UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The Canadian Pacific railway and British Columbia, 1871-1886 Johnson, Arthur J. 1936

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1936_A8 J6 C2.pdf [ 12.17MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0098645.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0098645-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0098645-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0098645-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0098645-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0098645-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0098645-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0098645-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0098645.ris

Full Text

THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY AND BRITISH COLUMBIA 1871 - 1886 hy Arthur J . Johnson A thesis submitted in p a r t i a l fulfilment, of the requirements f o r the degree_of Master of Arts i n the Department of History > The University of B r i t i s h Columbia September, 1936 THE CANADIAH PACIFIC RAILWAY AND BRITISH COLUMBIA 1871 - 1886 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chap. Page I. B r i t i s h Columbia and the Conception of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. 1 II. Railway D i f f i c u l t i e s 1871 - 1881 ..... ... 28 II I , Location of the Mainline of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 63 IV. Government Construction — Port Moody "tO S 3/V" O f l ct S J. G 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 H I V. The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company, the Change of Route and Construction i n the 1^ 0 U.l'l'fc 3Lj\. XX 3 ooooo«o«*9o»s«o*oo*so0ft««0ooea»D«»0OO0 148 Map of B r i t i s h Columbia showing the eleven routes projected by Sandford Fleming i n 1877 and the route adopted by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company r^&S"- ^  £ 11D 1 X O ££I*SL]phy 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 183^  CHAPTER I BRITISH COLUMBIA AND THE CONCEPTION OF THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY One ef the most remarkable aspects of the b u i l d i n g of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was that i t reversed the re-lationship which a railway normally bears to population. 1 Usually a commercial railway i s b u i l t to centres of popula-t i o n , or f a i l i n g t h i s optimum, i t i s b u i l t where population is. growing or flowing. The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was based on neither of these population requirements. It was construc-ted through the barren country north of Lake Superior and west across an almost uninhabited p r a i r i e to the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia which had, at the time the railway waa con-ceived, a population of less than 10,000 white inhabitants. Unlike a l l the overland railways b u i l t In the United States of America, which sought centres of population on the P a c i f i c such, as San Francisco, Portland and Taeoma, the Canadian P a c i f i c sought a narrow i n l e t where there was no c i t y and very l i t t l e settlement. Since It was b u i l t f o r 2,000 miles through country which seemed to of f e r but very l i t t l e t r a f f i c the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway has always been considered a very bold enter-pris e ; at the time of i t s conception the project was v o c i f e r -ously branded as foolhardy. The c r i t i c s of the project — 1. The Northern P a c i f i c and Great Northern Railways may be considered with the Canadian Pacific as outstanding exceptions. - 2 -and they were many -- could see nothing but bankruptcy and f a i l u r e i n the undertaking. But the c r i t i c s were proved wrong by the completion of the l i n e and i t s subsequent prosperity. Their miscalcula-tions were l a r g e l y due to the fact that they placed too much emphasis on the barrenness of the p r a i r i e s and the many moun-> tains of B r i t i s h Columbia and underestimated the great poten-t i a l wealth of the Canadian West. They f a i l e d to see that the possible development of the great resources of the North-West and B r i t i s h Columbia was ample j u s t i f i c a t i o n for b u i l d i n g a railway to the P a c i f i c . Fortunately for the Canadian Dominion the opponents of the P a c i f i c railway project were of r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e im-portance. The Railway was b u i l t , although a f t e r some years of delay, by those who had imagination and foresight enough to conjure a v i s i o n of a prosperous and populated Dominion from A t l a n t i c to P a c i f i c . The economic development of the Canadian West was to be an important fa c t o r i n the success of the road, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s valuable development was not un-foreseen by those who conceived and b u i l t the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. For t h i s reason, B r i t i s h Columbia, though only a part of the western t e r r i t o r y which the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was b u i l t to save and develop for the new Canadian nation of 1867, was of great importance i n bringing the numerous projects and dreams of an a l l - B r i t i s h route across the North American continent to a f i n a l r e a l i z a t i o n . Her h i s t o r y and development 3 "before the beginning of the railway must be considered to understand why Canada and the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Com-pany were w i l l i n g to take the great r i s k of b u i l d i n g a r a i l -way into an undeveloped country, and why i t was an agreement between, the new Canadian Federation and a poor and sparsely populated P a c i f i c colony that began the d i f f i c u l t h i s t o r y of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. B r i t i s h Columbia f i r s t became of importance because 1. of her great wealth i n fur-bearing animals. The sea-otter and. the beaver brought men h a l f way round the world and across the American continent to her coast. From 1821 to 1858 the. Hudson's Bay Company, taking up the work of the maritime and North West Fur Traders, l a i d the beginnings of a new B r i t i s h Colony on the P a c i f i c . The Company's servants attracted atten-ti o n not only to furs but also to the great resources of the country, minerals, f i s h and lumber. Agriculture became of some importance i n maintaining the fur-posts; barrels of dried salmon were exported, and timbers cut by saw-mills b u i l t by the Company entered into the trade of the t e r r i t o r y . These a c t i v i t i e s , however, were subsidiary to the fur-trade. They developed not from any deliberate e f f o r t to exploit the resources of the country but because they aided i n the main-1. For the early h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia vide Howay, F.W., B r i t i s h Columbia; the Making of a Province, Toronto, The Ryerson Press, 1928; Howay, F.W. and S c h o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, S.J. Clarke, 1914; Sage, W.H., S i r James Douglas and B r i t i s h Columbia, Toronto, Toronto University Press, 1930, and S c h o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., and Gos-n e l l , R.E., A History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia h i s t o r i c a l association, 1913. - 4 -tenance of the fur-trade. In addition to pointing to the great wealth of the country, the Hudson's Bay Company developed the f i r s t system of communications i n the t e r r i t o r y , u t i l i z i n g water transport wherever possible and supplementing i t with pack t r a i l s and horse brigades. Before the f i x i n g of the international bound-ary along the 49th p a r a l l e l , by the Oregon treaty of 1846, the p r i n c i p a l transport route was the Columbia r i v e r into the Okanagon and thence north by horse-brigade to Kamloops and Hew Caledonia. After 1846 the transport, system was reorganized. V i c t o r i a On Vancouver Island was established as a depot i n place of Fort Vancouver on the Columbia and a new route to the i n t e r i o r was developed up the Fraser to Hope and Yale and thence by t r a i l and horse-brigade through the canyon of the Fraser and the Thompson to Mew Caledonia. The route along the Fraseir r i v e r was to prove of great value i n the development of the country. At f i r s t one of the routes followed by the fur-traders, i t became a base f o r the development of gold mining which followed the discovery of gold i n 1856. The same route was followed i n 1862 by the builders of the Cariboo Road; and i n 1880-1883 the builders of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway b u i l t along the same highway. The Hudson's Bay Company f a i l e d , however, to supply the basis of a permanent economy. In the period of i t s p r i v -ileged p o s i t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia there was very l i t t l e settlement, apart from the fur-trade, on either Vancouver Island, which became a crown colony under the Company i n 1849, or on the mainland. The lack of settlement was due p a r t l y to the p o l i c y of the Company, which was opposed to settlement apart from the requirements of the fur-trade, and p a r t l y , and more fundamentally, to the fact that the P a c i f i c North-West was f a r removed from Europe and the east of North America. It could he reached hy sea only v i a Cape of Good Hope or Cape Horn. Between Canada and the P a c i f i c coast stood the Rocky Mountains, a wide desolate p r a i r i e country and the barren country north of Lake Superior. A more powerfully a t t r a c t i v e force was required to people the i s o l a t e d wilderness of B r i t i s h Columbia than furs and latent resources. Gold in 1858 accomplished what probably no other agent at that time could have done. It peopled B r i t -ish Columbia and gave a tremendous Impetus to her economic and p o l i t i c a l development. The i n f l u x of gold-seeking men, p r i n c i p a l l y from the gold f i e l d s of C a l i f o r n i a ^ forced the Hudson's Bay Company from i t s p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n west of the Rocky Mountains and led d i r e c t l y to the establishment of the Crown Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1858; i t kindled the interest.of B r i t i s h North America and Great B r i t a i n i n the P a c i f i c coast; and i t presented the new colony with economic problems which were l a r g e l y responsible f o r the demand of i t s inhabitants f o r improved communications both within her own boundaries and with the outside world. The gold of B r i t i s h Columbia i n a very short time attracted thousands of men, p r i n c i p a l l y from C a l i f o r n i a where gold had long been becoming more d i f f i c u l t to f i n d . The move-ment of these men up the Eraser to the gold f i e l d s produced a m u l t i p l i c i t y of problems. Inevitably the migration of a large "body of men into the wilderness of the i n t e r i o r c a l l e d f o r the formation of c i v i l government, the enforcement of law and order, the r a i s i n g and c o l l e c t i o n of revenue, the con-str u c t i o n of roads, t r a i l s and bridges, and the exploration and development of the country. Great B r i t a i n immediately showed her interest i n these new problems of the t e r r i t o r y . The Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia was proclaimed with James Douglas as i t s f i r s t Governor. And to aid the new colony i n preserving orderly government and executing necessary public works, such as road bu i l d i n g , the Colonial Secretary despatch-ed a detachment of the Royal Engineers to the new colony. Probably the most d i f f i c u l t of the problems facing the new-colony was the development of adequate means of trans-portation to the gold f i e l d s . Lines of communication were necessary to insure the maintenance of law and order and, more important, to insure the prosperity of the mining industry. Lack of transportation f a c i l i t i e s meant high prices at the diggings, and high prices meant ruin f o r the miner who did not s t r i k e an extremely r i c h claim. At f i r s t the only important communications between the diggings, was by way of the Fraser River. Prom V i c t o r i a the miner reached the head of navigation on the Praser, Hope or Yale, by steamer or even by small s k i f f s or canoes. Prom Hope or Yale the miner made his way along the canyon of the Praser by means of treacherous Indian and Hudson's Bay Company t r a i l s which were then the sole means of communication. As the miner moved north up the.Praser from the bars below Yale to the d i s t r i c t between Lytton and L i l l o o e t and then s t i l l further north into the Cariboo country the need for improved routes to the diggings became urgent. Douglas, who was not slow to r e a l i z e that d i f f i c u l t y of transport formed the great impediment to the development of the colony's min-e r a l resources, made the f i r s t improvement i n 1858 by e n l i s t -ing the aid of the miners to connect the water stretches be-tween Harrison Lake and L i l l o o e t by roads and t r a i l s . The opening of t h i s new route to the Upper Fraser reduced the cost of transportation and the price of food and supplies on the bars i n the v i c i n i t y of L i l l o o e t . Yet even with t h i s im-provement prices remained exhorbitantly high due to the s t i l l high cost of transport and the strength of demand and the great supplies, of gold i n the mining area. With the object of making the gold f i e l d s s t i l l more accessible that they might become more p r o f i t a b l e and extens-ive, Governor Douglas began in 1860 a great road b u i l d i n g program. The Ha r r i s o n - L i l l o o e t t r a i l s were made into good waggon roads and stages were placed i n operation over the whole route connecting with steamers plying on the lakes. In 1860 new gold f i e l d s were opened up i n the Similkameen d i s -t r i c t and Governor Douglas launched out on the great project of building a road to these new f i e l d s . I t i s of interest that Douglas i n opening up thi s new highway dreamed of i t passing through one of the passes of the Rocky Mountains to connect with a road across the p r a i r i e s from Fort Garry. In 1861 the discovery of very r i c h gold f i e l d s i n the Cariboo encouraged Douglas to b u i l d a road north from Yale through the canyons of the Fraser to replace the treacherous t r a i l s . The road was - 8 -b u i l t by the Royal Engineers and several independent contract-ors. It was completed between Yale and L i l l o o e t by August, 1863. The great need of the colony for t h i s great road was witnessed!, in the fact that the miners took to the new route with great a v i d i t y . Soon long l i n e s of pack animals, heavy fr e i g h t waggons, six. horse coaches and an army of men were seen passing along i t going to and from the mines. The opening of gold f i e l d s in the Kootenay and Big Bend country led to further improvements i n the transportation system of the colony, and, i t i s worthy of notice, to surveys and explorations which were l a t e r of value to the builders of 1 the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. This was the work of Governor Douglas' successor, Frederick Seymour, in 1864, and of Joseph W. Trutch, Commissioner of Lands and Works, in 1865. Trutch, l i k e Douglas, dreamed of developing communications with the East. Following a successful exploratory expedition by Walter Moberly, whom he had despatched to f i n d a route from the east-ern end of Shuswap Lake to the Columbia, he wrote to the Col-onial Secretary that further surveys of t h i s d i s t r i c t of country seemed to him most desirable as i t would " c e r t a i n l y be of very great importance to have indubitable assurance of a route by which a continuous d i r e c t l i n e of communication with B r i t i s h settlements, east of the Rocky Mountains, can be 2 effected from the sea-board of B r i t i s h Columbia". 1. Vide Infra p. 70. 2. Trutch to Colonial Secretary, Instructions. Reports and  Journals r e l a t i n g to the Government Exploration of country  l y i n g between the Shuswap and Okanagon Lakes and the Rocky  Mountains, New Westminster, 1866. p. 15. - 9 -Gold mining and the development of transportation routes to the various parts of the colony had an inevitable reaction on the economic l i f e and industry. Food was needed to support the mining population and the experience of the Hudson's Bay Company i n r a i s i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l products around t h e i r trading posts was put to good use. During the boom days „of placer mining agriculture was very p r o f i t a b l e . Dairying f l o u r i s h e d along with agriculture and ranching developed, p a r t i c u l a r l y around Kamloops. Fishing based on the abundant resources of the coastal waters was greatly stimulated by the i n f l u x of the mining population, but i t was l i m i t e d in i t s development by the speed and e f f i c i e n c y of transportation to the B r i t i s h Columbia market and to the larger foreign markets. Fresh f i s h was too perishable to be shipped to any extent and there was a li m i t e d demand f o r smoked salmon. Lumbering devel-oped with the needs of construction and mining i n the Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia. On the coast many large m i l l s were b u i l t to supply a rapidly growing export trade. The market was world wide and transportation by water to foreign mar kets was easy. Vessels bringing i n cargoes returned with lumber instead of i n b a l l a s t . The development of the lumbering industry was accompanied by a rapid growth of coal mining on Vancouver Island. The a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the coast mines to water trans-portation and the development of shipping following the gold rush were the main JTacto;rs in, this: development. The prosperity of the colonies of B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island depended s o l e l y on the productivity of the placer mines, however, and was s h o r t - l i v e d . As long as - 10 -the mines were productives B r i t i s h Columbia enjoyed a c e r t a i n amount of prosperity. But the productivity of placer mines was an unstable base f o r a healthy economy. By 1865 the plac-er mines were rapidl y declining and with t h e i r decline the colony sank into f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and general economic depression. The decline of the mining industry placed i n promin-ent r e l i e f the chief economic i l l of the colony, the d i f f i -c ulty and high cost of transportation. The pick of the claims were alone able to withstand the costs of transport and large numbers of miners were forced to leave almost as soon as they I arrived. The mining population figures given by Macdonald although possibly inaccurate, are i n d i c a t i v e of the movement of population from the colony almost as soon as i t had arrived. The white population i n 1858 i s given at 17,000. In 1859, i t i s less than one-half, having dropped to 8,000. In 1860 i t i s 7,000 and i n 1861, 5,000. There was a r e v i v a l of immigration due to the r i c h findings of the Cariboo. But by 1871 the white population according to the most r e l i a b l e authority was only 2 8,576. The decline of population was accompanied by a com-parable decline in gold production. In 1863 the output of the mines was. |3,900,000, while i n 1871 i t was only #1,400,000. The productivity of the mines undoubtedly would have been maintained and even increased had transportation costs not prohibited,, the development of lode mining which required 1. Macdonald, D.G.P., B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1862, p. 80. 2. Dominion Sessional Papers, 1872, 10, p. 22. - 11 -large amounts of equipment and machinery and heavy transport for ores. Lode mining did not become a feature of B r i t i s h Col-sumbian industry u n t i l a f t e r the completion of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. The lesser industries, of the colonies a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h i n g , lumbering and coal mining did not decline as precip-i t o u s l y as gold mining but they had scarcely developed beyond the stage of infant industries. Agriculture although stimulat-ed by the mining population was l a r g e l y confined to the Hew Westminster d i s t r i c t , the Praser River Delta and the south-eastern peninsula of Vancouver Island. Pishing, lumbering and coal mining were saved from the depth of depression by t h e i r foreign export market. But i n 1865 when gold mining was d e f i n -i t e l y on the decline no industry was s u f f i c i e n t l y well estab-l i s h e d to insure the prosperity of the colonies. The stagnation which followed the collapse of the mining boom was not due to any lack of enterprise. "The B r i t -ish Columbians of that day," R.E. Gosnell remarks, "invested f r e e l y , and i n many instances to t h e i r cost, i n anything that 1 looked promising". The reason lay i n over-expansion on the basis of a f i c t i t i o u s prosperity and, more, fundamentally, on the lack of opportunity of outlet f o r production and i n l e t f o r productive enterprise. Over-expansion l e f t B r i t i s h Columbia with a public works system which "excited the astonishment of every stranger 1. Gosnell, R.E., B r i t i s h Columbia, Sixty Years of Progress, Pt. 2, p. 2. - 12 -1 when the scanty population [/was] considered". The cost of road b u i l d i n g was too great for the resources of the colony and by 1864 i t was greatly i n debt. Vancouver Island likewise -boomed and f e l l with the prosperity of the mines and by 1864 she too was-heavily i n debt. In 1866 when the two colonies were united i n an e f f o r t to reduce the costs of administration, the net indebtedness of Vancouver Island was $293,698 and that 2 of British.Columbia $.1,002,983. Burdened with t h i s debt the two colonies struggled along under a load of taxation which 3 amounted to £19 a head. Moreover, the load of debt ca r r i e d by the colony was not e n t i r e l y f i s c a l . By 1865 B r i t i s h Columbia had an excellent system of roads but those who used the roads had to pay for t h e i r service i n the form of t o l l s u n t i l con-federation with Canada i n 1871. A more chronic problem than public debt was the i s o -l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia from world markets and centres of population. The inhabited regions of B r i t i s h North America were 2,000 miles away. A boat to or from Great B r i t a i n had to round Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope. The Surveyor-General of Vancouver Island, J.D. Pemberton, wrote i n 1860 that "the only d i r e c t way to reach Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia at present i s to take advantage of any vessel s a i l i n g from London or Liverpool that may o f f e r . Exceeding 17,000 miles t h i s passage i s the longest that can be taken from England to 1. Dominion Sessional Papers, 1872, 10, p. 3. 2. Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Council of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1867, Appendix, p. x v i i . 3. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , op_. c i t . , v. 2, p. 226. - 13 -any known port, rounding either Cape, unless i t be to some 1 place i n the neighbourhood of Sitka or Petrapoulouski,..." This long s-ea voyage could be shortened a f t e r the completion of a railway across the Isthmus of Darien i n 1855. But even a passage to B r i t i s h Columbia by t h i s route meant a long cross-ing of the A t l a n t i c to New York, a journey by boat to Panama, a railway journey across the isthmus, and a passage by steamer to San Francisco and thence to V i c t o r i a and New Westminster. This route though i t cut down the time spent on the journey from England to B r i t i s h Columbia could not be used p r o f i t a b l y f o r a shipment of goods because of the many transfers exper-ienced on the route, at New York, at each side of the Isthmus and at San Francisco. Overland routes developed across the United States from the eastern seaboard to 3an Francisco, but these were long and tedious routes to follow and over them few 2 gpods could be c a r r i e d . There were no practicable routes across B r i t i s h s o i l to the P a c i f i c . Pemberton mentions, among routes to B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island "the t r a i l v i a Red River, North Sascatchewan, and the Punch-Bowl Pass i n the Rocky Mountains or other s i m i l a r t r a i l s usually travelled by 3 the brigades of the Hudson's Bay Company"'. But these he d i s -misses as being useful and safe only f o r "hardy trappers l i g h t l y equipped, and confident i n t h e i r knowledge of the passes of the country and i t s resources". U n t i l the comple-•1. Pemberton, J.D., Facts and Figures r e l a t i n g to Vancouver  Island and B r i t i s h Columbia, London, Longmans, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860, p. 84. 2. This condition existed u n t i l the completion of the Central P a c i f i c Railway in 1869. 3. Pemberton, pj). c i t . , p. 94. - 14 -ti o n of the railway the crossing of the p r a i r i e s and the Rock-ies was a d i f f i c u l t and perilous task. Few attempted the pass-age. Captain P a l l i s e r r s well equipped and highly trained exploration party of 1857-1860 found i t s way to the P a c i f i c a f t e r conducting exploration and surveys i n the RocM es. M i l -ton and Cheadle crossed Canada to the P a c i f i c v i a Yellow Head Pass i n 1862 while 'exploring a route across the continent through B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y ' . But the only immigrants who came overland to B r i t i s h Columbia through the Canadian Rookies I came in search of gold i n 1862. Those who remained i n the colony d i d not accept t h e i r depression and economic stagnation passively. They sought s o l -utions of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t problems. Communications with the East by waggon road or railway and confederation with the Canadian federation of 1867 became the most prominent solution advocated. Trutch continued to consider h i s project of a route to the East and i n 1868 drew up a comprehensive minute i n which he discussed the advantages of various routes and 2 passes i g the Rockies f o r a road. The paper bears much e v i -dence that to Trutch a wagon road to the East was necessary f o r the colony's development. The routes he chose as the most practicable are of i n t e r e s t . His f i r s t choice f e l l upon the route up the Fraser from Yale, along the Thompson and through the Rockies by Yellow Head Pass. His second choice was given 1. Wade, M.S., The Overlanders of '62, Archives of B r i t i s h  Columbia. Memoir Ho. IX. V i c t o r i a , 1931, p. 4. A few gold seekers came across the mountains i n 1859. Ibid. 2. Dominion Sessional Papers, 1872, 10, p. 209. - 15 -to the route along the Fraser from Yale to the mouth of the Thompson, along the Thompson to Savonas and thence south-easterly through Moberly's Eagle Pass to the Columbia, round the bend of the Columbia to Blackberry River and through the Rockies by Howse Pass. It was l e f t not to Trutch but to A l f r e d Wadding-ton, the author of Fraser Mines Vindicated, however, to outline the most comprehensive scheme for a Trans-Canada railway, and more important, to agitate i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada and Great B r i t a i n for i t s construction. From 1861 to 1866 Waddington was engaged i n an unsuccessful e f f o r t to b u i l d an alternative route to the Cariboo mines from the head of Bute I n l e t , and while engaged on t h i s project he conceived h i s plan f o r a r a i l -way from Canada to the P a c i f i c at the head of Bute I n l e t . Waddington, l i k e Trutch, thought at f i r s t only i n terms of a waggon road. This idea developed into a scheme fo r railways connecting the water stretches across Canada which could be used f o r transportation, and f i n a l l y into a plan f o r an a l l -r a i l route from the H a s t through the Rocky Mountains by way of Yellowhead Pass, along the Fraser River to Quesnelmouth (Ques-nel) and thence across the C h i l c o t i n p l a i n to Bute I n l e t . In March, 1868, Waddington outlined h i s conception of the railway before a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society i n London. He saw the railway as a means of b u i l d i n g a prosper-ous nation from A t l a n t i c to P a c i f i c . "In a p o l i t i c a l point of view, and as a natural consequence of the late confederation i t would contribute e s s e n t i a l l y to i t s prosperity; f o r so long as there i s no overland route, any communication with B r i t i s h - 16 -Columbia must remain a myth and the Red River settlement con-1 tinue i s o l a t e d " . He saw the railway as a means of o f f s e t t i n g the advantage which would be gained by the United States which at that time was building a transcontinental railway to San Frameisco. "In the United States the Central P a c i f i c Railway . . . i s progressing rapi d l y and the time i s not f a r distant when i t w i l l be opened. . . . i t i s calculated to divert a great part of the trade of China and Japan from the Old to the New World and i f we do not wake up we s h a l l b i t t e r l y regret the l o s t 2 opportunity..." Waddington outlined h i s plans f o r the railway more c a r e f u l l y i n a pamphlet e n t i t l e d Overland Route through 3 B r i t i s h North America, published in September, 1868. He em-phasized again the national and imperial importance pf the railway and ennumerated the benefits which would come to B r i t -ish Columbia on i t s construction. A railway following the Yellowhead Pass - C h i l c o t i n P l a i n - Bute Inlet route would of f e r "ready and easy communication f o r 280 miles by the Upper Praser and i t s v a l l e y through a comparatively open and f e r t i l e tract of country? i t would "open up the gold mines i n and around Cariboo"; and i t would "open up the C h i l c o t i n P l a i n , the only one of any extent i n B r i t i s h Columbia and which con-4 tains m i l l i o n s of acres f i t f o r settlement". It i s not possible to estimate the value of A l f r e d 1. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, v. 38, London, 1868, p. 128. 2. Ibid. 3. Waddington, A l f r e d , Overland Route through B r i t i s h North  America, London, Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1868 (1st E d i t i o n ) . 4. Ibid., p. 12. r 1' -Waddington ls work i n emphasising the value of a Trans-Canada railway to Great B r i t a i n , Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. However his. words; were read and heard by many who were w i l l i n g to read and hear them. In Canada the project of a transcontinental railway j o i n i n g together a l l B r i t i s h North America was any-thing but new. Many "Fathers of Confederation" had avowed th e i r desire to open up the west by communications and p o l i t i -c a l federation and the Grand Trunk o f f i c i a l s considered the extension of t h e i r road to the P a c i f i c necessary to insure i t s prosperity.. Jks early as November, 1860, Edward Watkin, an o f f i c e r of the Company wrote that the only way to improve the property of the Grand Trunk lay " i n extension of railway o communication to the P a c i f i c . . . The r e s u l t to t h i s empire 1 would be beyond c a l c u l a t i o n . . . . " And B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s t s , few as they were, had dreamed of a B r i t i s h colony from Atlan-t i c to P a c i f i c connected by railway from the time Major Carmichael-Smyth wrote, i n 1847, that a national highway from Atlantic to P a c i f i c was the "great l i n k required to unite i n 2 one chain the whole English race". The n a t i o n a l i s t and western expansionist f e e l i n g i n Canada which developed rapid l y with the consummation of union with Nova Scotia and New Brunswick came at an opportune time for B r i t i s h Columbia. It formed an encouraging response to 1. Watkin, E.W., Canada and the States, Recollections, 1851 to  1886. Ward, Lock and Co., London, 1887-, p. 14. 2. A Letter from Major Rohert Carmichael-Smyth. to h i s f r i e n d The Author of "The Clockmaker", London, 1849, p. 6. The au-thor of "The Clockmaker" was T.C. Haliburton. Por the inter-est of Canada and Great B r i t a i n i n western communications. vide Tr o t t e r , R.G.. Canadian Confederation, Toronto, J.ffi. Dent and Sons, 1924, p. 248 et SSq. - 18 -demands such, as A l f r e d Waddington*a fo r a, transcontinental railway and to the desire which, soon developed in the depress-ed colony to enter the Canadian federation. It developed at a time, moreover, when there was growing i n B r i t i s h Columbia a f e e l i n g f o r annexation to the United States as a cure for the economic and p o l i t i c a l i l l s of the colony. The annexationist movement was l a r g e l y confined to the V i c t o r i a merchants and did not a f f e c t the mainland which became almost e n t i r e l y confederationist, but i t i s of great interest i n that i t was a further manifestation of the troubles of the colony. The movement, as Dr. W.H. Sage writes, "was a counsel of despair. E x i s t i n g economic conditions were unbear-able. B r i t a i n could not or would, not help. ...Confederation was a dream which only the construction of a railway could 1 turn into a r e a l i t y " . Up to the moment that Confederation with Canada was decided by the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e , however, the movement claimed some strong adherents. Dr. John Sebastion Helmcken, one of the most i n f l u e n t i a l men i n the 2 colony, favouredjannexation, and Pemberton, who, i n 1860, suggested a B r i t i s h immigrant route to B r i t i s h Columbia, turned to annexation as a means of salvaging B r i t i s h Columbia's 3 economy. In a s e r i e s of three l e t t e r s to the B r i t i s h Colonist he pointed to the advantages of annexation. He attracted 1. Sage, W.H., The Annexationist Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1927, Pt. 2, p. 109. 2..Confederation Debate, L e g i s l a t i v e Council of B r i t i s h C ol-umbia, 1870, p. 8. 3. B r i t i s h Colonist, Jan. 26, 1870, Jan. 29, 1870, Feb. 1, 1870. - 19 attention to the f a c t that "an American transcontinental r a i l -way already exists [the Centra.1 P a c i f i c ] and another i s being planned [the Northern P a c i f i c ] which w i l l give access to V i c t -o r i a through Puget Sound ports". The only important effect of the annexationist move-ment was that i t strengthened the confederationist f e e l i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the desire of Canada to embrace the P a c i f i c colony i n the Dominion before i t was l o s t to the United States. Conf ederationist -feeling seems to have appeared f i r s t i n 1867. In that year Governor Seymour was asked by the Legis-l a t i v e Council to make tentative overtures to Great B r i t a i n concerning the admission of B r i t i s h Columbia into the new 1 Dominion. The reply was disconcerting for the advocates of confederation — and pleasing f o r the anti-confederationists who numbered the annexationists and the o f f i c i a l government class (including Governor Seymour) which was by no means en-t h u s i a s t i c f o r a p o l i c y which would mean almost.certainly the introduction of responsible government and the end of i t s own p r i v i l e g e d and powerful position i n the Colony. The Secretary of State for the Colonies took the ground that "whatever might be the advantages which i n the course of time might res u l t from the^union of B r i t i s h North America under one government, i t appears to 'me that the consideration of that question must at a l l events await the time when the intervening t e r r i t o r y now under the control of the Hudson's Bay Company s h a l l have 1. Seymour to Carnarvon, March 18, 1867. Papers on the Union  of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Dominion of Canada. 11. - 20 -1 been incorporated with the Confederation". The control of the Hudson's Bay Company over the North West was an obstacle i n the way of the inclusion of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Dominion. But since the 'Fathers of Confeder-at i o n ' were anxious to include the West they took immediate steps to obtain the North West T e r r i t o r i e s from the Hudson's Bay Company. Negotiations had begun before the completion of Confederation; one of the subjects entrusted to the delegation which went to London from Canada i n the spring of 1865 was that of the "arrangements necessary for the settlement of the North-2 West T e r r i t o r y and Hudson's Bay Company claims". A f t e r Con-federation the negotiations were resumed and brought to a successful conclusion i n A p r i l , 1869, by an agreement whereby Rupert's Land was to be transferred to the Dominion of Canada. On July 15, 1870, Rupert's Land and the North West T e r r i t o r y were formally made part of the Dominion. While the Dominion was negotiating to acquire the North-West T e r r i t o r i e s B r i t i s h Columbia continued to demand confederation. On January 29, 1868, a committee was appointed by a public meeting of the c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a to draw up a memorial i n favour of immediate confederation with Canada. The committee did i t s work well, reviewed the h i s t o r y and basis of the confederationist f e e l i n g i n the colony and suggested conditions of union with the Dominion. Of the six conditions 1. Buckingham and Chandos to Seymour, Nov. 19, 1867, Papers on  the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Dominion of Canada, 11. 2. Minute of Council, March 24, 1865, Great B r i t a i n , P a r l i a -mentary Papers. 1865, p. 1. - 21 -1 they enumerated one was ":the construction of a transcontinen-t a l waggon road, from Lake Superior to the head of navigation on the Fraser within two years a f t e r the time of admission". In May a Confederation League was formed to expedite the pro-posed union with Canada. The League organized a number of meet-ings which developed into popular demonstrations i n favour of union. Perhaps t h i s union sentiment reached i t s peak at the small but enthusiastic meeting of confederationists held at Yale i n September, 1868. The convention was primarily i n t e r e s -ted i n the "present p o l i t i c a l condition of the colony"- and demanded "representative i n s t i t u t i o n s and responsible government. But i t also endorsed the proposal f o r a waggon road to the East, extending the time l i m i t from two to three years. Even Governor Seymour who was unfriendly to confeder-ation was not unaware of i t s advantages. "I do not suppose", he wrote, "that there i s a single Englishman who would not desire to see one unbroken Dominion under his f l a g from the A t l a n t i c to the P a c i f i c . For a l l present f a c i l i t i e s of i n t e r -2 course we are as near to Japan as to Ottawa". However, Seymour, who was a well-intentioned but weak and irresponsible Governor, was not a confederationist, and his death on June 10, 1869, removed one obstacle to the cause of Confederation i n the Col-ony. His death also enabled S i r John A. Macdonald, who was well aware of the o f f i c i a l obstacle i n B r i t i s h Columbia to union, to 1. See Gosnell, B r i t i s h Columbia, Sixty Years of Progress, p. 205. 2. Seymour to Buckingham and Chandos, Nov. 30, 1868, Papers on  the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia v/ith the Dominion of Canada, p. 11. - 22 -have Anthony Musgrave, whom he had already chosen to succeed 1 Seymour, appointed Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia. Musgrave, who arrived i n V i c t o r i a i n August, 1869, came with the express purpose of bringing B r i t i s h Columbia into the Dominion. He was f i r m l y convinced that the idea, of uniting B r i t i s h Columbia with Canada was eminently desirable. In that he was f u l l y i n accord with S i r John A. Macdonald and the confederationists of the colony. He recognized at once that the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the colony were primarily due to i t s is o l a t e d position, on the P a c i f i c seaboard. In October, 1869, he wrote: Free commercial Intercourse would be easier with A u s t r a l i a than with Canada; and the administration of o f f i c i a l depart-ments could p r a c t i c a l l y be conducted with equally great f a c i l i t y i n London as i n Ottawa. Por these reasons, the establishment of a l i n e of communi-cation at least by a Waggon Road, i f not by a Railway, as a condition of Union, w i l l probably be brought forward i n discussion.^ S i r John A. Macdonald was just as strong i n h i 3 opinion as Musgrave that transcontinental communications were necessary to save the Canadian west f o r the Dominion, although for somewhat d i f f e r e n t reasons. He was more concerned with the danger of losing the recently acquired Hudson's Bay t e r r i t o r y and B r i t i s h Columbia to the United States than with the w e l l -being of B r i t i s h Columbia. But t h i s fear led him to the same conclusion as Musgrave. In January, 1870, he wrote a remarkable 1. Vide Pope., Joseph, Memoirs of the Rt. Hon. S i r John Alexan-der Macdonald, Ottawa, J . Durie & Son, 1894, v. 2, p. 144. 2. Musgrave to Gr a n v i l l e , Oct. 30, 1869, Ottawa Archives, G. 365, 39. - 23 -l e t t e r to C.J. Brydges, the managing d i r e c t o r of the Grand Trunk Railway. It i s quite evident.. .from advice from ¥/ashington that the United States* government are resolved to do a l l they can short of war to get possession of the western t e r r i t o r y , and we must take immediate and vigorous steps to counteract them. One of the f i r s t things to he done i s to show unmis-takablely our resolve to b u i l d the P a c i f i c Railway... Macdonald i n showing such great eagerness f o r a transcontinen-t a l railway advocated what the Confederationists of B r i t i s h Columbia had not yet dared to suggest. At the V i c t o r i a and Yale meetings i n 1868 they had not mentioned a railway; they merely suggested a transcontinental waggon-road. But the colonists moved quickly from waggon-road to railway following the a r r i v a l of Anthony Musgrave. When Musgrave met the Legis-l a t i v e Council i n February, 1870, he_made i t quite clear that he was anxious to expedite confederation with Canada and pre-sented a scheme of union which he had prepared for t h e i r con-sid e r a t i o n . His proposals were very si m i l a r to the proposals of the Confederation League but featured an advance i n the matter of eastern communications i n that they contained the f i r s t o f f i c i a l proposal f o r a transcontinental railway. The railway condition read: Inasmuch as no re a l Union can subsist between t h i s Colony and Canada without the speedy establishment of communication across the Rocky Mountain by Coach Road and Railway, the Dominion s h a l l within three years from the' date of Union, construct and open f o r t r a f f i c such Coach Road from some point on 'the.line of the Main Trunk Road of t h i s colony to Fort Garry,...and s h a l l further engage to use a l l means In her power to complete such Railway communication at the e a r l i e s t practicable date, and that surveys to determine the 1. S i r John A. Macdonald to C.J. Brydges, Jan. 28, 1870, Pope, Correspondence of S i r John Macdonald, p. 124. - 24 -1 proper l i n e f o r such Railway s h a l l be at once commenced;... Musgrave believed that the matter of communications was the crux of the whole confederation scheme. "If a railway could be promised," he wrote to the Secretary of State, "scarcely 2 any other question would be allowed to be a d i f f i c u l t y " . On March 9, 1870, the L e g i s l a t i v e Council began the. debate on Musgrave*s proposal of confederation. For ten days the terms proposed by Musgrave were debated and f i n a l l y passed, with two exceptions, as submitted. The debate was introduced by the Attorney-General, H.P.P. Crease, who i n short precise statements summed up the case f o r Confederation. • We are not prosperous-. Population does not increase. .Trade and commerce languish, coal mining does not advance; a g r i -culture though progressive, does not go forward as i t might. The settlement of the country, though increasing, yet f a l l s short of just expectation. Ho public works f o r opening the country are on hand, and a general lack of progress... i s everywhere apparent. And why i s this? ...the chief reason of a l l i s that p o l i c y of i s o l a t i o n which has l e f t us aloof from the assistance and sympathy of a kindred race, and l e f t us i n the Infant state of one of England's youngest colonies, to support the burdens and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of a t h i c k l y peopled and long s e t t l e d land. Do Honourable Members ask what would Confederation do for us? It would at once re l i e v e us from the most i f not a l l the present i l l s from which we s u f f e r , i f properly arranged. For Confederation-in some sense means terms. It would assume our Public Debt. Greatly increase our Public Credit and thereby aid i n the u t i l i z a t i o n of our varied resources. It would leave us -a good balance i n our Exchequer to carry on a l l l o c a l works and open out the country. It would give us a Railroad across the Continent, and a quick and easy access to Ottawa, Hew York and London. It would cement and strengthen, instead of weaken our connec-ti o n with the Mother-land and ensure the protection of her 1. Dominion Sessional Papers, 1871, 18, p. 7. 2. Musgrave to Granville, A p r i l 5, 1870, Ottawa Archives. - 25 -Fleet and Army. It would a t t r a c t population — ever tending i n a continuous wave towards the West. It would promote the settlement of our Public Lands, and the development of A g r i -culture .^Under i t Trade and Commerce would take a f r e s h Other supporters of Confederation followed the same theme. Robson dleclared that, "after f i f t e e n years hard struggle [ B r i t -i s h Columbia] finds h e r s e l f worse o f f than she was at the beginning. Her progress has been l i k e that of a crab --backwards....Ho man can conceal from himself...that the con-struction of the Railway alone would bring a very great i n -2 crease to our labouring and productive population". Trutch declared that he believed the "depression [was] at t r i b u t a b l e to the is o l a t e d p o s i t i o n of the colony, and to the cold shade thrown over us by the neighbourhood of the T e r r i t o r i e s of the United States....the railway i s a means to an end, f o r we 3 cannot have r e a l confederation without a railway". As Mus-grave had forseen, the railway had aroused great i n t e r e s t and had become a sine qua non of union with the Dominion. 4 On Musgrave*s proposal a delegation consisting of Trutch, Helmcken, and R.W.W. C a r r a l l , an ardent confederation-i s t , l e f t f o r Ottawa to negotiate with the Dominion Government on the conditions of union adopted by the L e g i s l a t i v e Council of the Colony. For the f i r s t time the confederationist feeling, of B r i t i s h Columbia and the desire of the Dominion to gain the 1. Confederation Debate, L e g i s l a t i v e Council of B r i t i s h Col umbia, 1870, p. 5. 2. Ibid., p. 16. 3. Ibid., p. 19. 