THE CHINESE MASS CAMPAIGN IN THE POST-MAO YEARS by CHRISTOPHER PAUL FULKER B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August @ 1991 Christopher Paul F u l k e r , 1991 In presenting this degree at the thesis in partial fulfilment of University of British Columbia, I agree freely available for reference copying of department this or publication of and study. thesis for scholarly by his or her Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) requirements that the I further agree purposes representatives. may be It this thesis for financial gain shall not permission. Date the for an advanced Library shall make it that permission for extensive granted is by the understood be that allowed without head of my copying or my written ii ABSTRACT The Chinese mass campaign was o r i g i n a l l y formed i n accordance w i t h t h e M a o i s t v i s i o n o f p o l i t i c a l participation. The "mass l i n e " dictum e n u n c i a t e d by Mao Zedong r e q u i r e d a r e l a t i o n s h i p o f r e c i p r o c i t y between t h e masses and t h e CCP i n terms o f e v o l v i n g i d e a s , improving and amending them through d i s c u s s i o n , and decisions. implementing I n t h i s p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s i t was v i t a l l y important t h a t t h e masses f r e e l y and v o l u n t a r i l y t h e i r own views. express O r i g i n a l l y , t h e mass campaign was a p o s i t i v e , pragmatic, and c o m m i t m e n t - f i l l e d way o f c o m p l e t i n g c o n s t r u c t i v e t a s k s , one i n which t h e masses p l a y e d an important themselves role. The v i s i o n o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r e v a i l i n g a t any g i v e n time has been a major f a c t o r i n shaping t h e n a t u r e o f t h e mass campaign. Central t o a consideration of the character of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s t h e degree t o which t h e masses a r e p e r m i t t e d t o p l a y t h e i r independent, role. a c t i v e , and i n t e g r a l Stemming from t h e p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e G r e a t Leap Forward, t h i s o r i g i n a l c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e mass campaign was i n c r e a s i n g l y c o r r u p t e d by d e v e l o p i n g " b u r e a u c r a t i s m " and "commandism" and a c t u a l mass declined. involvement With t h e b a s i c t a s k s o f s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n i ii seen as completed, t h e mass campaign began t o be used f o r "reforming the superstructure." behavioural Moralizing, l e c t u r i n g , and m o d i f i c a t i o n were some o f t h e t a s k s t o which t h e mass campaign was p u t , as t h e achievement o f s o c i a l stability goals. and p u b l i c c o o p e r a t i o n became important state Leadership d i s u n i t y r e s u l t e d i n the manipulation of the mass campaign f o r f a c t i o n a l ends. S i n c e t h e commencement o f t h e post-Mao r e f o r m Chinese s o c i e t y has e x p e r i e n c e d i n c r e a s e s and process, i n social disorder i n c y n i c a l , s e l f - c e n t r e d and a p a t h e t i c p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r . In r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e s e problems, t h e s t a t e has a l t e r e d t h e use o f t h e mass campaign t o t h e m i n i m a l i s t social control. one o f a t o o l f o r L e a d e r s h i p i n f i g h t i n g and disagreements over p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n and p a r t y " l i n e " have become e s p e c i a l l y prominent s i n c e t h e end o f t h e C u l t u r a l Revolution. by Mass campaigns have been commonly m a n i p u l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s and f a c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p i n r e c e n t years; c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and s t r u c t u r e has become shoddy and t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l d i r e c t i o n haphazard. Campaigns o f t h e 198 0s have c o n t i n u e d other trends. L i m i t e d t o use as l e c t u r i n g and m o r a l i z i n g t o o l s , subordinated leadership, t o d i s p l a y t h e s e and t o economic concerns, m a n i p u l a t e d by t h e l a c k i n g c o n s t r u c t i v e o r pragmatic g o a l s , and f e a t u r i n g meaningless c o n t e n t , they a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e masses. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table iv of Contents Introduction 1- 2 I d e n t i f y i n g t h e Mass Campaign 3-•12 The O r i g i n s o f Modern P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n 13- 27 China's D e v e l o p i n g S o c i a l M a l a i s e 28- 32 State and P u b l i c Responses t o S o c i a l M a l a i s e 33- 49 P i Lin Pi Rung 50- 62 Post-Reform Campaign E f f o r t s 63- 87 Conclusion 88- 89 Bibliography 90- 92 1 INTRODUCTION The mass campaign has l o n g been a f e a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with the People's Republic of China. Although i t c o n t i n u e s t o p l a y a l i m i t e d r o l e as a type o f m o b i l i z a t i o n , both t h e usage and s t r u c t u r e o f t h e mass campaign have undergone numerous changes. The more r e c e n t o f t h e s e developments have o f t e n f o l l o w e d e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n s o f change, some o f which f i r s t became e v i d e n t over 3 0 y e a r s ago. C e r t a i n l y t h e r o l e o f t h e mass campaign has been debased and m a r g i n a l i z e d somewhat. In f a c t , i t has been s t a t e d t h a t t h e "campaign s t y l e " i s no l o n g e r i n use i n t h e PRC today. T h i s study w i l l p r o v i d e evidence t o show t h a t t h i s i s not the case, and t h a t t h e mass campaign c o n t i n u e s t o p l a y a r o l e today, a l b e i t one much changed from t h e o r i g i n a l . study w i l l p r o v i d e answers t o f o u r q u e s t i o n s . campaign s t i l l i n use today? mass campaign developed? The I s t h e mass How has t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e What i s t h e new r o l e p l a y e d by t h e mass campaign i n t h e post-Mao p e r i o d ? Why have t h e s e changes o c c u r r e d ? S e c t i o n One o f t h i s study w i l l b r i e f l y examine t h e a c c e p t e d " s t a n d a r d " Mao-era mass campaign i n terms o f d e f i n i t i o n , mobilization indicators tactics), and g o a l s . ( a l s o a measure o f campaign Study o f t h e mass campaign has always 2 been i n s e p a r a b l y bound up w i t h t h e study o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a more g e n e r a l sense, and t h e development of t h e modern r o l e o f t h e mass campaign as one form o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be examined i n S e c t i o n Two. T h i s study done, i t becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y c l e a r t h a t a l t h o u g h the mass campaign remains i n use today, t h e s t a n d a r d model ( o f t e n w i t h p o s i t i v e , u s e f u l and e f f e c t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s ) i s no l o n g e r an a p p l i c a b l e one. the emergence T h i s outcome i s p a r t l y due t o o f economic and p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m s i n r e c e n t y e a r s , and i n p a r t t h e r e s u l t o f c o n t i n u i n g division. intra-leadership These f a c t o r s have been compounded by significant and growing s o c i a l problems, which w i l l be summarized i n S e c t i o n Three. S e c t i o n Four w i l l examine t h e r e s p o n s e s o f both t h e s t a t e and t h e p u b l i c t o t h e s e developments, and w i l l o u t l i n e some o f t h e ways i n which t h e uses and s t r u c t u r e o f t h e mass campaign have been a l t e r e d i n r e c e n t times t o more c l o s e l y meet t h e changed g o a l s o f t h e B e i j i n g regime. The f o c u s i n t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e study w i l l be on a number o f r e c e n t campaigns, both p r e - and p o s t - r e f o r m , which p r o v i d e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c examples o f t h e changed mass campaign. Even t h e most r e c e n t developments w i l l be seen t o conform t o t h e mass campaign i n i t s changed, post-Mao form and usage. 3 SECTION ONE - IDENTIFYING THE MASS CAMPAIGN The n a t u r e of the mass campaign and considered i t s development must i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h a t of the l a r g e r concept of mass m o b i l i z a t i o n . The mass campaign i s one p u t t i n g the masses i n t o a c t i o n and t a s k s , but method o f o f completing The a s e t of i t i s a l s o i l l u s t r a t i v e of a r a t h e r unique approach t o o r c h e s t r a t i n g p o l i t i c a l events and political be accomplishing goals. words "campaign s t y l e " are o f t e n used w i t h r e s p e c t to sundry Chinese p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s w i t h a m o b i l i z a t i o n a l focus. Degrees o f i n t e n s i t y e x i s t here, w i t h the term "mass campaign" (or yundong) r e p r e s e n t i n g an event f e a t u r i n g a t l e a s t some n o t i c e a b l e and p u r p o s e f u l increase i n i n t e n s i t y o f m o b i l i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y and which i s d i r e c t e d toward f u l f i l l m e n t of some g o a l . use i n t e n s e and o f t h i s p e c u l i a r ("campaign s t y l e " ) means o f a f f a i r s has it Such a v e r y become c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e c o u n t r y the serious conducting today, but i s not a Chinese i n v e n t i o n . Predating Chinese e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h mass campaigns were e v e n t s i n the S o v i e t Union, where some campaign-type a c t i v i t y has t a k e n p l a c e on a s p o r a d i c b a s i s . Movements t h e r e , however, were a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y run, w i t h the top-down a d m i n i s t r a t i v e h i e r a r c h y i n c o n t r o l . expected Consequently, 4 perhaps, t h e degree o f r e a l mass involvement o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n was o f t e n imposed minimal and a l a r g e dose o f c o e r c i o n t o ensure adequate was l e v e l s o f compliance. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e o r i g i n a l Chinese i d e a l o f a two-way t r a n s m i s s i o n o f views between masses and l e a d e r s . o f c o e r c i v e power was the Chinese, who Furthermore, t h e f r e q u e n t use i n sharp c o n t r a s t t o t h e p r a c t i c e o f have p r e f e r r e d t h e use o f p e r s u a s i o n and d i s c u s s i o n as methods o f i n c r e a s i n g u n d e r s t a n d i n g p r i o r t o obtaining compliance. Other s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , n o t a b l y Vietnam, have a l s o u t i l i z e d elements o f t h e "campaign Korea and Cuba, style." However, t h e most l i k e l y s o u r c e o f t h e Chinese e x p e r i e n c e l i e s i n the p e c u l i a r s e t of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t i n g i n the c o u n t r y a t the time o f the a n t i - J a p a n e s e s t r u g g l e i n the 1930s and e a r l y 1940s. i n communist-led A t t h a t time, p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n g u e r r i l l a a c t i v i t y became l i n k e d w i t h "...a w i d e - r a n g i n g community a t t a c k on r u r a l problems," under leadership of the party.1 ordinated In such a "people's war," co- community a c t i o n i n v o l v e d every i n d i v i d u a l . r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e CCP the and the masses which was A based on t h e former d i r e c t i n g and e x e r c i s i n g a u t h o r i t y over t h e l a t t e r would not engender amicable c o - o p e r a t i o n and goodwill. High m o b i l i z a t i o n a l needs r e q u i r e d a new means o f combining the r o l e o f the people as a "boundless s o u r c e o f 1 Mark Selden, The Yenan Way in Revolutionary China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 276. 5 power" and as "makers o f h i s t o r y " w i t h t h e p a r t y as t h e guiding, leading force i n society. The s t a n d a r d mass campaign was f i r s t employed i n p a r t y r e c t i f i c a t i o n e f f o r t s i n t h e l a t e 1930s and e a r l y 1940s. continued It i n f r e q u e n t use through t h e 1950s, r e a c h i n g peak use a t t h e time o f t h e Great Leap Forward. i n h i s Revolution c i t e s a vintage at Work: Mobilization C h a r l e s P. C e l l , Campaigns in China, (and t y p i c a l ) d e f i n i t i o n which o r i g i n a l l y appeared i n Hongqi. T h i s d e f i n e d t h e mass m o b i l i z a t i o n campaign i n China as an o r g a n i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n o f c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n aimed at transforming thought patterns, class/power relationships and/or economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and productivity.2 A l t h o u g h a good bare-bones d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s c o n t a i n s no mention o f what (or who) c o n s t i t u t e s t h e g u i d i n g o r l e a d i n g f o r c e i n t h e mass campaign. A more r e c e n t d e s c r i p t i o n h i g h l i g h t s the g u i d i n g / d i r e c t i n g r o l e of the p a r t y : 1) "...its substantive goal i s to advance socialism by t a r g e t i n g a particular obstacle and/or by promoting a p a r t i c u l a r i d e a l . " and 2) "... t h e p r o c e d u r a l requirements f o r a mass campaign a r e t h a t i t be o r g a n i z e d and launched from above, led by the party and mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and t h a t t h e masses be m o b i l i z e d beyond t h e i r normal r o u t i n e s . " 3 2 Charles P. Cell, Revolution at Work: Mobilization Campaigns in China (New York: Academic Press, Inc., 1977), p. 7. 3 Tyrone White, "Postrevolutionary Mobilization in China: The One-Child Policy Reconsidered," World Politics, vol. 43 no. 1 (October, 1990), p. 58. 6 N e i t h e r o f t h e s e d e f i n i t i o n s r e f e r s t o t h e o r i g i n a l view o f the campaign as a form o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n which the masses a r e i n t e n d e d t o p l a y an important r o l e . It is in t h i s l a t t e r r e g a r d t h a t some major t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s have taken p l a c e i n t h e l a s t 30 y e a r s , and e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e l a s t decade-and-a-half. While t h e a c t u a l t e c h n i q u e s and s t e p s i n v o l v e d i n c o n d u c t i n g a campaign have w i t n e s s e d few changes, t h e g o a l s o f campaigns, and t h e fundamental beliefs u n d e r l i n i n g t h e l e a d e r s h i p t h e r e o f , have both been g r e a t l y altered. Campaigns o f a l l t y p e s and s i z e s e x i s t , r a n g i n g from s m a l l l o c a l e f f o r t s t o nationwide movements. They a r e a l l d e s i g n e d t o meet a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f g o a l s , which can range from t h e pragmatic t a s k s o f b a s i c c o n s t r u c t i o n t o o b j e c t i v e l y preposterous i d e o l o g i c a l o f f e n s i v e s . Bennett, Leadership, Gordon i n h i s Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese Communist suggested a number o f t y p i c a l g o a l s which campaigns a r e i n t e n d e d t o f u l f i l l . These i n c l u d e d : 1) implementing e x i s t i n g p o l i c y 2) e m u l a t i n g advanced e x p e r i e n c e 3) i n t r o d u c i n g and p o p u l a r i z i n g new p o l i c i e s 4) c o r r e c t i n g d e v i a t i o n s from important p u b l i c norms 5) r e c t i f y i n g l e a d e r s h i p m a l p r a c t i c e s among r e s p o n s i b l e cadres o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s 6) p u r g i n g from o f f i c e i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l opposition i s excessive 7) e f f e c t i n g enduring changes i n both i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which w i l l c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e growth o f a c o l l e c t i v e s p i r i t and support t h e construction of socialism.4 7 There i s a perhaps a c e r t a i n amount o f ambiguity and o v e r l a p among t h e g o a l s i n t h i s t y p o l o g y , and some o f t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s are q u i t e d i f f u s e i n nature. occasions, On numerous d i s o r g a n i z e d campaign a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i d e o l o g i c a l i n f i g h t i n g among t h e s e n i o r l e a d e r s h i p have r e n d e r e d i t d i f f i c u l t t o determine what campaign g o a l s a r e w i t h any e x a c t n e s s . A more e a s i l y and w i d e l y applicable means o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e v a r i o u s t y p e s o f mass campaign i s needed. T h i s has been done by l o o k i n g a t campaigns n o t i n terms o f t h e i r g o a l s but r a t h e r i n terms o f t h e i r uses o r areas of concentration. campaigns, ideological Economic F.T.C. Yu d i s t i n g u i s h e d campaigns, and struggle economic campaigns.5 campaigns a r e those concerned w i t h t h e c a r r y i n g - o u t of pragmatic, c o n s t r u c t i v e t a s k s . become l e s s common i n t h e y e a r s t h i s c a t e g o r i z a t i o n i n 1967. T h i s t y p e o f campaign has s i n c e t h e development o f Yu d e f i n e d a struggle campaign as one i n which t h e t a r g e t i s t h e "power base and/or c l a s s p o s i t i o n o f enemy c l a s s e s o r groups."6 An i n d i v i d u a l o r group o f i n d i v i d u a l s i s s t r u g g l e d a g a i n s t . ideological campaign a r e " n o n - a n t a g o n i s t i c among t h e p e o p l e . " Targetted i n an contradictions The combatting o f t h e s e n e c e s s i t a t e s t h e 4 Gordon Bennett, Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese Communist Leadership, U.C. Berkeley Center for Chinese Studies China Research Monograph no. 12 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), p. 46. 5 F.T.C. Yu, "Campaigns, Communication and Development in Communist China," Communication and Change in Developing Countries, eds. Daniel Lerner and Wilbur Schramm (Honolulu: East-West Center, 1967), pp. 201-202. 6 Ibid. 8 performance o f such t a s k s as c o r r e c t i n g "erroneous t h i n k i n g , " r a i s i n g p o l i t i c a l consciousness c u l t u r a l and e d u c a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s . and a l t e r i n g T h i s i s now t h e most common type o f mass campaign because such e f f o r t s most c l o s e l y address t h e regime's c u r r e n t o b j e c t i v e s . C e l l , w r i t i n g as o f 1977, p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e r e a r e no e a s i l y d e f i n a b l e parameters t o a campaign; o f t e n , no d i s t i n c t s t a r t i n g o r f i n i s h i n g p o i n t s seem t o e x i s t . A l t h o u g h sundry e f f o r t s t o i n c r e a s e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a c t i v i t y may take p l a c e (for multitudinous reasons), i n themselves may n o t be p a r t o f any coherent, these organized campaign.7 The range o f events which c o u l d p l a u s i b l y be c a t e g o r i z e d as "campaigns" has i n c r e a s e d i n t h e r e c e n t p a s t . the p r o c e s s In l i n e with o f de-emphasizing i d e o l o g y , t h e Chinese appear t o use t h e word campaign l o o s e l y much o f t h e t i m e . "Campaigns" a g a i n s t i l l i t e r a c y , the l i k e seem t o c o n t i n u e c o r r u p t i o n , pornography, and on an off-and-on basis i n d e f i n i t e l y and show few c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f " t r u e " campaigns. Confusingly, the o f f i c i a l press r e f e r s t o t h e s e as campaigns. the 1990s? constantly What is a " t r u e campaign," i n We must f a l l back on t h e statement t h a t a n o t i c e a b l e increase i n organized m o b i l i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y 7 Cell, Revolution at Work, p. 7. 9 probably i n d i c a t e s t h a t some s o r t o f campaign e f f o r t i s i n the o f f i n g . D e t e r m i n i n g s p e c i f i c s t a r t and e s p e c i a l l y f i n i s h d a t e s i s now an increasingly of the i d e o l o g i c a l confusion, and because s e m i - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d nature l a x d i r e c t i o n a l e f f o r t s o f campaigns o f t h e 1980s and 1990s. Many o f t h e u s u a l textbook i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign a c t i v i t y may no l o n g e r be Cell inexact process observable. (1977) d e l i n e a t e d t h r e e t y p e s o f i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign activity. These were informational i n d i c a t o r s (newspaper a r t i c l e s , pamphlets, s i g n s , banners, " m o b i l i z a t i o n meetings," t a r g e t s f o r c r i t i c i s m , s l o g a n s ) ; organizational cadres, s t o r i e s f o r e m u l a t i o n and i n d i c a t o r s (sending-in of outside t h e c r e a t i o n o f workteams and t h e rearrangement/reallocation of resources and e s t a b l i s h e d programs and a c t i v i t i e s ) ; and mass participation indicators ( s i m i l a r t o o r g a n i z a t i o n a l ones b u t w i t h a much broader p u b l i c involvement: l e t t e r - w r i t i n g , after-hours p a r t i c i p a t i o n , m o b i l i z a t i o n o f s p e c i a l groups and organizations, r a l l i e s , c r i t i c i s m sessions).8 study groups and s t r u g g l e and/or Many o f t h e s e are s t i l l f e a t u r e s o f p o l i t i c a l events, common b u t i n t h e 1990s t h e y a r e n o t always i n d i c a t i v e o f a " t r u e " and thoroughgoing campaign effort. 