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UBC Theses and Dissertations

City planning and the political and fiscal repercussions of high unemployment King, Dianne Elizabeth Mary 1985

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CITY PLANNING AND THE POLITICAL AND FISCAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT By DIANNE ELIZABETH MARY KING B.A. The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,  1979  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE  FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (The School o f Community and R e g i o n a l  We a c c e p t t h i s  t h e s i s as conforming  to the r e q u i r e d  THE  standard  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March  (c)  Planning)  1985  Dianne E l i z a b e t h Mary K i n g ,  1985  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the  the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  and  study.  I further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  be granted by the head o f  department or by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  my  It is  understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l not be allowed without my  permission.  Department of  Community and Regional Planning  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date  DE-6  (3/81)  16 A p r i l 1985  written  ii  ABSTRACT  The  environment of c i t y p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e i n c l u d e s i n c r e a s i n g  unemployment r a t e s i n the communities p r a c t i t i o n e r s s e r v e .  There should  be e f f e c t s of t h i s ; however, there i s l i t t l e d i s c u s s i o n i n the o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i g h unemployment and p l a n n i n g . i s an e x p l o r a t o r y study of t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p .  literature  This  I t examines the e f f e c t s of  h i g h unemployment on c i t y p l a n n i n g as mediated by the p o l i t i c a l f i s c a l environments. normative,  Three l e v e l s of p l a n n i n g are c o n s i d e r e d :  and o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g .  The  thesis  and strategic,  s u b j e c t i v e q u a l i t y of  the  workplace i s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d .  A p r e l i m i n a r y review of the l i t e r a t u r e s on unemployment, on p a r t i c i p a t i o n and  i t s economic antecedents,  f i s c a l s t r e s s , was c o u n c i l l o r s , and  on p l a n n i n g , and  political  on  municipal  f o l l o w e d by i n t e r v i e w s w i t h twenty-two p l a n n e r s ,  a d m i n i s t r a t o r s of nongovernmental s e r v i c e s f o r the  unemployed.  The  t h e s i s d e s c r i b e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between unemployment  political  participation.  (Canadian  and  data on magnetic tape which can  be  used i n q u a n t i t a t i v e work i n t h i s area a r e l i s t e d i n the Appendix.) The i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p are then developed The  for city  planning.  e f f e c t s on p l a n n i n g of unemployment-related m u n i c i p a l f i s c a l  are a l s o e x p l o r e d .  A number of hypotheses a r e generated  which take i n t o  account  pressure  iii  contextual  effects.  These a r e i n c o r p o r a t e d  into four future  scenarios  which make d i f f e r e n t assumptions about the a b i l i t y of l e f t - and r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r governments  to reduce the unemployment r a t e .  concludes w i t h d i r e c t i o n s f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h and some g e n e r a l  The t h e s i s issues.  iv  TABLE O F CONTENTS  page LIST OF TABLES  v i i  LIST OF FIGURES  viii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  ix  CHAPTERS I . INTRODUCTION PURPOSE  2  METHODOLOGY  3  PROBLEMS  8  IN DATA COLLECTION  LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY  10  TERMINOLOGY  12  Unemployment Political Participation C i t y Planning OVERVIEW  12 13 14 17  I I . BACKGROUND FACTS ABOUT UNEMPLOYMENT The Unemployment Rate The Unemployment E x p e r i e n c e  18 18 18 20  THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Socioeconomic Status and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n The P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f Economic W e l l - b e i n g  23 23 26  THE PLANNING ENVIRONMENT S t r a t e g i c Planning Normative P l a n n i n g Operational Planning Q u a l i t y o f the Workplace  28 28 29 30 31  CONCLUSION III.  1  THE POLITICAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT POLITICAL APATHY  31 33 33  V  PROTEST F a c t o r s t h a t Moderate P r o t e s t The 1930's and Today  37 38 43  LEFT-RIGHT DIMENSION Increased L i b e r a l i s m Status P o l a r i z a t i o n Increased Conservatism  44 44 45 46  RISING UNEMPLOYMENT AND AUTHORITARIANISM  52  SUMMARY  53  IV. CITY PLANNING AND THE POLITICAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT STRATEGIC PLANNING Conservatism and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g L i b e r a l i s m and I n n o v a t i o n P o l a r i z a t i o n and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g  56 56 56 62 63  NORMATIVE PLANNING Apathy and Normative P l a n n i n g P r o t e s t and Value Premises P o l a r i z a t i o n and Normative P l a n n i n g  64 64 65 65  OPERATIONAL PLANNING  65  QUALITY OF THE WORKPLACE  66  SUMMARY Strategic Planning Normative P l a n n i n g Operational Planning Q u a l i t y o f the Workplace  . 66 67 67 68 68  V. CITY PLANNING AND THE FISCAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT . 69 HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT AND MUNICIPAL FINANCES 69 STRATEGIC PLANNING E x p l i c i t n e s s of C r i t e r i a Economic P l a n n i n g M i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f Budgets Ad hoc D e c i s i o n s A T r a d e - o f f Mode o f P l a n n i n g V i s i b i l i t y o f Performance Reduced Goal Achievement  71 71 72 73 73 74 75 76  NORMATIVE PLANNING  77  OPERATIONAL PLANNING  78  THE QUALITY OF THE WORKPLACE  7  9  vi  SUMMARY S t r a t e g i c Planning Normative P l a n n i n g Operational Planning Q u a l i t y of the Workplace VI. CONCLUSION CLOSING THE GAP  80 80 81 81 81 82 82  POSSIBLE FUTURES Unemployment P r o j e c t i o n s The Neoconservatism S c e n a r i o The P o l a r i z a t i o n S c e n a r i o The Apathy S c e n a r i o The L i b e r a l i s m S c e n a r i o  83 83 84 85 85 87  DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH Unemployment and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n : Research Needs . . . The P o l i t i c a l Environment o f P l a n n i n g : Research Needs P l a n n i n g under F i s c a l R e s t r a i n t : Research Needs  87 87 89 90  GENERAL ISSUES The Two Faces o f P l a n n i n g Independence f o r P l a n n e r s The H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e  91 91 91 92  REFERENCES APPENDIX  93 106  vii  LIST OF TABLES  page I. M u n i c i p a l i t y  and P o s i t i o n o f Respondents  I I . Canadian S t u d i e s on magnetic tape i n the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia's Data Bank that c o n t a i n measures o f both Economic S t a t u s and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n  6  107  viii  LIST OF FIGURES  page 1. A n a l y t i c a l Framework showing the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between High Unemployment, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n , F i s c a l P r e s s u r e , and C i t y Planning 2. Unemployment and  Income Trends: Canada, B r i t i s h Columbia,  .  and  M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver 3. F a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g  the r e l a t i o n s h i p s  4  19 i n the A n a l y t i c a l Framework .  4. Percentages of T o t a l A p p r o p r i a t i o n s , C i t y of Vancouver:  32  Planning  and S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Departments, Economic Development O f f i c e , H e a l t h and S o c i a l Welfare account, P u b l i c Works account, and P o l i c e Department ( h a l f of t o t a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n s ) 5. R a t i o s of A p p r o p r i a t i o n s : P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Departments, and the Economic Development O f f i c e  58 59  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  For Henry Hightower's guidence, this  openness, and p a t i e n c e  throughout  l e a r n i n g e x p e r i e n c e , I would l i k e to express my s i n c e r e thanks.  To  J a i m i e W a l l i n , i n A d m i n i s t r a t i v e , A d u l t , and Higher E d u c a t i o n , my g r a t i t u d e f o r being r e a l i s t i c w i t h r e s p e c t to the time r e q u i r e d f o r the study.  My thanks, a l s o , to Bob C o l l i e r , A d m i n i s t r a t o r o f the  M u n i c i p a l i t y o f D e l t a , f o r h i s moral s u p p o r t , to Brahm Wiesman, f o r h i s interest and  i n my work and encouragement to c o n t i n u e the work I have begun,  to R i c h a r d Johnston and Jean Laponce, i n the P o l i t i c a l  Department, f o r t h e i r i n i t i a l  1 would a l s o l i k e  Science  guidence.  to acknowledge my anonymous respondents,  f o r their  time and t h o u g h t f u l n e s s , and my p a r e n t s , f o r t h e i r p a t i e n c e and p r a c t i c a l assistance. and  Thanks a l s o go to Jim L., who commented on an e a r l y  to my s i s t e r , Lynda, and to E l a i n e , f o r t h e i r f a i t h i n me.  draft, Finally,  I express my g r a t i t u d e to the many w r i t e r s whose own work made t h i s thesis possible. own.  Any e r r o r s remaining  i n the t h e s i s a r e , o r c o u r s e , my  1  CHAPTER I  INTRODUCTION  C i t y p l a n n e r s have been working i n the f a c e o f i n c r e a s i n g unemployment r a t e s i n t h e i r communities.  However, t h e r e i s l i t t l e  d i s c u s s i o n o f the  i m p l i c a t i o n s o f h i g h unemployment f o r the p l a n n i n g environment.  High  unemployment i s u s u a l l y t r e a t e d as an o b j e c t o f p l a n n i n g a c t i v i t y than as a f a c t o r i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . unemployment a f f e c t s p o l i t i c a l  rather  T h i s t h e s i s asks how h i g h  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and how the p o l i t i c a l  environment, as w e l l as f i s c a l p r e s s u r e s , a f f e c t c i t y p l a n n i n g d u r i n g h i g h unemployment.  Political  s c i e n t i s t s g e n e r a l l y agree t h a t economic c o n d i t i o n s a f f e c t  political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; however, " t h e p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n s h i p . . . i s a  difficult  to p i n down" ( A l t , 1979:3). "We have l i t t l e  what happens to p o l i t i c a l  i n f o r m a t i o n about  p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g times o f d e p r e s s i o n "  ( M i l b r a t h and G o e l , 1977:95). I n h i s review European R e c e s s i o n ,  little  of P o l i t i c s ,  P o l i c y and the  Grant s t a t e s t h a t c o n t r i b u t o r s a r e n o t sure how to  t a l k about the impact o f r e c e s s i o n on p a r t i e s and p r e s s u r e groups (1983).  Given of  that p o l i t i c a l  s c i e n t i s t s have n o t come up w i t h a c l e a r account  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic c o n d i t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e r e has been l i t t l e d i s c u s s i o n of  the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p f o r c i t y  planning.  Yet c i t y  2  planning two  is likely  to be a f f e c t e d by p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n at  ways: through p o l i t i c i a n s ' responses to p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s  through d i r e c t exchanges between p l a n n e r s and  least  and  p o l i t i c a l l y active  citizens.  D i s c u s s i o n s of the e f f e c t s of unemployment-related f i s c a l p r e s s u r e m u n i c i p a l government are e a s i e r to f i n d  than d i s c u s s i o n s of  unemployment-related p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s . l i t e r a t u r e on m u n i c i p a l  fiscal  However, the growing amount of  s t r e s s i s l a r g e l y American and  discuss c i t y planning e x p l i c i t l y .  on  Yet budget l e v e l s and  undoubtedly a f f e c t an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y  like  does not  procedures  planning.  PURPOSE  The  t h e s i s aims to f i l l  p l a n n i n g environment. political  a gap  i n p l a n n e r s ' knowledge about  I t explores  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and  the e f f e c t s of h i g h unemployment  the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c i t y p l a n n i n g  p o l i t i c a l and budgetary p r e s s u r e s  the  d u r i n g h i g h unemployment.  on  of  Specifically,  the t h e s i s aims to  1.  c h a r a c t e r i z e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g h i g h unemployment (Chapter I I I ) ;  2.  e x p l o r e the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c i t y p l a n n i n g of  political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g h i g h unemployment (Chapter  3.  c h a r a c t e r i z e p l a n n i n g under budgetary p r e s s u r e  A b a s i c premise of the study  IV);  (Chapter  V).  i s t h a t h i g h unemployment has a d i r e c t  e f f e c t on p l a n n i n g i n the form of f i s c a l  p r e s s u r e , as w e l l as an  indirect  3  e f f e c t I n terms o f p o l i t i c a l l y mediated responses to h i g h Political  f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c e p l a n n e r s both d i r e c t l y  through  o b s e r v a t i o n s and exchanges w i t h c i t i z e n s , and i n d i r e c t l y a c t i o n s o f c o u n c i l and s e n i o r governments. and  r e l a t i o n s h i p s examined i n the t h e s i s .  of the study a r e i n d i c a t e d w i t h a d o t t e d  An understanding  unemployment. personal  through the  F i g u r e 1 d e p i c t s the v a r i a b l e s R e l a t i o n s h i p s beyond the scope  line.  o f the p o l i t i c a l environment may h e l p p l a n n e r s to  b e t t e r a n t i c i p a t e and a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n change. o n l y those European n a t i o n s political difficulties  Cox argues t h a t  t h a t have been a b l e to m i t i g a t e the e f f e c t s o f  o f the r e c e s s i o n have been a b l e to t a c k l e the b a s i c  s t r u c t u r a l and c y c l i c a l economic problems (1982:16).  I n a d d i t i o n , the growing l i t e r a t u r e on the p o l i t i c s o f p l a n n i n g to adopt a neomarxist approach ( c f . Bolan,  tends  1980). A systems view, such as  t h a t taken i n the t h e s i s , and encompassing p s y c h o l o g i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s , should  throw new l i g h t on t h i s area o f p l a n n i n g  theory.  METHODOLOGY  A p r e l i m i n a r y review  o f the l i t e r a t u r e s on unemployment, on p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i t s economic antecedents, fiscal  on p l a n n i n g , and on m u n i c i p a l  s t r e s s , were f o l l o w e d by i n t e r v i e w s w i t h  twenty-two  planners,  c o u n c i l l o r s , and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s of nongovernmental s e r v i c e s f o r the unemployed.  A d d i t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g the Annual Reviews o f the  C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, was c o n s u l t e d d u r i n g the a n a l y s i s and  write-up.  4  MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION  Planners  JL.  OTHER FACTORS  Fiscal Pressure  7\  ECONOMY  COUNCIL  SENIOR GOVERNMENTS /\  Unemployment  Political Participation  PUBLIC  F i g u r e 1. A n a l y t i c a l Framework showing Unemployment, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n , P l a n n i n g (Adapted from F r e y , 1983)  the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between High F i s c a l P r e s s u r e , and C i t y  5  Interviews were h e l d with a d i r e c t o r and a s s i s t a n t d i r e c t o r of p l a n n i n g , the head of a p l a n n i n g d i v i s i o n , e i g h t c i t y p l a n n e r s , two p l a n n e r s , s i x c o u n c i l l o r s , and  three a d m i n i s t r a t o r s of union, church,  n o n p r o f i t programs f o r the unemployed. persons  social  i n the C i t y of Vancouver, and  E i g h t e e n i n t e r v i e w s were w i t h f o u r with persons  s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of West Vancouver, New  from  the  Westminster, D e l t a , and  S u r r e y . T a b l e I d e p i c t s the p o s i t i o n s of the respondents m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n which they work.  and  and  the  Respondents are not i d e n t i f i e d  because  o f the p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e of the i n t e r v i e w s .  P o t e n t i a l respondents planning, i n i t i a l sought who  had  were r e f e r r e d  respondents,  to the w r i t e r by d i r e c t o r s of  o r the t h e s i s a d v i s e r s .  exposure to the p u b l i c i n order t h a t they would be a b l e to  d e s c r i b e changes i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and work.  S u b j e c t s were  the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e i r  F i v e of the p l a n n e r s i n the Vancouver C i t y P l a n n i n g Department are  i n Area P l a n n i n g ; two are i n C e n t r a l Area p l a n n i n g with p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e i n other d i v i s i o n s .  The  two s o c i a l p l a n n e r s are i n S o c i a l  Services Planning.  To o b t a i n i n t e r v i e w s w i t h the mayor and c o u n c i l l o r s , a f o r m a l r e q u e s t was  c i r c u l a t e d by  the Aldermen's S e c r e t a r y . S i x c o u n c i l l o r s  consented.  Three a r e w i t h the Committee of P r o g r e s s i v e E l e c t o r s or the C i v i c Independents, which support  l a b o r , and  three w i t h The E l e c t o r s A c t i o n  Movement or the N o n - P a r t i s a n A s s o c i a t i o n , which advocate although  there i s some c r o s s - v o t i n g .  free-enterprise,  6  T a b l e I-  Municipality  ^ " ^ ^ POSITION  and P o s i t i o n o f Respondents  MUNICIPALITY ^ ^ ^ ^  Van.  W. Van. New West. D e l t a  Surrey  TOTAL  Planner  9  Councillor  6  6  Administrator, Service f o r Unemployed  3  3  TOTAL  18  Van. = Vancouver New West. = New Westminster W. Van. = West Vancouver  1  1  1  1  1  1  1  1  13  22  7  Except  f o r one  telephone  were between f i f t e e n and fifty  i n t e r v i e w and  two  p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s which  f i f t y minutes i n l e n g t h , the i n t e r v i e w s were  to n i n e t y minutes l o n g .  Given  the i n t e r v i e w s were open-ended.  the e x p l o r a t o r y n a t u r e of the  study,  P l a n n e r s and c o u n c i l l o r s were asked  to  d e s c r i b e changes i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n s i n c e the onset of the c u r r e n t r e c e s s i o n and  to make c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s where p o s s i b l e .  were then asked I n the f i r s t feedback; verbal  to d e s c r i b e how  interview, f i l i n g  these changes had  Respondents  i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r work.  c a r d s were used to p r e s e n t concepts  however, t h i s i n e f f i c i e n t procedure  was  abandoned i n f a v o r of  probing.  Respondents g e n e r a l l y had political  some d i f f i c u l t y  d e s c r i b i n g changes i n  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a c c o u n t i n g f o r any changes observed.  w i t h two o r t h r e e e x c e p t i o n s , they seemed v e r y i n t e r e s t e d i n the focus.  for  The  i n t e r v i e w s underscore  However, study  the need f o r more debate and b e t t e r  theory i n t h i s area.  Because p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s may about, people who of  may  the unemployed was  group.  The  not p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s ,  concern  the p o l i t i c a l  behavior  e x p l o r e d w i t h a d m i n i s t r a t o r s of s e r v i c e s f o r t h i s  format of the i n t e r v i e w s was  c o u n c i l l o r s except political  have l i t t l e c o n t a c t w i t h , o r  the same as f o r the p l a n n e r s  and  t h a t q u e s t i o n s f o c u s e d on the e f f e c t o f unemployment  participation, efforts  to o r g a n i z e the unemployed, and  on  the  reactions of p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s .  In view of d i f f e r e n c e s between m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i t h r e s p e c t to how they had been h i t by the r e c e s s i o n , i t was  hard  decided, a f t e r several  i n t e r v i e w s , to focus on Vancouver. U n l e s s otherwise noted,  therefore, i t  8  can  be  assumed that  referring  The  to the  respondents quoted i n the  situation  from the p o l i t i c a l  electoral participation l e v e l s , as w e l l  as  the  presented i n Chapter I I , and  inferred as  from the  from the  participation  i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s a t the  (1983), m a t e r i a l on  implications  thesis  are  was  s c i e n c e l i t e r a t u r e , which tends to focus  t h e o r e t i c a l background on  The  political  from Johnston's a n a l y s i s  Canadian e l e c t i o n s  the  i n Vancouver.  e f f e c t of h i g h unemployment on  inferred  remainder of  of data on  1979  on  political  and the  1980 1930's,  participation  interviews.  of p o l i t i c a l  p l a n n i n g and  the  national  the Great D e p r e s s i o n of  unemployment and the  s t a t e and  on  participation for c i t y  public  t h e o r e t i c a l background on  p l a n n i n g were  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e s , as political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and  well  planning  presented i n Chapter I I , the P l a n n i n g Department Annual Reviews, and interviews.  And,  finally,  the  implications  p l a n n i n g were gathered from the Annual Reviews, and  the  the  of f i s c a l p r e s s u r e f o r  l i t e r a t u r e on m u n i c i p a l f i s c a l s t r e s s ,  the  interviews.  PROBLEMS IN DATA COLLECTION  S e v e r a l m e t h o d o l o g i c a l problems were encountered a t First,  Canadian s t u d i e s of p o l i t i c a l  tape i n the U n i v e r s i t y participation recession.  in national  They w i l l  conducted d u r i n g the  participation available  outset. on  magnetic  of B r i t i s h Columbia's Data Bank tend to focus and  These s t u d i e s are  investigators.  the  provincial listed  p r o v i d e an  politics  and  predate the  current  i n the Appendix f o r the  use  interesting  studies  1980's when these become  c o n t r a s t to  available.  on  of  future  9  L e t t e r s to m u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s were a p o t e n t i a l source o f about c i t i z e n s ' p r e f e r e n c e s and influence o f f i c i a l s .  information  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f c i t i z e n s who  t r y to  However, the Vancouver C i t y C l e r k ' s o f f i c e i n d i c a t e d  t h a t o n l y some l e t t e r s a r e forwarded to t h a t o f f i c e , and o n l y some o f these a r e f i l e d .  The  r e c o r d of p u b l i c meetings i s a l s o s k e t c h y .  would have to be e x t r a p o l a t e d from overtime  The F e s t i v a l Committee has However, p r i o r to 1981  Data  o r h a l l r e n t a l budgets.  a p a r t i a l r e c o r d of  demonstrations.  (the end of the p r o t e s t e r a , a c c o r d i n g to  one  o f f i c i a l ) groups d i d not u s u a l l y c o n s u l t the C i t y b e f o r e s t a g i n g an event.  In a d d i t i o n , r e c o r d s are kept a l p h a b e t i c a l l y by  organization.  To determine any  the name o f  change i n a c t i v i t y over  the y e a r s would  i n v o l v e a time-consuming s e a r c h through s e l e c t e d groups'  C o u n c i l minutes c o u l d have p r o v i d e d  the  files.  i n f o r m a t i o n about d e l e g a t i o n s .  However, because a s m a l l number of i n d i v i d u a l s make r e p e a t appearances which c o u n c i l l o r s  tend  to i g n o r e , a c c o r d i n g to those  councillors  i n t e r v i e w e d , and because a c c e s s i n g the i n f o r m a t i o n would have been an i n e f f i c i e n t use o f time c o n s i d e r i n g the l i m i t e d view o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i t would p r o v i d e , t h i s path was  political  foregone.  Open-ended i n t e r v i e w s were s e l e c t e d as the most e f f i c i e n t method of data c o l l e c t i o n and area.  