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Wartime Housing Limited, 1941-1947 : an overview and evaluation of Canada’s first national housing corporation Wade, Jill 1984

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WARTIME HOUSING LIMITED, 1941 - 1947; CANADIAN HOUSING POLICY AT THE CROSSROADS By CATHERINE JILL WADE B.A., The University of Manitoba, 1963 B.L.S., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia,1967 M.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming „to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 1984 © Catherine J i l l Wade, 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT Between 1941 and 1947, a federal crown corporation ca l l e d Wartime Housing Limited (WHL) successfully b u i l t and managed thousands of rental units for war workers and veterans. At the same time, an Advisory Committee on Reconstruction study (the Curtis report) described the enormous need for low and moderate income shelter throughout Canada and recommended a national, comprehensive, and planned housing program emphasizing low-rental housing. Instead, in 1944 - 1945, the federal government i n i t i a t e d a post-war program promoting home ownership and private enter-prise; i t neglected long-range planning and low income hous-ing. Thus, an interesting question arises. Why did the federal government not reconstitute WHL as a permanent, low-rental housing agency to meet the huge need for low income accommodation following World War II? The thesis arrives at an answer through four steps: a d e f i n i t i o n of the 1940s housing problem; an examination of the federal govern-ment's response; an evaluation of WHL's performance; and an elucidation of the reasons preventing WHL's transformation into a permanent low-rental housing agency. By 1944, supply shortages, replacement requirements, i i i and overcrowding a s s o c i a t e d w i t h pre-1939 c o n d i t i o n s and the immediate wartime s i t u a t i o n produced an immense u n s a t i s f i e d hous ing need f e l t most k e e n l y by low and medium income groups , even i n urban cen t re s l i k e G r e a t e r Vancouver that had encountered no s e r i o u s l ong - te rm prob lem. In 1941 - 1944, f e d e r a l r e a c t i o n to the hous ing problem emphasized a d i r e c t l y i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t , economy- re la ted program i n which WHL p l ayed a major r o l e . When p u b l i c p re s su re f o r c e d i t to con t inue t e m p o r a r i l y i t s WHL o p e r a -t i o n s a f t e r 1944, the Dominion government demonstrated that i t c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n hous ing w i t h the i n t e n t i o n o f meeting s o c i a l need. WHL was a smoothly o p e r a t i n g , e f f i c i e n t o p e r a t i o n a c c o r d i n g to the f u l f i l l m e n t o f i t s program o b j e c t i v e s and to the tes t imony o f i t s o f f i c i a l s and t e n a n t s . Negat ive response from ves ted i n t e r e s t s cou ld not d i m i n i s h the suc-cess o f t h i s new p l a y e r i n the hous ing f i e l d . WHL 1s r e c o n s t i t u t i o n as a l o w - r e n t a l agency d i d not occur f o r s e v e r a l rea sons : the r e s o l u t i o n o f a b u r e a u c r a t i c c o n f l i c t between the F inance and the R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Supply Departments; the consensus among F inance o f f i c i a l s and the bus ines s community i n support o f m a r k e t - r e l a t e d , i n d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n ; the d i v i s i o n s among groups a g i t a t i n g f o r improved hous ing c o n d i t i o n s ; and the ambiva lence o f many i v Canadians towards home ownership and low-rental housing. The government exhibited a firm and continuing commitment to the market and a hesitant and temporary recognition of s o c i a l need. Only a major a t t i t u d i n a l s h i f t towards s o c i a l need would ever bring about any fundamental change to housing po l i c y . Since the 1930s, this market-oriented perspective has hindered advances in housing policy in the same way that for decades the poor law t r a d i t i o n had blocked government acceptance of unemployment r e l i e f . Clearly, in 1944 - 1945, the federal government had the opportunity to include housing in the emerging s o c i a l welfare system. It did not. A t t i t u d i n a l changes making possible wartime advances in s o c i a l security simply did not carry over to the housing f i e l d in any l a s t i n g way. Thus, WHL represented a successful but temporary experiment in p u b l i c l y - b u i l t housing. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v i i i INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1. THE 1940s HOUSING PROBLEM 12 2. PRE-1944 FEDERAL RESPONSE TO THE HOUSING PROBLEM 38 3. POST-1944 FEDERAL RESPONSE TO THE HOUSING PROBLEM 59 4. AN EVALUATION OF WARTIME HOUSING LIMITED 93 CONCLUSION 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY 162 v i LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. The Social Context of New Residential Construction in Canada, 1929 - 1947 15 I I . Housing Conditions in Selected Larger Canadian C i t i e s , 1941 (by Percentage) 17 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Correlation of Number of New Houses to Number of Marriages, City of Vancouver, 1920 to 1 947 27 2. Wartime Housing Limited House Types 99 3. House Type H-12 in North Vancouver 101 4. House Type H-1 in North Vancouver 1 03 5. House Type H-21 in Vancouver 105 6. Plan for House Type H-21 in Vancouver 107 7. National Housing Administration Model House No. 501 1 09 8. Cape Cod Cottage 111 9. Post-War Small House Design 113 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would l i k e to express my deep g r a t i t u d e to Bob McDonald f o r h e l p i n g me through the p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s as w e l l as the graduate h i s t o r y program. In a d d i t i o n , I am g r e a t l y indebted to many i n d i v i d u a l s a s s o c i a t e d w i th the f o l l o w i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s : the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada; the N a t i o n a l F i l m , TV, and Sound A r c h i v e s ; the C i t y o f Vancouver A r c h i v e s ; the P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia; the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r y and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , i t s S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n ; the Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y ; the Richmond A r c h i v e s ; the North Shore A r c h i v e s ; the Canadian A r c h i t e c t u r a l A r c h i v e s ; and the c i t y c l e r k ' s o f f i c e s i n Vancouver, North Vancouver D i s t r i c t , North Vancouver C i t y , and Richmond. I am most a p p r e c i a t i v e of the i n t r o d u c t i o n to p l a n n i n g h i s t o r y and hous ing theory g i ven me by David Hu l chan sk i and the P l ann ing 501 and 522 s tuden t s . I would a l s o l i k e to thank Grace Mac lnn i s f o r a l l o w i n g me an i n t e r v i e w and Anne Yandle f o r a s s i g n i n g me a S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s c a r r e l l . F i n a l l y , I am extremely g r a t e f u l to the Canada Mortgage and Hous ing C o r p o r a t i o n , the Na t i ve Daughters o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and the J . S . Ewert Memoria l F e l l o w s h i p fund f o r the f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e making p o s s i b l e both t h i s t h e s i s and my graduate s t u d i e s program. INTRODUCTION Beginning in 1941, a federal crown corporation c a l l e d Wartime Housing Limited (WHL) b u i l t thousands of rental housing units for war workers and veterans. It was a successful yet temporary phenomenon. Six years l a t e r , Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) absorbed and dismantled the wartime company. Eventually, CMHC made possible the tenants' purchase of their WHL units. In 1944, while WHL e f f i c i e n t l y performed i t s construc-tion and management operations, a report issued by the hous-ing and community planning subcommittee of the Advisory Committee on Reconstruction described the enormous contemp-orary need for low and moderate income shelter in Canada. The report recommended a nation-wide, comprehensive, and planned program emphasizing low-rental housing. Instead, the federal government i n i t i a t e d a post-war housing program that promoted private enterprise and home ownership and neglected long-range planning and low income housing. Thus, an inter e s t i n g question follows. Why did the federal government not reconstitute WHL as a permanent low-rental housing agency to meet the huge low income accommoda-tion need following World War II? 2 In May, 1945, WHL president Joe Pigott suggested an altered function for the crown company: If the Federal Government has to go on building houses for sol d i e r s ' families; i f they have to enter the f i e l d of low cost housing which i t is my opinion they w i l l undoubtedly have to do, then there is a great deal to be said in favour of using the well-established and smoothly operating f a c i l i t i e s of Wartime Housing to continue to plan and construct these projects and afterwards to manage and maintain them.1 Indeed, in 1944 - 1945, the ministers of the Finance and the Reconstruction and Supply Departments discussed and rejected the f e a s i b i l i t y of a Reconstruction-based low and medium income rental housing d i v i s i o n to be administered by Pigott. More recently, housing and planning s p e c i a l i s t s have noted the missed opportunity in dismantling WHL and i t s successor, the CMHC veterans' rental housing program. In 1975, Humphrey Carver contended that the " a l l too success-f u l " wartime and veterans' schemes "should have been redirected to the needs of low-income families", but "the prospect of the federal government becoming landlord to even more than 40,000 families h o r r i f i e d a L i b e r a l government that was dedicated to private enterprise and would do almost anything to avoid getting into a policy of public hous-ing.'^ in 1983, Tom Gunton maintained that the federal government ignored most of the Advisory Committee on 3 Reconstruction recommendations, abandoned WHL, and instead "implemented only those reforms compatible with c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s . Massive subsidies were provided to create a private development industry while public entrepreneurship in land and housing development was shunned."3 For both Gunton and Carver, the federal government's commitment to the c a p i t a l i s t system precluded i t s direct p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the housing f i e l d . Before describing how in 1944 - 1945 the federal government missed an opportunity to reconstitute WHL as a low-rental housing agency, the following study must be placed within the context of Canadian housing history. Previous h i s t o r i c a l writing about Canadian housing may be categorized into three broad interpretative modes common in planning history. Anthony S u t c l i f f e i d e n t i f i e s these approaches as the " l i b e r a l - p r o g r e s s i s t " , the marxist, and the functionalist.4 The " l i b e r a l - p r o g r e s s i s t " interpreta-tion assumes that over time people find better ways of doing things. In Canadian housing history, this method s a c r i f i c e s systematic analysis for description of personalities, events, model schemes, concepts, or arc h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e s . For instance, Deryck Holdsworth depicts pre-1929 Vancouver's landscape of homes and gardens as a d i s t i n c t improvement over older North American and B r i t i s h urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , dwells on home ownership attitudes, and contrib-utes substantially to our knowledge of west coast domestic a r c h i t e c t u r a l styles.5 In her 1974 Master's thesis, Shirley Spragge notes that Torontonians recognized and confronted the housing problem long before the 1935 Dominion Housing Act and that they paved the way from philanthropy to public intervention.6 Lorna Hurl explores the application of the "philanthropy and f i v e per cent" concept through the Toronto Housing Company (1912 - 1923) and the reform role of businessman G. Frank Beer.7 Jane Lewis and Mark Shrimpton favourably evaluate the policy-making behind the 1944 - 1950 housing development implemented by the St. John's Housing Corporation.8 The marxist approach is concerned with class struggle and the drive towards fundamental s o c i a l change. In Canadian housing history, this interpretation takes several forms. According to A l v i n Finkel, interconnected business and government interests controlled the 1930s reform process to maintain their own dominance.9 Al l a n Mbscovitch stresses the inequalities of c a p i t a l i s t society; since housing is a commodity, low income people l i v e in the least s a t i s f a c t o r y accommodation.10 Michael Doucet, Michael Katz, and others look at the s p e c i f i c relationship of housing, especially home ownership, to class structure.11 Milder in tone, Terry Copp and Michael Piva conclude that in our c a p i t a l i s t system pre-depression housing reform could only be remedial in character.