4. Musgrave to Young, A p r i l 12, 1870, Dominion Sessional  Papers. 1871, 18, p. 10. - 26 -P a c i f i c colony were brought In d i r e c t contact; the negotiations were a complete success, i n fact so successful f o r B r i t i s h Columbia that even Musgrave was surprised. "The result i s even more s a t i s f y i n g than I anticipated," he wrote. "The terms assented to by the Government of Canada are l i b e r a l towards t h i s colony, and as they embrace an undertaking i n respect to the Railway, as to the p o s s i b i l i t y of which I had some doubt, I have no hes i t a t i o n i n my b e l i e f that they w i l l be accepted 1 with c o r d i a l i t y by the community at large". The Dominion had agreed: to secure the commencement simultaneously, within two years from the date of the Union, of the construction of a~Railway from the P a c i f i c towards the Rocky Mountains, and.from such point as may be selected, East of the Rocky Mountains, towards the P a c i f i c , to connect the Seaboard of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Railway system of Canada; and further to secure the completion of such Railway within ten years from the date of the Union. In return B r i t i s h Columbia had agreed: to convey to the Dominion Government, i n t r u s t , to be appro-priated i n such manner as the Dominion Government may deem advisable i n furtherance of the construction of the said railway, a s i m i l a r extent of public lands along the l i n e of railway, throughout i t s entire length i n B r i t i s h Columbia (not to exceed, however, twenty (20j miles on each side of said l i n e ) , as may be appropriated f o r the same purpose by the Dominion Government from the public lands of the North-west T e r r i t o r i e s and the Province of Manitoba: Provided that the quantity of land which may be held under pre-emption right or by Crown grant within the l i m i t s of the t r a c t of land i n B r i t i s h Columbia to be so conveyed to the Dominion Government s h a l l be made good to the Dominion from contigu-ous public lands; and provided further that u n t i l the commencement, within two years, as aforesaid, from the date of the Union, of the construction of the said railway, the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia s h a l l not s e l l or alienate any further portions of the public lands of B r i t i s h Columbia 1. Musgrave to Gr a n v i l l e , July 28, 1870, Ottawa Archives, G 365, 192. 2. Dominion Sessional Papers, 1871, 18, p. 27. - 27 -In any other way than under right of pre-emption, req u i r i n g actual residence of the pre-emptor or the land claimed hy him. In consideration of the land to he conveyed to the Dominion hy B r i t i s h Columbia i n a i d of the construction of the railway, the Dominion Government agreed "to pay to B r i t i s h Columbia, from the date of the Union, the sum of 100,000 d o l l a r s per annum, i n h a l f yearly payments i n advance". Why the Dominion Government had been so l i b e r a l i n i t s promises and v o l u n t a r i l y agreed to increase the obligations which B r i t i s h Columbia asked of her i t is- not possible to say. Perhaps i t was because of over-anxiety f o r the future p o l i t i c a l status -of B r i t i s h Columbia. Or perhaps the promise was made insi n c e r e l y as i t was l a t e r believed i n B r i t i s h Columbia when the Dominion Government f a i l e d to f u l f i l i t s obligations to the Province. CHAPTER II RAILWAY DIFFICULTIES 1871 - 1881 As Governor Musgrave unhesitatingly predicted, the terms, of union were accepted i n B r i t i s h Columbia "with c o r d i -a l i t y hy the community at large". Interest i n the proposed railway was immediate and strong; long before the proposed surveys for the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and even before the union of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Dominion was f i n a l l y consummated, 500 residents of V i c t o r i a petitioned the Governor-General of Canada urging that the terminus of the railway be 1 fixe d at V i c t o r i a or Esquimalt. Of the anticipated benefits to accrue to B r i t i s h Columbia from Its becoming a part of the Dominion, the grand undertaking of Canada to construct within ten years a railway from the P a c i f i c to connect with the r a i l -way system of the Confederacy was regarded as by f a r the greatest. In the East, however, the terms of union were not so c o r d i a l l y received. That Canada was f a r from unanimous i n support of the P a c i f i c railway became abundantly clear when the debate on the propsed union of B r i t i s h Columbia and the 2 Dominion began i n the House of Commons on March 28, 1871. The great majority of the Li b e r a l s denounced the railway project declaring that B r i t i s h Columbia had I n f l i c t e d an impossible and ruinous condition upon the Dominion. The cost of the under-1. Musgrave to the Governor-General, Dec. 5, 1870. Dominion  Sessional Paper, 18, 1871, pi 18. 2. Parliamentary Debates, 1871, p. 660. - 2 9-taking seemed appalling. Sandford Fleming estimated that the i n i t i a l outlay would he $100,000,000 and the annual expendi-1 ture i n the neighbourhood of $8,000,000. This tremendous expenditure Alexander Mackenzie, leader of the L i b e r a l oppo-s i t i o n , declared meant that " i n order to get some 10,000 people into the Union the people of Canada were a c t u a l l y 2 agreeing to pay $10,000 a head on their account". Edward Blake, one of the strongest men i n the L i b e r a l party and who f i v e years l a t e r was to dictate the railway p o l i c y of the Dominion protested vigorously. "We are to give our land and we are to construct the railway; but for t h e i r lands [ B r i t i s h Columbia's]] given i n the same way, they are to receive $100,000 a year forever. We are to buy t h e i r lands, while we 3 are to give our own, and b u i l d the railway besides". In the Senate Le T e l l i e r de St. Just declared that "ruin and misery" 4 were facing Canada i f the railway scheme were adopted. Canadian newspapers condemned the project as v i s i o n -ary, unjust and ruinous. In Le Franc Parleur Adolphe Ouimet wrote that "the experience of the past, the weakness of our resources and the enormity of the conditions a l l oblige us to condemn the project which we consider impossible under the 5 circumstances" Le Canadien made the declaration that i n the 1. Parliamentary Debates, 1872, p. 929. 2. Ibid., March 31, 1871, p. 745. 3. Toronto Globe. A p r i l 28, 1871. 4. Parliamentary Debates, A p r i l 5, 1871, p. 932. 5. A p r i l 6, 1871. References to Eastern newspapers and to man-uscripts In the Ottawa archives are from notes made by Margaret Ormsby, M.A. ( B r i t . Col.) f o r her Doctor's thesis (Bryn Mawr) on the Relations of Canada and B r i t i s h Colum-bi a 1871 - 1885. - 30--world's annals of parliamentary debates, there i s nothing to equal the d u p l i c i t y , monstrous extravagance and stupid sub-mission of our federal ministers and those who supported them in proposing the construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway 1 to e f f e c t the annexation of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Montreal Herald denounced the project with an epigram: "hereafter B r i t -ish Columbia w i l l belong to us, though we s h a l l rather more 2 belong to B r i t i s h Columbia". The opponents of the railway were i n a very strong po s i t i o n in point of f a c t . Clause I I of the terms of union was an impossible agreement and i t was r i g h t l y assumed In 1871 that the cost of the railway project would be too much f o r the Dominion. Sandford Fleming had reported on the proposed r a i l -3 way and dubbed It a "commercial absurdity". But i n some res-pects the c r i t i c s were grievously i n error. It was not true, as they seemed to assume, that the railway was to be b u i l t f or the especial benefit of B r i t i s h Columbia, and that since the r a i l -way was to be b u i l t through a sparsely populated country i t would remain a perpetual burden on Canada. Macdonald rs agree-ment with B r i t i s h Columbia was admittedly Impossible and absurd but h i s firm f a i t h In the value of the P a c i f i c railway as a great national and imperial undertaking was unchallengeable. Although Mackenzie, Blake, and t h e i r supporters under-estimated the great value of the railway to the whole of Canada, Macdonald and the Conservatives were equally at f a u l t i n great-1. A p r i l 14, 1871. 2. A p r i l 15, 1871. 3. Parliamentary Debates, 1872, p. 929. - 31 l y underestimating the enormous d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n t h e i r vast undertaking. The answer of the Macdonald party to t h e i r c r i t i c s was, on the whole, magnificent. To the assertion that B r i t i s h Columbia was a barren mountainous wilderness, Edward Langevin declared that t h i s great western country was "worth the s a c r i f i c e we are making to get i t and the railway which we s h a l l be permitted to construct w i l l be worth i n f i n -1 i t e l y more than i t cost". Macdonald defended h i s party's stand i n a speech at Peterborough on July 9, 1872, declaring "that i f the railway had not been promised, the bargain with B r i t i s h Columbia would have been delayed too long, and she would have f a l l e n prey by her own consent to either the south-2 ern [[American) or northern [Russian] power". But the Conserv-atives could f i n d no f a c i l e answer to the charge that the building of the railway within ten years of the annexation of B r i t i s h Columbia would place a ruinous burden on Canada. In reply they f i r s t held up the prospect of a contribution from the Imperial Government since the project was one of both 3 national and imperial i n t e r e s t . The prospect of imperial assistance i n 1871, however, was l i t t l e considered, and the 1. Le Courier du Canada, Nov. 8, 1871, quoting from Langevin's Quebec speech. 2. Globe, July 11, 1872. 3. M i l l e r declared i n the Senate that "w!hen the time came Eng-. land would do her duty, and do i t generously". Parliamen-tary- Debates, A p r i l 3, 1871, 798. An arrangement for aid from the Imperial Government seems to have been made in 1872. On A p r i l 26, 1872, C a r t i e r announced i n the House of Commons that "everyone had learned with pleasure that the Imperial Government had consented to a s s i s t Canada In b u i l d i n g the great railway...by an amount which was equivalent to a sav-ing of two per cent on the whole outlay". Parliamentary Deb-ates, 1872, 175. - 32 -Conservatives, to obtain r a t i f i c a t i o n of the terms of union, defined, a p o l i c y of b uilding the railway from proceeds of the sale of public lands to be appropriated along the railway from B r i t i s h . Columbia, the North West T e r r i t o r i e s and Ontario, supplemented by means of a cash subsidy from the Dominion treasury which would not necessitate an increase i n the e x i s t -ing rate of taxation. The proposal to b u i l d the railway by land sales and small, cash subsidies without increasing the rate of taxation was, to say the l e a s t , quite Incongruous, which, i f interpre-ted l i t e r a l l y meant that the Conservative p o l i c y was no more i n harmony with the terms of union than that of Mackenzie's party. When the terms of union debate was introduced Mackenzie moved an amendment that "the House i s of the opinion that Canada should not be pledged to do more than proceed at once with the necessary surveys, and, a f t e r the route i s determined to pros-ecute the work at as early a period as the state of the finances 1 w i l l j u s t i f y , . . . The amendment, which defined the attitude which Mackenzie was to consistently maintain towards the R a i l -2 way was defeated by the Conservatives 67 - 94. But rather s u r p r i s i n g l y the Conservatives a l i t t l e l a t e r adopted a p o l i c y towards the Railway which had i t been l i t e r a l l y interpreted, would have forced them to follow the p o l i c y defined by Mackenzie. That the p o l i c y of the Government was to b u i l d the railway-by the aid of huge grants of land, much larger than the grant f i n a l l y made to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway by the Parliamentary Debates, 1871, p. 673. 2. i b i d . , P. 730. - 33 -1 Statute of 1881, and by small cash subsidies without Increas-ing the rate of taxation i s apparent from statements made in Parliament at the time the terms of Union were under discuss-2 ion. To say the least this optimistic attitude of the Conserv-ative Government regarding the building of the railway was rather too visionary and f o o l i s h . None could say that the lands would produce s u f f i c i e n t revenue to carry the burden assisted by small Government subsidies. When the Railway was f i n a l l y b u i l t land sales did not b u i l d i t but Government sub-sid i e s did — much larger than were intended. When the Con-servatives af t e r adopting the terms of Union embodied t h e i r railway p o l i c y i n a resolution moved by S i r George C a r t i e r , they unwittingly, or cunningly ( i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say which) v i r t u a l l y placed themselves on a l l fours with the L i b e r a l party and broke t h e i r promise to B r i t i s h Columbia before they had made any e f f o r t to f u l f i l i t . C a r t i e r ' s resolution was that the Railway referred to i n the Address to her Majesty con-cerning the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia with Canada, adopted by t h i s House on Saturday the 1st A p r i l instant, should be constructed and worked by private enterprise, and not by the Dominion Government; and that the public aid to be given to secure that undertaking should consist of such l i b e r a l grants of land, and such subsidy of money, or other aid, not unduly pressing on the industry and resources of the Domin-ion, as the Parliament of Canada s h a l l hereafter determine.3 This p o l i c y , incongruous as i t was when considered with the terms of union, was embodied in the Canadian P a c i f i c 4 Railway Act assented to on June 14, 1872. The preamble to the Act recited clause 11 of the terms of union, and set f o r t h 1. 44 V i c t o r i a chap. -1. 2. Parliamentary Debates, 1871, 669, 680, 682, 699, 714. 3. Ibid., 1871, p. 1027. 4. 35 V i c t o r i a chap. 71. - 34 -the fact that the House of Commons had resolved that the r a i l -way should he b u i l t by a private enterprise and not by the Government, and that the public a i d to be given should consist of such, l i b e r a l grants of land and such subsidy i n money as the Parliament of Canada should thereafter determine, not i n -creasing the rate of taxation. The Act then provided that the railway should be commenced within two years from the 20th day of July, 1871, the date that B r i t i s h Columbia became a province of Canada, and should be completed within ten years of the same date. For two very obvious reasons the Act was absurd. In one and the same document the Government solemnly promised B r i t i s h . Columbia to b u i l d a transcontinental railway i n ten years and then promised the people of Canada that this great undertaking v/ould not mean an increase i n taxation. The truth of the matter surely i s that the Macdonald Government, fearing f a i l u r e of t h e i r railway project, used the taxation proposal as a subterfuge - to which they did not intend to bind themselves -in order to gain the support of the whole Conservative party, some of whose members were at one with the Li b e r a l s i n fearing the enormous cost of the P a c i f i c railway. It i s impossible to believe that the Government was sincere i n promising to b u i l d the railway without cost to Canada. Secondly, the Act was absurd because even granting that there would be no f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , no one could say that the great engineering problems involved would make commencement of construction possible by July 20, 1873, and completion of construction possible by July 20, 1881. At the time the Act was passed surveys had been i n progress i n B r i t i s h Columbia for almost a - 35 -1 year, but they were f a r from complete. It was most improbable that the route would be fixed, by July 20, 1873; ac t u a l l y i t was not defined u n t i l July 13, 1878. The whole railway p o l i c y of the Macdonald Government was riddled with deceit and Inconsistencies, based on hypoth-eses i n which only the most sanguine could possibly believe. Macdonald successfully hoodwinked his party and B r i t i s h Colum-bi a , where he was extremely popular because i t was he who promised the railway and promised to b u i l d i t , but i t would be int e r e s t i n g to know just how much of the trouble with B r i t i s h Columbia which Mackenzie experienced because of the delay i n building the railway would have been avoided had Macdonald remained i n o f f i c e . This much can be said, his resolution promising no increase i n taxation provided Mackenzie with a very strong weapon to use against B r i t i s h Columbia i n the quarrel which l a t e r developed over the•non-fulfilment of clause 11 of the terms of union. Having secured adoption of the terms of union and passed the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Act Macdonald began the work of f u l f i l l i n g h is engagements to B r i t i s h Columbia. His f i r s t task was to charter a company to undertake the task of building the road with a land grant of not more than 50,000,000 acres and a subsidy of #30,000,000 as provided by 2 the Act of 1872. After many d i f f i c u l t i e s the Government 1. The f i r s t survey party set out from V i c t o r i a on the day B r i t i s h Columbia entered the Dominion, July 20, 1871. 2. Vide Correspondence r e l a t i v e to the Canadaian P a c i f i c R a i l -way, London, 1874. 36 -chartered- i n February, 1873, the Canada P a c i f i c Railway Company, a group of Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s under the presidency of S i r 1 Hugh A l l a n . It was at t h i s juncture that^Seth Huntingdon, L i b e r a l member of the House of Commons f o r the county of Shefford, Quebec, made a sensational charge i n the House. On A p r i l 10, 1873, he accused the Conservative party of fraud i n the elections held i n 1872, because S i r Hugh Al l a n had contrib-uted generously to i t s campaign fund. The charges were subse-quently proved to have been unfounded but t h i s Incident famous i n Canadian History as the " P a c i f i c Scandal" r e f l e c t e d on S i r Hugh Allan's cre d i t in such a manner that he f a i l e d to 2 raise the necessary c a p i t a l f o r his undertaking, and was forced to surrender his charter. For Macdonald i t meant defeat i n the e l e c t i o n i n the autumn of 1873 and when Parliament met i n Feb-ruary, 1874, Mackenzie was Prime Minister, the leader of a L i b e r a l Government. When the Liberals came to power the promise to begin construction of the railway two years from the date of union had already been broken; surveys i n B r i t i s h Columbia had not discovered a practicable route and B r i t i s h Columbia had sent her f i r s t protest to the non-fulfilment of the terms of union 3 to Ottawa. This s i t u a t i o n placed Mackenzie face to face with most formidable d i f f i c u l t i e s . In the..first place he and h i s party were regarded with great suspicion i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1. Charter f o r the Construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l  way, with papers and correspondence, Ottawa, 1873. 2. Macdonald to Trutch, Sept., 19, 1873, Letter Book 20,690, Ottawa Archives. 3. Trutch to Aikens, July 26, 1873, Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1875, p. 2. E — - 37 -and the circumstances of Macdonald's f a l l from power on an issue involving clause 11 of the terms of union had augmented t h i s suspicion. Secondly, there was no .longer any company w i l l i n g to-undertake the cons-true tion of the railway under the Act of 1872. Nothing was more ce r t a i n than that the promise of completion of the railway within ten years would not he kept. Third l y , the Macdonald Government seemingly as part of i t s p o l i c y of expedient deceit with regard to i t s obligations to B r i t i s h Columbia had made unwise commitments about the western terminus of the railway which were to increase and complicate the d i f f i c u l t i e s of Mackenzie's p o s i t i o n . The proclamation of the Macdonald Government of June 7, 1873, "that Esquimalt i n Vancouver Island be fi x e d as the terminus of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and that a l i n e of railway be located between the harbour of Esquimalt and Sey-1 mour Narrows on the said i s l a n d " was as absurd as the Canad-ian P a c i f i c Railway Act of 1872. In fact Macdonald seems to have been ready to go to any length of absurdity i n h i s pre-tense of f u l f i l l i n g the terms of union to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. Having fixed the terminus at Esquimalt, in July, 1873, when the two years within which railway construct-ion was to begin in B r i t i s h Columbia was about to lapse, he carr i e d out the formality, v/hich Amor de Cosmos denounced as 2 a "disreputable farce", of having a gang of men clear a few hundred yards of the l i n e and drive a few stakes at i n t e r v a l s 1. Order-in-Council, June 7, 1873, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1880-81, p. 26. 2. Island Railway Papers, compiled by Amor de Cosmos, Ottawa, 1880, p. 136. - 38 -o at Esquimalt. The work proceeded no further and within a week 1 B r i t i s h Columbia made her "first protest to the Dominion. The order-in-council f i x i n g the terminus at Esquimalt was no l e s s absurd than this empty formality . The terminus was f i x e d at Esquimalt without any d e f i n i t e knowledge of where the main l i n e would run i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Further the proclamation i f interpreted l i b e r a l l y was predicated on the doubtful prac-t i c a b i l i t y of two d i f f i c u l t and c o s t l y engineering f e a t s . At the time i t was thought that the l i n e would reach the P a c i f i c when f i n a l l y located at Burrard Inlet or at a more northerly 2 point at Bute I n l e t . The act of f i x i n g the terminus at Esquim-a l t and providing f o r an island railway meant that the Macdon-ald Government, in order to s a t i s f y the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver Island,who were anxious to have the railway terminate on the Island, propsed to adopt Bute Inlet and carry the l i n e to Van-couver Island by a series of spans resting on the Valdes Islan-ds and across the Seymour Narrows. Bridging the S t r a i t s was, in Sandford Fleming's words a project "of a most formidable 3 character" which would cost twenty m i l l i o n d o l l a r s . But this did not worry the Macdonald Government nor the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver Island. Not only was the terminus proclamation indefensible from an engineering point of view but i t also unnecessarily increased the commitments to B r i t i s h Columbia beyond those made in clause 11 of the terms of union and further embarrassed 1. Vide supra p. 36. 2. Dominion Sessional Paper 10, 1872, p. 49. 3. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Report of progress i n the explor-ation and surveys up to Jan. 1874, Ottawa, 1874, p. 25. - 39 -Mackenzie since i t gave Vancouver Island a more substantial ground upon which, to base a g i t a t i o n for the railway than i t had before possessed. It i s necessary to understand that Van-couver Island was i n wealth and population the dominant sec-t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. Clause 11 of the terms of union promising a railway only to the P a c i f i c Coast threatened the dominance of the Island. Therefore i f the l i n e were c a r r i e d to <Esquimalt by means of a bridge between Mainland and Island i t s continued dominance would, i t was thought, be assured. The Island consequently pressed Macd'onald to f i x the terminus on 1 the Island and f i n a l l y won from him the order-in-council of June 7, 1873. Having won t h i s declaration from the Dominion i t was more than ever anxious f o r the transcontinental railway and very annoyed when Mackenzie quite j u s t l y denounced the railway p o l i c y of Macdonald i n h i s f i r s t public announcement on the P a c i f i c railway at Sarnia late i n November, 1873. Mackenzie's d e f i n i t i o n of railway p o l i c y was somewhat vague, but he made i t quite c l e a r that he would attempt to obtain from B r i t i s h Columbia modification of clause 11 of the terms of union. "Such a bargain," f a s that made with B r i t i s h > 2 Columbia]] he declared, "was made to be broken". But not absol-utely, for he announced hi s intention of keeping f a i t h with the Province i n s p i r i t , If not to the" l e t t e r . In h i s pre-election manifesto delivered to the electors of Lamb^on Mackenzie 3 further defined his p o s i t i o n . 1. Vide supra p.28. 2. Globe, Nov. 26, 1873. 3. Ibid., Jan. 9, 1874. 40 -We must meet the d i f f i c u l t i e s imposed upon Canada hy the reckless arrangements of the late government with reference to the P a c i f i c Railway.... That contract ^clause 11] has now heen broken. Over a m i l l i o n has been spent on surveys, but no part of the l i n e has yet been located, and the bargain i s , as we have always said i t was, incapable of l i t e r a l f u l f i l -ment. We must, therefore, endeavour to arrange with B r i t i s h Columbia f o r a relaxation of i t s terms as may give time f o r the completion of the surveys and the a c q u i s i t i o n of the information necessary to an i n t e l l i g e n t apprehension of the work, f o r i t s subsequent prosecution with some speed, and under such arrangements, as the resources of the country w i l l permit without too l a r g e l y increasing the burden of taxation on the people. There i s no denying the strength of Mackenzie's p o l i c y . It suffered from none of the pretense and deceits of Macdonald fs; i t was honest and sincere. Mackenzie sought a c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y because he f e l t the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of answering the protests of B r i t i s h Columbia, and because he r e a l i z e d that the terms of union were a formal obligation which the Dominion government was honour bound to carry out or to secure I t s modification. When the session opened i n February, 1874, Mackenzie announced h i s intention of obtaining modification of the terms of union and of u t i l i z i n g water stretches f o r transport across the continent wherever possible instead of building, an a l l - r a i l 1 route to the P a c i f i c . This p o l i c y was embodied i n the Canadian 2 P a c i f i c Railway Act of 1874 which repealed the Act of 1872. The Act was s i m i l a r to the Act of 1872 i n that It stated that the railway should be constructed by private enterprise and that the public aid to be given should consist of such l i b e r a l 1. Vide Dominion Sessional Paper 51, 1874, f o r report of A.H. Vaughan regarding the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of using water trans-port from Fort Garry to the Rocky Mountains. 2. 37 V i c t o r i a chap. 14 41 -grants of land and such subsidy i n money not increasing the rate of taxation as the Parliament of Canada should determine. But i n one important respect i t was d i f f e r e n t . The Governor-in-Council was given power to construct the railway, or any por-ti o n thereof, as a public work i f i t were found more advantage-ous to do so. Since the 'Pacific Scandal' had forced S i r Hugh A l l a n to give up his charter no Company had appeared to under-take the project, and i t was very doubtful at the time the Act of 1874 was passed whether the Government would be successful in procuring the construction of the road by private enter-p r i s e . While the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Act was being debated i n the House, J.D. Edgar, a Toronto b a r r i s t e r whom Mackenzie had sent to B r i t i s h Columbia, was tr y i n g to arrange a modification of the terms of the union, Edgar, under i n s t r u c t -ions from Mackenzie, offered i n place of clause 11 of the terms of union, to commence immediately a l i n e of railway from Es-quimalt to Hanaimo, to push the surveys on the mainland on with a l l possible speed and when the l i n e was f i n a l l y located to spend at least fl,500,000 annually on construction. In the meantime construction would begin on a transcontinental waggon 1 road and telegraph l i n e . The negotiations on these terms got nowhere and even ended i n a quarrel f o r which Premier Walkem of B r i t i s h Columbia was to blame. This unsatisfactory re s u l t was not unexpected fo r with the increased suspicion of the Dominion government i n B r i t i s h Columbia following Macdonald*s i 1. Edgar to Walkem. May 8, 1874, Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1875, p. 22. ' * — - 42 -f a l l from power the B r i t i s h Columbia government was demanding 1 a. l i t e r a l f u l f i l m e n t of the terms of union. The f a i l u r e of the negotiations, however, l e f t Mackenzie in a much stronger p o s i t i o n . They had f a i l e d because of the sharp practices of Walkem. who had instigated a quarrel by refusing to recognize Edgar as a f u l l y q u a l i f i e d representative of the Dominion Government. Walkem discussed railway d i f f i c u l t i e s with Edgar but refused to discuss anything regarding a new contract be-tween the Dominion and B r i t i s h Columbia because he doubted Edgar's " o f f i c i a l authority f o r appearing i n the r o l e of an agent contracting f o r the Dominion of Canada". Since Edgar enjoyed the complete confidence and support of Mackenzie the f a i l u r e of the negotiations under these circumstances l e f t B r i t i s h Columbia with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of reopening the discussion of the terms of union. Walkem had now, i t appeared, to approach Mackenzie as a suppliant. •/ Walkem did not approach Mackenzie. He appealed direct-l y to the. Imperial Government f o r compensation for the grievances 3 i n f l i c t e d on his province by the Dominion. He was probably thinking of t h i s l i n e of action when he refused to discuss the 1. Hitherto B r i t i s h Columbia seemed not i n c l i n e d to hold the Dominion to clause 11 as a hard and fas t contract. Trutch on h i s mission to arrange the terms of union i n 187G had declared that "he had been accused of making a very Jewish bargain; but not even Shylock would have demanded h i s 'pound of f l e s h * i f i t had to be cut from h i s own body". Order-in-council July 8, 1874. Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1875, p. 25. -2. Walkem to Edgar, May 18, 1874. Ibid., p. 24. 3. Trutch to Carnarvon, June 11, 1874 (received July 22) Correspondence re C.P.R. Act so f a r as regards B r i t i s h Col-umbia, London, 1875, p. 23. - 43 terms offered "by Edgar. C o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y the act of a provin-c i a l government appealing to the Imperial government f o r re-dress from the Dominion government may not have heen a sound one, hut i t got Walkem out of a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n and annoy-ed and embarrassed Mackenzie. A happy coincidence from Walkem*s point of view was the fact that Lord Carnarvon, Secretary of State f o r the Colonies, a strong Imperialist and supporter of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway project, offered himself as a r b i -t r ator between the Dominion and B r i t i s h Columbia even before 1 the p e t i t i o n o f . B r i t i s h Columbia had reached London. Macken-zie, who was loath to l e t control of his railway p o l i c y s l i p from Ottawa to_London, refused to admit that B r i t i s h Columbia had any grievances to a r b i t r a t e . He was ready to b u i l d the P a c i f i c railway as quickly as the resources of Canada would allow. He therefore rejected Carnarvon's o f f e r of a r b i t r a t i o n stating that there were "no differences to submit to a r b i t r a -2 t i o n " . A month l a t e r under the persuasion of Lord Dufferin, the Governor-General, a very able man and one who did not hesitate to take a hand i n shaping Government p o l i c y , Macken-3 z i e grudgingly accepted Carnarvon's offe r of a r b i t r a t i o n . 4 B r i t i s h Columbia accepted the of f e r a few days l a t e r . Carnarvon absolved the Dominion Government from a l l 1. Carnarvon to Dufferin, June 18, 1874, Correspondence re the  C.P.R. Act so f a r as regards B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 23. 2. These words were used i n a telegram sent by H.C. Flecker, the governor-general's secretary, to the Colonial Office on June 18, Maxwell, J.A., Lord Dufferin and the D i f f i c u l t i e s With B r i t i s h Columbia, 1874-7, Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, v. 12, Toronto, 1931, note p. 369. 3. Qrder-in-Council, July 23, 1874, Correspondence re the  C.P.R. Act so fa r as regards B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 72. 4. Trutch to Carnarvon, Aug. 5, 1874, i b i d . , p. '69. - 44 blame i n not f u l f i l l i n g the terms of union -- as any sensible man would have done -- and recommended terms which were not unlike those already offered by Edgar. Carnarvon submitted h i s 1 conclusions to Dufferin on November 17, 1874. His recommend-ations, which became known as the Carnarvon Terms, were: (l) That the railway from Esquimalt to Nanaimo s h a l l be commenced as soon as possible and completed with a l l prac-t i c a b l e despatch. (2.) That the surveys, on the mainland s h a l l be pushed on with the utmost vigour. On t h i s point, a f t e r considering the rep-resentations of your ministers,2 I f e e l that I have no alt e r n a t i v e but to reply, as I do most f u l l y and r e a d i l y , upon t h e i r assurances that no legitimate e f f o r t or expense w i l l be spared, f i r s t to determine the best route f o r the l i n e , and secondly, to proceed with the d e t a i l s of the engineering work.... (.3) That the waggon road and telegraph l i n e s h a l l be immediately constructed.... (,4) That |2,000,000 a year and not $1,500,000 s h a l l be the minimum expenditure on "railway works within the Province from the date at which the surveys are s u f f i c i e n t l y completed to enable that amount to be expended on construction. In naming this amount I understand that, It being a l i k e the interest and the wish of the Dominion Government to urge on with a l l speed the completion of the works now to be under-taken, the annual expenditure w i l l be as much in excess of the minimum of 2,000,000 d o l l a r s as i n any year may be found pra c t i c a b l e . (5) L a s t l y , that on or before the 31st December, 1890, the railway s h a l l be completed and open f o r t r a f f i c from the P a c i f i c seaboard to a point at the western end of Lake Superior, at which i t w i l l f a l l . i n t o connection with existing l i n e s of railway through a portion of the United States, and also with the navigation on Canadian waters. To proceed at present with the remainder of the railway extending, by the country northward of Lake Superior, to the exi s t i n g Canadian l i n e s , ought not, i n my opinion, to be required, and the time for undertaking that work mu3t be determined by the development of settlement and the changing circumstances of the country. The day i s , I hope not very distant when a continuous l i n e of railway through Canadian t e r r i t o r y w i l l be practicable, and I therefore look upon t h i s portion of the scheme as postponed rather than abandoned. 1. Carnarvon to Dufferin, Nov. 17, 1874, Correspondence re the  C.P.R. Act ,so far as regards B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 92. 2. The Dominion government maintained that the surveys were "already being accomplished with the utmost despatch". Order-in-Council, Sept. 17, 1874, i b i d . . p. 80. 45 ^ In d r a f t i n g these proposals Carnarvon declared that his conclusions upheld i n the main the p o l i c y of the Mackenzie government. This was quite true. They d i f f e r e d with Edgar's proposals i n only two respects: the amount to he spent annu-a l l y on construction i n B r i t i s h Columbia was increased from #1,500,000 to $2,000,000 and a date, December 31, 1890, (which the Dominion government was not anxious to accept) was set for the completion of the western section of the l i n e from Lake Superior to the P a c i f i c . However Walkem who had abruptly d i s -1 missed Edgar accepted the Carnarvon terms. The Dominion accepted the terms remarking that "the conclusion at which h i s Lordship has arrived 'upholds', as he remarks, i n the main, and subject only to some modifications of d e t a i l the p o l i c y adopted by t h i s Government on t h i s most embarrassing 2 question". At this point i t appeared that a concord had been reached between Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. But Mackenzie's acceptance of the Carnarvon terms led to a p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s i n Canada which resulted i n the repudiation of Carnarvon's work by the Bominion. The reason f o r t h i s d i f f i c u l t y was that Mack-enzie accepted the Carnarvon terms without the support of h i s whole party. Important men i n the party, of whom Edward Blake was the leader, were h o s t i l e even to the obligations placed on the Dominion by Carnarvon. In March, 1875, when Mackenzie 1. For a discussion of Walkem''s part i n the railway dispute vide Gosnell, R.E., B r i t i s h Columbia, Sixty Years of Pro-gress , Pt. 2, pp. 57-71. 2. Order-in-Council, D e c , 18, 1874, Correspondence re C.P.R.  Act so f a r as regards B r i t i s h Columbia , p. 95. - 46 -introduced a B i l l to provide for the immediate construction of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo railway he met with the opposition of t h i s f a c t i o n of h i s party. Blake declared that the Govern-ment had no co n s t i t u t i o n a l authority to enter into a contract with B r i t i s h Columbia to bu i l d the Esquimalt and ^ analmo R a i l -way which would be binding on the House of Commons by whom the necessary funds for carrying out the contract would have to be 1 supplied. He went on to declare that The engagement made at the time of union was ruinous to the people of Canada, and i n order to obtain r e l i e f from the terms of that bargain he was w i l l i n g to pay a reasonable p r i c e . He did not believe that the price proposed to be paid was a reasonable one.... It was a question whether t h i s Parliament was not running a r i s k i n assenting to the Carnarvon terms and breaking up the p o l i c y which was l a i d down l a s t session that the burden of this country should not be further i n -creased i n constructing t h i s railroad..2 The Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway B i l l , i n spite of the opposition, passed the House of Commons 101 to 62, most of the votes being cast against the B i l l by the Conservatives who had i n the f i r s t place promised the Island railway. In the Senate however two Li b e r a l s joined with 22 Conservatives to 3 defeat the B i l l 24 to 21. The defeat of the Esquimalt and ^ anaimo Railway B i l l i n the Senate v i r t u a l l y marked the end of Mackenzie's c o n c i l i -atory railway p o l i c y . Mackenzie s t i l l avowed to B r i t i s h Colum-bia his intention of carrying out "the l e t t e r and the s p i r i t " 4 of the Carnarvon terms. He seems to have had no doubt that the Esquimalt and Hanaimo Railway B i l l would be introduced again 1. House of Commons Debates, 1875, p. 955. 2. i b i d . , p. 956. 3. Journals of the Senate, 1875, p. 283. 4. Maxwell, l o c . c i t . , pT 374. - 47 -in the House, hut ac t u a l l y the B i l l was dead for a l l time and with i t the Carnarvon terms. The defeat of the B i l l had heen a v i c t o r y f o r Edward Blake and his wing of the L i b e r a l Party, and before long Blake and not Mackenzie was i n control of the whole party. Mackenzie soon realized that to i n s i s t on the f u l f i l -ment of the Carnarvon terms would lead to a serious disruption 1 of his party. He chose to give way to Blake rather than to take the r i s k of breaking h i s party. This he was not altogether loath to do as a matter of p o l i c y , f o r , i t must be remembered, he, l i k e Blake, had attacked the terms of Union, and had accepted the Carnarvon terms grudgingly and l a r g e l y because he f e l t the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of pacifying B r i t i s h Columbia. On May 19, 1875, Blake entered the Mackenzie govern-ment as Minister of Justice on the d i s t i n c t understanding that the E. and H. Railway project should be dropped and that the ful f i l m e n t of the Carnarvon terms, at least those that remained^ should not be construed to render i t obligatory on Canada to raise the rate of taxation i n order to f u l f i l them. This i s 2 apparent from a l e t t e r from Blake to Mackenzie on May 18, 1875. The res u l t of our discussion t h i s morning i s that I agree to j o i n your Government on the understanding...that "the Govern-ment should negotiate with Columbia f o r the payment of a cash subsidy i n l i e u of. the' agreement to construct the Van-couver Railway; that the Government s h a l l propose to P a r l i a -ment a measure f o r the carrying out of the old terms as modified, providing for the payment of the cash subsidy, i n case that i s agreed to; otherwise f o r the construction of 1. Dufferin i n h i s speech at V i c t o r i a i n 1876 said: "1 very much doubt whether he (Mackenzie) could have succeeded i n carrying i t (the E. and H. Railway B i l l ) a second time even in the House of Commons"'. St. John, Molyneux, The Sea of  Mountains, Hurst and Blackett, London, 1877, v. 2, p. 204. 2. Blake to Mackenzie, May 18, 1875, Mackenzie Letter Book, I. - 48 -the Vancouver railway, and providing that the obligations'to secure an annual expenditure of two m i l l i o n a and to complete the l i n e from the P a c i f i c to Lake Superior by 1890 s h a l l not be construed to render i t obligatory on Canada further to' raise the rate of taxation in order to t h e i r fulfilment.. The new railway p o l i c y inspired, by Blake was made public on September 20, 1875, by an order-in-council which was to be the. centre of the railway controversy f o r the next two 1 years. As a fundamental statement of railway p o l i c y the order-in-council placed the Government f i r m l y on the Conservative taxation resolution of 1871. It must be borne In mind that every step i n the negotiations were necessarily predicated upon and subject to the condit-ions of the Resolution of the House of Commons, passed In 1871 contemporaneously with the adoption of the Terms of Union with B r i t i s h Columbia, subsequently enacted In the Can-adian P a c i f i c Railway Act of 1872, and subsequently re-enact-ed (after a large addition had been made to the rate of taxa-tion) i n the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Act of 1874; that the public a i d to be given to secure the accomplishment of the undertaking "should consist of such l i b e r a l grants of land and such subsidy In money or other aid, not increasing the  existing rate of taxation, as the Parliament of Canada should thereafter determine". Public opinion the order-in-council declared was In sympathy with t h i s declaration and i t cannot be too clearly understood that any agreements as to the completion by a fixe d time,, must be subject to the co n d i t i o n - t h r i c e recorded i n the Journals of Parliament, that no further increase of the rate ofWaxation s h a l l be required i n order to th e i r f u l f i l m e n t . The Island railway was written o f f Dominion obligations to B r i t i s h Columbia. The Island railway the order-in-council declared — quite c o r r e c t l y —• "was not a portion of the main l i n e of the P a c i f i c railway". 1. Order-in-Council, Sept. 20, 1875, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1876, p. 565. 49 i t was intended to benefit l o c a l i n t e r e s t s , and was proposed as compensation f o r the disappointment experienced by the unavoidable delay i n constructing the Railway across the Continent. There were no "obvious reasons" why the Dominion should under-take to" b u i l d the l i n e . In place of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway the order-in-council provided f o r a cash subsidy for any delays, which might take place i n the construction of the P a c i f i c railway. It would seem reasonable that the people of B r i t i s h Columbia should construct t h i s work themselves, or ( i f they should think other l o c a l works more advantageous) should, i n l i e u of t h i s , themselves undertake such other l o c a l public works, and that the compensation to be given them by Canada fo r any delays which may take place i n the construction of the P a c i f -ic Railway should be in the form of a cash bonus to be applied towards the l o c a l Railway, or such other l o c a l works as the Legislature of B r i t i s h Columbia may undertake.... The cash bonus or compensation offered was $750,000. On the receipt of t h i s order-in-council i n B r i t i s h Columbia the railway controversy began again with renewed vigour. Walkem sent back a reply "unhesitatingly but respect-1 f u l l y d eclining" the Dominion government's proposals. The B r i t i s h Columbia government maintained that the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway was a portion of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and that the Dominion had hitherto considered i t as part of the P a c i f i c railway and not a compensation f o r the disappoint-ment experienced because of the unavoidable delay i n construct-ing the Railway across the Continent. Further i t maintained that the taxation resolution so c a r e f u l l y paraded i n the Dominion order-in-council had never been binding on B r i t i s h 1. Order-in-Council, Dec. 6, 1875, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1876, p. 568. - 50 -Columbia, and. even i f i t had. been, since the rate of taxation had been raised and since the Mackenzie government had changed the Dominion obligations to B r i t i s h Columbia, i t no longer had 1 any e f f e c t . The proposed bonus of $750,000 was regarded as "a proposed indemnity f o r a contemplated i n d e f i n i t e postponement of the construction" of the P a c i f i c railway. An acceptance of this proposed bonus would be equivalent to a surrender of these guarantees [the expenditure of $2,000,000 annually and the promise of completion by December 31, 18901 and an abandonment by B r i t i s h Columbia for a l l time to come of her right to protest against future delays, however protracted. B r i t i s h Columbia also pointed out that the order-in-council made no mention of the waggon road and telegraph l i n e promised in the Carnarvon terms, and that the waggon road^ though prom-ised 12 months ago had not been commenced, that work on the telegraph l i n e though begun i n the spring of 1875 had been abandoned i n d e f i n i t e l y . An impasse had again been reached and 1876 ushered i n another year of strained r e l a t i o n s between Province and Domin-ion. Cries of secession were raised i n the Province and the man i n control of the Dominion government, Edward Blake, thought the Dominion would be well advised to l e t the P a c i f i c province go. " I f " , he declared, "under a l l these circumstances, the Col-umbians were to say, 'You must go on and f i n i s h t h i s railway according to the terms, or take the a l t e r n a t i v e of releasing us 2 from Confederation,' I would take the a l t e r n a t i v e " . B r i t i s h Columbia again petitioned the Imperial Govern-1. Order-in-Council, Jan. 4, 1876, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1876, p.569. 