Future  the most f o r g i v i n g o f the l a c k o f theory i n t h i s  i n v e s t i g a t o r s may  have the r e s o u r c e s and  theory  to examine  more q u a n t i t a t i v e d a t a .  F i n a l l y , there i s l i t t l e upon which to draw.  systematic  study o f the p l a n n i n g  environment  Most work i n t h i s a r e a i s of the case study  variety.  10  Research i n r e l a t e d a r e a s , such as s o c i a l work, b u d g e t i n g , and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i s a u s e f u l supplement  public  to the p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e ,  a l t h o u g h c a u t i o n must be e x e r t e d i n g e n e r a l i z i n g from d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s .  LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY  The trends i n p l a n n i n g to be d i s c u s s e d i n the t h e s i s do n o t n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t from the p o l i t i c a l  impact o f unemployment.  Unemployment i s o n l y one o f many f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g participation.  I n f l a t i o n (MacKuen, 1983;  political  F i s h e r and H u i z i n g a , 1982),  income ( K i n d e r and Mebane, 1983; Rosenstone, 1982;  F a i r , 1978:171), the  v o t e r ' s g e n e r a l sense o f whether the n a t i o n ' s economy i s improving or d e t e r i o r a t i n g ( K i e w i e t , 1983), f o r e i g n a f f a i r s  (Mackuen, 1983),  and  r e g i o n a l o r c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s ( C l a r k e e t a l . , 1979) a r e s t r o n g e r p r e d i c t o r s of  p o l i t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s than unemployment i n c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  In  a d d i t i o n , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s undoubtedly o n l y one o f many f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g planning.  Some attempt i s made i n the t h e s i s to d i s t i n g u i s h  between the e f f e c t s o f the p o l i t i c a l and f i s c a l environments, but t h i s i s only a beginning.  The temporal dimension o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between unemployment and political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n ( l a g s , cumulative e f f e c t s , etc.)  scope o f the t h e s i s . and  Little  unduly c o m p l i c a t e the  An e x c e p t i o n to t h i s i s the d i s c u s s i o n o f an  unemployment r a t e .  the  i s known about t h i s a s p e c t o f the problem,  to attempt to e x p l o r e t h i s matter would  discussion.  i s beyond  The r e a d e r i n t e r e s t e d  increasing  i n the temporal dimension  wish to c o n s u l t the work o f MacKuen (1983), H i b b s , (1979), F i o r i n a Paldam (1981), Monroe (1979), F a i r  may (1981),  (1978), Bloom and P r i c e (1975), and  11  Goodhart and  Due  Bhansali  to the  (1970).  l a c k of r e s e a r c h a t the  l o c a l l e v e l , the d i s c u s s i o n  Chapter I I I f o c u s e s on p o l i t i c s a t the p r o v i n c i a l and However, as  two  c o u n c i l l o r s suggested, most people are not  c i t y p o l i t i c s and  do not  arenas.  may  The  l a r g e and  diverse  also f a c i l i t a t e generalization  I t appears, moreover, t h a t the  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s more important i n B.C.  very a c t i v e  budgets o f  from l a r g e r  l e f t - r i g h t dimension of provincial politics  than i n n a t i o n a l  politics.  This  unemployment and  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n found a t the n a t i o n a l  a c o n s e r v a t i v e e s t i m a t e of  focusing  Vancouver p o l i t i c s suggests that  large  political  (U.B.C.  and  By  in  political  p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s , 1985)  be  levels.  d i s t i n g u i s h among the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of  d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government. municipalities  national  in  (Gutstein,  1983:15)  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between level  may  t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i n Vancouver p o l i t i c s .  on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the  view o f the p o l i t i c a l environment.  Discussion  dominates t h a t o f p a r t i e s , i n t e r e s t groups, and  t h e s i s takes an  atomistic  of i n d i v i d u a l b e h a v i o r s o c i a l a c t i o n movements.  I t i s assumed t h a t groups shape themselves to a t t r a c t s u p p o r t e r s more than i n d i v i d u a l s compromise t h e i r v a l u e s to be a p a r t o f a p o l i t i c a l T h a t the whole may exploration  g r e a t e r than the  sum  o f the p a r t s  o f which i s beyond the scope o f the  Readers may reactions  be  be  d i s a p p o i n t e d that  to government c u t b a c k s .  c h a p t e r on "How  While the  possibility,  thesis.  i s s a i d about c i t i z e n s ' t h e s i s sows the seeds f o r a  Cutbacks A f f e c t P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n , " the c u l t i v a t i o n  o f such a c h a p t e r i s f u t u r e work. format than the  little  is a  group.  A book would be a more a p p r o p r i a t e  t h e s i s f o r y e t another l e v e l of  analysis.  12  Given  t h a t F i g u r e 1 d i s t i n g u i s h e s between p l a n n e r s and c o u n c i l , i t  would appear t h a t c o u n c i l r e c e i v e s s h o r t s h r i f t i n t e r e s t s o f s i m p l i c i t y , i t was decided  thereafter.  I n the  to handle the r o l e o f c o u n c i l  passim r a t h e r than s e p a r a t e l y w i t h a l l o f the d e f i n i t i o n a l and t h e o r e t i c a l treatment  g i v e n unemployment, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and p l a n n i n g .  consequences o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r the c o m p o s i t i o n d i s c u s s e d throughout Chapter I I I , w h i l e mediation  The  of council are  the r o l e o f c o u n c i l i n the  o f c i t i z e n s ' responses to h i g h unemployment i s d i s c u s s e d a t  v a r i o u s p o i n t s i n Chapter IV.  The  t h e s i s i s d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y towards m u n i c i p a l p l a n n e r s .  Regional  and nongovernmental p l a n n i n g a r e beyond the scope o f the t h e s i s .  So, t o o ,  a r e p l a n n i n g e d u c a t i o n and theory i n s u b s t a n t i v e areas o f p l a n n i n g . f o c u s i s on p l a n n i n g  The  practice.  TERMINOLOGY  T h i s s e c t i o n d e f i n e s the major variables--unemployment, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and c i t y p l a n n i n g — a s  political  they a r e viewed i n the t h e s i s .  Unemployment The  o f f i c i a l unemployment r a t e as r e p o r t e d by S t a t i s t i c s Canada i s the  p e r c e n t a g e o f the n o n i n s t i t u t i o n a l c i v i l i a n l a i d o f f and s e e k i n g work. number o f d i s c o u r a g e d  l a b o r f o r c e without  a job or  However, t h i s s t a t i s t i c underestimates  the  unemployed workers who have g i v e n up t r y i n g to f i n d  a j o b , and the number o f underemployed workers who cannot o b t a i n s u f f i c i e n t hours o f work.  The e f f e c t o f c o n s i d e r i n g o n l y  civilian  employment i s to s l i g h t l y exaggerate the unemployment r a t e .  However, i n  13  the b a l a n c e , the o f f i c i a l unemployment r a t e p r o b a b l y underestimates unemployment, p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g unemployed workers a r e more l i k e l y  periods  o f h i g h unemployment when  to become d i s c o u r a g e d (see Chapter I I ) .  I t i s sometimes argued t h a t the unemployment r a t e i s i n f l a t e d by secondary income e a r n e r s whose income i s n o t e s s e n t i a l to the support o f the f a m i l y .  However, i t appears t h a t wives e n t e r e d the workforce between  1971 and 1981 p r i m a r i l y to o f f s e t d e c l i n i n g f a m i l y income ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1984). The unemployment r a t e can, t h e r e f o r e , be c o n s i d e r e d  a  measure o f d e p r i v a t i o n .  Trends i n unemployment and some o f the p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s o f unemployment w i t h r e l e v a n c e  and s o c i a l  f o r the d i s c u s s i o n o f p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Chapter I I I a r e o u t l i n e d i n f u r t h e r d e t a i l i n Chapter I I .  Political participation P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s defined activities  as involvement o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n  intended to i n f l u e n c e government ( e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s o r the  administration). be c o n s i d e r e d  Preparatory a c t i v i t i e s  l i k e "keeping informed" w i l l n o t  here.  P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l concept.  The modes  i d e n t i f i e d by f a c t o r a n a l y s i s i n c l u d e v o t i n g , campaigning and o t h e r partisan a c t i v i t y , contacting problem, and c o n t a c t i n g  o f f i c i a l s with respect  o f f i c i a l s with respect  to a community  to a p r i v a t e problem  ( M i l b r a t h and G o e l , 1977; Verba and N i e , 1972). Some modes, such as d e m o n s t r a t i n g , have r e c e i v e d modes.  l e s s a t t e n t i o n and c o u l d c o n s t i t u t e separate  Some people a r e a c t i v e i n most modes--the complete  14  modes.  Some people a r e a c t i v e i n most modes — the complete  a c t i v i s t s — w h i l e o t h e r s a r e a c t i v e i n none--the a p a t h e t i c s o r i n a c t i v e s .  B e f o r e the d i f f e r e n t modes were i d e n t i f i e d , i t was common to t a l k about g l a d i a t o r s and s p e c t a t o r s a f t e r M i l b r a t h ' s seminal book on how and why people p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s  (1965). The i n t e n s i t y dimension  has v a l i d i t y as a s e p a r a t e dimension  Chapter  ( M i l b r a t h and G o e l ,  City  1977).  I I p r o v i d e s f u r t h e r d e t a i l on some o f the e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s  of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n which a r e c r i t i c a l impact  still  o f unemployment on i t and the p o l i t i c a l  to understanding  both the  s e t t i n g of planning.  planning For  the purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , c i t y p l a n n i n g i s d e f i n e d as a  p r o f e s s i o n a l a d v i s o r y f u n c t i o n i n m u n i c i p a l government which attempts to make p o l i c y - m a k i n g  more r a t i o n a l and a n t i c i p a t o r y .  This d e f i n i t i o n  belies  the degree o f disagreement on t h i s p o i n t and i s , t h e r e f o r e , somewhat a r b i t r a r y and p e r s o n a l .  As a r a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , p l a n n i n g attempts to  1.  i d e n t i f y a problem and the stakes i n i t s r e s o l u t i o n .  The  a n t i c i p a t o r y component o f p l a n n i n g r e q u i r e s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f gaps between p r o j e c t e d trends and g o a l s , and the f o r m u l a t i o n o f community g o a l s ;  2.  determine a range of a l t e r n a t e s o l u t i o n s l i k e l y one  3.  to i n c l u d e the b e s t  ( D a v i d o f f and R e i n e r , 1962);  assess  the o b s t a c l e s , o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and s i d e - e f f e c t s ;  15  4.  make recommendations.  However, the p o l i t i c a l  process  tends  to outweigh long-range and  comprehensive p l a n s based on p r i n c i p l e s o f r a t i o n a l i t y  (Blowers, 1980;  Catanese, 1974:24). T h e r e f o r e , i t i s argued t h a t some degree of r a t i o n a l i t y must be t r a d e d - o f f f o r p r o p o s a l s w i t h a h i g h e r chance o f being adopted (Catanese, criticized  1974; B e n v e n i s t e ,  1972:118). But then, p l a n n e r s may be  f o r being r e a c t i v e , i n c r e m e n t a l and b u r e a u c r a t i c  (Blowers,  1980). The p o s i t i o n taken i n the t h e s i s i s t h a t the " e x p e r t ' s ( B e n v e n i s t e , 1972:118) i s u n a v o i d a b l e  and p l a n n e r s w i l l  find  dilemma" themselves  making compromises.  As c o n d i t i o n s which f o s t e r one a s p e c t o f p l a n n i n g may h i n d e r it  another,  i s u s e f u l to d i s t i n g u i s h between three l e v e l s o f p l a n n i n g : the  s t r a t e g i c , normative,  and o p e r a t i o n a l l e v e l s  (Smith, 1982; Ozbekan, 1973).  Thus, the p o l i t i c a l and f i s c a l r e p e r c u s s i o n s o f h i g h unemployment ( d i s c u s s e d i n Chapters  IV and V r e s p e c t i v e l y ) w i l l be d i s c u s s e d under the  headings o f " S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g , " "Normative P l a n n i n g , " and " O p e r a t i o n a l Planning."  S t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g i s the a n a l y s i s , e v a l u a t i o n , and s e l e c t i o n o f a l t e r n a t i v e means (Smith, 1982:362). R a t i o n a l comprehensive p l a n n i n g to  focus on s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g .  tends  The ends a r e taken as g i v e n , o r i t i s  assumed there i s a s i n g l e p u b l i c i n t e r e s t .  Normative p l a n n i n g i s the r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the v a l u e premises u n d e r l y i n g d e c i s i o n s , and the d e f i n i t i o n o f d e s i r e d ends and i d e a l s (Smith, 1982:362). The ends a r e n o t taken f o r g r a n t e d , nor i s an o b j e c t i v e  16  p u b l i c i n t e r e s t assumed. p o l i t i c a l procedure  Normative p l a n n i n g i s concerned  w i t h the proper  f o r r e a c h i n g s o l u t i o n s and w i t h the communication o f  information.  F i n a l l y , o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g i s the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f what w i l l done; i n c o n t r a s t , s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g i s concerned normative  i s a l s o disagreement  Some p l a n n e r s argue  issues or p o l i t i c s  the scope of the p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n . themselves  to land use  take a broader view which encompasses  (e.g. F o r e s t e r , 1982;  The view taken i n t h i s  Webber, 1978;  social  D a v i d o f f , 1965).  t h e s i s i s t h a t c i t y p l a n n i n g covers a l l areas of  municipal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  may  about  consensus.  t h a t they should r e s t r i c t  i s s u e s (Reade, 1982). Others  restricted  w i t h what can be done,  p l a n n i n g w i t h what should be done (Smith, 1982:362). O p e r a t i o n a l  p l a n n i n g i n v o l v e s the c u l t i v a t i o n of  There  be  to land use.  Thus, i n some c i t i e s , p l a n n i n g may In o t h e r c i t i e s ,  be  s o c i a l and/or economic p o l i c y  be a p p r o p r i a t e s u b j e c t s .  Some p l a n n e r s contend  that p o l i t i c a l  involvement  they p r o v i d e ( S t e r n l i e b , 1978:299). Others contend  taints  the numbers  that planning i s  p o l i t i c a l whether or not i t i s r e c o g n i z e d as such ( D a v i d o f f , 1965), and i t tends  to be used  to mediate and prevent s o c i a l c o n f l i c t  (Blowers,  1980:37). The view u n d e r l y i n g t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t i n a d d i t i o n to p r o v i d i n g the numbers, p l a n n e r s have a r o l e i n f a c i l i t a t i n g c o n s t r u c t i v e t h a t i s i n normative  planning.  debate,  P u b l i c involvement can be a means to t h i s  end.  Finally,  i t has been argued  t h a t p l a n n i n g should extend a c c e s s to  17  o p p o r t u n i t i e s by e n s u r i n g the most e f f i c i e n t and e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f resources accepted  (Lynch,  1981; Webber, 1968). I n the absence o f a p r a c t i c a l and  theory o f s o c i a l j u s t i c e , d e c i s i o n s about the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f  r e s o u r c e s a r e b a s i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l l y motivated.  The w r i t e r ' s p o s i t i o n i s  t h a t when p l a n n e r s d i s a g r e e w i t h c o u n c i l , they should use p e r s u a s i o n , but they should n o t presume t h a t they know the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t b e t t e r than do the e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  On i s s u e s about which they f e e l s t r o n g l y ,  p l a n n e r s should seek to change the v a l u e p o s i t i o n o f c o u n c i l through the e l e c t o r a l system as p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s .  OVERVIEW  Chapter  I has presented  the problem, s p e c i f i e d  the purpose and  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the study, d e s c r i b e d the methodology and problems encountered and  i n data c o l l e c t i o n , d i s c u s s e d the l i m i t a t i o n s o f the s t u d y ,  d e f i n e d the major v a r i a b l e s .  Chapter  I I c h a r a c t e r i z e s unemployment,  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and c i t y p l a n n i n g i n f u l l e r  F o l l o w i n g t h i s , Chapter political participation.  detail.  I I I w i l l d e s c r i b e how unemployment a f f e c t s  Chapter  IV w i l l  then e x p l o r e the i m p l i c a t i o n s  f o r c i t y p l a n n i n g o f the themes d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter  I I I . Chapter V  o u t l i n e s the f i s c a l r e p e r c u s s i o n s o f h i g h unemployment f o r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and  the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c i t y  The  planning.  f i n a l c h a p t e r o f the t h e s i s a s s e s s e s  the p r o g r e s s made i n c l o s i n g  the gap, i d e n t i f i e d a t the o u t s e t , i n our knowledge. f u t u r e t r e n d s , suggests  I t s p e c u l a t e s on  d i r e c t i o n s f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i n the a r e a , and  r e f l e c t s on some g e n e r a l i s s u e s i n p l a n n i n g .  18  CHAPTER I I  BACKGROUND  T h i s chapter p r o v i d e s a f u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n o f the study v a r i a b l e s than c o u l d be a f f o r d e d i n Chapter i n t r o d u c e d i n Chapter  I and f l e s h e s out the study framework  I . Some o f the e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f  unemployment, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and the p l a n n i n g environment a r e presented  to f a c i l i t a t e understanding  o f the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s .  FACTS ABOUT UNEMPLOYMENT  This section provides a b r i e f  look a t aggregate  trends i n , and the  d i s t r i b u t i o n o f , unemployment, f o l l o w e d by a s k e t c h o f the e x p e r i e n c e o f unemployment.  The Unemployment  Rate  F i g u r e 2 d e p i c t s trends i n unemployment f o r Vancouver, Columbia, and Canada. Unemployment had hovered p e r c e n t s i n c e the 1950's u n t i l highest  British  between f o u r and t e n  the e a r l y 1980's, when the r a t e reached i t s  l e v e l s i n c e the 1930's. Care must be taken i n g e n e r a l i z i n g from  h i s t o r i c a l d a t a , however, as l a t e r d e f i n i t i o n s o f unemployment a r e more inclusive.  F o r t h i s reason,  the d i f f e r e n t data s e r i e s a r e i d e n t i f i e d i n  F i g u r e 2.  B r i t i s h Columbia's unemployment r a t e i s u s u a l l y h i g h e r than  Ontario's  Income  share  bottom  607. o f i n d i v i d u a l s Average of  duration  unemployment  Percentage income  o f low  persons  7.  70 71-201  —  65 —?l-00  71-20L/ '' V  —  60 =-  55  D484-490  / ^  K i  —  DI24-133 V  —  1 1 1  1 1 1 1  1  D484J-427_^/—  1 1 1 1  —  Participation  —  1 1 1  D49I-497  71-201^  Unemployment  Healthj  1966 70 75  80 84 46 50  METRO-VANCOUVER  55 60  65  70  75  B R I T I S H COLUMBIA  80 84 21 25  30 ,  35  40 4-5 50  55  60  65  rate  70  75  80 84  CANADA  F i g u r e 2 . Unemployment and Income Trends: Canada, B r i t i s h Columbia, and M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver (Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, catalogue nos. shown).  rate  20  and  the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s '  s i n c e 1984,  B.C.  has  had  (Economic C o u n c i l of Canada, 1977). However,  the second or t h i r d h i g h e s t unemployment r a t e i n  Canada. P u b l i c s e c t o r f i r i n g s have undoubtedly c o n t r i b u t e d to i n c r e a s e d relative  unemployment.  Unemployment tends to be h i g h e s t i n the i n t e r i o r of B.C. first  q u a r t e r of 1984)  same p e r i o d )  and  lowest  i n the Lower Mainland  f i n a n c i a l s e c t o r s (B.C.  B l u e - c o l l a r Canadians, and  the  and  r a t e s of unemployment than  the  C e n t r a l C r e d i t Union, 1984:2).  i n c r e a s i n g l y , c l e r i c a l workers and  i n s a l e s , as w e l l as Canadians w i t h or end  (147. d u r i n g  s i n c e the primary, c o n s t r u c t i o n , manufacturing,  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n d u s t r i e s have h i g h e r s e r v i c e and  (247. i n the  l i t t l e education  or at the  people  beginning  of t h e i r working l i v e s , have the h i g h e s t r a t e s of unemployment  (Deaton, 1983:16-17). In g e n e r a l , lower s t a t u s i n d i v i d u a l s are the most likely  The  to be unemployed (Schlozman and  Unemployment The  Verba, 1979).  Experience  unemployed u s u a l l y s u f f e r a l o s s of income.  the r e c e s s i o n i n 1982, F i g u r e 2) and  i n recent years.  The  line  the r a t e of t r a n s f e r payments ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, In a d d i t i o n , F i g u r e 2 shows how  income share of the bottom s i x t y p e r c e n t  rise  the onset  the number of people below the poverty  K i r s h , 1983:75) have i n c r e a s e d .  steep  Since  of the p o p u l a t i o n has  of  (see  1982; the decreased  I t appears that economic i n e q u a l i t y i n c r e a s e s w i t h a  i n unemployment.  unemployed a l s o tend  s o c i a l c o n t a c t with  to experience  coworkers and  reductions  i n self-confidence,  f r i e n d s , r e s i d e n t i a l and  marital  21  s t a b i l i t y , and h e a l t h 1982;  Brenner, 1973;  Initial  (Borgen and Amundson, 1984; K i r s h , 1983; B e r n s t e i n , 1970; G a l l a c h e r ,  Rosenstone,  1969).  shock and d e p r e s s i o n tend to be f o l l o w e d by optimism and j o b  s e a r c h , whereas extended unemployment tends to produce r e s i g n a t i o n  (Borgen  and Amundson, 1984:103; K i r s h , 1983:62; Hayes and Nutman, 1981). H e a l t h d i f f e r e n c e s between the long term unemployed and the employed  gradually  d i s a p p e a r (Buss and Redburn, 1983:49), s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the unemployed a d j u s t to t h e i r c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  Borgen and Amundson have found t h a t people who  have not a n t i c i p a t e d  unemployment and women w i t h few supports tend to e x p e r i e n c e h i g h e r than average swings  i n emotions  (1984:32). Repeated  l a y o f f s may  also  intensify  the  response to j o b l e s n e s s ( K a s l and Cobb, 1979). In c o n t r a s t ,  are  more p e r s i s t e n t than average i n t h e i r j o b s e a r c h and have l e s s  n o t i c a b l e emotional swings  immigrants  (Borgen and Amundson, 1984:65,78,104).  Secondary wage earners e x p e r i e n c e r e l a t i v e l y a g r a d u a l downturn i n emotions  little  emotional upheaval and  (Borgen and Amundson, 1984:61). Where  unemployment i s a n t i c i p a t e d , Borgen and Amundson found t h a t many emotions are  f e l t b e f o r e unemployment begins (p. 50). F i n a l l y ,  unemployed youths w i t h l i t t l e resentment and  little  they d i s c o v e r e d  that  or no post-secondary e d u c a t i o n e x h i b i t  constructive job search a c t i v i t y  (p. 104).  As the d u r a t i o n o f unemployment i n c r e a s e s , unemployed u n i o n workers tend n o t to renew t h e i r memberships (Schlozman and Verba, 1979:262). However, t h e r e i s disagreement about the e f f e c t of unemployment on organizational p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n general. decreased p a r t i c i p a t i o n  Some r e s e a r c h e r s have observed  (Kennedy and D a v i s , 1984;  Ostheimer and  Ritt,  22  1982:379; C r y s d a l e , 1965:17-18). Others have found no e f f e c t  (Schlozman  and Verba, 1979:262).  