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The Chinese mass campaign in the post-Mao years Fulker, Christopher Paul 1991

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THE CHINESE MASS CAMPAIGN IN THE POST-MAO YEARS by CHRISTOPHER PAUL FULKER B.A.,  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,  1982  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as  conforming  t o the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August @  1991  Christopher Paul F u l k e r ,  1991  In presenting  this  degree at the  thesis  in  partial fulfilment  of  University of  British Columbia,  I agree  freely available for reference copying  of  department  this or  publication of  and study.  thesis for scholarly by  his  or  her  Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  requirements that the  I further agree  purposes  representatives.  may be It  this thesis for financial gain shall not  permission.  Date  the  for  an  advanced  Library shall make it  that permission for extensive granted  is  by the  understood be  that  allowed without  head  of  my  copying  or  my written  ii  ABSTRACT  The Chinese mass campaign was o r i g i n a l l y formed i n accordance w i t h t h e M a o i s t v i s i o n o f p o l i t i c a l participation.  The "mass l i n e " dictum e n u n c i a t e d by Mao  Zedong r e q u i r e d a r e l a t i o n s h i p o f r e c i p r o c i t y between t h e masses and t h e CCP i n terms o f e v o l v i n g i d e a s , improving and amending them through d i s c u s s i o n , and decisions.  implementing  I n t h i s p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s i t was v i t a l l y  important t h a t t h e masses f r e e l y and v o l u n t a r i l y t h e i r own views.  express  O r i g i n a l l y , t h e mass campaign was a  p o s i t i v e , pragmatic,  and c o m m i t m e n t - f i l l e d way o f c o m p l e t i n g  c o n s t r u c t i v e t a s k s , one i n which t h e masses p l a y e d an important  themselves  role.  The v i s i o n o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r e v a i l i n g a t any g i v e n time has been a major f a c t o r i n shaping t h e n a t u r e o f t h e mass campaign.  Central t o a consideration of the character of  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s t h e degree t o which t h e masses a r e p e r m i t t e d t o p l a y t h e i r independent, role.  a c t i v e , and i n t e g r a l  Stemming from t h e p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e  G r e a t Leap Forward, t h i s o r i g i n a l c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e mass campaign was i n c r e a s i n g l y c o r r u p t e d by d e v e l o p i n g " b u r e a u c r a t i s m " and "commandism" and a c t u a l mass declined.  involvement  With t h e b a s i c t a s k s o f s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n  i ii  seen as completed, t h e mass campaign began t o be used f o r "reforming  the superstructure."  behavioural  Moralizing,  l e c t u r i n g , and  m o d i f i c a t i o n were some o f t h e t a s k s t o which t h e  mass campaign was p u t , as t h e achievement o f s o c i a l stability goals.  and p u b l i c c o o p e r a t i o n  became important  state  Leadership d i s u n i t y r e s u l t e d i n the manipulation of  the mass campaign f o r f a c t i o n a l ends.  S i n c e t h e commencement o f t h e post-Mao r e f o r m Chinese s o c i e t y has e x p e r i e n c e d i n c r e a s e s and  process,  i n social  disorder  i n c y n i c a l , s e l f - c e n t r e d and a p a t h e t i c p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r .  In r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e s e problems, t h e s t a t e has a l t e r e d t h e use  o f t h e mass campaign t o t h e m i n i m a l i s t  social control.  one o f a t o o l f o r  L e a d e r s h i p i n f i g h t i n g and disagreements  over p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n and p a r t y  " l i n e " have become  e s p e c i a l l y prominent s i n c e t h e end o f t h e C u l t u r a l Revolution. by  Mass campaigns have been commonly m a n i p u l a t e d  i n d i v i d u a l s and f a c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p i n r e c e n t  years;  c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and s t r u c t u r e has  become shoddy and t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l d i r e c t i o n haphazard.  Campaigns o f t h e 198 0s have c o n t i n u e d other  trends.  L i m i t e d t o use as l e c t u r i n g and m o r a l i z i n g  t o o l s , subordinated leadership,  t o d i s p l a y t h e s e and  t o economic concerns, m a n i p u l a t e d by t h e  l a c k i n g c o n s t r u c t i v e o r pragmatic g o a l s , and  f e a t u r i n g meaningless c o n t e n t , they a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e masses.  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract  ii  Table  iv  of Contents  Introduction  1- 2  I d e n t i f y i n g t h e Mass Campaign  3-•12  The O r i g i n s o f Modern P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n  13- 27  China's D e v e l o p i n g S o c i a l M a l a i s e  28- 32  State and P u b l i c Responses t o S o c i a l M a l a i s e  33- 49  P i Lin Pi Rung  50- 62  Post-Reform Campaign E f f o r t s  63- 87  Conclusion  88- 89  Bibliography  90- 92  1  INTRODUCTION  The mass campaign has l o n g been a f e a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with the People's Republic of China.  Although  i t c o n t i n u e s t o p l a y a l i m i t e d r o l e as a  type o f m o b i l i z a t i o n , both t h e usage and s t r u c t u r e o f t h e mass campaign have undergone numerous changes.  The more  r e c e n t o f t h e s e developments have o f t e n f o l l o w e d e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n s o f change, some o f which f i r s t became e v i d e n t over 3 0 y e a r s ago.  C e r t a i n l y t h e r o l e o f t h e mass campaign has  been debased and m a r g i n a l i z e d somewhat.  In f a c t ,  i t has  been s t a t e d t h a t t h e "campaign s t y l e " i s no l o n g e r i n use i n t h e PRC today.  T h i s study w i l l p r o v i d e evidence t o show t h a t t h i s i s not the case, and t h a t t h e mass campaign c o n t i n u e s t o p l a y a r o l e today, a l b e i t one much changed from t h e o r i g i n a l . study w i l l p r o v i d e answers t o f o u r q u e s t i o n s . campaign s t i l l  i n use today?  mass campaign developed?  The  I s t h e mass  How has t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e  What i s t h e new r o l e p l a y e d by t h e  mass campaign i n t h e post-Mao p e r i o d ?  Why have t h e s e  changes o c c u r r e d ?  S e c t i o n One o f t h i s study w i l l b r i e f l y examine t h e a c c e p t e d " s t a n d a r d " Mao-era mass campaign i n terms o f d e f i n i t i o n , mobilization indicators tactics),  and g o a l s .  ( a l s o a measure o f campaign  Study o f t h e mass campaign has always  2  been i n s e p a r a b l y bound up w i t h t h e study o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a more g e n e r a l sense, and t h e development of  t h e modern r o l e o f t h e mass campaign as one form o f  p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be examined i n S e c t i o n  Two.  T h i s study done, i t becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y c l e a r t h a t a l t h o u g h the  mass campaign remains i n use today, t h e s t a n d a r d model  ( o f t e n w i t h p o s i t i v e , u s e f u l and e f f e c t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s ) i s no l o n g e r an a p p l i c a b l e one. the  emergence  T h i s outcome i s p a r t l y due t o  o f economic and p o l i t i c a l r e f o r m s i n r e c e n t  y e a r s , and i n p a r t t h e r e s u l t o f c o n t i n u i n g division.  intra-leadership  These f a c t o r s have been compounded by  significant  and growing s o c i a l problems, which w i l l be summarized i n S e c t i o n Three.  S e c t i o n Four w i l l examine t h e r e s p o n s e s o f  both t h e s t a t e and t h e p u b l i c t o t h e s e developments, and w i l l o u t l i n e some o f t h e ways i n which t h e uses and s t r u c t u r e o f t h e mass campaign have been a l t e r e d i n r e c e n t times t o more c l o s e l y meet t h e changed g o a l s o f t h e B e i j i n g regime.  The f o c u s i n t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e study w i l l be on a number o f r e c e n t campaigns, both p r e - and p o s t - r e f o r m , which p r o v i d e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c examples o f t h e changed mass campaign.  Even t h e most r e c e n t developments w i l l be seen t o  conform t o t h e mass campaign i n i t s changed, post-Mao form and usage.  3  SECTION ONE - IDENTIFYING THE MASS CAMPAIGN  The  n a t u r e of the mass campaign and  considered  i t s development must  i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h a t of the l a r g e r concept of  mass m o b i l i z a t i o n .  The mass campaign i s one  p u t t i n g the masses i n t o a c t i o n and t a s k s , but  method o f  o f completing  The  a s e t of  i t i s a l s o i l l u s t r a t i v e of a r a t h e r unique  approach t o o r c h e s t r a t i n g p o l i t i c a l events and political  be  accomplishing  goals.  words "campaign s t y l e " are o f t e n used w i t h r e s p e c t  to  sundry Chinese p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s w i t h a m o b i l i z a t i o n a l focus.  Degrees o f i n t e n s i t y e x i s t here, w i t h the term "mass  campaign" (or yundong) r e p r e s e n t i n g an event f e a t u r i n g a t l e a s t some n o t i c e a b l e and p u r p o s e f u l  increase i n i n t e n s i t y  o f m o b i l i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y and which i s d i r e c t e d toward f u l f i l l m e n t of some g o a l . use  i n t e n s e and  o f t h i s p e c u l i a r ("campaign s t y l e " ) means o f  a f f a i r s has it  Such a v e r y  become c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e c o u n t r y  the  serious conducting  today,  but  i s not a Chinese i n v e n t i o n .  Predating  Chinese e x p e r i e n c e s  w i t h mass campaigns were  e v e n t s i n the S o v i e t Union, where some campaign-type a c t i v i t y has  t a k e n p l a c e on a s p o r a d i c b a s i s .  Movements  t h e r e , however, were a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y run, w i t h the top-down a d m i n i s t r a t i v e h i e r a r c h y i n c o n t r o l .  expected  Consequently,  4  perhaps, t h e degree o f r e a l mass involvement o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n was o f t e n imposed  minimal and a l a r g e dose o f c o e r c i o n  t o ensure adequate  was  l e v e l s o f compliance.  These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e o r i g i n a l Chinese i d e a l o f a two-way t r a n s m i s s i o n o f views between masses and l e a d e r s . o f c o e r c i v e power was the Chinese, who  Furthermore, t h e f r e q u e n t use  i n sharp c o n t r a s t t o t h e p r a c t i c e o f  have p r e f e r r e d t h e use o f p e r s u a s i o n and  d i s c u s s i o n as methods o f i n c r e a s i n g u n d e r s t a n d i n g p r i o r t o obtaining  compliance.  Other s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , n o t a b l y Vietnam, have a l s o u t i l i z e d elements o f t h e "campaign  Korea and Cuba, style."  However, t h e most l i k e l y s o u r c e o f t h e Chinese e x p e r i e n c e l i e s i n the p e c u l i a r s e t of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t i n g i n the c o u n t r y a t the time o f the a n t i - J a p a n e s e s t r u g g l e i n the 1930s and e a r l y 1940s. i n communist-led  A t t h a t time, p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n  g u e r r i l l a a c t i v i t y became l i n k e d w i t h "...a  w i d e - r a n g i n g community a t t a c k on r u r a l problems," under leadership of the party.1 ordinated  In such a "people's war,"  co-  community a c t i o n i n v o l v e d every i n d i v i d u a l .  r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e CCP  the  and the masses which was  A based  on t h e former d i r e c t i n g and e x e r c i s i n g a u t h o r i t y over t h e l a t t e r would not engender amicable c o - o p e r a t i o n and goodwill.  High m o b i l i z a t i o n a l needs r e q u i r e d a new  means o f  combining the r o l e o f the people as a "boundless s o u r c e o f 1 Mark Selden, The Yenan Way in Revolutionary China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 276.  5  power" and as "makers o f h i s t o r y " w i t h t h e p a r t y as t h e guiding, leading force i n society.  The s t a n d a r d mass campaign was f i r s t employed i n p a r t y r e c t i f i c a t i o n e f f o r t s i n t h e l a t e 1930s and e a r l y 1940s. continued  It  i n f r e q u e n t use through t h e 1950s, r e a c h i n g peak  use a t t h e time o f t h e Great Leap Forward. i n h i s Revolution c i t e s a vintage  at Work: Mobilization  C h a r l e s P. C e l l ,  Campaigns in  China,  (and t y p i c a l ) d e f i n i t i o n which o r i g i n a l l y  appeared i n Hongqi.  T h i s d e f i n e d t h e mass m o b i l i z a t i o n  campaign i n China as an o r g a n i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n o f c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n aimed at transforming thought patterns, class/power relationships and/or economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and productivity.2 A l t h o u g h a good bare-bones d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s c o n t a i n s no mention o f what (or who) c o n s t i t u t e s t h e g u i d i n g o r l e a d i n g f o r c e i n t h e mass campaign.  A more r e c e n t d e s c r i p t i o n  h i g h l i g h t s the g u i d i n g / d i r e c t i n g r o l e of the p a r t y : 1) "...its substantive goal i s to advance socialism by t a r g e t i n g a particular obstacle and/or by promoting a p a r t i c u l a r i d e a l . " and 2) "... t h e p r o c e d u r a l requirements f o r a mass campaign a r e t h a t i t be o r g a n i z e d and launched from above, led by the party and mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and t h a t t h e masses be m o b i l i z e d beyond t h e i r normal r o u t i n e s . " 3  2 Charles P. Cell, Revolution at Work: Mobilization Campaigns in China (New York: Academic Press, Inc., 1977), p. 7. 3 Tyrone White, "Postrevolutionary Mobilization in China: The One-Child Policy Reconsidered," World Politics, vol. 43 no. 1 (October, 1990), p. 58.  6  N e i t h e r o f t h e s e d e f i n i t i o n s r e f e r s t o t h e o r i g i n a l view o f the campaign as a form o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n which the masses a r e i n t e n d e d t o p l a y an important r o l e .  It is in  t h i s l a t t e r r e g a r d t h a t some major t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s have taken p l a c e i n t h e l a s t 30 y e a r s , and e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e l a s t decade-and-a-half.  While t h e a c t u a l t e c h n i q u e s and s t e p s  i n v o l v e d i n c o n d u c t i n g a campaign have w i t n e s s e d few changes, t h e g o a l s o f campaigns, and t h e fundamental  beliefs  u n d e r l i n i n g t h e l e a d e r s h i p t h e r e o f , have both been g r e a t l y altered. Campaigns o f a l l t y p e s and s i z e s e x i s t , r a n g i n g from s m a l l l o c a l e f f o r t s t o nationwide movements.  They a r e a l l  d e s i g n e d t o meet a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f g o a l s , which can range from t h e pragmatic t a s k s o f b a s i c c o n s t r u c t i o n t o o b j e c t i v e l y preposterous i d e o l o g i c a l o f f e n s i v e s . Bennett, Leadership,  Gordon  i n h i s Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese  Communist  suggested a number o f t y p i c a l g o a l s which  campaigns a r e i n t e n d e d t o f u l f i l l .  These i n c l u d e d :  1) implementing e x i s t i n g p o l i c y 2) e m u l a t i n g advanced e x p e r i e n c e 3) i n t r o d u c i n g and p o p u l a r i z i n g new p o l i c i e s 4) c o r r e c t i n g d e v i a t i o n s from important p u b l i c norms 5) r e c t i f y i n g l e a d e r s h i p m a l p r a c t i c e s among r e s p o n s i b l e cadres o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s 6) p u r g i n g from o f f i c e i n d i v i d u a l s whose p o l i t i c a l opposition i s excessive 7) e f f e c t i n g enduring changes i n both i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which w i l l c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e growth o f a c o l l e c t i v e s p i r i t and support t h e construction of socialism.4  7  There i s a perhaps a c e r t a i n amount o f ambiguity and o v e r l a p among t h e g o a l s i n t h i s t y p o l o g y ,  and some o f t h e s e  o b j e c t i v e s are q u i t e d i f f u s e i n nature. occasions,  On numerous  d i s o r g a n i z e d campaign a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and  i d e o l o g i c a l i n f i g h t i n g among t h e s e n i o r l e a d e r s h i p have r e n d e r e d i t d i f f i c u l t t o determine what campaign g o a l s a r e w i t h any e x a c t n e s s .  A more e a s i l y and w i d e l y  applicable  means o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e v a r i o u s t y p e s o f mass campaign i s needed.  T h i s has been done by l o o k i n g a t campaigns n o t  i n terms o f t h e i r g o a l s but r a t h e r i n terms o f t h e i r uses o r areas of concentration. campaigns, ideological  Economic  F.T.C. Yu d i s t i n g u i s h e d campaigns, and struggle  economic  campaigns.5  campaigns a r e those concerned w i t h t h e c a r r y i n g - o u t  of pragmatic, c o n s t r u c t i v e t a s k s . become l e s s common i n t h e y e a r s t h i s c a t e g o r i z a t i o n i n 1967.  T h i s t y p e o f campaign has  s i n c e t h e development o f  Yu d e f i n e d a struggle  campaign  as one i n which t h e t a r g e t i s t h e "power base and/or c l a s s p o s i t i o n o f enemy c l a s s e s o r groups."6  An i n d i v i d u a l o r  group o f i n d i v i d u a l s i s s t r u g g l e d a g a i n s t . ideological  campaign a r e " n o n - a n t a g o n i s t i c  among t h e p e o p l e . "  Targetted  i n an  contradictions  The combatting o f t h e s e n e c e s s i t a t e s t h e  4 Gordon Bennett, Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese Communist Leadership, U.C. Berkeley Center for Chinese Studies China Research Monograph no. 12 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), p. 46. 5 F.T.C. Yu, "Campaigns, Communication and Development in Communist China," Communication and Change in Developing Countries, eds. Daniel Lerner and Wilbur Schramm (Honolulu: East-West Center, 1967), pp. 201-202. 6 Ibid.  8  performance o f such t a s k s as c o r r e c t i n g "erroneous t h i n k i n g , " r a i s i n g p o l i t i c a l consciousness c u l t u r a l and e d u c a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s .  and a l t e r i n g  T h i s i s now t h e most  common type o f mass campaign because such e f f o r t s most c l o s e l y address t h e regime's c u r r e n t o b j e c t i v e s .  C e l l , w r i t i n g as o f 1977, p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e r e a r e no e a s i l y d e f i n a b l e parameters t o a campaign; o f t e n , no d i s t i n c t s t a r t i n g o r f i n i s h i n g p o i n t s seem t o e x i s t . A l t h o u g h sundry e f f o r t s t o i n c r e a s e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a c t i v i t y may take p l a c e  (for multitudinous  reasons),  i n themselves may n o t be p a r t o f any coherent,  these  organized  campaign.7  The  range o f events which c o u l d p l a u s i b l y be c a t e g o r i z e d as  "campaigns" has i n c r e a s e d i n t h e r e c e n t p a s t . the p r o c e s s  In l i n e  with  o f de-emphasizing i d e o l o g y , t h e Chinese appear  t o use t h e word campaign  l o o s e l y much o f t h e t i m e .  "Campaigns" a g a i n s t i l l i t e r a c y , the l i k e seem t o c o n t i n u e  c o r r u p t i o n , pornography, and  on an off-and-on  basis  i n d e f i n i t e l y and show few c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f " t r u e " campaigns.  Confusingly,  the o f f i c i a l press  r e f e r s t o t h e s e as campaigns. the 1990s?  constantly  What is a " t r u e campaign," i n  We must f a l l back on t h e statement t h a t a  n o t i c e a b l e increase i n organized m o b i l i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y  7 Cell, Revolution at  Work,  p. 7.  9  probably  i n d i c a t e s t h a t some s o r t o f campaign e f f o r t i s i n  the o f f i n g .  D e t e r m i n i n g s p e c i f i c s t a r t and e s p e c i a l l y  f i n i s h d a t e s i s now an increasingly of the i d e o l o g i c a l confusion, and  because  s e m i - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d nature  l a x d i r e c t i o n a l e f f o r t s o f campaigns o f t h e 1980s and  1990s.  Many o f t h e u s u a l textbook i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign  a c t i v i t y may no l o n g e r be Cell  inexact process  observable.  (1977) d e l i n e a t e d t h r e e t y p e s o f i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign  activity.  These were informational  i n d i c a t o r s (newspaper  a r t i c l e s , pamphlets, s i g n s , banners, " m o b i l i z a t i o n meetings," t a r g e t s f o r c r i t i c i s m , s l o g a n s ) ; organizational cadres,  s t o r i e s f o r e m u l a t i o n and  i n d i c a t o r s (sending-in of outside  t h e c r e a t i o n o f workteams and t h e  rearrangement/reallocation  of resources  and e s t a b l i s h e d  programs and a c t i v i t i e s ) ; and mass participation  indicators  ( s i m i l a r t o o r g a n i z a t i o n a l ones b u t w i t h a much broader p u b l i c involvement: l e t t e r - w r i t i n g ,  after-hours  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , m o b i l i z a t i o n o f s p e c i a l groups and organizations, r a l l i e s , c r i t i c i s m sessions).8  study groups and s t r u g g l e and/or Many o f t h e s e are s t i l l  f e a t u r e s o f p o l i t i c a l events,  common  b u t i n t h e 1990s t h e y a r e n o t  always i n d i c a t i v e o f a " t r u e " and thoroughgoing campaign effort.  