2. Senate Debates, March 20, 1876, p. 155. - 51 -ment to intervene; Lord Carnarvon was asked "to cause the Dominion government to he immediately moved to carry out the .1 terms of the settlement". Carnarvon again showed h i s w i l l i n g -2 nesa to a r b i t r a t e . That he was displeased by the course of events i n the Dominion i s c l e a r l y revealed by a l e t t e r he wrote to Lord Dufferin. " I should, of course, have great d i f f i c u l t y i n b e l i e v i n g , " he wrote, "that a Government which only a year ago had undertaken s p e c i f i c obligations could con-3 template-any departure from...them". In answer Mackenzie, who was again opposed to subjecting the p o l i c y of his government to Carnarvon's a r b i t r a t i o n declared that Carnarvon evidently "had f a i l e d to appreciate e f f o r t s we [the GovernmentJ had made to 4 implement an impossible bargain". The p o l i c y of h i s Govern-ment as defined i n the order-in-council of September, 1875, would not be altere d . Because of Mackenzie's strong stand no decision was taken by Carnarvon to enforce his views on the Dominion. He decided to wait u n t i l a f t e r a projected v i s i t of Lord Dufferin to B r i t i s h Columbia had been completed before 5 making any s p e c i f i c suggestions. • Lord Dufferin arrived i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n August, 1876, at a time, as he well r e a l i z e d , when B r i t i s h Columbia was deeply discontented and annoyed v/ith the Dominion Govern-ment. His v i s i t was informal and connected with no o f f i c i a l 1. Trutch to Carnarvon, Feb. 2, 1876, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1876, p. 637. 2. Carnarvon to Trutch, A p r i l 27, 1876, i b i d . , p. 737. 3. Carnarvon to Dufferin, May 4, 1876, Blake Papers 71, 11 Ottawa Archives. 4. MaxweTlT~TroVr~cit., p. 381. 5. Carnarvon to Dufferin, May 23, 1876, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1877, p. 378. - 52 -business of the Dominion government, hut i t was generally-known that i t was inspired hy the railway d i f f i c u l t i e s . His journey of goodwill has heen described often and has been acclaimed f o r a l l a y i n g the b i t t e r f e e l i n g on the Island and Mainland and for creating a better s p i r i t towards the Domin-ion,which made possible, once again,an amiable settlement of 1 the railway controversy. He spent about two months in the Province v i s i t i n g many points on the.coast and even journeying into the i n t e r i o r as f a r as Kamloops. Wherever he went he found the railway question always to the front, and i n V i c t o r -i a he found a strong movement for secession from the Dominion. On his reception i n the c a p i t a l he was i n v i t e d to pass under an arch bearing the b i t t e r caption "Carnarvon Terms or Separa-2 t i o n " -- which he diplomatically refused to do. In the same s p i r i t he refused to accept a secession address which had 3 been prepared for him; he chose to assure the c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a of the goodwill of the Dominion government assuring themithat the Carnarvon terms would be Implemented or a s a t i s -factory equivalent offered. He exposed the secession movement on Vancouver Island as an absurd act o f ' p o l i t i c a l suicide. Great B r i t a i n would not allow the Island to go; and as a P a c i f i c naval base i t "would be ruled as Jamaica, Malta, H e l i -goland and Ascension are ruled, through the instrumentality of 4 some naval or other o f f i c e r " . 1. Vide St John, The Sea of Mountains; Gosnell, B r i t i s h Col-umbia, Sixty Years of Progress, Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , B r i t i s h Columbia. 2. St. John, op_. cit.*, p. 155 et seq. 3. Ibid., p. 192 et seq. 4. i b i d . , p. 217. - 53 -Lord Dufferin l e f t the Province with the f i r m b e l i e f that the railway d i f f i c u l t i e s should be s e t t l e d once and for a l l by appeal to Lord Carnarvon's a r b i t r a t i o n . He feared that i f the Dominion as the strongest party i n the controversy should determine to s e t t l e the dispute as i t chose, the Prov-ince, at l e a s t Vancouver island,might implement i t s threat to secede. In any case, he wrote to Mackenzie, a discontented 1 province was "an inconvenience and a scandal". The subject of the Esquimalt and Hanaimo Railway should be referred to Lord Carnarvon; i n place of a bonus of #750,000 he might induce 2 B r i t i s h Columbia to accept #1,000,000. Dufferin likewise wished Mackenzie to allow Carnarvon to s e t t l e the larger ques-tion of the mainline. I think I see my way to an arrangement which might be reached i f only i t could be pressed on the Province from without, that i s to say from England, and under which B r i t i s h Columbia might he brought to acquiesce i n the i n d e f i n i t e postponement of the western section of the l i n e without much trouble and without our f a i r fame being again a s s a i l e d . The Dominion had made two agreements with B r i t i s h Columbia and had broken both of them; Dufferin feared the consequences i f such action were to continue. He could "not f i n d language to express the shame and humiliation"' which he should f e e l i f he had to go back to England and say that a province had been l o s t under his administration. Mackenzie, however, remained obdurate. He intended tQ do nothing more; the order-in-council of September, 1875, was f i n a l . Dufferin continued i n h i s e f f o r t s , even stepping beyond 1. Dufferin to Mackenzie, Oct. 9, 1876, c i t e d by Maxwell, l o c . c i t . , p. 383. 2. T B T d . - 54 -1 h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s as Governor-General, hut Macken-zie, supported hy his Ministers, r e p l i e d that Lord Carnarvon "should not have pressed h i s interference upon Canada and that he ^Mackenzie] never would consent to make another mis-take of the kind hy again appearing before Lord Carnarvon as 2 a judge..." Mackenzie car r i e d h i s point and Lord Carnarvon a f t e r a silence of seven months answered the p e t i t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia urging them to have patience and accept f o r the time 3 being the railway p o l i c y of the Dominion government. "No hasty action should be pressed upon the Canadian Government," he wrote, "whom, I need hardly say, I believe to be thoroughly sincere, i n t h e i r desire to construct the mainline of railway with a l l the expedition of which the resources of the country II and the engineering problems remaining yet unsolved w i l l admit. It was unreasonable, he urged upon B r i t i s h Columbia, to expect commencement of the mainline of the railway when so much work had yet to be done i n locating th<2 route and western terminus. For t h i s reason he urged the Province to await with patience the completion of the surveys. Between the coming spring...and the spring of 1878 It may f a i r l y be expected that many points now surrounded with doubt ° w i l l have become more c l e a r l y defined, and I f u l l y hope and believe that aft e r the very limited delay of a single summer the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l f i n d that there i s no longer any obstacle to the active prosecution of the under-taking. ... !• Vide Maxwell, l o c . c i t . , pp. 386-88. 2. Memorandum on Conversation with Lord Dufferin on B r i t i s h  Columbia A f f a i r s on Nov. 16 and 18, 1876, Mackenzie Papers II, 779, Ottawa Archives. 3. Carnarvon to Dufferin, Dec. 18, 1876, B.C. Sessional Papers 1877, p. 381. : - 55 -Carnarvon diplomatically avoided a discussion of the Esquimalt and Kanaimo Railway and the proposed $750,000 cash bonus, stating that he was at the moment "unable to pronounce an opinion as to the course which should be taken, either with regard to the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway or with regard to the delays which have occured, or which may yet occur, i n the construction of the mainline"'. He did say however that i t would "be a source of much s a t i s f a c t i o n to [him] to learn that the Province were w i l l i n g to accept the p r i n c i p l e of a money equivalent f o r the l i n e i n question, the construction of which [he was] bound to say [did] not appear to [him}.'to be the most judicious expenditure of c a p i t a l " . B r i t i s h Columbia was thus courteously but fi r m l y rebuffed by Carnarvon, who c l e a r l y enough had gone back on h i s 1 own terms. In March, 1877, B r i t i s h Columbia drafted her reply. They deeply regretted"that His Lordship should have been un-able to f e e l himself in a pos i t i o n to urge upon Canada the necessity of carrying into e f f e c t at once the terms of the agreement entered into in 1874," but they, however, f e l t "that they [were] bound to accept the recommendations of Lord Carn-arvon to concede to the Dominion Government the short delay of another summer...." With regard to the Esquimalt and Nanaimo railway and the cash bonus no decision was made. The conclus-ion of the reply was b i t t e r . They [desiredj p a r t i c u l a r l y to report that the succession of f a i l u r e s on the part of the Dominion Government to f u l f i l the several Railway agreements, solemnly entered Into with 1. Order-in-Council, March 26, 1877, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1877, p. 431. - 56 -the Province, [had] produced a f e e l i n g of disappointment and d i s t r u s t so widespread and intense, as to severely and injur-iously a f f e c t the commercial and i n d u s t r i a l Interests, and seriously retard, the general prosperity of t h i s portion of the Dominion. In November, 1877, since the year of waiting proposed hy Lord Carnarvon had p r a c t i c a l l y elapsed and since railway construction had not commenced in B r i t i s h Columbia, the Pro-v i n c i a l government again petitioned the Dominion government 1 and Lord Carnarvon. The Dominion was asked f o r the result of the year's surveys i n order that the Executive Council might lay before the P r o v i n c i a l Legislature d e f i n i t e information with reference to the intentions of the Dominion government to carry out i t s railway obligations to the Province under the Carnarvon terms of 1874. Lord Carnarvon was urged to be "care-f u l to discountenance any further unnecessary delay i n the commencement of railway construction within the Province". The report of the Chief Engineer in charge of the surveys, Sandford Fleming, had been delayed longer than Mack-enzie had anticipated and as a res u l t the route i n B r i t i s h Columbia had not been determined. The Dominion was therefore obliged to reply that ...the delay deemed necessary before advertising f o r tenders was consequent upon the manifest necessity of making a care-f u l instrumental survey of the Fraser V a l l e y route, upon which an exploratory survey only had been made in previous years. That, as early as the season [1877] permitted a large s t a f f of engineers was sent to perform t h i s work... That the f i e l d work was f i n i s h e d about the beginning of Nov-ember, and i n the course of that month the engineers returned to Ottawa, where they are now engaged p l o t t i n g the r e s u l t s of the season's work. 1. Order-in-Council, Nov. 8, 1877, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 30. ; — - 57 -That i t w i l l take, some time to accomplish t h i s and to report in such d e t a i l as w i l l enable the Government to come to a decision as to the value of the route. Because of these circumstances the government found i t imposs-i b l e to make a d e f i n i t e decision on the route to be followed. B r i t i s h Columbia would have to wait f o r d e f i n i t e assurances u n t i l the report of the engineers was complete. For three months B r i t i s h Columbia waited. By March, 1878, no more information regarding the route and commencement of construction had been received from Ottawa and on March 18 B r i t i s h Columbia sent another dispatch to Ottawa asking i f construction would be commenced i n the Province as early as 2 possible i n the spring of 1878. The Province received l i t t l e s a t i s f a c t i o n . She was again informed that the engineers had not f i n i s h e d t h e i r work, but that as soon as this work were done the Government would endeavour to decide upon the best route to be taken through B r i t i s h Columbia, when tenders would be 3 in v i t e d i n accordance with the terms of the Railway Act of 1874. Shortly a f t e r t h i s exchange of notes between Province and Dominion the Dominion government reached a decision on the route to be followed i n B r i t i s h Columbia. On May 23, 1878, the order-in-council of June 7,- 1873, f i x i n g Esquimalt as the 4 western terminus of the railway was rescinded. And on May 29, 1878, B r i t i s h Columbia was informed that "Burrard Inlet would, in a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , be adopted as the western terminus and that 1. Order-in-Council, Dec. 24, 1877, Dominion Sessional Paper 21 1881, p. 32. 2. Order-in-Council, March 18, 1878, i b i d . , p. 33. 3. Scott to Richards, March 27, 1878, i b i d . 4. Order-in-Council, May 23, 1878, Ibid., p. 34. - 58 -i n consequence of t h i s i t was deemed advisable that a s t r i p of land should he reserved f o r the conveyance to the Dominion Government, i n accordance with the 11th para-graph of the terms of Union, along the said l i n e of railway, beginning at English Bay or Burrard Inlet and following the River Fraser to Lytton, thence up the v a l l e y of the North Thompson, passing near to Lake Albreda and Cranberry to T^te Jaune Cache, thence up the v a l l e y of the Eraser River to the summit of Yellow Head, or boundary between B r i t i s h Columbia and the North-West T e r r i t o r i e s The choice of the Burrard Inlet-Eraser Valley-Yellowhead Pass 2 route was confirmed by an order-in-council July 13, 1878, and on September 3, 1878 B r i t i s h Columbia was formally requested to convey to the Dominion the lands s p e c i f i e d i n clause 11 of 3 the terms of union along the railway l i n e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The end of the acrimonious dispute between the Prov-ince and the Dominion, however, had not been reached. In June, 1878, the Hon. George A. Walkem again became Premier of B r i t -i s h Columbia and with his return to power B r i t i s h Columbia renewed her attacks on the Dominion. The E l l i o t t government which had been i n power since January 25, 1876, had adopted a c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y on railway matters. E l l i o t t had accepted Carnarvon's advice to await p a t i e n t l y the completion of the surveys i n the Province. Walkem's pol i c y , on the other hand, was to f i g h t the Dominion. On July 29, he t o l d the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly that the "railway question was s t i l l i n a very unsatisfactory condition....I would remind you that the time has come when delay i n construction of the work, both on the 4 Mainland and Island can no longer be j u s t i f i e d . . . . " Drastic 1. Braun to Richards, May 31, 1878, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 35. 2. Ibid., p. 36. 3. Ibid., p. 37. n n 4. Journals, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1878, p. 78. - 59 -action, Walkem believed, was necessary. On August 29 he moved a resolution that unless the Dominion began construction by May, 1879, B r i t i s h Columbia s h a l l thereafter have the right to exclus-i v e l y c o l l e c t and retain her customs and excise duties and to withdraw from the union; and s h a l l also, in any event, be e n t i t l e d to be compensated by the Dominion fo r losses sus-tained by reason of past delays and the f a i l u r e of the Dominion Government to carry out t h e i r railway and other obligations to the Province.1 2 The resolution was carried 14 to 9 and forwarded to the 3 Secretary of State f o r Canada f o r transmission to London. 4 The secession resolution had no serious consequences, but i t was a clumsy and i l l - j u d g e d piece of statesmanship. At the time i t was passed Mackenzie was making active preparation to begin construction. In 1874, i n view of the Carnarvon terms and the proposed immediate construction of the Island railway he had obtained some 5,000 tons of r a i l s and shipped them to 5 Esquimalt and N a naimo. In August, 1878, i n preparation for work on the mainland he entered into a contract for t h e i r re-6 moval to Yale. He proposed to begin construction at Yale, and tenders were in v i t e d for the portion of the l i n e from Yale to Kamloops Lake. At t h i s point i n the h i s t o r y of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Mackenzie f e l l from power as a r e s u l t of the elections 1. Journals, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1878, p. 105. 2. Ibid.. p. 110. 3. Richards to Secretary of State f o r Canada Sept. 26, 1878, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1879, p. 251. 4. It „was " l o s t " i n Ottawa and did not reach London t i l l March 1879, by which time a better f e e l i n g had arisen and no action was therefore taken. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , pp. c i t . , v. 2/ p. 396. 5. island Railway Papers, compiled by Amor de Cosmos, p. 157. 6. Dominion Sessional Paper, 43 E, 1879. - 60 -of September 1878. The elections of Canada strongly endorsed 1 Macdonald's "National P o l i c y " and the Conservatives returned to power with a strong majority. The return of Macdonald resulted i n a remarkable change of f e e l i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Secession was forgotten. Trutch wrote to Macdonald that 1878 marked the renewal of the "entente cordlale" between Province 2 and Dominion. V i c t o r i a was p a r t i c u l a r l y j u b i l a n t , f o r on Sep-tember 17 when Kingston f a i l e d to elect Macdonald she held out her hand to him and elected him as one of her own representat-ives . Much good, i t was thought, might be expected when the Prime Minister of Canada was the senior representative of the 3 c a p i t a l c i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Construction, however, was not begun immediately on the opening of the season of 1879. The new government was not s a t i s f i e d with the Burrard Inlet-Praser V a l l e y route and decided on further surveys. On A p r i l 22, 1879, an order-in-council was adopted which stated that i n the absence of s a t i s f a c t o r y reasons having heen given f o r cancelling the order-in-council of June 7, 1873, which named Esquimalt as the western terminus of the r a i l -way, i t was decided that the order-in-council of May 23, 1878, 1. "National Policy"' was p r i n c i p a l l y the p o l i c y of high pro-tec t i v e t a r i f f s although other-features such as opening up the west and developing canals and railways were coupled with i t to give i t the form of a great national program. The v i c t o r y of a high t a r i f f p o l i c y of course was due to the six gloomy years of depression which followed the panic of 1873. 2. Trutch to Macdonald, Oct. 15, 1878, Macdonald Papers, Trutch Letters, I, 472, Ottawa Archives. 3. Judge Gray to Macdonald, Oct. 26, 1878, Macdonald Papers, General Letters, 399, Ottawa Archives. "It seems providen-t i a l Kingston should have thrown you over". - 61 -which annulled the order-in-council of June 7, 1873, should he 1 annulled and the former one renewed. This action immediately 2 produced a query from B r i t i s h Columbia. On November 5, 1878, the P r o v i n c i a l government, on the request of the Dominion, had f u l l y reserved the lands l y i n g i n the railway b e l t from Burrard Inlet to Tete Jaune Cache. Should this reservation in view of 3 the order-in-council of A p r i l 22, now be cance'lled? In reply the Dominion Government informed B r i t i s h Columbia that the order-ln-council of A p r i l 22 was simply to rescind the order-in-council of May 23, 1878, so as to leave the Government free to adopt whichever route might appear i n the public inte r e s t the most e l i g i b l e . There was no need "to release the reserva-4 tion of land on any route as i t was f e l t that t h i s would result i n no serious inconvenience for the short period which would elapse before the location of the railway would be finally 5 established. After further surveys the Macdonald Government 6 f i n a l l y endorsed the Burrard Inlet route defined by Mackenzie. Sandford Fleming had reported i n favour of a northern route from Port Simpson through Peace River Pass, but Colonel R.C. Moody had sent i n a strong recommendation of the Burrard Inlet 1. Order-in-Council, A p r i l 22, 1878, Dominion Sessional Paper, 21, 1881, p. 43. 2. Order-in-Council, Nov. 5, 1878, i b i d . , p. 39. 3. Order-in-Council, May 14, 1879, i b i d . , p. 44. 4. B r i t i s h Columbia had reserved a twenty mile s t r i p of land along the east coast of Vancouver Island for the E. and N. Railway, B.C. Sessional Papers 1873-4, no paging. Macdonald probably was s t i l l considering the p o s s i b i l i t y of using the Island railway and bridging the s t r a i t s to the mainland at Bute Inlet or some other point. Vide i n f r a pp. 106-107. 5. Order-in-Council, June 12, 1879, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 45. 6. Order-in-Council, Oct. 4, 1879, i b i d . , p. 46. - 62 -route. On December 16, B r i t i s h Columbia was asked to convey to the Dominion Government the land for twenty miles on each side of the railway l i n e as defined i n the order-in-council of July 2 13, 1878. The railway controversy, as f a r as the mainline was concerned, for the Isquimalt and Nanaimo l i n e , with which we are not concerned, was to continue a thorny question i n B r i t -i s h Columbia and Dominion p o l i t i c s , was at a close. Two days before the Macdonald government fix e d the route along the Fraser to Burrard Inlet Walkem had addressed a telegram to Ott-awa sta t i n g that "delay i n commencing Railway construction 3 causes great d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n " . Macdonald r e p l i e d , "One hundred and twenty-seven (127) miles from Yale to Kamloops to be con-structed forthwith. Tenders to be received t i l l seventeenth 4 (17th) November. Work to be vigorously prosecuted", Construc-5 t i o n began at Yale May 15, 1880. 1. Vide i n f r a pp. 107-108. 2. Order-in-Council, Dec. 16, 1879, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 47. 3. Walkem to Macdonald, Oct. 2, 1879, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1880, p. 337. 4. Macdonald to Trutch, Oct. 6, 1879, i b i d . , p. 338. 5. Inland Sentinel, Sep>t. 23, 1880. CHAPTER III THE LOCATION OP THE MAIN LINE OP THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA Clause 11 of the terms of union between Bri t i s h . Col-umbia and the Dominion of Canada has already been c r i t i c i z e d ; i t placed a seemingly impossible f i n a n c i a l burden on the Domin-ion; the time l i m i t of ten years was an obvious mistake. Yet even i f the Dominion had been so wealthy that the railway would not have embarrassed her, or even i f she had been given an unlimited time to b u i l d the railway, the railway bargain with B r i t i s h Columbia would s t i l l have been a surprising obligation f o r the Dominion to assume, f o r i n 1871 no one could say with-out fear of contradiction that a practicable l i n e f o r a r a i l -way could be b u i l t through the mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia to the P a c i f i c . It Is true that A l f r e d Waddington had defined what he considered a fe a s i b l e route f o r a railway through B r i t i s h C o l -1 umbia, that Yvalter Moberly and Joseph Trutch had discovered a 2 good route, that Milton and Cheadle as a re s u l t of t h e i r trans-continental journey i n 1863 had come to the conclusion "that a 3 road might be constructed by the Yellow Head Pass," but the reputedly best opinion on railway communications i n B r i t i s h Columbia had declared that to b u i l d a railway through the Rocky 1. Vide supra pp. 15-16. 2. Ibid., pp.14-15. 3. Viscount Milton and Cheadle, W.B., The Northwest Passage by Land, London, C a s s e l l , Petter and Galpin, 1867 [7th ed.}, p. 323. - 64 -Mountains to the P a c i f i c was impracticable. This was the opin-ion of Captain P a l l i s e r , who was sent to Canada i n 1857 by the Imperial Government to ascertain "whether one or more p r a c t i c -able passes [for a railway] exist over the Rocky Mountains 1 within the B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y " . P a l l i s e r did not say d e f i n i t e -l y that a railway could not be b u i l t across the Rockies, but he c l e a r l y intimated that the project would be impracticable 2 and p r o h i b i t i v e l y c o s t l y . In 1863 i n his report to the B r i t i s h Government he made the profound statement that The knowledge of the country on the whole would never lead me to advise a l i n e of communication from Canada across the continent to the P a c i f i c exclusively through B r i t i s h t e r r i -tory. The time has f o r ever gone by f o r ef f e c t i n g such an object, and the unfortunate choice of an astronomical bound-ary l i n e has completely i s o l a t e d the c entral American possessions of Great B r i t a i n from Canada i n the east, and also almost debarred, them any e l i g i b l e access from the P a c i f -ic coast on the west. ^ P a l l i s e r was an eminent authority and his conclusions were naturally taken seriously. The best evidence we have of t h i s i s that Sandford Fleming, who was appointed Engineer-in-Chief of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n 1871, has recorded that P a l l i s e r led him to believe It was needless to seek a route f o r the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia and that he consequently approached .the task of locating a practicable l i n e i n B r i t i s h Columbia with the purpose of obtaining a l l the f a c t s he could 4 in order to prove P a l l i s e r wrong. 1. Instructions from the Secretary of State to Captain Palliser, Papers r e l a t i v e to the Exploration of Captain P a l l i s e r , London, 1859, p. 1. 2. Further Papers r e l a t i v e to the Exploration of Captain P a l l -i s e r , London, 1860, p. 5. 3. Great B r i t a i n , Parliamentary Papers, London, 1863, (.3164) p. 16. 4. Report of the Canadian P a c i f i c Royal Commission, Ottawa, 1882, p. 1308. - 65 -On examining the geographic features of B r i t i s h Colum-bia — or on t r a v e l l i n g over the main l i n e of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia as i t exists today -- no one can wonder why Captain P a l l i s e r advised against building a railway across the Province, or why Sandford Fleming approach-ed his task i n 1871 with the heroic determination of disprov-ing P a l l i s e r . At the time B r i t i s h Columbia entered the Union i t was generally known i n the East as a "Sea of Mountains". The description was only a l i t t l e exaggerated. But f a r more important than the magnitude and extent of the mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia, from the point of view of east and west communications, i s the unhappy physical fact that they run from north to south i n two massive chains, the Coast Chain, and the 1 Rocky Mountain Chain. Each chain i s composed of several d i s -t i n c t mountain ranges not always continuous but very i r r e g u l a r and broken. The Coast Chain i s an alpine region about 100 miles i n width running p a r a l l e l to the coast. North of the mouth of the Fraser River i t s slopes come sheer down to the waters of the P a c i f i c . The Rocky Mountain Chain,apparently running p a r a l l e l to the Coast Mountains but r e a l l y converging towards the north t i l l i t forms with the Coast Chain one chain, consists of four d i s t i n c t mountain ranges. The f i r s t and great-est range i s the Rocky Mountain Range which forms the f i r s t great h a r r i e r to communications from the east, i t s mountains r i s i n g to massive heights — some of i t s peaks reach 12,000 1. The Selk i r k Range, which I have considered as part of the Rocky Mountain Chain, i s geologically a separate chain of mountains being much older than the Rocky Mountains proper. - 66 -feet above the sea above the eastern p r a i r i e . Fortunately the Rocky Mountains are i n places broken by great l a t e r a l spurs between which r i v e r s of the great central p l a i n of Cana-da take t h e i r r i s e . Through these gashes the builders of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway found practicable routes to the west. Immediately to the west of the Rocky Mountains, however, stand the three other great ranges of the Rocky Mountain Chain i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the Se l k i r k , the Cariboo and Gold Mountains. They are separated from each other and the Rocky Mountains only by narrow v a l l e y s . Often they block the approaches to the Rocky Mountain passes from the west rendering i t necessary to fi n d routes over t h e i r summits or to take a ci r c u i t o u s route around t h e i r flanks. Between the Coast and Rocky Mountain Chains there extends an elevated plateau averaging from a l i t t l e under 3,000 to f u l l y 4,000 feet above sea l e v e l . It i s a remarkable Irregular plateau; i t i s grooved by deep r i v e r channels, broken by rocky ridges and i n f e r i o r mountain masses; It has many lakes occupying deep depressions i n i t s surface; i t i s intersected i n many directions by numerous broad sheltered and undulating v a l l e y s ; i n some quarters i t i s heavily timber-ed, i n others s c a n t i l y timbered; i n some d i s t r i c t s there i s open p r a i r i e country. On the western side of the Rocky Mountain Range in the Rocky Mountain "Trench" three great r i v e r s of B r i t i s h Columbia take t h e i r r i s e , the Columbia, the Praser and the Kootenay. The course of each i s necessarily i r r e g u l a r as each has to f i n d a course to avoid the massif b a r r i e r presented by - 67 -the Carihoo or Selk i r k Mountains. The Columbia flows north round the Selk i r k range then due south; the Fraser north round the Cariboo Mountains and then south. Both flow south f o r the greater part of t h e i r course then west to the sea. The Kooten-ay flows south from i t s source around the Selkirks and then north into Kootenay Lake whence i t flows to j o i n the Columbia,. The big bends i n these three r i v e r s rendered i t impracticable to follow t h e i r courses from the west side of the Rocky Moun-tains; ways had to be found through the mountain ranges. More-over two of the great r i v e r s , the Kootenay and the Columbia early found t h e i r way into the United States. Other r i v e r s of B r i t i s h Columbia take t h e i r r i s e i n the great central plateau, the majority of which flow westward and southwest c u t t i n g t h e i r way through the Coast range to the sea. The Peace River,and f a r to the north, the L a i r d River, alone of the r i v e r s which r i s e i n B r i t i s h Columbia flow through the Rocky Mountains. Of those flowing westward the p r i n c i p a l are the Haas, Skeena, and B e l l a Coola,which flow into Bentick Arm, and the Homathco which flows into Bute I n l e t . .. Presumably these r i v e r s flowing westward to the P a c i f -i c might be expected to o f f e r a good route f o r a railway to the P a c i f i c once i t had surmounted the b a r r i e r of the Rocky Mountain Chain. But unfortunately they invariably possess objectionable physical features which makes construction of a railway i n t h e i r v a l l e y of tremendous d i f f i c u l t y . Marcus Smith, the engineer i n charge of the C.P.R.. surveys i n B r i t i s h Colum-bi a , wrote in May, 1873: Though the r i v e r s (especially the Praser) descend with toler-able uniformity, the valleys i n B r i t i s h Columbia — every-- 68 -where narrow — do not leave much margin between the r i v e r s and the foot of the slopes of the h i l l s or high plains that bound them; and as the r i v e r r o l l s onward to the ocean, cutting deeper into the earth, this margin becomes more and more contracted t i l l , on entering the foot h i l l s of the Cas-cade Chain, i t e n t i r e l y disappears... In passing through the mountain ranges the r i v e r sometimes rushes i n a torrent for miles between perpendicular walls of s o l i d rock, from twenty to t h i r t y to several hundred fee-t in height . .. . The Rocky Mountain Chain was not the only, or, as i t proved, the greatest obstacle to a practicable railway l i n e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A feas i b l e pass was found i n the Rocky Mountains dur-ing the f i r s t year of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway surveys, but eight years were spent — although not necessarily -- before a route across the Coast Mountains to the P a c i f i c was adopted. Knowledge of the topography of B r i t i s h Columbia when the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway surveys began i n July, 1871, was uncertain. Several passes were known to exist through the Rock-ies , but l i t t l e was known of them with s c i e n t i f i c p r e c i s i o n . Alexander Mackenzie,in 1793, crossed the Rocky Mountains by way of the Peace River. David Thompson discovered the Howse Pass in 1807, and i n 1810 he crossed the Rocky Mountains by the Atha-basca Pass, which became the regular route between east and west f o r the North West and Hudson's Bay Company fur-traders. The f i r s t recorded departure from t h i s route was made in 1841 when S i r George Simpson on h i s journey round the world crossed 2 the Rocky Mountains by Simpson Pass. The knowledge of the mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia 1. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Report of Progress on the Explor-ations and Surveys up to January, 1874, Ottawa, 1874, p.140. 2. Por the early journeys across the Rocky Mountains vide Wheeler, A.O., The S e l k i r k Range, Ottawa, 1905, and Fleming, Sandford, Voyages to the P a c i f i c , Transactions of the Royal  Society of Canada, 1889, Section I I , p. 89. - 69 -supplied by the early explorers, fur-traders and t r a v e l l e r s , was valuable, but scanty. Thus, i n 1857, when Great B r i t a i n was considering the project of east to west communi cat ions across Canada, she was obliged to send Captain P a l l i s e r to explore the country west of Port Garry and the passes of the Rocky Moun-tai n s . P a l l i s e r - s adverse opinion on the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of constructing a railway across the Rocky Mountains we have already mentioned. Assisted by Dr. James Hector he examined six passes i n the Rocky Mountains by the end of 1858. Two crossed the mountains from the South Saskatchewan to Kootenay River, the Kananaskis and Vermi l l i o n Passes; two crossed from the Kootenay to Columbia Rivers, Lake Pass and Beaver Poot Pass; one crossed from the South Branch of the Saskatchewan to the North Branch, the L i t t l e Pork Pass, and one from the south branch of the Saskatchewan to the Columbia, Kicking 1 Horse Pass. Another member of P a l l i s e r ' s party, Captain Thom-as Blakiston made independent explorations i n the Rocky Moun-tain s . His report dealt with eight passes across the Rocky Mountains -- the Leather (Yellow Head) 9 Athabasca, Howse, Kicking Horse, Vermillion, Kananaskis, Crow's Nest and Kooten-ay. It i s of int e r e s t that though three of the passes he men-tioned are now used by railways, he concluded with the remark that "at present no pass i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y i s practicable 2 for wheeled carriages". Two years a f t e r P a l l i s e r had l a i d h i s report before 1. P a l l i s e r , Further Papers, p. 36. 2. Ibid., p. 61. The i t a l i c s are Capt. Blakiston' s«, - 70 -the B r i t i s h Government^ i n 1863,,Mr. Walter Moberly set out on his Columbia River Expedition. Moberly was sent out by Joseph. Trutch, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works of the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia, "to lay out the best l i n e f o r a Waggon 1 Road from the Lower Fraser to the Columbia River". His " f i r s t main object" was to ascertain "the best route from the Eastern end of Shuswap Lake to the Columbia". On September 10, 1S65, Moberly reported that he had discovered a practicable route across the Gold Mountain Range connecting the v a l l e y of the Fraser, Thompson and Shuswap waters with those of the Colum-2 bia River by means of a low pass, which he had named Eagle Pass. It was suitable,he reported,for either a waggon road or a r a i l -way . Having discovered a route from Shuswap Lake across the Gold Range to the Columbia,Moberly was faced with the problem of finding a pass through the Selkirks i f he were to avoid the long route round the bend of the Columbia to the Rocky Mountain passes, Howse or V e r m i l l i o n . Accordingly i n the autumn of 1865 Moberly commenced his explorations i n the S e l k i r k s . He, himself, proceeded up the v a l l e y of the I l l e -cillewaet River; one of h i s assistants, Green, explored the v a l l e y of the Gold Creek; another assistant, Turnbull, entered the v a l l e y running east from the head of Upper Arrow Lake. Unfortunately owing to the lateness of the season and the im-p o s s i b i l i t y of getting Indians to go f a r into the mountains 1. Instructions, Reports and Journals r e l a t i n g to the Govern-ment Exploration of country l y i n g between the Shuswap and  Okanagan Lakes and the Rocky Mountains, 1866, p. 1. 2. Moberly to Trutcfh, sept, i u , lttoo. xpid., p. 2. - 71 these explorations were not completed. Moberly, however, reported that judging from the character of the mountains, on both sides of Gold Creek...and that of the I l l e - c i l l e - w a u t , that should further exploration of them re s u l t i n the discovery of a pass at low l e v e l , I think i t very problematical indeed i f i t would be advisable to adopt either of them as the l i n e for the main thoroughfare to Vermillion pass i n the Rocky Mountains, as the valleys i n places are very narrow, and the mountains on both sides steep and subject to heavy avalanch-es-. .. Moberly was not destined to discover the pass through the S e l -2 k i r k s which was to be used by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. It was not t i l l sixteen years l a t e r that Major A.B. Rogers acting on the suggestion contained i n Moberly*s report traced the I l l e c i l l e w a e t to i t s source i n the I l l e c i l l e w a e t g l a c i e r , ascended Mount Avalanche and gazed down on the route through 3 the Selkirks which the railway was to follow. But Moberly, by 1866, had mapped out generally the whole route of the Canadian 1. Instructions, Reports and Journals r e l a t i n g to the Govern-ment Exploration of the country l y i n g between the Shuswap  and Okanagan Lakes and the Rocky Mountains, p. 5. 2. Moberly claims that one of his assistants, Albert Perry, made an exploration of the I l l e c i l l e w a e t River and i t s southeasterly branch and Rogers Pass in 1866. (Moberly, W., E a r l y History of the C. P. P. Road, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., p. 5). There i s much disagreement on the question whether Perry or Rogers discovered Rogers Pass. The important point, however, i s that Moberly i n 1866, and l a t e r i n 1871, was of the opinion that no practicable pass existed through the S e l k i r k s . He states i n h i s E a r l y History of the C P . R. Road (p. 5) that he considers the location of the C. P. R. i n the Sel -k i r k s "a very serious mistake"". It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, however, that i n 1885 Moberly wrote that he gave Major Rogers "the information that has led to the f i n a l adoption of the l i n e f o r the railway by the route I so long and anxiously struggled f o r . . . . " (Moberly, W., The Rocks and  Rivers of B r i t i s h Columbia, London, H. Blacklock and Co., 1885, p. 100) . The two statements are hardly r e c o n c i l a b l e . 3. Vide i n f r a pp. 158-159. - 72 -1 P a c i f i c main l i n e in B r i t i s h Columbia. In 1858 he had made an exploration through the canyons of the Praser between Yale and Lytton, concluding that though t h i s route presented great natural d i f f i c u l t i e s i t presented In both di r e c t i o n s and 2 grades a good l i n e f o r either waggon road or railway. So at the completion of h i s Columbia River explorations i n 1866 "he was f u l l y convinced that a remarkably good l i n e for a railway could be -obtained from Burrard Inlet v i a Eagle Pass, the v a l l e y of the Columbia River and the Howse Pass through the Rocky Moun-3 ta i n s . When the route was f i n a l l y f i x e d f o r the railway i t didn't follow the Columbia but went over the Selkirks by Roger's Pass and over the Rocky Mountains by Kicking Horse Pass, but Moberly had fi x e d the route with admirable approximation and had made an important contribution to the solution of the problem of crossing the S e l k i r k s . The work of one other B r i t i s h Columbia explorer i s of interest i n the story of the location of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A l f r e d Waddington,like Moberly, carried on explorations in B r i t i s h Col-umbia to discover a f e a s i b l e route f o r a road or railway ; and l i k e Moberly, he chose to refute Captain P a l l i s e r by defining a 1. Possibly -the e a r l i e s t suggestion of the route across the mountains now followed by the C. P. R. i s that made by a map "To i l l u s t r a t e a paper on the means of communication with the P a c i f i c Ocean"1 by Capt. M.H. Synge R.E., drawn by John Arrowsmith and published f o r the Royal Geographical Society by John Murray i n 1852. The route follows the Bow River, which i s named, crosses the mountains and goes round the Big Bend of the Columbia, crossing the Gold Range north of Shuswap Lake and following down the Praser. Proceedings  of the Royal Geographical Society, 1852, v. 22, p. 174. 2. Moberly, W., E a r l y History of Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, p. 4. 3. Ibid., p. 6. - 73 -practicable route. The route he chose has heen already describ-ed. It ran' from Yellow Head Pass through the Cariboo country to Quesnel Mouth on the Fraser, thence over the^ C h i l c o t i n P l a i n to Bute In l e t . This route was c a r e f u l l y examined by the Canadian P a c i f i c survey p a r t i e s , and had the d i f f i c u l t y of bridging the Seymour Harrows to connect the main l i n e with an Island railway not been so great, and Bute Inlet offered a better harbour, i t might have been selected. Preparations f o r the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway surveys i n B r i t i s h Columbia began soon a f t e r the dr a f t i n g of the terms of union between Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. In the spring of 1871, Sandford Fleming, who was serving at the time as Engineer-in-Chief of the Int e r c o l o n i a l Railway, was appointed Engineer-in-Chief of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n charge of surveys and construction,with the simple instructions to f u l f i l the 1 railway clause of the terms of union with B r i t i s h Columbia. Ho instructions were given him regarding i n what general location the Government wished the railway to run. "No point on the whole of the intended l i n e was fi x e d — not even the termini," 2 Fleming t e s t i f i e d before the C. P. R. Royal Commission i n 1882. His task was simply to f i n d the mostx f e a s i b l e route and begin construction i n B r i t i s h Columbia by July 20, 1873. The f i r s t survey parties set out from V i c t o r i a on July 20, 1871, the day that B r i t i s h Columbia entered the Domin-ion — at least one section of clause 11 of the terms of union 1. Report of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Royal Commission, Ottawa, 1882, p. 1305. 2. Ibid., p. 1638. - 74 -was f u l f i l l e d "by the Dominion. Walter Moberly, who, because of his explorations i n B r i t i s h Columbia, had been summoned to Ottawa to advise the Dominion Government and Fleming on the 1 route to be followed in the Province, was i n charge of two parties to survey a suitable l i n e from Kamloops to Howse Pass. Two parties were placed i n charge of Roderick McLennan to sur-vey a l i n e from Kamloops v i a the North Thompson River and Albreda and Cranberry Lakes to T§t% Jaune Cache and Yellow Head Pass. Two other p a r t i e s , under John Trutch, were given the task of making an instrumental survey of the Fraser River from Lytton to New Westminster and of the Thompson River from Lytton to Kamloops. The r e s u l t s of the work of these survey parties i n 1871 was g r a t i f y i n g — so much so that the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway could have been located, had i t been necessary, with-out further surveys other than the necessary location surveys to f i n d the exact l i n e f or the railway. McLennan reported that the route from the Yellow Head Pass crossing Canoe River by Albreda Lake, thence along the v a l l e y of the north Thompson River, i s si n g u l a r l y favourable f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t -ion of a l i n e of railway, of easy gradients and moderate curves, and in addition comparatively l i g h t work. On t h i s l i n e no grade w i l l exceed f i f t y feet per mile, and f o r great d i s -tances w i l l range from f i f t e e n to twenty feet per mile.2 Trutch declared that the r e s u l t of his work might be consider-ed s a t i s f a c t o r y since i t had established that an easy grade could 3 be obtained from the P a c i f i c Ocean to the mouth of Eagle Pass. Hence, putting the work of McLennan and Trutch together a l i n e 1. Moberly, op_. c i t . , p. 7. 2. Progress Report on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Exploratory Survey, Ottawa, 1872, p. 47. 3. Ibid., p. 24. - 75 -of easy grades had heen discovered from Yellow Head Pass to Burrard I n l e t . Trutch's report, however, contained important q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . Although the section hy the Fraser and Thompson River v a l l e y s showed a very easy grade,and large portions of the country were favourable for a railway, p a r t i c u l a r l y from Spence's Bridge to Shuswap Lake, serious d i f f i c u l t i e s would be encountered i n the Fraser Canon between Lytton and Spence's Bridge. The f i r s t twenty-one miles from Yale, Trutch reported, was "one continuous succession of precipitous rocky points and 1 side h i l l s . . . " Moberly, going over much of the country he had already explored sent i n a favourable report of hi s work. His examina-tion of Iiowse Pass was not completed, but he had found the route from Kamloops v i a Eagle Pass, the Columbia and Howse Pass, en-t i r e l y f e a s i b l e . He did "not think that a shorter practicable l i n e could be found than that v i a Eagle Pass the Columbia and 2 Howse Pass". Moberly, however, had f a i l e d again to f i n d a prac-t i c a b l e pass over the S e l k i r k s . After abandoning work i n Howse Pass because of the a r r i v a l of winter weather, he returned on his way to V i c t o r i a d i r e c t l y over the Selkirks in his l a s t e f f o r t to f i n d a way through them f o r the railway. His crossing, which was north of Rogers Pass, was the f i r s t recorded crossing of the Sel k i r k s , but was without practicable r e s u l t s . "I found", he reported to Fleming, "there was no practicable pass through 3 the S e l k i r k Range..." 