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Runaway youth in a suburban community : a study of social policies affecting youthful home-leaving Aleguire, David 1985

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RUNAWAY YOUTH IN A SUBURBAN COMMUNITY: A STUDY OF SOCIAL POLICIES AFFECTING YOUTHFUL HOME-LEAVING By David A l e g u i r e B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of Redlands, 1964 M.A., Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , 1978 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE'OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (SOCIOLOGY) i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHOROP0L0GY AND SOCIOLOGY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e a u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1985 © David A l e g u i r e , 1985 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. David A l e g u i r e Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date October 5, 1985 i i ABSTRACT Running away from home i s one of the few options a v a i l a b l e to many youths experiencing discontent i n home and community. Somewhat l i k e a f a m i l y v e r s i o n of going out on s t r i k e , running away i s one powerful a c t i o n a v a i l a b l e to one of the l e s s powerful f a m i l y members i n the ongoing f a m i l y p o l i t i c s . The runaway a c t i o n m o b i l i z e s a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l c o n t r o l and h e l p i n g agencies i n t o a c t i o n , and may serve to b r i n g to l i g h t personal and f a m i l y problems which otherwise may remain obscured from view. Furthermore, running away serves as an i m p l i c i t challenge to p u b l i c p o l i c i e s l e g i s l a t i n g the dependency • of minors . ' I t i s these youth p o l i c i e s which are examined i n the present study. S u b s t i t u t i n g p o l i c y a n a l y s i s f o r the more t r a d i t i o n a l approach to runaway research which focuses on i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y pathology, the study asks: How i s i t that running away from home became c r i m i n a l i z e d when so many runaway youths appear to have l e g i t i m a t e reasons f o r running? The d i s s e r t a t i o n focuses on two h i s t o r i c a l "moments"—the Progressive era at the t u r n of the 20th century when running away from home became a juve-n i l e crime, and the "c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e " era during the l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s when running away became p a r t i a l l y d e c r i m i n a l i z e d i n North America. An ethnographic approach i s employed to f a c i l i t a t e a n a l y s i s of runaway ac t i o n s throughout the community and to f o l l o w p o l i c y development over time. The study may be viewed as a c o n t r i b u t i o n to a " p o l i t i c a l economy of adolescence" through i t s i n t e r e s t i n the r o l e s of modern young people i n the labour market, as students and consumers, and as p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s with p a r t i c u l a r r i g h t s and c o n s t r a i n t s . In order to describe the workings of runaway youth p o l i c i e s i n day-to-day f a m i l y and agency p r a c t i c e , a two-part "macro-micro" o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c -ture i s employed. Part I examines the h i s t o r y and development of runaway youth l e g i s l a t i o n and other youth dependency p o l i c i e s . Age-grading p r a c t i c e s , c h i l d labour reforms, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of u n i v e r s a l , c o s t - f r e e p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g , and the i n v e n t i o n of the j u v e n i l e court are explored as key elements i n the c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n of y o u t h f u l home-leaving. Runaway houses, c r i s e s l i n e s , f r e e food and medical programs f o r young t r a n s i e n t s and other innovative runaway se r v i c e s which arose during the count e r - c u l t u r e era are discussed as elements of a new advocacy approach which has l e d to p a r t i a l d e c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n o f the act of running away. Part I I explores the e f f e c t s of runaway youth p o l i c i e s on the l i v e s and act i o n s of runaways, parents, and agency workers i n an upper-middle c l a s s Canadian community. E m p i r i c a l data are provided from a two and one-half year ethnographic f i e l d study of runaway patterns i n a suburb of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, which i s given the pseudonym "Bayside." Throughout the d i s s e r t a t i o n , the a c t i o n of running away from home i s viewed as a p o t e n t i a l l y c o n s t r u c t i v e act and a c o n s t r u c t i v e " s t a t e m e n t " — aside from and i n a d d i t i o n to whatever i n d i v i d u a l -and f a m i l y pathology may be i n evidence. One of the c o n s t r u c t i v e i m p l i c a t i o n s of the runaway a c t i o n i s i t s i m p l i c i t challenge to b l i n d observance of youth dependency p o l i c i e s . The challenge of contemporary runaway youth migrations and of the counter-c u l t u r e runaway s e r v i c e reforms lead n a t u r a l l y to proposals f o r p o l i c y changes which would provide young people more autonomy and more p o t e n t i a l p r o d u c t i v i t y than that which i s c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract • • i i Table of Contents i v Acknowledgements v i i i Chapter 1 - I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 P o l i c y and Pathology 5 The H i s t o r i c a l Record 12 Conceptual Framework 16 Negotiated Order 16 P o l i t i c a l Economy of Adolescence 17 V i c t i m l e s s Crimes 18 Agency and Structure 19 A n a l y t i c Procedures 21 Conclusion 27 Notes 31 PART I - H i s t o r y and Development of Runaway Youth P o l i c i e s 36 Chapter 2 - Age-Grading P r a c t i c e s 40 The S h i f t i n g Age of M a j o r i t y 43 E a r l y Emancipation of Minors': 46 Consent f o r Medical Treatment 54 I n c o n g r u i t i e s i n Age-Grading P r o v i s i o n s 58 An Expanding Legal Voice f o r Minors 60 Conclusion 66 Chapter 3 - C h i l d Labour Reforms and Compulsory Schooling 68 E a r l y Labour Regulations 72 Youth Apprenticeship and S h i f t i n g P a t e r n a l A u t h o r i t y 76 Changes i n Family Structure Due to I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n 80 C h i l d Labour Reform i n North America 84 The Invention of Adolescence 90 The I n t r o d u c t i o n of Free, Compulsory, P u b l i c Schooling 93 Schoolmen, "St r e e t Arabs," and the Immigrant Poor 98 The School as Factory 101 V Conclusion 104 Notes 110 Chapter 4 - The J u v e n i l e Court and C h i l d P r o t e c t i v e Services .... 112 Family Breakdown and Family Surrogates 116 Middle Class American Values f o r Working Class Immigrant Fa m i l i e s 118 The Question of Status Offenses 122 Challenges to Status Offense P r o v i s i o n s 125 Due Process Reforms 133 C h i l d P r o t e c t i v e Services and Runaway Youth 137 Conclusion 139 Notes 142 Chapter 5 - Runaway Youth Services and I n t e r v e n t i o n P o l i c i e s .... 145 Emergency Hostels and Street Services (Canada) 149 Runaway Houses (U.S.A.) 153 Other Counter-Culture Runaway Services (Canada & U.S.A.) 159 C r i s i s Lines and Switchboards 159 Free C l i n i c s 160 Food P r o j e c t s 160 Legal Services 161 Parent Advisory and Family Stress Services 162 Detached Streetworker Services ' 162 The New Youth Advocacy Approach 164 The Runaway Youth Act of 1974 (U.S.A.) 166 Runaway Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n and R e p a t r i a t i o n Services (Canada) .... 170 Conclusion 177 Notes 181 PART I I - A Community Study of the E f f e c t s of Runaway Youth P o l i c y .. 182 Chapter 6 - Review of Runaway Research L i t e r a t u r e 190 The S i c k , the Bad, and the Free: Background Expectations 193 "The S i c k " : Concerns with I n d i v i d u a l Pathology 193 "The Bad": Concerns with Delinquency 196 v i "The Free": Running Away as L i b e r a t i o n 199 Pathology Versus L i b e r a t i o n i s t Viewpoints 201 Notes 208 Chapter 7 - Overview of Bayside and I t s Runaway Youth 209 Youth-Serving Agencies i n Bayside 212 Bayside P o l i c e and Probation Services 217 S p e c i a l Youth Services i n Bayside Schools 220 Group Foster Homes i n Bayside 224 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Runaways and Runaway Acts i n Bayside 231 Personal C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 233 Family Composition 234 Family and Personal C r i s e s 235 Types of Runaway S i t u a t i o n s and Patterns 235 I m p l i c a t i o n s of the Bayside Runaway P r o f i l e 238 Notes 242 Chapter 8 - Case Study: The Options A v a i l a b l e to Runaway Youth i n Bayside 245 Case Study 247 The Court Appearance 253 The Return Home 257 Reentry; : i n t o the Street L i f e 258 The P u l l of the C i t y 261 The Power of the Runaway Act 262 The L i m i t a t i o n of A v a i l a b l e Options 264 Chapter 9 - The Use of Agency D i s c r e t i o n i n Bayside 266 S u b s t i t u t e Housing and "Vacations" 272 Charles Barry 272 Cathy S i l l 274 Lee Scott . 276 Family Mediation 280 L e t t y Jacobs and Ken Stanley 280 Johnny Singer 282 Youth Advocacy Approaches 287 v i i Don R i v e r s • 2 8 7 Cindy Fraser 2 8 9 Tim Royce . . 2 9 1 J u s t i f i a b l e Coercive I n t e r v e n t i o n 2 9 4 Dick Foster • 2 9 4 Randy I z o r and Friends 2 9 ^ Non-intervention 2 9 9 L i z Bertram 2 9 9 Wendy McDougal 301 Conclusion 305 Chapter 10 - Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations 3 0 8 Summary and Conclusions .. 309 D i s c u s s i o n 3 ^ 9 Recommendations 3 2 8 Level I - R e a d i l y A t t a i n a b l e Innovations 328 Level I I - Feas i b l e Innovations R e q u i r i n g Study and Planning .. 3^9 Level I I I - P l a u s i b l e "Utopian" S o l u t i o n s 3 3 1 I n d i v i d u a l Youth I n i t i a t i v e Approach 3 3 3 S o c i a l Problems/Welfare State Approach 3 3 3 Labour Union Expansion Approach 3 3 4 C i v i l L i b e r t i e s Approach 3 3 ^ Youth M i l i t a n c y Approach 3 3 ^ F e a s i b i l i t y of the Recommendatons 3 3 8 Notes 3 4 1 B i b l i o g r a p h y 3 4 3 Methodological Appendix 3 ^ 7 Notes 3 6 3 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The planning, f i e l d research, and w r i t i n g of t h i s study have extended over a number of years, and many f r i e n d s , colleagues, and i n t e r e s t e d community members have c o n t r i b u t e d to i t with t h e i r patience, sharing of resources, and v o l u n t e e r i n g of ideas and inf o r m a t i o n . I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l to the agency workers, young people, and parents of Bayside (who remain anonymous) f o r t h e i r cooperation as informants i n the study. Those who granted in-depth i n t e r v i e w s were p a r t i c u l a r l y candid and informative i n sharing t h e i r experiences. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s dedicated to them. Bob Ratner, my d i s s e r t a t i o n committee chairman, has been meticulous i n h i s feedback and always ready with new approaches to o l d and new questions. Committee members Adrian Marriage and N e i l Guppy have been most h e l p f u l i n responding to va r i o u s d r a f t s of the d i s s e r t a t i o n and i n p r o v i d i n g f r e s h i n s i g h t s on the t o p i c . This committee has been m a g n i f i c e n t l y thorough i n i t s work. I have a l s o b e n e f i t e d g r e a t l y from the comments from various readers of various d r a f t s , chapters, and synopses whom I have consulted i n Vancouver, Bayside, Bellingham, and Santa Fe. I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l to Richard Wark, Arturo Gonzales, Chuck Noland, Scott K i r v e s , Susan Tiano, Paul David, and John -MacDonald. R o s e l l e n , Zabrina, and Liam A l e g u i r e allowed me considerable leeway over the years of Ph.D. study. Their patience i n the face.of many s a c r i f i c e s i s g r e a t l y appreciated. Chapter 1  INTRODUCTION Running away from home i s one of the few t r u l y powerful a c t i o n s a v a i l a b l e to contemporary youths who are experiencing d i s t r e s s i n t h e i r home and com-munity environments. The runaway a c t i o n i n e v i t a b l y achieves immediate r e s u l t s — s o m e intended and some not intended by the runaway youth. Not u n l i k e a f a m i l y v e r s i o n of going out on s t r i k e , running away i s f r e q u e n t l y the only way some young people can f i n d to express and deal w i t h a buildup of grievances or on-going c o n f l i c t . Running away from home i s g e n e r a l l y an important ploy or counter-ploy i n the ongoing f a m i l y p o l i t i c s . As a dramatic and consequential a c t i o n by one of the l e s s powerful members of the f a m i l y ( i n terms of formal power a l l o c a t i o n ) , running away i s o f t e n one of the f i r s t steps toward autonomy by a c h i l d or youth who f e e l s hedged i n . I t may be one of the few options a v a i l a b l e to express d i s c o n t e n t . Since runaway youths .are sometimes - v i c t i m s of p h y s i c a l or sexual abuse and,, t h e r e f o r e , _ have ample j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h e i r d i s c o n t e n t , i t i s i r o n i c that-the a c t i o n of running away from home has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been against the law i n Canada, the United States and other i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s . This d i s s e r t a t i o n w i l l explore the question: How i s i t that running away from home became c r i m i n a l i z e d , e s p e c i a l l y when so many runaway youths appear to have l e g i t i m a t e reasons f o r running? The act of running away i m p l i c i t l y i n v o l v e s j u v e n i l e s i n a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h p u b l i c p o l i c i e s designed to maintain minors i n the f a m i l y home u n t i l the age of m a j o r i t y . Running away i n the face of laws and r e g u l a t i o n s pro-h i b i t i n g such an a c t i o n i s , then, a r e v o l t against l e g i s l a t e d p u b l i c order. Such a r e b e l l i o u s a c t i o n has repercussions on various l e v e l s . At the f a m i l y l e v e l , the e x i t of a runaway youth creates a gap i n the 1 2 f a m i l y u n i t which must be explained to r e l a t i v e s and neighbors and somehow dealt w i t h . The runaway i n c i d e n t creates an imbalance i n the f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e and a c r i s i s i n the l i f e of the f a m i l y . On the community l e v e l , the runaway i n c i d e n t immediately m o b i l i z e s a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l c o n t r o l agencies and hel p -ing agencies i n t o a c t i o n . Family problems, school problems, delinquency problems, and mental h e a l t h problems which may have been f e s t e r i n g f o r months or years may be suddenly ' exposed to p u b l i c view wit h the p r e c i p i t o u s departure of a runaway youth. On the broader s o c i a l p o l i c y l e v e l , running away from home represents both a law v i o l a t i o n and a challenge to the l o g i c and r a t i o n a l e of youth dependency p o l i c i e s . I t i s these p u b l i c p o l i c i e s l e g i s l a t i n g the dependency of minors which w i l l be subjected to s c r u t i n y i n the present study; V i r t u a l l y a l l studies of runaway youth have asked the same set of questions: "Why do young people run away from home?" "What could have been done to keep them from running away?" and "What can be done once they have l e f t home?" I am t a k i n g the p o s i t i o n that the answers to these questions are r a t h e r obvious. Minors run away from home f o r the same so r t s of reasons that adult spouses and parents "dese r t " the f a m i l y or "run away": d i s c o n t e n t , unhappiness, abuse, and/or a d e s i r e to discover b e t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e s elsewhere. Our s o c i e t a l preoccupation with the presumed pathology of the runaway a c t i o n tends to obscure questions which might w e l l be posed about the run-away p r o h i b i t i o n i t s e l f and other youth dependency p o l i c i e s . Very l i t t l e a n a l y s i s has been conducted .on the r a t i o n a l e \ f o r the o r i g i n a l runaway youth l e g i s l a t i o n and on the contemporary operations of s o c i a l c o n t r o l measures