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Waterfront development in the post-industrial city : a profile Mikicich, Stephen Nenad 1990

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WATERFRONT DEVELOPMENT IN THE POST-INDUSTRIAL CITY: A PROFILE  By  STEPHEN NENAD MIKICICH B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1985  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  (PLANNING)  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Community and Regional  Planning)  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1990  ©  Stephen Nenad M i k l c i c h , 1990  In presenting this  thesis  in partial  fulfilment  of the requirements  for an advanced  degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further copying  agree that permission for extensive  of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted  department  or  by his or  her  representatives.  It  is  by the head of my  understood  that  copying or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  School Department of  Community  S Regional  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  11 O c t o b e r  1990  P l a n n i n g  i i ABSTRACT  The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to analyze the significance of waterfront redevelopment in the post-industrial c i t y .  The context  for t h i s analysis i s the advent of post-industrial society - as evidenced by the economic, s o c i a l and physical restructuring of cities.  My objectives  in undertaking this research  are to gain a  better understanding of planning issues in waterfront redevelopment; to examine the use of waterfront redevelopment as a policy tool for achieving  community objectives; and to ascertain the broader  implications of waterfront redevelopment in post-industrial society. My research  i s based on an extensive l i t e r a t u r e review, several  interviews, and more in-depth study of selected waterfront projects. The significance of urban waterfront redevelopment i s studied from three d i f f e r e n t perspectives:  ( i ) the physical restructuring of  c i t i e s in the post-industrial period;  ( i i ) the experiences of  various waterfront communities; and ( i i i ) the case study of New Westminster, B r i t i s h Columbia. Waterfront redevelopment i s s i g n i f i c a n t in the post-industrial c i t y as a public policy tool for achieving economic development objectives.  broader s o c i a l and  Through the redevelopment of their  waterfronts, communities have an opportunity to redress a range of s o c i a l and economic issues.  The s o c i a l development potential i s  seldom r e a l i z e d , however, because redevelopment i s primarily commercially-motivated.  iii In theory, the urban waterfront has been reclaimed for a l l residents of the post-industrial c i t y .  The notion of public access  and the creation of public amenities are fundamental principles of waterfront development.  In practice, however, the benefits of a  r e v i t a l i z e d waterfront are not shared equally.  As the waterfront  p r o f i l e s demonstrate, the nature of the waterfront land-use mix is generally biased towards high-end commercial development and luxury hous ing. The nature and form of new waterfront developments raises questions about e l i t i s m and equity in the post-industrial c i t y .  If  some level of economic integration is not achieved, the waterfront w i l l not have been reclaimed for a l l residents of the posti n d u s t r i a l c i t y , but, rather - for the post-industrial urban e l i t e .  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page  ABSTRACT  i i  CONTENTS  iv  LIST  OF T A B L E S  v i  LIST  OF F I G U R E S  v i i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  viii  INTRODUCTION  1  1.0  THE POST-INDUSTRIAL C I T Y  6  1.1  T h e New  7  1.2  Urban  1.3  L i v a b i l i t y : Reform Ideology t o Economic Development S t r a t e g y  16  The B u i l t  23  1.4  2.0  Social  Economy Structure  2.2  WATERFRONTS  The E v o l u t i o n o f t h e N o r t h Urban Waterfront  30  American 32  Waterfront Development as a C a t a l y s t f o r Economic Development  WATERFRONT 3.1  11  Environment  T H E R E D E V E L O P M E N T OF URBAN 2.1  3.0  Urban  36  PROFILES  "Battery  Park  43  City,"  New  York  City  3.2  Docklands Redevelopment,  3.3  Central  Waterfront  & Railway Lands,  3.4  Smaller  Waterfront  Communities  i v  London,  45 England Toronto  61 75 91  4.0  5.0  C A S E STUDY:  HISTORICAL  4.1  Description  4.2  Historical  4.3  Renaissance  4.4  Summary  5.2  New  6.0  7.0  and P o l i c y  Background  of the Royal  101  City  WESTMINSTER'S STRATEGY  107  DOWNTOWN  Westminster's Downtown S t r a t e g y (1977)  The Community  5.3  An  5.4  First  5.5  Elements  Plan  REVITALIZATION  Revitalization 119  f o r Downtown  Westminster  Improved  121  Development  Capital  5.5.1 5.5.2 5.5.3  BACKGROUND  117  New  5.6  POLICY  99  C A S E STUDY: NEW  5.1  AND  City  Approval  Development  of the R e v i t a l i z a t i o n  Process  124  Company  126  Strategy  134  I n s t i t u t i o n a l Anchors The R e v i t a l i z e d W a t e r f r o n t Columbia Street Upgrading  135 136 138  Summary  C A S E STUDY: AN  141  E V A L U A T I O N OF  6.1  Overview  6.2  T h e Image o f t h e New  6.3  The W a t e r f r o n t  6.4  A Comparison  6.5  Negative  6.6  Summary  "WESTMINSTER  QUAY"  of Development  142  Waterfront  145  Catalyst  with  Impacts  Other  147 Waterfront  of Waterfront  Projects  . . . . 149  Revitalization  .. 153 155  CONCLUSIONS  156  BIBLIOGRAPHY  159 v  LIST  TABLE  1.1  1.2  2.1  OF  TABLES  DESCRIPTION  -  -  -  PAGE  Post-Industrial Forces Favouring the Redevelopment of Urban Industrial waterfronts  Post-Industrial Forces Favouring P a r t i c u l a r A t t r i b u t e s o f New W a t e r f r o n t s  Common  O b j e c t i v e s of  27  ....  28  Waterfront  Redevelopment  41  3.1  -  Characteristics  of Waterfront  3.2  -  Characteristics  of Waterfront  5.1  -  in Smaller Communities A Ranking of the " C a t a l y s t s "  vi  Projects  44  Development 98 141  LIST  FIGURE  OF  FIGURES  DESCRIPTION  3.1  -  Site  Map o f B a t t e r y Park  3.2  -  World  3.3  -  "The Urban  Financial  PAGE  City  46  C e n t e r a t B a t t e r y Park  City  .. 53  Room" - p u b l i c a r t ,  B a t t e r y Park C i t y  56  3.4  -  W a t e r f r o n t E s p l a n a d e , B a t t e r y Park C i t y  56  3.5  -  View o f C a n a r y Wharf  72  3.6  -  Site  82  3.7  -  Corrigan,  3.8  -  Historic  3.9  -  "Main  4.1  -  New W e s t m i n s t e r  4.2  -  Map o f Downtown New W e s t m i n s t e r  100  4.3  -  Downtown P l a n  114  4.4  -  6.1  -  P r o p o s e d Development C o n t r a c t and Approval Process The Inn a t W e s t m i n s t e r Quay  Map o f H a r b o u r f r o n t The T o r o n t o S t a r Cannery  f  Buildings,  19 June  Cobourg,  (Map)  Boundaries  vii  84  S t e v e s t o n , B.C. .. 94  Street" Revitalization, i n t h e GVRD  1990  O n t . .. 95 100  116 147  viii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  This thesis i s dedicated to my parents - Peter and Nada Mikicich.  The completion  of t h i s work i s a testament to their  undying love and support during seemingly endless months of research, writing and editing.  For t h i s , I am g r a t e f u l .  I would l i k e to thank Professor Brahm Wiesman for his kindness, patience and wisdom in supervising my thesis research.  His  enthusiastic support provided a much-needed source of encouragement. I would also l i k e to thank Dr. David Ley for his valuable input in the early stages of research, and for serving as a second reader on my oral examination  committee.  F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to express my sincerest gratitude to the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation for providing me with f i n a n c i a l assistance during the 1988-1989 academic year.  1 INTRODUCTION  The dawning of the post-industrial age has been marked by an economic, s o c i a l and physical restructuring of the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y . For planners and policy-makers, this has brought about new development opportunities in the core areas of c i t i e s . p a r t i c u l a r , the confluence of changing technologies,  In socioeconomic  s h i f t s , and public policy decisions since the mid-1960's, has made large tracts of waterfront land available for redevelopment.  This  has presented planners in many communities with an opportunity to reclaim the urban waterfront for public use, to introduce a new set of urban land-uses, and to guide the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of blighted areas adjacent to the waterfront. While some amount of waterfront redevelopment i s ubiquitous across North America, and i s well-advanced  in many communities -  there has been l i t t l e academic inquiry into the significance of waterfront redevelopment in the post-industrial c i t y .  A work such  as this i s timely because i t draws attention to the post-industrial waterfront, evaluates the significance of redevelopment a c t i v i t y , and, hopefully, generates  interest i n further study.  My objectives i n undertaking this research are: to gain a better understanding  of the planning issues involved i n waterfront  redevelopment; to measure the significance of the waterfront in the context of urban restructuring; to examine the use of waterfront redevelopment as a policy tool for achieving community objectives;  2  and to ascertain the broader  implications of waterfront  redevelopment i n post-industrial society. My research i s based on a l i t e r a t u r e review on: (1) the posti n d u s t r i a l c i t y , and (2) the general phenomenon of urban waterfront development.  This has been supplemented by more in-depth study of  selected waterfront projects, and interviews with planners and other professionals.  My findings are presented in three sections: a  general discussion on the post-industrial waterfront, p r o f i l e s of selected waterfront projects, and a detailed case study of waterfront development in New Westminster, B r i t i s h Columbia. It i s anticipated that a case study of the New Westminster experience w i l l identify the common issues that are dealt with by a l l waterfront planners, regardless of location.  The case study  w i l l also demonstrate the use of waterfront development as a policy instrument in achieving broader public objectives. Redevelopment of the New Westminster waterfront i s an ideal case study because i t was envisioned as one of several catalysts for r e v i t a l i z i n g the c i t y ' s blighted downtown area, and transforming i t into a "Regional Town Centre.  ,,:L  In Chapter One, the theory of post-industrial society, as advanced by B e l l (1973), Perloff (1980), Ley (1980), Noyelle  (1986),  and others provides the appropriate context in which to analyze the  The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t ' s (GVRD's) Livable Region Plan (1975) called for the development of Regional Town Centres, or "downtowns," in suburban municipalities. The intent of the Plan was to channel population and employment growth into designated Town Centres, to promote a balance of jobs to population in each part of the region. 1  3  redevelopment of urban waterfronts.  The t r a n s i t i o n from industrial  to post-industrial society i s e s s e n t i a l l y an urban phenomenon.  The  physical manifestations of structural change are evident in the built-form of the post-industrial c i t y - and, in p a r t i c u l a r , in the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the waterfront. The post-industrial c i t y i s characterized by a service-based economy, an occupational structure that favours professional and h i g h l y - s k i l l e d occupations, a new urban e l i t e , a restructuring of the t r a d i t i o n a l land-use pattern, and a new  ideology of l i v a b i l i t y .  The p o l i t i c a l response to the rapid s o c i a l and economic changes of the 1960's and early 1970's was the development of a "Livable City." L i v a b i l i t y , in the p o l i t i c a l sense, means the implementation  of  p o l i c i e s to preserve and enhance desirable aspects of c i t y l i f e such as the preservation of environmental  quality and economic  v i a b i l i t y , and the enhancement of l i f e s t y l e . Today, the notion of l i v a b i l i t y i s a pervasive aspect of planning i n i t i a t i v e s for the waterfront. requirements  This is evident in the  for public access to the waterfront, and the  development of public amenities in the core areas of c i t i e s .  The  emphasis, however, i s not so much on quality of l i f e as i t i s on economic development.  If c i t i e s are to survive in the post-  i n d u s t r i a l period, they must become more a t t r a c t i v e to s k i l l e d workers, potential investors and new economic a c t i v i t i e s .  In order  to do t h i s , c i t i e s are c a p i t a l i z i n g on the amenity value of their waterfronts through s i g n i f i c a n t public investment  in new  amenities,  4 infrastracture, and other catalysts for stimulating private investment. Chapter Two addresses the general phenomenon of waterfront redevelopment.  It begins with a discussion on the h i s t o r i c role of  urban waterfronts, and their continuous adaptation to meet the contemporary needs of urban society.  The discussion focuses on the  use of waterfront redevelopment as an economic development t o o l , and poses the following questions:  How can c i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t size,  and with d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and economic circumstances, c a p i t a l i z e on a r e v i t a l i z e d waterfront?  What i s the motivation behind waterfront  development projects i n various-sized communities?  Who ultimately  benefits from waterfront r e v i t a l i z a t i o n , and at what s o c i a l cost? These questions are addressed  in Chapter Three,  through  p r o f i l e s of selected waterfront projects in several communities. These include New York's "Battery Park City," developments, Toronto's  London's "Docklands"  "Harbourfront" and "Railway Lands," and a  composite p r o f i l e of smaller waterfront communities in Canada and the United States.  Inherent in this p r o f i l e method i s a comparative  analysis based on community size and location. The intent in t h i s chapter i s to develop an a n a l y t i c a l framework for understanding the broader redevelopment.  implications of waterfront  By developing an understanding  of common planning  issues, opportunities and constraints for waterfront development, and by recognizing the unique circumstances of d i f f e r e n t communities, I w i l l be able to judge the wisdom of planning decisions made at New Westminster.  5  The next three chapters are dedicated to a case study of waterfront development at "Westminster Quay." a brief history of the c i t y of New  Chapter Four provides  Westminster, and outlines  municipal and senior government p o l i c i e s that have impacted c i t y ' s downtown and waterfront areas.  on the  It concludes with a  discussion on the role of a r e v i t a l i z e d waterfront in the renaissance of New  Westminster.  Chapter Five outlines the  r e v i t a l i z a t i o n strategy for downtown New  Westminster, and evaluates  the significance of i t s various elements.  The focus i s on the  redeveloped waterfront and the c a t a l y t i c role i t was to play in the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n program.  In Chapter  Six, "Westminster Quay" i s  evaluated in l i g h t of existing development opportunities, and the expectations of planners, p o l i t i c i a n s and the public. emphasis i s placed on the waterfront's new  Particular  image, and i t s  effectiveness as an economic development t o o l . My conclusions about waterfront development and the c a t a l y t i c role of waterfront projects are presented in Chapter Seven.  Two  underlying themes are the notion of communities in " t r a n s i t i o n , " and the question of equity in the post-industrial c i t y .  1.0  THE POST-INDUSTRIAL CITY  In a paper e n t i t l e d "Liberal Ideology and the Post-Industrial City,"  David Ley (1980) advances the post-industrial thesis in his  examination of the Livable City ideology Vancouver in the late 1960's.  - which emerged in  Ley argues that "an understanding of  the emerging urban landscape requires a prior grasp of wide-ranging processes of change in society i t s e l f . " writings of Hardwick (1974), M i l l s (1988).  Following  1  This idea i s echoed in the  (1986), Law (1988) and Tweedale  t h i s premise - the theory of post-industrial  society i s presented, i n t h i s chapter, as an appropriate  context for  the analysis of the redevelopment of urban waterfronts.  The  discussion w i l l focus on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a post-industrial c i t y , the expression of post-industrial values in the built-form of the c i t y , and the policy implications of the s h i f t to a servicebased economy. Harvey S. Perloff (1980) states that the advent of the "services age" has placed c i t i e s and metropolitan regions in the forefront of a major national transformation.  2  For planners and  policy-makers, the challenge in guiding the transformation of urban society i s to anticipate and interpret s t r u c t u r a l change, and to respond with appropriate  policy i n i t i a t i v e s for restructuring the  l o c a l economy, and accommodating new l i f e s t y l e and land-use ^David Ley, "Liberal Ideology and the Postindustrial C i t y , " Annals of the Association of American Geographers,. 70 (1980), 240. Harvey S. P e r l o f f , Planning the Post-Industrial City. (Washington, D.C: American Planning Association, 1980), p.15. 2  7 opportunities.  The complexity of these tasks i s apparent in the  magnitude of the changes that are occurring.  As Perloff argues,  capturing the essence of a s o c i e t a l transformation in a label i s not easy nor, i n fact, i s i t a simple task to distinguish the essence from the derived c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . This phenomenon involves the way people make a l i v i n g and use technology, the way they l i v e and relate to each other and - even more important for c i t i e s - where they l i v e and work . 3  1.1  The New Urban Economy The term " p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l " was coined by Daniel B e l l in 1959,  in a series of seminars on sectoral change.  According to B e l l ,  a post-industrial society i s based on services. Hence, i t is a game between persons. What counts i s not raw muscle power, or energy, but information. The central person i s the professional, for he i s equipped, by his education and t r a i n i n g , to provide the kinds of s k i l l which are increasingly demanded in the post-industrial society. If an i n d u s t r i a l society i s defined by the quantity of goods as marking a standard of l i v i n g , the post-industrial society is defined by the quality of l i f e as measured by the services and amenities - health, education, recreation, and the arts - which are now deemed desirable and possible for everyone.* The emergence of a post-industrial society does not s i g n i f y a decline in industry i n terms of output or value-added. does point to a major transformation of the occupational The  introduction of new technologies  However, i t structure.  to primary industries, such as  agriculture and resource extraction, has made these a c t i v i t i e s less dependent on labour inputs.  As Walter Hardwick (1984) argues, "the  agriculture and extractive sectors have benefited tremendously from 3  Harvey S. P e r l o f f , 1980, p.15.  ••Daniel B e l l , The Coming of Post-Industrial Society. York: Basic Books, Inc., 1973), p.27.  (New  8 the substitution of technology for labour and posted productivity gains exceeding most i n d u s t r i a l and service s e c t o r s . " technological advancement in manufacturing,  3  Similarly,  transportation and  shipping has led to a revolution in the way that goods are and d i s t r i b u t e d .  produced  As Thierry Noyelle (1986) suggests,  the metaphor for the transformation under way is what i s happening i n , say, automobile manufacturing. Instead of putting large numbers of blue-collar workers on assembly lines or in the shops of part suppliers, we are now replacing them with robots, leading in turn to increasing demand for engineers employed in product design and development, for systems analysts and programmers to develop software to run computer-aided manufacturing technologies, or for technicians and other s k i l l e d workers to program and manage the robots. 8  The extractive and manufacturing sectors have been declining in r e l a t i v e importance, the 20th century.  in terms of employment, since the early part of  In contrast, service-based industries have grown  steadily as major sources of new employment.  In 1911, the ratio of  production to service employment in B r i t i s h Columbia was 73 percent to 27 percent. to 31/69.  7  By 1941, the r a t i o was 58/42 and, by 1981,  it fell  Though the numbers vary between regions, the s t a t i s t i c s  for B r i t i s h Columbia are representative of Canada as a whole.  In  the United States, over 70 percent of nonagricultural jobs were 'Walter Hardwick, "Transformation of the West From Industrial to Post-Industrial Society," in A.W. Rasporovich, ed., The Making of the Modern West: Western Canada Since 1945 (Calgary: The University of Calgary Press, 1984), p.89. f  "Thierry Noyelle, "Economic Transformation," The Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Sciences. 488 (November 1986), 9-17. "MSource: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, Census of Canada, 1911,  1941,  1981)  9 service-related by 1977,  while less than 30 percent were goods-  related - a reversal of the ratios in 1900.  s  Noyelle argues that the economic transformation of industrial society has been brought about by underlying s t r u c t u r a l changes such as the r i s e of services, the advent of new  technology,  the  emerging role of small firms, and the internationalization of the new economy.  According to Noyelle, the rise of services r e f l e c t s a  "dual transformation" in what the economy produces and how i t produces: In terms of what the economy produces that i s , in terms of f i n a l output - there has been increasing demand for f i n a l services by consumers throughout the postwar period - p r i n c i p a l l y in areas of education, health, and public services. This has been the result of the r e l a t i v e drop in price of manufactured goods, the growing wealth of the nation, and, hence, increasing discretionary spending for things that e a r l i e r may not have been considered part of the necessities of life. ...In terms of how the economy produces, the advent of services represents a fundamental transformation in the way f i n a l outputs - both goods and services - are produced. As such, i t is marked by the formidable growth of intermediate service inputs that are purchased by firms at intermediate stages of production. These ...include transportation, communication, wholesaling, finance, as well as professional services such as accounting, legal counselling, management consulting, or even a d v e r t i s i n g . 9  Noyelle points to the emergence of small firms as a major source of new employment in the post-industrial period.  Whereas the  previous economic era i s characterized by the large firm, mass production and v e r t i c a l integration - the new era i s becoming known B  David Ley, 1980,  241.  9  T h i e r r y Noyelle, November 1986,  10-11.  10 for s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and f l e x i b l e production ( i . e . , v e r t i c a l disintegration).  "Under v e r t i c a l disintegration, firms tend to  specialize in types and classes of production, rather than in the production of large quantities of s p e c i f i c outputs as in mass production.  ,,:LO  Within the large firm, the majority of business transactions for intermediate goods and services take place i n t e r n a l l y - with few economic spinoffs for other businesses.  The v e r t i c a l disintegration  of firms has led to the development of agglomeration  economies.  11  The more market-interdependent firms are becoming, the greater their need for proximity to one another.  A case in point i s the  clustering of motion picture support services - e.g., talent agencies, recording studios, modeling and film schools, and postproduction f a c i l i t i e s - in Vancouver's Yaletown d i s t r i c t . Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the new economy i s i t s "footlooseness."  Industries are becoming more international in  character but, as Noyelle argues - the relocation of economic a c t i v i t y i s not only guided by a search for lower operating costs, but also for a s k i l l e d labour force. 1  2  Using the example of the  motion picture industry - American production companies came to B r i t i s h Columbia, in the early 1980's, to take advantage of a favourable monetary exchange rate.  Since that time, B r i t i s h  " T h i e r r y Noyelle, November 1986, 13. -"Agglomeration economies" are a geographic interdependent business establishments. ll  1 2  I b i d . , November 1986, 13.  clustering of  11  Columbia has developed  a reputation for a r t i s t i c talent, highly-  s k i l l e d technicians, scenic locations, and excellent production facilities.  Today, there are numerous motion picture support  services located throughout the province.  And,  in addition to  foreign film productions, B r i t i s h Columbia has been able to develop an indigenous  LsJ.  film industry, based in the Lower Mainland.  Urban Social Structure The introduction of new technologies and their impact on the  occupational structure have brought about several socio-cultural changes.  The f i r s t , and perhaps most obvious, is the growth of  higher education.  Limited opportunities for manual and unskilled  labour, and a corresponding  increase in the demand for s k i l l e d  technicians and professionals has led to a general u p s k i l l i n g of the workforce. Education and s k i l l development are considered prerequisites for  an economic livelihood in post-industrial society.  However,  access to higher education has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been limited to households with s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l means.  If the children of  modest-income families are not provided with adequate f i n a n c i a l assistance to cover the costs of education, they may be denied the requisite s k i l l s to compete in the post-industrial job market. For those people already in the workforce - employed as manual or unskilled workers - further education and job t r a i n i n g w i l l be required i f they are to remain competitive.  However, as Noyelle  argues, studies in the United States have shown that, for many older  12  employees, the t r a n s i t i o n to a post-industrial service job is not an easy  one: Among older workers, retraining seems largely unsuccessful partly because of a lack of educational preparation - most older workers did not even graduate from high school - and partly for c u l t u r a l reasons - the world of white-collar work i s , c u l t u r a l l y speaking, a world apart from that which they have known a l l their l i v e s . Early retirement may often be the least painful way of dealing with many of them. 1  3  These socio-economic trends are also reflected in Canadian immigration p o l i c i e s which are now  biased  in favour of highly-  s k i l l e d or professional occupations, and wealthy entrepreneurs. 3  4  There is no longer a demand for farmers and manual or unskilled labourers.  Today, there is growing resentment against newcomers  possess the education, s k i l l s or f i n a n c i a l means that are  who  required  in a post-industrial society - the attributes that many Canadians may  be lacking. While there has always been inequality in Canadian society, the  dawning of a new  economic era has exacerbated class d i s t i n c t i o n s ,  and has given rise to a new educated professionals.  urban e l i t e , dominated by highly-  As David Ley points  out,  there is an important c o r o l l a r y to the numerical increase of senior white c o l l a r employees and professionals. These occupations enjoy the highest s o c i a l prestige, whether the assessment is derived from the indicators of income and education or from perceived job rankings held by the public at large. ...We might expect, therefore, that these professional occupations w i l l contain a  Thierry Noyelle, November 1986,  17.  "Based on Employment and Immigration Canada's point system for immigration application under the "Independent" category.  13 disproportionate share of a postindustrial state's tastemakers and opinion l e a d e r s . 19  The ascendancy of a new economic and  urban e l i t e is evidenced by the  p o l i t i c a l clout of the young urban professional -  better known by the popular acronym, "yuppy."  Post-industrial urban  culture is e s s e n t i a l l y a yuppy culture or, as David Ley terms, a "culture of consumption."  16  As a group, yuppies place  considerable  importance on s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , socio-economic status, and  lifestyle  opportunities. With a secure economic base, they represent the present day counterparts of Veblen's leisure c l a s s , displaying the canons of good taste, intent upon the aesthetic. Their l i f e s t y l e is commonly consumption and status oriented in the pursuit of s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n , while their prestige is considerable and in many ways they are national opinion leaders. They are sensitive to amenity and s o c i a l cachet in the places they adopt; an i n d u s t r i a l landscape is anathema to them. 17  Yuppies represent a powerful segment of the "baby boom" generation.  Having grown up in a period of sustained  economic  growth and r e l a t i v e prosperity, they have had the advantages of higher education and new  employment opportunities  in professional,  managerial, technical, and other service occupations. economic clout of this segment of the population  Given the  - i t is not  surprising that the yuppy l i f e s t y l e has had a considerable  impact on  the s o c i a l and physical make-up of the post-industrial c i t y . 1B  D a v i d Ley,  l s  C l a s s Notes, Geography 457, 1985.  Spring 17  D a v i d Ley,  1980,  1980,  241.  243.  University of B r i t i s h Columbia,  14 By comparison, e a r l i e r generations were deprived of higher education and economic opportunity as a consequence of war depression.  and  Later generations, on the other hand, are facing an  uncertain future in an increasingly competitive society.  Higher  education has become a basic necessity but i t provides no  guarantees  of employment. Other demographic factors have also played a role in shaping the post-industrial c i t y .  These include an aging population, a  higher incidence of single-parent families, postponement of marriage and child-bearing among young adults, and the emergence of alternative l i f e s t y l e s - a l l of which have contributed to a growing number of smaller households.  Coupled with the  consumption-oriented  post-industrial l i f e s t y l e , these demographic trends have generated new demand for alternative housing forms such as apartments and townhomes. Changes in the urban s o c i a l structure are evident in c i t i e s across Canada, but - as Barton Reid (1988) points out - the s o c i a l and economic forces that are shaping Canadian c i t i e s vary in nature, impact and magnitude, from one c i t y to the next.  Reid argues that  the evolution of the new middle class i s not automatic but ( i s ) bound up in the particular time and place a r t i c u l a t i o n of economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l forces. ...When we talk about the new middle class we are talking about a complex s o c i a l phenomena which does not therefore produce the same effects in every c i t y . 1  8  B a r t o n Reid, "The Story of a New Middle Class: The Birth and Evolution of a New Urban Middle Class in Canada," City Magazine, 10:1 (Spring 1988), 33. 18  15 The t r a n s i t i o n to a post-industrial c i t y appears to be most advanced in Toronto and Vancouver - where the urban reform movement gained p o l i t i c a l control in the early 1970's.  It is in these two  c i t i e s that a powerful o f f i c e economy has created a heated market for  inner-city real estate.  and redevelopment  And, as a consequence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n  in inner-city neighbourhoods - there has been  considerable displacement of lower-income households through a depletion of the existing stock of affordable housing.  19  Social and economic d i s p a r i t y in post-industrial society i s perhaps most evident in the urban housing markets.  In many Canadian  c i t i e s - and, in p a r t i c u l a r , in the growth centres of Toronto and Vancouver - housing a f f o r d a b i l i t y has become a major issue facing planners and policy-makers.  Of particular concern i s the weakening  of a f f o r d a b i l i t y for tenant households and f i r s t - t i m e home buyers.  20  In general, there has been a lowering of expectations with respect to size, quality and location of housing units.  Because of  a f f o r d a b i l i t y problems, many potential first-time buyers are remaining in the rental market for an indefinite period of time contributing to lower vacancy rates and upward pressure on rents.  x  'Barton Reid, Spring 1988,  33-34.  °"First-time buyers" are a household group in which the household maintainer i s aged 25-34 years. They are regarded by the housing industry as a group of "temporary renters" who w i l l eventually enter the home-ownership market through the purchase of a starter home (source: CMHC, Vancouver CMA A f f o r d a b i l i t y Study, December 1989). 2  16 Ir 3  L i v a b i l i t y : Reform Ideology to Economic Development  Strategy  The advent of post-industrial society marks a break with the past, i n p o l i t i c a l as well as s o c i a l and economic terms.  The urban  reform movement of the late 1960's and early 1970's was a reaction against decades of growth-oriented municipal p o l i c i e s that favoured business interests over those of inner-city residents.  It raised  public awareness about the physical environment of c i t i e s and the quality of urban l i f e .  And, i t challenged the post-war emphasis on  low-density suburban expansion, the massive redevelopment of c i t y centres, and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of freeway proposals. It was during this period that the central c i t y was rediscovered as a p o t e n t i a l l y dynamic l i v i n g environment.  