^2 The f u n c t i o n a l i s t method regards housing as a "residual 5 a c t i v i t y " i n which a p l u r a l i s t society does what i t cannot achieve i n cheaper, more i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ways. For example, Moscovitch argues that today's i n q u a l i t i e s in housing derive from a post-war federal government policy deliberately made "re s i d u a l " to the building industry.13 As well, this approach, which borrows extensively from s o c i o l o g i c a l theory, i s preoccupied with s o c i a l equilibrium, e s p e c i a l l y with the concept of s o c i a l control.14 This emphasis upon s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y has not materialized in Canadian housing history as f o r c e f u l l y as i t has i n the American l i t e r a t u r e : no Canadian h i s t o r i a n has written a book l i k e Gwendolyn Wright's Building the Dream, which i d e n t i f i e s in American housing history two c o n f l i c t i n g patterns of s o c i a l order and non-conformity.15 Yet, references to s o c i a l control theory do arise in the work of John Weaver, Shirley Spragge and Lorna Hurl.16 Clearly, some studies in Canadian housing history do not conform neatly with any one of those three interpreta-tions. The following thesis f i t s in varying degrees both the marxist and the f u n c t i o n a l i s t categories. Because i t explains why our federal government in 1945 did not find a better way of housing low income Canadians, this work i s too pessimistic for the " l i b e r a l - p r o g r e s s i s t " mode. It i s not marxist because i t f a i l s to consider Canadian society i n 6 terms of class struggle. S t i l l , i t agrees with a marxist l i k e F i n k el: i t argues that, in 1944 - 1945, the promotion of remedial reform by interconnected state and business concerns and the concept of housing as commodity thwarted the introduction of adequate, long-term, low income housing measures. Like f u n c t i o n a l i s t writing on Canadian housing history, the study regards federal housing p o l i c y as a "resi d u a l " state a c t i v i t y . While i t rejects the application of s o c i a l control theory i n examining federal response to public agitation over post-1944 housing conditions, i t uses the concept while analysing WHL1s tenant relations program. The thesis addresses the issue of state intervention in Canadian housing. Thus, the substance of the work diverges completely from the non-historical concerns of two previous WHL s t u d i e s . l ^ The f i r s t , completed by geographer C.E.J. Gould in 1977, examines alterations to WHL's standard plans and measures occupant reaction to uniform design i n single-family dwellings. The other, finished by environmental designer Mary B. Galloway Scott in 1978, also looks at user adaptation of WHL housing. In addition, the thesis d i f f e r s thematically from several other h i s t o r i c a l writings about Canadian housing. For example, Copp and Piva regard housing as an area of s o c i a l reform. Doucet and Katz relate the tenure of dwellings to s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . As well, Katz has investigated housing i n the context of family history.18 7 WeaverSpragge, and Hurl emphasize notable building projects. Moscovitch stresses inequalities in housing. As yet, no one has discussed in d e t a i l the connection between s o c i a l values and domestic architecture as has Gwendolyn Wright in Building the Dream. This thesis augments the " i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t " t r a d i t i o n in planning and housing history, the origins of which may be found in post-war Britain.19 " i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t " writing turns on the concept of growing state intervention o r i g i n a l l y necessitated by the s o c i a l impact of i n d u s t r i a l urbanization and l a i s s e z - f a i r e liberalism, ultimately inspired by the international d i f f u s i o n of planning ideas, and eventually checked by the moderate nature of s o c i a l reform.20 in Canadian planning and housing history, J . David Hulchanski's dis s e r t a t i o n best develops the " i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t " theme.21 Others have dealt less systematically with increasing government involvement in housing.22 This study begins with CD. Howe's o f f i c i a l 1947 d e f i n i t i o n of direct and i n d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n in housing. It takes the "i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t " idea a step farther by adding Hulchanski's concept of "market welfare" and " s o c i a l welfare" values23 : a government intervenes in housing to benefit either the market or the needy in society. Consequently, the major theme underlying this work embraces the attitudes behind state involvement as well as the types of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 8 The following thesis questions the federal government's f a i l u r e to redirect WHL's expertise into a permanent low-renta l housing agency at the war's end. It arrives at an answer through four steps: (1) a d e f i n i t i o n of the 1940s housing problem; (2) an examination of the federal govern-ment's response; (3) an evaluation of WHL's performance; and (4) an elucidation of the reasons preventing WHL's trans-formation into a permanent low-rental housing agency. F i n a l l y , the study comments upon the implications of i t s conclusions for our understanding of the welfare state. 9 F o o t n o t e s 1 Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 6, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 2 Humphrey Carver, Compassionate Landscape (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), pp. 109-10. 3 Tom Gunton, "The Origins of Planning," C i t y Magazine, Vol. IV, No. 1 (Spring, 1983), p. 30. 4 Anthony S u t c l i f f e , ed., The Rise of Modern Urban  Planning, 1800-1914 (London: Mansell, 1980), p. 3; see also ~A~. S u t c l i f f e , "Introduction: B r i t i s h Town Planning and the Hist o r i a n , " B r i t i s h Town Planning: The Formation Years, ed. A. S u t c l i f f e (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), pp. 11-12. 5 Deryck William Holdworth, "House and Home in Vancouver; The Emergence of a West Coast Urban Landscape, 1886-1929," PhD dis s e r t a t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981; see also his "House and Home in Vancouver: Images of West Coast Urbanism, 1886-1929," The Canadian  City, ed. Gi l b e r t A. St e l t e r and Alan F.J. A r t i b i s e (.Carleton Library, No. 109; Toronto: Macmillan of Canada i n Association with the In s t i t u t e of Canadian Studies, Carleton University, 1979), pp. 186-211. 6 Shirley Campbell Spragge, "The Provision of Workingmen's Housing: Attempts in Toronto, 1904 - 1920," MA thesis, Queen's University, 1974. 7 Lorna F. Hurl, "The Toronto Housing Company, 1912 -1923: The P i t f a l l s of Painless Philanthropy," Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Review, Vol. LXV, No. 1 (March, 1984), pp. 28-53. 8 Jane Lewis and Mark Shrimpton, "Policy-making in Newfoundland during the 1940s: The Case of the St. John's Housing Corporation," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, Vol. LXV, No. 2 (June, 1984), pp. 209-39. 9 A l v i n F i n k e l , Business and Soc i a l Reform i n the  Th i r t i e s (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1979), pp. 100-16. 10 A l l a n Moscovitch, "Housing: Who Pays? Who P r o f i t s ? " Inequality: Essays on the P o l i t i c a l Economy of Social  Welfare^ ed. A. Moscovitch and Glenn Drover (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), pp. 314-47. 10 H Michael J . Doucet, "Working Class Housing in a Small Nineteenth Century Canadian City: Hamilton, Ontario, 1852 -1881," Essays i n Canadian Working Class History, ed. Gregory S. Kealey and Peter Warrian (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), pp. 83-105; R. Harris, G. Levine, and B.S. Osborne, "Housing Tenure and Social Classes i n Kingston, Ontario, 1881-1901," Journal of H i s t o r i c a l Geography, Vol. VII, No. 3 (July, 1981), pp. 271-89; Michael B. Katz, "Home-ownership and a Model of Social Process, Hamilton, Ontario, 1851-1861," The Canadian Social History Project Interim  Report No. 5 (Working Paper No. 34; Toronto: Department of History and Philosophy of Education, Ontario Ins t i t u t e for Studies i n Education, 1974), pp. 264-92. 12 Terry Copp, The Anatomy of Poverty; The Condition of  the Working Class in~Montreal, 1897 - 1929 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp. /O-bV; Michael J. Piva, The Condition of the Working Class i n Toronto, 1900 - 1921 (Cahiers d'Histoire de L'Universite d'Ottawa, No. 9] Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1979), pp. 125-42. 13 Moscovitch, p. 340. S u t c l i f f e gives the "residual a c t i v i t y " d e f i n i t i o n i n Rise of Modern Urban Planning, p. 3. 14 Here, I use " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " as Peter Burke defines i t in Sociology and History (Controversies in Sociology, No. 10; London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), pp. 42-43: the "function of each part of society... i s to maintain the whole. To 'maintain' i t i s to keep i t i n 'equilibrium'." 15 Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream; A So c i a l  History of Housing in America (New York: Pantheon, 1981). 1^ John Weaver, "Reconstruction of the Richmond D i s t r i c t in Halifax: A Canadian Episode in Public Housing and Town Planning, 1918-1921," Plan Canada, Vol. XVI. No. 1 (March, 1976), pp. 44-46; Shirley Campbell Spragge, A Confluence of Interests: Housing Reform in Toronto, 1900 -1920," The Usable Urban Past; Planning and P o l i t i c s in the  Modern Canadian City"^ ed. Alan F.J. A r t i b i s e and G i l b e r t A. S t e l t e r , (Carleton Library No. 119; Toronto: Macmillan of Canada in Association with the Inst i t u t e of Canadian Studies, Carleton University, 1979), pp. 249, 254, 259-60; Hurl, pp. 28-29, 31, 42-43. 17 C e c i l Edwin John Gould, "Wartime Housing in V i c t o r i a , B.C.; Direct Federal Intervention in Housing and Subsequent Alterations to Standardized Designs," MA thesis, University of V i c t o r i a , 1977; Mary Beeler Galloway [Scott], "User Adaptations of Wartime Housing," Master's of 11 Environmental Design (Architecture) Project, University of Calgary, 1978. See also Scott's "Making a House a Home: The Evolution of Wartime Houses," Architects Forum, Vol. II, No. 4 (1982), pp. 14-15. These three works comprise a l l the secondary sources on WHL housing, other than b r i e f refer-ences to i t in other works l i k e Carver's and Gunton's. 1 8 Michael B. Katz, The People of Hamilton, Canada  West; Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975). 19 S u t c l i f f e , "Introduction: B r i t i s h Town Planning and the Historian," pp. 5-6; in 1954, B r i t i s h h i s t o r i a n William Ashworth published his PhD dissertation in which "he saw town planning as the product of a cumulative public inter-vention in the B r i t i s h urban environment" beginning in the early nineteenth century. 20 For example, see Anthony S u t c l i f f e , Towards the  Planned City; Germany, B r i t a i n , the United States and  France, 1780 - 1914 (Comparative Studies in Social and Economic History, No. 3; Oxford: B a s i l Blackwood, 1981). 21 John David Hulchanski, "The Origins of Urban Land Use Planning in Ontario, 1900 - 1946," PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1981. 22 Lewis and Shrimpton; Weaver, pp. 36, 45-46; John Tupper Saywell, "Introduction," Housing Canadians: Essays on  the History of Residential Construction in Canada (Discus-sion Paper No. 24; Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada, 1975); Albert Rose, Canadian Housing P o l i c i e s (1935 - 1980) (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980); David G. Bettison, The  P o l i t i c s of Canadian Urban Development (Vol. I; Edmonton: University of Alberta Press for the Human Resources Research Council of Alberta, 1975); Dennis Guest, The Emergence of  Social Security in Canada (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1980). 23 This concept comes from current housing theory; see John David Hulchanski, Shelter Allowances and Canadian  Housing Policy; A Review and Evaluation (Research Paper, No. 147; Toronto: Centre for Urban and Communiity Studies, University of Toronto, 1983), pp. 11-17. 12 Chapter 1 THE 1940S HOUSING PROBLEM An acute housing problem troubled wartime and post-war Canada. It may be defined as an immense unsatisfied need^ for accommodation that derived from housing supply short-ages, replacement requirements, and overcrowding associated with the depression and the war. Individuals in a l l income groups wanted housing, but low and medium income tenants^ f e l t the need most keenly. The following d e f i n i t i o n of the housing problem has several objectives. F i r s t , i t w i l l c l a r i f y the long-term aspects of the problem. As well, i t w i l l explain how more immediate wartime conditions exacerbated continuing d i f f i -c u l t i e s in housing. It w i l l describe the shelter need exper-ienced by low and medium income groups. F i n a l l y , i t w i l l explore the problem in both i t s national and l o c a l dimen-sions: the state of housing in p a r t i c u l a r urban centres often d i f f e r e d substantially from the country as a whole. Greater Vancouver3 i s an appropriate case study for two reasons..It confirmed the national experience in the 13 enormity of i t s housing need by the war's end. Yet, in another way, i t contradicted the general Canadian pattern: wartime and post-war deterioration in supply, more than long-term conditions, created the c i t y ' s housing problem. The wartime and post-war housing need in Canada was attributable p a r t l y to supply shortages a r i s i n g from two lags in r e s i d e n t i a l construction. The depression produced the f i r s t lag. House-building declined to a disastrous low in 1932 - 1934 before s t a r t i n g a gradual pre-war recovery (Table I ) . Later,, between 1942 and 1945, wartime s c a r c i t i e s in s k i l l e d labour and building materials resulted in a less serious lag (Table I ) . By 1942, the estimated deferred r e s i d e n t i a l construction for 1926 - 1941 equalled 232,000 dwellings.4 Two years l a t e r , the report of the housing and planning subcommittee of the Advisory Committee on Post-War Reconstruction, generally known as the Curtis report, suggested that the 1941 - 1945 urban building d e f i c i t would amount to 45,000 units.5 Fluctuations in housing demand related to changes in incomes and family formation accounted for the 1930s construction lag. The building a c t i v i t y pattern for urban and r u r a l dwellings throughout the depression decade followed the sudden contraction and the slow expansion of net national and personal incomes (Table I ) . In 1933, few 14 families earned s u f f i c i e n t income to build or purchase a home, whereas by 1939 many did. Si m i l a r l y , marriage and net family formation rates followed the pattern of new dwelling completions (Table I ) . The preponderance of new houses over new families in the 1930s (excepting 1934 and 1939) points to the postponement of marriage u n t i l economic conditions improved. Between 1942 and 1945, labour and building mater-i a l shortages depressed new construction despite r i s i n g incomes and climbing marriage and family formation rates.