against running away. Instead, almost a l l studies of runaway youth focus on the presumed pathology of runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . I t i s the i n t e n t of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n to r e o r i e n t the d i s c u s s i o n of running away from a focus 3 on the t r o u b l e s of youths and f a m i l i e s to an a l t e r n a t i v e focus on the problems with p o l i c y . This s h i f t of focus from pathology to p o l i c y i s an attempt to move backward to " f i r s t causes." .Running away from home was made i l l e g a l , w i t h punishments and consequences attached, due to a p a r t i c u l a r set of h i s t o r i c a l circumstances. The types of o f f i c i a l agency r e a c t i o n s to the runaway act which are allowed and encouraged are grounded i n those h i s t o r i c a l circum-stances . Agencies take t h e i r cue from the runaway p o l i c y t r a d i t i o n ; communi-t i e s r e a c t w i t h alarm based on a s o c i a l r e a l i t y which has been handed down over the years; researchers frame t h e i r research questions and research designs w i t h t h i s t r a d i t i o n and s o c i a l r e a l i t y as taken-for-granted m a t e r i a l . My i n t e n t here i s to not take so much f o r granted, to see runaway youth p o l i c y as problematic r a t h e r than o b v i o u s — a s something to be explored r a t h e r than assumed — a n d to suspend c e r t a i n "everyday" assumptions i n the process of t h i s e x p l o r a t i o n . The idea that the "major problem" i n regard to runaway youth i s the problem of f a m i l y and i n d i v i d u a l pathology i s the primary assumption to be suspended i n t h i s study. In suspending b e l i e f i n the presumed a u t h o r i t y of the p a t h o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s , I am not, however, denying the existence of f a m i l y and i n d i v i d u a l t r o u b l e s of.varying magnitudes i n r e l a t i o n to runaway a c t i o n s . I am merely s e t t i n g aside t h a t issue f o r a moment i n order to a l l o w room f o r another explanatory p e r s p e c t i v e . I t i s necessary to do t h i s because the p a t h o l o g i c a l pe r s p e c t i v e on running away has become so pervasive that i t s very existence and f u n c t i o n i n g obscures other " f i r s t causes" which may provide more explana-t o r y power. Furthermore, the existence and dominance of the p a t h o l o g i c a l perspective serves to l i m i t and shape the s o r t s of s o l u t i o n s '-• which can be o f f e r e d to 4 f a m i l i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s experiencing s t r e s s . A c e n t r a l goal of t h i s research i s to a r r i v e at recommendations f o r programs which would improve the l o t of runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s and improve the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the agency support network. R e o r i e n t i n g the d i s c u s s i o n toward p o l i c y o r i g i n s , policy-maintenance, and p o l i c y e f f e c t s w i l l a l l o w us to a r r i v e at a set of recommen-dations which i s l e s s constrained by i m p l i c i t p a t h o l o g i c a l assumptions and thus more in n o v a t i v e and o r i g i n a l . The study i s organized i n two p a r t s . Part I undertakes a review and . s a n a l y s i s of runaway youth p o l i c i e s and the h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of youth dependency. The p o l i c y d i s c u s s i o n i s e v o l u t i o n a r y and takes the e x p l o r a t i o n beyond j u v e n i l e court l e g i s l a t i o n — t h e p o i n t at which runaway research normally ends when the issu e of p o l i c y i s discussed at a l l . A c r i t i c a l approach to p o l i c y a n a l y s i s i s employed, with the aim of examining taken-for-granted presumptions about runaway p o l i c y . Part I I explores the e f f e c t s of p o l i c y p r o v i s i o n s on the l i v e s and behaviours of runaways, parents, and agency workers. E m p i r i c a l data are provided from a two and one-half year ethno-graphic f i e l d study of runaway patterns i n an upper-middle c l a s s suburb of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, which w i l l be g a l l e d "Bayside" f o r the purposes of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . The e m p i r i c a l chapters explore how p a r t i e s to runaway s i t u a t i o n s are a f f e c t e d by, guided by, and constrained by the p u b l i c p o l i c i e s which have been set up as a framework f o r the o f f i c i a l handling of such home-l e a v i n g s , and i n t u r n how the acti o n s of community members a f f e c t p o l i c y as enacted i n p r a c t i c e . 5 P o l i c y and Pathology Runaway youth p o l i c i e s i n v o l v e a r h e t o r i c of benevolence which can be deceptive, since such p o l i c i e s e n t a i l p o t e n t i a l l y c o e r c i v e and r e s t r i c t i v e c o n t r o l measures. The o r i g i n a l aim of such p o l i c i e s was to p r o t e c t i d l e youths, who were not preoccupied with e i t h e r work or s c h o o l , from the dangers of the s t r e e t . This continues to be the aim of contemporary runaway p o l i c i e s . A second aim of such p o l i c i e s has been to r e i n f o r c e p a r e n t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over minors' ( i n c l u d i n g f i n a n c i a l , moral, and l e a d e r s h i p r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ) up to the age of l e g a l adulthood. Runaway p o l i c i e s aim to r e t u r n f a m i l y problems back to the f a m i l y when p o s s i b l e , so that s u b s t i t u t e s t a t e parenting ( f o s t e r homes, group homes, adoption, t r a n s f e r of wardship) w i l l not be necessary. To remove a minor from the dangers of the s t r e e t and r e t u r n that minor to the parent who i s l e g a l l y , m o r a l l y , and f i n a n c i a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the s u p e r v i s i o n of the minor i n e v i t a b l y i n v o l v e s coercive measures. Young people are transported against t h e i r w i l l , are r e t a i n e d i n custody e i t h e r i n j a i l s e t t i n g s or i n secure group home s e t t i n g s (a p r a c t i c e which has been modified somewhat over the past decade), and are taken i n t o custody to await court h e a r i n g s — a l l i n the i n t e r e s t of p r o t e c t i o n of the youngster. I t i s f r e -quently d i f f i c u l t f o r runaways to understand that the c o e r c i v e p r a c t i c e s are being undertaken f o r t h e i r own good, since they have already done what they f e l t was necessary f o r t h e i r own good, which was to leave and f i n d a more p o s i t i v e s e t t i n g f o r themselves. I t i s i n t h i s sense that runaway youths are, by d e f i n i t i o n , i m p l i c i t l y engaged i n a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h p u b l i c p o l i c y . The p o l i c y i s designed to maintain young people i n the f a m i l y home—to discourage them from l e a v i n g 6 i n the f i r s t p l a c e , and then to r e t u r n them home i f they do le a v e . Youths who run away are v i o l a t i n g the l e t t e r of p o l i c y which s t i p u l a t e s remaining under p a r e n t a l care and s u p e r v i s i o n u n t i l the age of m a j o r i t y . When a parent k i c k s an o f f s p r i n g out of the house, or cooperates i n f i n d i n g the minor an independent l i v i n g s i t u a t i o n , the parent i s a l s o p a r t y to v i o l a t i n g p o l i c y p r o v i s i o n s . Since the p o t e n t i a l l y c o e r c i v e c o n t r o l of runaway s i t u a t i o n s i s f o r m a l l y w r i t t e n i n t o law ( i n j u v e n i l e delinquency s t a t u t e s and c h i l d welfare l e g i s l a t i o n ) and includes p u n i t i v e sanctions f o r v i o l a t i n g the law, i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e — t h o u g h admittedly u n o r t h o d o x — t o r e f e r to the runaway act as a " c r i m i n a l i z e d " behaviour. The problem being h i g h l i g h t e d i n t h i s study i s that c r i m i n a l i z i n g the act of running away from home has made runaway youths v i c t i m s of p o l i c i e s which were designed to help them. By making running away i l l e g a l , yet pro-v i d i n g no r e a l a l t e r n a t i v e s besides automatic r e t u r n to the f a m i l y home or a locked c e l l or c l o s e l y guarded dormitory room, policymakers have constructed a s i t u a t i o n wherein runaways i n e v i t a b l y become f u g i t i v e s . The a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e s (from the point of view of many runaways) are those which are i l l i c i t — i n c l u d i n g the s t r e e t temptations which the p o l i c y was designed to d i v e r t youths from. , At t h i s p o i n t , the cure sometimes becomes worse than the disease. Runaway p o l i c y i n p r a c t i c e tends to funnel youths back i n t o unhealthy home environments, o r , a l t e r n a t i v e l y , such p o l i c i e s may cause the youth to g r a v i -t a t e ; , „." onto the s t r e e t as a r e a c t i o n to having "nowhere e l s e to go." The outlawing of running away has l e d to the perpetuation and c o n t i n u i n g success of i n f o r m a l , i l l e g a l , a l t e r n a t i v e s t r e e t " s e r v i c e s " — s u c h as p r o s t i -t u t i o n , pimping, drug d e a l i n g , and b u r g l a r y as a l t e r n a t i v e income s o u r c e s — and s u b s t i t u t e r e l a t i o n s h i p o p p o r t u n i t i e s — a s when a runaway youth f i n d s 7 family-type r e l a t i o n s h i p s on' the s t r e e t — i n urban youth, ghettos .which tend to be attached to the high crime n i g h t l i f e d i s t r i c t s of most major North American c i t i e s . There would be no exaggeration, then, i n the statement t h a t runaway (2) youth p o l i c i e s tend to be " i a t r o g e n i c " p o l i c i e s — i . e . , that they tend through the very nature of t h e i r f o r m u l a t i o n to lead to f u r t h e r i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l problems as they set about to solve the runaway problem. Runaway youth confront a double-edged dilemma when they h i t the s t r e e t s : 1) They are g e n e r a l l y r e a c t i n g to some s o r t of s t r e s s i n t h e i r home or community, and must s o r t out t h e i r f e e l i n g s about t h a t and pursue meaningful h e a l i n g a c t i o n s i n regard to that (primary) s t r e s s ; however, 2) they a l s o confront an u n f r i e n d l y , unsupportive, and o p p o s i t i o n a l r e c e p t i o n wherever they run (speaking here of the o f f i c i a l , l e g i t i m a t e community r e c e p t i o n , apart from the informal f r i e n d s h i p or s t r e e t contacts) due to the f u g i t i v e s t a t u s of the runaway a c t i o n . The f i r s t might be termed "primary s t r e s s " and the second type might be termed "secondary s t r e s s , " f o l l o w i n g Edwin Lemert's (195.1) d i s t i n c -t i o n between primary arid 'secondary 'deviance."" I n t h i s and "Lemert rs version-,- - '• the "primary" s t a t e derives from personal motivations and o r i g i n a l l i f e c i r -cumstances, while the "secondary" s t a t e derives from p o l i c y entanglements . and from agency processing a c t i o n s . . The benevolence of runaway p o l i c y tends, then, to r e s i d e more c o n c r e t e l y i n the r h e t o r i c of the p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n than i n the r e a l i t y of p o l i c y r e s u l t s . The i n t e n t i o n s of the p o l i c y m a k e r s — t o r e u n i t e f a m i l i e s and to' ; p r o t e c t c h i l d r e n and young people from danger—were e v i d e n t l y q u i t e s i n c e r e . But the p o l i c i e s as formulated do not lend themselves to a benevolent or l i b e r a t i n g child-advocacy approach. The present study asks why that i s so and seeks to formulate an a l t e r n a t i v e approach which would be more h e l p f u l 8 to runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The p a t h o l o g i c a l perspective toward runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s appears to be a key to the i r o n i e s of " i a t r o g e n i c " p o l i c y and "secondary ( p o l i c y ) s t r e s s . " While runaway p o l i c y appears to be benevolent, i n a c t u a l p r a c t i c e i t i s p u n i t i v e and coercive and o f f e r s few s a t i s f a c t o r y a l t e r n a t i v e s (with some l i m i t e d e x c e p t i o n s — s e e Chapter 5). While runaway p o l i c y i s formulated i n i t s r h e t o r i c as a way to heal f a m i l i e s , i t tends to exacerbate f a m i l y and personal problems. While p o l i c y appears to promote f a m i l y h e a l t h and f a m i l y u n i f i c a t i o n , an und e r l y i n g economic mo t i v a t i o n i s apparent: Governments p r e f e r not to be resp o n s i b l e f o r the care and upbringing of older youths who have l e f t home i f p o s s i b l e and thus " r e t u r n them as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e to the f a m i l y home. This economic conservatism on the part of s t a t e s o c i a l s e r v i c e planners r e i n f o r c e s a• common .desire on the part of government -to help f a m i l i e s remain i n t a c t whenever p o s s i b l e . Thus, the conservative tendency on the part of the s t a t e not to intervene i n f a m i l y matters has le d to p o l i c i e s which tend not to challenge p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y and which tend not to o f f e r c o n s t r u c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e s when f a m i l y c o n f l i c t s reach an impasse. A l l of t h i s would i n d i c a t e that some und e r l y i n g dynamic i s at work which b e l i e s the surface benevolent i n t e n t of runaway p o l i c y . I am proposing that the p a t h o l o g i c a l explanatory framework—the perspective which blames young people and f a m i l i e s f o r the runaway problem—tends to obscure c e r t a i n deep-(3) running s o c i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . The r e s u l t has been a scapegoating a c t i o n whereby runaways and f a m i l i e s have been seen as the cause of a problem which i s r e a l l y much more f a r - r e a c h i n g . The dominant s t y l e i n North American s o c i a l welfare and h e a l t h s e r v i c e s has been "to t r e a t what we c a l l s o c i a l problems, such as poverty, disease, 9 and mental i l l n e s s , i n terms of the i n d i v i d u a l deviance of the s p e c i a l , unusual groups of persons who had those problems" (Ryan, 1971: p. 15). A piecemeal approach, which attempts to approach s o c i a l problems by t r e a t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l , leads to avoidance of the issue of s t r u c t u r a l change through fo c u s i n g upon the pathologies of i n d i v i d u a l c l i e n t s and f a m i l i e s . Caplan and Nelson (1973) have pointed w i t h alarm to p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e -search on s o c i a l problems which tends to focus upon "person-centered" charac-t e r i s t i c s ( s i t u a t e d w i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l ) while i g n o r i n g s i t u a t i o n a l l y r e l e -vant f a c t o r s ( e x t e r n a l to the i n d i v i d u a l ) . They a l s o r e f e r to the "tendency to a t t r i b u t e causal s i g n i f i c a n c e to person-centered v a r i a b l e s found i n s t a t i s -t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the s o c i a l problem i n question" (p. 199). Caplan and Nelson note that "one of the more important but s u b t l e p o l i t i c a l advan-tages of person-blame research i s that i t can permit a u t h o r i t i e s to c o n t r o l troublesome segments of the p o p u l a t i o n under the guise of being h e l p f u l , even indulgent" (p. 208), Such an approach to s o c i a l problems has given r i s e to what some authors r e f e r to as the "therapeutic s t a t e " ^ ^ ( H a r t j e n , 1977; K i t t r i e , 1971). The the r a p e u t i c approach to the s o l u t i o n of s o c i a l problems u t i l i z e s an i l l n e s s model and "seeks to t r e a t behavioural d e v i a t i o n s as medical problems" (H a r t j e n , 1977: p. 267). Offensive behaviour i s not seen as the r e s u l t of e v i l i n t e n t , but r a t h e r the r e s u l t of some k i n d of mental or emotional d i s o r d e r , a form of i l l n e s s . Under the t h e r a p e u t i c ideology, offenders against s o c i e t y are viewed as s i c k and capable of being cured. When the therapeutic approach becomes i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as s t a t e p o l i c y , l a r g e numbers of c i t i z e n s are a f f e c t e d by the taken-for-granted ideology, and numerous coercive c o n t r o l measures are made p o s s i b l e and are cloaked i n benevolent, h e a l i n g terminology. 