Two  o f the p l a n n e r s who  were i n t e r v i e w e d thought t h a t unemployment  would a f f e c t middle socioeconomic s t a t u s persons more than low s t a t u s persons whom the p l a n n e r s assumed would be accustomed hardship. which  " S t a t u s " i s used i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y w i t h "socioeconomic  r e f e r s l o o s e l y to e d u c a t i o n a l achievement,  income  status"  o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , and  level.  The middle s t a t u s unemployed may  e x p e r i e n c e as much s t r e s s as the  lower s t a t u s unemployed; however, they may  be more e f f e c t i v e i n h a n d l i n g  s t r e s s ( K i r s h , 1983:18-20; Catalano and Dooley, 1983; 1979). D i s p l a c e d b l u e c o l l a r workers (Foltman, 1968;  C r y s d a l e , 1965)  who  reemployed  have l o s t  S c o t t and  to withdraw s o c i a l l y  1968:86). ( D i s p l a c e d workers  t h e i r j o b s to a p l a n t c l o s u r e and who  a t the time o f the study.)  Acock,  e x p e r i e n c e more downward m o b i l i t y  and a r e more l i k e l y  ( C r y s d a l e , 1965:17-18; Aiken e t a l . , workers  to economic  may  are  be  S i m i l a r l y , a respondent claimed  t h a t the "non-savings" unemployed a r e absorbed i n l o o k i n g f o r work and b a r g a i n s , doing t h i n g s themselves, and w a l k i n g ( i n s t e a d of d r i v i n g or t a k i n g the b u s ) .  A number o f f a c t o r s may  moderate the impact of unemployment,  including  optimism about economic growth and j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s , p e r s o n a l s a v i n g s , and s o c i a l support (Buss & Redburn, 1983:56-57; K i r s h , 1983; Nutman, 1981;  Finally,  K a s l and Cobb,  Hayes and  1979).  the unemployed tend to c i t e p e r s o n a l as opposed  to economic  23  f a c t o r s f o r t h e i r unemployment (Tanner et a l . , 1984; Bakke, 1940). P s y c h o l o g i c a l  studies find  they deserve t h e i r f a t e ( L e r n e r ,  t h a t people g e n e r a l l y  affect political  marginality.  psychosocial  THE  has  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION  of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n are c r i t i c a l to i t and  by a d i s c u s s i o n of the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  i t s relevance  and  o f economic  Political Participation  lower s t a t u s persons ( M i s h l e r , 1979:92-97; M i l b r a t h and  and  Goel,  income and  be  city  well-being.  socioeconomic s t a t u s persons are more p o l i t i c a l l y  E d u c a t i o n may  for  discussed,  of the most thoroughly documented f i n d i n g s i n p o l i t i c a l  that higher  the  politicization.  the e f f e c t s of socioeconomic s t a t u s are  Socioeconomic S t a t u s One  factors, influence  implications for i t s  u n d e r s t a n d i n g the impact of unemployment on First,  support,  F i n a l l y , the a t t r i b u t i o n of  ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF  features  ethnicity, social  many other  impact of unemployment.  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for joblessness  followed  social  In a d d i t i o n , lower s t a t u s groups appear to be a f f e c t e d more  n a t i o n a l economic c o n d i t i o n s , and  planning.  major e f f e c t s which  p a r t i c i p a t i o n : economic d e p r i v a t i o n and  o f t e n i f not more s e v e r e l y , although age,  Several  believe  1981:21).  I n c o n c l u s i o n , unemployment appears to have two may  K i r s h , 1983:47;  Goel,  science i s  a c t i v e than 1977:92).  the most important f a c t o r i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p ( M i l b r a t h  1977:98). E d u c a t i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h other v a r i a b l e s , such as memberships, which f a c i l i t a t e  political participation; i t  f o s t e r s c o g n i t i v e s k i l l s which f a c i l i t a t e b r i n g s people i n c o n t a c t w i t h p o l i t i c a l  l e a r n i n g about p o l i t i c s ;  s t i m u l i ; i t helps  it  people to  understand the s i g n i f i c a n c e of p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s ; i t f o s t e r s e f f i c a c y and  the b e l i e f  t h a t one  can  i n f l u e n c e government; i t f a c i l i t a t e s  d i s c u s s i o n about p o l i t i c s w i t h a wider range of people; and e x p e r i e n c e w i t h bureaucracy ( W o l f i n g e r M i l b r a t h and related and  Goel,  to v o t i n g  Goel,  1977:38, 100).  personal  and  Rosenstone, 1980:35-36;  However, e d u c a t i o n  than to n o n e l e c t o r a l  i t provides  i s less strongly  forms of p a r t i c i p a t i o n ( M i l b r a t h  1977:96,100-1; Rothman, 1974:329).  Occupational  status, i n general,  r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t u s and  contributes  little  to  the  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a l t h o u g h some  j o b s have a f a c i l i t a t i v e e f f e c t on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n s i m i l a r to education  (Wolfinger  and  Rosenstone, 1980:27, 35). These are j o b s  c u l t i v a t e c o g n i t i v e , s o c i a l , and on government p o l i c i e s ; and c l a s s (Wolfinger P r o f e s s i o n a l s and holding  and  ( M i s h l e r , 1979:92; M i l b r a t h and  Goel,  1977:103-4).  p r o f e s s i o n a l channels to p r o t e s t  and  Goel,  to bypass e l e c t o r a l channels and  d i r e c t l y with elected o f f i c i a l s  communicate  ( M i s h l e r , 1979:92). P r o f e s s i o n a l s (Rothman, 1974:343) and  prefer  are about average  to campaigning ( M i s h l e r , 1979:93).  P o v e r t y appears to reduce p a r t i c i p a t i o n , but little  1979:96). Low  directly  t h a t produce i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the middle  businessmen are p a r t i c u l a r l y a c t i v e i n l o b b y i n g  1977:104-105). They are a b l e  income has  t h a t depend  Rosenstone, 1980:29; M i l b r a t h and  elected o f f i c e  with respect  negotiating s k i l l s ;  that  impact on v o t i n g  otherwise  increased  (Rosenstone, 1982:35; M i s h l e r ,  income persons are a l s o l e s s l i k e l y  to p a r t i c i p a t e i n  programs aimed a t changed l i f e s t y l e s or a t t i t u d e s than i n programs aimed at  improving economic and  s o c i a l conditions  obviously  a f f e c t i n g them  25  (Rothman, 1974:295). Income appears to f a c i l i t a t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n activities donating  that require self-esteem  money ( M i l b r a t h and  optimism about p e r s o n a l i n c r e a s e d v o t i n g and the n o r t h e r n  The  United  national conditions  i s associated  party i n  (Campbell et a l . , 1960:397).  political  activity  the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the working c l a s s ( M i l b r a t h and  Verba and N i e ,  l i k e volunteer  with  a v o t e f o r the r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r R e p u b l i c a n States  organizations  ( M i l b r a t h and G o e l ,  of the m i d d l e c l a s s , f o s t e r r a t i o n a l promotion based on achievement  1977:111). O r g a n i z a t i o n  of the working c l a s s a l s o  i n c r e a s e s p a r t i s a n s h i p , which subsequently s t i m u l a t e s p o l i t i c a l  and  Goel,  1972:208; L i p s e t , 1960). Working c l a s s o r g a n i z a t i o n s ,  d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s , and  thus,  and  1977:97). In a d d i t i o n , economic  r e l a t i o n s h i p between socioeconomic s t a t u s and  i s moderated by 1977;  and  Goel,  or money, such as campaigning  l a b o r union members are more l i k e l y  activity;  to have s t r o n g stands on  to v o t e than nonunionized workers ( M i l b r a t h and  Goel,  issues  1977:40-47,  112).  S t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n i s the degree to which the working and c l a s s e s support  the  l a b o r and  conservative  middle  parties respectively.  The  degree of s t a t u s p o l a r i z e d v o t i n g v a r i e s c o n s i d e r a b l y a c r o s s  countries,  being h i g h e r  (Hibbs,  i n B r i t a i n than i n the U n i t e d  S t a t e s and  1982a; C l a r k e e t a l . , 1979:128; Crewe et a l . , 1977; 1978). In B.C., C r e d i t , and  Canada  F r a n k l i n and  Mughan,  about o n e - t h i r d of the working c l a s s supports S o c i a l  these tend  to be  i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c persons; about o n e - t h i r d  the middle c l a s s supports the New  Democratic P a r t y  (N.D.P.), and  b e l i e v e i n a s t r o n g r o l e f o r the s t a t e i n s o c i a l p o l i c y and  these  economic  of  26  r e g u l a t i o n (U.B.C. p o l i t i c a l Liberals  tended  scientists,  1985). A f t e r 1972,  former  to support the N.D.P., whereas former C o n s e r v a t i v e s  to support the S o c i a l C r e d i t p a r t y (U.B.C. p o l i t i c a l  scientists,  tended  1985).  The v a r i o u s modes of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n mentioned i n Chapter I are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h d i f f e r e n t s k i l l consequently, with d i f f e r e n t 1977;  l e v e l s and a t t i t u d e s ,  types o f p a r t i c i p a n t s  ( M i l b r a t h and  Verba and N i e , 1972). S i n c e the modes a l s o d i f f e r  on p o l i t i c i a n s  and,  in their  (Verba and N i e , 1972), i t stands to reason t h a t  groups have d i f f e r e n t  l e v e l s of i n f l u e n c e on government.  Goel, influence  different  Nevertheless,  p a r t i c i p a t i o n can i n c r e a s e or decrease s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y depending takes advantage o f i t ;  l e a d e r s tend to respond  their social characteristics  on  who  to p a r t i c i p a n t s and not to  (Verba and N i e , 1972:342; G u e r r e t t e ,  1979:132).  The P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f Economic W e l l - b e i n g A t t r i b u t i o n o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the economy to government i s critical  to the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l circumstances  (Johnston,  1983;  Feldman, 1982).  To the e x t e n t t h a t people l o c a t e the causes of t h e i r economic problems e i t h e r i n the immediate environment or i n t h e i r own f a i l i n g s , p e r s o n a l d i s c o n t e n t i s u n l i k e l y to have p o l i t i c a l consequences.... i n a c c o u n t i n g f o r n a t i o n a l economic c o n d i t i o n s , the p u b l i c w i l l o f t e n p o i n t to p o l i t i c a l factors ( K i n d e r and K i e w i e t , 1979:157).  V o t e r s tend to vote out the incumbent government d u r i n g slow or n e g a t i v e economic growth (Amacher and Boyes, 1982; T u f t e , 1975; 1975;  F i o r i n a , 1978;  Kramer, 1971)  and  Lewis-Beck,  F r e y and S c h n e i d e r , 1978;  Bloom and  this e f f e c t crosses party lines  1980; Price,  (Campbell  et a l . ,  1960). The  tendency f o r incumbents to r e t i r e from p o l i t i c s when they  b e l i e v e t h e i r chances of r e e l e c t i o n a r e poor f u r t h e r reduces  the chances  of the incumbent government being r e e l e c t e d ( K e r n e l l , 1978).  E l e c t i o n s w i t h a h i g h amount of c o m p e t i t i o n and c o n f l i c t , such might be found turnout  as  i n a r e c e s s i o n , are a s s o c i a t e d with h i g h r a t e s of v o t e r  ( M i l b r a t h and G o e l , 1977:132-140; Rothman, 1974:365). However, the  p e r c e p t i o n t h a t economic c r i s i s  is a political  r e s u l t a n t may  p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e s i g n a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l withdrawal by economic d e p r i v a t i o n ( F r i e d ,  produce  on top of any  produced  1982:10,12).  I n a d d i t i o n , economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m ( b e l i e f i n equal o p p o r t u n i t y i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r economic w e l l - b e i n g ) reduces  the  relevance  of p e r s o n a l economic w e l l - b e i n g to p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s (Feldman, Schlozman and Verba, 1979;  Brody and  and  1982;  Sniderman, 1977). For a m i n o r i t y  r e j e c t economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m , " d e c l i n i n g w e l l - b e i n g i s r e l a t e d n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s of the government's economic performance"  who  to (Feldman,  1982:459).  S i m i l a r l y , p a r t i s a n s h i p appears to be more important economic g r i e v a n c e s  i n n a t i o n a l economic o u t l o o k  than  personal  ( A l t , 1979:112) and  e v a l u a t i o n s of the incumbent p a r t y ( K i n d e r and K i e w i e t , 1979:514). I t d i s t o r t s economic e v a l u a t i o n s i n a " c o g n i t i v e dissonance  r e d u c i n g manner"  (Kramer, 1983:104; T u f t e , 1978:130-134; Campbell e t a l , 1960:388). On  the  o t h e r hand, the tendency f o r Independents and Democrats i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s to be more s e n s i t i v e to unemployment w h i l e  the Republicans  a r e more  s e n s i t i v e to i n f l a t i o n , r e f l e c t s o b j e c t i v e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s (Hibbs, 1982a).  28  There a r e s e v e r a l p r e c o n d i t i o n s  of organized  protest: a collective  i d e n t i t y , b e l i e f t h a t the group i s e x p l o i t e d , the f o r m u l a t i o n and  credibility  of goals,  of g o a l attainment; i n a d d i t i o n , having been i n b e t t e r  circumstances r e c e n t l y increases  the c r e d i b i l i t y o f g o a l  (Kriesberg,  1979:323-4,323). Status  educational  s t a t u s combined w i t h o c c u p a t i o n a l  attainment  inconsistency, p a r t i c u l a r l y status, i s also  high  associated  w i t h p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p r o t e s t movements (Rothman, 1974:331,335).  In c o n c l u s i o n , and  socioeconomic s t a t u s  tends to a f f e c t the l e v e l , mode,  d i r e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o r , but i t i s n o t the  overriding factor. be p o l i t i c i z e d color  Fluctuations  o n l y under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s .  the p e r c e p t i o n  defined  Even so, p a r t i s a n s h i p may  I t i s organized  some b a s i c s o f the p l a n n i n g  according  to the three  l e v e l s of planning  i n Chapter I : s t r a t e g i c , n o r m a t i v e , and o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g .  s u b j e c t i v e q u a l i t y of the workplace i s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d , itself,  tend to  PLANNING ENVIRONMENT  this s e c t i o n describes  environment.  economic w e l l - b e i n g  o f economic c o n d i t i o n s .  THE  Finally,  i n personal  The  but as an end i n  s i n c e j o b s a t i s f a c t i o n i s o n l y i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to performance  (Rothman, 1974:473).  Strategic  Planning  S e l b s t d e f i n e s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c r i s i s as anything the a c c e p t a b l e  that i n t e r f e r e s with  attainment o f o b j e c t i v e s or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s u r v i v a l , o r  t h a t has a d e t r i m e n t a l employees o r c l i e n t s  personal  e f f e c t as p e r c e i v e d  (1978:854). Among the v a r i o u s  by the m a j o r i t y  o f the  types o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l  29  c r i s e s S e l b s t i d e n t i f i e s are r e s o u r c e ,  r o l e , and  domain c r i s e s ;  in a  domain c r i s i s , the o b j e c t i v e s of the o r g a n i z a t i o n are s e r i o u s l y questioned (p. 858).  A r o l e c r i s i s may  innovativeness  reduce e f f i c i e n c y , e f f e c t i v e n e s s ,  and  (Rothman, 1974:69).  In a d d i t i o n , S e l b s t suggests t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c r i s i s may anxiety two  and,  i n the  long run, a l o s s of c o n f i d e n c e  of the c o n d i t i o n s which J a n i s has  seeking  the use  (1978:865). These are  demonstrated produce concurrence  or " g r o u p t h i n k " (1982). A c c o r d i n g  a n a l y s i s and  to J a n i s , g r o u p t h i n k h i n d e r s  e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s , r i s k s , and  of i n f o r m a t i o n  and  produce  contingencies.  o b j e c t i v e s , as w e l l  S i m i l a r l y , S e l b s t argues  acute c r i s i s produces an emphasis on h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s and criteria,  w h i l e c h r o n i c c r i s i s produces an ad hoc  (1978:865). On  the as  that  visible  approach to problems  the p o s i t i v e s i d e , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c r i s i s may  stimulate  improved management or change power r e l a t i o n s f o r the b e t t e r  (Selbst,  1978:852).  In a d i f f e r e n t v e i n , a l i b e r a l facilitate facilitated  innovation  or r e f o r m - o r i e n t e d  clientele  (Rothman, 1974:435). S t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g  where there  i s general  agreement on goals  may  may  also  be  (Chetkow-Yanoov,  1982:172).  Normative  Planning  There are s e v e r a l f e a t u r e s of the p o l i t i c a l environment w i t h for  the r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the v a l u e  unemployment. on  First,  their concentration  1974:269), and  on how  base of d e c i s i o n s d u r i n g  high  r e s p o n s i v e n e s s to i n t e r e s t groups g e n e r a l l y and  relevance  depends  r e s p e c t a b i l i t y i n the community (Rothman,  w e l l informed they are  (Howard, 1984:14).  Officials  30  tend to share the p r e f e r e n c e s o f p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l s ; however, they are l e s s r e s p o n s i v e to these i n d i v i d u a l s when community c o n f l i c t i s h i g h (Verba and N i e , 1972:333). Appointed than p o l i t i c i a n s  Developers  (Friedman,  o f f i c i a l s may  be more r e s p o n s i v e  1975:201).  are p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n t i a l because the c i t y depends on  them f o r c r e a t i n g the " p h y s i c a l and economic substance" o f the c i t y ( L a y t o n , 1984:404; D i c k e r s o n e t a l . ,  1980:10-11). Dependence on d e v e l o p e r s  i s a c c e n t u a t e d by economic r e c e s s i o n ( L a y t o n , 1984:404). Dependence tends to reduce p l a n n i n g to "a s e r i e s of ad hoc r e a c t i o n s . . . l e a d i n g to a form o f pre-emptive  decision-making"  C i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n may  (Blowers, 1980:38).  i n f l u e n c e p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n by g e n e r a t i n g  a l t e r n a t i v e s and by p r o v i d i n g "a forum f o r a l t e r n a t e spokesman subsequently e l e c t e d  to c o u n c i l " ( F i s h , 1981:96). The  reform movement i n  the s i x t i e s and s e v e n t i e s made p o l i t i c i a n s and m u n i c i p a l s t a f f more wary of d e v e l o p e r s (Tennant,  1981:138; Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research,  1975).  However, the b e n e f i t s o f c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n tend to accrue to the middle c l a s s because o f the s k i l l s r e q u i r e d f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n  ( R i e d a l , 1972:214)  and  (Layton,  the t y p i c a l focus of p l a n n i n g programs on land use  1984:405,410; Simmie, 1974:154).  Operational Planning With r e s p e c t to o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g , disagreement  on g o a l s has a  n e g a t i v e impact by h i n d e r i n g compromise (Chetkow-Yanoov, 1982:172; Bolan, 1969). Environmental  u n c e r t a i n t y and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n s t a b i l i t y  reduce agreement on a c t i o n s ( S e l b s t , 1978;  B o l a n , 1969).  also  31  Quality  of  the  Workplace  F i n a l l y , w i t h r e s p e c t to the q u a l i t y Selbst  suggests that  organizational  the workplace f o r p l a n n e r s ,  a n y t h i n g which produces the  c r i s i s may  of  i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of problems, and  (1978:865). S i m i l a r l y , an  of c o n f i d e n c e ( S e l b s t ,  anticipation  f o s t e r a n x i e t y , w h i l e long-run t h r e a t  produce lowered morale, the indifference  of  on-going c r i s i s may  tends  to  resigned  produce a  loss  1978:865).  CONCLUSION  F i g u r e 3 d e p i c t s a more r e f i n e d  v e r s i o n of  o r i g i n a l l y presented i n Chapter I (see  F i g u r e 1). I t suggests  unemployment, and  i t s e f f e c t s on a t t e n t i o n ,  a c t i v i t y , as w e l l  as  a f f e c t the  income, and  i n t e n s i t y , form, d i s t r i b u t i o n , and Socioeconomic s t a t u s ,  a f f e c t both the  impact o f h i g h unemployment on  c i r c u m s t a n c e s as w e l l  as p o l i t i c a l  n a t u r e of p o l i t i c a l  c o m p o s i t i o n of c o u n c i l  and  1983). P o l i c i e s , i n t u r n , political  p r e s s u r e s , and  l e v e l s of p l a n n i n g and  The  framework that  organizational  the a t t r i b u t i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r j o b l e s s n e s s  participation.  The  the a n a l y t i c a l  unemployment on p o l i t i c a l  directly.  i n turn, a f f e c t s  organizational  of  turns to an  the  policies  (Frey,  crisis, conflicting  dependency on b u s i n e s s i n f l u e n c e quality  s o c i a l support  p e r s o n a l economic  i t s e l e c t o r a l o u t l o o k and as  political  e t h n i c i t y , and  participation  participation,  as w e l l  the  next chapter now  age,  c o n t e n t of  the  various  the workplace f o r p l a n n e r s .  in-depth analysis  participation.  of  the  effects  of  Planning Dependence Business  on  Quality of Workplace  =1 Fiscal pressure  Organizational Crisis  Perceived Conflict  Economy Unemployment  Income Ethnicity  Supports  Age  Socioeconomic s tatus  Focus of Attention =  Organizational Activity  Policies  Electoral outlook  J  A t t r i b u t i o n of Responsibility  Leve 1  Distribution  F i g u r e 3. F a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s  Content  Form o f par t i c i p a t i o n  i n the A n a l y t i c a l Framework  \  CHAPTER I I I  THE  POLITICAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT  T h i s chapter e x p l o r e s the impact o f h i g h unemployment on p o l i t i c a l participation.  First,  the c o n d i t i o n s under which unemployment  p a r t i c i p a t i o n are discussed. c i r c u m s t a n c e s which produce c r i t i c a l nature.  reduces  T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the  p r o t e s t , d e f i n e d as p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f a  The l e f t - r i g h t  dimension  o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s then  d i s c u s s e d , w i t h a s p e c i a l s e c t i o n on how h i g h unemployment and neoconservatism looks b r i e f l y  have a f f e c t e d p o l i t i c s  i n Vancouver. The f i n a l  section  a t the e f f e c t o f h i g h unemployment on the  democracy-authority  dimension.  POLITICAL APATHY  From the Chapter I I d i s c u s s i o n , i t appears  that unemployment has a  n e g a t i v e e f f e c t on s e v e r a l f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d with p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n : membership i n a union and p o s s i b l y o t h e r types o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s , r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y , marriage, f e e l i n g s o f e f f i c a c y , economic optimism, unemployed a r e l e s s  and income. likely  I n f a c t , survey data suggest  than employed persons  t h a t the  to vote ( W o l f i n g e r and  Rosenstone, 1980:29; Brody and Sniderman, 1977:346; Schlozman and Verba, 1979:241), w r i t e to o f f i c i a l s , and campaign (Schlozman and Verba, 1979:241).  34  High unemployment would presumably i n c r e a s e adversely  the number of people  a f f e c t e d and reduce the o v e r a l l l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  However, under c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s , explored  i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n ,  h i g h unemployment f o s t e r s p r o t e s t .  F i v e respondents r e p o r t e d concerning  decreased p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c meetings  B.C. P l a c e . However, t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y due to h i g h  unemployment.  The i s s u e may be worn o u t , or p o t e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a n t s may  have been d i s t r a c t e d by p r o v i n c i a l i s s u e s .  