8 Ibid., pp. 92-104. 10 Even i n M a o i s t times, a somewhat f u z z y d i v i d i n g l i n e existed between a mere event or s e r i e s o f events and a campaign proper: a l l campaigns i n v o l v e an i n c r e a s e d i n t e n s i t y o f a c t i v i t y beyond what i s expected i n r e g u l a r work and l i v i n g r o u t i n e s . For example, i f f a c t o r y l e a d e r s i s s u e a statement t h a t p r o d u c t i o n s h o u l d be i n c r e a s e d , and t h e matter i s perfunctorily d i s c u s s e d i n t h e c o u r s e o f a r e g u l a r i z e d study s e s s i o n , i t s h o u l d not be c o n s i d e r e d a campaign, even though t h e f a c t o r y b u l l e t i n board may c o n t a i n some new slogans or articles about raising production. However, i f t h e frequency o f study s e s s i o n s i n c r e a s e s , i f s l o g a n s are mounted over e n t r a n c e s t o the f a c t o r y , i f new b u l l e t i n boards a r e e r e c t e d , i f new p l a n s f o r mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e l a i d i n a new and s p e c i a l e f f o r t t o i n c r e a s e production i f , in short, information and a c t i v i t y i n d i c a t e s p e c i a l e f f o r t s and h e i g h t e n e d mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n and p e o p l e a r e m o b i l i z e d out of t h e i r normal work and/or l i v i n g p a t t e r n s , t h e n t h e s e events a r e a campaign. The absence of an e x p l i c i t formula means t h a t f o r m a r g i n a l s e t s o f events t h e r e may be some disagreement over whether t h e events a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e a campaign.9 To determine the r e a l e x t e n t of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a m o b i l i z a t i o n a l e f f o r t / c a m p a i g n , one c o u l d l o o k f o r mention o f t h e most t e l l i n g mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d i c a t o r s - t h o s e r e v e a l i n g t h e most d i r e c t , individual activities. meetings, i n t r u s i v e and demonstrative Small p u b l i c events, such as where t h e need f o r i n d i v i d u a l involvement i s greatest, f i l l t h i s r o l e b e s t and have been a common f e a t u r e o f most campaigns. A l a r g e p a r t of any mass campaign i s t h e e x p r e s s i n g o f views by t h e p u b l i c . Ad hoc newspapers (produced by a l l k i n d s of g r o u p s ) , meetings, 9 Ibid. local badges, s i g n s , 11 banners, p o s t e r s , and a l l s o r t s o f c r i t i c i s m / s e l f - c r i t i c i s m o p p o r t u n i t i e s were some o f t h e most obvious ways i n which t h i s has been c a r r i e d o u t . P u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s can range from s m a l l neighbourhood groups r e p o r t i n g t o a l a r g e r meeting t o more o r g a n i z e d l o c a l i t y , workplace o r s c h o o l s t u d y s e s s i o n s . L a r g e r events such as l o c a l , r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l rallies a l s o take place. Campaign meetings can t a k e many forms. typically The most common has been t h e "study" meeting, which i s u s u a l l y convened a f t e r an i n i t i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n meeting o r a n o t a b l e speech by a l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e . Criticism/self-criticism meetings a r e i n t e n d e d t o combat t a r g e t s which a r e among t h e masses and a r e n o t e x p l i c i t l y c a t e g o r i z e d as " t h e enemy," w h i l e t h o s e c l a s s i f i e d as " s t r u g g l e " meetings a r e aimed a t elements c a t e g o r i z e d as c l a s s enemies.10 I n campaigns such as P i Lin Pi Kung, where t h e "bad element" i s n o t p h y s i c a l l y p r e s e n t , a c r i t i c i s m o r condemnation meeting i s conducted. A l l t h e s e t y p e s o f meetings can o c c u r on an ongoing, s c h e d u l e d b a s i s , but t h e i r frequency increases during a campaign. Most o f t h e s e s p e c i f i c used today. a c t i v i t i e s are infrequently Compounding t h i s , changes have t a k e n p l a c e i n g e n e r a l campaign 10 Ibid., pp. 101-104. campaign a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e p a s t 15 y e a r s . Among 12 t h e s e have been an i n c r e a s e i n s l i p s h o d and incomplete campaign t a s k completion, i n d e c i s i o n over campaign f o c u s , growing r e g i o n a l and o t h e r d i s p a r i t i e s i n a p p l i c a t i o n , and t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f some campaign a c t i v i t i e s . These s t r u c t u r a l changes a p a r t , an abandonment o f t h e o r i g i n a l M a o i s t t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s behind mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n has a l s o taken p l a c e . C a t e g o r i z i n g a mass campaign has been made more d i f f i c u l t than was t h e case d u r i n g even t h e 1970s. 13 SECTION TWO - THE ORIGINS OF MODERN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION In a t t e m p t i n g t o a s s e s s t h e r o l e o f t h e mass campaign i n China today, i t must be examined as something other than a mere mechanism o r event d e s i g n e d t o work a g a i n s t some t a r g e t or fulfill some g o a l . I t was d e v i s e d i d e a l l y t o be more than a mere d e v i c e f o r p o l i c y implementation or a planned event i n t e n d e d t o f u l f i l l some o b j e c t i v e . Over t h e y e a r s i t has been used as one of many forms of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and mass m o b i l i z a t i o n . By l o o k i n g a t t h e n a t u r e of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n m o b i l i z a t i o n , we was and can determine both what r o l e t h e yundong i n t e n d e d t o p l a y and how t h a t r o l e has been g r e a t l y a l t e r e d over time i n o r d e r t o meet t h e most important of t h e regime's new of t h e CCP o b j e c t i v e s : the p r o t e c t i o n of t h e l e a d i n g role and t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f s o c i a l o r d e r . P u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e i n t h e PRC e f f e c t e d i n t h r e e ways. One can be of t h e s e , under which heading t h e mass campaign i s u s u a l l y p l a c e d , can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as t h e official avenue of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Illicit participation not s a n c t i o n e d by t h e s t a t e c o n s t i t u t e s another means, a l b e i t a r i s k y one, of g i v i n g a c c e s s and i n f l u e n c e . r o u t e i s t h a t o f informal participation, A including that third 14 < based on i n t e r p e r s o n a l t i e s . A l l of these types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n s e r v e d i f f e r e n t purposes and a l l have shortcomings which i n t u r n c o n t r i b u t e t o s o c i a l disaffection. In t h e PRC, a l l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s expected t o support t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e p a r t y . A clear difference e x i s t s between a u t h o r i z e d , orthodox p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and Some o f t h e l a t t e r has r e c e n t l y unauthorized protest. been c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a " c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e b e l l i o n . " T h i s apt c h o i c e o f words i l l u m i n a t e s t h e s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e p a r t y and " o f f i c i a l " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the country. enshrined political P a r t i c i p a t i o n has always been i n t h e "mass l i n e " and i s expected t o be an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f promoting s o c i a l i s m . i l In t h i s traditional M a o i s t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n , guidance and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n were expected t o f l o w both up and down t h e power s t r u c t u r e , w i t h c a d r e s a c t i n g as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , masses t o h i g h e r c o n d u c t i n g t h e views o f t h e b o d i e s o f a u t h o r i t y and a l s o them, i f need be, through p e r s u a s i o n Four p r o g r e s s i v e perception, educating and d i s c u s s i o n . s t a g e s comprised t h e mass l i n e process: summarization, a u t h o r i z a t i o n , and implementation. In the f i r s t o f these, t h e cadres, 11 For the classic expostulation of the mass line, see Mao Zedong, "Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership," Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 3 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), pp. 117-130; for a cursory outline of the permitted role of Party members, see Theodore Hsi-En Chen and Wen-Hui C. Chen, "The Three-Anti' and 'Five-Anti' Movements in Communist China," Pacific Affairs, vol. 26 no. 1 (March, 1953), pp. 3-4. 15 o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n t h e masses themselves, were t o note t h e " s c a t t e r e d and u n s y s t e m a t i c views" o f t h e masses. They would t h e n summarize t h e s e and t r a n s m i t t h e r e s u l t s t o t h e h i g h e s t r e s p o n s i b l e a u t h o r i t y i n t h e a r e a concerned. Any n e c e s s a r y d i r e c t i v e s o r a u t h o r i z a t i o n s would then be i s s u e d by t h a t body, and f i n a l l y t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s would be e x p l a i n e d and p o p u l a r i z e d among t h e masses " u n t i l embrace them as t h e i r own" through they implementation.12 T h i s a l s o a p p l i e d i n terms o f t h e e v o l u t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l thought. " R a i s i n g t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s " o f t h e masses was seen as a p r o c e s s i n v o l v i n g c o n t i n u o u s r e p e t i t i o n o f t h i s reciprocal, i n t e r a c t i v e process. In t h i s never-ending p r o g r e s s i o n , t h e p a r t y and c a d r e s would t a k e t h e l e a d , f o l l o w e d f i r s t by t h e most " p r o g r e s s i v e " c l a s s e s and then by the l e s s advanced. Through d i s c u s s i o n , p e r s u a s i o n , and a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by a l l , u n i t y would be a c h i e v e d : This concept of the transformation of selfinterest into public interest through " c u l t i v a t i o n " was premised on t h e assumption t h a t under s o c i a l i s m t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and those of the c o l l e c t i v e were always i n principle compatible - that i s , t h e y merged. Merging took p l a c e by t a c i t r e c i p r o c a l agreement: t h e i n d i v i d u a l performed c e r t a i n s e r v i c e s f o r t h e c o l l e c t i v e and t h e c o l l e c t i v e i n t u r n p r o v i d e d f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s welfare.13 12 John W. Lewis, Leadership in Communist China (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1963), pp. 70-75. 13/Wd., p. 25. 16 The e d u c a t i o n , d i s c u s s i o n , review and r e - f o r m u l a t i o n was t o be never-ending; a l l " s o l u t i o n s " t o problems (contradictions among t h e people) were, i n a sense, temporary ones. P u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s n a t u r a l l y expected t o t a k e p l a c e through t h e CCP and i t s a d j u n c t organs, b u t both t h e p a r t y and t h e p u b l i c can e x e r t i n f l u e n c e . c o n t r o l through leading participating. The p a r t y r e a l i z e s and t h e masses " c o n t r o l " by way o f The masses a r e expected t o be a b l e t o o b t a i n i n f l u e n c e s o l e l y through t h e p a r t y . P o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , through a mass campaign conducted by t h e p a r t y , c o n s t i t u t e s a form o f d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s l a r g e r sense.14 China does n o t p o s s e s s d i r e c t arrangements f o r o t h e r than l o w e r - l e v e l b o d i e s . voting There a r e no a u t h o r i z e d independent p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s o r t r u l y independent p r e s s u r e / l o b b y groups p e r m i t t e d t o o p e r a t e within the o f f i c i a l state structure.15 Democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n t a k e s p l a c e i n t h e public sphere, Chinese Communist P a r t y . through t h e The p a r t y , w i t h i t s mass membership, i s i n t e n d e d t o be t h e i n s t r u m e n t o f m o b i l i z a t i o n f o r t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. Any p e r m i t t e d d i s s e n t i s expected t o be r a i s e d w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f t h e CCP. Such 14 Bennett, Yundong, p. 18. 15 There were, as of 1990, eight "non-Communist parties" in the PRC which were allied with the CCP, but their scope for autonomous action was negligible. See Li Chiu-i, '"Multiparty Cooperation' Under the CCP's Leadership," Issues and Studies, vol. 26 no. 11 (November, 1990), pp. 75-85. 17 " m o b i l i z a t i o n a l democracy" has as one instrument t h e yundong, which s h o u l d ideally link individual activist commitment w i t h s t a t e / p a r t y d i r e c t i o n : a Chinese yundong i s a government-sponsored e f f o r t to storm and e v e n t u a l l y overwhelm strong but vulnerable b a r r i e r s t o the progress o f s o c i a l i s m through i n t e n s i v e mass m o b i l i z a t i o n o f a c t i v e p e r s o n a l commitment.16 A c t i v i t y which does n o t f u r t h e r t h e i d e a l s and o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e p a r t y i s p r o h i b i t e d , b u t spontaneous v o l u n t a r y i n support The o f p a r t y aims i s encouraged and indeed achievement o f t h i s i d e a l i s c o n s i d e r e d a activity expected. long-term g o a l , one which c a n o n l y be forwarded t h r o u g h ongoing d i l i g e n t educational e f f o r t s . As an important m o b i l i z a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , mass campaign must be c o n s i d e r e d v o l u n t a r i l y and i n d e p e n d e n t l y The means o f i n mass l i n e t h e o r y , t h e as one method o f e x p r e s s i n g mass o p i n i o n . n e c e s s i t y o f v o l u n t a r y and u n s o l i c i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s rooted i n t h e view t h a t the masses a r e t h e c r e a t o r s o f h i s t o r y ; t h e p a r t y cannot accomplish must r e l y on t h e masses t o a c h i e v e anything i t s goals. a " l e a d i n g " r o l e o n l y because i t p o s s e s s e s knowledge and e x p e r i e n c e . alone, b u t The p a r t y has the greater " I n c o r r e c t " mass o p i n i o n s must be s y n t h e s i z e d i n t h e way d e s c r i b e d e a r l i e r , t h r o u g h " p a t i e n t persuasion 16/b/d. and e d u c a t i o n , " u n t i l u l t i m a t e l y t h e masses w i l l 18 be primed Although t o engage i n " c o n s c i o u s and voluntary o s t e n s i b l y p a r t y - l e d , t h i s s h o u l d be a c t i o n by t h e masses taken o f t h e i r own a c c o r d . guided, action." Participation, s h o u l d thus produce popularly-derived although and executed policy. The p u b l i c ' s mere obedience i s inadequate, f o r the d i c t a t o r s h i p of the p r o l e t a r i a t i s intended t o prepare the populace f o r r e a l l y fundamental s o c i a l changes. Citizens a r e expected t o observe and be f a m i l i a r w i t h a l a r g e number of r e g u l a t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s , and s h o u l d e x h i b i t minded b e h a v i o u r s . They must be s o c i a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e and exercise v i g i l a n c e i n the public i n t e r e s t . More i m p o r t a n t l y , they must a c t i v e l y Jbecome involved out i f a l l matters understanding civic- and speak a r e t o be f u l l y a i r e d and f u l l i s t o be developed. The mass campaign i s i n t e n d e d t o p l a y t h i s r o l e as a g r a s s r o o t s , v o l u n t a r y and p r o a c t i v e method o f p u b l i c m o b i l i z a t i o n and In expression.17 l i g h t o f t h e l i m i t e d uses t o which t h e mass campaign has been p u t i n t h e post-Mao y e a r s , t h i s i s a r a t h e r r o s y and optimistic description. institutionalized and directed The mass campaign has become an means o f orthodox, p u b l i c involvement. acceptable, expected, I t no l o n g e r f u l f i l l s i t s i d e a l r o l e as a means o f a c t i v i s t , i n d i v i d u a l l y - m o t i v a t e d 17 For a fuller discussion of the role of voluntary and unsolicited mass activism, see James R. Townsend, Political Participation in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), pp. 72-76. 19 and committed m o b i l i z a t i o n , animated t o some e x t e n t by t h e masses themselves. Many o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s i n t h e p r e - C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n e r a c o n c u r r e d w i t h t h e orthodox L e n i n i s t view t h a t t h e expansion o f p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e s had t o keep pace with the transformation of the r e l a t i o n s of production. r e s u l t a n t g r a d u a l expansion The o f p r o d u c t i v i t y would encourage the p u b l i c t o j o i n i n l a r g e r c o l l e c t i v i t i e s f o r g r e a t e r p r o f i t a b i l i t y and e f f i c i e n c y thus e f f e c t i n g t h e merger o f p u b l i c - and s e l f - i n t e r e s t . P a r t y devotees and members would, i n t h i s c o n c e p t i o n , be more than w i l l i n g t o work o b j e c t i v e l y f o r t h e c o l l e c t i v e good knowing t h a t t h e i r own p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s and those o f t h e p u b l i c would a t some p o i n t merge. The foregoing i s a b r i e f encapsulation of the t r a d i t i o n a l M a o i s t view o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n which t h e r e was supposed t o be an e s s e n t i a l l y c i r c u l a r and r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e masses and t h e e l i t e s . t h i s system tended t o become somewhat p e r v e r t e d . A f t e r 1949, Criticisms were v o i c e d t o t h e e f f e c t t h a t t h e a c t u a l r o l e o f t h e masses had l a r g e l y become l i m i t e d t o echoing p o s i t i o n s formulated and s u p p o r t i n g by t h e p a r t y l e a d e r s h i p . 1 8 f o l l o w i n g t h e p r o c e s s o f making s o c i a l l y behaviour compatible In beneficial with the p u r s u i t of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , i t 18 See Lowell Dittmer, "Public and Private Interests and the Participatory Ethic in China," Citizens and Groups in Contemporary China, ed. Victor C. Falkenheim (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1987), pp. 17-44. 20 became d i f f i c u l t motivated greed. t o determine whether a g i v e n i n d i v i d u a l was by r e v o l u t i o n a r y ardour o r by s e l f i s h n e s s and Both t y p e s o f behaviour c o u l d be a c h i e v e d simultaneously, through t h e same a c t i o n s . The r e s u l t was t h a t t h e former a t r o p h i e d , as c o n c e n t r a t i o n was n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y p l a c e d on t h e l a t t e r . I t was d i f f i c u l t to t e l l i f a g i v e n p e r s o n was a c t i n g i n t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e masses, the s t a t e , o r t h e p a r t y - o r merely p u r s u i n g h i s own personal The goals. C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n r a d i c a l s , who viewed p u b l i c - and s e l f - i n t e r e s t as fundamentally irreconcilable, number o f o r i g i n a l p a t t e r n s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n , unsigned b i g - c h a r a c t e r poster (dazibao), introduced a such as t h e t h e independently- p u b l i s h e d t a b l o i d newspaper, and a degree o f freedom t o t r a v e l and exchange e x p e r i e n c e s commune o f 1967 p e r m i t t e d (quanlian). The Shanghai a measure o f autonomous mass a c t i o n , f r e e from t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n and control of the party. l i n e process During these y e a r s , t h e f o r m a l mass as a method o f i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e wishes o f t h e masses was n e g l e c t e d . However, e f f o r t s were a l s o made t o e l i m i n a t e t h e "commandism" and top-down p a r t y direction which had become rampant d u r i n g t h e L i u Shaoqi e r a . The c e n t r a l question a r i s i n g i n t h i s discussion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e masses and t h e l e a d e r s i s : Who a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e s t h e l e a d i n g f o r c e behind mobilization? 