10 In h i s book, Blaming the V i c t i m (1971), W i l l i a m Ryan d e c r i e s the ways i n which blame i s s h i f t e d to the v i c t i m s of s o c i a l problems as part of a mechanism to avoid c o n f r o n t i n g r e a l causes: The generic process of Blaming the V i c t i m i s a p p l i e d to almost every American problem. The miserable h e a l t h care of the poor i s explained away on the grounds that the v i c t i m has poor motiva-t i o n and l a c k s h e a l t h i n f o r m a t i o n . The problems of slum housing are t r a c e d to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of tenants who are l a b e l e d as "Southern r u r a l migrants" not yet " a c c u l t u r a t e d " to l i f e i n the b i g c i t y . The "multiproblem" poor, i t i s claimed, s u f f e r the p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of impoverishment, the " c u l t u r e of poverty," and the deviant value system of the lower c l a s s e s ; consequently, though u n w i t t i n g l y , they cause t h e i r own t r o u b l e s . From such a viewpoint, the obvious f a c t that poverty i s p r i -m a r i l y an absence of money i s e a s i l y overlooked or set a s i d e . (Ryan, 1971: p. 5) Likewise, the "obvious" f a c t that the problem of running away from home i s (at l e a s t from the point of view of the runaway) p r i m a r i l y a problem of not being able to f i n d a l e g i t i m a t e a l t e r n a t i v e place to stay overnight and/or not being able to f i n d l e g i t i m a t e f u l l - t i m e employment, al s o tends to be e a s i l y overlooked or set aside as not r e l e v a n t . The p a t h o l o g i c a l context of runaway youth p o l i c y f a i l s to e i t h e r address or solve the r e a c t i o n s to f a m i l y s t r e s s being experienced by the runaway, or the s t r e e t problems of e x p l o i t a t i o n and i l l e g a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s which await youths who leave home. A t h e r a p e u t i c s t a t e approach which attempts to solve s o c i a l problems through i n d i v i d u a l therapy g e n e r a l l y does not y i e l d success t h e r a p e u t i c a l l y , because s o c i a l problems cannot be solved on an i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l . The medical model approach to runaway problems, while presuming with i t s diagnosis/prog-nosis/treatment/follow-up procedures to cure the youth and the f a m i l y of t h e i r behaviour d e v i a t i o n s , has served merely to s h i f t the blame. By f o c u s i n g on i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y pathology, ' s t a t e p o l i c i e s serve to d i v e r t a t t e n -t i o n from very r e a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the economy,in the compulsory school 11 system, and i n s o c i a l welfare d e l i v e r y t r a d i t i o n s . I t i s these c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that w i l l be examined i n the chapters to f o l l o w . 12 The H i s t o r i c a l Record Rather than look f o r the root of the runaway problem i n the motivations and behaviours of runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , which i s the usual approach i n runaway youth research, i t i s the i n t e n t of t h i s study to examine the p o l i c i e s which have served to make running away from home i l l e g a l and subject to p u n i t i v e s a n c t i o n s . While i t i s true that the primary enforcement of the runaway p r o h i b i t i o n has come through the j u v e n i l e court ( s i n c e runaway a c t s , along w i t h truancy, i n c o r r i g i b i l i t y , and sexual p r o m i s c u i t y , are among those "status offenses" which are i l l e g a l f o r j u v e n i l e s but not f o r a d u l t s ) , j u v e n i l delinquency p o l i c y i s a c t u a l l y only the t i p of an ice b e r g which a l s o includes c h i l d p r o t e c t i o n p o l i c y , runaway house funding, laws determining^ the "age of m a j o r i t y , " c h i l d labour laws, and the i n t r o d u c t i o n and success of f r e e , p u b l i compulsory s c h o o l i n g . The o r i g i n s of most of these p o l i c i e s can be found i n the Progressive era when extremely t u r b u l e n t economic and s o c i a l condi-t i o n s had generated many aggressive and e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l reform movements. This study i s o l a t e s two h i s t o r i c a l moments f o r a n a l y s i s . The f i r s t of these wAl.l be termed the "hegemonic moment" of Progressive s o c i a l reform, extending approximately from 1880 to 1910, a pe r i o d w i t n e s s i n g unprecedented entry of governmental agencies i n t o the l i f e of North American f a m i l i e s and i n t o the a f f a i r s of c h i l d r e n and youth. The second h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d of (6) i n t e r e s t w i l l be termed the "counter-hegemonic moment" • of cou n t e r - c u l t u r e i n n o v a t i o n and youth r e b e l l i o n , extending approximately from 1965 to 1975, a p e r i o d during which grassroots s t r e e t s e r v i c e s to runaways emerged sponta-neously i n response to an unprecendented surge of youth t r a n s i e n c y , r e p r e -senting a challenge to coercive s t a t e runaway p o l i c i e s which were proving i n e f f e c t i v e . The hegemonic p e r i o d i s the context i n which running away from 13 home became c r i m i n a l i z e d , and the counter-hegemonic p e r i o d i s the time during which attempts were made to d e c r i m i n a l i z e running away and introduce s e r v i c e s to runaways and f a m i l i e s which derived from an advocacy p e r s p e c t i v e . Two issues of t h e o r e t i c a l importance w i l l be h i g h l i g h t e d i n the study: f i r s t , the i n a b i l i t y of the labour market to accommodate y o u t h f u l workers, and second, the t e n s i o n between c o n t r o l p e r s p e c t i v e s and advocacy perspec-t i v e s i n the s t a t e response to runaway a c t i o n s . A l t h o u g h runaway s e r v i c e s and p o l i c i e s are g e n e r a l l y presumed to be l o c a t e d i n the area of j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e and, more r e c e n t l y , c h i l d w e l f a r e , the bas i c roots of runaway youth p o l i c y run c o n s i d e r a b l y deeper. In f a c t , a look at the h i s t o r i c a l r ecord i n d i c a t e s that j u v e n i l e delinquency and c h i l d p r o t e c t i o n laws' represent only a;.: part of the agenda f o r c o n t r o l l i n g movements of youth. " Running away, ; and the concomitant problem of youth '] i d l e n e s s i n urban c e n t r e s , became a severe problem i n North America during the l a t e 19th century as c h i l d r e n and youth were g r a d u a l l y coming to be excluded from the labour f o r c e and, being unemployable, had nothing s u b s t a n t i a l to do with t h e i r time. Since t h i s was before the era'.when compulsory school laws became f u l l y e f f e c t i v e (which d i d occur to large degree by about 1920), hundreds of j u v e n i l e s were experiencing a " s l a c k time" during which they were n e i t h e r working nor i n school. Runaway youth p r o h i b i t i o n s were e s t a b l i s h e d during t h i s p e r i o d to pro t e c t and c o n t r o l minors who were i d l e i n the c e n t r a l core areas of the large i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s of the time. During the counter-hegemonic moment i n runaway p o l i c y h i s t o r y , the equation was suddenly turned a r o u n d — a t l e a s t f o r awhile; Counter-culture s t r e e t agencies ( i n c l u d i n g runaway houses, food-programs, medical programs, telephone- hot l i n e s , and so on) arose spontaneously to meet apparent unmet needs. The observed need was f o r more advocacy and l e s s c o n t r o l . This 14 count e r - c u l t u r e movement, part of a l a r g e r era now r e f e r r e d to as "The S i x t i e s , " l e d to a s h i f t i n runaway s e r v i c e s — t e m p o r a r y i n the case of Canada, but more permanent i n the U.S.—toward an approach which was l e s s p a t h o l o g i c a l , l e s s c o n t r o l - o r i e n t e d , and more i n tune w i t h the expressed needs and desires of the runaway youth. Two events, both o c c u r r i n g i n 1967, s i g n a l l e d the emergence of the counter-hegemonic moment. Each event has had considerable e f f e c t on p o l i c y toward (8) runaways, both i n Canada and the United S t a t e s . The f i r s t event was the U.S. Supreme Court's ground-breaking d e c i s i o n i n the case of 15-year o l d Gerald Gault of Arizona i n 1967. In t h i s d e c i s i o n , the U.S. high court challenged the very basis of j u v e n i l e court philosophy, i n d i c a t i n g that the f u s i o n of therapy and punishment represented by the youth court's " k i n d l y parent" framework d i d not j u s t i f y the wholesale suspension of b a s i c l e g a l r i g h t s f o r j u v e n i l e defendants, and i n f a c t was not j u s t i f i e d based on any proven r e h a b i l i t a t i v e r e s u l t s from the court's work. By r u l i n g that juve-n i l e s , l i k e a d u l t s , should b e n e f i t from c r i m i n a l law due process p r o v i s i o n s and have access to l e g a l counsel i f d e s i r e d when brought to c o u r t , the Supreme Court c a l l e d i n t o question the n o t i o n that j u v e n i l e s were brought there to be helped and protected r a t h e r than to be h e l d l e g a l l y accountable f o r t h e i r a c t s . This court d e c i s i o n heralded a new, l e s s p a t h o l o g i c a l a t t i t u d e toward j u v e n i l e s i n t r o u b l e — e s p e c i a l l y toward runaways and other " s t a t u s offenders" whose actions would not even be seen as v i o l a t i o n s i n adult courts of law. The second event of s i g n i f i c a n c e occurred the same year when, on June 18, 1967, Huckleberry House i n San Francisco opened i t s doors to t r a n s i e n t youth v i s i t i n g the c i t y during that renowned "Summer of Love." Respecting the on-going d e c i s i o n s these youths were making f o r t h e i r l i v e s , and granting them the d i g n i t y to determine t h e i r own d i r e c t i o n , H u c k l e b e r r y ' s — t h e f i r s t 15 of many runaway houses to open during that t u r b u l e n t p e r i o d of youth migra-t i o n — a s s i s t e d runaways through p r o v i d i n g counseling, advocacy, a n d ' l i a i s o n with p o l i c e , f a m i l i e s , and s o c i a l agencies, as w e l l as meals and a place to stay. The idea that a runaway youth could be housed i n a d i g n i f i e d s e t t i n g and be aided i n reaching important l i f e d e c i s i o n s was a new one i n a c u l t u r e accustomed to l o c k i n g i t s runaway c h i l d r e n i n j a i l s , h o l d i n g f a c i l i t i e s , d etention c e n t r e s , and j u v e n i l e r e f o r m a t o r i e s as the primary a v a i l a b l e o p t i o n to r e t u r n i n g them f o r c i b l y to the home environment they had j u s t then i n t e n -t i o n a l l y l e f t behind. Yet while the innovations of the S i x t i e s have l e d to s u b s t a n t i a l gains i n terms of the q u a l i t y of s e r v i c e s to runaways and i n terms of the l e g a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of sta t e c o n t r o l measures, a true " l i b e r a t i v e " advocacy per-spective has not been' reached, p r i m a r i l y because the labour market issues have not been confronted. The i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s study are that u n t i l the issues of f u l l - t i m e jobs and independent housing f o r minors, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of input by youths i n t o t h e i r own a f f a i r s , are d e a l t w i t h head-on, runaway youth p o l i c y w i l l remain the piecemeal, ad hoc approach i t now i s . 16 Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework used i n t h i s study can be d i v i d e d i n t o four major r u b r i c s which are u t i l i z e d i n the analyses that f o l l o w . They i n c l u d e : 1) Negotiated Order; 2) P o l i t i c a l Economy of Adolescencej 3) V i c t i m l e s s Crimes; and 4) Agency and S t r u c t u r e . Each concept i s o u t l i n e d b r i e f l y below. Negotiated Order. The act of running away and the subsequent develop-ments f o l l o w i n g from that act are part and p a r c e l of a f a m i l y and community n e g o t i a t i o n process. The "negotiated order" of running away i n v o l v e s youths, parents, and agency people (as w e l l as neighbors, r e l a t i v e s , f r i e n d s , employers and others) i n a context of mutual decision-making. Each p a r t y to the runaway s i t u a t i o n brings a unique set of expectations and vested i n t e r e s t s to the s e t t i n g . Much of the contention which s w i r l s around runaway episodes derives from the d i f f e r i n g perspectives which v a r i o u s p a r t i c i p a n t s b r i n g to the s i t u a -t i o n . However, the l o c a l decision-making process does not occur i n a vacuum. Important s t a t e p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s impinge on the l o c a l community negotiated order, as does a long h i s t o r y of a t t i t u d e s , customs, and s o c i a l welfare procedures which are c o n t i n u a l l y being u t i l i z e d , r e f i n e d , adapated, avoided, or circumvented. The process of p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n o r i g i n a l l y occurred i n a negotiated context, as does the c o n t i n u i n g process of p o l i c y maintenance and p o l i c y r e v i s i o n . From the negotiated order point of view, p o l i c y i s not seen as a s t a t i c status quo, but as a working power-consensus always i n f l u x and always being developed and r e v i s e d . Negotiated order theory has been i n a developing s t a t e i n o r g a n i z a t i o n a l studies i n i t i a t e d by Anselm Strauss, Norman Denzin and others d a t i n g back to about 1961 (see Strauss, et a l . , 1963, & Strauss, 1978). Also u s e f u l to the " i n process" perspective employed here has been Berger and Luckmann's (9) approach to the S o c i a l Construction of R e a l i t y (1966). P o l i t i c a l Economy of Adolescence. This p e r s p e c t i v e deals w i t h the place of young people i n the p o l i t i c s of the f a m i l y , w i t h adolescents' r o l e s i n the economic s t r u c t u r e , and w i t h the e v o l u t i o n of adolescents' r i g h t s , p o l i t i -c a l r o l e , and economic usefulness over time. I t a l s o deals w i t h the r e i n -forcement w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of economic r e a l i t i e s r e l a t e d to age and f a m i l y dynamics, such as who works where f o r what money and under what c o n d i t i o n s ; the impact of work l i f e on f a m i l y l i f e ; s o c i a l i z a t i o n and education i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r work; and any other issues which connect the youth age status w i t h p o l i t i c a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s . The focus of the p o l i t i c a l economy of adolescence approach i s h i s t o r i c a l and c r i t i c a l ; i t i s an -approach which looks beneath the obvious. The present approach s t r i v e s to draw connections between the macroscopic l e v e l and the microscopic l e v e l ( i . e . , between broad s o c i e t a l issues and l o c a l , i n t e r p e r s o n a l i s s u e s ) and, i n doing so, to examine the r e l a t i v e c o n s t r a i n t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s impinging upon youth at v a r i o u s points i n h i s t o r y . A major tenet of t h i s study i s t h a t the act of running away from home i s i n essence a . p o l i t i c a l a c t , and that i t i s i n f a c t one of the most powerful and ' n o t i c e a b l e actions which an adolescent can take. Running away i s a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the status quo on various l e v e l s : As a r e j e c t i o n of the e x i s t i n g f a m i l y arrangements; as a s t r i k i n g out to create b e t t e r