What  reformers saw as valuable in the older neighbourhoods was a d i v e r s i t y of people, l i f e s t y l e s and land-uses, and a true sense of place.  The central c i t y provided greater opportunities for  interpersonal contact and a variety of urban c u l t u r a l experiences. The urban reform movement coincided with the enunciation of a "new l i b e r a l i s m " i n Canada, and the emergence of a new urban elite. 2 3  The underlying theme or ideology behind the movement was  an emphasis on l i v a b i l i t y .  As David Ley (1980) argues,  the emergence of a new professional, technical, and administrative e l i t e has given expression to a heightened l i f e s t y l e of consumption, and a concern with the aesthetic and the realms of human s e n s i b i l i t y . A set of values aspiring to a higher quality of l i f e , a l i v a b l e c i t y , could not help but breed skepticism of t r a d i t i o n a l growth  David Ley, 1980, 238.  17 boosterism, regarding i t at best as banal, at worst as destructive. 22  In the c i t y of Vancouver, the notion of a l i v a b l e c i t y found p o l i t i c a l expression through the establishment of a reform-minded p o l i t i c a l party - The Electors' Action Movement (TEAM) in 1968. control of City Council from 1972  In  to 1976, TEAM'S primary objective  was to develop a more humane and aesthetic c i t y , with particular emphasis on the downtown core and inner-city neighbourhoods.  23  Some  of TEAM'S major i n i t i a t i v e s include the development of a downtown pedestrian-transit mall along Granville Street, the preservation and beautification of Gastown, the restoration and adaptive re-use of the Orpheum Theatre and the old courthouse, the "downzoning" of r e s i d e n t i a l areas to stop high-rise development, the  implementation  of a tree-planting and landscaping program, the addition of new  park  space, and improved public access to the waterfront. In short, public spaces were protected, animated and humanized; a more v i t a l and even festive ambience was sought and to some extent achieved, most notable in a series of successful annual spring and summer f e s t i v a l s in the parks, beaches, and bays around (the) central c i t y , whose sponsors included the c i t y ' s s o c i a l planning department. ...The quality of urban experience, the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the 'higher needs' of human s e n s i b i l i t y , became a d a i l y preoccupation of c i t y h a l l . * 2  In the late 1960's, the pending expiration of many i n d u s t r i a l leases pointed to the eventual redevelopment of the False Creek  22  D a v i d Ley, 1980,  2 3  I b i d . , 1980,  251.  * I b i d . , 1980,  251.  2  247.  18 basin.  While the NPA  2S  council pushed for continued  industrial  development, TEAM s development p o l i c y (1968) suggested an 1  innovative mix of r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial, recreational and compatible i n d u s t r i a l uses.  Through redevelopment, False Creek  would become a microcosm of the livable In designing the new  city.  2 6  False Creek community - a r c h i t e c t s ,  planners and p o l i t i c i a n s attempted to create d i v e r s i t y and  vitality  through innovative physical design, and a policy of s o c i a l mix. was  believed that an appropriate mix of residents of varying  ethnicity, l i f e s t y l e and  It  age,  income would contribute to a livable  community: Communities which offer l i t t l e s o c i a l and physical d i v e r s i t y are unhealthy. People l i v i n g in them have limited access to the wide range of values, habits and b e l i e f s which are the essential ingredients of urban 1iving. 2 7  However, despite i t s emphasis on neighbourhood preservation, public amenities and s o c i a l mix - the livable c i t y ideology, as manifested  in the development of False Creek, proved to be short-  sighted and somewhat e l i t i s t .  While False Creek was  intended  to  house a diverse community of people, the unintended impacts of redevelopment have included the loss of affordable housing and displacement of lower-income households in the  the  adjacent  T h e Non-Partisan Association (NPA) is a c i v i c p o l i t i c a l party with t r a d i t i o n a l t i e s to the business community. 29  2B  D a v i d Ley, 1980,  253-254.  R u t h Rodger, Creating a Livable Inner C i t y Community Vancouver's Experience,. Vancouver: Agency Press Limited, December 1976, p.8. 27  19  neighbourhood of Fairview Slopes.  Caroline A. M i l l s (1986) argues  that the transformation of Fairview Slopes is inextricably linked to the "changing positive and negative south shore of the Creek."  'externalities' offered by the  28  Physical changes in Fairview Slopes have been accompanied by a major turnover in the population and a displacement of lower income groups. ...A study of r e v i t a l i z a t i o n in Vancouver between 1971 and 1981, based on occupation and education measures, shows that the tract encompassing False Creek and Fairview Slopes experienced the greatest increase in s o c i a l status. ...A s h i f t in population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ...between 1971 and 1981 is exemplified by the increase in the proportions with senior white-collar occupations. ...This p r o f i l e f i t s the common image of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a process of class s u c c e s s i o n . 29  The False Creek example demonstrates that the more l i v a b l e a place is - the more people w i l l want to l i v e there.  And,  unless  there is s u f f i c i e n t public control over the l o c a l housing market increased consumer demand w i l l bring about higher prices for land and housing, and w i l l lead to further displacement  of vulnerable  household groups - which include young, elderly and disabled people, and a growing number of single-parent families. s o c i a l mix  The erosion of  in g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods has resulted in greater  homogeneity and, arguably - an erosion of l i v a b i l i t y .  As David  Ley  argues, a l i v a b l e c i t y ideology and an ideology of equity are only coincidental in special cases where economic strength i s assured, public intervention is active, and private interests are constrained. ...In free C a r o l i n e A. M i l l s , " L i f e s t y l e and Landscape on the Fairview Slopes," City Magazine. 9:1 (Winter 1986/1987), p.20. 2a  2 9  Ibid.,  (Winter 1986/1987), 22-23.  20  market conditions an urban strategy favouring a high level of consumption with style w i l l only serve to attract the wealthy and penalize s o c i a l groups with limited market power. 30  In terms of public policy, " l i v a b i l i t y " i s more than a quality of l i f e issue; i t also has s i g n i f i c a n t consequences for urban economies.  The enhancement of l i f e s t y l e opportunities through the  development of public amenities has enabled c i t i e s to remain competitive in a post-industrial economy.  By adopting an amenities  strategy for economic development, c i t i e s are hoping to attract new service industries, build a "replacement" economy, and resurrect a positive public image. The t r a n s i t i o n from i n d u s t r i a l to post-industrial has not been an easy one; and, for many communities, the loss of a resource or manufacturing base has brought about economic and physical decline. In guiding the economic restructuring of c i t i e s , planners and policy-makers have had to undertake new and innovative development strategies.  These include: the provision of economic and tax  incentives for newly-locating firms, community image-building and promotion, public investment in education, amenities and "soft" infrastructure, and the formation of partnerships with the private and non-profit sectors to r e a l i z e development objectives. In most cases, building a post-industrial service economy has necessitated a major program of physical and economic revitalization.  Physical improvements include c i v i c beautification  programs, heritage conservation, urban redevelopment and  3  °David Ley, 1980, p.257.  21 infrastructure repair.  And,  in addition to f i n a n c i a l incentives,  economic r e v i t a l i z a t i o n has focussed on aggressive marketing  and  promotional campaigns. The new economic era i s characterized by v e r t i c a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n : the increasing importance of  of small firms, the rise  professional and s k i l l e d service occupations, and the footloose  nature of c a p i t a l .  For many c i t i e s , i t is the mobility of c a p i t a l  that has led to the relocation of industry and disinvestment in the local economy.  For other c i t i e s , however, the mobility of capital  has been viewed as an economic development opportunity.  Because a  growing number of economic a c t i v i t i e s are no longer tied to a particular geographic location, c a p i t a l investment w i l l flow to those communities that offer the best combination of economic, c u l t u r a l , environmental, and other incentives.  McNulty et a l (1985)  suggest that today, to a much greater extent than in the past, jobs can follow people rather than the reverse. In the most rapidly growing sectors, in fact, the c r i t i c a l inputs are human intelligence and s k i l l in the form of technical innovators and entrepreneurs. As a r e s u l t , businesses are more l i k e l y to locate where these people want to l i v e . The changes in the nation's economy, therefore, have made i t much more important that c i t i e s link economic development and quality of l i f e . 3 1  The rationale behind an amenities strategy for economic development i s that l i v a b l e places are more l i k e l y to attract a s k i l l e d workforce.  And,  following this argument - an available  Robert H. McNulty, Dorothy R. Jacobson and R. Leo Penne, The Economics of Amenity: Community Futures and Quality of L i f e . (Washington, D.C: Partners for Livable Places, 1985), p.13. 31  22  talent pool w i l l help to stimulate c a p i t a l investment. While economic conditions may vary between d i f f e r e n t communities, and while the d e f i n i t i o n of " l i v a b i l i t y " may also vary - there i s evidence that c i t i e s across North America have recognized the economic potential of amenities as part of a comprehensive development strategy. From 1980 to 1984, Partners for Livable Places directed a program called "Economics of Amenity."  The central purpose of this  demonstration program was to evaluate the contributions that urban amenities can make to the v i t a l i t y of a community.  Urban amenities  were defined as including such things as c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s , urban parks and open spaces, natural and scenic resources, well-designed buildings, restored h i s t o r i c areas, and healthy c i v i c institutions.  3 2  Economic development programs in about forty  d i f f e r e n t communities were studied.  A l l of the case studies, with  the exception of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, were drawn from the United States.  Selected c i t i e s were seen as being " i n t r a n s i t i o n " -  i.e., faced with changes in their l o c a l economies, brought on by s o c i a l trends and s t r u c t u r a l changes at the national l e v e l . Partners for Livable Places discovered that c i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t size, type and location had embarked on ambitious economic development programs.  Although the c i t i e s investigated varied in  terms of demographic, s o c i a l , economic and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s they shared a desire for economic growth that maintains and improves the quality of l i f e for c i t y residents; and, accordingly - urban "Robert H. McNulty et a l , 1985, p . x i .  amenities played a central role in their overall development strategies.  33  L t i . The B u i l t Environment The t r a n s i t i o n to a service-based urban economy i s evident in the b u i l t environment of the post-industrial c i t y .  The emerging  s o c i a l order and value set of post-industrial society are expressed through architectural design and a succession of urban land-uses. In terms of the evolving land-use pattern, the most s i g n i f i c a n t elements are the development of high-rise o f f i c e buildings in the central business d i s t r i c t , the suburbanization of industry and transportation f a c i l i t i e s , the rezoning and redevelopment of former i n d u s t r i a l lands, the introduction of new housing types, and the development of public amenities in the urban core.  More recent  trends include r e s i d e n t i a l land-use i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n and the advent of mixed-use  developments.  The forces that have brought about these land-use changes vary in nature and magnitude, from one c i t y to the next - but changes in urban land-use are dependent on a c i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l climate and the structure of the l o c a l economy.  In Vancouver, the redevelopment of  False Creek - from a polluted i n d u s t r i a l enclave to an a t t r a c t i v e mixed-use development - i s perhaps the most dramatic example of the evolving post-industrial landscape. Inherent in the b u i l t form of the post-industrial c i t y are the  "Robert H. McNulty et a l , 1985,  p.18.  24  values of a "new  middle c l a s s . " * 3  Barton Reid  (1988) points to the  emergence of an o f f i c e and professional class during the post-war economic expansion of the 1950's.  However, i t was  not u n t i l the  1960's, with the r i s e of the counter culture, that the new class developed a c u l t u r a l  middle  identity.  The counter culture produced a profound change in this formerly quiescent c l a s s , creating an unprecedented space and time reorientation of middle class values. The valuation of s o c i a l and physical space was inverted. The inner c i t y now became the promised land while the suburbs became places of e x c i l e , a place for the uncouth, and i l l cultured. Likewise, the same reverse p o l a r i z a t i o n affected the s o c i a l space of the c i t y . Bohemian culture lost i t s marginality - integrated into the mainstream i t became the basis for marketing l i f e s t y l e s . ...Not only were middle class attitudes to physical and s o c i a l space turned around, so too was their orientation to time. While the 50's and 60's were oriented primarily toward the future, the counter culture rebelled against these ideas. People started once more to appreciate the past. ...This consciousness of the past led to radical r e - a r t i c u l a t i o n of attitudes which eventually formed the basis for a new urban culture of the middle classes we now know as Post-modernism. 33  The Livable C i t y ideology i s rooted in the ideas advanced by the counter culture.  The c u l t u r a l imprint of the new  middle class  is evident in the return to an i n n e r - c i t y l i f e s t y l e , the emergence of new  multi-family housing types, the new-found respect for  heritage resources, and concern for the natural environment. The motivation behind the urban reform movement was  the  preservation and enhancement of l i f e s t y l e opportunities in the inner-city. 3  This brought about a major rethinking of federal urban  *Barton Reid, Spring 1988,  3 S  I b i d . , Spring 1988,  31-32.  31.  25  policy - which, to this point, had been based on a philosophy of urban renewal.  Federal policy for the inner-city, in the early  1970's, had three primary objectives: l i v a b i l i t y , a f f o r d a b i l i t y , and the  e f f i c i e n t use of public s e r v i c e s .  Rehabilitation Assistance Program Improvement Program  36  Through the Residential  (RRAP) and the Neighbourhood  (NIP), public funds were made availabe in  Canada, for the physical upgrading of housing units and the enhancement of public property i n designated inner-city neighbourhoods. While public investment i n the inner-city did enhance l i v a b i l i t y - i t did so at the expense of a f f o r d a b i l i t y and e f f i c i e n c y objectives.  P o l i c i e s of neighbourhood preservation and  amenity development have made inner-city neighbourhoods more livable and, hence, more desirable.  Market forces have placed a high value  on property in these neighbourhoods and - through a combination of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and redevelopment - lower-income households have been displaced and excluded. In recent years, planners and policy-makers have come to r e a l i z e the shortcomings of the preservation approach and, in p a r t i c u l a r , the emphasis on lower densities.  L i v a b i l i t y remains a  goal of planning i n i t i a t i v e s for Canadian i n n e r - c i t i e s ; however, due to a f f o r d a b i l i t y considerations, and the demand for alternative housing forms - there i s a growing acceptance of higher densities in the  form of compatible i n f i l l development.  As David Ley argues -  D a v i d Ley, " G e n t r i f i c a t i o n : A Ten Year Overview," City Magazine. (Winter 1986/1987), 18-19. 3S  26  i t is this impasse which has led to suggestions in the past few years for a new round of i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n in the inner c i t y . However, i f l e f t to the private market, i t is most l i k e l y (from past experience) that higher density redevelopment would seek out high amenity neighbourhoods, coinciding with those where g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has occurred and is occurring under the permitted uses of local area plans. Such i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n would be strongly resisted p o l i t i c a l l y and could not expect support from ward p o l i t i c i a n s . Second, under market conditions, i t is unlikely that the private sector would in any case be able to build affordable units on private land in the inner c i t y . And, t h i r d , important gains in the creation of l i v a b l e inner c i t y environments would be severely compromised by a renewal of high density development. 37  As Ley points out, r e s i d e n t i a l land-use i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n does not, in i t s e l f , ensure a f f o r d a b i l i t y .  This is e s p e c i a l l y true of  i n f i l l developments in desirable r e s i d e n t i a l areas, that are convenient to jobs, recreation and other amenities.  There are,  however, s i g n i f i c a n t opportunities for housing and mixed-use development remaining in the inner-city areas of most Canadian cities.  The relocation or phase-out of industry and transportation  f a c i l i t i e s , and the obsolescence of t r a d i t i o n a l port functions have made large t r a c t s of i n n e r - c i t y real estate prime for redevelopment. In p a r t i c u l a r , there are various forces active in the posti n d u s t r i a l c i t y that point to the redevelopment of urban i n d u s t r i a l waterfronts.  37  The  following i s a brief summary:  D a v i d Ley, Winter 1986/1987, 19.  27  TABLE 1,1 - P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L FORCES FAVOURING THE REDEVELOPMENT OF URBAN I N D U S T R I A L  WATERFRONTS  1.  Obsolescence  of t r a d i t i o n a l port f a c i l i t i e s .  2.  Suburbanization or phase-out of railways and industry.  3.  Return to an inner-city l i f e s t y l e .  4.  Environmental  5.  Public demands for an accessible waterfront and other urban amenities.  6.  Objectives for improving the quality of urban l i f e - i . e . , creating a " l i v a b l e c i t y . "  7.  Demand for core-area  8.  Shortages of development s i t e s elsewhere in the urban core.  9.  Recognition of the waterfront's potential as an economic development t o o l .  clean-up of urban waterways.  housing.  In addition, there are other forces active in the posti n d u s t r i a l c i t y that w i l l influence the nature and form of new developments.  These forces are largely the result of structural and  demographic changes that have brought about new economic and l i f e s t y l e opportunities.  Inherent in these changes are opposing  forces related to economic v i a b i l i t y and s o c i a l equity. provides a brief summary:  Table 1.2  28  TABLE 1.2  -  POST-INDUSTRIAL FORCES FAVOURING A T T R I B U T E S OF NEW WATERFRONTS  PARTICULAR  1.  Changes skilled jobs .  2.  An e x p a n d i n g s e r v i c e s e c t o r - has g e n e r a t e d o f f i c e and r e t a i l s p a c e i n the c o r e a r e a .  3.  S t r o n g demand f o r c o r e - a r e a h o u s i n g p r e s s u r e on house p r i c e s a n d r e n t s , "upscale" developments.  4.  Demographic changes family housing types.  i n the o c c u p a t i o n a l service occupations  favour  s t r u c t u r e : P r o f e s s i o n a l and have d i s p l a c e d b l u e - c o l l a r  smaller  new  demand  for  - has p l a c e d upward a n d h a s l e d t o more  households  and  multi-  P r o x i m i t y of w a t e r f r o n t development s i t e s to the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t a n d c o r e - a r e a a m e n i t i e s - h a s made t h e m ideal candidates for r e s i d e n t i a l development.  6.  C u l t u r e o f c o n s u m p t i o n : More l e i s u r e t i m e / h i g h e r d i s p o s a b l e i n c o m e s h a v e f u e l e d a demand f o r u r b a n a m e n i t i e s and e x p e r i e n t i a l services.  Economic  significance  of  8.  L i v a b i l i t y objectives  9.  A f f o r d a b i l i t y objectives  urban  amenities  29  In the future, i t would appear that a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of new housing demand could be served through the redevelopment of t r a d i t i o n a l l y non-residential lands.  These development sites are  somewhat of a " l a s t f r o n t i e r " for addressing the issue of affordable housing in the Canadian  inner-city.  Planners and policy-makers must  be sensitive to the long-term housing situation in their communities and, i f necessary, be w i l l i n g to set aside some land for public housing. In planning for the redevelopment  of waterfront sites -  planners and policy-makers are faced with competing how the post-industrial landscape should evolve.  visions as to  Given the demand  for l i v a b i l i t y and a f f o r d a b i l i t y , the r e a l i t i e s of the market place, and c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l viewpoints - the actual form of new urban development may be guided more by compromise or election results, than by a bold, creative v i s i o n .  In the case of waterfront  development, this i s extremely unfortunate because the true s o c i a l and economic potential of the waterfront may never be realized.  30 2.0  THE REDEVELOPMENT OF URBAN WATERFRONTS  The relationship between a c i t y and i t s waterfront i s shaped over time by c u l t u r a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l forces.  This is a  dynamic relationship in that the role of the urban waterfront i s continually changing to meet the contemporary needs of urban society.  In t h i s , the post-industrial era, the urban waterfront i s  undergoing a major transformation - from a blighted i n d u s t r i a l landscape to a compatible mix of new uses. In a recent book about waterfront development in the United States, L. Azeo Torre (1989) argues that a l l development i s c y c l i c a l in nature.  He claims that the reclamation of urban waterfronts for  non-industrial uses i s another stage in the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the nation's downtowns - a process that began in earnest i n the early 1970's. 3  It i s for this reason that the redevelopment of urban  waterfronts cannot be viewed in i s o l a t i o n but, rather - as part of a broader restructuring of the post-industrial c i t y . To this perspective, I would add two other dimensions of waterfront change: the temporal and s p a t i a l . waterfront i s continually changing long history of redevelopment.  Since the urban  - there i s , in most c i t i e s , a  As Desfor, Goldrick and Merrens  (1988) argue, i n their analysis of the Toronto waterfront - the current phase of redevelopment "represents only the most recent  (New  ^L. Azeo Torre, Waterfront Development. York: Van Nostrand Reinhold), 1989, v i i .  31 manifestation of a constant and long-continued process of waterfront change."  2  In spatial terms, the urban waterfront i s an integral part of the urban region in which i t is located. cannot be understood  Waterfront redevelopment  in i s o l a t i o n from the c i t y .  best be comprehended as a function of structural  Rather, " i t can economic changes  and processes at work in the larger metropolitan area."  3  To provide an appropriate temporal and s p a t i a l context for understanding changes on the urban waterfront, this chapter  begins  with an h i s t o r i c a l look at the evolution of the urban waterfront in North America, and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c time.  succession of land uses over  This is followed by a discussion on the late 20th century  phenomenon of urban waterfront redevelopment.  Selected c i t i e s and  projects w i l l be p r o f i l e d in the following chapter to identify the range of opportunities for waterfront redevelopment, to examine the motivation for development in various-sized communities, and to compare economic development strategies.  While relevant aspects of  the development process w i l l be discussed - the focus of this research i s on the use of waterfront r e v i t a l i z a t i o n as a s o c i a l and  Gene Desfor, Michael Goldrick and Roy Merrens. "Redevelopment on the North American Water-frontier: The Case of Toronto." in Hoyle, B.S., D.A. Pinder and M.S. Husain, eds. R e v i t a l i z i n g the Waterfront. London, England: Belhaven Press, 1988, p.94. a  3  Ibid.,  1988,  p.94.  32 economic development tool, and not on the development process per se."  2,1  The Evolution of the North American Urban Waterfront Most of North America was settled during the i n d u s t r i a l period,  and, from the start - the urban waterfront was viewed as an economic development opportunity.  Though the physical development of port  c i t i e s d i f f e r s between r i v e r , lake and coastal ports, the actual pattern of land-use succession and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n has been quite s imilar . The development of the urban-industrial waterfront in North America i s perhaps t y p i f i e d by the Toronto experience.  In  Waterfront Precedents (1976), the City of Toronto's Central Waterfront Planning Committee employs a series of annotated sketches to depict the development of a t y p i c a l North American p o r t .  3  What  is c l e a r l y evident from these diagrams i s the gradual alienation of the  c i t y and i t s inhabitants from the water's edge.  The development  and expansion of t r a d i t i o n a l port f a c i l i t i e s , the encroachment of the  railways, and the l a n d f i l l i n g necessitated by both of these  a c t i v i t i e s transformed the waterfronts of most c i t i e s into an i n d u s t r i a l "no-man's land."  Over time, public access to the  waterfront became r e s t r i c t e d and limited to port-related business. ••For a comprehensive study of the waterfront development process, see: Wrenn, Douglas. Urban Waterfront Development. Washington, D.C: Urban Land Institute, 1983. See: Central Waterfront Planning Committee, Waterfront Precedents. City of Toronto, 1976, pp.3-5. s  33  Given the increasing dominance of port and railway over the entire waterfront area, higher-order  operations  commercial a c t i v i t i e s  such as o f f i c e s and r e t a i l i n g lost their economic v i a b i l i t y .  As  these uses relocated, their s i t e s were claimed by warehousing and other i n d u s t r i a l and transportation a c t i v i t i e s .  The i n d u s t r i a l  character of the North American urban waterfront was well entrenched by the early 1900's. By the 1960's, however - s i g n i f i c a n t advancements in transportation and port technologies dramatically altered the nature of the shipping industry.  Port functions were affected by changes  in the transportation system; and general cargo-handling  innovations  altered the physical and organizational aspects of ports. Characterising the 1970's and 1980's has been the spectacular increase in the size and draught of ships, rendering many older ports unusable. During this period, furthermore, the methods of handling cargo have been d r a s t i c a l l y modified and new transportation concepts introduced. In p a r t i c u l a r , two interrelated concepts containerization and intermodality - have greatly affected not only port operation and port structure, but also the t r a d i t i o n a l functions of p o r t s . 6  In s p a t i a l terms, the advent of containerized cargo and intermodal  transportation has made t r a d i t i o n a l port f a c i l i t i e s  obsolete - both i n terms of land-use and physical layout.  Because  of limited space for container storage, and t r a f f i c congestion in built-up areas, many t r a d i t i o n a l ports could not make the t r a n s i t i o n to a modern container port.  As a consequence, there has been  Yehuda Hayuth, "Changes on the Waterfront: A Model-Based Approach." in Hoyle, B.S., D.A. Pinder and M.S. Husain, eds., R e v i t a l i z i n g the Waterfront, (London: Belhaven Press, 1988), pp.52-54. 8  34 substantial As  r e l o c a t i o n of port  Yehuda H a y u t h  facilities  away from c i t y  centres.  (1988) a r g u e s ,  the o b j e c t i v e o f i n t e r m o d a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s t o t r a n s f e r goods i n a c o n t i n u o u s f l o w t h r o u g h t h e e n t i r e t r a n s p o r t c h a i n , from o r i g i n t o f i n a l d e s t i n a t i o n , i n t h e most c o s t and t i m e - e f f e c t i v e way. T h i s i s done by c a p i t a l i z i n g on the r e l a t i v e a d v a n t a g e s o f a d i f f e r e n t t r a n s p o r t mode f o r v a r i o u s segments o f t h e c a r g o movement. Close coo p e r a t i o n and c o - o r d i n a t i o n among s h i p p i n g l i n e s , p o r t s and a l l l a n d - t r a n s p o r t a t i o n modes a r e e s s e n t i a l f o r e f f e c t i v e multimodal transport o p e r a t i o n . 7  New  port  facilities  also,  convenient  given  rise  in  locations.  In  A case  complex a t P o r t  dilapidated  cities,  of b u i l t - u p a r e a s  port  ports  i n point  sufficient  land  and b u l k - l o a d i n g  Jersey  facilities  - where s u f f i c i e n t  have been r e l o c a t e d port  land  through reclamation.  could  from London's D o c k l a n d s t o t h e new t e r m i n a l  The r e l o c a t i o n o f p o r t  and  t h e seaward e x p a n s i o n  and  Antwerp a r e examples o f major r i v e r - b a s e d  land  h a s been c r e a t e d  been done a t v a r i o u s Israel;  8  o f new t e r m i n a l s  land  l o c a t i o n s around  Yehuda  Hayuth,  e  Ibid.,  1988, 55-56.  ports  1988, 53-54.  that  the world  of Rotterdam have  a d d i t i o n a l back-up  from t h e s e a .  Kobe, J a p a n ; and S e a t t l e , W a s h i n g t o n .  7  in Tilbury,  i n the ports  I n some c o a s t a l p o r t s ,  by r e c l a i m i n g  downstream  e i t h e r be  facilities  strategy.  facilities  m i d - and downtown M a n h a t t a n .  or c r e a t e d  this  T h i s has  - t o r e p l a c e the  assembled,  adopted  area but,  i s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a huge  E l i z a b e t h , New  finger-piers lining  river  not only  to regional transportation routes.  t o suburban c o n t a i n e r  exurban  container  access  require  T h i s has  - including  Haifa,  35  The economic v i a b i l i t y of a port i s d i r e c t l y related to the volume of cargo and commercial passengers that i t can attract and accommodate.  The r e l a t i v e advantage enjoyed by the port i s also  subject to change due to monetary exchange rates, trade and taxation p o l i c i e s , and a variety of other economic factors.  If the port i s  able to remain competitive, shipping a c t i v i t y can be expected to increase, and port f a c i l i t i e s w i l l be expanded accordingly. the other hand, the port loses i t s competitive  I f , on  advantage, declining  cargo and passenger volumes w i l l lead to disinvestment  in the port  area. The economic dimension of port relocation was touched upon b r i e f l y in Chapter One - in the discussion on the post-industrial service economy and the emerging urban s o c i a l structure.  As a  source of income-generation and employment opportunities, the port constitutes a major asset to the c i t y and region in which i t i s located.  Though i t i s beyond the scope of this thesis to measure  the economic impact of a given port, i t i s important to note that there are both d i r e c t and indirect impacts in terms of employment and  income generation.  Jobs d i r e c t l y - r e l a t e d to the functioning of  the port have been lost primarily through relocation and mechanization of port a c t i v i t i e s , and the changing  competitive  positions between ports. Disinvestment i n marginalized port areas i s evidenced by physical and economic decline in areas adjacent  to the waterfront.  This i s a scenario common to many waterfront c i t i e s - both large and small.  However, the level of economic distress associated with port  36 decline has been more severe in smaller communities with a limited economic base.  A case in point i s the decline and eventual phase-  out of port f a c i l i t i e s in New Westminster, B r i t i s h Columbia through the 1960's and 1970*s.  A weakening of the port's  competitive position in the regional economy - due to limited opportunities for port expansion, and the development of modern f a c i l i t i e s elsewhere in the Greater Vancouver region - was a contributing factor to economic decline in downtown New Westminster. It is in smaller communities, such as New Westminster, that economic development strategies are being implemented to d i v e r s i f y the local economy, and to introduce new economic a c t i v i t i e s to replace those lost in declining sectors.  However, while large  metropolitan c i t i e s generally have a diverse economic base, and are somewhat more insulated from a severe economic downturn, their economies are also vulnerable to structural change.  Therefore, a l l  c i t i e s , regardless of size or location, must adapt to continuous s o c i a l and economic change.  