^ Overcrowding and doubling up also contributed to the 1940s housing need. They developed in many large c i t i e s before 1930 and i n t e n s i f i e d during the depression and the war. Pre-depress ion crowding accompanied by substandard accommodation led to urban b l i g h t . Slum conditions derived ultimately from i n d u s t r i a l urbanization,? which f a i l e d to benefit less s k i l l e d , low income workers who usually were unable to purchase or to rent hygienic and uncrowded dwelling space.8 Slum housing was already common before 1929 in certain working class wards of Montreal, Toronto, Hamilton, or Winnipeg.9 Nevertheless, other c i t i e s l i k e Calgary or Vancouver exhibited l i t t l e evidence of blight before the depression.10 Overcrowding and doubling up persisted and even advanced between 1931 and 1941. They grew in the early 1930s as r e s i d e n t i a l construction, incomes, and marriages 15 Table I The Social Context of New Residential Construction in Canada, 1929 - 1947 Year Dwellings Value of Net Personal Net family Marriage completed private and national income formation rate (rate (thousands public new income (millions (thousands per of units) residential at factor of dollars) of families) thousand construction cost (mil- popula-(millions of lions of tion) dollars) dollars) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) 1929 64.7 230 4,652 4,665 48 7.7 1930 53.0 191 4,343 4,392 39 7.0 1931 47.8 158 3,331 3,669 29 6.4 1932 28.1 90 2,597 3,063 19 5.9 1933 21.9 72 2,328 2,840 20 6.0 1934 27.7 92 2,732 3,175 28 6.8 1935 32.9 107 3,051 3,398 30 7.1 1936 39.3 131 3,314 3,602 32 7.4 1937 48.6 164 3,830 4,070 39 7.9 1938 44.0 148 3,942 4,126 39 7.9 1939 51.7 174 4,172 4,350 54 9.2 1940 52.5 186 4,985 4,972 70 10.8 1941 56.8 251 6,206 5,937 68 10.6 1942 47.2 244 7,977 7,522 72 10.9 1943 36.8 250 8,678 8,183 55 9.4 1944 42.8 279 9,453 9,016 48 8.5 1945 48.5 330 9,506 9,292 50 9.0 1946 67.2 407 9,363 9,887 104 10.9 1947 79.3 526 10,582 10,926 72 10.1 Sources: Column 2: Historical Statistics of Canada, ed. M.C. Urquhart and K.A.H. Buckley (1st ed.; Cambridge: University Press; Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1965), p. 510, Ser R129. Column 3: Historical Statistics of Canada (1st ed.) p. 509, Ser. R. 124. Column 4: Historical Statistics of Canada, ed. F.H. Leacy (2nd ed.; Ottawa: Statistics Canada and Social Science Federation of Canada, 1983), Ser. F 9. Column 5: Historical Statistics of Canada (2nd ed.), Ser. F81. Column 6: Historical Statistics of Canada (2nd ed.), Ser. B81. Column 7: Historical Statistics of Canada (2nd ed.), Ser. B76. 16 declined; they diminished somewhat as the economy expanded l a t e r i n the decade and increased again during the war due to migrations and building slow-downs. In p a r t i c u l a r , doubling up rose dramatically i n Halifax, Toronto, Hamilton, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary and V i c t o r i a (Table I I ) . Using 1941 s t a t i s t i c s , the Curtis report estimated that the t o t a l urban re-housing need for doubled-up families amounted to 150,000 u n i t s . 1 1 Overcrowding was common in 1931, e s p e c i a l l y for low income tenants.12 The Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s (DBS) a r b i t r a r i l y defined overcrowding as having less than one room per person.13 The 1931 Canadian census reported that the average for the Dominion was 1.27 rooms per person. 14 Every province except Saskatchewan had an average of more than one room per person, and Halifax, Montreal, Toronto, Hamilton, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary, Edmnonton, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a a l l had averages exceeding the standard. Yet these aggregate s t a t i s t i c s are deceiving. Crowding seriously a f f l i c t e d certain urban households, p a r t i c u l a r l y ones with more than six persons, others paying rents of $15 a month or les s , and s t i l l others of multiple family tenants.15 Indeed, the 1931 DBS housing monograph estimated "that at least 25 p.c. of the population i n the majority of Canadian c i t i e s of over 30,000 l i v e d in less than one room per person at the time of the 1931 Census...in some c i t i e s i t i s probable that 17 Table II Housing Conditions i n Selected Larger Canadian C i t i e s , 1941 (by Percentage) Selected Doubled-up Overcrowded Substandard Owner-occupled larger households households dwellings dwellings c i t i e s (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Halifax 17.2 (9.2) 26.1 43 36.5 (35.2) Montreal 7.5 (6.4) 24.4 27 11.5 (14.9) Toronto 19.1 (8.4) 12.4 29 43.8 (46.5) Hamilton 12.4 (7.8) 10.7 28 44.0 (48.0) Winnipeg 15.1 (7.3) 19.0 36 43.9 (47.0) Regina 10.0 (4.5) 24.0 43 38.7 (50.3) Calgary 12.1 (5.2) 18.5 38 44.6 (51.7) Edmonton 7.6 (4.3) 22.2 46 46.3 (53.0) Vancouver 8.5 (5.1) 13.2 27 50.1 (51.0) V i c t o r i a 10.5 (4.9) 11.1 26 45.8 (46.8) Sources: Column 2: Canada, Department of Munitions and Supply, "Preliminary Report on the Housing Situation in Canada and Suggestions for Its Improvement," prepared by L e s s l i e R. Thomson, Ottawa, Oct. 22, 1942, p. 56B, Table 5. 1931 percentages are in parentheses. Column 3: Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Eighth  Census of Canada, 1941: Vol. IX, Housing (Ottawa: King"rs Printer, 1949), p. 182, Table 36. Column 4: Canada, Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Planning [chaired by C.A. C u r t i s ] , F i n a l Report of the Subcommittee, March 24,  1944 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1946), Lreferred to as Curtis Report], p. 105, Table 24. Substandard dwellings were i n need of external repairs and/or lacking or with shared use of flush t o i l e t s and bathing f a c i l i t i e s . Column 5: Curtis Report, p. 244, Table 57. 1931 percentages are i n parentheses. 18 40 p.c. or more of the population occupied less than one room per person. "16 In the 1941 census, as well, the average figures for crowding disguised the actual extent of overcrowding. While the average number of rooms per person in the largest c i t i e s exceeded one room,17 ± n r e a l i t y , 26.1% of t o t a l households in Halifax, 24.4% in Montreal, 12.4% in Toronto, 10.7% in Hamilton, 19.0% in Winnipeg, 24.0% in Regina, 22.2% in Edmonton, 13.2% in Vancouver, and 11.1% in V i c t o r i a were crowded (Table I I ) . Families with the smallest earnings, families of those individuals with the lowest average earnings, and families of f i v e and more suffered most.18 The th i r d element giving r i s e to wartime and post-war housing need was the deterioration of the existing stock of dwellings. As we have seen, slum conditions occurred before 1930 in some large c i t i e s . During the depression, the i n a b i l i t y of owners to pay for improvements, as well as the age and construction of buildings, accelerated degeneration. By 1941, many occupied dwellings in the larger c i t i e s were substandard in that they needed exterior repairs and/or lacked or shared flush t o i l e t and bathing f a c i l i t i e s . Substandard housing p a r t i c u l a r l y affected Halifax, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary and Edmonton (Table I I ) . An estimated t o t a l of 125,000 units represented the minimum housing replacement requirement in 27 p r i n c i p a l cities.19 19 A decline in home ownership and an increase in tenancy between 1931 and 1941 accompanied the growth of housing need. The decrease in ownership already noticeable in the 1920s accelerated between 1931 and 1941 due to the depres-sion and to mobility associated with wartime i n d u s t r i a l urbanization.20 i n 1921, 67.3% of t o t a l occupied dwellings in Canada, both r u r a l and urban, were owner-occupied.21 Subsequently, by 1943, the percentage had f a l l e n to 56.4%. The decline was evident in every province although less noticeable in B r i t i s h Columbia and Nova Scotia.22 The national and p r o v i n c i a l aggregate figures were higher than the ones for urban centres, and, to make matters worse, the trend in home ownership in the larger c i t i e s most ref l e c t e d the o v e r - a l l decrease (Table I I ) . Economic conditions also determined that, for families able to afford ownership, their homes would be moderate to low in cost.23 i n 1941, two-thirds of owner-occupied homes in the major Canadian c i t i e s were worth less than $4000; 44.3% had a value under $3000.24 By the beginning of World War II, the elements of the housing problem -- deferred r e s i d e n t i a l construction, over-crowding and doubling up, and substandard accommodation --were already in place. Wartime conditions heightened the existing problem, r e s u l t i n g in severe housing congestion. No 20 s t a t i s t i c s for crowding are available for the years immed-i a t e l y following the 1941 census. Nevertheless, the vacancy rates for the 1930s and 1940s reveal the extent of the wartime shelter shortage. During the depression, the rate was about twice that of the wartime and post-war periods. The 1930s rate of 4% was considered desirable since i t allowed for a range of from 2% to 6% depending on economic circumstances.25 i t expanded in the early 1930s when incomes and marriages decreased and doubling up increased, and contracted l a t e r when building, incomes, and marriages grew and doubling up eased. The o v e r - a l l wartime and post-war vacancy rate for r u r a l and urban Canada was 2%, but rates of 1.5% and less were common in the major cities.26 A house-by-house survey by l e t t e r c a r r i e r s in September, 1942 reported rates of less than 1% in Halifax, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary, Edmonton, and Vancouv-er .27 The f i r s t major cause of housing congestion during the war was the unusual migration of population to urban areas. This migration represented the movement of war workers and their families to i n d u s t r i a l areas and of servicemen's families to urban centres near armed forces bases. The 1941 census indicated the extent of i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l migration between 1939 and 1941.28 Ontario had gained 46,077 migrants and l o s t 24,000, while B r i t i s h Columbia had received 26,914 21 and given up only 8,949. Quebec and Nova Scotia had accepted somewhat more migrants than they had l o s t . Alberta, Mani-toba, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were deprived of many more people than they admitted, and Saskatchewan f o r f e i t e d 31,926 migrants, more than any other province. A 1945 report issued by the federal Department of Reconstruc-tion and Supply concluded once again that Ontario and B r i t -ish Columbia were the major recipients of i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l migrants between June, 1941 and A p r i l , 1944, while the p r a i r i e provinces, p a r t i c u l a r l y Saskatchewan, were the major source.29 As the 1945 federal government report showed, migration d r i f t e d from non-industrial to i n d u s t r i a l regions.30 The i n d u s t r i a l employment that generated these migrations increased in a l l provinces between September, 1939 and July, 1944. Nevertheless, Ontario, Quebec, and B r i t i s h Columbia ranked highest and exhibited the most increase in t o t a l i n d u s t r i a l employment. In Ontario, i n d u s t r i a l employment grew from 470,850 persons to 746,101, in Quebec from 358,209 to 577,414, and in B r i t i s h Columbia from 103,878 to 176,296.31 Munitions and explosives plants concentrated in Ontario and Quebec, the a i r c r a f t industry located in Ontario, Quebec, B r i t i s h Columbia and Manitoba, shipbuilding expanded in B r i t i s h Columbia, Quebec, and Nova Scotia, and the mechanical transport industry settled in Ontario.32 Between 1939 and 1944, the migration of war workers 22 substantially affected industry and housing in urban areas across the country. Industrial expansion occurred in every major c i t y , but growth in Haliax, Quebec City, Brantford, Windsor, Fort William, Kingston, Vancouver, and V i c t o r i a was p a r t i c u l a r l y significant.33 This migration aggravated the housing problem by increasing doubling up and overcrowding, by encouraging tenancy, and by reducing vacancies. Thus, u n t i l 1944, the problem centred upon war workers' accommoda-tion . Dominion government controls on materials and manpower placed additional pressure on housing shortages, p a r t i c u l a r -l y during the late war and post-war years when controls substantially c u r t a i l e d house building. The scarcity of supplies and labour explains the 1942 - 1945 lag in re s i d -e n t i a l construction. When the building industry began i t s post-war expansion in 1945, i t s t i l l had to contend with shortages of materials and s k i l l e d manpower. In September, 1945, 3,025 out of 5,452 projects under construction in twelve c i t i e s faced obstacles to completion.34 of the 3,025 projects, 2,597 met with problems in the provision of materials, and 1,188 encountered d i f f i c u l t i e s with the labour supply. Manpower and materials shortages during and immediately after the war contributed to steadily r i s i n g building costs, thereby discouraging construction and adding to housing 23 c o n g e s t i o n . A l though the c o n t r o l s o f the Wartime P r i c e s and Trade Board kept p r i c e s from i n f l a t i n g as d r a s t i c a l l y as they had d u r i n g World War I, the p r i c e index o f b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s went up 41.9% between 1939 and 1945. The index o f wage r a t e s o f c o n s t r u c t i o n workers grew by 31.1%.35 Costs con t inued to c l imb at the war ' s end. In a l l , they rose from a 1935 - 1939 base o f 100% to 147% at the end o f 1945, to 160% one year l a t e r , and to 175% by m i d - 1 9 4 7 . 