1. Progress Report on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Exploratory  Survey. Ottawa, 1872, p. 47i 2. Ibid.» p. 37. 3. Ibid., p. 34. - 76 -On the result of the surveys of Moberly, McLennan and Trutch,the Dominion Government on A p r i l 2, 1872, adopted the 1 Yellow Head Pass "as the gate to B r i t i s h Columbia from the eastU McLennan had found a l i n e of easy grades from ^ellow Head Pass to Kamloops, and because of this fortunate discovery Yellow Head was adopted and a l l further work on the route v i a Howse Pass to Kamloops was abandoned. Ho pass had been discovered over the Selkirks to avoid the bend of the Columbia. The ascents to Howse Pass had proved to be more precipitous than those of the Yellow Head Pass. The distance from Kamloops to a common point near Edmonton House v i a Yellow Head, moreover, was found to be no greater than by the Howse Pass and a very much better and less 2 costly l i n e could be had by the former than by the l a t t e r route. The adoption of the Yellow Head Pass i n A p r i l , 1872, greatly s i m p l i f i e d the survey work in B r i t i s h Columbia. The f i r s t object had been attained: a good pass had been found over the Rocky Mountains from Edmonton. Henceforth the task of the survey parties was to discover the most f e a s i b l e route from Yellow Head Pass to the Pacific.|Prom the Pass, i t s e l f , only two courses were open for the railway l i n e . One ran i n a north-westerly d i r e c t i o n by the v a l l e y of the Fraser; the other, which was surveyed i n 1871 by Mclennan's party, ran due south by the 3 Albreda and Thompson Rivers. Both these routes flanked the l o f t y Cariboo Mountains which barred the way to a d i r e c t west-erly course from Yellow Head Pass to the P a c i f i c . Several 1. Progress Report on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Exploratory  Survey, Ottawa, 1872., p. 11. 2. Ibid. 3. BoTH these courses were followed by the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c . - 77 -e f f o r t s were to be made to f i n d a d i r e c t route through, the Cariboo Mountains -- one of McLennan's parties in 1871 tried. to locate a d i r e c t l i n e from Quesnel Mouth through the Cariboo 1 country to Tete Jaune Cache -- but no attempt was successful. One f e a s i b l e route to the P a c i f i c from Yellow Head Pass was located i n 1871, a3 we have noted, but Fleming did not consider the route by the Fraser and Thompson River valleys to the P a c i f i c altogether practicable i f a better one could be found. Trutch pointed to great d i f f i c u l t i e s i n construction along t h i s route and Fleming i n his report in A p r i l , 1872, echoed Trutch's warning. The question of the terminus on the P a c i f i c had also to be c a r e f u l l y considered in projecting a route to the P a c i f -ic from Yellow Head Pass. In 1871, Burrard Inlet and Esquimalt on Vancouver Island were the most talked of places for the ter-minus:. The c i t i z e n s of Vancouver Island were p a r t i c u l a r l y 2 anxious to have the terminus, at Esquimalt while the c i t i z e n s of the Lower Mainland were equally anxious to have the road terminate at Burrard I n l e t . Vancouver Island early got the better of the argument for the Macdonald government soon fav-oured Esquimalt. In March, 1872, for example, the Hon. H.L. Langevin, Dominion Minister of Public Works, i n a report on B r i t i s h Columbia stated that only "If i t were found impractic-able f o r the Railway to cross from the mainland to Vancouver 3 Island" should the railway terminate at Burrard I n l e t . 1. Progress Report on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Exploratory  Survey, Ottawa, 1872, p. 17. 2. Vide supra p. 28. 3. Dominion Sessional Paper 10, 1872', p. 49. - 78 -Fleming, as the Macdonald Government, or probably because of the Macdonald Government, gave h i s ear p r i n c i p a l l y to the I s l -and. Yellow Head Pass was selected by Fleming p a r t l y because i t gave more d i r e c t access than Howse Pass to Bute I n l e t , where i t was proposed that the railway should terminate on the mainland and thence be c a r r i e d by bridges to Vancouver Island i n the neighbourhood of Valdes Island, and i n h i s report i n A p r i l , 1872, he l a i d down that i t was necessary to f i n d out the prac-t i c a b i l i t y of bridging the s t r a i t s and to ascertain how Bute 1 Inlet could easiest be reached from Tete Jaune Cache. Besides Burrard Inlet and Esquimalt other harbours 2 accessible from the P a c i f i c had been spoken of f o r the terminus. Of these two were on the Island, Alberni, at the head of Barclay Sound, and the harbour of Hootka Sound. The adoption of either of these harbours,like the adoption of Esquimalt, would necess-i t a t e running the l i n e to Bute Inlet and bridging the S t r a i t s of Georgia at Seymour Harrows. On the Mainland, Bentinck Arm and Port Essington, or some harbour at the mouth of the Skeena River, were considered. In 1872, however, l i t t l e or nothing was known of these harbours or t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y from Te*te Jaune Cache. The seasons of 1872 and 1873 were spent i n surveying several projected routes to the P a c i f i c from Tete Jaune Cache. These operations were under the charge of Marcus Smith, C.E., who was appointed Chief Resident Engineer i n B r i t i s h Columbia !• Progress Report on Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Exploratory Sur-vey, 1872, pp. 11-12. 2. Vide Langevin rs Report, Dominion Sessional Paper 10, 1872, pp7~49-5T. — 79 -"by Sandord Fleming on March. 30, 18727 The general objective of a l l explorations and surveys was to reach the P a c i f i c Coast at some e l i g i b l e harbour, south of the 53rd p a r a l l e l of l a t i t -ude, the lati t u d e of Yellow Head Pass. To take the railway north of t h i s l a t i t u d e would perceptibly lengthen i t . By the end of the 1873 season seven routes, of which four were surveyed, had been projected to the P a c i f i c , although they a l l didn't reach the P a c i f i c south of the 53rd p a r a l l e l , and i t may be questioned i f 2 a l l reached e l i g i b l e harbours. The routes were numbered i n the Report of 1874 from 1 to 7, not i n the order they were surveyed, but according to their l o cation from south to north i n the Province. Route No. 1 began at Burrard Inlet, near New Y/estmin-ster, followed the Lower Fraser to Hope, passed across the Coast Mountains up the v a l l e y of the Coquihalla, and thence reached Kamloops by way of Nicola Lake. From Kamloops i t reached the Yellow Head Pass v i a the North Thompson, Albreda and Cranberry Lakes. This route had been suggested by John" Trutch i n h i s 3 report to Fleming i n March, 1872, because of the heavy work which he found on the Fraser v a l l e y route. The d i f f i c u l t i e s to be met on the Coquihalla route, however, were found to be great-er than those in the Fraser v a l l e y . It suffered from the fu r -ther disadvantage of having much steeper grades than the Fraser 1. Moberly l e f t the service shortly a f t e r Smith's appointment. He had f a l l e n out of favour with Fleming over an alleged c o s t l y mistake he made i n shipping supplies to the Howse Pass country a f t e r surveys in that region had been abandoned. Royal Commission Report, 1882, p. 1682. 2. C. P. R. Report of Progress on the Explorations and Surveys  up to January, 1874, pp. 17-22. 3. C. V. K."Progress Keport, 1872, p. 22. - 80 -1 River l i n e . Route No. 2 was the route surveyed hy Trutch and Mc-Lennan i n 1.871. Starting at Burrard Inlet i t followed the Fra-ser to Lytton, the Thompson to Kamloops, and thence reached Yellow Head Pass by the same route as Route Ho. 1. Route No. 3 began at Howe Sound, crossed the Coast Moun-2 tains hy Anderson and Seton Lakes to the Fraser at L i l l o o e t ; thence i t crossed the central plateau by the Marble Canyon and Bonaparte Valley to the North Thompson, near the mouth of the Clearwater River,and followed routes No'-s. 1 and 2 to Tete Jaune Cache. From Howe Sound to the North Thompson, a distance of 284 miles, i t passed over four main summits ranging i n eleva-tion from 1,610 to 3,847 feet. Route No. 4 commenced at Waddington Harbour at the head of Bute Inlet, ascended the v a l l e y of the Homathco through the Coast Chain to Lake Ta t l a , thence i t passed over the C h i l -cotin plains to the River Fraser. It crossed the Fraser about 16 miles below Soda Greek and continued easterly to Lac l a Hache and Lake Canin to the Thompson near the mouth of the River Clearwater. From that point i t followed Routes No's. 1, 2, and 3 to Tete Jaune Cache. From Bute Inlet to the North Thomp-son the distance by t h i s route was 378 miles. In that distance three summits were passed over, a l l of which were over three thousand feet, and one, on the C h i l c o t i n P l a i n was about 3700 1. The Coquihalla Pass i s now used by the Kettle Valley branch of the C. P. R. It has been none too successful. 2. This route was followed by the P a c i f i c Great Eastern R a i l -way to L i l l o o e t . - 81 -feet. There were long stretches on t h i s route where the work would he l i g h t hut i n some sections i t would he very heavy. Ascending the Homathco for a distance of 15 miles a continuous uniform gradient of 110 feet per mile would he required involv-ing work of an increasingly heavy character. Route No. 5 was a projected modification of route No. 4. The proposed change lay between the C h i l c o t i n P l a i n and the Thompson v a l l e y above Blue River. It was based on an explora-* tion made i n 1873. Surveys of the whole route had not been made but i t was confidently expected that a l i n e involving l i g h t e r work and easier gradients would be obtained. Route No. 6 began also at Bute I n l e t . It was destined to become the most prominently considered of a l l the routes projected to Bute In l e t . I t crossed the C h i l c o t i n P l a i n to Port George and thence followed the Upper Praser V a l l e y to Tete Jaune Cache. The route was not surveyed by 1874 but i t was ex-pected that i n crossing from Bute Inlet to Port George a high-er elevation than Yellow Head Bass ('3760 feet) would be obtain-ed, but from Fort George to Tete Jaune Cache there was no doubt that a favourable l i n e could be had. This route, Fleming sugges-ted might be shortened by using the Smoky River Pass through the Rocky Mountains north of Yellow Head Pass. Route No. 7 passed from Yellow Head Pass down the v a l l e y of the Upper Fraser to Fort George, and thence to the 1 P a c i f i c by the v a l l e y of the Skeena River. Very l i t t l e was known of t h i s route,or of the value of the Skeena mouth as a 1. The route followed by the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c to Prince Rupert. 82 -harbour. What information was compiled was generally adverse. The Report stated that " a l l parties who have v i s i t e d the River Skeena...seem to unite i n an adverse opinion respecting the 1 e l i g i b i l i t y of the River Skeena as a route to the seaboard". To cross the Coast Chain to the P a c i f i c v i a the Skeena i t appeared from a l l information that i t would be necessary to ascend a height some 600 feet greater than the elevation of Yellow Head Pass. In spite of these disadvantages, however, thi s route was prominently considered when the selection of the route i n B r i t i s h Columbia was made i n 1878 and 1879. An eighth route was projected, but not surveyed or explored, on the results of an exploration made by Lie u t . H.S. Palmer, R.E., i n 1862, i n the country at the head of Bentinck Arm. Palmer discovered a route up the B e l l a Goola through the 2 Coast Mountains and on the basis of his report , Fleming pro-posed a route s t a r t i n g at the head of Bentinck Arm crossing the Coast Mountains by the B e l l a Coola to the Fraser and thence by the Glscome Portage and Fort McLeod to the Peace River. This route was approximately that followed by Alexander Mackenzie on h i s journey to the P a c i f i c i n 1793. Fleming recognized t h i s and included extracts from Mackenzie's Journal in his report of 3 1874. On the whole Fleming commented with greatest favour on Route No. 5 to Bute I n l e t . The route to Bute Inlet was natural-l y considered of primary importance for the Dominion Government !• C. P. R. Progress Report, 1874, p. 21. 2. I b i d . , appendix L, p. 218. 3.. Ibid., appendix M, p. 231. - 83 -at that time, f o r the Dominion, as we have already related, adopted Esquimalt as the western terminus of the railway hy order-in-council on June 7, 1873. If that order-in-council was to have any effect a f e a s i b l e l i n e had to be found to Bute In-l e t , as i t appeared to be the only point on the mainland which could be connected with the Island by bridging the S t r a i t s of Georgia. Fleming's comment on the Bute Inlet route was there-fore of some importance. This route (No. 5) commands attention. Although a very heavy expenditure, w i l l undoubtedly be required the railway for the f i r s t forty-four miles easterly from the P a c i f i c Coast i t i s thought that the average cost per mile, through the whole of the Mountain Region, with t h i s exception w i l l be moderate. It w i l l be quite possible, i f present expectations be realized to obtain a l i n e , east of the great Canyon, f o r the railway, on t h i s route, with as favourable gradients as those which obtain on the existing railways i n the Eastern Provinces. The project of taking the l i n e to Esquimalt however broke down over the problem of bridging the S t r a i t s of Georgia. A survey was carried out i n 1873 along the northwesterly shore of Bute Inlet across Valdes Island and Seymour Narrows to the Island. The results were almost discouraging enough to prove the utter i m p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of carrying the l i n e from Wadding-ton Harbour to the Island. Along the shore of Bute Inlet excess-i v e l y heavy work would be required involving a great number of tunnels and unusually sharp curvature. To bridge the S t r a i t s by Valdes Island and Seymour Narrows seven spans would be re-quired, s i x of which would be from 1100 to 1350 feet long and 1. C. P. R. Progress Report, 1874, p. 20. Actually Fleming's expectations of Route No. 5 to Bute Inlet were not f u l f i l l e d . It was abandoned in 1875 (vide i n f r a p. ) and Fleming's preference of the three Bute Inlet routes shifted to the route v i a Fort George. - .8.4 -the seventh 640 feet. The channels to he bridged, moreover, were found to be of great depth and the tide flowed through them from four to nine knots."Taking everything into consider-ation," Fleming wrote, "the works of construction, on these eighty miles l y i n g between Waddington Harbour and Vancouver 1 Island would be of a most formidable character". It was a project, he considered, which would best not be undertaken " u n t i l the t r a f f i c be to some extent developed and the pros-pect j u s t i f y the outlay...." In the meantime i f the railway had to be carried to the Island "a steam f e r r y , suitable for railway t r a f f i c (could be) established between Vancouver Island and the terminus on the main shore...." As a resu l t of the surveys i n B r i t i s h Columbia up to January, 1874, Fleming, on January 1, 1874 -- just a few weeks before he submitted h i s Survey report (January 26, 1874) — sent a co n f i d e n t i a l memorandum to the Dominion Government advising them to take no hasty action but to await the results 2 of further surveys i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The memorandum i s of great interest f o r i t s recommendations dovetailed completely with Mackenzie's cautious p o l i c y , and, indeed, strengthened Mackenzie's p o s i t i o n . Fleming wrote: In B r i t i s h Columbia a great deal has been done, and a vast amount of Information has been accumulated, but the f i e l d of inquiry i s so exceptionally d i f f i c u l t that the subject, i s not, as yet, by any means f u l l y understood. True, a favourable passage through the Rocky Mountains has been d i s -covered, by which a Railway can be carried from the Horth Saskatchewan to the central plateau of B r i t i s h Columbia, with gradients as l i g h t as those on Railways i n Ontario, and !• C. P. R. Progress Report, 1874, p. 23. 2. Fleming, Sandford. Confidential Memorandum on tR'e Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, 1874, - 85 -with works of construction scarcely heavier than on the Inter-c o l o n i a l Line; we are thus enabled to project a s a t i s f a c t o r y route from the Railway system of the A t l a n t i c Provinces to a point within two hundred miles of the P a c i f i c t i d e water; but the great "Cascade [Coast] range" of mountains i n t e r -venes and presents formidable obstacles. It must not be understood that the d i f f i c u l t i e s met with are insuperable, but they w i l l without doubt prove costly to overcome. The Cascade Mountains have Indeed been pierced by four l i n e s of surveys extending from the central plateau to the coast, showing that at least two l i n e s within the l i m i t s of p r a c t i c -a b i l i t y have been found, but the question of construction on either of these l i n e s i s one which w i l l involve such an enormous outlay that more exhaustive surveys should undoubt-edly be made, before anything more i s done. The undersigned could not advise a hasty decision. The most recent explora-tions we have been able to make indicate that a large expend-i t u r e , even a considerable length of time i n the f i n a l com-ple t i o n of the Railway may be saved, by postponing a selec-tion of the route and the commencement of construction, through the Cascade range, u n t i l more information of a def-i n i t e character has been obtained, and the d i f f i c u l t problem more s a t i s f a c t o r i l y solved.l The Mackenzie government of course was not unwilling to adopt the cautious p o l i c y advised by Fleming. Surveys in B r i t i s h Columbia continued In 1874 while the Dominion .Govern-ment sought to obtain a modification of the terms of union from B r i t i s h Columbia. E f f o r t s were made to improve routes already defined and to discover new ones, generally i n the country north of Yellow Head Pass and Bute I n l e t . An examination was made of the country between the Clearwater and Thompson Rivers i n the general d i r e c t i o n of the Blue River i n order to test the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of Route No. 5, upon which Fleming had commented so favourably i n January. The 1. Fleming, Confidential Memorandum, pp. 6-7. Judging by t h i s Memorandum Fleming appears to have inspired tne Edgar pro-posals of 1874. He warned the government that i t would be inadvisable to push on the work of construction more rapid-l y than expenditure could advantageously be made. Secondly he proposed the construction of the transcontinental waggon road and telegraph l i n e pending construction of the railway: both these projects were embodied i n the Edgar proposals and l a t e r i n the Carnarvon terms. - 86 -1 exploration proved the route to he unsatisfactory. A l i n e was found to he possible but with gradients so unfavourable and with works of construction so heavy, that any further expendi-ture on t h i s section of the country was considered inadvisable. Another attempt was made to solve-the important prob-lem of crossing the Cariboo mountains due west from Yellow Head 2 Pass, but without success. "The information obtained from this exploration set p o s i t i v e l y at rest the question of a d i r e c t practicable route across the Cariboo range from the Yellow 3 Head Pass to the coast". Further to the south a re-examination was made of the l i n e between Kamloops and Hope by the Coquihalla Pass, and an attempt was made to f i n d a new route across the Coast Mountains to the south of the Coquihalla v i a the Similkameen v a l l e y . On the Coquihalla route f i r s t judgements were confirmed; gradients would be severe and works of construction heavy. The explora-tion in the Similkameen v a l l e y resulted i n a f a i l u r e . Ho prac-4 tica b l e route was found. Following t h i s f a i l u r e a f i n a l e f f o r t was made to f i n d a route through t h i s section of the Coast Mountains by a branch of the Coquihalla and the v a l l e y of the River Tulameen. This course proved s t i l l unsatisfactory, the 5 way being completely barred by mountains. The f a i l u r e of a l l attempts to f i n d a d i r e c t westerly course across the Cariboo Mountains to the coast and the unsat-1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, Appendix D, p. 101. 2. Ibid.. Appendix F, p. 107. 3. Ibid., p. 21. 4. Ibid., Appendix E, p. 105. 5. Ibid., p. 22. - 87 -i s f a c t o r y character of the l i n e s already surveyed to Burrard Inlet, Howe Sound and Bute Inle t , led to an instrumental sur-vey of the route from Tete Jaune Cache down the v a l l e y of the Fraser to Fort George, and thence across the country to the l i n e previously surveyed to Bute Inlet — Route 6 projected by Fleming i n h i s 1874 report. F i f t y to sixty miles of the route remained unexplored hy the end of the season, hut the knowl-edge acquired gave promise that a practicable l i n e with fav-1 ourable gradients and l i g h t work could be obtained. Because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s already experienced i n crossing the. Coast Mountains i t was considered advisable to extend the explorations and surveys In a northerly d i r e c t i o n . Scarcely anything was known of the country between Bute Inlet and the Skeena River. The coast had been explored and mapped by Captain Vancouver but inland from the coast f o r some 200 miles was v i r t u a l l y a blank on the map. The various i n l e t s on the coast were examined and the country Inland from them, expl-2 ored, some knowledge of i t s general features being obtained. This examination, Fleming reported, "furnished information which j u s t i f i e d the expense of a survey the year following from Fort George to Dean Channel, and gave foundation f o r the impression, that, with the exception of d i f f i c u l t i e s on the extreme western section of twenty miles, a favourable l i n e might be secured to Gardner Inlet from the northern bend of 3 the River Fraser near Fort George". 1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 23. 2. Ibid., Appendix G, p. 137. 3. Ibid., p. 24. - 88 -The work of the 1875 season was largely confined to the northern country explored in 1874. Exploratory surveys, as Fleming suggested, were carried out from Dean Channel and Gard-ner Inlet to intersect with the l i n e from Bute Inlet to Fort George. The work on the Dean Channel l i n e up the v a l l e y of the Salmon River gave promise of a comparatively favourable l i n e 1 some 50 miles shorter than the l i n e to Bute I n l e t . The work on the l i n e to Gardner Inlet, however, gave unsatisfactory 2 r e s u l t s . The movement of operations northward resulted i n an e f f o r t to f i n d a practicable pass through the Rocky Mountains north of the Yellow Head Pass. Three such passes were reported to e x i s t , Smoky River, Pine River and Peace River. Early: i n 1875 -- i n mid-winter -- a party was sent due east from Fort 3 George to cross the'Rocky Mountains by Smoky River Pass. By th i s exploration i t was found that a railway might be carried through the Smoky River Pass. However, Fleming concluded "that no object would be accomplished" by using i t "which could not 4 be more e a s i l y and better attained by the Yellow Head Pass." An exploration was likewise made of the Pine River Pass which was reported by Indians to exist some 50 to 60 miles south of the Peace River. It was found to be of no great a l t i t u d e "and 5 of s u f f i c i e n t importance to j u s t i f y further examination". The Pine River Pass received great prominence i n l a t e r surveys. 1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys. 1877, p. 26. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., Appendix H, p. 145. 4. Ibid., p. 24. 5. Ibid.. p. 26. - 89 -The major operation of the 1875 season was a t r i a l l o cation of the route from Yellow Head Pass to Port George and across country by the Hazco v a l l e y to the Homathco River and Bute I n l e t . The surveys on thi s route (Ho. 6) i n 1874 had greatly pleased Fleming. The re s u l t of this work upon which 1 f i v e parties were engaged f u l f i l l e d a l l Fleming's expectations. With several routes projected and surveyed to several harbours on the coast, the majority of which were l i t t l e known, work i n 1876 began with a winter survey of the coastal waters and harbours by steamer. It was considered e s p e c i a l l y import-ant to obtain some conception of climatic conditions i n the northern i n l e t s during the winter. A harbour which was ice bound during the winter would be of l i t t l e value as a terminus. The 1876 winter was unusually severe and much ice was encount-ered i n Gardner Inlet. Dean-Inlet was found to be frozen f o r 2 a short time, but no ice had formed i n Bute I n l e t . Work of the survey parties during 1876 was again largely confined to the north. Fleming considered that the south of the Province had been pretty well exhausted as a f i e l d of survey. An unsuccessful e f f o r t was made to cross the Coast Mountains from Dean Inlet up the River K i t l o p e . The t r i a l l ocation of the Yellow Head - Fort George - Bute Inlet" route, which had been l e f t incomplete i n 1875, was completed. A further t r i a l l o c a tion was made of the l i n e from Dean Channel by the Salmon, Blackwater and I s c u l t a e s l i Rivers to a point of i n t e r s e c t i o n with^Bute Inlet route to Fort George. The Dean !• C P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 26. 2. I b i d . , Appendix V, p. l 7 7 ~ f f . - 90 -Inlet l i n e cut 55 miles from the route to Yellow Head Pass v i a Port George, hut gradients and works of construction were 1 found to he much heavier than on the Bute Inlet route. During the same season an exploratory survey was made of an alterna-t i v e route from Dean Inlet to Fort George. It l e f t the Salmon River about 45 miles from tide water and crossed a "divide" to follow a north-easterly course by the Rivers Euchu, Nechaco and Stewart, to a point near Fort George. With some exceptions the gradients and works of construction were found to be easy but the l i n e was 15 miles longer than the more southern route 2 to Dean I n l e t . On the completion of the surveys i n 1876, Fleming was able to report that "the information was tolerably com-plete as regards the greater part of the country between the southern boundary of B r i t i s h Columbia and the 56th p a r a l l e l . . . . The only portion respecting which our information i s d e f i c i e n t i s the d i s t r i c t bordering on and drained by the River Skeena 3 and i t s tributaries"'. Six passes through the Rocky Mountains had been examined, the Peace River, the Pine River, the Smoky River, the Yellow Head, the Athabasca and the Howse. Of these the Yellow Head was considered by Fleming as the best. The advantages of the Yellow Head Pass — every considera-tion being taken into account, -- outweigh those of any of the other passes; ... the opening at that point o f f e r s superior f a c i l i t i e s f o r carrying the l i n e of railway through the main range of the great mountain chain; ... the Yellow Head Pass, better than any other opens the way to every harbour on the coast from the S t r a i t s of Juan de Fuca to the lat i t u d e of Dean Inlet.'-1 1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 29. 2. Ibid. 3. TFid*. 4. Ibid., p. 30. - 91 -It was s t i l l possible, however, that the Pine or Peace River passes would be better for routes to the northern harbours — i f the terminus were selected at Gardner Inlet or Port Essing-ton further examination of these passes would be necessary. But, While the question of the Pine River and Peace River passes i n connection with the lin e s to the two most northern harb-ours i s yet undecided, i t i s undoubtedly established that the main Rocky Mountain Chain can be crossed with ease by the Yellow Head Pass. The major problem i s accordingly s a t i s f a c t -o r i l y solved, and i t remains to consider how the minor ranges of mountains, and the other physical obstacles which present themselves, may be surmounted or avoided.^ Fleming offered several solutions to t h i s problem. Prom Yellow Head Pass he reported that eleven d i f f e r e n t routes had been surveyed. These he divided into three main groups, geographic-2 a l l y , the Southern, the Central, and the Northern: SOUTHERN GROUP Route No. 1 Prom Yellow Head Pass, v i a Lake Albreda, River Thompson, Lake Nicola and Coquihalla Valley to Burrard I n l e t . Route No. 2 Prom Yellow Head Pass, v i a Lake Albreda, River Thompson and Lower River Fraser to Burrard I n l e t . Route No. 3 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a Lake Albreda, River Thompson, Bonaparte and L i l l o o e t and Lake Anderson to Howe Sound. CENTRAL GROUP Route No. 4 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a Lake Albreda, River Thompson, River Clearwater, Lac-la-Hache, River C h i l l i c o t i n , and East branch of River Homathco to Waddington Harbour. Route No. 5 Alternative route to No. 4. Biscussed In 3 former progress reports but now abandoned. !• C P. R. Report-on Surveys, 1877, p. 30. 2. Ibid., pp. 33-34. 3. viae supra pp. 85-86. - 92 -Route No. 6 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Chilacoh, River Nazco, and East Branch of River Homathco to Waddington Harb-our. NORTHERN GROUP Route No. 7 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Chilacoh. and B e l l a Coola, to North Bentinck Arm. Route No. 8 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Chilacoh, River Blackwater and Salmon River to Dean Inl e t . Route No. 9 From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Nechaco, River Blackwater and Salmon River to Dean I n l e t . Route No. 10....From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Stewart, River Nechaco and Kem-ano, to Gardner In l e t . Route No. 11....From Yellow Head Pass, v i a River Fraser, Fort George, River Stewart and River Skeena, to Port Essington. The two l a s t routes on the l i s t (No's. 10 and 11) were "but im-p e r f e c t l y known, hut enough knowledge had heen obtained of them to j u s t i f y the b e l i e f that further and more accurate sur-veys would r e s u l t i n obtaining f e a s i b l e railway l i n e s . To these eleven routes, (reduced to ten by the aban-donment of No. 5 i n 1875) which terminated at the coast at seven d i s t i n c t harbours, Fleming stated, might be added two more running west from the two most northern passes, Peace River and Pine River, to Port Essington and the Skeena Mouth. In making a choice of the route to be followed across B r i t i s h Columbia, Fleming intended to be guided by the engin-eering features and probable cost of each l i n e and the poten-t i a l t r a f f i c which each would o f f e r when the railway was con-structed. The best l i n e would be the shortest, the l e a s t d i f f i -c u l t to construct, the least c o s t l y to maintain and operate; - 93 -i t would o f f e r the greatest f a c i l i t i e s f o r cheap transporta-t i o n . It would he the l i n e which would o f f e r the most t r a f f i c i n the future. That t r a f f i c would depend on the l o c a l resour-ces and population and industry of the country through which the l i n e ran; i t would depend on the f a c i l i t i e s of the termin-a l harbour and the opportunities of obtaining "through t r a f f i c " from the Orient. With regard to length of the ten l i n e s running from Yellow Head Pass, the one terminating at Port Moody on Burrard Inlet v i a the Coquihalla River (Route No. l ) was the shortest -- 461 miles. The Fraser Valley route to Port Moody (Ho. 2) 1 was 493 miles long. Routes 4 and 6 to Bute Inlet were 550 and 546 miles respectively. Routes 8, 9, and 10 to Bentinck Arm and Dean Inlet were 480, 488, and 506 miles respectively. The route to Gardner Inlet (Ho. 10) was estimated at 560 miles, and the length of route 11 to Port Essington was unknown. In 1877 data for estimating the cost of construction of every route was not s u f f i c i e n t but Fleming ventured estim-ates on the most Important of the ten routes. The cost of a railway by route Ho. 2, following the Fraser to Port Moody, v/as estimated at #35,000,000; by the Howe Sound Route (Ho. 3) at #39,000,000; by route Ho. 4 to Bute Inlet at $38,000,000; by route Ho. 6 to Bute Inlet, $33,000,000, and by route No. 8 2 to Kamsquot, Dean Inlet, $29,000,000. Of the two routes to Bute Inlet i t should be noticed that route No. 6, v i a Fort George, was not only shorter by 4 miles than route No. 4,but !• C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 59. 2. Ibid., p. 62. 94 -was estimated the less costly hy $5,000,000. Considering costs of maintenance and operation the Fraser v a l l e y route to Burrard Inlet, as i t offered the easiest gradients and a permanently s o l i d road bed,was e a s i l y the cheapest. The two routes to Dean Inlet came next in l i n e , f o l l -owed by the two routes to Bute I n l e t — N o . 6 again being superior to No. 4 — the Coquihalla route to Burrard, and l a s t 1 the Howe Sound route. The other routes, No's.. 10 and 11 could not be c l a s s i f i e d as they were not s u f f i c i e n t l y known. Considering l o c a l advantages and resources the route terminating furthest to the south (at Burrard Inlet) would give the greatest s a t i s f a c t i o n to the exis t i n g population i n 1877, which was small and concentrated i n the south. However, Fleming considered that existing population and industry should not unduly influence the choice of the route. It was more im-portant to consider where industries were most l i k e l y to devel-op i n the future. To ascertain with reasonable p r o b a b i l i t y where industry and population would best develop, the Dominion Geological survey had heen instructed to examine d i f f e r e n t sec-2 tions of the Province, noting t h e i r mineral wealth and value fo r agriculture and stock-raising. The question of a terminal harbour was of f i r s t c l ass importance i n the problem of choosing a route. Not only had the f a c i l i t i e s and climatic conditions of the harbour i t s e l f to be considered but also i t s p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to commer-c i a l shipping. A favourable l i n e f o r construction and mainten-1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 63. 2. i b i d . , Appendix K, p. 218 f f . - 95 -ance might lead to a harbour d e f i c i e n t i n f a c i l i t i e s and loca-t i o n . On the other hand a desirable harbour might not be access-i b l e except by a l i n e so unfavourable as to render i t s selec-tion inexpedient. To obtain r e l i a b l e information of the terminal harb-ours at which Fleming's several l i n e s reached the P a c i f i c , a pplication was made through the Colonial Office to the Admir-a l t y f o r whatever information they possessed, on the harbours 1 of B r i t i s h Columbia. In applying for t h i s information Fleming stressed the importance of the consideration of "through t r a f f -i c " , not to best serve the ex i s t i n g population i n B r i t i s h Col-umbia, but to obtain "such a route and western terminus as would afford the greatest p o s s i b i l i t i e s for successfully com-2 peting with foreign routes for ocean-borne t r a f f i c " ' . No harbour on the Island was considered, as Fleming evidently considered that the project of taking the railway to the Island had died with h i s report on bridging the S t r a i t s i n 1874. The Mainland harbours were considered from the point of view of t h e i r prox-imity to the Orient, the approach to them from the P a c i f i c , the length of towage f o r s a i l i n g vessels required, t h e i r general harbour and anchorage f a c i l i t i e s and t h e i r strategic p o s i t i o n . Port Essington and the other northern harbours, Gard-1. Fleming to the Colonial O f f i c e , London, Nov. 29, 1876, C.P.R. Report on Surveys, 1877, Appendix J, p. 282. Fleming was c r i t i c i z e d by the C. P. R. Royal Commission of 1882 for not securing information from the Admiralty regarding the harb-ours of the B r i t i s h Columbia coast before surveying h i s sev-e r a l routes. "No expense should have been incurred i n runn-ing l i n e s to those points which from t h e i r nature were im-possible as termini". C. P. R. Royal Commission Report, v.3, Conclusions, p. 86. 2« C P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 282. - 96 -ner Inle t , Bean Inlet and B e l l a Coola, were found to "be some three to s i x hundred miles closer to Yokohama. In Japan than the southern harbours, Bute Inlet, Howe Sound, and Burrard 1 Inl e t . Waddington Harbour, Bute Inle t , was at the greatest disadvantage i n t h i s respect. Port Essington was also found to be the most favourable harbour with regard to the length of 2 towage needed f o r s a i l i n g vessels -- 49 miles. English Bay, Burrard Inlet, demanded 70 miles of towage. Waddington Harbour was again at the greatest disadvantage requiring 156 miles of towage. .,. The evidence submitted• by. the naval authorities, how-ever, did not favour Port Essington or any northern harbour. Opinion was generally most favourable to an extreme southern harbour at Burrard I n l e t . Of the seven o f f i c e r s who answered Fleming's queries regarding the harbours of B r i t i s h Columbia 3 four expressed a preference for Burrard Inlet. Burrard Inlet offered a deep, clear entrance and f a i r anchorage. It was near the coal of Hanaimo and i t was free from adverse climatic con-d i t i o n s . Burrard Inlet as a terminal harbour, however, was found to suffer from two disadvantages. Staff Commander Pender was of the opinion that "the risks attending navigation with large steamships, amongs-t the islands l y i n g between Juan de 4 Fuca and the S t r a i t of Georgia are very great,"' and a l l were agreed that vessels on t h e i r course to Eurrard Inlet Howe Sound and Bute Inlet suffered from t h i s disadvantage too --1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 67. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., pp. 68-70. 4. i b i d . , p. 69. - 97 -would be exposed to the guns of the United States i n the event of h o s t i l i t i e s and that the navigation of the channel would greatly depend on the force of the United States i n the l o c a l -1 i t y . Since Burrard Inlet was objectionable because of the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the route from the P a c i f i c v i a Juan de Puca, and since none of the other coast harbours were deemed prac-2 t i c a b l e by the naval a u t h o r i t i e s , Fleming reached the con-clusion that the railway might best terminate at an harbour on the west coast of Vancouver Island. An unbroken l i n e of railway from the railways of the eastern Provinces of the Dominion, to one of these harbours on the outer coast of Vancouver Island, would be exceedingly d e s i r -able. A l l the d i f f i c u l t i e s of navigation to be encountered in reaching the mainland from the ocean would be avoided.3 The surveys, however, had proved that bridging the S t r a i t s was impracticable — although the exigencies of the future might render a continuous l i n e of railway to the outer shores of Vancouver Island indispensable at whatever cost. Fleming there-fore proposed that the connection between Mainland and Island could be made by steam f e r r y running from Bute Inlet to E l k Bay on Vancouver Island, a distance of 64 miles, or from Freder-ick Arm (51 miles from Waddington Harbour) through Nodales Channel to Otter Cove. From Elk Bay or Otter Cove the railway 1. Langevin objected to Burrard Inlet f o r t h i s reason i n 1872. Dominion Sessional Paper 10, 1872, p. 49. 2. Captain Caton approved of Waddington Harbour, but the approach to i t was also v i a Juan de Fuca. The route round the north end of Vancouver Island through Seymour Narrows to Bute. Inlet (Howe Sound and Burrard Inlet) was considered impracticable. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 69. 3. Ibid.. p. 71. - 98 -could "be carried to Esquimalt or to A l b e r n i , Nootka or Q,uat-1 sino Sound, on the west coast. Fleming i n 1877 did not advise the adoption of any-one route. By a process of elimination on the basis of the information he had compiled he reduced the number of possible routes to be followed to three, of which one was imperfectly 2 known and would require further surveys . He selected Route No. 2, the route v i a the Fraser to Burrard Inlet; No. 6, the route v i a Fort George to Bute Inlet and No. 11, the route v i a Fort George to Port Essington, which was not well known. Route No. 6 would have to be chosen i f i t were considered of para-mount importance to carry an unbroken l i n e of railway to one of the western harbours of Vancouver Island or to Esquimalt. I f , on the other hand, the object was to reach the navigable waters of the P a c i f i c simply by the most e l i g i b l e l i n e leading: to a good terminal harbour the Bute Inlet route would have to give way to the Fraser V a l l e y - Burrard Inlet route, as Wadd-ington Harbour had a l l the disadvantages of Burrard Inlet i n addition to many more. Moreover i f the railway followed the Fraser v a l l e y route, although c o s t l y , i t would undoubtedly be less costly to operate. It offered better gradients, a firmer road bed, and i t was 53 miles shorter. The only serious objec-tion to the Burrard Inlet route — i n addition to the vulnera-b i l i t y of Juan de Fuca — was that for some 60 miles i t ran close to the American boundary, leaving i t open to the r i s k of being impeded on occasions of h o s t i l i t i e s with the United 1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p.72. 2. Ibid., p. 74. - 99 -1 States. In t h i s opinion he was supported hy Major-General 2 Selby Smyth. Smyth, however, pointed out that t h i s strategic weakness should not be allowed to outweigh the general e x c e l l -ence of Burrard Inlet as a harbour. I f the necessity arose the route could probably be well defended. Fleming also suggested in favour of Burrard Inlet that i f necessity arose Juan de Fuca could be avoided by runn-ing a steam f e r r y to Nanaimo (23 miles) to connect with an Island railway to the west coast. Burrard Inlet was thus i n -vested with a l l the advantages of Waddington Harbour as well as i t s own excellence as a terminal harbour. With regard to Route 11 and Port Essington Fleming expressed no opinion. It possessed the advantage of being f a r enough from the United States to be quite invulnerable, and Port Essington was several hundred miles closer to the Orient 3 than Burrard Inlet and Waddington Harbour. The naval authori-t i e s , however, had commented unfavourably on Port Essington and l i t t l e was known of the route v i a the River Skeena to Prince George. He considered t h i s route, however, worthy of further surveys, and these surveys were accordingly ca r r i e d !• C P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, p. 75. 2. Ibid., Appendix w, p. 312. 3. It i s of interest that Fleming i n searching for the harbour which offered the best location f o r commercial shipping only considered the Orient. Ho reference i s made to t r a f f i c from Europe or from the west coast of the United States nor to the p o s s i b i l i t y of carrying f r e i g h t east f o r United States consumption. In 1877 there was no Panama Canal. Trade round the Horn or Good Hope and with the United States was small. Had the circumstances been those which followed the opening of the Panama Canal i n 1914 Burrard Inlet would probably have been chosen as the western terminus without any h e s i t a t i o n . - 100 -out i n 1877. The exploration of the Skeena River route to Prince George was not very s a t i s f a c t o r y . Gradients and works of con-struction were heavy; climatic conditions were unfavourahle. Moreover the only practicable l i n e discovered made the distance from the coast to Yellow Head Pass 690 miles. Port Essington was found to be a poor harbour but Port Simpson at the northern end of Tsimpean Peninsula was found to "answer a l l the require-1 ments of a terminal harbour". A route explored through the Rocky Mountains by the Pine River Pass to Port George, thence to Bute Inlet i n 1878 was given a great deal of prominence i n the report of Marcus Smith, to the Government i n 1878. In 1877 Marcus Smith was Acting Englneer-in-Chief of the Railway, as Sandford Fleming was in England on leave of absence. Smith therefore wrote the 2 report of the surveys f o r 1877. He reported that the explora-t i o n of the Pine River Pass to Fort George had proved very favourable. The gradients were generally easy; the works of construction l i g h t . Moreover -- and this seemed very important to Smith — the route passed through the great f e r t i l e country of the Peace River d i s t r i c t and through the great mineral d i s -3 t r i c t s of Omineca and Cariboo. To Smith th i s route was prefer-1. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Reports and Documents in reference  to the Location of the Line and a Western Terminal Harbour, Ottawa, 1878, appendix C, p. 38. 2. Ibid., appendix A, p. 17. 3. In the 1870's the Omineca and Cassiar d i s t r i c t s were promin-ent as placer mining d i s t r i c t s . Vide Trueman, A.S., Placer  Gold Mining i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia, 1860 to 1880, M. A. thesis, Library of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935. - 101 -able to any projected by Fleming. Smith's preference f o r the Pine River Pass route to Bute Inlet did not please Mackenzie, who seems by t h i s time to have picked out the Burrard Inlet route. Fleming was sent f o r from London to submit a report. His report ignored Smith's preference f o r the Pine River route and recommended the adop-2 tio n of the Burrard Inlet route. Fleming arrived with a great deal of d i f f i c u l t y to his conclusion that the Fraser River - Burrard Inlet route should be adopted. In A p r i l , 1877, the Dominion government had applied f o r further information from the Admiralty regarding the harbours of B r i t i s h Columbia, p a r t i c u l a r l y the harbours 3 about the mouth of the Skeena. In December, Fleming received an answer from the Colonial O f f i c e i n the form of a report by 4 Admiral De Horsey respecting the P a c i f i c Terminus, based on a l l information that was available and a personal inspection of the B r i t i s h Columbia coastal waters. De Horsey based h i s conclus-ions on three major considerations: the engineering character-1. Smith t e s t i f i e d before the C.P.R. Royal Commission in 1882 that "'it appeared to him that the route chosen by the Yell-ow Head Pass was altogether wrong"*. C.P.R. Royal Commission  Report, p. 1596. 