out to measure or scale. It is preferable to use an objective and experimental criterion for the elimination of opinions that do not be-long on the specified continuum to be measured, and I believe that such a criterion is available. This restriction on the problem of measuring . attitudes is necessary in the very nature of mea-surement. It is,taken for granted in all ordinary . measurement, and it must be clear that it ap-plies also to measurement in a field in which the multidimensional characteristics have not^ • yet been so clearly'isolated. For example, it would be almost ridiculous to call attention to the fact that a table cannot be measured unless one states or implies what it is about the table that is to be measured; its height, its cost, or beauty or degree of appropriateness or the length of time required to make it. The con-text usually makes this restriction onjmeasure-ment. When • the notion of measurement is applied to so complex a phenomenon as opinions and attitudes, we must here also restrict our-selves to some specified or implied continuum along which the measurement is to take place. In specifying the attitude variable, the first requirement is that it should be so stated that one can speak of it in terms of "more" .and :^y:y-- ] f l •;: : 95 "less,", as, for example, when we compare the attitudes of people by saying that one of them is more pacifistic, more in favor of prohibition, ' more strongly in favor'of capital punishment, or more religious than some other person. Figure 1 represents an attitude variable, mili-tarism-pacifism with a neutral zone. A person who usually talks in favor of preparedness, for • example, would be. represented somewhere to the right of the. neutral zone. A person who is more interested in disarmament would be rep-resented somewhere to the left of the neutral zone. It is possible to conceive of a frequency distribution to represent the distribution of at-titude in a specified group on the subject of ,' pacifism-militarism. . Consider the ordinate of the frequency dis-tribution at any point on the base line. The point and its immediate vicinity represent for our purpose an attitude, and we want to know relatively how common that degree of feeling for or against pacifism may be in die group that is being studied. It is of secondary interest to know that a particular statement of opinion is indorsed by a certain proportion of that ( group. It is only to the extent that the opinion is representative of an attitude that it is useful for our purposes. Later we shall consider the ,,, possibility that a statement of opinion may be scaled as rather pacifistic and yet be indorsed by a person of very pronounced militaristic sympathies. To the extent that the statement is indorsed or rejected by factors other than the attitude-variable that it represents, to that ex-tent the statement is useless for our purposes. We shall also consider an objective criterion for spotting such statements so that they may be eliminated from the scale. In our entire study we shall be dealing, then, with opinions, not primarily because of their cognitive content but rather because they serve as the carriers or Figure 1 symbols of the altitudes of the people who ex^  press or indorse these opinions. | There is some ambiguity in using the term attitude in the plural. Ah attitude is repre-sented as a point on the attitude continuum. Consequent ly there is an infinite number of attitudes that might be represented along the attitude scale. In practice, however, we do not differentiate so finely. In fact, an attitude, prac-tically speaking, is a certain narrow range or vicinity on the scale. When a frequency distri-bution is drawn for any continuous variable, such as stature, we classify the variable for de-scriptive purposes into steps or class intervals. The attitude variable can also be divided into class intervals and the frequency counted in ' each class interval. When we speak of "an" at-, titude, we shall mean a point, or a vicinity, on. the attitude continuum. Several attitudes will be considered not as a set of discrete entities, but as a series of class intervals along the atti-tude scale. i 3. A FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION OF ATTITUDES The main argument so far has been to show 'that since in ordinary conversation we readily and understandably describe individuals as morc-and less pacifistic or more and less militaristic in attitude, we may frankly represent this linearity in the form of a unidimensional scale.lThis has been done in a diagrammatic way in Tigure 1. We shall first describe our objective and then' show how a rational unit of measurement' may be adopted for the whole scale. ,1 Let the base line of Figure 1 represent a con-tinuous range of attitudes from extreme paci-fism on the: left to extreme militarism on the right. ! If the various steps in such a scale were de-fined, it is clear that a person's attitude on militarism-pacifism could be represented by a point ou that scale. The strength and direction • of a particular individual's sympathies might be indicated by the point a, thus showing that . he is rather militaristic in his opinions. An-other individual might be represented at the . point b to show that although he is; slightly militaristic in his opinions, he is not so extreme about it as the person who is placed at the point a. A third person might be placed at the point c to show that he is quite militaristic and that the difference between a and c- i is very slight. A similar interpretation, might j be ex-ATTITUDES CAN BE MEASURED . 81 tended' to 'any point on the •continuous scale from extreme militarism to extreme pacifism. • with a neutral or indifference zone between them. A second characteristic might also .be indi-cated graphically in terms of the scale, namely: the range of opinions that any particular indi-vidual is willing to indorse. It is of-course not to be expected that every person will find only one single opinion on the whole scale that lie. is willing to indorse and that he will reject all ; the others. As a matter of fact we should prob-ably find ourselves willing to .indorse a- great, many opinions on the scale that cover a certain range of-it. It is conceivable,' then, thai' a .pa'ci- * fistically inclined person would be willing to :,; indorse,all or most of the opinions in.'the range.: d to, c and that he would reject as too extremely .' pacifistic. most of the opinions to the left of d.