21 Even under Mao's l e a d e r s h i p , two d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f m o b i l i z a t i o n were d e t e c t e d . One o f t h e s e was t h a t i n which p a r t y members were s u b j e c t e d t o t h e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e nonp a r t y masses ("open-door"). T h i s i s a form o f p o p u l a r l y - l e d m o b i l i z a t i o n from below, and has a l s o been termed "storming." I t contemplates a somewhat d i r e c t i v e r o l e f o r t h e masses and f u l f i l l s p a r t o f t h e "mass l i n e " requirement of r e c i p r o c i t y i n communication between t h e masses and t h e leadership. The o t h e r model, termed " e n g i n e e r i n g , " i n v o l v e s l e a d e r s h i p from above by t h e p a r t y and has been l i n k e d t o L i u Shaoqi and a d i s t i n c t l y L e n i n i s t o u t l o o k . commonly a means o f p u r s u i n g more pragmatic, practical It is s p e c i f i c , and goals.19 As was t h e case i n t h e e a r l y 1960s, t h e second model o f m o b i l i z a t i o n seems t o have f i r m l y s u p p l a n t e d t h e f i r s t i n t h e post-Mao y e a r s . I n terms o f d i r e c t i o n , t h e mass campaign i s now i n t e n d e d t o be s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d and a d m i n i s t e r e d by t h e p a r t y and s t a t e l e a d e r s h i p , o r moreover by those among them who a r e i n e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l . 2 0 These may be t h e l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s b e s t a b l e t o make use o f t h e mass campaign as a t o o l f o r g a i n i n g p e r s o n a l o r f a c t i o n a l advantage, they may be ardent p u r s u e r s o f reform, or they 19 See Lowell Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution: The Post-Liberation Epoch, 1949-1981 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 6. 20 Leaders have at times appeared to be attempting to manipulate mass activity for their own ends, as in the case of Deng Xiaoping during the Democracy Wall Movement of 1978-79, Hu Yaobang in 1986-87, or Zhao Ziyang in 1989. 22 may be g e n u i n e l y committed i d e o l o g u e s . The g o a l s and t a r g e t s chosen must be outwardly r a t i o n a l i z e d as s e r v i n g t h e interests of the party. At l e a s t , they such, a f a c t which o f t e n r e s u l t s must t o be seem i n rather disorganized campaign e f f o r t s w i t h near-meaningless a c t u a l content. This campaign r o l e i s a v e r y l i m i t e d one. There a r e a l i m i t e d number o f o f f i c i a l l y - a c c e p t e d forms o f p u b l i c p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n China today. the effectiveness constraints, Furthermore, o f t h e s e i s c i r c u m s c r i b e d by a number o f t h e most obvious o f which i s t h e need t o work w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f t h e Chinese Communist P a r t y . Additionally, such p o p u l a r e l e c t i o n s as do e x i s t a r e generally r e s t r i c t e d t o the s e l e c t i n g o f members o f lower- l e v e l b o d i e s and t h e number o f c a n d i d a t e s p e r m i t t e d t o s t a n d i n t h e s e c o n t e s t s has, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , Participation (and the been i s viewed by many, f o r b e t t e r limited. o r f o r worse, c e r t a i n l y by t h e l e a d e r s h i p ) as m o b i l i z a t i o n supporting d e c i s i o n s and p o l i c i e s o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p and t h e p a r t y . Other forms o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e l a r g e l y prohibited. Even so, involvement i n f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s can present opportunities f o r exerting influence f o r being subjected t o i t . as w e l l as L o c a l work and r e s i d e n c e unit p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been viewed as "...an i n t e g r a l form o f national participation."21 Among t h e p e a s a n t r y , mass 23 meetings and work teams p r e s e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s not o n l y r e c e i v e d i r e c t i o n but a l s o chances t o p r o v i d e decisions. Mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s peasant a s s o c i a t i o n s b r i g a d e - l e v e l women's f e d e r a t i o n xiehui) (funu o s t e n s i b l e purpose i s t o m o b i l i z e informal lower-middle and the lianhehui) have some c a p a c i t y t o be used i n t h i s way, Such other i n p u t and make such as poor and (pinxiazhongnong to even though t h e i r s u p p o r t f o r the regime. o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n p u t as e x i s t are l a r g e l y i n nature. These have the drawback of not being adequate f o r the o b t a i n i n g of many o b j e c t i v e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e such as a c c e s s t o overseas e d u c a t i o n a l which r e q u i r e the c o - o p e r a t i o n dazibao, opportunities, of t h e s t a t e . Petitions, the w r i t i n g of l e t t e r s of p r o t e s t and f o r e i g n media a t t e n t i o n are some of t h e s e . more dubious the use of Activities of (and p r o b a b l y i l l e g a l ) r e p u t e such as corruption, s t r i k e s and withholding goods and slow-downs, the o f f e r i n g of b r i b e s , s e r v i c e s and f a l s e r e p o r t i n g have a l s o t a k e n place.22 I n f o r m a l a c t i v i t i e s are sometimes q u i t e nebulous i n n a t u r e . The power t o i n f l u e n c e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and the o c c u p y i n g o f a l e g a l l y - d e f i n e d p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y are o f t e n o f l e s s e r importance i n China than are f a c t o r s such as p o s i t i o n s h e l d by one's s u p p o r t e r s , guanxi, o r perhaps even 21 John Burns, "Political Participation of Peasants in China," Citizens and Groups in Contemporary China, pp. 91-121. 22/o/d., p. 105. 24 financial clout. Other i n t e r p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s which come i n t o p l a y can i n c l u d e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l o c a l i t y o r k i n s h i p (surname) t i e s , epitomized i n the " f i v e kinds of personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , " o r vrutong l i n e a g e , same v i l l a g e , guanxi: same surname, same same s c h o o l , and same workplace. However, spontaneous mass a c t i v i s m o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n t y p e i s now, o f c o u r s e , discouraged.23 D i s r u p t i o n o r any spontaneous p o p u l a r d i s o r d e r would seem t o evoke sheer t e r r o r i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p . T h i s has been made e s p e c i a l l y e v i d e n t s i n c e t h e death o f Mao by t h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f m o r a l i z i n g campaigns, law and o r d e r b l i t z e s , and p r o p a g a n d i z i n g a g a i n s t any b e h a v i o u r which c a r r i e s even a w h i f f o f autonomous a c t i o n . Lowell Dittmer p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e r o l e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n today i n some ways resembles t h a t o f t h e e a r l y 1960s, w i t h i n c r e a s i n g emphasis on amending p e r s o n a l behaviour and t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g o f regime l e g i t i m a c y . 2 4 However, he sees t h e modern r o l e o f t h e p a r t y as t h a t o f an i n t e r m e d i a r y o r b r o k e r between c o l l e c t i v e , group, and i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s . In very recent mass campaigns ( a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " ) , one notes a degree o f xenophobia p o p u l i s m which a r e h o l d o v e r s from M a o i s t t i m e s . and The 23 Evidence of this was provided by the 1980 revision of the state constitution eliminating the "four big" popular rights (sida) "to speak out freely, air views freely, hold great debates, and write dazibao." More recently, China's first "Law on Mass Rallies and Demonstrations" was passed to control such events; see Stephen Uhalley, Jr., "Structural Political Reform in Mainland China: Before and After Tienanmen," Issues and Studies, vol. 26 no. 7 (July, 1990), p. 53. 24 Dittmer, "Public and Private Interests," pp. 40-43. 25 c h a r a c t e r o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s undoubtedly changing, but a p p a r e n t l y n o t i n a c o n s i s t e n t and c l e a r direction. P r i o r t o t h e mid-1950s, t h e mass campaign was used as i t was d e v i s e d t o be used: f o r t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f p r a g m a t i c t a s k s of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , t h e a c h i e v i n g o f committed and c o - o p e r a t i v e p u b l i c m o b i l i z a t i o n t o t h i s end, and as one component o f t h e mass l i n e concept o f r e c i p r o c a l communication between t h e l e a d e r s and t h e masses. From t h a t p e r i o d u n t i l t h e advent o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , a g r a d u a l p r o c e s s o f imposing a more s t a r k l y L e n i n i s t , t o p down a d m i n i s t r a t i o n took p l a c e . Accompanying growing use o f t h e mass campaign as a superstructure. tool t h i s was a f o r reforming the Campaigns were used f o r t h e promotion o f t h e regime's p o l i t i c a l l e g i t i m a c y through t h e m a n i p u l a t i o n of p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s . In t h e e a r l y 1960s, problems such as a u t h o r i t a r i a n decision- making, top-down "commandism," and burgeoning b u r e a u c r a c y were p e r c e i v e d as growing t h r e a t s . e a r l y i n PRC h i s t o r y . These had t h e i r roots Immediately a f t e r t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e PRC i n 1949, a number o f problems w i t h i n t h e Communist P a r t y became apparent. The new government had s e v e r a l p r e s s i n g t a s k s which had t o be accomplished as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e and which c o u l d not w a i t f o r t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f a new system o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i t h l a r g e l y 26 new personnel. Land reform, economic improvement, and p o l i t i c a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n were paramount among t h e s e . In a d d i t i o n , and "counterrevolutionary landlords," "bandits," " N a t i o n a l i s t s p e c i a l agents" had t o be fought. problem was A major the shortage of s k i l l e d and e x p e r i e n c e d cadres, which l e d t o t h e use of f o r c e and c o e r c i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n s i t u a t i o n s where u n d e r s t a f f i n g n e c e s s i t a t e d i t . Sufficient e x p l a n a t i o n s , small-group d i s c u s s i o n s , e x p l a n a t i o n o f advantages and o t h e r such t e c h n i q u e s p e r f e c t e d i n e a r l i e r times were o f t e n n o t a b l y absent, w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t t h e expected r a p p o r t w i t h the common people was forthcoming. I n e x p e r i e n c e was not always a l s o n o t a b l e among c a d r e s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a t t h e h i g h e r l e v e l s , where u n r e a l i s t i c quotas and e x p e c t a t i o n s were compounded by e x c e s s i v e r e g u l a t i o n and paperwork. I t was f e a r e d t h a t what was c a l l e d " b u r e a u c r a t i s m " and "commandism" were c a u s i n g t h e new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o look d i s t i n c t l y l i k e t h e o l d one. These t r e n d s , which c o n t i n u e d and were l a t e r t o be l i n k e d t o L i u Shaoqi, were t e m p o r a r i l y h a l t e d d u r i n g t h e e a r l y of the C u l t u r a l Revolution. The emphasis i n t h i s years latter p e r i o d , o f t e n seen as one v a s t mass campaign i n i t s e l f , was on a l l o w i n g g r e a t e r and more spontaneous p o p u l a r participation. Such s p o n t a n e i t y was a c h i e v e d through the employment of s e v e r a l means of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , one o f which was t h e mass campaign. The t y p e s and uses of p a r t i c i p a t i o n 27 encouraged and p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g d i f f e r e n t time p e r i o d s a r e especially revealing. These d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e n a t u r e of p e r m i t t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e an a i d i n d e t e r m i n i n g i d e o l o g i c a l t u r n i n g - p o i n t s and thus h e l p i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g one e r a i n post-1949 China from another. The C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n w i t n e s s e d many n o v e l means o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n , n o t a b l e among which were t h e p r o v i n c i a l mass u p r i s i n g s , t h e Shanghai commune, t h e Red t h e v a r i o u s ad hoc Guard movement and o p p o s i t i o n groups which c r i t i c i z e d o r g a n i z e d r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees. the The then r a t h e r i n e f f e c t u a l s t a t e o f the p a r t y committees a l s o speaks volumes about the changed n a t u r e o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n a t t h i s time. L i k e w i s e , the p o s t - C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n measures such as t h e May reform Seventh Cadre Schools, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e down-sizing and retrenchment and some d e v o l u t i o n of economic a u t h o r i t y back t o t h e p r o v i n c e s evidenced a change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power among t h e l e a d e r s and t h e l e d . T h i s was an e x c e p t i o n a l p e r i o d , f e a t u r i n g r a p i d changes i n t h e a c c e p t e d view of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n . "improvements" were t o be eroded c o n f l i c t s between r e f o r m e r s While t h e s e somewhat d u r i n g t h e and r a d i c a l s of t h e mid-1970s, a major change of d i r e c t i o n d i d not occur a g a i n u n t i l t h e r e emergence o f Deng X i a o p i n g a f t e r the T h i r d Plenum of 1978. SECTION THREE - CHINA'S DEVELOPING SOCIAL MALAISE The massive show o f p u b l i c d i s i n t e r e s t which has g r e e t e d most r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s i s r e f l e c t i v e o f a more g e n e r a l m a l a i s e among t h e p o p u l a t i o n over t h e l i m i t e d and i n e f f e c t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n p u t p r o v i d e d by channels. official China remains a b a s i c a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e s o c i e t y i n which t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r upward m o b i l i t y and financial advancement, and t h e rewards f o r same, remain v e r y limited. O f t e n , t h e p o t e n t i a l rewards which can be g l e a n e d from engaging i n i l l e g a l , b o r d e r l i n e - i l l e g a l or informal activity v a s t l y outweigh t h a t remuneration which i s n o r m a l l y meted out f o r j u s t plodding along. The same a p p l i e s t o t h o s e who choose, o r a r e a b l e , t o t a k e advantage o f t h e economic l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of recent years. c o r r u p t , t h e i n d i v i d u a l who Today, u n l e s s he i s remains s t o l i d l y working a t h i s a p p o i n t e d p o s t f o r y e a r s a c h i e v e s a t b e s t a modest measure of the security. The r e a l l y f i n a n c i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l , a p a r t from unpunished c r i m i n a l element, a r e t h o s e who have t a k e n advantage o f economic l i b e r a l i z a t i o n and engaged i n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s d e s i g n e d t o s a t i s f y some unmet public need. The post-Mao p r o c e s s o f economic r e f o r m has had both p o s i t i v e and adverse s o c i a l consequences. Ongoing r e f o r m 29 e f f o r t s o f r e c e n t y e a r s have had t h e e f f e c t o f r e d u c i n g s o c i a l c o h e s i v e n e s s , c r e a t i n g unemployment and redundancy, and i n c r e a s i n g t h e income gap e x i s t i n g between r i c h and poor. D e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f township government and economic a u t h o r i t y , and l a c k o f f i n a n c i a l i n c e n t i v e s f o r cadre work have r e s u l t e d i n a l e s s e n i n g o f t h e g r i p o f both p a r t y and s t a t e on t h e l i v e s o f r u r a l inhabitants.25 F o r b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f reform, such g r e a t e r freedom has brought a measure o f independence, which i n t u r n f u r t h e r l e s s e n s t h e s t a t e ' s h o l d on t h e i r lives. C o n v e r s e l y , t h e needed s o c i a l s a f e t y n e t i s becoming d a n g e r o u s l y t h i n f o r those unable t o p r o f i t from t h e new policies. Both t h e g a i n s i n p e r s o n a l freedom and t h e economic problems c r e a t e d have undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d t o r e c e n t i n c r e a s e s i n crime and d i s o r d e r l y b e h a v i o u r . Jurgen Domes, i n h i s The Government and Politics A Time of Transition, of the PRC: concurs w i t h t h e views o f Tyrene White r e g a r d i n g t h e e f f e c t s o f ( e s p e c i a l l y ) economic change on Chinese s o c i e t y . 2 6 Both a u t h o r i t i e s view r e c e n t changes as h a v i n g been most n o t i c e a b l e i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s . Among t h e r e f o r m s , t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y system, and t h e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e r o l e o f t h e c o l l e c t i v e a r e c i t e d as 25 The growth of informal economic activities in recent years has had the effect of causing a significant loss of central government revenue. See Michael D. Swaine, "China Faces the 1990's: A System in Crisis," Problems of Communism, vol. 39 no. 3 (May-June, 1990), pp. 24-26. 26 Jurgen Domes, The Government and Politics of the PRC: A Time of Transition (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1985), pp. 214-219. See also note 3. 30 having permitted divergence n o t o n l y more freedom but a l s o i n income l e v e l i n r u r a l a r e a s . consequences o f reform having greater The unintended contributed t o the c r e a t i o n of what i s i n e f f e c t a c l a s s s o c i e t y i n China, t h e c o u n t r y i s now beset w i t h s o c i a l problems. Some o f t h e s e a r e c o r r u p t i o n and p r i v i l e g e among cadres, b r i b e r y , unemployment featherbedding), embezzlement and (somewhat a m e l i o r a t e d by female i n f a n t i c i d e , and an upsurge i n o f t e n v i o l e n t crime, i n c l u d i n g smuggling, robbery, and t a x evasion. Reform has a l s o brought about h i g h e r public expectations: Rampant s o c i a l d i s o r d e r was a l e g a c y of the C u l t u r a l Revolution and was a l s o f u e l e d by t h e post-1978 emphasis on improved m a t e r i a l l i f e as p e o p l e , u s u a l l y youths, who were unemployed o r h o l d i n g m a r g i n a l jobs t u r n e d t o crime t o o b t a i n the consumer goods appearing i n abundance. The opening to t h e West further raised their a s p i r a t i o n s f o r m a t e r i a l goods and a more d i v e r s e l i f e s t y l e , r e s u l t i n g mostly i n t h e p u r s u i t o f individual pleasure and only occasionally i n v o l v i n g c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s - w i t h many o f t h e most f l a g r a n t o f f e n d e r s t h e pampered o f f s p r i n g o f h i g h - l e v e l c a d r e s (gaogan zidi). In large part young people just wanted t o be spared the i n c e s s a n t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and c h a p e r o n i n g t h e P a r t y imposed on t h e i r l i v e s . 2 7 P a r t y c a d r e s were themselves o f t e n i n v o l v e d i n many unsavoury a c t i v i t i e s . Favouritism, b r i b e r y , and t h e use o f p u b l i c funds f o r p r i v a t e c o n s t r u c t i o n a r e a l l s a i d t o have occurred ( i n connection with housing). Other improprieties 27 Thomas B. Gold, "'JUST IN TIME!' China Battles Spiritual Pollution on the Eve of 1984," Asian Survey, vol. 24 no. 9 (September, 1984), p. 950. 31 have i n c l u d e d the use of one's p o s i t i o n f o r p e r s o n a l gain, t h e i l l e g a l p r o v i s i o n of l a v i s h d i n n e r s , e x t o r t i o n o f goods from t h o s e r e t u r n i n g t o China from abroad, use p u b l i c funds f o r o v e r s e a s c a l l s , g i f t s , arranged luxury of and banquets, and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r f a m i l y members.28 I n f r a c t i o n s such as t h e s e were a l l r e a d i l y v i s i b l e t o g e n e r a l p u b l i c , and p r o v i d e d The examples f o r the emulation. p a r t y l a i d the blame f o r the upsurge i n crime a t the f e e t of the " c h a o t i c y e a r s of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n " the r e s u l t a n t u n d i s c i p l i n e d youth and influences." on and "bourgeois But O r v i l l e S c h e l l more e x a c t l y p l a c e s the blame: p e o p l e were no l o n g e r t i e d t o t h e i r r e g i s t e r e d address, o r hukou, by the need f o r government coupons f o r g r a i n , o i l , and c o t t o n p r o d u c t s . With new wealth and peasant-run free markets everywhere, such coupons were no longer indispensable. People c o u l d buy what they needed wherever they wanted, and were t h u s f r e e d from t h e tightly organized system t h a t once h e l d them firmly i n place. C r i m i n a l s c o u l d move about w i t h ease.29 Other f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g the regime's m o b i l i s a t i o n a l powers have i n c l u d e d b u r e a u c r a t i c o b s t r u c t i o n i s m , the a t t r a c t i o n t o the p a r t y o f mere o p p o r t u n i s t s r a t h e r than committed 28 Bruce J. Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance in Chinese Politics: Party Rectification, 1983-87," Pacific Affairs, vol. 63 no. 2 (Summer, 1990), pp. 186-187. 