2. Vide Marcus Smith's testimony before the C.P.R. Royal Comm-is s i o n of 1882. "On h i s (Fleming's) a r r i v a l here (Ottawa from london) he says, "You have written a report". I said, "Yes". "Well," he says, "the Minister has asked me to write a report". Smith stated that Fleming refused to use a l l the Information he had acquired i n 1877. He was s a t i s f i e d with what he had. He also stated that he had accompanied h i s re-port with a map of his Pine River route d e t a i l i n g the re-sources and character of the s o i l along i t which evidently was suppressed as i t did not appear i n the published report. C.P.R. Royal Commission Report, v. 2, p. 1594. Cf. Smith to Tupper, Apr. 12, 1879, Dominion Sessional Paper 19 Q,,1880,p.5. 3. Order-in-Council, Dominion Sessional- Paper, 20, 1878, p. 62. 4. Report of Admiral De Horsey, i b i d . , p. 66. - 102. -i s t i c s of the route to the terminus, as described i n Fleming's reports, the s u i t a b i l i t y of the l i n e and terminus to the inter-est of the populated parts of B r i t i s h Columbia, and l a s t l y , the a b i l i t y of the terminus to command commercial shipping from A u s t r a l i a , China and Japan. He rejected the mouth of the Skeena because of "fog ice and other climatic causes" incident to a high, la t i t u d e and narrowed the choice to Burrard Inlet and some port on Vancouver Island. He then condemned Burrard Inlet. The approach to i t from the sea v i a Juan de Fuca was dangerous to navigate, and i t would be vulnerable i n time of war with the United States. Burrard Inlet i t s e l f , although possessing a safe port i n Coal Harbour and a good anchorage i n English Bay, was objectionable because the narrow entrance to Coal Harbour through the F i r s t Harrows was hardly safe for large steamers and because English Bay, although affording a good anchorage, was not smooth enough during north-westerly gales f o r ships to l i e at wharves. Having condemned Burrard Inl e t , De Horsey concluded that the railway should be carried to Vancouver Island either by steam ferry from Burrard Inlet to Hanaimo, by bridging Sey-mour Harrows,or by steam f e r r y from Frederick Arm to Otter Cove. He recommended the l a t t e r course. Having carried the l i n e to the Island i t should terminate, he thought, at Esquim-a l t , Quatsino Sound or Barclay Sound. Fleming did not allow himself to be much influenced by De Horsey's strongly expressed opinions. The r e j e c t i o n of the northern terminus by De Horsey p a r t i c u l a r l y displeased him. In February, 1877, Commander Perry had expressed a - 103 -1 favourable opinion of Port Simpson and surveys i n 1877 had 2 substantiated t h i s opinion. "A terminus at Port Simpson," Fleming thought, "would have the advantage of possibly the 3 best harbour on the mainland". Of a l l the mainland harbours i t was most conveniently situated f o r the A s i a t i c trade. The route terminating at Port Simpson, however, had s t i l l not been thor-oughly surveyed. If t h i s northern route were to be seriously considered i t would be indispensable that a thorough survey be made of i t . Fleming was in favour of t h i s course, and i f the Government entertained t h i s view he suggested that during the 1878 season continuous explorations should be carried out be-tween Port Simpson and a point as f a r east as Lake Winnepegoos-i s . I f the Government however deemed i t essential to arrive at an immediate decision the northern route could not be considered. In t h i s contingency the l i n e would have to follow the Bute Inlet route v i a Fort George, or the Burrard Inlet route v i a the Lower Fraser. Burrard Inlet, Fleming considered, not so e l i g i b l e a terminal point as Esquimalt. It could not be approached d i r e c t l y from the ocean and i t was, as the Admiralty pointed out, s t r a t e g i c a l l y weak. Fleming, since he was f i n a l l y to come to a decision in favour of Burrard Inlet, answered these two objections f o r himself. The f i r s t objection he an-swered by pointing to the fact that other harbours i n the world, with an enormous amount of commerce, had entrances where 1. C. P. R. Report on Surveys, 1877, appendix U, p. 295. 2. Vide supra p. 100. 3. C. P. R. Report, 1878, p. 11. 4. Tbid., pp. 11-12. - 104 -shipping was not e n t i r e l y free from delays and r i s k s — New York, Glasgow, Montreal. The second objection seemed to him a f o r c i b l e one, but others — he was probably thinking of Major-1 General Selby Smyth — had made l i g h t of i t . Fleming f i n a l l y came to a decision i n favour of Burrard Inlet because the route to the east from Burrard Inlet v i a Yellow Head Pass was 150 miles shorter than by the Esquimalt - Bute Inlet and Yellow Plead Pass route — and 200 miles shorter i f the Pine River Pass were adopted, as Smith had suggested, for the Bute Inlet route. Even i f the wide channels at Valdes Island were bridged and the Railway c a r r i e d to Esquimalt ordinary passengers would lose in time and money and a great loss would be sustained i n carry-ing f r e i g h t . The cost of extending the Railway to Esquimalt even without bridging the S t r a i t s would add 15 to 20 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s to the cost of the l i n e . The cost of maintenance would be greater, and the annual loss (which would be r e a l i z e d on any route f o r some years) would be much greater. These same arguments applied not only to Esquimalt but to any harbour on Vancouver Island. In concluding h i s report, Fleming stated: The l i n e located from Lake Superior to Burrard Inlet commands generally more than o r d i n a r i l y favourable gradients. If the railway be constructed on t h i s route in the manner which I have recommended, cheapness of transportation w i l l be assured and advantages w i l l accrue i n the future of the most import-ant kind. On t h i s recommendation the Mackenzie Government adopted the Burrard Inlet - Fraser v a l l e y - Yellow Head Pass route by 1 ' C. P. R. Report, 1878, p. 13. 2. Ibid., p. 15. - 105 -order-in-council July 13, 1878 and i n August advertised f o r tenders f o r the construction of that portion of the l i n e be-tween Emory's Bar, a few miles below Yale on the Fraser, and Savona's Ferry on Kamloops Lake. The location of the l i n e , however, was not f i n a l l y s e t t l e d . The adoption of the Burrard Inlet route, as Sandford Fleming remarked i n 1879, did not give "general s a t i s f a c t i o n 2 In B r i t i s h Columbia"'. The c i t i z e n s of the Lower Mainland were naturally very pleased, but Vancouver Island was greatly d i s a -ppointed that Esquimalt was not selected as the terminus and the l i n e c a r r i e d from Bute Inlet, i f not by bridges, at least by steam fe r r y , to connect with an Island railway from Seymour Narrows to Esquimalt. An acrimonious dispute had been carried on over the terminus between Lower Mainland and Island from 3 the time the railway was f i r s t projected i n 1870. To pacify the Island, Macdonald in June, 1873, as we.have noted, fi x e d Esquimalt as the terminus. When he returned to power i n Sept-ember, 1878, he again decided to pacify the Island, and re-established Esquimalt as the terminus of the railway, i n order, 1. Order-in-Council, July 13, 1878, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 35. 2. Report i n reference to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, 1879, p. 18. 3. The nature of the dispute may be witnessed by reference to V i c t o r i a newspapers, p a r t i c u l a r l y the V i c t o r i a Standard, ed-i t e d by Amor de Cosmos and the New Westminster B r i t i s h Col-umbian. E.g., i n January, 1877, a l e t t e r appeared i n the V i c t o r i a Times written by a 'Mainlander' who signed himself "Old S e t t l e r " p r a i s i n g the "magnificent harbour of Burrard I n l e t " . The l e t t e r immediately provoked a reply from an 'Islander,' which was also published in the Times, who stated that i t was necessary to bring the l i n e to Esquimalt to " e f f e c t u a l l y promote immigration to that b e a u t i f u l , salub-rious, f a r spreading and f e r t i l e land B r i t i s h Columbia. ." - 106 -as he explained to the B r i t i s h Columbia government, to leave his 1 government free to choose whichever route i t considered best. Macdonald's reasons f o r talcing t h i s action can hardly be explained. Fleming was asked to state h i s views on the term-2 inus question i n the House of Commons. He repeated the reco-mmendation contained i n his report of 1878 that further sur-veys should be made i n the north to ascertain the absolute f e a s i b i l i t y of a route to Port Simpson, i f postponement of construction f o r this further examination could be admitted. In A p r i l , 1878, the Macdonald Government decided to postpone construction i n B r i t i s h Columbia to admit of these further surveys recommended by Fleming. The northern l i n e projected by Fleming was to run from Port Simpson along the Skeena and across Northern B r i t i s h Columbia to Peace River or Pine River Pass. Fleming, himself, seems to have been anxious to f i n d a feasi b l e l i n e for the railway along t h i s route. The fact that Port Simpson was a good harbour and about 500 miles closer to Japan than Burrard Inlet were important considerations. The a b i l i t y of Port Simpson to command t r a f f i c from the Orient could not be doubted. Moreover the l i n e across northern B r i t i s h Columbia passed through the r i c h Peace River d i s t r i c t and a wealthy mineral d i s t r i c t . The examination of t h i s route in 1879, in Fleming's estimation " r e a l l y involved the determination of the problem whether the choice of the Burrard Inlet route should be sustained or aban-doned; and i f construction should he immediately commenced on 1. Vide supra p. 61. 2. C T T . R. Report, 1879, p. 17. - 107 -the southern or on a northern line"\" However, the Macdonald Government can hardly have considered the surveys of the north-ern route i n 1879 i n the same way. Esquimalt, which, they fixed as the terminus, had no place i n either the Burrard Inlet route or the northern route to Port Simpson. It i s possible that Mac-donald may have used the extra surveys as an excuse to delay construction for another year, i n order to give himself time to charter successfully a company to b u i l d the railway, which could take over construction right across Canada. In any case the surveys of 1879 disclosed three practicable routes from Port Simpson: one leaving the Province by the Peace River; one by Pine River, and one by Yellow Head Pass. Sandford Fleming received information regarding these routes on September 24, 2 1879, by telegram from Hay Lake, near Edmonton, and on Septem-ber 30, he advised the Government to adopt the route from Port 3 Simpson through the Peace River country to Edmonton. "I have no h e s i t a t i o n i n saying," he wrote to Tupper, "that, consider-ed apart from the question of climate, the route to Port Simp-son presents i t s e l f with so many advantages that, to my mind, i t opens up an excellent prospect of securing the most e l i g i -ble route from the p r a i r i e region to the P a c i f i c coast". The l i n e by the northern route was from 160 to 190 miles longer, but Fleming believed that t h i s disadvantage was more than off-set by the fact that the northern l i n e would.pass through and accommodate the Peace River country. On the samed ay that 1. Report and Documents i n reference to The Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway, Ottawa, 1880, p. 6. 2. Dominion Sessional Paper, 19 K, 1880, p. 14. 3. Ibid., p. l b . - 108 -Fleming submitted his report, however, the Government received from Colonel R.C. Moody a strongly worded recommendation of the Burrard Inlet route. The Burrard Inlet route, as we have noted, was considered objectionable mainly because i t was feared to be open to attack from the United States. Colonel Moody pointed out that because i t was near the south t h i s route would be most valuable in defense of the Province. The northern route was so far north that i t would be of comparatively small a v a i l in defence of the Province. Further, the northern route was just as vulnerable to attack from the United States as the Burr-ard Inlet route, since Port Simpson adjoined Alaska. Moody, un-l i k e Fleming, i n choosing Burrard Inlet also considered the United States from a commercial point of view. Because Burrard Inlet was close to the United States some addition to overland t r a f f i c might be gained from the United States' side of the f r o n t i e r . The Government followed Moody's advice, rejected the northern route, the Bute Inlet - Esquimalt route, and by order-in - c o u n c i l , October 4, 1879, r a t i f i e d the adoption of the 1 route by Yellow Head P'ass to Burrard I n l e t . Fleming was direct-1. -Order-in-Council, Oct. 4, 1879, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 46 . Fleming's comment on the abandonment of the northern route i s of i n t e r e s t . "Should i t be desirable to construct a branch to Peace River from some point on the main l i n e , east or west of Edmonton, the l a t e examination's -(of 1879) have, established that such a l i n e i s p e r f e c t l y f e a s i b l e " . A l i n e now runs' from the Canadian National R a i l -way mainline from Edmonton by the Peace River into the Peace River d i s t r i c t . The northern l i n e had made ardent supporters. Two pamphlets appeared in 1880 c r i t i c i z i n g the Government for abandoning I t . Horetzky, C , Some S t a r t l i n g Facts Relat-ing to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and the Borth-West Lands, also a B r i e f Discussion regarding the Route, the Western Terminus and the Lands Available f o r Settlement, Ottawa, . 1880, and Hewson, General M. Butt, The Canadian P a c i f i c Rail-way, Toronto, Patrick Boyle, 1880. - 109 -ed to take steps f o r immediately placing under contract the 127 miles of the most d i f f i c u l t portion of the l i n e -- the same portion f o r which Mackenzie had sought tenders i n August, 1878 — Emory-s Bar to Savona's Ferry. Nine years and over $3,000,000 of Dominion money was spent on the surveys i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Strangely enough the route which was f i n a l l y selected by both, the Mackenzie and Mac-donald governments was established as practicable i n the f i r s t year of the surveys. In the succeeding years the survey was merely a hunt to discover a route which would o f f e r an easier and less costly l i n e to construct and terminate at a more feas-i b l e harbour. For s i x years t h i s search was based on the entran-ce to B r i t i s h Columbia from Edmonton v i a Yellow Head Pass. In 1878 and 1879 the search went northward to the Pine River and Peace River Passes. When a l l was over the route surveyed by Mc-Lennan and John Trutch*s parties i n 18.71 was adopted. The long years of surveys however cannot be considered as a waste of time or money — though they were lacking i n practicable r e s u l t s . Fleming was right In concluding that i f a better route than the Fraser v a l l e y route could be found i t was h i s job to f i n d i t . No one could say i n 1871 that he would not be success-f u l . The great shock to a l l Fleming's work i n B r i t i s h Col-umbia came three years a f t e r the adoption of the Yellow Head Pass - Burrard Inlet route by the Macdonald Government. In 1883 the Yellow Head Pass which had been the basis f o r p r a c t i c a l l y a l l Fleming's work was abandoned. Edmonton was abandoned, and the l i n e carried south to Calgary and into B r i t i s h Columbia by - 110 -Kicking Horse Pass, thence across the Sel k i r k and Gold Moun-^ -tains to Kamloops. Only Fleming's work on the Thompson and Fraser valleys to Port Moody on Burrard Inlet was maintained. The story of t h i s reversal hy the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Com-pany chartered hy Macdonald In 1881 must he l e f t f o r another chapter. At t h i s point the Yellow Head - Fraser River route i s of greatest importance, f o r on th i s route at Yale the Dominion began construction of the Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia. CHAPTER IV GOVERNMENT CONSTRUCTION — PORT MOODY TO SAVONA'S PERRY On the day before the Order-in-Council of October 4, 1879, adopting the Yellow Head Pass — Fraser v a l l e y route to Port Moody at the head of Burrard Inlet, the Dominion Govern-ment advertised for tenders f o r the construction of the Can-adian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia from Emory's Bar to 1 Savona's Ferry, on Kamloops Lake. On the advice of Sandford Fleming, t h i s 127 miles of the l i n e was divided into four sec-tions: Emory's Bar to Boston Bar, Section "A", (29 miles) Bos-ton Bar to Lytton, Section "B"', (29 miles) Lytton to Junction F l a t , Section "C", (28-^ - miles) and Junction F l a t to Savona's Ferry, Section "D", (40-g- miles) and i n d i v i d u a l tenders were invi t e d f o r each section to be received by noon November 17, 1879. The whole l i n e from Emory's Bar to Savona's Ferry was j u s t l y considered by Fleming to be a very heavy piece of work. He consequently feared that few contractors would submit tend-ers for the whole undertaking and advised the d i v i s i o n of the l i n e into four sections to obtain greater competition among 2 the contractors and lower tenders. Contracts were to be given to the lowest bidder for each section. For Section "A", Emory's Bar to Boston Bar, 16 tenders 3 were received, of which the lowest, #2,727,300, was submitted 1. Report of the C. P. R. Royal Commission, 1882, Evidence, v. 2, p. 1436. 2. Ibid., p. 1297. 3. This figure did not include the cost of r a i l s , f i s h plates and spikes, which were supplied by the Government. - 112 -"by Duncan Macdonald and Co. They were n o t i f i e d that the con-2 t r a c t , which c a l l e d for completion hy December 31, 1883, had 3 been awarded to them on November 25. Duncan Macdonald and Co. also submitted the lowest tender, $2,056,950, for the section between Lytton and Junction F l a t , Section "C", and were l i k e -4 wise awarded the contract for t h i s section. The contract c a l l e d 5 f o r completion of the l i n e by December 31, 1884. For Section "B", between Boston Bar and Lytton, 14 tenders were received, the lowest being that of P. P u r c e l l and Co., for $2,573,640. 6 They were duly awarded the contract, which was to be completed 7 by June 30, 1884. The contract for Section "D", from Junction F l a t to Savona's Ferry, which c a l l e d f o r completion by June 30, 8 9 1885, was awarded to Messrs. T. and M. Kavanagh. They submitted a tender of $1,809,150, the lowest of the 11 received by the Government. Fortunately the three contracting firms who received the contracts f o r the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia from Emory's Bar to Savona's Ferry were not destined to f u l f i l t h e i r contra-c t s . T~The nature of the country along the railway l i n e along the Fraser and Thompson River v a l l e y s was such that i t would have been p r a c t i c a l l y impossible f o r the contractors to do t h e i r work simultaneously in a p r o f i t a b l e and expeditious manner. The 1. Dominion Sessional Paper, 19, 1880, p. 52. 2. Ibid., p. 53. 3. Braun to D. Macdonald and Co., Nov. 25, 1879, i b i d . , p. 113. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid., p. 88. 6. Braun to P. P u r c e l l and Co., Nov. 25, 1879, i b i d . , p. 188. 7. Ibid., p. 157. 8. Ibid., p. 119. 9. Braun to T. and M. Kavanagh, Nov. 25, 1879, i b i d . , p. 147. - 113 -l i n e would have to he l a i d from Emory's Bar, which was access-i b l e by steamer up the Lower Fraser River, to Boston Bar,before the section from Boston Bar could p r o f i t a b l y be constructed . S i m i l a r l y , the l i n e along the Thompson River could not well be constructed without the aid of the railway between Emory's Bar and Lytton. The d i f f i c u l t i e s of transport for the heavy railway supplies by other means than r a i l would have been enormous. Moreover, the construction of the l i n e would require great supplies of s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d labour; and labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia, where the population was small, was very scarce. A competition for labour among the three contracting companies would have inevitably resulted i n d i f f i c u l t i e s . Labour costs would undoubtedly have ris e n and possibly forced the weakest contractor to abandon his contract. The scene of construction was i s o l a t e d , and the work to be done excessively heavy. Construction supplies would have to be transported long distances either from Great B r i t a i n or. across the United States to San Francisco. Others — those which could — would have to be manufactured by the contractor himself on the scene of con-struction. Large works and plants would he required for t h i s work, which could only prove p r o f i t a b l e on a large undertaking. Taking a l l things into account the construction of the l i n e from Emory's Bar to Savona's Ferry could most e f f i c i e n t l y --and perhaps, only — be carried out as one complete work i n the hands of a f i n a n c i a l l y strong and able contractor^ This fact was well recognized by Sandford Fleming and Charles Tupp-er, who f i l l e d the new and important o f f i c e of Minister of Railways and Canals i n Macdonald's government. They were very - 114 -pleased when the three contracting firms, to whom they had awarded the contracts, asked to have t h e i r contracts trans-ferred to Andrew Gnderdonk, a contractor whom they had good reason to believe had unlimited f i n a n c i a l resources and great a b i l i t y . Andrew Onderdonk, an American contractor and engineer, as representative of a powerful American syndicate consisting of himself, Darius 0. M i l l s , a m i l l i o n a i r e banker of New York and San Francisco, H.B. Laidlaw, banker of New York, M.P. Mor-ton of the New York banking house of Morton B l i s s and Co. and S.G. Reed, vice-president of the Oregon Railway and Navigation 1 Co., Portland, Oregon, had submitted tenders f o r each of the four sections of the l i n e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, but h i s tenders were among the highest submitted. Onderdonk, however, had come to Ottawa to obtain the contracts for the whole l i n e from Em-ory's Bar to Savona's Ferry, and with the aid of his great f i n a n c i a l resources he proceeded to buy the contracts from the 2 successful bidders. To Duncan Macdonald and Co. he paid $100,000 1. Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1880, p. 196. 2. Vide Report of the C. P. R. Royal Commission, 1882, Evidence v. 2, p. 1297. D.0. M i l l s : "Mr Onderdonk, as an engineer, presented t h i s work to a few of his friends of which I was one; and having f u l l confidence i n Mr. Onderdonk as an en-gineer, an able worker, and p r a c t i c a l man to carry out the works, we consented to go i n and form what we c a l l e d a syn-dicate to avoid the name of partners. We formed a syndicate and Mr. Onderdonk came to Canada to procure those contracts. ...At the same time we instructed him that we did not think i t was desirable to have one of them; that i t was important a l l these contracts should go into the hands of one party, and i f that should prove impracticable, why we did not think i t so desirable to have anything to do with the work". - 115 -for the contracts for' sections "A" and. "Cui-; to P. P u r c e l l and 2 Go. he paid #100,000 for the contract f o r section "D*. He also hought out Messrs. Kavanagh, hut the price he paid has not heen revealed. Each of these three contracting firms requested the 3 Government to transfer t h e i r contracts to Onderdonk. The Gover-nment, since they r e a l i z e d that the work could he more exped-i t i o u s l y executed hy one contractor than hy three, and since they had received ample evidence that Onderdonk was an able 4 and r e l i a b l e engineer and contractor, gladly complied i n t h e i r request. By Order-in-Gouncil, March 17, 1880, the contracts for sections "A"', "C" and "D" were assigned to Andrew Onderdonk 5 and D.O. M i l l s , and, on the advice of Fleming and Trutch the contract for section "B" was likewise assigned to Onderdonk 6 and M i l l s . The Dominion Government gained by these several trans-actions. Onderdonk took over a l l the contracts at the lowest 1. Report of the C. P. R. Royal Commission, 1882, Evidence, v.2, p. 983. 2. Ibid.. p. 1009. 3. Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1880, pp. 116, 190, 161. 4. On introducing himself to Tupper in Ottawa Onderdonk brought with him a l e t t e r from the Bank of Montreal st a t i n g that he was a gentleman of the highest r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and consider-able means. He also brought l e t t e r s of recommendation from A.H. Towne, Superintendent of the Central P a c i f i c R. R., H. Sc'huisler, Chief Engineer of the Spring Valley Water Works, San Francisco, and the Harbour Commissioners of San Francisco. Ibid., pp. 150-151. 5. Ibid., pp. 190-191. 6. I have been una.ble to f i n d the order-in-council awarding section "B" to Onderdonk. It was awarded subsequent to the other three sections for the reason that one member of the firm of P. P u r c e l l and Co. held out against s e l l i n g to Onderdonk. Report of the C. P. R. Royal Commission, 1882, Evidence, v. 1, p. 953. Trudeau t e s t i f i e d that Section "B" was awarded by order-in-council i n June, 1880, but does not give the exact date. Ibid., Evidence, v. 2, p. 1205. - 11.6 -price tendered for each of the four sections. The Government was thus to have the l i n e constructed at the lowest possible price by an able and s o l i d l y backed contractor. S i r Charles Tupper stated, in 1882, that by placing the whole work i n the hands of Onderdonk who, besides being an able man, had command of great resources, i t was thought the work would be executed in a more s a t i s f a c t o r y manner and probably at less cost to the country than i t would have been i f the o r i g i n a l contractors, whose means were not very large, had themselves undertaken the 1 work. The Report of the Royal Commission of 1882 supported Tupper's judgment: "The evidence leaves no doubt that the arrangement by which the work on these four sections was placed in the hands of one firm of contractors was a very desirable one i n the public i n t e r e s t , and that i t was secured without 2 paying an extra price on that account". Although i n point of time the contract f o r the section of the railway between Emory's Bar and Port Moody was not l e t u n t i l some two years af t e r the o r i g i n a l four contracts in B r i t -i s h Columbia, i t may well be mentioned at t h i s point, since i t also was to be assigned to Andrew Onderdonk. The Government ad-vertised f o r tenders f o r t h i s section of 85 miles on October 3 24, 1881, mainly on the advice of Collingwood Schreiber, Flem-ing's successor as Engineer-in-Chief, who believed that the completion and putting under t r a f f i c of the section between 1. Report of the C. P. R. Royal Commission, Evidence, v. 2, p. 1292. 2. Ibid., v. 3, Conclusions, p. 445. 3. Dominion Sessional Paper 48, 1882, p. 1; V i c t o r i a B r i t i s h  Colonist (hereafter c i t e d as Colonist) Nov. 13, 1881. - 117 -Emory's Bar and Savona's Ferry would not be of the same bene-f i t towards the development of the resources of the country, as i f the whole l i n e from tide-water to Kamloops Lake was i n a condition to be operated. Further, the construction of the sec-t i o n east of Kamloops through the Rocky Mountains could not be conducted with, the same advantage without r a i l communication 1 with the sea coast. Schreiber advised the Government to l e t the work as a whole i n one contract, for three reasons: f i r s t , because the r a i l s and fastenings would have to be transported over the l i n e from Port Moody; second, because such a course would very lar g e l y reduce the competition f o r labour, and third, because the work was of such, a character that i t would necessi-tate the employment of a large amount of plant and r o l l i n g 2 stock which only a large contract could j u s t i f y . Tupper con-curred i n the views of the Chief Engineer and recommended the Government to give authority for the c a l l i n g of tenders — the 3 work to be l e t i n one contract and upon the "Lump sum" system. The Government accordingly, by order-in-council, October 19, 1881, authorized the advertisement f o r tenders f o r the con-struction of the railway between Emory's Bar and Port Moody. Fourteen tenders were received, of which the lowest 4 was submitted by D. McDonald and A. Charlebois of Montreal. The price named was $2,277,000, several hundred thousand dollars below the Government estimate of the cost of the l i n e made in 1. Schreiber to Braun, Oct. 15, 1881, Dominion Sessional Paper 48, 1882, p. 1. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., p. 3. 4. Ibid., p. 30. - 118 -December, 1880, of $3,306,OOO"1. The McDonald and Charlebois tender, however, was denounced as i r r e g u l a r , since the required cheque fo r $20,000 which accompanied i t was mistakenly marked 2 "good for 2 days only" by the Bank of Montreal. The next low-est tender, $2,486,000, submitted by Onderdonk, was declared to be the lowest tender i n conformity with the regulations, and 3 Onderdonk was awarded the contract. McDonald and Charlebois 4 protested vigorously, stating that the "good fo r 2 days only" mark on t h e i r cheque v/as a mistake of the Bank of Montreal and could have been e a s i l y corrected -- which was quite true -- but the Government made no change i n t h e i r decision. Actually they had seized upon the l i t t l e i r r e g u l a r i t y In McDonald and Charle-bois' s tender as an excuse to award the contract to Onderdonk, whom Tupper had recommended as "having the necessary s k i l l and resources to carry out the undertaking". Onderdonk thus became the builder of the C. P. R. in B r i t i s h Columbia from Port Moody to Savona's Perry. A few years l a t e r , even before he f i n i s h e d t h i s section of the l i n e f o r the Government, he became contract-or for the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company and constructed the l i n e from Savona's Perry to Craigellachie where he met the s t e e l from the East on November 7, 1885. t" There can be no question that Andrew Onderdonk was a b r i l l i a n t young engineer and contractor at the time he was awarded the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway contracts i n B r i t i s h Col-umbia. He took out h i s o r i g i n a l four contracts to construct, !• Dominion Sessional Paper 23f , 1881, p. 23, 2. Dominion Sessional Paper 48, 1882, p. 47. 3. Order-in-Council, Feb. 8, 1882, i b i d . 4. Ibid., p. 49. - 119 -personally, the railway through the d i f f i c u l t Fraser and Thomp-son r i v e r valleys — a work which was generally believed to be as heavy as could be found anywhere -- at the age of 31. But his youthfulness, considering the great works he was to under-take, was no doubt a great asset. He was a man of great courage and a b i l i t y , and though, young when he entered on the railway project i n B r i t i s h Columbia, he was not without a great deal of experience i n work which involved heavy construction and the command of engineers and labouring men. Very l i t t l e information i s a v a i l a b l e concerning h i s l i f e . Only a bare outline of some of the important events i n 1 his career i s a v a i l a b l e . He was born i n Hew York City on Aug-ust 30, 1848. His father's name was John Remsen and h i s mother's, Sarah Trask. On his father's side he was a d i r e c t descendent of Adrian van der Donk, who came from Holland and settled in the United States i n 1672, and from whom Onderdonk evidently derived his curious name. On h i s mother's side h i s ancestry was pure English. From both sides of h i s family Onder-donk inherited a fine t r a d i t i o n of culture and a b i l i t y . Four-teen members of his family held Columbia University degrees; some had distinguished careers i n the diplomatic service; several were bishops; some were doctors. Onderdonk received his education at the Troy Institute of Technology at Troy, New York. On graduating he went to work 1. l e t t e r of Mrs. Gladys Onderdonk (Bradford G.) Weekes to Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, P r o v i n c i a l L i b r a r i a n and A r c h i v i s t , V i c t o r i a , B.C., March 5, 1935; and Gibbon, John Murray, Steel of Em-pire , Toronto, McLelland and Stewart, 1935, p. 186 f f . Gibbon draws most of his information from Mrs. Weekes' l e t t e r to Dr. Lamb. - 120 -as a surveyor and c i v i l engineer on the New Jersey Central Rail-road, b u i l d i n g roads and laying out townsites. On May 10, 1871, he married Sarah D e l i a Helnan, of P l a i n f i e l d , New Jersey. Mrs. Onderdonk was to become well-known as a gracious hostess at Yale during railway construction days. Prom hi s position with the New Jersey railway Onderdonk went west to become general manager of contracts financed by Darius Ogden M i l l s , the m i l l i o n a i r e banker of C a l i f o r n i a who was to head the syndicate which financed Onderdonk's contracts on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia. He spent three years i n San Francisco building f e r r y ships and sea walls for San Francisco harbour, "completing a l l his contracts i n time in spite of f i e r c e opposition from Dennis Carney, the notorious I labour agitator of the P a c i f i c coast". By 1880 he v/as a well established contractor of San Francisco. A.N. Towne, the Super-intendent of the Central P a c i f i c Railway, described him as one of the largest contractors on the P a c i f i c Coast, "thoroughly competent -to perform whatever he might f e e l disposed to under-2 take as a contractor". To point to Onderdonk's success in B r i t -3 ish Columbia i s ample comment on Towners warm praise. 1. Gibbon, op. c i t . , p. 187. 2. Dominion Sessional Paper 19, 1881, p. 151. 3. On the completion of his work i n B r i t i s h Columbia Onderdonk went East, where he was engaged on several large construct-ion works. Among other great works, he b u i l t the Entre Rios Railroad on the West Coast of South America, nine miles of tunnel of the Chicago water-works, the double track r a i l -road tunnel for T.H. and B.R.R. in Hamilton, Ontario, the Northwestern Elevated road i n Chicago and parts of the Trent and Soulange Canals. He became h a l f owner of the Union Bridge Company. He died at Oscawana-on-the-Hudson, N.Y., on June 21, 1905. He i s buried i n the Episcopal Church Cemetery at Mount Rose, N.Y. Mrs. Onderdonk died December 10, 1931. Onderdonk had f i v e children: Sherly, Eva, Percy, Arthur and Gladys. Sherly, Percy and Arthur are dead. Eva, Mrs. Henry T. Prudy of San Jose, Costa Rica, and Gladys, Mrs. Bradford G. Weekes of Oyster Bay, Long Island, survive. - 121 -To Mrs. F.W. Vincent of V i c t o r i a , who knew hoth Mr. and Mrs. Onderdonk while they were i n B r i t i s h Columbia, we are indebted for t h i s short sketch: Mr. Onderdonk was t a l l , f a i r and very good-looking, was prob-ably of Dutch-American o r i g i n , very steady and clear-headed, but not of much, p o l i s h . Mrs. Onderdonk was also f a i r , but short and very pleasant-looking. They were in a way a- happy-go-lucky couple, very fond of enjoying themselves and used to entertain a good deal. Mr. Onderdonk always dressed l i k e a c i t y man even in the small u n c i v i l i z e d place that Yale was during 1881 - 84. Mrs. Vincent and Onderdonk's daughter, Mrs. Weekes, are agreed that Onderdonk enjoyed l i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In her l e t t e r to Dr. Lamb, Mrs. "Weekes writes: "I know my parents entertain-ed many distinguished people at the i r headquarters at Yale, B r i t i s h Columbia, that they had many adventures and loved their l i v e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia; in fact I am sure they were the happiest years of t h e i r existence". Preparation for the commencement of construction i n B r i t i s h Columbia began soon a f t e r the l e t t i n g of the contracts in Ottawa. Early i n January the Dominion Government made i n -quiries i n V i c t o r i a to ascertain the capacity of B r i t i s h Col-2 umbia to furnish supplies f o r the railway construction, and in March the Government warned a l l those who possessed lands which the railway would have to cross, that they would have to s e l l them to the Bominion at prices irrespective of th e i r en-3 hanced value due to the construction of the railway. On A p r i l 2, a party of Government engineers arrived in V i c t o r i a en route 4 to the scene of construction. The party consisted of several 1. Onderdonk f i l e . P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. 2. Colonist. Jan. 11, 1880. 3. Ibid., March 2, 1880. 4. Ibid.. A p r i l 3, 1880. - 122 -men who were to play important parts i n the construction of the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia -- H.J. Cambie, G.A. Keefer, L.B. Hamlin, T.H. White, G.C. Carmon, W.C. M i t c h e l l , Melchior Eberts, J.P. Howe, J.W. Heckman and H.B. Smith. Ten days l a t e r they were joined i n V i c t o r i a by Onderdonk, and on the 16th, Engin-eers and Onderdonk, accompanied by the Hon. Joseph Trutch, whom the Government had appointed as t h e i r c o n f i d e n t i a l agent in B r i t i s h Columbia to aid i n the administration of the r a i l -1 way lands, proceeded to Yale to make preparations f o r the 2 commencement of construction. At 1 o'clock, Saturday, May 15, 1880, the f i r i n g of the f i r s t b l a s t at the f i r s t tunnel above Yale marked the be-ginning of construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The event was well described by one of those present in the Montreal Gazette. The memorable day was showery, which did not i n t e r f e r e with the gathering of interested spectators. After some congrat-ulatory remarks for the Conservative Government and the P a c i f i c Province by persons present, Mr. Onderdonk, at the request of Hon. J.W. Trutch, ordered the foreman to l i g h t the fuse — a grand success; the loud noise resounded i n the Praser Va l l e y some distance, besides causing a downpour of r a i n . . . . After the blast Captain John Irving, of Praser and Thompson River fame used the whistle of h i s sternwheel r i v e r boat, the 'Enterprise' to add to the ceremony. Again a f t e r the blasted rock was removed from the waggon road, close to the railway l i n e in the tunnel, Mr. Stephen Tlngley, memorable for h i s mountain road d r i v i n g with the mail and special up-. country coaches, appeared with covered s p e c i a l , holding the reins of s i x l i v e l y horses, and with the consent of the tunnel foreman was allowed to go up the road.3 1. Order-in-Council, Feb. 25, 1880, Dominion Sessional Paper 21, 1881, p. 48. 2. Colonist. April-16, 1880. 3. Quoted by Gibbon, op_. c i t . , p. 189. Gibbon gives the date of the event as May 14, 1880, but the Inland Sentinel, Sept. 23, 1880, and the Colonist, May 16, 1880, are agreecPon May 15. - 123 -Although Emory's Bar was chosen as the western term-1 inus of Onderdonk's l i n e , because of the r i f f l e i n the Fraser River at that point which impeded navigation to Yale at cer-tain seasons of the year, Onderdonk fixed h i s headquarters -at Yale. In a very short time Yale became one of the most active towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Hotels and boarding houses, which had remained almost i d l e from the days of the gold rush, sudd-enly acquired a l i v e l y business as men moved up the r i v e r to work on the railway. "This time," wrote the e d i t o r of the Inland Sentinel (the former Cariboo Sentinel) M. Haggan, who 2 opened hi s o f f i c e at Emory on June 10, 1880, "surpasses the 3 best mining days of -58 «? 9 etc." The centre of greatest a c t i v i t y — a f t e r the saloons and hotels — was probably Onder-donk' s house, which he used both as a home for his family and his p r i n c i p a l assistants and f o r storage and o f f i c e space. Apart from h i s headquarters in Yale, Onderdonk erected a hos-p i t a l to take care of those injured on the works of construct-4 ion. Dr. E.B.C. Hannington was appointed to administer the 5 h o s p i t a l , assisted by Dr. A.H. Sheldon. Dr. Hannington and h i s s t a f f were to lead a very busy l i f e during the four years from 1880 to 1885, and i f the Inland Sentinel and Colonist can be believed, at times they were quite inadequate to give proper 1. Actually the terminus was f i x e d by Schreiber and Cambie one mile below Emory's Bar. Colonist, July 28, 1880. 2. The Inland Sentinel was published at Yale, June 10, 1880 to May 15, 1884. It renewed publication at Kamloops July 31, 1884. 3. Inland Sentinel, June 17, 1880. 4. Dr. Hannington was succeeded i n A p r i l , 1885, by Dr. H.E. Langis, who at present resides i n Vancouver, B.C. 5. Inland Sentinel, June 17, 1880. - 124 -attention to the many injured who came to them for r e l i e f . L i f e i n Yale during construction days defies descrip-t i o n . While work i n the Fraser Canyon and below Yale to Port Moody was i n progress Yale was thronged with labouring men of almost every n a t i o n a l i t y . Chinese, French Canadians, and English, Scotch and I r i s h , who came p r i n c i p a l l y from the United States, were most prominent. Over t h i s motley crowd very l i t t l e e f f e c t -ive r e s t r a i n t v/as exercised. The Edi t o r of the Inland Sentinel complained on more than one occasion that the police force, one man, was inadequate, and the Colonist reported i n May, 1881, that "the condition of a f f a i r s at Yale [was] c r i t i c a l . A f e e l -2 ing of ins e c u r i t y [pervaded] a l l classes". Pay day i n Yale, which came on the 10th of each month, seems to have been Invar-iably accompanied by drunken brawls. Sunday was also a popular day f o r celebration. One who was there In 1880 describes a Sun-day i n Yale with v i v i d b r u t a l i t y i n the Inland Sentinel of May 29, 1905. The town of Yale was en fete that day, i n a -wild and woolly' sense, and the one long main business street, fronting on the r i v e r , presented a scene and sounds at once animated and gro-tesque, bizarre and risque. The s h e l l l i k e shacks of saloons, whereof every t h i r d b u i l d i n g , nearly, was one, f a i r l y buzzed and bulged l i k e Brobdlgnagian wasps' nests, whose inmates, i n a continual state of f l u x , ever and anon hurled i n and out, in twos and threes, or tangled wrangling masses. Painted and bedizened women lent a garish colour to the scene. On the hot and dusty road-side, or around timbers, r a i l s , and other con-struction debris, men i n advanced stages of i n t o x i c a t i o n r o l l -ed and fought, or snored i n b e s t i a l o b l i v i o n . 3 Judge F.W. Howay, who quotes t h i s passage, believes from person-a l experience that t h i s picture of a Yale Sunday i s uncoloured. !• X i d e Inland Sentinel, Oct. 7, 1880; Aug. 16, 1883; Colonist lay~"lB, 1881; May 28, 1881. 2. Colonist, May 18, 1881. 3. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , op. c i t . , v. 2, p. 418. - 125 -On July 27, 1880, Yale suffered a temporary setback 1 when the whole town was consumed hy f i r e . Onderdonk l o s t h i s fine house despite a water tank he had erected to protect i t . The town, however, was soon r e b u i l t . Onderdonk b u i l t a new building for h i s headquarters, t h i s time at the west end of Front Street (which ran p a r a l l e l to the r i v e r ) i s o l a t e d and 2 comparatively free from f i r e . This building served Onderdonk throughout his work in the Province. It s t i l l stands at Yale, having escaped the ravages of an even greater f i r e than that 3 of July 27,1880, which destroyed Yale on August 18, 1881. At Emory's Bar a town sprang up which has been charac-4 te r i z e d by Judge F.W. Howay as 'ephemeral'. Emory, as the western terminus of the l i n e on the Lower Fraser, became the j point of trans-shipment of railway supplies from the r i v e r steamers to the railway. At Emory also disembarked the men en route to the works of construction. The Inland Sentinel report-ed, on September 23, 1880, that Emory was "a booming"'. "Three steamers to-day — Hotel crowded , r a i l r o a d tents a l l around --work at the bridge and grading in earnest. — parties a f t e r choice l o t s , etc." Haturally the major business of Yale and Emory centred around the production and handling of construction supplies for the railway. At Emory Onderdonk b u i l t a dock to receive con-struction supplies — r a i l s , f i s h plates, spikes, provisions, timbers (and o c c a s i o n a l l y a locomotive.) -- whence they were 1. Inland Sentinel, July 29, 1880. 2.. Ibid., August 5, 1880 . 3. Ibid., August 25, 1881. 4. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , op. c i t . , v. 2, p. 418. - 126 -transported "by r a i l or road to the rail-head and camps above Yale. R a i l s , f i s h plates and spikes were brought to New West-minster by s a i l i n g ships from England. Here they were unloaded and trans-shipped to the r i v e r steamer f o r Emory's Bar -- or i f they were intended for use on the Port Moody — Emory's Bar l i n e they were carried to convenient points along the Praser, Port Haney, 3t Mary's Mission, Harrison River, M a r i a v i l l e and the Indian v i l l a g e opposite Hope. When the l i n e from Port Moody to Yale was completed supplies were shipped to Port Moody and thence by r a i l up the l i n e above Yale. Onderdonk established his warehouses at Yale and Em-ory. At Yale he b u i l t machine shops, for servicing the loco-motives which he imported from San Prancisco, and for the man-ufacture of railway cars. The Inland Sentinel reported on A p r i l 21, 1881, that the Railway Machine Shop was i n f u l l oper-ation under the operation of Mr. Henry McGowan, and that i t had one of the f i n e s t lathes i n the province. Close by the Machine Shop Onderdonk erected, early i n 1882, his car shop which by 1 May, 1883, was turning out a f l a t car a day. An Engine House was b u i l t , complete with turn-table, to house three locomotives 2 at a time. Besides building h i s own f l a t cars Onderdonk manu-factured at Yale, at Emory, and along the l i n e , whatever he could of value i n the works of construction. His p r i n c i p a l operations were the manufacture of explosives, great quantities of which were required to blast a l i n e through the rocks of 1. Inland Sentinel, May 3, 1883. 2. i b i d . , June 19, 1882. - 127 -the Fraser and Thompson River canyons, and the cutting of r a i l -way t i e s and bridge timbers. He erected h i s explosives plant at Yale. After an expenditure of $20,000 the plant was ready by January, 1881, for the manufacture of 2,000 lbs of Dean's 1 Safety NItro-Glycerine d a i l y . At Texas Lake, a few miles below Emory, Onderdonk operated a steam saw-mill, day and night, 2 cutting t i e s and bridge timbers. Two more m i l l s were operated further up the l i n e . Onderdonk was never able to cut a l l the t i e s and tim-bers he needed. He purchased great quantities of t i e s and bridge timbers from the saw-mills of New Westminster and Burrard Inlet. On A p r i l 5, 1882, for example, he advertised f o r tenders for 3 232,000 cross t i e s for the l i n e from Emory's Bar to Port Moody, with the r e s u l t that t i e s for the railway were soon drawn from P i t t River, Harrison Lake, Boundary Bay and Salt Spring Island, and the saw-mills of New Westminster and Burrard Inlet, as the Columbian remarked, enjoyed a 'boom''. The problem of transport for construction supplies and provisions was a continual source of trouble to Onderdonk. Trans-port f o r the heaviest of the railway supplies — r a i l s and t i e s -- was e a s i l y arranged, f o r once the track was l a i d they were merely car r i e d to the rail-head over the finished l i n e . But transport f o r the supplies of food, tools and explosives, which had to go beyond the rail-head to the gangs engaged on the grade, was often d i f f i c u l t , and always very c o s t l y . The Cariboo 1. Colonist, Jan. 20, 1881. Vide Chittenden, Newton H., Guide  or Travel Through the Cascade Mountains, V i c t o r i a , 1882. 