3 6 D e m o b i l i z a t i o n exacerba ted hous ing shortages at the c o n c l u s i o n o f the war. The accommodation o f ve te rans became the major focus o f the post -1944 phase o f the wartime s h e l t e r prob lem. A l though serv icemen had r e t u r n e d home f o r a v a r i e t y o f reasons b e f o r e V -E day, the f i n a l r e l e a s e o f 620,000 pe r sonne l between June, 1945 and June, 1946 3 ? s e r i o u s l y aggravated the c o u n t r y ' s hous ing s i t u a t i o n . Us ing r e s u l t s from a survey o f 3,629 pe r sonne l awa i t i n g d i s cha r ge from August to Oc tobe r , 1945, the Department o f N a t i o n a l Defence (DND) c o n s e r v a t i v e l y e s t imated tha t i n every 1000 i n d i v i d u a l s d i s c h a r g e d , some 200 mar r ied and 120 s i n g l e men faced a s e r i o u s hous ing problem.38 DM) conc luded t h a t , i f an average 40,000 men per month were r e l e a s e d over the f o l l o w i n g months, hous ing d i f f i c u l t i e s would be compounded each month by about 8,000 mar r ied and 5,000 s i n g l e men. Thus, the d e s t i n a t i o n o f d i s cha rged pe r sonne l was to have 24 great impact on the housing problem. The DND survey showed that B r i t i s h Columbia was the only province l i k e l y to gain ex-servicemen and that Saskatchewan was the one province l i k e l y to lose them, while the other provinces would receive about as many as they forfeited.39 w h i l e some c i t i e s would probably admit more men than they had given up through enlistment and others would be largely unaffected by demobilization, Vancouver stood to gain disproportionately more ex-servicemen than any other large urban centre.^0 The a r r i v a l of war brides who had married Canadian servicemen overseas strengthened the growth of family forma-tion in the mid-1940s and exacerbated housing congestion. In 1957, O.J. Firestone estimated that 43,400 war brides entered Canada between 1943 and 1948,41 although a more recent source has claimed that DND recorded 47,783 wives to December 31, 1946. 4 2 In 1944, the Curtis report calculated that the actual accumulated urban building need between 1939 and 1945 amounted to 500,000 dwelling units.^3 This estimate took into account several factors: (1) the l i q u i d a t i o n of housing shortages due to the wartime construction lag, c i t y popula-tion growth, and low vacancy rates; (2) the elimination of overcrowding and doubling up; and (3) the replacement of substandard housing. The report also asserted that low and 25 medium income tenants experienced the greatest housing need. By the war's end, Vancouver encountered an immense housing need. Nevertheless, i n contrast to the national experience, Vancouver's housing problem developed more from wartime rather than pre-war conditions. The pre-1939 housing supply shortage was less severe i n Vancouver than elsewhere. During the depression, the c i t y underwent a building lag attributable to declining personal incomes. In 1933 and 1934, new house completions f e l l to disastrous lows of 199 and 190 units from a 1929 t o t a l of 1,956,44 before beginning a slow upward climb l a t e r in the decade (Figure 1). Although Vancouver s t a t i s t i c s are unavailable, B r i t i s h Columbia figures show that, at the same time, personal income dropped from 403 m i l l i o n dollars i n 1929 to 258 m i l l i o n in 1933 and improved st e a d i l y later in the 1930s and 1940s.45 Unlike the national s i t u a t i o n , new house construction never exceeded new families between 1929 and 1946 (Figure 1). S t i l l , housing supply expansion before the Great War and during the 1920s minimized the depres-sion's construction lag. B r i t i s h Columbia's urban and r u r a l housing stock grew by 131% between 1921 and 1949,while in Canada i t multiplied 66%, i n Quebec 86%, i n Ontario 61%, in the p r a i r i e provinces 50%, and i n the maritimes 37%.46 26 r Figure 1 Correlation of Number of New Houses to Number of Marriages, City of Vancouver, 1920 to 1947 Sources: For the s t a t i s t i c s from 1920 to 1944, see "A Memorandum Respecting the Housing Situation in the Vancouver-New West-minster Area Prepared by the Emergency Shelter Administra-ti o n , Vancouver, B.C.," May 1, 1945, Public Archives of Can-ada, RG19, Ser. E3, Vol. 4017. For the number of new houses in Vancouver, 1945 to 1947, see Annual Summaries of the Building Reports, 1929 to 1948, Vancouver, Department of Permits and Licences, Building Department, Building Reports, 1929 - 1948, Vancouver City Archives, 125-A-l, F i l e s 2 and 3. For the number of marriages in Vancouver, 1945 to 1947, see B.C., Department of Health and Welfare, Report of V i t a l  S t a t i s t i c s , Nos. 74-78, 1945-1949, Table I. GOOO 3000 7L00O 1000 1 1 2 , 0 \ ^ 3 0 1 1 3 5 1 ^ 4 - 5 28 Between 1921 and 1929, Vancouver witnessed a large increase in new houses, averaging about 2,100 units a year.47 As well, the c i t y had experienced a building boom in the early 1900s; in 1912, i t had added 3,520 units to i t s housing stock.48 Although pre-1929 construction helped to carry the c i t y through the 1932 - 1937 building lag (Figure 1), i t proved inadequate in coping with wartime and post-war housing congestion and with the 1942 - 1943 lag. While overcrowding and doubling up became apparent in Vancouver between 1931 and 1941, they were less serious than i n other c i t i e s . Doubling up rose from 5.1% to 8.5% over the decade (Table I I ) , and, in 1941, crowding affected 13.2% of the c i t y ' s t o t a l households (Table I I ) . According to two housing reports released in 1937 and 1946, the overcrowding that did exist i n Vancouver was concentrated in the downtown area bounded by Burrard Street, Clark Drive, Burrard Inlet, and 6th Avenue.49 T y p i c a l l y , crowding p a r t i c u l a r l y affected low income tenants who could not afford better housing.50 Nevertheless, together with V i c t o r i a and some larger Ontario c i t i e s , Vancouver compared favourably with respect to crowd-ing in low income accommodation.51 The condition of Vancouver's housing stock ranked about the same as that of Montreal, Toronto, Hamilton, and Victor-i a , and better than that of Halifax, Winnipeg, Regina, Edmonton, or Calgary (Table I I ) . In 1941, 27% of the c i t y ' s dwellings were substandard in exterior repairs and in t o i l e t 29 and bathing f a c i l i t i e s (Table I I ) . The highest incidence of deteriorated and insanitary housing occurred in the over-crowded downtown area.52 In addition, the tenure of Vancouver's dwellings competed advantageously with other major Canadian c i t i e s . Although tenancy increased very s l i g h t l y between 1931 and 1941, 50.1% of homes were owner-occupied in 1941, a higher percentage than in Toronto, Hamilton, or any western Canadian c i t y (Table I I ) . Consequently, while Vancouver experienced some d i f f i -c u l t i e s in the 1930s with a construction lag, overcrowding, and deterioration, i t s housing problem was less c r i t i c a l than that of other Canadian c i t i e s . Building growth from 1909 - 1913 and i n the 1920s prevented serious overcrowding and degeneration as much as i t diminished the lag's e f f e c t s . This assessment of the c i t y ' s housing sit u a t i o n confirms Deryck Holdsworth's characterization of Vancouver between 1886 and 1929 as a pleasant urban landscape of single family homes and gardens about which s o c i a l reformers needed to waste " l i t t l e reform rhetoric."53 The 1940s housing problem i n Vancouver, then, resulted more from immediate wartime conditions than from chronic d i f f i c u l t i e s . The migration of war workers to the c i t y was one of those conditions, and housing such migrants charac-30 terized the pre-1944 phase of the wartime problem. Vancouv-er's population rose from 267,000 in 1939 to 311,000 in January, 1944, an increase of 44,000 persons.54 The expans-ion of war industries largely accounts for this growth. For example, shipbuilding and a i r c r a f t industries employed about 20,000 and 10,000 workers respectively in 1944, advancing from almost n e g l i g i b l e pre-war levels.55 Some of the growth is explained as well by the migration of families of servicemen stationed in or near Vancouver. In addition, the war did not interrupt pre-war migration of population from the p r a i r i e s to the west coast. Between 1942 and 1945, an estimated 9,000 c i v i l i a n s moved to Vancouver from the p r a i r i e provinces.56 The accommodation of returning veterans comprised the post-1944 phase of Vancouver's housing problem. While some ex-servicemen had already located in Vancouver before the war's end, demobilization in the late summer and f a l l of 1945 had the greatest e f f e c t upon the c i t y . The DND survey expected Vancouver to receive s i g n i f i c a n t l y more discharged service personnel than the 30,000 enlistments from the city.57 A memorandum prepared by Vancouver's Emergency Shelter Administration on May 1, 1945 estimated that 40,000 veterans would come to the area.58 In August, Emergency Shelter suggested that 8,500 demobilized personnel were already in the city.59 Servicemen continued to return well 31 into the f a l l , with several hundred occasionally a r r i v i n g on the same day.60 i n addition, 240 B r i t i s h war brides had come to Vancouver by June, 1945, and federal housing o f f i c i a l s expected about 2,400 before the end of the year.61 A sc a r c i t y of building materials and s k i l l e d labour further complicated Vancouver's wartime and post-war housing problem. Construction lagged in 1942 and 1943 owing to the diversion of men and supplies to the.war e f f o r t . Following the war, manpower and material obstacles halted the comple-tion of projects. In September, 1945, for example, 702 instances of material and labour shortages prevented build-ers from f i n i s h i n g the construction of 1,769 houses.62 Low vacancy rates during and immediately after the war revealed serious housing congestion. From 1.5% in rented dwellings in 1937,63 the rate dropped below .257% for a l l housing in September, 1942,64 reaching .004% in June, 1945.65 S t a t i s t i c s kept by the l o c a l housing r e g i s t r y revealed the nature of the vacancies s i t u a t i o n . During 1943, i t s f i r s t year of operation, the r e g i s t r y handled an average of 1,600 applications per month but was unable to accommo-date 10,500 of the 19,709 applicants.66 Circumstances gradu-a l l y worsened. In December, 1945, the r e g i s t r y sought to accommodate an all-time high of 4,143 families, of which 3,483 belonged to servicemen.67 Not unexpectedly, the housing problem reached a c r i s i s point on January 26, 1946, 32 when veterans occupied the old Hotel Vancouver and forced i t s conversion to a hostel for themselves and their f a m i l i e s . Vancouver's housing problem in 1945 was to s a t i s f y the building need that, for the most part, developed during and immediately after the war. In May, 1945, the Emergency Shelter Administration stated that 25,000 houses would be required by the end of 1946.68 Low and medium income tenant families f e l t the housing need most sharply. A DBS survey in June, 1944, using a sample of 1,028 tenant families in Vancouver, concluded that, although t h r e e - f i f t h s of those families wanted to own their own homes, less than one-third had d e f i n i t e plans for becoming home owners in the next few years. It discovered that "lack of income plays a major part in determining the proportion of Vancouver families planning to l i v e in their own home."69 Furthermore, about 80% of those who would continue as tenants favoured low-rent housing projects, and 95% of tenants with annual incomes of $1,500 or less supported these housing developments. Thus, during World War II, even urban centres l i k e Greater Vancouver, where the pre-1939 housing situation was r e l a t i v e l y satisfactory, had encountered an acute accommoda-tion problem demanding federal government response. 