29 Orville Schell, To Get Rich is Glorious: China in the 80s (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), p. 47. 32 devotees, and t h e d e s i r e o f CCP members themselves f o r predictability. The c o n t i n u i n g i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f mass campaigns i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g i n t h i s atmosphere o f d i s i n t e r e s t . Compounding t h i s problem i s t h a t t h o s e same campaigns bear little r e l a t i o n t o r e a l g o a l s o r problems, such as improving production, c o n s t r u c t i n g p u b l i c works, o r r e c t i f y i n g c o r r u p t i o n and m a l p r a c t i c e s among t h e l e a d e r s h i p . In recent t i m e s , o n l y t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign comes t o mind as a pragmatic campaign o f t h e l a t t e r type, carrying real, o b j e c t i v e l y thought-out b e n e f i t s e a s i l y d e f e n d a b l e as s o c i a l l y necessary. Even t h i s campaign e f f o r t has been a l t e r e d under t h e p r e s s u r e o f r u r a l r e f o r m measures and r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s i n campaign a p p l i c a t i o n . concentration on o b s c u r e l y - d e r i v e d A c r i t i c i s m and t h e promotion o f p u b l i c moral r e c t i t u d e have become more common as campaign s u b j e c t matter s i n c e t h e e a r l y 1960s, and t h e number o f pragmatic, p o s i t i v e , p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g correspondingly declined. e f f o r t s has 33 SECTION FOUR - STATE AND PUBLIC RESPONSES TO SOCIAL MALAISE The People's R e p u b l i c f a c e s problems o f s o c i e t a l as w e l l as o f s o c i a l i l l s (the l a t t e r exacerbated s o c i a l and economic r e f o r m ) . has responded, f i r s t l y , disinterest by r a d i c a l I n terms o f yundong, t h e s t a t e by c h o o s i n g as a paramount g o a l t h e c o n t r o l o f u n d e s i r a b l e p u b l i c behaviour These a r e now b e i n g a t t a c k e d through and s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . t h e use o f mass campaigns which a r e bent on encouraging "correct" deportment, e n s u r i n g a l a w - a b i d i n g , o r d e r l y s o c i e t y and p r o v i d i n g p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o u r a l models as p o p u l a r examples. T h i s change o f campaign emphasis has been a g r a d u a l one, but i t has been ongoing s i n c e a t l e a s t t h e e a r l y 1960s. Secondly, t h e mass campaign has undergone s t r u c t u r a l changes. The i n t e r n a l conduct has e x p e r i e n c e d of reform, o f t h e mass campaign a l t e r a t i o n s , some i n response itself t o t h e needs and o t h e r s due t o p e r s i s t e n t l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n over g o a l s and p a r t " l i n e . " f u r t h e r response R e l a t e d t o t h i s has been a t o d i s o r d e r - a more g e n e r a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f r e p r e s s i o n and r e a s s e r t i o n o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l . As has become usual i n recent years, the p u b l i c posture i n the face of a l l 34 t h e s e s t a t e t a c t i c s remains one l a r g e l y o f c y n i c a l nonc o o p e r a t i o n and s e l f - i n t e r e s t . D e s p i t e Deng X i a o p i n g ' s mass campaign is s t i l l famous statement o f August 1980, t h e i n use today.30 However, even though c o n t i n u i n g t o e x i s t i n a new g u i s e and f u l f i l l i n g a new role, i t i s a p a l e shadow o f t h e s u c c e s s f u l campaigns o f t h e 1940s o r 1950s. What has been l a c k i n g r e c e n t l y i s t h e d r i v e , sense o f purpose, s p o n t a n e i t y and enthusiasm o f t h e e a r l i e r events. I t would seem t h a t t h e r o l e o f t h e "masses" has been taken out o f t h e "mass campaign." In t h e e a r l i e r ( e s p e c i a l l y pre-1953) campaign e f f o r t s , i n t e g r a t i v e e f f e c t s were a c h i e v e d . great Numerous b e n e f i t s a c c r u e d t o t h e new regime: mass e x p e r i e n c e of organization and nationwide co-ordinated action, the dissemination of a mass p o l i t i c a l language ( i n c l u d i n g new s l o g a n s , terms and o t h e r p r o p a g a n d i z i n g items),31 newly-coined and an h i t h e r t o u n a v a i l a b l e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r many p r e v i o u s l y powerless groups w i t h i n Chinese s o c i e t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e new and i n i t i a l l y p o p u l a r Communist p o l i t i c a l system.32 As t h e 30 Deng's speech of August 18,1980 appears in Beijing Review, no. 40 (October 3, 1983), pp. 14-22. 31 An accomplishment reminiscent of the efforts of the Nationalists during the 1920s to popularize a 1,000-character newspaper vocabulary for propagandizing purposes among urban illiterates. 32 See Alan P.LLiu, Communications and National Integration in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971). Liu views the date 1953 as important because it was at that point that the regime's emphasis was shifted from class struggle to patriotism/nationalism and the creation of political legitimacy, a change mirrored in campaign content. 35 regime's emphasis became more concerned w i t h development o f the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e dissipate. than of the base, t h i s e u p h o r i a began t o Gradually, a f t e r t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d of success, o t h e r campaigns (such as t h a t c a l l i n g f o r t h e e m u l a t i o n of L e i Feng) t a r g e t t i n g n e g a t i v e p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r began t o emerge: Though t h e s e campaigns emphasized c l a s s h a t r e d and l o v e o f Communist c o l l e c t i v i s m , no r e a l t a r g e t group was designated t o be struggled against. Instead the people's voluntary emulation was emphasized. The most p l a u s i b l e r e a s o n f o r t h i s moderate s t y l e of p o l i t i c a l p e n e t r a t i o n was the growing i n e f f e c t u a l i t y o f the m i l i t a n t t y p e o f mass campaigns t h a t had dominated the pre-1953 period. This l o s s o f e f f e c t i v e n e s s came not suddenly but g r a d u a l l y , over the y e a r s . I t i s an i r o n i c development t h a t , as the Chinese p e o p l e ' s national i d e n t i t y was heightened by Communist propaganda, d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h t h e Communist regime and p o l i t i c a l apathy a l s o grew s t e a d i l y among the p e o p l e , a l s o as a r e s u l t o f the regime's propaganda.3 3 I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a l a r g e element of genuine, i n t i m a t e p u b l i c involvement, requiring interactive behaviour, the t a k i n g of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n and o f o p i n i o n , has participation reading been m i s s i n g f o r years. the v o i c i n g Even mere - a p h y s i c a l presence a t a mass r a l l y o r of the n e c e s s a r y l i t e r a t u r e - has mention r e c e n t l y . received the little Many campaigns of r e c e n t times have been c o l o u r l e s s p r o c l a m a t i o n s empty of most p u b l i c i n p u t save t h a t of o f f i c i a l p a r t y p e r s o n n e l , and l o c a l bodies. 33 Ibid., pp. 97-98. bureau o f f i c i a l s , More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , campaign o b j e c t i v e s have 36 become much more a m e l i o r a t i v e and c o n s e r v a t i v e , less v i s i o n a r y , and more c o r r e c t i v e i n n a t u r e than constructive.34 R e f e r r i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y t o t h e urban s e c t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , J u r g e n Domes p r o v i d e s not o n l y a r a t i o n a l e f o r r e c e n t campaigns a t t a c k i n g apathy and c y n i c i s m , but a l s o some o f t h e i r flavour: None o f t h e s e (groups w i t h i n t h e urban p o p u l a t i o n ) seems t o be w i l l i n g t o r e n d e r a c t i v e s u p p o r t f o r the P a r t y ' s p o l i c i e s o r t o b e l i e v e i n t h e o f f i c i a l doctrines of the r u l i n g e l i t e . . . S i n c e the spring of 1981, t h e a u t h o r i t i e s have t r i e d t o c o u n t e r such a t t i t u d e s w i t h an i n c r e a s e in political i n d o c t r i n a t i o n i n t h e s c h o o l s and w i t h l a r g e - s c a l e propaganda campaigns s t r e s s i n g p a t r i o t i s m and good behavior. These campaigns a r e conducted under t h e slogan o f Five-Speak, Four-Beauty, Three Warm Loves (wujiang simei sanreai), e x h o r t i n g t h e young g e n e r a t i o n t o speak about civilization, speak about p o l i t e n e s s , speak about p u b l i c o r d e r , speak about h e a l t h , speak about v i r t u e ; have beauty i n t h e h e a r t , have beauty i n t h e speech, have beauty i n t h e environment, have beauty i n t h e b e h a v i o r ; warm l o v e f o r t h e P a r t y , warm l o v e f o r s o c i a l i s m , warm l o v e f o r t h e f a t h e r l a n d . The s u c c e s s o f such endeavors i s s t i l l i n doubt. S i n c e 1981, t h e month o f March has been e s p e c i a l l y d e d i c a t e d t o t h i s campaign under t h e name o f " c i v i l i z a t i o n - a n d p o l i t e n e s s month" (wenming limaoyue).35 T h i s t y p e o f s t a t e response has as paramount g o a l s t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e l e a d i n g r o l e o f t h e CCP, t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n 34 See Bennett, Yundong, p. 33, in which the author concurs with this view, seeing yundong as moving "...away from great transformations in the economic 'base' toward changes in the organizational, intellectual, and cultural 'superstructure'...the yundong have more intensively emphasized the need for constant vigilance against backsliding on accomplishments already registered...yundong tasks have more often included calls for shifts in personal attitude and inner character..." 35/0/0*., p. 227. 37 of s o c i a l order, and t h e f a c i l i t a t i n g o f economic r e f o r m and modernization.36 Undoubtedly, t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e dominant l e a d e r s h i p f a c t i o n , promotion o f t h e i r importance. and t h e " l i n e " a r e a l s o concerns o f g r e a t These a r e t h e o v e r r i d i n g o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e PRC today, and t h e i r f u l f i l l m e n t i s a i d e d by a p p r o p r i a t e use o f t h e mass campaign. Through r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e p r e s s u r e s o f s o c i a l change, some o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and m o b i l i z a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s o f r e c e n t campaigns have become more s t r u c t u r e d , p l a n n e d and r o u t i n e . Tyrene White found, i n h e r study o f t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign, t h a t " v i r t u a l l y a l l " o f t h e normal i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign a c t i v i t y took p l a c e . 3 7 a standard However, t h i s d i d n o t t u r n out t o be campaign, and i t r e v e a l s one impact o f r e f o r m on the r u n n i n g o f a r e c e n t mass campaign. White found t h a t t h e t a c t i c s used i n t h i s campaign were a f f e c t e d by t h e p r e s s u r e s c r e a t e d as a r e s u l t "ongoing p r o c e s s o f r u r a l r e f o r m . " "standard" institutionalized of the A number o f changes t o campaign a d m i n i s t r a t i o n took p l a c e as t h i s mobilization evolved.38 The language o f 36 The present state of affairs has many characteristics of "neo-authoritarianism," discussed in Mark P. Petracca and Mong Xiong, "The Concept of Chinese Neo-Authoritarianism: An Exploration and Democratic Critique," Asian Survey, vol. 30 no. 11 (November, 1990), pp. 1099-1117. 37 White, "Postrevolutionary Mobilization," pp. 58-59. 38 Ibid., pp. 60-64. 38 mass m o b i l i z a t i o n became l e s s s t r i d e n t and l e s s i n s i s t e n t . Cadres were i n s t r u c t e d t o a v o i d t h e use o f c o e r c i o n . E f f o r t s were made t o c o n s t r u c t an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l framework which would a l l o w a more r o u t i n e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and implementation. the A l l of these p r a c t i c e s m i t i g a t e d against "movement" n a t u r e o f a t r u l y g r a s s r o o t s p u b l i c event. A t t h e same time, o t h e r n a t i o n a l concerns began t o t a k e precedence over t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign. The s t a t e responded by t r y i n g t o make t h e b e s t use o f i t s n o w - l i m i t e d effectiveness. Co-operation and v o l u n t a r y compliance became e v i d e n t as t h e p r e f e r r e d means o f c o n t i n u i n g t h e campaign: f a m i l y p l a n n i n g was d e c l a r e d t o be a fundamental state policy: t h e government stressed the o b l i g a t i o n o f Chinese c i t i z e n s t o engage i n f a m i l y planning, and made efforts to build an organizational structure for routine administration. Y e t t h e gap between official f a m i l y p l a n n i n g t a r g e t s and t h e c a p a c i t y o f t h e formal party/state apparatus t o reach them undermined efforts to regularize grassroots implementation.39 To conduct a campaign under t h i s type o f s y s t e m a t i z e d , almost b u r e a u c r a t i c format ("institutionalized m o b i l i z a t i o n " ) means v e e r i n g dangerously f a r away from t h e o r i g i n a l i d e a o f a yundong grassroots activism. has indeed Revolution. 39 Ibid., p. 62. as a f o r c e f o r mass public That i d e a l v i s i o n o f a mass campaign been l a r g e l y abandoned s i n c e t h e C u l t u r a l White argues, however, t h a t mobilization itself 39 has not been abandoned i n China today, b u t has undergone changes making i t a more o r d e r l y , r o u t i n e , and d i r e c t e d means o f promoting r e f o r m w h i l e m a i n t a i n i n g political stability. Some o f t h e d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s new p a t t e r n which a r o s e out o f t h e s t a t e ' s i n a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n m e a n i n g f u l and e f f e c t i v e implementation a t t h e l e v e l of the general r u r a l population a r e o u t l i n e d as follows: I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n i s a v a r i a n t form of implementation, which involves periodic, functionally defined mobilization e f f o r t s that 1)temporarily i n t e n s i f y coercive and normative incentives; 2)vary from region to region in t i m i n g , i n t e n s i t y , and scope; 3 ) l a s t f o r l i m i t e d , predictable periods of time[often s p e c i f i e d a t the o u t s e t ] ; 4)have as t h e i r p r i m a r y g o a l behavioral c o n t r o l or " p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s , " not a t t i t u d i n a l or c u l t u r a l change; 5) have a d i m i n i s h e d scope o f mass participation in favor of narrow mobilizations of the target population; and 6) utilize extensive propaganda t o shape public sentiment, but discourage disruptive mobilizational activities beyond the target p o p u l a t i o n i n o r d e r t o i n s u l a t e t h e p r o j e c t from economic production and other reform initiatives.4 0 Thus, one s t r u c t u r a l response has been t o make t h e administration o f t h e mass campaign more r o u t i n e , more s y s t e m a t i z e d and more i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d " t r u e " campaign?). (and l e s s l i k e a While i t i s l i k e l y t h a t this " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n " i s a development which i s most o b v i o u s l y AO Ibid., pp. 62-63. a p p l i c a b l e i n t h e case o f t h e O n e - C h i l d 40 campaign, a l l r e c e n t e f f o r t s have f e a t u r e d s t r u c t u r a l modifications. There has been a second type o f s t r u c t u r a l response. In the more r e c e n t campaigns, l a x a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , poor i n t r a - p a r t y communication and u n c e r t a i n t y over t h e p o l i t i c a l become t h e norm, r e n d e r i n g campaign coverage effectiveness doubtful at l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and t h e most r e c e n t CCP and best.41 T h i s most r e c e n t t r e n d i s obvious "bourgeois l i n e have i n the campaigns a g a i n s t " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " and r e c t i f i c a t i o n drive. an outcome o f r e c e n t s o c i a l t r e n d s and I t i s not in solely reform-influenced problems; c o n t i n u i n g d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p have also played a part. These l a t t e r developments, o b v i o u s l y a f f e c t i n g r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s , w i l l be examined i n detail elsewhere. Campaign conduct, change. has been a l t e r e d i n response t o Changes i n t h e use of t h e mass campaign, social intended t o encourage s o c i a l o r d e r , are a l l i e d t o t h e r e c e n t up use of a n t i - c r i m e "campaigns." stepped- These have f e a t u r e d t h e p r e d i c t a b l e crackdowns, p u b l i c mass r a l l i e s and executions, p u b l i c i z e d c a p t u r e of s e l e c t major c r i m i n a l s , e f f o r t s a t " r e - e d u c a t i o n " of u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s , r e i n i n g i n of 41 Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance," pp. 182-185. select 41 r e f o r m measures, and use o f t h o s e p e r p e t r a t i n g e g r e g i o u s o f f e n s e s as p u b l i c examples. particularly I t i s obvious t h a t , h a v i n g been p u t t o new uses, t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s e "campaigns" has a l s o been g r e a t l y a l t e r e d . Use as an i n s t r u m e n t o f p u b l i c i n s t r u c t i o n , moral l e c t u r i n g , and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s a r e a c t i v e and r e s t r i c t e d way o f w i e l d i n g a t o o l o r i g i n a l l y i n t e n d e d t o be a p o s i t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i v e instrument o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . O f t e n , s t a t e responses ("campaigns?" o r "crackdowns?") a r e somewhat h a r d t o d i s t i n g u i s h from one another. In attacking i n c r e a s e s i n crime, t h e s t a t e has n o t a c t e d t o c o r r e c t t h e u n d e r l y i n g causes, but has made an e f f o r t t o r e s t o r e p u b l i c order.42 In one i n s t a n c e , t h i s came i n t h e form o f a "campaign" a g a i n s t crime which i n some ways resembled media b l i t z . a One a u t h o r i t y , O r v i l l e S c h e l l , was i n China a t such a t i m e : In January of 1982, the Party launched a nationwide anti-crime campaign. Chinese newspapers, which once were f i l l e d w i t h s l o g a n s and l o n g t h e o r e t i c a l t r a c t s , became so peppered w i t h l u r i d accounts o f crime and c o r r u p t i o n t h a t a t t i m e s they r e a d l i k e t a b l o i d s ; t h e o b j e c t o f such news s t o r i e s was n o t t o t i t i l l a t e o r t o s e l l papers b u t t o warn offenders that criminal a c t i v i t y would be s e v e r e l y d e a l t w i t h . Honqgi d e p l o r e d t h e e x i s t e n c e o f *elements h o s t i l e t o t h e s o c i a l i s t system,' who r o b t h e s t a t e o f p r o p e r t y , k i l l and maim t h e n a t i o n ' s workers a t t h e i r p o s t s , h i j a c k , rape women, t r a f f i c i n women and c h i l d r e n , x 42 Many campaigns appear to be directed at alleviating symptoms of social distress rather than causes. See Bennett, Yundong, p. 58. tyrannize masses'.43 others, T h i s "campaign" was (and) trample upon the n o t a b l e because, u n l i k e e a r l i e r and p r o t o t y p i c a l mass campaigns, much o f the i n t i m a t e p u b l i c involvement (as a p a r t from merely p a r t i c i p a t i n g by p h y s i c a l l y present a t a campaign event) and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s were l a c k i n g . of mass r a l l i e s and p u b l i c e x e c u t i o n s , other Apart the being from a number "campaign" f e a t u r e d speeches by the l e a d e r s , p o s t e r s of wanted o r executed i n d i v i d u a l s , p r e s s accounts, S c h e l l ' s experiences, crime e x h i b i t i o n . pressures One and, according a r a l l y of s c h o o l c h i l d r e n and o f the s i d e - e f f e c t s o f on the regime has been t o b l u r the between a " t r u e " mass campaign and to an anti- recent distinction an ongoing propaganda offensive. In J u l y , 1983, the p a r t y ' s C e n t r a l Commission f o r D i s c i p l i n e I n s p e c t i o n i s s u e d a s p e c i a l r e p o r t e n t i t l e d "On the Work of S t r i k i n g a t S e r i o u s Crimes i n the Economic F i e l d . " a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t Jurgen Domes noted t h a t an It anti-crime campaign commenced: In mid-July 1983, a new nationwide campaign a g a i n s t rampant crime began, but i t was also d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t what the e l i t e c a l l s "loafing, economic crimes, and counterrevolutionary activities." In the c o n t e x t o f t h i s new campaign, I c o l l e c t e d r e p o r t s about 347 immediately executed death sentences from seventeen administrative 43 Schell, To Get Rich is Glorious, pp. 36-40. was 43 u n i t s d u r i n g the p e r i o d from J u l y 14, 1983, alone.44 16 t o September I f t h i s language and t h e s e a c t i o n s a r e t y p i c a l o f a modern "campaign," then both the n a t u r e and use o f t h e been r a d i c a l l y changed. have yundong That September, a r e v i s e d criminal code was promulgated making i t e a s i e r and f a s t e r t o p r o s e c u t e t h o s e s u s p e c t e d of c r i m e s . The purpose o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s was not t o b r i n g about p r o p e r b e h a v i o u r by p o s i t i v e example, t o promote s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , t o spur p r o d u c t i o n , o r t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e growth o f t h e c o l l e c t i v e s p i r i t . Perhaps t h e o b j e c t i v e o f t h i s a n t i - c r i m e e f f o r t f i t s one o f t h e campaign g o a l s o u t l i n e d by Gordon Bennett i n Yundong..., d e v i a t i o n s from important p u b l i c norms." v i z . , "to correct The s o l e use t o which such campaigns a r e put now seems t o be t h e promotion of How p u b l i c o r d e r and moral lecturing. has t h e p u b l i c responded t o t h i s t y p e o f s t a t e - i n s p i r e d and s t a t e - l e d campaign e f f o r t ? of Both the t a c t i c s and g o a l s r e c e n t campaigns, which m i r r o r t h o s e o f t h e itself, have been r e s t r i c t i v e and p r o h i b i t i v e . regime The most prominent r e c e n t campaign, a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , " was i t s e l f concocted l a r g e l y a s a c o r r e c t i v e response by the s t a t e (or elements o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p ) t o t h e events o f December 1986 44 Domes, The Government and Politics of the PRC, p. 226. and January 1987. 