8 Ibid., pp. 92-104.  10  Even i n M a o i s t times, a somewhat f u z z y d i v i d i n g l i n e  existed  between a mere event or s e r i e s o f events and a campaign proper: a l l campaigns i n v o l v e an i n c r e a s e d i n t e n s i t y o f a c t i v i t y beyond what i s expected i n r e g u l a r work and l i v i n g r o u t i n e s . For example, i f f a c t o r y l e a d e r s i s s u e a statement t h a t p r o d u c t i o n s h o u l d be i n c r e a s e d , and t h e matter i s perfunctorily d i s c u s s e d i n t h e c o u r s e o f a r e g u l a r i z e d study s e s s i o n , i t s h o u l d not be c o n s i d e r e d a campaign, even though t h e f a c t o r y b u l l e t i n board may c o n t a i n some new slogans or articles about raising production. However, i f t h e frequency o f study s e s s i o n s i n c r e a s e s , i f s l o g a n s are mounted over e n t r a n c e s t o the f a c t o r y , i f new b u l l e t i n boards a r e e r e c t e d , i f new p l a n s f o r mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e l a i d i n a new and s p e c i a l e f f o r t t o i n c r e a s e production i f , in short, information and a c t i v i t y i n d i c a t e s p e c i a l e f f o r t s and h e i g h t e n e d mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n and p e o p l e a r e m o b i l i z e d out of t h e i r normal work and/or l i v i n g p a t t e r n s , t h e n t h e s e events a r e a campaign. The absence of an e x p l i c i t formula means t h a t f o r m a r g i n a l s e t s o f events t h e r e may be some disagreement over whether t h e events a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e a campaign.9  To determine the r e a l e x t e n t of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a m o b i l i z a t i o n a l e f f o r t / c a m p a i g n , one c o u l d l o o k f o r mention o f t h e most t e l l i n g mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d i c a t o r s - t h o s e r e v e a l i n g t h e most d i r e c t , individual activities. meetings,  i n t r u s i v e and  demonstrative  Small p u b l i c events, such as  where t h e need f o r i n d i v i d u a l involvement i s  greatest, f i l l  t h i s r o l e b e s t and have been a common f e a t u r e  o f most campaigns.  A l a r g e p a r t of any mass campaign i s t h e  e x p r e s s i n g o f views by t h e p u b l i c .  Ad hoc  newspapers  (produced by a l l k i n d s of g r o u p s ) , meetings, 9 Ibid.  local  badges, s i g n s ,  11  banners, p o s t e r s , and a l l s o r t s o f c r i t i c i s m / s e l f - c r i t i c i s m o p p o r t u n i t i e s were some o f t h e most obvious ways i n which t h i s has been c a r r i e d o u t .  P u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s can range from  s m a l l neighbourhood groups r e p o r t i n g t o a l a r g e r meeting t o more o r g a n i z e d l o c a l i t y , workplace o r s c h o o l s t u d y s e s s i o n s . L a r g e r events such as l o c a l , r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l  rallies  a l s o take place.  Campaign meetings can t a k e many forms. typically  The most common has  been t h e "study" meeting, which i s u s u a l l y  convened a f t e r an i n i t i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n meeting o r a n o t a b l e speech by a l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e .  Criticism/self-criticism  meetings a r e i n t e n d e d t o combat t a r g e t s which a r e among t h e masses and a r e n o t e x p l i c i t l y c a t e g o r i z e d as " t h e enemy," w h i l e t h o s e c l a s s i f i e d as " s t r u g g l e " meetings a r e aimed a t elements c a t e g o r i z e d as c l a s s enemies.10  I n campaigns  such  as P i Lin Pi Kung, where t h e "bad element" i s n o t p h y s i c a l l y p r e s e n t , a c r i t i c i s m o r condemnation meeting i s conducted. A l l t h e s e t y p e s o f meetings can o c c u r on an ongoing, s c h e d u l e d b a s i s , but t h e i r  frequency increases during a  campaign.  Most o f t h e s e s p e c i f i c used today.  a c t i v i t i e s are infrequently  Compounding t h i s , changes have t a k e n p l a c e i n  g e n e r a l campaign  10 Ibid., pp. 101-104.  campaign  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e p a s t 15 y e a r s .  Among  12  t h e s e have been an i n c r e a s e i n s l i p s h o d and  incomplete  campaign t a s k completion, i n d e c i s i o n over campaign f o c u s , growing  r e g i o n a l and o t h e r d i s p a r i t i e s i n a p p l i c a t i o n , and  t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f some campaign a c t i v i t i e s .  These  s t r u c t u r a l changes a p a r t , an abandonment o f t h e o r i g i n a l M a o i s t t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s behind mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n has a l s o taken p l a c e .  C a t e g o r i z i n g a mass campaign has been made  more d i f f i c u l t than was t h e case d u r i n g even t h e 1970s.  13  SECTION TWO - THE ORIGINS OF MODERN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  In  a t t e m p t i n g t o a s s e s s t h e r o l e o f t h e mass campaign i n  China today, i t must be examined as something  other than a  mere mechanism o r event d e s i g n e d t o work a g a i n s t some t a r g e t or  fulfill  some g o a l .  I t was  d e v i s e d i d e a l l y t o be more  than a mere d e v i c e f o r p o l i c y implementation or a planned event i n t e n d e d t o f u l f i l l  some o b j e c t i v e .  Over t h e y e a r s i t  has been used as one of many forms of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and mass m o b i l i z a t i o n .  By l o o k i n g a t t h e n a t u r e of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n m o b i l i z a t i o n , we was  and  can determine both what r o l e t h e yundong  i n t e n d e d t o p l a y and how  t h a t r o l e has been g r e a t l y  a l t e r e d over time i n o r d e r t o meet t h e most important of t h e regime's new of  t h e CCP  o b j e c t i v e s : the p r o t e c t i o n of t h e l e a d i n g  role  and t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f s o c i a l o r d e r .  P u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e i n t h e PRC e f f e c t e d i n t h r e e ways.  One  can be  of t h e s e , under which heading  t h e mass campaign i s u s u a l l y p l a c e d , can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as t h e official  avenue of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  Illicit  participation  not s a n c t i o n e d by t h e s t a t e c o n s t i t u t e s another means, a l b e i t a r i s k y one,  of g i v i n g a c c e s s and i n f l u e n c e .  r o u t e i s t h a t o f informal  participation,  A  including that  third  14  < based on i n t e r p e r s o n a l t i e s .  A l l of these types of  p a r t i c i p a t i o n s e r v e d i f f e r e n t purposes and a l l have shortcomings which i n t u r n c o n t r i b u t e t o s o c i a l disaffection.  In t h e PRC, a l l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s expected t o support t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e p a r t y .  A clear difference  e x i s t s between a u t h o r i z e d ,  orthodox p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n  and  Some o f t h e l a t t e r has r e c e n t l y  unauthorized protest.  been c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a " c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e b e l l i o n . " T h i s apt c h o i c e o f words i l l u m i n a t e s t h e s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e p a r t y and " o f f i c i a l " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the country. enshrined  political  P a r t i c i p a t i o n has always been  i n t h e "mass l i n e " and i s expected t o be an  i n t e g r a l p a r t o f promoting s o c i a l i s m . i l  In t h i s  traditional  M a o i s t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n , guidance and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n were expected t o f l o w both up and down t h e power s t r u c t u r e , w i t h c a d r e s a c t i n g as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , masses t o h i g h e r  c o n d u c t i n g t h e views o f t h e  b o d i e s o f a u t h o r i t y and a l s o  them, i f need be, through p e r s u a s i o n  Four p r o g r e s s i v e perception,  educating  and d i s c u s s i o n .  s t a g e s comprised t h e mass l i n e  process:  summarization, a u t h o r i z a t i o n , and  implementation.  In the f i r s t  o f these,  t h e cadres,  11 For the classic expostulation of the mass line, see Mao Zedong, "Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership," Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 3 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), pp. 117-130; for a cursory outline of the permitted role of Party members, see Theodore Hsi-En Chen and Wen-Hui C. Chen, "The Three-Anti' and 'Five-Anti' Movements in Communist China," Pacific Affairs, vol. 26 no. 1 (March, 1953), pp. 3-4.  15  o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n t h e masses themselves, were t o note t h e " s c a t t e r e d and u n s y s t e m a t i c views" o f t h e masses.  They  would t h e n summarize t h e s e and t r a n s m i t t h e r e s u l t s t o t h e h i g h e s t r e s p o n s i b l e a u t h o r i t y i n t h e a r e a concerned.  Any  n e c e s s a r y d i r e c t i v e s o r a u t h o r i z a t i o n s would then be i s s u e d by t h a t body, and f i n a l l y t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s would be e x p l a i n e d and p o p u l a r i z e d among t h e masses " u n t i l embrace them as t h e i r own" through  they  implementation.12  T h i s a l s o a p p l i e d i n terms o f t h e e v o l u t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l thought.  " R a i s i n g t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s " o f t h e masses was seen  as a p r o c e s s i n v o l v i n g c o n t i n u o u s r e p e t i t i o n o f t h i s reciprocal,  i n t e r a c t i v e process.  In t h i s  never-ending  p r o g r e s s i o n , t h e p a r t y and c a d r e s would t a k e t h e l e a d , f o l l o w e d f i r s t by t h e most " p r o g r e s s i v e " c l a s s e s and then by the l e s s advanced.  Through d i s c u s s i o n , p e r s u a s i o n , and  a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by a l l ,  u n i t y would be a c h i e v e d :  This concept of the transformation of selfinterest into public interest through " c u l t i v a t i o n " was premised on t h e assumption t h a t under s o c i a l i s m t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and those of the c o l l e c t i v e were always i n principle compatible - that i s , t h e y merged. Merging took p l a c e by t a c i t r e c i p r o c a l agreement: t h e i n d i v i d u a l performed c e r t a i n s e r v i c e s f o r t h e c o l l e c t i v e and t h e c o l l e c t i v e i n t u r n p r o v i d e d f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s welfare.13  12 John W. Lewis, Leadership in Communist China (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1963), pp. 70-75. 13/Wd., p. 25.  16  The e d u c a t i o n , d i s c u s s i o n , review and r e - f o r m u l a t i o n was t o be never-ending;  a l l " s o l u t i o n s " t o problems  (contradictions  among t h e people) were, i n a sense, temporary  ones.  P u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s n a t u r a l l y expected t o t a k e p l a c e through t h e CCP and i t s a d j u n c t organs, b u t both t h e p a r t y and t h e p u b l i c can e x e r t i n f l u e n c e . c o n t r o l through leading participating.  The p a r t y r e a l i z e s  and t h e masses " c o n t r o l " by way o f  The masses a r e expected t o be a b l e t o o b t a i n  i n f l u e n c e s o l e l y through t h e p a r t y .  P o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , through a mass campaign conducted by t h e p a r t y , c o n s t i t u t e s a form o f d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s l a r g e r sense.14  China does n o t p o s s e s s d i r e c t  arrangements f o r o t h e r than l o w e r - l e v e l b o d i e s .  voting  There a r e  no a u t h o r i z e d independent p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s o r t r u l y independent p r e s s u r e / l o b b y groups p e r m i t t e d t o o p e r a t e within the o f f i c i a l state structure.15  Democratic  p a r t i c i p a t i o n t a k e s p l a c e i n t h e public  sphere,  Chinese Communist P a r t y .  through t h e  The p a r t y , w i t h i t s mass  membership, i s i n t e n d e d t o be t h e i n s t r u m e n t o f m o b i l i z a t i o n f o r t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a whole.  Any p e r m i t t e d d i s s e n t i s  expected t o be r a i s e d w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f t h e CCP.  Such  14 Bennett, Yundong, p. 18. 15 There were, as of 1990, eight "non-Communist parties" in the PRC which were allied with the CCP, but their scope for autonomous action was negligible. See Li Chiu-i, '"Multiparty Cooperation' Under the CCP's Leadership," Issues and Studies, vol. 26 no. 11 (November, 1990), pp. 75-85.  17  " m o b i l i z a t i o n a l democracy" has as one instrument t h e yundong,  which s h o u l d  ideally link individual  activist  commitment w i t h s t a t e / p a r t y d i r e c t i o n : a Chinese yundong i s a government-sponsored e f f o r t to storm and e v e n t u a l l y overwhelm strong but vulnerable b a r r i e r s t o the progress o f s o c i a l i s m through i n t e n s i v e mass m o b i l i z a t i o n o f a c t i v e p e r s o n a l commitment.16 A c t i v i t y which does n o t f u r t h e r t h e i d e a l s and o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e p a r t y i s p r o h i b i t e d , b u t spontaneous v o l u n t a r y i n support The  o f p a r t y aims i s encouraged and indeed  achievement o f t h i s i d e a l i s c o n s i d e r e d  a  activity expected.  long-term  g o a l , one which c a n o n l y be forwarded t h r o u g h ongoing d i l i g e n t educational e f f o r t s .  As an important  m o b i l i z a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , mass campaign must be c o n s i d e r e d v o l u n t a r i l y and i n d e p e n d e n t l y  The  means o f  i n mass l i n e t h e o r y , t h e as one method o f  e x p r e s s i n g mass o p i n i o n .  n e c e s s i t y o f v o l u n t a r y and u n s o l i c i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s  rooted  i n t h e view t h a t the masses a r e t h e c r e a t o r s o f  h i s t o r y ; t h e p a r t y cannot accomplish must r e l y on t h e masses t o a c h i e v e  anything  i t s goals.  a " l e a d i n g " r o l e o n l y because i t p o s s e s s e s knowledge and e x p e r i e n c e .  alone, b u t The p a r t y has  the greater  " I n c o r r e c t " mass o p i n i o n s must be  s y n t h e s i z e d i n t h e way d e s c r i b e d e a r l i e r , t h r o u g h " p a t i e n t persuasion  16/b/d.  and e d u c a t i o n , " u n t i l u l t i m a t e l y t h e masses w i l l  18  be primed Although  t o engage i n " c o n s c i o u s and voluntary  o s t e n s i b l y p a r t y - l e d , t h i s s h o u l d be a c t i o n by t h e  masses taken o f t h e i r own a c c o r d . guided,  action."  Participation,  s h o u l d thus produce popularly-derived  although  and executed  policy.  The p u b l i c ' s mere obedience  i s inadequate,  f o r the  d i c t a t o r s h i p of the p r o l e t a r i a t i s intended t o prepare the populace  f o r r e a l l y fundamental s o c i a l changes.  Citizens  a r e expected t o observe and be f a m i l i a r w i t h a l a r g e number of  r e g u l a t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s , and s h o u l d e x h i b i t  minded b e h a v i o u r s .  They must be s o c i a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e and  exercise v i g i l a n c e i n the public i n t e r e s t .  More  i m p o r t a n t l y , they must a c t i v e l y Jbecome involved out i f a l l matters understanding  civic-  and speak  a r e t o be f u l l y a i r e d and f u l l  i s t o be developed.  The mass campaign i s  i n t e n d e d t o p l a y t h i s r o l e as a g r a s s r o o t s , v o l u n t a r y and p r o a c t i v e method o f p u b l i c m o b i l i z a t i o n and  In  expression.17  l i g h t o f t h e l i m i t e d uses t o which t h e mass campaign has  been p u t i n t h e post-Mao y e a r s , t h i s i s a r a t h e r r o s y and optimistic description. institutionalized and directed  The mass campaign has become an  means o f orthodox, p u b l i c involvement.  acceptable,  expected,  I t no l o n g e r f u l f i l l s i t s  i d e a l r o l e as a means o f a c t i v i s t , i n d i v i d u a l l y - m o t i v a t e d 17 For a fuller discussion of the role of voluntary and unsolicited mass activism, see James R. Townsend, Political Participation in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), pp. 72-76.  19  and  committed m o b i l i z a t i o n , animated t o some e x t e n t by t h e  masses themselves. Many o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s i n t h e p r e - C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n e r a c o n c u r r e d w i t h t h e orthodox L e n i n i s t view t h a t t h e expansion  o f p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e s had t o keep pace  with the transformation of the r e l a t i o n s of production. r e s u l t a n t g r a d u a l expansion  The  o f p r o d u c t i v i t y would encourage  the p u b l i c t o j o i n i n l a r g e r c o l l e c t i v i t i e s f o r g r e a t e r p r o f i t a b i l i t y and e f f i c i e n c y thus e f f e c t i n g t h e merger o f p u b l i c - and s e l f - i n t e r e s t .  P a r t y devotees and members  would, i n t h i s c o n c e p t i o n ,  be more than w i l l i n g t o work  o b j e c t i v e l y f o r t h e c o l l e c t i v e good knowing t h a t t h e i r  own  p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s and those o f t h e p u b l i c would a t some p o i n t merge.  The  foregoing i s a b r i e f encapsulation of the t r a d i t i o n a l  M a o i s t view o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  i n which t h e r e was  supposed t o be an e s s e n t i a l l y c i r c u l a r and r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e masses and t h e e l i t e s . t h i s system tended t o become somewhat p e r v e r t e d .  A f t e r 1949, Criticisms  were v o i c e d t o t h e e f f e c t t h a t t h e a c t u a l r o l e o f t h e masses had  l a r g e l y become l i m i t e d t o echoing  p o s i t i o n s formulated  and s u p p o r t i n g  by t h e p a r t y l e a d e r s h i p . 1 8  f o l l o w i n g t h e p r o c e s s o f making s o c i a l l y behaviour  compatible  In  beneficial  with the p u r s u i t of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , i t  18 See Lowell Dittmer, "Public and Private Interests and the Participatory Ethic in China," Citizens and Groups in Contemporary China, ed. Victor C. Falkenheim (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1987), pp. 17-44.  20  became d i f f i c u l t motivated greed.  t o determine whether a g i v e n i n d i v i d u a l was  by r e v o l u t i o n a r y ardour o r by s e l f i s h n e s s and  Both t y p e s o f behaviour c o u l d be a c h i e v e d  simultaneously,  through t h e same a c t i o n s . The r e s u l t was  t h a t t h e former a t r o p h i e d , as c o n c e n t r a t i o n was n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y p l a c e d on t h e l a t t e r .  I t was d i f f i c u l t  to t e l l  i f a g i v e n p e r s o n was a c t i n g i n t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e masses, the s t a t e , o r t h e p a r t y - o r merely p u r s u i n g h i s own personal  The  goals.  C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n r a d i c a l s , who viewed p u b l i c - and  s e l f - i n t e r e s t as fundamentally  irreconcilable,  number o f o r i g i n a l p a t t e r n s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n , unsigned b i g - c h a r a c t e r poster  (dazibao),  introduced a such as t h e  t h e independently-  p u b l i s h e d t a b l o i d newspaper, and a degree o f freedom t o t r a v e l and exchange e x p e r i e n c e s commune o f 1967 p e r m i t t e d  (quanlian).  The Shanghai  a measure o f autonomous mass  a c t i o n , f r e e from t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n and control of the party. l i n e process  During  these y e a r s , t h e f o r m a l mass  as a method o f i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e wishes o f t h e  masses was n e g l e c t e d .  However, e f f o r t s were a l s o made t o  e l i m i n a t e t h e "commandism" and top-down p a r t y  direction  which had become rampant d u r i n g t h e L i u Shaoqi e r a .  The  c e n t r a l question a r i s i n g i n t h i s discussion of the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e masses and t h e l e a d e r s i s : Who a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e s t h e l e a d i n g f o r c e behind  mobilization?  21  Even under Mao's l e a d e r s h i p , two d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f m o b i l i z a t i o n were d e t e c t e d .  One o f t h e s e was t h a t i n which  p a r t y members were s u b j e c t e d t o t h e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e nonp a r t y masses ("open-door").  T h i s i s a form o f p o p u l a r l y - l e d  m o b i l i z a t i o n from below, and has a l s o been termed "storming."  I t contemplates  a somewhat d i r e c t i v e r o l e f o r  t h e masses and f u l f i l l s p a r t o f t h e "mass l i n e "  requirement  of r e c i p r o c i t y i n communication between t h e masses and t h e leadership.  