\'r and would also reject the whole range of mili-taristic opinions. Plis attitude would Uien lie-indicated by the average or mean of the range that he indorses, unless he cares to select a par- . ticular opinion which most nearly represents-7 his own attitude. The same sort of reasoning , may of course be extended to the whole range ; of the scale, so that we should have at least, two, or possibly three, characteristics of each person, designated in terms of the scale. These'.ch.arac- ; teristics would be (1) the mean position that he' occupies on the scale, (2) the range of opinions that he is willing, to accept, and (3) that one ; opinion which he selects as the one which most ' nearly represents his own attitude on the issue .. •. at stake. It should also be possible to describe a group : of individuals by means of the scale. 1 Ins tvpe . of description has been represented in adiaV. .' . grammatic way by the frequency outline. Any ordinate of the curve would represent, the number of individuals, or the percentage ^ of the whole group, that indorses the corix- •':.;' sponding opinion. For example, the ordinate at, • b would represent the number of persons in •; the group who indorse the degree of militarism.,,, represented by the point b on-the scale. A glance at the frequency curve shows that for , . the fictitious group of this diagram militaristic * opinions are indorsed more frequently than "the pacifistic ones. It is clear that the area of this • • frequency 'diagram would represent the ••totals-number of .indorsements given by the group. , , , The diagram can be arranged.in iscvcral.differ-: '.'•. ent ways, that will be-separately discussed. It is sufficient at this moment to realize,that, given a j m • 96 IK „s:lf j ' M i - -". 7?.T?:'!}'. X O'iifc: • -'?• t i'-''fc -'•:,;? ». >'••< , 9 i ' • }y f » i t ' >*, l f | | > t U , ! \ •}» III 81! '-f^ ATTITUDE MEASUREMENT ' valid scale of opinions, it would be possible to. compare several different groups in their atti-tudes on a disputed question. A second type of group comparison might be made by the range or spread that the frequency surfaces reveal: If one of the groups is iepre- ••. sented by a frequency diagram of considerable range or scatter, then that group would be ' more heterogeneous on the issue at stake than some other group whose frequency diagram of attitudes shows a smaller range or scatter. It goes without saying that the frequent assump-(ton of. a normal distribution in educational scale construction has absolutely no application here, because there is no reason whatever to assume that any group of people will be nor-mally distributed in their opinions about any-thing.- . ' , ' It should be possible, then, to make four types , of description by means 6f:a scale of attitudes. 1 hese are (1) tbe average or mean attitude o f a particular individual online issue at stake, (2) the range, of opinion that'he is willing to accept or tolerate, Qi) the relative- popularity of each attitude of the scale for a designated group as shown by the frequency distribution for that group, and (4) the degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity in the attitudes of a designated group on the issue as shown by the spread or dispersion of its frequency distribution. This constitutes our objective. The heart of the problem is in the unit of measurement for the base line, and.it is to this aspect of the problem that we may nowturn. 4. A UNIT OF MEASUREMENT FOR ATTITUDES •s , The only way in which;, we can identify dif- • fercnt attitudes (points on the base line) is to-use a set of opinions as landmarks, as it were, for the different parts or steps of the scale. The final scale will then consist of a series of state-ments of Opinion, each of'which is allocated to a particular point on the'base line. If we start with enough statements, we may be able to se-lect a list of twenty or thirty opinions so chosen that they represent an evenly graduated series ol: attitudes. The separation between successive statements of opinion would then be uniform, but the scale can be constructed with a series of opinions allocated on the base line even though their base line separations .ire not uniform. For the purpose of drawing frequency distributions-97 it will be convenient, however, to have the statements so chosen that the steps between them are uniform throughout the whole range of the scale. Consider the three statements a, c, and d, in Figure 1. The statements c and a are placed close together to indicate that they are very similar, while statements c and d are spaced far apart to. indicate that they are very different. We should expect two individuals scaled at c and a respectively to agree very well in discussing pacifism and militarism. On the other hand, we should expect to be able to tell the difference quite readily between the opinions of a person at d and another person at c. The scale separa-tions of the opinions must agree with our im-pressions, of them. In order.to ascertain how far apart the state-ments should be on the final scale, we submit them, to a group of several hundred people who are asked to arrange the statements in order from the most pacifistic to the most mili-taristic. We do not ask them for their own opinions. That is another matter entirely. We are now concerned with the construction of a scale with a valid unit of measurement. There may be a hundred statements in the original list, and the several hundred persons are asked merely to arrange the statements in rank order according to the designated attitude variable. It is then possible to ascertain the proportion of the readers who consider statement a to be more militaristic than statement c. If the two . statements represent very similar attitudes we should not expect to find perfect agreement in the rank order of statements a and c. If they are identical in attitude, there will be about 50 per cent of the readers who say that state-ment a is more militaristic than statement c, while the remaining 50 per cent of the readers will say that statement c is more militaristic than statement a. It is possible to use the pro-portion of readers or judges who agree about the rank order of any two statements as a basis for actual measurement. If 90 per cent of the judges or readers say that statement a is more militaristic than state-ment b (p b^ = .90) and if only 60 per cent of the readers say that statement a is more mili-taristic than statement c (p — .00) then , clearly the scale separation (<i — c) is shorter than the scale separation (n — b). The psycho-logical scale separation between any two stim-uli can, be measured in terms of a law of comparative judgment which the writer has re-cently formulated.3 The detailed methods of handling the data will be published in connection with the con-struction of each particular scale. The practi-cal outcome of this procedure is a series of statements of opinions allocated along the base line of Figure 1. The interpretation of the base-line distances is that the apparent differ-ence between any two opinions will be equal to the apparent difference between any other two opinions which are spaced equally far apart on the scale. In other words, the shift in opinion represented by a unit distance on the base line seems to most people the