44 Such upheavals show us t h a t l e g i t i m a t e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f any s o r t may be t o o l i m i t e d i n t h e eyes o f a t l e a s t some s e c t o r s o f t h e Chinese population. D i s t u r b a n c e s a r e one public response t o t h e p e r c e i v e d of e f f i c a c y , repressiveness and l a c k o f o p p o r t u n i t y i n Chinese s o c i e t y i n r e c e n t y e a r s . v i o l e n c e o f t h i s type, Despite lack existing occasional i t would seem t h a t p u b l i c disenchantment today i s more commonly m a n i f e s t e d as c y n i c i s m and non-participation ("going through t h e m o t i o n s " ) . i s an o l d and c o n t i n u i n g p a t t e r n o f b e h a v i o u r . This I t has c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f r e c e n t mass campaigns, but i n t u r n i t i s p a r t l y a response t o y e a r s o f s u b j e c t i o n t o campaign t a c t i c s and e x h o r t a t i o n s . I t i s almost c e r t a i n l y t r u e t o say t h a t t h e Chinese p e o p l e are now overwhelmingly more i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e w e l l - b e i n g o f themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s / f r i e n d s b e f o r e the s t a t e . t h e concerns o f T h i s has been another o f t h e p u b l i c ' s responses t o t h e i r s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n , a l l i e d t o t h e growing c y n i c a l n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n seen i n r e c e n t Initially, years. t h e Chinese communists attempted t o s t r u c t u r e t h e i r s o c i e t y i n such a way t h a t t h e c i t i z e n ' s patriotic, s o c i a l i s t a l t r u i s m c o u l d be brought e a s i l y t o t h e f o r e . demands p l a c e d The on t h e c i t i z e n r y by s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y would e f f e c t i v e l y subjugate t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s pursuance o f h i s own selfish interests. T h i s would a l l o w a l l t o make m e a n i n g f u l 45 c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o s o c i e t y w i t h o u t any segment o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n h a v i n g t o make p e r s o n a l s a c r i f i c e s t o do so. However, t h e s e e a r n e s t e f f o r t s , e x t e n d i n g through t h e 1950s, t o c r e a t e a "new have f a i l e d . s o c i a l i s t man" e x h o r t a t i o n s , Domes f e e l s , a r e l a r g e l y met p a s s i v e d i s s e n t , and even r e s i s t a n c e . remain unfulfilled, workers. Leadership with cynicism, Rising expectations e s p e c i a l l y among lower- and m i d d l e - l e v e l The r e s u l t i s a t b e s t a s e l f - c e n t r e d p a s s i v e acquiescence: Those peasants who profit from t h e new rural s o c i e t a l p o l i c i e s can be expected t o s u p p o r t them, a l t h o u g h o n l y f o r t h e sake o f t h e i r personal interest and under the condition that these p o l i c i e s a r e not changed. Yet such s u p p o r t i s m o s t l y not expressed i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s but i n making t h e utmost use o f a l l chances f o r an improvement o f i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . 4 5 T h i s s e l e c t i v e support i s not p a r t o f a new behaviour i n China. p a t t e r n of C a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the n a t u r e e x t e n t o f one's p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , educational options and c a r e e r c h o i c e s has been de rigeur f o r years. o c c u r r e n c e o f t h i s pragmatic weighing o f involvement c h o i c e s has been documented as f a r back as t h e 1950s.46 I t was c e r t a i n l y apparent The and of early by the e a r l y 1960s and t h e time o f t h e 1963-64 S o c i a l i s t E d u c a t i o n Campaign. M i c h e l Oksenberg, w r i t i n g i n 1968, and noted t h a t some o f t h e 45 Ibid., p. 230. 46 A ritualization of behaviour in response to campaigns has been noted as far back as 1953. See Harry Harding, Organizing China: The Problem of Bureaucracy 1949-1976 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981), p. 58. 46 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f what he c a l l e d a " l a d d e r o f s u c c e s s " were p r e s e n t by t h e mid-1950s, and he went on t o d e s c r i b e t h e s e l e c t i v e use made by t h e p u b l i c o f p o l i t i c a l participation.47 The n a t u r e o f p u b l i c involvement i n a mass campaign i s p a r t i a l l y dependent on t h e degree t o which t h e p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s can use t h e i r involvement advantage. Oksenberg d i s c e r n e d a number o f c a r e e r through which Chinese passed. encountered t o maximize p e r s o n a l i n adolescence, stages The f i r s t o f these, was t h a t i n which one must d e c i d e on how t o meet t h e demands c o n s t a n t l y t h r u s t upon him by t h e p o l i t i c a l system. A t t h i s time, a young person must d e c i d e t o what e x t e n t and w i t h what degree o f enthusiasm wished t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l life, he and would a l s o r e c o g n i z e t h a t c e r t a i n g o a l s would be made more o r l e s s a t t a i n a b l e depending on h i s degree o f c o - o p e r a t i o n and participation. Choice o f c a r e e r , t h e s e l e c t i o n o f an a c c e p t a b l e balance between t h e a c h i e v i n g o f p e r s o n a l a m b i t i o n and c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h s t a t e and s o c i e t a l g o a l s , and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f j o b s e c u r i t y would come i n t o p l a y l a t e r i n l i f e . At t h i s later stage, t h e s e e k i n g o f a measure o f r e l a t i v e immunity from 47 Michel Oksenberg, The Institutionalisation of the Chinese Communist Revolution: The Ladder of Success on the Eve of the Cultural Revolution," The China Quarterly, no. 36 (October-December, 1968), pp. 61-92. 47 the n e c e s s i t y o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and consequences became t h e paramount g o a l . C e r t a i n o b j e c t i v e s and ambitions than o t h e r s . were more e a s i l y realized Some g o a l s , i n c l u d i n g t h e g a i n i n g o f p o l i t i c a l power and t h e attainment of a high status p o s i t i o n within communist s o c i e t y had t o be pursued w i t h i n t h e system, while o t h e r s , such as s e c u r i t y and peer group r e s p e c t , were o n l y obtainable outside i t . informal I t i s important t o note t h a t means o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e u s u a l l y r a t h e r parochial i n their application. Engaging i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n through o f f i c i a l channels i s s t i l l n e c e s s a r y attainment o f a l a r g e number o f important f o r the personal o b j e c t i v e s , such as t h e a c q u i r i n g o f s t a t e - f u n d e d e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s abroad. The use o f p a r t y membership i t s e l f as a means o f p e r s o n a l advancement has become e v i d e n t i n t h e l o u d l y - p r o c l a i m e d poor q u a l i t y o f p a r t y members and t h e never-ending need f o r a c l e a n s i n g o f the r an ks . Faced w i t h a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f c o n f l i c t i n g demands and g o a l s , Chinese c i t i z e n s became what might be c a l l e d i n j a i l parlance " i n s t i t u t i o n p o l i t i c i a n s , " l e a r n i n g t o modify t h e i r b e h a v i o u r i n such ways as t o b e s t secure o r advance t h e i r p o s i t i o n , and d i s p l a y i n g j u s t s u f f i c i e n t enthusiasm as was necessary t o g e t by. O f t e n , however, such behaviour n o t u n n a t u r a l l y c o n t r a d i c t e d the aims o f t h e s t a t e . Oksenberg, a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f h i s 48 article, summed up t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s behaviour on t h e s m a l l group and on t h e mass campaign: Two t h i n g s i n p a r t i c u l a r l e d t o t h e l o s s o f t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n p o t e n t i a l o f campaigns. F i r s t was t h a t t h e y were a l l conducted o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y i n much t h e same way. As t h e populace l e a r n e d t o a n t i c i p a t e t h e s t e p s o f a campaign, they c o u l d t a k e a p p r o p r i a t e counter-measures. Second, w h i l e P a r t y b u r e a u c r a t s i n i t i a l l y welcomed t h e campaign f o r t h e i n c r e a s e d power i t gave them over remnant KMT b u r e a u c r a t s and t h e g e n e r a l populace, t h e P a r t y b u r e a u c r a t s g r a d u a l l y came t o d i s l i k e t h e campaign f o r the disruptions and increased p r e s s u r e s i t brought t o t h e i r l i v e s . 4 8 T h i s i s one f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e regime's e f f o r t s t o c o n t r o l t h e n a t u r e o f p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n and mobilization.49 The p e r s o n a l d e s i r e o f many f u n c t i o n a r i e s f o r s t a b l e and p r e d i c t a b l e l i v e s i s paramount. s c a l e , t h e requirement On a l a r g e r t h a t mass campaigns n o t h i n d e r economic a c t i v i t i e s o r p r o d u c t i o n p r o b a b l y d a t e s from t h e time o f t h e Great Leap Forward. I t has c e r t a i n l y been put forward i n r e c e n t y e a r s as n e c e s s a r y n o t o n l y t o smooth t h e p a t h o f economic reform, but a l s o t o a v o i d C u l t u r a l Revolution-type disorder.50 Robert Benewick w r i t e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e c o n s e q u e n t l y v e r y r e s t r i c t e d modern i d e a o f mobilization that 48 Ibid., pp. 90-91. 49 The mass campaign has also been claimed to be of use in eliminating the possibility of the privileged using the economic/social system for private gain. See Bennett, Yundong, p. 18. 50 A related idea was recently advanced by Suzanne Ogden, who writes that the mass political campaign has been one of the "...most effective means to control economic deviance" and a means of targeting "politically based economic corruption." See Suzanne Ogden, China's Unresolved Issues: Politics, Development, and Culture (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1989), p. 286. For t h e p r e s e n t l e a d e r s h i p a l e g a c y o f t h e h i g h l y politicised Maoist period - p a r t i c u l a r l y the Hundred Flowers and A n t i - R i g h t i s t campaigns, t h e Great Leap Forward and t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n is t h e need t o ensure s t a b i l i t y and promote economic development. T h i s i n c r e a s e s t h e p r e s s u r e t o d i r e c t and c o n t r o l t h e purpose, p r a c t i c e and pace o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . . . t h e dominant emphasis has been m o b i l i z a t i o n f o r support, l e g i t i m a t i o n and policy implementation...participation is characterized by its selective, directed, c o n t r o l l e d and l a r g e l y c o l l e c t i v e nature.51 T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e almost d e s p e r a t e need o f t h e regime (or f a c t i o n s w i t h i n the leadership) t o exercise c o n t r o l and t o t h o r o u g h l y r e g u l a t e social participation i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e modern use o f t h e "mass campaign" as a leadership-wielded administrative tool for public i n s t r u c t i o n and admonishment. 51 Robert Benewick, "Political Participation," Reforming the Revolution: China in Transition, eds. Robert Benewick and Paul Wingrove (London: MacMillan Education, 1988), p. 52. 50 SECTION FIVE - PI LIN PI KUNG During t h e p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , and e x t e n d i n g up u n t i l t h e b e g i n n i n g s of reform i n 1978, t h e number o f campaigns conducted was r a t h e r low. It i s likely t h a t t h i s was i n p a r t t h e r e s u l t o f t h e i n t e r n a l l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n s which e x i s t e d a t t h i s time between t h e advocates o f a r e t u r n t o C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n p o l i c i e s and those promoting r e f o r m measures. More i m p o r t a n t l y , h a v i n g just come through a p e r i o d o f extreme d i s r u p t i o n ( o f t e n i n t h e i r p e r s o n a l l i v e s ) , t h e reform elements i n p a r t i c u l a r were d e s i r o u s o f a v o i d i n g any type o f d i s o r d e r l y , spontaneous, o r overzealous activity. Two t r u l y major n a t i o n a l campaigns which o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were t h e campaign t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and C o n f u c i u s c r i t i c i z e t h e "Gang o f Four." and t h e campaign t o Both were r u n i n a r a t h e r haphazard and u n p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n and both r e v o l v e d around s t r u g g l e between t h e two competing f a c t i o n s o f t h e time. The e f f o r t t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and C o n f u c i u s the h e e l s o f o t h e r , l e s s c o n c r e t e , c r i t i c i s m f o l l o w e d on campaigns. T h i s campaign f e a t u r e d a number o f t h e changes which have s i n c e become t y p i c a l o f more r e c e n t campaign developments. One o f t h e s e , r e f l e c t i n g t h e d i v o r c e from r e a l i t y which has c h a r a c t e r i z e d r e c e n t campaigns, was t h e c h o i c e o f obscure and p e c u l i a r t a r g e t s : i n d i v i d u a l s who had been dead f o r some years. Curious i d e o l o g i c a l l a b e l s were a t t a c h e d t o them. 51 G r e a t e f f o r t s were made t o r e l a t e c r i t i c i s m o f t h e s e to r e a l l i f e s o c i a l i s t targets concerns. Soon a f t e r h i s death i n September 1971, L i n Biao was condemned as an " u l t r a - L e f t i s t " as p a r t of a campaign t o criticize " S w i n d l e r s l i k e L i u Shaoqi." In r e t r o s p e c t , i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t L i u Shaoqi was found t o be " u l t r a - L e f t i s t " d u r i n g t h i s campaign, as L i u has commonly been seen as a " R i g h t i s t . " an more This acrobatic feat accomplished by s t a t i n g t h a t the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n caused the " S w i n d l e r s " t h e i r aim of c a p i t a l i s t i t is t o use u l t r a - L e f t means t o was had accomplish restoration.52 These l a b e l l i n g s p a r a l l e l e d f a c t i o n a l maneuverings among the t o p CCP leadership. By the l a t t e r p a r t of 1972, " C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , " most n o t a b l y Chunqiao and Yao Revolutionaries," T h i s f a c t i o n was t a r g e t t e d i n t h i s l a t t e r process, l a b e l l e d an criticism opposed by the prominent among whom was engaged i n a " c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y was J i a n g Qing, Zhang Wenyuan, were working t o temper of u l t r a - L e f t i s m . B i a o was the "Veteran Zhou E n l a i . was found t o have revisionist line," " u l t r a - R i g h t i s t " as e a r l y as June C o u n t e r i n g t h i s a c t i v i t y , Renmin Ribao Lin and 1972. p r i n t e d a number of a r t i c l e s on October 14, 1972, which r e i n f o r c e d the e f f o r t s against u l t r a - L e f t i s m . These were p r i n t e d on t h e express 52 William A. Joseph, The Critique of Ultra-Leftism in China, 1958-1981 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984), pp. 126-127. 52 d i r e c t i o n s o f Zhou E n l a i . 5 3 continued A back-and-forth struggle w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p f o r many months, culminating finally i n August 1973 w i t h t h e e c l i p s e o f open c r i t i c i s m o f u l t r a - L e f t i s m and t h e s h i f t i n g o f i n t r a - p a r t y s t r u g g l e t o other fields.54 Thus, Zhou's P o l i t i c a l Report t o t h e 10th P a r t y Congress o f August 1973 became o f n e c e s s i t y a compromise statement between t h e two competing factions. In t h e summer o f 1973 a r t i c l e s a g a i n s t C o n f u c i u s and C o n f u c i a n i s m began t o appear, but i t was n o t u n t i l a f t e r t h e 10th Party Lin. Congress t h a t t h e s e were l i n k e d w i t h c r i t i c i s m o f Thus t h e campaign began i n e a r n e s t . The most s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e o f t h e campaign was h i d d e n . the o c c a s i o n I t provided f o r a s t r u g g l e between t h e two camps w i t h i n t h e CCP, t h e r a d i c a l s and t h e r e f o r m e r s . On a more s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l , examination o f t h e a c t u a l c o n t e n t o f t h e campaign revealed relevant. P i Lin Pi l i t t l e t h a t was o b j e c t i v e l y m e a n i n g f u l and I n terms o f o u t w a r d l y - v i s i b l e campaign t a r g e t s , Rung f e a t u r e d a l i n k i n g o f two t a r g e t t e d i n d i v i d u a l s who were, a t f a c e v a l u e , unrelated; t h e i r l a b e l l i n g was i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e hidden, s t r u g g l e g o i n g on among t h e e l i t e . 53 Ibid., pp. 130-131. 54 Ibid., p. 137. however, all-important 53 The g o a l ( s ) and t a r g e t ( s ) o f t h i s campaign were and u n p r e d i c t a b l e . confusing T h i s was r e l a t e d t o both t h e e x i s t e n c e of l e a d e r s h i p s t r u g g l e s and t o t h e c h o i c e o f improbable and s u p e r f i c i a l outward t a r g e t s . P i Lin Pi Kong made u s e o f h i s t o r i c a l a l l e g o r y as a means o f c r i t i c i z i n g c u r r e n t and i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h o u t d i r e c t l y naming them. trends This i sa c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Chinese approach, b u t one which a l s o l e a v e s room f o r i m p r e c i s i o n i n t h e matter o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . One such i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , p r o v i d e d by M e r l e Goldman, s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e campaign was o r i g i n a l l y i n t e n d e d gradual r e t r e a t from C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n t o h a l t the i d e a l s and p r a c t i c e s and t o c r i t i c i z e t h e r e c e n t r e i n s t a t e m e n t s of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s who had been d i s p l a c e d a t t h a t time.55 Even a f t e r t h e 1973 Congress, t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e f a c t i o n a l b a t t l e were i n c o n c l u s i v e . The campaign p e r i o d i c a l l y f e a t u r e d c a l l s f o r continued Revolution policies.56 retreat from C u l t u r a l Thus, some o f t h e a t t e n d a n t goals of the campaign now were t o i n c r e a s e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , r e h a b i l i t a t e party o f f i c i a l s , downplay t h e m i l i t a r y , and t o g i v e f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n t o economic development. This line of c r i t i c i s m , c o - e x i s t i n g w i t h t h e ongoing o p p o s i t i o n t o "ultra-Rightism," l e d ultimately t o the c r i t i c i s m of the Gang o f Four i n 1976-79. Other l a t e r campaigns stemmed from 55 Merle Goldman, "China's Anti-Confucian Campaign, 1973-74," The China Quarterly, no. 63 (September, 1975), pp. 435-462. 56 Joseph, The Critique of Ultra-Leftism, p. 144. 