The o t h e r model, termed " e n g i n e e r i n g , " i n v o l v e s  l e a d e r s h i p from above by t h e p a r t y and has been l i n k e d t o L i u Shaoqi  and a d i s t i n c t l y L e n i n i s t o u t l o o k .  commonly a means o f p u r s u i n g more pragmatic, practical  It is s p e c i f i c , and  goals.19  As was t h e case i n t h e e a r l y 1960s, t h e second model o f m o b i l i z a t i o n seems t o have f i r m l y s u p p l a n t e d t h e f i r s t i n t h e post-Mao y e a r s .  I n terms o f d i r e c t i o n , t h e mass  campaign i s now i n t e n d e d t o be s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d and a d m i n i s t e r e d by t h e p a r t y and s t a t e l e a d e r s h i p , o r moreover by those among them who a r e i n e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l . 2 0  These  may be t h e l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s b e s t a b l e t o make use o f t h e mass campaign as a t o o l f o r g a i n i n g p e r s o n a l o r f a c t i o n a l advantage, they may be ardent p u r s u e r s o f reform,  or they  19 See Lowell Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution: The Post-Liberation Epoch, 1949-1981 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 6. 20 Leaders have at times appeared to be attempting to manipulate mass activity for their own ends, as in the case of Deng Xiaoping during the Democracy Wall Movement of 1978-79, Hu Yaobang in 1986-87, or Zhao Ziyang in 1989.  22  may be g e n u i n e l y committed i d e o l o g u e s .  The g o a l s and  t a r g e t s chosen must be outwardly r a t i o n a l i z e d as s e r v i n g t h e interests  of the party.  At l e a s t , they  such, a f a c t which o f t e n r e s u l t s  must  t o be  seem  i n rather disorganized  campaign e f f o r t s w i t h near-meaningless a c t u a l  content.  This  campaign r o l e i s a v e r y l i m i t e d one.  There a r e a l i m i t e d number o f o f f i c i a l l y - a c c e p t e d forms o f p u b l i c p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n China today. the  effectiveness  constraints,  Furthermore,  o f t h e s e i s c i r c u m s c r i b e d by a number o f  t h e most obvious o f which i s t h e need t o work  w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f t h e Chinese Communist P a r t y . Additionally,  such p o p u l a r e l e c t i o n s  as do e x i s t a r e  generally r e s t r i c t e d t o the s e l e c t i n g  o f members o f lower-  l e v e l b o d i e s and t h e number o f c a n d i d a t e s p e r m i t t e d t o s t a n d i n t h e s e c o n t e s t s has, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , Participation (and the  been  i s viewed by many, f o r b e t t e r  limited. o r f o r worse,  c e r t a i n l y by t h e l e a d e r s h i p ) as m o b i l i z a t i o n  supporting  d e c i s i o n s and p o l i c i e s o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p and t h e p a r t y .  Other forms o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e l a r g e l y  prohibited.  Even so, involvement i n f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s can  present opportunities f o r exerting influence  f o r being subjected t o i t .  as w e l l as  L o c a l work and r e s i d e n c e  unit  p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been viewed as "...an i n t e g r a l form o f national  participation."21  Among t h e p e a s a n t r y , mass  23  meetings and  work teams p r e s e n t  o p p o r t u n i t i e s not o n l y  r e c e i v e d i r e c t i o n but a l s o chances t o p r o v i d e decisions.  Mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s  peasant a s s o c i a t i o n s  b r i g a d e - l e v e l women's f e d e r a t i o n  xiehui)  (funu  o s t e n s i b l e purpose i s t o m o b i l i z e  informal  lower-middle  and  the  lianhehui)  have some c a p a c i t y t o be used i n t h i s way,  Such other  i n p u t and make  such as poor and  (pinxiazhongnong  to  even though t h e i r  s u p p o r t f o r the  regime.  o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n p u t as e x i s t are l a r g e l y  i n nature.  These have the drawback of not  being  adequate f o r the o b t a i n i n g of many o b j e c t i v e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e such as a c c e s s t o overseas e d u c a t i o n a l which r e q u i r e the c o - o p e r a t i o n dazibao,  opportunities,  of t h e s t a t e .  Petitions,  the w r i t i n g of l e t t e r s of p r o t e s t and  f o r e i g n media a t t e n t i o n are some of t h e s e . more dubious  the use  of  Activities  of  (and p r o b a b l y i l l e g a l ) r e p u t e such as  corruption,  s t r i k e s and  withholding  goods and  slow-downs, the o f f e r i n g of b r i b e s ,  s e r v i c e s and  f a l s e r e p o r t i n g have a l s o  t a k e n place.22  I n f o r m a l a c t i v i t i e s are sometimes q u i t e nebulous i n n a t u r e . The  power t o i n f l u e n c e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and  the o c c u p y i n g o f  a l e g a l l y - d e f i n e d p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y are o f t e n o f l e s s e r importance i n China than are f a c t o r s such as p o s i t i o n s h e l d by one's s u p p o r t e r s ,  guanxi,  o r perhaps even  21 John Burns, "Political Participation of Peasants in China," Citizens and Groups in Contemporary China, pp. 91-121. 22/o/d., p. 105.  24  financial clout.  Other i n t e r p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s which come  i n t o p l a y can i n c l u d e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l o c a l i t y o r k i n s h i p (surname) t i e s ,  epitomized i n the " f i v e kinds of personal  r e l a t i o n s h i p s , " o r vrutong l i n e a g e , same v i l l a g e ,  guanxi:  same surname, same  same s c h o o l , and same  workplace.  However, spontaneous mass a c t i v i s m o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n t y p e i s now, o f c o u r s e ,  discouraged.23  D i s r u p t i o n o r any spontaneous p o p u l a r d i s o r d e r would seem t o evoke sheer t e r r o r i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p .  T h i s has been made  e s p e c i a l l y e v i d e n t s i n c e t h e death o f Mao by t h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f m o r a l i z i n g campaigns, law and o r d e r b l i t z e s , and p r o p a g a n d i z i n g a g a i n s t any b e h a v i o u r which c a r r i e s even a w h i f f o f autonomous a c t i o n .  Lowell Dittmer  p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e r o l e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n today i n some ways resembles  t h a t o f t h e e a r l y 1960s, w i t h i n c r e a s i n g emphasis  on amending p e r s o n a l behaviour and t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g o f regime l e g i t i m a c y . 2 4  However, he sees t h e modern r o l e o f  t h e p a r t y as t h a t o f an i n t e r m e d i a r y o r b r o k e r between c o l l e c t i v e , group,  and i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s .  In very recent  mass campaigns ( a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " ) , one notes a degree  o f xenophobia  p o p u l i s m which a r e h o l d o v e r s from M a o i s t t i m e s .  and  The  23 Evidence of this was provided by the 1980 revision of the state constitution eliminating the "four big" popular rights (sida) "to speak out freely, air views freely, hold great debates, and write dazibao." More recently, China's first "Law on Mass Rallies and Demonstrations" was passed to control such events; see Stephen Uhalley, Jr., "Structural Political Reform in Mainland China: Before and After Tienanmen," Issues and Studies, vol. 26 no. 7 (July, 1990), p. 53. 24 Dittmer, "Public and Private Interests," pp. 40-43.  25  c h a r a c t e r o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s undoubtedly changing, but a p p a r e n t l y n o t i n a c o n s i s t e n t and c l e a r  direction.  P r i o r t o t h e mid-1950s, t h e mass campaign was used as i t was d e v i s e d t o be used: f o r t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f p r a g m a t i c t a s k s of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , t h e a c h i e v i n g o f committed and c o - o p e r a t i v e p u b l i c m o b i l i z a t i o n t o t h i s end, and as one component o f t h e mass l i n e concept o f r e c i p r o c a l communication  between t h e l e a d e r s and t h e masses.  From t h a t  p e r i o d u n t i l t h e advent o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , a g r a d u a l p r o c e s s o f imposing a more s t a r k l y L e n i n i s t , t o p down a d m i n i s t r a t i o n took p l a c e .  Accompanying  growing use o f t h e mass campaign  as a  superstructure.  tool  t h i s was a  f o r reforming the  Campaigns were used f o r t h e promotion o f  t h e regime's p o l i t i c a l l e g i t i m a c y through t h e m a n i p u l a t i o n of p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s .  In t h e e a r l y 1960s, problems such as a u t h o r i t a r i a n  decision-  making, top-down "commandism," and burgeoning b u r e a u c r a c y were p e r c e i v e d as growing t h r e a t s . e a r l y i n PRC h i s t o r y .  These had t h e i r  roots  Immediately a f t e r t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of t h e PRC i n 1949, a number o f problems w i t h i n t h e Communist P a r t y became apparent.  The new government had  s e v e r a l p r e s s i n g t a s k s which had t o be accomplished as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e and which c o u l d not w a i t f o r t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f a new system o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i t h l a r g e l y  26  new  personnel.  Land reform, economic improvement,  and  p o l i t i c a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n were paramount among t h e s e .  In a d d i t i o n , and  "counterrevolutionary landlords," "bandits,"  " N a t i o n a l i s t s p e c i a l agents" had t o be fought.  problem was  A major  the shortage of s k i l l e d and e x p e r i e n c e d  cadres,  which l e d t o t h e use of f o r c e and c o e r c i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n s i t u a t i o n s where u n d e r s t a f f i n g n e c e s s i t a t e d i t .  Sufficient  e x p l a n a t i o n s , small-group d i s c u s s i o n s , e x p l a n a t i o n o f advantages and o t h e r such t e c h n i q u e s p e r f e c t e d i n e a r l i e r times were o f t e n n o t a b l y absent, w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t t h e expected  r a p p o r t w i t h the common people was  forthcoming.  I n e x p e r i e n c e was  not always  a l s o n o t a b l e among c a d r e s  and  a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a t t h e h i g h e r l e v e l s , where u n r e a l i s t i c quotas  and e x p e c t a t i o n s were compounded by e x c e s s i v e  r e g u l a t i o n and paperwork.  I t was  f e a r e d t h a t what  was  c a l l e d " b u r e a u c r a t i s m " and  "commandism" were c a u s i n g t h e  new  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o look d i s t i n c t l y l i k e t h e o l d one.  These t r e n d s , which c o n t i n u e d and were l a t e r t o be l i n k e d t o L i u Shaoqi, were t e m p o r a r i l y h a l t e d d u r i n g t h e e a r l y of the C u l t u r a l Revolution.  The emphasis i n t h i s  years  latter  p e r i o d , o f t e n seen as one v a s t mass campaign i n i t s e l f ,  was  on a l l o w i n g g r e a t e r and more spontaneous p o p u l a r participation.  Such s p o n t a n e i t y was  a c h i e v e d through  the  employment of s e v e r a l means of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , one o f which was  t h e mass campaign.  The t y p e s and uses of p a r t i c i p a t i o n  27  encouraged and p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g d i f f e r e n t time p e r i o d s a r e especially revealing.  These d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e n a t u r e  of  p e r m i t t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e an a i d i n d e t e r m i n i n g i d e o l o g i c a l t u r n i n g - p o i n t s and thus h e l p i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g one  e r a i n post-1949 China from  another.  The  C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n w i t n e s s e d many n o v e l means o f  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , n o t a b l e among which were t h e p r o v i n c i a l mass u p r i s i n g s , t h e Shanghai commune, t h e Red t h e v a r i o u s ad hoc  Guard movement and  o p p o s i t i o n groups which c r i t i c i z e d  o r g a n i z e d r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees.  the  The then r a t h e r  i n e f f e c t u a l s t a t e o f the p a r t y committees a l s o speaks volumes about the changed n a t u r e o f mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n a t t h i s time.  L i k e w i s e , the p o s t - C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  measures such as t h e May  reform  Seventh Cadre Schools,  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e down-sizing  and retrenchment and some  d e v o l u t i o n of economic a u t h o r i t y back t o t h e p r o v i n c e s evidenced  a change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power among t h e  l e a d e r s and t h e l e d .  T h i s was  an e x c e p t i o n a l p e r i o d , f e a t u r i n g r a p i d changes i n  t h e a c c e p t e d view of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n . "improvements" were t o be eroded c o n f l i c t s between r e f o r m e r s  While t h e s e  somewhat d u r i n g t h e  and r a d i c a l s of t h e mid-1970s, a  major change of d i r e c t i o n d i d not occur a g a i n u n t i l t h e r e emergence o f Deng X i a o p i n g a f t e r the T h i r d Plenum of  1978.  SECTION THREE - CHINA'S DEVELOPING SOCIAL MALAISE  The massive show o f p u b l i c d i s i n t e r e s t which has g r e e t e d most r e c e n t campaign  e f f o r t s i s r e f l e c t i v e o f a more g e n e r a l  m a l a i s e among t h e p o p u l a t i o n over t h e l i m i t e d  and  i n e f f e c t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n p u t p r o v i d e d by channels.  official  China remains a b a s i c a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e s o c i e t y i n  which t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r upward m o b i l i t y and  financial  advancement, and t h e rewards f o r same, remain v e r y  limited.  O f t e n , t h e p o t e n t i a l rewards which can be g l e a n e d from engaging i n i l l e g a l ,  b o r d e r l i n e - i l l e g a l or informal  activity  v a s t l y outweigh t h a t remuneration which i s n o r m a l l y meted out  f o r j u s t plodding along.  The same a p p l i e s t o t h o s e who  choose, o r a r e a b l e , t o t a k e advantage o f t h e economic l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of recent years. c o r r u p t , t h e i n d i v i d u a l who  Today, u n l e s s he i s  remains s t o l i d l y working a t h i s  a p p o i n t e d p o s t f o r y e a r s a c h i e v e s a t b e s t a modest measure of the  security.  The r e a l l y f i n a n c i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l , a p a r t from  unpunished c r i m i n a l element, a r e t h o s e who  have t a k e n  advantage o f economic l i b e r a l i z a t i o n and engaged i n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s d e s i g n e d t o s a t i s f y some unmet public  need.  The post-Mao  p r o c e s s o f economic r e f o r m has had both  p o s i t i v e and adverse s o c i a l consequences.  Ongoing r e f o r m  29  e f f o r t s o f r e c e n t y e a r s have had t h e e f f e c t o f r e d u c i n g s o c i a l c o h e s i v e n e s s , c r e a t i n g unemployment and redundancy, and i n c r e a s i n g t h e income gap e x i s t i n g between r i c h and poor.  D e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f township  government and economic a u t h o r i t y , and l a c k o f f i n a n c i a l i n c e n t i v e s f o r cadre work have r e s u l t e d i n a l e s s e n i n g o f t h e g r i p o f both p a r t y and s t a t e on t h e l i v e s o f r u r a l inhabitants.25  F o r b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f reform, such g r e a t e r  freedom has brought a measure o f independence, which i n t u r n f u r t h e r l e s s e n s t h e s t a t e ' s h o l d on t h e i r  lives.  C o n v e r s e l y , t h e needed s o c i a l s a f e t y n e t i s becoming d a n g e r o u s l y t h i n f o r those unable t o p r o f i t from t h e new policies.  Both t h e g a i n s i n p e r s o n a l freedom and t h e  economic problems c r e a t e d have undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d t o r e c e n t i n c r e a s e s i n crime and d i s o r d e r l y b e h a v i o u r .  Jurgen Domes, i n h i s The Government and Politics A Time of Transition,  of the PRC:  concurs w i t h t h e views o f Tyrene White  r e g a r d i n g t h e e f f e c t s o f ( e s p e c i a l l y ) economic change on Chinese s o c i e t y . 2 6  Both a u t h o r i t i e s view r e c e n t changes as  h a v i n g been most n o t i c e a b l e i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s .  Among t h e  r e f o r m s , t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y system, and t h e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e r o l e o f t h e c o l l e c t i v e a r e c i t e d as 25 The growth of informal economic activities in recent years has had the effect of causing a significant loss of central government revenue. See Michael D. Swaine, "China Faces the 1990's: A System in Crisis," Problems of Communism, vol. 39 no. 3 (May-June, 1990), pp. 24-26. 26 Jurgen Domes, The Government and Politics of the PRC: A Time of Transition (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1985), pp. 214-219. See also note 3.  30  having  permitted  divergence  n o t o n l y more freedom but a l s o  i n income l e v e l i n r u r a l a r e a s .  consequences o f reform  having  greater  The unintended  contributed t o the c r e a t i o n of  what i s i n e f f e c t a c l a s s s o c i e t y i n China, t h e c o u n t r y i s now beset w i t h  s o c i a l problems.  Some o f t h e s e a r e  c o r r u p t i o n and p r i v i l e g e among cadres, b r i b e r y , unemployment featherbedding),  embezzlement and  (somewhat a m e l i o r a t e d by  female i n f a n t i c i d e , and an upsurge i n o f t e n  v i o l e n t crime, i n c l u d i n g smuggling, robbery, and t a x evasion.  Reform has a l s o brought about h i g h e r  public  expectations: Rampant s o c i a l d i s o r d e r was a l e g a c y of the C u l t u r a l Revolution and was a l s o f u e l e d by t h e post-1978 emphasis on improved m a t e r i a l l i f e as p e o p l e , u s u a l l y youths, who were unemployed o r h o l d i n g m a r g i n a l jobs t u r n e d t o crime t o o b t a i n the consumer goods appearing i n abundance. The opening to t h e West further raised their a s p i r a t i o n s f o r m a t e r i a l goods and a more d i v e r s e l i f e s t y l e , r e s u l t i n g mostly i n t h e p u r s u i t o f individual pleasure and only occasionally i n v o l v i n g c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s - w i t h many o f t h e most f l a g r a n t o f f e n d e r s t h e pampered o f f s p r i n g o f h i g h - l e v e l c a d r e s (gaogan zidi). In large part young people just wanted t o be spared the i n c e s s a n t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and c h a p e r o n i n g t h e P a r t y imposed on t h e i r l i v e s . 2 7 P a r t y c a d r e s were themselves o f t e n i n v o l v e d i n many unsavoury a c t i v i t i e s .  Favouritism,  b r i b e r y , and t h e use o f  p u b l i c funds f o r p r i v a t e c o n s t r u c t i o n a r e a l l s a i d t o have occurred  ( i n connection  with housing).  Other  improprieties  27 Thomas B. Gold, "'JUST IN TIME!' China Battles Spiritual Pollution on the Eve of 1984," Asian Survey, vol. 24 no. 9 (September, 1984), p. 950.  31  have i n c l u d e d the use of one's p o s i t i o n f o r p e r s o n a l  gain,  t h e i l l e g a l p r o v i s i o n of l a v i s h d i n n e r s , e x t o r t i o n o f goods from t h o s e r e t u r n i n g t o China from abroad, use p u b l i c funds f o r o v e r s e a s c a l l s , g i f t s , arranged  luxury of  and banquets,  and  e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r f a m i l y members.28  I n f r a c t i o n s such as t h e s e were a l l r e a d i l y v i s i b l e t o g e n e r a l p u b l i c , and p r o v i d e d  The  examples f o r  the  emulation.  p a r t y l a i d the blame f o r the upsurge i n crime a t the  f e e t of the " c h a o t i c y e a r s of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n " the r e s u l t a n t u n d i s c i p l i n e d youth and influences."  on  and  "bourgeois  But O r v i l l e S c h e l l more e x a c t l y p l a c e s  the  blame: p e o p l e were no l o n g e r t i e d t o t h e i r r e g i s t e r e d address, o r hukou, by the need f o r government coupons f o r g r a i n , o i l , and c o t t o n p r o d u c t s . With new wealth and peasant-run free markets everywhere, such coupons were no longer indispensable. People c o u l d buy what they needed wherever they wanted, and were t h u s f r e e d from t h e tightly organized system t h a t once h e l d them firmly i n place. C r i m i n a l s c o u l d move about w i t h ease.29 Other f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g the regime's m o b i l i s a t i o n a l powers have i n c l u d e d b u r e a u c r a t i c o b s t r u c t i o n i s m , the a t t r a c t i o n t o the p a r t y o f mere o p p o r t u n i s t s r a t h e r than committed  28 Bruce J. Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance in Chinese Politics: Party Rectification, 1983-87," Pacific Affairs, vol. 63 no. 2 (Summer, 1990), pp. 186-187. 29 Orville Schell, To Get Rich is Glorious: China in the 80s (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), p. 47.  