same as the shift in opinion represented by a unit distance at any other part of the scale. Two individuals who are separated by any given distance on the scale seem to differ in their attitudes as much as any other two individuals with the same scale separation. Tn this sense we have a truly rational base line, and the fre-quency diagrams erected on such a base line are capable ol legitimate interpretation as fre-quency surfaces. In contrast with.such a rational base line or ' scale is the simpler procedure of merely listing ten to twenty opinions, arranging them in rank order by a few readers, and then merely count-ing the number of indorsements for each state-ment. That can of course be done providing that the resulting diagram be not interpreted as a frequency distribution, of attitude. If so interpreted the diagram can be made to take any shape we please by merely adding new statements or eliminating some of them, arrang-ing the resulting list in a rough rank order evenly spaced on the base line. Allport's dia-grams of opinions4 are not in any sense frequency distributions. They should be consid-ered as. bar-diagrams in which are shown the frequency with which each of a' number of statements is indorsed. Our principal contri-bution-here is an improvement on Allport's procedure. He is virtually dealing with rank orders, which we are here trying to change into 3 For a more detailed discussion of. this law see my article "The Law of Comparative Judgment," •Psych. Rev. (July, 1927). For the logic of the psy-chological S-scalc sec "Psychophysical Analysis," Amer. j. Psych. (July, 1927). \ * Floyd H. Allport and D . A. Hartman, "Meas-urement and Motivation of Atypical Opinion in a Certain Group," Amer. Pol. Sci. Rev] XIX (1925), 735-760.' • I '• •''.'^ATTITUDES'CAN BE MEASURED. .•'. H3 . -measurement by a rational unit'of measure--menL Allport's pioneering studies in this field-, should be read by every investigator of this : problem. My own interest in the possibility of•>' „• measuring attitude by means of opinions was ' started by Allport's paper, and the. present , . study is primarily a refinement Of his statistical . methods, >i The unit of measurement for the scale of'".' attitudes is the standard deviation of the .dis-persion. projected on the psychophysical scale;•.. of attitudes by a statement of opinion, chosen./ •> as a standard. It is a matter of indifference , which statement is chosen as a standard, since-.'-. , the scales produced by different standard state-ments will have proportional scale values. This : mental unit of measurement, is roughly com-parable to, but not identical with, the so-called .. 1 "just noticeable difference", in psychophysical measurement. - ' ; A diagram such as Figure 1 can be con- ... .) stvueted in either of at least two different ways. . The area of the frequency surface may be made •'.. to represent the total number of votes of in-; .. dorsements by a group of people; or. the area . may be made to represent the total • number of individuals in the group studied. Allport's diagrams would be made by the latter prin-. ciple if they were constructed on a rational , base line so that a legitimate area might be ' measured. Each subject was asked to select that .,'.• one statement in - the list most representative • of his own attitude. Hence at least: .the sum of, the otdinates will equal the total '-number of persons in the group. I have chosen as prefer-'-- able the, procedure of asking each subject to .•'. indorse all the statements with which he agrees., •< Since,''"we have a rational base line; wc'.'m'ay ; ,' make.?a legitimate interpretation of, the area,: of the surface as the total numbei of indorse-' •'. men Unmade by the group. This procedure has . . the advantage that wc may ascertain the range-, ', of opinion which is acceptable to each person, a trait? which has considerable interest and ' ' which cannot be ascertained by askiiig the sub-.-"'-ject to indorse only one of the statements in the list. The ordinates of the frequency dia-gram can be plotted as proportions of the wholegroup. They will then, be interpreted-as the probability that the given statement will; -; be indorsed by a member of the group. In -, other words, the frequency diagram is descrip- . tive ol: the distribution of attitude in the whole group/^ahd at each point on the. base line, we .84' • >: • •• ' ' ' . '. :' '*>•-. • f." •.-'•• ATTITUDE'MEASUREMENT'! • St ' * • : Mr t-' is I; *< want an ordinate to represent the1 relative popularity of'that attitude. ' ' 5. T H E C O N S T R U C T I O N O F A N A T T T I T U D E : S C A L E . ' ' ' At the present time three scales forj the meas-urement of opinion are being constructed by the principles here described.5 These three scales are planned to measure attitudes' on, three different variables, namely, j pacifism-' -.militarism, prohibition, and attitude toward the church.'-Ail three of these scalesjare being constructed first by a procedure somewhat less laborious than the direct application of the law of comparative judgment, and if j consistent results are obtained the method will be re-tained for other scales. i The method is as follows. Several groups' of people are asked to write out their opinions on the issue iin question, and the literature is searched for suitable brief statements' that may : serve the purposes of the scale. By editing- such < material a-list, of from 100 to 150 statements is prepared expressive of attitudes covering as far as possible all gradations from one end of the scale to tlie other. It is sometimes necessary to give special attention to the neutral state-ments. If a random collection of statements of opinion should fail to produce neutral state-ments, there' is some danger that thej scale will break in two parts. The whole range of atti-tudes must be .fairly well covered, as far as one can tell by preliminary inspection, iii order to insure that there will be overlapping in the rank orders of. different readers throughout the i scale. , j , • ' • In making.(:he intial list of statements sev-eral practical .criteria are applied iii the first editing work. Some of the important criteria are as follows;- ,•- . ! ' V-'- - '• I 1. The statements should be as brief as pos-sible so as not to fatigue the subjects who are asked to read, the whole list. 2. The statements should be such that they can be indorsed or rejected in accordance with their agreement or'disagreement with the atti-tude of the reader. Some statements I in a' ran: i. • j • , ' . s Three attitude scales are now in course of prep-aration by Mr. E . J. Chave, of the Divinity School, University of Chicago, on attitudes toward the church; by Mrs. Hattie Smith on attitudes about prohibition; and by Mr. Daniel Droba on attitudes about pacifism-militarism. The latter two will be published as Doctor's dissertations. . , • '-•- - • • . . • ' dom sample will be so phrased that the reader can express no definite indorsement or rejec-tion of them; '..'