l i v i n g arrangements and emotional arrangements (whether f o r a night or f o r a l i f e t i m e ) ; and as a challenge to the s t a t e ' s a u t h o r i t y to segregate c h i l d r e n r i g i d l y by age and otherwise intervene i n and r e g u l a t e p r i v a t e f a m i l y matters 18 i n ways the runaway sees as onerous. There' i s no f u l l y developed f i e l d i n the p o l i t i c a l economy of adoles-cence. However, i n pursuing such an approach I have b e n e f i t e d from r e v i s i o n i s t h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g s on the adolescent l i f e stage ( K e t t , 1977; G i l l i s , 1974); c r i t i c a l h i s t o r i c a l analyses of the j u v e n i l e court ( P i a t t , 1969; Schlossman, 1977; Mennel, 1972; Schur, 1973; Hagan & Leon, 1977; Leon, 1978; Houston, 1972; Rothman, 1978), and of schoo l i n g and youth employment (Bowles & G i n t i s , 1976; Katz, 1971; Katz & M a t t i n g l y , 1975; Sutherland, 1976; Grubb & Lazerson, 1982; Cohen & Lazerson, 1972; Kantor & Tyack, 1982); w r i t i n g s on the 1960s cou n t e r - c u l t u r e movement and surge- of youth r e s i s t a n c e (Roszak, 1969; Reich, 1970); l a b e l i n g theory and other i n t e r a c t i o n a l "process" approaches i n the s o c i o l o g y of deviance (Lemert, 1951; Schur, 1971; Davis, 1975); and the con-f l i c t approach i n criminology ( T a y l o r , Walton & Young, 1973; Chambliss, 1976; Reasons & R i c h , 1978). . > V i c t i m l e s s Crimes. In h i s 1965 book, Crimes Without V i c t i m s , Edwin Schur discussed the s p e c i a l problems of those who are a r r e s t e d and given c r i m i n a l consequences i n s i t u a t i o n s of " v i c t i m l e s s crimes" where there was no complainant and no c l e a r harm to another person. In adult c r i m i n a l codes, such " v i c t i m l e s s crimes" would includ e drug abuse, p u b l i c drunkenness, vagrancy, l o i t e r i n g , pornography v i o l a t i o n s , i l l e g a l a b o r t i o n s , and c e r t a i n sexual acts between consenting a d u l t s . In j u v e n i l e delinquency s t a t u t e s , the "status o f f e n s e s , " i n c l u d i n g running away from home, can be termed v i c t i m l e s s crimes. Schur (1965) found that these " m o r a l i t y crimes" or "nuisance offen s e s " have c e r t a i n things i n common: A) When there i s harm i n v o l v e d , i t i s p r i -m a r i l y self-harm, and there i s g e n e r a l l y dispute as to the extent of the 19 self-harm i n v o l v e d . B) Such crimes are d i f f i c u l t to enforce and to prosecute due to the p r i v a t e nature of the encounter between w i l l i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s , due to the s u b j e c t i v e nature of d e c i s i o n s about whether an act i s t r u l y troub lesome, or i l l e g a l , due to the frequent l a c k of a complainant, and/or due to the. consequent d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g evidence. ( I t might be added that prosecution of v i c t i m l e s s crimes seldom acts as an e f f e c t i v e d eterrent to fu t u r e i n c i d e n t s , r e s u l t i n g i n " r e v o l v i n g door" punishment r o u t i n e s , both at the adult and j u v e n i l e l e v e l s . ) C) As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of such nuisance laws, p a r t i c i p a n t s i n such acts almost i n v a r i a b l y develop deviant images and deviant self-images, o f t e n enter i n t o f u r t h e r deviant a c t s , and tend to enter deviant subcultures. D) The laws and enforcement procedures set up to e l i m i n a t e v i c t i m l e s s crimes a c t u a l l y f u n c t i o n to perpetuate the pro-s c r i b e d a c t i v i t y ; i n other words, since cures are not made r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , punishment f o l l o w e d by immediate r e t u r n to the a c t i v i t y i s common. E) E x i s -tence of such laws r e i n f o r c e s and p u b l i c i z e s the negative or a l l e g e d l y nega-t i v e aspects of the offenses and thus leads to general p u b l i c ignorance of p o s s i b l y h e a l t h f u l , harmless, or redeeming elements of such a c t i v i t i e s . F) The i l l e g a l i t y of such a c t s , and the subsequent s t i g m a t i z a t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s f r e q u e n t l y tends to d r i v e v i c t i m l e s s crime offenders i n t o "secon dary crime" (or secondary self-harm) e i t h e r as part of the der i v e d l i f e s t y l e , to o b t a i n money f o r the i l l e g a l a c t i v i t y , or due to disease or other d i f f i c u l -t i e s a r i s i n g from the unregulated, s t i g m a t i z e d , and/or secret a c t i v i t y . A l l of the foregoing g e n e r a l i t i e s apply-to some degree to the a c t i o n of runnin away and i t s consequences Agency and S t r u c t u r e . "Agency" i n t h i s context r e f e r s not to s o c i a l agencies but to the human c o n t r i b u t i o n to s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ( i . e . , a ctions by human agents) as i n the formation, p e r p e t u a t i o n , and r e v i s i o n of s o c i a l 20 p o l i c y . A d i a l e c t i c a l approach i s used, f o l l o w i n g Anthony Giddens (1981;' .1984), 3 ^ ' V'wherein the acts of c i t i z e n s are seen i n constant i n t e r a c t i o n with the c o n s t r a i n t s , o p p o r t u n i t i e s and r e a l i t i e s of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . The gap between a c t i o n theory and i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n a l y s i s i s overcome through Giddens' n o t i o n of the " d u a l i t y of s t r u c t u r e " : S t r u c t u r e on the one hand c o n s i s t s of r u l e s and resources b u i l t i n t o s o c i a l systems; ac t o r s draw upon these r u l e s and resources, by which they s t r u c t u r e t h e i r a c t i o n s ; and i t i s through these ac t i o n s that the s t r u c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s which generate s o c i a l a c t i o n are c o n t i n u a l l y reproduced. However, unintended consequences emerge from s o c i a l a c t i o n which tend to d i v e r t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n t o new d i r e c t i o n s . The - "unacknowledged co n d i t i o n s of a c t i o n " tend to place new c o n s t r a i n t s on the a c t o r s ' k n o w l e d g e a b i l i t y and c a p a b i l i t y ; thus, such unexpected r e s u l t s of a c t i o n p l a y a key r o l e i n s o c i a l change since they may d e c i s i v e l y " d i v e r t " s o c i a l a c t i o n from a s t r u c t u r e d course (Giddens, 1981). The primary use to be made here of the agency-structure d i a l e c t i c w i l l be i n understanding "counter-hegemonic" act i o n s i n regard to runaway p o l i c y : a c t i o n s taken by i n d i v i d u a l s and l o c a l groups i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n to p o l i c y , i n circumventing p o l i c y , and i n i n n o v a t i n g new s o l u t i o n s to p o l i c y dilemmas. We w i l l deal w i t h the issue of counter-hegemonic act i o n s by i n d i v i d u a l s trapped i n the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and c o n s t r a i n t s of e x i s t i n g s o c i a l p o l i c i e s , and with the emergence of unintended consequences ' of a c t i o n such as a) the c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n of runaways through an intended benevolent p o l i c y , or b) the emergence of a strong c o u n t e r - c u l t u r a l movement f o l l o w i n g i n e f f e c t i v e imple-mentation of that intended benevolent p o l i c y . Of primary concern w i l l be the i n t e r a c t i o n between innovations by community "agents" and the impact of such innovations on e x i s t i n g p o l i c y . 21 A n a l y t i c Procedures C. Wright M i l l s (1959) proposed a r e l e v a n t methodology f o r examining the impact of p o l i c y upon people. I t i s a method which juxtaposes h i s t o r y and biography i n d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . Through examination of the e f f e c t s of h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s on people's l i v e s , and of the r e a c t i o n s i n t u r n of c i t i z e n s to these p o l i c y r e a l i t i e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e to o b t a i n a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d , a n a l y t i c a l view of s o c i a l p o l i c y dynamics. I n s p i r e d by M i l l s ' suggestions, I have chosen a " c r i t i c a l - e t h n o g r a p h i c " approach i n t h i s research. The present method s y s t e m a t i c a l l y places d e s c r i p t i v e personal, f a m i l y and community data i n t o an a n a l y t i c framework designed to examine runaway p o l i c i e s h i s t o r i c a l l y , c r i t i c a l l y , and i n e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e . While i t i s sometimes viewed as unorthodox to mix diverse types of data (e.g. s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l data and p o l i t i c a l — e c o n o m i c data) and d i v e r s e l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s (e.g. h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary-empirical), the j u x t a p o s i n g of macro, h i s t o r i c a l p o l i c y a n a l y s i s w i t h the r e a l - l i f e drama of the Bayside runaway s t o r i e s i s viewed here as a necessary method f o r a v o i d i n g o v e r l y stereotyped ways of viewing contemporary s o c i a l s e r v i c e s In the present study, I w i l l make a concerted e f f o r t to l i n k the macro ( h i s t o r i c a l / p o l i c y ) l e v e l w i t h the micro ( b i o g r a p h i c a l / i n t e r a c t i o n a l ) l e v e l i n order to pursue an a n a l y s i s which demonstrates the e f f e c t s of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n s on p u b l i c p o l i c y and the c o n s t r a i n t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s a f f o r d e d by p o l i c y i n i t s e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s . M i l l s wrote i n The S o c i o l o g i c a l  Imagination of the connection between " p r i v a t e t r o u b l e s and p u b l i c i s s u e s " and o u t l i n e d a procedure f o r c o n f r o n t i n g the linkage between " h i s t o r y and biography": 22 Know that many personal t r o u b l e s cannot be solved merely as t r o u b l e s , but must be understood i n terms of p u b l i c i s s u e s — a n d i n terms of the problems of history-making. Know that the human meaning of p u b l i c issues must be rev e a l e d by r e l a t i n g them to personal t r o u b l e s — a n d to the problems of the i n d i v i d u a l l i f e . Know that the problems of s o c i a l s c i e n c e , when adequately formula-t e d , must in c l u d e both troubles and i s s u e s , both biography and h i s t o r y , and the range of t h e i r i n t r i c a t e r e l a t i o n s . W i t h i n that range the l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l and the making of s o c i e t i e s occur; and w i t h i n that range the s o c i o l o g i c a l imagination has i t s chance to make a d i f f e r e n c e i n the q u a l i t y of human l i f e i n our time. ( M i l l s , 1959: p. 226) W r i t i n g i n the same v e i n and i n s p e c i f i c regard to stu d i e s of adoles-cence, John Seeley wrote: What I plead f o r , then, i n the realm of theory, i s the develop-ment and r e c o g n i t i o n of a study: the study of what i s to be seen i n the simultaneous dual p e r s p e c t i v e of h i s t o r y and l i f e h i s t o r y . What i t c a l l s f o r ... i s an e n t e r p r i s e i n which we, j o i n t l y w i t h [ a d o l e s c e n t s ] , as one i n t e r a c t i v e we, explore and e x p l a i n what i s f o r each of us and each of them the unique i n t e r -cept of my l i f e w i t h our l i f e , my h i s t o r y w i t h the common h i s t o r y of a l l of us. (Seeley, 1973: p. 28) Moving between the micro and macro l e v e l s i n r e c i p r o c a t i n g f a s h i o n permits and st i m u l a t e s the f o r m u l a t i o n of unusual and novel hypotheses. Many of the a c t u a l , everyday e f f e c t s of p o l i c y f r e q u e n t l y were not a n t i c i -pated by the framers of w r i t t e n l e g i s l a t i o n or bur e a u c r a t i c memoranda. Li k e w i s e , i n d i v i d u a l s l e a d i n g t h e i r everyday l i v e s and bumping up against f r u s t r a t i n g c o n s t r a i n t s and obstacles are commonly unaware of the h i s t o r i c a l development of the p o l i c i e s which a f f e c t them, and of the b u r e a u c r a t i c a c c i -dents and unintended consequences which l i e behind many of the truisms of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e l i f e . Rather than c o n t i n u i n g to presume t h a t runaway problems stem i n t o t o from f a m i l y pathology and youth pathology, i t i s p o s s i b l e w i t h h i s t o r i c a l 23 distance to view the runaway phenomenon through d i f f e r e n t lenses aided by sus-pending c e r t a i n taken-for-granted assumptions. An.expected r e s u l t of t h i s study t h e r e f o r e , w i l l be the r e d e f i n i t i o n of runaway p o l i c y through examination of the ac t i o n s of adu l t policymakers i n a d d i t i o n to and as opposed to l o o k i n g only at the a c t i o n s of adolescent runaways. With such d i s t a n c i n g , i t i s p o s s i b l e to perceive of adolescence i t s e l f as a product of adu l t age-grading act i o n s r a t h e r than p r i m a r i l y as a developmental stage or as a time f o r i d e n t i t y c r i s e s . Age s t r a t i f i c a t i o n may then be approached w i t h the same a n a l y t i c seriousness we u s u a l l y reserve f o r studies of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , gender s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , and r a c i a l / e t h n i c s t r a t i f i -0 c a t i o n . One approach to the l i n k i n g of macro-level and m i c r o - l e v e l p erspectives can be found i n the o c c a s i o n a l attempts to combine Marxism and ethno-methodology or phenomenology i n a h y b r i d perspective (Chua, 1976; Smart, 1976; Dallmayr, 1973: P a c i , 1972). Both approaches begin from a c r i t i c a l base. In the case of Marxism, the c r i t i c a l eye i s turned on the economy and attendant c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , while i n phenomenology the c r i t i q u e i s of standard s c i e n t i f i c and s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c method. But each approach has a way of t u r n i n g arguments around or upside down and l o o k i n g at the world through new lenses. I t i s i n t h i s sense that the authors mentioned propose a union of the two. Since M a r x i s t approaches have o f t e n been viewed as "too macro" ( i . e . , too economic d e t e r m i n i s t , thus i g n o r i n g important c u l t u r a l and i n t e r a c t i o n a l ' a s p e c t s ) , and ethnomethodology and other pheno-menological approaches have been c r i t i q u e d as "too micro" ( i . e . , too a p o l i -t i c a l , i g n o r i n g important s o c i e t a l dynamics such as c l a s s , r a c e , gender, and wealth), a merging of the two might- w e l l counteract some of the ^short-comings of each. Ralph L a r k i n has w r i t t e n a study t i t l e d Suburban Youth 24 i n C u l t u r a l C r i s i s (1979) which i s r e l e v a n t to the present e f f o r t and which i s one of the f i r s t e m p i r i c a l studies to attempt an i n t e g r a t i o n of c r i t i c a l M a rxist theory w i t h ethnomethodological t e c h n i q u e s — t o "combine macro-theory with a study of i n t e n t i o n a l i t y and s u b j e c t i v e awareness" (p. 232). Although the present study does not derive e i t h e r from an orthodox Marxism nor a throughgoing phenomenology, I have been i n f l u e n c e d by each approach and have attempted a synthesis s i m i l a r to t h a t advocated by P a c i •and Baarlciii.V ••- The/Marxist•approach, which has gained i n f l u e n c e i n North American Sociology i n recent years, has l e d me to approach running away from a p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c p e r s p e c t i v e and to analyze, i d e o l o g i c a l manipulations i n the r e i g n i n g p a t h o l o g i c a l approach of the " t h e r a p e u t i c s t a t e . " My exposure to phenomenology, a c o n t r o v e r s i a l approach i n s o c i o l o g y and other d i s c i p l i n e s because of i t s c r i t i q u e of standard methodology and i t s