33 Footnotes 1 Contrary to current practice among housing special-i s t s , I have used "need" rather than "demand". The sociolo-g i s t Leonard C. Marsh preferred to use "need" when he wrote the following report: Canada, Advisory Committee on Recon-struction, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Planning [chaired by C.A. C u r t i s ] , F i n a l Report of the Subcommittee,  March 24, 1944 (Ottawa: King's Pri n t e r , 1946.) [hereafter referred to as Curtis Report]. In 1950, O.J. Firestone, the former CMHC economist, described "need" as the requirements of "families who want homes but cannot afford to buy or rent one at p r e v a i l i n g prices"; see, O.J. Firestone, "Housing Need and Housing Demand," Royal Architectural Institute of Canada Journal, Vol. XXVII, No. 6 (June, 1950), p. 184. He defined "demand" as the requirements of "those whose assets and incomes enable them to buy a home or lease a place of the i r own at p r e v a i l i n g prices or rents." The two words are very d i f f e r e n t in th e i r meanings. I have taken the Marsh usage because to a great extent the 1944 - 1945 housing requirements involved a f f o r d a b i l i t y . 2 The Curtis Report, p. 107, divided tenants into three rent groups: those paying more than $35 per month; those paying between $20 and $34; those paying less than $20. The report referred to the l a s t two groups as medium income and low income tenant groups. 3 Throughout this thesis, "Greater Vancouver" means the metropolitan area of Vancouver, including the c i t y , and "Vancouver" refers to the c i t y i t s e l f . 4 Canada, Department of Munitions and Supply, "Prelim-inary Report on the Housing Situation i n Canada and Sugges-tions for Its Improvement," prepared by L e s s l i e R. Thomson, Ottawa, Oct. 22, 1942 [hereafter referred to as Thomson], pp. 61-62. 5 Curtis Report, pp. 140-41. 6 O.J. Firestone, Residential Real Estate in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951), pp. 199-203. 1 A.E. Grauer, Housing; A Study Prepared for the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1939), pp. 33-34. 8 This idea i s developed by Terry Copp in The Anatomy  of Poverty; The Condition of the Working Class i n Montreal,  1897 - 1929 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp. 34 70-87. See also Michael J . Piva, The Condition of the  Working Class i n Toronto, 1900 - 1921 (Cahiers d'histoire de 1 1Universite d'Ottawa, No. 9; Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1979), pp. 125-42. 9 Copp, pp. 70-87; Piva, pp. 125-42; John C. Weaver, Hamilton: An I l l u s t r a t e d History (Toronto: James Lorimer and National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1982), p. 103; Alan F.J. A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg: A Social History of  Urban Growth, 1874 - 1914 (Montreal and London: McG i l l , Queen's University Press, 1975), pp. 152-65; 272-78. 10 Deryck William Holdsworth, "House and Home in Vancouver; The Emergence of a West Coast Urban Landscape, 1886 - 1929," (PhD di s s e r t a t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981), p. 33; Max Foran, Calgary: An I l l u s t r a t e d  History (Toronto: James Lorimer and National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1978), pp. 132-41. 11 Curtis Report, pp. 142-43. 12 For a quick overview of contemporary surveys and reports on overcrowding in Canada's major c i t i e s in the 1930s, see Curtis Report, pp. 237-42, Appendix A. 13 Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Seventh  Census of Canada, 1931; Vol. XII: Monographs; Housing in  Canada, prepared by H.F. Greenway (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1942), p. 454; Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Eighth  Census of Canada, 1941; Vol. IX: Housing (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1949), x x x i i i . 1^ Canada, Census, 1931, Vol. XII, p. 454. I 5 Ibid., pp. 455 - 62; Thomson, pp. 54A, 54B, Table No 1 6 Canada, Census, 1931, Vol. XII, p. 461. 1 7 Curtis Report, p. 94, Table 18. 18 Ibid., p. 93, Table 17; p. 94, Table 18; p. 99. 19 Ibid., p. 105. 20 i b i d . , pp. 126-27. 21 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 45, Table 1 22 Curtis Report, p. 126. 23 i b i d . , pp. 127-29. 35 24 Ibid., p. 126, Table 40. 25 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, pp. 50-51. 26 i b i d . ; Andrew Hazeland, "Housing Accomplishments in Canada, 1945-47," Public A f f a i r s , Vol. X, No. 4 (Oct., 1947), p. 222. 27 Thomson, p. 64B, Table 6. 28 Canada, Census, 1941, Vol. IV: Population, p. 922, Table 42. 29 Canada, Department of Reconstruction and Supply, Directorate of Economic Research, Location and E f f e c t s of  Wartime I n d u s t r i a l Expansion i n Canada, 1939 - 1944 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1945?), p. 35, Table 9. 30 i b i d . , p. 37. 31 Ibid., p. 54, Table I I I . 32 i b i d . , p. 39. 33 i b i d . , p. 57, Table VI. 34 interdepartmental Housing Committee Document No. 73, Sept. 12, 1945, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017. 35 Canada, Department of Reconstruction and Supply, Manpower and Material Requirements for a Housing Program i n  Canada" prepared by O.J. Firestone (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1946), p. 30, Table 7. 36 Hazeland, p. 224. 37 Manpower and Material Requirements, p. 15. 38 [Department of National Defence], Adjutant-General Branch, "Rehabilitation; A Survey of Opinions among Army Personnel Awaiting Discharge," Oct., 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017, p. 30. 39 i b i d . , p. 36. 40 Ibid., p. 37. 41 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 437. 36 42 Joyce Hibbert, ed., The War Brides (Toronto: PMA Books, 1978), pp. 156-57. 43 Curtis Report, pp. 137-43. This figure i s a t o t a l combining 114,000 units for current shortages, 194,000 units for overcrowding, 175,000 units for substandard housing, and 17,000 units for non-incorporated parts of metropolitan areas. "Urban" includes major and smaller c i t i e s and incorporated communities. 44 " A Memorandum Respecting the Housing Situation in the Vancouver-New Westminster Area Prepared by the Emergency Shelter Administration, Vancouver, B.C." [hereafter referred to as "Emergency Shelter"], May 1, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser.E 3, Vol. 4017. 45 H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of Canada, ed. F.H. Leacy (2nd ed.; Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada and Social Science Federation of Canada, 1983), Ser. F100. 46 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, pp. 161-63. Firestone imputed this growth to B r i t i s h Columbia's economic expansion, which was delayed by comparison to older, estab-lished regions l i k e Ontario and Quebec. 47 "Emergency Shelter," [fold-out table at end of report]. 48 i b i d . 49 Vancouver, Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Com-mittee, [A Survey of the Housing Situation in Vancouver], (Vancouver, 1937) , City of Vancouver Archives [hereafter CVA], PD 447; Vancouver Housing Association, "Housing Van-couver; A Survey of the Housing Position i n Vancouver" (Vancouver, March, 1946), pp. 1-4. 50 Curtis Report, p. 93, Table 17. 51 Ibid., p. 95. 52 [A Survey of the Housing Situation in Vancouver]; "Housing Vancouver," pp. 1-4. 53 Holdsworth, p. 33. Holdsworth co r r e c t l y claimed that in 1929 most Vancouver dwellings were single family homes, for, according to the 1931 Census, 79.44% were single houses. S t i l l , Vancouver was not e s p e c i a l l y unique in this respect, as he believed, because single houses predominated in a l l the largest western Canadian c i t i e s , including 37 Winnipeg. Furthermore, the l e v e l of home ownership in 1929 was not about 80% as he thought. In 1931, 51.02% of Vancouv-er homes were owner-occupied, not very d i f f e r e n t from the other major western c i t i e s and from Toronto and Hamilton. See Canada, Census, 1931, Vol. XII, p. 550, Table 5, and p. 557, Table 13; Curtis Report, p. 244, Table 57. 54 "Emergency Shelter," pp. 1-2. 55 Location and Eff e c t s of Wartime Ind u s t r i a l Expans- ion, p. 43. 56 "Emergency Shelter," p. 1. 57 Ibid., p. 1. 58 Ibid., p. 2. 59 L.F. Stevenson, Emergency Shelter Administration, Vancouver, to Donald Gordon, Wartime Prices and Trade Board, July 31, 1945, p. 3, PAC, RG 56, Vol. 17, F i l e 105-10. 60 For example, a regiment of 800 Seaforth Highlanders returned together to Vancouver and were released on Oct. 7, 1945; Vancouver Sun, Oct. 9, 1945, p. 13. 61 [Wartime Housing Ltd. Report to 2nd Interdepartment-a l Housing Committee Meeting, June 6, 1945] "Re: Vancouver #2-100 Houses," PAC, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017, [unclassi-f i e d document No. 13]. 62 Interdepartmental Housing Committee Document No. 73, Sept. 12, 1945, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017. 63 [Survey of the Housing Situation in Vancouver]. 64 Thomson, p. 64B, Table 6. 65 "Housing Vancouver," p. 3. 66 sun, Apr. 11, 1944, p. 13. 67 Sun, Dec. 5, 1945, p. 13. 68 "Emergency Shelter," p. 3. 69 "Housing Preferences of Vancouver Tenants," 1944, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 3567, F i l e H-02. 38 Chapter 2 PRE-1944 FEDERAL RESPONSE TO THE HOUSING PROBLEM Federal government response to the wartime and post-war housing problem came in two d i s t i n c t phases. Before May, 1944, the government targeted the housing of war workers and their families as i t s major p r i o r i t y . After that date, i t shifted i t s attention to the accommodation of servicemen's dependents and veterans' fa m i l i e s . This chapter discusses the government's pre-1944 response. In reacting to the war workers' housing problem, the Dominion government participated d i r e c t l y in r e s i d e n t i a l construction through i t s crown company, Wartime Housing Limited (WHL). Its motivation was economic; through the e f f i c i e n t provision of accommodation, i t intended to f a c i l i t a t e i n d u s t r i a l expansion and production to meet the challenge of war. Yet WHL figured as only one component of a larger, d i r e c t l y interventionist structure set up to handle the World War II housing problem. This wartime approach contrasted sharply with the indir e c t yet market-oriented 3 9 promotion of r e s i d e n t i a l construction which the government began in 1935 and greatly c u r t a i l e d after 1942. Although i t did not have co n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housing, the Dominion government participated in house-building under i t s emergency powers; the provinces and municipalities, which perceived war workers' projects to be of national interest, acquiesced to the federal r o l e . The federal government has interfered with the housing market for almost f i f t y years. In the 1930s and 1940s, before i t became as complex as i t is today, intervention was either d i r e c t or indirect.1 Indirect p a r t i c i p a t i o n had the subtle intentions of stimulating the economy, usually by lending or guaranteeing mortgage money, and of providing employment; i t was (and is) "a short term s t a b i l i z a t i o n tool."2 Direct intervention established a clearer control of the market through the construction, ownership, or management of housing and through the regulation of rents, labour, building supplies, permits, and building codes. Whether direct or ind i r e c t , state intervention in housing benefited either the private sector or society as a whole. In the 1930s and 1940s, the government (as i t does today) took a "market welfare" position when i t s programs and p o l i c i e s assisted private enterprise. 3 It assumed a " s o c i a l welfare" position when i t targeted these programs 40 and p o l i c i e s to s o c i a l needs. Thus, public p o l i c y on housing r e f l e c t e d i n varying degrees one of two opposing philosophi-c a l approaches.4 The f i r s t viewed housing as an individual r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a p r i v i l e g e , and a market commodity. The second regarded shelter as a c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a rig h t , and a basic s o c i a l need. Before the Second World War, the Dominion's role in housing may be characterized as i n d i r e c t l y i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t . The Dominion Housing Act (DHA), passed by the R.B. Bennett government before i t s decisive defeat in 1935, provided financing for new homes in which the government, the lending i n s t i t u t i o n , and the home owner advanced respectively 20%, 60%, and 20% of the land and house value and i n which the home owner received a lower than usual interest rate for a longer amortization period.5 i n 1936, the Mackenzie King government introduced a Home Improvement Plan (HIP) guaran-teeing loans for house re h a b i l i t a t i o n . 6 The 1938 National Housing Act (NHA) superseded DHA.? NHA Part I extended bene-f i t s to potential home owners of more limited income. NHA Part II made available (but never actually advanced) loans to limited dividend companies and to municipal housing auth-o r i t i e s for low-rental housing projects. The National Hous-ing Administration, Department of Finance, under i t s di r e c t -or F.W. N i c o l l s , supervised the NHA and the HIP programs. 