• 3. Every statement should be such that ac-ceptance or- rejection of the statement does indicate something regarding the reader's atti-.tude about the issue in question. If, for exam-' pie, the statement is made that war is an /.incentive to inventive genius, the acceptance > or rejection of it really does not say anything regarding the reader's pacifistic or militaristic : tendencies. He may regard the statement as an . unquestioned fact and simply indorse it as a fact, in which case his answer has not revealed t- anything concerning his own attitude on the issue in question.However, only the conspicu-ous examples of this effect should be eliminated ,. by inspection, because an objective criterion is available for detecting such statements so :.' that their elimination from the scale will be • automatic. Personal judgment should be mini-mized as far as possible in this type of work. 4. Double-barreled statements should be 1 avoided except possibly as examples of neu-.- trality when better neutral statements do not seem to be readily available. Double-barreled statements tend to have a high ambiguity. 5. One must insure that at least a fair ma-jority of the statements really belong on the attitude variable that is to be measured. If a small number of irrelevant statements should be either intentionally or unintentionally left ' in the series, they will be automatically elimi-nated by an objective criterion, but die cri-terion will not be successful unless the majority of the statements are clearly a part of the stipulated variable. ,., When the original list has been edited with these factors in mind, there will be perhaps 80 to 100 statements to be actually scaled. These statements are then mimeographed on , .small cards, one statement on each card. Two or three hundred subjects are asked to arrange the statements in eleven piles ranging from opinions most strongly affirmative to those most strongly negative. The detailed instruc-tions will be published with the description of the separate scales. The task is essentially .to sort out the small cards into eleven piles so that they seem to be fairly evenly spaced or graded. Only the two ends and the middle pile are labelled. The middle pile is indicated lor neutral opinions. The reader must decide for each statement which of five subjective degrees msmms®mmtmmsm HOT ATTITUDES CAN BE MEASt KI D 80 100 1.00 o 1 Pacifism 9 10 11 • Militarism Figure 2 of affirmation or five subjective degrees of nega-tion is implied in the statement or whether it is a neutral opinion. When such sorting has been completed by two or three hundred readers, a diagram like Figure 2 is prepared. We shall discuss it with the scale for pacifism-militarism as an example. On the base line of this diagram are repre-sented the eleven apparently equal steps of the attitude variable. The neutral interval is the interval 5 to 6, the most pacifistic interval from 0 to 1, and the most militaristic interval from 10 to 11. This diagram is fictitious and is drawn to show the principle involved. Curve A is drawn to show the manner in which one of the statements might be classified by the three hundred readers. It is not classified by anyone below the value of 3, half of the readers classify it below the value 6, and all of them classify it below the value 9. The scale value of the statement is that scale value below which just one half of the readers place it. In. other words, the scale value assigned to the statement is so chosen that one half of the readers consider it more militaristic and one half of them consider it less militaristic than the scale value assigned. The numerical calcu-lation of the scale value is similar to the cal-culation of the limen by the phi-gamma hypothesis in psychophysical measurement. It will be found.that some of the statements toward the ends of the scale do not give com-plete ogive curves. Thus statement C is incom-plete in the fictitious diagram. It behaves as though it needed space beyond the arbitrary limits of the scale in order' to be completed.. Its scale value may, however, be determined as that scale value at which the phi-gamma curve through the experimental proportions crosses the 50 per cent level, which is at c. Still other statements! may be. found.; such as jD, which have scale values beyond the arbitrary range of the scale. These may be assigned scale val-ues by the same process, though less accurately. The situation is different at the other end of the scale. The statement E has a scale value at e, but owing to the limit of the scale at the point 11 the experimental proportion will, be 1.00 at that point. If the scale continued be-yond the point 11 the proportions would con-tinue to rise gradually as indicated by the dotted line. The experimental proportions are all necessarily 1.00 for the scale value 11. and hence these final proportions must be ignored in fitting the phi-gamma curves and in the loca-tion of the scale values of the statements. . 6. THE VALIDITY OF THE SCALE (a) The scale must transcend the group mea-, sured. One crucial experimental test must be ' applied to our method of measuring attitudes before it can be accepted as valid. A measuring; instrument must not be seriously .affected in its measuring function by the object of meas-' urement. To the extent that its measuring function is so affected, the validity of the in- ' . stmment is impaired or limited. If a yardstick measured differently because of the fact that it was a rug, a picture, or a piece of paper that was being measured, then to that extent the; trustworthiness of that yardstick as! a measur- . ing device would be impaired. Within the.", range of objects for. which the measuring in- : strument is intended, its function must be independent of the object of measurement. We must ascertain similarly the range of ' applicability of our method of measuring atti-tude. It'will be noticed that the zonslruction and the.application of a scale fo: measuring attitude are two different tasks! If the scale is ; to be regarded as valid, the scale values of the. IK $ . •I m MM 86 ATTITUDE MEASUREMENT statements should not be. affected by the opin ions of the people who help to construct it.) This'may turn out to be a severe test in prac- • tice, but the scaling method must stand such a test before it can be accepted as being more than a description of the people who construct the scale.. At any rate, to the extent that the present method of scale construction is af-fected by the opinions of the readers who help to sort out the original statements into a scale, to that extent the validity or universality of the scale may be challenged. Until experimental evidence may be forth-coming on this point, we shall make the as-sumption that the scale values of the statements are