32  devotees, and t h e d e s i r e o f CCP members themselves f o r predictability.  The c o n t i n u i n g  i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f mass campaigns i s n o t  s u r p r i s i n g i n t h i s atmosphere o f d i s i n t e r e s t . Compounding t h i s problem i s t h a t t h o s e same campaigns bear  little  r e l a t i o n t o r e a l g o a l s o r problems, such as improving production,  c o n s t r u c t i n g p u b l i c works, o r r e c t i f y i n g  c o r r u p t i o n and m a l p r a c t i c e s  among t h e l e a d e r s h i p .  In recent  t i m e s , o n l y t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign comes t o mind as a pragmatic campaign o f t h e l a t t e r type,  carrying real,  o b j e c t i v e l y thought-out b e n e f i t s e a s i l y d e f e n d a b l e as s o c i a l l y necessary.  Even t h i s campaign e f f o r t has been  a l t e r e d under t h e p r e s s u r e  o f r u r a l r e f o r m measures and  r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s i n campaign a p p l i c a t i o n . concentration  on o b s c u r e l y - d e r i v e d  A  c r i t i c i s m and t h e  promotion o f p u b l i c moral r e c t i t u d e have become more common as campaign s u b j e c t matter s i n c e t h e e a r l y 1960s, and t h e number o f pragmatic, p o s i t i v e , p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g correspondingly  declined.  e f f o r t s has  33  SECTION FOUR - STATE AND PUBLIC RESPONSES TO SOCIAL MALAISE  The People's  R e p u b l i c f a c e s problems o f s o c i e t a l  as w e l l as o f s o c i a l i l l s  (the l a t t e r exacerbated  s o c i a l and economic r e f o r m ) . has responded, f i r s t l y ,  disinterest by r a d i c a l  I n terms o f yundong, t h e s t a t e  by c h o o s i n g as a paramount g o a l t h e  c o n t r o l o f u n d e s i r a b l e p u b l i c behaviour These a r e now b e i n g a t t a c k e d through  and s o c i a l d i s o r d e r .  t h e use o f mass  campaigns which a r e bent on encouraging  "correct"  deportment, e n s u r i n g a l a w - a b i d i n g , o r d e r l y s o c i e t y and p r o v i d i n g p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o u r a l models as p o p u l a r examples.  T h i s change o f campaign emphasis has been  a g r a d u a l one, but i t has been ongoing s i n c e a t l e a s t t h e e a r l y 1960s.  Secondly,  t h e mass campaign has undergone s t r u c t u r a l  changes.  The i n t e r n a l conduct  has e x p e r i e n c e d of  reform,  o f t h e mass campaign  a l t e r a t i o n s , some i n response  itself  t o t h e needs  and o t h e r s due t o p e r s i s t e n t l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n  over g o a l s and p a r t " l i n e . " f u r t h e r response  R e l a t e d t o t h i s has been a  t o d i s o r d e r - a more g e n e r a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f  r e p r e s s i o n and r e a s s e r t i o n o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l .  As has become  usual i n recent years, the p u b l i c posture i n the face of a l l  34  t h e s e s t a t e t a c t i c s remains one l a r g e l y o f c y n i c a l nonc o o p e r a t i o n and s e l f - i n t e r e s t .  D e s p i t e Deng X i a o p i n g ' s mass campaign is s t i l l  famous statement o f August 1980, t h e i n use today.30  However, even though  c o n t i n u i n g t o e x i s t i n a new g u i s e and f u l f i l l i n g a new role,  i t i s a p a l e shadow o f t h e s u c c e s s f u l campaigns o f t h e  1940s o r 1950s.  What has been l a c k i n g r e c e n t l y i s t h e  d r i v e , sense o f purpose, s p o n t a n e i t y and enthusiasm o f t h e e a r l i e r events.  I t would seem t h a t t h e r o l e o f t h e "masses"  has been taken out o f t h e "mass campaign."  In t h e e a r l i e r  ( e s p e c i a l l y pre-1953) campaign e f f o r t s ,  i n t e g r a t i v e e f f e c t s were a c h i e v e d .  great  Numerous b e n e f i t s  a c c r u e d t o t h e new regime: mass e x p e r i e n c e  of organization  and nationwide  co-ordinated action, the dissemination of a  mass p o l i t i c a l  language ( i n c l u d i n g new s l o g a n s ,  terms and o t h e r p r o p a g a n d i z i n g  items),31  newly-coined  and an h i t h e r t o  u n a v a i l a b l e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r many p r e v i o u s l y powerless groups w i t h i n Chinese s o c i e t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e new and i n i t i a l l y p o p u l a r Communist p o l i t i c a l  system.32  As t h e  30 Deng's speech of August 18,1980 appears in Beijing Review, no. 40 (October 3, 1983), pp. 14-22. 31 An accomplishment reminiscent of the efforts of the Nationalists during the 1920s to popularize a 1,000-character newspaper vocabulary for propagandizing purposes among urban illiterates. 32 See Alan P.LLiu, Communications and National Integration in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971). Liu views the date 1953 as important because it was at that point that the regime's emphasis was shifted from class struggle to patriotism/nationalism and the creation of political legitimacy, a change mirrored in campaign content.  35  regime's emphasis became more concerned w i t h development o f the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e dissipate.  than of the base, t h i s e u p h o r i a began t o  Gradually,  a f t e r t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d of  success,  o t h e r campaigns (such as t h a t c a l l i n g f o r t h e e m u l a t i o n of L e i Feng) t a r g e t t i n g n e g a t i v e  p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r began t o  emerge: Though t h e s e campaigns emphasized c l a s s h a t r e d and l o v e o f Communist c o l l e c t i v i s m , no r e a l t a r g e t group was designated t o be struggled against. Instead the people's voluntary emulation was emphasized. The most p l a u s i b l e r e a s o n f o r t h i s moderate s t y l e of p o l i t i c a l p e n e t r a t i o n was the growing i n e f f e c t u a l i t y o f the m i l i t a n t t y p e o f mass campaigns t h a t had dominated the pre-1953 period. This l o s s o f e f f e c t i v e n e s s came not suddenly but g r a d u a l l y , over the y e a r s . I t i s an i r o n i c development t h a t , as the Chinese p e o p l e ' s national i d e n t i t y was heightened by Communist propaganda, d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h t h e Communist regime and p o l i t i c a l apathy a l s o grew s t e a d i l y among the p e o p l e , a l s o as a r e s u l t o f the regime's propaganda.3 3 I t i s not  s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a l a r g e element of genuine,  i n t i m a t e p u b l i c involvement,  requiring interactive  behaviour, the t a k i n g of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n and o f o p i n i o n , has participation reading  been m i s s i n g  f o r years.  the v o i c i n g  Even mere  - a p h y s i c a l presence a t a mass r a l l y o r  of the n e c e s s a r y l i t e r a t u r e - has  mention r e c e n t l y .  received  the  little  Many campaigns of r e c e n t times have been  c o l o u r l e s s p r o c l a m a t i o n s empty of most p u b l i c i n p u t  save  t h a t of o f f i c i a l p a r t y p e r s o n n e l ,  and  l o c a l bodies.  33 Ibid., pp. 97-98.  bureau o f f i c i a l s ,  More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , campaign o b j e c t i v e s have  36  become much more a m e l i o r a t i v e and c o n s e r v a t i v e ,  less  v i s i o n a r y , and more c o r r e c t i v e i n n a t u r e than constructive.34  R e f e r r i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y t o t h e urban s e c t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , J u r g e n Domes p r o v i d e s not o n l y a r a t i o n a l e f o r r e c e n t campaigns a t t a c k i n g apathy and c y n i c i s m , but a l s o some o f t h e i r  flavour:  None o f t h e s e (groups w i t h i n t h e urban p o p u l a t i o n ) seems t o be w i l l i n g t o r e n d e r a c t i v e s u p p o r t f o r the P a r t y ' s p o l i c i e s o r t o b e l i e v e i n t h e o f f i c i a l doctrines of the r u l i n g e l i t e . . . S i n c e the spring of 1981, t h e a u t h o r i t i e s have t r i e d t o c o u n t e r such a t t i t u d e s w i t h an i n c r e a s e in political i n d o c t r i n a t i o n i n t h e s c h o o l s and w i t h l a r g e - s c a l e propaganda campaigns s t r e s s i n g p a t r i o t i s m and good behavior. These campaigns a r e conducted under t h e slogan o f Five-Speak, Four-Beauty, Three Warm Loves (wujiang simei sanreai), e x h o r t i n g t h e young g e n e r a t i o n t o speak about civilization, speak about p o l i t e n e s s , speak about p u b l i c o r d e r , speak about h e a l t h , speak about v i r t u e ; have beauty i n t h e h e a r t , have beauty i n t h e speech, have beauty i n t h e environment, have beauty i n t h e b e h a v i o r ; warm l o v e f o r t h e P a r t y , warm l o v e f o r s o c i a l i s m , warm l o v e f o r t h e f a t h e r l a n d . The s u c c e s s o f such endeavors i s s t i l l i n doubt. S i n c e 1981, t h e month o f March has been e s p e c i a l l y d e d i c a t e d t o t h i s campaign under t h e name o f " c i v i l i z a t i o n - a n d p o l i t e n e s s month" (wenming limaoyue).35  T h i s t y p e o f s t a t e response has as paramount g o a l s t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e l e a d i n g r o l e o f t h e CCP, t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n 34 See Bennett, Yundong, p. 33, in which the author concurs with this view, seeing yundong as moving "...away from great transformations in the economic 'base' toward changes in the organizational, intellectual, and cultural 'superstructure'...the yundong have more intensively emphasized the need for constant vigilance against backsliding on accomplishments already registered...yundong tasks have more often included calls for shifts in personal attitude and inner character..."  35/0/0*., p. 227.  37  of s o c i a l order,  and t h e f a c i l i t a t i n g o f economic r e f o r m and  modernization.36  Undoubtedly, t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e  i n t e r e s t s o f t h e dominant l e a d e r s h i p f a c t i o n , promotion o f t h e i r importance.  and t h e  " l i n e " a r e a l s o concerns o f g r e a t  These a r e t h e o v e r r i d i n g o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e  l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e PRC today, and t h e i r f u l f i l l m e n t i s a i d e d by a p p r o p r i a t e  use o f t h e mass campaign.  Through r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e p r e s s u r e s  o f s o c i a l change, some  o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and m o b i l i z a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s o f r e c e n t campaigns have become more s t r u c t u r e d , p l a n n e d and r o u t i n e . Tyrene White found, i n h e r study o f t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign, t h a t " v i r t u a l l y a l l " o f t h e normal i n d i c a t o r s o f campaign a c t i v i t y took p l a c e . 3 7 a standard  However, t h i s d i d n o t t u r n out t o be  campaign, and i t r e v e a l s one impact o f r e f o r m on  the r u n n i n g o f a r e c e n t mass campaign.  White found t h a t t h e t a c t i c s used i n t h i s campaign were a f f e c t e d by t h e p r e s s u r e s  c r e a t e d as a r e s u l t  "ongoing p r o c e s s o f r u r a l r e f o r m . " "standard" institutionalized  of the  A number o f changes t o  campaign a d m i n i s t r a t i o n took p l a c e as t h i s mobilization  evolved.38  The  language o f  36 The present state of affairs has many characteristics of "neo-authoritarianism," discussed in Mark P. Petracca and Mong Xiong, "The Concept of Chinese Neo-Authoritarianism: An Exploration and Democratic Critique," Asian Survey, vol. 30 no. 11 (November, 1990), pp. 1099-1117. 37 White, "Postrevolutionary Mobilization," pp. 58-59. 38 Ibid., pp. 60-64.  38  mass m o b i l i z a t i o n became l e s s s t r i d e n t and l e s s i n s i s t e n t . Cadres were i n s t r u c t e d t o a v o i d t h e use o f c o e r c i o n . E f f o r t s were made t o c o n s t r u c t an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l framework which would a l l o w a more r o u t i n e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and implementation. the  A l l of these p r a c t i c e s m i t i g a t e d  against  "movement" n a t u r e o f a t r u l y g r a s s r o o t s p u b l i c event.  A t t h e same time, o t h e r n a t i o n a l concerns began t o t a k e precedence over t h e O n e - C h i l d campaign.  The s t a t e responded  by t r y i n g t o make t h e b e s t use o f i t s n o w - l i m i t e d effectiveness.  Co-operation  and v o l u n t a r y compliance became  e v i d e n t as t h e p r e f e r r e d means o f c o n t i n u i n g t h e campaign: f a m i l y p l a n n i n g was d e c l a r e d t o be a fundamental state policy: t h e government stressed the o b l i g a t i o n o f Chinese c i t i z e n s t o engage i n f a m i l y planning, and made efforts to build an organizational structure for routine administration. Y e t t h e gap between official f a m i l y p l a n n i n g t a r g e t s and t h e c a p a c i t y o f t h e formal party/state apparatus t o reach them undermined efforts to regularize grassroots implementation.39 To conduct a campaign under t h i s type o f s y s t e m a t i z e d , almost b u r e a u c r a t i c format  ("institutionalized  m o b i l i z a t i o n " ) means v e e r i n g dangerously f a r away from t h e o r i g i n a l i d e a o f a yundong grassroots activism. has  indeed  Revolution. 39 Ibid., p. 62.  as a f o r c e f o r mass  public  That i d e a l v i s i o n o f a mass campaign  been l a r g e l y abandoned s i n c e t h e C u l t u r a l White argues, however, t h a t mobilization  itself  39  has  not  been abandoned i n China today, b u t has undergone  changes making i t a more o r d e r l y , r o u t i n e ,  and d i r e c t e d  means o f promoting r e f o r m w h i l e m a i n t a i n i n g  political  stability.  Some o f t h e d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f  t h i s new p a t t e r n which a r o s e out o f t h e s t a t e ' s i n a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n m e a n i n g f u l and e f f e c t i v e implementation a t t h e l e v e l of the general  r u r a l population  a r e o u t l i n e d as  follows: I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n i s a v a r i a n t form of implementation, which involves periodic, functionally defined mobilization e f f o r t s that 1)temporarily i n t e n s i f y coercive and normative incentives; 2)vary from region to region in t i m i n g , i n t e n s i t y , and scope; 3 ) l a s t f o r l i m i t e d , predictable periods of time[often s p e c i f i e d a t the o u t s e t ] ; 4)have as t h e i r p r i m a r y g o a l behavioral c o n t r o l or " p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s , " not a t t i t u d i n a l or c u l t u r a l change; 5) have a d i m i n i s h e d scope o f mass participation in favor of narrow mobilizations of the target population; and 6) utilize extensive propaganda t o shape public sentiment, but discourage disruptive mobilizational activities beyond the target p o p u l a t i o n i n o r d e r t o i n s u l a t e t h e p r o j e c t from economic production and other reform initiatives.4 0 Thus, one s t r u c t u r a l response has been t o make t h e administration  o f t h e mass campaign more r o u t i n e , more  s y s t e m a t i z e d and more i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d " t r u e " campaign?).  (and l e s s l i k e a  While i t i s l i k e l y t h a t  this  " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d m o b i l i z a t i o n " i s a development which i s most o b v i o u s l y  AO Ibid., pp. 62-63.  a p p l i c a b l e i n t h e case o f t h e O n e - C h i l d  40  campaign, a l l r e c e n t e f f o r t s have f e a t u r e d s t r u c t u r a l modifications.  There has been a second type o f s t r u c t u r a l response.  In  the  more r e c e n t campaigns, l a x a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , poor i n t r a - p a r t y communication and u n c e r t a i n t y over t h e p o l i t i c a l become t h e norm, r e n d e r i n g campaign coverage effectiveness doubtful at  l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and  t h e most r e c e n t CCP  and  best.41  T h i s most r e c e n t t r e n d i s obvious "bourgeois  l i n e have  i n the campaigns a g a i n s t  " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " and  r e c t i f i c a t i o n drive.  an outcome o f r e c e n t s o c i a l t r e n d s and  I t i s not  in  solely  reform-influenced  problems; c o n t i n u i n g d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p have also played a part.  These l a t t e r developments, o b v i o u s l y  a f f e c t i n g r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s , w i l l be examined i n detail  elsewhere.  Campaign conduct, change.  has been a l t e r e d i n response t o  Changes i n t h e use  of t h e mass campaign,  social intended  t o encourage s o c i a l o r d e r , are a l l i e d t o t h e r e c e n t up use of a n t i - c r i m e "campaigns."  stepped-  These have f e a t u r e d t h e  p r e d i c t a b l e crackdowns, p u b l i c mass r a l l i e s and  executions,  p u b l i c i z e d c a p t u r e of s e l e c t major c r i m i n a l s , e f f o r t s a t " r e - e d u c a t i o n " of u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s , r e i n i n g i n of  41 Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance," pp. 182-185.  select  41  r e f o r m measures, and use o f t h o s e p e r p e t r a t i n g e g r e g i o u s o f f e n s e s as p u b l i c examples.  particularly  I t i s obvious t h a t ,  h a v i n g been p u t t o new uses, t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s e "campaigns" has a l s o been g r e a t l y a l t e r e d .  Use as an  i n s t r u m e n t o f p u b l i c i n s t r u c t i o n , moral l e c t u r i n g , and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s a r e a c t i v e and r e s t r i c t e d way o f w i e l d i n g a t o o l o r i g i n a l l y i n t e n d e d t o be a p o s i t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i v e instrument o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  O f t e n , s t a t e responses  ("campaigns?" o r "crackdowns?") a r e  somewhat h a r d t o d i s t i n g u i s h from one another.  In attacking  i n c r e a s e s i n crime, t h e s t a t e has n o t a c t e d t o c o r r e c t t h e u n d e r l y i n g causes, but has made an e f f o r t t o r e s t o r e p u b l i c order.42  In one i n s t a n c e , t h i s came i n t h e form o f a  "campaign" a g a i n s t crime which i n some ways resembled media b l i t z .  a  One a u t h o r i t y , O r v i l l e S c h e l l , was i n China a t  such a t i m e : In January of 1982, the Party launched a nationwide anti-crime campaign. Chinese newspapers, which once were f i l l e d w i t h s l o g a n s and l o n g t h e o r e t i c a l t r a c t s , became so peppered w i t h l u r i d accounts o f crime and c o r r u p t i o n t h a t a t t i m e s they r e a d l i k e t a b l o i d s ; t h e o b j e c t o f such news s t o r i e s was n o t t o t i t i l l a t e o r t o s e l l papers b u t t o warn offenders that criminal a c t i v i t y would be s e v e r e l y d e a l t w i t h . Honqgi d e p l o r e d t h e e x i s t e n c e o f *elements h o s t i l e t o t h e s o c i a l i s t system,' who r o b t h e s t a t e o f p r o p e r t y , k i l l and maim t h e n a t i o n ' s workers a t t h e i r p o s t s , h i j a c k , rape women, t r a f f i c i n women and c h i l d r e n , x  42 Many campaigns appear to be directed at alleviating symptoms of social distress rather than causes. See Bennett,  Yundong, p. 58.  tyrannize masses'.43  others,  T h i s "campaign" was  (and)  trample  upon  the  n o t a b l e because, u n l i k e e a r l i e r  and  p r o t o t y p i c a l mass campaigns, much o f the i n t i m a t e p u b l i c involvement  (as a p a r t from merely p a r t i c i p a t i n g by  p h y s i c a l l y present  a t a campaign event) and  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s were l a c k i n g . of mass r a l l i e s and p u b l i c e x e c u t i o n s ,  other  Apart  the  being  from a number  "campaign"  f e a t u r e d speeches by the l e a d e r s , p o s t e r s of wanted o r executed i n d i v i d u a l s , p r e s s accounts, S c h e l l ' s experiences, crime e x h i b i t i o n . pressures  One  and,  according  a r a l l y of s c h o o l c h i l d r e n and o f the s i d e - e f f e c t s o f  on the regime has been t o b l u r the  between a " t r u e " mass campaign and  to an  anti-  recent distinction  an ongoing propaganda  offensive.  In J u l y , 1983,  the p a r t y ' s C e n t r a l Commission f o r D i s c i p l i n e  I n s p e c t i o n i s s u e d a s p e c i a l r e p o r t e n t i t l e d "On  the Work of  S t r i k i n g a t S e r i o u s Crimes i n the Economic F i e l d . " a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t Jurgen Domes noted t h a t an  It  anti-crime  campaign commenced: In mid-July 1983, a new nationwide campaign a g a i n s t rampant crime began, but i t was also d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t what the e l i t e c a l l s "loafing, economic crimes, and counterrevolutionary activities." In the c o n t e x t o f t h i s new campaign, I c o l l e c t e d r e p o r t s about 347 immediately executed death sentences from seventeen administrative  43 Schell, To Get Rich is Glorious, pp. 36-40.  was  43 u n i t s d u r i n g the p e r i o d from J u l y 14, 1983, alone.44  16 t o September  I f t h i s language and t h e s e a c t i o n s a r e t y p i c a l o f a modern "campaign," then both the n a t u r e and use o f t h e been r a d i c a l l y changed.  