41 The pre-war federal role may also be described as market-oriented. The i n i t i a t i v e for the program came from national and p r o v i n c i a l organizations representing the construction industry, the lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , and the building suppliers.8 Clearly, for building and lending interests, federal government assistance was a c r i t i c a l factor in the construction industry's recovery during the depression. In 1935, the Canadian Construction Association, the National Construction Council, the Ontario R e t a i l Lumber Dealers Association, the Investment Bankers Association of Canada, the Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association, and the Ontario Mortgage Companies Association urged Prime Minister Bennett and Finance Minister E.N. Rhodes to inter-vene. Subsequently, these organizations pressed Mackenzie King and his Finance Minister Charles Dunning to introduce HIP and NHA. Furthermore, in addition to a s s i s t i n g the private sector, the federal program benefited upper and medium income Canadians.9 During the war years, federal housing policy shifted in emphasis from indir e c t to d i r e c t intervention. A major component of this policy, which responded to housing short-ages caused by wartime i n d u s t r i a l expansion, was Wartime Housing Limited. The Economic Advisory Committee to the federal Cabinet i n i t i a t e d government-sponsored workers' housing in order to 42 encourage wartime i n d u s t r i a l production; market (not social) need motivated public intervention. In November, 1940,1° the committee considered the provision of war workers' hous-ing. 11 It accepted the strong argument for p u b l i c l y - b u i l t , temporary shelter for workers: housing shortages would impede war production, and private enterprise could not meet the short-lived demand for accommodation. Cabinet accepted the committee's recommendation for adoption of a war work-ers' housing program.12 Under the War Measures Act and the Department of Munitions and Supply Act, Privy Council ordered the creation of a wartime housing crown company reporting to CD. Howe, Minister of the Department of Munitions and Supply.13 WHL's incorporation occurred on February 28, 1941.14 At the same time, the Economic Advisory Committee considered the abandonment of i t s pre-war housing program to reserve f i n a n c i a l , material, and manpower resources for the war e f f o r t . Despite the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of public unrest and c r i t i c i s m , the committee argued that wartime Canada must accept doubling up and overcrowding as a price of war. The federal cabinet i n i t i a l l y accepted the committee's recom-mendation to terminate NHA and HIP. Later, i t bowed to pres-sure from the business community and others to continue at a reduced l e v e l i t s NHA lending operations for owner-occupied 43 house construction.15 Consequently, market considerations lay behind deliberations on both the pre-war and the wartime in d i r e c t programs. Due to wartime conditions, the federal government's role in housing shifted substantially to favour dir e c t over ind i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Between 1941 and 1944, the Dominion spent about $50 m i l l i o n on p u b l i c l y - b u i l t war workers' hous-ing. 16 i n the same years, i t s assistance to p r i v a t e l y - b u i l t NHA housing (which was not intended for war workers) dropped to about $26 m i l l i o n from the 1935 - 1940 t o t a l of about $51 million.17 Once i t resolved i t s early bureaucratic confusion about defence housing operations, the United States government e f f e c t i v e l y accommodated war workers under the newly consol-idated National Housing Agency by both direct and indir e c t means;18 unlike Ottawa, i t did not rel y exclusively upon the di r e c t method. The Agency's Federal Housing Administration insured mortgages and gave p r i o r i t i e s on supplies to build-ers for war workers' housing. It also provided public funds to builders in areas where private enterprise could not meet wartime housing demand. In addition, Defense Homes Corpora-tion b u i l t publicy-owned accommodation. By 1945, the Ameri-can program was responsible for over one m i l l i o n p r i v a t e l y -financed units and for s l i g h t l y less than one m i l l i o n publicly-financed uni t s . 19 The difference in emphasis between the U.S. and 44 Canadian war workers' programs is attributable to the pre-war American s i t u a t i o n . The federal housing bureaucracy in Washington, D.C, was more highly developed by World War II than the one in Ottawa.20 During the 1930s, several federal agencies had administered both private and public housing programs in the U.S. In 1942, after excessive bureaucractic f i g h t i n g over defence housing, the American President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, consolidated a l l the programs into the National Housing Agency; subsequently, this agency was well-equipped to deal with both private and public war workers' housing. Furthermore, the National Housing Agency balanced the demands of two well-established and warring lobbies.21 Public housing advocates, represented by the National Committee on the Housing Emergency, Inc., wanted some co-ordination between wartime and post-war low-rental housing p o l i c i e s . At the same time, a powerful, manipulative lobby of builders and rea l t o r s , spearheaded by the National Association of Home Builders, argued that the private sector alone could handle defence housing and post-war urban renew-a l . To some extent, the Agency defused the c o n f l i c t by implementing both public and private programs. In Canada, the public housing proponents and the private sector lobby lacked the same organized power of their American counter-parts. Moreover, the American war workers' housing program 45 f a i l e d to influence the Canadian one in any fundamental way. WHL's incorporation occurred when the Americans were s t i l l formulating t h e i r p o l i c y . Early in 1941, a WHL o f f i c i a l who v i s i t e d Washington to inform himself about U.S. operations discovered a "very confused" sit u a t i o n with "many competing groups" having "no set form of pol i c y and no centralization."22 He concluded that WHL could learn l i t t l e from American e f f o r t s . The Canadian government's instrument for direct inter-vention i n war workers' housing was the crown corporation.23 During the F i r s t World War, the U.S. had experimented with a public company, the U.S. Housing Corporation, in building and managing accommodation for i t s war workers; although i n many ways WHL resembled this corporation,24 no evidence exists to suggest that the American model inspired the Canadian company. Instead, at the Economc Advisory Commit-tee's suggestion, the Department of Munitions and Supply shaped WHL i n the mold of i t s nearly t h i r t y wartime crown companies.25 Despite the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of war workers' housing i n the Dominion bureaucracy, WHL operated on a decentralized basis.26 i t functioned more l i k e a large independent builder in the private sector than a federal housing agency. WHL's organization and recruitment policy revealed i t s decentral-46 ized, business-like character. Accustomed to e n l i s t i n g businessmen to advise him or to mobilize war production, CD. Howe hired as WHL president Joseph M. Pigott, a successful Hamilton contractor and the president of Pigott Construction Co. Ltd.27 Sim i l a r l y , Howe appointed several "dollar-a-year" men representing the professions, business and labour to the company's f i r s t board of directors: W.L. Somerville, architect, Toronto; Charles David, architect, Montreal; William E. Tibbs, administrator, Halifax R e l i e f Commission; R.J. Gourley, president, Beaver Lumber Co., Winnipeg; H.C Wilson, general manager and director, Maritime Trust Co., St. John; W.T. Gagnon, president, Aird and Son Ltd., Montreal; and Ernest Ingles, vice-president, International Brotherhood of E l e c t r i c a l Workers, London.28 As with other Munitions and Supply crown companies, Pigott reported d i r e c t l y to Howe. However, given the enormity of the department's operation, the minister, who has been described as the impresario of a 30-ring circus spread across 3,000 miles,29 only wanted to know about major problems, not the administrative det a i l s of day-to-day WHL a c t i v i t i e s . In fact, with a head o f f i c e in Toronto and 51 branch o f f i c e s in 73 separate municipalities by 1945, WHL in i t s e l f was greatly decentralized.30 During the war, WHL d i r e c t l y intruded into the housing f i e l d . Its function was to construct, purchase, rent and manage economically and e f f i c i e n t l y l i v i n g accommodation 47 for war workers and their families wherever there was a serious housing shortage. 3^ F i r s t , WHL surveyed areas of war industry to determine housing requirements. Then, with Privy Council and Housing Co-ordination Committee approval, i t went ahead with i t s building projects. It assembled land purchased through legal agreement from municipalities or expropriated from private owners, or i t made use of federal land. Local architects and builders hired by WHL carried out war housing projects according to company designs and speci-f i c a t i o n s . Munitions and Supply gave WHL p r i o r i t i e s on building materials in which private builders did not share. Once a project was completed, the company rented and managed indi v i d u a l units. Between 1941 and 1944, when the la s t war worker's house was finished, WHL b u i l t across Canada 17,190 temporary houses, several s t a f f houses, and many schools, f i r e - h a l l s , pump-houses, garages, community centres, and o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s . 3 2 Two case studies of WHL projects in Greater Vancouver w i l l serve to demonstrate how the company d i r e c t l y inter-vened in l o c a l housing markets. Although F.W. N i c o l l s argued that "Vancouver is an i l l u s t r a t i o n of where private c a p i t a l with proper encouragement could provide the necessary hous-ing requirements without recourse to 100 per cent Government funds," 3 3 in fact a WHL survey of the c i t y and of North 48 Vancouver i n June , 1941,34 determined that wartime employees o f Bu r r a rd Drydock Co. L t d . and Nor th Van Sh ip Repa i r s L t d . r e q u i r e d hou s i n g . O r d e r s - i n - c o u n c i l passed l a t e i n 1941 a u t h o r i z e d the expend i tu re o f n e a r l y a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s on 300 temporary s i n g l e f a m i l y homes and two s t a f f houses.35 i n 1942, p r i v y c o u n c i l approved an a d d i t i o n a l 450 houses c o s t -i n g more than one m i l l i o n d o l l a r s .36 A f t e r c o n s t r u c t i o n was underway or completed, WHL reached agreements w i th both the c i t y and the d i s t r i c t o f Nor th Vancouver r e s p e c t i n g l and t r a n s f e r , payment i n l i e u o f t a x a t i o n , s e r v i c e s , and p o s t -war d i spo sa l .37 L a t e r , the company agreed to a s s i s t the c i t y o f Nor th Vancouver i n b u i l d i n g one s choo l and adding to another.38 yj^L employed McCarter and N a i r n e , the prominent Vancouver a r c h i t e c t u r a l f i rm,39 a s s u p e r v i s i n g a r c h i t e c t s f o r the Nor th Vancouver and the o the r B r i t i s h Columbia p r o j e c t s . I t awarded the b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t to the wel l -known l o c a l c o n t r a c t i n g company o f Smith B ro ther s and W i l s o n . A WHL o f f i c i a l , Norman B. Rob inson, opened a r e g i o n a l o f f i c e i n Nor th Vancouver to d i r e c t the c o n s t r u c t i o n and management o f the B r i t i s h Columbia program.40 In December, 1942, P r i v y C o u n c i l a u t h o r i z e d WHL to b u i l d 300 temporary houses i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y o f Richmond f o r Boeing A i r c r a f t o f Canada L t d . workers employed at a Sea I s l and p lan t .41 The f e d e r a l government e x p r o p r i a t e d land f o r the development from Richmond re s i den t s .42 Subsequent to 49 the completion of construction, WHL reached an agreement with the municipality for water supply.43 The company also b u i l t a f i r e h a l l and a community centre at Burkeville, as the project was called.44 Once again, McCarter and Nairne and Smith Brothers and Wilson carried out the construction of the project. WHL was only one of the vehicles by which the federal government intervened d i r e c t l y in the housing market during World War I I . Late in 1940, through order-in-council, the government i n s t i t u t e d rent controls administered by the Wartime Prices and Trade Board (WPTB).45 The Board fixed rents, defined leasing and eviction controls, set up an appeal system, and in general regulated the rental housing market at f i r s t in selected areas l i k e Vancouver46 and, after November, 1941, everywhere in urban Canada. Late in 1942, the WPTB became involved in making ef f e c t i v e use of existi n g accommodation. Under a Real Property Administrator, the Consumer Branch worked with i t s own Women's Regional Advisory Committees as well as community and government bodies in 29 c i t i e s to set up housing r e g i s t r i e s where home owners could l i s t spare accommodation and prospective tenants could apply for shelter.47 i n addition, several federal boards and agents regulated prices, materials, labour, and construction permits. The WPTB48 and the Wartime Industries Control Board,49 Department of Munitions and 50 Supply, maintained control of the prices and the stock of building materials, while the National Selective Service,50 Department of Labour, adjusted the labour supply. Construc-tion Control,51 Department of Munitions and Supply, res-t r i c t e d new construction, repairs, and alterations and imposed federal permit controls (in addition to municipal systems) upon most building projects. Moreover, in 1943, using an American program as a model,52 the National Housing Administration, Department of Finance, established a Home Conversion Plan through order-in-council.53 Under this plan, the Dominion government could lease, convert, and sublet buildings in certain c i t i e s seriously affected by the wartime housing shortage.54 Late in 1942, Privy Council authorized the creation of the Housing Co-ordination Commit-tee.55 Although t h e o r e t i c a l l y their committee was to co-ord-inate various government a c t i v i t i e s in the housing f i e l d , i t concerned i t s e l f mainly with the approval of WHL building projects; i t never grappled with the general housing prob-lem.56 Munic i p a l i t i e s and provinces acquiesced to this unequivocal intervention into housing under the federal government's wartime powers. Although the B r i t i s h North America Act gave co n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housing to the provinces,57 they demonstrated l i t t l e or no interest in the provision of accommodation during or even before the 51 war. The municipalities perceived the wartime housing problem as a national emergency for which the federal government should supply a solution,58 a n d the provinces agreed.59 Accordingly, they permitted the Dominion to centralize control of housing matters in the federal structure. By contrast, in the U.S., where l o c a l housing authorities were firmly established owing to the public housing program, the federal government encountered consid-erable municipal resistance to Washington's ce n t r a l i z a t i o n of planning for defence housing.60 Thus, by 1944, the Canadian government had adopted a more d i r e c t l y interventionist role in the housing f i e l d than i t had ever previously played. 