2. Inland Sentinel, A p r i l 5, 1883. 3. Ittew Westminster B r i t i s h Columbian, A p r i l 5, 1882. - 128 -road, of course, v/as the only means of transport up the Fraser v a l l e y above Yale, and along t h i s road many of Onderdonk's supplies were ca r r i e d . The construction of the railway, however, often impeded t r a f f i c along the road, f o r often the railway crossed or followed the road. Delays occurred while the road was repaired or b u i l t i n another l o c a t i o n . But the main d i f f -i c u l t y of transport, as f a r as Onderdonk was concerned, was the cost. "'In addition to other transportation charges," C h i t t -enden observed, "Mr. Onderdonk pays $10.00 for every ton of his f r eight passing over the Yale—Cariboo Wagon Road, except-1 ing f o r the production of the Province". As construction advanced further and further up the r i v e r transportation costs became heavier, and Onderdonk f i n a l -l y decided to b u i l d a small r i v e r steamer to be used on the navigable stretches of the Fraser above Yale. Construction of 2 the l i t t l e steamer began i n December, 1881, on the r i v e r 15 miles above Yale near the "Big Tunnel", and was completed early in May, 1882. It was launched on Tuesday, May 9th, an account of the event appearing i n the Inland. Sentinel on May 11th. The time was fixed at 11 a.m., and a l i t t l e before Mr. and Mrs. Onderdonk, Mrs. Bacon, and some others arrived by the cars. Mr. Dalton gave orders to remove the blocks, and f i v e minutes before time away the boat slipped into the water, receiving her name, we believe from Mrs. Onderdonk, "The Skuzzy" (the name of a l i t t l e stream above the Big Tunnel). Having successfully launched the "Skuxzy" f i f t e e n miles above Yale the next d i f f i c u l t y to meet was getting the l i t t l e steam-er up the r i v e r through the treacherous H e l l Gate to Boston 1. Chittenden, op. c i t . , p. 35" 2. Inland Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1881. - 129 Bar, whence she was to ply to Lytton with supplies i n advance of the r a i l . Chittenden has l e f t t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g account of the Skuzzy's treacherous journey to Boston Bar. Then came the d i f f i c u l t y of finding a captain able and w i l l -ing to take her through. One afte r another went up and looked at the l i t t l e boat, then at the awful canyon, the rushing r i v e r and the swift foaming rapids, and turned back, either pronouncing the ascent impossible or refusing to undertake i t . F i n a l l y Captains S.R. and David Smith, brothers, were sent f o r , both well known for the i r remarkable feats of steamboating on the upper waters of the Columbia. The former ran the steamer Shoshone 1,000 miles down the Snake River through the Blue Mountains -- the only boat which ever did, or probably ever w i l l , make the perilous passage. Pie also ran a steamer safely over the f a l l s of Willamette at Oregon C i t y . Pie said he could take the Skuzzy up, and provided with a crew of seventeen men, including J.W. Burse, a s k i l f u l engineer, with a steam winch and capstain and several great hawsers, began the ascent. At the end of seven days I found them just below H e l l Gate, having l i n e d safely through the roaring Black Canyon, through which pent-up waters rush l i k e a m i l l r a c e at 20 miles an hour. Returning from my journey to the i n t e r i o r , I had the pleasure of congratulating the captain upon the successful accomplishment of the undertaking, and of seeing the Skuzzy start from Boston Bar with her f i r s t load of f r e i g h t . Captain Smith said the hardest tug of war was at China R i f f l e , where, in addition to the engines, the steam winch, and 15 men at the capstain, a force of 150 Chinamen upon a t h i r d l i n e was required to p u l l her overl The captains received |2,250 for t h e i r work. The Skuzzy was a strongly b u i l t c r a f t of 120 tons, with dimen-sions, 120 feet length, 24 foot beam, and four and a ha l f feet depth of hold. She was propelled by two horizontal engines in addition to which she had a steam winch placed i n her bows "for the purpose of working through the chutes and rapids" which ever recurred along the route from Boston Bar to Lytton. Her h u l l was adapted to meet the many p e r i l s of navigation on the Fraser. It was divided into upwards of twenty compartments each partitioned o f f from the other by watertight bulkheads. Half her bottom could be torn out -- as act u a l l y did happen -- without 1. Chittenden, op. c i t . , p. 3 6 - 130 -sinking her'l' The Skuzzy had a short hut adventuresome and useful career, carrying supplies and provisions up the r i v e r between Boston Bar and Lytton. The effect of the l i t t l e boat on the fre i g h t carrying along the Cariboo road was immediate. On the opening of the spring season i n 1883 the Inland Sentinel re-marked that Cariboo wagon road f r e i g h t i n g was l i g h t and that i t was feared the big trams would not pay. "The cars and 'Skuzzy' 2 do a large share of the Railway fr e i g h t carrying". /By the end of 1883, however, her usefulness was complete as the grade to Lytton had almost reached completion. She was t i e d up above Boston Bar where she remained u n t i l 1884, when her machinery was removed, taken to Savona, and placed i n a newly b u i l t 3 Skuzzy, number two. The new Skuzzy was used below and above Kamloops for transport and as a " f l o a t i n g hotel" f o r the track-layers, moving along with them as they proceeded along the grade 7) An even more d i f f i c u l t problem than cheap transporta-tion was the problem of obtaining adequate supplies of s k i l l e d and uns k i l l e d labour. Labour in B r i t i s h Columbia was scarce and as a result labour had to be imported from Eastern Canada, the United States, p a r t i c u l a r l y from C a l i f o r n i a , and from China. Even the Indians of the province were occasionally employed. Onderdonk brought most of his s k i l l e d and professional help with him from San Francisco, including E.G. T i l t o n , h i s 1. The Resources of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , Oct. 1, 1883'. 2. Inland Sentinel, May 17, 1883. 3. The Land of Heart's Desire, The Inland Sentinel, Quarter Century Commemorative Number, Kamloops, B.C., May 29, 1905, p. 33. - 131 -Chief Engineer and General Superintendent, and George F. Kyle, 1 T i l t o n ' s a s sistant. But he was never able to obtain a l l the s k i l l e d help he needed. As late as A p r i l , 1884, when work had been i n progress f o r almost four years, he complained that he needed good, p r a c t i c a l r a i l r o a d men, bosses and sub-contractors 2 and could employ a large number of t h i s c l a s s . Onderdonk-s chief d i f f i c u l t y , however, was to f i n d enough unsk i l l e d labourers to do cle a r i n g , grading, track-laying and b a l l a s t i n g work. In 1882, D.O. M i l l s , representing the Onderdonk syndicate before the C. P. R. Royal Cc3mmission t e s t i f i e d that only the sc a r c i t y of the supply of labour would render completion of the l i n e by 3 the requested date, June 30, 1885, impossible. In October, 1881, Tupper c a l l e d attention to the same d i f f i c u l t y . "The question of-labour," he to l d the Toronto M a i l , "has been a very serious one, both i n B r i t i s h Columbia and on the works between 4 Thunder Bay and Red River". Onderdonk was continually advertis-ing for labour and on several occasions he l e f t the Province to r e c r u i t workers i n San Francisco. Work began at Yale i n May, 1880, with 500 men employ-5 6 ed; by the middle of June 1,000 were at work; and by September 7 the force had Increased to 1,600 men. By 1881, Onderdonk was in 8 need of 4,000 men, and for some time work was retarded owing to the shortage of white men -- 'Onderdonkrs Lambs} as they 1. Vide B. C. Directory 1882/83, fo r Onderdonk«s s t a f f . 2. Interview with the Portland Evening Telegram., A p r i l 12, 1884. Quoted by Inland Sentinel, A p r i l 14, 1884. 3« Report of the C.P.R. Royal Commission, 1882,Evidence,v.2,pl296L 4« Colonist, Oct. 16, 1881. 5. Ibid., May 29, 1880. 6. Ibid., June 23, 1880. 7. TBTd". , Sept. 11, 1880. 8.. Inland Sentinel, March 10, 1881. - 132 -"became known. At th i s time Onderdonk "began employing large num-bers of Chinese on his works — Chinese who had come to B r i t i s h Columbia from 1876 to 1880 d i r e c t from China and from San "Fran-cisco, where they had been employed on the construction of the 1 Central P a c i f i c and Southern P a c i f i c Railways. The employment of Chinese immediately produced pro-tests from the white inhabitants of the province, but Onder-donk was very careful to explain that he employed Chinese only as a matter of necessity and that he preferred white labour. On February 11, 1881, he wrote to the Edit o r of the Inland Sent- i n e l : There appears to be an impression abroad that we propose to work Chinese on our r a i l r o a d contracts, to the exclusion of white labour. This impression i s working us an injury, as many who might otherwise apply f o r work are discouraged from doing so. As i t i s imperative to work a very large force of men the coming season, we s h a l l employ both classes of labour, and s h a l l - f u r n i s h employment f o r 3,000 white men, at our current rates f o r that class of labor, on application, pro-vided they are handy and Industrious. 2 In March, Onderdonk l e f t Yale f o r San Francisco In 3 search of labour, and soon hundreds of men were on th e i r way by steamer up the Fraser to Yale, white and Chinese. Every boat brought men f o r the railway. On A p r i l 7, the Inland Sentinel remarked that the l a s t a r r i v a l of railway workmen from Californ-i a appeared to be able-bodied and remarkably quiet. The next issue of the paper, A p r i l 14, reported that the William Irving had arrived i n the morning bringing 216 white men and some 1. Vide Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration, Ottawa, 1884, p. v. 2,326 Chinese entered B r i t i s h Columbia from 1876 to 1880. 2. Inland Sentinel, Feb. 17, 1881. 3. Ibid., March 24, 1881. - 133 -Chinamen f o r the railway work. On A p r i l 12, the Colonist stated that Onderdonk was s t i l l i n C a l i f o r n i a forwarding men to Yale, and that he anticipated no d i f f i c u l t y in securing 6,000 men to work on the l i n e . Onderdonk did secure a large number of white labourers i n C a l i f o r n i a , and also some French Canadians engaged in Quebec, but the 6,000 men whom Onderdonk was to secure were made up of large numbers of Chinese imported dir e c t from Hong Kong, China. Over h a l f the 16,000 Chinese who came to B r i t i s h Col-1 umbia from 1876 to September, 1884, (the date of the Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration) came in the years 1882 and 1883, when the demand f o r labour for the construction 2 of the railway was at i t s height. Although no d i r e c t evidence i s a v a i l a b l e on the subject i t seems that Onderdonk made arran-gements with the Dominion and Imperial Governments to have Chinese shipped d i r e c t l y to B r i t i s h Columbia f o r railway con-str u c t i o n . At least the New vYestminster B r i t i s h Columbian stated in January, 1882, that there was good authority for stat i n g that the C.P.R. contractor had four ships under charter to convey f i v e thousand Chinese d i r e c t from China to the railway works in th i s province." It i s not possible to say exactly how many Chinese were employed by Onderdonk. In 1884 the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration gave the figure 3 at 2,900 but estimates as high as 6,000 have been made. White labour seems to have exceeded Chinese, generally, but on the 1. Over 27,000 whites came i n the same period. 2. Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration, 1885, p. v. 3 * Ihid.. p. 364. - 134 -section from Emory's Bar to Port Moody Chinese e a s i l y predom-inated. The contract for t h i s section of the l i n e was not l e t u n t i l two years after the o r i g i n a l four contracts and as a resul t when Onderdonk came to begin construction here his. available labour supply was engaged on the Emory.-— Savona line. Pie was forced to f a l l back upon Chinese. In November, 1882, 1 for 100 whites working at Maple Ridge there were 500 Chinese. 2 By January, 1883, there were 900 Chinese. At Port Moody i n January, 1883, there were 550 Chinese, but only 100 white 3 workers. The Chinese made excellent railway navvies -- as they had on the Central P a c i f i c and Southern P a c i f i c -- and worked for lower wages, but they were useful only for the most menial and u n s k i l l e d labour. Onderdonk was thus p a r t i c u l a r l y hard pressed f o r white labour f o r the l i n e from Emory to Port Moody — the supply never s a t i s f i e d h i s demands. Onderdonk employed Indian labour on the Emory —- Port 4 Moody l i n e and at Lytton in 1882. They worked well and gave s a t i s f a c t i o n , receiving the current rate of wages paid to white workers. It i s of Interest, however, that the editor of the Columbian objected to the employment of Indians on the railway since i t would seriously i n t e r f e r e with the f i s h i n g Industry. "The employment of so many of the Lower Praser Indians on the railway works at $2 a day i s sure to exert a more or less In-jurious influence upon the f i s h i n g Industry. The labor question i s a most serious one, a f f e c t i n g every industry i n the country, 1. Columbian, Nov. 29, 1882. 2. Ibid., Jan. 20, 1883. 3. Ibid., Jan. 24, 1883. 4. TnTand Sentinel, A p r i l 27, 1882. - 135 -and the sooner a s a t i s f a c t o r y solution can he found the better". Actually there v/as no solution f o r the labour problem which would s a t i s f y everyone. B r i t i s h Columbia had experienced a great boom on the commencement of the railway and although about 45,000 immigrants came to B r i t i s h Columbia i n the years between 1876 and 1885, the supply of labour s t i l l seemed inad-equate. Onderdonk's remedy was Chinese labour; but the employ-ment of Chinese on the railway was b i t t e r l y attacked. The Port Moody Gazette boldly declared that there was "no a f f i n i t y be-tween [the White and Chinese races] in spite of a l l that Is 2 preached about the universal brotherhood of man," and lamented the fact that "the greater part of the m i l l i o n s to be expended 3 on railway construction w i l l go to China". To a l l c r i t i c s , Onderdonk replied that he preferred white labour, but since he could not obtain enough of i t he had to employ Chinese i n order 4 to complete h i s contracts. In t h i s opinion he was supported by S i r John A. Macdonald. At a meeting in Toronto, Macdonald stated that he was "opposed to Chinese labor i n America", for he did not think i t was for our interest "to bring i n semi-barbarians to work out and supersede white labor". But he was "pledged to b u i l d the great P a c i f i c Railroad i n f i v e years and i f [he could 1. Columbian, May 27, 1882. 2. Port Moody Gazette, A p r i l 12, 1884. 3. Ibid.. A p r i l 5, 1884. 4. The Columbian, June 10, 1882, states that Onderdonk offered to contribute #250,000 towards a scheme for introducing the right kind of labor into B r i t i s h Columbia but h i s proposal was not entertained by the Government. I have found no sub-st a n t i a t i o n of t h i s statement. In Onderdonk's favour i t must be mentioned that on two occasions he raised the wage rates fo r white labour. Vide Inland Sentinel, June 10, 1880, and Aug. 25, 1881, and Colonist. A p r i l 13, 1882. - 136 -not] obtain white labor, (jhe] must employ other"7 That the Chinese were of great value in the develop-ment of B r i t i s h Columbia could not be denied, but the great prejudice against the Chinese, who were generally looked upon as a great moral and s o c i a l e v i l , outweighed a l l other con-siderations. In January, 1883, the P r o v i n c i a l Government drew attention of the Dominion Government "to the immense i n f l u x of Chinese into t h i s Province, consequent upon the Railway Con-trac t o r importing large numbers from Asia," and asked for legis-l a t i o n f o r the purpose of preventing immigration of Chinese 2 into the Province. On July 4, 1884, the Dominion Government appointed a Royal Commission to inquire into the question of Chinese immigration into Canada. The Commission was c h i e f l y impressed by the great aid Chinese labour had given to the development of Industry and the construction of railway i n Brit-i s h Columbia and completely exonerated Onderdonk. "It admits of no question," t h e i r report stated, "that without t h e i r labour, the construction and completion of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -3 way would have heen i n d e f i n i t e l y postponed". Whenever possible Onderdonk used machinery on the grading work — steam shovels f o r excavation and steam and com-pressed a i r d r i l l s for tunnel and rock-cutting work -- and had i t not been for these mechanical aids his labour problems would have been even greater. It seems that steam shovels were not 1. Columbian, June 10, 1882. 2. Order-in-Council, Jan. 18, 1883, B.C. Sessional Papers, 1883, .. p. 345. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration, 1885, p. x i v . - 137 -used, however, u n t i l the summer of 1883. Two were placed on excavation work above Yale, and a t h i r d was used on the Port Moody section near Maple Ridge. Work with the steam shovel be-gan on August 20, at Maple Ridge. The editor of the Columbian wrote with delight that this was "bad news for the Chinamen 2 whose services are not now required". Steam-drills arrived from San Francisco In July, 1880, f o r work on the tunnels above 3 Yale, the f i r s t being used on the "Big Tunnel" (No. 6, above 4 Yale) on August 5. Later steam d r i l l s were replaced by com-pressed a i r d r i l l s , which were found to be more e f f i c i e n t . On the whole, Onderdonk had l i t t l e trouble with h i s huge labour force. The white labourers were constantly coming and going, and t h i s turnover, no doubt, caused serious d i f f i -c u l t i e s . The Chinese, on the other hand, were steady and re-l i a b l e . The main d i f f i c u l t y seems to have been to keep the white and Chinese labourers working amicably together. Mixed gangs were not used but white foremen were almost invariably placed over the Chinese gangs. Occasionally differences arose between foremen and Chinese which resulted i n rather serious, and on occasions, f a t a l accidents. In February, 1883, several rows took place between the Chinese gangs at Maple Ridge and the white•foremen. In some cases either the foremen or the 5 Chinese received serious i n j u r i e s . On May 10, of the same year, at Lytton a Chinese gang assaulted the foreman. During the 1. Columbian, July 11, 1883. 2. Ibid., August 22, 1883. 3« Inland Sentinel, July 1, 1880. 4. Ibid., Aug. 5, 1880. 5« Columbian, Feb. 3, and Feb. 14, 1883. - 138 -following night several of the white workers attacked the Chinese camp, burned i t to the ground and injured several of 1 the Chinese, one, so seriously, that he died. Riots of t h i s sort however were not common, and of very l i t t l e consequence. Onderdonk was r a r e l y troubled by s t r i k e s . He paid good wages and regularly, and although there were many who complain-ed of t h e i r bosses and board supplied i n the camps, others praised conditions along the l i n e . A Chinese s t r i k e took place 2 above Yale i n May, 1881, and there was a s t r i k e among the white 3 laborers along the Port Moody l i n e i n February, 1884, but no st r i k e of any importance troubled Onderdonk. Onderdonk pushed his great works through to completion with a l l possible despatch. There were no serious delays during the whole four years he was engaged on the l i n e from Port Moody to Savona's Ferry. Work was car r i e d on throughout the whole of each year, although naturally i t was briskest during the spring, summer and autumn months^and somewhat retarded during the winter season. No time was l o s t i n commencing the work at Yale i n the spring of 1880 and no time was l o s t i n rushing i t to completion. Work was carried on at night as well as by day, and Sunday labour, although forbidden by the contracts, was almost a ru l e . The work which began with the f i r s t blast at No. 1 Tunnel, above Yale, progressed rapidly under the supervision of Onderdonk and h i s engineers, superintendents and r i d i n g bosses, and the Government engineers. E.G. T i l t o n was an e f f i c i e n t (and 1. Colonist, May 11, 1883. 2. Inland Sentinel, May 19, 1881. 3. Gazette, Feb. 23, 1884. - 139 -popular) construction superintendent and he was succeeded i n 1882 hy a man equally ahle, M.J. Haney. Onderdonk's 'riding bosses' one of whom was placed over each section of the l i n e knew well how to keep th e i r men at work -- and some were very popular. Superintendent James Leamy who was over the section from Emory to Boston Bar was characterized hy one of h i s workers 1 as "as fine a man as e'er I met". For the Government, Marcus Smith became Deputy Engineer i n Chief i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and 2 was placed i n charge of the l i n e from Port Moody to Emory's Bar. H.J. Cambie had charge of the l i n e from Emory's Bar to Boston Bar. George A. Keefer had charge from Boston Bar to Lytton, H.A.P. Macleod from Lytton to Junction Plat and L.B. Hamlin, 3 from Junction Plat to Savona's Perry. The work of preparing the grade from Emory's Bar to Savona's Perry proceeded on each of the four sections simul-taneously, in order that there would be no delay i n track-laying which proceeded progressively up the r i v e r v a l l e y from Emory's Bar. The heaviest work occurred on the section between Yale and Boston Bar. On t h i s section 13 tunnels had to be constructed including the largest on the whole l i n e , the "Big Tunnel", which was 1,600 feet long. Fortunately, t h i s heavy section was readily accessible from the head of navigation on the Fraser. The l i g h t -est work occurred from Junction F l a t to Savona's Ferry, except 1. The China Herder's Lament, Gazette, July 5, 1884. M.J. Haney, i n t h i s amusing poem, however, i s named "the meanest man on a l l the road". 2» The B r i t i s h Columbia Directory 1882 - 1883, p. 372. 3. Gosnell, op_. c i t . , pt. 2, pp. 100-108 (narrative by H.J. Cambie); Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d , op. c i t . , v. 2, p. 419; Robinson Noel, Blazing t h e - T r a i l through the Rockies, News Advertiser, no date, p. 104. and TEe B r i t i s h OolumbTa Direct-ory 1882 - 1883, p. 372. - 140 -f o r the l a r g e r o c k y " b l u f f w h i c h r a n sheer down t o t h e Thompson R i v e r n e a r Savona's P e r r y . On Thursday noon, September 23, 1880, the f i r s t t u n n e l , Mo. 2 t u n n e l , 3-§- m i l e s above Y a l e , was completed. The o c c a s i o n was c e l e b r a t e d , a c c o r d i n g t o the I n l a n d S e n t i n e l "by Mr. Onder-1 donk s u p p l y i n g a b a r r e l o f beer"'. No. 1 t u n n e l was put t h r o u g h 2 by November 18, 1880. By March, 1881, f o u r t u n n e l s were complet-ed and work was p r o c e e d i n g , a l t h o u g h hampered by a s h o r t a g e o f men, on t u n n e l s No's. 5 and 6 ( t h e ' B i g T u n n e l ' ) . The ' B i g Tunn-e l ' was completed and ready f o r t r a c k l a y i n g on October 19, 1881, Mr. Onderdonk a g a i n s u p p l y i n g a b a r r e l o f b e e r t o c e l e -3 b r a t e the o c c a s i o n . W h i l e t h e s e works were u n d e r t a k e n above Y a l e , work on t h e grade was p r o c e e d i n g f a r up the r i v e r and b e -tween Y a l e and Emory. A l l a l o n g the C a r i b o o r o a d t h e r e was g r e a t a c t i v i t y , " f r e i g h t e r s and pack t r a i n s i n m o t i o n -- W h i t e s , Chinamen and I n d i a n s — h o r s e s , mules and p o n i e s i n g r e a t v a r -4 i e t y " . 5 T r a c k - l a y i n g began a t Emory's B a r i n A p r i l , 1881, and by J u l y 4, of t h e same y e a r , s u f f i c i e n t t r a c k had been l a i d t o c e l e b r a t e American Independence Day w i t h an e x c u r s i o n between Y a l e and Emory. The f i r s t l o c o m o t i v e , a p p r o p r i a t e l y named the " Y a l e " , had a r r i v e d a t Emory towards th e end o f A p r i l f r o m the Joseph E n r i g h t Works, San J o s e , C a l i f o r n i a , accompanied by sev-6 e r a l c a r s . The account of the f i r s t r a i l w a y e x c u r s i o n ever h e l d 1. I n l a n d S e n t i n e l , S e p t . 2. I b i d . , Nov. 18, 1880. 3. I b i d . , O c t . 20, 1881. 4. I b i d . , A p r i l 28, 1881. 5. I b i d . , March 31, 1881. 6. Ibid., A p r i l 28, 1881. - 141 -in B r i t i s h Columbia which appeared i n the Inland Sentinel , July 7, 1881, i s of interest: The cars stood upon the track near the head of Albert street; they were, s i x In number, a l l well seated with, new lumber from the Emory M i l l . . . . S h o r t l y a f t e r 9 o'clock the Hew Westminster Brass Band, that had arrived with the 'Wm Irving' Excursion, the afternoon previous, made i t s appearance, and were pro-vided v/ith seats upon the t h i r d car. How the pleasure seekers began to rush on board and take seats....the v/ord was given and the s h r i l l whistle of the engine ga,ve warning and the Band s t r i k i n g up 'Hail Columbia' away the f i r s t Excursion' t r a i n upon the C. P. R. i n B r i t i s h Columbia went, apparently to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the people....In passing Mr. Onder-donk's v i l l a the Band played with s p i r i t 'Star Spangled Banner'. The t r a i n moved pleasantly along at a speed f a r be-yond the expectation of the masses. The work of b a l l a s t i n g the track began soon a f t e r the r a i l s were l a i d , and the "Yale" when not hauling r a i l s , t i e s , and bridge timbers to the rail-head was engaged hauling gravel for the Chinese and white section gangs who were engaged tamping the t i e s . By August, the track had been l a i d some six miles above Yale, and the work of transporting s t e e l timbers and gravel was becoming too much for one locomotive. A second loco-motive — so small and old that the editor of the Inland Sent-1 i n e l was very disappointed i n i t , -- arrived at the end of Oct-ober. A t h i r d engine, named the "Hew Westminster" was unloaded 2 at Emory i n July, 1882. Work on the section from Emory's Bar to Port Moody began in A p r i l , 1882, when Indians were put to v/ork c l e a r i n g a right of way for the grade. Soon work began along the l i n e -- at Port Moody, Maple Ridge, Emory's Ear -- on the grade. The beginning of work at Port Moody brought a new town into being. 1. Inland Sentinel, Nov. 3, 1881. 2. Ibid., July 20, 1882. - 142 -P.S. Hamilton, the a l i t o r of the Port Moody Gazette, wrote of the beginnings of the western terminus of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. U n t i l the summer [of 1882~]r , the shores of Port Moody pre-sented to view an unbroken l i n e of heavily timbered f o r e s t s . The f i r s t break made In these wild surroundings, towards the close of the summer of that year, was i n commencing the con-struction of a railway terminal wharf. Simultaneously with t h i s work the work of f e l l i n g and removing the timbers from the railway track was also commenced. About the end of Oct-ober, gangs of men were set to grading the track. In the month of May [1883] the f i n e iron ship "Duke of Abercorn" arrived out as the f i r s t of a squadron loaded with s t e e l r a i l s f o r the Canadian P a c i f i c , and was discharged at the railway wharf. This ship was, during the summer and autumn followed by seven others making eight In a l l down to the month of October, and of the burthen of from 1190 to 1800 1 tons, s i m i l a r l y loaded with s t e e l r a i l s , plates, spikes, etc. Port ffioody looked forward to the future with confidence. "Imagination," wrote P.S. Hamilton, " i s tasked to conceive how 2 great, and prosperous, and b r i l l i a n t , i t s future must be":. Port Haney also came to l i f e as a railway construct-ion centre. Here many supplies were brought from Hew Westmin-ster for use along the l i n e . A correspondent of the Columbian wrote i n December, 1882, that a 'boom' had commenced at Port Haney. "On Saturday the steamers Reliance, Gem, L i l y , I'm. I r -ving, and -Myra (late P a c i f i c Slope) were a l l here. The Irving and Myra were landing cargoes of Chinamen and Chinese wares. On Sunday evening the Irving came alongside again and landed 3 f reight... .The Royal C i t y w i l l have to look to her laurels"'. Port Haney'a good fortune was short, however, fo r soon Onder-donk moved the depot on the Praser a few miles down the l i n e to 1. Gazette, Dec. 22, 1883. 2. Ibid. 3. Columbian, Dec. 6, 1882. - 143 -Port Hammond, which also became an active centre. Onderdonk pushed the Port Moody — Emory's Bar l i n e to completion as quickly as possible, as he wished to use i t to transport supplies to the rail-head above Yale. The l i n e between Emory and Hope was. p a r t i c u l a r l y rushed to completion i n order to avoid the dangers to navigation on the Praser above Hope to Em-ory's Bar. Men were moved from work on the grade near Port Haney in order to complete t h i s portion of the l i n e . The track was l a i d to the Indian v i l l a g e opposite Hope from Emory's Bar by 1 June 14, 1883, and Hope then replaced Emory's Bar as the point of trans-shipment from r i v e r steamer to f l a t car. Track-laying commenced at Port Moody July 19, 1883, and at Maple Ridge towards 2 P i t t River, July 17, 1883. The work of laying the track proceeded night and day. By August 23, 1883, the track had been l a i d 3-J miles from Port Moody,where i t was delayed awaiting the completion of a bridge across a ravine at that point. Further up the l i n e , track had been l a i d from Port Haney to P i t t River. Prom Emory, r a i l s had 4 been l a i d fourteen miles to Ruby Creek. By January 22, 1884, 5 the l i n e had been completed from Port Moody to Emory's Bar, although the contract had not c a l l e d for completion u n t i l June 6 30, 1885. Qn January 25, the f i r s t through t r a i n l e f t Port Moody with s t e e l for the l i n e above Yale, along which the track 1. Inland Sentinel, June 14, 1883. 2» Columbian, July 21, 1883. 3. Ibid.. Aug. 23, 1883. 4. Ibid. 5« Ibid., Jan. 23, 1884. 6. Dominion Sessional Paper, 48, 1882, p. 18, - 144 -had heen l a i d within a few miles of the Eraser River crossing 1 at Cisco, f i v e miles below Lytton. Hot only was the l i n e used to transport railway supplies but almost immediately i t v/as used to carry mails to and from the i n t e r i o r , and for carrying c a t t l e to Port Moody. On February 6, 1884, f o r the f i r s t time the Cariboo mail came down by r a i l to Port Moody. "On the novel fact becoming known," the Port Moody Gazette reported, "some of our c i t i z e n s , after the example of Henry Ward Beecher, on witnessing a certain v i c t o r y of the northern Arms i n the 2 lat e U.S. C i v i l War, exclaimed. -- 'Bully H a l l e l u j a h ! 1 " On Feb-3 ruary 15, the f i r s t t r a i n load of c a t t l e came down the l i n e , and thereafter they came by almost every t r a i n . The p r i n c i p a l reason f o r rushing the Port Moody — Emory's Bar l i n e to completion was to have i t ready before the track on the upper section reached the Cisco Bridge crossing, so that the parts of the heavy st e e l c antilever bridge which was to cross the ri v e r at t h i s point could be carried by r a i l d i r e c t l y from Port Moody. Onderdonk accomplished h i s object i n good time. The st e e l reached the bridge crossing by February 9, about two weeks following the jo i n i n g of the r a i l s between 4 Emory and Port Moody. The contract f o r the construction of the Cisco bridge had not been l e t with the o r i g i n a l contracts for the construct-ion of the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia, but Onderdonk, on Feb-ruary 22, 1882, entered into an agreement with the Dominion 1. Gazette, Jan. 26, 1884. 2. Ibid., Feb. 9, 1884. 3. Ibid., Feb. 16, 1884. 4. Ibid., Feb. 9, 1884. - 145 -Government to place the bridge, which was manufactured in Eng-1 land, across the Praser. The Cisco bridge, which, excepting the Big Tunnel above Yale, was the largest single engineering work on the whole of Onderdonk's contract, was so large and f i n e a structure that i t was c a r e f u l l y described by the Newcastle Chronicle while i t was being made by Hawkes, Crawshay and Co. of Newcastle, England. Manufactured i n England, the bridge was brought i n parts around Cape Horn by the barque Stormy P e t r e l 2 to Port Moody. It arrived on December 14, 1883. With the com-pl e t i o n of the l i n e between Emory and Port Moody and to the bridge crossing, the parts were taken up the l i n e by r a i l , the 3 f i r s t t r a i n load leaving Port Moody on February 6, 1884. There was a delay of some four months i n track laying while the b r i d -ge was being placed across the Fraser -- the only delay of any length which Onderdonk experienced i n h i s work -- but by June 6, 4 1884, the track was l a i d across the bridge, and on June 1.8, 5 1884, the "Iron Horse" bounded into Lytton. Twelve days l a t e r on June 30, 1880, the time for.the completion of the contract for the section between Boston Bar and Lytton expired. With the approach of the s t e e l towards Lytton another town in B r i t i s h Columbia sprang into prominence, while further down the l i n e , Yale, though s t i l l the scene of Onderdonk's headquarters, was sinking into depression. In A p r i l , 1883, a witty observer wrote the editor of the Inland Sentinel: 1. Dominion Sessional Paper, 48 , 1882. Not printed. 2. Gazette, Dec. 22, 1883. 3. Ibid., Feb. 9, 1884. 4. Ibid., June 7, 1884. 5.. Ibid., June 21, 1884. 146 -Our l i t t l e town i s looking now more prosperous than i t has for many a long day; a l l the hotels are f u l l to overflowing and at the door of each the "garcon" can he seen smiling and courteous. Among them, that prince of Lytton landlords, Mr. Geo. B a i l l i e , seems to be as happy as 'a clam at high water'. With him i t i s not a question of boarders but how to f i n d room for them. Those of our c i t i z e n s , who have teams, are getting them i n from the various ranches and with the use of buckskin and wire are making speedy preparations for the coming fr e i g h t season. A l l our saloons (and t h e i r number i s legion) are doing a f l o u r i s h i n g business; some of them in fact evidently are poor calcu l a t o r s , f o r they have found i t necessary to lengthen out t h e i r winter's supply of " f i r e water" by a l i b e r a l recourse to "chuck" much to the disgust of a l l good lovers of the 'flowing bowl'....So you see Mr. E d i t o r that the '-fickle goddess" has awakened Lytton from her "Van Winkle doze". 1 While Lytton was r e j o i c i n g i n her prosperity, Yale was beginning to bemoan the signs of decline. The ever frank editor of the Inland Sentinel wrote i n March, 1884, that "no longer does any 2 doubt exist as to the blow about to be struck at t h i s town". In July he noted that "times i n Yale are getting pretty quiet and some are picking up t h e i r traps to start for another loca-3 t i o n " . He, himself, had moved from Yale; he wrote t h i s comment for the f i r s t issue of his paper published i n Kamloops, July 31, 1884. Kamloops, l i k e Lytton, with the approach of the railway experienced a great boom. With the track l a i d . t o Lytton and the grade p r a c t i c a l -l y completed along the l i n e to Savona's Ferry, i t was very few months before Onderdonk completed h i s contracts by reaching Savona's Ferry on Kamloops Lake. The 29 miles of track to Junc-4 tion F l a t (Spence's Bridge) were l a i d by September 11, 1884. By the end of the year the steel had been l a i d within three 1. Inland Sentinel, A p r i l 5, 1883. 2. Ibid., March 6, 1884. 3. July 31, 1884. 4. Inland Sentinel, Sept. 11, 1884. - 147 -miles of Savona's Ferry. It reached Savona's Ferry on January 2 3, 1885. The completion of the l i n e hy the required date, June 30, 1885, was confidently expected. In October, 1885, Schreiher reported that the l i n e from Port Moody to Savona's Ferry "may almost he said to he completed, being so far advanced that i t may shortly be accepted by the Government. It i s i n fine running 3 condition...." Onderdonk's construction a c t i v i t i e s did not end at Savona's Ferry. Some time before the completion of the Govern-ment l i n e to Savona's Ferry, Onderdonk received contracts from the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company to b u i l d the l i n e beyond Savona's Ferry to Kamloops and on past Kamloops across the Gold Mountains through. Eagle Pass to meet the Company l i n e coming 4 over the Rocky and Selkirk Mountains from Calgary. Work on the f i r s t seventy-five miles of the l i n e beyond Savona's Ferry be-5 gan early i n 1884, and when Onderdonk reached Savona's Ferry with s t e e l for the Government he proceeded straight along the grade laying steel f o r the Company. But the story of this sec-ti o n of the l i n e must he l e f t f or the following chapter as i t forms part of the story of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Comp-any construction i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 1. Schreiber to Bradley, Dec. 31, 1884, Dominion Sessional  Paper 25, 1885, p. 41. 2. Colonist, A p r i l 1, 1885. 3. Schreiber to Bradley, Oct. 10, 1885, Dominion Sessional Paper 35, 1886, p. 11. 4. I have been unable to f i n d exactly when or under what circum-stances and conditions Onderdonk received contracts from the Company. The Colonist, A p r i l 1, 1884, states that Onderdonk received the contracts i n February, 1884. 5. Schreiber to Bradley, Oct. 1, 1884, Dominion Sessional Paper 25, 1885, p. 36. CHAPTER V THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY COMPANY, THE CHANGE OF ROUTE AND CONSTRUCTION IN THE MOUNTAINS In June, 1880, S i r John A. Macdonald, a f t e r some months of silence and d i f f i c u l t negotiations, announced that the Dominion government had secured the co-operation of a group of c a p i t a l i s t s to b u i l d the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, and on October 21, 1880, a contract for the construction of the road, excluding those sections which were under government construct-ion, was signed at Ottawa by S i r 'Charles Tupper and several 1 Canadian, American, English and French c a p i t a l i s t s . Montreal c a p i t a l was well represented; George Stephen, President of the Bank of Montreal, R.B. Angus, Manager of the same bank, and Duncan Mclntyre, Manager of the Canada Central Railway, signed the contract. James J . H i l l and J.S. Kennedy represented Amer-ican c a p i t a l . The English banking house of Morton, Rose and Company, whose American branch, Morton, B l i s s and Company, formed part of the Onderdonk syndicate, brought English c a p i t a l into the project. French c a p i t a l v/as enlisted by Kohn, Reinach and Company. Other important members of the syndicate, although t h e i r names did not appear on the contract, were Donald A. Smith, who had obtained a c o n t r o l l i n g Interest i n the Hudson rs Bay Company, J . Cochran, a wealthy Quebec c a t t l e breeder, and the Societe Generale of France. The contract was r a t i f i e d and the members of the syndicate incorporated as the Canadian Pacific 1. 44 V i c . , c. 1. - 149 -1 Railway Company by Act of Parliament, February 15, 1881. By the terms of the contract, the Company agreed to b u i l d some nineteen hundred miles of railway between Callen-der, near the end of Lake Ni p i s s i n g , and Savona's Perry by May 1, 1891, and to operate the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, when completed, forever. The Government, in return, agreed to com-plete and hand over to the Company the section of the l i n e under Government construction i n the east and in B r i t i s h Col-umbia between Port Moody and Savona's Ferry, which cost on com-2 p l e t i o n $37,785,320. In addition, the Company was to receive a cash subsidy of $25,000,000 and 25,000,000 acres of land along the l i n e i n Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r y . The materials required f o r the construction of the l i n e , and the c a p i t a l stock of the Company, was exempted from taxation f o r -ever. The land grant was exempted from taxation for a period of 20 years. Much to the personal benefit of J . J . H i l l , George Stephen and R.B. Angus, who were owners of the St. Paul, Minn-eapolis and Manitoba Railway, material f o r construction was to be admitted into Canada free of duty. Another important feature of the contract was that i t prohibited the construction of any l i n e south, or southwest, within 15 miles of the 49th p a r a l l e l , of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, within 20 years, thus giving the Company a v i r t u a l monopoly of railway transport i n western Canada. The contract c a l l e d for commencement of construction 1. 44 V i c , c. 1; House of Commons Debates, 1880 - 1, v. 1, and Journals of the House of Commons 1880 - 1. 2. Innis, op. c i t . , p. 98. 150 -in the east hy July 1, 1881. Preparations for the work began immediately. The f i r s t and most d i f f i c u l t task was to engage s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to b u i l d the remaining 1900 miles of the main l i n e , to b u i l d or purchase branch l i n e s and extensions, and to provide equipment. The financing of the company -- an int e r e s t i n g story i n i t s e l f however, cannot be discussed here. It has been c a r e f u l l y described by Professor H.A. Innis in h i s History of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. A simple but useful account can be found i n Dr. O.D. Skelton's volume i n 1 the Chronicles of Canada series, The Railway Builders. While the d i f f i c u l t task of financing the Company was tackled, plans 2 were being rapidly made to commence construction. The company established i t s construction headquarters at Winnipeg, where A.B. Stickney was placed in charge as Construction Superintend-ent, assisted by General Rosser as Engineer-in-Chief. The Government had contracted for the completion of the l i n e from Selk i r k to Thunder Bay in 1882, thus giving the Company r a i l 3 and water transport from Winnipeg to Sault Ste. Marie. The Company immediately made plans to connect Sault Ste. Marie with the Canada Central Railway, i n order to obtain a d i r e c t r a i l and water route from Winnipeg to Montreal as quickly as possible. Plans were likewise made for the construction of the l i n e north 1. Skelton, O.D., The Railway Builders, Toronto, Glasgow, Brook and Co., 1922. 2. Innis, op. c i t . , pp. 102 - 103. 3. Winnipeg was connected to Sel k i r k by the Sel k i r k - Pembina Railway b u i l t by the Dominion Government and completed i n December, 1878. - 151 -1 of Lake Superior, and westward from Winnipeg across the prairies. Under the contract of October, 1880, and the Act of 1881, the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company were to b u i l d the railway along the route fixed by the Government i n October, 1879, -- west to Edmonton and through Yellow Head Pass into B r i t i s h Columbia to Kamloops and Port Moody. But the C. P. R. Syndicate, even before the contract was signed, seem to have decided to change the route and adopt a more southerly location west of Winnipeg to the P a c i f i c at Burrard I n l e t . There i s no p o s i t i v e information available of when t h i s decision was made or what inspired i t . The question of a more southerly route, however, was being generally discussed by the end of the year, 2 1880, and i n the spring of 1881, survey parties set out from Winnipeg and V i c t o r i a , the l a t t e r under Major A.B. Rogers, to locate a more southerly route across the p r a i r i e s and through 3 the Rocky and Selkirk mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia to Kamloops. The question of the l o c a t i o n of the l i n e was unquest-ionably the major consideration of the C.P.R. Syndicate i n 1. The construction of the l i n e north of Lake Superior was opposed by J . J . H i l l and George Stephen, who were owners of the St. Paul Minneapolis and Manitoba railway, which had been connected in December, 1878, with the Selkirk and Pembina Railway constructed by the Dominion Government. H i l l opposed the Lake Superior l i n e since i t would take t r a f f i c from the St. Paul Minneapolis and Manitoba railway. The Dominion Government in s i s t e d on an all-Canadian route across Canada, and H i l l r e a l i z i n g that h i s American and Canadian railways could not be operated together withdrew i n 1883 from the Canadian P a c i f i c directorate. Stephen and Angus shortly afterwards withdrew from the St. Paul, Minneapolis and Mani-toba Railway. 2. The V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t ; Dec. 28, 1880, featured an e d i t o r i a l on the respective merits of the Howse and Yellow Head Passes. Consideration of a more southerly route by Howse Pass, the e d i t o r i a l stated was at that moment occupying the attention of the Government and Syndicate at Ottawa. 3. Innis, op_. c i t . , p. 103; Colonist, Dec. 25, 1881, and Inland  Sentinel. A p r i l 21, 1881. - 152 -deciding on a more southerly route f o r the railway, although the advantages of a more southerly location were never discuss-ed i n any of the Company!s reports to the Dominion Government, or i n any of the debates on the change of route which took place in the Dominion House of Commons. James J . H i l l , as his biog-rapher, J.G. Pyle, states, no doubt had control of construct-ion and location of the l i n e during the three years he was a 1 member of the Canadian P a c i f i c directorate. H i l l , most probab-l y , was responsible for the decision to change the location of the l i n e west of Winnipeg. He undoubtedly saw the advantage of having the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway run as cl o s e l y as possible to Jay Cooke's Northern P a c i f i c Railway, which at the time was in course of construction. A southern location f o r the Canadian P a c i f i c was esse n t i a l to prevent the Northern P a c i f i c from commanding the bulk of the t r a f f i c of the southern p r a i r i e s and B r i t i s h Columbia. A southern l i n e would have the further advan-tage of being able to capture not only the t r a f f i c of the south but also the t r a f f i c of the north, since there would be no alter n a t i v e railway for the people of that region to patronize. H i l l , who had extensive f u e l i n t e r e s t s , also had reports on the coal-bearing areas i n Southern Alberta, or what i s now southern 2 Alberta, which p r i o r to 1880 were not avai l a b l e . If the l i n e were carried south, paying t r a f f i c would thus be secured from the beginning. The extent of H i l l ' s interest in a more southerly 1. Pyle, J.G., The L i f e of James J . H i l l , New York, Doubleday, Page and Co., 1917, v. 1, p. 319. 2. Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada, Report of  Progress for 1880 - 81 - 82. Part B. Preliminary report on the Geology of the Bow and B e l l y River legion, North-West T e r r i t o r y , with special reference to the Coal Deposits, by Dr. G.M. Dawson. - 153 -route for the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i s witnessed i n the fact that i t was he who engaged Major A.B. Rogers to conduct the 1 explorations for the new route in B r i t i s h .Columbia. The advocates of the southern route -- the C. P. R. Syndicate and the Dominion Government -- advanced other reasons than the question of location and the Northern P a c i f i c for changing the location of the l i n e . They argued that i f the line were carr i e d south i t would pass through country more l i k e l y to afford good t r a f f i c for the l i n e than the country along the 2 Yellow Head Pass route. Por a long time i t had been mistakenly believed that the southern p r a i r i e s was a barren desert country and that the country to the north was i n f i n i t e l y superior --Fleming thought so but i n 1879 and 1880 t h i s myth was expl-oded by Professor John Macoun and Dr. G.M. Dawson. The former reported that the southern p r a i r i e country was admirably s u i t -3 ed for farming and ranching; the l a t t e r that the Bow and B e l l y 4 r i v e r regions were r i c h i n deposits of c o a l . Macoun and Dawson thus cleared away one obstacle to the adoption of a southern route. Moreover, i t was well recognized that although a railway across the Rocky and Sel k i r k Mountains would run through valueless country, i t would, since i t crossed the Columbia, give easy access to the valuable Kootenay country of southern B r i t i s h Columbia. The C. P. R. Syndicate emphasized the fact 1. Wheeler, op_. c i t . , appendix E, p. 417. 2. House of Commons Debates, 1882, p. 852. Tupper: " I t would enable us to go through a much better country i n the Prov-ince of B r i t i s h Columbia than we otherwise could go through'.' 3. Macoun, John, Manitoba and the Great North West, Guelph, Ont., The World Publishing Co., 1882. 4. Vide supra p. 152, n. 2. - 154 -t h a t a s o u t h e r n l i n e w o u l d t a p t h e v a l u a b l e s o u t h e r n A l b e r t a and K o o t e n a y r e g i o n s when t h e y a p p l i e d t o t h e D o m i n i o n g o v e r n -ment f o r p e r m i s s i o n t o t a k e t h e l i n e f u r t h e r t o t h e s o u t h i n 1882. The p r i n c i p a l r e a s o n , h owever, p u t f o r w a r d b y t h e S y n d i c a t e f o r a d o p t i n g a more s o u t h e r l y r o u t e was t h a t t h e r o u t e t h e y p r o p o s e d t o a d o p t was a b o u t 100 m i l e s s h o r t e r t h a n 1 t h e Y e l l o w Head P a s s r o u t e . I f a p r a c t i c a b l e l i n e c o u l d be f o u n d t h r o u g h one o f the s o u t h e r n p a s s e s o f t h e R o c k y M o u n t a i n s and a c r o s s t h e S e l k i r k M o u n t a i n s t h e y a r g u e d t h a t t h e l i n e w o u l d be c o n s i d e r a b l y s h o r t e n e d , o p e r a t i n g c o s t s d e c r e a s e d and a g r e a t a d v a n t a g e g a i n e d i n a t t r a c t i n g t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l t r a f f -i c . I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o b e l i e v e , however, t h a t 100 m i l e s d i s -t a n c e , o r t h e 79 m i l e s d i s t a n c e w h i c h was a c t u a l l y s a v e d b y t h e new r o u t e , was t h e p r i m a r y r e a s o n o f t h e S y n d i c a t e f o r a d v o c a t -i n g t h e c h a n g e . What w o u l d be s a v e d i n d i s t a n c e t h e y must h a v e r e a l i z e d w o u l d be o f f s e t by g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d g r a d e s and c o s t -l i e r c o n s t r u c t i o n . The m a i n o b j e c t o f t h e S y n d i c a t e was t o g e t t h e l i n e as c l o s e as p o s s i b l e t o t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r y l i n e . T h e r e i s e v e n a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t h a d t h e Government n o t a l r e a d y commenced c o n s t r u c t i o n b etween Emory's B a r and Savona's P e r r y , when t h e C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y Company was c h a r t e r e d , Kamloops w o u l d have been abandoned and t h e l i n e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d e f l e c t e d s t i l l f u r t h e r t o w a r d s t h e s o u t h . I n f a c t , i n November, 1882, t h e V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t r e p o r t e d a rumour t h a t c o n s t r u c t i o n a l o n g t h e P r a s e r v a l l e y w o u l d c e a s e and t h e 1. Van H o r n e t o T u p p e r , A p r i l 18, 1883, D o m i n i o n S e s s i o n a l  P a p e r 27, 1883, p . 6. - 155 -1 l i n e would be carried by the Nicola v a l l e y to Eagle Pass. Mar-cus Smith and the Hon. J.W. Trutch were at that time making an examination of the Nicola River v a l l e y . In B r i t i s h Columbia the question of getting the l i n e further to the south was of great importance, f o r the r i c h Kootenay and Okanagan d i s t r i c t s could e a s i l y be tapped from the United States by way of the Columbia and Kootenay River v a l l e y s . The Columbia r i v e r was the natural route into south-eastern B r i t i s h Columbia. P r a c t i c a l recognition of t h i s f a c t was made in 1883 when a B i l l was introduced and passed i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Legislature to incorporate the Columbia and Kootenay Railway and Transportation Company for the purpose of running a l i n e of steamers from a point on Kootenay River, at the United States boundary, through Kootenay Lake to i t s out-l e t , constructing and operating a l i n e of railway from the out-l e t of Kootenay Lake to the Columbia River, and thence running another l i n e of steamers to the head of navigation on the Col-umbia. This transport system would be of great benefit to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway as i t would establish a sort of branch l i n e into the Kootenay d i s t r i c t . But here i s the s i g n i f -icant point. The ''Kootenay B i l l " , as i t became known, immediate-l y c a l l e d f o r t h a protest from the Northern P a c i f i c Railway. An agent of the Northern P a c i f i c appeared i n V i c t o r i a in A p r i l , 1883, and attempted by handsome bribes to cause the defeat of 2 the Kootenay B i l l i n the Legislature. Here was the beginning of the r i v a l r y between the Canadian P a c i f i c and Northern P a c i f -1. Colonist, Nov. 15, 1882. 2. Ibid., A p r i l 12, 1883. - 156 -i c Railways i n B r i t i s h Columbia -- a beginning which dates before the completion of either l i n e . If the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway had been located by the Yellow Head Pass i t would have been at a serious disadvantage in the struggle which ensued with the Northern P a c i f i c Railway. As i t was, the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company had to spend large sums of money and take over a l i n e running close to the boundary .(.the Kettle V a l l e y l i n e ) to capture the t r a f f i c of southern B r i t i s h Colum-bia. 1 On A p r i l 13, 1882, S i r Charles Tupper, i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of an application from the C. P. R. Syndicate for the Govern-ment's permission to carry the l i n e by a more southerly route to Kamloops, introduced a B i l l i n the House of Commons, which was subsequently enacted on May 15, to place within the power of the Governor-in-Council, i f they should think the interest of the country to be thereby promoted, the right to authorize the location of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway through a pass . south of the Yellow Head Pass, but not within 100 miles of the 2 American boundary. In introducing the B i l l Tupper stated: I entertain strong doubts, from the best information I can obtain, as to the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of going through the Kick-ing Horse Pass, although I know the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -way Company are somewhat sanguine that they w i l l be able to effect that object. If that object be effected -- which I regard as, i n f a c t , very doubtful — i t w i l l no doubt involve a great expenditure, probably greater than that involved by 1. House of Commons Debates, 1882, p. 852. 2. 45 V i c , c. 53. I have been unable to f i n d any d i r e c t e v i -dence regarding the s t i p u l a t i o n that the Rocky Mountain pass had to be 100 miles from the American boundary. It was most probably a m i l i t a r y precaution. The Government evidently feared that i f the l i n e were too close to the boundary i t would be vulnerable in times of h o s t i l i t y with the United States. - 157 -following the l i n e by the Yellow Head Pass, but i t would be of great importance to the country to shorten the l i n e of the road by something l i k e 100 miles, and enable us to go through a much better country i n the Province of British. Columbia than we otherwise could go through..1 Tupper also showed that he recognized that the change of route involved another problem besides the discovery of a feas i b l e route through B r i t i s h Columbia. Where was the railway across the p r a i r i e from Winnipeg to be located while the route i n B r i t i s h Columbia was being determined? In A p r i l , 1882, Tupper had an easy answer to t h i s question. The Government, he stated, had approved of the route only as far as Moose Jaw Creek, from which point i t could e a s i l y be diverged to the Yellow Head Pass; and they were determined to s e t t l e the route no further than Moose Jaw Creek u n t i l the location of the l i n e i n B r i t i s h 2 Columbia had been f i x e d . A year l a t e r , however, as we s h a l l see, the road was being b u i l t across the p r a i r i e s towards Kicking Horse Pass, before the l i n e i n B r i t i s h Columbia had been conclusively proved pra c t i c a b l e . The l i n e which the C. P. R. Syndicate proposed to adopt was outlined by Major A.B. Rogers i n the summer of 1881. Pour surveying parties were engaged i n 1881, i n making examin-ations of the Rocky Mountain passes south of Yellow Head Pass, and Major Roger's made an exploration i n the S e l k i r k Mountains. Pour passes were examined i n the Rocky Mountains, the Howse, 3 Vermillion, Kicking Horse and Kananaskis. Ho report on these surveys i s available but i t seems that as a r e s u l t of them 1. House of Commons Debates, 1882, p. 852. 2. Ibid., p. 853. 3« Colonist, Jan. 29, 1882. - 158 -Major Rogers picked out Kicking Horse Pass as the most p r a c t i c -able. The Vermi l l i o n and Kananaskis passes were not seriously considered owing to t h e i r steepness, and to the distance which would have to be traversed along the Columbia from t h e i r wes-tern outlet before reaching the crossing which. Major Rogers, as a result of hi s exploration, believed was available over the Selkirks by the Beaver and I l l e c i l l e w a e t r i v e r s . The Howse Pass had l i g h t e r gradients than the Kicking Horse Pass,.and would have rendered construction easier than the Kicking Horse Pass. The Kicking Horse Pass was chosen, however, since i t s length from a common sta r t i n g point i n the Bow River v a l l e y , where the Company intended to direc t the railway, to Rogers' Selk i r k crossing was about 30 miles less than the Howse Pass. On A p r i l 15, 1882, Tupper received word of Rogers' work from the Engineer-in-Chief at the Company's Headquarters 1 in Montreal. Prom the results of the surveys as far as made Mr. Rogers i s sanguine that the descent from the Kicking Horse summit to the Columbia River w i l l not exceed eighty feet per mile, and that the gradients from Bow River to the summit w i l l not be raised. Mr. Rogers also made a reconnaisance from Kamloops easterly to the summit of the Selki r k Range, and from general observa-tion and barometer readings he states that gradients w i l l be obtained not exceeding s i x t y - s i x feet per mile between Kam-loops and the north fork of the I l l e c i l l e West River, and from thence to the summit of the Selkirk Range the gradient w i l l not exceed eightyfeet to the mile. In consequence of d i f f i c u l t i e s which beset Mr. Rogers, a r r i v -ing from a shortage of supplies, he was unable to s p e c i a l l y examine the country between the summit of the Selkirk Range and the East Branch of the Columbia River, a distance of about t h i r t y miles. Before leaving the summit, however, he ascended the "Divide" and while seeing generally a very broken country to the east-ward, he observed that one of the ravines led i n the desired 1. Smellie to Tupper, A p r i l 15, 1882, House of Commons Debates, 1882, p. 954. 159 -d i r e c t i o n for a distance of quite ten miles. There i s also on the west side of the Columbia a large stream, Beaver Creek, which, has i t s source in the v i c i n i t y of t h i s broken country. From these observations Mr. Rogers f e e l s assured that the distance i n which d i f f i c u l t i e s may be expected in crossing the S e l k i r k Range w i l l be reduced to ten or twelve miles.1 As a res u l t of the work of 1881 Rogers was able to project a new route f o r the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia east of Kamloops. It crossed the Gold Range by Moberly's Eagle Pass, the Selkirks by the I l l e c i l l e w a e t and Beaver r i v e r s , and the Rockies by Kicking Horse Pass. Van Home's comments on Rogers' work, which were also forwarded to Tupper on A p r i l 17, the day on which h i s Rocky Mountain Construction B i l l came up for second reading, c l e a r l y showed that the Company was anxious to prove the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of t h i s new route, almost regardless of cost. Major Rogers reports that there i s no question about f e a s i -b i l i t y of good l i n e with easy grades through Kicking Horse Pass although work w i l l be very expensive. The crossing of the Selkirk Range i s the only thing i n doubt, but explora-tions have progressed s u f f i c i e n t l y to j u s t i f y b e l i e f that they can be crossed by use of some long tunnels. The worst that can happen i n case of f a i l u r e to cross Se l k i r k i s that 1. For a description of Major Rogers' exploration in the S e l -kirks vide Rogers, A.L., Major A.B. Rogers' F i r s t Expedition  up the I l l e c i l l e w a e t Valley, in 1881, accompanied by his  Nephew, A.L. Rogers, Wheeler, op_. c i t . , appendix E. Rogers t r i e d the I l l e c i l l e w a e t v a l l e y on the suggestion of Walter Moberly, who had f i r s t entered"the I l l e c i l l e w a e t i n 1865, and who claims that one of h i s assistants, Albert Perry, followed the south-east branch of the I l l e c i l l e w a e t and Rog-ers' Pass In 1866. Vide supra pp. 70 - 71. Moberly's claim i s probably correct and the pass over the Selkirks which now bears Rogers' name should probably bear that of Perry. Mr. T.C. Young of Vancouver states that the late Mr. Tom Wilson of Banff, who went with Rogers, i n 1881, as guide, to l d him. that while on that t r i p they would have perished had they not stumbled on one of Perry's cabins that had been erected i n 1866 when Perry was exploring the Pass for Moberly. Mr. 0. Wilkie of New Westminster states that a short time before h i s death Moberly t o l d him of Wilson and Rogers f i n d -ing one of Perry's camps a f t e r being l o s t . - 160 -the l i n e may he forced round the great bend of the Columbia, which would considerably increase distance; but to save t h i s distance work w i l l be undertaken that would o r d i n a r i l y be considered impracticable on account of expense. Not only does Van Home state the willingness of the Company to adopt a more costly l i n e and a more d i f f i c u l t l i n e , but he also suggests that distance alone was not the sole considera-tion of the Company. If a pass could not be found over the Sel-k i r k s , then they could go round the big bend of the Columbia — which would give them a l i n e possibly 10 miles longer than the 2 Yellow Head Pass l i n e . Rogers returned i n 1882 to the Selkirks to explore the approach to the summit of the range up the Beaver Creek from the east. His report was again favourable, although he made no accurate instrumental surveys. Prom the f i r s t crossing of the Columbia the l i n e enters the Selkirk range by way of Beaver Creek, which i t follows i n a south easterly d i r e c t i o n about 16 miles, and thence runs westerly up a branch of the same creek, between four and f i v e miles, and thence, south-westerly over the divide, three miles to the east fork of the I l l e - c i l l e - w a n t ( s i c ) , thence down the east fork of the I l l e - c i l l e - w a n t to the main stream, which i t follows to the second crossing of the Columbia opp-osite Eagle Pass.... Owing to the shortness of the season, the d i f f i c u l t i e s and delays encountered i n reaching the work, and to high water in the mountain streams, and the enormous amount of labor involved i n cutting t r a i l s , no instrumental survey of the  l i n e across the Selkirk Range has yet been possible.5 I have, however, thoroughly examined the l i n e and ascertain-ed the al t i t u d e s by repeated barometric observations, which have been c a r e f u l l y checked, and I f e e l e n t i r e l y safe i n 1. Van Home to Drinkwater, A p r i l 17, 1882, House of Commons  Debates, p. 1120. 2. The new route when f i n a l l y located was 79 miles shorter than Fleming's Yellow Head Pass route. The distance across the Selkirks through Rogers Pass i s 63 miles. The distance around the big bend of the Columbia measured from the east-ern and western outlets of Rogers Pass on the Columbia River i s 150 miles. 3. The i t a l i c s are mine. - 16.1 -reporting a practicable l i n e through the range, and with, maximum gradients of 105.6 feet per mile, but, i n t h i s case a l s o , l I would recommend the use of gradients of 116 feet per mile, in order to avoid some points where dangerous snow sli d e s are to be f e a r e d . 2 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Rogers as a r e s u l t of h i s work in 1882 had increased the maximum gradients to be encountered in the Selkirks from 80 to 116 feet per mile. He had also i n -creased the gradients to be used on the western descent of Kicking Horse Pass from 80 to 116 feet per mile. Nevertheless the C. P. R. Syndicate seized on Rogers' assurance that a l i n e could be located by the Kicking Horse Pass and over the S e l -kirks to Kamloops, and followed the precarious course of apply-3 ing to the Dominion Government in September, 1882, f o r approval of the new route, before they had conclusive evidence that the Kicking Horse Pass and the route across the Selkirks by the Beaver and I l l e c i l l e w a e t Rivers was practicable, and, indeed, before any man had passed d i r e c t l y over the Selkirks by the route Rogers advocated. The Government, however, complied with the Syndicate's 4 request, and location of the l i n e past Moose Jaw Creek proceed-ed. The track followed c l o s e l y behind l o c a t i o n . By June 30, 1. Rogers had made a further examination of the Kicking Horse Pass and recommended gradients of 116 feet per mile.on cer-t a i n sections i n another part of this report. 2. Rogers to Van Home, Jan. 10, 1883, Dominion Sessional  Paper, 27, 1883, p. 170. 3. Drinkwater to Tupper, Sept. 15, 1882, Ibid., p. 167. 4. I have been unable to f i n d the order-in-council -- i f there was one — adopting the Kicking Horse Pass route — nor any reference to i t . Probably there was no order-in-council adopting the Kicking Horse Pass route as a whole. The loca-t i o n of the l i n e was adopted i n sections from time to time. Dominion Sessional Papers, 27, 1883; 31, 1884; 25, 1885; and 35, 1886. - 162 -1 1883, s t e e l had heen l a i d 960 miles west of Winnipeg. The Com-pany had b u i l t the l i n e to the f o o t h i l l s of the Rockies, and s t i l l no instrumental survey had been made of the Selkirk pass. The C. P. R. Syndicate, and along with i t the Dominion Govern-ment was 'living dangerously'. The success of the whole l i n e depended on the simple exploratory surveys made by Rogers in the Selkirks and i n the Kicking Horse Pass i n 1881 and 1882. The l i n e , as Van Horne had pointed out, could go round the Col-umbia i f the Selkirk crossing proved impracticable, but thi s would c e r t a i n l y have defeated the avowed object of the new route of decreasing the length of the l i n e . Moreover, as we s h a l l see, they were not even sure of Kicking Horse Pass. The precarious s i t u a t i o n -which existed in the summer of 1883 may best be r e a l i z e d by reference to Sandford Fleming's account of his journey across Canada, by the proposed new route, 2 in the late summer of that year. Fleming was sent f o r from london by the Company and the Government to go over the new 3 route by Kicking Horse Pass and Rogers' Pass over the Selkirks. Evidently, at t h i s time, when the s t e e l had reached the Rockies, neither the Company nor the Government were wholly assured of the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of the new route -- and j u s t i f i a b l y , f or a l l they had to reassure them was Rogers* sketchy reports. Fleming reached Calgary by t r a i n on August 24, and ca r e f u l en-gineer that he was, as we have amply witnessed i n h i s conduct of the surveys in B r i t i s h Columbia, he was "surprised" to hear 1• Dominion Sessional Paper, 10, 1884, p. 13. 2. Fleming, Sandford, England and Canada, London, Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1884. 3. Ibid., p. 141. - 163 -1 that no one had crossed the Selki r k Range. Rogers had made several attempts to do so hut he had only so f a r succeeded to reach the summit from the east and west. He had not penetrated e n t i r e l y through the mountains on a connected l i n e . Fleming, who i t must he remembered, was making an examination of the l i n e f o r the Company, and thus had a l l the information that was available, writes, on learning t h i s discouraging f a c t : I must confess that t h i s information was unwelcome to me. I was not without experience in crossing mountains, but expec-ted i n t h i s instance that our route would be over known ground, and that, whatever d i f f i c u l t i e s lay before us, we had only to persevere to overcome them. From what I now heard a l l seemed uncertain before me. It was possible that we might have to walk our toilsome way onwards fo r many days, sudden-l y to f i n d i t was impossible to proceed. 2 Fleming had l e f t Ottawa prepared for d i f f i c u l t i e s but not for a shock as great as t h i s . A l i t t l e e a r l i e r he records that when he l e f t Ottawa " i t was yet a question i f i t was possible to cross the Se l k i r k Range to the Columbia; and i t was not a matt-er of certainty that either Kicking Horse or Eagle Pass could be followed". There must have been much anxiety among the C. P. R. Syndicate and the Dominion government at this time, when the l i n e had reached the Rockies and s t i l l so l i t t l e was known of the route in B r i t i s h Columbia to Kamloops. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y which the Company had taken upon i t s e l f was well recognized by Collingwood Schreiber. On September 26, 1882, Schreiber sub-mitted his annual report to S i r Charles Tupper i n which he c l e a r l y shows that long before the s t e e l reached the Rockies he l.Fleming, op_. c i t . , p. 229. 2.1bid. 3.Ibid., p. 220. - 164 -1 recognized the great chance the Company was talcing. From Moose Jaw Creek to Fort Calgary a distance of about 454 miles, the Company, I am informed, have made a location with a view to passing through the Kicking Horse Pass. This location has not yet been approved, but the Company apparent-l y have great f a i t h in the existence of a feas i b l e way through the mountains i n the d i r e c t i o n indicated , having constructed a l i n e on th i s location from Moose Jaw Creek to a point near Old Wives' Lake, about 455 miles west of Red River; completed the work of grading for a,bout 60 miles in advance of that point. The grading i s also i n a forward state f o r a further distance of about 70 miles....I pre-sume they have assumed t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y not desiring to  check t h e i r unprecedentedly rapid construction and f e e l i n g  assured by information obtained from t h e i r engineers that  they w i l l succeed i n f i n d i n g a favourable passage v i a the  Kicking Horse P a s s T * Schreiber, obviously, did not f e e l as sure as the Company that the new route would prove pra c t i c a b l e . However, Fleming, on his overland journey cleared up the s i t u a t i o n a l i t t l e and relieved the Company and the Government of some of t h e i r anxiety. He 3 passed through Kicking Horse Pass, Rogers' Pass and Eagle Pass to Kamloops, and pronounced himself quite s a t i s f i e d with the projected l o c a t i o n . According to John Murray Gibbon at Kamloops "a telegram v/as sent reassuring the directors who had staked t h e i r fortunes on Rogers Pass that they had won t h e i r 4 gamble". Yet the game was s t i l l i n doubt. Abandonment of the new route was considered at a time when th e s t e e l had reached the summit of Kicking Horse Pass. On November 23, 1883, James Ross, Manager of Construction for the C. P. R. Syndicate in the Mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia, reported that the track by the end of November would reach the 1. Dominion Sessional Paper, 8, 1883, p. 9. 2. The i t a l i c s are mine. 3. Fleming, while on t h i s journey, named Rogers Pass. Fleming, op. c i t . , p. 269, and Inland Sentinel, Oct. 4, 1883. 4. Gibbon, op_. c i t . , p. 255. - 165 -summit of the Rockies. During the year when the track was being l a i d up the eastern slope of Kicking Horse Pass, Ross also re-ported, that he had considered i t advisable not only to send an engineer to re-examine Rogers Pass, but "to f e e l p e r f e c t l y assured" that the l i n e down the western slope of Kicking Horse Pass would be practicable, he had made further surveys of the l i n e , and i n case these surveys proved unfavourable He had "other surveys made through the Bow River and Howse Passes to determine whether we could get a l i n e , which though evidently longer than the Kicking Horse, would present such features as 1 would compensate for the increased distance"'. As a resu l t of these surveys Ross was glad — one might add, fortunate — to say that they could commence work i n the spring of 1884 feeling quite s a t i s f i e d that they had secured beyond doubt the best l i n e through the mountains. Construction of the railway i n B r i t i s h Columbia by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company proceeded both westerly from Calgary and the Bow River through Kicking Horse Pass, and easterly from Savona's Perry. When construction began under Andrew-Onderdonk from Savona's Perry in 1884, the s t e e l from the East, as we have seen from Ross* report to Van Home of November, 1883, had reached the summit of the Rockies. At thi s time the l i n e had not been f i n a l l y located. It was to be located by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway engineers, and adopted by the Dominion Government, as the l i n e across the p r a i r i e s had been, in small sections from time to time as the work of location 1. Ross to Van Home, Nov. 23, 1883, Dominion Sessional  Paper. 31 f, 1884, p. 41. - 166 -progressed. As a result construction of the grade followed c l o s e l y behind lo c a t i o n . The l a s t section from the summit of the Selkirks to a point eighteen miles west i n the I l l e c i l l e -waet v a l l e y was not located and adopted by the Dominion govern-1 ment u n t i l July 25, 1885. In the case of t h i s section, as with others, construction of the grade" actually preceded the adopt-" ion of the location by the Dominion government. The l i n e which Onderdonk was to b u i l d from Savona's Perry to G r i f f i n Lake i n the Eagle Pass, a distance of 140 miles, ran due west from Savona's Perry along the Thompson River and south of Kamloops Lake to Kamloops. Prom Kamloops i t followed the south bank of the South Thompson to Shuswap Lake and ran along the south shore of Shuswap Lake to Sicamous Narr-ows, where i t entered the Gold Range by Eagle Pass. The l i n e from the east followed the v a l l e y of the Bow River from Cal-gary and entered the Rockies by Kicking Horse Pass. It emerged from'the mountains at the present s i t e of the town of Golden, and thence followed the Columbia to the f i r s t Columbia River crossing at Donald. Having crossed the Columbia i t followed the Columbia River s t i l l further north to the mouth of Beaver Creek, and entered the Selkirk Range by way of the Beaver v a l l -ey. Emerging from the Selkirks by the v a l l e y of the I l l e c i l l e -waet i t crossed the Columbia River for the second time at Par-well (now Revelstoke), and entered the Gold Range by Eagle Pass. In Eagle Pass ab'out 25 miles from Parwell i t met Onderdonk's l i n e from the west. 1. Order-in-Council, July 25, 1885, Dominion Sessional Paper 35, 1886, p. 2. — 167 -The work on Onderdonk's l i n e proceeded r a p i d l y . It v/as not hampered hy any serious delays, although in the spring 1 of 1885 snow and.rain held up work in Eagle Pass. Major Rogers arrived early i n 1884 to make the f i n a l location of the l i n e 2 east of Savona's Perry, and hy the end of July location had 3 proceeded several miles past Kamloops. With the commencement of the work of construction, H.J. Cambie arrived i n Kamloops to act as chief resident engineer on the western d i v i s i o n for 4 the C. P. R. Syndicate. Supplies for Onderdonk's l i n e came up the track from Port Moody to the end of s t e e l , and thence were carried by the Cariboo waggon road, which extended as f a r as Kamloops, to the grading p a r t i e s . Steamers, the new Skuzzy and the Peerless, were used on Kamloops Lake and along the South Thompson for transport. Beyond Shuswap Lake through Eagle Pass the problem of transportation would have been somewhat d i f f i c u l t had the B r i t i s h Columbia Government not made provision f o r the constr-uction of a road from Shuswap Lake through Eagle Pass to the 5 Columbia River crossing at Parwell, in May, 1883. The road was 6 completed to Parwell in October, 1884 . It was of great service in transportation of supplies not only on the western d i v i s i o n from Shuswap Lake to the end of l i n e at G r i f f i n Lake, but also on the eastern d i v i s i o n from Parwell to G r i f f i n Lake. The work of grading Onderdonk's l i n e was sub-let i n 1. Inland Sentinel, March 5, 1885. 2. Colonist, Feb. 3, 1884. 3. Inland Sentinel, July 31, 1884. 4. Ibid. 5. 46 V i c . , c. 35. 6. Inland Sentinel, Sept. 17, 1884. - 168 -smail sections to several small contractors. West of Savona's Ferry for a distance of seven miles the work was under the direc-1 tion of T.E. S i n c l a i r . The work on th i s section was very l i g h t . J.R. Onderdonk and E.A. Cunningham had the next four miles, 2 which were also very l i g h t . On the next three miles, under contract to J.G. Ferguson, much heavy work was required -- s i x tunnels and everywhere d i f f i c u l t rockwork. The Colonist report-ed that Ferguson made an excellent job of i t and also consider-3 able money, some $40,000. The following three miles along Kam-loops Lake also consisted of heavy rockwork. The grade along t h i s section was b u i l t by Onderdonk*s popular superintendent, James Leamy. J.B. Harrison of V i c t o r i a had. the next two miles of a s l i g h t l y rocky nature. Messrs. Troup and Fumecon construct-ed the grade f o r the following six miles, bringing the l i n e to Kamloops. From Kamloops for 35 miles to the L i t t l e Shuswap Lake the road was b u i l t along the South Thompson River through v i r t -u a l l y p r a i r i e country. This section was contracted for by Hugh F. Keefer. T.E. S i n c l a i r b u i l t the 30 miles of l i n e from L i t t l e Shuswap Lake to Salmon River, which was of a l i g h t character. Messrs. Bacon and McMillan b u i l t the next twelve miles, and W.C. M i t c h e l l the following twelve miles, bringing the l i n e to Sicamous Harrows. On these two contracts much rock cutting was necessary, and other work of a heavy character. G.F. Kyle, who was Onderdonk's assistant superintendent on the Government l i n e , 1. Inland Sentinel, July 31, 1884. 2. Colonist, Hov. 21, 1885. 3. Ibid. - 169 -b u i l t a l i g h t section of 19 miles from Sicamous Narrows.. G.B. Wright, the builder of the Eagle Pass waggon road, and James Leamy b u i l t the l a s t nine miles on Onderdonk's contract to G r i f f i n Lake. By January, 1885, work was going on over the whole l i n e and track-laying,following the laying of s t e e l to Savona's Perry on the Government l i n e , had begun. On July 11, the track 1 reached Kamloops.. On reaching Kamloops the supply of r a i l s for-thcoming from Port Moody ceased and track-laying was delayed for almost two weeks, awaiting the a r r i v a l of the r a i l f l e e t from 2 England. On July 26 r a i l s came up the l i n e from Port Moody and on the following day track-laying commenced again, and proceed-ed with a l l possible speed. By September, the track had reached Sicamous Narrows, and on September 26, Onderdonk l a i d h i s l a s t r a i l in Eagle Pass, nine miles from the end of h i s contract at 3 G r i f f i n Lake. His supply of r a i l s was exhausted. At that time the s t e e l from the l a s t was coming down the v a l l e y of the I l l e -4 cillewaet, 15 miles from Parwell. On September 26 Onderdnnk served notice of discharge on h i s employees: "As our l a s t r a i l from the P a c i f i c has been l a i d in Eagle Pass to-day, and the balance of work undertaken by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company between Savona and point of junction i n Eagle Pass w i l l be completed f o r the season on Wednesday, a l l employees w i l l be discharged on the 1. Colonist, July 14, 1885. 2. Inland "S~entinel, July 23, 1885. On th i s occasion the r a i l ships were l a t e . Their late a r r i v a l caused so much anxiety in Port Moody that i t was generally believed they had been captured by the Russians. Port Moody Gazette, June 6, 1885. 3. Colonist, Oct. 4, 1885. 4. Inland aentinel, Oct. 8, 1885. - 170 -1 evening of September t h i r t i e t h " . Soon several thousand men l e f t the scenes of railway construction. Yale which was gradually sinking into her former lethargy was awakened over-night."Sal-oons and streets are f u l l of intoxicated men," a Yale corres-pondent of the V i c t o r i a Colonist wrote, October 3, "Residents of the town are obliged to bar the door of t h e i r dwellings i n order to keep the howling throng from fo r c i n g an entrance. Such excitement has not been seen since 1860. The saloons are 2 reaping a r i c h harvest"'. The howling, intoxicated throng did not remain long at Yale. Soon a l l was quiet there again. About the middle of October, Yale also l o s t some of her most prized and valuable possessions. Onderdonk moved his railway construction plant, including the machinery f o r repairing cars at Yale, sawmills at Texas Lake, steam shovels, and surplus r o l l i n g stock, to Port Moody, where i t was stored, to be taken over l a t e r by the 3 Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company. With the superb, boundless energy of William Van Horne pushing construction of the l i n e to rapid completion, the r a i l -way was b u i l t with reckless speed across the p r a i r i e s from Winnipeg, and, as we have seen, by the end of the season, 1883, the track had reached the summit of Kicking Horse Pass. Prom that point to the end of Onderdonk's l i n e the work . of necess-i t y proceeded more slowly, but considering the d i f f i c u l t i e s which had to be met, and the fact that before the l i n e was 1. Inland Sentinel, Oct. 1, 1885. 2. Colonist, Oct. 4, 1885. 3« Inland Sentinel,, Oct. 22, 1885. - 171 -completed the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of the new route was severely test-ed, at a remarkably f a s t pace. The great works of construction were in charge of James Ross, Construction Manager fo r the Syn-dicate in the Mountains. He v/as assisted by H.S. Holt, now well-known as Canada's premier f i n a n c i e r , S i r Herbert Holt, who act-ed as Ross* chief engineer. Before the work on the grade could proceed beyond the summit of the Kicking Horse Pass, a road — a very rough one — had to be constructed to provide a means of transport f o r the supplies which were brought to the end of steel from the East. The construction of t h i s road, which was known as the 'Tote* road, commenced in the spring of 1884. It followed the l i n e of the railway down the western slope of the Kicking Horse Pass 1 to the Columbia-.. Along t h i s road supplies were c a r r i e d by horses and mules to depot stores, which the Company established at i n t e r v a l s along the l i n e , and from which the small contract-ors purchased food, forage and construction materials, which they hauled by t h e i r own teams to t h e i r contracts. As the work proceeded i n 1884 and 1885 the road was extended along the Col-umbia and across the Selkirks through Rogers Pass to Parwell, where i t met the Eagle Pass waggon road. One who often t r a v e l l -ed along the Tote road has l e f t t h i s description of one part of i t : The Tote road was exceptionally rough. On the right bank of the Columbia i t was cut out of the s o l i d rock for s everal miles, some hundreds of feet above the r i v e r , and, except at the Kicking Horse Plats near the Beavermouth Pass, where the stream spreads out into several fordable channels, i t was not 1. Steele, S.B., Forty Years i n Canada, Toronto, McClelland, Goodchild and Stewart Ltd., 1915, p. 188. - 172 -1 of s u f f i c i e n t width to admit of teams passing. Beyond the end of the Tote road a treacherous t r a i l was used f o r transport, along which only pack animals could he used. Often i t clung to the side of a mountain several hundred feet above the foaming waters of the Columbia. The great bulk of the supplies, and a l l the s t e e l , was brought along the completed l i n e from the East, but as the work on the grade approached Harwell, at the second crossing of the Columbia, supplies were brought up the Columbia by the steamer Kootenay from the Northern P a c i f i c south of the boundary l i n e . In September, 1885, the Kootenay with powder f o r the railway works ran upon rocks i n the Columbia south of the boundary, 2 where she was forced to remain u n t i l the spring of 1886. This unfortunate accident caused considerable delay just when the l i n e was approaching completion. In the emergency supplies were brought in from the west along the Eagle Pass waggon road. In July, 1884, James Ross had about 4,000 men working 3 on the l i n e through Kicking Horse Pass. By the end of the year he probably had a force of f i v e or six thousand men at work. A l l James Ross' labour was White. The majority of the men came from eastern Canada and from a l l parts of the United States. Following the completion of the Northern P a c i f i c i n 1884, men came up the Columbia from Sand Point, fresh f r o m t h e Northern P a c i f i c works to work upon the Canadian P a c i f i c . Other men came to the scenes of construction i n the 1. Steele, op_. c i t . , p, 188. 2. Inland Sentinel, Sept. 24, 1885 and Oct. 8, 1885. 3. Colonist, Aug. 2, 1884. - 173 -Mountains who did not work fo r James Ross. There were saloon proprietors, gamblers and whiskey men, whose business i t was to prey upon the railway navvies and add to the cruelt y and unlawlessness of l i f e along the l i n e . Col. S.B. Steele, who was sent i n A p r i l , 1884, with a detachment of the North West Mounted Police to act as s p e c i a l Dominion po l i c e along the r a i l -way under construction i n the mountains of B r i t i s h Columbia, has l e f t an inte r e s t i n g account of l i f e i n the construction camps along the l i n e . A r r i v i n g at Laggan, or Holt City, at the summit of Kicking Horse Pass i n A p r i l , 1884, Steele records that he found'large numbers of gamblers, whiskey men, i n fact almost every description of criminal, who had been plying t h e i r trade on the Northern P a c i f i c Railway and had come to the Rock-ies from Sand Point to establish t h e i r dens "on every l i t t l e 1 creek along the l i n e " . It i s surprising that only one homicide i s recorded to have taken place amongst th i s strange crowd of men. And the one case recorded was an act of self-defence — a brakeman shot a negro barber to save his conductor fr i e n d from 2 the slash of a razor. But i f they did not commit murder the "toughs" gave the police much trouble i n other ways. Liquor was p l e n t i f u l , most of i t being brought i n from the United States. In August a correspondent of the Colonist wrote from Farwell that "enormous quantities of l i q u o r , brandy, whiskey, beer, etc., etc., are being brought up from C o l v i l l e . Three 3 boats brought $4,000 worth l a s t week". Col. Steele and his p o l i c e , however, were eminently successful i n maintaining order, 1. Steele, op_. c i t . , p. 180. 2. Ibid., p. 192. 3. CoTonist, Aug. 21, 1885. - 174 -"but i t i s of interest to note that Col. Steele claims h i s work would have heen much easier had the P r o v i n c i a l government not i n s i s t e d on l i c e n s i n g any saloon keeper who came along in order 1 to add to the revenues of the Province. Ross, unlike Onderdonk, was troubled by a serious 2 s t r i k e , which took place i n A p r i l , 1885. Por several months the men along the l i n e had received no pay f o r t h e i r work. It was a time of f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s for the Company; they were, in f a c t , facing ruin unless assisted by a loan from the Dominion 3 Government, which fortunately came i n July, 1885. That a s t r i k e was imminent came to the attention of Col. Steele i n February and March, when increasing numbers of men complained to him that 4 they had not been paid. Steele warned Ross and S i r John A. Macdonald that serious trouble might result If the men were not s a t i s f i e d . The s i t u a t i o n , Steele thought, so serious, consider-ing the large element of -toughs' with whom he had to deal, that when the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba wired him to with-draw h i s p o l i c e force from the Mountains, owing to the outbreak of the second R i e l Rebellion, he refused. The s t r i k e broke on A p r i l 1, and f o r some time things were d i f f i c u l t . Three hundred armed men threatened the camp at Beavermouth, but were fortunately held back by a strong show of force by eight Mount-ed P o l i c e . The majority of the men soon went back to work on a promise from Ross that they would receive their wages, but several hundred, encouraged by the 'toughs'', remained on s t r i k e 1. Steele, op_. c i t . , p. 233. 2* Colonist, A p r i l 14, 1885. 3. Vide Innis, op_. c i t . , pp. 125-126; Gibbon, op_. c i t . , pp. 279-291, and Skelton, O.D., The L i f e and Times of S i r W i l f r i d  Laurier, v. 1, pp. 281-282. 4. Steele, op_. c i t . , pp. 196-201. - 175 -and attempted to intimidate those who had returned to work. The a r r i v a l of the pay car on A p r i l 7, put an end to a l l d i f f i c u l -t i e s , and Steele l e f t for Manitoba to face R i e l and h i s rebel army. The most d i f f i c u l t works of construction were encount-ered on the western descent of Kicking Jlorse Pass and along Rogers Pass i n the Se l k i r k s . On the western descent of the Kicking Horse Pass the l i n e followed the turbulent Kicking Horse River, which f e l l , near the summit of the Rockies, 1,100 feet i n three and one h a l f miles. To construct the l i n e over t h i s section, without exceeding the grades of 116 feet per mile which Rogers had stated would be neceesary, a tunnel 1800 feet long would have to be constructed. This work, i t was estimated 1 would delay the construction of the l i n e f u l l y a year. To avoid the long tunnel the C. P. R. Syndicate applied to the Dominion government for permission to b u i l d a temporary l i n e , over nine miles i n length, and along which a heavy gradient of 232 feet 2 per mile for four miles would be necessary. Van Home's l e t t e r of application for permission to bu i l d t h i s temporary l i n e i s of great Interest since i t pro-vides further evidence of the fact that the C. P. R. Syndicate decided on the new route through Kicking Horse Pass without adequate knowledge of the new locati o n . Van Home frankly states that a considerable number of engineers had examined the l i n e through Kicking Horse Pass, and while agreeing on the f e a s i b i l -1. Schreiber to Tupper, Oct. 1, 1884, Dominion Sessional Paper 25, 1885, p. 36. 2. Van Home to Tupper, May 19, 1884, i b i d . , p. 11. - 176 -i t y of the pass for the railway they " d i f f e r e d widely as to what should he done at p a r t i c u l a r points". He also states that "some years might he necessary to determine the disputed ques-tions regarding the permanent l i n e " . The Syndicate received the consent of the government to construct the temporary l i n e hy Order-in-Council, May 30, 1 1884. A few weeks before the Company had received a loan-from the Dominion of #22,500,000, on condition that they complete 2 the l i n e by May, 1886. To,delay the work a year to b u i l d a / - \ tunnel in the Rocky Mountains would have rendered the f u l f i l -ment of this agreement impossible. The work along the Columbia River to Beavermouth, where the l i n e entered the Beaver Creek v a l l e y on i t s way across the Selkirks, was very heavy, but no serious d i f f i c u l -t i e s were encountered on t h i s section of the l i n e . But much trouble was met i n constructing the grade across the S e l k i r k s . By the end of the year, 1884, some 2,000 men were engaged i n the Selkirks between the f i r s t and second crossings of the Col-3 umbia. But soon work in the Selkirks was at a s t a n d s t i l l ; and the f e a s i b i l i t y of Rogers Pass for the railway was again i n doubt. Avalanches of snow and ice began to roar down the moun-° tain sides i n February, 1885. The b l a s t i n g was no doubt res-ponsible for many of the s l i d e s . Steele records: Glaciers which had never l e f t their rocky beds above the clouds under the shocks of the b l a s t i n g operations broke away and came crashing down, cutting pathways from a quarter to h a l f a mile wide through the forest below. One avalanche, 1. Dominion Sessional Paper 25, 1885, p. 13. 2„ 47 V i c . , c. 1. 3 . Dominion Sessional Paper 25, 1885, p . 40 . - 177 -which came at the summit of the pass 20 miles from the Beav-er camp, descended 5,000 feet with such v e l o c i t y that i t went across the v a l l e y and up on the opposite side for 800 f e e t . 