independent of the attitude distribution of the readers who sor! the statements. The assumption is, in other words, that two state-ments on a prohibition scale will be as easy or as difficult to discriminate for people who are "wet" as for those'who are "dry." Given two adjacent statements from such a scale, we assume that the proportion of "wets" who say that statement a is wetter than statement b will be substantially the same as the corre-sponding proportion for the same statements obtained from a group of "drys." Restating the assumption in still another way, we are saying that it is just as': difficult for a strong j militarist as it is for a'strong pacifist to tell which of two statements is the more militaristic in attitude. If, say, 85, per cent of the mili-tarists declare statement A' to be more mili-taristic than statement, B, then, according to our assumption, substantially the same propor-tion of pacifists would, make the same judg-ment. If this assumption is correct, then the scale is an instrument,; independent of the attitude which it is itself intended to measure. The experimental test for this assumption consists merely, in constructing two scales for the same issue with the same set of statements. One of these scales will be constructed on the . returns from several hundred readers of mili-taristic sympathies and the other scale will be constructed with the same statements on the returns from several hundred pacifists. If the scale values of the statement are practically the same in the two.scales, then the validity ofj the method will be pretty well established.6 « The neutrality point would not necessarily be represented by the same statement for both mili-tarists and pacifists, but the scale separations be-tween all pairs of statements should be practically the same for the two conditions of standardization. .- - . • , ••101 It will, still be necessary to use opinion scales with some discretion. ; Queer results might be obtained with the prohibition scale, for exam-ple, if it were presented in a country in which prohibition is not an issue. (b) An objective criterion of ambiguity. Inspection of the curves in Figure 2 reveals that some of the statements of the fictitious diagram are more ambiguous than others. The degree of ambiguity in a statement is immedi-ately apparent, and in fact it can be definitely measured. The ambiguity of a statement is the standard deviation of the best fitting phi-gamma curve through the observed proportions. The steeper the curve, the smaller is the range of the scale over which it was classified by the readers and the clearer and more precise is the statement. The more gentle the slope of the curve, the more ambiguous is the statement. Thus of the two statements A and B in the fictitious diagram the statement A is the more . ambiguous. In case it should be found that the phi-gamma function does not well describe the curves of proportions in Figure 2, the degree of ambiguity may be measured without postu-lating that the proportions follow the phi-gamma function when plotted on the attitude , scale. A simple method of measuring ambiguity would then be to determine the scale distance between the scale value at which the curve of proportions has an ordinate of .25 and the scale value at which the same curve has an , ordinate of .75. The scale value of the state-ment itself can also be defined, without assum-ing the phi-gamma function, as that scale value at' which the curve of proportions reaches .50. If no actual proportion is found at that value, the scale value of the statement may be inter-polated between the experimental proportions immediately above and below the .50 level. In scaling the statements whose scale values fall outside the ten divisions of the scale, it will be necessary to make some assumption regard-ing the nature of the curve, and it will prob-ably be found that for most situations the , phi-gamma function will constitute a fairly close approximation to truth. (c) An objective criterion of irrelevatice. Before a selection of statements can be made for the final scale, still another criterion must be applied. It is an objective criterion of irrele-vance. Referring again to Figure 1, let us cou-' sider two statements that have identical scale values at the point /. Suppose, further, that :j. >j 1 i.' t 1 if • -i 'V. ATTITUDES CAN BE. MK'ASUKE'D- 87 these two statements are submitted to the group of readers represented in the fictitious diagram of Figure 1. It is quite conceivable, and it ac-tually does happen, that one of these state-ments will be indorsed quite frequently while the other statement is only seldom indorsed in spite of the fact that they are properly scaled as implying the same degree of pacifism or militarism. The conclusion is then inevitable that the. indorsement that, a reader gives to these statements is determined only partly by the degree of pacifism implied and partly by other implied meanings which may or may not be related to the attitude variable under con-sideration. Now it is of course necessary to select for the final attitude scale those state-ments which are indorsed or rejected primarily on account of the degree of pacifism-militarism which is implied in them and to eliminate those statements which are frequently accepted or rejected on account.of other more or less subtle and irrelevant meanings. . An objective criterion for accomplishing this elimination automatically and without intro-ducing the personal equation of the investi-gator is available. It is essentially as follows: Assume that the whole list of about one hun-dred statements has been submitted to several hundred readers for actual voting. These need not be the same readers who sorted the state-ments for the purpose of scaling. Let these readers be asked to mark with a plus sign every statement which they indorse and to reject with a minus sign every statement not to their liking. j • I • ' If-we want to investigate, the degree of ir-relevance of any particular t statement which, for. example, might have a scale value of 4.0 ; in Figure 3, we should first of all determine 'how,-, many readers indorsed it. We find/ for '..