2 T1  Waterfront Development as a Catalyst for Economic Development The t r a n s i t i o n to a post-industrial service economy and the  accompanying socio-economic s h i f t s have brought renewed optimism for distressed waterfront communities.  Planners and policy-makers have  realized that the same forces that have brought about port decline and disinvestment can be harnessed to create a post-industrial replacement economy, and to r e v i t a l i z e both the waterfront and surrounding d i s t r i c t s .  As John Tunbridge (1988) argues,  37  the withdrawal of port functions provides an exceptional opportunity to restore the h i s t o r i c links between the populace and the waterfront, to reclaim a heritage resource, and to exploit a prime reserve of inner-city redevelopment land. 9  Over the past twenty years, waterfront redevelopment has emerged as "one of the mutually supportive strands of inner-city revitalization."  1 0  And, given the t r a d i t i o n a l pattern of land-uses  in the inner-city - waterfront development has been c l o s e l y associated with the reclamation of railway lands, and the preservation of h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t s adjacent to the waterfront.  The  redevelopment of urban waterfronts has had far-reaching s o c i a l and economic impacts beyond the immediate waterfront area. The p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of waterfront development projects i s indicative of the waterfront's potential as a powerful economic development t o o l .  Conflicts are inherent in the redevelopment  process due to competition between various business and s o c i a l interest groups, the vocal concerns of local area residents, and the involvement  of various levels of government.  A l l of the parties  affected by redevelopment have a vested interest in what i s eventually b u i l t on the waterfront. Tunbridge  has i d e n t i f i e d three primary sources of f r i c t i o n with  respect to waterfront r e v i t a i i z a t i o n : agencies;  c o n f l i c t s between government  s o c i a l versus commercial motivation; and conservation  John Tunbridge, "Policy Convergence on the Waterfront? A Comparative Assessment of North American R e v i t a l i z a t i o n Strategies," in Hoyle, B.S., D.A. Pinder and M.S. Husain, eds. R e v i t a l i z i n g the Waterfront. London, England: Belhaven Press, 1988, p.68. 9  1 0  I b i d . , 1988,  p.68.  38  versus redevelopment. - 1  3  As w i l l become evident in the waterfront  p r o f i l e s that follow - these are common areas of c o n f l i c t , regardless of community size or location. Redevelopment  on the waterfront, and elsewhere in the inner-  c i t y , has been fueled by structural and demographic changes in urban society.  But, as Tunbridge suggests - the "return to the  waterfront" cannot be understood purely as a function of opportunity and latent demand.  It has been f a c i l i t a t e d , since the early 1970's  - by international concern about the natural environment, and public commitment to a clean-up of urban waterways.  Improvements have also  been made with respect to atmospheric quality and the general urban environment - through pollution control measures, and the gradual replacement of "smokestack" industries by an expanding service sector.  Service-based replacement economies have also generated  demand for inner-city housing, commercial space, and public amenities - further stimulating clean-up and redevelopment of the water f r o n t .  1 8  Improvements to the waterfront environment have made redevelopment for other uses economically viable.  Because of the  improved image and d e s i r a b i l i t y of waterfront s i t e s , and the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the post-industrial c i t y , the urban waterfront has become a sought-after piece of downtown real estate. Today, there i s evidence of considerable redevelopment a c t i v i t y on  John Tunbridge, 1988, p.67. Ibid., 1988, pp.68-69.  39 waterfronts across North America.  As Desfor, Goldrick and Merrens  argue: By the mid-1980's, some degree of redevelopment was ubiquitious on North American urban waterfronts, and the process was well-advanced in many of them. The popular media were f u l l of news reports and feature stories about waterfront redevelopments in particular places, generally h a i l i n g them as renewal, r e v i t a l i z a t i o n , r e v i v a l , or r e j u v e n a t i o n . 13  The heightened  p r o f i l e of the urban waterfront i s largely due  to i t s high amenity value.  Because a waterfront address now carries  a certain level of prestige, there i s considerable competition between potential land-users.  A redeveloped waterfront w i l l , by  necessity, contain a mix of d i f f e r e n t land-uses. mix w i l l be determined  The nature of that  by both the private land market and by public  planning and development controls. Private investment  in waterfront development has generally  followed on the heels of public investment  in transportation and  infrastructure, amenities, community image-building, and economic incentives for the development industry.  Because of the high  construction costs and f i n a n c i a l risks associated with waterfront development - the public sector has had to "prime the pump" by creating a secure investment climate. The common j u s t i f i c a t i o n for public subsidization of private investment  i s that every dollar of public expenditure w i l l  a higher level of private investment.  generate  Iain Tweedale (1988) points  to the "Atlantic Wharf" development in Cardiff, Wales - where a £9 m i l l i o n Urban Development Grant was made to a developer, whose cost "Gene Desfor, Michael Goldrick and Roy Merrens, 1988, p.92.  40 estimates suggest a "respectable r a t i o of £4 of private money forthcoming for every £1 of public money."  14  However, Tweedale  suggests that the real level of public-sector investment i s much greater than the Urban Development Grant - pointing to public investment in hard infrastructure, public amenities and other catalysts for development.  As Tweedale argues, "a reassessment of  the r a t i o of private to public money, taking these costings into account, shows that the private sector i s investing only £1 for every £2 of public money."  18  The actual level of public investment in a waterfront redevelopment  project w i l l vary from one community and project to  the next, as w i l l the motivation behind redevelopment.  In order to  understand the real return on public investment, i t i s important to compare the planning objectives behind a given project with the actual results of redevelopment.  The degree of f i t between what i s  desired and what i s achieved i s a true measure of a project's success. Given the economic constraints behind waterfront redevelopment, and the complex i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework governing the waterfront i t i s not surprising that the public sector has played a major role in transforming the urban waterfront.  That role has varied  geographically, due to the involvement of d i f f e r e n t levels of I a i n Tweedale, "Waterfront Redevelopment, Economic Restructuring and Social Impact," in Hoyle, B.S., D.A. Pinder and M.S. Husain, eds. R e v i t a l i z i n g the Waterfront. London, England: Belhaven Press, 1988, pp.192-193. 1 4  l s  I a i n Tweedale, 1988, pp.193-194.  41 government, private all of  a multitude  partnerships  entered  publicly-sponsored p u b l i c development  objectives.  These  development,  downtown  of p u b l i c agencies, into  waterfront powers  include  by government. developments,  to achieve  such  things  revitalization,  broader  What  social and  public-  i s common t o  however,  as business  i s the use  and  economic  tourism  the p r o v i s i o n of affordable  housing  o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and j o b c r e a t i o n .  summary  o f common  planning  and t h e v a r i o u s  Table  2.1 p r o v i d e s  objectives f o r waterfront  a  redevelopment.  42  TABLE  2.1  -  COMMON O B J E C T I V E S  OF  WATERFRONT  REDEVELOPMENT  1.  To exploit a prime reserve of inner-city redevelopment land.  2.  To restore the h i s t o r i c links between the populace and the waterfront.  3.  To enhance l i f e s t y l e opportunities through the development of public amenities.  4.  To c a p i t a l i z e on the waterfront's amenity value in attracting private investment.  5.  To r e v i t a l i z e the waterfront and adjacent commercial d istr icts.  6.  To create new opportunities for business development.  7.  To s a t i s f y the demand for core-area housing.  8.  To maximize the return on public investment.  9.  To address the issues of affordable and special-needs hous ing.  10.  To improve the quality of the physical environment.  43 3.0  WATERFRONT PROFILES  By comparing and contrasting the experiences of various waterfront communities, and by examining selected waterfront projects, I hope to establish a set of c r i t e r i a for evaluating planning decisions made at "Westminster Quay."  In this chapter,  selected waterfront projects in several c i t i e s are p r o f i l e d to i l l u s t r a t e how  planners, policy-makers, and the private sector have  responded to the development opportunities afforded by a waterfront location, and the challenges presented by redevelopment.  The  experiences of these communities in redeveloping their waterfronts are a valuable resource for other waterfront communities that are undergoing  transition.  Given the limitations of a Master's thesis, the p r o f i l e method has been selected as an e f f i c i e n t means of conveying both general information about waterfront development, and the particular set of circumstances surrounding selected projects.  The f i r s t three  p r o f i l e s are of waterfront development projects in major metropolitan c i t i e s : New  York, London and Toronto.  The fourth  p r o f i l e i s a composite view of smaller waterfront communities in Canada and the United States.  A comparative  analysis, based on  community size and location, i s inherent in this approach. Through a l i t e r a t u r e review on waterfront development, I have assembled the following l i s t of s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that distinguish waterfront projects.  This provides a framework for  analyzing various aspects of selected projects, and a basis for  44 making comparisons between them.  In the upcoming waterfront  p r o f i l e s , Table 3.1 serves as a check-list for summarizing the main points about each project.  TABLE 3.1 - CHARACTERISTICS OF WATERFRONT PROJECTS  1.  Preconditions for redevelopment - i.e., structural s h i f t s in urban society, technological change, public policy i n i t i a t i v e s , etc..  2.  Motivation for redevelopment - i.e., s o c i a l or commercial motivation?  3.  Role of the public sector  4.  P o l i t i c a l aspects of redevelopment - i.e., the influence of changes in government, public policy, and the composition of development agencies.  5.  Potential for c o n f l i c t - i . e . , between governments, development agencies and community organizations.  6.  Development concent  7.  Land-use considerations  8.  Social mix  9.  Image of development  10.  Market conditions - i . e . , the importance of "timing" with respect to marketing development s i t e s to prospective developers, and s e l l i n g the finished product to end-users.  45 1U.  "Battery park. CUY" - New XQCK CltY The  Hudson  development  River  years.  Park  in July  and s i t e  Manhattan's The the  Hudson Yorkers  River.  few  the  This  island  City.  During  brief  jogging,  i s quite  visit,  sitting,  one  ironic,  of Manhattan,  When  draw  of B a t t e r y  1.2-mile  where  "miracle  i n recent on t h e  I visited  by t h e p r o j e c t ' s  which  their  Battery  urban  inspiration  City  from  fishing  o u t t o me, t o come  t h e 28 m i l e s  a n d t h e 578 m i l e s  i s , perhaps,  walkway  I encountered  i s able  given  Park  pedestrian  and even  woman p o i n t e d  York  2  a  press  fabric.  aspect  my  as both  Manhattan's  along  hundreds  the  of  New  along i t s  this  i s one o f t h e  i n contact  with  of waterfront  of waterfront  i n New  the  on York  3  While 1980's, O.R.  urban  on l o w e r  substantial  design."  elements,  - a  i n New  City,  impressed  esplanade  As a n e l d e r l y  places  water.  planning  walking,  length.  1 9 8 9 , I was  impressive  waterfront  hailed  of urban  traditional  most  Park  has garnered  has been  a n d "a t r i u m p h  1  City  design  waterfront,  The p r o j e c t  Hudson"  of B a t t e r y  Park  i t s development  Hayes  Ron Promenade 1  Battery  (1986)  has o n l y  history  suggests,  spans  come  to fruition  some  25 y e a r s .  in a written  account  Paul Goldberger, Design," T h e New Y o r k "A Fear 1975):48-57.  i n the As  Frederick  of the project's  d e P a o l o , " M i r a c l e on t h e H u d s o n , " Reprinted A b o u t New York,. A p r i l t h r u S e p t e m b e r 1 9 8 9 .  2  3  City  from  " B a t t e r y Park C i t y i s a Triumph of Urban T i m e s , 31 A u g u s t 1 9 8 6 , p a g e u n k n o w n .  of F i l l i n g ? "  Progressive  Architecture  f  (June  NORTH RESIDENTIAL  WORLD FINANCIAL CENTER  GATEWAY P L A Z A  RECTOR PLACE RESIDENTIAL NEIGHBORHOOD  BATTERY P L A C E RESIDENTIAL NEIGHBORHOOD  SOUTH GARDENS  Figure  3.1  -  Site  Map  of  Battery  Park  City  47  development goes and  back  history  to the early  landfilling  port  - the idea  activity  o f a Hudson  1960's.  i n lower  New  Manhattan  on t h e M a n h a t t a n  River  landfill  opportunities arose  f o r redevelopment  primarily  waterfront.  project  from  As Hayes  declining  suggests,  the maritime uses of t h e w a t e r f r o n t had d e c l i n e d t o a f r a c t i o n o f t h e peak a c t i v i t y o f e a r l i e r y e a r s . The l o w e r M a n h a t t a n p i e r s were u n d e r u t i l i z e d . Many w e r e d i l a p i d a t e d and r a p i d l y d e t e r i o r a t i n g . I t was, u n d e r t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y "arose of e l i m i n a t i n g low v a l u e m a r i t i m e uses o f t h e w a t e r f r o n t and c r e a t i n g , i n s t e a d , h i g h v a l u e l a n d f o r d e v e l o p m e n t . * The New  Hudson  York,  State  River  landfill  t h e Downtown-Lower  o f New  spearheading  York.  project  Manhattan  was p r o m o t e d Association  I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e DLMA  the project  a s a means  was  by t h e C i t y of (DLMA),  and t h e  instrumental  of r e v i t a l i z i n g  lower  in  Manhattan.  The A s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d b y D a v i d R o c k e f e l l e r i n t h e m i d - f i f t i e s t o advance t h e development and improvement o f lower Manhattan. R o c k e f e l l e r , as chairman of the ChaseM a n h a t t a n Bank, had i n a r e a l s e n s e i n i t i a t e d t h e r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of lower Manhattan with the c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e b a n k ' s new h e a d q u a r t e r s - . . . t h e f i r s t m a j o r new d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h a t a r e a s i n c e b e f o r e W o r l d War I I . * To had  further  recommended  Authority. Center River the  World  area Trade  investment  development  The P o r t  on West pier  stimulate  of the World  Authority's  Street  decision  made r e d e v e l o p m e n t  economically Center  i n Lower  viable.  was s e e n  Manhattan,  Trade  Center  to build  t h e DLMA  by t h e P o r t  t h e World  of the adjacent  In a d d i t i o n ,  as an a v a i l a b l e  Trade  Hudson  excavation f o r  source  of  f i l l  mater i a l .  * F r e d e r i c k O.R. H a y e s , B a t t e r y W o r k i n g D r a f t . (New Y o r k : F r e d e r i c k 1986), p . l . *Ibid.,  July  1986, p . 3 .  Park O.R.  C i t y Development Hayes A s s o c i a t e s ,  History: July  48 In  April  Aviation first  for  put forward  phase  Chambers  1 9 6 3 , t h e New  would  Street,  buildings),  storey  hotel,  The critical  that  there  proposed  was s u p p o r t i v e  opposed  was  that  square  the site  feet  nature  demand  from  pier  of o f f i c e  slips.  space a 40-  b u t was  In p a r t i c u l a r , i t  of commercial office  exclusively  called  6  i n general,  foradditional  The  the Battery to  The program  of development.  be d e v e l o p e d  site.  (18 b u i l d i n g s ) ,  of the project  to the inclusion  limited  area  units  commercial  o f M a r i n e and.  f o r the l a n d f i l l  o f 65 a c r e s .  residential  of t h e mixed-use  strongly  plan  o f 4.5 m i l l i o n 4500  Department  the pier  a site  and s i x l a t e r a l  DLMA  was  filling  to create  (eight  City  a development  involve  the development  York  piers,  and  space.  felt  T h e DLMA  f o r r e s i d e n t i a l use:  An a d d i t i o n t o t h e r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n n e a r t h e downtown c o m m u n i t y w i l l s t i m u l a t e more s h o p p i n g o u t l e t s , restaurants, p l a c e s of e n t e r t a i n m e n t and s e r v i c e facilities. This i s h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e , and i t would p r o v i d e a d v a n t a g e s f o r t h o s e who w o r k i n t h e a r e a , too. 7  In strategy  essence,  f o r enhancing  development would  t h e DLMA  of housing  proposal  business  without  introducing  Though  nothing  concrete  the  the course idea  of a l a n d f i l l  s  Frederick  7  Ibid.,  O.R.  July  generated  project.  Hayes,  1986, p.6.  of either  July  development Manhattan.  district commercial proposal,  considerable  Two y e a r s  1986, p . 5 .  The  on t h e Hudson R i v e r  business  a competing  came  of development  i n lower  amenities  downtown  attractive,  over  activity  and p u b l i c  make t h e e s t a b l i s h e d  was a n e c o n o m i c  later,  site  more element. the debate interest in  i n 1965, t h e C i t y  49 Planning plan  Commission  f o r Lower  considerably -  calling  f i l l ,  hired  a team  Manhattan.  further  of consultants  The Lower  than  the i n i t i a l  for substantial residential  on b o t h  consultants  t h e Hudson  suggested  and East  Manhattan Hudson  to begin Plan  River  development  River  preparing  (1966)  went  landfill  proposal  o n 200 a c r e s  waterfronts.  a  of  The  that  the area c o u l d absorb a r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n equal t o a b o u t o n e - s i x t h t h e number e m p l o y e d i n l o w e r M a n h a t t a n , . . . T h i s would i n d i c a t e a r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n o f about 80,000 i n an a r e a w h i c h t h e n h a d , f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l p u r p o s e s , no h o u s i n g . ...The p o p u l a t i o n w o u l d have c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s i m i l a r t o those l i v i n g i n midtown households c o n s i s t i n g predominantly of c h i l d l e s s husbandw i f e f a m i l i e s and of u n r e l a t e d individuals. 8  When it  the Plan  received  New  both  was r e l e a s e d  critical  acclaim  York  Times.  Governor  Nelson  vision.  The S t a t e - s p o n s o r e d  space and  f o r New  business  1966.  By t h e t i m e Rockefeller  York:  It called  construction  the mixed-use  would  place level  project  industry,  Frederick  9  Ibid.,  O.R.  July  Hayes,  -  would  Manhattan,  be b u i l t .  and v e h i c u l a r  July  living  for residential public site,  i n May and t h e  or podiums,  "A t w o - l e v e l circulation  on a s e c o n d  1986, p.8  New  f  River  of platforms,  development  Citv "  was made  o f t h e Hudson  facilities  1986, p.12.  Park  of the  however,  a competing  "Battery  o f 1966,  backing  release,  for creating a site  system  parking  and a l l other  8  plan  for landfilling  which  ground  had announced  i n Lower  of a two-level  i n t h e summer  and t h e e d i t o r i a l  of the Plan's  A proposal  facilities  to the public  level  on  design  on t h e platform."  9  50 The meant  City  vas  opposed  the  State  takeover  expressed  about  the  and  the  large the  fiscal  and  proportion  design  reflected  i n the  culminated Plan  was  in  the  and  Battery  statute  of  Park  the  project.  land-use  for  as  Manhattan the  1969,  with  Development  of  New  because  i t  P a r t i c u l a r concern  the  within  the  dedication  housing. with  the  In  was  site,  of  a  addition,  concepts  Plan.  a  the  the  adoption  Plan.  York.  State  compromise  City Authority,  State  of  subsidized  C i t y and of  proposal  distribution  incompatible  announcement  Master  River  implications  seen  in  Hudson  City  site  between  formalized  Agreement by  the  Lower  the  a  economic  was  Negotiations  of  the  proposed  of  scheme  to  These  which As  was  Hayes  of  New  plan  in  of  Master  a  would  York 1968.  be  Lease  administered  established  points  The  in  1968  by  out,  the Act i n c l u d e d a l e g i s l a t i v e f i n d i n g t h a t the p r o j e c t a r e a was b l i g h t e d and 'no l o n g e r s u i t a b l e o r u s e f u l f o r p i e r s or f o r f a c i l i t i e s a p p u r t e n a n t t o the l o a d i n g and unloading of commercial c a r g o . ' ...The A c t d e c l a r e d the need f o r t h e r e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e a r e a as a 'mixed c o m m e r c i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l community.' The n e e d f o r b o t h m i d d l e a n d l o w i n c o m e h o u s i n g was recognized i n the statement of p u r p o s e . 1 0  The of  the  effect  Hudson  Instead, uses lower  the  that  of  this  River  waterfront  landfill  reflected  legislation  site  the  was  was  returning to  emerging  to to  eliminate  commercial  accommodate social  and  the  a  mix  economic  of  possibility  port new  use. urban  structure  of  Manhattan. As  part  responsible  of for  "Frederick  i t s mandate, site  O.R.  the  engineering  Hayes,  July  Battery and  Park  planning,  1986,  p.26.  City Authority financing,  was  landfill  51 and  infrastructure,  Marketing  the  of  space  office  about  the  site  as  well  was  as  particularly  i n downtown  residential  p r o j e c t marketing  and  development.  challenging given  Manhattan,  and  an  oversupply  general uncertainties  market.  F o r c o n v e n t i o n a l o r l u x u r y h o u s i n g , BPCA w o u l d h a v e t o s e l l an u n c o n v e n t i o n a l r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i n a m a r k e t with limited absorption capacity. Subsidized housing, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , d e p e n d e d l a r g e l y on n o n - m a r k e t f a c t o r s t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y t h r o u g h t h e f e d e r a l , s t a t e or c i t y g o v e r n m e n t of low i n t e r e s t f i n a n c i n g , r e a l p r o p e r t y t a x a b a t e m e n t , and r e n t s u b s i d i e s . i : L  The the  development  1972  bond  marketing Battery was  of  the  Park  the  The  the  begun  to  Changes made a  in  the  and  replace  addition, be  i n the  1972,  1972  when  most  of  the  by  -  York  And,  problems  commercial  area.  By  imminent  i t met -  office  r e c e s s i o n , which  Master the  them  landfill  with  City's  was  1979,  at  though  space  time  of  subsequent  without none  the  much  the  success.  least  i n 1972  particularly  of  which  persisted severe  in  construction activity  amendments  "Frederick  O.R.  to  less  role by  Agreement  expressed  p r o j e c t on  was a  curtailed  Lease  State  Amendments  the  somewhat  of  seemed  realized.  extensive  plagued  glut  that  had  recover.  City-sponsored  of  was  New  never  was  1974-1975  metropolitan  only  were  site  City  timing.  through  sale  contracts  the  As  1986,  plan  and  Hayes  p.47.  Plan  had  been  competition  River.  more  clear:  July  over  1969  and  planning  State.  is quite  Hayes,  East  d i s c a r d the  i n the  Master  concern  the  demanding  and  The and  argues,  effect  procedures,  flexible  approval  net  from  plan.  process the  basis  In would for  52 T h e h i g h l y d e t a i l e d p l a n o f 1969 a n d t h e e x t e n s i v e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r c i t y r e v i e w s and a p p r o v a l had become, i n the eyes of t h e A u t h o r i t y , a s i g n i f i c a n t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e burden and a s e r i o u s b a r r i e r t o e x p e d i t i o u s development. The  composition  major  shake-up  Carey  as Governor  i n the late  concerned  about  initiated  a call  led  of the B a t t e r y  o f New  The Cooper  BPCA  Cooper  Urban  management  report  the  approach t o development.  an  excessively  development housing  rigid  Cooper  Park  City  and o f f i c e  1  3  Ibid.,  Charles  Some  pointed  from  Development  City:  included:  space  i n Lower  Hayes,  1986,  July  pp.65-66.  the  over  BPCA  of Alexander  Plan  and t o  Summary  i n both  market  the plan by  overlystability.  perception  of  controversies,  the future  Manhattan.  1986, p.56.  1 3  and  uncertainty,  financial  negative  The  Report  identified  format,  BPCA's  about  This  marketability.  Draft  changes  political  and u n c e r t a i n t y  was  and  i n 1978.  the s e r v i c e s  t o an o v e r a l l  record  J . Urstadt,  of the problems  about  o f Hugh  governor  of c o n t r o l  a  Corporation.  l a r g e - s c a l e development  O.R.  July  Park  to development  - stemming  delays,  "Frederick  operations  the project's  f o r major  c o n t r o l s , and w o r r i e s  addition,  Battery  - called  impediments  complicated In  Plan  - Battery  1979 M a s t e r  as  contracted  T h e new  development  Development  f o r improving  and  Cooper  Chairman  to review the Master  suggestions  resulting  moribund  underwent  the e l e c t i o n  chairman, and t h e assumption  Associates  provide  Authority  i n J a n u a r y 1975.  o f BPCA  by t h e s t a t e  new  City  - following  f o r t h e r e v i e w o f BPCA  o f a new  operations  York  the Authority's  to the r e s i g n a t i o n  election  1970's  Park  1 2  market f o r  Figure  3.2  - World  Financial  Center at Battery  Park  City  54 T h e m a r k e t p o t e n t i a l c o u l d n o t , i n C o o p e r ' s v i e w , be a c h i e v e d w i t h o u t major c h a n g e s i n t h e p l a n and i n c o n t r o l procedures. He r e c o m m e n d e d t h e a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e 1969 m e g a s t r u c t u r e d e s i g n as f a r t o o e x p e n s i v e and c o m p l i c a t e d t o be s u p p o r t e d b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t . ...Under t h e Cooper p r o p o s a l , t h e p r o j e c t a r e a w o u l d be t r e a t e d a s a n e x t e n s i o n of the Manhattan s t r e e t system with c i r c u l a t i o n , b o t h p e d e s t r i a n and v e h i c u l a r , p r i m a r i l y a t g r a d e l e v e l . * 1 -  The  Cooper  incentives State's  of  and  chose the  those  As  Master  o f New  felt  estate  In proposal  site  call  in  1  Ibid.,  O.R.  July  from  site.  and  could  however,  less  complex  were  commercial a  and by  the  the  an  new  Park  City  City  Authority  to  flexible City  and  agencies. were  Manhattan  viable  more  subject  approach  improving a  proceed  more  effects  area  detailed  thus  development  of  controls,  remain  adopted  tax  The  zoning  to the  constraints  and  t o exempt i t s  respective  ...Battery  real  and  1 B  Battery  Park  office  development.  Hayes,  July  1986,  the  local  respect  Together with  1980." the  on  of economic  empowered  would,  City  favourable  made  f o r the  Frederick  Park  through their  "the  1980,  1 4  9  planning  development  for Battery  they  series  commercial development  immediately.  July  with  for a  market,  marketable  power  recommendations  argues,  almost  that  Plan.  York,  a  was  i t s subsidiaries  Development  concept  Hayes  the  Residential  Cooper's  State  Corporation  U n h i n d e r e d by  process,  amended  design  of  to exercise  quickly.  recommended  commercial development  Development  site.  approval  an  induce  Urban  projects and  to  Report also  p.72.  1986,  put  Conditional  p.67.  out  a  approval  was  55 later had $1  awarded  proposed  to  undertake  Olympia  and  the  entire  the  Authority  York  project  Developments,  - worth  which  an e s t i m a t e d  billion. Under  utilities to  to Toronto-based  the and  Olympia  specific  other  and  1981,  and  York  the  1982)  began  plan,  superblock also  the  even  this  The consists  this  only  first  development  second 2200  both  the  Park  City.  Cooper  "Frederick Ibid.,  and  anchor  to  This  BPCA  to  work $45  and  Plaza"  Developed  envisioned  by  in  Olympia  Investing place  American  the  Express  first  residential  prior  to  the  a d o p t i o n of  vestige  of  the  1960's  Governor  housing project  i s considered  The  5  1984).  - the  only  1  York  f o r 1987.  with City  include  contracted  million.  Olympia set  install  was  g r o u n d - b r e a k i n g took  (August  i s the  of  by  agreement  tenants  Lynch  1980.  project  project."  lease  1981,  subsidized  condominium  7  announced  were  "Gateway  i n June  both  1  of  c o n c e p t , as  of  site  Merrill,  Construction project,  cost  Other  and  required  infrastructure.  a maximum  i n November  month.  was  estimated completion date  secured their  following  housing  at  f o r the  with  Corporation  Cooper  "hard"  York  plans  May  (March  agreement,  "a  Rockefeller.  in Battery  not  Park  inexpensive  the  It is  City;  middle  but income  1 , 7  phase  of  units and Plan  O.R.  July  of  residential  conventionally-financed  rental. and  the  Hayes,  1986,  development  This  project  general  July  p.80.  market  1986,  was  -  "Rector market  seen  as  for housing  p.74.  a  Place,"  housing test in  -  of  Battery  57 A  c o n t r o v e r s y stemming  Battery is  Park  essentially  writing  mandate  to  envrionment benefit." Battery areas  of  upper-middle  New  York  and  the  on  City  will  the  city  where  Housing  New  class  project.  (August  of  31,  i t s own."  He  public  further  ensure  Paul  of  that  argues  the  that  private  to a  needed  state  a  to  sector  quality  public  success  housing  - through  is  urban  "clear  economic  for subsidized  urgently  i n what  government  a m e n i t i e s as the  at  Goldberger,  the  points  that  funding  i t i s most York  1 8  involvement  1986),  ability sort  of  developments  for state  a  argues  Park  residential  "given the  inclusion  Goldberger  innovative  Times  design standards initiate  the  justification  i s warranted,  urban  going  i s the  an  i n the  involvement  not  City  from  of  in the  program:  On May 23, 1 9 8 5 , M a y o r K o c h a n d G o v e r n o r Cuomo s i g n e d a memorandum o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g a g r e e i n g t o a p r o g r a m proposed b y BPCA P r e s i d e n t M e y e r F r u c h e r t o u s e e x c e s s f u t u r e A u t h o r i t y revenues t o s u p p o r t the i s s u a n c e of bonds, the p r o c e e d s o f w h i c h w o u l d be u s e d t o p r o v i d e l o w a n d m i d d l e income h o u s i n g not i n B a t t e r y Park C i t y but i n o t h e r p a r t s o f New Y o r k City. 1  The market for  shift  housing  i n BPCA means  upper-income  public  9  policy  that  Battery  households.  amenities dispersed  waterfront educational likelihood  esplanade, and that  these  the  Park  Granted,  through  public  cultural  towards  parks  development  City  will  there are  the  project  and  open  institutions.  amenities will  be  an  a  array  space,  enjoyed  purely  become wide  - such  However,  of  a  is  a r t , and the  wide  P a u l G o l d b e r g e r , " B a t t e r y Park C i t y i s a Triumph of D e s i g n , " T h e New Y o r k T i m e s . 31 A u g u s t 1 9 8 6 , p a g e u n k n o w n . 1 8  "Frederick  O.R.  Hayes,  July  1986,  p.79.  of  the  public  what by  as  enclave  cross-  Urban  58  section of the New York population? Those who w i l l receive the greatest benefits from these amenities w i l l undoubtedly be the residents of Battery Park City, o f f i c e workers from the World Financial Center and, over time, a growing number of t o u r i s t s . On the other hand, future revenues from Battery Park City can go a long way to a l l e v i a t e the c r i t i c a l shortage of affordable housing in other New York neighbourhoods.  According to the Battery  Park City Authority A 1986 law enabled the Housing New York Corporation to issue $400 m i l l i o n in bonds and notes, backed by ...Authority revenues, to finance the preservation, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and construction of thousands of units of low and moderate income housing. Already 1,850 units are being renovated. More revenues are expected to y i e l d another $600 m i l l i o n to provide affordable, subsidized housing i n various neighbourhoods throughout New York City - without d i r e c t cost to State or City t a x p a y e r s . 20  Whether or not the amenities at Battery Park City are enjoyed by a wide spectrum of people i s , perhaps, not as important as meeting the housing needs of a greater number of low-income households. Whatever one's viewpoint with respect to the housing mix (or  lack, thereof) at Battery Park City, there are some  fundamental questions to consider:  Do planners and p o l i c y -  makers have a moral obligation to build socially-mixed communities?  If one of the aims of urban redevelopment i s to  build l i v a b l e places - should " l i v a b i l i t y " be achieved through exclusion or inclusion of economically disadvantaged °Battery Park City Authority, Battery Park City (promotional brochure), undated. 2  59  groups?  These  political  a r e q u e s t i o n s perhaps  arena;  planning  but, they w i l l  and development  While  the events  development Manhattan,  process  Park  f o r urban in this  City  they are indicative  answered  undoubtedly  described  of Battery  best  i nthe  surface  i nthe  waterfronts.  brief  a r e unique  account  of the  t o lower  of the experiences of planners  and  policy-makers i n other waterfront  communities.  the  common  i n the redevelopment  urban  planning  issues,  addressed  w a t e r f r o n t s and r e f l e c t e d  summarized  i n Battery  Park  Some o f of  City, are  below:  Summary 1.  Declining for  port  activity  landfilling  brought  and urban  about  development  new  opportunities  i n lower  Manhattan. 