Decreased p a r t i c i p a t i o n a t  p u b l i c meetings c o u l d a l s o r e f l e c t a slowdown i n the r a t e of new development.  In contrast, a c t i v e as ever. planning  program.  two p l a n n e r s noted t h a t the c i t i z e n s ' committees a r e as These committees were e s t a b l i s h e d by the l o c a l Recently,  three more committees were e s t a b l i s h e d to  p l a n m i t i g a t i o n of the impacts of t r a n s i t s t a t i o n s on l o c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l area p l a n n i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n city-wide  area  affairs  i s generally higher  ( G i l and L u c c h e s i ,  residents.  than  1979:554).  P a r e n t h e t i c a l l y , a c o u n c i l l o r noted t h a t s i n c e the r e c e s s i o n , s e l f - e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s , who a r e n o t e l i g i b l e f o r unemployment have l e s s time f o r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . unemployed as d e f i n e d  insurance,  These people a r e n o t  i n Chapter I , p o i n t i n g to the need to r e e v a l u a t e our  c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f unemployment.  Three c o n d i t i o n s were i d e n t i f i e d which may exacerbate the n e g a t i v e e f f e c t of h i g h unemployment on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n : a r i s i n g unemployment r a t e , the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y as incumbent, and c h r o n i c  high  35  unemployment.  R i s i n g unemployment. temporarily  Rosens tone contends t h a t unemployment  reduces p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n w h i l e  adjustments; the n e g a t i v e  the unemployed make  e f f e c t of unemployment on  p a r t i c i p a t i o n appears to disappear  by  political  the s i x t e e n t h week (1982). T h i s  suggests t h a t a r i s i n g unemployment r a t e would reduce p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n more than would a s t a b l e unemployment r a t e .  The  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y as incumbent.  alignment between the working c l a s s and  G i v e n the  traditional  the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y ( u s u a l l y  the l a b o r , s o c i a l i s t , or l i b e r a l p a r t y , depending on the number of major p a r t i e s and  other f a c t o r s ) ,  the unemployed are more l i k e l y  to a b s t a i n from  v o t i n g i n f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s when the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y i s incumbent, than when the c o n s e r v a t i v e s unemployed may Conservatives  are incumbent.  w i s h " t o punish  Johnston contends t h a t  the L i b e r a l governments but f i n d  an i n a p p r o p r i a t e v e h i c l e by which to do so.  compunctions r e s t r a i n the unemployed from p u n i s h i n g swing to the L i b e r a l s "  the C o n s e r v a t i v e  p r o v i n c e may bad  be  such  the C o n s e r v a t i v e s  p a r t y i n the 1980  f o r investment (Johnston,  national election.  longer  the e x c e p t i o n .  This  Democratic P a r t y i s  1983:26). However, c o n s e r v a t i v e  v i c t o r i e s i n Canada, the U n i t e d S t a t e s , and Great  party  B r i t a i n , suggest B.C.'s  T h i s trend i s p a r t i a l l y a  f u n c t i o n of p e r s i s t e n t h i g h unemployment, to which the d i s c u s s i o n turns.  by  where the unemployed tended to  s u s c e p t i b l e to the c l a i m t h a t the New  v o t i n g p a t t e r n i s no  the  (1983:22).  T h i s p a t t e r n does not h o l d i n B.C. support  No  the  now  a  36  P e r s i s t e n t h i g h unemployment.  With the economy the most important  problem f a c i n g the n a t i o n , one would expect years loosen  ties  to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and  turnout have been documented f o r  s e v e r a l c o u n t r i e s s i n c e the 1960's ( T u c k e l and 1982:141; Rosenstone, 1982:43; A l f o r d , 1982;  perceived  governments to manage the economy has  fostered a  and  A l t e r n a t i v e l y , Orr argues t h a t low  do not  political  government (Nagle,  turnout  (1982). P u b l i c o f f i c i a l s  f i r m , Decima,  c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process the f u n d i n g  the demands made on  and  States,  decisions  that d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t with  economic p r e s s u r e s  resources  particularly  to p r o v i d e ways f o r c i t i z e n s  are causing  of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs and  t h e i r own  a  community s e l f - h e l p  to p a r t i c i p a t e i n government d e c i s i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y f i n a n c i a l (Rehfuss, 1978:1). However, Bradshaw c l a i m s  their  1983).  coincides with  i n the U n i t e d  a t the l o c a l l e v e l , have been under p r e s s u r e  to q u e s t i o n  find  "post-survivor  of l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n grass r o o t s and  organizations  (Pammett,  t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s are b e t t e r equipped to s o l v e  economic problems than are b u s i n e s s  renaissance  an " a p o l i t i c a l  we  P r e s i d e n t of the p o l l i n g  b e l i e v e s t h a t the c u r r e n t r e c e s s i o n has the b e l i e f  British  this period  1983:113; A l t , 1979:171). T h i s i s why  c u l t u r e " (Pammett, 1984:284). The  Coates,  A l t , 1979).  eroded d u r i n g  anger so much as "bemused detachment" and  mentality,"  T e j e r a , 1983;  a b i l i t y of the Canadian, American and  1984:284; K i e w i e t ,  to  the p o l i t i c a l system ( A l t , 1979:200).  Indeed, decreased p a r t i s a n s h i p and v o t e r  The  of economic f a i l u r e  (1982:358).  the  citizens  to reexamine  37  PROTEST  T h i s s e c t i o n looks a t the circumstances p r o t e s t d u r i n g h i g h unemployment. the d e p r e s s i o n s of the 1930's and  The  which f a c i l i t a t e or moderate  I t concludes with a b r i e f comparison of 1980's.  unemployment r a t e i s a s t r o n g e r determinant  of p o l i t i c a l  than the p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e of unemployment (Weatherford, K i n d e r , 1981;  K i n d e r and K i e w i e t , 1981:150,152, 1979;  behavior  1983:885;  Campbell e t a l . ,  1960:399). High unemployment seems to f o s t e r the p e r c e p t i o n t h a t unemployment i s a community problem. by 1980,  Thus, Hayes and Nutman contend  the B r i t i s h media had become sympathetic  that  toward the unemployed  (1981:5).  Although  the i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e of unemployment may  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , v e r y h i g h unemployment may a c t i v i t y by  the unemployed and employed a l i k e .  t h a t the e l e c t o r a t e tends  reduce  increase p o l i t i c a l  R e c a l l from Chapter  II  to v o t e out the incumbent d u r i n g slow o r  n e g a t i v e economic growth and  t h a t the e f f e c t c r o s s e s p a r t y  lines.  Those f i n a n c i a l l y worse o f f are s u b s t a n t i a l l y more l i k e l y  to v o t e out  the incumbent d u r i n g slow or n e g a t i v e economic growth than d u r i n g r a p i d growth ( A l f o r d , 1982:14-15; T u f t e , 1978:129). C o n v e r s e l y , i n good persons worse o f f may  be more s u p p o r t i v e o f the s t a t u s quo  than  b e t t e r o f f as they stand to g a i n the most from c o n t i n u i n g growth  times,  persons (Alford,  1982:17).  C r o s s - s e c t i o n a l data suggest  t h a t h i g h unemployment i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  38  increased  voting rates  (Silberman and  d a t a on v o t i n g i n the 1980 t h a t the unemployed are  f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n (Johnston, 1983:43) suggest  less l i k e l y  above average unemployment r a t e s . likely  to a b s t a i n from v o t i n g In B.C.,  i n regions  l e v e l of o r g a n i z e d  labor i n t h i s province.  On  r e l a t e to  the other  hand,  unemployment tends to produce p o l a r i z e d p o l i t i c s , as d i s c u s s e d  n e x t s e c t i o n , and  conflict,  with  the unemployed were more  than the employed to v o t e (Johnston, 1983:43). T h i s may  the h i g h high  Durden, 1975). S i m i l a r l y , survey  i n t u r n , tends to s t i m u l a t e  i n the  political  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , as noted i n Chapter I I .  Survey d a t a on v o t i n g i n the 1980 viewed i n c o n j u n c t i o n  w i t h e l e c t o r a l r e s u l t s , t h a t the unemployed  p a r t i e s weak i n t h e i r p r o v i n c e . Federation Party  and  of B.C.  viable  n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n a l s o suggest, when  R e c a l l t h a t the Canadian Commonwealth  S o c i a l C r e d i t Party were born i n the 1930's. The formed i n 1984,  but  support  United  i t i s too e a r l y to t e l l whether i t i s a  party.  There are s e v e r a l f a c t o r s which moderate p r o t e s t , i n c l u d i n g  the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the unemployed, economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m , f e a r of r e p r e s s i o n , economic dependency, c h r o n i c h i g h unemployment, and unemployment.  Factors  These are b r i e f l y d i s c u s s e d  i n turn.  t h a t Moderate P r o t e s t  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the unemployed.  At h i g h  l e v e l s of unemployment,  the unemployed are a s o c i a l l y heterogenous group ( G a r r a t y , hinders protest.  widespread  the f o r m a t i o n  1978). T h i s  of the c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y r e q u i r e d f o r c o l l e c t i v e  39  R e c a l l from Chapter I I t h a t p r o f e s s i o n a l s tend to a v o i d  conflict.  S i m i l a r l y , the " n o n t r a d i t i o n a l " unemployed ( p r o f e s s i o n a l s , managers, technicians) generally avoid p r o t e s t .  A September 1984  and  meeting of a  n o n t r a d i t i o n a l unemployed support group concluded t h a t the n o n t r a d i t i o n a l unemployed are unaccustomed to p r o t e s t , c o n f r o n t a t i o n , and activities.  However, two  c o u n c i l l o r s suggested t h a t  p r o f e s s i o n a l s are more l i k e l y  may  be  politically  and  Verba, 1979;  individuals  to p r o t e s t .  i n d i v i d u a l s bear the brunt of unemployment, they  than to t h e i r c u r r e n t employment s t a t u s  tend to shun a b s t r a c t c a u s e s . to o r g a n i z e  T h i s may  help  (Kennedy and  income  to e x p l a i n  Davis,  why  1984:39;  1978:195). For example, the Unemployed Workers of Manitoba, a  group which l o b b i e s f o r the unemployed i n such areas as l e g i s l a t i o n and  unemployment insurance  a t t r a c t i n g members (Globe and  Nevertheless,  M a i l , 1 May  i t appears t h a t the working c l a s s p r o v i d e s  perceives  few  difficulty  1984:5).  the b u l k of  1982b:274, Weatherford,  Campbell et a l . , 1960:384). In a d d i t i o n , " s i n c e he  d i s a d v a n t a g e d and  welfare  r e g u l a t i o n s , i s having  the e l e c t o r a l response to economic d e c l i n e (Hibbs, 1978;  their  (Schlozman  Kramer, 1971). R e c a l l from Chapter I I t h a t low  the unemployed are d i f f i c u l t Garraty,  unionized  i n a c t i v e f o r reasons more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to  socioeconomic s t a t u s  profile  than nonunionized p r o f e s s i o n a l s to c o n s t r u e  unemployment as a community problem and  Although lower s t a t u s  high  is relatively  t r a d i t i o n a l means of e f f e c t i v e i n f l u e n c e ,  the a l i e n a t e d worker i s a prime r e c r u i t  [ f o r p r o t e s t groups] i f  organized  and  l e d " ( M i s h l e r , 1979:94). Because the unemployed cannot s t r i k e ,  may  be more l i k e l y  to use  the s t r e e t s f o r p r o t e s t ( P i v e n and  they  Cloward,  40  1979:21-2).  However, p r o t e s t tends melancholic tend  to be s p o r a d i c , unfocused,  rhetorical  ( G a r r a t y , 1978:182). F a c t o r s which reduce p o l i t i c a l  and activity  to work a g a i n s t o r g a n i z e d p r o t e s t .  P r o t e s t may  be more o r g a n i z e d where there i s a s t r o n g l a b o r movement.  When the unemployment r a t e i s h i g h and unions' b a r g a i n i n g s t r e n g t h i s threatened by the l o s s of members, unions p o l i t i c a l l y active.  T h i s e f f e c t was  w i t h unemployed union members.  are compelled  suggested  In B.C.,  to become more  by a respondent  the unions  who  appear to be  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r most of the o r g a n i z e d p r o t e s t (e.g. S o l i d a r i t y , Unemployment A c t i o n C e n t r e s ,  works  the Labour C o u n c i l , and  the  the Commission on  Economic A l t e r n a t i v e s ) .  Four c o u n c i l l o r s , two  s o c i a l p l a n n e r s , and  two  c i t y planners  t h a t there i s i n c r e a s e d c l a s s c o n f l i c t o r c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . p r o b a b l y had  i n mind those a c t i v i t i e s  i n v o l v e d , as Schlozman and Verba found c l a s s conscious conducted  claimed They  i n which the unions have been t h a t the unemployed are no more  than the employed (1979:110). However, t h e i r study  b e f o r e the p r e s e n t r e c e s s i o n and,  thus, may  e f f e c t of h i g h unemployment on union a c t i v i t y and  not c a p t u r e  was the  i t s role in politicizing  economic w e l l - b e i n g .  Economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m . R e c a l l from Chapter  I I t h a t economic  i n d i v i d u a l i s m negates the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f economic w e l l - b e i n g . earliest  form of p r o t e s t d u r i n g the Great D e p r e s s i o n was  d e n i a l s of e v i c t i o n s  looting  ( P i v e n and Cloward, 1977:49). In 1929,  The and  i t was  41  generally f e l t  t h a t the d e p r e s s i o n would be s h o r t - l i v e d  Cloward, 1977:45; G a l l a c h e r , 1969:60) and coverage ( P i v e n and  However, by  i t was  g i v e n l i t t l e news  Cloward, 1977:45).  l a t e 1932,  ( G a l l a c h e r , 1969:73). The  t h e r e was  f e a r of widespread pauperism  e x t e n t of d i s t r e s s b e l i e d  c o n v i c t i o n t h a t one's economic f o r t u n e was responsibility  ( P i v e n and  the customary  a matter of p e r s o n a l  ( P i v e n and Cloward, 1977:43-44; G a l l a c h e r , 1969:31,70).  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i o n movements tends  to i n c r e a s e as awareness of  the s t r u c t u r a l causes of s o c i a l problems i n c r e a s e s (Rothman, 1974:338), and  i n the l a t e years of the Great D e p r e s s i o n , people were demanding a  political  economy t h a t would prevent a r e o c c u r r e n c e  ( G a l l a c h e r , 1969:108).  The N a t i o n a l Unemployed Workers' A s s o c i a t i o n o f Canada demanded a moratorium on e v i c t i o n s , work a t union wages, and i n s u r a n c e ( G a l l a c h e r , 1969:141). In B.C.,  noncontributory  L i b e r a l s demanded a minimum  income and work w i t h wages (Ormsby, 1962). A g i t a t i o n by the unemployed became balanced  p r e s s u r e put upon government, and  p r e s s u r e from employed i n d i v i d u a l s  t h i s was  f o l l o w e d by  to ensure t h e i r l i v l i h o o d s were never  endangered ( G a l l a c h e r , 1969:141).  S i m i l a r l y , G a r r a t y contends t h a t , by 1900, the most severe d e p r e s s i o n up  p a r t i a l l y as a r e s u l t of  to t h a t time, unemployment came to be  r e c o g n i z e d as a s o c i a l problem f o r which some g e n e r a l p r o t e c t i o n s were needed (1978:121-130). By 1911, program; by 1935,  England  had  an unemployment  insurance  a l l of the i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n s except France had  a  s i m i l a r program ( G a r r a t y , 1978:213).  G a r r a t y a l s o suggests  t h a t "the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n o f what may  be  called  42  the Keynesianism v a l u e  system has  workers are more l i k e l y  to h o l d  unemployment than p r e v i o u s l y  a l t e r e d the psychology of unemployment":  the government r e s p o n s i b l e  (1978:251). However, as w i l l  the next s e c t i o n , Keynesianism appears to be f a l l i n g  Fear of r e p r e s s i o n .  Fears of r e p r e s s i o n d u r i n g  legitimate fears (Garraty:  for be d i s c u s s e d  into  disrepute.  the 1930's were  1978:184). Demonstrators f r e q u e n t l y  w i t h p o l i c e and,  on one  f o r c e ( P i v e n and  Cloward, 1977:49,53). Canadian readers may  the 1935  the American p r e s i d e n t  clashed  used m i l i t a r y recall  that  On-to-Ottawa T r e k ended i n bloodshed i n R e g i n a .  Economic dependency. relief  occasion,  Garraty  moderated p r o t e s t d u r i n g  contends t h a t dependency on  dependency on w e l f a r e  increases  government  the D e p r e s s i o n (1978:186,187). R e c a l l from  Chapter I I t h a t p o v e r t y reduces p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and  d u r i n g a p e r i o d of h i g h  that  unemployment.  However, i t appears t h a t d e s t i t u t e people i n the 1930's came to hate b u r e a u c r a t s and (Broadfoot,  r e g u l a t i o n s which d e p r i v e d  discounted.  them of t h e i r s e l f - r e s p e c t  P e r s i s t e n t unemployment tends to  Increasingly high  the 1930's ( G a r r a t y ,  l e v e l s of unemployment became  committed to f u l l  s i n c e unemployment began to r i s e i n the 1960's, f u l l to i n c l u d e h i g h e r  and  higher  the  employment; however, employment has  been  l e v e l s of "normal" unemployment  (Vancouver Unemployment A c t i o n Centre, 1983:2; Deaton, 1983:15; 1978:242-7).  be  acceptable  1978:167). D u r i n g the p r o s p e r i t y of  1940's, the Canadian government was  redefined  the  1973:15), p o i n t i n g to the p o t e n t i a l f o r p r o t e s t .  P e r s i s t e n t unemployment.  during  in  Garraty,  43  Widespread h i g h unemployment.  That  c o u n t r i e s of d i v e r s e p o l i t i c a l  p e r s u a s i o n s a r e e x p e r i e n c i n g h i g h unemployment probably p e r c e p t i o n t h a t governments are unable  intensifies  to manage the economy.  c l a i m s t h a t the i n t e r n a t i o n a l n a t u r e of the 1930's d e p r e s s i o n blame being d i r e c t e d a t i n d i v i d u a l governments (1978:182). p e r c e i v e d they were a l l i n the same boat,  t h a t there was  ( B r o a d f o o t , 1973:358). Runciman c l a i m s t h a t t h e r e was i n e q u a l i t y than people r e a l i z e d , as there was d i s t r i b u t i o n of p r o p e r t y  The  little  the  Garraty prevented  People  no enemy  more economic i n f o r m a t i o n on  the  (1966:73).  1930's and Today The  l a s t time  the unemployment r a t e was  1930's. Readers w i l l undoubtedly be p e r i o d and  the 1980's. The  above ten p e r c e n t was  interested  i n comparisons between t h a t  i m p r e s s i o n e x i s t s t h a t there was  a t t h a t time; however, comparative  i n the  more p r o t e s t  s t u d i e s do not appear to e x i s t .  S e v e r a l f a c t o r s c o u l d p o s s i b l y have c o n t r i b u t e d to h i g h e r l e v e l s of protest  then:  First,  the unemployment r a t e a t the peak of the D e p r e s s i o n was  n i n e t e e n p e r c e n t as opposed to twelve  p e r c e n t i n 1984.  Because the  unemployment s t a t i s t i c s exclude some forms of unemployment now (such as l a y o f f s ) ,  the d i f f e r e n c e between the two  about early  included  p e r i o d s of unemployment  i s g r e a t e r than the o f f i c i a l unemployment r a t e i n d i c a t e s .  In a d d i t i o n , the unemployed may 1930's than today.  have been a more c o h e s i v e group i n the  Unemployed workers a r e c u r r e n t l y d i v i d e d between  programs e s t a b l i s h e d by unions  and  charities.  In c o n t r a s t , i n s e v e r a l  p r o v i n c e s d u r i n g the 1930's, unemployed s i n g l e men  were c o n c e n t r a t e d i n  44  relief  camps where p o l i t i c a l  discussions  form of r e c r e a t i o n .  T h i s comparison was  w i t h the w r i t e r , who  had  l e a d i n g to p r o t e s t were a major made by a man  in  conversation  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the On-to-Ottawa T r e k and  who  is  s t i l l a c t i v e i n the l a b o r movement.  D u r i n g the 1930's, there was  f e a r of widespread pauperism,  and  d e s t i t u t e or sympathetic people demanded t h a t the p r o v i n c i a l government provide  relief  f o r the unemployed and  f i n d markets f o r l o c a l  production  ( G a l l a c h e r , 1969). Today's s o c i a l programs reduce the i n t e n s i t y of economic d e p r i v a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h unemployment, a l t h o u g h there i s i n c r e a s i n g concern about t h e i r adequacy.  F i n a l l y , during  the D e p r e s s i o n , the government came to be  h a v i n g some r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards the unemployed. e f f i c a c y of government i n t e r v e n t i o n i s being minister  of manpower r e c e n t l y s t a t e d  w o r k f o r c e ; " i f any  p o l i t i c i a n had  In the 1980's,  questioned.  the  Alberta's  t h a t unemployment m o t i v a t e s  s a i d i n 1934  good t h i n g , he would have been very  seen as  the  that unemployment was  q u i c k l y l o o k i n g f o r a new  job  a  himself"  (Todd, 1984).  LEFT-RIGHT DIMENSION  This section considers,  i n t u r n , the c o n d i t i o n s under which  unemployment produces i n c r e a s e d finally,  Increased  increased  high  l i b e r a l i s m , s t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n , and,  conservatism.  Liberalism  Because the  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y g e n e r a l l y reduces unemployment a t  expense of i n f l a t i o n  (Hibbs,  1977), i n c r e a s e d  unemployment tends to  the  give  45  the L i b e r a l , Democratic, and Labour B r i t a i n an e l e c t o r a l advantage 1983;  p a r t i e s i n Canada, the U.S.,  (e.g. Johnston, 1983; Monroe and L a u g h l i n ,  H i b b s , 1982a; Schlozman and Verba, 1979;  and Kramer, 1975;  G a r r a t y , 1978:186; Goodman  M e l t z e r and V e l l r a t h , 1975). The p o s i t i v e  between unemployment and  relationship  l i b e r a l i s m , t h e r e f o r e , depends on the  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y ' s r e p u t a t i o n f o r economic management. Canadians  However,  p e r c e i v e l a r g e r d i f f e r e n c e s between the p a r t i e s than  actually exist  and  may  (Johnston, 1983:16; Hibbs, 1977:1473).  S i n c e v o t e r s tend to v o t e out the incumbent i n an economic downturn, the e l e c t i o n o f an o p p o s i t i o n p a r t y on the l e f t does not n e c e s s a r i l y s i g n i f y an i d e o l o g i c a l s h i f t .  Furthermore,  businessmen  and bankers  may  become l o b b y i s t s f o r the poor where the unemployment r a t e i s h i g h ( P i v e n and Cloward,  1977:64; Campbell  et a l . ,  1960:384); however, t h i s does not  n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t a l t r u i s m or i n c r e a s e d l i b e r a l i s m .  In every case,  reform a g e n c i e s e s t a b l i s h e d by the Canadian government d u r i n g the D e p r e s s i o n were c a s t i n the mold advocated by b u s i n e s s ( F i n k e l , 1979:168).  Status  Polarization  S t a t u s p o l a r i z e d v o t i n g has been observed f o r the 1930's (Campbell e t al.,  1960)  as w e l l as f o r the r e c e s s i o n years of 1958  (Weatherford, 1978). In B r i t a i n ,  and  1960  those p e r s o n a l l y b e t t e r o f f tend to  i n c r e a s e support o f the C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y , whereas those worse o f f tend to decrease t h e i r support of the C o n s e r v a t i v e s ( B u t l e r and 1974:384). Working c l a s s Americans and  1960  were most s e v e r e l y a f f e c t e d by the  r e c e s s i o n s and were most l i k e l y  (Weatherford,  1978).  