54 t h e c o n t i n u i n g e f f o r t s of the " C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ; " one such was (Pi t h e 1976 campaign t o c r i t i c i z e Deng X i a o p i n g Deng). M e r l e Goldman, w r i t i n g i n 1975, then i n c r i t i c i z i n g summarized t h e approach used C u l t u r a l Revolution trends: the dominant tone of the campaign has been t o use historical figures and incidents to promote centralization, institutionalization, ideological unity, and production not to foment the struggle, decentralization and revolutionary f e r v o u r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the C u l t u r a l Revolution.57 The a c t u a l s u b j e c t matter from everyday life. Two of the campaign was q u i t e remote h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e s , Ch'in Shih Huang and h i s a d v i s o r L i Ssu, were t o u t e d as heroes, h a v i n g u n i t e d China p o l i t i c a l l y and ideologically and provided strong c e n t r a l leadership f o r a f r a c t i o u s These two Zedong and wei i n d i v i d u a l s were, of course, analogues they of country. Mao Zhou E n l a i ; o t h e r such s t a n d - i n s i n c l u d e d Lu ( L i n Biao) and Wang An-shih (Mao Pu- Zedong or Zhou E n l a i ) . C o n t r i b u t i n g t o c o n f u s i o n among o b s e r v e r s , none o f t h e s e c o n n e c t i o n s were anywhere s t a t e d e x p l i c i t l y . Huang was f u r t h e r c r e d i t e d w i t h r e s o l u t e l e a d e r s h i p and h i s p r o p e n s i t y f o r book-burning was and f o r b u r y i n g s c h o l a r s a l i v e e x p l a i n e d as a means of c r i t i c i z i n g ways and o l d r u l e s 57 Ibid., p. 436. Ch'in Shih those promoting (the C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s ) , r a t h e r than old as 55 anti-intellectual activity.58 C o n f u c i u s h i m s e l f was condemned as a s u p p o r t e r o f t h e e x i s t i n g slave-owning s o c i e t y and as an opponent o f t h e r i s i n g f o r c e s o f feudalism. The C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s c r i t i c i z e d were analogous t o t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i d e o l o g u e s who were a main t a r g e t of t h e campaign. The debate between t h e s e s c h o l a r s and t h e L e g a l i s t s was o b v i o u s l y i n t e n d e d t o p a r a l l e l t h e s t r u g g l e between t h e advocates o f C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n policies ( e x e m p l i f i e d by L i n Biao) and t h e i r opponents. Confucianism and C o n f u c i u s h i m s e l f were l i n k e d w i t h t h e o r y as w e l l as w i t h L i n B i a o . Marxist I n t h i s way, attempts were made t o show d i r e c t r e l e v a n c e t o modern life: What manner o f man was C o n f u c i u s , who was r e v e r e d by China's r e a c t i o n a r y r u l i n g c l a s s as "the sage" f o r more than 2 , 0 0 0 years? Lenin pointed out: "The c a t e g o r i c a l requirement o f M a r x i s t t h e o r y i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g any s o c i a l q u e s t i o n i s t h a t i t be examined w i t h i n definite historical limits." To a n a l y s e C o n f u c i u s from t h e h i s t o r i c a l - m a t e r i a l i s t v i e w p o i n t , one must p u t him i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e o f h i s time and see which c l a s s s t a n d p o i n t he took and which c l a s s h i s i d e o l o g y served.59 L i n B i a o was p o r t r a y e d as a s o r t o f modern-day exponent o f outdated, r e a c t i o n a r y views: 58 The glorification of Ch'in Shih Huang apparently predates the start of the campaign itself, a publication entitled Ch'in Shih Huang having appeared in Beijing in May, 1972. Communist approval of Ch'in Shih Huang can be found even earlier: see Li Ming-hua, "The Maoists' Reversal of the Historical Verdict on Ch'in Shih Huang," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), pp. 55-68. 59 Yang Jungkuo, "Confucius - a Thinker Who Stubbornly Supported the Slave System," Selected Articles Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius, vol. 1 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1974), p. 1. 56 In t h e c o u r s e o f t h e p r e s e n t c r i t i c i s m o f L i n P i a o and C o n f u c i u s , t h e study o f t h e c o n t e n t i o n between t h e s e two s c h o o l s [ C o n f u c i a n and L e g a l i s t ] i n f e u d a l s o c i e t y w i l l h e l p us deepen t h e c r i t i c i s m of L i n P i a o ' s c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e v i s i o n i s t l i n e and c o n s p i r a t o r i a l methods and a t t h e same time h e l p expose t h e r o o t s o f h i s r e a c t i o n a r y w o r l d outlook.60 L i n was t h e embodiment o f C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n evil: The bourgeois careerist, conspirator, doubled e a l e r , renegade and t r a i t o r L i n P i a o was an o u t and-out devotee of Confucius. Like a l l r e a c t i o n a r i e s i n Chinese h i s t o r y when on t h e verge of e x t i n c t i o n , he r e v e r e d C o n f u c i u s and opposed t h e L e g a l i s t School, and a t t a c k e d Chin S h i h Huang, the f i r s t emperor o f t h e Chin Dynasty (221-207 B.C.). He used t h e d o c t r i n e s o f C o n f u c i u s and Mencius as a r e a c t i o n a r y i d e o l o g i c a l weapon i n h i s p l o t t i n g t o usurp P a r t y l e a d e r s h i p , s e i z e s t a t e power and r e s t o r e c a p i t a l i s m . 6 1 The opening o f t h e campaign was s i g n a l l e d by an a r t i c l e w r i t t e n by Yang Jungkuo which appeared on November 12, 1972, i n Hongqi.62 I t was d i f f i c u l t t o determine, in this early phase, whether t h e t a r g e t time p e r i o d was t h a t o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n o r o f t h e p r e c e d i n g L i u Shaoqi e r a . T h i s was n o t s u r p r i s i n g , c o n s i d e r i n g t h e u n c e r t a i n t y which e x i s t e d among t h e l e a d e r s h i p over t h e i d e o l o g i c a l which t h e campaign was intended t o f o l l o w . direction Who was i n 60 Lo Szuting, "Evolution of the Debate Between the Confucians and Legalists as Seen from Wang An-shih's Reform," Selected Articles Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius, vol. 1, pp. 186-187. 61 See "Publisher's Note," Selected Articles. 62 Another source dates the start of the campaign as July 13,1972, when the Guangming Ribao published an article by Beijing University's Che Chun entitled "Viewing the Reactionary Nature of the Theory of Genius from the Angle of History of Philosophy." See Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists' Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies vol. 10 no. 6 (March 1974), pp. 32-54. 57 control? Few a r t i c l e s were p u b l i s h e d substance o c c u r r e d the and l i t t l e u n t i l t h e campaign began i n e a r n e s t 10th P a r t y Congress i n August 1973. t h i s , a pattern of r e a c t i o n t o the trends regionalism, o f any Some time a f t e r (decentralization, disunity, chaotic administration) C u l t u r a l Revolution after of the g r a d u a l l y began t o c o - e x i s t and compete w i t h t h e c r i t i q u e o f L i n as an " u l t r a - R i g h t i s t . " How was t h e campaign c a r r i e d out? from t h e content, preceding, As can r e a d i l y be seen i t was a more e s o t e r i c campaign t h a n many more pragmatic events. I t d i d n o t have t h e i n s t r u c t i o n a l aim o f s o c i a l improvement t h a t t h e S o c i a l i s t Education Movement had had. I t s u p p l i e d no p o s i t i v e o r r e a l i s t i c models f o r e m u l a t i o n . tangible, real l i f e , concrete I t d i d n o t have t h e goals r e l a t e d t o b u i l d i n g a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y t h a t t h e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n campaigns had possessed. I f l o c a l meetings were h e l d i n l a r g e numbers, t h i s was a f a c t g o i n g l a r g e l y u n r e p o r t e d . Pi glance, Lin Pi Rung would a l s o appear t o have had l e s s o f an impact on everyday l i f e , and At f i r s t being e t h e r e a l undertaking.63 a rather abstract, literary, I t was l i k e l y t h a t t h e o n l y r e a l e f f e c t on t h e p u b l i c was t h e n e c e s s i t y o f ( h o p e f u l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y ) attending a few campaign e v e n t s . To s t r e s s t h e need f o r a c t i v i t y , Renmin Ribao. F e b r u a r y 2, 1974, warned t h a t 63 An official campaign theme song existed, comprising a quote from Mao Zedong: "Practice Marxism and not revisionism; unite and don't split; be open and above board, and don't intrigue and conspire." 58 Whether one i s a c t i v e o r i n a c t i v e towards t h i s cardinal issue of criticizing Lin Biao and C o n f u c i u s i s a t e s t f o r every l e a d i n g comrade.64 The vast majority of the d i s c o u r s e connected w i t h P i Lin Kong seems t o have merely t a k e n p l a c e and Pi i n books, j o u r n a l s , newspapers. M a i n l y a r e s t r i c t e d l i t e r a r y and h i s t o r i c a l debate, campaign was the d i r e c t e d o s t e n s i b l y a g a i n s t problems i n the superstructure. The commencement of the campaign coincided w i t h t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of a number of works by w r i t e r s such as Yang Jungkuo and Che Chun a t B e i j i n g U n i v e r s i t y , numerous s c h o o l p u b l i c a t i o n s from other educational i n s t i t u t i o n s also included anti-Confucian Support f o r t h i s emphasis on r e f o r m i n g was the works. superstructure not u n i v e r s a l , as s i g n i f i c a n t l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n s existed. 1973, and but D u r i n g the 10th P a r t y Congress o f August 24-28, Zhou E n l a i spoke of t h e need f o r emphasizing c e n t r a l i z e d l e a d e r s h i p , and stressed that " . . . i t party that exercises o v e r a l l leadership."65 spoke o f the need t o c o n c e n t r a t e superstructure planning i s the Wang Hungwen on c l a s s s t r u g g l e i n the ( i n c l u d i n g the realm of c u l t u r e ) and to 64 Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Maoists' Deepened Struggle to Criticize Un Piao and Confucius," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 9 (June, 1974), p. 5. 65 See "Quarterly Chronicle and Documentation (July-September, 1973)," The China Quarterly no. 56 (OctoberDecember, 1973), pp. 807-809. 59 r e l a t e t h i s t o t h e s o c i a l i s t economic base. the need f o r t r a n s f o r m i n g superstructure Wang mentioned " . . . a l l those parts of the t h a t do n o t conform t o t h e s o c i a l i s t economic base and c a r r y out many g r e a t p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s such as the Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . " 6 6 Even more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , he noted t h a t c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s would have t o be a r e c u r r i n g phenomenon.67 Wang, o f c o u r s e , had r i s e n t o power d u r i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n and was t o a c h i e v e a d d i t i o n a l fame as a member o f t h e "Gang o f Four," which was i t s e l f t o become a campaign t a r g e t i n l a t e r Following years. t h e c l o s i n g o f t h e Congress, i n s t r u c t i o n s were issued c a l l i n g f o r a l l s o r t s of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , f a c t o r i e s , communes, and s c h o o l s t o form " C r i t i c i z i n g - C o n f u c i u s Groups." Prominent i n t e l l e c t u a l s were encouraged and/or r e q u i r e d t o engage i n i n t e l l e c t u a l s e l f - c r i t i c i s m p a s t adherence t o Confucianism.68 "Sent-down" educated youth were a l s o r e q u i r e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n both and self-criticism. criticism The r o l e o f t h e cadre was important i n i n i t i a t i n g such c r i t i c i s m s e s s i o n s , t o "stand regarding and they were exhorted i n the f o r e f r o n t of the struggle." 66 Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists' Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), p. 40. Since this time, the number of purely constructive, economic campaign efforts has continued to be negligible. 67 See "Quarterly Chronicle and Documentation (July - September, 1973)," The China Quarterly no. 56 (OctoberDecember, 1973), p. 809. 68 One example, cited in Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists'Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), pp. 41-42, was the then nearly 80-year old Feng Yu-lan's "Criticism of Confucius and Self-criticism of My Previous Worship of Confucianism." 60 There e x i s t s some evidence of l a r g e - s c a l e o r g a n i z e d mobilizational a c t i v i t y , especially that occurring in the involvement a t t h e most i n t r u s i v e , b a s i c , l o c a l l e v e l was e i t h e r very sporadic had case o f major, o r c h e s t r a t e d p u b l i c events, but mass or went e n t i r e l y u n r e p o r t e d . become u s u a l by t h i s time, a u t h o r i z e d As a c t i v i t y took e n t i r e l y through the f o r m a l mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s . place The party committees, l o c a t e d i n a l l p a r t s of the c o u n t r y and in a l l t y p e s o f u n i t , were charged w i t h the the movement. P r o v i n c i a l , municipal, participated. and "promotion" of regional Committees i n s e v e r a l u n i v e r s i t i e s m o b i l i z e d t h e i r e n t i r e schools i n d i s c u s s i o n and, c o n f e r e n c e s took p l a c e similarly, workers' i n numerous i n d u s t r i a l u n i t s federations o f labour and a l s o h e l d c r i t i c i s m r a l l i e s and, regions committees unions. and Various m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t s as a t the above c o n f e r e n c e s , s e n i o r o f f i c e - h o l d e r s were p r e s e n t t o speak. P r o v i n c e - w i d e m o b i l i z a t i o n r a l l i e s were conducted by various Communist Youth League branches i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e provinces, and the sometimes two or t h r e e t i m e s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , poor lower-middle p e a s a n t s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s and women's a s s o c i a t i o n s have been noted as h a v i n g h e l d meetings. number of p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l a l s o staged c r i t i c i s m revolutionary A committees sessions. While i l l u s t r a t i v e of numerous campaign c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the a c t u a l t a c t i c s employed masked s i g n i f i c a n t r i f t s w i t h i n the 61 CCP. Perhaps consequently, the widespread m o b i l i z a t i o n a l e f f o r t was, according successful. One t o s o u r c e s on Taiwan, not entirely author, K'ung T e - l i a n g , p r o v i d e s examples, as o f March 1974, o f f a i l u r e on the p a r t o f r e s p o n s i b l e p a r t y b o d i e s t o conduct any a t t r i b u t e s t h i s , and numerous meetings. He the f a i l u r e of v a r i o u s o f f i c i a l s appear, t o t h e l e a d e r s h i p of the CCP the to C e n t r a l Committee and the v a r i o u s r e s p o n s i b l e l o c a l organs ( i n c l u d i n g the military d i s t r i c t o r r e g i o n commanders and i n the hands of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n reasonable f i n d i n g , and e x i s t e n c e o f such camps. commissars) b e i n g faction.69 T h i s may be a t h e r e i s c o p i o u s evidence f o r the The r o l e of f a c t i o n s and power groups i n t h e campaign has been examined by P a r r i s Chang, who found t h a t , as of e a r l y 1974, the campaign was still the scene of an i n c o n c l u s i v e b a t t l e between the e s t a b l i s h e d conservative f o r c e s and the r a d i c a l , p r o - C u l t u r a l elements.70 T h i s assessment p o i n t e d l y r e v e a l s i m p r e c i s i o n which hampers attempts t o a n a l y z e campaigns. of P i Lin Revolution the such Other, l a t e r , d i s c u s s i o n s have viewed t h i s Pi Kong as one the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n o f planned attack and stage on the l e g a c y of i t s "new-born t h i n g s . " 69 K'ung Te-liang, "The Maoist Mobilization for Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 10 (July, 1974), pp. 46-49. 70 Parris Chang, "The Anti-Lin Piao and Confucius Campaign: Its Meaning and Purposes," Asian Survey, vol. 14 no. 10 (October, 1974), p. 876. 62 T h i s u n c e r t a i n t y makes i t apparent t h a t l e a d e r s h i p division r e s u l t e d i n t h e campaign b e i n g used by d i f f e r e n t groups t o promote d i f f e r i n g views. ushering P i Lin Pi Rung can be seen as i n an e r a w i t n e s s i n g t h i s frequent as t o o l s by l e a d e r s h i p f a c t i o n s . use o f campaigns The s h i f t i n g and c o n t e n d i n g has undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e absurd, confusing, recent and sometimes n e g l i g i b l e outward content o f campaigns. S E C T I O NS I X-P O S T - R E F O R MC A M P A I G NE F F O R T S S i n c e t h e removal from power o f Hua Guofeng, t h e most r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s have w i t n e s s e d an a c c e l e r a t i o n o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s j u s t noted. In p a r t i c u l a r , confusion goals, leadership disunity, a lack of relevance daily l i f e , t o take place. t h r e e campaigns ( f o r CCP r e c t i f i c a t i o n , least " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " and a g a i n s t l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) have overlapped 1980s. to real and an i n c r e a s e i n m o r a l i z i n g and p u b l i c i n s t r u c t i o n continued At over against "bourgeois each o t h e r s i n c e t h e e a r l y E a r l i e r i t was noted t h a t one s t r u c t u r a l change i n campaign conduct, due a t l e a s t i n p a r t t o l e a d e r s h i p d i s u n i t y over i d e o l o g i c a l o b j e c t i v e s and t a r g e t s , was a t r e n d toward i m p e r f e c t i o n , l a c k o f d i r e c t i o n , and s l o p p i n e s s i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f some r e c e n t campaigns. Another s t r u c t u r a l change was found t o be a growing "institutionalized mobilization." E v i d e n c e o f both o f t h e s e can be found i n t h e 1980s. In t h e case o f t h e P i Lin concrete, Pi Kung campaign, which had few p u b l i c l y - s t a t e d and obvious t a r g e t s o r g o a l s , i t was d i f f i c u l t t o determine e i t h e r where t h e campaign was going o r what t h e extent of leadership i d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y was. Many o f t h e s p e c i f i c t a c t i c s used (such as obscure 64 l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m ) were e s t r a n g e d from r e a l l i f e . campaigns o f t h e 1980s have evidenced c o n t i n u i n g administration, confusion over g o a l s , The chaotic lack of e f f e c t i v e c e n t r a l c o n t r o l , and d i s p a r i t i e s i n coverage and effectiveness. D i v i s i o n w i t h i n t h e t o p ranks o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p has been a f e a t u r e a f f e c t i n g (or o r c h e s t r a t i n g ? ) a l l r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s . new h e i g h t s and M o r a l i z i n g has been c a r r i e d t o and w i t h campaign g o a l s and t a r g e t s so v a r i e d vague, campaigns have tended t o r u n on i n t o one another. Internal p o l i t i c a l goals i n f i g h t i n g a s i d e , what a r e t h e outward o f t h e newest campaigns? accomplish? What a r e they i n t e n d e d The campaign a g a i n s t to "spiritual pollution" c o i n c i d e d w i t h t h e e a r l y s t a g e s of t h e 1983-7 p a r t y r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign, t h e crackdown ("campaign") and w i t h a p e r i o d o f growing l i t e r a r y , a r t i s t i c and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i b e r a l i z a t i o n and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n . the l a t e r e f f o r t s against on crime, These, and "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and t h e " s i x e v i l s , " can a l l be l i n k e d c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y i n terms o f goals. A l l were " c a t c h - a l l " campaigns, t a c k l i n g a v a r i e t y of p e r c e i v e d s o c i a l problems. With t h e p o s s i b l e exception of t h e a t y p i c a l One-Child campaign, t h e s e r e c e n t campaigns have not been intended t o promote any outwardly-visible t a n g i b l e cause o r forward an o b j e c t i v e . attached t o them Despite the l a b e l s ( " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) , t h e r e a l t a r g e t s have c o n s i s t e n t l y been t h o s e s o c i a l problems, i n c l u d i n g d i s o r d e r , c o r r u p t i o n , and 65 challenges t o CCP l e a d e r s h i p , which are seen as most threatening. S i n c e Hua Guofeng's d e p a r t u r e and Deng X i a o p i n g achieving h i s replacement by f o r c e s , the main emphasis has " s o c i a l i s t m o d e r n i z a t i o n and on combatting c l a s s enemies and been on c o n s t r u c t i o n " and class conflict. i s now leadership, t o be on the i s a l s o t o be promoted. " f o r c e s of p r o d u c t i o n , " supremacy Concentration the "four m o d e r n i z a t i o n s , " and the advancement of Chinese s o c i e t y through economic and i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l reform.71 By t h e e a r l y 1980s, o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e new about t h e m e r i t s of the new seen as t h r e a t e n i n g problems China was foreign influences. l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " had o n l y now was not Adherence t o t h e "Four C a r d i n a l P r i n c i p l e s , " i n c l u d i n g the of p a r t y the " l i n e " and debate p o l i c i e s connected w i t h i t were by the l e a d e r s h i p . experiencing Many o f t h e were e x a c e r b a t e d by A l t h o u g h c r i t i c i s m of social outside "bourgeois been o c c u r r i n g s p o r a d i c a l l y s i n c e 1978, t h i s f o r e i g n - i n s p i r e d decadence a l l o w e d t o become an o b j e c t of campaign a t t a c k . There was need f o r a r t and the p e o p l e " l i t e r a t u r e t o "serve a perceived and promote s o c i a l i s m , as w e l l as a need t o adhere t o n a t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n s i n w r i t t e n works. There was s a i d t o be "too much 71 This has been characterized as the emergence of a new "line," and leadership struggles since 1978 have been seen as basically supportive of this new approach and merely factional in nature. See Ramon H. Myers, "Does the C C P Have a 'Line'?," Changes in China: Party, State, and Society, ed. Leng Shao-chuan (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 17-37. 