2.  Battery for  3.  Park  economic  were  A shake-up to  was o r i g i n a l l y  revitalization  Various public agencies  4.  City  (local  of Battery  i n lower  and s t a t e )  involved  promoted  i n the redevelopment Park  City  a n d a more  flexible  vehicle  Manhattan.  and p r i v a t e  Authority  t h e a d o p t i o n o f a new d e v e l o p m e n t  concept,  as a  process.  personnell e d  plan,  development  development  a new d e s i g n  approval  process. 5.  Conflicts with  arose  respect  jurisdiction  between  local  t o the proposed over  landfilling  and s e n i o r land-use and  governments  mix, and  public  redevelopment.  The  development  through  several  reflecting the  from  changes  1960's  street-level New  York  reform  proposed to  Battery  on  is  planning  the  the  and  mix  to  history  a  Authority scheme  more  existing  -  and and  evolved  traditional, urban  with  heritage  the  fabric  urban  conservation  and  design.  development  for  emerging  City  i n keeping  urban  went  governments,  design  plan  City  i t s 25-year  Park  livability,  contextual  Park  state  The  reflecting This  land-use  reflect  and  agencies.  City.  the  local  the  plan,  sympathetic,  Battery  superstructure  emphasis  Through  in  of  development a  for  i n c a r n a t i o n s over  composition  other  of  concept  Battery  process,  Park  City  post-industrial  the  was  make-up  narrowed of  lower  Manhattan. The  opportunity  of  was  given  facilitate  up  to  predominantly households. City  are  housing way, of  the the  with Urban  However, used  Park  respect design,  to  i n other  project  state  Battery  childless,  being units  creating a  marketing  local  City  excess build New  revenues and  York  site  the  community site  professional from  renovate  Battery  social  Park  affordable  neighbourhoods. a  to  In  this  responsibility  governments.  illustrates  the  of  higher-income,  is fulfilling  and  to  socially-mixed  marketing planning,  the of  importance waterfront  architectural  of  "image"  projects. details  and  61 landscaping played an important role in creating a favourable public image. 10.  "Timing" was a c r i t i c a l element in the marketing of Battery Park City.  Despite substantial developer  interest in the early 1970's, the project never got off the  ground u n t i l the early 1980's - due to the onslaught  of recession, and an oversupply of commercial  office  space in Manhattan.  3,1  Docklands Redevelopment - London. England Outside of North America, the redevelopment  of urban  waterfronts is most widespread in Great B r i t a i n - the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. As in North America, technological advancements and structural economic changes have brought about the obsolescence of manufacturing and port f a c i l i t i e s , and have led to physical decline in i n d u s t r i a l , inner-city neighbourhoods  in London, Manchester,  Liverpool, Cardiff and other c i t i e s .  As Nicholas Falk (1985)  suggests, the economic impact of manufacturing decline has been most severe in the major i n d u s t r i a l centers: The long-term decline of B r i t i s h manufacturing industry, which some date back to 1880, has accelerated in the last couple of decades. A f a l l in manufacturing employment of 27 per cent in our major conurbations and 43 per cent in London over the period 1960-1978 has l e f t a legacy of over three m i l l i o n unemployed and over 175 m i l l i o n square feet of empty i n d u s t r i a l b u i l d i n g s . 21  N i c h o l a s Falk, "Our Industrial Heritage - A Resource for the Future?" The Planner, (October 1985), 13. 21  62 In  the  decline the  i n the  1960's  to  contraction diverse from  of  A  of  a  appointed  of  the  development  The  (GLC) not  question Docklands  has  at  Town  the  and  a  s t u d y team  18  3  Ibid.,  given  on  and  who  to  a  of i t s dropped  to  the  luxury  final  study  by  the  "the  they also the that  The  In  governmentby  the  British features  leisure intent  within  raised  of  the  these private  opposition  Labour-controlled the  economic,  needs  of  the  from Greater local  account. benefit  from  the  d e v e l o p e r s or  controversy  1985),  the  unifying  homes, 2 3  to  redevelopment.  i n Docklands  and  i n 1971  consideration  suggests,  grounds  will  to  forward  tourism."  interest  into  and  respect  serious  (1985)  the  established  put  i . e . , private  (November  jobs  prior  redevelopment local  s u r r o u n d i n g the  " S t e p h e n Page, "From D i n g y Docks t o D e s i r a b l e and C o u n t r y P l a n n i n g , (November 1985), 327. 2  led to  weakening  1970's,  options  with  emphasis  - on  was  options  Page  of  has  in  2 2  governments  center  base,  rapid  viability  This  late  taken  -  1970's.  of  i n the  However,  over  position  7,000  offices  local  extremely  of d o c k - r e l a t e d  generate  London's been  the  community.  were  economic  an  number  were  Stephen  to  Council  population  the  were  residents,  London  of  a  i n the  constraints  marinas,  was  from  redevelopment  team  As  schemes  proposals  of  legal  study  facilities,  area  Docklands  been  The  closures.  five  government.  to  has  -  redundancy  region's  i n 1969  and  there  docklands  make-up.  range  1973,  London,  of  the  dock  political March  one  London  consider  of  city's  social  22,000  series  case  327.  of  residents? project.  Docklands,"  -  63  Opposition  t o t h e 1973  unrepresentative its  and  dissatisfaction  composed  of London through  of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  Authority,  Strategic  economic  population, affordable  primary intent  stability  housing.  preserving  Joint  new  t e n u r e mix  Criticisms Committee  particular,  i n 1978,  character  pointed  had  by t h e London The  2 4  Stephen  of l o c a l  public  and  Page,  (November  new of  against  2 4  GLC.  This a  Docklands In  of urban The  DJC  purpose  Docklands area  Creek, Beckton  the  Corporation  as a s i n g l e  327.  growth  maintaining  t h e Thames R i v e r ,  1985),  social  housing.  touched u p o n .  over the e n t i r e  to Barking  of  communities.  Conservative-led  established  c o m p r i s e s some 5,500 a c r e s a l o n g i n t h e west  influx  the p r o v i s i o n  D o c k l a n d s Development  LDDC was  London  t o b r i n g about  t o the "severe problems  h a r d l y been  agency w i t h j u r i s d i c t i o n  Bridge  was  enterprises,  by t h e new  Port  population  t o accommodate e c o n o m i c  emphasized  the  (DJC) announced i t s  o f s l o w p r o g r e s s were l e v e l l e d  that  J a n u a r y 1980.  aim was  public  boroughs,  of the d e r e l i c t  j o b s , and  industrial  which  t h e GLC  deprivation" superseded  The  the s o c i a l  meant a t t r a c t i n g housing  Committee  of t h e P l a n  o f new  - a  the l o c a l  t o D o c k l a n d s t h r o u g h an  the c r e a t i o n  led to  Forum.  f o r the redevelopment  The  (1974)  London  members r e p r e s e n t i n g  the Docklands J o i n t  Plan  Docklands.  while  and  Committee  from f i v e  the s u p p o r t of the Docklands  In 1976,  w i t h the  u n a c c o u n t a b l e n a t u r e o f t h e s t u d y team  r e p l a c e m e n t by t h e D o c k l a n d s J o i n t  body  and  and  proposals,  from  was (LDDC) i n planning  - which London  i n the e a s t .  Sub-areas  64 within  the Docklands  Docks,  Surrey  The buy  LDDC  and s e l l  services. act  £250  2  million  on  town  hard town  site  corporation  corporation,  development  planned,  promoted  the Royal  2 3  in its ability  i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and  Government to plan  provided  was  left  to  other  t h e LDDC c o u l d  not  to the private  and monitored  over  its role  f o r Docklands  attempts  at gaining  criticisms  economic  future  development  was  facing  against  mounting  Under  has been  the involvement  an o p e r a t i o n a l  t h e LDDC,  a closed  of l o c a l  opposition  process,  residents.  t h e LDDC a r e i t s p r i m a r y  and i t s b l a t a n t  budget  o f t h e London  i n redevelopment.  redevelopment  levelled  development  LDDC w i t h  the long-term  By 1985, t h e C o r p o r a t i o n  conflict  major  a new  Zone.  o f Dogs,  6  Docklands.  few  t h e LDDC  British  planning  and p r o v i d e  developer;  while  The  and  land  the Isle  and t h e E n t e r p r i s e  But, unlike  activity.  Wapping,  i s s i m i l a r t o a new  as a land  sector,  of  Docks  include  disregard  with  The emphasis  for local  communities. The  redevelopment  politicized polarization LDDC, in  issue.  Public  Public  of public  and t h e i r  of London's  Docklands  and academic  a t t i t u d e s with  respective  Administration,,  Burton  looks  2 6  Stephen  Page,  (November  1985),  a  highly  has l e d t o a t o t h e DJC and t h e  policies.  P a u l B u r t o n , "On t h e W a t e r f r o n t : Planning i n London's Docklands," P u b l i c 1986), 349. 2 S  debate  respect  development Paul  h a s become  back  In a  1986  article  a t the track  Changing Approaches t o A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 64 ( A u t u m n  327.  65 records  of both  successes Burton  of these  and f a i l u r e s ,  planning agencies as w e l l  to identify  as the reasons  behind  their them.  As  suggests,  t h e LDDC i s s e e n b y many a s a n u n d e m o c r a t i c a n d s e c r e t i v e body, concerned o n l y w i t h s u b s i d i s i n g p r i v a t e investors and d e v e l o p e r s and p a y i n g l i t t l e r e g a r d t o t h e needs o f exisitng residents. The DJC on t h e o t h e r hand i s remembered as a paragon o f d e m o c r a c y t h a t p u t t h e i n t e r e s t s of l o c a l people f i r s t i n i t s s t r a t e g y f o r redevelopment. 2 7  The a  DJC's  framework  London  f o r more  Boroughs  Lewisham. of  Docklands detailed  o f Newham,  The o v e r a l l  redevelopment  land  conditions  public  included  by t h e year housing  (£286  high  transit  preparation  and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e  The because  DJC f e l l  plans  and p o l i t i c a l .  were  never  2 7  Paul  2  Ibid.,  8  the central  1986),  As B u r t o n  1986), 350.  /  poor  argues  349.  housing  The P l a n over  called £1  i n the areas of  and e x t e n s i v e  o f many  available  environmental  of the F l e e t  As a c o n s e q u e n c e ,  (Autumn  (Autumn  short  advantage of  totalling  (£345  Street  site  million).  2  8  of i t s s t r a t e g i c  government many -  five  Greenwich and  tracts  targetted  development  from  realized.  Burton,  was  to provide  by t h e  t o take  environment.  (£185 m i l l i o n ) ,  support  and  an e x t e n s i o n  substantially  of limited  financial  line  by l a r g e  unemployment,  Investment  underground  was  investment  was  produced  Hamlets,  economic  physical  million),  (1976)  plans  Tower  afforded  of p u b l i c  2000.  Plan  of the Plan  of s o c i a l ,  program  area  Southwark,  and a d i l a p i d a t e d  an a m b i t i o u s  billion  local  opportunities  - which  Strategic  objective  t o r e d r e s s a range  deficiencies  for  London  -  goals  both  of i t s ambitious  66 the F l e e t l i n e p r o p o s a l was d r o p p e d and o n l y o n e - t h i r d o£ t h e p l a n n e d n u m b e r o f c o u n c i l h o u s e s was built. The DJC a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t i n d u s t r i a l and c o m m e r c i a l investment w o u l d r e s u l t i n t h e c r e a t i o n o f o v e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 new jobs by 1982 - and, a l t h o u g h 800 w e r e c r e a t e d , m o r e t h a n 8,500 w e r e l o s t i n t h e same p e r i o d d u e to closures and relocations. * 2  Burton  also  democracy. high  While  priority  years,  the  in  DJC  political an  public the  pressures  "the  groups  major  influence  review  of  was  September  1979,  corporations  in  enabling  was  act  following  from  the a  GLC,  and  Plan  public and  at  passed -  to  in  of  local  for  the  the  Newham,  in  local  by  not  have  decisions.  for  an  the  3  Paul  Burton,  °Ibid.,  (Autumn  LDDC.  (Autumn  1986),  350.  3 0  In  development  (Manchester). LDDC was  not  The  created  consideration  of  Southwark  Tower  350.  a  announced  and  until  petitions Hamlets,  groups.  1986),  of  extensive  The f o c u s o f t h e p e t i t i o n e r s ' a r g u m e n t s was the proposed t r a n s f e r o f t h e power t o c o n t r o l d e v e l o p m e n t from the d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d borough c o u n c i l s to a non-elected  2 9  and  suggests  respresentatives  way  a  subsequent  Burton  did  of  was  organization,  the  e s t a b l i s h urban  but  process  of  government  Merseyside  1980,  allow  Boroughs other  the  model  from  input  the  a  itself  replacement  i t to  -  particular  paved  as  planning  and  public or  DJC  operation  large  policies 1979  the  objectives.  that  enable and  the  restructuring  Conservative  London  year  of  new  of  of  insulate  i t s eventual  would  the  variety  general  the  that  the  e l e c t i o n of  DJC  legislation  the  on  a  to  Strategic  of  position  years  chose  minimal,"  general the  two  through  influence  local  The  first  of  the  participation in  leadership  i n t e r n a l review  that  and  reconsidered  67 body. The G o v e r n m e n t ' s r e s p o n s e was t h a t t h e D J C was too p a r o c h i a l and the S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e f o r t h e E n v i r o n m e n t , M i c h a e l H e s e l t i n e , went so f a r as t o c a l l i t an exercise i n 'pure p r e j u d i c e d s o c i a l i s m . ' I n a more r e a s o n e d v e i n the Government r e c o g n i z e d t h a t no p r o g r e s s t o w a r d s regeneration c o u l d be made w i t h o u t t h e i n j e c t i o n o f s u b s t a n t i a l a m o u n t s o f p u b l i c money, b u t c o n s i d e r e d the D J C a n d t h e b o r o u g h s t o be ' u n s u i t a b l e r e c i p i e n t s ' of such money. I t a r g u e d t h a t t h e LDDC w o u l d be a m o r e s u i t a b l e r e c i p i e n t because i t would d i s p l a y a s i n g l e - m i n d e d approach to regeneration and would i n v o l v e t h e private s e c t o r t o a much g r e a t e r extent. 3 X  The  Select  involvement opposition was  in a  to  die  LDDC's  Docklands  time.  The  strategy climate  most  was for  of  to  time, and  three  local  LDDC B o a r d  mandate  was  to  maximum  public pressing improve  investors.  bring level  of  the As  image Burton  of of  that  the  involvement. to  lasting  in  the  LDDC The  s i t , in  their  regeneration  investment,  the  LDDC's  Docklands,  argues  that  Directors.  private  and  local  seen  boroughs of  of  believed  i t was  about  expenditure, objective  and  community  the  the  importance  when  on  through  level  over  of  the  corporation  government  leaders  capacities,  The  minimum  down  local  i n v i t e d the  personal  stressed  development  would  amenable  LDDC  Committee  shortest  at  the  amount  3 1  3  2  -Paul  Burton,  Ibid.,  (Autumn  (Autumn  1986),  1986), 352.  2  351.  of  development and  create  a  secure  -  t h i s was t o be a c h i e v e d b y a c q u i r i n g a s much d e v e l o p m e n t l a n d as p o s s i b l e , r e c l a i m i n g i t and p r o v i d i n g services where n e c e s s a r y and r e - s e l l i n g t o t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r f o r rapid redevelopment. A r e a d e v e l o p m e n t frameworks were p r o d u c e d t o g i v e an i n d i c a t i o n of p r e f e r r e d l a n d u s e s and t y p e s of a c t i v i t y but t h e s e were t o r e t a i n an e s s e n t i a l e l e m e n t o f f l e x i b i l i t y ; d e m a n d was not so s t r o n g that p o t e n t i a l d e v e l o p e r s c o u l d be t u r n e d a w a y i f t h e y f a i l e d t o meet s t r i c t , f i x e d c r i t e r i a . 3  of  68 The  bulk  designated aim  with  respect  20 p e r c e n t  by  t h e DJC  public  i n 1976.  philosophy  construction  (1985)  much  newcomers.  The  amidst  friction  intensification and p o p u l a r  between of c l a s s  slogans  that  private  - "this  i n London's  t h e LDDC  through groups."  Docklands  households.  3 3  is  The  of severe  social  r e s i d e n t s and  distinctions read:  proposed  belies  professional  long-time  housing  mix  of the area  scenes  owner-  i s evident i n  "docklands  needs  jobs  3  Isle  supporters o f Dogs,  technology region.  These  established  point  toward  in April  "Stephen  as a  (November  * " B r i t a i n ' s New W a t e r (November 1 9 8 5 ) , 327. 3  "Stephen  Page,  benefits  3 S  1983 t o i n i t i a t e area  f o r the  social  1985),  1985),  and  highdocklands  economic  The E n t e r p r i s e Zone revitalization  of Docklands,  Cities,"  (November  o f a n E n t e r p r i s e Zone i n  for attracting  "positive  redevelopment.  dilapidated  Page,  initiatives  as long-term  a r e viewed  - t h e most  to the creation  and o t h e r  industries,  contribution"  Dogs  housing  primary  snobs!" * LDDC  the  young  of modest-income  of luxury housing has c r e a t e d  not  character  o f t h e new  of  of the tenure  suggests  by a t t r a c t i n g  the reach  grafitti  reversal  the s o c i a l  the growth  m i x o f 80 p e r c e n t  As Page  deprivation  urban  a tenure  were  The C o r p o r a t i o n ' s  t o promote  - a  redevelopment,  beyond  was  housing  t o upgrade  a consequence,  priced  development.  to housing  I t proposed  to  As  p r o p e r t i e s i n the Docklands  for residential  occupation.  housing  of assembled  was  on t h e I s l e  covering  some  480  328. Town  327.  and C o u n t r y  Planning,  of  69  acres.  T h e LDDC  high-technology Critics, in  suggest  the Enterprise  from  other The  i f such  many  of these  enable  them  3  a high  workers  people  to take  o f new  firms  i n that  level  would  Zone. occuring  being  of e x i s t i n g  industries well-paying  of s p e c i a l i z e d  most  places  likely  jobs  skills.  require  Unemployed  job retraining.  readily  would  lack  the educational prerequisites  As B u r t o n will  available,  i n these  made  industries  firms  local  were  part.  to  6  on h i g h - t e c h n o l o g y  programs  high-technology local  city.  incentives  o f t h e new d e v e l o p m e n t  i s due t o t h e r e l o c a t i o n  of the  require  And,  much  economic  i n the Enterprise  i s not the r e s u l t  at a disadvantage,  or dock  and o t h e r  to locate  that  but, rather, parts  industries factory  Zone  emphasis  residents  tax breaks  firms wishing  however,  established  the  offered  argues,  be t a k e n  i t is likely  the bulk  by people  o f new  living  that  to jobs i n  outside of  area:  T h e D J C was a c c u s e d o f p a y i n g t o o much r e g a r d t o t h e n e e d s a n d a s p i r a t i o n s o f l o c a l p e o p l e a n d t h e LDDC was e x p e c t e d t o be d i f f e r e n t . T h i s i t has been, e s p e c i a l l y i n l o o k i n g outside Docklands f o r new g r o u p s o f p e o p l e t o p r o v i d e a g r e a t e r d e g r e e o f s o c i a l b a l a n c e i n t h e a r e a , who a l s o p o s s e s s t h e s k i l l s r e q u i r e d b y t h e new c o m m e r c i a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l concerns. A l t h o u g h some p r o v i s i o n h a s b e e n made f o r t r a i n i n g l o c a l p e o p l e t h e y h a v e , b y a n d l a r g e , been l o o k e d upon as a s o u r c e of s e m i - s k i l l e d and p a r t - t i m e labour. 3 7  New of  development  Docklands  STOLport  i n the Royal  has a l s o  (short  proven  take-off  Docks,  controversial.  Stephen Page, "The L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s : 1980's," G e o g r a p h y . 72 ( 1 ) 1 9 8 7 , 6 1 . 3 7  Paul  Burton,  The p r o p o s a l  and l a n d i n g a i r p o r t )  3 S  the  i n the easternmost  (Autumn  1986),  353.  i n the King  Redevelopment  portion  to build George  a  V  Schemes i n  70 dock  generated strong  expressed by  about  locating  Resident  an  aircraft airport  a p p e a l s were  ahead.  But,  as  have  live  with a  of  to  Page  businessmen?"  near  the  Royal  a  However,  i t provides  ranging terms  London has  development  Bradbury  were  asks  the  possible on  the  urban (1988)  few  to  the  that  to  should  the  local  real  needs  o v e r l o o k e d by  the or  London  economic  percent  in  residential  the  and  the  local  The Zone  Stephen  3  Ibid.,  9  Page,  commercial  Docklands  for  unemployment  particular,  residential  investment  transportation  In  development,  in environmental  improvements.  Karen  that  (November  (November  1985),  1985), 328.  328.  and  local  the s o u g h t - a f t e r e n v i r o n m e n t f o r h o u s i n g has been largely c r e a t e d : b y o p e n i n g up t h e w a t e r f r o n t , b y r e - d i s c o v e r i n g water where i t had p r e v i o u s l y been f i l l e d i n , by o f f e r i n g r e c r e a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and by m o l d i n g h i l l s where t h e l a n d had p r e v i o u s l y been f l a t . . . . F o r t h e U.K. equivalent o f t h e Y u p p i e s (who m a r k e d l y r e s e m b l e t h e i r American  3 a  new  3 9  promote  and  LDDC.  for  a  use  communities  benefits  success.  amenities,  f o r the  community.  marketing  public  of  went  population  Enterprise  major  of  project  business  given  1985.  posed  neighbourhoods. the  of  were  hazards  and  the  unfortunate,  30  safety  hazard, designed primarily  social  strength  argues  "why  Concerns  1985  attractiveness  is a to  -  grossly  attracting  Docklands  been  clean-up,  of  20  and  residential  argues  is highly  from  i n 1984.  overturned in April  enhanced  This  levels  to  convenient service  residents.  it  close  (1985)  Docks  provides  the  noise  Page  3 8  has  In  opposition  potential  STOLport  rate  local  71 cousins), a townhouse in the Docklands i s now the place to live. 4 0  Of a l l the projects planned for, or under development, in the London Docklands - the largest and most impressive i s Olympia and York's "Canary Wharf."  Currently under construction in the Isle of  Dogs' Enterprise Zone, Canary Wharf i s being promoted as an alternative business location to established d i s t r i c t s  in the City  and West End of London. At 12.5 m i l l i o n square feet, Canary Wharf i s the world's largest single development. At 50 storeys, i t s centerpiece tower w i l l be the t a l l e s t i n the United Kingdom and surpassed in Europe by one planned for Frankfurt. ...At a cost of (US) $7.2 b i l l i o n , i t i s a r a r i f i e d f i n a n c i a l stratosphere. Olympia and York's World Financial Center in Manhattan was merely eight m i l l i o n square feet, and b u i l t for a comparatively t r i f l i n g $1.5 billion. 4 1  Canary Wharf w i l l eventually form the commercial nucleus of the English equivalent to a "regional town c e n t r e . "  42  Its r e l a t i o n to  the City of London i s comparable to that of Burnaby Metrotown and downtown Vancouver in terms of s p a t i a l separation, r e l a t i v e size and function, and the importance of rapid t r a n s i t in f a c i l i t a t i n g  high-  density suburban development. If Canary Wharf i s successful over the long term, i t could mean an eastward s h i f t in London's business community.  The f i r s t phase  of Canary Wharf has attracted some major international tenants °Karen Bradbury, "The London Docklands: An Unplanned Development Success," Urban Land, (August 1988), 24. 4  A 1 Warson, "Canary Wharf: Olympia and York's Most Ambitious Project Now Rising on the Banks of the Thames," Canadian Building, (March 1989), 24. 41  42  S e e Chapter IV.  Figure  3.5  View  of  Canary  Wharf  73 including  Credit  Lynch.  Texaco  offices  and  development The present Light  in  of  Railway,  the  an  enviable  investment the  to a  building  i n Canary  seems  commercial  office  space  i n London.  London made  City  Airport,  Docklands  an  Canada's of  g a i n e d an  practices.  0  &  other  Another  Olympia  success  and  ensured,  accessible  development.  record has  Merrill  i t s London  Wharf's  Wharf  track  and  to consolidate  Canary  have  global  plans  Stanley  s u c c e s s of  the  York  new  Morgan  phase  two  4 3  involvement of  and  Boston,  announced  f o r commercial  is  Olympia  First  also  1992.  future  improvements  to  has  relocate  glut  location  Suisse  and  despite  The  Docklands  infrastructural  and  convenient  indicator  York  a  of success  Developments.  With  i n major  commercial  projects,  international  reputation  for  Y's  b u s i n e s s community  interest that  i n Canary  there  is a  Wharf  sound  is a  future  in  signal  Docklands  development.  Summary 1.  Technological to  2.  The  rapid  physical  motivation  region's  Docklands through  economic  base  ( i i )  through to  redevelopment  preliminary  01ympia & September 1989. 4 3  and  and  and  structural decline  f o r redevelopment  economic  activities; 3.  advancements  studies  York,Canary  the  improve was  was  economic  i n the  twofold:  initiated  Limited,  Docklands.  ( i ) t o expand of  led  new  the  economic  conditions.  by  the  of development  Wharf  London  introduction  social  changes  senior  government  options.  Press Release,  The  20  74 subsequent  creation  redevelopment The  process  accountability  secretive bring  of  has  development  been  marked  of government  operations  about  public  of  economic  the  was  LDDC,  development  by  into  by  designed  expense  of  the  conflict.  question  projects  at the  to guide  ideological  put  and  agencies  the  to  local  communities. Conflict  arose  between  the  respect  t o : the  overall  private  housing  units,  private  sectors,  controls  from  A change  i n the  and  transfer  local  development  a  i n the  and  senior  l a n d - u s e mix  f o r "Canary  for  an  expected white-collar  The  influx  New of  a  complete  working-class has  residential  given  area rise  developments  the t r a d i t i o n a l  ratio  of  f o r the  planning to a  and  t o an  and  development  non-elected  philosophy  with  public-to-  public  -  body.  from  emphasis  " u p g r a d i n g " - was  Wharf" array  tenure  mix  includes  on  brought  of  929,000  services  workforce of about  of w e a l t h y p r o f e s s i o n a l s  and  governments  on  into  of London  an has  and  of  amenities people.  economicallyintensified  are characterized of  2  60,000  to resentment against  i n favour  m  by  class  newcomers. an  inversion  owner-occupied  dwellings. The  image  industrial  of  the Docklands development  London.  by  government.  space, plus  conflict,  of  policies  social  office  depressed,  roles  councils  development  economic  The  appropriate  local the  Docklands development  socially-oriented  change  and  l a n d - u s e mix,  the  elected  central  Canary  Wharf  i s that  i s viewed  as  of a a  new  viable,  post-  75 alternative among 10.  The  the  business  most  LDDC h a s  residential attractive  l i l  The  redevelopment waterfront to  transshipment and  port  the  Toronto  port The  the  has  post-World of  within  central  base  1945,  recent  of  wave  by  the  of  change,  the  expansion,  and  however,  relative  to  an  Ontario  manufacturing  declining  most  each  commercial  and  industries.  Toronto.  With  i n the  Since  -  class,  s u c c e s s i v e waves  century.  facilitated  the  War  industry  raised  comparable counter  major  and  city.  region,  and  II years  and  manufacturing  other  sectors  of  waterfront  phase-out  of  fears  These the  of  a  rail  city  of  Toronto  U.S.  cities.  of  prolonged  i n the  Official  Plan  and  and  development  dramatic  threat  new  employment,  about  t o major the  characterized  associated  p l a n n i n g program  adoption  are  p o p u l a t i o n and  dominance  the  professional  Lands  facilitate  goods.  The  traditional  a  Railway  19th  been  are  an " i n "  service-based  undergone  to  units  of  industrial  facilities.  of  on  has  housing  in marketing  emerging  economic  have  been  and  Docklands  London.  for expanding  consumer  economy.  the  early  Toronto's  importance  To  to  transformed  of  in  and  successful  Waterfront  since  suburbanization  scale  very  location  activities  redevelopment and  been  waterfront  was  strengthen  desirable  location  Central  Toronto's  location,  the  water  trends  decline,  mid-1960's,  rapid  declining transportation  the  the  the  metropolitan  decline  which As  the  challenged  within  inner-city  i n 1969.  by  City  - on  embarked  culminated  Desfor,  a  in  Goldrick  76 and  Merrens  effort along  to  (1988) argue  promote  with  more  -  "the  plan  commecial  residential  commercial  massive  redevelopment  residential, of  new  commercial  and  essentially  development  accommodation  upper-middle-class inner-city  was  i n the  f o r the  labour  form  institutional  aggressive  central  anticipated  force.'"*  in the  an  The  4  of  city,  middle-  Plan  called  and for  high-density  uses,  and  the  construction  expressways.  Public  opposition  revolt,  and  the  Council  i n 1972.  livable  urban  Area  expansion central  The  of  urban  To  this  would  be  reform council  According to  accommodated by  redirecting  The  aim  of  the  preserve  activity  industrial  of  commercial  be  accommodated The  1978  potential  of  was  the  Desfor,  4 S  Ibid.,  growth  was  to  Area  waterfront  Goldrick (1988),  and p.99.  of  new  to  plan,  the  for  Central  Area.  only  a  ignored  and  railway  lands,  the  suburban and  neighbourhoods,  at  and  the lying  level  that  could  p.99.  4 9  redevelopment south  their  to  Expansion  infrastructure.  simply reaffirming  and the  within  redevelopment  largely  1988,  a  commercial  to designated  Toronto  City  growth  Plan  intensification  limit  voter  Toronto  create  Official  transportation  Merrens,  to  controlled  Plan  by  led to a  majority  new  supported, but  existing  business d i s t r i c t ,  4 4  through  lands adjacent to  Central the  the  in established  activity by  Plan  a  format  strived  policies  i t adopted  and  densification  renewal"  reform-minded  through  end,  i n 1978.  a  "urban  area,  centres.  central  election  this  environment  preservation. Central  to  of  the  industrial  77 designation. regional  In t h e meantime,  economies  were  s t r u c t u r a l changes  gaining  i n the local  and  momentum:  By 1 9 8 1 , t r a d e , f i n a n c e , i n s u r a n c e , r e a l e s t a t e , and community, b u s i n e s s and p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e s employed twot h i r d s of t h e Toronto Census M e t r o p o l i t a n Area labour force. Massive r e l o c a t i o n of corporate headquarters to t h e c e n t r a l c i t y a r e a h a s c e n t r a l i z e d many o f t h e functions that control corporate operations throughout the country. ...The o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e has a l s o s h i f t e d d r a m a t i c a l l y toward c l e r i c a l , managerial, scientific, t e c h n i c a l , and s e r v i c e categories.* 6  The  rapid  industry and, the  Central  been  Area.  against  depletion  have  housing  As  households. constructed  Goldrick  unsealed,  southern  frontier,  providing  the emerging  * Desfor, s  * Ibid., 7  space  of the central  Desfor,  i n protected  gentrification.  and commercial  redevelopment  stock  side  housing  Secondly,  are being waterfront  and M e r r i n s  with  housing  and Merrens,  1988, pp.101-102.  in different  ways:  neighbourhoods has h a s meant  apartment  And, t h i r d l y  made a v a i l a b l e and r a i l w a y  a golden  were  and t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t  Area.  Area  to  the growing  condominium  suggest,  of the Central  high-income  new  adjacent  of course,  stock,  i n the Central  developers  Goldrick  This,  mix  neighbourhoods  h a d t o be s a t i s f i e d  of the affordable  been  residential  of  land-use  of p a r c e l s  d e n s i f i c a t i o n and redevelopment,  through  lower-income  decline  the e x i s t i n g  designation  downtown  the e x i s t i n g housing  upgraded  units  Because  and t h e concurrent  challenged  f o r i n n e r - c i t y housing  Firstly,  for  Area  e s p e c i a l l y , the industrial  demand  of  of services  i n the Central  protected  the  rise  - new  through  lands.  "thee s s e n t i a l l y  represented opportunity  market."*  7  a  wide-open to build  S t r u c t u r a l and  1988, pp.100-101.  78 demographic declining  changes  waterfront  While  controlled  the  the  Toronto  lands  institutions three  of  of  two  were  the  obsolescence  The  latter  the  with of  were  them:  along  the  the  decline side  the  port,  institution  ensure  land  was  p r o t e c t i o n of  the  for  the  of  Toronto  the  mediating  Harbour Corporation  change  waterfront federal  waterfront  for  waterfront.  structural and  the  redevelopment.  responsible  central  by  made  Harbourfront  railways  created  region  prime  n a t i o n a l r a i l w a y s , and  most  faced  in  railway  redevelopment,  Commission,  to  and  s e v e r a l major  waterfront  1972,  occuring  from  The  first  - that i s ,  industries.  government  in  commercial  exploitation. The by  a  Toronto  series  of  development  private-sector between for  agencies.  government  of  Corporation  and  Toronto's  Toronto  Harbour  Since been  Toronto the  The  the  By  in this  social  various  Harbour  public-  experience  versus  i n the  are  commercial briefly  Commission,  national railways  is highlighted and  conflicts motivation  outline  the  Harbourfront  redevelopment  of  Commission  waterfront.  purposes.  l e d by  following section will  i t s establishment  or  and  development  waterfront.  responsible  lease  campaigns, Prominent  Toronto  the  central  in waterfront  agencies,  redevelopment.  involvement  has  experience  sale the  of  for  port  i n 1911,  operations  I t s revenue waterfront  mid-1960's,  the  has  Toronto and  land  Harbour  development  traditionally  lands  however,  primarily income  Commission  for  been  derived  industrial  derived  on  from  the  the from  79 Commission's operating  industrial  expenses,  land  base  was n o t s u f f i c i e n t  and a s i z a b l e  debt  began  to cover  to accumulate.  