1 Good fortune, however, again "blessed the G. P. R. Syndicate. The work was retarded, but the location of the l i n e had to he abandoned i n only one place to avoid the snow s l i d e s . This one change in location can not be c l e a r l y described. Some concep-t i o n of the work, however, may be obtained from Collingwood 2 Schreiber's report of October 10, 1885. This (the snow slides] somewhat retarded the work of construc-tion as i t was considered advisable to abandon the location already made upon the side of the mountain preparatory to construction, and to devise some means of crossing the v a l l e y and reaching the lower leve l s before approaching the snow sli d e s which i t was desired to avoid, without increasing the severity of the grade. Mr. James Ross, an able engineer and manager of the company's works of construction, s e t vigor-ously to work to solve the problem; and, by a clever piece of engineering, succeeded In gaining the necessary distance by taking advantage of the general contour of the country to form, as i t were, a double loop, thus touching the bottom lands clear of the most formidable snow s l i d e s , and without increasing the severity of the grades; and although t h i s re-sulted i n an increase of 3 miles to the length of the section, the general alignment outside the loop was much improved. The t r a v e l l e r who to-day crosses the Selkirks i n a luxurious carriage of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and enjoys some of the most magnificent mountain scenery in the world, may well won-der at and admire the ingenuity and courage of the men who 1. Steele, op_. c i t . , p. 195. The danger to the l i n e from snow sl i d e s was the reason for much protest against the new loca-tion of the railway. E.g. Philo V e r i t a s , Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, an Appeal to Public Opinion against the Railway  being ca r r i e d across the Selkirk Range, That Route being  Objectionable from the Danger of P a l l s , from Glaciers and  from Avalanches., also, generally on other Matters, Montreal, Wm. Drysdale and Co., 1885. Snow sli d e s in the-Selkirks s t i l l cause the C. P. R. occasional trouble, although the l i n e has been well protected by an elaborate chain of snow sheds. 2. Dominion Sessional Paper, 35, 1886, p. 11. - 178 -"built the railway l i n e along which he i s so comfortably ca r r i e d . With the grade completed across the Selkirks the works of construction were completed without much d i f f i c u l t y . The grade from Farwell to G r i f f i n Lake, the end of Onderdonk 1s contract i n Eagle Pass, was readi l y constructed. Track-laying progressed at a rapid pace from the east once the grade was prepared. By the end of the season, 1884, the s t e e l had cross-ed the Columbia at Donald, which soon became Ross* construct-ion headquarters and "the most populous town met since leaving 1 Calgary". When Onderdonk l a i d h i s l a s t r a i l in Eagle Pass on September 26, the track from the east, as we have already noted, was about 15 miles from Parwell. On October 16, the 2 steel was l a i d across the Columbia River bridge at Parwell, leaving only 29 miles of track to be l a i d to complete the l i n e . By November 5, the gap had been reduced to seven miles, the 3 steel having been l a i d about two miles west of G r i f f i n Lake. On November 7, the steel from the east met the s t e e l from the west. On the same day, Donald A. Smith, who had arrived with an o f f i c i a l party from Winnipeg, drove the l a s t spike, which on the insistence of Van Home was "just as good an iron one .4 5 as there i s between Montreal and Vancouver',1 at C r a i g e l l a c h i e . Following the ceremony at Cr a i g e l l a c h i e , the o f f i c i a l 1. Colonist, Aug. 15, 1885. 2. Ibid., Oct. 23, 1885. 3. Inland Sentinel, Nov. 5, 1885. 4. Vaughn, W., The L i f e and Work of S i r William Van Home, New York, The Century Co., 1920, p. 131. 5. The ceremony of the dr i v i n g of the l a s t spike has often been t o l d , perhaps most v i v i d l y and most c a r e f u l l y by John Murray Gibbon i n Steel of Empire, pp. 294-302. - 179 -party from the east, which included Van Home, Smith, Sandford Fleming, G.H. Harris, a d i r e c t o r of the Company, J.M. Egan, general superintendent of the western d i v i s i o n , J.H. McTavish, Chief Lands Commissioner for the Company, and H. Abbott, manag-er of construction, accompanied by M.J. Haney, Colonel Steele,. J.H. Dickie, Dominion Government Engineer, H.J. Cambie, James 1 Ross and Major Rogers, passed over the completed l i n e to Port Moody. B r i t i s h Columbia had received the transcontinental r a i l -way which she had demanded In 1870 as a necessary condition of her union with the Dominion of Canada. The road i n November, 1885, however, was not ready for t r a f f i c . Much work had s t i l l to be done on the mountain section, including the building of snow sheds i n the Selkir k s , before the l i n e could be put to commercial use as a transcon-t i n e n t a l railway. It was not t i l l June 28, 1886, that the f i r s t transcontinental t r a i n l e f t Montreal for the P a c i f i c . The a r r i v a l of the f i r s t transcontinental passenger t r a i n at Port Moody, on July 4, 1886, was the occasion of much celebration in B r i t i s h Columbia. Several hundred c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a , including the Mayor and the Hon. Wm. Smithe, Premier of the Province, came over on the steamer Yosemite to witness the h i s t o r i c event. The steamer Amelia brought 250 more from Nanaimo. The late"Mrs. Mary Edith Angus, who was one of those who came over on the Yosemite from V i c t o r i a has l e f t an i n t e r -esting account of the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t through t r a i n at Port Moody. The t r a i n was scheduled to a r r i v e at noon, --1. Colonist, Nov. 10, 1885. - 180 -We were not.kept long. F i r s t a whistle was heard, and then the old f a m i l i a r c u r l of smoke we had so often watched for in the Old Country was to he seen r i s i n g from among the pines; then came the harsh, clang, clang, of the engine h e l l , and the t r a i n steamed slowly up the l i n e and was greeted hy cheer a f t e r cheer from the 500 or 600 people who were await-ing her. The t r a i n that had crossed a continent was only one minute l a t e . A journey of 2,907 miles had heen accomplished in 136 hours and one minute... Addresses of congratulation were presented to the directors of the C.P.R. Company hy the Hon. Wm. Smithe, Premier of the Province, and hy the Mayors of Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , to which Mr. Abbott, the Superintendent of t h i s western d i v i s -ion of the l i n e , responded on behalf of the Company. These formal proceedings were int e r e s t i n g but the supreme moment for us was when we saw the smoke c u r l i n g above the p i n e s . 1 The a r r i v a l of the f i r s t through t r a i n at Port Moody on July 4, 1886, marked the f i n a l f u l f i l m e n t of the Terms of Union between B r i t i s h Columbia and the Dominion of Canada. The Dominion, through the agency of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -way Company, had b u i l t a transcontinental railway to tide water on the P a c i f i c and had put i t to commercial use. July 4, 1886, also may be said to mark the fulfi l m e n t of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company's contract of 1880. The railway was completed from Callender to Port Moody and under operation. The Company had now to operate the l i n e forever. At th i s point we must leave the hi s t o r y of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and B r i t i s h Columbia, although f o r one very good reason i t i s not a p a r t i c u l a r l y happy place to close the story. By the statute of February 15, 1881, Port Moody s t i l l remains the western terminus of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, but a c t u a l l y i t 1. Excerpt from printed book, i n the possession of Professor H.F. Angus, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, of writings of his mother, Mrs. Mary Edith Angus. Mrs. Angus' account of the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t t r a i n at Port Moody was also pub-lishe d i n the Manchester Guardian. - 181 -remained the terminus f o r the b r i e f period of eighteen months. The l i n e in 1886 and 1887 was extended from Port Moody along 1 the south shore of Burrard Inlet to the new c i t y of Vancouver, which had sprung into existence as a result of the decision of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company to extend t h e i r l i n e 2 to Coal Harbour and English Bay. We, therefore, leave the story of the construction of the actual mainline not the statutory mainline -- of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n B r i t -i s h Columbia incomplete. The extension of the l i n e to Vancouv-er, which forms a large chapter i n the d i f f i c u l t early h i s t o r y of Vancouver, must be l e f t , however, for a further study. We have seen the fulfilment of the railway clause of the Terms of Union and the contract of 1880. We have seen B r i t i s h Colum-bia r e j o i c e on receiving the transcontinental railway f o r which she had waited f o r sixteen long years. 1. Vancouver was incorporated A p r i l 6, 1886. Statutes of B r i t -ish Columbia, 49 V i c t . , chap. 2. The report of the Directors of the Company of June 13, 1885, provided for an expenditure of $760,000 on the extension to Coal Harbour and English Bay. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Report of Proceedings of the Adjoined Annual and Special  Meeting of Shareholders, Montreal, June 13, 1885. 182 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Part I PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS A. O f f i c i a l : Sessional Papers of the Parliament of Canada, 1867 to 1887. Sessional Papers of the Le g i s l a t i v e Assembly of B r i t i s h  Columbia, 1871 to 1886. Journals of the House of Commons, Canada, 1872 to 1886. Journals of the Senate of Canada, 1871 to 1886. Journals of the Le g i s l a t i v e Assembly of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1864 to 1886. Parliamentary Debates, Dominion of Canada, 1870, 1871 and 1872. Debates of the House of Commons, Dominion of Canada, 1875 to 1886. Debates of the Senate, Dominion of Canada, 1875 - 1886. Statutes of Canada, 1871 to 1886. Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1865 to 1886. Debate on the Subject of Confederation with Canada, L e g i s l a t -ive Council of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870. Papers r e l a t i v e to the A f f a i r s of B r i t i s h Columbia (Part I, 1859; Part I I , 1859; Part I I I , 1860; Part IV, 1862), London. Papers on the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Dominion of  Canada, London, 1869. Correspondence respecting the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Act so  far as regards B r i t i s h Columbia, London, 1875. Correspondence r e l a t i v e to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, London, 1874. Correspondence r e l a t i v e to Washington Treaty and the Canadian  P a c i f i c Railway, London, 1873. - 184 -Report on the Subject of the Mission of the Honourable Mr. Walkem, Special Agent and Delegate of the Province of B r i t i s h  Columbia to England, with regard to the Non-Fulfilment by Can-ada of the Railway Clause of the Terms of Union, V i c t o r i a , 1875. Report of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Royal Commission, 011 a -wa, 1882. Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration into Canada, Ottawa, 1885. Report of the Royal Commission Reconveyance of Land to B r i t i s h  Columbia, Ottawa, 1928. Report of the Minister of Railways and Canal3, 1880 - 1886, Ottawa. Memorandum respecting the Claims of B r i t i s h Columbia for Better Terms, V i c t o r i a , 1914. Charter f o r the Construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway  with Papers and Correspondence, Ottawa, 1873. Fleming, Sandford, Observations and P r a c t i c a l Suggestions on  the Subject of a Railway through B r i t i s h North America. Sub -mitted to the Government of the Province of Canada, 1863. Fleming, Sandford, ConfidentTadT Memorandum on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, 1874. Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada, Report of  Progress for 1880 - 81 - 82. Dawson Brothers, Montreal, 1883. Part B. Dawson, G.M., Preliminary report on the Geology of the Bow and B e l l y River Region, North-West T e r r i t o r y , with special reference to the Coal Deposits. Papers r e l a t i v e to the Exploration of Captain P a l l i s e r of  that Portion of B r i t i s h North America which l i e s between the North Branch of the River Saskatchewan and the Frontier of the  United States; and between the Red River and Rocky Mountains, London, 1859. Further Papers r e l a t i v e to the Exploration of Captain P a l l i s e r , London, 1860. Instructions, Reports and Journals r e l a t i n g to the Government  Exploration of country l y i n g between the Shuswap and Okanagan  Lakes and the Rocky Mountains, New Westminster, 1866. Fleming, Sandford, Progress Report on the Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway Exploratory Survey, Ottawa, 1872. Fleming, Sandford, Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Report of Progress on the Explorations and Surveys up to January, 1874, Ottawa, TBT4"~ - 185 -c Fleming, Sandford, Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Maps and Charts to  Accompany Report on the Explorations and Surveys up to January, 1874, Ottawa, 1874. Fleming, Sandford, Report on 'Surveys and Preliminary Operations  on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway up to January, 1877, Ottawa, 1877. Fleming, Sandford, Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Reports and Doc-uments i n reference to the Location of the Line and a Western  Terminal Harbour, Ottawa, 1878. Fleming, Sandford, Report in reference to the Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway, Ottawa, 1879. Fleming, Sandford, Report and Documents i n reference to the Can-adian P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, 1880. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Instructions from the Engineer-in-Chief to the S t a f f , Ottawa, 1875. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Description of the Country between  Lake Superior and the P a c i f i c Ocean on the Line of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, 1876. Report of Proceedings at a Special General Meeting of the Share- holders of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company, Mont r e a l , Gazette P r i n t i n g Co., 1884. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Report of Proceedings at the Adjoined  Annual and Special Meeting of Shareholders, Montreal, June 13, 1885. Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir Ho. VI, Howay, F.W., The  Early History of the Fraser River Mines , V i c t o r i a , 1926. Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir Ho. IX, Wade, M.S., The  Overlanders of *62, V i c t o r i a , 1931. B. U n o f f i c i a l : Carnarvon, H.H.M., 4th ear l of, Speeches on Canadian A f f a i r s , London, John Murray, 1902. Gosnell, R.E., Memorandum for the Hon. Mr. Justice Martin, commissioner i n re railway lands of B r i t i s h Columbia, re con-veyance of railway b e l t and Peace River lands of B r i t i s h Col-umbia, Ottawa, 1927. Hind, Henry Youle, Narrative of the Canadian Red River Explor-ing Expedition of 1857, and of the Assiniboine and Saskatche-wan Exploring Expedition of 1858, London, Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860. Hind, who explored the North West for the government of Canada, states in t h i s report that the idea of a route across the Continent of America l y i n g wholly - 186 -within B r i t i s h T e r r i t o r y was at that time becoming more settled and defined. Island Railway Papers, compiled by Amor de Cosmos, Ottawa, 1880. Extracts from Debates in Dominion Parliament and B r i t i s h Colum-bia L e g i s l a t i v e Council i n 1871, on the Railway Land Clause of  the Terms of Union of British. Columbia with Canada, compiled by Amor de Cosmos, Ottawa, 1880. P a l l i s e r ' s Exploration of B r i t i s h North America, The Journal  of the Royal Geographical Society, v. 30, London, John Murray, 1860. Pope, S i r Joseph, Correspondence of S i r John Macdonald, Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1921. The P a c i f i c Railway, Speeches delivered by Hon. S i r Charles  Tupper, Hon. H.L. Langevin, J.B. Plumb, Thomas White, During  the Debate i n the House of Commons, Session 1880, Mont r e a l , Gazette P r i n t i n g Co., 1880. Wallace, W.S., ed., Edward Blake's Aurora Speech, 1874, Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Review, v. 2, University of Toronto Press, 1921. Letter of S i r Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie to S i r Henry P. Pellew Crease, Parwell, July 13, 1885, Vancouver Province, August 1, 1936. Begbie, writing from Parwell gives a good description of construction work along the l i n e . He refers to the tempor-ary l i n e b u i l t on the western slope of Kicking Horse Pass. Part II UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS l e t t e r of Mrs. Gladys Onderdonk (Bradford G.) Weekes to Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, P r o v i n c i a l L i b r a r i a n and A r c h i v i s t , V i c t o r i a , B.C., March 5, 1935. This l e t t e r gives a valuable outline of Onderdonk's career and useful account of h i s family. Letters of T.C. Young, Vancouver, B.C. to Noel Robinson, Van-couver, B.C., November 13, 1935 and December 1, 1935. These l e t t e r s seem to s e t t l e the Rogers Pass controversy i n favour of Albert Perry. Notes compiled by Margaret Ormsby, M.A. ('British Columbia) from manuscripts i n the Ottawa Archives. - 187 -Part III BIOGRAPHIES, MEMOIRS AND CONTEMPORARY WORKS Anderson, A.C.,.The Dominion at the West, V i c t o r i a , B.C., Richard Wolfendon, Government Printer 1872. The Government of B r i t i s h Columbia Prize Essay, 1872. Written as a guide for prospective s e t t l e r s t h i s essay i s primarily concerned v/ith the economic l i f e and resources of B r i t i s h Columbia. Angus, Mary Edith, Excerpt from Printed book i n possession of Professor H.P. Angus, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, of writings of h i s mother, Mrs. Mary Edi t h Angus, who died i n Vancouver, Feb. 27, 1936. Mrs. Angus describes the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t t r a i n at Port Moody, July 4., 1886. Barneby, W.H., L i f e and Labour i n the Par Par West, London, Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1884. Barneby t r a v e l l e d i n British. Columbia i n 1883 and passed over Onderdonk's l i n e to the end of s t e e l as a guest of the contractor. Buckingham, Wm., and Ross, Geo. W., The Hon. Alexander Macken-zie , Toronto, Rose Publishing Co., 1892. A sympathetic study of Mackenzie. A poor biography. Burpee, Lawrence J., Sandford Fleming, London, Humphrey M i l -ford, Oxford University Press, 1915. The biography adds very l i t t l e to our knowledge of Fleming's work with the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway that i s not r e a d i l y accessible i n his own reports and publications. Cartwright, Rt. Hon. S i r Richard, Reminiscences, Toronto, William Briggs, 1912. Cartwright expresses many controvers-i a l opinions. He i s severely c r i t i c a l of S i r John A. Macdon-ald and denounces the incorporation of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Dominion as an " e v i l " . Charlesworth, Hector, The Canadian Scene, Toronto, The Macmill-an Co., 1927. Charlesworth gives inte r e s t i n g sketches of -Sir John A. Macdonald, R.B. Angus and George Stephen. Cumberland, Stuart, The Queen's Highway, London, Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, Ltd., 1888. Cumberland passed over the C. P. R. l i n e i n 1886 when Port Moody was s t i l l the terminus. He gives i n t e r e s t i n g descriptions of the route through B r i t i s h Columbia, the western terminus, and towns along the l i n e . Dufferin and Ara, Marchioness of, My Canadian Journal, 1872 - 8, London, John Murray, 1891. Extracts from the l e t t e r s of the Marchioness of Dufferin written home while Lord Dufferin was Governor-General of Canada. The Marchioness accompanied Lord Dufferin to B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1876. - 188 -Fleming, Sandford, England and Canada, London, Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1884. Fleming made a journey-across Canada "by the new route proposed by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company in 1883. He passed over the Rockies by Kicking Horse Pass and the Selkirks by Rogers Pass. He accepted the new route as e n t i r e l y f e a s i b l e . Grant, G.M., Ocean to Ocean, London, Sampson Low, Marston, Low, and Searle, 1873. An account of Sandford Fleming's Exped-i t i o n Through Canada in 1872, written from Dr. Grant's diary. Horetzky, Charles, Canada on the P a c i f i c , Montreal, Dawson Brothers, 1874. An account of the journey made by Horetzky • and Macoun from Edmonton to the P a c i f i c v i a the Peace River in 1872 in- connection with the expedition of Sandford Flem-ing across Canada; Horetzky was ever since i n favour of a northern route for the C. P. R. in B r i t i s h Columbia. Leggo, William, The History of the Administration of the Rt. Hon. Frederick Temple, E a r l of Dufferin, Montreal, L o v e l l P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1878. An exhaustive work, written without d i s t i n c t i o n . Milton, Viscount, and Cheadle, W.B., The Northwest Passage by Land, London, C a s s e l l , Petter and Galpin"i 1867 (7th ed.) The in t e r e s t i n g account of Milton and Cheadle's journey across Canada i n 1863. Milton and Cheadle declared the Yellow Head Pass route v i a the Thompson and Fraser Valleys to Burrard Inlet f e a s i b l e for::a road or railway. Moberly, Y/alter, Early History of the C. P. R. Road, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., n.d. An account of Moberly's explorations i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Moberly was much annoyed by the abandonment of the Howse Pass -- Columbia River route i n 1871. Moberly, Walter, The Rocks and Rivers of B r i t i s h Columbia, London, H. Blacklock and Co., 1885. An e a r l i e r and more detailed account of Moberly's work i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Moberly states that he met Major A.B. Rogers twice and gave him information f o r h i s explorations i n the S e l k i r k s . Macdonald, D.G.F., B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1862. A valuable review of the resources of B r i t i s h Columbia. Macdonald gives some in t e r e s t i n g figures on the population of B r i t i s h Columbia during the gold rush. Macfie, Matthew, Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia, London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1865. An admirable source f o r a study of the early economic l i f e of B r i t i s h Columbia, e s p e c i a l l y in the gold rush period. MacNaughton, John, Lord Strathcona, New York, Oxford Univers-i t y Press, 1926. ~C£he Makers of Canada Series, v. 10). An in t e r e s t i n g story, but unfortunately not documented. - 189 -MacPherson, J.P., L i f e of the Right Hon. S i r John A. Macdonald, St. John, N.B., Earle Publishing House, 1891. MacPherson makes copious extracts from Macdonald rs speeches. Pemberton, J.D., Pacts, and Figures relating- to Vancouver Island  and B r i t i s h Columbia, London, Longman,"Green, Longman and Roberts., 1860.Pemberton proposed a transcontinental immigrant route across B r i t i s h North America. He emphasized the i s o -lated p o s i t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. Pope, Joseph, Memoirs of the Right Honourable S i r John Alex-ander Macdonald, G.C.B., Ottawa, J . Durie and Son, 1920. There i s yet no s a t i s f a c t o r y biography of Macdonald; Pope's i s probably the best. Pope, who was f o r years Macdonald's secretary, ably defends h i s chief's railway p o l i c y , 1871 to 1873. Pyle, J.G., The L i f e of James J . H i l l , Hew York, Doubleday, Page and Co., 1917. Pyle states that H i l l was responsible for construction and location of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -way while he was a member of the C. P. R. Syndicate 1880 -1883. Roberts, Morley, The Western Avernug. London, Smith, Elder and Co., 1887. Roberts, in t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g and well written autobiography gives some valuable descriptions of l i f e i n the construction camps along the l i n e of the C. P. R. i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Robinson, Noel, Blazing the T r a i l through the Rockies, Vancou-ver, B.C., News-Advertiser, 1914. Robinson, i n th i s short biographical sketch, records conversations which he had with Moberly. A shorter sketch i s included on H.J. Cambie, in which the author again records conversations which he had v/ith h i s subject. Rogers, A.L., Major A.B. Rogers' F i r s t Expedition up the  I l l e c i l l e w a e t Valley, i n 1881, Accompanied by h i s Nephew, A.L. Rogers, Wheeler, A.O., The S e l k i r k Range, Ottawa, 1905, v. 1, appendix E. Rogers makes no reference to Albert Perry, although he states that Major Rogers t r i e d the I l l e c i l l e w a e t v a l l e y on the suggestion of Walter Moberly. Roper, Edward, By Track and T r a i l Through Canada, London, W.H. A l l e n and Co., Ltd., 1891. Roper describes the route of the C. P. R. in B r i t i s h Columbia. Saunders, E.M., The L i f e and Letters of the Rt. Hon. S i r Charles Tupper, London, Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1916. A sket-chy work, but a valuable source f o r Tuppers l e t t e r s . Secretan, J.H.E., Canada's Great Highway, London, John Lane, The Bodley Head Ltd., 1924. Secretan, who was an engineer employed on construction by the C.P.R. Company, gives an account of some of his experiences. He was engaged on sur-veys i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1874 - 1877. - 190 -Skelton, O.D., L i f e and Letters of S i r W i l f r i d Laurier, Toronto, S.B. Gundy, Oxford University Press, 1921. One of the few good biographies that have been written on Canadian statesmen. Skelton t e l l s an in t e r e s t i n g story regarding the e f f o r t s of the G. P. R. Syndicate to obtain a loan from Macdonald i n 1885. Sladen, Douglas, On the Cars and Off, London, Ward, Lock and Bowden, Ltd., 1895. An accout of a journey across Canada by the C. P. R. Sladen gives some Interesting descriptions of the route. Steele, S.B., Forty Years in Canada, Toronto, McClelland, Good-c h i l d and Stewart, Ltd., 1915. Steele was i n command of the North-West Mounted Police who policed the l i n e of the C.P.R. in the mountains while under construction. His descriptions of l i f e along the l i n e are i n t e r e s t i n g . Stewart, George, J r . , Canada under the Administration of the  E a r l of Dufferin, Toronto, Rose-Belford Publishing Co., 1878. Stewart gives a l u c i d account of the railway d i f f i c u l t i e s with B r i t i s h Columbia but f a i l s to bring out properly Lord Dufferin's part i n the controversy. Harkin, W.A. (ed.), P o l i t i c a l Reminiscences of the Right, Honour-able S i r Charles Tupper, London, Constable and Co., Ltd., 1914. Tupper expresses the opinion that B r i t i s h Columbia would have been l o s t to the United States had the P a c i f i c railway not been b u i l t . Watkin, E.W., Canada and the States, Recollections, 1851 to 1886, Ward, Lock and Co., London, 1887. Watkin, an o f f i c e r of the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c , declared i n 1860 that the extension of the Grand Trunk to the P a c i f i c would be the only salvation of the road. W i l l i s o n , S i r John, Reminiscences, P o l i t i c a l and Personal, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1919. W i l l i s o n gives a v a l -uable account of the Blake wing of Mackenzie's party. Willson, Beckles, Lord Stratheona, London, Methuen and Co., 1902. Willson's story i s in t e r e s t i n g , but hardly exhaustive. It i s sparingly documented. Above a l l i t i s unquestioned tribute to Lord Strathcona. Vaughn, Walter, The L i f e and Work of S i r William Van Home, New York, The Century Co., 1920. The most remarkable charac-t e r i s t i c of Vaughn's biography i s the sustained manner i n which he gives the impression that Van Home was a mental and physical giant of boundless energy and v e r s a t i l i t y . - 191 -Part IV SECONDARY WORKS Bancroft, H.H., History of the North West Coast, San Francisco, A.L. Bancroft and Co., 1884. A colossal work i n which, however, the author strives more for l i t e r a r y b r i l l i a n c e than sound h i s t o r i c a l c r i t i c i s m . Bancroft, H.H., History of B r i t i s h Columbia, San Francisco, The History Company, 1887. Bancroft i s very hard on the Hudson's Bay Company as a colonizing agency. Begg, A., History of B r i t i s h Columbia from i t s e a r l i e s t discov-ery to the present time, Toronto, William Briggs, 1894. A d u l l annal of B r i t i s h Columbia's h i s t o r y . Biggar, E.B., The Canadian Railway Problem, Toronto, The Mac-mill a n Co. of Canada, Ltd., 1918. Biggar has an undisting-uished chapter on the genesis of the Canadian railway system. Burpee, Lawrence J., The Search for the Western Sea, Toronto, The Musson Book Co., Ltd., 1908. Burpee t e l l s an i n t e r e s t -ing story of the search for the North-West Passage. He covers the overland journeys across Canada down to and including the journeys of David Thompson. Coats, R.H., and Gosnell, R.E., S i r James Douglas, Toronto, Morang and Co., Ltd., 1909. An undistinguished biography — or rather, h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia -- written without much reference to documentary sources. Gibbon, John Murray, Steel of Empire, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1935. Gibbon c a l l s h i s book a 'romantic h i s t o r y ' . It was obviously written hurriedly and i s marred by f a u l t y and jumbled arrangement. It i s , nevertheless, the only reasonably complete h i s t o r y of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway that has appeared. Gibbon has gathered into h i s book a great mass of material. He emphasizes p a r t i c u l a r l y the imperial importance of the railway. Howay, F.W., B r i t i s h Columbia, The Making of a Province, Toron-to, The Ryerson Press, 1928. A good b r i e f h i s t o r y of the Province from the days of e a r l i e s t exploration to the present (1928). Howay, P.W., and Sc h o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., B r i t i s h Columbia from the e a r l i e s t times to the present, Vancouver, B.C., The S.J. Clarke Publishing Co, 1914. Not a d e f i n i t i v e h i s t o r y but to date the standard h i s t o r y of the Province. - 192 -Innis, H.A., A History of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, London, P.S. King and Son, Ltd., 1923. A d u l l hut very valuable h i s t o r y . Innis i s primarily concerned with the development of the Railway since i t s construction. His introductory chapters are f u l l of much penetrating a n a l y s i s . Innis, Mary Q,uayle, An Economic History of Canada, Toronto, The Ryerson Press, 1935. Mrs. Innis' book i s poorly written. It i s the f i r s t economic h i s t o r y of Canada that has been attempted. Johns, H.P., B r i t i s h Columbia's Campaign for Better Terms, 1871 - 1905, M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Johns gives a b r i e f discussion of the Terms of Union and the Railway d i f f i c u l t i e s . Metin, Albert, La Colombie Britannique, P a r i s , L i b r a i r e Armand Catin, 1908. Metin's one h i s t o r i c a l chapter, Formation de l a  Colonie, i s an excellent summary of B r i t i s h Columbia's h i s t -ory down to Confederation. Morris, Keith, The Story of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway , London, William Stevens Ltd., 1916. A b r i e f h i s t o r y . Morris characterizes the railway as the s a l v a t i o n of B r i t i s h Col-umbia. MacBeth, R.G., The Romance of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Toronto, The Ryerson Press, 1924. A book primarily d i s t i n g -uished by a great deal of loose, valueless, thought. It i s of very l i t t l e value. Maclnnes, CM., In the Shadow of the Rockies, London, Riving-tons, 1930. A good h i s t o r y of Alberta. Maclnnes gives a care-f u l analysis of why the C P. R. Syndicate decided to change the route of the Railway. Parkin, G.R., The Great Dominion, London, MaxMillan and Co., 1895. Parkin writes a thoughtful chapter on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. He i s i n c l i n e d to think that the railway should have been l e f t under public c o n t r o l . Sage, W.N., S i r James Douglas and B r i t i s h Columbia, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1930. One of the few sound pieces of h i s t o r i c a l scholarship that the story of B r i t i s h Columbia has inspired. Sch o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., and Gosnell, R.E., A History of B r i t i s h  Columbia, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , 1913. Gosnell's portion i s the more valuable. It contains a narrative by H.J. Cambie on the surveys and construction of the C. P. R. in B r i t i s h Columbia. Shortt, Adam (ed.), Canada and i t s Provinces, v. 21, Toronto, Glasgow, Brook and Co., 1914. Useful f o r Howay's chapter on the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1871 - 1913. 193 -Skelton, O.D., The Railway Builders, Toronto, Glasgow, Brook and Co., 1916. Chronicles of Canada, v. 32. Skelton's chapter on the construction and financing of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i s well written. It i s simple hut quite useful. Stephens, H.M., and Bolton, H.E., The P a c i f i c Ocean i n History, Hew York, The MacMillan Co., 1917. Judge Howay*s essay on the Pur Trade i n Northwestern development i s a valuable d i s -cussion of the economic development of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the pre-colonial period. Talbot, F.A., The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, London, A. and C. Black Ltd., 1915. A decription of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -way l i n e . Trotter, R.G., Canadian Federation, Toronto, J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1924. An able, well documented study. The book has been found p a r t i c u l a r l y useful for the discussion of the transcon-t i n e n t a l railway schemes p r i o r to the Terms of Union. Wheeler, A.O., The S e l k i r k Range , Ottawa, 1905. Wheeler gives a review of travel and explorations i n the mountains of B r i t -ish Columbia. It i s valuable and i n t e r e s t i n g work. Part V PAMPHLETS Archibald, CD., Colonial Agenda, London, William Penny, n.d. Two l e t t e r s written i n November and December, I860, to the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State for the Colonies, on the importance and necessity of carrying out the construction of the Intercolonial and P a c i f i c Railways. Britannicus* Letters, The P a c i f i c Railway, Ottawa, " C i t i z e n " P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., 1875. This pamphlet contains l e t t e r s written to the Ottawa C i t i z e n by Britannicus. Britannicus defended Macdonald's railway p o l i c y and stressed the imperial importance of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. B r i t i s h Columbia and the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Complimentary  Dinner to the Hon. Mr. Trutch, Russell House, Ottawa, A p r i l  10, 1871, Montreal, Gazette P r i n t i n g House, 1871. In a speech made at t h i s dinner, Trutch declared that B r i t i s h Columbia would not hold the Dominion to the '10 year l i m i t * as a hard and fa s t contract. The Canadian Dominion Bubble, "London Truth", September 1, 1881. "Truth" prophesied the bankruptcy of the Dominion i f she attempted to b u i l d the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. - 194 -The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and i t s Assailants, Letters from  Mohawk, London, January 28, 1882. A defence of the C. P. R. Syndicate and an eulogy of i t s personnel. Chittenden, Newton H., Guide or Travels through B r i t i s h Colum-bi a , V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1882. Chittenden gives some valuable descriptions of Onderdonk's works at Yale and along the l i n e . He t e l l s the story of the Skuzzy. Chittenden, Newton H., Se t t l e r s and Miners and Tourists Guide, Ocean to Ocean by the C. P. R., Ottawa, 1885. Chittenden des-cribes the route of the C. P. R. i n B r i t i s h Columbia and gives some conception of the works of construction along the l i n e . Crouter, J.W., Canada P a c i f i c Railway, 1876. Crouter favoured the construction and operation of the Railway by the Govern-ment . Doull, Alexander, A Project for opening a North-West Passage  between the A t l a n t i c and P a c i f i c Oceans by means of a Railway on B r i t i s h T e r r i t o r y , London, 1852. One of the e a r l i e s t sugg-estions of a P a c i f i c railway through B r i t i s h North America. Hewson, M. Butt, The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Toronto, Patrick Boyle, 1880. Hewson favoured the northern route for the r a i l -way to Port Simpson. He writes of Bur-rard Inlet as harbouring a " l i t t l e v i l l a g e of white and chinamen". Horetzky, C., Some S t a r t l i n g Pacts Relating to the Canadian  P a c i f i c Railway and the North-West Lands also a B r i e f D i s-cusaion regarding the Route, the Western Terminus and the  Lands Available f o r Settlement, Ottawa, 1880. Horetzky favour-ed a northern route by Pine River Pass to Port Simpson. Jenkins, Edward, The "Times" and Mr. Potter on Canadian R a i l -ways, A C r i t i c i s m on C r i t i c s , London, Pottle and Son, 1875. Reginald Potter, President of the Grand Trunk Railway, pub-li s h e d l e t t e r s i n the Times, at the time Hugh A l l a n was trying to finance h i s Company to b u i l d the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, warning B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i s t s not to Invest i n the scheme and attacking the cr e d i t of the Dominion. Edward Jenkins, Agent-General of the Dominion i n London, In thi s pamphlet answers Potter's charges. The Land of Heart's Desire, the Inland Sentinel, Quarter Century Commemorative Number, Kamloops, B.C., May 29, 1905. A b r i e f summary of the important events recorded i n the Inland Sentin-e l , 1880 - 1905. Letter from Major Robert Carmichael-Smyth to h i s f r i e n d the  Author of "The Clockmaker", London, 1849. Carmichael-Smyth characterized the P a c i f i c railway through B r i t i s h North Amer-ic a as the one l i n k necessary to unite i n one chain the whole English race. - 195 -McLeod, Malcolm, The Problem of Canada, Ottawa, C i t i z e n P r i n t -ing and Publishing Co., 1880. McLeod argued that since the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was e s s e n t i a l l y an.Imperial enter-prise Great B r i t a i n should aid i n i t s construction. Opinions of the English Press on the B r i t i s h Columbian Railway  Question, V i c t o r i a , B.C., V i c t o r i a Standard P r i n t , 1877. Extracts are given i n the pamphlet from the P a l l Mall Gazette, London Standard, and London Saturday Review . A l l the papers sympathized with B r i t i s h Columbia and were c r i t i c a l of the Dominion government for not implementing the Carnarvon terms. P a c i f i c Railway Route, B r i t i s h Columbia, New Westminster, Dominion P a c i f i c Herald, 1878. An argument for the Burrard Inlet route. Perisse', L. , and Roy, A.V., Le Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, Paris , 1894. Perisse' and Roy describe the Canadian P a c i f i c as one of the best constructed railways In America. They were mem-bers of the Socie'te des ingenieurs c i v i l s de Prance. Philo Veritas [pseud.), Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, An Appeal to  Public Opinion Against the Railway being carried across the  Selki r k Range, that Route being Objectionable from the Danger  of P a l l s from Glaciers, and from Avalanches, also, generally  on other Matters, Montreal, fm. Drysdale and Co., 1885. Reply to Letter of "Old S e t t l e r " published in the "Times" Hews-paper on the Selection of a Terminus on the P a c i f i c Coast for  the Proposed Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, By a B r i t i s h North American, London, Benjamin Sulman, n.d. Concerns the Island--Mainland controversy over the terminus. Tasse', Joseph, Le Chemin de Per Canadien du Pacifique, Montreal, Eusebe Senecal, 1872. Tasse reviews the early proposal for the P a c i f i c railway and stresses the national and imperial value of the project. The Unspecific Scandal, Ottawa, A.S. Woodburn, 1874. The sub-t i t l e describes t h i s pla.y which was performed at the Great Dominion Theatre following the " P a c i f i c Scandal" as "An O r i g i n a l , P o l i t i c a l , C r i t i c a l and G r i t t i c a l Extravaganza". Waddington, A l f r e d , The Praser Mines Vindicated, V i c t o r i a , 1858. A valuable source f o r the his t o r y of the gold rush of 1858. Waddington, A l f r e d , Overland Route through B r i t i s h North Amer- i c a , London, Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1868. In t h i s pamphlet Waddington outlines a route for the railway from Bute Inlet through Yellow Head Pass. He stresses the imperial, ,national and l o c a l value of h i s project. - 196 -Waddington, A l f r e d , Sketch of the Proposed Line of the Overland Railroad through B r i t i s h North America, London, Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1869. Actually a second ed i t i o n of his f i r s t pamphlet on the transcontinental railway. A t h i r d e d i t i o n was published at Ottawa, 1871. Part VI PERIODICAL ARTICLES Baillie-Grohman, Wm. A., " B r i t i s h Columbia", The Fortnightly Review, v. 39, London, Chapman and H a l l , Ltd., 1886. Baillie-Grohman i n this a r t i c l e outlines h i s impressions of B r i t i s h Columbia. He sees the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway as a great imperial adventure quite out of proportion to the pop-ulation of Canada. , "The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway", The Quarterly Review, v. 164, London, John Murray, 1887. An excellent short hi s t o r y of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway down to the comple-ti o n of the main l i n e . Fleming, Sandford, "Voyages to the P a c i f i c " , Transactions of  the Royal Society of Canada, series I I I , v. 7, 1889. Fleming writes an excellent review of explorations and travels in B r i t i s h Columbia up to and including the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway surveys. Grant, G.M., "The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway", The Century Maga-zine , v. 30, Hew York, The Century Co., 1885. Valuable for a discussion of Major Rogers' explorations and an account of the journey of Sandford Fleming i n 1883. Howay, F.W., " B r i t i s h Columbia's Entry into Confederation", Annual Report of the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association, 011awa, 1927. A b r i e f discussion of the Confederation movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Howay, F.W., "The Attitude of Governor Seymour towards Confed-eration", Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, series I I I , v. 14, 1920. Howay states that Seymour de l i b e r a t e l y opposed Confederation to save the o f f i c i a l s of the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia. Howay, F.W., "The Attitude of Governor Musgrave towards Confed-eration", Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, series III, v. 15, 1921. Musgrave's part in the consummation of union between B r i t i s h Columbia and the Dominion i s well drawn. Keenlyside, Hugh L., " B r i t i s h Columbia -- Annexation or Confed-eration", Annual Report of the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association, Ottawa, 1928. A valuable b r i e f discussion of the annexation-i s t and confederationist movements i n B r i t i s h Columbia; the annexationist movement, however, i s probably over-rated. - 197 -Maxwell, J.A., "Lord Dufferin and the D i f f i c u l t i e s with B r i t -i s h Columbia, 1874-7", Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, v. 12, Toronto, The University of Toronto Press, 1931. Maxwell, using documents from the Ottawa Archives, writes a useful a r t i c l e on the railway d i f f i c u l t i e s with B r i t i s h Col-umbia, showing the part played by Dufferin in the contro-versy. Palmer, Howard, "Early Explorations in B r i t i s h Columbia for the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway", The B u l l e t i n of the Geograph-i c a l Society of Philadelphia, v. 16, Ho. 3, July, 1918. A useful account, but quite incomplete and poorly written. Reid, R.L., "Alfred Waddington", Transactions of the Royal  Society of Canada, series I I I , v. 26, Ottawa, 1932. Reid gives a valuable account of A l f r e d Yi/addington' s project of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. Sage, W.N., "The Annexationist Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia", Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, series III, v. 21, Ottawa, 1927. A c a r e f u l account of the movement written with reference to the newspapers of the time. Sage makes no extravagant claims regarding the strength of the annexationist party in B r i t i s h Columbia. Sage, W.N., "Canada on the P a c i f i c , 1866 - 1925", The Washing-ton H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, v. 8, Seattle, 1917. A b r i e f interpretative essay. Sage, W.N., "The C r i t i c a l Period of B r i t i s h Columbia History, 1866 - 1871", P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review, v. 1, Glendale, C a l i f . , The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1932. An excellent discuss-ion of the economic troubles of B r i t i s h Columbia and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to Confederation i n 1871. Sage, W.H., "The Gold Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia", Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Review, v. 2, Toronto, The University of Toronto Press, 1921. A good account of the immediate effects of the Gold rush o'n the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Stevens, John P., "An Engineer's Recollections", Engineering  Hews-Record, v. 114, March 28, 1935, New York, McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., Inc., 1935. Stevens worked with Rogers locating the l i n e in B r i t i s h Columbia. He says among other things that Rogers fed them on p r a c t i c a l l y nothing but bacon and beans. Waddington, A l f r e d , "On the Geography and Mountain Passes of B r i t i s h Columbia i n Connection with an Overland Route"', Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, London, John Murray, 1868. A paper read by Alfred Y/addington before the Royal Geographical Society o u t l i n i n g the advantages of a transcontinental railway through B r i t i s h North America and attempting to demonstrate i t s p r a c t i c a b i l i t y . - 198 -W i l l i s o n , S i r John, "Reminiscences — Hon. Edward Blake", Canadian Magazine, Ontario Publishing Co., July, 1918. Useful for an interpretation of Blake's p o l i c i e s . Part VIII NEWSPAPERS' V i c t o r i a D a i l y Colonist. Port Moody Gazette. Inland Sentinel, published at Emory, June 10, 1880, to May 1884, and at Kamloops, July 31, 1884 --. New Westminster B r i t i s h Columbian. V i c t o r i a D aily Times (passim). 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0098645/manifest

Comment

Related Items