66 w r i t i n g about t h e dark s i d e , " and some were c r i t i c i z e d as advocates o f Western modernist thought. said, Such p e o p l e , i t was " t h i n k t h a t c r e a t i v e work has no need f o r t h e o r e t i c a l guidance, and some c a l l f o r ' s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n ' as the o b j e c t i v e o f l i t e r a t u r e and art."72 humanism i n w r i t i n g was d e p l o r e d return t o s o c i a l i s t An The growth o f Western and c a l l s were made f o r a realism. i n f l u x o f Western music, v i d e o t a p e s , d a n c i n g , f i l m s and books began e n t e r i n g China i n the e a r l y 1980s. and highest Allegorical p o l i t i c a l l y c r i t i c a l works by Chinese w r i t e r s , such as Zhang X i a o t i a n ' s Clustered Grass on the Prairie and t h e w r i t i n g s o f Wang Ruoshui i n Renmin Ribao began t o appear. These a l l became t a r g e t s o f t h e campaign. The commencement o f t h e a s s a u l t a g a i n s t "spiritual p o l l u t i o n " was s i g n a l l e d by media a t t a c k s a g a i n s t target i n d i v i d u a l s and by Deng's speech a t t h e Second Plenum o f t h e 12th C e n t r a l Committee, h e l d October 11-12, 1983. The a t t a c k on s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n was c l e a r l y approved a t t h i s e a r l y stage. leadership- Deng d e f i n e d : the substance of Spiritual Pollution as disseminating a l l varieties of corrupt and decadent i d e o l o g i e s o f t h e b o u r g e o i s i e and o t h e r e x p l o i t i n g c l a s s e s and d i s s e m i n a t i n g sentiments o f d i s t r u s t towards t h e s o c i a l i s t and communist cause and t o t h e Communist P a r t y leadership.73 72 Renmin Ribao, October 31,1983, p. 1. 67 Asserting the need f o r s t r o n g e r p a r t y f o r more d e c i s i v e s o c i a l guidance. four categories leadership, Deng L i q u n he c a l l e d delineated of s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n : s p r e a d i n g t h a t are obscene, barbarous or r e a c t i o n a r y ; things vulgar taste i n a r t i s t i c performances; e f f o r t s t o seek p e r s o n a l g a i n , indulgence i n i n d i v i d u a l i s m , anarchism, and l i b e r a l i s m ; as w e l l as w r i t i n g a r t i c l e s or d e l i v e r i n g speeches t h a t c o u n t e r t o the and run c o u n t r y ' s s o c i a l system.74 In response, a c a t c h - a l l campaign of r e a c t i o n t o t h i s generally unsatisfactory paramount g o a l s o c i a l s t a t e was of t h i s was t o suppress the most emerging t h r e a t s t o the a u t h o r i t y groups or f a c t i o n s within constructive initiated. of the CCP the p a r t y ) . No serious (or t h a t p r o v i s i o n o f a number of f u r t h e r examples of s o c i a l i s t behaviour f o r p u b l i c emulation. an element o f s p o n t a n e i t y was of p r a c t i c a l or aims were p r e s e n t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e was improvement r e q u i r i n g t r u e and The the correct I f some p o s i t i v e deep p u b l i c commitment w i t h i n t e n d e d as a g o a l , surely e f f o r t s would have been made t o induce w i l l i n g mass cooperation without recourse to s e l e c t i v e , r e t a l i a t o r y c r i t i c i s m and a f l o o d of n e g a t i v e examples. 73 See Beijing Review, no. 42 (October 17,1983), centrefold document pages, for the English text of Deng's speech to the Plenum of Oct. 11-12,1983. 74 Renmin Ribao, November 3,1983, p. 1. 68 Despite this, literary attempts were made t o l i n k criticism "socialist to real l i f e . spiritual The promotion o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , " as c o n t r a s t e d material c i v i l i z a t i o n , encompassed s p e c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the writer. "socialist t o Western social They were t o engage i n r e a l i s m , " t o a v o i d w r i t i n g s o l e l y f o r monetary g a i n , and were t o be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e t h e i r w r i t i n g on s o c i e t y . morality, t h e campaign's f o r the e f f e c t s of As r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of p u b l i c t h e y were expected t o remain above debasement, opportunism and c o r r u p t i o n . "socialist spiritual Through c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , " the category of l i t e r a r y i s s u e s came t o i n c l u d e w i t h i n i t s o c i a l , p h i l o s o p h i c a l , and moral problems.75 The building of " s o c i a l i s t spiritual c i v i l i z a t i o n " had been named as a n e c e s s a r y p r e r e q u i s i t e t o t h e achievement o f t h e Four M o d e r n i z a t i o n s i n e a r l y 1981. promoting " s o c i a l i s t at spiritual A separate d r i v e c i v i l i z a t i o n " had commenced l e a s t as f a r back as t h e s p r i n g o f 1982. contributed t o the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n separating effort simei from another. sanreai T h i s has one campaign I t was a t t h i s time t h a t t h e wujiang were f i r s t put forward as a moral code t o be followed.76 75 Wendy Larson, "Realism, Modernism, and the Anti-'Spiritual Pollution' Campaign in China," Modem China, vol. 15 no. 1 (January 1989), pp. 41-43. 76 This is summarily described in Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, p. 262. 69 The r e p o r t of the 1982, 12th P a r t y Congress, h e l d i n September, o u t l i n e d t h e outward t a r g e t s of t h i s e a r l i e r d r i v e . C i v i l i z a t i o n was seen t o have both a m a t e r i a l and s p i r i t u a l aspect, with the development of e d u c a t i o n , l a t t e r encompassing The "the s c i e n c e , c u l t u r a l knowledge t h e enhancement o f p e o p l e ' s i d e o l o g y , morality." a politics, and and report said that If the great task of building a socialist spiritual civilization guided by communist ideology i s overlooked, people w i l l f a l l i n t o a o n e - s i d e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of s o c i a l i s m and direct t h e i r a t t e n t i o n e x c l u s i v e l y t o t h e b u i l d i n g of m a t e r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n or even t o t h e p u r s u i t of material gains.77 The p a r t y r e q u i r e d c a d r e s t o become "more r e v o l u t i o n a r y , b e t t e r educated and more p r o f e s s i o n a l l y competent," and c a l l e d f o r t h e development of " n a t i o n a l i d e a l s , m o r a l i t y , c u l t u r e and a sense of discipline."78 These c a l l s became c e n t r a l g o a l s of the against "spiritual pollution." p a r t y committees met campaign Sub-bodies and a f t e r t h e October, 1983, t o study the meeting's works and campaign underway. later regional Second Plenum called for getting Media e d i t o r i a l s and the a r t i c l e s served the purpose of l e g i t i m i z i n g c r i t i c i s m o f , i n p a r t i c u l a r , theoretical, l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c workers. Members of the 77 See excerpts from Hongqi, issue dated November 19,1982, published in Beijing Review, vol. 25 no. 45 (November 8, 1982), pp. 13-17. 78 Ibid. 70 p u b l i c t r a f f i c k i n g i n pornography f i r s t became a t a r g e t a t t h i s time. Other t a r g e t s i n c l u d e d p a r t y t h e o r e t i c i a n s , p a r t y and non-party l i t e r a r y and a r t f i g u r e s , and t h e cadres i n charge o f them. As w i t h t h e p u b l i c d e n u n c i a t i o n s campaign, t h e famous l e d t h e way. i n t h e Pi Lin Pi Kung The e l d e r l y Zhou Yang, chairman o f t h e A l l - C h i n a F e d e r a t i o n o f L i t e r a r y and A r t C i r c l e s , was one o f those who had urged w r i t e r s t o w r i t e honestly. As a s u p p o r t e r o f Wang Ming d u r i n g t h e 1930s, Zhou was f o r some time out o f f a v o u r w i t h important o f t h e CCP h i e r a r c h y . elements D e s p i t e t h i s , he r o s e t o become m i n i s t e r o f c u l t u r e d u r i n g t h e 1950s. Severely v i c t i m i z e d d u r i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , he was a t t h a t time paraded through t h e s t r e e t s w i t h an i n c r i m i n a t i n g p l a c a r d t i e d around h i s neck. comfortable In subsequent y e a r s Zhou was r e t u r n e d t o a p o s i t i o n as an e l d e r l y l i t e r a r y statesman, but d u r i n g t h e campaign a g a i n s t s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n was s u b j e c t e d t o e d i t o r i a l c r i t i c i s m s f o r h i s encouragement o f truthful w r i t i n g and h i s 1983 d i s c u s s i o n o f humanism and alienation.79 T h i s i s a s t a n d a r d method o f a t t a c k i n g p e r c e i v e d t a k i n g p l a c e d u r i n g times o f "open-ness. 11 excesses I t typically 79 At the heart of Zhou's article "A Discussion of Certain Theoretical Problems in Marxism" was his belief that the talented were alienated from socialist society because of its lack of humanism, which problem is in turn derived from an improper overconcentration on class struggle. See Renmin Ribao, March 16,1983. i n v o l v e s i d e n t i f y i n g and p u b l i c l y l a b e l l i n g t h o s e b e i n g out o f l i n e and c o n d u c t i n g a publicity a g a i n s t them, l a r g e l y through the media. l a t e 1983. Authors who seen as campaign T h i s was were i d e n t i f i e d as h a v i n g done i n written o f f e n s i v e p i e c e s were a l s o c r i t i c i z e d p u b l i c l y and Wang Ruoshui among them, l o s t t h e i r A g a i n l i k e the P i Lin Pi jobs. campaign, t h i s was Kung a number, a mainly l i t e r a r y e f f o r t , w i t h minimal d i s r u p t i o n t o mass d a i l y activities. Speeches by l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s a t a l l l e v e l s were g i v e n i n a l l s o r t s of f o r a , a t meetings of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a t p a r t y meetings, and press. Prominent t a r g e t s accepted at interviews i n the some blame p u b l i c l y . C e r t a i n groups were t o r e c e i v e more i d e o l o g i c a l One mass meeting was official education. h e l d a t B e i j i n g U n i v e r s i t y and isolated meetings o f o f f i c i a l mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s a l s o took p l a c e d u r i n g t h i s s h o r t campaign. involvement was probably However, r e a l , non-existent. i n t i m a t e mass In an e x c e l l e n t and informative small a r t i c l e , C h a r l e s Webb conveys something of the atmosphere s u r r o u n d i n g the campaign, which c o i n c i d e d w i t h the "campaign" on law and order: P o s t e r s went up, the odd speech was made, and "the masses were m o r a l l y armed f o r the S t r u g g l e . " It was, i n some q u a r t e r s , suggested t h a t i t was a bad thing for the Chinese to associate with foreigners. Cheap, t r a s h y i m i t a t i o n s of Western c u l t u r e were frowned upon; s o c i a l i s m was t o be upheld. The r e s u l t s was r a t h e r p l e a s a n t . For a time, i t was u n f a s h i o n a b l e f o r the Shanghai s t r e e t s p i v s t o hang about i n t i g h t - h i p p e d , f l a r e d j e a n s . Zhao Ziyang exchanged b a d l y c u t western s u i t s w i t h 72 awkward t i e s f o r w e l l - t a i l o r e d Chinese j a c k e t s . And, by and l a r g e , t h e Chinese laughed. Certainly t h e y d i d i n Shanghai. L i f e went on, no-one took t h e campaign s e r i o u s l y , and i t flopped.80 A number o f c e l e b r a t e d cases o c c u r r e d where f o r e i g n e r s were r e q u e s t e d t o hand over pornography. I n Lanzhou, t h e Gansu Armed People's P o l i c e Force g u i d e d "cadres and f i g h t e r s i n r e a d i n g good books and s i n g i n g r e v o l u t i o n a r y songs" t o p r e v e n t a r e c u r r e n c e o f u n h e a l t h y t e n d e n c i e s t h a t had l e d some o f them t o "wear mustaches and w h i s k e r s , s i n g songs, unhealthy be u n d i s c i p l i n e d and n o t keep t h e i r minds on t h e i r work and want t o be d e m o b i l i z e d and p e r m i t t e d t o r e t u r n home at an e a r l y date."81 Why would such, a t f a c e v a l u e , p r e p o s t e r o u s shortcomings be the f o c u s o f such n a t i o n a l p u b l i c i t y e f f o r t s u n l e s s t h e y were i n t e n d e d t o be exemplary o f u n d e s i r a b l e behaviour? is It l i k e l y t h a t t h o s e i n c o n t r o l among t h e l e a d e r s h i p had a need n o t o n l y t o combat unhealthy s o c i a l t e n d e n c i e s , but a l s o t o be seen d o i n g so. The l a t t e r p o r t i o n o f 1983 w i t n e s s e d much d i s c u s s i o n , m o r a l i z i n g t a l k and s p i r i t r a i s i n g b u t l i t t l e c o n c r e t e a c t i o n by t h e p u b l i c , t o whom the campaign was supposedly d i r e c t e d . Indeed, t h e major campaign weapon was " a c t i v e i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e " sixiang ( j i j i di douzheng) which i n d i c a t e d merely a c o n t i n u i n g o b j e c t i v e , r e s t r a i n e d and s e n s i b l e c r i t i c i s m . 80 Charles Webb, "China: An Outsider's Inside View," Asian 81 Gold, " J U S T IN TIME," pp. 957-958. Affairs, vol. D e n i a l s were 17 (o.s. vol. 73) part I (February, 1986), pp. 57-63. 73 i s s u e d t o t h e e f f e c t t h a t what was campaign, but was g o i n g on was merely a "commonplace Other t a c t i c s o f t h i s s o r t i n c l u d e d the not a task." i n t r o d u c t i o n of a v a r i e t y o f s i m p l i s t i c but w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d new models (the "advanced persons") f o r e m u l a t i o n : i n t e l l e c t u a l s such as J i a n g Zhuying and and Luo J i a n f u , m i l i t i a member Zhu the handicapped Zhang H a i d i . Courtesy Month", which was was continued "National Socialist Ethics instituted originally in ( h e l d every March), and were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the c o u n t r y s i d e of c o r r e c t p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r . promoted. Boru "civility and 1982, villages" as l a r g e r - s c a l e examples "Five-good f a m i l i e s " were Such a f a m i l y would: be d i l i g e n t a t work study, c o n s i d e r f a m i l y members and family planning and pay observe t h e law and and neighbours, p r a c t i c e attention to children's be d i s c i p l i n e d , and education, e x h i b i t courteous p u b l i c behaviour.82 I t was q u i t e apparent t h a t t h e r e was no one g u i d i n g hand a t work, as " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " became a c a t e g o r y encompassing a v a s t a r r a y of items chosen f o r attack. Excesses began t o occur as the range o f t a r g e t s expanded t o i n c l u d e more than mere l i t e r a r y and campaign q u i c k l y got out of hand and many s a c r o s a n c t artistic license. became a d r i v e The against a s p e c t s o f the ongoing m o d e r n i z a t i o n 82 An excellent discussion of many of these activities is provided in Chang Ching-li, "Promotion of Socialist Spiritual Civilization on the Chinese Mainland," Issues and Studies, vol. 19 no. 8 (August, 1983), pp. 23-40. 74 program.83 With t h e campaign c i r c l e widening u l t r a - L e f t i s t , xenophobic direction, and t a k i n g an i t began t o be used as a cover t o a t t a c k those i n p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n s . 8 4 In November, 1983, e f f o r t s were made t o d e f i n e t h e l i m i t s o f t h e a t t a c k , and c a u t i o n s were i s s u e d r e m i n d i n g t h e o v e r z e a l o u s t h a t some youth b e h a v i o u r s (such as t h e wearing o f l o n g e r h a i r s t y l e s ) were not evidence o f s p i r i t u a l pollution. January, By l a t e December, and c e r t a i n l y by t h e end o f t h e movement appeared t o have been p u t on h o l d . The end o f t h e campaign r e f l e c t e d a number o f t h e Deng regime's sought, priorities. Economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n and r e f o r m was a l o n g w i t h t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f CCP power. True p u r i f i c a t i o n was a l s o an o b j e c t i v e , but t h e c o s t o f t h e s o c i a l l y d i v i s i v e campaign was t o o h i g h i n terms o f stability. L i b e r a l i z a t i o n was something t o be avoided, but i t has been s a i d t h a t Deng f a i l e d t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e m o d e r n i z a t i o n from Westernization.85 I n t h e campaign a g a i n s t " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " l e a d e r s h i p d i s u n i t y was n o t c e n t r e d on t h e same d i v i s i o n s as e x i s t e d a t t h e time o f t h e campaign t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and Confucius. There has been no s u b s t a n t i a l c o n f l i c t over 83 Because of the adverse effects of the campaign on economic reform, the field of discussion was explicitly limited to ideological and literary matters in November, 1983. See Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, pp. 262-263. 84 Gold, " J U S T IN TIME!,'" p. 973. 85to/d., pp. 973-974. 75 party " l i n e " i n recent years. may still Although leadership f i g u r e s be c l a s s e d as moderates and conservatives, i t is d i f f i c u l t t o document t h a t an i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t e x i s t s now between r e f o r m i s t s and C u l t u r a l Revolutionary Some s e n i o r l e a d e r s , such as Deng X i a o p i n g , Liqun, radicals. Hu Qiaomu, Deng Peng Zhen, Wang Zhen, and Yu Q i u l i are seen as merely more r e s i s t a n t t o a r a p i d opening-up t o the w o r l d than others. One view r e c e n t l y put forward sees the l a r g e r arena of disagreement not as c o n f l i c t over the c o n t i n u a t i o n reform itself, factional are but as d i s p u t e over p e r s o n a l power of and issues.86 Beginning simultaneously w i t h the movement a g a i n s t " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " and extending i n t o 1987, r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign was conducted. The a CCP problems which plagued Chinese s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l a l s o e x i s t e d i n the party i t s e l f , which had at t h i s time. a membership o f around f o r t y m i l l i o n A d d i t i o n a l l y , w i t h the new modernization, and emphasis on i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l and l a r g e p o r t i o n of the membership was on economic reform, a becoming of dubious ideological quality. "Nine t y p e s " of p a r t y members were d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n the " D e c i s i o n on P a r t y C o n s o l i d a t i o n . " These i n c l u d e d 1983 three t y p e s of p a r t y member whose d e t r a c t i o n s were deemed s e r i o u s 86 This view is put forward in Ramon H. Myers, "Does the CCP Have a 'Line'?," pp. 33-34. 76 enough by t h e C e n t r a l Committee t o warrant removal from party: "...persons who have r i s e n t o prominence by the c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l i q u e s of L i n P i a o and following Chiang Ch'ing i n ' r e b e l l i o n , ' t h o s e who have been s e r i o u s l y factionalist t h o s e who beating, ideology, i n t h e i r i d e a s , and smashing and looting."87 i n work s t y l e , and the have i n d u l g e d in "Three i m p u r i t i e s , " i n i n o r g a n i z a t i o n , would a l s o be sought o u t . 8 8 C u l t u r a l Revolution-era than " e x p e r t . " The members were m o s t l y " r e d " T h i r d Plenum of 1978, M o d e r n i z a t i o n s were put rather a t which t h e Four forward, s h i f t e d p a r t y work emphasis from c l a s s s t r u g g l e t o s o c i a l i s t m o d e r n i z a t i o n , which r e q u i r e d b e t t e r - t r a i n e d and out-of-step, s k i l l e d cadres. some of t h e e x i s t i n g c a d r e s and Ideologically members were not b e l i e v e d t o be sympathetic t o the economic and reforms g o i n g on. Remnant C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n were a l s o blamed f o r o t h e r troubles. influences With a massive o p p o r t u n i s t i c ? ) membership, r o u t i n e p a r t y work was being the done i n a r a t h e r c u r s o r y ideological, p o l i t i c a l , and fashion. (and likely Uncertainty over o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i n e of p a r t y c o n t r i b u t e d t o the d o u b t f u l m e r i t Many b a s i c q u e s t i o n s political o f i d e o l o g y had of new the members. been g l o s s e d over i n 87 Hsuan Mo, "Party Consolidation: Teng's Final Struggle?," Issues and Studies vol. 20 no. 1 (January, 1984), pp. 16-17. 