52 F o o t n o t e s 1 C D . Howe, "Meeting Canada's Housing Needs," Publ i c  A f f a i r s , V o l . X, No. 4 (Oct . , 1947), pp. 217-21. 2 Michael' Dennis and Susan F i s h , Programs i n Search of a P o l i c y : Low Income Housing in Canada (Toronto: Hakkert, 1972), P . 3. 3 John David H u l c h i n s k i , Shel ter Allowances and Cana-dian Housing P o l i c y : A Review and Evaluat ion (Research Paper, No. 147; Toronto: Centre for Urban and Community Studies , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1983), pp. 11-17. 4 A lber t Rose, Canadian Housing P o l i c i e s (1935 - 1980) (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980), p. 198; A l l a n Moscovitch, "Housing: Who Pays? Who P r o f i t s ? " Inequal i ty: Essays on the  P o l i t i c a l Economy of S o c i a l Welfare^ ed. A. Moscovitch and Glenn Drover (Toronto: Univers i ty of Toronto Press , 1981), pp. 315, 343; Dennis and F i s h , pp. 3-4; Lawrence B. Smith, Anatomy of a C r i s i s ; Canadian Housing P o l i c y in the Seven- t i e s (Vancouver: Fraser I n s t i t u t e , 1977), pp. 3-4, 15; Vancouver, Planning Department, Defining a Housing P o l i c y ;  Understanding Vancouver's Housing, Part I (Vancouver: n . n . , 1979), p. 3. 5 Canada, Statutes , 25 and 26 Geo. V, c.58 (1935), "An Act to A s s i s t the Construction of Houses [Dominion Housing A c t ] . " 6 The government r e t r o a c t i v e l y authorized HIP by Canada, Statutes , I Geo. V I , c . l l (1937), "An Act to Increase Employment by Encouraging the Repair of Rural and Urban Homes [The Home Improvement Loans Guarantee A c t ] . " 7 Canada, Statutes , 2 Geo. V I , c.49 (1938), "An Act to A s s i s t i n the Construct ion of Houses [National Housing A c t ] . " 8 A l v i n F i n k e l , Business and S o c i a l Reform i n the  T h i r t i e s (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1979), pp. 100-16. Local business communities usua l ly supported HIP and NHA as w e l l . In Vancouver, businessmen formed a committee to promote both programs i n the c i t y and around B r i t i s h Columbia; see, Vancouver Sun. Jan. 20, 1937, p . l ; Jan. 15, 1938, p. 19; Jan . 29, 1938, p. 22; Aug. 10, 1938, p .2 . 9 Under DHA, lending i n s t i t u t i o n s advanced loans only to f i r s t - c l a s s c r e d i t r i s k s ; "Housing Loans Lagging Here," [unident i f i ed newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Dec. 1, 1936, C i t y of Vancouver Archives [hereafter CVA], Newspaper C l i p p i n g s , M4289-1. 53 10 Housing shortages owing to wartime i n d u s t r i a l expansion became severe late in 1940; bureaucratic indecision hindered the mobilization of Canadian industry for several months following the declaration of war; see Robert Bothwell, "Who's Paying for Anything These Days? War Production i n Canada, 1939-45," Mobilization for Total War:  The Canadian, American, and B r i t i s h Experience, 1914 " 191%",  1939 - 1945, ed. Nandor A.F. Dreiszieger (Waterloo: W i l f r i d Laurier University Press, 1981), p. 61. • 11 Report of the Economic Advisory Committee on Housing Pol i c y , " Nov. 13, 1940, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG 19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-l-15. See also, "Minutes of a Meeting of the Economic Advisory Committee," Oct. 15, 1940, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-l-15. 12 A.D.P. Heeney, Clerk of the Privy Council, to Dr. W.C. Clark, Nov. 28, 1940, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-l-15. 13 PC 1286, Feb. 24, 1941. See also PC 2842, A p r i l 24, 1941. 14 "Letters Patent Incorporating Wartime Housing Limited (As a Private Company) Dated 28th February, 1941," pp. 1-8, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 1. 15 F i n k e l , p. 112; W.J. Le C l a i r , "National Housing Act," Timber of Canada, Vol. I I , No. 8 ( A p r i l , 1942), pp. 15-16. In the end, the government terminated HIP and NHA Part II; see, Canada, Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Planning [chaired by CA. C u r t i s ] , F i n a l Report of the Subcommittee, March 24,  1944 (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1946) Lhereafter referred to as Curtis Report], pp. 27-28. NHA Part I continued on an increasingly limited basis; see O.J. Firestone, Residential  Real Estate in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951) , p. 486, Table 108. 16 Firestone, Residential Real Estate i n Canada, p. 488, Table 109. 17 Ibid., p.483, Table 106, and p.486, Table 108. 18 P h i l i p J . F u n i g i e l l o , The Challenge to Urban  Liberalism; Federal-City Relations during World War II (Knoxville: University of Tennessee, 1978), pp. 80-119; U.S., National Housing Agency, War Housing in the United  States (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1945); James B. A l l e n , " C r i s i s on the Home Front: The Federal Government and Utah's Defense Housing i n World War 54 I I , " P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review, Vol. XXXVIII (Nov., 1969), pp. 407-28; Curtis Report, pp. 75-77. 19 War Housing in the United States, p. 6. 20 For a quick summary of U.S. housing developments in the 1930s, see Curtis Report, pp. 60-77. 2 1 F u n i g i e l l o , pp. 80-119. 2 2 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, March 4, 1942, p.9, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 1. 23 For background on crown corporations, see CA. Ashley and R.G.H. Smails, Canadian Crown Corporations; Some  Aspects of Their Administration and Control (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1965); Lloyd D. Musolf, Public  Ownership and Accountability; The Canadian Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959); Sandford S. Borins, "World War II Crown Corporations: Their Functions and Their Fate," Crown Corporations in Canada; The Calculus  of Investment Choice, ed. J . Robert S. Prichard (Toronto: Butterworths, 1983), pp.447-75. 24 Twentieth Century Fund, Housing Committee, Housing  for Defense; A Review of the Role of Housing in Relation to  America s Defense and a Program for Action, prepared by Miles L. Colean (New York: The Fund, 1940), pp. 16-30.. Formed in July, 1918, the corporation bought land, planned communities, and b u i l t and managed houses. The f i r s t tenants moved in after the armistice. Most planned projects were never fin i s h e d . Eventually, the government sold the housing at a loss to i t s e l f . See also Frederick Lee Ackerman, "An Appraisal of War Housing," Pencil Points, Vol. XXI, No. 9 (Sept., 1940), pp. 534-45; Talbot F. Hamlin, "Architects and the Defense," Pencil Points, Vol. XXI, No. 9 (Sept., 1940), pp. 546-51. 25 j . de N. Kennedy, History of the Department of  Munitions and Supply; Canada in the Second World War (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1950), Vol. I, Sec. II, pp. 286-520; "Report of the Economic Advisory Committee on Housing Policy," p. 11. 26 For Howe's role in mobilizing war production, see Bothwell, pp. 61-62. 2 7 For a short biography of Pigott, see The Canadian  Who's Who (Vol. V; Toronto: Trans-Canada Press, 1951), pp. 806-807. 55 2 ° "Wartime Housing Limited; Register of Directors," PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 1; Minutes, Meeting of WHL Directors, March 24, 1941, p. 3, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 1. The Canadian Who's Who (Vol. IV; Toronto: Trans-Canada Press, 1948), pp. 346, 377-78, 880, 1002; Ernest Ingles, "Wartime Housing Limited," Canadian Congress  Journal, Vol. XX, No. 6 (June, 1941), p. 15. 29 Bothwell, p. 62. 30 Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p.5, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol I I . 31 PC 1286, Feb. 24, 1941; Kennedy, Vol. 1, Sec. II, pp. 480-489. 32 Kennedy, Vol. I, Sec. II, p. 484. 33 Memorandum from F.W. N i c o l l s to Dr. W.C. Clark, Re. NHA Operations in Winnipeg and Vancouver, Nov. 3, 1941, p.1, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 3540, F i l e on Housing, 1939 - 1945. 34 Sun, June 16, 1941, p. 22; Vancouver Daily Province, June 21, 1941, p. 36, and June 28, 1941, p. 18; Minutes, Meeting of WHL Executive Committee, June 24, 1941, pp. 4, 7-8, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 1. 35 PC 7535, Sept. 25, 1941; PC 9362, Dec. 2, 1941. These houses were located in the c i t y of North Vancouver, between St. Patrick's and Queensbury Avenues, 2nd and 6th Streets, between Lonsdale and Forbes Avenues, Esplanade and 4th Street, and at St. George's Avenue and 3rd Street. For newspaper descriptions of the WHL projects in North Vancouver, see CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M 6764-2. 36 PC 3234, Apr. 23, 1942; PC 8726, Sept. 25, 1942. These houses were b u i l t in both the c i t y and the d i s t r i c t of North Vancouver between McKay and Mosquito Creeks, running from 2nd to 17th Streets. For the s i t e plan for this project, see Canadian Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Archives, University of Calgary [hereafter CAA], Acc. No. 84A/80.18. 37 The following records are kept by the c i t y clerk, Corporation of the City of North Vancouver [hereafter North Vancouver, C i t y ] , and by the municipal clerk, Corporation of the D i s t r i c t of North Vancouver [hereafter North Vancouver, D i s t r i c t ] : North Vancouver, City, Agreement between the City and H.M. the King in Right of Canada Respecting the Sale of Land, Dec. 1, 1941; North Vancouver, City, Agreement between the City and WHL, Dec. 1, 1941; North Vancouver, City, Indenture between the City and H.M. the King in Right of 56 Canada, Respecting the Lease of Land, Dec. 1, 1941; North Vancouver, City, By-law No. 1631, WHL C o l l a t e r a l Agreement By-law, 1943; North Vancouver, City, By-law No. 1632, WHL Tax Sale Lands Purchase By-law, 1943; North Vancouver, D i s t r i c t , By-law No. 1241, WHL C o l l a t e r a l Agreement By-law, 1943; North Vancouver, D i s t r i c t , By-law No. 1242, WHL Tax Sale Lands Purchase By-law, 1943. 38 These were Bewicke School (1942) and the Ridgeway School addition (1944). For the agreement leasing land to WHL for Bewicke School, see the following at the c i t y clerk's o f f i c e , Corporation of the City of North Vancouver: North Vancouver, City, Indenture between WHL, H.M. the King i n Right of Canada, and the Board of School Trustees, May 25, 1943. For the a r c h i t e c t u r a l drawings of these schools, see CAA, Acc. No. 84A/80.18. 39 John Young McCarter and George C o l v i l l e Nairne opened an a r c h i t e c t u r a l o f f i c e i n Vancouver i n 1921 and subsequently were responsible for many major buildings i n the c i t y , including the Devonshire Hotel, Spencer's depart-ment store, the Marine Building, the Georgia Medical-Dental Building, Seaforth Armouries, and the addition to the post-o f f i c e , Hastings and Granville Streets (Federal Building), a l l of which were completed pr i o r to World War I I . See CAA, Oral History Program, [Transcription of Interview of J.Y. McCarter and W.G. Leithead by H. Kalman], OH/72 M16, Acc. No. 20A/77.69; Harold Kalman, Exploring Vancouver 2; Ten  Tours of the C i t y and Its Buildings (Rev\ ed.; Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1978). 40 For the a r c h i t e c t u r a l drawings for the WHL administ-rative o f f i c e i n North Vancouver, see CAA, Acc. No. 84A/80.18. 41 PC 10862, Dec. 1, 1942; for a description of this project, see CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M8453. 42 Province, March 27, 1943, p. 5. 43 The following i s kept by the Clerk's Department, Corporation of the Township of Richmond [hereafter Richmond, Township]: Richmond, Township, Agreement between H.M. the King i n Right of Canada and the Township, Respecting Water Supply, Dec. 1, 1943. 44 The community was named after Stanley Burke, Sr., the president of Boeing A i r c r a f t of Canada, Ltd. 57 For a quick summary of rent controls between 1940 and 1944, see the Curtis Report, pp. 37-40, 255-61. 4 6 WPTB Order No. 23, "Order Respecting Vancouver Rentals Committee," Dec. 13, 1940, CVA, 17-E-3, Vol. 244, 1940. 47 The Vancouver reg i s t r y , operated by two paid s t a f f members and many volunteers, assisted tenants between 1942 and 1946; see, Sun, Oct. 7, 1942, p. 17; Oct. 19, 1942, p. 17; Dec. 19, 1942, p. 3; Province, Oct. 7, 1942, p. 11. 4 8 The Canada Year Book, 1942, xxxv-xxxvi, pp. 724-27; 1943-1944, pp. 776-83; 1945, pp. 885-93. 49 Kennedy, Vol. II, Sec. I, pp. 3-22. 50 The Canada Year Book, 1942, xxxvi-xxxix; 1945, pp. 777-79. 5 1 Kennedy, Vol. II, Sec. II, pp. 80-87. 52 "Memorandum in Regard to the Proposal of Russel S. Smart re House Conversion Plan," Jan. 11, 1943, p. 1, PAC, RG 28, Ser. A 2, Vol. 141, F i l e 3-H1-1. 53 PC 2641, Apr. 1, 1943. See also The Canada Year  Book, 1947, p. 585. 