n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l conceptual framework, has l e d me to suspend my b e l i e f i n e a s i l y taken-for-granted presuppositions (such as the inherent unemploya-b i l i t y of modern youth and the idea that runaway causation l i e s p r i m a r i l y i n f a m i l y and i n d i v i d u a l p a t h o l o g i e s ) , and to s e e k , a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r these "everyday l i f e " p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s . The present study i s , then, a " c r i t i c a l ethnography" which explores the workings of s o c i a l p o l i c i e s toward runaway youths i n North-America with p a r t i c u l a r focus on the workings of p o l i c y i n p r a c t i c e w i t h i n one upper-middle c l a s s Canadian community. An ethnographic approach seeks a comprehen-s i v e d e s c r i p t i o n of a c u l t u r e , s u b c u l t u r e , or t o p i c of i n t e r e s t . Ethno-graphers attempt to enter the l i f e of the people being studied and to under-stand the world views and perspectives of the informants. The goal i s h o l i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n of the community l i f e or ideology f o r m u l a t i o n , r a t h e r than a n a l y s i s of one i s o l a t e d p o r t i o n of that community l i f e . A c r i t i c a l 25 approach to s o c i a l p o l i c y study holds c e r t a i n taken-for-granted assumptions i n abeyance and seeks a l t e r n a t i v e explanations. This opens the door to new approaches to f a m i l i a r subject matter. Thus a c r i t i c a l ethnography i s a study which seeks h o l i s t i c , "process" d e s c r i p t i o n s of communities and ideas, attempts to understand other pe r s p e c t i v e s "from the i n s i d e , " suspends taken-for-granted p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s , and seeks i n n o v a t i v e , c r e a t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r p r e s s i n g s o c x a l problems. Norman Denzin (1970) has o u t l i n e d a concept of " t r i a n g u l a t i o n " i n s o c i a l science research which s t r e s s e s the c r o s s - r e f e r e n c i n g of va r i o u s research techniques bearing on the same po p u l a t i o n or subject matter. The purpose of t r i a n g u l a t i o n i s to o b t a i n a more complete, more comprehensive a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l r e a l i t y and to a i d i n overcoming biases and l i m i t a t i o n s which might accompany any one method or any one account. This study uses a t r i a n g u l a t i o n approach by employing a v a r i e t y of i n v e s t i g a t i v e techniques, and a v a r i e t y of v e r b a l accounts on the same runaway i n c i d e n t . The goal of understanding the e f f e c t s of p u b l i c p o l i c y on the runaway n e g o t i a t i o n s i n a s i n g l e community n e c e s s i t a t e d c o n s u l t i n g data which extend w e l l beyond the boundaries of that community and which extend back i n i h i s t o r y . P r o v i n c i a l p o l i c i e s , n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s , North American trends, and h i s t o r i c a l i n f l u e n c e s upon present-day c o n d i t i o n s needed to be explored. T r i a n g u l a t i o n was accomplished through the c r o s s - r e f e r e n c i n g of: a) p o l i c y w r i t i n g s , l e g i -s l a t i v e and.administrative documents, and h i s t o r i c a l accounts d e a l i n g w i t h the status of c h i l d r e n , youth, and f a m i l i e s i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l p o l i c y (Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 5 ) ; b) published s t u d i e s of age-grading procedures, c h i l d labour reform, compulsory s c h o o l i n g , j u v e n i l e court p r a c t i c e , and c h i l d welfare s e r v i c e s (Chapters 2, 3, and 4); c) research on runaway youth and runaway s e r v i c e s (Chapters 5 and 6); d) p a r t i c i p a n t observation i n the communities of 26 Bayside and Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia (Chapters 5 and 7); e) codable i n t e r v i e w data from Bayside agency personnel, and a n a l y s i s of t h i s q u a n t i f i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n (Chapter 7); f.:).. in-depth i n t e r v i e w data from Bayside runaways, parents, and agency workers (Chapters 8 and 9); and g) a v a i l a b l e demographic s t a t i s t i c s and community data from Bayside municipal government sources (Chapter 7). 27 Conclusion The present study has as i t s goal a suspension of the taken-for-granted assumptions about the necessary pathology of runaway youths and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . ' Without denying that f a m i l y and personal-troubles are, o f t e n ./ conspicuous i n runaway s i t u a t i o n s , we w i l l attempt to probe beneath and beyond pathology explanations to explore the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l dynamics which (13) u n d e r l i e the runaway youth p o l i c i e s themselves. In doing so, i t w i l l become apparent that the s o c i a l p o l i c i e s i n ques-t i o n have f a l l e n i n t o place through a p a r t i c u l a r convergence of h i s t o r i c a l and b i o g r a p h i c a l circumstances. As young people have become l e s s u s e f u l to t h e i r a d u l t mentors i n an economic sense w i t h the e v o l u t i o n of the f a c t o r y system and through the e f f e c t of c h i l d labour p r o h i b i t i o n s , i d l e n e s s and s t r e e t dangers have become more problematic. While the u n i v e r s a l compulsory school i n g movement and the innovations of the j u v e n i l e court and j u v e n i l e reformatory system moved i n q u i c k l y to f i l l that v o i d , adolescence became— during the Progressive era i n North A m e r i c a — a time of r e l a t i v e non-producti-v i t y i n economic terms. Running away from home and being on the s t r e e t s without p a r e n t a l super-v i s i o n became c r i m i n a l acts during that p e r i o d . The reform motives underlying the c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n of the runaway act were benevolent and well-meaning. But c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h i n ' th;e economic • and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s of the time l e d to the c r e a t i o n of p o l i c i e s which o f t e n d i d more harm than good. C h i l d r e n and teehagersiwere- protected from abuses by greedy bosses i n unhealthy and dangerous J workplaces; then as one a l t e r n a t i v e , they came to congregate i n unhealthy and dan'gerous urban centres, saloons, and gambling houses. They were then d i v e r t e d to c u s t o d i a l school s i t u a t i o n s , which have had l i t t l e connec-t i o n w i t h the workpla.ce;>where they would somehow l e a r n the s k i l l s needed 28 to become productive workers. And when they ran away, they would be sent back to the same u n s a t i s f a c t o r y home environment from which they had f l e d . While the reforms of the cou n t e r - c u l t u r e era i n j e c t e d a new tone of advocacy i n t o runaway s e r v i c e s and opened the door to ideas running counter to the t r a d i t i o n of youth dependency, the changes have not been fundamental or f a r - r e a c h i n g . L i t t l e has changed s t r u c t u r a l l y i n the e i g h t y years since running away from home entered the j u v e n i l e crime codes. Minors continue to be viewed as no n - e s s e n t i a l to the productive process and i n s t e a d s e r v i c e the economy mainly as consumers and students. Schools continue to promote the idea that the curriculum i s t i e d to the needs of the labour m a r k e t — j u s t as the tu r n of the century schools d i d — y e t without p a r t i c u l a r substance to the school/workplace connection (see Kantor & Tyack, 1982). Runaway youth p o l i c i e s i n Canada and i n most s t a t e s of the U.S. continue to r e i n -f o r c e p a r e n t a l ' a u t h o r i t y even i n s i t u a t i o n s where that a u t h o r i t y i s i l l -deserved. -.Juveniles" have no input i n t o the c r e a t i o n of such p o l i c i e s and are not able to decide t h e i r own place of res i d e n c e . Runaway p o l i c y reforms which emerged during and a f t e r the l a t e 1960s were r e a c t i o n s to the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of a runaway s e r v i c e t r a d i t i o n which intervened "benevolently" i n f a m i l y l i f e without concrete, r e h a b i l i t a t i v e s o l u t i o n s . Youth dependency and p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y were maintained i n t a c t i n the face of frequent evidence that runaway youths had s o l i d reasons f o r running. Thus, the half-way s o l u t i o n has had only minimal e f f e c t and run-away youth p o l i c i e s continue to encourage the perpetuation of i l l i c i t under-ground s i t e s of economic sustenance and q u a s i - f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the form of i n n e r - c i t y street-scene youth ghettos. The primary c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n runaway youth p o l i c y which w i l l be explored i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n i s the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the c o n t r o l p e r s p e c t i v e and the youth advocacy p e r s p e c t i v e . The reforms emerging during the Pro-gressive era were stimulated by a new benevolence toward c h i l d r e n and youth, which focused on the need to protect minors from the dangers and temptations of r a p i d l y expanding urban centres. Opportunism i n the use of young people f o r t h e i r labour power was replaced by a protectiveness which p r o j e c t e d a concern f o r the f r a g i l e , impetuous nature of adolescence. This new paternalism toward youth was supported by new i d e o l o g i e s r e c e i v i n g credence i n u n i v e r s i t i e s and among p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s and s o c i a l reformers. The new e t h i c of p r o t e c t i v e n e s s c o i n c i d e d w i t h the gradual removal of c h i l d r e n and teenagers from f a c t o r y work and the subsequent r e d i r e c t i o n of minors i n t o the p u b l i c school system. Yet despite the benevolent r h e t o r i c of the runaway p o l i c y reforms, adult domination of the labour-market continues, and youth dependency remains an important foundation-stone f o r f a m i l y p o l i c y g e n e r a l l y . As the economic f u n c t i o n of youth s h i f t e d from use of t h e i r productive c a p a c i t i e s to t h e i r e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n as consumers and students, p o l i c i e s e n f o r c i n g youth dependency continued to serve the needs and i d e o l o g i e s of adult p o l i c y -makers. In the process, the p o s s i b i l i t y of l i v i n g independently or working f u l l - t i m e w a s . v i r t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e d from the options a v a i l a b l e to minors. In order to maintain youth dependency, even i n the midst of such a pro-t e c t i v e and benevolent m i l i e u , c o n t r o l , containment and coercive approaches were necessary. Because young people were being d i r e c t e d toward a new dependent status and a new l e v e l of confinement against t h e i r w i l l , c o n t r o l s t r a t e g i e s were e s s e n t i a l to make runaway p o l i c i e s work. This c o n t r o l perspective has continued down to the present day, despite the attempts at reform during the counter-hegemonic p e r i o d . I t i s the ambivalence i n p o l i c y between c o n t r o l s t a t e g i e s and benevolent i n t e n t i o n s which form the 30 main t h e o r e t i c a l thread of t h i s study. While the recent runaway p o l i c y reforms have been f a r from c o m p l e t e — and emergency support s e r v i c e s have receded from view now that the heaviest , runaway migrations have subsided--the is s u e has drawn s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n that c e r t a i n concrete changes may be p o s s i b l e . In p a r t i c u l a r , the recommendations i n Chapter 10 w i l l propose that young people and t h e i r f a m i l i e s ought to have input i n t o p o l i c i e s which a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s ; that p r o v i s i o n s could be made f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of independent housing options and increased autonomy f o r young people who have exhausted the p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s of l i v i n g i n the p a r e n t a l home; and that avenues might be explored f o r r e s t o r i n g the connection between youth and the world of productive w o r k — i n c l u d i n g f u l l -time employment and movement i n t o career paths at e a r l i e r ages f o r those (14) youths d e s i r i n g such o p p o r t u n i t i e s . S o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s — i n c l u d i n g educational system vested i n t e r e s t s , labour union power and r e g u l a t i o n s , and the i n e r t i a of t r a d i t i o n i n the wor k p l a c e — c o n t i n u e to m i t i g a t e against the p o s s i b i l i t y of such inno-v a t i o n s . The chapters which f o l l o w w i l l seek to uncover some of the sources of the r e s i s t a n c e to change. n 31 NOTES 1. Mention here of " f i r s t causes" should not be mistaken as i n d i c a t i n g a search f o r simple cause and e f f e c t connections i n the p o s i t i v i s t i c sense. The ethnographic approach seeks h o l i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n s of a community or a s o c i a l i s s u e . ( I n the present study both types of d e s c r i p t i o n are sought.) While i t i s p o s s i b l e to show that some events precede other events (e.g., that the gradual e x c l u s i o n of c h i l d r e n from f a c t o r y work preceded f u l l imple-mentation of compulsory p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g ) , i t i s not always p o s s i b l e to prove that one event caused the other (e.g., that compulsory s c h o o l i n g came about only because of labour market f a c t o r s ) . Ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n s g e n e r a l l y p o i n t to numerous f a c t o r s c o i n c i d i n g at any s i n g l e time and space, and o f t e n u t i l i z e c o n t i n u i t y and development over time to e s t a b l i s h f u r t h e r i n s i g h t s . Thus, the present study intends to demonstrate that while f a m i l y and i n d i v i d -u a l pathology i s i n a c e r t a i n sense one of the "causes" of runaway actions i n many in s t a n c e s , on a broader, more h i s t o r i c a l l e v e l there e x i s t other s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l "causes" f o r the "runaway youth problem." Age-grading p r a c t i c e s , c h i l d - l a b o u r laws, school attendance laws, j u v e n i l e court pro-cedures and c h i l d welfare s e r v i c e s together have l e d to a p r o h i b i t i o n of running away from home. Labe l i n g t h e o r i s t s would present the "obvious" a s s e r t i o n that there would be no "runaway youth" i f running away from home had never been p r o h i b i t e d . A b a s i c premise of t h i s study, then, w i l l be t h a t — o n a macro l e v e l — t h e "runaway problem" i s "caused" by a convergence of p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g but not l i m i t e d t o : an h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of c h i l d and youth dependence; the gradual e x c l u s i o n of c h i l d r e n and youth from the labour pool between 1850 and 1950; the r i s e of compulsory p u b l i c s c h o o l i n g ; the modern extension of adolescence which was accompanied by a new r h e t o r i c about c h i l d and adolescent f r a g i l i t y ; and the r i s e of s o c i a l work and pr o b a t i o n as new h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s around the t u r n of the 20th century. When viewing communities, f a m i l i e s , and i n d i v i d u a l s , these "macro" i n s i g h t s are not always c l e a r l y i n evidence. A goal of t h i s study i s to draw connec-t i o n s between the "macro" a n a l y s i s and the "micro" community-family-individual r e a l i t i e s . While on the macro l e v e l I am proposing that the e x c l u s i o n of young people from the labour market was a key element l e a d i n g to the n e c e s s i t y f o r runaway youth p r o h i b i t i o n s , I am not posing the labour market issue as the "only cause" f o r runaway youth p o l i c y or f o r runaway youth a c t i o n s . Neither i s i t my i n t e n t to imply by t h i s that contemporary youths who run away from home are doing so because of t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from the labour market, i n any d i r e c t , "micro" sense. While some youths do leave home i n search of work, such youths are not n e c e s s a r i l y viewed as runaways by t h e i r f a m i l i e s or p o t e n t i a l employers. Other youths are so out of touch with the p o s s i b i l i t y of l e g i t i m a t e , f u l l - t i m e employment that the labour market issue would f u l l y elude them. In s h o r t , the "macro" a n a l y s i s i s seldom imbedded i n the consciousness of the "micro" a c t o r s . S t i l l , c e r t a i n contemporary, "micro" e v e n t s — e . g . , j o b - f i n d i n g s e r v i c e s of the counter-c u l t u r e runaway houses; moves toward e a r l y emancipation l e g i s l a t i o n ; and the Diggers' count e r - c u l t u r e economic independence p r o j e c t s — g a v e i n d i c a t i o n of an emerging awareness of the "macro" p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c a n a l y s i s during the l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s. 32 2. " I a t r o g e n i c " i s a medical term r e f e r r i n g to physician-caused or h o s p i t a l -caused i l l n e s s e s , as when an a d d i t i o n a l disease i s contracted from another p a t i e n t i n the h o s p i t a l , or when surgery i s mishandled and a d d i t i o n a l harm i s i n c u r r e d from the medical procedure i t s e l f . Thus, i n the present usage, " i a t r o g e n i c " i s used by analogy to r e f e r to "secondary" s o c i a l problems (e.g. i l l e g a l , dangerous: " s t r e e t " subcultures) which emerge as " s i d e e f f e c t s " of o f f i c i a l attempts to "cure" the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l problem (e.g. youth runaway a c t i v i t y ) . This i s not meant to imply that the "cure" causes the o r i g i n a l d i sease" ( i . e . , runaway youth p o l i c y does not i n and of i t s e l f generate "primary" runaway a c t i o n s ) . However, mismanaged p o l i c y can indeed make things worse r a t h e r than b e t t e r , as when agency p o l i c y d i c t a t e s r e t u r n i n g a youth to an unworkable home environment and f u r t h e r runaway acts occur. 3. The term " c o n t r a d i c t i o n " i s employed to denote i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s or paradoxes i n s o c i e t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n — d i s j u n c t u r e s at the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l (e.g., a benevolent p o l i c y which i n i t s e f f e c t s punishes and c o n f i n e s ; or e d u c a t i o n a l procedures which enhance c u l t u r a l ignorance). The term " c o n f l i c t , " on the other hand, w i l l be used to d e s c r i b e s t r u g g l e s between opposing i n t e r e s t groups — a dynamic o c c u r r i n g at the l e v e l of agencies, f a m i l i e s , and c l i e n t s (e.g., the runaway a c t i o n as a c r y f o r help or an a s s e r t i o n of autonomy; or runaway houses as innovations which str e t c h e d the boundaries of e x i s t i n g p o l i c y p r o v i s i o n s ) . 4. As u t i l i z e d by K i t t r i e and H a r t j e n , the term " t h e r a p e u t i c s t a t e " i s meant to r e f e r to that component of s t a t e p o l i c y which seeks c o n t r o l of d i s r u p t i v e elements through the r a p e u t i c means. C r i t i c s of the t h e r a p e u t i c s t a t e f e a r that the c o n t r o l s imposed over i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s by the "therapy s o c i e t y " lead to unwarranted i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n t o p r i v a t e spaces and c o n s t i t u t e t h r e a t s to i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s . The phrase i s not meant to imply that the s t a t e i n general i s run by t h e r a p e u t i c procedures. (See H a r t j e n , 1977: pp. 259-279) 5. When using terms such as " p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e " and " t h e r a p e u t i c s t a t e , " I am f u l l y aware that agencies and s t u d i e s d i f f e r i n the degree to which they profess to use the medical model. However, i t can be s a i d t h a t , taken c o l l e c -t i v e l y , these s t u d i e s and programs seek problem/cure explanations w i t h i n the realm of i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y pathology and tend to ignore l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l -economic i s s u e s . 6. "Hegemonic" r e f e r s to a preponderance of i n f l u e n c e and a u t h o r i t y by one n a t i o n over another, as i n c o l o n i a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m , or of the s t a t e over l a r g e segments of i t s c i t i z e n r y or over p a r t i c u l a r groups w i t h i n the populace. A "counter-hegemonic" tr e n d , then, r e f e r s to r e f o l t or r e a c t i o n by a c o l o n i z e d or suppressed n a t i o n , or to tendencies w i t h i n a p o p u l a t i o n toward r e a c t i o n and r e s i s t a n c e to s t a t e p o l i c i e s , i n c l u d i n g — as i n the usage here — the ad hoc, spontaneoud replacement of unworkable s t a t e p o l i c i e s by new c i t i z e n - g e n e r a t e d approaches. The term "moment" r e f e r s to a convergence of key s o c i a l f o r c e s which shape a new or d i f f e r e n t epoch and set of c o n d i t i o n s at a p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t i n h i s t o r y . (These terms are normally embedded i n broader d i s c u s s i o n s on t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e of the s o r t not elaborated upon i n t h i s study.) 33 7. " C o n t r o l " and "advocacy" w i l l be used throughout the d i s s e r t a t i o n to denote p e r s p e c t i v e s u t i l i z e d i n d e a l i n g w i t h runaway s i t u a t i o n s . These two per s p e c t i v e s are being viewed as v i r t u a l opposites i n terms of p o l i c y and s e r v i c e s , yet they f r e q u e n t l y c o e x i s t and i n t e r t w i n e i n the handling of any s i n g l e runaway i n c i d e n t . This study addresses the t e n s i o n which r e s u l t s from the coexistence of the two divergent p e r s p e c t i v e s . " C o n t r o l " r e f e r s to an approach emphasizing containment and f o r c e f u l r e d i r e c t i o n of runaway youth, while "advocacy" denotes an advisory approach which respects the home-leaving youth's a b i l i t y and need to make up h i s or her own mind about sc h o o l , l i v i n g s i t u a t i o n , employment, and r e l a t i o n s h i p matters. In l a t e r chapters, i t w i l l be necessary to d i s t i n g u i s h between the "benevolent advocacy" approach which tends to be more p a t e r n a l i s t i c and p r o t e c t i v e i n nature versus the " l i b e r a t i v e advocacy" approach which i s more t r u l y counter-hegemonic, s i n c e i t tends to challenge e x i s t i n g p o l i c i e s head-on, as seen i n youth advocacy l e g a l s e r v i c e s and s o c i a l casework l e a d i n g to l e g i t i m a t i o n of independent l i v i n g s i t u a t i o n s . Some confusion i n terminology may r e s u l t from the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a t h i r d concept, that of the " p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , " which contains elements of both the c o n t r o l and the advocacy models, and which d i s p l a y s r a t h e r v i v i d l y the t e n sion between c o n t r o l and advocacy as p r a c t i c e d i n day-to-day agency work, and as i t i s revealed i n w r i t t e n s o c i a l p o l i c y . Terms such as "protec-t i v e , " "benevolent," and " t h e r a p e u t i c " w i l l be used throughout the study as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . These are meant to be d i s t i n c t from " p u n i t i v e , " "containment," and " c o e r c i v e " which are terms used to c h a r a c t e r i z e the c o n t r o l p e r s p e c t i v e s p e c i f i c a l l y . 8. Information on p o l i c i e s and s e r v i c e s i n both Canada and the United States w i l l be used i n t h i s study f o r the f o l l o w i n g reasons: A) A number of the Bayside runaway youths t r a v e l e d to the U.S. when on a run and thus were a f f e c t e d by s t a t e p o l i c i e s and s e r v i c e s i n F l o r i d a , C a l i f o r n i a , Hawaii, e t c . ; l i k e w i s e , since most Canadian c i t i e s are w i t h i n 100 mil e s of the U.S. border, young people from the United States are q u i t e able to explore Canada — although the border c r o s s i n g s i t u a t i o n s do tend to discourage such i n t e r n a t i o n a l migrancy. B) Despite the c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e s between the U.S. and Canada i n terms of t h e i r l e g a l systems and f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l / s t a t e d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , there i s a c o n t i n u i n g i n f l u e n c e of American precedents on Canadian s o c i a l p o l i c y and law reform — f a c i l i t a t e d through mutual p r o f e s s i o n a l meetings, m a t r i c u l a t i o n of Canadian p r o f e s s o r s i n U.S. graduate programs, media d i f f u s i o n , and so on. In f a c t , a r a t h e r comprehensive interchange between the two c o u n t r i e s has been a f a c t of North American l i f e s ince the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . For example, the p r o x i m i t y of Toronto to New York C i t y and Chicago l e d to mutual i n f l u e n c e between Canadian and U.S. p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s and s o c i a l reformers during the P r o g r e s s i v e era when runaway p o l i c i e s were f i r s t put i n t o p l a c e . C) Since v i r t u a l l y a l l w r i t i n g and research on runaways i n North America has emanated from the United S t a t e s , neglect of that data would have meant i g n o r i n g most of the a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l . The e x i s t i n g c r o s s - f e r t i l i z a t i o n between the two c o u n t r i e s i s c l e a r l y important, whether i n terms of runaway youth peer networks, s o c i a l s e r v i c e networks, f a m i l y law networks, or p u b l i s h i n g o u t l e t s (although the i n f l u e n c e of the U.S. on Canadian s e r v i c e s and p o l i c i e s tends to be the stronger i n f l u e n c e , due to the greater s i z e and greater p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e of the United States.) In some regards, then, the d i s s e r t a t i o n represents a comparative study of Canadian and United States runaway p o l i c i e s . Care w i l l be taken to c l e a r l y note when Canadian or U.S. s t a t u t e s , r e g u l a t i o n s , or procedures are being r e f e r r e d to. 34 9. Negotiated order theory serves as a background and underpinning of the arguments and a n a l y s i s throughout the study, even though s p e c i f i c elements of that negotiated order a n a l y s i s may not be e x p l i c a t e d i n a l l chapters. 10. None of the foregoing should be i n t e r p r e t e d as a d e n i a l of the o r i g i n a l (primary) m o t i v a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s engaging i n adu l t or j u v e n i l e n o n - v i c t i z -ing a c t i o n s . By fo c u s i n g on inadequacies i n the s o c i a l c o n t r o l response, a c r i t i q u e i s generated which questions the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of coe r c i v e responses to personal "crimes." The context f o r the o r i g i n a l a c t i o n may s t i l l , however, be analyzed as a separate i s s u e of concern, and the present a n a l y s i s does i.not preclude such f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s . 11. Approaches which explore the connections between microscopic and macro-scopic l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s have become somewhat more popular i n recent years. See Knorr-Cetina & C i c o u r e l , 1981, and Hechter, 1983. 12. A c r i t i c a l ethnography uses l o c a l f i e l d study methods to i l l u m i n a t e the e f f e c t s of p o l i c y on i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s i n l o c a l communities, and introduces p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c a n a l y s i s to the study of i s s u e s i n such l o c a l communities. " C r i t i c a l , " then, means a n a l y t i c a l , r e c o n s t r u c t i v e , and open to new explana-t i o n s and s o l u t i o n s . Furthermore, the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c a n a l y s i s g e n e r a l l y i n c l u d e s s c r u t i n y of i d e o l o g i c a l elements, such as — i n the present study — i n v e s t i g a t i o n of b e l i e f systems p e r t a i n i n g to youth labour markets and the p a t h o l o g i c a l nature of the runaway a c t i o n . 13. In r e f e r r i n g to the suspension of c e r t a i n taken-for-granted assumptions, I do not wish to give the impression that I am presuming to suspend-all taken-for-granted assumptions. I t i s the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e towards runaways and t h e i r f a m i l i e s which w i l l be (temporarily) suspended, so that other notions (such as those p e r t a i n i n g to youth advocacy and labour market dynamics) may be introduced more c l e a r l y and e f f e c t i v e l y . I am f u l l y aware that other taken-for-granted assumptions w i l l remain and that new assumptions w i l l be brought i n with the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c assumptions of the study. B r i n g i n g i n t h i s new per s p e c t i v e a l s o does not imply that pathology ( i . e . i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y problems) do not e x i s t i n runaway s i t u a t i o n , nor that such t r o u b l e s should not be addressed v i g o r o u s l y by agencies. On the c o n t r a r y , the p r i n c i p a l reason f o r t a k i n g a p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c approach here i s to produce g u i d e l i n e s f o r making remedial s e r v i c e s to runaways and f a m i l i e s more e f f e c t i v e , and to confront the i s s u e of prevention of runaway s t r e s s . L i k e w i s e , i t should be mentioned that a v a r i e t y of other a l t e r n a t i v e views or p e r s p e c t i v e s might be a p p l i e d to the runaway youth i s s u e , aside from the p a t h o l o g i c a l view and the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c view ( i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c analyses of the causation of f a m i l y s t r e s s and runaway a c t i o n s ) . The labour market / youth advocacy focus i s being empha-si z e d here because i t s fundamentals have been l a r g e l y neglected and because'it y i e l d s new and unique i n s i g h t s i n t o the runaway problem. 