have  yundong  That September, a r e v i s e d  criminal  code was promulgated making i t e a s i e r and f a s t e r t o p r o s e c u t e t h o s e s u s p e c t e d of c r i m e s .  The purpose o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s was not t o b r i n g  about  p r o p e r b e h a v i o u r by p o s i t i v e example, t o promote s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , t o spur p r o d u c t i o n , o r t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e growth o f t h e c o l l e c t i v e s p i r i t .  Perhaps t h e o b j e c t i v e o f  t h i s a n t i - c r i m e e f f o r t f i t s one o f t h e campaign g o a l s o u t l i n e d by Gordon Bennett i n  Yundong...,  d e v i a t i o n s from important p u b l i c norms."  v i z . , "to correct The s o l e use t o  which such campaigns a r e put now seems t o be t h e promotion of  How  p u b l i c o r d e r and moral  lecturing.  has t h e p u b l i c responded t o t h i s t y p e o f s t a t e - i n s p i r e d  and s t a t e - l e d campaign e f f o r t ? of  Both the t a c t i c s and g o a l s  r e c e n t campaigns, which m i r r o r t h o s e o f t h e  itself,  have been r e s t r i c t i v e and p r o h i b i t i v e .  regime The most  prominent r e c e n t campaign, a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , " was i t s e l f  concocted l a r g e l y a s a  c o r r e c t i v e response by the s t a t e  (or elements o f t h e  l e a d e r s h i p ) t o t h e events o f December 1986 44 Domes, The Government and Politics of the PRC, p. 226.  and January  1987.  44  Such upheavals show us t h a t l e g i t i m a t e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f any  s o r t may be t o o l i m i t e d i n t h e eyes o f  a t l e a s t some s e c t o r s o f t h e Chinese  population.  D i s t u r b a n c e s a r e one public  response t o t h e p e r c e i v e d  of e f f i c a c y , repressiveness  and l a c k o f o p p o r t u n i t y  i n Chinese s o c i e t y i n r e c e n t y e a r s . v i o l e n c e o f t h i s type,  Despite  lack  existing  occasional  i t would seem t h a t p u b l i c  disenchantment today i s more commonly m a n i f e s t e d as c y n i c i s m and  non-participation  ("going through t h e m o t i o n s " ) .  i s an o l d and c o n t i n u i n g p a t t e r n o f b e h a v i o u r .  This  I t has  c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f r e c e n t mass campaigns, but  i n t u r n i t i s p a r t l y a response t o y e a r s o f s u b j e c t i o n  t o campaign t a c t i c s and e x h o r t a t i o n s .  I t i s almost c e r t a i n l y t r u e t o say t h a t t h e Chinese p e o p l e are now overwhelmingly more i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e w e l l - b e i n g o f themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s / f r i e n d s b e f o r e the s t a t e .  t h e concerns o f  T h i s has been another o f t h e p u b l i c ' s responses  t o t h e i r s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n , a l l i e d t o t h e growing c y n i c a l n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n seen i n r e c e n t  Initially,  years.  t h e Chinese communists attempted t o s t r u c t u r e  t h e i r s o c i e t y i n such a way t h a t t h e c i t i z e n ' s  patriotic,  s o c i a l i s t a l t r u i s m c o u l d be brought e a s i l y t o t h e f o r e . demands p l a c e d  The  on t h e c i t i z e n r y by s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y would  e f f e c t i v e l y subjugate t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s pursuance o f h i s own selfish interests.  T h i s would a l l o w a l l t o make m e a n i n g f u l  45  c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o s o c i e t y w i t h o u t any segment o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n h a v i n g t o make p e r s o n a l s a c r i f i c e s t o do  so.  However, t h e s e e a r n e s t e f f o r t s ,  e x t e n d i n g through t h e 1950s,  t o c r e a t e a "new  have f a i l e d .  s o c i a l i s t man"  e x h o r t a t i o n s , Domes f e e l s ,  a r e l a r g e l y met  p a s s i v e d i s s e n t , and even r e s i s t a n c e . remain  unfulfilled,  workers.  Leadership  with cynicism,  Rising expectations  e s p e c i a l l y among lower- and m i d d l e - l e v e l  The r e s u l t i s a t b e s t a s e l f - c e n t r e d p a s s i v e  acquiescence: Those peasants who profit from t h e new rural s o c i e t a l p o l i c i e s can be expected t o s u p p o r t them, a l t h o u g h o n l y f o r t h e sake o f t h e i r personal interest and under the condition that these p o l i c i e s a r e not changed. Yet such s u p p o r t i s m o s t l y not expressed i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s but i n making t h e utmost use o f a l l chances f o r an improvement o f i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . 4 5 T h i s s e l e c t i v e support i s not p a r t o f a new behaviour  i n China.  p a t t e r n of  C a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the n a t u r e  e x t e n t o f one's p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  educational options  and c a r e e r c h o i c e s has been de rigeur  f o r years.  o c c u r r e n c e o f t h i s pragmatic weighing  o f involvement  c h o i c e s has been documented as f a r back as t h e 1950s.46  I t was  c e r t a i n l y apparent  The and  of  early  by the e a r l y 1960s and  t h e time o f t h e 1963-64 S o c i a l i s t E d u c a t i o n Campaign. M i c h e l Oksenberg, w r i t i n g i n 1968,  and  noted t h a t some o f t h e  45 Ibid., p. 230. 46 A ritualization of behaviour in response to campaigns has been noted as far back as 1953. See Harry Harding, Organizing China: The Problem of Bureaucracy 1949-1976 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981), p. 58.  46  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f what he c a l l e d a " l a d d e r o f s u c c e s s " were p r e s e n t by t h e mid-1950s, and he went on t o d e s c r i b e t h e s e l e c t i v e use made by t h e p u b l i c o f p o l i t i c a l participation.47  The n a t u r e o f p u b l i c involvement  i n a mass campaign i s  p a r t i a l l y dependent on t h e degree t o which t h e p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s can use t h e i r involvement advantage.  Oksenberg d i s c e r n e d a number o f c a r e e r  through which Chinese passed. encountered  t o maximize p e r s o n a l  i n adolescence,  stages  The f i r s t o f these,  was t h a t i n which one must  d e c i d e on how t o meet t h e demands c o n s t a n t l y t h r u s t upon him by t h e p o l i t i c a l  system.  A t t h i s time, a young person must  d e c i d e t o what e x t e n t and w i t h what degree o f enthusiasm wished t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l  life,  he  and would a l s o  r e c o g n i z e t h a t c e r t a i n g o a l s would be made more o r l e s s a t t a i n a b l e depending on h i s degree o f c o - o p e r a t i o n and participation.  Choice o f c a r e e r , t h e s e l e c t i o n o f an a c c e p t a b l e  balance  between t h e a c h i e v i n g o f p e r s o n a l a m b i t i o n and c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h s t a t e and s o c i e t a l g o a l s , and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f j o b s e c u r i t y would come i n t o p l a y l a t e r i n l i f e .  At t h i s  later  stage, t h e s e e k i n g o f a measure o f r e l a t i v e immunity from  47 Michel Oksenberg, The Institutionalisation of the Chinese Communist Revolution: The Ladder of Success on the Eve of the Cultural Revolution," The China Quarterly, no. 36 (October-December, 1968), pp. 61-92.  47  the n e c e s s i t y o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and consequences became t h e paramount g o a l .  C e r t a i n o b j e c t i v e s and ambitions than o t h e r s .  were more e a s i l y  realized  Some g o a l s , i n c l u d i n g t h e g a i n i n g o f p o l i t i c a l  power and t h e attainment  of a high status p o s i t i o n within  communist s o c i e t y had t o be pursued w i t h i n t h e system,  while  o t h e r s , such as s e c u r i t y and peer group r e s p e c t , were o n l y obtainable outside i t . informal  I t i s important  t o note t h a t  means o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e u s u a l l y r a t h e r  parochial i n their application.  Engaging i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n  through o f f i c i a l channels i s s t i l l n e c e s s a r y attainment  o f a l a r g e number o f important  f o r the  personal  o b j e c t i v e s , such as t h e a c q u i r i n g o f s t a t e - f u n d e d e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s abroad.  The use o f p a r t y  membership i t s e l f as a means o f p e r s o n a l advancement has become e v i d e n t i n t h e l o u d l y - p r o c l a i m e d poor q u a l i t y o f p a r t y members and t h e never-ending need f o r a c l e a n s i n g o f the r an ks .  Faced w i t h a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f c o n f l i c t i n g demands  and g o a l s , Chinese c i t i z e n s became what might be c a l l e d i n j a i l parlance  " i n s t i t u t i o n p o l i t i c i a n s , " l e a r n i n g t o modify  t h e i r b e h a v i o u r i n such ways as t o b e s t secure  o r advance  t h e i r p o s i t i o n , and d i s p l a y i n g j u s t s u f f i c i e n t enthusiasm as was  necessary  t o g e t by.  O f t e n , however, such behaviour n o t u n n a t u r a l l y c o n t r a d i c t e d the aims o f t h e s t a t e .  Oksenberg, a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f h i s  48  article,  summed up t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s behaviour on t h e s m a l l  group and on t h e mass campaign: Two t h i n g s i n p a r t i c u l a r l e d t o t h e l o s s o f t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n p o t e n t i a l o f campaigns. F i r s t was t h a t t h e y were a l l conducted o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y i n much t h e same way. As t h e populace l e a r n e d t o a n t i c i p a t e t h e s t e p s o f a campaign, they c o u l d t a k e a p p r o p r i a t e counter-measures. Second, w h i l e P a r t y b u r e a u c r a t s i n i t i a l l y welcomed t h e campaign f o r t h e i n c r e a s e d power i t gave them over remnant KMT b u r e a u c r a t s and t h e g e n e r a l populace, t h e P a r t y b u r e a u c r a t s g r a d u a l l y came t o d i s l i k e t h e campaign f o r the disruptions and increased p r e s s u r e s i t brought t o t h e i r l i v e s . 4 8 T h i s i s one f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e regime's e f f o r t s t o c o n t r o l t h e n a t u r e o f p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n and mobilization.49  The p e r s o n a l d e s i r e o f many f u n c t i o n a r i e s  f o r s t a b l e and p r e d i c t a b l e l i v e s i s paramount. s c a l e , t h e requirement  On a l a r g e r  t h a t mass campaigns n o t h i n d e r  economic a c t i v i t i e s o r p r o d u c t i o n p r o b a b l y d a t e s from t h e time o f t h e Great Leap Forward.  I t has c e r t a i n l y been put  forward i n r e c e n t y e a r s as n e c e s s a r y n o t o n l y t o smooth t h e p a t h o f economic reform, but a l s o t o a v o i d C u l t u r a l Revolution-type disorder.50  Robert Benewick w r i t e s  c o n c e r n i n g t h e c o n s e q u e n t l y v e r y r e s t r i c t e d modern i d e a o f mobilization that  48 Ibid., pp. 90-91. 49 The mass campaign has also been claimed to be of use in eliminating the possibility of the privileged using the economic/social system for private gain. See Bennett, Yundong, p. 18. 50 A related idea was recently advanced by Suzanne Ogden, who writes that the mass political campaign has been one of the "...most effective means to control economic deviance" and a means of targeting "politically based economic corruption." See Suzanne Ogden, China's Unresolved Issues: Politics, Development, and Culture (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1989), p. 286.  For t h e p r e s e n t l e a d e r s h i p a l e g a c y o f t h e h i g h l y politicised Maoist period - p a r t i c u l a r l y the Hundred Flowers and A n t i - R i g h t i s t campaigns, t h e Great Leap Forward and t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n is t h e need t o ensure s t a b i l i t y and promote economic development. T h i s i n c r e a s e s t h e p r e s s u r e t o d i r e c t and c o n t r o l t h e purpose, p r a c t i c e and pace o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . . . t h e dominant emphasis has been m o b i l i z a t i o n f o r support, l e g i t i m a t i o n and policy implementation...participation is characterized by its selective, directed, c o n t r o l l e d and l a r g e l y c o l l e c t i v e nature.51 T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e almost d e s p e r a t e need o f t h e regime (or f a c t i o n s w i t h i n  the leadership) t o exercise  c o n t r o l and t o t h o r o u g h l y r e g u l a t e  social  participation i s  r e f l e c t e d i n t h e modern use o f t h e "mass campaign" as a leadership-wielded administrative  tool for public  i n s t r u c t i o n and admonishment.  51 Robert Benewick, "Political Participation," Reforming the Revolution: China in Transition, eds. Robert Benewick and Paul Wingrove (London: MacMillan Education, 1988), p. 52.  50  SECTION FIVE - PI LIN PI KUNG During t h e p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , and e x t e n d i n g up u n t i l t h e b e g i n n i n g s  of reform  i n 1978, t h e  number o f campaigns conducted was r a t h e r low.  It i s likely  t h a t t h i s was i n p a r t t h e r e s u l t o f t h e i n t e r n a l l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n s which e x i s t e d a t t h i s time between t h e advocates o f a r e t u r n t o C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n p o l i c i e s and those promoting r e f o r m measures.  More i m p o r t a n t l y , h a v i n g  just  come through a p e r i o d o f extreme d i s r u p t i o n ( o f t e n i n t h e i r p e r s o n a l l i v e s ) , t h e reform elements i n p a r t i c u l a r were d e s i r o u s o f a v o i d i n g any type o f d i s o r d e r l y , spontaneous, o r overzealous  activity.  Two t r u l y major n a t i o n a l campaigns  which o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were t h e campaign t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and C o n f u c i u s c r i t i c i z e t h e "Gang o f Four."  and t h e campaign t o  Both were r u n i n a r a t h e r  haphazard and u n p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n and both r e v o l v e d around s t r u g g l e between t h e two competing f a c t i o n s o f t h e time.  The  e f f o r t t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and C o n f u c i u s  the h e e l s o f o t h e r , l e s s c o n c r e t e , c r i t i c i s m  f o l l o w e d on  campaigns.  T h i s campaign f e a t u r e d a number o f t h e changes which have s i n c e become t y p i c a l o f more r e c e n t campaign developments. One o f t h e s e , r e f l e c t i n g t h e d i v o r c e from r e a l i t y which has c h a r a c t e r i z e d r e c e n t campaigns, was t h e c h o i c e o f obscure and p e c u l i a r t a r g e t s : i n d i v i d u a l s who had been dead f o r some years.  Curious  i d e o l o g i c a l l a b e l s were a t t a c h e d t o them.  51  G r e a t e f f o r t s were made t o r e l a t e c r i t i c i s m o f t h e s e to r e a l l i f e s o c i a l i s t  targets  concerns.  Soon a f t e r h i s death i n September 1971,  L i n Biao  was  condemned as an " u l t r a - L e f t i s t " as p a r t of a campaign t o criticize  " S w i n d l e r s l i k e L i u Shaoqi."  In r e t r o s p e c t ,  i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t L i u Shaoqi was  found t o be  " u l t r a - L e f t i s t " d u r i n g t h i s campaign, as L i u has commonly been seen as a " R i g h t i s t . "  an  more  This acrobatic feat  accomplished by s t a t i n g t h a t the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n caused the " S w i n d l e r s " t h e i r aim  of c a p i t a l i s t  i t is  t o use u l t r a - L e f t means t o  was  had  accomplish  restoration.52  These l a b e l l i n g s p a r a l l e l e d f a c t i o n a l maneuverings among the t o p CCP  leadership.  By the  l a t t e r p a r t of 1972,  " C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , " most n o t a b l y Chunqiao and  Yao  Revolutionaries,"  T h i s f a c t i o n was  t a r g e t t e d i n t h i s l a t t e r process,  l a b e l l e d an  criticism  opposed by the  prominent among whom was  engaged i n a " c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y was  J i a n g Qing, Zhang  Wenyuan, were working t o temper  of u l t r a - L e f t i s m .  B i a o was  the  "Veteran  Zhou E n l a i . was  found t o have  revisionist line,"  " u l t r a - R i g h t i s t " as e a r l y as June  C o u n t e r i n g t h i s a c t i v i t y , Renmin Ribao  Lin  and  1972.  p r i n t e d a number of  a r t i c l e s on October 14,  1972,  which r e i n f o r c e d the e f f o r t s  against u l t r a - L e f t i s m .  These were p r i n t e d on t h e  express  52 William A. Joseph, The Critique of Ultra-Leftism in China, 1958-1981 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984), pp. 126-127.  52  d i r e c t i o n s o f Zhou E n l a i . 5 3 continued  A back-and-forth  struggle  w i t h i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p f o r many months,  culminating  finally  i n August 1973 w i t h t h e e c l i p s e o f open  c r i t i c i s m o f u l t r a - L e f t i s m and t h e s h i f t i n g o f i n t r a - p a r t y s t r u g g l e t o other  fields.54  Thus, Zhou's P o l i t i c a l Report  t o t h e 10th P a r t y Congress o f August 1973 became o f n e c e s s i t y a compromise statement between t h e two competing factions.  In t h e summer o f 1973 a r t i c l e s a g a i n s t C o n f u c i u s and C o n f u c i a n i s m began t o appear, but i t was n o t u n t i l a f t e r t h e 10th  Party  Lin.  Congress t h a t t h e s e were l i n k e d w i t h c r i t i c i s m o f  Thus t h e campaign began i n e a r n e s t .  The most  s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e o f t h e campaign was h i d d e n . the o c c a s i o n  I t provided  f o r a s t r u g g l e between t h e two camps w i t h i n t h e  CCP, t h e r a d i c a l s and t h e r e f o r m e r s .  On a more s u p e r f i c i a l  l e v e l , examination o f t h e a c t u a l c o n t e n t o f t h e campaign revealed relevant. P i Lin  Pi  l i t t l e t h a t was o b j e c t i v e l y m e a n i n g f u l and I n terms o f o u t w a r d l y - v i s i b l e campaign t a r g e t s , Rung  f e a t u r e d a l i n k i n g o f two t a r g e t t e d  i n d i v i d u a l s who were, a t f a c e v a l u e ,  unrelated;  t h e i r l a b e l l i n g was i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e hidden, s t r u g g l e g o i n g on among t h e e l i t e .  53 Ibid., pp. 130-131. 54 Ibid., p. 137.  however,  all-important  53  The g o a l ( s )  and t a r g e t ( s ) o f t h i s campaign were  and u n p r e d i c t a b l e .  confusing  T h i s was r e l a t e d t o both t h e e x i s t e n c e  of l e a d e r s h i p s t r u g g l e s and t o t h e c h o i c e o f improbable and s u p e r f i c i a l outward t a r g e t s .  P i Lin Pi Kong made u s e o f  h i s t o r i c a l a l l e g o r y as a means o f c r i t i c i z i n g c u r r e n t and i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h o u t d i r e c t l y naming them.  trends  This i sa  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Chinese approach, b u t one which a l s o l e a v e s room f o r i m p r e c i s i o n i n t h e matter o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . One such i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , p r o v i d e d  by M e r l e Goldman, s u g g e s t s  t h a t t h e campaign was o r i g i n a l l y i n t e n d e d gradual  r e t r e a t from C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  t o h a l t the i d e a l s and  p r a c t i c e s and t o c r i t i c i z e t h e r e c e n t r e i n s t a t e m e n t s  of  c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s who had been d i s p l a c e d a t t h a t time.55  Even a f t e r t h e 1973 Congress, t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e f a c t i o n a l b a t t l e were i n c o n c l u s i v e .  The campaign p e r i o d i c a l l y  f e a t u r e d c a l l s f o r continued Revolution  policies.56  retreat  from C u l t u r a l  Thus, some o f t h e a t t e n d a n t  goals of  the campaign now were t o i n c r e a s e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , r e h a b i l i t a t e party o f f i c i a l s ,  downplay t h e m i l i t a r y , and t o  g i v e f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n t o economic development.  This  line  of c r i t i c i s m , c o - e x i s t i n g w i t h t h e ongoing o p p o s i t i o n t o "ultra-Rightism," l e d ultimately t o the c r i t i c i s m of the Gang o f Four i n 1976-79.  Other l a t e r campaigns stemmed from  55 Merle Goldman, "China's Anti-Confucian Campaign, 1973-74," The China Quarterly, no. 63 (September, 1975), pp. 435-462. 56 Joseph, The Critique of Ultra-Leftism, p. 144.  54  t h e c o n t i n u i n g e f f o r t s of the " C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ; " one such was (Pi  t h e 1976  campaign t o c r i t i c i z e Deng X i a o p i n g  Deng).  M e r l e Goldman, w r i t i n g i n 1975, then i n c r i t i c i z i n g  summarized t h e approach used  C u l t u r a l Revolution trends:  the dominant tone of the campaign has been t o use historical figures and incidents to promote centralization, institutionalization, ideological unity, and production not to foment the struggle, decentralization and revolutionary f e r v o u r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the C u l t u r a l Revolution.57 The a c t u a l s u b j e c t matter from everyday  life.  