•'example, -that '200 readers indorsed ...it. Let' this j total be represented on the diagram as 100 iper cent, and erect such, an ordinate at the scale value of this statement. We'., may.. noiy • '. ascertain the proportion of these\2fi0 readers "who'also indorsed each other statement. If the readers indorse and • reject the • statements largely on the basis of the degree.of pacifism-' , militarism implied, then those readers who in-dorse statements in the vicinity of 4.0 on thp scale will not often indorse statements ..that are very far away from that point on the scale. Very few of them should indorse a statement 'which is scaled at the point 8.0;. for example. If a. large proportion of the 260 readers who, indorse the basic statement scaled at 4.0 should also;.indorse a statement scaled at the point.8.0,' then we should infer that,their voting On these two statements has been influenced by factors' other than the degree of pacifisni that is imt 'plied in the statements. We can represent this, type of analysis graphically. , " , : Every one of these other statements will be-represented by a point on this diagram.; Its • -'x-yalue will be the scale value of the statement,': and its v-value will be the proportion of the 260 readers who indorsed it. Thus, if out of the 260 readers who indorsed the basic state-ment there were 130 who also indorsed state-ment No; 14, which has.a scale value of, say, 5.0, then statement No. 14 will be represented at the point A on Figure 3. , ' I i . the basic statement, the degree of irrele-vance of which is represented iii Figure 3, is 102 *• ' - l u f f s ' ':• '..:;f^ :.fe|i/ .-'.•^'i'lhl,!?':' , E "' '. ,1' 1 . .-.1 •: f -•• • i 1. - -iii'Ki -< .»•.»•'.' 1 v- .-.1';.;«', V . '•'•'•• /' / • / -/ / 1 1 • 1 . ./. • / ' ' V -•  4 -; ' ''-vy-.. ; ' • , ;w. .• • • • ' " " ' *' \h ' ' ' ' - 1 • V . •.- : \ . ' ..v :•: . \ .'' v-\ •'• ' 1 — ' " "'i ' V 1 w ' f . 0 .3'.. 4 '•:;,.:. 5' • Attitude scale Figure 3 . -' 7 • yf. 8 - ; '<•<-• ' , VI ••««5:'HP? ' : ' ; : l | l | i ! ; ^ ••^f ' lSf ' l i l -;t4:'' •';•!•#'. '.-V1 ' j . ' .S k' • ' ? | { ' i ¥ : . -K W J t l W M ' 1 r"* ' f •frit i " i f is-* wm: 88 ATTITUDE MEASUREMENT. ait Ideal statement, onejvvhich people will ac-; cept or reject primarily hec.ause'of the attitude on pacifism which it portrays, then we should expect the one hundred statements to be repre-sented by as many points hovering more or less about the dotted line of Figure 3. The diagram may of course be more contracted or spread out, but the general appearance of the plot should be that of Figure 3. If, on the other hand, the, basic statement has implica-tions that lead to acceptance or rejection quite apart from the degree of pacifism which it con-veys, then the proportion of the indorsements of the statements should not be acontinuous function of their scale distance from the basic statement. The one hundred points might then scatter widely over the diagram. This inspec-tional criterion of irrelevance is objective and' it. can probably be translated into a more defi-nite. algebraic form so as to eliminate entirely the personal equation of the investigator. Two other objective criteria of irrelevance have been devised. They will be described in connection with the attitude scales now being constructed. ,, , . ' 7. SUMMARY OF THE SCALING METHOD The selection of the statements for the final scale should now be possible.'A shorter list of. twenty, or thirty statements should be selected , for actual use. We have described three criteria by which to select the statements for the final scale. These criteria are: .1. The statements in the final scale should be so selected that they constitute as nearly as possible an evenly graduated series of scale, values 2. By the objective criterion of ambiguity it • is possible to eliminate those statements which project too great a dispersion on the attitude continuum. 'The objective measure of ambigu-ity is the standard deviation of the best fitting phi-gamma curve as illustrated in Figure 2. 3. By the objective criteria of irrelevance it is possible to eliminate those statements which are accepted or rejected largely by factors other • than the degree of the attitude-variable which they portray. One of these criteria is illustrated in Figure 3. The steps in the construction of an attitude scale may be summarized briefly as follows: 1. Specification of the attitude variable to be measured. V"- • , "2. Collection of a wide variety of opinions relating to the specified attitude variable. 3. Editing this material for a list of about • one hundred brief statements of Opinion. 4. Sorting the statements into an imaginary scale representing the attitude variable. This should be done by about three hundred readers. 5. Calculation of the scale value of each • statement. ' 6. Elimination of some statements by the criterion of ambiguity. . 7. Elimination of some statements by the 'criteria of irrelevance. 8, Selection of a shorter list of about twenty statements evenly graduated along the scale. 8. MEASUREMENT WITH AN ATTITUDE SCALE The practical application of the present measurement technique consists in presenting the final list of about twenty-five statements of . opinion to the group to be studied with the ,. request that they check with plus signs all the statements with which they agree and with mi-nus signs all. the statements with which they disagree. The score for each person is the aver-age scale value of all the statements that he has indorsed. In order that the scale be effec-tive toward the extremes, it is advisable that the statements in the scale be extended in both directions considerably beyond the attitudes wh|ch, will ever be encountered as mean values for individuals. When the score has been deter-mined for each person by the simple summa-tion just indicated, a frequency distribution can be plotted for the attitudes of any specified group. The reliability of the scale can be ascer-tained by preparing two parallel forms from the same material and by presenting both forms to the same individuals. The correlation between the two scores obtained for each per-son in a group will then indicate the reliability of the scale. Since the heterogeneity of the group affects the reliability coefficient, it is necessary to specify the standard deviation of the scores of the group on which the reliability coefficient is determined. The standard error of an individual score can also be calculated by an, analogous procedure. The unit of measurement in the scale when constructed by the procedure here outlined is not the standard discriminal error projected by a single statement on the psychological con-tinunm. Such a unit of measurement can be obtained by the direct application of the law of comparative judgment, but it is considerably more laborious than the method here described. T h e unit i n the present scale is a more arbi-trary one, namely, one-tenth of the range on the psychological continuum which covers the span from what the readers regard as extreme affirmation to extreme negation i n the particu-lar list of. statements with which we start. O f course the scale values can be determined with reliability to fractional parts of this unit. It is hoped that this unit may be shown experi-mentally to be proportional to a more precise and more universal unit of measurement such > as the standard discriminal error of a single statement of opinion. It is legitimate to determine a central ten-dency for the frequency distribution of atti-tudes i n a group. Several groups of individuals may then be compared as regards the means of their respective frequency distributions of atti-tudes. The differences between the means of several such distributions may be directly com-pared because of the fact that a rational base line has been established. Such comparisons are not possible when attitudes are ascertained merely by counting the number of indorsements to separate statements whose scale differences -have not been measured. In addition to specifying the mean attitude of each of several groups, it is also possible to measure their relative heterogeneity with re-gard to the issue i n question. T h u s i t w i l l be ATTITUDES CAN HE MEASURED 89 possible, by means of our present measurement methods, to discover for example that one group is 1.6 more heterogeneous in its attitudes about prohibit ion than some other group. 