The d e b t o r i g i n a t e d f r o m a number o f t h e C o m m i s s i o n ' s c a p i t a l - i n v e s t m e n t d e c i s i o n s a n d i t was e n l a r g e d b y d e c l i n i n g s h i p p i n g revenue and mounting i n t e r e s t c h a r g e s . . . . P o r t t o n n a g e more t h a n h a l v e d b e t w e e n 1969 a n d 1 9 7 4 , d e s p i t e t h e Commission's long-range c a p i t a l development programme i n t h e l a t e 1960's. Furthermore, industry m i g r a t e d t o new l o c a t i o n s o r s i m p l y c l o s e d d o w n , r e d u c i n g the value of the Commission's industrial lands. 4 8  Faced  with  Commission continued to  sale  emphasis  commercial  adjacent  complicated  with the  towers  World  are either most  Trade  complete,  under  4 8  that  under  was  the site  low-rise  has been  developed  residential  and commercial  development  or i n the approval Commission's  construction  contain  three  started 26-storey  a t 25 a n d 32 s t o r e y s ,  connecting  buildings.  are located  Goldrick  and a  Additional  Other  at the eastern  and Merrens,  1988,  under  process.  projects  i n 1988. office  is  the  When buildings,  r e s p e c t i v e l y , and projects  currently  and western  waterfront.  Desfor,  the City  buildings  will  towers  land  residential  on w h i c h  the project  The f i r s t  i n 1964, a f t e r  t h e Commission,  time,  began  on i t s l a n d  district.  finalized  of a  of high-rise  Square."  Centre,  development  central  Since  business  Instead  t h e Commission  development  a m b i t i o u s of t h e Harbour  residential  several  between  a n d a number  "Harbour  The  two  negotiations  a hotel name  agreement  t h e Harbour  strategy.  development,  and r e s i d e n t i a l  to the central  developer.  situation,  i t s development  on i n d u s t r i a l  and redevelopment  private  financial  had t o r e c o n s i d e r  promote  holdings  a difficult  p.103.  ends  of the  80 Harbourfront The the  33  Street.  1975.  viewed  Liberals, threat by  acquired  the park  The  was c h a r g e d  development  first  several years  lands  between  various  operate  more  federal  Crown  were  levels  effectively  from  Corporation  i n 1976.  and put forward  space,  residential,  an about-face  commercial  success  lands  of the  the federal was  to avert the  a new  as  symbolized  the Corporation's  By  the late  1970's,  plan  ability the high  costs  Harbourfront emphasis  called  uses.  on  f o r a mix o f  Framework  rested  self-sufficient.  development,  3.6.  ° C i t y of Toronto P l a n n i n g and Development Department, C e n t r a l W a t e r f r o n t : P r o p o s a l s , A p r i l 1982, p.31. s  Desfor,  public  S 1  financially  of s i t e  to  i t was made a  1978 D e v e l o p m e n t  t o become  relations  Harbourfront  agency,  which  on t h e  and s t r a i n e d  its initial  and r e c r e a t i o n a l 1  efforts  To e n a b l e  I n 1978,  from  of Harbourfront s  on  Figure  by i n d e c i s i o n  as a development  park  B 1  1972  critics  the waterfront,  of government.  made  See  gift  While  i t s motive  along  between  (about  a d m i n i s t e r i n g these  of redevelopment  marked  Corporation  4 9  that  Quay) a n d  district  government  of the government.  argued  portion of  Square.  Harbourfront  The  (on B a t h u r s t  with  as an e l e c t i o n  the government  Harbour  Road  by the f e d e r a l  on b e h a l f  of h i g h - r i s e  Stadium  i n the westerly  a l l of the p r o p e r t i e s i n t h i s  Harbourfront park  are located  between  Almost  4 9  were  s o  an urban  project  lands  Bayfront,  hectares)  and as  Harbourfront  Toronto  York  Corporation  G o l d r i c k and Merrens,  1988, p.104.  The  81 infrastructure, project  in  and  cultural  programs  put  the  feasibility  of  the  question.  C l e a r a n c e of t h e s i t e ' s i n d u s t r i a l b u i l d i n g s and the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e w h a r v e s w e r e e x p e c t e d t o be c o s t l y . M o r e e x p e n s i v e , t h o u g h , was t h e p r o v i s i o n o f r o a d s , p i p e d s e r v i c e s , and o t h e r i n t r a s t r u c t u r e t o s u p p o r t the development contemplated i n the mixed-use p l a n . Furthermore, H a r b o u r f r o n t h a d c r e a t e d a n d was e x p e c t e d to m a i n t a i n i t s e x t e n s i v e a r t s and r e c r e a t i o n a l programmes, w h i c h by t h e n e n j o y e d c o n s i d e r a b l e p u b l i c support. 8 2  By  1980,  achieving followed office being  the  Corporation  self-sufficiency. i n 1984,  and  called  retail  allocated  space  for  for -  had The  put new  65,000  with  residential  about  into  place  a  Development square 60  strategy for  Plan,  meters  percent  new  of  of  which  residential,  this  floorspace  development.  The e c o n o m i c s o f t h e s i t u a t i o n e n s u r e d t h a t i n o r d e r t o g e n e r a t e the r e q u i r e d revenue, development would take the form of h i g h - d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l schemes, l u x u r y c o n d o m i n i u m p r o j e c t s , and e x p e n s i v e c o m m e r c i a l and retail space. s  Most units,  or  of  Harbourfront's  low  30  percent  total  designated However, units  3  for  the  i t was  would  not  of  the  westernmost  feared  that  materialize  the  and  moderate  cost  residential  p a r c e l s of planned  without  an  housing  component  property  number increase  of in  on  -  Desfor,  "Ibid.,  G o l d r i c k and 1988,  Merrens,  1988,  federal  p.105.  p.106.  500  was  subsidized  "*Alyse Frampton, "Toronto's H a r b o u r f r o n t , " Canadian Geographic. 104 (6) December 1 9 8 4 / J a n u a r y 1985, 69. s  some  Bathurst  funding.  S 2  -  Quay.  housing  82  BA I Ml RSI Q l 'AY 1. Toronto Island Airport Ferry 2 3 4  Windward Co-op residences  J o h n Quay Park  1. Shtpdack S t a g e  S p e d i n e Pier  1.  M a r i n a Quay W a t t  2. Harbour T e r r a c e restaurant  2. M e t r o P o t k o M a r i n a H e a d q u e r t e r s  2 Wast Lawn  Spedina Gardens  3. Harbourfront Corporation H o o d  J.  3 York Quay C t n t f t  CMyhome r a s i d e n c s s  3  Arcadia Co-op rasideoces  4  King's Landing condamirmjrnt  Cityhome r s t i d e n c a s  — Becker» Pintry  H a r b o u r s i d t Co-op r t s i d e n c e s  — Eskimo A r t Gallery  4  Harbour T a r r e c e condornwwoms  YORK QUAY  JOHN QUAY  M A P L E LEAF Q U A Y  SPADINA Q U A Y t2.  — The N a u o c a ) M i n d bookstoro  — Bounty  — Ok) FVehefi Sports  — Tha B r e e i e w a y  — Dinah's Oinofta  — Island GaUary  i. M a p l e Leaf Quay apartments  — M a r y ' s S i * ft Things  8.  The F r a n c o p h o n e Centre  — Brigantme Room  H o n ! Admiral  4  N a u b c a i Centre  to L o w t f Spedina o f n c e building, — A b s o l u t e Interiors ft G l a s s  8.  — Information Oask  — The Oock S h o p f M  H t r b o u r t f o m Antique M a r k e t  5  5  Admwafcty P o r t condofltintums  Office  5. W d e N o r w a y Park C a n a d a Matting trios  1.  — A d m i r a l ' s Cornar Gift S h o p  — C a l a b r a t i o n Theatre  — Commodore i Dining Aoorn  — Community Gettery — Tha Craft Studio — Tha U n i t Cele  9  titfonnabon K i o s k s  — C o m m o d o r e ' s Travel  •  Btnk — C I B C - A B M  — Tha GaNav  -Thalott  — Storfanej P h o t o s 5- HarbourPoint  — Tha Lookout  coodomMumi  — island R Q V M T S  — Photography Gattary  — Moviola Cats  — Studio Theatre  — Robbo R n o F o o d s  — W a t e r ' s Edge C a f a  — Sevrftss C l e a n e r s ft B o u o q u a  — York Quay GaHary  — S u a EKan L e a t h e r s  4. T h a P o n d / W i n t e r l e t ftmk  — Tat M a n o r s Mtrnabonai Cart  5 The P o w e r Plant Contemporary Art Gallory  — Toronto A p o t h e c a r y 6  P i t r 4 S t o r o h o u s a Restaurant  7. Tha B m n a c l e I  Waftymagoo't M e n n e b a r  5  ThoChnosoJunk  10  Tha A m s t e r d a m B r i d g e  It  Marwiat  I du M A U M E R Thaatra C a m r * 7. Tent in the S q u a r e 8. t.^00  cat p a r i n g g j u y e  9. B u s D r o p - o t l to  Quean's Quay T t r m w a l — Bank -  CtBC  — 100 shops and ranaurants — P r e m i e r e O a n c a Th«arre (3rd floor) tl.  F i g u r e 3.6  - S i t e Map  of Harbourfront  Ship's P r o w  83 By and  1986, t h e r e  form  concrete  the  of Toronto,  height  the  still  perceived  Birchall,  an area  t o o much  t o be a planner  the f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s as  of market  governmental The  reviews  City  therefore, approval  were  the project  discussions  with  the true  City  basis.  There  were  "Desfor,  contempt  while  and  moratorium several  over  Harbourfront  f o r Harbourfront  staff.  Birchall,  of an o v e r a l l was  i s detectable in f o r example,  has n o t been  plan  as the major  and a s e t of p o l i c i e s  f o r each  sub-area  were  few d e s i g n only  I n t e r v i e w with Diana Railway Lands S e c t i o n , C i t y D e p a r t m e n t , 13 J u l y 1 9 8 9 . 1989.  g u i d e l i n e s , and  on c e r t a i n  G o l d r i c k and Merrens,  evolved  portions  -  reason.  by a  has l a r g e l y  argues  achieved  governed  Harbourfront  and,  development  loosely  imposed  13 J u l y  I n 1987, a  to the regular  of the waterfront  s s  Ibid.,  jurisdiction  at Harbourfront  As a r e s u l t ,  s s  at Harbourfront,  not subject  planning  Framework,  restrictions  h a d no  the absence  Development Development  Some  space.  housing,  conducted.  was  potential  she c i t e s  t o park  development  of Toronto  process.  site.  dedicated  t o non-market  with  major  the ratio  on f u r t h e r  7  they  was  "While  of b u i l d i n g s ,  placed  B  what  there  nature  and d e n s i t y of development, the  was  by-quay  that  the  the scale  of land  the  over  at Harbourfront.  Diana  identifies  controversy  of f r i c t i o n :  amount  and  place  deplored  curtain.""  the  that  public  insisted  critics  quayside City  taking  of Harbourfront  at the s i t e ,  sources  growing  of development  chairperson green  was  flexible  on a  of quay-  height  of the  site.*  y  1988, p.106.  B i r c h a l l , Area P l a n n e r , W a t e r f r o n t and o f T o r o n t o P l a n n i n g and Development  84  85 The  b u i l d i n g s and  haphazard terms  of In  in their  February  of  Diana  Birchall  an  already 3  the  which  agreement  basis  lost."  arrangement  1989,  with  issues"  resulting  has  facilities  at  and  Harbourfront  incompatible  appear  with  one  somewhat another  in  design.  negotiations vexing  other  City had  of  plan  argues  -  done;  to  their  "this  entered  "resolve  the  relationship.  Harbourfront  f o r the  and  Corporation  Toronto  plagued  between  official  been  Harbourfront  and  the  Harbourfront  is after  the  many d e v e l o p m e n t  numerous  City  and  The  s a  forms  lands.  fact.  into  the  However,  Much  of  the  as  damage  o p p o r t u n i t i e s have  been  9  Douglas  Wrenn  Harbour f r o n t ' s project's  (1983),  flexible  chief  on  the  other  Development  hand,  Framework  points  to  as  of  one  the  advantages:  The g u i d e l i n e s a r t i c u l a t e t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s u n d e r l y i n g the development program - mixed-use, p u b l i c a c c e s s , c u l t u r a l programming, f i n a n c i a l i n d e p e n d e n c e , and so f o r t h - w i t h o u t s p e c i f y i n g the e x a c t s p a t i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n or development d e t a i l s . A p p r o v a l of t h i s document a l l o w e d g e n e r a l p l a n n i n g a n d p r e d e v e l o p m e n t w o r k t o move f o r w a r d w h i l e s p e c i f i c d e v e l o p m e n t a l t e r n a t i v e s were b e i n g considered. The d e v e l o p m e n t p r o p o s a l s f o r i n d i v i d u a l p a r c e l s w i t h i n H a r b o u r f r o n t were and u n d o u b t e d l y will c o n t i n u e t o be t a i l o r e d t o r e s p o n d t o c h a n g i n g n e e d s a n d circumstances. 8 0  R i c h a r d E. Agreement Between 14 J u n e 1989. B a  "Interview s o  Urban  S h i b l e y , Memorandum the C i t y of Toronto  with  D o u g l a s Wrenn, Land I n s t i t u t e ,  Diana  Birchall,  of Terms of an Intended and H a r b o u r f r o n t C o r p o r a t i o n .  13  July  1989.  Urban Waterfront Development. 1983), pp.122-123.  (Washington:  86 Wrenn as  cites  a case  allowed  in point.  against  Wrenn  waterfront economic  Canadian In cities, involved  commercial  Pacific most  Lands  some  relocation  cities  due  s l  the central  Douglas  Area.  National  p.123.  views  a catalyst for Toronto  i s , b y no  of H a r b o u r f r o n t and t h e position  economies,  by  of  attracting  Railways i n Canadian  w a t e r f r o n t s has  facilities,  and redevelopment  The e x t e n t t o  adjacent railway  factors.  parcel  He  contrary,  and p a r t i c u l a r l y  In Toronto,  of land,  business d i s t r i c t  1983,  the  While  industrial  of r a i l w a y  includes  core.  development.  cities,  to various  Wrenn,  On  strengthen Toronto's  of urban  a massive  x  catalyst  use of an  i s v e r y much  o c c u p i e d by t h e r a i l w a y s .  redevelopment  s  to  as,a growing,  downtown  better  water f r o n t .  and mixed-use  American  of b u i l d i n g s  rain.  to Toronto  t o make  and n a t i o n a l  the redevelopment  constitute  between  will  and  extremes  Framework  of H a r b o u r f r o n t as a  - the development  and Canadian  North  formerly  between  Lands  wind  a healthy  i n the C e n t r a l  i n the regional  waterfront  with  i n Toronto  in decline  and m o d i f i c a t i o n  by p o i n t i n g  of urban  development  Railway  additional  lands  section  a city  dominance  city  seasonal climatic  of the Development  of cold,  s i m p l y as an e f f o r t  development  adjacent  placement  revitalization  underutilized  means,  flexibility  the importance  metropolitan  project  of Toronto's  the e f f e c t s  downplays  downtown  thriving, the  The  for the s t r a t e g i c  mitigate  for  the recognition  which  lands w i l l  vary  the Railway  strategically  and t h e c e n t r a l  situated  waterfront.  of  87 Redevelopment the  waterfront,  Toronto  has  to  due,  the  vice out  Railway versa.  on  development  enhance  in  and  missed  comprehensive and  of  large  a  to  and  conflicts  three  levels  of  government.  them,  Canadian  Pacific  and  hectares  of  yards  rail  Harbourfront.  The  forward  was  to  mode  in  replace  major  the  uses.  workers,  as  Council rates,  value  of  and  -  impact  the  Railway  Area.  agencies,  were  for  80  and  rail  purposes  considering  introduction  of  on  -  c o n t r o l l e d about  lands  is  at a l l  companies  Area  Lands,  This  public  these  of  for  development  Central  on  city  over  the  the  plan  railway  railways  large  the  scheme  grandiose  an  components  terminal, area  devoted  residential  urban in  in  1971,  1975.  and  of  a  range  of  residential  not  While  the  survive  policies  of  the  Merrens,  1988,  as a  and  Centre,"  mixture  of  to  a  new  multi-  accommodate  industries, scheme  mid-1970's,  p.107.  was  "Metro  rising  6 2  Lands  included  precinct  communications  i t did  Railway  with  project  commercial to  the  known  yards  the  component.  reform  Goldrick  a  for  scheme,  existing marshalling Major  abandoned  Desfor,  redevelopment The  endorsement nor  finally  6 2  a  national  great that  Central  various  between  including  1968.  transportation  60,000 well  options,  i n the  National  s u b s t a n t i a l l y , the  first  land  the  a  uses.  put  urban  lying  Because  redevelopment commercial  Canadian  to  waterfront  jurisdiction  two  have  i s unfortunate  the  between  Canada's  will  opportunity  both  divided  lands,  declined  great  of  these  had  It  e x i s t i n g development part,  Between  Lands  as  received  interest and  was  88 In  the  railway  at  1980's,  companies,  planning was  early  the  staff.  a  working  At  a  second  in conjunction  price  tag  l a r g e s t redevelopment  that  time.  The  proposed  policies  of  the  not  the  Metro  Centre  forces the  did  proposal.  returning  urban The  they  to  reform  from  in c i v i c  have  compromising amentities  a  their  and  same  with  billion  ever  1978  level  to  forward  City  of  of  Area  the  the  the  project  in North  America  with  the  Plan.  hostility to  by  Toronto  dollars,  conflicted  in part,  and  put  proposed  Central  i s due,  Council  had  fought  as  However, the  earlier  pro-development  growing  s u c c e s s f u l l y to  redevelopment  politics.  forged  scheme  the  This  City  two  was  complacency  of  generation.  reformers  neighbourhoods active  face  of  development  deconcentration project  proposal  As  and,  Barton  peculiar  bond  views  density  greater  on  subsequently,  Reid  with -  protect  the  (Spring  were  1989)  development  i n exchange  their  for  not  as  suggests, industry  by  public  aesthetic control.  In the 1980's a c u r i o u s m u t a t i o n has a r i s e n between developers and r e f o r m e r s w h i c h has c l o u d e d t h e once c l e a r a n t i p a t h y between them. ...A new common g r o u n d o f m u t u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t has been c r e a t e d , where once o p p o s i n g p a r t i e s now dance a p e r v e r s e p o l i t i c a l duet i n t h e i r new r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the c o r p o r a t e c i t y . ...Here the i m p l i c i t r u l e s are t h a t the middle c l a s s w i l l compromise on d e n s i t y r i g h t s i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l d o w n t o w n s o l o n g a s t h e y r e c e i v e new amenities for their acquiescence (and, of c o u r s e , so l o n g as the s a n c t i t y of the p r e s e r v a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a d j a c e n t t o t h e downtown i s r e c o g n i z e d a s t h e i r own speculative preserve). 6 3  The to  Railway  mobilize  against  the  proposal scheme.  did  not  have  a  Nevertheless,  resident there  Barton R e i d , "The Corporate City Revisited Magazine, 10:4 ( S p r i n g 1989), 17-18. S 3  City  Lands  population  was  (1945-1990),"  89 considerable particular, commercial the  public critics  space  with  would  Metro the  exchange  be  million  to  Centre City for  planning  to  bail  As  Desfor  a  approval."  Of  the  et  al a  income and  troubled of  favourable  uninterested  increased  the  odds  -  equal  groups. to  "Skydome" entire  one  and  that  was  half  of  proposed,  6 4  a  struck  stadium Railway  political  of  the  avoid  strategy  In  amount  to  Area),  companies  the  project.  excessive  hoping  the  suggest,  the  housing  railway  approval  public  whole,  Central  the  the  "Undoubtedly, a  i n the  opposition,  out  the  meters  moderate  experience,  to  about  square  housing.  public  c o u n c i l , and as  space  expeditious  successful.  proposal  of  building against  concerned  affordable  development.  city  (1.4  amount  Sensitive the  were  e x i s t i n g commercial  insufficient none  opposition  repeat a  of  bargain  project,  in  Lands  was  quite  climate  in  the  Railway  of  the  proposal  in  the  Lands gaining  6 5  Summary 1.  The  current  waterfront national port  was  and  available  a 4  Desfor,  S  Ibid.,  and for  of  regional have  the  by  declined  activity  on  Manufacturing,  relative  occupied  by  to  these  other uses  redevelopment.  and  p.109.  the  s t r u c t u r a l changes  economies.  sites  Goldrick 1988,  redevelopment  facilitated  operations  economy,  5  wave  Merrens,  1988,  p.107.  Toronto in  the  railway sectors  have  been  and of  the  made  2.  The  adoption  first the  in a  city  of  a  new  series  of  Official  of  public  Toronto's  Community  policy  dominant  Plan  in  initiatives  position  1969  for  i n the  was  the  restoring  regional  economy. 3.  While  s e v e r a l major  waterfront  redevelopment,  Commission, controlled 4.  The  the  and  the of  the  of  political  SkyDome  as  a  the  areas  the  and the  proportion  of  original  major was  urban  site  park.  1984  and  residential,  of  the  total  to  Railway  them:  the  on  market  Lands the  Toronto  central  Harbour Corporation  process  for  in  The  both  the  most  blatant  National's  expeditious  City  waterfront the  have  height  and  housing,  allocated  for public  open  to  recreational Plan and  was  financial  include a  of  approval  included:  non-market  changed  use  proposal.  to  of  mediating  waterfront.  i s Canadian  gain  for  Harbourfront  projects.  for Harbourfront  office  the  is evident  development,  Because  Development  of  these  tool  area  concept  Lands  manipulation  of  responsible  redevelopment  conflict  ratio  subsequently  commercial The  of  of  along  Railway  d e n s i t y of  buildings,  The  the  unamended  Principal  were  r a i l w a y s , and  land  bargaining  entire  scale  three  surrounding  example  of  7.  of  politicization  controversies  6.  national  most  Harbourfront  5.  institutions  the  massing and  of  the  space.  creation  of  considerations,  mix  of  a  this  residential,  uses.  for Harbourfront retail  floorspace allocated  space for  called  - with  for  about  residential  65,000 60  use.  m  2  percent  91 8.  Of t h e t o t a l designated project into  i s "socially-mixed."  the development  from  image  and t h e development  The  and t h e growing  1±±  in  of major  tourist  by the r e c o r d "Metro  Centre"  by h i g h  interest rates  defeated  Waterfront  project.  by a r e f o r m  of urban  large  smaller  communities  and  been  across  Railway  Lands  commercial  afforded  attractions  by the such  as the  i s quickly  development lands  urban  proposal,  and p u b l i c  i s best  redevelopment  The e a r l i e r  -  and t h e r e c e n t l y proposal  vas  opposition,  and vas  council.  While  and s m a l l  present  vaterfronts  and economic  the p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l e r a . i n both  have  Communities  of the physical  evident  units  f o r the resident  of railway  hampered  function  integrated  - directly  waterfront  i n urban  Lands  redevelopment  being  industry.  Railway  The a  opportunities  approved  Smaller  than  residential  playground  of "timing"  the i l l - f a t e d  eventually  the  the non-market  - the c e n t r a l  a recreational  illustrated i.e.,  the amenity  a n d SkyDome  importance  In theory,  and t h e proposed  i s one o f " u p s c a l e "  lakeshore,  elite, 10.  Harbourfront  Given  becoming  vas  housing.  end o f t h e s i t e  projects.  Tover  (500 u n i t s )  Airport.  of both  development  CN  30 p e r c e n t  But, rather  as a vhole,  at the vestern  the Islands  The  component,  as low- t o moderate-income  concentrated  9.  residential  some  across  North  restructuring form  communities,  a d i f f e r e n t kind  of  America i s communities  of redevelopment i s the vaterfronts and s c a l e  of  of  92 redevelopment  opportunity.  local  rarely  markets  hotel,  retail  their  economies  metropolis.  community based  salmon  may  be  harvest  For  tourism  base and  a  reputation  while,  sectors  as  in part  major  simpler  than  those  of  the  economy  of a  small  waterfront  a  stock for  because a  a  a at  vulnerable or  m a n u f a c t u r i n g or to national  lumber  i n demand  town,  global  f o r example  for building  post-industrial the  and  resource-  materials  - a  poor  could  6 - 7  same  aspects as  a  community's  of  single  heritage  time, of  the  logical  communities,  economy  i s to d i v e r s i f y  preserving  the  community.  To  development  strategy  existing resources,  the  assets:  a  the  unique this  end, because  waterfront  small-town  character,  and  a  livability.  have an  by  policy-makers in smaller  i s seen  on  that  fishing  desirable  Steveston,  development  for  -  and  economy.  and  promotion  location,  communities  out  smaller  slump  local  capitalizes  In  a  in building  character  points  waterfront,  i s thus  In a  planners  economic  in smaller  (1987)  the  further  and  or  the  challenge  Goodwin  on  dominated  shifts.  devastate  uses  both  argues  industry,  economic  materialize  office  are  Robert  s s  Goodwin  it  and  As  British  been  Columbia  promoted  economic  by  supplement  - tourism  both  the  to the  and  public  fishing  commercial and  private  industry.  Over  the  R o b e r t Goodwin, ed., " W a t e r f r o n t R e v i t a l i z a t i o n f o r S m a l l e r Communities," ( P r o c e e d i n g s of a c o n f e r e n c e h e l d a t Ocean S h o r e s , W a s h i n g t o n , A p r i l 23-24, 1987), ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1987), p.vii. s s  S  7  Ibid.,  1987,  p.vii.  93 years,  most  waterfront and  have  have  and  urban  fishing  activities,  plans  recognized  incorporated  activity that  revitalization  may  the  for  importance  commercial  design  decline  particularly  fishing  theme. in  Steveston's  In  as  the  importance,  of  the both  business  centre  fishing  industry,  a  economic  major  f u t u r e , however, relative  and  to  i t appears  other  economic  tourism.  The e x i s t i n g i m a g e o f S t e v e s t o n i s one o f marginal e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y g e a r e d t o v e r y l o c a l and f i s h i n g n e e d s . ...The m a j o r c h a n g e s w h i c h w i l l a l t e r S t e v e s t o n i n c l u d e a s h i f t i n t h e f i s h i n g f l e e t , and a d r a m a t i c i n c r e a s e i n the s u r r o u n d i n g p o p u l a t i o n base of t o u r i s t and community residential. ...Faced with these p r e s s u r e s , Steveston s e e m s t o h a v e two o p t i o n s f o r f u t u r e i m a g e - a t o u r i s t town, or a f i s h i n g town. A c h o i c e between these i s e s s e n t i a l s i n c e t h e r e a r e d i f f e r i n g p h y s i c a l and planning principles needed f o r direction. 6 8  The  "tourist  existing  amenity  commitment develop  a  to  In  conjunction of  a  true  with  of  and  wisdom,  the  town  character  except  village,  their  tourist  option  would  take  advantage  opportunities in Steveston.  fishing  theme  tourism.  town"  on  to  use  to  treat  the  its historic  municipal  Steveston  Steveston,  fishing  but  on  planners,  community,  grounds  There  that  have  an  new  would  an  equal  historic  and  no  to basis  with  in  dismissed destroy  and be  reference  working  i t would  also,  of  the  not  notion  only  viable  the  way  of  life. The  development  importance and an  a  source  economic  Plan,  of  the of  approach  fishing  tourism  activity,  " C o r p o r a t i o n of R i c h m o n d , B.C.,  adopted  i n d u s t r y as  revenue.  the  main  for both  While  Steveston an  for  the  extractive industry  tourism  attraction  recognizes  i s being  tourists  is  promoted  as  the  t h e T o w n s h i p o f R i c h m o n d , B.C., Steveston A p r i l 1985 (Amended t o J u n e 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 1 1 4 .  Area  94 f i s h i n g  i n d u s t r y  markets,  h i s t o r i c  S t r u c t u r a l t o u r i s m there  a  come  such  s t r u c t u r e s  in  development  as  scheme  r e - u s e ,  to  w a t e r f r o n t  Figure  3.8  s t a t e s  could  in  l i t t e r e d  of  use  accommodate  a  years  growth  f i s h  have of  an  resource a r r a y  c a n n e r i e s , r e p a i r .  of  of or  i n t e r e s t i n g  s a w m i l l s , An  many  of  these  v a r i e t y  of  new  made  t o u r i s m ,  a p p r e c i a t i o n  s m a l l e r w i t h  and  i n c o r p o r a t e  the  and  f l o a t i n g  r e s t a u r a n t s .  recent  w i t h  of  warehouses,  b o a t s ,  seafood  understanding  are  docks,  v a r i o u s  And,  w a t e r f r o n t s  communities  s t r u c t u r e s  unique  heightened  and  changes  i n d u s t r y .  The  f i s h i n g  b u i l d i n g s  demographic  growth a  fishermen,  cannery  r e s o u r c e s .  manufacturing  adaptive  i . e . ,  and  major  has  h e r i t a g e  -  and  other  i n n o v a t i v e f e a t u r e s ,  a c t i v i t i e s  through in  environment.  -  H i s t o r i c  Cannery  B u i l d i n g s ,  S t e v e s t o n ,  B . C . .  a  95 In played In  both a  Canada  major  r o l e  p a r t i c u l a r ,  of  such  Parks  is  as  other  3.9  funds  -  been  The r o l e  Heritage  noteworthy  "Main  have  Street"  of  Canada,  w i t h  t h e p u b l i c  of  used  c o n s e r v a t i o n ,  programs.  Canada,  S t a t e s ,  t h e redevelopment  h e r i t a g e  p a r t i c u l a r l y  Figure  i n  p u b l i c  r e v i t a l i z a t i o n , v a r i e t y  and t h e United  regard  s m a l l - t o w n t o  port  support  p u b l i c  and t h e i r  U . S .  h e r i t a g e  Revitalization,  has  w a t e r f r o n t s downtown  redevelopment,  v a r i o u s  t o  s e c t o r  and a  agencies  e q u i v a l e n t s  c o n s e r v a t i o n .  Cobourg,  -  Ontario.  96 Because of the p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t t o the p h y s i c a l h e r i t a g e o f s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s , H e r i t a g e C a n a d a c r e a t e d i t s own "Main S t r e e t " a s s i s t a n c e program, f o l l o w i n g t h e example of t h e U.S. N a t i o n a l T r u s t . This encourages small communities t o u t i l i z e t h e i r i n n a t e r e s o u r c e s and p r o v i n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e s o a s t o c a p i t a l i z e most e f f e c t i v e l y upon t h e h e r i t a g e r e s o u r c e , e m p h a s i z i n g physical r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , economic promotion and s o c i a l involvement. I n C a n a d a p a r t i c u l a r l y , many o f t h e b e n e f i c i a r i e s a r e w a t e r f r o n t communities, and a boost t o "Main S t r e e t " a c t i v i t y i s generating a positive spinoff to waterfront r e v i t a l i z a t i o n (or vice v e r s a ) . 6 9  In  many  between The  smaller  "Main  communities,  Street" revitalization  feasibility  of waterfront  enhanced  by commercial  adjacent  to the waterfront.  commonly  advocated  stimulating in  case  1960's,  waterfront two  activity  i s both  relationship  development." supported  i n established business  And, w a t e r f r o n t business  development,  in point  community  7 0  and  districts,  revitalization  and enhancing  highlighted  redevelopment  is  a s a means o f  commercial  the p o t e n t i a l land-uses,  Tunbridge,  • °Ibid., 7  developments  at opposite  prospects  Wharf"  including  ends  since  focussed  on  The s u c c e s s  of  of the Wilmington  and t h e " C o t t o n to support  attractions  pp.84-85.  have  - where,  conservation.  of the waterfront  1988,  1988, p.84.  Carolina  strategies  industry.  John  S 9  North  and h e r i t a g e  - i . e . , "Chandler's  commercial  tourism  i s Wilmington,  downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n  mixed-use  waterfront  of  and w a t e r f r o n t  redevelopment  by t h e l o c a l  tourism  i s a symbiotic  t h e downtown. A  the  there  Exchange" a wide  -  array  f o r the emerging  97 The has  existing  provided  stock  an o b v i o u s  physical  improvements,  property  owners  standards the  of h e r i t a g e theme  for renovations.  private sector  establishment  i s encouraging  their  t o promote  has a l s o  investment development  Wilmington  In terms  merchants  b u i l d i n g s , and  The C i t y  7 1  of an economic  i n downtown  for revitalization.  the C i t y  to renovate  buildings  of  and  i s preparing joined  forces  i n t h e downtown  design with  through the  agency.  Summary The range  waterfronts  of smaller  of redevelopment  cities. primary  While  communities reshaping  metropolitan  a  waterfront  that  list  of s c a l e .  t o t h e same regions.  i s unique  of s a l i e n t  redevelopment  those  may  Smaller  structural  to these  in smaller  different  be s i m i l a r ,  changes  that  the  waterfront that are  i s a p e c u l i a r s e t of  communities.  characteristics  a  available in larger  However, t h e r e  G e r a l d i n e Bachman and R o b e r Rediscovering a Neglected Asset," 7 1  from  present  f o r redevelopment  i s i n terms  are subject  circumstances provides  opportunities  the motivation  difference  communities  Table  3.2  distinguish  communities:  Knecht, "Waterfronts: AIA J o u r n a l , ( F e b r u a r y  1979),  57.  98  TABLE  1.  3.2  - C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S OF WATERFRONT IN SMALLER COMMUNITIES  Preconditions  f o r redevelopment  Stagnation base .  2^  Actors  involved  REDEVELOPMENT  -  or d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the l o c a l  i n waterfront  redevelopment  economic  -  Redevelopment i s g e n e r a l l y i n i t i a t e d by l o c a l business o r g a n i z a t i o n s and l o c a l c o u n c i l s , with support of s e n i o r government programs.  3^  Motivation To  4.  Conflict  f o r redevelopment  diversify  and enhance  potential  the  the l o c a l  economy.  -  The p r i m a r y s o u r c e o f c o n f l i c t i s t h e n o t i o n o f c o n s e r v a t i o n versus redevelopment - as i t a p p l i e s t o h e r i t a g e r e s o u r c e s and t h e i n t r i n s i c c h a r a c t e r of a community.  5^.  Development  concept  -  P r e d o m i n a n t l y , t o u r i s t - o r i e n t e d commercial and r e c r e a t i o n a l uses. Typical waterfront projects are amenity-oriented, a n d a r e meant t o e n h a n c e t h e commercial v i a b i l i t y of e s t a b l i s h e d business distr icts.  Image  of development  -  P r o j e c t s t y p i c a l l y c a p i t a l i z e on a c o m m u n i t y ' s "small-town" character, l i v a b i l i t y , heritage s t r e e t s c a p e s , and uniqe c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  4.0  This includes  CASE  chapter a  brief  Westminster, the  information context build and  an  understanding areas,  of the c i t y  political  Vancouver  in that  of  role  in  historical  appropriate  waterfront.  I t helps  existing  to redevelopment  It  New  This  i t e s t a b l i s h e s an  Westminster  study.  and economic  region.  of the circumstances prior  BACKGROUND  i n the  i n the  to  downtown  1980's.  Description  Canada.  The  kilometers  situated  about  19  expected New  i n 1 8 5 9 , New city  Westminster  i s located  southeast  area.  square  Westminster's  Fraser  River,  t i p of Lulu  central  waterfront  bounded  by t h e r a i l w a y  City  waterfront  Island. area,  adjacent  bridge  o f New  The  Vancouver.  