Two  of the campaign was  q u i t e remote  h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e s , Ch'in Shih  Huang and h i s a d v i s o r L i Ssu, were t o u t e d as heroes, h a v i n g u n i t e d China p o l i t i c a l l y  and  ideologically  and  provided strong c e n t r a l leadership f o r a f r a c t i o u s These two Zedong and wei  i n d i v i d u a l s were, of course, analogues  they  of  country. Mao  Zhou E n l a i ; o t h e r such s t a n d - i n s i n c l u d e d Lu  ( L i n Biao) and Wang An-shih  (Mao  Pu-  Zedong or Zhou E n l a i ) .  C o n t r i b u t i n g t o c o n f u s i o n among o b s e r v e r s , none o f t h e s e c o n n e c t i o n s were anywhere s t a t e d e x p l i c i t l y . Huang was  f u r t h e r c r e d i t e d w i t h r e s o l u t e l e a d e r s h i p and h i s  p r o p e n s i t y f o r book-burning was  and f o r b u r y i n g s c h o l a r s a l i v e  e x p l a i n e d as a means of c r i t i c i z i n g  ways and o l d r u l e s  57 Ibid., p.  436.  Ch'in Shih  those promoting  (the C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s ) , r a t h e r than  old as  55  anti-intellectual activity.58  C o n f u c i u s h i m s e l f was  condemned as a s u p p o r t e r o f t h e e x i s t i n g  slave-owning  s o c i e t y and as an opponent o f t h e r i s i n g f o r c e s o f feudalism.  The C o n f u c i a n  s c h o l a r s c r i t i c i z e d were analogous  t o t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n i d e o l o g u e s who were a main t a r g e t of t h e campaign.  The debate between t h e s e s c h o l a r s and t h e  L e g a l i s t s was o b v i o u s l y i n t e n d e d t o p a r a l l e l t h e s t r u g g l e between t h e advocates o f C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  policies  ( e x e m p l i f i e d by L i n Biao) and t h e i r opponents.  Confucianism  and C o n f u c i u s h i m s e l f were l i n k e d w i t h  t h e o r y as w e l l as w i t h L i n B i a o .  Marxist  I n t h i s way, attempts were  made t o show d i r e c t r e l e v a n c e t o modern  life:  What manner o f man was C o n f u c i u s , who was r e v e r e d by China's r e a c t i o n a r y r u l i n g c l a s s as "the sage" f o r more than 2 , 0 0 0 years? Lenin pointed out: "The c a t e g o r i c a l requirement o f M a r x i s t t h e o r y i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g any s o c i a l q u e s t i o n i s t h a t i t be examined w i t h i n definite historical limits." To a n a l y s e C o n f u c i u s from t h e h i s t o r i c a l - m a t e r i a l i s t v i e w p o i n t , one must p u t him i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e o f h i s time and see which c l a s s s t a n d p o i n t he took and which c l a s s h i s i d e o l o g y served.59 L i n B i a o was p o r t r a y e d as a s o r t o f modern-day exponent o f outdated,  r e a c t i o n a r y views:  58 The glorification of Ch'in Shih Huang apparently predates the start of the campaign itself, a publication entitled Ch'in Shih Huang having appeared in Beijing in May, 1972. Communist approval of Ch'in Shih Huang can be found even earlier: see Li Ming-hua, "The Maoists' Reversal of the Historical Verdict on Ch'in Shih Huang," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), pp. 55-68. 59 Yang Jungkuo, "Confucius - a Thinker Who Stubbornly Supported the Slave System," Selected Articles Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius, vol. 1 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1974), p. 1.  56  In t h e c o u r s e o f t h e p r e s e n t c r i t i c i s m o f L i n P i a o and C o n f u c i u s , t h e study o f t h e c o n t e n t i o n between t h e s e two s c h o o l s [ C o n f u c i a n and L e g a l i s t ] i n f e u d a l s o c i e t y w i l l h e l p us deepen t h e c r i t i c i s m of L i n P i a o ' s c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e v i s i o n i s t l i n e and c o n s p i r a t o r i a l methods and a t t h e same time h e l p expose t h e r o o t s o f h i s r e a c t i o n a r y w o r l d outlook.60 L i n was t h e embodiment o f C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  evil:  The bourgeois careerist, conspirator, doubled e a l e r , renegade and t r a i t o r L i n P i a o was an o u t and-out devotee of Confucius. Like a l l r e a c t i o n a r i e s i n Chinese h i s t o r y when on t h e verge of e x t i n c t i o n , he r e v e r e d C o n f u c i u s and opposed t h e L e g a l i s t School, and a t t a c k e d Chin S h i h Huang, the f i r s t emperor o f t h e Chin Dynasty (221-207 B.C.). He used t h e d o c t r i n e s o f C o n f u c i u s and Mencius as a r e a c t i o n a r y i d e o l o g i c a l weapon i n h i s p l o t t i n g t o usurp P a r t y l e a d e r s h i p , s e i z e s t a t e power and r e s t o r e c a p i t a l i s m . 6 1 The  opening  o f t h e campaign was s i g n a l l e d by an a r t i c l e  w r i t t e n by Yang Jungkuo which appeared on November 12, 1972, i n Hongqi.62  I t was d i f f i c u l t t o determine,  in this  early  phase, whether t h e t a r g e t time p e r i o d was t h a t o f t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n o r o f t h e p r e c e d i n g L i u Shaoqi e r a . T h i s was n o t s u r p r i s i n g , c o n s i d e r i n g t h e u n c e r t a i n t y which e x i s t e d among t h e l e a d e r s h i p over t h e i d e o l o g i c a l which t h e campaign was intended t o f o l l o w .  direction  Who was i n  60 Lo Szuting, "Evolution of the Debate Between the Confucians and Legalists as Seen from Wang An-shih's Reform," Selected Articles Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius, vol. 1, pp. 186-187. 61 See "Publisher's Note," Selected Articles. 62 Another source dates the start of the campaign as July 13,1972, when the Guangming Ribao published an article by Beijing University's Che Chun entitled "Viewing the Reactionary Nature of the Theory of Genius from the Angle of History of Philosophy." See Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists' Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies vol. 10 no. 6 (March 1974), pp. 32-54.  57  control?  Few a r t i c l e s were p u b l i s h e d  substance o c c u r r e d the  and l i t t l e  u n t i l t h e campaign began i n e a r n e s t  10th P a r t y Congress i n August 1973.  t h i s , a pattern of r e a c t i o n t o the trends regionalism,  o f any  Some time a f t e r (decentralization,  disunity, chaotic administration)  C u l t u r a l Revolution  after  of the  g r a d u a l l y began t o c o - e x i s t and compete  w i t h t h e c r i t i q u e o f L i n as an " u l t r a - R i g h t i s t . "  How was t h e campaign c a r r i e d out? from t h e content, preceding,  As can r e a d i l y be seen  i t was a more e s o t e r i c campaign t h a n many  more pragmatic events.  I t d i d n o t have t h e  i n s t r u c t i o n a l aim o f s o c i a l improvement t h a t t h e S o c i a l i s t Education  Movement had had.  I t s u p p l i e d no p o s i t i v e o r  r e a l i s t i c models f o r e m u l a t i o n . tangible, real l i f e ,  concrete  I t d i d n o t have t h e  goals r e l a t e d t o b u i l d i n g a  s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y t h a t t h e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n campaigns had possessed.  I f l o c a l meetings were h e l d i n l a r g e numbers,  t h i s was a f a c t g o i n g l a r g e l y u n r e p o r t e d . Pi  glance,  Lin Pi Rung would a l s o appear t o have had l e s s o f an  impact on everyday l i f e , and  At f i r s t  being  e t h e r e a l undertaking.63  a rather abstract,  literary,  I t was l i k e l y t h a t t h e o n l y  r e a l e f f e c t on t h e p u b l i c was t h e n e c e s s i t y o f ( h o p e f u l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y ) attending  a few campaign e v e n t s .  To  s t r e s s t h e need f o r a c t i v i t y , Renmin Ribao. F e b r u a r y 2, 1974, warned t h a t  63 An official campaign theme song existed, comprising a quote from Mao Zedong: "Practice Marxism and not revisionism; unite and don't split; be open and above board, and don't intrigue and conspire."  58  Whether one i s a c t i v e o r i n a c t i v e towards t h i s cardinal issue of criticizing Lin Biao and C o n f u c i u s i s a t e s t f o r every l e a d i n g comrade.64 The  vast majority  of the d i s c o u r s e  connected w i t h P i Lin  Kong seems t o have merely t a k e n p l a c e and  Pi  i n books, j o u r n a l s ,  newspapers.  M a i n l y a r e s t r i c t e d l i t e r a r y and h i s t o r i c a l debate, campaign was  the  d i r e c t e d o s t e n s i b l y a g a i n s t problems i n the  superstructure.  The  commencement of the campaign  coincided  w i t h t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of a number of works by w r i t e r s such as Yang Jungkuo and  Che  Chun a t B e i j i n g U n i v e r s i t y ,  numerous s c h o o l p u b l i c a t i o n s from other  educational  i n s t i t u t i o n s also included anti-Confucian  Support f o r t h i s emphasis on r e f o r m i n g was  the  works.  superstructure  not u n i v e r s a l , as s i g n i f i c a n t l e a d e r s h i p d i v i s i o n s  existed. 1973, and  but  D u r i n g the 10th  P a r t y Congress o f August 24-28,  Zhou E n l a i spoke of t h e need f o r emphasizing  c e n t r a l i z e d l e a d e r s h i p , and  stressed that " . . . i t  party that exercises o v e r a l l leadership."65 spoke o f the need t o c o n c e n t r a t e superstructure  planning i s the  Wang Hungwen  on c l a s s s t r u g g l e i n the  ( i n c l u d i n g the realm of c u l t u r e ) and  to  64 Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Maoists' Deepened Struggle to Criticize Un Piao and Confucius," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 9 (June, 1974), p. 5. 65 See "Quarterly Chronicle and Documentation (July-September, 1973)," The China Quarterly no. 56 (OctoberDecember, 1973), pp. 807-809.  59  r e l a t e t h i s t o t h e s o c i a l i s t economic base. the need f o r t r a n s f o r m i n g superstructure  Wang mentioned  " . . . a l l those parts of the  t h a t do n o t conform t o t h e s o c i a l i s t  economic  base and c a r r y out many g r e a t p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s such as the Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . " 6 6  Even more  s i g n i f i c a n t l y , he noted t h a t c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s would have t o be a r e c u r r i n g phenomenon.67  Wang, o f c o u r s e , had r i s e n  t o power d u r i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  and was t o a c h i e v e  a d d i t i o n a l fame as a member o f t h e "Gang o f Four," which was i t s e l f t o become a campaign t a r g e t i n l a t e r  Following  years.  t h e c l o s i n g o f t h e Congress, i n s t r u c t i o n s were  issued c a l l i n g f o r a l l s o r t s of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , f a c t o r i e s , communes, and s c h o o l s t o form " C r i t i c i z i n g - C o n f u c i u s Groups."  Prominent i n t e l l e c t u a l s were encouraged and/or  r e q u i r e d t o engage i n i n t e l l e c t u a l s e l f - c r i t i c i s m p a s t adherence t o Confucianism.68  "Sent-down" educated  youth were a l s o r e q u i r e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n both and  self-criticism.  criticism  The r o l e o f t h e cadre was important i n  i n i t i a t i n g such c r i t i c i s m s e s s i o n s , t o "stand  regarding  and they were exhorted  i n the f o r e f r o n t of the struggle."  66 Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists' Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), p. 40. Since this time, the number of purely constructive, economic campaign efforts has continued to be negligible. 67 See "Quarterly Chronicle and Documentation (July - September, 1973)," The China Quarterly no. 56 (OctoberDecember, 1973), p. 809. 68 One example, cited in Wang Hsueh-wen, "The Development of the Maoists'Criticism of Confucius Movement," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 6 (March, 1974), pp. 41-42, was the then nearly 80-year old Feng Yu-lan's "Criticism of Confucius and Self-criticism of My Previous Worship of Confucianism."  60  There e x i s t s some evidence of l a r g e - s c a l e o r g a n i z e d mobilizational a c t i v i t y , especially that occurring  in  the  involvement a t t h e most i n t r u s i v e , b a s i c , l o c a l l e v e l  was  e i t h e r very sporadic  had  case o f major, o r c h e s t r a t e d  p u b l i c events, but mass  or went e n t i r e l y u n r e p o r t e d .  become u s u a l by t h i s time, a u t h o r i z e d  As  a c t i v i t y took  e n t i r e l y through the f o r m a l mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  place  The  party  committees, l o c a t e d i n a l l p a r t s of the c o u n t r y and  in a l l  t y p e s o f u n i t , were charged w i t h the  the  movement.  P r o v i n c i a l , municipal,  participated.  and  "promotion" of regional  Committees i n s e v e r a l u n i v e r s i t i e s m o b i l i z e d  t h e i r e n t i r e schools  i n d i s c u s s i o n and,  c o n f e r e n c e s took p l a c e  similarly,  workers'  i n numerous i n d u s t r i a l u n i t s  federations  o f labour  and  a l s o h e l d c r i t i c i s m r a l l i e s and,  regions  committees  unions.  and  Various m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t s as a t the  above  c o n f e r e n c e s , s e n i o r o f f i c e - h o l d e r s were p r e s e n t t o speak. P r o v i n c e - w i d e m o b i l i z a t i o n r a l l i e s were conducted by various  Communist Youth League branches i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e  provinces, and  the  sometimes two  or t h r e e t i m e s .  A d d i t i o n a l l y , poor  lower-middle p e a s a n t s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s and women's  a s s o c i a t i o n s have been noted as h a v i n g h e l d meetings. number of p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l a l s o staged c r i t i c i s m  revolutionary  A  committees  sessions.  While i l l u s t r a t i v e of numerous campaign c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the a c t u a l t a c t i c s employed masked s i g n i f i c a n t r i f t s w i t h i n  the  61  CCP.  Perhaps consequently, the widespread m o b i l i z a t i o n a l  e f f o r t was,  according  successful.  One  t o s o u r c e s on Taiwan, not  entirely  author, K'ung T e - l i a n g , p r o v i d e s  examples, as o f March 1974,  o f f a i l u r e on the p a r t o f  r e s p o n s i b l e p a r t y b o d i e s t o conduct any a t t r i b u t e s t h i s , and  numerous  meetings.  He  the f a i l u r e of v a r i o u s o f f i c i a l s  appear, t o t h e l e a d e r s h i p of the CCP  the  to  C e n t r a l Committee  and  the v a r i o u s r e s p o n s i b l e l o c a l organs ( i n c l u d i n g the  military  d i s t r i c t o r r e g i o n commanders and  i n the  hands of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n reasonable  f i n d i n g , and  e x i s t e n c e o f such camps.  commissars) b e i n g faction.69  T h i s may  be  a  t h e r e i s c o p i o u s evidence f o r the The  r o l e of f a c t i o n s and  power  groups i n t h e campaign has been examined by P a r r i s Chang, who  found t h a t , as of e a r l y 1974,  the campaign was  still  the  scene of an i n c o n c l u s i v e b a t t l e between the e s t a b l i s h e d conservative  f o r c e s and the r a d i c a l , p r o - C u l t u r a l  elements.70  T h i s assessment p o i n t e d l y r e v e a l s  i m p r e c i s i o n which hampers attempts t o a n a l y z e campaigns. of P i Lin  Revolution  the such  Other, l a t e r , d i s c u s s i o n s have viewed t h i s Pi Kong as one  the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  o f planned attack and  stage  on the l e g a c y  of  i t s "new-born t h i n g s . "  69 K'ung Te-liang, "The Maoist Mobilization for Criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius," Issues and Studies, vol. 10 no. 10 (July, 1974), pp. 46-49. 70 Parris Chang, "The Anti-Lin Piao and Confucius Campaign: Its Meaning and Purposes," Asian Survey, vol. 14 no. 10 (October, 1974), p. 876.  62  T h i s u n c e r t a i n t y makes i t apparent t h a t l e a d e r s h i p  division  r e s u l t e d i n t h e campaign b e i n g used by d i f f e r e n t groups t o promote d i f f e r i n g views. ushering  P i Lin Pi Rung can be seen as  i n an e r a w i t n e s s i n g  t h i s frequent  as t o o l s by l e a d e r s h i p f a c t i o n s .  use o f campaigns  The s h i f t i n g and  c o n t e n d i n g has undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e absurd, confusing, recent  and sometimes n e g l i g i b l e outward content o f  campaigns.  S E C T I O NS I X-P O S T - R E F O R MC A M P A I G NE F F O R T S S i n c e t h e removal from power o f Hua Guofeng, t h e most r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s have w i t n e s s e d an a c c e l e r a t i o n o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s j u s t noted.  In p a r t i c u l a r , confusion  goals, leadership disunity, a lack of relevance daily l i f e ,  t o take place.  t h r e e campaigns ( f o r CCP r e c t i f i c a t i o n ,  least  " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " and a g a i n s t l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) have overlapped 1980s.  to real  and an i n c r e a s e i n m o r a l i z i n g and p u b l i c  i n s t r u c t i o n continued  At  over  against  "bourgeois  each o t h e r s i n c e t h e e a r l y  E a r l i e r i t was noted t h a t one s t r u c t u r a l change i n  campaign conduct, due a t l e a s t i n p a r t t o l e a d e r s h i p d i s u n i t y over i d e o l o g i c a l o b j e c t i v e s and t a r g e t s , was a t r e n d toward i m p e r f e c t i o n ,  l a c k o f d i r e c t i o n , and s l o p p i n e s s  i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f some r e c e n t campaigns.  Another  s t r u c t u r a l change was found t o be a growing "institutionalized mobilization."  E v i d e n c e o f both o f t h e s e  can be found i n t h e 1980s.  In t h e case o f t h e P i Lin concrete,  Pi  Kung  campaign, which had few  p u b l i c l y - s t a t e d and obvious t a r g e t s o r g o a l s , i t  was d i f f i c u l t t o determine e i t h e r where t h e campaign was going  o r what t h e extent  of leadership i d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y  was.  Many o f t h e s p e c i f i c t a c t i c s used  (such as obscure  64  l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m ) were e s t r a n g e d from r e a l l i f e . campaigns o f t h e 1980s have evidenced c o n t i n u i n g administration,  confusion  over g o a l s ,  The  chaotic  lack of e f f e c t i v e  c e n t r a l c o n t r o l , and d i s p a r i t i e s i n coverage and effectiveness.  D i v i s i o n w i t h i n t h e t o p ranks o f t h e  l e a d e r s h i p has been a f e a t u r e a f f e c t i n g (or o r c h e s t r a t i n g ? ) a l l r e c e n t campaign e f f o r t s . new h e i g h t s and  M o r a l i z i n g has been c a r r i e d t o  and w i t h campaign g o a l s and t a r g e t s so v a r i e d  vague, campaigns have tended t o r u n on i n t o one another.  Internal p o l i t i c a l goals  i n f i g h t i n g a s i d e , what a r e t h e outward  o f t h e newest campaigns?  accomplish?  What a r e they i n t e n d e d  The campaign a g a i n s t  to  "spiritual pollution"  c o i n c i d e d w i t h t h e e a r l y s t a g e s of t h e 1983-7 p a r t y r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign, t h e crackdown ("campaign") and w i t h a p e r i o d o f growing l i t e r a r y ,  a r t i s t i c and  i n t e l l e c t u a l l i b e r a l i z a t i o n and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n . the  l a t e r e f f o r t s against  on crime,  These, and  "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " and t h e  " s i x e v i l s , " can a l l be l i n k e d c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y i n terms o f goals.  A l l were " c a t c h - a l l " campaigns, t a c k l i n g a v a r i e t y  of p e r c e i v e d  s o c i a l problems.  With t h e p o s s i b l e  exception  of t h e a t y p i c a l One-Child campaign, t h e s e r e c e n t  campaigns  have not been intended  t o promote any  outwardly-visible  t a n g i b l e cause o r forward an o b j e c t i v e . attached  t o them  Despite  the l a b e l s  ( " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " "bourgeois  l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) , t h e r e a l t a r g e t s have c o n s i s t e n t l y been t h o s e s o c i a l problems, i n c l u d i n g d i s o r d e r , c o r r u p t i o n ,  and  65  challenges  t o CCP  l e a d e r s h i p , which are seen as most  threatening.  S i n c e Hua  Guofeng's d e p a r t u r e and  Deng X i a o p i n g achieving  h i s replacement by  f o r c e s , the main emphasis has  " s o c i a l i s t m o d e r n i z a t i o n and  on combatting c l a s s enemies and  been on  c o n s t r u c t i o n " and  class conflict.  i s now  leadership,  t o be on the  i s a l s o t o be promoted. " f o r c e s of p r o d u c t i o n , "  supremacy  Concentration the  "four  m o d e r n i z a t i o n s , " and  the advancement of Chinese s o c i e t y  through economic and  i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l reform.71  By t h e e a r l y 1980s, o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e new about t h e m e r i t s  of the new  seen as t h r e a t e n i n g problems China was foreign influences. l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " had o n l y now  was  not  Adherence  t o t h e "Four C a r d i n a l P r i n c i p l e s , " i n c l u d i n g the of p a r t y  the  " l i n e " and  debate  p o l i c i e s connected w i t h i t were  by the l e a d e r s h i p . experiencing  Many o f t h e  were e x a c e r b a t e d by  A l t h o u g h c r i t i c i s m of  social outside  "bourgeois  been o c c u r r i n g s p o r a d i c a l l y s i n c e  1978,  t h i s f o r e i g n - i n s p i r e d decadence a l l o w e d t o  become an o b j e c t of campaign a t t a c k .  