Stokes,  to vote a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r  1958  class  46  In the e i g h t i e s , s t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n has N e t h e r l a n d s (Peper,  1982:109) and Germany (Cox,  among l e s s s t r o n g Labour s u p p o r t e r s  1982:18). Cox  business  1982:18), and  in Britain  ( A l t , 1979:256). C o n f l i c t appears to  be over income r e d i s t r i b u t i o n (Peper, (Cox,  been observed i n the  1982:109) and  the r o l e of government  notes t h a t German unions a r e angry about  p r o f i t s c o n t r a s t e d w i t h decreased  wages and  social  increased expenditures  (p. 19). T h i s seems to d e s c r i b e the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n i n B.C.,  Coates argues t h a t the r e c e s s i o n strengthened  the f a c t i o n w i t h i n  B r i t a i n ' s p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s which wished to make a break w i t h p o l i c i e s of the 1960's and  as w e l l .  the economic  r e p l a c e them w i t h p o l i c i e s c l o s e r to  p a r t i e s ' very p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l philosophies  the  (1982:144). However, he  n o t e s t h a t entrenched i n t e r e s t s have f o r c e d a r e t r e a t back to the middle road  (p.  147).  I n c o n t r a s t , B u t l e r and f o r t i e s , f i f t i e s , and  Stokes have d e s c r i b e d how  the a f f l u e n c e of  s i x t i e s reduced c l a s s consciousness  and  the  status  p o l a r i z e d v o t i n g i n B r i t a i n (1974:194-205). They suggest t h a t the Labour p a r t y separated composition;  i t s e l f from the unions and  and,  subsequently,  became more middle c l a s s i n  the convergence of Labour and  Conservative  p o l i c i e s produced a decrease i n the p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s between p a r t i e s and  i n voter turnout,  e s p e c i a l l y i n working c l a s s a r e a s ;  the and  produced a more u n p r e d i c t a b l e e l e c t o r a t e .  Increased  Conservatism  Under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s , h i g h unemployment may support  f o r the c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y or i t s i d e a s .  r i s i n g unemployment i s examined, f o l l o w e d by  increase  First,  political  the e f f e c t  the e f f e c t of  of  stagflation,  47  and,  finally,  politics  the e f f e c t of h i g h unemployment and neoconservatism i n  i n Vancouver.  R i s i n g unemployment. conservative  A r i s i n g unemployment r a t e may g i v e the  p a r t y an e l e c t o r a l advantage g i v e n  the t r a d i t i o n a l alignment  between the working c l a s s and the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y . Independents i n the U n i t e d  States  The Democrats and  a r e more l i k e l y than the R e p u b l i c a n s to  be unemployed and, presumably, to be d i s t r a c t e d from v o t i n g by unemployment  (Rosenstone, 1982:43). Goodman and Kramer found t h a t the  l e v e l of unemployment  i s associated  whereas the r a t e of i n c r e a s e  S t a g f l a t i o n . Unemployment  with support f o r the Democrats,  i n the l e v e l o f unemployment  w i t h support f o r the R e p u b l i c a n s  attention.  recent  i s associated  (1975).  must compete w i t h many i s s u e s f o r  When the unemployment r a t e i n c r e a s e s , concern about i t  i n c r e a s e s ; however, when the unemployment r a t e i s s t a b l e , concern about i n f l a t i o n increases  and o n l y  the unemployment e x p e r i e n c e of p a r t i c u l a r  groups ( o l d e r persons who remember the Great D e p r e s s i o n ) seem to i n f l u e n c e public opinion  ( F i s h e r and H u i z i n g a ,  1982:16-7; Hibbs, 1979).  S t a g f l a t i o n may reduce the l e f t i s t  party's  e l e c t o r a l advantage.  unemployment and p r i c e s began to r i s e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y  As  i n the l a t e 1950's,  the K e y n e s i a n a n a l y s i s of unemployment began to l o s e f a v o r , and by the mid seventies,  i t was b e i n g  unemployment  (Garraty,  argued t h a t government spending 1978:239,249).  The unemployed a r e more averse to i n f l a t i o n (Hibbs,  increases  than to unemployment  1979:715; A l t , 1979:193) when they b e l i e v e t h a t  increased  48  i n f l a t i o n i s the p r i c e of reduced unemployment ( A l t , 1979:193). Taxpayers want reduced  taxes and,  and Ferguson,  to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , reduced s o c i a l spending  1983:177; Ladd and W i l s o n , 1982:139; Danziger and  (Clark  Ring,  1982:48). In many c o u n t r i e s , s o c i a l g o a l s have been shunted a s i d e i n f a v o r of economic o b j e c t i v e s , and v i o l a t i o n s of t r a d e union r i g h t s have increased  (1984--Gloomy y e a r , 1985).  In a d d i t i o n , survey d a t a suggest  that  macroeconomic c o n d i t i o n s are more important to the p o p u l a r i t y of the American  p r e s i d e n t than r e d i s t r i b u t i v e p o l i c i e s  (Monroe and L a u g h l i n ,  1983:337).  A l t contends persuaded  t h a t "people must f e e l w e l l o f f b e f o r e they can be  to be generous  (1979:272).  towards o t h e r s i n t h e i r s o c i a l o u t l o o k "  T h i s same sentiment was  expressed by a respondent who  had  assumed t h a t the S o c i a l C r e d i t p a r t y would have been voted out i n the provincial election.  The  g r e a t e r d e c l i n e i n working  d e c l i n e o f the B r i t i s h economy produced  last  a  c l a s s than middle c l a s s support f o r the Labour  incumbent (Hibbs, 1982b:273). S i m i l a r l y , Labour p o s i t i o n had d e t e r i o r a t e d were more l i k e l y  s u p p o r t e r s whose economic  than s u p p o r t e r s of o t h e r  p a r t i e s to cease f a v o r i n g spending on s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ( A l t , 1979:260). In the U n i t e d S t a t e s , o p p o s i t i o n to w e l f a r e e x p e n d i t u r e s i n c r e a s e d a t a l l income l e v e l s between 1973  and 1977  ( C l a r k and Ferguson,  1983:181).  C l a s s i c a l democratic and m a r x i s t t h e o r i e s both h o l d t h a t economic s e c u r i t y and e q u a l i t y are p r e c o n d i t i o n s f o r a l t r u i s m . " h i e r a r c h y o f needs" i l l u s t r a t e s how s e c u r i t y , and achievement,  S i m i l a r l y , Maslow's  b a s i c needs, such as hunger,  thirst,  must be s a t i s f i e d b e f o r e l e s s urgent needs,  such as j u s t i c e , beauty, and o r d e r can be met  (1968). There  i s also  49  e x p e r i m e n t a l evidence to suggest t h a t s c a r c i t y encourages S u b j e c t s i n one experiment  d i v i d e d a payment between themselves  co-worker more f a i r l y when the payment was insufficient  (Greenberg,  However, the working B r i t i s h Labour  self-interest.  sufficient  and a  than when i t was  1981:294).  c l a s s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y l e s s c l a s s c o n s c i o u s .  s u p p o r t e r s were not l e s s l i k e l y  to cease sympathizing w i t h  s t r i k e r s than Labour and non-Labour s u p p o r t e r s whose economic p o s i t i o n s had  improved  because  ( A l t , 1979:26). But Labour  the p u b l i c i s l e s s w i l l i n g  s u p p o r t e r s are i n a dilemma  to pay f o r s o c i a l programs ( B u t l e r and  McNaughton, 1984:24; Hibbs, 1982b:273; A l t , 1979:261). Of those  Labour  s u p p o r t e r s whose economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s had d e t e r i o r a t e d , l e s s s t r o n g s u p p o r t e r s became more p a r t i s a n than s t r o n g s u p p o r t e r s ( A l t , 1979:256).  An a l t e r n a t e e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t government i n t e r v e n t i o n i s p e r c e i v e d to h i n d e r economic growth.  In 1952,  i n the c o n t e x t of p r o s p e r i t y , a  s u b s t a n t i a l number o f Democrats supported Eisenhower,  a c c e p t i n g the  R e p u b l i c a n theme of p r o s p e r i t y without government i n t e r v e n t i o n et a l . ,  (Campbell  1960:399).  Vancouver p o l i t i c s .  One  c o u n c i l l o r noted resentment  by  the unemployed  of tax d o l l a r s going to community s e r v i c e groups, adding, " I t ' s hard to sell  soft."  S i m i l a r l y , a p l a n n e r r e p o r t e d s e e i n g newcomers a t c i t i z e n s '  committee meetings  c o m p l a i n i n g about  the " f a t " a t C i t y H a l l , even  r e a l C i t y e x p e n d i t u r e s per c a p i t a a c t u a l l y decreased between 1971 ( C i t y of Vancouver,  Two  though and  1983  1983:9).  respondents noted t h a t s i n c e the r e c e s s i o n , c i t i z e n s seem to c a r e  50  l e s s about the q u a l i t y of development i n the c i t y and more about j o b c r e a t i o n : "People get hyper about j o b s and complain about r e f u s a l s of development a p p l i c a t i o n s . "  More people than a n t i c i p a t e d wanted to p a r t i c i p a t e i n d i s c u s s i o n s on [the i n n e r - c i t y c o n v e r s i o n a r e a s ] , and r e v i s i o n s were needed to r e c o g n i z e emerging g o a l s such as s t r e a m l i n i n g of the development process and i n c r e a s i n g housing d e n s i t i e s . . . . T h e F a i r v i e w Heights program encountered i t s own d e l a y s r e s u l t i n g from s t a f f being unable to reach agreement w i t h the c i t i z e n s p l a n n i n g committee who c h a l l e n g e d data and upheld t h e i r support f o r apartment r e z o n i n g i n the area ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:22).  S e v e n t y - s i x p e r c e n t of respondents  to the "Choices  f o r Vancouver's  F u t u r e " pamphlet (n=450) agreed w i t h the " C o r e p l a n " s t r a t e g y not to growth a t t h i s time; o n l y 24 p e r c e n t f e l t growth would outweigh the disadvantages p r e r e c e s s i o n a r y "Goals of  may  limiting  ( S t o t t , 1984:15). In c o n t r a s t , the  f o r Vancouver" r e p o r t devoted  a e s t h e t i c s than economics (Vancouver  no-growth advocates  t h a t the b e n e f i t s of  limit  more space  to i s s u e s  P l a n n i n g Commission, 1980). Even  have s o f t e n e d t h e i r stance to one of " d o - i t - w e l l , "  a c c o r d i n g to a planner from a n e i g h b o r i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y .  I n c r e a s e d concern about j o b s and economic growth i s a p p r o p r i a t e i n a r e c e s s i o n , but, as one consider alternatives noneconomic g o a l s .  As  p l a n n e r noted, people  seem to be  less w i l l i n g  to  t h a t w i l l c r e a t e j u s t as many j o b s w h i l e p r e s e r v i n g the w i f e of the Canada P o r t s C o r p o r a t i o n chairman  so a p t l y put i t a f t e r a v i s i t  to Taiwan, "We  have to decide what k i n d of  p o l l u t i o n we want, whether i t ' s smoke or d i r t or unemployment" ( D a n i e l s , 1985). T h i s p o i n t was d i s c u s s why  r a i s e d a t a workshop i n the P l a n n i n g Department to  the p u b l i c was  not more s u p p o r t i v e of c o u n c i l w i t h r e s p e c t to  c o n t r o l l i n g the development of B.C.  Place.  51  The  development i n d u s t r y may  be t a k i n g advantage of t h i s  hysteria  about j o b s by p r e s s i n g f o r a s t r e a m l i n e d a p p r o v a l process and e x a c t i n g development r e g u l a t i o n s .  S i x respondents  noted  less  that developers,  b u i l d e r s , a r c h i t e c t s , and c o n s t r u c t i o n workers are more a c t i v e i n c o n t a c t i n g o f f i c i a l s and more v i s i b l e a t c o u n c i l meetings, councillor said  although  one  t h a t they are l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n running f o r o f f i c e as  they cannot a f f o r d  to l o s e a government c o n t r a c t .  t h a t c i t i z e n s have been manipulated closed i t s briefs  by B.C.  to c o u n c i l i n l a t e 1983  One  planner b e l i e v e s  P l a c e which, f o r example,  and  e a r l y 1984  w i t h the argument  t h a t the C o r p o r a t i o n ' s development s t r a t e g y would c r e a t e j o b s .  S i m i l a r l y , a p l a n n e r from a n e i g h b o r i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y d e s c r i b e d how c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y l o b b i e d f o r reduced would be a b l e to produce  standards on the b a s i s t h a t i t  more a f f o r d a b l e h o u s i n g .  standards were not e n f o r c e d , p r i c e s d i d n o t f a l l . suggested wherein  However, w h i l e Another  planner  t h a t the c i t i z e n s ' committees have p r o v i d e d an open forum  d e v e l o p e r s have won  d e v e l o p e r s may 1982  the  be responding  the sympathy o f c i t i z e n s . to the removal  such as s o f t - c o s t w r i t e - o f f s and  On the o t h e r hand,  of development i n c e n t i v e s i n  the M u l t i - U n i t R e s i d e n t i a l  Building  Program.  I n the r e c e n t Vancouver c i v i c e l e c t i o n (17 November 1984), the c o n s e r v a t i v e N o n - P a r t i s a n A s s o c i a t i o n (N.P.A.) gained i n the p o p u l a r vote and p i c k e d up a s e a t on the Parks Board. However, i n the ensuing b y - e l e c t i o n (2 F e b r u a r y 1985), to s e t t l e a c o n t e s t e d aldermanic s e a t , the Committee o f P r o g r e s s i v e E l e c t o r s ' c a n d i d a t e was unexpected  returned.  This  r e s u l t , g i v e n the trend towards c o n s e r v a t i s m j u s t d e s c r i b e d ,  52  may  be due to the c o n t r o v e r s y  about P r o v i n c i a l e d u c a t i o n  was  a t f e v e r p i t c h a t the time of the b y - e l e c t i o n .  cutbacks,  Education  which  tends to be  a b i p a r t i s a n i s s u e ( C l a r k and Ferguson, 1983:177). Indeed, Vancouver's p o l a r i z e d c o u n c i l i s unanimous i n i t s support The  c o n t r o v e r s y may have h u r t the chances o f the N.P.A. c a n d i d a t e  "Socred"  On with  o f s c h o o l board autonomy. with  ties.  the other hand, B r i t i s h Columbians may be becoming  restraint.  An o p i n i o n p o l l i n d i c a t e s t h a t v o t e r s d i s l i k e  C r e d i t government's l a c k of f e e l i n g , and even Socred abstained  disillusioned  supporters  i n the r e c e n t b y - e l e c t i o n i n the former Socred  the S o c i a l may have  stronghold of  N o r t h Okanagan ( B a r r e t t , 1984:2). Perhaps as a r e s u l t o f these  sentiments,  the " r e s t r a i n t " was r e p l a c e d by theme o f "renewal" i n the government's t h i r d a n n i v e r s a r y and 1985 budget speeches.  Before,  the d i s c u s s i o n i s summarized, we take a b r i e f  look a t the  i m p l i c a t i o n s o f h i g h unemployment f o r t o l e r a n c e o f a u t h o r i t y .  RISING UNEMPLOYMENT AND AUTHORITARIANISM  A r i s i n g unemployment r a t e may f o s t e r support strongest leadership.  f o r the p a r t y w i t h the  I t may produce u n c e r t a i n t y which appears to  i n c r e a s e t o l e r a n c e o f a u t h o r i t y (Arrow, 1974:93). B i l l  Bennett was  "marketed" as a tough l e a d e r i n the 1983 e l e c t i o n because p o l l s showed t h a t " B r i t i s h Columbians were beginning economic h a r d s h i p "  to l o s e ' s p i r i t '  ( B a r r e t t , 1984:2). L e a d e r s h i p  i n the f a c e o f  was a major i s s u e i n  r e c e n t c i v i c e l e c t i o n s as w e l l as i n the e l e c t i o n s o f Reagan, H i t l e r , and Roosevelt,  which took p l a c e i n the c o n t e x t  o f economic d e c l i n e .  53  SUMMARY  T h i s chapter has e x p l o r e d participation. graded a c c o r d i n g  the impact o f unemployment on p o l i t i c a l  The f o l l o w i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s were hypothesized to the c o n f i d e n c e  which can be p l a c e d  and a r e  i n them.  Two s t a r s  (**) i n d i c a t e t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s f r e q u e n t l y observed i n d i f f e r e n t contexts.  One s t a r (*) s i g n i f i e s  t h a t the evidence  r e l a t i o n s h i p holds o n l y i n c e r t a i n c o n t e x t s .  i s weak or t h a t the  F i n a l l y , no s t a r i n d i c a t e s  t h a t the p r o p o s i t i o n i s s p e c u l a t i o n .  1.  High unemployment reduces c o n v e n t i o n a l  political  participation  when the unemployment r a t e i s r i s i n g , as r e c e n t l y unemployed persons a r e p r e o c c u p i e d ;  (*)  when the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y i s incumbent, as v o t e r s may wish to punish  the incumbent p a r t y but f i n d  the r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r  p a r t y an i n a p p r o p r i a t e v e h i c l e by which to do so; (*) when h i g h unemployment i s a c h r o n i c s i t u a t i o n , as years o f economic f a i l u r e may l o o s e n t i e s to the p o l i t i c a l  2.  system.  (*)  High unemployment produces p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t y  where the working c l a s s i s p o o r l y o r g a n i z e d ,  as lower s t a t u s  i n d i v i d u a l s , who bear the burden o f unemployment, tend politically  inactive;  to be  (*)  when the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y i s incumbent, as the unemployed, who a r e l a r g e l y working c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s , wish to punish the government b u t f i n d  the r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y an i n a p p r o p r i a t e  v e h i c l e by which to do s o .  (*)  54  3.  High unemployment f o s t e r s p r o t e s t , as i t tends to i n c r e a s e the perception  t h a t unemployment  consequently,  i s a community problem and,  unemployment i s more l i k e l y  to be p o l i t i c i z e d .  However, due to f a c t o r s that moderate p a r t i c i p a t i o n , p r o t e s t tends to be " s p o r a d i c , unfocused, r h e t o r i c a l , and m e l a n c h o l i c . "  4.  (**)  P r o t e s t i s moderated by the f o l l o w i n g f a c t o r s :  the f a c t  t h a t the unemployed a r e l a r g e l y lower s t a t u s  i n d i v i d u a l s who  tend  to be p o l i t i c a l l y  working c l a s s i s p o o r l y o r g a n i z e d ; the s o c i a l h e t e r o g e n e i t y unemployment;  (*)  of the unemployed a t h i g h  l e v e l s of  (*)  the tendency f o r nonunionized conflict;  i n a c t i v e where the  p r o f e s s i o n a l s to a v o i d  political  (*)  economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m , as government i s not h e l d f o r p e r s o n a l economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s ; fear of repression;  responsible  (**)  (*)  dependency on w e l f a r e ;  (*)  p e r s i s t e n t h i g h unemployment, as the unemployment r a t e tends to be d i s c o u n t e d ;  (*)  widespread h i g h unemployment, as i t i s d i f f i c u l t responsibility  5.  to any p a r t i c u l a r government.  High unemployment f o s t e r s i n c r e a s e d left-of-center  -  to a t t r i b u t e  (*)  l i b e r a l i s m o r support  f o r the  party  when the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y has a r e p u t a t i o n f o r r e d u c i n g  55  unemployment;  (*)  when the c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y i s incumbent and v o t e r s want a change;  (**)  when the need f o r i n c r e a s e d government i n t e r v e n t i o n i s perceived.  6.  (*)  High unemployment produces s t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n , as those worse o f f tend  to be working c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s who i n c r e a s e t h e i r support f o r  the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y , w h i l e t h e i r support  7.  those b e t t e r o f f tend  f o r the r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y .  (*)  High unemployment f o s t e r s i n c r e a s e d c o n s e r v a t i s m right-of-center  to i n c r e a s e  o r support  f o r the  party  when the unemployment r a t e i s r i s i n g , g i v e n the t r a d i t i o n a l alignment between the working c l a s s and the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y , as working c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s a r e most l i k e l y preoccupied  w i t h unemployment;  to be  (*)  when the i n f l a t i o n r a t e i s a l s o h i g h , s i n c e people tend n o t to support  p o l i c i e s which w i l l  h i n d e r economic growth.  8.  i n c r e a s e government spending o r  (*)  R i s i n g unemployment f o s t e r s u n c e r t a i n t y and t o l e r a n c e f o r authority.  T h i s concludes unemployment. planning  the d i s c u s s i o n o f the p o l i t i c a l r e p e r c u s s i o n s  The next chapter  turns  o f the e f f e c t s h y p o t h e s i z e d  of high  to the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c i t y i n this  chapter.  56  CHAPTER IV  CITY PLANNING AND THE POLITICAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT  T h i s chapter political  explores  the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c i t y p l a n n i n g o f the  r e p e r c u s s i o n s o f h i g h unemployment.  The Chapter I I theory and  the Chapter I I I p r o p o s i t i o n s a r e s y n t h e s i z e d w i t h interviews. planning  The d i s c u s s i o n i s organized  identified  operational.  input from the  according  to the l e v e l s o f  i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n : s t r a t e g i c , normative, and  T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s  of the p o l i t i c a l environment f o r the q u a l i t y o f the workplace f o r planners.  STRATEGIC PLANNING  T h i s s e c t i o n examines the d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s of i n c r e a s e d l i b e r a l i s m , and s t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n on s t r a t e g i c  Conservatism  planning.  and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g  I n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r , support  conservatism,  i t was argued t h a t h i g h unemployment f o s t e r s  f o r the c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y when the unemployment r a t e i s r i s i n g  ( g i v e n the t r a d i t i o n a l alignment  between the working c l a s s and the  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y ) or when the i n f l a t i o n r a t e i s h i g h .  Conservatism  appears to reduce s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g by r e d u c i n g  funding  57  for planning. good t h i n g . of  T h i s i s not to say t h a t i n c r e a s e d p l a n n i n g i s n e c e s s a r i l y a The  Canadian I n s t i t u t e  the P l a n n i n g P r o f e s s i o n has,  d e - r e g u l a t e matters  which are no  of P l a n n e r s ' Task F o r c e on  f o r example, encouraged planners longer of value to s o c i e t y "  N e v e r t h e l e s s , Thomas contends t h a t planners a r e l i m i t i n g themselves to environmental  relationship  between s o c i a l w e l f a r e and  disappeared"  (1984:69-70). Even i n the a f f l u e n t  l e s s e n i n g government's sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  1973:87). T h i s suggests  fifties,  the have a l l but  the  Conservatives  goals with z e s t . . . w h i l e f o r the  fullest  f e a t u r e s of town p l a n n i n g " ( F o l e y ,  t h a t the c u r r e n t a t t a c k on s o c i a l p l a n n i n g i s as  much a p o l i t i c a l as f i s c a l  I n 1984,  Britain  that c u t s a c r o s s p a r t y  town p l a n n i n g may  "more s t r i c t l y environmental  of o t h e r s o c i a l - p o l i c y  "to  (1982:13).  i n Conservative  l i n e s ; "meanwhile whole areas of p l a n n i n g debate, n o t a b l y ,  implementations  Future  i s s u e s i n which t h e i r e x p e r t i s e  i s g e n e r a l l y acknowledged and which have appeal  i n B r i t a i n pursued  the  effect.  a p p r o p r i a t i o n s to the P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l  Planning  Departments (as a p r o p o r t i o n of t o t a l c i t y a p p r o p r i a t i o n s ) were  reduced  (see F i g u r e 4 ) , and both departments are the t a r g e t of f u r t h e r c u t s ( K r a n g l e , 1984). Cuts have not been a c r o s s - t h e - b o a r d suggested. has  The  Economic Development O f f i c e ,  not been cut back (see F i g u r e 4 ) , and  as one  which does economic p l a n n i n g ,  a p p r o p r i a t i o n s to the  have i n c r e a s e d as a r a t i o of a p p r o p r i a t i o n s f o r p h y s i c a l and planning  planner  office  social  (see F i g u r e 5 ) .  However, the most n o t a b l e change i n funding f o r p l a n n i n g s i n c e 1975 i n s o c i a l p l a n n i n g as a r a t i o of a p p r o p r i a t i o n s f o r p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g .  is  58  Public  Works  Police  (half of total)  H e a l t h and Welfare  Planning Social  Planning  Economic Development 1975  76  77  78  79  80  81  82  8 3 84-  F i g u r e 4. Percentage o f T o t a l A p p r o p r i a t i o n s , C i t y o f Vancouver: P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Departments, Economic Development O f f i c e , H e a l t h and S o c i a l W e l f a r e account, P u b l i c Works account, and P o l i c e Department ( h a l f o f t o t a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n s ) . (Source: C i t y o f Vancouver O p e r a t i n g Budget. O l d accounts have been a d j u s t e d f o r c o n s i s t e n c y with present accounts.)  