city  -  of  and C o q u i t l a m , of t h i s  t o downtown  on t h e w e s t ,  Westminster  Westminster  is  1839  hectares,  Westminster  or  is  1  stretches along  subject  i n western  Vancouver  o f New  1990.  city  approximately  New  covering  population  by t h e end  between Burnaby  eastern  ^-Source:  The  River  of the Greater  I t i s a compact  42,000  i s the oldest  the Fraser  center  kilometers.  to reach  on  o f downtown  a t the geographic  metropolitan  the  and h i s t o r y  t h e New  POLICY  i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the case  of the Greater  for studying  Founded  19  an  AND  o u t l i n e s the c i t y ' s  i s valuable  waterfront  4,1  provides  description  and  development  STUDY: H I S T O R I C A L  New  the north and around  the  case  i s the  study  Westminster,  and E l l i o t  Planning  bank o f  Street  Department.  and  on t h e  100 east.  This portion of the waterfront i s the s i t e of "Westminster  Quay."  NIW  Mawiu  F i g u r e 4.2 - Map  of Downtown New  WltTUINSTIR TOWN  Westminster  cum m i  101 4•2  Historical The  1860,  1866,  of Vancouver  their  Westminster  would  expansion  major  public The  railway 1871.  lose  incorporated colony  supply  functions  of the c a p i t a l  When  Columbia  were  were  function public  Columbia, i t  the separate  subsequently  city  o u t on s i g n i f i c a n t  on J u l y 1 7 t h ,  of B r i t i s h  centre.  and B r i t i s h  of administrative  united i n consolidated  meant  that  investment  New  - e.g.,  offices  and t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n  brought  renewed  of  buildings.  advent  prosperity  major  Island  The l o s s  was  o f t h e new  administrative  Victoria.  Background  Westminster  as the mainland's  colonies  the  o f New  and, as the c a p i t a l  served  in  City  and P o l i c y  of the railways  i n New  enticed  Westminster.  British  A railway,  The p r o m i s e  Columbia  i t was a r g u e d ,  growth.  I t would  facilitate  Canadian  resources  and would  to join would  of a  trans-continental  Canadian  be a m a j o r  large-scale open  optimism f o r  confederation in engine  extraction  up e a s t e r n  of  economic  of western  and European  markets.  As h a d b e e n p r o m i s e d , s u r v e y work on t h e r a i l w a y s t a r t e d a t o n c e b u t t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e r o u t e p r o v e d t o be more d i f f i c u l t t h a n a n y o n e h a d a n t i c i p a t e d . Apart from the hazards of c r o s s i n g the unexplored mountains, there was i n t e n s e r i v a l r y i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a s t o w h e r e t h e l i n e would go. ...After a great deal of squabbling, a c h o i c e was made - t h e s o u t h e r l y F r a s e r R i v e r r o u t e w o u l d be a d o p t e d . 2  The on  July  Canadian  first  4 t h , 1886. Pacific  Westminster  2  B.C.:  passenger  might  Port  Railway have  train  arrived  from  the east  Moody  was t h e u n o f f i c i a l  and, had i t remained  terminus  the terminus  developed as t h e dominant  J a c k D a v i d S c o t t , Once i n t h e R o y a l Whitecap Books, 1985), p.12.  a t Port  City,  Moody  of the -  New  business centre i n  (North  Vancouver,  102 the  region.  However,  its  Pacific  steamship  line  to  Coal  Harbour.  The  CPR  extended  Westminster, of  also  Burlington  Westminster  was  to  By the  as the  a  provincial  during for  the  business  such  to  century,  as  these,  of  base.  New  were They  they  by  Scott  the  an  asylum. as  also  a  for  Moody  the  1887.  i n May to  New  (forerunner  giving  States.  Valley  port  extending  Railway  market  regarded  were  Port  Westminster  were  New 1892,  In  New  interurban  opened  the  same  year  produce. was Major  symbols major  home  to  both  public of  distinction  source  of  income  located.  continued  1890's,  (1985)  from  electric  Fraser  insane  sea  completed  United  by  deep  i n 1891,  city  New  Westminster  and, As  3  was  public  for  a  Northern  the  first  centre  the  the  of  i n t e n t i o n of  line  Great  Vancouver  city's  i n which  activity  industrial  branch  The  to  every  mainline  access  Victorian era.  city  CPR  in search  had  p e n i t e n t i a r y and  communities The  and  entered  marketing of  was  9-mile  a  rail  The  turn  institutions,  The  linked  system.  serve  trade  Northern)  direct  CPR  1887.  in  Westminster  railway  the  had  to  grow  as  a  centre  established  a  firm  of  argues,  New W e s t m i n s t e r was the n a t u r a l c e n t r e f o r the vast h i n t e r l a n d which l a y beyond i t . . . . T h e two i n d u s t r i e s , s a w m i l l s and c a n n e r i e s , w h i c h were the making of New Westminster, began to e v o l v e . In the s e v e n t i e s , four l a r g e m i l l s were b u i l t and t h e s a l m o n - p a c k i n g i n d u s t r y was c a r r i e d o n b y 13 c a n n e r i e s i n o p e r a t i o n o n t h e r i v e r i n the v i c i n i t y of the c i t y . The r a i l w a y s a l s o h e l p e d , with additional a c t i v i t y d u r i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and increased trade after. The o p e n i n g o f t h e b r a n c h t o t h e m a i n l i n e a t P o r t Moody e n a b l e d t r a d e , w h i c h had p r e v i o u s l y gone t h e s e a r o u t e b y way o f V i c t o r i a , t o move e a s t w a r d t h r o u g h t h e  Eleanor Catherine Sleath, D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r , " M.A. C o l u m b i a , 1984, p.27. 3  " H e r i t a g e P r e s e r v a t i o n : The C a s e T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of British  of  103 port. I t was a t i m e o f g e n e r a l p r o s p e r i t y on m a i n l a n d a n d New W e s t m i n s t e r had i t s share.  the  The  of  lower  4  years  preceding  economic  growth  base  the  for  products, Valley. as  to  a  was  the  Columbia  It  also  handle  the  following  the  in  interwar  the  though, and  1940's  roads  development  and  industrial  railways  that  development.  4  Jack  David  B  Ibid.,  6  Eleanor  1985,  Scott,  processing centre  port  and  for  was  a  home  forest  the  general of  facilities  cargo.  the  Fraser  of  status  As  were  Scott  New  Westminster  the  Panama  of  the  faired  relatively  evolved  developed  (1985) Harbour  Canal  city  to  the  that  a l l B.C. cycles  New made  during  communities,  always  that  are  Street  known  always  well  of  an  as  played  addition  1985,  p.14.  Sleath,  1984,  booming  "Golden  It  Westminster  The  a  of  subject  port  p.27.  was  the  to  a  business  Mile."  significant  Westminster. New  did  the a  the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of  p.16.  Catherine  Westminster  p r i n c i p a l thoroughfare,  opening  became  of  continued  importance.  Columbia  has  period  port.*  bust  and  fish  that  the  like  economy.  Transportation economic  of  raised  i t s port  boom  resource-based through  that  a New  service  establishment  and  years  periodic  period  the  were  city's  this  fresh-water  city  of  regional  and  I  province.  of  1913,  year,  international The  in  the  transshipment  i t was  Commission,  the  commercial  Street,  district  was  War  industries  retail  argues,  the  throughout  growth  and  World  role  6  in  the  construction  accessible facilities  of  for stimulated  104 the  growth  advent New  of warehousing  of interurban  Westminster  Patullo south  Bridge  city's  metropolitan  The  region  and  improved  highways  i n places  easier  the trans  tended  loss  of  activity  Canada  highway  congested  i n downtown development  by a p r o l i f e r a t i o n  accessibility  and c o m f o r t  position  gave  areas  New  Street.  communities  housing  routes  development  and the out of  Columbia  has c o n t r i b u t e d  To growing  Vancouver  Street.  to the  The  stagnation  Westminster.  of suburban centres,  suburbs  has  shopping along  been  centres.  with  The  abundant  C o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e C i t y o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , B . C . , U r b a n R e n e w a l S t u d y , P a r t One: I d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f G e n e r a l P r o b l e m s , December, 1965, p.45. 7  New  through the  Vancouver  like  the  patterns  S u r r e y and C o q u i t l a m .  i n the outer  of these  that  f o r downtown  suburban  a n d made  and other  span  i n the  true  patterns  downtown  of t h r o u g h - t r a f f i c  Residential accompanied  a c c e s s between  t o bypass  resulting  Richmond,  low-level  argued  thoroughfare - Columbia  Vancouver,  to the  to Surrey.  particularly  traffic  of the  area  by t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  and b r i d g e s  like  market  the  Vancouver,  opening  Westminster  i t srelative  was  between  an e a r l i e r  link  be d e t e r m i n e d  a c c e s s t o downtown  facilitate  retail  and  This  7  replaced  Similarly,  The  Westminster's  p l a n n e r s i n New  i t sprincipal  o f new  feasible  suburbs,  bridge  travel  (1910).  transportation  would  term."  New  realignment of r e g i o n a l  construction  have  This  activities.  enabled  Valley  expanded  prosperity  the longer  Westminster  more  i n 1937  the mid-1960's, future  services  and t h e F r a s e r  as the p r i n c i p a l  In  over  tram  and s o u t h e a s t .  (1904)  and r e l a t e d  105 parking their  and  a  popularity Within  and  the  commercial  concentrated and  superior  Sixth  -  at  city  the of  in  the  New  the  city's The  of  goods  expense  of  of  older  through  uptown  the  the  of  Columbia  services, retail  of  and  second  Street  and  added  new  to  residential  1970's,  district,  this  have  districts.  bulk  1960's  shopping  development  vitality  and  Westminster,  construction,  Avenue.  diminished  variety  at  was  Sixth  "downtown"  the  whole  Street further  waterfront  area. Columbia the-century  the  age  as  having  poor.  and  close  buildings,  heritage of  the  condition  due  to  are  of  and  with  other  railway  have  characterized These but  their  reason  for  this  buildings, and  the  not  their  area's  the  to  a  been  decline  may  opportunities  port.  along  turn-of-  condition  constraints,  declining  contributed  have  present  limited  siting  structures  by  structures  merit,  topographic  association  docks  ever-present  Streets  buildings.  Part  a  poor  redevelopment area's  Front  commercial  identified generally  and  and  is be  for the  Derelict  waterfront, pleasant  and  the  shopping  exper ience. In Study  Part  (1965),  should  One  the  planners  continue  provincial  of  into  economy  argued  the  and  However,  they  severely  l i m i t e d , due  City  of  New  that  to  port  foreseeable  increasing  cautioned  Westminster's  that a  activity  future,  trade  with  opportunities  short  supply  of  Urban i n New  given  a  Pacific  for  port  back-up  Renewal Westminster  healthy Rim  countries.  expansion  were  land.  Eleanor S l e a t h , New Westminster Heritage Resource Inventory V o l u m e 1: D o w n t o w n , C i t y o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , B.C., Heritage Advisory Committee, August 1984. Q  106 Much o f t h e p o t e n t i a l d o c k a g e a r e a o f t h e C i t y i s a l r e a d y i n use or c o n t e m p l a t e d f o r e a r l y d e v e l o p m e n t and thus c a r e f u l s t u d y w i l l be n e e d e d t o a s s e s s t h e future opportunities for a d d i t i o n a l development. 9  By cargo of  the  had  cargo  1970's,  rendered handled  the  by  loading  facilities  and  Surrey  the  the  move city's  the  port  were  side  of  towards port  Fraser  ships  facilities  declined  developed the  larger  as  and  containerized  obsolete.  newer  container  The  volume  and  bulk-  in Burrard  Inlet,  Roberts'  Bank,  River.  Walter  Hardwick  (1974)  As  argues, the t r e n d toward lumber b u l k c a r r i e r s has n e c e s s i t a t e d new c e n t r a l i z e d port f a c i l i t i e s . ...The l a r g e r s h i p s c r e a t e problems f o r t r a d i t i o n a l ports because o f i n c r e a s e d d r a f t , beam, a n d t u r n i n g r a d i i . This was n o t e d s e v e r a l y e a r s ago a t F r a s e r M i l l s , u p r i v e r f r o m New W e s t m i n s t e r , a m i l l f r o m w h i c h a l l e x p o r t s were l o a d e d at millside. E v e n w i t h i m p r o v e m e n t s t o t h e F r a s e r , more and more l u m b e r has b e e n s h i p p e d t o V a n c o u v e r H a r b o u r L y n n Terminals by scow f o r l o a d i n g . ...Recent announcement of new f a c i l i t i e s i n Vancouver Harbour g i v e s credence to R o b i n s o n ' s c l a i m i n 1970 t h a t New Westminster would s u f f e r relatively. x  The or  long-term  phase-out  other  uses.  while  civic  the  1965,  of  future  port  For  the  of  and  "Corporation p.44.  Walter Canada, L t d . ,  waterfront  pointed  and  eventual  time  the  port  other  of  the  activities, being,  a t t e n t i o n became  downtown  1 0  o  parts  the  City  focussed of  of  the  New  Hardwick, Vancouver, 1974), pp.160-161.  on  a relocation  redevelopment  would urban  to  remain renewal  in  for  operation  programs  city.  Westminster,  (Don  Mills:  B.C.,  December  Collier-Macmillan  for  107 4.3  Renaissance Amendments  funds  available  comprehensive Westminster an  Urban  were  In  urban  Study  and housing  i n New  areas  within  need."  The West  The s t u d y  Westminster,  urban  the c i t y  End South  waterfront  showed  Instead, there  and economic  and  that,  o f New initiated  while  there  were n o t  was  widespread  decline.  renewal  and ranked  area  The C i t y  assistance  they  federal  wishing to undertake  programs.  for federal  i n 1965.  a pilot  A c t i n 1 9 6 4 made  and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s  i n a n y one a r e a .  selecting  Housing  an a p p l i c a t i o n  of p h y s i c a l  from  renewal  problems  problem  uphill  to provinces  Renewal  concentrated  City"  to the National  made  numerous  evidence  of the "Royal  area, them  of the c i t y ,  industries,  was g i v e n  planners i n terms west  identified of  "priority  o f downtown and  highest  priority.  . . . T h i s a r e a , bounded g e n e r a l l y b y S i x t h Avenue on t h e n o r t h , T w e n t i e t h S t r e e t on t h e w e s t , E i g h t h S t r e e t on t h e e a s t a n d R i v e r D r i v e , S t e w a r d s o n Way a n d C o l u m b i a Street o n t h e s o u t h , c o n t a i n s a s u b s t a n t i a l number o f d i l a p i d a t e d r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s , b o a r d i n g houses and tenements, mixed randomly w i t h i n d u s t r i a l and commercial u s e s ; a l l prime t a r g e t s f o r redevelopment measures. Considerable p r i v a t e r e n e w a l has o c c u r r e d below S i x t h Avenue between E i g h t h and T w e l f t h S t r e e t s . T h i s a c t i v i t y , m a i n l y new a p a r t m e n t c o n s t r u c t i o n , w i l l be s t i m u l a t e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e area with the advent of p u b l i c renewal. Good q u a l i t y d e v e l o p m e n t w i l l be m a i n t a i n e d b y r e h a b i l i t a t i o n a n d conservation techniques. I t i s recommended t h a t t h i s a r e a be g i v e n h i g h p r i o r i t y f o r u r b a n r e n e w a l a c t i o n . 1 : L  The urban was  City  o f New  Westminster's  renewal  scheme  f o r Area  4  however,  because  not implemented,  P l a n n i n g Department  (West  End South) a  federal  p r e p a r e d an  i n 1968. government  The  plan  freeze  on  ^ C o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e C i t y o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , B . C . , U r b a n R e n e w a l S t u d y , P a r t T h r e e : The U r b a n R e n e w a l P r o g r a m , November 1966, p.26.  108 urban  renewal  year.  1 2  The urban  philosophy In  projects  neighbourhood alternatives Beyond controversy  renewal,  years,  federal  improvement t o urban  an emphasis - urban  renewal  process required  that  an urban  harmony  on p h y s i c a l  Planners  program.  renewal  argued  t o New  policy  that  public  same  faith  was e v e n t u a l l y  shifted  i nthe  halted.  towards  programs,  i n New  improvements, Westminster  i n an e r a o f m u n i c i p a l the formal  as  viable  that  planning.  federal  plan.  the absence  Westminster's  The  of a  funding,  federal  be d e v e l o p e d  community  and d e s p i t e  public  is significant  establishment  In a d d i t i o n ,  scheme  with an o f f i c i a l  contributed  urban  Canada,  had s h a t t e r e d  and the program  t o s e c u r e and a d m i n i s t e r  the renewal  across  and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n  renewal  i t ushered  out  effect  renewal.  because  department  into  r e f o r m movement  of urban  subsequent  went  urban  planning  and t o c a r r y  legislation  i n accordance  required  or i n  1 3  o f a community  p l a n had  decline:  T h e C i t y o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , now o v e r 1 0 0 y e a r s o l d , d i d not j u s t happen. Each b u i l d i n g or other s t r u c t u r e , each p u b l i c improvement throughout t h e c i t y , e x i s t s to-day as t h e d i r e c t r e s u l t o f a s p e c i f i c p l a n o r d e c i s i o n made b y an i n d i v i d u a l o r by a group o f i n d i v i d u a l s . T h u s i t may be s a i d t h a t New W e s t m i n s t e r i s n o t a n u n p l a n n e d c i t y . It i s , however, a c i t y w i t h o u t a p l a n and most o f t h e t h o u s a n d s o f i n d i v i d u a l p l a n s a n d d e c i s i o n s made b y r e s i d e n t s and businessmen d u r i n g the c i t y ' s development w e r e made w i t h o u t t h e g u i d a n c e a n d d i r e c t i o n o f o v e r a l l  1 2  C h u c k D a v i s , The Vancouver Book V a n c o u v e r , B.C.: J . J . D o u g l a s L t d . , 1 9 7 6 ) , f  (North  Corporation p.18.  1 3  1966,  of the C i t y  o f New  Westminster,  p.107. B.C.,  November  109 d e v e l o p m e n t p o l i c i e s and p r o g r a m s ; comprehensive community p l a n . *  that  i s , without  a  the  preparation  of  1  The  start  community in  this  future  plan  mark  planning  public  municipal  formative  focussed  the  City  appointment planning  a  department.  renewal,  and  economic  conditions  the  had  city  to  be  laid.  the  While  was  and  viewed  The  various  the  to  city, in a  an  and  gradual  provided  in  a for  groundwork  renewal  apparent  for  process a  vehicle  1965,  through  establishment  of  i t is  for  stages.  activity  inventory  regional  the  planning  function  i t was  Westminster,  that  urban  early planning  limited  i n the  f o r New  problems  i t s planning  Planner  and  mid-1960's  city's  through  City  point  the  was  the  formalized  of  of  decisions  a t t e n t i o n on  planning  turning  period  participation  The  urban  of  focussed  physical from  the  of  the a  on and  start  that  context.  . . . I t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to f o r e c a s t the C i t y ' s f u t u r e r o l e i n the e x p a n d i n g r e g i o n because of the m u l t i t u d e of f o r c e s a n d f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d , many o f w h i c h a r e b e y o n d t h e City's control. I t i s c l e a r , however, t h a t i f the c i t i z e n s o f New Westminster wish to create a b e t t e r c o m m u n i t y much o f t h e c h o i c e i s t h e i r s a l o n e . E i t h e r the C i t y s l i p s b a c k i n t o t h e r o l e o f a V a l l e y Town, w i t h reduced f u n c t i o n i n the u r b a n a r e a , or the citizens, through t h e i r e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , s t r i v e to r e t a i n f o r the C i t y i t s p r e s e n t r o l e as the major s u b - c e n t r e of the e a s t e r n p a r t of the M e t r o p o l i t a n Region. But i n o r d e r to r e t a i n i t s p r e s e n t r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n the Region the C i t y w i l l be r e q u i r e d t o " r u n . " To " s t a n d s t i l l " w i l l be to f a l l behind. 1 3  " C o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e C i t y o f New R e n e w a l S t u d y , P a r t Two: S e l e c t i o n of p.11. l  s  Ibid.,  December  1965,  p.  59.  W e s t m i n s t e r , B.C., Urban U r b a n R e n e w a l A r e a s , May  1966,  110 During makers  the  began  to  transportation brought growth  about at  aspect  of  The  The  cost.  Centres,  felt  that  the  nodal  uses,  as  not  well  only  communities  but,  City  Westminster  New  also  a  waterfront  areas  necessary  impetus  The  City  alternative for  of  included  district  at  a  for New  Of  location,  given  -  downtown Street  these, an  the  livability  history  the  called in  of  for  perhaps  the  suburban  related  to had  advocated  regional  became  a  pervasive  and  of  Vancouver. of  of  focus  new  in  It  for  was  and  facilities, suburban  employment. of  Regional  retail  recreational  Centre,  For  the  i t s downtown  and  1975,  provided  the  revitaiization.  and  the  with  Possible  GVRD s t u d i e d  regard sites  New  Westminster,  and  Sixth  downtown  office,  designation  Town  city  Greater  development  social  source  most s i g n i f i c a n t  municipalities.  c u l t u r a l and  program  existing  policy-  movement  the  of  high-density  official  the  reform  control  in  major  development.  Sixth  grounds.  in  of  to  issues  and  p o l i c i e s that  is  Regional a  made  physical  - a  urban  development  Westminster  locations  commercial  Centre  as  as  regional  (1975)  "downtowns," development  planners  initiatives.  Plan  strategy  1970's,  The  notion  planning  Region  or  provide  of  of  p o l i c y document  Town  residential  complex  E f f o r t s were and  Region  early  sprawl.  questioning  regional  and  and  more  urban  growth,  Livable  would  and  Livable  planning  1960's  address  a  any  population  late  was  inventory  for  the  Avenue,  and  considered of  to  several  their the  Regional  uptown the to  commercial  suitability Town  shopping  B.C. be  Penitentiary the  finest  floorspace,  and  Ill opportunities GVRD's  for significant  1975 P o l i c y  Report  redevelopment.  on R e g i o n a l  As a r g u e d  Town C e n t r e s  i n the  -  the area t o t h e north-west o f t h e downtown i s a d e c l i n i n g i n d u s t r i a l - c o m m e r c i a l a r e a w i t h good p o t e n t i a l transit a c c e s s and c l o s e enough t o t h e downtown c o r e a n d t h e waterfront t o r e v i t a l i z e both i f developed as a Regional Town C e n t r e . 1  In  June  prepare  1976, a J o i n t  Town  the C i t y  Development Report  Review  an " A c t i o n Program"  Regional from  6  was  o f New  Westminster,  presented  (BCDC).  to City  i n September  Report  for building  The Committee  Corporation  consideration The  Centre.  puts  forward  and recommends t h a t  Official  Community P l a n .  a r e as f o l l o w s :  Making  Opening  up o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  The C o m m i t t e e ' s  these  be a d o p t e d  6  Some o f t h e k e y p o l i c i e s  7  for their  f o rthe f o r an  o f t h e Downtown  1 7  housing  access  S t r e e t as a  between  into  uptown  principal  and downtown;  f o r people; t h e downtown;  t o t h e downtown; and  up t h e downtown t o t h e  river.  A Policy November  J o i n t R e v i e w C o m m i t t e e , A R e g i o n a l Town C e n t r e W e s t m i n s t e r : A c t i o n P r o g r a m R e p o r t . (New W e s t m i n s t e r , C i t y o f New W e s t m i n s t e r , S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 4 - 7 . 1  Columbia  Program  as the basis  J . D o u g l a s S p a e t h , R e g i o n a l Town C e n t r e s : (Vancouver: Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1  Action  a s e t of basic p o l i c i e s  downtown a p l a c e  Improving  was made  Westminster  C o u n c i l a n d t h e GVRD B o a r d  a connection  Integrating  t h e New  established to  t h e GVRD, a n d t h e B r i t i s h  R e v i t a l i z a t i o n of Columbia shopping district; Providing  was  1977.  Downtown  Plan  Committee  Report, 1975), p.28.  f o r New B . C . : GVRD a n d  112 The of  this  most  discussion  Westminster described public  to  the  i n the  action." 3  waterfront, the  significant -  i s the  Fraser  Action It  8  of  basic  notion  River.  of New  policies  opening  Report  as  i s argued  i n the  Report  with  other  up  -  f o r the  downtown  Westminster's  Program  in conjunction  n e c e s s a r y impetus  these  a  "major that  of  a  New  waterfront opportunity a  is for  revitalized  opportunities,  to begin development  purposes  will  provide  R e g i o n a l Town  Centre: T h e r e i s a n e x c i t i n g o p p o r t u n i t y f o r New W e s t m i n s t e r t o make i t s w a t e r f r o n t t h e f o c u s o f a n u m b e r of urban a c t i v i t i e s . T h e r e c a n be r e s i d e n t i a l facilities w i t h v i e w s , a c c e s s t o w a t e r f r o n t , b o a t moorage and retail d e v e l o p m e n t a t t h e wharf edge t o form a w a t e r f r o n t pedestrian street. Water o r i e n t e d r e c r e a t i o n , retail, s u c h a s b o a t s a l e s , a n i n - t h e - w a t e r b o a t show, b o a t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s and a m a r i n a a r e p o s s i b l e . There are a t t r a c t i v e l o c a t i o n s f o r o f f i c e s on t h e w a t e r f r o n t . These r e s i d e n t i a l , c o m m e r c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t s can be i n t e g r a t e d t o c r e a t e a n e x c i t i n g new urban water front.*•* Transportation of  the  city's  major of  future:  b u s i n e s s and  the  Region,  transit,  major  street  parking  Particular  emphasis  Downtown  and  centre  be  more  improved  i s given  Joint  September  1  9  Ibid.,  September  1977,  p.10.  °Ibid.,  September  1977,  p.11.  key  i n the  transit  p.10.  be part  public circulation, actions.  route  S u r r e y and  1977,  to  eastern  recommended  rapid  determinant  i s going  pedestrian  Westminster,  8  a  Improved  2 0  signage are  1  2  Committee,  better  light  as  Westminster  accessible."  to a New  New  Report  f o r communities  improvements,  Vancouver,  Review  i n the  " I f Downtown  civic  i t must  additional  between  is identified  the  -  a  113 Northeast  Sector  - as a s t i m u l u s  to development  over  the  longer  term. The to  Report  be a n  will the  also  stresses that,  "interesting  be e s s e n t i a l . Downtown  place,"  These  a n d a new  i f the Regional  Town  the p r o v i s i o n of c e r t a i n  include  waterfront  the development location  Centre  is  amenities  of urban  parks  f o r the farmers'  in  market.  Downtown n e e d s p a r k - l i k e p l a c e s t o s i t , s t r o l l a n d e n j o y the scenery. T h e r e a r e s e v e r a l p l a c e s w h e r e p a r k s c a n be c r e a t e d by c l o s i n g or l a n d s c a p i n g s t r e e t s . ...A t r e e p l a n t i n g p r o g r a m w i l l h e l p t o " g r e e n " t h e Downtown a n d make i t a m o r e a t t r a c t i v e p l a c e f o r p e o p l e . ...A new c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n f o r t h e f a r m e r s ' market, r e s t a u r a n t s and shops . . . w i l l p r o v i d e an i n t e r e s t i n g and s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d opening t o the water f r o n t . 2  The Action  Joint  Review  Program  Official  The  New  boundaries  Plan  approval  development. Downtown  as being  Community  development  Committee  first  Twelfth  S t r e e t s , south  between  Fourth  (see  Figure The  steps  are  of these was  area  Centre  "vehicle"  adopted  are Royal  elements  an  improved  forstimulating  by C i t y  to the waterfront;  an  The Community  Avenue  of the  development:  Westminster;  elements,  o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e Downtown  existing  -Joint  three  Council between  i n 1978. Fourth  and Carnarvon south  Plan f o r  to the  The  and  Street, waterfront  4.3).  t o a c t as  2 a  and a  New  S t r e e t and A l b e r t C r e s c e n t ,  for establishing  city's  f o r Town  f o r Downtown  Westminster,  of the Plan  identified  essential  process;  1  a Regional  potential,  "catalysts"  Review  Plan  Town  the Plan  encompass  Centre.  identifies  i n the redevelopment  Committee,  September  the  To b u i l d  necessary on t h e  s e v e r a l elements process.  1977, p.13.  The  that  most  Figure 4.3 - Downtown Plan Boundaries  115 significant  of these  institutional  catalysts  "anchors,"  revitalization  are the establishment  development  of a rapid  development  o f new  cultural  facilities,  h o t e l s and commercial  important  for take  New  elements  Westminster  place  the  New  the  city's  Westminster  encourage the  suggests  i n d o w n t o w n New  development  the C i t y  approval  Town  and p u b l i c space  system,  i s seen  and  The A c t i o n  of these  Program  activities  will  The r e v i t a l i z a t i o n  of  t o showcase  Centre.  would  serve  Westminster,  In order  space,  identified  as an o p p o r t u n i t y  Town  plan  open  are a l l  Centre.  to the waterfront.  community  development.  parks  the bulk  as a R e g i o n a l  an o f f i c a l  Downtown,  that  waterfront  potential  redevelopment  housing,  of a Regional  on o r a d j a c e n t  While  transit  of the waterfront.  The  as  of  to attract  as a guide f o r  i t would  not  developer  necessarily  interest  in  had t o e l i m i n a t e u n c e r t a i n t y i n t h e  process.  As  the J o i n t  Review  Committee  argues:  After a developer applies to the City f o r approval to b u i l d i n t h e Downtown, t h e r e i s a p e r i o d o f u n c e r t a i n t y when t h e d e v e l o p e r s p e n d s t i m e a n d m o n e y h o l d i n g t h e l a n d and d e s i g n i n g h i s b u i l d i n g w i t h o u t knowing whether t h e City w i l l grant a building permit. New W e s t m i n s t e r w i l l a t t r a c t more p r i v a t e i n v e s t m e n t t o t h e Downtown i f t h e C i t y minimizes u n c e r t a i n t y by p r o c e s s i n g a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r development a c c o r d i n g t o a prompt and e s t a b l i s h e d schedule. 2 2  The  second  development developers  element  approval  process,  and t h e C i t y .  elements  of a given  massing,  design  "Joint  of the A c t i o n Program based  on a b i n d i n g  The a g r e e m e n t  project  i s a proposed  would  - e.g., proposed  cover  Committee,  September  between  the basic  use, zoning,  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , e t c . - as w e l l  Review  agreement  ten-step  height,  as the s e r v i c e s t h a t  1977, p.8.  116  the  C i t y would p r o v i d e .  By the f i f t h step i n the process, a f t e r a  r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t p e r i o d of time, the developer would know whether or not  he c o u l d proceed with the p r o j e c t  (see F i g u r e 4.4).  DEVELOPER  CITY P R O V I D E S  DEVELOPER  MAKES  INITIAL  PREPARES  PRELIMINARY  INFORMATION  APPLICATION  PACKAGE  USE 2  1  AND  ARCHITECTURAL PROGRAM  3  !  DEVELOPER'S  INTERIM  ARCHITECT  DEVELOPMENT  PREPARES  AGREEMENT  PRELIMINARY  B E T W E E N CITY  DESIGN  & DEVELOPER  7  6  REVIEW OF PRELIMINARY  DEVELOPMENT REJECT  DESIGN BY CITY DEPARTMENTS  APPROVE  :  REVIEW OF  REJECT  DEVELOPMENT  APPROVE  DEPARTMENTS  PROGRAM BY 5  4  DEVELOPER'S  CONTRACT  ARCHITECT  BETWEEN  COMPLETES  DEVELOPER  FINAL DESIGN  & CITY  DRAWINGS  8  7 FINAL CHECK FOR  FINAL APPROVAL  CONFORMITY BY CITY DEPARTMENTS 10  F i g u r e 4.4 - Proposed Development Contract & Approval  Process  2 3  " J o i n t Review Committee, A Regional Town Centre f o r New Westminster: A c t i o n Program Report, New Westminster, B.C.: GVRD and C i t y of New Westminster, September 1977, pp.8-9.  117 The  third  creation Plan  and f i n a l  of a public  element  development  of the Action  company t o implement  and t o o v e r s e e t h e development  Development  Company  cooperative  enterprise  British  Columbia  Capital  City  Limited  process.  ( F C C ) was  of the C i t y  Development  Program  formed  o f New  First  t h e Downtown  Capital  City  i n 1977, as a  Westminster  Corporation.  i s the  The c h i e f  and t h e role  of  First  was t o  r e d i r e c t and package a c o m b i n a t i o n of p u b l i c projects c u r r e n t l y being planned with a municipal financing program, and t o o f f e r l a n d s a s s e m b l e d from t h e p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e c t o r s t h r o u g h s y n d i c a t i o n t o d e v e l o p e r s on a t t r a c t i v e lease t e r m s . 2 4  The was A  urban  redevelopment  t o be a c h i e v e d  program  private  of public  sector  encouraging Street  and R o y a l  arrangements Carnarvon  4 .4  investment  to locate  I t was  f o r the construction  also  New  was  new  Law  to  a role  campus a t  instrumental  o f new  "catalysts."  used  FCC p l a y e d  i t s  Westminster  of economic  i n t h e Downtown  F o r example,  College  Avenue.  in  attract in  Eighth  finalizing  Courts at Lome  and  Streets.  Summary Transportation Westminster's The  has always economic  played  and s o c i a l  realignment of regional  a significant  role  i n New  development.  traffic  patterns  i n t h e 1950's and  British C o l u m b i a D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n , The F i r s t D e v e l o p m e n t Company L i m i t e d ( P r o p o s a l ) , 1976. 2  City  f o r Downtown  through the introduction  investment.  Douglas  program  4  Capital  118 1960's  weakened  downtown  in  regional  economy.  the  Downtown  decline  i n New  suburbanization. suburb many The  of  similarities  Sixth  Avenue  -  Westminster's  Westminster  Although  Vancouver  development  New  New  a  i t i s an  second  undermined  is largely  Westminster o l d urban  to declining  of  inner-city  commercial  position  attributable  is effectively  community,  "downtown" a t  the  competitive  and  to  a  bears  districts. Sixth  Street  viability  of  and  Columbia  Street. Impending  port  development evident The  by  urban  of  The  was both The New of  region  -  the  became  process  i t helped the  to  formal  was  identify  significant problem  establishment  in  areas  of  a  New i n the  municipal  of  downtown  New  a t t e n t i o n on  significant  Westminster  the  step  downtown  towards  the  as  and  a  Regional  waterfront,  revitalization  Town and of  areas. next  and  investment. the  first  chapter  Downtown  agencies,  i n the  and  department.  