There was  need f o r a r t and  the p e o p l e "  l i t e r a t u r e t o "serve  a  perceived and  promote s o c i a l i s m , as w e l l as a need t o adhere t o n a t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n s i n w r i t t e n works.  There was  s a i d t o be  "too much  71 This has been characterized as the emergence of a new "line," and leadership struggles since 1978 have been seen as basically supportive of this new approach and merely factional in nature. See Ramon H. Myers, "Does the C C P  Have  a 'Line'?," Changes in China: Party, State, and Society, ed. Leng Shao-chuan (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 17-37.  66  w r i t i n g about t h e dark s i d e , " and some were c r i t i c i z e d as advocates o f Western modernist thought. said,  Such p e o p l e , i t was  " t h i n k t h a t c r e a t i v e work has no need f o r t h e o r e t i c a l  guidance, and some c a l l f o r ' s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n ' as the o b j e c t i v e o f l i t e r a t u r e and art."72 humanism i n w r i t i n g was d e p l o r e d return t o s o c i a l i s t  An  The growth o f Western  and c a l l s were made f o r a  realism.  i n f l u x o f Western music, v i d e o t a p e s ,  d a n c i n g , f i l m s and  books began e n t e r i n g China i n the e a r l y 1980s. and  highest  Allegorical  p o l i t i c a l l y c r i t i c a l works by Chinese w r i t e r s , such as  Zhang X i a o t i a n ' s Clustered  Grass  on  the  Prairie  and t h e  w r i t i n g s o f Wang Ruoshui i n Renmin Ribao began t o appear. These a l l became t a r g e t s o f t h e campaign.  The  commencement o f t h e a s s a u l t a g a i n s t  "spiritual  p o l l u t i o n " was s i g n a l l e d by media a t t a c k s a g a i n s t  target  i n d i v i d u a l s and by Deng's speech a t t h e Second Plenum o f t h e 12th  C e n t r a l Committee, h e l d October 11-12, 1983. The  a t t a c k on s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n was c l e a r l y approved a t t h i s e a r l y stage.  leadership-  Deng d e f i n e d :  the substance of Spiritual Pollution as disseminating a l l varieties of corrupt and decadent i d e o l o g i e s o f t h e b o u r g e o i s i e and o t h e r e x p l o i t i n g c l a s s e s and d i s s e m i n a t i n g sentiments o f d i s t r u s t towards t h e s o c i a l i s t and communist cause and t o t h e Communist P a r t y leadership.73 72 Renmin Ribao, October 31,1983, p. 1.  67  Asserting  the need f o r s t r o n g e r p a r t y  f o r more d e c i s i v e s o c i a l guidance. four categories  leadership,  Deng L i q u n  he c a l l e d  delineated  of s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n : s p r e a d i n g  t h a t are obscene, barbarous or r e a c t i o n a r y ;  things  vulgar  taste i n  a r t i s t i c performances; e f f o r t s t o seek p e r s o n a l g a i n , indulgence i n i n d i v i d u a l i s m ,  anarchism, and  l i b e r a l i s m ; as  w e l l as w r i t i n g a r t i c l e s or d e l i v e r i n g speeches t h a t c o u n t e r t o the  and  run  c o u n t r y ' s s o c i a l system.74  In response, a c a t c h - a l l campaign of r e a c t i o n t o t h i s generally  unsatisfactory  paramount g o a l  s o c i a l s t a t e was  of t h i s was  t o suppress the most  emerging t h r e a t s t o the a u t h o r i t y groups or f a c t i o n s within constructive  initiated.  of the CCP  the p a r t y ) .  No  serious  (or t h a t  p r o v i s i o n o f a number of f u r t h e r examples of s o c i a l i s t behaviour f o r p u b l i c emulation.  an element o f s p o n t a n e i t y was  of  p r a c t i c a l or  aims were p r e s e n t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e was  improvement r e q u i r i n g t r u e and  The  the  correct  I f some p o s i t i v e  deep p u b l i c commitment w i t h i n t e n d e d as a g o a l ,  surely  e f f o r t s would have been made t o induce w i l l i n g mass cooperation without recourse to s e l e c t i v e , r e t a l i a t o r y c r i t i c i s m and  a f l o o d of n e g a t i v e examples.  73 See Beijing Review, no. 42 (October 17,1983), centrefold document pages, for the English text of Deng's speech to the Plenum of Oct. 11-12,1983. 74 Renmin Ribao, November 3,1983, p. 1.  68  Despite  this,  literary  attempts were made t o l i n k  criticism  "socialist  to real l i f e .  spiritual  The promotion o f  c i v i l i z a t i o n , " as c o n t r a s t e d  material c i v i l i z a t i o n ,  encompassed s p e c i a l  r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the writer. "socialist  t o Western  social  They were t o engage i n  r e a l i s m , " t o a v o i d w r i t i n g s o l e l y f o r monetary  g a i n , and were t o be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e t h e i r w r i t i n g on s o c i e t y . morality,  t h e campaign's  f o r the e f f e c t s of  As r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  of p u b l i c  t h e y were expected t o remain above debasement,  opportunism and c o r r u p t i o n . "socialist  spiritual  Through c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f  c i v i l i z a t i o n , " the category of l i t e r a r y  i s s u e s came t o i n c l u d e w i t h i n i t s o c i a l ,  p h i l o s o p h i c a l , and  moral problems.75  The  building of " s o c i a l i s t  spiritual  c i v i l i z a t i o n " had been  named as a n e c e s s a r y p r e r e q u i s i t e t o t h e achievement o f t h e Four M o d e r n i z a t i o n s i n e a r l y 1981. promoting " s o c i a l i s t at  spiritual  A separate d r i v e  c i v i l i z a t i o n " had commenced  l e a s t as f a r back as t h e s p r i n g o f 1982.  contributed t o the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n separating effort simei  from another. sanreai  T h i s has one campaign  I t was a t t h i s time t h a t t h e wujiang  were f i r s t put forward as a moral code t o be  followed.76  75 Wendy Larson, "Realism, Modernism, and the Anti-'Spiritual Pollution' Campaign in China," Modem China, vol. 15 no. 1 (January 1989), pp. 41-43.  76 This is summarily described in Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, p. 262.  69  The  r e p o r t of the  1982,  12th  P a r t y Congress, h e l d i n September,  o u t l i n e d t h e outward t a r g e t s of t h i s e a r l i e r d r i v e .  C i v i l i z a t i o n was  seen t o have both a m a t e r i a l and  s p i r i t u a l aspect,  with the  development of e d u c a t i o n ,  l a t t e r encompassing  The  "the  s c i e n c e , c u l t u r a l knowledge  t h e enhancement o f p e o p l e ' s i d e o l o g y , morality."  a  politics,  and  and  report said that  If the great task of building a socialist spiritual civilization guided by communist ideology i s overlooked, people w i l l f a l l i n t o a o n e - s i d e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of s o c i a l i s m and direct t h e i r a t t e n t i o n e x c l u s i v e l y t o t h e b u i l d i n g of m a t e r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n or even t o t h e p u r s u i t of material gains.77 The  p a r t y r e q u i r e d c a d r e s t o become "more r e v o l u t i o n a r y ,  b e t t e r educated and more p r o f e s s i o n a l l y competent,"  and  c a l l e d f o r t h e development of " n a t i o n a l i d e a l s , m o r a l i t y , c u l t u r e and  a sense of  discipline."78  These c a l l s became c e n t r a l g o a l s of the against  "spiritual pollution."  p a r t y committees met  campaign  Sub-bodies and  a f t e r t h e October, 1983,  t o study the meeting's works and campaign underway.  later  regional Second Plenum  called for getting  Media e d i t o r i a l s and  the  a r t i c l e s served  the  purpose of l e g i t i m i z i n g c r i t i c i s m o f , i n p a r t i c u l a r , theoretical,  l i t e r a r y and  a r t i s t i c workers.  Members of  the  77 See excerpts from Hongqi, issue dated November 19,1982, published in Beijing Review, vol. 25 no. 45 (November 8, 1982), pp. 13-17. 78 Ibid.  70  p u b l i c t r a f f i c k i n g i n pornography f i r s t became a t a r g e t a t t h i s time.  Other t a r g e t s i n c l u d e d p a r t y t h e o r e t i c i a n s ,  p a r t y and non-party l i t e r a r y and a r t f i g u r e s , and t h e cadres i n charge o f them.  As w i t h t h e p u b l i c d e n u n c i a t i o n s campaign, t h e famous l e d t h e way.  i n t h e Pi  Lin  Pi  Kung  The e l d e r l y Zhou Yang,  chairman o f t h e A l l - C h i n a F e d e r a t i o n o f L i t e r a r y and A r t C i r c l e s , was one o f those who had urged w r i t e r s t o w r i t e honestly.  As a s u p p o r t e r  o f Wang Ming d u r i n g t h e 1930s,  Zhou was f o r some time out o f f a v o u r w i t h important o f t h e CCP h i e r a r c h y .  elements  D e s p i t e t h i s , he r o s e t o become  m i n i s t e r o f c u l t u r e d u r i n g t h e 1950s.  Severely v i c t i m i z e d  d u r i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , he was a t t h a t time paraded through t h e s t r e e t s w i t h an i n c r i m i n a t i n g p l a c a r d t i e d around h i s neck. comfortable  In subsequent y e a r s  Zhou was r e t u r n e d t o a  p o s i t i o n as an e l d e r l y l i t e r a r y statesman, but  d u r i n g t h e campaign a g a i n s t s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n was s u b j e c t e d t o e d i t o r i a l c r i t i c i s m s f o r h i s encouragement o f truthful  w r i t i n g and h i s 1983 d i s c u s s i o n o f humanism and  alienation.79  T h i s i s a s t a n d a r d method o f a t t a c k i n g p e r c e i v e d t a k i n g p l a c e d u r i n g times o f "open-ness.  11  excesses  I t typically  79 At the heart of Zhou's article "A Discussion of Certain Theoretical Problems in Marxism" was his belief that the talented were alienated from socialist society because of its lack of humanism, which problem is in turn derived from an improper overconcentration on class struggle. See Renmin Ribao, March 16,1983.  i n v o l v e s i d e n t i f y i n g and p u b l i c l y l a b e l l i n g t h o s e b e i n g out o f l i n e and c o n d u c t i n g  a publicity  a g a i n s t them, l a r g e l y through the media. l a t e 1983.  Authors who  seen as  campaign  T h i s was  were i d e n t i f i e d as h a v i n g  done i n written  o f f e n s i v e p i e c e s were a l s o c r i t i c i z e d p u b l i c l y and Wang Ruoshui among them, l o s t t h e i r  A g a i n l i k e the P i Lin  Pi  jobs.  campaign, t h i s was  Kung  a number,  a mainly  l i t e r a r y e f f o r t , w i t h minimal d i s r u p t i o n t o mass d a i l y activities.  Speeches by l e a d e r s h i p f i g u r e s a t a l l l e v e l s  were g i v e n i n a l l s o r t s of f o r a , a t meetings of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a t p a r t y meetings, and press.  Prominent t a r g e t s accepted  at interviews i n the  some blame p u b l i c l y .  C e r t a i n groups were t o r e c e i v e more i d e o l o g i c a l One  mass meeting was  official  education.  h e l d a t B e i j i n g U n i v e r s i t y and  isolated  meetings o f o f f i c i a l mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s a l s o took p l a c e d u r i n g t h i s s h o r t campaign. involvement was  probably  However, r e a l ,  non-existent.  i n t i m a t e mass  In an e x c e l l e n t and  informative small a r t i c l e ,  C h a r l e s Webb conveys something of  the atmosphere s u r r o u n d i n g  the campaign, which c o i n c i d e d  w i t h the "campaign" on law and  order:  P o s t e r s went up, the odd speech was made, and "the masses were m o r a l l y armed f o r the S t r u g g l e . " It was, i n some q u a r t e r s , suggested t h a t i t was a bad thing for the Chinese to associate with foreigners. Cheap, t r a s h y i m i t a t i o n s of Western c u l t u r e were frowned upon; s o c i a l i s m was t o be upheld. The r e s u l t s was r a t h e r p l e a s a n t . For a time, i t was u n f a s h i o n a b l e f o r the Shanghai s t r e e t s p i v s t o hang about i n t i g h t - h i p p e d , f l a r e d j e a n s . Zhao Ziyang exchanged b a d l y c u t western s u i t s w i t h  72  awkward t i e s f o r w e l l - t a i l o r e d Chinese j a c k e t s . And, by and l a r g e , t h e Chinese laughed. Certainly t h e y d i d i n Shanghai. L i f e went on, no-one took t h e campaign s e r i o u s l y , and i t flopped.80 A number o f c e l e b r a t e d cases o c c u r r e d where f o r e i g n e r s were r e q u e s t e d t o hand over pornography.  I n Lanzhou, t h e Gansu  Armed People's P o l i c e Force g u i d e d "cadres and f i g h t e r s i n r e a d i n g good books and s i n g i n g r e v o l u t i o n a r y songs" t o p r e v e n t a r e c u r r e n c e o f u n h e a l t h y t e n d e n c i e s t h a t had l e d some o f them t o "wear mustaches and w h i s k e r s , s i n g songs,  unhealthy  be u n d i s c i p l i n e d and n o t keep t h e i r minds on t h e i r  work and want t o be d e m o b i l i z e d and p e r m i t t e d t o r e t u r n home at  an e a r l y date."81  Why would such, a t f a c e v a l u e , p r e p o s t e r o u s shortcomings be the f o c u s o f such n a t i o n a l p u b l i c i t y e f f o r t s u n l e s s t h e y were i n t e n d e d t o be exemplary o f u n d e s i r a b l e behaviour? is  It  l i k e l y t h a t t h o s e i n c o n t r o l among t h e l e a d e r s h i p had a  need n o t o n l y t o combat unhealthy s o c i a l t e n d e n c i e s , but a l s o t o be seen d o i n g so.  The l a t t e r p o r t i o n o f 1983  w i t n e s s e d much d i s c u s s i o n , m o r a l i z i n g t a l k and s p i r i t r a i s i n g b u t l i t t l e c o n c r e t e a c t i o n by t h e p u b l i c , t o whom the campaign was supposedly d i r e c t e d .  Indeed,  t h e major  campaign weapon was " a c t i v e i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e " sixiang  ( j i j i di  douzheng) which i n d i c a t e d merely a c o n t i n u i n g  o b j e c t i v e , r e s t r a i n e d and s e n s i b l e c r i t i c i s m . 80 Charles Webb, "China: An Outsider's Inside View," Asian 81 Gold, " J U S T IN TIME," pp. 957-958.  Affairs, vol.  D e n i a l s were  17 (o.s. vol. 73) part I (February, 1986), pp. 57-63.  73  i s s u e d t o t h e e f f e c t t h a t what was campaign, but was  g o i n g on was  merely a "commonplace  Other t a c t i c s o f t h i s s o r t i n c l u d e d the  not  a  task."  i n t r o d u c t i o n of a  v a r i e t y o f s i m p l i s t i c but w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d new  models  (the  "advanced persons") f o r e m u l a t i o n : i n t e l l e c t u a l s such  as  J i a n g Zhuying and  and  Luo  J i a n f u , m i l i t i a member Zhu  the handicapped Zhang H a i d i . Courtesy Month", which was was  continued  "National  Socialist Ethics  instituted originally in  ( h e l d every March), and  were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the c o u n t r y s i d e of c o r r e c t p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r . promoted.  Boru  "civility  and  1982,  villages"  as l a r g e r - s c a l e examples  "Five-good f a m i l i e s " were  Such a f a m i l y would: be d i l i g e n t a t work  study, c o n s i d e r  f a m i l y members and  family planning  and pay  observe t h e law  and  and  neighbours, p r a c t i c e  attention to children's  be d i s c i p l i n e d , and  education,  e x h i b i t courteous  p u b l i c behaviour.82  I t was  q u i t e apparent t h a t t h e r e was  no one  g u i d i n g hand a t  work, as " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n " became a c a t e g o r y encompassing a v a s t a r r a y of items chosen f o r  attack.  Excesses began t o occur as the range o f t a r g e t s expanded t o i n c l u d e more than mere l i t e r a r y and campaign q u i c k l y got out of hand and many s a c r o s a n c t  artistic  license.  became a d r i v e  The  against  a s p e c t s o f the ongoing m o d e r n i z a t i o n  82 An excellent discussion of many of these activities is provided in Chang Ching-li, "Promotion of Socialist Spiritual Civilization on the Chinese Mainland," Issues and Studies, vol. 19 no. 8 (August, 1983), pp. 23-40.  74  program.83  With t h e campaign c i r c l e widening  u l t r a - L e f t i s t , xenophobic  direction,  and t a k i n g an  i t began t o be used as  a cover t o a t t a c k those i n p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n s . 8 4  In  November, 1983, e f f o r t s were made t o d e f i n e t h e l i m i t s o f t h e a t t a c k , and c a u t i o n s were i s s u e d r e m i n d i n g t h e o v e r z e a l o u s t h a t some youth b e h a v i o u r s  (such as t h e wearing  o f l o n g e r h a i r s t y l e s ) were not evidence o f s p i r i t u a l pollution. January,  By l a t e December, and c e r t a i n l y by t h e end o f  t h e movement appeared  t o have been p u t on h o l d .  The end o f t h e campaign r e f l e c t e d a number o f t h e Deng regime's sought,  priorities.  Economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n and r e f o r m was  a l o n g w i t h t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f CCP power.  True  p u r i f i c a t i o n was a l s o an o b j e c t i v e , but t h e c o s t o f t h e s o c i a l l y d i v i s i v e campaign was t o o h i g h i n terms o f stability.  L i b e r a l i z a t i o n was something  t o be avoided, but  i t has been s a i d t h a t Deng f a i l e d t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e m o d e r n i z a t i o n from  Westernization.85  I n t h e campaign a g a i n s t " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " l e a d e r s h i p d i s u n i t y was n o t c e n t r e d on t h e same d i v i s i o n s as e x i s t e d a t t h e time o f t h e campaign t o c r i t i c i z e L i n B i a o and Confucius.  There has been no s u b s t a n t i a l c o n f l i c t  over  83 Because of the adverse effects of the campaign on economic reform, the field of discussion was explicitly limited to ideological and literary matters in November, 1983. See Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, pp. 262-263. 84 Gold, " J U S T IN TIME!,'" p. 973. 85to/d., pp. 973-974.  75  party " l i n e " i n recent years. may  still  Although leadership f i g u r e s  be c l a s s e d as moderates and  conservatives,  i t is  d i f f i c u l t t o document t h a t an i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t e x i s t s now  between r e f o r m i s t s and  C u l t u r a l Revolutionary  Some s e n i o r l e a d e r s , such as Deng X i a o p i n g , Liqun,  radicals.  Hu Qiaomu, Deng  Peng Zhen, Wang Zhen, and Yu Q i u l i are seen as merely  more r e s i s t a n t t o a r a p i d opening-up t o the w o r l d than others.  One  view r e c e n t l y put forward sees the l a r g e r arena  of disagreement not as c o n f l i c t over the c o n t i n u a t i o n reform  itself,  factional  are  but as d i s p u t e over p e r s o n a l power  of  and  issues.86  Beginning simultaneously  w i t h the movement a g a i n s t  " s p i r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n , " and  extending  i n t o 1987,  r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign was  conducted.  The  a  CCP  problems which  plagued Chinese s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l a l s o e x i s t e d i n the  party  i t s e l f , which had  at  t h i s time.  a membership o f around f o r t y m i l l i o n  A d d i t i o n a l l y , w i t h the new  modernization,  and  emphasis  on i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l and  l a r g e p o r t i o n of the membership was  on  economic reform, a  becoming of dubious  ideological quality.  "Nine t y p e s "  of p a r t y members were d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n the  " D e c i s i o n on P a r t y C o n s o l i d a t i o n . "  These i n c l u d e d  1983  three  t y p e s of p a r t y member whose d e t r a c t i o n s were deemed s e r i o u s  86 This view is  put forward in Ramon H. Myers, "Does the CCP Have a 'Line'?," pp.  33-34.  76  enough by t h e C e n t r a l Committee t o warrant removal from party:  "...persons who  have r i s e n t o prominence by  the c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y  c l i q u e s of L i n P i a o and  following  Chiang  Ch'ing i n ' r e b e l l i o n , ' t h o s e who  have been s e r i o u s l y  factionalist  t h o s e who  beating, ideology,  i n t h e i r i d e a s , and  smashing and  looting."87  i n work s t y l e , and  the  have i n d u l g e d  in  "Three i m p u r i t i e s , " i n  i n o r g a n i z a t i o n , would a l s o  be  sought o u t . 8 8  C u l t u r a l Revolution-era than " e x p e r t . "  The  members were m o s t l y " r e d "  T h i r d Plenum of 1978,  M o d e r n i z a t i o n s were put  rather  a t which t h e  Four  forward, s h i f t e d p a r t y work emphasis  from c l a s s s t r u g g l e t o s o c i a l i s t m o d e r n i z a t i o n , which r e q u i r e d b e t t e r - t r a i n e d and out-of-step,  s k i l l e d cadres.  some of t h e e x i s t i n g c a d r e s and  Ideologically members were  not b e l i e v e d t o be sympathetic t o the economic and reforms g o i n g  on.  Remnant C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n  were a l s o blamed f o r o t h e r  troubles.  influences  With a massive  o p p o r t u n i s t i c ? ) membership, r o u t i n e p a r t y work was being the  done i n a r a t h e r c u r s o r y  ideological, p o l i t i c a l ,  and  fashion.  (and  likely  Uncertainty  over  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i n e of  p a r t y c o n t r i b u t e d t o the d o u b t f u l m e r i t Many b a s i c q u e s t i o n s  political  o f i d e o l o g y had  of new  the  members.  been g l o s s e d  over i n  87 Hsuan Mo, "Party Consolidation: Teng's Final Struggle?," Issues and Studies vol. 20 no. 1 (January, 1984), pp. 16-17. 88 Ibid.  77  r e c e n t y e a r s w h i l e the p a r t y had c o n c e n t r a t e d on economic reforms and f i g h t i n g economic crime.  Officially,  f o u r reasons were g i v e n f o r t h e  rectification.  