1 he heterogeneity of a group is indicated perhaps best by the standard deviation of the scale values of a l l the opinions that have been in-dorsed by the group as a whole rather than by the standard deviation of the distribution of individual mean scores. Perhaps different terms should be adopted for these two t y pes of measurement. T h e tolerance which a person reveals on any particular issue is also subject to quantitative measurement. It is the standard deviation of the scale values of the statements that he indorses. T h e maximum possible tolerance is of course complete indifference, i n which all of the statements arc indorsed throughout the whole range of the settle. If it is desired to know whith of two forms of appeal is the more effective oil atiy particu-lar issue, this can be determined by using the scale before and after the appeal. The differ-ence between the indiv idual scores, before and after, can be tabulated and the average shift in attitude following any specified form of appeal can be measured. T h e essential characteristic of the present measurement method is the scale of evenly graduated opinions so arranged that equal steps or intervals on the scale seem to most people to represent equally noticeable shifts i n attitude. A SCALE FOR MEASURING ATTITUDE TOWARD RACES AND NATIONALITIES H. H. Grice Edited by H. H. Rummers 105 Form A Please f i l l i n the blanks below. (You may leave the space for your name blank i f you wish.) Name Boy ' G i r l (encircle one) Age when school started this year. Date Year i n high school _or college. What occupation would you best l i k e to follow? _ Your race \ • Your nationality : Directions t -. Following i s a l i s t of statements about races and nationalities. Place a plus sign (+) before each statement with which you agree with reference to the race or nationality l i s t e d at the l e f t of the statements. The nerson i n charge w i l l t e l l you the race or nationality to write i n at the head of the columns to the l e f t of the statements. Your score w i l l i n no way affect your grade i n any course. . • ;-: Show a high irate of efficiency i n anything they attempt. Can be depended uoon as being honest. Are mentally strong. Are fine people. Are very p a t r i o t i c . Are far above my own group. Are noted for their industry. Some of our best citizens are descefc&anfca from; th i s group. Are a t a c t f u l group of people. Deserve much consideration from the rest of the world. I would be w i l l i n g to trust these people. Should be permitted to inter-marry with any other group. Command the respect of any group. Are generous to others. Are of a s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g nature. Are quick to apprehend. Should be permitted to enter this country as immigrants Form A 18. Are good mixers. 19. " Are a God-fearing group. , 20. Have an a i r of dignity about them, 21. Are highly emotional. 22. Take" an exceptional pride i n themselves. 23. Are superstitious. '24.' Are! fond'of display. 25.. Are. .unimaginative. 26. Are self-indulgent 27. So far as I am concerned this group can stay i n -their native country. 28. Do not,impress me favorably. » 29. Are, frivolous. 30. Are extravagant with their means. 31. I:am not;,^rh''sympathy with these people.-32. Tend;to lower the standards of l i v i n g of their neighbors.: 33. Are tactless. — : 34. Would l i k e l y prove disloyal to our government. ~" 35. Are despised by the better groups. 36. Have many undesirable t r a i t s . _ 37. 'Belong to a low s o c i a l l e v e l . -~ , 38. Have nothing about them that I can admire. 39. Should not be permitted to associate with other groups. 40. Should not be nermittsd to enter this country. . ,, A l l members of this grouo shvuld be deoorted * from this country. . 42. Are mentally defective. ,43. Respect only brute force. 44«, I hate anyone belonging to this group. ." 45• Are our worst citizens. 46. ^re i n f e r i o r in every way to the rest of the world. /.' • • >• • • ,'»'•' Copyrighted;by Purdue Research Foundation 1934 . " H. H. Grica , .Edited by H. H. Remmers 1 0 7 Form B Please f i l l in the blanks below. (You may leave the space for your name blank i f you wish.) Name Dato . Year in high school or college . • . Boy Girl (encircle one),. Age when school started thi3 year V.Tiat occupation would,you best like to follow? •  Your Race : ' Your nationality Directions: "' ; \ -., ' [".•' Following is a l i s t of statements about races and nationalities. Place a plus sign (+) before each statement with which you agree with reference to the race or nationality listed at the left of the statements. The person in charge v/ill t e l l you the race or- nationalityto (write in at the head of the columns to the left of the statements. Your score will in no way affect your grade in any course. - -. . . -I • • • - ••! ' * • \ 1. 'Are the finest in the world. 2. Are honest. 3« Are.the-most desirable class of immigrants. <* 4«;Have. an ideal home li f e . 5. Have a high standard of living. 6•. Tend to improve any group with which they come in contact. 7J Are superior in every way to the rest of the world. 8. I consider it a privilege to associate with this group. 9. Have an unusual ability for leadership. ,.. 10. Are on a. level with my own group. 11. ;The world is better off by having these people in i t . . 12. Are sincere in their actions. 13.Are religiously inclined, u 14« Are sociable, ";15».The higher class of this group are superior tc us. '•<* !,-•' : : : : :• : .16. Are conside7ate of others. •17• Are courageous in wars. >.:; ; • r Over . 18. Are sympathetic to others, 19. ' Can be :resourceful when necessary. 20. Should re regarded as any other group. ..  21. Are equal i n intelligence to the average person. > 22. I have no particular love or hatred for this group. 25.''A»e of a gregarioua nature. : . 24.'\Haye a.great love of power, ' ; . 25*'Are stingy. .; , I suppose these people are a l l right but I've never l i k e d them; 27. Must imitate others to succeed. 28. Have ia tendency toward insubbbdination. 29. W i l l not bear acquaintance.' 