Westminster's the  t e c h n o l o g i c a l change,  elsewhere  application  i t required  focussed  the  to  facilities  because  designation  Centre  - due  1970's.  renewal  and  planning  new  the  Westminster city,  closure  catalytic  examine  downtown  Plan,  the The  will  use focus  role  the of  revitalization role  public  will  i t was  various  to  be  of  FCC  and  components strategy: other  "catalysts" on  play  the  the  the  City  objectives  development  in attracting  redeveloped  i n the  of  private  waterfront,  revitalization  and  process.  of  n<5 5.0  CASE  As Three,  S T U D Y : NEW  was  WESTMINSTER'S  demonstrated  i n the  DOWNTOWN  waterfront  profiles  the  redevelopment  of  instrument  for achieving  broader  development  Westminster,  British  Columbia  case  of  New  waterfront downtown  was  and  The  purpose  5.1  and  waterfront  Terminals purchase  1978,  Ltd.. of  and  reconstruction  British  i t had i n New The  the  commercial  Redevelopment  of  scheme  Plan  In  the  of  the the  Centre.  the  City  and  to  of  New  evaluate i t s  objectives  Capital  Downtown R e v i t a l i z a t i o n Columbia  acquired  City  f o r the  Development  terms  of  the  and  property uses. PCT  an  the  Strategy  Development option  Westminster  $4.75 m i l l i o n ,  in getting  strategy,  First  policy  for revitalizing  R e g i o n a l Town  Community of  powerful  redevelopment.  the  that  role  a  STRATEGY  Chapter  - redevelopment  strategy  of  in  objectives.  i s to describe  It outlines  property  price  residential  chapter  analyzes the  (PCT)  successful  development  revitalization  Westminster's April  waterfronts is a  comprehensive  this  downtown  (BCDC) a n n o u n c e d of  a  in stimulating  New In  of  components.  downtown, Company  of  stimulating  Westminster's various  part  urban  REVITALIZATION  from  rezoned  Corporation purchase  Pacific  option  were  to  (1977)  from  acres  Coast  agreement  conditional  30  on  included BCDC  industrial  being  to  1  property  f o r downtown  New  was  to  be  part  Westminster.  ^-Mark W i l s o n , " W a t e r f r o n t t o G e t a F a c e l i f t W e s t m i n s t e r , " The P r o v i n c e , 7 A p r i l 1978, p . D l .  in  of  a  larger  A redeveloped  New  a  120 waterfront  -  in conjunction  courthouse,  a new  of  Street  Columbia  private-sector The  GVRD's  The  strategy  economic the  was  redevelopment  for developing funds  defrayed  t o be  area  a secure  a  based  on  Centre. climate  for  of " c a t a l y s t s " f o r  According  from  was  Town  t o FCC  self-supporting,  by p r o f i t s  upgrading  in stimulating  a Regional  in a series  new  Westminster.  to create  i n t h e downtown. was  role  New  in a  and p h y s i c a l  f o r t h e downtown  and t o i n v e s t  program  being  College,  o f downtown  t o use p u b l i c  development  investment  a catalytic  strategy  Program  investment,  expenditure  play  revitalization  Action  public  f o r Douglas  - would  revitalization  the  private  campus  with  land  literature,  with  sales  public  to the  private  sector: (The p r o g r a m ) h i n g e s on a r e v o l u t i o n a r y scheme t o p a y f o r r e d e v e l o p m e n t by c o n v e r t i n g u n d e r u t i l i z e d land to higher uses, r e s e l l i n g land parcels to p r i v a t e - s e c t o r developers, and u s i n g t h e s e s a l e s revenues to defray a l l of the costs incurred i n implementing the program. 2  As  stated  identified  three  Regional  Town  downtown  New  and more  a  i n Chapter  detail  - the Action  e s s e n t i a l elements  Centre.  These  Westminster,  "vehicle"  Four  an  Program  f o r the development  a r e : an O f f i c i a l improved  for stimulating  Report  of a  Community P l a n f o r  development  development.  (1977)  approval  These  are discussed  below.  F i r s t C a p i t a l C i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Company, Answers About W e s t m i n s t e r ' s Downtown a n d W a t e r f r o n t R e d e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m , W e s t m i n s t e r , B.C., 1982, p . 3 . 2  process,  New New  in  121 5-2  City  The Community P l a n  f o r Dovntovn  New  Westminster  The  f o r Downtown  New  Westminster  Community P l a n  Council  establish  i n 1978.  the broad  The  primary  social,  the City's  development  Since  the Plan's  adoption,  activity parts  i n both  SkyTrain have the  and the Alex  r e g i o n a l economy  which  The  Fraser  progress  public  made  articulate The  amenable  include:  scale;  The  t o a range  development  such  as  opened  i n 1986  position  -  in  accessibility.  underwent  a p u b l i c review  of a r e v i s e d Plan  process  i n the following  a r e a f f i r m a t i o n of the o b j e c t i v e s with  1987 P l a n eight  of d i f f e r e n t and p r o m o t i o n  and c u l t u r a l  and e n s u r i n g  locational,  i n other  competitive  t h e b e n e f i t o f h i n d s i g h t and is reflective years,  o b j e c t i v e s a r e aimed  that  providing public access  downtown's  towards  development  and  of which  to  and  of the  i s somewhat  more  statements.  "social"  commercial  environment,  Plan  the previous  image-building  important  improved  developed  in i t spolicy  - both  Westminster's  is basically  input.  during  Plan's  Bridge  New  through  o u t i n 1 9 7 8 , b u t was  areas,  by  be d i r e c t e d .  considerable  and w a t e r f r o n t  i n the adoption  1987 P l a n  additional  has been  would  was  goals  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n developments,  1 9 8 6 , t h e Downtown  culminated  year.  more  Major  dramatically altered  In  set  t h e downtown  of the c i t y .  and e n v i r o n m e n t a l  and redevelopment  there  adopted  o b j e c t i v e of the Plan  economic  which  was  activities.  centre;  development  improving  objectives  as an  the pedestrian  i s maintained  to the waterfront;  centre.  t h e downtown  These  o f t h e downtown  p h y s i c a l and h e r i t a g e  o f a r e g i o n a l town  a t making  at a  human  and u t i l i z i n g  resources  the  to stimulate  122 The City's  Plan's  tax  location find  economic  base  for  by  waterfront." recognition activity, downtown  and  the  made  to  Westminster One  notable  about  for  this  opportunities  the  objective  i s to  buildings  of  following  an  Westminster of  The  as  Plan's  downtown  It a  concerned  a  more  the  attractive  City's  objective by  waterfront  the  is  to  port  is  and  the  declining  port  development  and  and of  environment  use  significance in  articulated of  the  the  i n the  City's  built  but,  land-use,  through  objectives  rather, These  to  of  theme,  pedestrian  improving  design  do  the  and as  the  guidelines,  not  and  adaptive  plan  area  to  Plan, resources  downtown a  pertain  urban  objectives  conservation,  railway,  1987,  the  heritage  in  New  potential  are  as  p.5.  of  circulation,  reducing  q u a l i t y of and  the  essentially  vehicular well  to  environment  the  working  C o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e C i t y o f New Westminster, D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r . 1978 and 1987. Ibid.,  and  1987  heritage  revitalization  environmental  heritage  the  "economical  revenue.  Westminster.  with  was  recognizes  environment New  promote  inventory  ready-made  tourism  "natural"  4  increase  objective  afforded  between  heritage  This  4  extensive  mid-1980's.  impacts  is significant  connection  tourism."  parking,  intended  revitalization.  of  source  New  investment.  development  stimulate  the  downtown  are  p o s i t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e uses  What  3  of  Another reuse  making  commercial  " v i a b l e and  objectives  the  negative  urban  with  the  Community  area's  Plan  for  123 geographical exposure In  attributes  - t o enhance summary,  complementary  The  1987  as topography,  the urban  the s o c i a l ,  are  plan  - such  update  list  of o b j e c t i v e s  But,  as s t a t e d  could  i n t h e 1978  and e n v i r o n m e n t a l  indistinguishable  have  to create  and s o u t h e r n  environment.  economic  and somewhat  views  gone  a more  Plan  further  from  objectives  one  another.  in streamlining  articulate  statement  of  this purpose.  -  t h e o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e i s t o b r i n g t o f r u i t i o n a s many o f the p r o p o s a l s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the v a r i o u s p a r t s of the Community P l a n as economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s from time t o time r e n d e r p o s s i b l e and des i r a b l e . s  Major  elements  "institutional housing  anchors"  i n t h e downtown  construction, the  a new  building more  downtown The  downtown  into  design guidelines  scale  a human  appropriate  from,  limits  on s i t e  controls  Corporation  area,  The  f o r Douglas  providing  o f , and w i t h i n  of r o o f t o p s coverage  to regulate  of the C i t y  commercial  College  o f New  market  levels  Courts draw  area for  City.  Westminster  include:  the  maintenance  landscaping;  views  light,  to  Law  would  t h e downtown;  t o enhance  activity  f o r the  on  hotel  anchors  a n d a new  of  new  improvements  an expanded  New  of  and  developments  an emphasis  t o ensure  and  institutional  t a x base  f o r downtown  the development  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  new  and commercial  of development;  treatment  include:  facilities,  b u s i n e s s e s , and a s t r o n g e r  of  density  campus  t h e downtown,  of views  areas;  cultural  housing  protection  Plan  and w a t e r f r o n t ,  infrastructure.  - a n d new  people  i n the core  additional  transportation  i.e.,  o f t h e Downtown  from  a i r and  and bulk  Westminster,  of  uphill privacy; buildings;  1978, p.9.  124 appropriate of  the  or  theme  5.3  An  signage  city's for  Capital  City  including  a  district, the  the  City  examine complied The of  the  reduce  The  with  "red the  tape"  permit  Plan  area  of  was  the  Permit  for  development Group a  Act  an  image  City  a  had  was  one  factually  advise  o b j e c t i v e s and  these  procedural  associated of  City  with  the  area  design  changes  was  development  staff  turning  Under to  with  a  Commission in  the  three-member  appointee  City  on  development  Planning  by  -  6  j o i n t l y - a p p o i n t e d chairman. and  area  required  jurisdiction  of  unique  limitations  special  regulated  and  approvals.  downtown." as  First  Plan  placed  Advisory  - comprised  proposals  likelihood  was  broad  Downtown  "complied  treated  Committee  (1979),  given  the  the  City's  Act  each  This  on  from  body  whether  would  they  guidelines. to  eliminate  approvals,  proposals  I n t e r v i e w w i t h B a r r y Goodwin, A d v i s o r , Community I n i t i a t i v e Program, F e d e r a l B u s i n e s s Development Bank, V a n c o u v e r , B.C., 17 A u g u s t 1990. s  recognition  for developing  development  i f projects  neither  and  over  system,  guidelines  planning  purpose  control  permits  development  was  expropriate.  Approval FCC,  (FCC)  to  Instead,  and  and  Process  i n the  development  Development  basis  properties  Development  downtown.  areas;  Redevelopment  Company  discretionary  in that  a  over  power  Downtown  as  Approval  Westminster  development  The  nor  Development  New  development  character  downtown.  powers  mandatory  special  resources  Development  the  City's  grant  the  the  development  the  heritage  Improved  Under  for different  and  down  some to  on  Business North  125 subjective  issues.  developers  and  process,  City  step  by  interest,  that  proof  worked!"  secure  controls  the  Goodwin,  pudding  is  streamlined  program  but,  a  developers  former i n the  liaison through  between the  FCC  did  Goodwin  more  successful in  approval  -  help  would  powerful  attracting  P r o j e c t Manager,  eating  process  as  required  a  but,  local the  was  attributes  business  city's  the  a  this  of  market to  a  obviously  agree  -  says  the  in building  a  more  the  catalysts  business  and  political  City's  economy  economic  new  to  get  i t  Interview  with  remained  a  Ibid.,  August  stable  already  industrial  Barry  position  argues  excessive for  in  that  development  downtown City  Council,  self-promotion.  leaders and  had  did  not  9  become see  the  development.  d e c l i n e were  7  Planner,  complacent  interested  c o n t r a c t i o n of  17  of  one  not  promote  economic  absence  not  City  community  local  about  The  closure,  Westminster  Cameron  actively  of  Westminster  the  to  signs  New  rather,  years,  complacent  former  i n New  development.  need  as  m o d i f i c a t i o n s were  climate  Cameron,  problem  Over  guiding  acted  way. Ken  and  by  Barry  The  investment  under  the  of  8  revitalization  staff  i f these  developer  thing  a d d i t i o n , FCC  step.  When a s k e d  "the  In  7  Goodwin,  through evident.  activity,  17  the  August  mid-1960's,  Imminent  and  the  but  port  diminished  1990.  1990.  i n t e r v i e w w i t h Ken C a m e r o n , D i r e c t o r , D e v e l o p m e n t S e r v i c e s , G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t , B u r n a b y , B.C., 14 A u g u s t 1990.  126 market  area  f o r downtown  affirmative Ken  Cameron  promoter; for  action  he 1  Commerce, building  and  New  In a  0  stressed  i n an  creation  of  steps  5,4  First  towards  1  the  New  future  people He  City  New  living,  New  the  Company  The  First  Capital  City  Development  Company  formed  i n 1977  up  of  City-appointed  and  of  completion realized,  1 0  i a  of FCC  the  be  members FCC's  once  the  of  of  New  (FCC)  As  he  wrong  shopping  and  an  and  the  two  major  (BCDC). from  the  The  BCDC,  local  life-span  w i t h Ken  -Ibid.,  August  Cameron, 1990.  August  FCC  the  was  1990.  tied  and  Board  City  business  revitalization  14  was  Westminster  dissolved.  Interview 14  City  Corporation  company.  i t s mandate; would  the  representatives  Westminster, officers  by  Development  made  of  end.  Development  was  as  open  image-  nothing  Company  Citv  Directors  was  a d o p t i o n of  Capital  Columbia  a  development.  Westminster,  Development  of  Chamber  working,  First  British  that  community  "There's  to  of  Westminster  The  cooperatively  as  Westminster of  form  spiral.  economic  points  f o r downtown  Capital  that  interview:  1  some  Westminster  importance  more  f i x ! "  plan  this  the  economic  know  to  1990  that  won't  community  i n New  to ensure  August  official  downward  speech  promotion  here  a  " l e t people  Westminster  investing  halt  his role  to  Cameron  reiterates, with  saw  had  business." -  to  businesses necessitated  to  program  of  the of New  community, the had  been  127 As  both  Cameron  FCC  was  the  City  after  i t s loss  Lonsdale  Quay,  i n the  was  a  Ken  to  political  implement  redevelop  New  accordance  FCC  the  the  Plan." had, FCC  As  developer,  individual Secondly,  to  components FCC  area;  to  was  to  mandate  in  the  was  parcels. the  owners.  worked  out,  and  "Insurance 1  3  F i rst  and  core  New  the  FCC's  program and  creation to  headquarters  1 2  -  sole  of  appease to  purpose  i . e . , "to  waterfront  Westminster's  to  be  in  Official  the by  action the  i n the  i n the  key  real  of  public  area  land;  and  them  to  developers  these out,  not  Corporation City  land the  acquire  of  s a l e s would  notion any  British  Development  Barry  Goodwin,  of  City  to  - FCC  was  Downtown  Plan  coordinate  private in be  commercial  Columbia  August  properties  syndicated split  syndication  Company, 17  downtown  improvements.  assemble  of  while  Provincial  the  FCC  sell  of  designated  that  project.  developers.  the  with  estate  project  private  terms  market  a  entire  Agreement  land  as  mandate."  that  did  with  "double  intended  i t turned FCC  to  and  a  waterfront  built  construct  area,  calls,  oversee  FCC's  subdivide  Capital  "Interview  the  assemble  proceeds As  ICBC  -  Government  Vancouver.  downtown  Goodwin  would  initially  The  North  According  and  downtown  Provincial  proposed  "facilitate  to  service,  redevelopment;  argue  revitalization  i t would  legislation,  the  It  City's  develop  1  given  of  the  o b j e c t i v e s of  revitalization." * enabling  the  City  Barry  Firstly, chief  of  of  Goodwin  1 3  what was  Barry  decision  Westminster's  with  Community  and  up  amongst  never  properties in  (ICBC).  1982, 1990.  p.13.  the  128 downtown.  FCC  Terminals parcels, Douglas  purchased  (PCT), and  College  attracting  was  not  an  potential complex  New  Ministry  of  335  at  task,  given  city's  the  to  of  publicly-owned  assembly  of  FCC  Pacific  Coast  waterfront  properties  downtown  image An  the  worked  encourage  New  for  the  and  senior  limited  the  new  and  part-time  step  to  build  students  the  publiclysupport in  College  $39  This  in  investment  Douglas  The  role  growth  early  c o l l e g e to  Avenue.  vital  governments  public  with  a  Westminster.  i n t r o d u c t i o n of  Royal  full-  played  important  concentrating  S t r e e t and 3,800  poor  was  FCC  FCC  i n downtown  encouraged  by  to  process,  area.  program  Education  up  the  core  Westminster.  Eighth  draw  to  investment  development  downtown  would  the  City's  revitalization  "catalysts."  Centre  campus  the  redevelopment  financed Town  of  the  of  property  campus.  private  easy  waterfront  possession  completed  Throughout in  took  the  and  its  million and  a  the  new campus  staff  of  area.  T h i s new e d u c a t i o n a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f a c i l i t y w i l l have s i g n i f i c a n t e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l e f f e c t s on t h e c o m m u n i t y . I t s s t u d e n t s and s t a f f w i l l e n h a n c e b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e d o w n t o w n a n d i t w i l l g i v e New W e s t m i n s t e r one o f t h e most e x t e n s i v e and f l e x i b l e community e d u c a t i o n / r e c r e a t i o n r e s o u r c e s i n Canada - r u n n i n g c o n t i n u o u s education p r o g r a m s f o r 4,000 n o n - c r e d i t s t u d e n t s i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e College's credit complement. 1 5  The the  development  worked the  obsolescence  with  the  B  F i r s t  the  opportunity Provincial  c o n s t r u c t i o n of  1  of  Capital  a  new  City  city's  historic  for another government  $17  million  Development  Court  House  "institutional  in Law  finalizing Courts  Company,  anchor."  arrangements  building  1982,  provided  pp.5  at  and  FCC for  Lome  7.  129 and  Carnarvon  the  City  Square  built  Begbie.  Public included a  an  i n honour  Matthew  of  Streets.  of  FCC  waterfront  British  the  plaza,  Columbia's  Law  which  first  Courts was  - FCC  named  Chief  the  proposed  by  the  waterfront  to  p u b l i c use  esplanade  was  into  urban  to  and  Begbie  Justice,  Sir  1 6  improvements  landscaped  adjacent  attractive  returning  tracks.  And,  given a  mix  and  the of  several  Official  access  responsibility  residential,  Community  through  points  for  the  over  and  creation  the  transforming  commercial  Plan  railway  the  recreational  uses . In early  fulfilling  1980's.  out  of  a  the  fate  The  dispute of  i t s mandate,  the  first  between  lease  on  a  was  going  to  renew  preparation FCC  and  had  development to  close  allow  for  insisted was  the  the  him  in  lease  the  FCC,  finding  a  take so  new  " C h u c k D a v i s , e d . , The Douglas, 1976), p.251.  two  setbacks  in  Neptune  crisis,"  arose  because this  key to  was  join  site.  a  FCC  Vancouver  in  regarding  restaurant's  expire, to  the  Almas  begin  to  to  new  would  period  around  agreed  to  the  and  FCC  site  parcel.  willing  place  Almas  for  due  Almas  The  i t wanted  However,  not  Denis  restaurant.  Neptune  was  "King  site  restaurant He  development to  on  h i t with  restauranteur  tenant.  construction. that  the  Neptune  King  anchor  relocate  was  waterfront  construction  an  unacceptable  assist  J.J.  and  and  King  prime  invited as  these,  FCC  landmark  15-year not  of  FCC  of  two  relocate,  the move  King  provided  (North  required years,  to  and  Neptune.  a r c h i t e c t s and  Book.  be  commercial  that  This FCC  planners  Vancouver,  B.C.:  130 undertook  feasibility  which  acceptable  was  According support false he  would  hate years.  storage  site  restaurant  on t h e V a n c o u v e r  both  King  a very  However,  Neptune  agency,  that  relocated  on t h e s i t e  private  sectors.  within  1 9  affair  development  Almas  was a  i t turned  f o r another  argued  that  1982 t o a out,the  year  o r two,  of recession.  l e d t o a breakdown of a short-term  "crisis"  significant  of  trust  lease  concept  out as a  became  " b r i d g i n g " agency  was  there  FCC's  Interview  Barry  Goodwin,  1  B  Ibid.,  17 A u g u s t  1990.  1  9  Ibid.,  17 A u g u s t  1990.  FCC began t o  was g r o w i n g surrounding  image  17 A u g u s t  input.  t h e p u b l i c and mistrust of the King  and c r e d i b i l i t y  agency.  1 7  i t came  public-minded  finalized,  between  The c o n t r o v e r s y  f u r t h e r damaged  f o r FCC because  opportunities for public  As a c o n s e q u e n c e ,  with  of  l a y dormant f o r  by t h e o n s l a u g h t  FCC had s t a r t e d  t h e community.  restaurant  the history  i n February  As  public  1 3  with  as a  Given  the s i t e  and t h e p o s s i b i l i t y  as the development i t s role  - neither of  considerable  revitalization,  was  was d e l a y e d  b a d moment.  neglect  Neptune  FCC.  waterfront.  remained  parties,  of the q u e s t i o n .  development  FCC  have  utilized  against  to find  The r e s t a u r a n t  could  Almas  the b i t t e r n e s s of the dispute  The at  only  redevelopment  However,  out  Goodwin, battle  y i e l d e d two o p t i o n s  1 7  Westminster's  t o move  several  between  to Barry  i n New  which  to Almas.  t o wage a m e d i a  starts  because  studies  1990.  as a  131 The its  economic  ambitious  costs were  were  two  land  of  a major  waterfront.  and  the  self-sufficiency.  collapsed  sale  The  from  land  might  have  into  first  residential  on  site  sales,  the  now  and,  money,  objective  of d i f f i c u l t y to a  and  worked.  borrowed  question  sign  f o r FCC,  development  1  interest  put  setback  A l l of F C C s  scheme  growing  inactivity,  large  was  through p r o f i t s  financial  of a  1982  recession,  values  years  of  f o r the  recovered  f o r the  Plummetting during  plans  t o be  i t not  recession  was  of  the  bankrupt  developer. In revise  response to the d i f f i c u l t i t s development  waterfront  property  attract  a  heavily  i n hard  provide  there  was  proposal contained appeal sale,  FCC  little  a  i n New for a  this  an  would  of  smaller  such  the  as  FCC  that  a  any  a  put  sites  of  out  an  involved  overpass tracks.  to  Knowing  that  sites,  invitational  package.  CMHC-insured  an  railway  component.  to  preparation  m a r k e t i n g scheme  non-profit  risk  the  to  the  soils  construction over  had  invested  i n condominium  development and  up  development  extensive  access  residential  site  defray  and  interest  broke  FCC  S e c o n d l y , FCC  innvovative  two-site  was  FCC  vehicular  Westminster,  condominium  Firstly,  purposes),  development  to developers and  and  of  situation,  of d e v e l o p e r s .  devised  development  call  series  infrastructure,  pedestrian  particularly  a  for seismic  Thirdly, initiate  into  broader range  (particularly to  strategy.  economic  The  co-op co-op  package  site. was  i n the  The  a guaranteed  market  132 project. Bosa  The  2 0  second  component,  development  was  market  paved  the  the  way  these  two  New  development to  be  evolved  i t was to  sites  initiative  and,  developed  near  work.  helped  to  hired This  reduce  waterfront.  bought  a  half  option  to  Market  opened  buy  sites  was  and  an  the  later,  foot  of  of  i n the at a  Burnaby's  space.  Barry  on  first  to  to the  the  public to  public  6,500  market  date. square  the  market,  Laing  Goodwin,  17  The retail  the  FCC  concept  took  the  conceptual project,  Laing as  Westminster  August  of  development  project,  Quay  1990.  and on  Properties  well  as  Public  retail,  also  of  market.  the  process,  Properties  image  and  undertake  of  and  component  As  to  on  This  poor  public  meters  came  parcels.  hotel  commitment  design  units  waterfront  Street.  the  open  recession.  office,  firm  the  commercial  due  non-market project.  quickly.  remaining  the  and  Bosa  Westminster  became  FCC's  the  the  Eighth  i n the  later  market  of  surrounding commercial  through  with  with  mix  market  very  the  due  architectural  i n 1986,  "Interview  New of  portion  uncertainty  FCC  the  out  developers,  demonstrated  interest  a  available  When  to market  interest  Midway  out  of  for a  retail  developer  and  design  restaurant  prospective  called  both  made  sold  development  concept  no  they  difficult  the  were  incentives.  value  Westminster  further,  With  market  with  i m m e d i a t e l y west  1986,  for rapid  waterfront  downtown  the  together  i n January  However,  uses  put  without developer  demonstrated  the  on  package,  remaining residential  market, the  bidder  Bros. L t d . . A  The  successful  purchased  an  an  133 adjacent  site,  expansion. The Quay  of Eighth  Street,  market  because  development  development  marks  i t s c o m p l e t i o n was The m a r k e t  a turning  the s t a r t  i s also  seen  point  of the remaining commercial  sites.  of FCC and L a i n g  constructing  t h e 126-room  Inn a t Westminster  phase  m  (5,575  2  ) of the F i r s t  office  towers  component  When a s k e d agency,  Barry  accomplished place,  to rate  what  i s also  objectives  of the waterfront  waterfront  to the public,  way."  2 2  downtown of  Goodwin New  Ken  Cameron  politicians Provincial  2  2  sees  Government  Ibid.,  and t h e  first  office  complex.  Two  at a  later  date,  for a  total  of FCC as a because,  public  good  place  was  has been  to  One  live.  of the  to re-open the done  the s i g n i f i c a n t l y  to the r e v i t a l i z e d  i n h i s opinion, i t  are the buildings i n  amenity.  development  development  i n an  excellent  improved  image o f  waterfront  and t h e  role  developer. the p r i n c i p a l  a platform  "Interview  by  Quay,  "Not o n l y  i s a pretty  and t h i s  attributes  Westminster  FCC as c h i e f  marks  i t s e t out t o do.  a significant  Group  2  i t high  Quay  The Westwater  m .  the performance  gave  but Westminster  ...There  28,000  in stimulating  Properties  Place  a r e t o be a d d e d  of about  Goodwin  Capital  mixed-use  as a c a t a l y s t  on t h e h e e l s  office  market  f o r Westminster  of a true  followed  high-rise  for future  2 1  development.  has  to the east  with  f o r making officials  Barry  17 A u g u s t  o f FCC as  announcements.  a r e a s o n t o come  Goodwin,  1990.  benefit  17 A u g u s t  FCC  giving gave  t o New  1990.  Westminster,  134 and  i t raised  governments.  5.5  this  downtown  of  unavailability would  Westminster agencies  City  that  College  success  of  study of  may  because  downtown  Columbia in can  -  of  i . e . , the  of  and  their  be  FCC  staff  senior  "Catalysts"  New  Westminster's  institutional  an  upgraded  role is a  in  anchors,  Columbia  economic  critique  to  City  has  It  the  "catalysts"  economic  data  their  only -  point  of  the  of  the  that  i s hampered studies  City's  could  be  out,  the  downtown  particular at  this  i . e . , the  and,  inferences  data  that  is  Cameron,  to  each  used  as  to  as  compare  New  public BC  much  Transit, of  undertake  physical to  about  August  the  the  evaluate  their  1990.  such  final  upgrading  available.  14  the  projects.  initiated  possible  by  revitalization  various  - such  point,  recently  of  Furthermore,  probably attribute  i s , however,  w i t h Ken  impact  another.  i n the  premature,  terms;  "Interview  over  - would  revitalization  from  these  statistical  program  Street.  drawn  of  elements  evaluation  invested  and  the  qualitative be  eyes  - The  approach  While  planning  also  of  catalyst  have  the  in this  i n the  i s no  one  Douglas  It  i n the  Strategy  SkyTrain,  i n terms  data.  assist  of  strategy  analysis  of  there  impact  city  strategy.  quantative  strategy,  the  principal  waterfront,  Inherent  revitalization  the  the  evaluated  development.  project  of  Revitalization  revitalization  - are  A  the  section,  revitalized  Street  profile  2 3  Elements In  the  the  the  economic  a  phase  of catalysts impact  135 As  a  catalysts  researcher,  one  i n terms  their  revitalization.  of  Because  of  my  objectives  overall  of  data  impact  the  revitalization  strategy,  the  on  the  basis  percieved  economic,  their  on  to  rank  the  various  downtown  limitations,  of  of  was  and  the  c a t a l y s t s are social  complexities  loosely and  evaluated  symbolic  contr ibutions.  5.5.1  Institutional The  "institutional  activity  in  the  Government's impact that  of  downtown,  Douglas do  like  not  -  many  its service  the  contractors While catalyst tool.  the  Douglas  programs, this  for  and  capacity,  known,  local  has  range  Barry  i n the  yet  that  may  with  the  prove  economic  studies  indicate  downtown.  is a  credit  and  "bridging"  Goodwin,  "Interview with Steve Scheving, W e s t m i n s t e r , 22 A u g u s t 1990.  17  school on  materials  as  a  as  an  social  non-credit  campus. by  In  major  economic development  diploma courses.  institution  Planner,  supplies,  2 3  itself  August  Douglas  2 4  internalized  u n i v e r s i t y t r a n s f e r and  of  of  true  purchased  various  catalyst  Provincial  the  books,  be  a  - has  community. to  be  While  i t is significant  offers  college  with  services  the  of  institutions such  to  preliminary  purchases  is supplied  College  broad  "Interview  many  downtown,  the  Westminster.  i s not  personal  College a  New  intended  demonstration  requirements,  outside  Douglas  a  were  educational  college  from  to  make  other  c l o t h i n g and  addition,  and  College  College  food,  anchors"  commitment  students  of  Anchors  between  1990. City  of  New  In the  136  local  school  working within  system  and  population, the  The  t h e two  C o u r t s and Land  of s e r v i c e s  services,  e t c . . Together  i s an  important  public  a high  Since will  institutions  on  Columbia  the  product  5,5.2  time  once  projects  Courts  i n downtown  New  anchors  give  the  And, t h e  space  development upon  cities.  Redevelopment  uses  advanced  Perhaps  institutions  area  has y e t t o  program  before the true  the physical  t h e market  modelled  was  and open  are completed.  The R e v i t a l i z e d The  t h e Law  Westminster.  revitalization  of these  Street  Westminster,  College,  translation  the i n s t i t u t i o n a l  i n New  c a n be m e a s u r e d .  users  development  secreterial,  and  a r e an  important  i n t h e downtown.  p r o b a b l y be some  other  for job retraining  of a c t i v i t y  landscaping,  t h e downtown  and  f o r the  are important employers  Douglas  terms,  profile  buildings,  amenity  with  generator  In symbolic  sector  Registry  - e.g., l e g a l ,  Westminster.  public  And,  community.  Law  attractive  universities.  i t provides opportunities  procurers  complex  local  has been  is s t i l l  economic  ongoing, i t  impacts  of these  the students, f a c u l t y , will  spend  upgrading  time  and  money  and b u s i n e s s  In the case restored,  more  staff  o f downtown  New  but the q u a l i t y  of  improve.  Waterfront  concept  successful  f o r t h e New  projects  i n Boston,  for high-density  by t h e B r i t i s h  Westminster  was  B a l t i m o r e and o t h e r  residential  Columbia  waterfront  and  Development  commercial  Corporation  137 (BCDC) a s for  a  catalyst  downtown There  important  New  is general catalyst  waterfront  i n the  a  "combined  played  powerful  brought  more  provides work." would  a  With have  Ken unique urban  little  Cameron  that  strategy value.  have  marketing  the  taken  new  the of  he  If  New  the FCC  to  Graham  waterfront  says  the  into  "nice move the  i n the  Lower  overall the  with  a by  viewpoint  means  Westminster  2 6  Interview  with  Barry  3 7  Interview  with  Ken  Goodwin,  Cameron,  14  of  August  August  and  city  but  2 6  as  a  attractive  Mainland.  Cameron  -  a  amenity "secondary" and  i . e . , the  marketplace.  Westminster  17  the  supporting  the  that  live  i . e . , an  be  SkyTrain  New  have  revitalization  to  Farstad,  projects  waterfront  waterfront's  of  the  and  would  to  downtown.  -  -  is  waterfront  place  the  an  have  two  through  Westminster  of  the  waterfront  waterfront  New  of  they  was  There  waterfront  revitalized  could  opportunities afforded from  the  is a  the  advantage  i t provided  one  r e d i s c o v e r y of  and  considers  the  together,  only  The and  more  sees  that  other  Plan  was  in that,  venture  city  full  significant  people  u n l i k e any  catalyst,  According  to  Downtown  because  "principal"  "the  the  which  city.  to  redevelopment strategy.  believes  alone,  points  However,  catalyst  objectives  revitalization  role.  the  reason  for  the  development  waterfront  Goodwin  p u b l i c amenity,  SkyTrain  amenity  to  catalyst"  Goodwin  environment,  states  Barry  b e n e f i t to  major  as  catalytic  feasible,  that  overall  however,  SkyTrain?  as  been  agreement  or  SkyTrain  had  broader  Westminster.  