59  F i g u r e 5. R a t i o s o f A p p r o p r i a t i o n s : P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Departments and the Economic Development O f f i c e . (Source: C i t y o f Vancouver O p e r a t i n g Budget. O l d accounts have been a d j u s t e d f o r consistency with present accounts.)  60  T h i s may  reflect  the t r a n s f e r of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s o c i a l w e l f a r e to the  p r o v i n c i a l government (see F i g u r e 4 ) . The have a l s o been spared  S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Department  s i g n i f i c a n t cuts to date because Vancouver has had  l e f t - w i n g c o u n c i l s i n c e 1982.  The  c i t y has  The  for efficiency " r e l i e s on  1984). One  the department to f i l l  p l a n n i n g i n Vancouver has function.  provincial  S o c i a l P l a n n i n g department has a l s o earned  (McMartin,  a  i n c r e a s e d o p e r a t i n g g r a n t s to  community s e r v i c e groups whose f u n d i n g has been cut by the government.  may  a reputation  s o c i a l planner remarked t h a t c o u n c i l  i n the c r a c k s . "  Finally,  some p r o t e c t i o n as a separate  social  departmental  In a n e i g h b o r i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y , the o n l y s o c i a l p l a n n e r  was  r e p l a c e d w i t h a g e n e r a l purpose p l a n n e r .  Economic p l a n n i n g may  be  the l e a s t l i k e l y component of p l a n n i n g to be  a f f e c t e d by i n c r e a s e d c o n s e r v a t i s m d u r i n g a p e r i o d of h i g h unemployment because the m u n i c i p a l i t y has a s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n economic growth. an i n t e g r a t e d approach to p l a n n i n g may deep-seated  be necessary  economic problems ( L i c h f i e l d ,  However,  to d e a l w i t h  1979:7).  Reade contends t h a t planners have l e s s understanding  of t h e i r s u b j e c t  matter and o b j e c t i v e s than other government a d v i s o r s (1982:51). However, L i t h w i c k b e l i e v e s t h a t p l a n n e r s are becoming more circumspect i n t e r v e n t i o n s (1982:6). T h i s suggests some r a t i o n a l i t y advantages.  On  t h a t i n c r e a s e d c o n s e r v a t i s m may  the o t h e r hand, r e s o u r c e s may  away from p l a n n i n g work to d e f e n s i v e a c t i v i t i e s  The  in their  be  have  directed  ( L i t h w i c k , 1982:6).  p r o v i n c i a l government i s c o n s i d e r i n g l e g i s l a t i o n t h a t would  provide incentives for municipalities 1985). B i l l  to d e r e g u l a t e land use  9, The M u n i c i p a l Amendment A c t , has  (Palmer,  a l r e a d y removed a u t h o r i t y  61  from r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t s , a l t h o u g h a l l  of the G r e a t e r Vancouver R e g i o n a l  D i s t r i c t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , except one, j o i n e d s e r v i c e s of the D i s t r i c t  t o g e t h e r to c o n t r a c t the  (Droettboom, 1984:9-10).  I t was mentioned a t the b e g i n n i n g of t h i s s e c t i o n , t h a t the Task Force on the F u t u r e of the P l a n n i n g P r o f e s s i o n i s encouraging s e l e c t i v e deregulation.  I t wants p l a n n e r s to r e c o g n i z e the needs of the market when  w r i t i n g or e v a l u a t i n g r e g u l a t i o n s (1982:14).  S i m i l a r l y , the Ten Year Task F o r c e of the Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department has h i g h l i g h t e d processes." process.  1983 was  the need to "sharpen up our r e g u l a t i n g  the t e n t h year of the Annual Review management  The Task F o r c e was  to e v a l u a t e the department's achievements and  a n t i c i p a t e changes ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department,  1984:51).  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , except f o r b r i e f comments i n the 1983/1984 Annual Review, documentation i s f o r i n t e r n a l use o n l y . Department gave lower p r i o r i t y  Subsequently, the P l a n n i n g  to the departmental o b j e c t i v e o f  " r e g u l a t i n g and g u i d i n g p r i v a t e and p u b l i c a c t i o n s and c o n t i n u a l l y improving r e g u l a t o r y by-laws" ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g  Department,  1984:51,54).  Of course, the "review and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " work of the P l a n n i n g Department  i s p a r t i a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n of the age of the department:  p o l i c i e s and r e g u l a t i o n s "developed a t d i f f e r e n t purposes.  As a r e s u l t  body o f p o l i c y "  times f o r d i f f e r e n t  there i s not a s a t i s f a c t o r y , c o o r d i n a t e d , o r g a n i z e d  ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:80). However,  the f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t s suggest t h a t the P l a n n i n g Department i s responding to e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s f o r d e r e g u l a t i o n .  62  Two  p l a n n e r s and  c a r e f u l with respect  two  c o u n c i l l o r s reported  t h a t the C i t y i s l e s s  to the q u a l i t y of small developments,  complaints by d e v e l o p e r s ,  unemployed c o n s t r u c t i o n workers, and  i n d i v i d u a l s about r e f u s a l s of development a p p l i c a t i o n s . reported  f e e l i n g f r u s t r a t e d by  the u n w i l l i n g n e s s  a l t e r n a t i v e approaches to the development of B.C.  In a d d i t i o n , a planner from a n e i g h b o r i n g pressure housing.  by  developers and  The  d e n s i t i e s had  anonymous  Another planner  of c i t i z e n s  to  consider  Place.  municipality described  a r c h i t e c t s produced t a c i t a p p r o v a l  development i n d u s t r y had  be more a f f o r d a b l e .  given  of compact  argued t h a t compact housing would  However, when i t became apparent t h a t  increased  not made housing more a f f o r d a b l e , the m u n i c i p a l i t y  this practice.  At  instead, exploring  how  the time of the i n t e r v i e w ,  the m u n i c i p a l i t y  the f e a s i b i l i t y of housing c o o p e r a t i v e s  as  halted was,  an  a l t e r n a t i v e to compact h o u s i n g .  Demands f o r economic growth and Blowers has  c a l l e d "pre-emptive d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . "  commissioned two extra s t a f f  j o b c r e a t i o n need not r e s u l t i n what The  C i t y of Vancouver  s t u d i e s of the development permit process and  to speed up  the e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e .  In a d d i t i o n , the  Department produced a c o n t i n g e n c y p l a n f o r the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s which c o n t r o l s economic growth ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g  assigned Planning district,  Department,  1984:64).  L i b e r a l i s m and  Innovation  Chapter I I argued t h a t unemployment produces a s h i f t under three c o n d i t i o n s : 1) when the  toward the  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y has  a  left  reputation  63  f o r r e d u c i n g unemployment; 2) when the unemployment r a t e i s h i g h and the c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y i s incumbent; and 3) when the need f o r i n c r e a s e d government i n t e r v e n t i o n i s p e r c e i v e d .  R e c a l l from Chapter I I t h a t a l i b e r a l c l i e n t e l e innovation.  T h i s suggests t h a t a s h i f t  o f means c o n s i d e r e d  facilitates  to the l e f t may expand the range  i n the achievement o f o b j e c t i v e s .  The  Labour-controlled Greater  London C o u n c i l , f o r example, intends  planning  i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s t r a t e g y to achieve  i n an "ambitious  to use desired  s o c i a l and economic g o a l s " (Thomas, 1984:70).  Of c o u r s e , when i n c r e a s e d support reflects  the deep-seated b e l i e f  political  f o r the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r  party  t h a t c a p i t a l i s m i s n o t working, the  environment w i l l be more h o s p i t a b l e t o p l a n n i n g  than when the  v o t e r s have merely punished the incumbent p a r t y which happens to be c o n s e r v a t i v e a t the time.  P o l a r i z a t i o n and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g P o l a r i z a t i o n may have a n e g a t i v e Greater  planning.  consensus w i t h i n the working and middle c l a s s e s , r e s p e c t i v e l y , may  impede the a n a l y s i s o f means. tend  e f f e c t on s t r a t e g i c  R e c a l l from Chapter I I t h a t dominant groups  to r e s t r i c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n decision-making  (Chetkow-Yanoov, 1982:172). I n a d d i t i o n , Mintzberg politicized  and the scope o f i s s u e s notes t h a t a  environment tends to f o s t e r l e g i t i m i z i n g r o l e s  (liaison,  spokesman, and n e g o t i a t o r ) a t the expense o f the entrepreneur (1973:108). On the o t h e r hand, p o l a r i z a t i o n may be a source analysis.  Such i s the b a s i s o f our p a r l i a m e n t a r y  system.  role  of c r i t i c a l  64  NORMATIVE PLANNING  T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s the e f f e c t s on normative p l a n n i n g o f apathy, p r o t e s t , and s t a t u s  polarization.  Apathy and Normative  Planning  The p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r argued  t h a t the unemployed tend to be  u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d when the working  class i s poorly organized, p a r t i c u l a r l y  when the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y i s incumbent.  I f the p o l i t i c a l l y  unemployed have a d i s t i n c t s e t o f p o l i c y p r e f e r e n c e s , then p l a n n i n g i s reduced u n l e s s p l a n n e r s counter t h i s  One planner noted  inactive  normative  effect.  t h a t groups "must speak up f i r s t ; p l a n n e r s a r e good  r e c i p i e n t s o f i n f o r m a t i o n , " adding t h a t Canadian  p l a n n e r s g e n e r a l l y do not  have a community o r g a n i z e r or advocate r o l e which seeks to s t r e n g t h e n politically  disadvantaged neighborhoods  or groups.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to  note t h a t t h i s respondent was n o t aware o f any a p a t h e t i c unemployed persons.  Standard p u b l i c involvement programs may a c t u a l l y  reinforce  u n d e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the unemployed, as they tend to focus on land use and  to a t t r a c t middle c l a s s and o r g a n i z e d groups  (Blowers, 1980:32,70).  R e c a l l from Chapter I I t h a t low income p e r s o n s , the m a j o r i t y o f unemployed, g e n e r a l l y shun programs t h a t do not aim to improve immediate l i v i n g  their  conditions.  I t was a l s o suggested i n Chapter I I I t h a t p e r s i s t e n t h i g h unemployment reduces v o t e r t u r n o u t and working  class participation.  r e a s o n a b l e to expect that i n a p o l i t i c a l l y  I t seems  a p a t h e t i c environment, the  65  v a l u e base o f p l a n n i n g remains u n c h a l l e n g e d . reflect  the v a l u e s o f i n t e r e s t groups, i n a brokerage s t y l e o f p l a n n i n g .  P r o t e s t and Value Chapter protest.  Premises  I I I d e s c r i b e d how a h i g h or r i s i n g  P r o t e s t tends  Increased  unemployment r a t e f o s t e r s  to i n c r e a s e u n c e r t a i n t y and s o l i c i t o u s n e s s i n  p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s gauging  p o l i t i c a l winds ( P i v e n & Cloward, 1977:28).  s o l i c i t o u s n e s s does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n the meaningful  r e e v a l u a t i o n o f v a l u e premises, thirties  P l a n n i n g can be expected to  however.  were shaped by b u s i n e s s .  R e c a l l t h a t the reforms  of the  C i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n may be used to  n e u t r a l i z e demands ( H u l c h a n s k i , 1974). I n a d d i t i o n , u n c e r t a i n t y may i n c r e a s e i n t o l e r a n c e , p r e j u d i c e , and c y n i c i s m among p l a n n e r s as o t h e r s (Emery and T r i s t ,  1975:59). R e c a l l , on the other hand, t h a t o r g a n i z e d  p r o t e s t may i n c r e a s e the e l e c t o r a l chances o f r e f o r m e r s .  P o l a r i z a t i o n and Normative P l a n n i n g S t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n may reduce normative p l a n n i n g . how community c o n f l i c t  tends  Chapter  to reduce the responsiveness  I I noted  of o f f i c i a l s .  However, by f a c i l i t a t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the working c l a s s ,  polarization  may promote the r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f v a l u e s i n p l a n n i n g i n the long r u n .  OPERATIONAL  PLANNING  T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s the e f f e c t s on o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g o f s t a t u s polarization, a shift of  authority.  difficulty  to e i t h e r the r i g h t o r l e f t , and i n c r e a s e d t o l e r a n c e  F i r s t , planners  i n a p o l a r i z e d environment may have  c u l t i v a t i n g agreement on a c t i o n s .  t h a t community c o n f l i c t  hinders  I t was noted  decision-making.  i n Chapter I I  66  In c o n t r a s t , a s h i f t  to e i t h e r  the r i g h t or l e f t , which  reflects  i n c r e a s e d p o l i t i c a l homogeneity, should  reduce the u n c e r t a i n t y  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a p o l a r i z e d p o l i t i c a l  environment.  would f a c i l i t a t e  Increased planning.  long-range  this  planning.  t o l e r a n c e of a u t h o r i t y may  also f a c i l i t a t e  Arrow argues t h a t a u t h o r i t y economizes on  i n f o r m a t i o n (1974:74). However, he notes by  Presumably,  operational  the exchange of  that t h i s advantage i s  countered  the p o s s i b i l i t y of "unnecessary e r r o r s , " t h a t i s , by a r e d u c t i o n i n  strategic  planning.  QUALITY OF THE  Increased w i t h defending  conservatism  may  WORKPLACE  produce r o l e c o n f u s i o n i n p l a n n e r s  faced  t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n (Healy e t a l . , 1982b; S t e r n l i e b ,  1978:205). R e c a l l t h a t r o l e c o n f u s i o n tends to reduce job P o l a r i z a t i o n may  satisfaction.  a l s o i n c r e a s e r o l e c o n f u s i o n , as planners may  aware of competing demands. i n t e r v i e w e d expressed  However, none of the p l a n n e r s who  c o n f u s i o n about t h e i r r o l e .  be more were  They seemed to  feel  t h a t the l e f t i s t m a j o r i t y on c o u n c i l i s on t h e i r s i d e .  SUMMARY  Chapter IV has  d e s c r i b e d the impact o f the p o l i t i c a l  repercussions  h i g h unemployment on s t r a t e g i c , n o r m a t i v e , and o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g . hypotheses generated to  i n t h i s chapter are l i s t e d  below and  the t h r e e s t a r system d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter I I I .  of The  graded a c c o r d i n g  67  Strategic 1.  Planning  Increased  conservatism  reducing  reduces s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g  funding f o r planning;  (*)  i n c r e a s i n g acceptance of d e r e g u l a t i o n and planning a c t i v i t i e s ; compelling to  2.  planners  scope f o r  to d i r e c t r e s o u r c e s away from p l a n n i n g work (*)  l i b e r a l i s m widens the range of means c o n s i d e r e d  achievement of o b j e c t i v e s .  3.  a reduced  (*)  defensive a c t i v i t i e s .  Increased  by  (*)  S t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n reduces s t r a t e g i c p l a n n i n g producing  i n the  by  g r e a t e r consensus w i t h i n the working and  middle  classes; fostering  Normative 4.  legitimizing  roles.  Planning  Underrepresentation  of the unemployed reduces normative p l a n n i n g  u n l e s s p l a n n e r s have a community o r g a n i z e r  5.  In a p o l i t i c a l l y  a p a t h i c environment, p a r t i c u l a r l y where the working  c l a s s i s underrepresented, c h a l l e n g e d and  6.  the v a l u e base of p l a n n i n g  planners are brokers  i s not  of i n t e r e s t group p r e s s u r e s .  P r o t e s t promotes the r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of v a l u e premises by i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c a l u n c e r t a i n t y and  7.  role.  s o l i c i t o u s n e s s of o f f i c i a l s .  P r o t e s t reduces normative p l a n n i n g by producing  (*)  p r e j u d i c e and  i n t o l e r a n c e i n p l a n n e r s , as a f u n c t i o n o f u n c e r t a i n t y .  68  8.  By r e d u c i n g  the responsiveness  of o f f i c i a l s , s t a t u s p o l a r i z a t i o n  reduces normative p l a n n i n g , b u t , by i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e s , i t i n c r e a s e s normative p l a n n i n g  Operational 9.  10.  i n the long r u n .  (*)  Planning  P o l a r i z e d p o l i t i c s h i n d e r the c u l t i v a t i o n o f consensus.  A shift  to e i t h e r  the r i g h t or l e f t f a c i l i t a t e s  long-range p l a n n i n g  by r e d u c i n g p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t and u n c e r t a i n t y .  11.  Increased  t o l e r a n c e of a u t h o r i t y f a c i l i t a t e s  decision-making.  Q u a l i t y o f the Workplace 12.  Increased  conservatism  reduces the q u a l i t y of the workplace f o r  p l a n n e r s by c h a l l e n g i n g the r a t i o n a l e of p l a n n i n g , and r o l e c o n f u s i o n and j o b d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n .  13.  producing  (*)  P o l i t i c a l p o l a r i z a t i o n i n c r e a s e s r o l e c o n f u s i o n and j o b s a t i s f a c t i o n by producing  The t h e s i s now  conflicting political  turns to an examination  pressures.  o f the f i s c a l r e p e r c u s s i o n s of  h i g h unemployment and the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r p l a n n i n g .  69  CHAPTER V  CITY PLANNING AND THE FISCAL REPERCUSSIONS OF HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT  T h i s chapter d i s c u s s e s the i m p l i c a t i o n s of f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t f o r the v a r i o u s l e v e l s o f p l a n n i n g and the q u a l i t y o f the workplace.  F i r s t , a few  words a r e s a i d about m u n i c i p a l f i n a n c e s d u r i n g h i g h unemployment.  HIGH UNEMPLOYMENT AND MUNICIPAL FINANCES  High unemployment a f f e c t s both c i t y revenues and e x p e n d i t u r e s . tends  It  to p u t a l i d on taxes as the number o f land assessment n o t i c e s t h a t  are appealed  i n c r e a s e s (4,600 f i g h t assessments, 1984). A t the same time,  where m u n i c i p a l i t i e s have r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e l i e f , such as d u r i n g the Great Depression, welfare expenditures  In Vancouver, budgetary  increase.  p r e s s u r e has,been reduced  monies from the P r o p e r t y Endowment Fund to balance  by the t r a n s f e r o f  the l a s t  two budgets.  However, some c o u n c i l l o r s b e l i e v e the C i t y should be more c a u t i o u s and c u t s e r v i c e s s i n c e the r e c e s s i o n c o u l d be prolonged. indicated  Mayor Harcourt has  t h a t u n l e s s taxes a r e r a i s e d , f u n d i n g f o r parks and r e c r e a t i o n ,  p l a n n i n g , s o c i a l p l a n n i n g , and l i b r a r i e s w i l l be c u t ( K r a n g l e , 1984).  "At a time o f p u b l i c e x p e n d i t u r e  cuts, planning i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  v u l n e r a b l e as the n e c e s s i t y f o r l a r g e , a p p a r e n t l y non-productive  planning  70  departments i s q u e s t i o n e d "  (Blowers,  the a f f l u e n c e of 1950's through distribute  1980:18). Layton contends  that while  the e a r l y 1970's " p r o v i d e d may crumbs to  to the poor and disadvantaged,"  s i n c e the l a t e 1970's, "good  p l a n n i n g p o l i c i e s and humane s o c i a l programs a r e being haphazardly  tossed  to the wind (1984:391). He adds t h a t i n the 1970's, p r o g r e s s i v e reforms c o u l d be a f f o r d e d , whereas i n the 1980's, p o l i t i c i a n s a r e r e a l i g n i n g themselves  with b u s i n e s s  (p. 410). In t h i s sense,  the e f f e c t s of f i s c a l  p r e s s u r e resemble the e f f e c t s of i n c r e a s e d c o n s e r v a t i s m ; both may o r i g i n a t e with h i g h unemployment.  The  C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department has e x p e r i e n c e d budget c u t s  s i n c e mid-1982, a t a time when P r o v i n c i a l megaprojects  and the e l i m i n a t i o n  o f the o f f i c i a l r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n by the P r o v i n c e i n c r e a s e d workloads i n the O v e r a l l P l a n n i n g d i v i s i o n  ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g  Department, 1984). The Area P l a n n i n g d i v i s i o n i s implementing  local  p l a n s s l o w l y , but s u r e l y , because o f i t s commitment to c i t i z e n s  area  ( C i t y of  Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1983:21; 1984:64,73).  On the other hand, slowed  economic growth may f r e e p l a n n e r s  from  development permit work (Procos, 1983:104). I n Vancouver, a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r major developments have l e v e l e d o f f , producing more balanced workloads i n the Zoning d i v i s i o n  ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1983, 1984).  Even d u r i n g economic growth, the p l a n n i n g budget tends f e d e r a l l y funded housing  to f l u c t u a t e as  programs come and go, and as "master" plans ( e . g .  the l o c a l a r e a and c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t p l a n s ) a r e s t a r t e d up and completed  (see F i g u r e 5 i n Chapter  temporary  staff.  I V ) . Thus, many Vancouver p l a n n e r s a r e  71  In 1982 for  and  1983,  the S o c i a l P l a n n i n g Department r e c e i v e d more money  community program g r a n t s p r e v i o u s l y funded  government.  However, as noted  P l a n n i n g Department decreased  i n Chapter i n 1984  the p r o v i n c i a l  IV, t o t a l f u n d i n g of the S o c i a l  (see F i g u r e 5 ) . In c o n t r a s t , the  Economic Development O f f i c e has r e c e i v e d steady although  by  these a r e a s m a l l percentage  i n c r e a s e s i n funding  of the t o t a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n s .  STRATEGIC PLANNING  T h i s s e c t i o n examines some of the e f f e c t s of f i s c a l s t r a t e g i c planning.  restraint  on  P o s i t i v e e f f e c t s were noted w i t h r e s p e c t to the  e x p l i c i t n e s s of c r i t e r i a and  the l e v e l of economic p l a n n i n g .  Negative  trends were noted w i t h r e s p e c t to the m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of budgets, ad d e c i s i o n s , a t r a d e - o f f mode of p l a n n i n g , i n c r e a s e d concern w i t h v i s i b i l i t y of performance, and  E x p l i c i t n e s s of  reduced  hoc  the  g o a l achievement.  Criteria  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t may  f o s t e r the use of more e x p l i c i t c r i t e r i a  e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s .  British  l o c a l governments, r e q u i r e d to  m a i n t a i n budgets a t the same l e v e l , have tended budget review and  i n the  to widen the parameters of  to r e q u i r e more e x p l i c i t a n a l y s i s o f the  among community r e s o u r c e s , o b j e c t i v e s and problems, and  relationship  expenditures  (Greenwood e t a l . , 1980).  S i m i l a r l y , Rubin found  t h a t retrenchment a t u n i v e r s i t i e s f o s t e r s a  more s y s t e m a t i c , e x p l i c i t , and  comparative  as i n c r e a s e d c o l l e c t i o n o f data and The  approach to budgeting  as w e l l  t h e i r use i n decision-making  (1980).  Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, too, c l a i m s t h a t "we  must be c l e a r e r i n  72  our recommendations about a s s i g n i n g r e s o u r c e s to p l a n n i n g work" ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:52).  However, Greenwood  et a l .  