30. 'Are always suspicious of others. 31f Are. envious of others. 32.'.Have a. tendency to fight. ~~ ~' ' Must undergo many years of c i v i l i z a t i o n before they may * be said to have reached our own l e v e l . ..34« Are discourteous. 35. Are sluggish i n action. 36. Are unreasonable i n their attitude toward other groups. ' 37. Are slow and unimaginative. ; • 38. Are disorderly i n conduet. 39. I do not see how anyone can be fond of this group* • .• 40. Are a necessary e v i l to be endured. 4i« Are generally s l y and deceitful. 42. Are the most despicable people i n the world. ; ' ;. '43. We should cultivate a national hatred for these people. 44. Cannot be trusted. . 45 • Are the least respected people i n the world* | • • • 46. Are inferior i n every way to the rest of the world. "Copyrighted by Purdue'Research Foundation 1934 Scale to Moasuro Attitude to'txrd Races and Nationalities Directions f o r Scoring. The median scalo value of the statements marked with a plus i s the attitude score. If an odd number of state-raents i s thus endorsed,--the scale value of the middle item' of those, endorsed gives the score. _ To r _e xampl e, i f , n i he. s ta terae ats, are. endorsed of which-the f i f t h one is-itern 10,•• the score for the pupil i s 8.9, 'the"scalei value of item 10. If•an even number of items i s endorsed, the pupil's score i s the scale-value- half -way between the two middle itemsv ••Example: If -' ten items are endorsed of which items ~~f and 12 are the f i f t h and sixth^iri order,' the ! pupil's-score w i l l bo tho scale.valuo of itom 12 plus l;Ho difference between 8.7 (scale value : f o r item 13) and 9,3.(scalo value for item 7)t • divided by 2, or 9.0.-; "" A high* scalo value means a favorable ; attitudo, and a; low scalo vaiuo means an u n -' • _ i favorable attitude. COPYRIGHTED BY ; PDHDUE RESEARCH POUIIDATIOII, • 1934 • • OVER Statomont Form A 1. 10,9 2 , 10,2 5. 6 . 7, 8, 9, • 10. • 11. 12. II: 15. 16. 17. i s . 19. 2 0 . 21. 2 2 . II: 25. 26. 27. 2S. 29. 30. 31. 32. 35. 36, 37, 35. Uo. Hi. 42. U: 45. 4 6 . 10,0 9,9 9.S 9,5 9,3 ' 9,2 9.0 S,9 8,8 S.7 8 s S,2 S.l S.O 7.9 7.7 6,8 6,0 5,8 4.6 u.u 4.2 3,6 3,? 3.1 3.0 2.3 2,5 2,4 2,3 2.2 1,9 1.8 1,6 1.4 1,3 1.2 1.0 0.9 o.§ 0.7 0.4 For studies concerning the v a l i d i t y and r o l i r . b i l i t y of g e n e r a l i z e d a t t i t u d e scales "see" 'Remmors, E . II. r.nd ofchsrs, ^tudie^ i n A t t i t u d e s -A C o n t r i b u t i o n Jbo S o c i a l - P s y c h o l o^ical R o j ^ n i L.V^ o a s # Studios .in Higher Education XXVI. : B u l l e t i n of fry'raT U n l W r l i t y . V o l . XXXV, N o . 4, December, 1934. • Form B 10,5 10,2 10*0 9,9 9.s 9,5 9,3 9,2 9.0 a.9 s.s 6,7 S,5 s„4 8.2 8.1 8.0 7,9 7,7 6 . S 6.1 5,4 4.§ 4.4 4.2 3.6 3.5 3,1 3.0 2.7 2.5 2,4 2,3 2.2 1,9 1,S 1,6 ld 1,3 1,2 1.0 0.9 109 8 7 o.u .' SCALE TO IffiASURE ATTITUDE TOWARD RACES AlTD WATiOHALITiKi .- •• TABULATIOIT SHEET 110 County_ C i t y State School^ Teacher Dato Subject. Number of months i a school year ( e n c i r c l e one) 8. 9. 10 • ,. , i : 1 ' ' •; D i s t r i b u t i o n of Scores Grade Grade Grade Grade j A l l Grades Scjore . 'Bnvn \ G i r l a G i r l n PovR 'CiLrls-... , #?yn ..Girls,.. i q ; 5-10.9 '• "x '• io;o-io.4 • '•••>•''•'. 9*5- 9*9 SlOr 9*^ '• \ 8.5- S.9 . : • • ... S .0- 8.4; 7*5- 7*9 •;<:-^'- '•'„•••', .. 1..-7.0- 7*4 ='.'•'''.''' • 1 •'' 6i5- 6.9 6.0- 6.4 '•i .-, \A3A' 5*5- 5-9 5.0- 5.4 4.54 4.9 U.o- 4.4 ! . j-3*5- 3.9 — 3*0- 3*4 2*5- 2*9 2 .O7 2*4 1.5- 1.9 1 • * I i 1.0- 1.4 1 t ., , , 0.5- 0;9 .* > 1 0.0- 0.4, T o t a l Av. ( A r i t h . Mean) Score Please f i l l out and m a i l to Professor K. H. Remmers, D i v i s i o n of E d u c a t i o n a l Reference, Purdue U n i v e r s i t y , L a f a y e t t e , I n d i a n a . OVER-I l l SURVEY Please read the statements below, and c i r c l e the number preceding those statements w i t h which you agree. Leave those statements w i t h which you d i s a g r e e unmarked. Thank-you. 0.4 1. Indians are the lowest form of humanity. 0.7 2. I hate anyone belonging to the I n d i a n r a c e . 1.0 3. Indians have n o t h i n g about them I can admire. 1.2 4. Indians tend to be s l y and d e c e i t f u l . 1.4 5. I n d i a n s are o f t e n d i r t y and s m e l l y . 1.8 6. Education beyond grade ten i s t o t a l l y wasted upon the I n d i a n . 2.1 7. I t v/ould be b e t t e r i f I n d i a n s j u s t disappeared as a separate race and c u l t u r e . 2.5 8. Indians have a l o t of u n d e s i r a b l e t r a i t s . 2.8 9. Indians cannot l o o k a f t e r themselves without government a s s i s t a n c e . 3.2 10. Indians are considered i n f e r i o r to o t h e r s . 3.4 11. Indians do not impress me too much. 3.8 12. Indians can be unreasonable i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s w i t h o t h e r s . 4.1 13. Indians are s u s p i c i o u s people. 4.4 14. Indians are fond of pomp and ceremony. 4.6 15. Indians are more i n d u s t r i o u s than some groups, but l e s s i n d u s t r i o u s than o t h e r s . 4.9 16. Indians have no r e a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n i n being d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h t r e a t y s e t t l e m e n t s e t c . 5.2 17. Indians should be regarded as any other group. 5.5 18. Indians can be r e s o u r c e f u l when necessary. 5.7 19. Indians have been taken advantage of by other groups. 5.9 20. I n d i a n s have a great d e a l of p r i d e . 6.2 21. Indians are t a l e n t e d craftsmen. 6.5 22. Others can b e n e f i t from c o n t a c t w i t h the I n d i a n . 6.9 23. Indians are easy to get a l o n g w i t h . 7.2 24. I n d i a n s were b e t t e r masters of the l a n d than we have proven to be. 7.5 25. Indians deserve more d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n Ottawa. 7.8 26. I n d i a n s have been u n f a i r l y l a b e l l e d as savages by n o v e l s , T.V., movies e t c . 8.0 27. Canada i s b e t t e r o f f f o r having the I n d i a n people w i t h i n her bojftrders. 8.3 28. I n d i a n s were and are a courageous peoole. 8.5 29. I n d i a n s are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and honest. 8.9 30. I n d i a n s c o u l d teach us a great d e a l i f we would l i s t e n . 9.2 31. Indians are s k i l l e d at a n y t h i n g they attempt. 9.5 32. Indians are one of the most c r e a t i v e of peoples. 9.9 33. Indians have l o n g enjoyed a unique and s p e c i a l understanding of nature. 10.1 34. Indians have been i n d i s p e n s a b l e i n t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h i s country. 10.5 35.Indians understand more than any o t h e r peonle the d e l i c a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and h i s environment. 10.8 36. Indians are the n o b l e s t people on E a r t h . 


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