14. The labour market is s u e i s c e n t r a l to the present a n a l y s i s f o r s e v e r a l reasons: Running away was made i l l e g a l at a time when great numbers of urban youth were i d l e on the s t r e e t s of North America due to t h e i r gradual e x c l u s i o n from the labour f o r c e and to t h e i r not yet being accommodated i n the compulsory school system; thus labour market is s u e s were c e n t r a l to the o r i g i n a l formula-35 t i o n of runaway youth p o l i c i e s and have continued to be c e n t r a l motivations f o r such p o l i c i e s . Furthermore, when young people leave home, s u r v i v a l i s of the utmost concern and, before long, f i n a n c i a l sustenance becomes paramount; thus, runaways are severely constrained when unable to f i n d p r o f i t a b l e work to pay f o r t h e i r current l i v i n g expenses. The importance of these issues should not, of course, r u l e out c o n s i d e r a t i o n of other explanatory frameworks which focus on why parents and o f f s p r i n g come i n t o c o n f l i c t i n the f i r s t p l a c e , on the r o l e of s o c i a l w e l fare personnel and l e g i s l a t o r s i n the c r e a t i o n and maintenance of s o c i a l p o l i c i e s , on the North American approach to education and s o c i a l i z a t i o n , on values inherent i n modern f a m i l y l i f e , and so on. , However, e l a b o r a t i o n on these other themes, while r e l e v a n t , would go beyond the scope of the present study. In summary, then, the labour market explana-t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to the runaway youth p o l i c y i s s u e , though i t i s not the only r e l e v a n t explanatory framework and though i t may not be as r e l e v a n t to analyses of other s o c i a l w e l fare or s o c i a l p o l i c y i s s u e s . PART I HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF RUNAWAY YOUTH POLICIES There i s c l e a r l y a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between custom and p o l i c y so t h a t , to a considerable degree, youths who run away are c o n f r o n t i n g not merely w r i t t e n l e g a l s a n c t i o n s , but a l s o the w i l l of a surrounding community which, through i t s conversations and i t s a c t i o n s , makes c l e a r that minors p r o p e r l y belong i n the pa r e n t a l home. In t u r n , the community's w i l l i s per-petuated by a long-standing p o l i c y t r a d i t i o n which holds the same view. In c o n f r o n t i n g ' p o l i c y , e n f o r c i n g i t i n a p a r t i c u l a r way, using d i s c r e t i o n , and, i n some cases, v i o l a t i n g the l e t t e r of the p o l i c y , youth, parents and agency personnel i n t u r n a f f e c t the f u t u r e of that p o l i c y . In f a c t they can, to some degree, be s a i d to be " r e w r i t i n g " the p o l i c y by t h e i r actions of running away or by responding to the runaway i n c i d e n t i n p a r t i c u l a r ways. Thus p o l i c y i s n e i t h e r m o n o l i t h i c , s t a t i c , nor t o t a l l y i n f l e x i b l e . I t would be a mistake, however, to i n t e r p r e t the above as i n d i c a t i n g that p o l i c y i s formed by anything l i k e a consensus of community o p i n i o n . Written p o l i c y i s a product of n e g o t i a t i o n and compromise which takes a dimly-understood p o l i c y t r a d i t i o n and updates i t p e r i o d i c a l l y i n a piecemeal manner P o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s , economic c o n d i t i o n s , and p r e v a i l i n g moods and p h i l o s o -phies of the times a f f e c t the w r i t t e n s t a t u t e s and r e g u l a t i o n s . D i s c r e t i o n i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of s o c i a l p o l i c y then allows government f u n c t i o n a r i e s and community members to adapt a formal set of procedures to r e a l - l i f e c i r -cumstances. The process tends.not to y i e l d a comprehensive or f u l l y s e n s i t i v e set of p o l i c y g u i d e l i n e s . Charles Lindblom'(1959; 1965) has r e f e r r e d to t h i s view of p o l i c y analys as "incrementalism" of 'The Science of Muddling Through." He proposes that under the "synoptic i d e a l " of governmental problem-solving i t i s presumed 3,6 37 that d e c i s i o n makers: 1) i d e n t i f y , s c r u t i n i z e , and put i n t o l o g i c a l order those o b j e c t i v e s they b e l i e v e r e l a t e to the problem at hand; 2) survey a l l p o s s i b l e means of achieving those o b j e c t i v e s ; 3) e x h a u s t i v e l y examine the expected consequences of employing each of the means to the o b j e c t i v e s ; and then 4) choose a p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c y or combination of p o l i c i e s which w i l l be l i k e l y to achieve the c l o s e s t approximation to the o r i g i n a l o b j e c t i v e s . Lindblom's studies have demonstrated that t h i s synoptic i d e a l i s seldom i f ever achieved. He has formulated an a l t e r n a t i v e view of the a c t u a l process of government decision-making as f o l l o w s : Rather than conducting comprehen-s i v e surveys of the problem and examining diverse options f o r s o l u t i o n to the problem, policymakers "muddle through," r e a c t i n g to pressures and making mutual accommodations, c o n t i n u i n g p o l i c i e s without r e - e v a l u a t i n g them, and adding on pieces to e x i s t i n g p o l i c y i n piecemeal ways. The idea that governmental decision-making i s c e n t r a l l y coordinated i s a myth, according to Lindblom. Rather, d e c i s i o n makers, proceeding i n c r e -mentally from unique and r e s t r i c t e d p e r s p e c t i v e s , work r a t h e r d i s j o i n t e d l y , p i e c i n g together a patchwork q u i l t of p o l i c y with no r e a l c o o r d i n a t i o n or o v e r a l l planning. Some of t h i s i s due to the necessary task of s i m p l i f i c a -t i o n which i s meant to make decision-making more manageable. A n a l y s i s i s d r a s t i c a l l y l i m i t e d , and important p o s s i b l e outcomes and a l t e r n a t i v e path-ways tend to be neglected: "The t e s t of a 'good' p o l i c y i s t y p i c a l l y that various a n a l y s t s f i n d themselves d i r e c t l y agreeing on a p o l i c y , without t h e i r agreeing that i t i s the most appropriate means to an agreed o b j e c t i v e " (Lindblom, 1959: p. 295). The view of t h i s study i s that policymaking i s a "negotiated order" process wherein m u l t i p l e and o f t e n c o n f l i c t i n g f a c t o r s i n t e r a c t , l e a d i n g to a r a t h e r unsteady, ever-changing, in-process c o n c l u s i o n . In such a s t a t e of unsteady consensus, u n a n t i c i p a t e d consequences (Giddens, 1981; Lindblom, 38 1965) p e r i o d i c a l l y emerge which can have s i g n i f i c a n t import. Lack of comprehensive planning d e r i v e s from automatic r e a c t i o n to d i v e r s e p o l i t i c a l pressures from v a r i o u s , not-always coordinated quarters. But incremental decision-making processes a l s o , t h e r e f o r e , leave room f o r s u r p r i s e s and u n a n t i c i p a t e d new pressures. This i s the opening f o r the "counter-hegemonic" r e a c t i o n s to be discussed i n l a t e r chapters. However, the s t r u c t u r a l i n e r t i a of modern bureaucracies i s d i f f i c u l t - t o overcome. The f i r s t h a l f of the d i s s e r t a t i o n f o l l o w s the incremental, piecemeal growth of runaway youth p o l i c i e s i n North America over the past century. Part I opens with an examination of age-grading p o l i c i e s and emancipation standards i n Chapter 2. These l e g a l p r o v i s i o n s serve as the foundation f o r the youth dependency t r a d i t i o n . P a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y — i n p a r t i c u l a r the a u t h o r i t y of the f a t h e r — i s sanctioned by the t r a d i t i o n of common law and i s econo-m i c a l l y based. Recent court challenges and a few l e g i s l a t i v e innovations have brought to p u b l i c n o t i c e the p o s s i b i l i t y of the enhancement of youth r i g h t s and some l i m i t a t i o n s on absolute p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y . The chapter r e l a t e s the ambiguous s t a t u s of e a r l y emancipation procedures, which presents a key o b s t a c l e to any genuine l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of runaway youth p o l i c y . Chapter 3 c h r o n i c l e s the contemporary e x c l u s i o n of young people from the labour market and the attendant s u b s t i t u t i o n of the p u b l i c compulsory school as a new s o c i a l i z i n g agency. Mechanization i n the new f a c t o r i e s of the l a t e 19th and e a r l y 20th c e n t u r i e s , pressures from labour unions to r e t u r n a d u l t male workers back to jobs being taken by t h e i r wives and o f f s p r i n g , and pressure from humanitarian reformers f o r improved s a f e t y and working c o n d i t i o n s i n the workplace combined to i n f l u e n c e the eventual e l i m i n a t i o n of most j u v e n i l e s from the f u l l - t i m e workforce. Compulsory scho o l i n g then developed to take up the s l a c k presented by t h i s imposed youth unemployment. J u v e n i l e j u s t i c e reforms and the issue of s t a t u s offenses are the focus of Chapter 4. The j u v e n i l e c o u r t , an American i n v e n t i o n , was designed to c o r r e c t 39 abuses from imprisonment of minors i n a d u l t j a i l s and p r i s o n s . The hope was that a more f a m i l y - t y p e , benevolent courtroom procedure would lead to con-s t r u c t i v e , p e r s o n a l i z e d r e h a b i l i t a t i o n process. The r e s u l t a n t suspension of normal due process r i g h t s i n the youth courts has l e t to a c o n t i n u i n g s e r i e s of reform attempts. Moves to d e c r i m i n a l i z e the runaway act and other " s t a t u s o f f e n s e s " have meant d i v e r s i o n of c l i e n t s i n t o the c h i l d w e l fare system i n recent years. This trend has met w i t h mixed r e s u l t s since that system a f f o r d s the minor even fewer due process guarantees than does the j u v e n i l e court. The p o l i c y d i s c u s s i o n concludes w i t h Chapter 5, an a n a l y s i s of the r i s e of c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e runaway s e r v i c e s during the l a t e 1960s. The runaway house movement i n the U.S. became p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t as an advocacy s e r v i c e which was able to develop job f i n d i n g , l e g a l , medical, and independent l i v i n g programs f o r youths who had l e f t the p a r e n t a l home. The U.S. Runaway Youth Act of 1974 served to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e ' ( a n d p a r t i a l l y co-opt) the runaway house inno v a t i o n . Meanwhile, the major Canadian c i t i e s which had developed emergency runaway s e r v i c e s during s e v e r a l summers around 1969 and 1970 have disbanded such programs as the peak runaway migrations have subsided. Canada has now returned to a " t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and r e p a t r i a t i o n " system of runaway youth i n t e r v e n t i o n s which i s l a r g e l y devoid of advocacy i n t e n t . In s h o r t , P a r t I surveys the r i s e of the runaway p r o h i b i t i o n at the t u r n of the 20th century and describes the counter-hegemonic r e s i s t a n c e and reform movement of the l a t e 1960s which l e d to a p a r t i a l r e - e v a l u a t i o n and r e w r i t i n g of runaway youth p o l i c y . Within t h i s p o l i c y s t o r y l i e s the key to understanding how such p o l i c i e s might be l i b e r a l i z e d f u r t h e r and what deep-running o b s t a c l e s and r e s i s t a n c e to such l i b e r a l i z a t i o n remain. Chapter 2  AGE-GRADING PRACTICES At the foundation of runaway youth p o l i c y are those laws and r e g u l a t i o n s which oversee a youth's passage to adulthood. Running away from home can only be c r i m i n a l i z e d through reference to age standards which s p e c i f y when c i t i z e n s may l e g i t i m a t e l y l i v e on t h e i r own. This chapter w i l l explore and analyze the age-grading standards r e l a t i n g to the age of m a j o r i t y which enforce and r e i n f o r c e youth dependency and p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y i d e o l o g i e s . C e r t a i n c i t i z e n s under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been exempted from p a r t i c u l a r p r o v i s i o n s of law. The mentally i l l , m entally r e t a r d e d , and the s e n i l e are i n c e r t a i n cases protected by l e g a l p r o v i s i o n s w h i c h — a s part of that p r o t e c t i o n — s t i p u l a t e that the i n c a p a c i t a t e d person s h a l l be represented by a guardian. This guardianship procedure invol v e s the removal of normal due process r i g h t s and holds i n abeyance the p r i v i l e g e of speaking f o r oneself on l e g a l and f i n a n c i a l matters. Whether the guardian of the i n c a p a c i t a t e d i n d i v i d u a l i s a f a m i l y member, a f r i e n d , or a bureau-c r a t i c agency, the person i n question i s i n essence a "non-person" before the law. Their i n t e r e s t s are r e a l , but t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of s e l f i s g r e a t l y or t o t a l l y l i m i t e d . S i m i l a r l y , c r i m i n a l defendents who are judged to have been insane at the time of the c r i m i n a l a c t , and those who are seen as u n f i t to stand t r i a l or to understand the d i f f e r e n c e between r i g h t and wrong, are l i k e w i s e excused from normal c r i m i n a l t r i a l procedures. The p r o t e c t i v e i n t e n t i n such cases i s s i m i l a r . (See Bala & C l a r k e , 1981: p. 216) Ju v e n i l e s are protected from adult l e g a l procedures i n much the same way. Legal "guardianship" i s i n s t i t u t e d w i t h e i t h e r the parent or the sta t e assuming decision-making duties f o r the minor. The entry i n t o a d u l t l e g a l status—sometimes termed "coming of age" or "passage" i n t o a d u l t h o o d — i n v o l v e s 40 41 t a k i n g over one's own a f f a i r s , i n a l e g a l sense, f o l l o w i n g a p e r i o d when others have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r those a f f a i r s . The p r o h i b i t i o n against running away from home i s one aspect of t h i s guardianship procedure. Since minors are expected to be l e g a l l y under the p r o t e c t i v e wing of adult a u t h o r i t y , running away from home represents a v i o l a t i o n of that a u t h o r i t y and thus threatens the l e g a l guardianship arrange-ment . This chapter examines the s h i f t i n g and sometimes c o n t r a d i c t o r y standards f o r c h i l d and youth dependency i n an attempt to understand how f l e x i b l e the standards are and how a v a i l a b l e they are to reform proposals. The reason f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s i s that runaway youth by t h e i r a c t i o n s . a r e c h a l l e n g i n g age-grading standards and are s u b s t i t u t i n g t h e i r own s o l u t i o n s f o r s t a t e -imposed l e g a l guardianship arrangements. L i k e w i s e , youth advocates f r e q u e n t l y f i n d themselves i n i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t c o n f l i c t w i t h age-grading procedures and may f i n d themselves engaging i n l e g a l v i o l a t i o n s as they attempt to a i d runaways i n c r i s i s . Thus, challenges to the youth dependency status quo sometimes occur at the courtroom l e v e l as when a f a m i l y member attempts to prove that a minor i s independent or "emancipated," when an o f f s p r i n g challenges a parent i n cour t , or when young people a s s e r t more autonomy than i s l e g a l l y s t i p u l a t e d (e.g., the r i g h t to c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y i n a medical c l i n i c ) . Nowhere i s the incremental, piecemeal, patchwork nature of s o c i a l p o l i c y e v o l u t i o n a l l u d e d to by Charles Lindblom more r e a d i l y apparent than i n the confusing and ambiguous gu i d e l i n e s which s p e c i f y the State's r e c o g n i t i o n of a c h i l d ' s emerging adulthood. For example, i n B r i t i s h Columbia today, age 15 i s the passage point f o r being able to work l e g a l l y ; 16 i s the d r i v i n g age; 19 i n the d r i n k i n g age; 18 i s the r e s t r i c t e d movie age; 17 i s the age 42-when one comes under the adult C r i m i n a l Code and leaves the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the J u v e n i l e Court. Age 17 i s a l s o the age of e x i t from c h i l d welfare j u r i s -d i c t i o n , except f o r some long-time wards who may remain " i n care" u n t i l age 19. A young person can vote at age 18, can become married w i t h p a r e n t a l consent at age 16, and j o i n the armed f o r c e s at age 17. C h i l d r e n under 5 may not attend p u b l i c school i n B r i t i s h Columbia; c h i l d r e n ages 5 to 7 may attend school i f t h e i r parents wish them t o ; c h i l d r e n aged 7 to 15 must attend school or at l e a s t r e c e i v e a government-approved education; and young people 15 and over may leave school i f they do not wish to go. Since 1973, persons i n B r i t i s h Columbia aged 16 and over have been able to give t h e i r own v a l i d consent to medical treatment (though an attempt must be made to contact p a r e n t s ) . B.C. teenagers cannot be held to b i n d i n g c o n t r a c t s (with some e x c e p t i o n s ) , o b t a i n c r e d i t , r e n t a car, make purchases on the i n s t a l l m e n t p l a n , buy or s e l l property, sue or be sued, or make a v a l i d w i l l u n t i l reaching the age of 19. (Morgan, 1976; BC-CLA, 1978; Bala & Clarke, 1981) Such a morass of d i f f e r i n g age-grading passage points means at the very l e a s t that no one but an expert can keep t r a c k of a l l the necessary r u l e s . The' s e c t i o n s to f o l l o w w i l l examine 1) the e v o l u t i o n of the "age of m a j o r i t y " concept over time and the l e g a l p r i n c i p l e s u n d e r l y i n g such a con-cept; 2) the r a r e l y - u s e d common law procedures f o r becoming emancipated p r i o r to one's m a j o r i t y ; 3) the question of medical treatment f o r minors and whether parents need to be consulted p r i o r to treatment; 4) i n c o n g r u i t i e s a r i s i n g due to the existence of c o n f l i c t i n g age-grading standards; and 5) recent moves toward a l l o w i n g increased l e g a l autonomy and an expanded l e g a l voice f o r minors.. . 