a n a l y s i s d e c l i n e d over time  found  t h a t improvements  (1980:42). They suggest  which a r e not made immediately  may be d i f f i c u l t  to s t r a t e g i c  t h a t improvements  to make; t h a t the  p o t e n t i a l f o r improvement may d e c l i n e ; and t h a t p a n i c may motivating factor  cease  to be a  (pp. 42-44).  Economic P l a n n i n g As mentioned i n Chapter  IV, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s may be more i n t e r e s t e d  u s u a l i n economic p l a n n i n g when the unemployment U n i t e d S t a t e s , c i t i e s a r e encouraging  rate i s high.  In the  groups to form community  c o r p o r a t i o n s to a c q u i r e p r o p e r t y and e s t a b l i s h b u s i n e s s e s  than  development  (Swartz,  1982:277). B r i t i s h p l a n n e r s are a l s o becoming more e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and promotional  (Healy e t a l . ,  1982a:13).  I n i t s most r e c e n t Annual Review, the Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department gave h i g h e r p r i o r i t y  to the o b j e c t i v e o f " s u g g e s t i n g and  utilizing  programs t h a t p r o v i d e r e s o u r c e s to improve Vancouver" ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:54). The o b j e c t i v e s a r e not numbered,  but the  change i n order i s s u g g e s t i v e c o n s i d e r i n g the o r d e r has remained unchanged for years.  One p l a n n e r remarked t h a t p l a n n e r s should be g i v i n g more  emphasis to community resources.  development and fund r a i s i n g i n order to generate  A s t r o n g e r economic r o l e has a l s o been advocated  planning l i t e r a t u r e  i n the  (Hutton, 1983; Friedman, 1979:590). M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , i n  g e n e r a l , a r e demanding  s t r o n g e r powers  (Union o f B.C. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , 1983).  to develop  their  local  economies  73  However, t h i s emphasis on economic p l a n n i n g to  economic r e c e s s i o n and h i g h unemployment.  i s not s o l e l y a response  Reduced f e d e r a l  i n community development ( L i t h w i c k , 1982:7-8) and c o n v e n t i o n a l macroeconomic p o l i c i e s  involvement  the f a i l u r e  (Lee, 1980:68) may  of  have c o n t r i b u t e d to  i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t approaches to the economy.  M i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Budgets Budgetary p r e s s u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y  severe p r e s s u r e  ( S c h i c k , 1980)  has  been shown to encourage the m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of budgets, i n c l u d i n g the underestimation 1981;  Rubin, 1980;  occurs al.,  of revenues and m a n i p u l a t i o n Caiden,  of a l l o c a t i o n s  ( L e v i n e et a l ,  1980). With r e s p e c t to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ,  this  l e s s f r e q u e n t l y i n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i t h a c i t y manager ( L e v i n e et  1981:47). P a r a d o x i c a l l y , such r i s k y s t r a t e g i e s tend  fiscal  u n c e r t a i n t y (Rubin,  Ad hoc  Decisions  to i n c r e a s e  1980).  Inadequate or ad hoc budgeting  tends to impede long range p l a n n i n g .  Under budgetary p r e s s u r e , program development i s g e n e r a l l y s p o r a d i c f a v o r s programs w i t h may  low i n i t i a l c o s t s , although m u l t i - y e a r i m p l i c a t i o n s  be brought out  to dampen demands ( S c h i c k , 1980:122).  Three planners  claimed  i n c r e a s e d workloads. d i f f i c u l t y and and  difficult  which was  t h a t p l a n n i n g i s becoming more r e a c t i v e due  Increased workloads tend  the "use  of o v e r s i g h t , " and  planner  equated w i t h  to i n c r e a s e d e c i s i o n  i t may  problems t h a t are l e f t u n r e s o l v e d  1976:34-35). One  and  be  the more  important  (Cohen e t a l . ,  commented t h a t there i s l e s s " r e a l "  planning,  the development of t e c h n i c a l g u i d e l i n e s .  to  74  A s o c i a l planner d e s c r i b e d p l a n n i n g i n t h a t department as more a n t i c i p a t o r y than b e f o r e the r e c e s s i o n . the developmental met,  attributed  stage of the department; as the backlog of needs  the department was  under continued  However, t h i s was  fiscal  a b l e to p l a n f o r f u t u r e needs.  T h i s may  to  was  change  restraint.  A T r a d e - o f f Mode of P l a n n i n g One  of the recommendations of the Vancouver Ten Year Task Force was  set p r i o r i t i e s  (Vancouver C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:105).  1983/1984 Annual Review u t i l i z e d there were two.  The  three l e v e l s of p r i o r i t y where p r e v i o u s l y  "Work which cannot be a c h i e v e d with c u r r e n t f u n d i n g "  ( p r e v i o u s l y second p r i o r i t y work) has been s p l i t p r i o r i t y : "important p r i o r i t y ) and  to  i n t o two  l e v e l s of  work which r e q u i r e s a d d i t i o n a l funds"  (second  " d e s i r a b l e work which can be d e f e r r e d " ( t h i r d  The Review a l s o s t a t e s t h a t c a r e f u l programming and p r i o r i t y - s e t t i n g are important  priority).  effective  i n maximizing c a p a c i t y and  efficiency  (City  of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1983:77).  One  s o c i a l planner  is optimistic  t h a t hard  e f f i c i e n t community services--"community p r i o r i t i e s " - - b u t i s concerned  groups need to l e a r n to s e t  t h a t groups might spend too much  r a i s i n g funds and not enough time s e r v i c i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , Levine et a l .  found  c u t t i n g r a t h e r than e f f i c i e n c y  (1981:81).  A p h y s i c a l planner f e l t  the p u b l i c .  time  With r e s p e c t to  t h a t severe f i s c a l p r e s s u r e produces  that there i s more " r e a l " p l a n n i n g  d e f i n e d as "being f o r c e d to make hard c h o i c e s . " planner f e l t  times w i l l produce more  R e c a l l that  t h a t there i s l e s s r e a l p l a n n i n g now.  now,  another  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e has  75  more to do w i t h the perception  two  planners'  of budgetary p r e s s u r e  p l a n n e r who  believes  there  perspectives  on p l a n n i n g  which both planners acknowledged.  i s more r e a l p l a n n i n g  l e s s r e a l planning  may  L i k e the p l a n n e r who Susskind  The  who  believes  there  be r e f e r r i n g to the q u a l i t y of that change.  believes  (1980) argues t h a t f i s c a l  m a n a g e r i a l reform."  the  i s p r o b a b l y r e f e r r i n g to  the degree of change i n the department, whereas the one is  than with  there  i s now  more r e a l  planning,  stress offers "opportunities  for  However, Hartman contends t h a t the problem i s not  to p l a n without adequate f u n d i n g ,  but how  to b r i n g about changes  how  that  ensure needs are adequately funded (1978:82). S i m i l a r l y , H u l c h a n s k i argues t h a t the r e s u l t of a c c e p t i n g  c o n s t r a i n t s i s a " t r a d e - o f f s mode o f  d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , " i n c o n t r a s t to p l a n n i n g w i t h i n the scope of human c h o i c e and  as  the " p r o g r e s s i v e  d e c i s i o n , matters t h a t  inclusion  earlier  appeared as c o n s t r a i n t s or unavoidable outcomes" (1974:65). There i s a l s o concern t h a t p r i o r i t i e s p l a n n i n g , i d e n t i f y i n g what can be  Visibility  by d i v i d i n g up  c u t , f a c i l i t a t e s major c u t s  the " v i s i b i l i t y  such as  of performance may  (Hearn, 1982:172).  p l a n n e r s are  i n i t i a t i n g and  t h a t produced by  assume p o l i t i c a l  1978:866). In response to s c r u t i n y by  getting  and  of Performance  In an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c r i s i s  projects  the problem  (Thomas, 1984:69). They are  government, B r i t i s h  q u i c k l y executed and  seeking  pressure,  importance" ( S e l b s t ,  the C o n s e r v a t i v e  coordinating  fiscal  visible  to prove t h e i r r e l e v a n c e  by  things done (Healey et a l . , 1982:10). S i m i l a r l y , S t e r n l i e b  contends t h a t "the  sheer f r u s t r a t i o n i n the i n a b i l i t y  many p l a n n e r s f e e l , makes f o r a v a s t  impatience and  to d e l i v e r , which  a questioning  of  the  so  76  r e l e v a n c e o f the t h e o r y " ( 1 9 7 8 a : x i ) . I n g e n e r a l , p l a n n e r s must c o n c e r n s  themselves o n l y w i t h those i s s u e s t h a t a r e d e f i n a b l e , c o n c r e t e and solvable  to be c o n s i d e r e d good managers o f change and r e s p o n s i v e to both  p o l i t i c i a n s and s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t groups (Catanese, 1974:170). However, o r g a n i z a t i o n s which emphasize low c o s t s and q u a n t i t y o f products a r e l e s s i n n o v a t i v e t h a t those which emphasize q u a l i t y  Similarly,  (Rothman, 1974:471).  the Ten Year Task Force o f the Vancouver P l a n n i n g  Department has recommended t h a t the department improve i t s p u b l i c relations the  ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:105). F o r example,  O v e r a l l P l a n n i n g D i v i s i o n i n t e n d s to expand the r e a d e r s h i p o f the  Q u a r t e r l y Review  ( p . 62,65). While "improving communications" has been a  s t a t e d o b j e c t i v e f o r many y e a r s , emphasis on communications a t t h i s time may be a response to d i m i n i s h e d support f o r p l a n n i n g .  Reduced Goal Achievement R u b i n found t h a t the combined e f f e c t o f cutbacks and budget u n c e r t a i n t y a t u n i v e r s i t i e s was to reduce rewards so f a r t h a t many a d m i n i s t r a t o r s d i d n o t t r y t o maximize g o a l s (Rubin, 1980). S i m i l a r l y , F r i e d argues t h a t p e r s i s t e n t low grade p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r e s s produces s e l e c t i v e i n a t t e n t i o n and narrowed v i s i o n ( F r i e d , 1982:18). Arrow s u g g e s t s , f u r t h e r m o r e , t h a t o v e r l o a d causes i n f o r m a t i o n to be f i l t e r e d a c c o r d i n g to p r e c o n c e p t i o n s (1974:75).  R e t r e a t i n t o r o u t i n e i s a common response to i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s owing to inadequate r e s o u r c e s ( S t e r n l i e b , 1 9 7 8 a : x i i ) . O r g a n i z a t i o n a l  crisis  produces an emphasis on h i e r a r c h y and p r o c e d u r e s , i n t o l e r a n c e of change, " l o s s o f c o n f i d e n c e and an ad hoc approach to day-to-day problems, a p t l y  77  called  ' c r i s i s management,  (Selbst,  1  o f t e n observed i n l o c a l p u b l i c  agencies"  1978:865).  D e c i s i o n s may have to be made over (Rubin, 1980:177). The Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department found t h a t f l u c t u a t i n g s t a f f r e s o u r c e s and "the l a c k o f s e n i o r s u p e r v i s i o n below the l e v e l o f A s s o c i a t e D i r e c t o r meant t h a t the work program proceeded i n f i t s and s t a r t s  less e f f i c i e n t l y  have o t h e r w i s e , " and inadequate f u n d i n g r e q u i r e d s t a f f  than i t might  to do "arduous  o r i g i n a l r e s e a r c h " t h a t could have been purchased ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1983:16). The department i s concerned that i t may " s l i p behind" ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:52).  NORMATIVE PLANNING  I t would seem t h a t normative p l a n n i n g would be reduced when c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n policy-making i s r e s t r i c t e d .  I n Sweden, i n t e r e s t groups  have been excluded from i n v e s t i g a t i v e commissions on the grounds of greater operational e f f i c i e n c y , decreasing their role i n basic  policy  f o r m a t i o n ( O l s e n , 1982:205). The Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department c u t back its  formal l i a i s o n w i t h the l o c a l area c i t i z e n s ' committees; however, t h i s  was due to the c o m p l e t i o n of the l o c a l a r e a plans ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:24).  The department a l s o intends to c u t c o s t s by s u b s t i t u t i n g " ' h a r d ' data and o p i n i o n p o l l s f o r d i r e c t c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n through committees and meetings" ( C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1983:63). While surveys can be used to c l a r i f y community v a l u e s , the danger e x i s t s  that they w i l l  be used to g i v e l e g i t i m a c y to d e c i s i o n s which have a l r e a d y been made.  78  Despite  s t a t e d i n t e n t i o n s , planners  attended  e l e v e n p e r c e n t more  p u b l i c meetings a f t e r work hours i n 1983 than i n 1982 ( C i t y o f Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:5). A c c o r d i n g  to a d i v i s i o n head, p r o t e s t  f o l l o w i n g a p p r o v a l o f the development o f a f a s t foods business  a r e a , without  the u s u a l p u b l i c review,  o u t l e t i n a small  r e a f f i r m e d the  department's b e l i e f i n the n e c e s s i t y o f s t a r t i n g out w i t h l e g i t i m a c y .  This v a s c i l l a t i o n r e f l e c t s  the d u a l c h a r a c t e r o f c i t i z e n  p a r t i c i p a t i o n : w h i l e c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n i s expensive,  i t i s u s e f u l to  i n c r e a s e c i t i z e n s ' awareness o f " c o n s t r a i n t s on government and t o l e g i t i m i z e government when i t can no longer meet demands by i n c r e a s i n g expenditures expects  ( H u l c h a n s k i , 1974:53,59). One planner s t a t e d t h a t c o u n c i l  "meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n , hard  have u n r e a l i s t i c e x p e c t a t i o n s . "  s l o g g i n g , so t h a t c i t i z e n s do not  On the o t h e r hand, departments, competing  f o r f u n d i n g , may a l s o use c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n to b u i l d  support f o r  programs (McCurdy, 1977:119).  OPERATIONAL  PLANNING  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t may reduce o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g by competition  f o r resources.  producing  I n a d d i t i o n , S e l b s t contends t h a t i f an  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c r i s i s develops  g r a d u a l l y , s t a f f "may d i v i d e t h e i r  o p i n i o n s , q u e s t i o n i n g the premises o f the l i k e l y r e s u l t o f the c r i s i s , and polarizing planning  t h e i r responses"  issues.  (1978:865). T h i s c o u l d h i n d e r consensus on  On the o t h e r hand, f i s c a l  r e s t r a i n t may produce  c e n t r a l i z e d e x e c u t i v e or p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l over departments and budgets i n order  to f a c i l i t a t e o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g  e t a l . , 1980).  (Levine e t a l . , 1981:199; H i n i n g  79  THE  In  QUALITY OF THE WORKPLACE  t h i s s e c t i o n , the e f f e c t s o f budgetary  the workplace  f o r p l a n n e r s are examined.  p r e s s u r e on the q u a l i t y of  S e l b s t contends  t h a t " i n the  s h o r t r u n , and under p o s i t i v e c o n d i t i o n s o f s t a f f m o t i v a t i o n , c r i s i s  may  s e r v e to u n i f y and m o b i l i z e the s t a f f " (1978:866). S i m i l a r l y , Vancouver's city  p l a n n e r s have proved  (Vancouver  they can work w e l l under unusual  P l a n n i n g Department, 1984:33). One  t h a t morale i n the department was suggested of  of the s o c i a l p l a n n e r s noted  h i g h d e s p i t e some uneasiness  t h e i r work (which puts them i n c o n t a c t w i t h the f e d e r a l government,  n e i g h b o r i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y were r e p o r t e d l y f i n d i n g  Planners i n a  t h e i r work more v a r i e d  interesting.  In  o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s , f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t may  workplace of  and  t h a t the many job o f f e r s s o c i a l p l a n n e r s r e c e i v e i n the course  community a g e n c i e s , and b u s i n e s s ) has cushioned a n x i e t i e s .  and  pressure  f o r planners.  reduce  the q u a l i t y of the  C e n t r a l i z a t i o n of c o n t r o l would reduce  decision-making p o s i t i o n s .  However, p r o f e s s i o n a l s enjoy autonomy  (Rothman, 1974:173). Based on trends i n a p p r o p r i a t i o n s and economic growth, the autonomy o f p h y s i c a l and c u r t a i l e d more than t h a t o f economic p l a n n e r s .  demands f o r  s o c i a l p l a n n e r s may  which the respondent  be  However, i n the  n e i g h b o r i n g m u n i c i p a l i t y mentioned i n the p r e v i o u s paragraph, f o s t e r e d a team approach  the number  cutbacks  i n d i c a t e d p l a n n e r s were  enjoying.  Budgetary  p r e s s u r e may  prestige for planners.  a l s o reduce j o b s e c u r i t y , remuneration,  and  Rubin observed a r e d i r e c t i o n of r e s o u r c e s a t  80  u n i v e r s i t i e s away from p r o v i d i n g p r e s t i g e toward  problem-solving  (1980:167). I n the long run, the p r o f e s s i o n may have d i f f i c u l t y and  a t t r a c t i n g good s t u d e n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y  keeping  i n p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l  planning.  SUMMARY  T h i s chapter has e x p l o r e d the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t f o r planning.  As i n p r e v i o u s the c h a p t e r s , the hypotheses generated  study a r e l i s t e d below and a r e graded level.  a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r  by the  confidence  Two s t a r s i n d i c a t e t h a t we can have c o n f i d e n c e i n the  proposition.  One s t a r i n d i c a t e s t h a t the evidence f o r the p r o p o s i t i o n i s  weak or t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p does n o t h o l d i n many c i r c u m s t a n c e s . star signifies  Strategic 1.  No  t h a t the p r o p o s i t i o n i s s p e c u l a t i v e .  Planning  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t has these p o s i t i v e e f f e c t s on s t r a t e g i c  planning:  it f o s t e r s the development o f e x p l i c i t c r i t e r i a ; supports  2.  economic p l a n n i n g .  (*)  (**)  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t has these n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s on s t r a t e g i c  planning:  it f o s t e r s m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f budgets, p a r t i c u l a r l y  i n the  absence o f a c i t y manager; (*) produces l e s s a n t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g ;  (*)  produces a t r a d e - o f f mode o f p l a n n i n g ;  (*)  f o s t e r s concern about the v i s i b i l i t y o f performance;  (*)  81  reduces  g o a l achievement.  (*)  Normative P l a n n i n g 3.  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t reduces  normative p l a n n i n g  when f u n d i n g f o r c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n i s reduced; -  when c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n i s used to mold e x p e c t a t i o n s o r legitimize decisions.  Operational Planning 4.  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t reduces producing -  o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g by-  competition f o r resources;  producing p o l a r i z e d o p i n i o n s w i t h r e s p e c t to g r a d u a l  crisis  development.  5.  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t f a c i l i t a t e s o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g by f o s t e r i n g c e n t r a l i z e d decision-making.  Q u a l i t y o f the 6.  (*)  Workplace  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t improves the q u a l i t y o f the workplace i n the s h o r t r u n and under p o s i t i v e c o n d i t i o n s o f s t a f f m o t i v a t i o n by making work more i n t e r e s t i n g .  7.  F i s c a l r e s t r a i n t reduces when decision-making  (*)  the q u a l i t y o f the workplace i s centralized;  (*)  when j o b s e c u r i t y i s reduced; when s a l a r i e s and f u n d i n g f o r p r e s t i g e items a r e reduced ( * ) .  The next chapter concludes  the t h e s i s w i t h a summary, p r o j e c t i o n s ,  r e s e a r c h needs, and some g e n e r a l i s s u e s .  82  CHAPTER VI  CONCLUSION  T h i s chapter concludes been a c h i e v e d ;  the t h e s i s w i t h a few  comments about what has  s p e c u l a t e s on f u t u r e trends i n the economy, p o l i t i c s ,  p l a n n i n g ; p r o v i d e s d i r e c t i o n s f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h ; and  r e f l e c t s on a  and few  general issues i n planning.  CLOSING THE  The and  GAP  t h e s i s has brought together data and p e r s p e c t i v e s on  f i s c a l environments of p l a n n i n g and  r e l a t i o n s h i p s which r e q u i r e v a l i d a t i o n . been r a i s e d  Probably more q u e s t i o n s may  have  than have been answered.  I I f l e s h e d out the background of the study. unemployment a f f e c t s  intended  political  proposed some g e n e r a l  F o l l o w i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the study  how  the  i n the f i r s t c h a p t e r , Chapter  Chapter  I I I then d i s c u s s e d  the nature of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  It  was  t h a t t h i s chapter should i n c r e a s e r e a d e r s ' awareness o f  unemployment as a f a c t o r i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the complexity  of t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p , and  the c o n t e x t u a l f a c t o r s and d i f f e r e n t i a l  Chapter  IV suggested  unemployment may  how  t h e i r a p p r e c i a t i o n of  t h e i r f a m i l i a r i t y with some of effects.  the p o l i t i c a l r e p e r c u s s i o n s of h i g h  a f f e c t c i t y planning.  The  g o a l of t h i s chapter was  to  83  i n c r e a s e r e a d e r s ' awareness o f p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a f a c t o r i n  p l a n n i n g as w e l l as r e a d e r s ' a p p r e c i a t i o n o f c o n t e x t u a l f a c t o r s .  The  e f f e c t s of f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t on p l a n n i n g were d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter V. T h i s c h a p t e r p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r r e a d e r s understanding help  to develop  o f the f i s c a l environment o f p l a n n i n g .  to put the p r e v i o u s  chapters  a better T h i s chapter  should  i n context.  POSSIBLE FUTURES  T h i s s e c t i o n examines trends i n unemployment and o u t l i n e s f o u r p o s s i b l e f u t u r e s of p o l i t i c a l differ  p a r t i c i p a t i o n and p l a n n i n g .  i n the assumptions made about the success  counteract political  the t r e n d towards c o n t i n u e d support.  The f i r s t  The s c e n a r i o s  o f governments to  h i g h unemployment and to a t t r a c t  two s c e n a r i o s , the N e o c o n s e r v a t i v e and  P o l a r i z a t i o n s c e n a r i o s , have a c o n s e r v a t i v e government incumbent; the next two, the Apathy and L i b e r a l i s m s c e n a r i o s , have a l e f t - o f - c e n t e r government incumbent.  First,  a few words on the p r o s p e c t s  for f u l l  employment.  Unemployment P r o j e c t i o n s International competition, business and  t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, h i g h i n t e r e s t r a t e s ,  debts, c a u t i o n about r e i n v e s t i n g , and c o n t i n u e d  baby-boomers i n t o the work f o r c e w i l l  unemployment  e n t r y of women  probably m a i n t a i n h i g h l e v e l s o f  throughout the 1980's ( S i n c l a i r , 1984; M c G i l l i v r a y , 1984;  McNish, 1984; Cook, 1984; Walker, 1984).  However, by the end o f the decade, fewer women and young people  should  be e n t e r i n g the work f o r c e (Commission o f I n q u i r y i n t o Part-Time Work, 1983:21); i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s o f s e l f -  and p a r t - t i m e employment may  84  c h a r a c t e r i z e a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f the work f o r c e ; v o c a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g may i n investment and  be i n g r e a t e r demand; unions may  funds and  be more i n v o l v e d  other i n n o v a t i o n s to c r e a t e jobs (Gray,  u n i o n d e c e r t i f i c a t i o n and  c o n c e s s i o n s may  reduce l o c k o u t s  1984:10);  and  p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s (Hemeon, 1984), thereby r e d u c i n g unemployment s l i g h t l y the end of the 1980's. N e v e r t h e l e s s , h i g h unemployment i s l i k e l y  to be a  f e a t u r e of the p l a n n i n g environment i n B.C.  the  f o r the remainder of  by  1980's.  