These were: t o u n i f y a l l p a r t y members i d e o l o g i c a l l y w i t h the C e n t r a l Committee  (to promote a c l e a r u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of  c u r r e n t l i n e and p o l i c i e s ) , t o r e c t i f y p a r t y work s t y l e  by  a c t i n g i n the i n t e r e s t of t h e masses, t o s t r e n g t h e n p a r t y discipline  ( p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e norm of d e m o c r a t i c - c e n t r a l i s m ) ,  and t o e x p e l those p a r t y members who f i r s t three  do not a c h i e v e  the  goals.89  Seemingly i n t e n d e d t o be a t i g h t l y - c o n t r o l l e d e f f o r t , r e c t i f i c a t i o n was  t o be a "top-down" e f f o r t ,  closed-door i n nature. statement  the  strictly  The d r i v e commenced w i t h an  explicit  a t t h e same Second Plenum of t h e 12th C e n t r a l  Committee which launched t h e a s s a u l t on pollution."  The  "spiritual  l a t t e r campaign, c o n c e i v e d i n response  f a c t i o n a l pressures w i t h i n the leadership, c o n s t i t u t e d "mass" or p u b l i c a s p e c t of a g e n e r a l (masses and a t t a c k on u n s a t i s f a c t o r y c o n d i t i o n s . statement  on of  members would be  party)  'correct'  sought,  no account s h o u l d t h e p a s t erroneous p r a c t i c e " l e t t i n g t h e masses c o n s o l i d a t e t h e P a r t y " o r  89 Dickson, "Conflict and Non-Compliance," pp. 174-175.  the  The C e n t r a l Committee  made i t c l e a r t h a t , even though t h e  o p i n i o n s o f non-party  to  78 l e t t i n g non-Party members P a r t y be repeated.90  decide  issues  i n the  T h i s was an attempt t o a v o i d t h e d i s o r d e r and l o s s o f c o n t r o l evident  i n previous  rectifications.  t h a t any r o l e o f t h e masses as a c l e a n s i n g , continued  t o be o f f i c i a l l y frowned upon.  Central D i s c i p l i n e Inspection  Commission  I t a l s o showed "storming" f o r c e  The p a r t y ' s (CDIC) was, f o r t h e  f i r s t time, i n v o l v e d i n a r e c t i f i c a t i o n campaign, w i t h t h e job of p r o v i d i n g negative  examples t o r e i n f o r c e c o r r e c t  behaviour i n p a r t y members. Commission f o r G u i d i n g up  An a d d i t i o n a l body, t h e C e n t r a l  P a r t y R e c t i f i c a t i o n (CCGPR) was s e t  s p e c i f i c a l l y t o conduct t h e o v e r a l l campaign e f f o r t .  A l l t h e s e measures were aimed a t p e r m i t t i n g t h e CCP t o m a i n t a i n s t r i c t c o n t r o l over i t s own i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . s i m i l a r d e s i r e f o r i n t e r n a l r e g u l a t i o n i n the party a f t e r t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e Great Leap Forward. CCP o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  A  arose  I n terms o f  t h e p e r i o d o f t h e e a r l y 1960s has o f t e n  been compared w i t h t h e post-1978 e r a . I t was d u r i n g t h e y e a r s 1958-66 t h a t t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f c o n t r o l commission organs on i n t e r n a l p a r t y a f f a i r s , t h e abandoning o f "opendoor" r e c t i f i c a t i o n , and an emphasis on o r g a n i z a t i o n and order,  r u l e s and r o u t i n e f i r s t became apparent.91  90 From "The Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Party Consolidation" of Oct. 11, 1983.  See Beijing Review, vol. 26 no. 42 (October 17,1983), centrefold document pages.  91 Charles Neuhauser, "The Chinese Communist Party in the 1960s: Prelude to the Cultural Revolution," The China Quarterly, no. 32 (October-December, 1967), pp. 14-19.  79  The c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e r e c t i f i c a t i o n seems t o have been i t s i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s .  Problems abounded, many o f which  were due t o t h e c o n f u s i o n which e x i s t e d over t h e emphasis and g o a l s o f t h e campaign.  The p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e o f t h e  regime a t t h i s time was, o f course, t h e ongoing m o d e r n i z a t i o n and r e f o r m program.  Party r e c t i f i c a t i o n  not be a l l o w e d t o i n t e r f e r e w i t h t h i s  could  drive.  T h i s campaign i n p a r t i c u l a r s u f f e r e d from a number o f f a u l t s , most n o t a b l y shoddy a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l u c k l u s t r e implementation.  To encourage members t o improve t h e i r work  s t y l e , t h e need f o r t h e p r o v i s i o n o f s e l e c t i v e was r e c o g n i z e d . enough.  incentives  However, t h e s e d i d n o t prove a t t r a c t i v e  Model rewards f o r good work were becoming redundant  when compared t o t h e p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s t o be d e r i v e d from engaging i n c o r r u p t i o n and abuse o f power.92  Furthermore,  improvements i n work s t y l e were o n l y c a l l e d f o r on t h e f l i m s y b a s i s t h a t i f they were a c h i e v e d , a l l would b e n e f i t from t h e c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s o f r e c t i f i c a t i o n .  I d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y among t h e l e a d e r s h i p was e v i d e n c e d by the s h i f t i n g f o c u s o f t h e campaign.  T h i s was most  obvious  i n t h e two c o n f l i c t i n g p r i o r i t i e s o f economic p r o d u c t i o n and party r e c t i f i c a t i o n .  The campaign was one i n which p a r t -  time p a r t i c i p a t i o n was encouraged so as n o t t o d i s r u p t  92 Ibid., p. 176.  80  production.  The demands o f p r o d u c t i o n and t h e n e c e s s i t y o f  a t t e n d i n g t o one's work d e t r a c t e d from t h e campaign's e f f e c t i v e n e s s - a ready excuse was p r o v i d e d t o some t o a v o i d rectification.  One o f t h e reasons f o r t h e campaign was t o  a c q u i r e more s k i l l e d cadres f o r economic r e f o r m purposes. Indeed, economic performance was used as an o u t r i g h t i n d i c a t o r o f campaign  s u c c e s s , and economic r e f o r m was  c o n t i n u o u s l y t a k i n g precedence over r e c t i f i c a t i o n m a t t e r s .  An e f f e c t i v e  campaign  typically  includes a blend of  p e r s u a s i o n and c o e r c i o n , but l i t t l e o f t h e l a t t e r was evident i n the r e c t i f i c a t i o n .  Only 0.4% o f t h e CCP  membership was removed as a r e s u l t  o f t h i s campaign.  With  leniency stressed i n the r e c t i f i c a t i o n , the p o s s i b i l i t y of b e i n g e x p e l l e d was n o t h i g h .  Consequently, l a c k o f  enthusiasm on t h e p a r t o f members was perhaps n o t surprising.  Lack o f communication  was another major problem a r e a .  C o o r d i n a t i o n between t h e CDIC and t h e CCGPR was n o t always i n e v i d e n c e , and communication l o c a l - a r e a c a d r e s was poor.  between t h e CCGPR and t h e  T h i s r e s u l t e d i n many  p a r t y organs s u c c e s s f u l l y a v o i d i n g t h e campaign. organs were slow t o b e g i n r e c t i f i c a t i o n .  rural Some p a r t y  The CCGPR  itself  was handicapped by t h e f a c t t h a t i t had n o t been amply s u p p l i e d w i t h a u t h o r i t y by those a t t h e p a r t y helm.  The  81  o f f i c i a l f o u r g o a l s o f the campaign c o n t r a d i c t e d each o t h e r , reflecting ideological  confusion:  when a cadre was c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the dilemma of how, or whether, t o implement an unpopular p o l i c y , the r e q u i r e m e n t s t o "serve the p e o p l e " and t o obey the chain of command (i.e., obey democratic c e n t r a l i s m ) c o n t r a d i c t e d one another.93 Such d i f f i c u l t i e s c o n t r i b u t e d t o poor communication and the l a c k o f i n f o r m a t i o n so necessary  to  t o the c e n t r a l  a u t h o r i t i e s i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l l y - s t r u c t u r e d campaign o f  this  type.  How  much genuine membership p a r t i c i p a t i o n , o f t h e  expected i n an e x t r a - p a r t y mass campaign, was  type  required?  top-down campaign s t r u c t u r e c e r t a i n l y m i t i g a t e d a g a i n s t i n i t i a t i v e - t a k i n g on the p a r t o f l o w e r - l e v e l b o d i e s . s u b o r d i n a t i n g of the campaign t o the needs o f allowed  any  The  production  some, perhaps many, t o a v o i d r e c t i f i c a t i o n i n whole  or i n p a r t .  One  l a r g e meeting, the "8,000  conference,"  was  h e l d i n January, 1986,  meetings of the s t a n d a r d having  The  w i l l and  criticism  Most i m p o r t a n t l y ,  the  i d e o l o g i c a l commitment t o a c h i e v e  thorough-going c l e a n s i n g was  93 Ibid., p. 175.  but s m a l l  type a r e nowhere mentioned as  been i n widespread use.  necessary  cadres  lacking.  a  82  In December 1986 outbursts cities.  and  January 1987,  t h e r e were s i g n i f i c a n t  of s t u d e n t - l e d d i s c o n t e n t  i n s e v e r a l major Chinese  F e a r f u l of a r e t u r n o f the chaos of the C u l t u r a l  Revolution,  and  of a p o s s i b l e l i n k a g e between student  unrest  and worker d i s c o n t e n t , t h e l e a d e r s h i p launched a f u r t h e r campaign r e m i n i s c e n t pollution."  o f the d r i v e a g a i n s t  Ever w o r r i e d  "spiritual  about the s o c i a l e f f e c t s o f  economic reform, the c o n s e r v a t i v e  f o r c e s w i t h i n the  CCP  C e n t r a l Committee o r c h e s t r a t e d a "campaign" a g a i n s t "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n . " party r e c t i f i c a t i o n ,  i t was  Ostensibly l i m i t e d to being once a g a i n conducted i n the  p u b l i c sphere l a r g e l y through the media and prominent i n t e l l e c t u a l t a r g e t s . Western, i t was  a  operated  I n i t i a l l y attacking  against things  l a t e r couched as a s t r u g g l e between the  s o c i a l i s t road and  the c a p i t a l i s t road,  and was  reflective  of another i d e o l o g i c a l showdown t a k i n g p l a c e w i t h i n  the  leadership.94  As b e f o r e ,  the problem was  labelled  ( i n t h i s case as  " b o u r g e o i s l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " ) but most w o r r y i n g i n r e a l i t y the c h a l l e n g e was  t o CCP  leadership.  "Bourgeois  liberalization"  viewed as " . . . r e f u t i n g s o c i a l i s m , a d v o c a t i n g  and...refuting  the p a r t y ' s  l e a d e r s h i p , " and  o r g a n i z a t i o n s were c a l l e d upon t o "progress  was  capitalism,  party in unifying  94 Robin Munro, "Political Reform, Student Demonstrations and the Conservative Backlash," Reforming the Revolution: China in Transition, pp. 63-80.  83  thought," r e v e a l i n g the e x i s t e n c e of i d e o l o g i c a l d i s u n i t y even w i t h i n the CCP  The  campaign was  itself.95  f o r m a l l y l i m i t e d i n scope and  the p a r t y i t s e l f ,  t a r g e t t i n g expressly  thought o f attempting Communist P a r t y and  "the  emphasis t o  erroneous  t o g e t r i d of t h e l e a d e r s h i p of  to refute socialism."  I t was  c o n t e n d i n g w i t h p o l i c i e s on economic reform, o f l i t e r a r y o r a r t i s t i c s t y l e s and d a i l y l i f e of the people."96  avoid  "explorations  techniques,"  I t was  to  the  and  not t o a f f e c t  "the rural  a r e a s or non-party i n t e l l e c t u a l s , a l t h o u g h i n t h i s case the l a t t e r were t o be asked f o r i n p u t . f o r c e was  The  necessary  guiding  t o be the R e c t i f i c a t i o n Commission o f t h e  CCP  C e n t r a l Committee.  Patience  and  l e n i e n c y were c a l l e d f o r i n t h i s e f f o r t ,  d e s p i t e a p p l i c a t i o n i n the p u b l i c sphere was s t r i c t l y - c o n t r o l l e d party r e c t i f i c a t i o n . unrepentant were t o be d e a l t w i t h occur  in fact a  Only the  severely.  truly  T h i s would  o n l y a f t e r t a r g e t i n d i v i d u a l s had s u c c e s s f u l l y  negotiated  l o c a l c r i t i c i s m s e s s i o n s , and  the i n v e s t i a g t i o n s  o f the C e n t r a l Propaganda Department and t h e " p a r t y The  which  most p a r t i c u l a r l y e g r e g i o u s o f f e n d e r s would  " r e s o l u t e l y t r a n s f e r r e d t o other posts."  The  centre."  be  o v e r a l l tone  95 "Circular of the C C P Central Committee on Issues of the Current Anti-bourgeois Liberalization Movement (Zhongfa no. 4, January 28,1987)," Chinese Law and Government, vol. 21 no. 1 (Spring, 1988), p. 30. 96 Ibid., p. 31.  84  was  one  of g e n t l e ,  and  calm way,"  "normal debate, c r i t i c i s m , and  c r i t i c i s m " , and  the  i n the  campaign was  a f f a i r s as w e l l .  t o be  t o have some impact on the  Problems of l i t e r a r y and  l e f t t o the r e s p e c t i v e  be devoted t o the t o the  reporting  T h i s was  and  ideological  c u l t u r a l e r r o r s were  watchdog b o d i e s , but  action  of a c c e p t a b l e l e a d e r s ,  editors  and  staff.  not  the  f i r s t time t h a t  "bourgeois  liberalization"  become a catchword, a l t h o u g h the meaning of the term  now  changed s l i g h t l y .  In the  L i b e r a t i o n Army ( P L A ) - i n s p i r e d m i l i t a r y w r i t e r , B a i Hua, w r i t e r , who (Kulian),  had  was  had  s p r i n g of 1981,  commenced.  Ibid.,  Committee, h e l d  pp. 31-33.  a  C r i t i c i s m of  the  produced a s c r e e n p l a y e n t i t l e d " B i t t e r Love"  a l s o c a l l e d f o r a t the  liberalization"  had  a People's  campaign t o c r i t i c i z e  (zichan  6th Plenum of the  i n June, 1981.  e v o l v e d i n t o a f u l l condemnation of  97  to  periodicals  had  Central  was  C o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n was  "clean-up" of newspapers and  obtaining  primary  non-party  C a l l s were made f o r s t a t e media,  expected t o be t a k e n by them.  and  counter-  campaign.97  b r o a d c a s t s t o f o l l o w a " c o r r e c t p o l i t i c a l and direction."  gentle  " p o s i t i v e e d u c a t i o n " were t o be the  methods u t i l i z e d  Yet,  reasoned debate: " r e a s o n i n g i n a  jieji  CCP  T h i s campaign, which  "bourgeois  ziyouhua),  continued i n t o  the  85  summer o f t h a t y e a r . 9 8  I t i s by no means c e r t a i n t h a t t h e "campaign" a g a i n s t bourgeois  l i b e r a l i z a t i o n i s a c t u a l l y over.  Despite the  paucity of c l a s s i c a l m o b i l i z a t i o n i n d i c a t o r s , l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " has remained i n t h e o f f i c i a l r i g h t up u n t i l t h e p r e s e n t .  vocabulary  Whether i t s t i l l  resemblance t o a t r u e campaign i s d e b a t a b l e , term i s now  "bourgeois  b e a r s any and use o f t h e  l i m i t e d t o use i n t h e newest d r i v e on s o c i a l  disorder.  S i n c e t h e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e pro-democracy p r o t e s t s i n June 1989, t h e p a r t y has conducted  campaign-style  efforts to  d e t e c t and p u n i s h those who p a r t i c i p a t e d t h e r e i n .  These  measures have i n c l u d e d a propaganda campaign, p u b l i c i z e d a r r e s t s and p r o s e c u t i o n s , a p a r t y p u r i f i c a t i o n campaign, and the a p p l i c a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l campaign-style  methods.  The  l a t t e r i n v o l v e d c o n f e s s i o n s , c r i t i c i s m meetings, and a l i m i t e d number o f l o c a l u n i t - l e v e l g a t h e r i n g s and workteam assignments.  These e f f o r t s met w i t h l i t t l e  success,  being  hampered by t h e e x i s t e n c e o f p u b l i c sympathy toward a s p e c t s of t h e p r o t e s t s , l a c k o f enthusiasm  and c o o p e r a t i o n , and a  p u b l i c "conspiracy of s i l e n c e . " 9 9  98 Dittmer, China's Continuous Revolution, pp. 261-262. 99 Hong Shi, "China's Political Development After Tienanmen: Tranquility by Default," Asian Survey, vol. 30 no. 12 (December, 1990), pp. 1206-1217.  86  The  f a i l u r e o f t h e s e b a l d attempts a t o u t r i g h t  has,  punishment  a c c o r d i n g t o one author, l e d t h e p a r t y t o develop a  more s o p h i s t i c a t e d p o l i c y emphasizing s t a b i l i t y and economic development, as w e l l as r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and renewed c a l l s t o p e r f e c t t h e system under CCP l e a d e r s h i p . 1 0 0  However, t h e  move i n t h i s new d i r e c t i o n has done l i t t l e t o c o r r e c t t h e grievous loss of p o l i t i c a l  legitimacy  s u f f e r e d by t h e regime  i n 1989.  A drive against are c o r r u p t i o n the  and pornography, has been t a k i n g p l a c e  summer o f 1989.  corruption the  t h e " s i x e v i l s , " t h e most prominent o f which  A s e p a r a t e "campaign"  had a l r e a d y  since  against  been i n i t i a t e d i n l a t e 1988.  While  language i s always couched i n "campaign" terms, t h e  c o n t e n t o f t h e s e e f f o r t s e x h i b i t s fewer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a genuine campaign than was t h e case w i t h t h e a n t i - c r i m e of 1983.  V i r t u a l l y no mass a c t i v i t y  moves  i s occurring.  Much o f t h i s was mere r e a c t i o n t o t h e events o f e a r l y 1989. As  e a r l y as J u l y 1989, t h e emphasis was a l r e a d y  be p l a c e d  starting to  on " p l a i n l i v i n g and h a r d work," as w e l l as on  patriotism,  socialism,  Additionally,  independence and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . 1 0 1  "bourgeois l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " has been renewed as  100 Ibid. The author feels that this new policy direction has made passivity a possible course of action for protestors, resulting in the current unexpected political tranquility. 101 See Deng Xiaoping's speech, "Communique of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 13th C C P Central Committee," Beijing Review, vol. 32 no. 27 (July 3-9,1989), p. 14.  87  a catch-word d e n o t i n g many Western v a l u e s .  Deng h i m s e l f i s  perhaps t h e most vehement opponent o f l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , a p o s i t i o n he has h i m s e l f acknowledged.102  Whether t o s e c u r e t h e i r own p o s i t i o n s , t o promote s o c i a l i s m , t o p r o t e c t t h e l e a d i n g r o l e o f t h e CCP, o r t o a i d t h e r e f o r m process,  China's s e n i o r l e a d e r s remain e s p e c i a l l y  a p p r e h e n s i v e about t h e p o s s i b l e r e t u r n o f s o c i a l  disorder.  T h i s has come t o i n c l u d e " l i b e r a l i z a t i o n , " which Deng has s a i d i s "always b o u r g e o i s , " never b e i n g nature.103  With such a l e a d e r s h i p  socialist in  i n charge, and w i t h  a u t h o r i t a r i a n methods o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l c o n t i n u i n g  t o be  r e s o r t e d t o , any f u t u r e r o l e f o r "mass" p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s l i k e l y t o be a l i m i t e d one.  102 "Deng Xiaoping on Upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and Combatting Bourgeois Liberalization," Beijing Review vol. 32 no. 29 (July 17-13, 1989), p. 21. 103 Ibid. Here, Deng dates the emergence of "bourgeois liberalization" to the period following the overthrow of the Gang of Four (1980) and states that the "four big popular rights" (sida) "...amount(ed) to a form of turmoil."  CONCLUSION  The  search  f o r t h e s o u r c e s o f change i n t h e modern mass  campaign i s n o t an easy one. administrative,  Numerous f a c t o r s - i n v o l v i n g  s o c i a l , and l e a d e r s h i p concerns - have  impinged on t h e mass campaign.  Nonetheless, t h e  of change has been r a t h e r c o n s t a n t .  direction  Trends seen t o be  o c c u r r i n g as f a r back as t h e e a r l y 1950s can s t i l l be observed i n evidence today.  Perhaps i t i s a l s o s a f e t o  c o n c l u d e t h a t some o f t h e same s t r u c t u r a l problems which have plagued t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  o f t h e PRC s i n c e 1949 remain  today.  The  "mass" campaign has been e f f e c t i v e l y s i d e l i n e d .  still  i n use, b u t i n l i t t l e more than name o n l y .  I t is  Certainly  i t has never been as i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e masses as i t i s now. The  o r i g i n a l l y - c o n c e i v e d i d e a l r o l e o f t h e yundong  corrupted  t o t h e p o i n t t h a t i t i s no l o n g e r a r e a l means o f  participation at a l l , posturing,  has been  b u t i s merely a t o o l - f o r l e a d e r s h i p  f o r r o u t i n e t a s k completion, o r f o r m a i n t a i n i n g  social stability.  Because o f a l a c k o f commitment on t h e  p a r t of those administering  i t , o r because o f a p l e t h o r a o f  more u r g e n t p r i o r i t i e s and problems, campaigns have become indeterminate,  haphazard and nebulous i n terms o f t h e i r  s t r u c t u r e and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  T h e i r c o n t e n t has l i k e w i s e  s u f f e r e d from i r r e l e v a n c e , h a v i n g become a second  priority  89  t o new regime g o a l s .  Campaigns have become i n t e r m i n g l e d  w i t h ongoing propaganda a s s a u l t s t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t d e f i n i n g a "mass campaign" i s becoming  clearly  difficult.  With t h e s e developments a c c e l e r a t i n g i n v e r y r e c e n t t i m e s , m e a n i n g f u l f u t u r e r o l e f o r t h e "mass campaign" appears v e r y much i n doubt.  a  BIBLIOGRAPHY (Authored Works)  " P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n . " R e f o r m i n g the Transition, e d i t e d by Robert Benewick and P a u l Wingrove. London: M a c M i l l a n E d u c a t i o n , 1988.  Benewick, R o b e r t . Revolution:  Bennett, Communist  China  in  Gordon. Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese Leadership. U.C. B e r k e l e y Center f o r Chinese  S t u d i e s China Research Monograph no. 12. 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