some d i s a g r e e m e n t ,  a  for achieving  is a  City  Planner  redeveloping  1990. 1990.  2 7  -  138 community, the  rather  participation  Capital  City  se  the  - as  the or  than  Law  5.5.3  major  has  as  Columbia  only  this  It about  the  had  largest  people.  individuals property  been  were what  revitalization.  the  than  the  FCC's  interest  credits First  waterfront,  either  that  downtown  Cameron and  to  calls,  role  Douglas i n the  of of  per  on  College  downtown.  Columbia  Street  discussion, at  initiatives  next  Ken  ever  endeavour  "nitty  have  to  make  the  gritty  was  property was and  the  a  be  done  comeback.  street  -  problems  general  step  was  to  change  owners  and  the of  the  public  Planner,  August  the business of  presentations  p u b l i c about  improve  City  to  involvement  made  the  14  had  2 9  and  Cameron,  to  upgrading  revitalization  politicians,  merchants  something  was  image."  politicians,  in this  lobbied  upgrading  revitalization  obstacles  towards  with  the  sees  i t i s worthy  " I n t e r v i e w w i t h Graham F a r s t a d , W e s t m i n s t e r , 22 A u g u s t 1990. "Interview  through  not He  Farstad  8  results.  i f the  Ken  The  -  acknowledged  a t t i t u d e s of  owners,  and  significant  commercial  of  many  step  who  -  SkyTrain.  initiated  public attitude  Critical  (FCC)  2  Upgrading  many  Street  first  complacent  after  more  promising  there  ownership, The  Street  long  being  Company  Government,  in s t i m u l a t i n g developer  because  shown  in d e c l i n e . "  Provincial  p h y s i c a l and  Columbia  However,  being  r e c e n t l y been  point,  already  the  catalyst  Courts  While  community  Development  waterfront the  of  a  1990.  City  the  key to need  image  of  New  of  for  139 the  downtown  Mainland.  - both  Several  within  development  the  downtown  are  t h e New W e s t m i n s t e r  the  Downtown The  prepare  the  i n theearly-  retained  a development  downtown,  a g e n c i e s were  Economic  Association  strategy were  proposed  by Urbanics  preservation, Each  which  component  legislation  of this  a n d some  form  3  The  environment of  mix - w i t h an The s t r a t e g y  0  approach  street  marketing  strategy  (NWEDA) a n d  New W e s t m i n s t e r .  retail  i sa comprehensive  and c o l l e c t i v e  these  (DNWA).  and q u a l i t y .  incorporates  among  Association  thephysical  a better  on u n i q u e n e s s , v a r i e t y  i n promoting  of Urbanics Consultants to  t o improve  emphasis  revitalization  Prominent  f o r downtown  and t o encourage  t h e Lower  involved  Development  theservices  o f t h e DNWA  and throughout  and mid-1980's.  New W e s t m i n s t e r  DNWA  objectives  thec i t y  t o downtown  beautification,  a n d management  heritage  techniques.  i s supported by P r o v i n c i a l  of public  assistance  ( f i n a n c i a l or  administrative). The Eighth  physical  Streets,  upgrading  was c o m p l e t e d  were  jointly-funded  Under  t h e Downtown  "beautification" street  banners,  (Province)  of Columbia i n June  by t h e C i t y  Program  - i . e . ,decorative  and property  1990.  street  and l a n d s c a p i n g  owners,  on a 50/50  between  Roadwork  and Province,  Revitalization  furniture  Street,  Fourth and improvements  o n a 50/50  (DRP), lamps,  basis.  thecosts of sidewalk pavers,  - a r eshared  by t h e C i t y  basis.  ° U r b a n i c s C o n s u l t a n t s L t d . , D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r Development S t r a t e g y , New W e s t m i n s t e r , B . C . : D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r A s s o c i a t i o n , March 1989, pp.16-19. 3  Retail  140 Through designation, facade the  a Heritage owners  improvements  Province  approved program  and have  New  in Provincial  Program  buildings will  that  renovations The C i t y  Westminster, funds  over  (HARP)  be a b l e  a portion of their  guidelines.  i n downtown  $300,000  Revitalization  of h e r i t a g e  - provided  design  Area  costs  t o undertake reimbursed  are i n accordance  i s administering and w i l l  a period  with  t h e HARP  disburse  of three  by  up t o  years  (1990-  1992) . In  December  1989, C i t y  Business  Improvement  program,  downtown  finance  effective  Area  Council  business  and p r o p e r t y  marketing,  The BIA i s funded  properties  within  the various  preparation  of a commercial  New  Westminster,  waterfront, The and  Tourism  Ontario  of o f f i c e  Development  revitalization  effort.  and other  BIA p r o j e c t s . space  and other  parts  This  Major  inventory, video  programs  between will  o f Canada  t h e BIA  can organize  levy  on  commercial  o f Management,  projects a data will  the s t a f f a  by the which  include the  base  on downtown  highlight the  i n the downtown.  3 1  o f t h e B I A , HARP  well-coordinated  success  - t h e New  and  tax i s collected  which  ensure  the proven  Under  of a  revitalization  a special  amenities  space  Given  and  t o t h e BIA Board  and a p r o m o t i o n a l  SkyTrain  sharing  through  annually  administers  owners  promotional  t h e BIA b o u n d a r i e s .  and i s provided  the establishment  ( B I A ) i n t h e downtown.  programs.  City  approved  o f BIA programs i n  Westminster  BIA, i n  I n t e r v i e w w i t h N e t t i e Tam, C o o r d i n a t o r , D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r B u s i n e s s I m p r o v e m e n t S o c i e t y , New W e s t m i n s t e r , B.C., 22 August 1990. 3 1  141 conjunction for  5,6  with  HARP a n d DRP  projects,  revitalizing  t h e downtown  area.  tremendous  potential  Summary Based  is  has a  on d i s c u s s i o n s  an attempt  overall  contribution  development from  most  letter  a t ranking  which  l  -  catalysts  A RANKING  SkyTrain  2.  The R e v i t a l i z e d  3.  Street  They  OF T H E  numerically,  indicated  t o be c o n t r i b u t i n g would  n o t be  their  and t h e  are ranked  catalysts  of  by a  elements,  possible.  "CATALYSTS"  C i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Company ( F C C ) P l a n f o r D o w n t o w n New W e s t m i n s t e r Development P e r m i t System  Upgrading  3 2  B u s i n e s s Improvement A r e a (BIA) Downtown R e v i t a l i z a t i o n P r o g r a m (DRP) H e r i t a g e A r e a R e v i t a l i z a t i o n P r o g r a m (HARP)  4.  Douglas  College  5.  T h e Law  Courts  Expected  i n terms  list  Waterfront  First Capital The Community The M a n d a t o r y  Columbia a. b. c.  Those  are considered  1.  a. b. c.  "catalysts"  Centre.  significant.  f  the following  downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n  Town  the p r i n c i p a l  TABES 5  3 2  towards  of the alphabet  without  interviewees,  the various  of a Regional  to least  with  ranking  when  Complex  revitalization  i s complete.  1+2. 6.0  The  CASE STUDY:  purpose  in  light  of  of  planners,  overview  of  this  existing  of  has  mid-1980's.  image  and  design,  fulfillment  L<±  realized forward  by  the  unique  "new"  planning  and  in part,  general  of  to  a  new  a  of  of  Columbia  and as  a  concept;  States.  i n terms  Westminster  existing  i n terms  urban  with  with  an  waterfront of  fabric,  objectives.  comparison  and  This  other  the  catalyst i t was  waterfront  policy  levels  was  a  to r e v i t a l i z e  regional  level,  Regional  Town  i t was  Centre;  with  an  of  necessary and,  at  opportunity  the  for a  land-uses,  f o r downtown  New  upon  At  the  provincial  t o showcase  put  of  using  the  successful projects project is and  the  downtown  to support  which  was  revitalization.  initiatives,  the  mix  and  Westminster  government.  waterfront  Corporation,  waterfront  modelled  the  and  Westminster  Development  of v a r i o u s strategy  New  recreational  However,  planning  the  cooperation  government  the  I t begins  i s assessed  development  redeveloping  waterfront  not  of  New  waterfront  on  potential  commercial  United  part  the  public.  expectations  Development  British  idea  redeveloped  in  of  the  the  was  of  development  residential,  This  the  the  Quay"  projects.  Overview The  The  "Westminster  o p p o r t u n i t i e s and  i t s relationship  i s based,  development  and  "WESTMINSTER QUAY"  i s to evaluate  m a t e r i a l i z e d on  the  assessment  chapter  politicians, what  EVALUATION OF  development  since  the  AN  the  local  core;  at  development  level  -  Provincial  level,  i t  the of  a  i t provided development  the  143 policies,  and  demonstrate  i t s commitment  to the  people  of  New  Westminster. The  major  include: major  opening  public  land-uses railway;  18.2  Island  up  and  phase  Railway  2,800  m  place  on  Streets.  a  space,  of  public  open  the  eastern  This  i n four  based  Graywood  eight  units,  phase  a  1.8  (36  of  i s known  hotel,  the as  at  project 6,500 m  of  The  the  of  completion and  of  2  the  include  site  Quay  Eighth  Pier," 1990,  space,  towers  -  of  Westminster  taking  and  880  Elliot  will  be  Toronto-  proposal  total  6.5 area).  is  and  by  on  Lulu  retail  total  development for a  the  e s p l a n a d e , and  between  Fall  of  will  Westminster  site,  a  environment.  "Westminster  Ltd..  110-unit r e s i d e n t i a l  impacts  Street  pedestrian  b e g i n n i n g i n the  Developments  the  creating  complementary  is nearing  Eighth  percent  and  of  urban  Quay"  development  portion  stages,  km  use,  range  the  between  126-room  space  of  project  of  redevelopment  negative  When c o m p l e t e d ,  office  second  the  quality  situated  of  built  for  reducing  wide  "Westminster  Bridge.  residential  The  of  for  for public  encouraging a  site,  1,200  in planning  waterfront  improving the  hectare  hectares  the  activities;  first  2  addressed  amenity;  and  The an  issues  calls  condominium  apartments. Because proximity  to  of  the  truck  parkade,  and  designed  t o make  significant the  narrowness and  derelict the  portion  pedestrian  railway Front  most of  esplanade  traffic,  Street  of  the  the  these  property  and  other  the  Pier  unsightly  buildings  - the  shortcomings. lies  beneath  structures  site, Front  project Firstly,  the  will  be  Fraser built  and i t s Street  has  been  since  a  River, on  144 pilings  and  will  built  be  floor  will  units  extend  above  will  - the  will  be  connected  will  be  oriented  To "The  and the  about  project  will  west  townhomes Plans  to  f o r the  Street  by  a  river  Westminster other a  waterfront  site  include  the  quite 1989 the  as  the  amendments  the  the  open  a  the  Quay,  1400 for a  the at  that  And,  roadway,  overpass.  view,  ground  Street.  and  and  A l l units  are  priced  Molnar  Group  "Westminster  is  developing  Quay  II."  condominium  apartments  grand  of  total  about  one-kilometer extension introduction  s p a c e s , and  project  i t should to  Plan  buildings  of  lagoons  to  provide  on  a  of  This  and  3500  units.  the  and  waterways  internal  units  outlook.  Molnar  distinct,  Downtown  way,  public  waterfront  While  elevated  mountain  projects  further  to  a  and/or  such  Front  level  the  1  e s p l a n a d e , and  with  above  to Columbia  pedestrian enhance  five-storeys  Secondly,  garage,  an  add  the  parking  by  of  will  water.  served  R e n a i s s a n c e " and  development  the  be  to a  up.  over  multi-level  rise  thirdly  $200,000  a  out  the  New  be  i s based  compatible with  Westminster  boundaries to i s governed  by  mandatory  development  permit  ^-Source: Graywood "Westminster Pier."  the  Developments'  earlier  Redevelopment  include  project  V e n e t i a n theme,  same  the  Molnar  design  and  projects. Act  site.  guidelines  is The  expanded In as  process.  promotional brochure for  this well  145  <L±2.  The  Image  Prior very  to  the  New  Waterfront  redevelopment  negative  Mainland;  of  image.  ...a  I t was  terrible  waterfront  has  prosperity  - an  of  the  seen  place  waterfront, as  that  turned  this  image  image  that  has  "the  was  armpit  going  around  spilled  New  to  of  the  nowhere."  one  over  Westminster  of  into  a  Lower The  2  progress other  had  new and  parts  of  the  city. Through enthusiasm unique  a  to  of  high  the  level  Though whole, is  the  the  city of  and  a  the  enough  link.  barrier,  by  the  that  contribute  has  somewhat  separate  from  the  included  pedestrian  with  the  waterfront  adjacent  to  remains  the  as  yet  also  to  a  segment  area.  interview  the  nature  housing that  Whereas with  and  Barry  city  the  image  the  and  an  a  Goodwin,  -  of  as  the The  phase  city  such  have  not  "island"  of  of  railway  of  a  strong  downtown.  due  to  this  taking  from  1990.  physical  place have  that  traditionally August  been  to  luxury  developments  different  a  waterfront  v e h i c u l a r overpasses  unimproved  17  the  other  environment  stretch  each  development  has  highlighted and  city.  by  these  commercial  is quite  the  River,  i s perhaps  of  i t has  new  amenities.  While  city,  brought  livable  downtown  has  waterfront  a  from  roadway.  The  population  to  improved  psychological separation but  Fraser  p u b l i c s e r v i c e s and  waterfront.  downtown  afforded  arterial  The  has  particular,  busy  condominiums, The  waterfront In  separated  redevelopment connect  the  City.  waterfront  i t remains  physically  tracks  Royal  p u b l i c amenity  features as  redevelopment,  been  of a  on  the  catered the working-  to  146 class  community,  population little  of  the  young  present,  there  to  this  market.  new  In  terms  of  are  between  a  effort  but,  not  rather  heritage the  to  downtown's  from  and  have  Westminster, Overall,  to  the  The  to  developers their  image,  and  are the  and  to  residents.  downtown.  that  This  designers of  perhaps a  and  the  in striking  convey  is And, cater  stylistic  character  was  There  Street  few  planners,  this  the  put  in place  to  to  maintain  a  the  i s due  to  policy-  downtown,  contrast  intended  feeling  Interview  the  the  for  pavilions cities.  to  to  the  shed  of  with  Barry  Some  notable  Goodwin,  17  of  of  regard, scale  the  in  New  history. appear  i s very  in Baltimore,  proven  p r o t e c t i o n of  scale  this  sense  waterfront  I t seems  the  opportunities afforded  In  local  example,  g e n e r a l l y adopted projects.  human  amenity  traditional  b u i l d i n g s on  in other  the  ensure  location.  replicating  p u b l i c market,  have  on  waterfront  preserved  without  waterfront  3  part,  capitalize  "Harbourplace"  marketplaces  In  3  Columbia  waterfront  locations,  southern-exposed  generic.  new  affluent  progress.  uphill  guidelines  a  largely  waterfront  on  historical  g u i d e l i n e s were  development, a  build  the  declining  and  Design views  upon  of  a  "empty-nesters."  there  waterfront part  to  and  businesses  the  streetscape.  livability  by  to  the on  draw  -  few  downtown  physical design,  connections conscious  i s home  p r o f e s s i o n a l s and  a s s o c i a t i o n between  at  makers  waterfront  and  somewhat  similar to  architects  and  marketable  August  1990.  style  festival  that  exceptions  in  are:  and designs the  for  147 curvilinear, Westminster and  glass-clad Quay,  the Molnar  which  Group's  Figure  LL2  The It  the  New  Waterfront appears  Westminster  waterfront and  that  has been  desirable  place  6.1  towers juts  of Westminster  out  into  recreation  - The  Pier;  the r i v e r  of Venice,  t h e Inn a t  like  an  ocean-liner  a t Westminster  Inn a t Westminster  Quay  II  Quay  Catalyst municipal waterfront opened  up  to l i v e .  and have  regional largely  for public  planning been  use, and  Furthermore,  the  objectives  achieved. i s an  for  The  attractive  redeveloped  148 waterfront  has  proven  development,  as  boom.  June  As  of  mixed-use  evidenced  negative  difficult  to  will  -  agree of  The  the  Bloedel's  48  - with  process.  a  Downtown  of  i n the Molnar and  a  for  economic  unprecedented  development  residential,  commercial  i n the  or  city,  combined  value  Royal  proposal  was  made  feasible  such  the  Alex  Fraser  City  of  quite  has  City's  in of  and  the over  $1  an  occuring  "Port  proposal  200  by  and  on  I I , " and for  residential  low-rise  of  called  as  amenity  through program.  development the  Westminster  Planning  -  MacMillan the  Queensborough approval  development houses,  and  structures.  system,  tool  waterfront  of  about  970 This  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n improvements highway  the  others  the  development  single-detached  major  he  both  economic  Quay  a  influence  because, on  and  i t is  revitalization  "Westminster Royal"  However,  accessibility  as  the  potential,  c o r r e c t when  downtown  Quay  for  in changing  the  capitalized  developments  Bridge  New  to  catalyst,"  h i g h - r i s e and  project  Source:  was  i s c u r r e n t l y i n the  of  i n both  downtown.  improved  calls  - comprised units  Plan  role  i t s development  i n the  Westminster  Bros'  catalytic  "combined  the  Group's  Bosa  a  c o n t r i b u t i o n due  and  spinoff  Port  The  units  played  Goodwin  waterfront,  waterfront.  4  were  interest  in supporting  evident  as  city's  showcasing  SkyTrain  success  apartment  has  Barry  the  the  SkyTrain,  1170  the  catalyst  construction  quantify this  and  i.e.,  strong  there  image,  developer  waterfront  is  by  process  Quay  catalysts.  value  a  4  stimulating  other  1990,  approval  Westminster city's  be  p r o j e c t s under  development billion.  to  and  SkyTrain  Department,  June  -  1990.  149 and  by t h e proven  marketability  of waterfront  housing  i n New  Westminster.  6.4  A Comparison The  cities  to  demonstrate  1.  The r a n g e of  2.  With  and p r o j e c t s the following  different  waterfront  size  and  development  Projects  i n Chapter  Three  were  selected  :  opportunities  available  to  communities  location; and development  process f o r  development; development  as a c a t a l y s t  f o r broader  o b j e c t i v e s ; and  The p o l i t i c i z a t i o n between  profiled  of the planning  The use o f w a t e r f r o n t  4.  Waterfront  of development  The c o m p l e x i t y  3.  Other  various  of waterfront  development  projects  agencies,  due t o c o n f l i c t s  governments  and community  groups.  Common  t o most  opportunities public  public  economy; use.  development cities taken  afforded  and p r i v a t e  service  waterfront  development  by d e c l i n i n g  initiatives  Given this o f landmark  common  on a s i m i l a r  starting  that  a n d somewhat  of  land-use and d e s i g n .  of  scale.  The p r o f i l e s  Where showed  generic projects a wide  and t h e s u c c e s s f u l and other  developments  appearance obviously  range  facilities;  the waterfront f o r  Baltimore  waterfront  development  post-industrial  point,  i n Boston,  are:  and p o r t  a  of reclaiming  projects  - i t i s not surprising  industrial  forbuilding  and the n o t i o n  projects  of  - both differ  have i n terms  i s i n terms  development  150 opportunities B.C.,  to  the  New  resource  small  towns  On  the  services In to  i n the  other area  typical  the  of  river  B.C.  - and,  evaluating  of  a  the  Quay  location,  "Main  i t i s located  a  households.  public  gentrification  city  of -  limited  Street"  i n the  and  i t is a  a  of  economic  base,  commercial  core,  Greater  Vancouver,  i.e.,a  Westminster to  Vancouver  i t s h a r e s some  decidedly  broader  of  urban  range  of  the  decline,  London  in adjacent  distinctions  and  conflicts  polarization  between  income  are  London  environs  boroughs, between groups  use  the  City  Quay  is  of  i n terms  and  to  downtown  through  an  has  o l d and i s not  the  the  has  intensified  new as  area,  influx  redevelopment and  upscale  development  "upgrade"  of  waterfront  i n implementing  Docklands  and  Docklands,  Park  the of  agency  economic  respective  i f Westminster  l a n d - u s e mix,  viability  development  i t i s worthwhile  developments:  elements  the  the  see  esplanade,  common  waterfront,  to Battery  Quay and  their In  suburb  densities,  public  the  of  a  Docklands.  characteristics  a  is similar  strengthen  character  the  London  study because  community,  waterfront  to  t o stem  many o f  profiles  development  intended  case  i.e.,a  New  Other  Westminster  i n the  in Steveston,  amenities.  contemporary  of  city  -  large  developments.  role  new  village  Interior  as  waterfront  Westminster its  bearing  hand,  public  a  fishing  interesting  r e l a t i v e l y high  and  recall  of  i s an  city,  characteristics  character,  revitalized  blue-collar  metropolitan the  a  development  close-knit  etc..  from  Westminster  relatively  a  -  project. were  both  social of  affluent  led to class  residents.  pronounced  and  While in  New  the  151 Westminster households however,  - there due  new  the  few  residential  The  London with  stimulating  development  provides an  respect  population direct  extensive  industrial  lost  of  to  rapid  outside  transit  commuter  to  the  ferry  the the  City  system  part,  place  and  on  there  have  However,  5  displacement can  as be  neighbourhoods. parallel and  with  New  its catalytic  metropolitan Docklands  of  most  is taking  further  uphill  of  the  demolition.  provide another  i s s e r v e d by  access  -  vulnerable  properties,  through  gentrification Docklands  For  Westminster  demonstrates  Westminster  Docklands  and  d i s p l a c e m e n t of  activity.  i n New  units  example  through  some  redevelopment  commercial  Vancouver  expected  been  development  underutilized been  to  has  London.  core.  Light  role The  Railway,  In a d d i t i o n ,  in operation  along  in  the  which  there  Thames  River. The terms were  of  Toronto the  -  New  conditions  effectively  corridor  and  commercial  development  within  waterfront  decline,  and  to  related  the  to  from  i.e.,arterial and  for  prior  severed  facilities  downtown  Westminster  and  industry, weakened  larger  redevelopment.  their  roads  and the  region.  redevelopment  was  strengthen the  waterfronts are  to  downtowns  the  relative In  both  reverse  commercial  a  The  advent  of  transportation decline  of  cases, the  base  port  cycle i n the  the  motivation of  economic  downtown.  I n t e r v i e w w i t h Graham F a r s t a d , C i t y P l a n n e r , C i t y W e s t m i n s t e r , New W e s t m i n s t e r , B.C., 22 A u g u s t 1990. s  of  suburban  position  the  in  Both w a t e r f r o n t s  by  railways.  similar  of  New  is  152 The  two  approach.  cities  differ  In Toronto,  there  cooperation  and  result,  the  p r o j e c t has  benefit  of  an  jurisdiction plan  of a  support  not  an  isolated  achieving  the  i s an  essential  this  An  combined  on  a  As  without  having  great  a the  no  opportunity  waterfront  - one  capitalize  on  as  part  i t s amenity  i t would  importance  of  the  heightened  by  a declining  new  have  as  to  and  waterfront  as  whole.  urban  an  Economic  such as  the  that  was for  a  comprehensive  waterfront outline context  I t i s important i n order  of to  view  to  development. where  development limited  development  The  tool  the is  opportunities  strategies  waterfront's  tourism.  It  city.  communities,  and  was  Westminster,  Centre.  i n the  area,  economic base,  New  should  land-uses, a  hand,  several catalysts  appear  in smaller  utilized  activities  of  f o r economic  economic  development.  communities  stimulating  true  waterfront  Town  for successful  larger  value  is particularly  industrial  city  of a  other  downtown  a Regional  f o r the  o b j e c t i v e s f o r the  the  o b j e c t i v e s f o r the  ingredient plan  on  revitalize of  comparison,  area  Quay,  objectives for waterfront  waterfront  smaller  of  the  basis,  City,  out  rather  development  on  This  to  development  Based  community  plan  p r o j e c t but,  broader  development.  for  quay-by-quay  missed  of Westminster  comprehensive  to  broader  a  for "Harbourfront."  Furthermore, the  Harbourfront,  development  and  the  plan.  intergovernmental  planning on  development  lands.  The  plan  evolved  in their  little  comprehensive  overall over  was  f o r i n t e g r a t e d development  railway  part  no  considerably  amenity  biggest  in  value  in  challenge  153 in  this  the  regard  is balancing  preservation  cultural  6•5  heritage,  Negative Given  any  whole.  as  heritage  livability  of  a  and  impacts  and  community  of  the  New  life  with  - i.e.,  Westminster  residential  location,  the  may  project  considerations  resources,  of  development  character.  marketing  desirable  obvious  aspects  economic  Waterfront R e v i t a l i z a t i o n  successful  negative Two  desirable  Impacts  the  waterfront note  of  much-needed  the  are:  depletion  have  i t is had  important  on  the  redevelopment  of  the  city  to as  pressures  affordable  a on  housing  stock. In  guiding  Westminster  will  restoration. stock  of  perhaps being  of  heritage most  programs,  revitalization  have  One  and  ( f s r ) of  5.2,  "upgrading"  may  p r o f i t a b l e to  be  structures intensive its  will use.  historic  current  a  the  city's  greatest  along  will  the  take  be  development  with  in  boom  Given  present form  larger  near  an  of  as  character is  i t would  future  more  -  are  Farstad,  22  is  floor-space appear  that  While  6  put  especially if  August  and  development  Street  continues.  Graham  New  i t  modest  sites  Columbia  of  currently  redevelopment.  their  City  impressive  allowable  zoning,  feasible that  the  its  - which  buildings,  demolished  is quite  the  redevelopment  is  heritage  Street  -  b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , business  the  restore  character  interview  Columbia  between assets  city's  improvements.  likely It  balance  The  street  under  future  i t s downtown  strike  through facade  of  to  resources.  evident  upgraded  ratio  the  1990.  to  more  will  lose  the  154 New in  the  put  Westminster  inner  upward a  very  be  advisable  level of  to  social does  low  to  Westminster. carrying And, up  given  until  housing  now,  some  i n the  existing  city  any  is a  The  current  social  a  this  -  will  the  affordability would  - both  argue  public  needs  to  be  and  and  point  of  has  at  the  allowable  has  not  that  upgraded  municipal developers units  for  However, in  there  "New  Westminster  housing  burden."  really  been  New  a  that  is  3  problem  i s t o o much  - and  9  may  end  there  private  i t  this  that  social  has  contributed  requiring  towards  areas  boom  i n time,  Vancouver.  belief  regional  affordable  development  i . e . , by  i n T o r o n t o and  of  most  legislation  proportion  political  people  the  prices,  At  7  widely held  that  housing stock  of  affordability  share  fact  one  housing  rate.  some  i s done  There  the  vacancy  t o be  i t s fair  and  to set aside  h o u s i n g , as appear  land  future  been  region.  introduce  projects  not  on  rental  ensure  major  long  metropolitan  pressure  to  has  social  the  t h r o u g h more  upscale  was  objective  development. Economic of a  integration,  p l a n n e r s and  The  the  first  was  made  construction  phase  "social  mix,"  p o l i c y - m a k e r s i n downtown  conscious effort  through  or  of  of  to  "upgrade"  luxury  Westminster  New the  apartment  Quay does  never  an  Westminster. downtown and  include  population  townhouse two  Instead,  units.  housing  co-  W h i l e a v e r a g e a p a r t m e n t r e n t s i n New W e s t m i n s t e r r e m a i n e d b e l o w t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n a v e r a g e i n A p r i l 1990 - New Westminster's a p a r t m e n t v a c a n c y r a t e s t o o d a t 0.1 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d t o 0.9 percent f o r t h e CMA. ( S o u r c e : CMHC's R e n t a l M a r k e t S u r v e y . A p r i l 1990). 7  3  Interview  w i t h Ken  Cameron,  14  August  1990.  " P r i v a t e " s o c i a l housing r e f e r s to single-room occupancy h o t e l s , and o t h e r p r i v a t e l y - o w n e d l o w - r e n t accommodation. 9  155 operatives, component projects  but,  was  projects are  a  targetted  incentive sale  to  Quay the  - the  non-market  for developers;  and  sale  Five  of  II are  could  offset  market  the  some  units.  considerably  "empty-nester"  co-op of  the  Subsequent more  upscale,  and  market.  Summary  of  New  latter  are  Quay  Overall, negative also  more  d i s p l a c e m e n t , and  conservation. a  through  major an  has  Westminster,  potentially  with  an  surrounding the  investment.  on  as  i n Chapter  guaranteed  Westminster city  stated  i n Westminster  being  6_j_6_  used  were  uncertainty  as  helped and  these impacts  improved  opportunities .  of  the  quality  the  and  has  life,  positive  image  significant  contributions  to a s c e r t a i n  of  of  a  waterfront  subjective  amenity,  build  attracted  positive  difficult  Redevelopment public  has  to  outweigh  of  a s p e c t s of  heritage  waterfront  has  raised and  private  redevelopment. because  the  greater  f o r the  the The  limited  provided  livability economic  data  the level  city  I5& 7.0  An  underlying  "transition." communities social  and  into  the  different  are  the  period  I t has  a  Waterfront a  the  policy  stems  accommodating  new  new  the  opportunities  brought  urban  tool  urban  the  of  forced  urban  undergo  changes  are  economic,  necessary i f  post-industrial waterfronts is  about  by  a  of  urban  demands  era.  perhaps  i n the  variety  traditional  public  post-  of  port  facilities,  waterways,  f o r an  a  accessible  environment. is significant  for achieving  objectives. from  has  restructuring  clean-up  and  notion  they  industrial  the  living,  as  i n the  physical  been  redevelopment  development  particular,  survive  of  age  These  o b s o l e s c e n c e of  quality  public  services  urban  industry,  redevelopment  In  of  i s the  transition  and  evidence  of  and  of  thesis  restructuring.  inner-city  waterfront  economic  of  factors:  to  as  advent  to adapt  city.  relocation  city  this  a  dramatic  industrial  return  of  redevelopment  most  the  theme  physical  communities The  The  CONCLUSIONS  A  social  i n the  broader  post-industrial social  motivation  waterfront's potential  l a n d - u s e s , a m e n i t i e s and  redevelopment for affordable  of  urban  housing  and  for  for  community  w a t e r f r o n t s has i n the  core  services. provided  areas  of  cities . As  part  waterfront  of  an  amenities strategy  redevelopment  restructuring.  By  i s promoted  capitalizing  on  f o r economic as  the  a  development,  "catalyst"  amenity  value  for of  economic their  157 waterfronts, skilled  workforce,  The  nature  structural public  cities  and  are  potential  and  form  redevelopment.  development  interest  In  theory,  residents and  the  the  of  have  generally  the  vocal of  post-industrial  shown,  biased  are  the  towards  the  has  city.  practice, not  shared  nature  of  high-end  of  in  of  behind  a  powerful  the  government.  of  fundamental the  equally.  As  waterfront  business area  reclaimed  notion  commercial  as  local  however,  the  conditions,  various  levels  The  by  development  inherent  been  are  i s shaped  potential  concerns  a  activities.  motivation  between  various  public amenities  waterfront  are  competition  waterfront  In  and  to  economic  waterfront  Conflicts to  urban  development.  revitalized profiles  due  new  economic  waterfront's  involvement  c r e a t i o n of  waterfront  the  groups,  the  the  of  controls, of  attractive  developments  forces, general  tool.  process  and  waterfront  politicization  indicative  more  i n v e s t o r s , and  The  economic  residents,  become  land-use  is  social  to  and  projects  and  of  demographic  planning  redevelopment  hoping  for a l l  public  access  principles  b e n e f i t s of the  of a  waterfront  land-use  development  mix  and  is luxury  hous i n g . Through have  an  the  opportunity  issues.  The  however,  because  The  redevelopment  social  nature  to  redress  a  development  redevelopment of  of  range  raises  questions  industrial  city.  The  of  social  activity elitism  and  skill  economic realized,  commercially-motivated.  taking and  communities  and  i s seldom  is primarily  about  education  waterfronts,  potential  redevelopment  waterfront  their  place  equity  requirements  on  the  i n the of  urban  post-  the  post-  158 industrial society.  job As  a  market  opportunity,  enjoying  the  With will  be  seek  out  and  continued  even  more  those  through  distinctions  in access  are  -  there  in value,  will  lead  to  in  urban  education  effectively  the  barred  "livable"  environmental  integration  will  and  upscale that,  and  from  post-  people are  amounts and  be  demands  As  such,  capital  today,  combination  automation greater  and  of  and  of  will  economic  leisure  time  greater  the  between  steps  achieved,  the  for a l l r e s i d e n t s but,  awareness  will  be  city.  for  recreational  waterfront  potential  for  social  to  some  waterfront rather,  of  taken If  -  improved  amenity  land-users  development.  post-industrial  i s not  -  they  best  greater  competition  with  i s s u e s , some  i n the  With  than  the  public amenities.  more  i s hoped  future  offer  increased  increase to  i n the  opportunities.  will  elite.  individuals  locations that  and  reclaimed  inequality  class  t e c h n o l o g i c a l advancement  opportunities  equity  for  o p p o r t u n i t i e s of  mobile  telecommunications  of  basis  city.  possible  It  of  many  lifestyle  lifestyle  made  the  consequence  economic  industrial  form  will the  and  redress  level  of  not  have  the  issue  economic been  post-industrial  BIBLIOGRAPHY  I-  15"9  The Post-Industrial C i t v  B e l l , Daniel. 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