The Neoconservatism  Scenario  T h i s s c e n a r i o assumes t h a t c o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i c i e s succeed unemployment, thereby c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y and  i n c r e a s i n g working c l a s s support f o r the government spending  the p a r t y on the l e f t may neoconservatives'  s u c c e s s , thereby  s h o u l d have an e l e c t o r a l  restraint.  the N o n - P a r t i s a n  A s s o c i a t i o n (N.P.A.)  advantage.  p a r t i c u l a r l y s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g . f u r t h e r s t r a i n departmental  f u n d i n g of p l a n n i n g ,  Defensive  r e s o u r c e s , and budgets may  become more concerned  l e s s a b l e to make long-range way.  the  l o s i n g i t s more p a r t i s a n s u p p o r t e r s .  A c o n s e r v a t i v e trend c o u l d l e a d to reduced  meaningful  At the same time,  i n c o r p o r a t e some o f the themes of  With r e s p e c t to Vancouver p o l i t i c s ,  P l a n n e r s may  i n reducing  w i t h the v i s i b i l i t y  strategies be  misrepresented.  of performance and  plans or to i n v o l v e c i t i z e n s i n p l a n n i n g i n a  D e r e g u l a t i o n may  thwart  environmental  goals.  In  a d d i t i o n , c r i t i c i s m of the r a t i o n a l e and v a l u e of p l a n n i n g may r o l e c o n f u s i o n and  On  reduced  may  i n n o v a t i v e n e s s and j o b  produce  satisfaction.  the p o s i t i v e s i d e , i n c r e a s e d p o l i t i c a l homogeneity may  facilitate  85  operational planning.  Departmental f i s c a l p r e s s u r e  f o s t e r the development of e x p l i c i t c r i t e r i a .  may,  in addition,  In the s h o r t run, work  may  be more i n t e r e s t i n g .  The  P o l a r i z a t i o n Scenario The  fail  P o l a r i z a t i o n s c e n a r i o assumes t h a t c o n s e r v a t i v e  to reduce unemployment, thereby i n c r e a s i n g economic d e p r i v a t i o n  status p o l a r i z a t i o n . off.  The  scenario Had  economic p o l i c i e s  P r o t e s t should  l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y should  then  taper  have an e l e c t o r a l advantage.  p r o b a b l y comes c l o s e s t to d e s c r i b i n g p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s  N.P.A./Team formed a m a j o r i t y  period  become more o r g a n i z e d ,  held a majority,  this scenario  This in  on Vancouver's c i t y c o u n c i l d u r i n g  t h a t the Committee of P r o g r e s s i v e  and  B.C. the  E l e c t o r s / C i v i c Independents have  could have d e s c r i b e d  the  l o c a l scene as  well.  While the c o n s e r v a t i v e  party s t i l l  produce r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the v a l u e  forms the government, p r o t e s t  base of d e c i s i o n s ; witness  the  r e v e r s a l of S o c i a l C r e d i t p o l i c i e s from " r e s t r a i n t " to "renewal." On other  hand, p r o t e s t may  uncertainty, may  p r e j u d i c e , and  intolerance.  constrained  and  by  conflict  f o s t e r l e g i t i m i z i n g r o l e s , and  job d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n .  In a d d i t i o n , p l a n n e r s  i n t h e i r a n a l y s i s of a l t e r n a t e s t r a t e g i e s by  p o l a r i z a t i o n o f views.  the  producing  Similarly, political  reduce the r e s p o n s i v e n e s s of p l a n n e r s ,  produce r o l e c o n f u s i o n be  reduce normative p l a n n i n g  may  may  the  P o l a r i z a t i o n can a l s o be expected to reduce  the  c u l t i v a t i o n of consensus.  At  the same time, m u n i c i p a l  of e x p l i c i t c r i t e r i a and  f i s c a l s t r e s s may  economic p l a n n i n g .  f o s t e r the development  In the s h o r t run, work may  be  86  more i n t e r e s t i n g . of  However, r e s t r a i n t may a l s o produce m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n  budgets, ad hoc d e c i s i o n s , a t r a d e - o f f mode of p l a n n i n g , concern  the v i s i b i l i t y  o f performance, and reduced  c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n may be reduced used to mold e x p e c t a t i o n s . develop for  g o a l achievement.  Funding f o r  o r c i t i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n may be  Over a p e r i o d o f time, p o l a r i z e d o p i n i o n s may  i n the department which may h i n d e r d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g .  departmental  Competition  r e s o u r c e s may a l s o reduce o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g .  r e s t r a i n t may reduce the q u a l i t y o f the workplace by p r o d u c i n g decision-making  and reduced  about  Finally,  centralized  j o b s e c u r i t y and compensation."  The Apathy S c e n a r i o I n t h i s s c e n a r i o , the l e f t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y ' s economic p o l i c i e s thereby  i n c r e a s i n g apathy, p a r t i c u l a r l y  i n the working c l a s s .  fail,  This  s i t u a t i o n would p r e v a i l , f o r example, i f the New Democratic P a r t y came to power i n the next p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n but f a i l e d unemployment r a t e .  to reduce the  I f the r e c e s s i o n deepens and the l e f t i s t m a j o r i t y on  Vancouver's c i t y c o u n c i l can no longer borrow enough from the P r o p e r t y Endowment Fund t o make i t unnecessary find  itself  i n this situation.  Owing to reduced  p o t e n t i a l s u p p o r t e r s o f the l e f t i s t subsequently  be r e e l e c t e d .  to r a i s e t a x e s , c o u n c i l may a l s o  p a r t y , the r i g h t - o f - c e n t e r p a r t y c o u l d  However, the l a t t e r would n o t have as s t r o n g a  mandate as i n the Neoconservatism  scenario.  C y n i c i s m and apathy may reduce c r i t i c a l of  planning decisions.  p a r t i c i p a t i o n by  e v a l u a t i o n o f the v a l u e base  I n a d d i t i o n , u n d e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the unemployed  and working c l a s s people, a l i e n a t e d by the f a i l u r e o f the l e f t i s t h e l p them, c o u l d hamper normative p l a n n i n g u n l e s s p l a n n e r s have a  p a r t y to  87  community o r g a n i z e r r o l e .  Planners  groups which a r e a c t i v e . e f f e c t s of f i s c a l  The  c o u l d become brokers of those  In a d d i t i o n , to these p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s ,  interest the  s t r e s s a p p l y , as o u t l i n e d i n the P o l a r i z a t i o n s c e n a r i o .  L i b e r a l i s m Scenario Finally,  i n the L i b e r a l i s m s c e n a r i o , the p a r t y on the l e f t i s  s u c c e s s f u l i n r e d u c i n g unemployment. P a r t y , i f e l e c t e d i n 1986,  For example, the New  c o u l d reduce unemployment by  e i g h t i e s , a i d e d by demographic f a c t o r s . s u c c e s s f u l l y boost credence  the l o c a l economy.  to l i b e r a l i s m .  Democratic  the end of  Or Vancouver's c i t y c o u n c i l c o u l d T h i s development would g i v e g r e a t e r  P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the working  which would f e e l more f a i r l y  the  r e p r e s e n t e d , should subsequently  class,  increase.  A l i b e r a l i z e d p o l i t y should support an i n c r e a s e d r o l e f o r p l a n n i n g . In a d d i t i o n , i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n by  the working c l a s s may  r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the v a l u e premises of p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s . i n c r e a s e d p o l i t i c a l homogeneity may long-term  f a c i l i t a t e decision-making  Finally, and  FUTURE RESEARCH  T h i s study p o i n t s to the need f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h on f i s c a l environments of p l a n n i n g .  d i r e c t i o n s p r o v i d e d by  political  chapter.  Participation:  d i s c u s s i o n i n Chapter  c o n t e n t , comparative  the  F o l l o w i n g are some of the r e s e a r c h  the t h e s i s which are o r g a n i z e d by  Unemployment and P o l i t i c a l Research Needs The  the  planning.  DIRECTIONS FOR  and  foster  I I I suggested  research, disaggregated  the need f o r more Canadian studies, better  88  c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f unemployment, and data on the p o l i c y p r e f e r e n c e s o f the unemployed.  Canadian c o n t e n t . B r i t i s h . Although  Many o f the data i n t h i s  t h e s i s were American or  the data d i d n o t seem to be a t odds w i t h the a v a i l a b l e  Canadian data o r the i n t e r v i e w s , i t i s too e a r l y to make s o l i d comparisons.  More Canadian s t u d i e s a r e r e q u i r e d .  Comparative r e s e a r c h . f o r comparative  R e l a t e d to the need f o r Canadian data i s t h a t  research.  C r o s s n a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h would p r o v i d e  into p o l i t i c a l culture, religion, etc.  as c o n t e x t u a l v a r i a b l e s i n the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between unemployment and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . assumptions made i n t h i s  insights  One of the  t h e s i s was t h a t r e s e a r c h on p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  n a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s c o u l d be a p p l i e d to the study o f participation i n local politics. v a l i d a t i o n w i t h comparative  Disaggregated understand  t h i s assumption  requires  work.  Knowledge o f d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t s h e l p s us to  the f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p and to p r e d i c t  variations. studies.  studies.  Clearly,  T h i s study suggests  the need f o r two types of d i s a g g r e g a t e d  The f i r s t would examine the e f f e c t o f unemployment on p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n t subpopulations. p a r t i s a n s h i p a r e some f a c t o r s l i t e r a t u r e and i n t h i s  O c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , age, and  t h a t have r e c e i v e d some a t t e n t i o n i n the  t h e s i s ; however, f u r t h e r study i s warranted.  The  i n f l u e n c e of e t h n i c i t y and immigrant s t a t u s a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n a city  The  l i k e Vancouver.  second  type of study would examine the e f f e c t o f unemployment on  89  d i f f e r e n t dimensions o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  The t h e s i s examined v o t e r  the d i r e c t i o n o f p a r t y support, and, to a l e s s e r e x t e n t ,  turnout,  demonstrations,  campaigning, w r i t i n g o f f i c i a l s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c meetings.  The  a v a i l a b l e data do not permit comprehensive a n a l y s i s o f the v a r i o u s dimensions o f p o l i t i c a l  participation.  d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of p o l i t i c a l  participation  F a c t o r a n a l y s i s o f unemployment. unemployment was p r o v i d e d i n Chapter and  T h i s i s u n f o r t u n a t e because the interact.  A tentative c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of I I . A f a c t o r a n a l y s i s o f unemployment  i t s r e l a t i v e s , i n v o l u n t a r y p a r t - t i m e employment and i n s u f f i c i e n t  self-employment, i s needed to help us a c h i e v e a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of unemployment and i t s p o l i t i c a l  impact,  and to f a c i l i t a t e  P o l i c y p r e f e r e n c e s of the unemployed. of  Chapter  model b u i l d i n g .  I I I p o i n t e d to the l a c k  i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o l i c y p r e f e r e n c e s o f the unemployed.  information i t i s d i f f i c u l t  to assess  the impact  Without  this  o f h i g h unemployment on  p o l i t i c a l equality.  The P o l i t i c a l Environment o f P l a n n i n g : Research Needs Four b a s i c r e s e a r c h needs o r t o p i c s come out o f Chapter IV: c r o s s - s e c t i o n a l d a t a , c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f the r e l e v a n t s o c i a l r e s e a r c h , decision-making  Cross-sectional data.  science  c o n t e x t s , and communications i n p l a n n i n g .  Much o f the p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e i s o f the case  study v a r i e t y w i t h few c o n t r o l s o f extraneous  variables.  Cross-sectional  d a t a would h e l p us determine the r o l e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s , p l a n n i n g s t y l e , community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , e t c . p l a n n i n g and the p o l i t i c a l  environment.  i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  90  C o n s o l i d a t i o n of r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s . the need f o r b e t t e r theory and  g r e a t e r consensus i n p l a n n i n g  1984:72; L i t h w i c k , 1982:6). The i d i o s y n c r a t i c and  polemical.  Neoconservatism has h i g h l i g h t e d (Hightower,  p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e tends to be  More meaningful v a r i a t i o n s i n  c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n might develop  from a common ground.  Much of the  data  c o l l e c t e d by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s has d i r e c t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r p l a n n i n g . However, not enough a t t e n t i o n has been g i v e n to the c o n s o l i d a t i o n and d i s s e m i n a t i o n of t h i s m a t e r i a l .  Decision-making contexts  contexts.  or c o n t i n g e n c i e s .  between s o c i a l s c i e n c e and  More study  gap  i t s application.  Chapter IV a l s o h i g h l i g h t s the need f o r  t r a i n i n g i n communications.  that developers  are m a n i p u l a t i n g  Critical  i s promising  theory  decision-making  Work i n t h i s area would h e l p to b r i d g e the  Communications i n p l a n n i n g . r e s e a r c h and  i s needed of  R e c a l l one  planner's c o n v i c t i o n  the p u b l i c ' s h y s t e r i a about j o b s .  i n this  regard.  P l a n n i n g under F i s c a l R e s t r a i n t : Research Needs The  main need i n the a r e a of f i s c a l  comparative s t u d i e s .  r e s t r a i n t and  planning i s f o r  By comparing the e f f e c t s of r e s t r a i n t on  different  p l a n n i n g b o d i e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which modify the of budgetary p r e s s u r e might be i d e n t i f i e d . Chapter V was  The  effects  literature cited i n  l a r g e l y borrowed from the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e .  Research on the f i s c a l environment of c i t y p l a n n i n g , i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s required.  However, t h e r e i s a danger t h a t r e s e a r c h which i s designed  reduce t r a d e - o f f s may  receive short  shrift.  to  91  GENERAL ISSUES  The nature  t h e s i s concludes  by r e f l e c t i n g on some g e n e r a l i s s u e s : the dual  of p l a n n i n g , independence f o r p l a n n e r s , and the h i s t o r i c a l  perspective.  The  Two Faces of P l a n n i n g The  and  t h e s i s h i g h l i g h t s the c o n f l i c t i n p l a n n i n g between the t e c h n i c a l  political  sides of planning.  F o r example, c o n s e r v a t i s m  t r a d e - o f f s mode of p l a n n i n g i n p l a c e o f the s c i e n t i f i c trade-offs.  may produce a  reduction of  P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the i n c r e a s i n g emphasis i n p l a n n i n g  the moral and p o l i t i c a l weakened p l a n n e r s '  s i d e of p l a n n i n g  theory on  (Hemmens, 1980:259) may have  t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e i n s u b s t a n t i v e areas needed to  b r i n g about the r e d u c t i o n o f t r a d e - o f f s .  A t the same time, p o l i t i c a l  e x p e r t i s e may be e s s e n t i a l  to the  achievment o f s o c i a l p l a n n i n g o b j e c t i v e s d u r i n g h i g h unemployment, such as the r e v e r s a l o f the development o f p o l i t i c a l  i n e q u a l i t y and c y n i c i s m .  b e s t p l a n n e r s have undoubtedly c u l t i v a t e d both skills  (Meltsner,  The  t e c h n i c a l and p o l i t i c a l  1976).  Independence o f P l a n n e r s Neoconservative  c r i t i c i s m o f p l a n n i n g can be expected  i s s u e o f independence f o r p l a n n e r s .  However, the planner  to r a i s e the i s u n l i k e the  ombudsman who i s n o t supposed to q u e s t i o n s t r a t e g i c or normative decisions.  The i d e a of an independent appointed  government body  p o l i c y should be repugnant i n a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy.  shaping  92  C o n v e r s e l y , the trend towards p r i v a t i z a t i o n r a i s e s doubts p l a n n e r s ' r i g h t to a p l a c e i n government a t a l l . more d i r e c t access to p o l i t i c i a n s  realized,  Were the Neoconservatism  Are  than p l a n n e r s w i t h p r i v a t e  s c e n a r i o to be more f u l l y  these q u e s t i o n s would undoubtedly  be prepared w i t h t h e i r answers.  should p l a n n e r s have  than p r i v a t e p l a n n i n g bodies?  government p l a n n e r s n e c e s s a r i l y more e f f e c t i v e organizations?  Why  about  be r a i s e d , and p l a n n e r s should  C r o s s n a t i o n a l s t u d i e s may  be u s e f u l i n  this regard.  The H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e The Task F o r c e of the F u t u r e of the P l a n n i n g P r o f e s s i o n has t h a t c o n t i n u e d h i g h unemployment produces l e i s u r e time and  the need to p l a n f o r i n c r e a s e d  to r e d i s t r i b u t e income on a non-job  i s beyond the scope o f the t h e s i s  suggested  b a s i s (1982:34).  to say whether a guaranteed  It  income and  adequate e d u c a t i o n a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s would s u b s t i t u t e f o r a j o b , a l t h o u g h the d i s c u s s i o n of c o n s e r v a t i s m i n Chapter  I I I suggests  that  the expense and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y n a t u r e of such a s e t o f programs would n o t be a c c e p t a b l e to the employed taxpayer, a t l e a s t a t t h i s time. contends  Garraty  that  . . . i f t h e r e i s a l e s s o n to be l e a r n e d from the h i s t o r y o f [unemployment], i t i s t h a t sound a t t i t u d e s and p o l i c i e s a r e responses to p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s , which change over time. 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The Sun. 2 November:C12.  New  106  APPENDIX  Table II l i s t s  some of the s t u d i e s  on magnetic tape i n the  of B r i t i s h Columbia's Data Bank, which c o n t a i n economic s t a t u s  and  political activities.  aggregate e l e c t i o n and  politics  v a r i a b l e s are not  o f any  study are not variable  lists  (age,  research.  sex,  and  contain  t h a t are not  t h a t a l l of the v a r i a b l e s  time s e r i e s s t u d i e s series.  of  other v a r i a b l e s  marital status),  Finally,  the  The  use  shown f o r a p a r t i c u l a r In a d d i t i o n ,  are not n e c e s s a r i l y t a b l e does not  the  complete  indicate  temporal c o n t e x t of the v a r i a b l e s a f f e c t s  meaning of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between them.  affect  Some s t u d i e s  time frame of the v a r i a b l e s , such as whether responses p e r t a i n to or p a s t a c t i v i t i e s .  of  these  shown, but which may  n e c e s s a r i l y amenable to c r o s s t a b u l a t i o n .  every year i n the  level  some measure of income  p a r t i c u l a r study, should be mentioned.  f o r the  the  table.  o f the s t u d i e s  d i f f e r e n t samples so  for  a l l o f the s t u d i e s  shown i n the  Other f e a t u r e s  containing  As mentioned i n  i n comparative  to which measures of p a r t i c i p a t i o n a p p l y , and As  individuals'  type of data a v a i l a b l e , the n a t u r e of  demographic i n f o r m a t i o n  the use  data f i l e s  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n v a r i a b l e s , the  potential interest. and  should be u s e f u l  t a b l e r e c o r d s the  economic s t a t u s and  Several  census d a t a are a l s o i n c l u d e d .  Chapter I , these s t u d i e s  The  survey d a t a on  University  the  current the  Table Data  I I . Canadian Bank  that  studies  contain  on magnetic  tape  measures o fb o t h  i ntheUniversity  Economic  Status  of British  andP o l i t i c a l  Columbia's  Participation  4///  /As/ A/AA^WZW, "A A<?M%AA^W/AW/  (WAv^M^A^WAMV ^W^WAW^M <&A$ /@A®&WMMWAA ^A^MMA^^WA^ A  >As>A^ Ar*A^A^A^yAA^A^AA^A^A As* /*v A.o A** ASy*&s /Q.  STUDY AND LIBRARY NUMBER Canadian Gallop P o l l s S o c i a l Change I n Canada 1981 (#3671 S635 1 9 8 1 ) 1979 (#3671 S635 1 9 7 9 ) 1977 (#3671 S635 1 9 7 7 )  DATA  ECONOMIC STATUS  P O L I T I C A L ACTIVITY  ARENA  OTHER VARIABLES  X X X X  Cdn. N a t i o n a l E l e c t i o n 1980 (#3271 C353 1 9 8 0 ) X 1979 (#3271 C353 1 9 8 0 ) X 1974 (#3271 C353 1 9 7 4 ) X 1972 (#3271 C353 1 9 7 2 ) pre-election X pre-election X post-election X 1972 (Que. s a m p l e ) (#3271 H345 1 9 7 2 ) X 1968 (#3271 M458 1968A) X 1965 (#3271 C343 1 9 6 5 ) X B.C. E l e c t i o n S t u d y , 1979-80 (#3272 E44 1979-80) X 1972 (#3272 P768 1 9 7 2 ) X B.C. P o l i t i c a l A t t i t u d e s X 1979 (#3272 B7586 1 9 7 9 ) X 1978 (#3272 B7586 1 9 7 8 ) X M a r . 1977 (#3272 B7585 1 9 7 7 ) Day C a r e 4 S e r v i c e s . . . . 1976 (#3672 K639 1 9 7 6 ) X J a n . 1975 (#3272 B758 1 9 7 5 ) X Dec. 1975 (#3272 B7582 1 9 7 5 ) X Work, W e l f a r e and S o c i a l S e r v i c e s (#3672 K6398 1 9 7 5 ) X B.C. V o t i n g Patterns 1972-3 (#3272 B759 1 9 7 7 ) X Ontario P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n , 1977 (#3271 D785 1 9 7 7 ) X Work E t h i c S u r v e y (#3815 T545 1 9 7 4 ) X Cdn. Census & F e d . f l e c t i o n 1968-74 (#3071 B434 1 9 7 4 ) X 1908-68 (#3071 B43 C3 1 9 7 2 ) X A t t i t u d e s toward L o c a l Gov't i n N f l d . (#3271 G733 1 9 7 3 ) X X 1973 Que. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n (#3271 H346 1 9 7 3 ) X Air Pollution...Trai1 (#6172 M222 P t 3 1 9 7 2 ) X A l b e r t a 1971 R e s e a r c h P r o j e c t (#3271 B347 1 9 7 1 ) X Vancouver C i v i c E l e c t ' n 1970 (#3272 F588 1 9 7 0 ) X C r o s s n a t ' l F i v e Community (#3000 A334 1 9 6 9 ) X Ontario P o l i t i c a l Culture (#3271 H634 06 1 9 6 8 ) X Waterloo South B y e l e c t l o n (#3271 U548 W3 1 9 6 4 ) X Que. P r o v . a n d F e d . E l e c t ' n , 1962 (#3271 P553 1 9 6 2 ) X Que. P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n , 1960 (#3271 P554 1 9 6 0 ) X  X X X X X X  X X  X X X X  X X X X  X X X X X X X X  X X  X  X  X  X  X X  X  X X  X X  X X X X X  X X  X X X X X X  X X X X X X X X X  X X  X X X  X  X X X  X X X  X X  X X  X X X X X X X X X X  X X X  X X X  X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X  X X X X X X X  X X  X X  X X  X X X X X X X  X X X X X X X X X  X X X  X X  X X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X X X  X  X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X  X X X  X  X  X  X  X X  X X X  X  X X X  X X X X  X  X X X X X X  X X X X X X  X X X X X X X X X  X X X  X X  X  X X  X X  X X  X X  X  X X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  Feel  consciousness r e . unemployed  X X  X X X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X  X X X  X  X  X  X  X  Tenure Level p a r t i c i p a t i o n  X  X X X  X X  Class  Feel re. p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Teuure  x x x x x x x x  X  Use o f s e r v i c e s  X X X X  X  X  Work e t h i c Work e t h i c  X X Want c h a n g e  X  x  consciousness  x x x x x x x x  X  X  x x x x  X  X X  Class  X X  X  X X  X  X  X  X X  X X X  X X X X  X X X  X X X  X X X  X  X  X X  X X X  X  X  X X  X  X X  X  X X X  X  X X Fatalism X X Feel r e . protest X X Feel r e . protest, a i d t o unemployed  X  X X X  X  X X X  X X X X X X X  X  X X X X X X X X  X  X X X  x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x  X X  X  X X  X X X  X X X X X  X X  X X X  X  X X  Feel  r e . change  X  X  X  X  X X Tenure  X  X  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X X  

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