88 Ibid. 77 r e c e n t y e a r s w h i l e the p a r t y had c o n c e n t r a t e d on economic reforms and f i g h t i n g economic crime. Officially, f o u r reasons were g i v e n f o r t h e rectification. These were: t o u n i f y a l l p a r t y members i d e o l o g i c a l l y w i t h the C e n t r a l Committee (to promote a c l e a r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c u r r e n t l i n e and p o l i c i e s ) , t o r e c t i f y p a r t y work s t y l e by a c t i n g i n the i n t e r e s t of t h e masses, t o s t r e n g t h e n p a r t y discipline ( p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e norm of d e m o c r a t i c - c e n t r a l i s m ) , and t o e x p e l those p a r t y members who f i r s t three do not a c h i e v e the goals.89 Seemingly i n t e n d e d t o be a t i g h t l y - c o n t r o l l e d e f f o r t , r e c t i f i c a t i o n was t o be a "top-down" e f f o r t , closed-door i n nature. statement the strictly The d r i v e commenced w i t h an explicit a t t h e same Second Plenum of t h e 12th C e n t r a l Committee which launched t h e a s s a u l t on pollution." The "spiritual l a t t e r campaign, c o n c e i v e d i n response f a c t i o n a l pressures w i t h i n the leadership, c o n s t i t u t e d "mass" or p u b l i c a s p e c t of a g e n e r a l (masses and a t t a c k on u n s a t i s f a c t o r y c o n d i t i o n s . statement on of members would be party) 'correct' sought, no account s h o u l d t h e p a s t erroneous p r a c t i c e " l e t t i n g t h e masses c o n s o l i d a t e t h e P a r t y " o r 89 Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance," pp. 174-175. the The C e n t r a l Committee made i t c l e a r t h a t , even though t h e o p i n i o n s o f non-party to 78 l e t t i n g non-Party members P a r t y be repeated.90 decide issues i n the T h i s was an attempt t o a v o i d t h e d i s o r d e r and l o s s o f c o n t r o l evident i n previous rectifications. t h a t any r o l e o f t h e masses as a c l e a n s i n g , continued t o be o f f i c i a l l y frowned upon. Central D i s c i p l i n e Inspection Commission I t a l s o showed "storming" f o r c e The p a r t y ' s (CDIC) was, f o r t h e f i r s t time, i n v o l v e d i n a r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign, w i t h t h e job of p r o v i d i n g negative examples t o r e i n f o r c e c o r r e c t behaviour i n p a r t y members. Commission f o r G u i d i n g up An a d d i t i o n a l body, t h e C e n t r a l P a r t y R e c t i f i c a t i o n (CCGPR) was s e t s p e c i f i c a l l y t o conduct t h e o v e r a l l campaign e f f o r t . A l l t h e s e measures were aimed a t p e r m i t t i n g t h e CCP t o m a i n t a i n s t r i c t c o n t r o l over i t s own i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . s i m i l a r d e s i r e f o r i n t e r n a l r e g u l a t i o n i n the party a f t e r t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e Great Leap Forward. CCP o r g a n i z a t i o n , A arose I n terms o f t h e p e r i o d o f t h e e a r l y 1960s has o f t e n been compared w i t h t h e post-1978 e r a . I t was d u r i n g t h e y e a r s 1958-66 t h a t t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f c o n t r o l commission organs on i n t e r n a l p a r t y a f f a i r s , t h e abandoning o f "opendoor" r e c t i f i c a t i o n , and an emphasis on o r g a n i z a t i o n and order, r u l e s and r o u t i n e f i r s t became apparent.91 90 From "The Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Party Consolidation" of Oct. 11, 1983. See Beijing Review, vol. 26 no. 42 (October 17,1983), centrefold document pages. 91 Charles Neuhauser, "The Chinese Communist Party in the 1960s: Prelude to the Cultural Revolution," The China Quarterly, no. 32 (October-December, 1967), pp. 14-19. 79 The c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e r e c t i f i c a t i o n seems t o have been i t s i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Problems abounded, many o f which were due t o t h e c o n f u s i o n which e x i s t e d over t h e emphasis and g o a l s o f t h e campaign. The p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e o f t h e regime a t t h i s time was, o f course, t h e ongoing m o d e r n i z a t i o n and r e f o r m program. Party r e c t i f i c a t i o n not be a l l o w e d t o i n t e r f e r e w i t h t h i s could drive. T h i s campaign i n p a r t i c u l a r s u f f e r e d from a number o f f a u l t s , most n o t a b l y shoddy a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l u c k l u s t r e implementation. To encourage members t o improve t h e i r work s t y l e , t h e need f o r t h e p r o v i s i o n o f s e l e c t i v e was r e c o g n i z e d . enough. incentives However, t h e s e d i d n o t prove a t t r a c t i v e Model rewards f o r good work were becoming redundant when compared t o t h e p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s t o be d e r i v e d from engaging i n c o r r u p t i o n and abuse o f power.92 Furthermore, improvements i n work s t y l e were o n l y c a l l e d f o r on t h e f l i m s y b a s i s t h a t i f they were a c h i e v e d , a l l would b e n e f i t from t h e c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s o f r e c t i f i c a t i o n . I d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y among t h e l e a d e r s h i p was e v i d e n c e d by the s h i f t i n g f o c u s o f t h e campaign. T h i s was most obvious i n t h e two c o n f l i c t i n g p r i o r i t i e s o f economic p r o d u c t i o n and party r e c t i f i c a t i o n . The campaign was one i n which p a r t - time p a r t i c i p a t i o n was encouraged so as n o t t o d i s r u p t 92 Ibid., p. 176. 80 production. The demands o f p r o d u c t i o n and t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a t t e n d i n g t o one's work d e t r a c t e d from t h e campaign's e f f e c t i v e n e s s - a ready excuse was p r o v i d e d t o some t o a v o i d rectification. One o f t h e reasons f o r t h e campaign was t o a c q u i r e more s k i l l e d cadres f o r economic r e f o r m purposes. Indeed, economic performance was used as an o u t r i g h t i n d i c a t o r o f campaign s u c c e s s , and economic r e f o r m was c o n t i n u o u s l y t a k i n g precedence over r e c t i f i c a t i o n m a t t e r s . An e f f e c t i v e campaign typically includes a blend of p e r s u a s i o n and c o e r c i o n , but l i t t l e o f t h e l a t t e r was evident i n the r e c t i f i c a t i o n . Only 0.4% o f t h e CCP membership was removed as a r e s u l t o f t h i s campaign. With leniency stressed i n the r e c t i f i c a t i o n , the p o s s i b i l i t y of b e i n g e x p e l l e d was n o t h i g h . Consequently, l a c k o f enthusiasm on t h e p a r t o f members was perhaps n o t surprising. Lack o f communication was another major problem a r e a . C o o r d i n a t i o n between t h e CDIC and t h e CCGPR was n o t always i n e v i d e n c e , and communication l o c a l - a r e a c a d r e s was poor. between t h e CCGPR and t h e T h i s r e s u l t e d i n many p a r t y organs s u c c e s s f u l l y a v o i d i n g t h e campaign. organs were slow t o b e g i n r e c t i f i c a t i o n . rural Some p a r t y The CCGPR itself was handicapped by t h e f a c t t h a t i t had n o t been amply s u p p l i e d w i t h a u t h o r i t y by those a t t h e p a r t y helm. The 81 o f f i c i a l f o u r g o a l s o f the campaign c o n t r a d i c t e d each o t h e r , reflecting ideological confusion: when a cadre was c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the dilemma of how, or whether, t o implement an unpopular p o l i c y , the r e q u i r e m e n t s t o "serve the p e o p l e " and t o obey the chain of command (i.e., obey democratic c e n t r a l i s m ) c o n t r a d i c t e d one another.93 Such d i f f i c u l t i e s c o n t r i b u t e d t o poor communication and the l a c k o f i n f o r m a t i o n so necessary to t o the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l l y - s t r u c t u r e d campaign o f this type. How much genuine membership p a r t i c i p a t i o n , o f t h e expected i n an e x t r a - p a r t y mass campaign, was type required? top-down campaign s t r u c t u r e c e r t a i n l y m i t i g a t e d a g a i n s t i n i t i a t i v e - t a k i n g on the p a r t o f l o w e r - l e v e l b o d i e s . s u b o r d i n a t i n g of the campaign t o the needs o f allowed any The production some, perhaps many, t o a v o i d r e c t i f i c a t i o n i n whole or i n p a r t . One l a r g e meeting, the "8,000 conference," was h e l d i n January, 1986, meetings of the s t a n d a r d having The w i l l and criticism Most i m p o r t a n t l y , the i d e o l o g i c a l commitment t o a c h i e v e thorough-going c l e a n s i n g was 93 Ibid., p. 175. but s m a l l type a r e nowhere mentioned as been i n widespread use. necessary cadres lacking. a 82 In December 1986 outbursts cities. and January 1987, t h e r e were s i g n i f i c a n t of s t u d e n t - l e d d i s c o n t e n t i n s e v e r a l major Chinese F e a r f u l of a r e t u r n o f the chaos of the C u l t u r a l Revolution, and of a p o s s i b l e l i n k a g e between student unrest and worker d i s c o n t e n t , t h e l e a d e r s h i p launched a f u r t h e r campaign r e m i n i s c e n t pollution." o f the d r i v e a g a i n s t Ever w o r r i e d "spiritual about the s o c i a l e f f e c t s o f economic reform, the c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e s w i t h i n the CCP C e n t r a l Committee o r c h e s t r a t e d a "campaign" a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n . " party r e c t i f i c a t i o n , i t was Ostensibly l i m i t e d to being once a g a i n conducted i n the p u b l i c sphere l a r g e l y through the media and prominent i n t e l l e c t u a l t a r g e t s . Western, i t was a operated I n i t i a l l y attacking against things l a t e r couched as a s t r u g g l e between the s o c i a l i s t road and the c a p i t a l i s t road, and was reflective of another i d e o l o g i c a l showdown t a k i n g p l a c e w i t h i n the leadership.94 As b e f o r e , the problem was labelled ( i n t h i s case as " b o u r g e o i s l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) but most w o r r y i n g i n r e a l i t y the c h a l l e n g e was t o CCP leadership. "Bourgeois liberalization" viewed as " . . . r e f u t i n g s o c i a l i s m , a d v o c a t i n g and...refuting the p a r t y ' s l e a d e r s h i p , " and o r g a n i z a t i o n s were c a l l e d upon t o "progress was capitalism, party in unifying 94 Robin Munro, "Political Reform, Student Demonstrations and the Conservative Backlash," Reforming the Revolution: China in Transition, pp. 63-80. 83 thought," r e v e a l i n g the e x i s t e n c e of i d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y even w i t h i n the CCP The campaign was itself.95 f o r m a l l y l i m i t e d i n scope and the p a r t y i t s e l f , t a r g e t t i n g expressly thought o f attempting Communist P a r t y and "the emphasis t o erroneous t o g e t r i d of t h e l e a d e r s h i p of to refute socialism." I t was c o n t e n d i n g w i t h p o l i c i e s on economic reform, o f l i t e r a r y o r a r t i s t i c s t y l e s and d a i l y l i f e of the people."96 avoid "explorations techniques," I t was to the and not t o a f f e c t "the rural a r e a s or non-party i n t e l l e c t u a l s , a l t h o u g h i n t h i s case the l a t t e r were t o be asked f o r i n p u t . f o r c e was The necessary guiding t o be the R e c t i f i c a t i o n Commission o f t h e CCP C e n t r a l Committee. Patience and l e n i e n c y were c a l l e d f o r i n t h i s e f f o r t , d e s p i t e a p p l i c a t i o n i n the p u b l i c sphere was s t r i c t l y - c o n t r o l l e d party r e c t i f i c a t i o n . unrepentant were t o be d e a l t w i t h occur in fact a Only the severely. truly T h i s would o n l y a f t e r t a r g e t i n d i v i d u a l s had s u c c e s s f u l l y negotiated l o c a l c r i t i c i s m s e s s i o n s , and the i n v e s t i a g t i o n s o f the C e n t r a l Propaganda Department and t h e " p a r t y The which most p a r t i c u l a r l y e g r e g i o u s o f f e n d e r s would " r e s o l u t e l y t r a n s f e r r e d t o other posts." The centre." be o v e r a l l tone 95 "Circular of the C C P Central Committee on Issues of the Current Anti-bourgeois Liberalization Movement (Zhongfa no. 4, January 28,1987)," Chinese Law and Government, vol. 21 no. 1 (Spring, 1988), p. 30. 96 Ibid., p. 31. 84 was one of g e n t l e , and calm way," "normal debate, c r i t i c i s m , and c r i t i c i s m " , and the i n the campaign was a f f a i r s as w e l l . t o be t o have some impact on the Problems of l i t e r a r y and l e f t t o the r e s p e c t i v e be devoted t o the t o the reporting T h i s was and ideological c u l t u r a l e r r o r s were watchdog b o d i e s , but action of a c c e p t a b l e l e a d e r s , editors and staff. not the f i r s t time t h a t "bourgeois liberalization" become a catchword, a l t h o u g h the meaning of the term now changed s l i g h t l y . In the L i b e r a t i o n Army ( P L A ) - i n s p i r e d m i l i t a r y w r i t e r , B a i Hua, w r i t e r , who (Kulian), had was had s p r i n g of 1981, commenced. Ibid., Committee, h e l d pp. 31-33. a C r i t i c i s m of the produced a s c r e e n p l a y e n t i t l e d " B i t t e r Love" a l s o c a l l e d f o r a t the liberalization" had a People's campaign t o c r i t i c i z e (zichan 6th Plenum of the i n June, 1981. e v o l v e d i n t o a f u l l condemnation of 97 to periodicals had Central was C o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n was "clean-up" of newspapers and obtaining primary non-party C a l l s were made f o r s t a t e media, expected t o be t a k e n by them. and counter- campaign.97 b r o a d c a s t s t o f o l l o w a " c o r r e c t p o l i t i c a l and direction." gentle " p o s i t i v e e d u c a t i o n " were t o be the methods u t i l i z e d Yet, reasoned debate: " r e a s o n i n g i n a jieji CCP T h i s campaign, which "bourgeois ziyouhua), continued i n t o the 85 summer o f t h a t y e a r . 9 8 I t i s by no means c e r t a i n t h a t t h e "campaign" a g a i n s t bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n i s a c t u a l l y over. Despite the paucity of c l a s s i c a l m o b i l i z a t i o n i n d i c a t o r s , l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " has remained i n t h e o f f i c i a l r i g h t up u n t i l t h e p r e s e n t . vocabulary Whether i t s t i l l resemblance t o a t r u e campaign i s d e b a t a b l e , term i s now "bourgeois b e a r s any and use o f t h e l i m i t e d t o use i n t h e newest d r i v e on s o c i a l disorder. S i n c e t h e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e pro-democracy p r o t e s t s i n June 1989, t h e p a r t y has conducted campaign-style efforts to d e t e c t and p u n i s h those who p a r t i c i p a t e d t h e r e i n . These measures have i n c l u d e d a propaganda campaign, p u b l i c i z e d a r r e s t s and p r o s e c u t i o n s , a p a r t y p u r i f i c a t i o n campaign, and the a p p l i c a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l campaign-style methods. The l a t t e r i n v o l v e d c o n f e s s i o n s , c r i t i c i s m meetings, and a l i m i t e d number o f l o c a l u n i t - l e v e l g a t h e r i n g s and workteam assignments. These e f f o r t s met w i t h l i t t l e success, being hampered by t h e e x i s t e n c e o f p u b l i c sympathy toward a s p e c t s of t h e p r o t e s t s , l a c k o f enthusiasm and c o o p e r a t i o n , and a p u b l i c "conspiracy of s i l e n c e . " 9 9 98 Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, pp. 261-262. 99 Hong Shi, "China's Political Development After Tienanmen: Tranquility by Default," Asian Survey, vol. 30 no. 12 (December, 1990), pp. 1206-1217. 86 The f a i l u r e o f t h e s e b a l d attempts a t o u t r i g h t has, punishment a c c o r d i n g t o one author, l e d t h e p a r t y t o develop a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d p o l i c y emphasizing s t a b i l i t y and economic development, as w e l l as r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and renewed c a l l s t o p e r f e c t t h e system under CCP l e a d e r s h i p . 1 0 0 However, t h e move i n t h i s new d i r e c t i o n has done l i t t l e t o c o r r e c t t h e grievous loss of p o l i t i c a l legitimacy s u f f e r e d by t h e regime i n 1989. A drive against are c o r r u p t i o n the and pornography, has been t a k i n g p l a c e summer o f 1989. corruption the t h e " s i x e v i l s , " t h e most prominent o f which A s e p a r a t e "campaign" had a l r e a d y since against been i n i t i a t e d i n l a t e 1988. While language i s always couched i n "campaign" terms, t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e s e e f f o r t s e x h i b i t s fewer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a genuine campaign than was t h e case w i t h t h e a n t i - c r i m e of 1983. V i r t u a l l y no mass a c t i v i t y moves i s occurring. Much o f t h i s was mere r e a c t i o n t o t h e events o f e a r l y 1989. As e a r l y as J u l y 1989, t h e emphasis was a l r e a d y be p l a c e d starting to on " p l a i n l i v i n g and h a r d work," as w e l l as on patriotism, socialism, Additionally, independence and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . 1 0 1 "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " has been renewed as 100 Ibid. The author feels that this new policy direction has made passivity a possible course of action for protestors, resulting in the current unexpected political tranquility. 101 See Deng Xiaoping's speech, "Communique of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 13th C C P Central Committee," Beijing Review, vol. 32 no. 27 (July 3-9,1989), p. 14. 87 a catch-word d e n o t i n g many Western v a l u e s . Deng h i m s e l f i s perhaps t h e most vehement opponent o f l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , a p o s i t i o n he has h i m s e l f acknowledged.102 Whether t o s e c u r e t h e i r own p o s i t i o n s , t o promote s o c i a l i s m , t o p r o t e c t t h e l e a d i n g r o l e o f t h e CCP, o r t o a i d t h e r e f o r m process, China's s e n i o r l e a d e r s remain e s p e c i a l l y a p p r e h e n s i v e about t h e p o s s i b l e r e t u r n o f s o c i a l disorder. T h i s has come t o i n c l u d e " l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , " which Deng has s a i d i s "always b o u r g e o i s , " never b e i n g nature.103 With such a l e a d e r s h i p socialist in i n charge, and w i t h a u t h o r i t a r i a n methods o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l c o n t i n u i n g t o be r e s o r t e d t o , any f u t u r e r o l e f o r "mass" p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s l i k e l y t o be a l i m i t e d one. 102 "Deng Xiaoping on Upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and Combatting Bourgeois Liberalization," Beijing Review vol. 32 no. 29 (July 17-13, 1989), p. 21. 103 Ibid. Here, Deng dates the emergence of "bourgeois liberalization" to the period following the overthrow of the Gang of Four (1980) and states that the "four big popular rights" (sida) "...amount(ed) to a form of turmoil." CONCLUSION The search f o r t h e s o u r c e s o f change i n t h e modern mass campaign i s n o t an easy one. administrative, Numerous f a c t o r s - i n v o l v i n g s o c i a l , and l e a d e r s h i p concerns - have impinged on t h e mass campaign. Nonetheless, t h e of change has been r a t h e r c o n s t a n t . direction Trends seen t o be o c c u r r i n g as f a r back as t h e e a r l y 1950s can s t i l l be observed i n evidence today. Perhaps i t i s a l s o s a f e t o c o n c l u d e t h a t some o f t h e same s t r u c t u r a l problems which have plagued t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e PRC s i n c e 1949 remain today. The "mass" campaign has been e f f e c t i v e l y s i d e l i n e d . still i n use, b u t i n l i t t l e more than name o n l y . I t is Certainly i t has never been as i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e masses as i t i s now. The o r i g i n a l l y - c o n c e i v e d i d e a l r o l e o f t h e yundong corrupted t o t h e p o i n t t h a t i t i s no l o n g e r a r e a l means o f participation at a l l , posturing, has been b u t i s merely a t o o l - f o r l e a d e r s h i p f o r r o u t i n e t a s k completion, o r f o r m a i n t a i n i n g social stability. Because o f a l a c k o f commitment on t h e p a r t of those administering i t , o r because o f a p l e t h o r a o f more u r g e n t p r i o r i t i e s and problems, campaigns have become indeterminate, haphazard and nebulous i n terms o f t h e i r s t r u c t u r e and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h e i r c o n t e n t has l i k e w i s e s u f f e r e d from i r r e l e v a n c e , h a v i n g become a second priority 89 t o new regime g o a l s . Campaigns have become i n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h ongoing propaganda a s s a u l t s t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t d e f i n i n g a "mass campaign" i s becoming clearly difficult. 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The Chinese mass campaign in the post-Mao years Fulker, Christopher Paul 1991
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