43 The S h i f t i n g Age of M a j o r i t y While age 21 was f o r many generations the standard age f o r g a i n i n g l e g a l adulthood, that passage point has g r a d u a l l y been lowered over recent years. Most U.S. sta t e s and Canadian provinces place the age at which a l l childhood r e s t r i c t i o n s are dropped at age 18; i n B r i t i s h Columbia the f i n a l passage point i s , 19. The existence of such age-grading laws derives from a t r a d i t i o n a l l e g a l dependency f o r c h i l d r e n and youth which has always been a part of f a m i l y law. Minors are defined by l e g a l precedent and i n the c o n t i n u i t y of l e g i s l a -t i o n as l e s s than f u l l c i t i z e n s , l e s s than f u l l l e g a l e n t i t i e s . While such l e g a l p r o v i s i o n s are w r i t t e n as p r o t e c t i v e p r i n c i p l e s governing minors who are presumed not to f u l l y comprehend the nuances of law and who are s t i l l dependent s o c i a l l y , the age-grading standards a l s o have important p o l i t i c a l -economic bases. L e s l i e Morgan of the Vancouver People's Law School w r i t e s : T r a d i t i o n a l l y the law has always accorded a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n to c h i l d r e n . They were o r i g i n a l l y almost regarded as c h a t t e l s , pro-p e r t y belonging to t h e i r f a t h e r and under h i s complete a u t h o r i t y . G radually reformers introduced the idea that c h i l d r e n should be protected from t h e i r mistakes made through immaturity. There developed a body of common law d o c t r i n e s and p r o t e c t i v e s t a t u t e s d e a l i n g w i t h c h i l d r e n , i n f a n t s or minors .... Most of these laws and d e c i s i o n s have as t h e i r a l l e g e d guiding p r i n c i p l e the c h i l d ' s best i n t e r e s t , yet few accord the c h i l d any r i g h t to be consulted as to what h i s / h e r best i n t e r e s t s are and o f t e n cases become con-t e s t s among adults i n which the c h i l d i s almost overlooked. As w e l l , many of the st a t u t e s are out of date and ins t e a d of h e l p i n g the c h i l d they hinder him/her i n h i s / h e r d a i l y l i f e . (Morgan, 1976: p. 4) Childhood l e g a l dependency i s grounded i n c e r t a i n b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of f a m i l y and c h i l d r e n ' s law: p a t r i a e p o t e s t a s (the power of the f a t h e r over the c h i l d ) ; d o l i incapax (the l i m i t a t i o n of a c h i l d ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y due 44 to age); parens p a t r i a e (the s t a t e as k i n d l y parent); and i n loco p a r e n t i s (the court as s u b s t i t u t e parent a c t i n g i n the c h i l d ' s best i n t e r e s t s ) (Bala & Cla r k e , 1981; Beaser, 1975). The question of when the f u l l l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y s h a l l be acquired and when one can become pa r t y to l e g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i . e., the question of the l e g a l "age of m a j o r i t y , " i s a question i n e v i t a b l y having important p o l i t i c a l -economic i m p l i c a t i o n s : S h i f t s i n the nature of s o c i e t y throughout d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l ages r e s u l t e d i n d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t groups i n p o s i t i o n of power. Our l e g a l system r e f l e c t s these s h i f t s i n power arrangements. The law on the age of m a j o r i t y ( a d u l t s t a t u s ) i s a good example of the d i f f e r e n t manner i n which c h i l d r e n have been regarded and t r e a t e d i n d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s . The Church of England viewed the changing age of m a j o r i t y as f o l l o w s : " H i s t o r i c a l l y , the concept i s one of property r i g h t s i n and power over c h i l d r e n , as much as a duty to pr o t e c t them." (BC-CLA, 1978: p.5) /• Thus, the s p e c i f i c s of the age of m a j o r i t y and the multitude of age-graded laws and r e g u l a t i o n s which have accumulated and become d i f f e r e n t i a t e d over the years have tended to s h i f t over time with changing p o l i t i c a l -economic r e a l i t i e s . As P h i l l i p e A r i e s (1962) has shown, childhood as we know i t i s a recent phenomenon. In the Middle Ages, s p e c i a l v o c a b u l a r i e s and s p e c i a l p r o v i s i o n s f o r childhood were l a c k i n g . C h i l d r e n were viewed as small and l e s s developed a d u l t s . They were economically dependent at f i r s t , but moved q u i c k l y through something l i k e stages of apprenticeship toward the assumption of adu l t r o l e s as they became p h y s i c a l l y more c a p a b l e — g e n e r -a l l y as e a r l y as age 7, the age of m a j o r i t y recognized at that time by Church and State. Young people were not segregated i n t o schools, youth a c t i v i t i e s , or s p e c i a l q u a r t e r s , but r a t h e r were i n t e g r a t e d i n t o adult community l i f e . They were t r e a t e d much l i k e servants and were u s e f u l as inexpensive labour. 45, With the advent of feudalism, d i f f e r e n t ages of m a j o r i t y came to be e s t a b l i s h e d depending on s o c i a l c l a s s and f u n c t i o n ( C l a r k , 1968: p. 230). The young burgess was defined as f u l l y of age when able to measure c l o t h and count money, the t i l l e r of land when age 15 and able to push the heavy plow, and the s o l d i e r when age 21 and able to hold up a heavy s u i t or armor and l i f t lance or sword.;:: Thus, those h o l d i n g the status of knighthood d i d not a t t a i n adulthood u n t i l age 21 whereas persons of a g r i c u l t u r a l rank came of age at 15—much l i k e the contemporary s t a t e of a f f a i r s where those seeking and having access to higher education enter f u l l a dult r o l e s much l a t e r than those who drop out of high school and begin l a b o r i n g jobs as teenagers. "Gradually, the k n i g h t l y age of m a j o r i t y , age 21, f i l t e r e d down and became the u n i v e r s a l age f o r a l l c l a s s e s " (BC-CLA, 1978: p. 5). As bureaucracies emerged and became more and more complex, refinements were made i n the age of m a j o r i t y , u n t i l today when the s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d concept of a s p e c i f i c age f o r e n t e r i n g adulthood has been supplanted by an evolving " mosaic of d i v e r s e and o f t e n mutually c o n t r a d i c t o r y standards. E a r l y Emanicipation of Minors Age of m a j o r i t y standards seldom i n c l u d e p r o v i s i o n f o r "exceptions to the r u l e " f o r those minors who are a b l e , w i t h or without p a r e n t a l consent, to become independent e a r l i e r than the s t a t e d age. One seldom-used, l i t t l e -known, and g e n e r a l l y i m p r a c t i c a l counterbalance to these ancient youth depend-ency d o c t r i n e s i s the p r o v i s i o n i n common law f o r a court to determine that a youth has become "emancipated" p r i o r to the normal age of m a j o r i t y — t h r o u g h the act of marriage, through j o i n i n g the armed f o r c e s , and/or through becom-i n g s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t economically, normally at an independent place of r e s i -dence. A court d e c i s i o n a f f i r m i n g emancipation as having taken place pro-vide s l e g a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n f o r youth, parent and community that the person i n question has a t t a i n e d an adult l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y prematurely. "The parent r e l i n q u i s h e s , h i s ( s i c ) r i g h t s to r e c e i v e the c h i l d ' s s e r v i c e s and earnings and to make d e c i s i o n s f o r the c h i l d . Parents are then r e l i e v e d - o f the o b l i -g a tion to support, educate and care f o r the c h i l d " (SAC, 1980: p. 35). There are numerous a m b i g u i t i e s , c o m p l i c a t i o n s , and l i m i t a t i o n s i n the emancipation procedures which l i m i t t h e i r u s e f u l n e s s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r the runaway youth. Since the common law approach to emancipation was never w i d e l y adopted i n England, and has r e c e i v e d only minimal a t t e n t i o n i n Canada, the cases c i t e d below i n v o l v e United States common law precedents. In.the U.S. common law t r a d i t i o n : "The law imposes a c e r t a i n bondage upon minor c h i l d r e n , but i t a l s o permits r e l e a s e therefrom" (quoted i n Beaser, 1975: p. 55). Ever since the 1864 case of Lackman v. Wood (25 C a l . 147) i n C a l i f o r n i a , " e m a n c i p a t i o n " has meant t e r m i n a t i o n of p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l over and custody of the minor c h i l d . The relinquishment of p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l has, i n some court cases, been seen as t o t a l emancipation ( f o r a l l purposes), and 4 7 i n other cases has been deemed p a r t i a l ( f o r s p e c i f i c purposes, e.g., f o r a minor's ownership of p a r t i c u l a r earnings, but not o v e r a l l s o c i a l and economic independence). Under the common law t r a d i t i o n , courts have decided emanci-p a t i o n cases on an i n d i v i d u a l , case-by-case b a s i s , a f t e r l o o k i n g at the p a r t i c -u l a r f a c t s presented. This ad hoc, a f t e r - t h e - f a c t procedure has made the common law emancipation determination l e s s than g e n e r a l l y u s e f u l since the context of the i n d i v i d u a l cases has not l e n t i t s e l f to the development of g e n e r a l i z a b l e , f i x e d g u i d e l i n e s (Goldberg, 1980). Emancipation i s a l e g a l lowering of the age of m a j o r i t y f o r a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l on the ba s i s of f a c t s presented to the court regarding such issues as earnings and l i v i n g arrangements. H i s t o r i c a l l y , such an a c t i o n has g e n e r a l l y been l i n k e d to the issue of the c h i l d ' s economic usefulness to the parent. Relinquishment of p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l meant l o s s of an economic a s s e t — a n e v e n t u a l i t y never taken l i g h t l y . The term "emancipation"—which may seem to draw on the analogy of the rel e a s e from the bondage of s l a v e r y — w a s a c t u a l l y borrowed f o r use i n r e f e r -ence to slave emancipation from the analogy of i t s e a r l i e r use i n l e g a l d e ter-minations of c h i l d - p a r e n t r e l a t i o n s . The concept derives o r i g i n a l l y from Roman law and r e f e r r e d to the enfranchisement of a son by h i s f a t h e r p r i o r to the son re a c h i n g the age of m a j o r i t y — a procedure o r i g i n a l l y accomplished through the ceremonial device of a simulated s a l e . The procedure was r e p r e -s e n t a t i v e of the f a t h e r s e l l i n g h i s son's labour p o t e n t i a l to the son- f o r h i s own use. The Roman emperor J u s t i n i a n l a t e r s u b s t i t u t e d a s i m i l a r pro-ceeding termed "manumission" before a magistrate to f o r m a l i z e the t r a n s f e r (Black, 1968: p. 613). The Roman emancipation proceeding has not been perpetuated. In i t s place courts under the common law t r a d i t i o n must make a determination of • "4-8 whether emancipation has i n f a c t occurred through an a f t e r the f a c t examina-t i o n of the a c t i o n s p r e v i o u s l y taken by parent and c h i l d . This means that f a m i l y members cannot be sure that a minor's ac t i o n s of moving out and t a k i n g a job w i l l r e s u l t i n unchallenged r e c o g n i t i o n of the youth's ad u l t s t a t u s . Unlike a youth passing a d r i v e r ' s examination and then soon having a p l a s -t i c i z e d d r i v e r ' s l i c e n s e card a r r i v e i n the m a i l , the young person moving i n t o a s e l f - s u p p o r t e d l i v i n g arrangement does not r e c e i v e any document and i s not entered i n t o any s t a t i s t i c a l r e g i s t r y . Under common law procedures, the matter i s l e g a l l y up i n the a i r u n t i l and unless the matter comes to c o u r t — a n d t h i s r a r e l y happens. When and " i f the matter does come to c o u r t , i t w i l l come there only through the accident of s p e c i f i c l i t i g a t i o n , as when a minor l i v i n g s e p a r a t e l y attempts to sue h i s or her parents f o r support or negligence, when a parent seeks to d i s -continue support payments to a c h i l d i n the armed forces^ or to an o f f s p r i n g who has set up housekeeping w i t h a b o y f r i e n d or g i r l f r i e n d , or when a dispute a r i s e s over whether parent or teenager i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the payment of a h o s p i t a l b i l l or other debt (Goldberg, 1980). In a M i s s o u r i case, Dierker v. Hess (1873) (54 Mo. 246), a c r e d i t o r of the f a t h e r of a minor sought to s e i z e property belonging to the minor which the minor had purchased through h i s own work. The c r e d i t o r claimed that t h i s property belonged to the parent as c o n t r o l l e r of h i s c h i l d ' s resources. The wording of the court d e c i s i o n emphasized the ad hoc, common-sense expectations of the common law emancipation determinations, as w e l l as p o i n t i n g up the economic basis of the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p , as seen i n law, and the p r o t e c t i v e nature of the court's f u n c t i o n : 49 I t i s not necessary that the f a t h e r , i n order to give h i s minor son the p r i v i l e g e of r e c e i v i n g the f r u i t s of h i s own l a b o r , should proclaim t h a t f a c t from the housetops, or accompany i t by some token or ceremonial, as open and as odious as that which formerly attended the manumission of a s l a v e ; nor i s i t necessary, to accomplish that end, that the son should cease to be a member of h i s f a t h e r ' s f a m i l y ; that the dearest domestic t i e s should be r u d e l y sundered, and he be d r i v e n l i k e some outcast from beneath the paterna-1 ro o f . The f a c t t h a t the f a t h e r has r e l i n q u i s h e d h i s c l a i m to the son's earnings may be e s t a b l i s h e d e i t h e r by d i r e c t evidence or be im p l i e d from circumstances; and where such relinquishment has been bona f i d e e f f e c t u a t e d , i t does not l i e i n the power of some prowling c r e d i t o r to wrest from the son the gains he has achieved by honest i n d u s t r y , under the spurious and covetous pretext that the property belonged to the f a t h e r . (Quoted i n Beaser, 1975: p. 63) The court d e c i s i o n s do not make c l e a r whether the relinquishment of pa r e n t a l c o n t r o l need be v o l u n t a r y on the parent's p a r t . In some cases those judged emancipated l e f t with p a r e n t a l b l e s s i n g and i n other cases they had apparently l e f t i n the dead of night (Goldberg, 1980) . In Rounds  Bros, v. McDaniel (1909) (133 Kentucky 669) the court i n d i c a t e d t h a t , should a parent decide that emancipation should not have taken p l a c e , the parent can e x e r c i s e the pa r e n t a l r i g h t to revoke the emancipation—but to do so, the parent must act " w i t h i n a reasonable time": We do not mean to hold that every time a c h i l d who i s o l d and strong enough to work becomes t i r e d of or d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h . h i s home he may leave ... and l i v e at some other place and work f o r other persons, and thereby sever the o b l i g a t i o n he owes to h i s parents and destroy t h e i r r i g h t to h i s s e r v i c e s and wages. Minor c h i l d r e n cannot i n t h i s way cancel the duty t