54 For example, in 1943, the National Housing Administ-ration opened a Vancouver o f f i c e to begin with privy council authorization the conversion of up to 150 buildings; see, Sun, June 28, 1943, p. 13; PC 4579, June 4, 1943; PC 8305, Oct. 26, 1943. 55 PC 10797, Nov. 26, 1942. 56 Memorandum re. HCC, Russel S. Smart, Real Property Administration, to Donald Gordon, WPTB, Dec. 17, 1942, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 669, F i l e 25-1-1. 57 Dennis Guest, The Emergence of Social Security in  Canada (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980), pp. 7-8; Rose, p. 16; Howe, p.217. 58 Canadian Federation of Mayors and' Mun i c i p a l i t i e s , "The War-Time Housing Problem," Montreal, Jan., 1941, p. 16. 58 ->y In B r i t i s h Columbia, the p r o v i n c i a l government authorized legal agreements undertaken by the municipalities with WHL. 6 0 F u n i g i e l l o , pp. 80-119. 59 Chapter 3 POST-1944 FEDERAL RESPONSE TO THE HOUSING PROBLEM After May, 1944, federal response to Canada's shelter problem equally balanced dir e c t and i n d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the housing f i e l d . The Dominion government augmented the i n d i r e c t l y i n terventionist and market-directed program which i t had introduced in the 1930s and reduced e a r l i e r in the war. Coincidentally, i t continued to intrude d i r e c t l y in housing through Wartime Housing Limited (WHL) and other means because conditions between 1944 and 1947 forced i t to accept temporarily s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for accommodating servicemen's and veterans' f a m i l i e s . Once again, the prov-inces and municipalities generally supported federal involvement in what they perceived to be a national problem. In 1944, the Dominion government reasserted i t s pre-war policy of i n d i r e c t f i n a n c i a l assistance to r e s i d e n t i a l construction. It replaced the 1938 National Housing Act (NHA) with a new act^ to be supervised by the National Housing Administration, Department of Finance. Like the 1938 60 l e g i s l a t i o n , the 1944 NHA aided prospective home owners or builders through the provision of government loans to approved lending i n s t i t u t i o n s . As well, the act supplied f i n a n c i a l aid for rental housing construction. In particu-l a r , i t made di r e c t loans to limited dividend companies for low-rental housing projects, guaranteed a p r o f i t of 2 1/21 per annum to l i f e insurance companies investing in low and moderate-cost rental housing, and authorized slum clearance grants to municipalities when a limited dividend company or a l i f e insurance company agreed to construct rental housing on the s i t e . Under these provisions, Housing Enterprises of Canada Ltd., a holding company formed by the major lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , began the construction of moderate-rental housing projects i n major urban centres across Canada, a t o t a l of 2,811 units by the end of 1946.2 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) took over the housing and managed i t when f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s forced the company to stop operations. In addition to the 1944 NHA, the Veterans Land Act (VLA) Administration made f i n a n c i a l assistance available to veterans when they purchased land and housing on a non-subdivision b a s i s . 3 Between 1946 and 1949, these provisions were responsible for 7,950 housing s t a r t s . 4 At the same time as i t reaffirmed i t s i n d i r e c t l y inter-61 ventionist pre-war policy, the federal government responded to the immediate post-1944 shelter problem by continuing to intercede d i r e c t l y in the housing f i e l d . It retained WHL, which had begun to wind down i t s a c t i v i t i e s by late 1943,5 and i t directed the crown company to build more permanent, better quality houses for servicemen and veterans. Between 1944 and 1947, WHL completed 14,323 units.6 As well, the government d i r e c t l y provided housing under the 1942 Veterans Land Act.^ From 1946 to 1948, the VLA Administration started and completed 2,673 units under i t s subdivision plan.8 Furthermore, the Wartime Prices and Trade Board (WPTB) undertook two u n i l a t e r a l measures. Early in 1945, i t set up the Emergency Shelter Administration.9 The Board controlled migration into certain congested areas,10 held sweeping powers of survey, inspection, possession, use, leasing, and eviction, and appointed Emergency Shelter administrators. The WPTB applied i t s extended powers only with municipal approval.11 In August, 1945, i t widened the regulations to include a l l of Canada.12 In practice, Emergency Shelter administrators mainly undertook surveys and converted vacant and surplus buildings into temporary accommodation.13 By late 1946, they had provided a t o t a l of 7,000 leased units.14 Another highly interventionist WPTB measure was a July 25, 1945 orderl 5 that suspended for an i n d e f i n i t e period evictions from a l l self-contained dwellings. 62 By mid-1945, the federal government needed a better co-ordinating mechanism than the Housing Co-ordination Committee to handle i t s many d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y inter-ventionist programs, p a r t i c u l a r l y as housing congestion i n t e n s i f i e d at the war's end. It set up by order-in-coun-cil16 a n Interdepartmental Housing Committee responsible to the ministers of Finance and of Reconstruction and Supply. Then, in January, 1946, i t consolidated in CMHC the NHA programs, the Emergency Shelter regulations, and the Home Conversion Plan.17 CMHC also maintained a close working relationship with the VLA Administration and with Recon-struction and Supply o f f i c i a l s concerned with p r i o r i t i e s on building supplies. 18 i n mid-1 946, CMHC and WHL became more closely co-ordinated. F i n a l l y , on January 1, 1947, complete integration of the two crown corporations occurred. The i n d i r e c t l y interventionist policy revealed in the 1944 NHA and in the creation of CMHC was market-oriented. NHA e x p l i c i t l y stated in i t s preamble that i t s objective was "to promote the construction of new houses, the repair and modernization of existing houses, the improvement of housing and l i v i n g conditions, and the expansion of employment in the post-war period."19 Fearing post-war depression similar to the 1930s,2U the federal government meant to use res i d -e n t i a l construction as a s t a b i l i z a t i o n tool in smoothing the tr a n s i t i o n from wartime to peacetime economies. It is important to see the 1944 NHA in conjunction with the 1945 White Paper on Employment and Income,21 which ra t i o n a l i z e d after the fact much of the reconstruction l e g i s l a t i o n passed in 1944 and 1945.22 The act furthered the White Paper's goal of achieving high employment and income during reconstruc-tion through the private investment of home owners, lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , and limited dividend companies.23 CMHC, which eventually administered NHA and i t s direct lending program, was the "federal machinery for post-war housing expans-ion. "24 As Albert Rose has concluded, the "emphasis on the expansion of employment in the post-war period makes i t clear that the fundamental intention of the [NHA and CMHC] l e g i s l a t i o n was more economic - in terms of the avoidance of a post-war depression akin to that of 1919 - 21 - than a so c i a l concern with the well-being of a l l Canadians in terms of their housing requirements."25 By contrast, s o c i a l concerns motivated the d i r e c t l y i n t erventionist federal program. Public agitation over the serious nature of the post-1944 shelter problem, heightened in p a r t i c u l a r by the evictions issue, forced the federal government to assume temporarily and reluctantly a s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housing. 64 In the spring of 1944, public attention increasingly focused upon the threat of mass evictions in a period of extreme housing congestion. According to the October, 1943, WPTB rental regulations,26 landlords could give notices-to-vacate to their tenants only between A p r i l 30 and September 30; the Board banned winter evictions. Consequently, large numbers of notices accumulated for May 1, 1944. Given the low vacancy rates in c i t i e s across Canada, tenants faced with eviction could not find alternative accommodation. In addition, many of the tenants were the dependents of servicemen f i g h t i n g overseas. MPs in the House of Commons brought the problem to the government's attention beginning in February. 2 7 To these MPs and to WHL o f f i c i a l s , the situa t i o n was especially c r i t i c a l in Toronto, Montreal, Winnipeg, Hamilton, and several smaller Ontario c i t i e s . 2 8 The federal government responded to the evictions si t u a t i o n not by a l t e r i n g the rental regulations but by expanding WHL operations to furnish housing for servicemen's fa m i l i e s . Acting Prime Minister J.L. Ralston, the minister of National Defence, hinted at the new program on A p r i l 27 in the House of Commons.29 At a May 2 meeting, Ralston, Pigott, CD. Howe, J.L. I l s l e y , Dr. W.C Clark, and others f i n a l l y decided to i n i t i a t e the WHL servicemen's housing program.30 The choice of solution to the evictions problem 65 was s i g n i f i c a n t . Munitions and Supply and p a r t i c u l a r l y Joe Pigott supported the direc t federal provision of permanent low income housing through WHL.31 L i t t l e evidence exists to inform us about the extent to which Munitions and Supply and other WHL o f f i c i a l s agreed with Pigott's position.32 Never-theless, one element within the federal bureaucracy was w i l l i n g and able to meet the evictions emergency. Although at this time, the WPTB opposed further direct intervention through rental regulations, i t accepted new WHL construction as a remedy.33 The May, 1944, concurrence between public agitation and government involvement was repeated many times over the next two years. It is possible to establish more c l e a r l y the motivation behind intervention by analysing the relationship between the concerns raised in a s p e c i f i c urban centre and federal response. Once again, Vancouver is a,useful case study for two reasons: f i r s t , the surviving federal34 a n d lo c a l documentation is extremely r i c h ; secondly, the flood of loud and mi l i t a n t protests coming from Vancouver contrib-uted f o r c e f u l l y to the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n voiced in other large Canadian c i t i e s experiencing housing congestion and evic-tions .35 A variety of groups pressed the government to act on the post-1944 housing problem. No formal organization united them, although they sometimes overlapped, and some groups 66 w e r e e v e n b i t t e r o p p o n e n t s i n t h e b r o a d e r p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t . I n a g e n e r a l w a y , t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e o r g a n i z a -t i o n s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h e m . On t h e one h a n d , t h e v e t e r a n s a s s o c i a t i o n s and t h e C i t i z e n s ' R e h a b i l i t a t i o n C o u n c i l o f G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r s o u g h t an i m m e d i a t e r e m e d y f o r t h e s e r v i c e m e n ' s a nd v e t e r a n s ' h o u s i n g e m e r g e n c y ; t h e y w e r e t e m p o r a r i l y r e f o r m - m i n d e d . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e C o - o p e r a t -i v e Commonwea l t h F e d e r a t i o n ( C C F ) , t h e L a b o r P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y ( L P P ) , t h e c o m m u n i s t - l e d u n i o n s , and t h e V a n c o u v e r H o u s i n g A s s o c i a t i o n (VHA) w a n t e d a c o m p r e h e n s i v e p r o g r a m t o s o l v e t h e l o n g and s h o r t - r a n g e a s p e c t s o f t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m . V e t e r a n s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s , s u c h as t h e p r o v i n c i a l command and l o c a l b r a n c h e s o f t h e C a n a d i a n L e g i o n , t h e Army and N a v y V e t e r a n s o f C a n a d a , t h e C a n a d i a n C o r p s A s s o c i a t i o n , t h e War A m p u t a t i o n s A s s o c i a t i o n , and t h e c o - o r d i n a t i n g V a n c o u v e r V e t e r a n s ' C o u n c i l , s u p p o r t e d b y w o m e n ' s a u x i l i a r i e s t o v a r i o u s r e g i m e n t s , 3 6 u r g e d q u i c k r e s o l u t i o n o f t h e h o u s i n g e m e r g e n c y . I n A u g u s t , 1 944 , v e t e r a n s made s e v e r a l r e c o m m e n d -a t i o n s : i m p o s i t i o n o f an e v i c t i o n s f r e e z e f o r s o l d i e r s ' f a m i l i e s ; u s e o f v a c a n t d w e l l i n g s f o r t e m p o r a r y a ccommoda -t i o n ; p r o v i s i o n o f more WHL h o u s e s ; c o n s t r u c t i o n o f g o v e r n -m e n t - a s s i s t e d h o u s i n g d e v e l o p m e n t s b y l i m i t e d d i v i d e n d c o m p a n i e s ; and c o n v e r s i o n o f t h e o l d H o t e l V a n c o u v e r 3 7 t o a v e t e r a n s ' h o s t e l . 3 8 W i t h i n a y e a r , t h e y had a d o p t e d o t h e r 67 demands: a federal housing ministry; a low income housing program; new controls and p r i o r i t i e s on building materials; a c e i l i n g on r e a l estate prices; and tra i n i n g of s k i l l e d building tradesmen.39 The motivation behind the veterans' agitation was moral. They held the ju s t b e l i e f that the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of discharged men required government assistance i n housing as well as i n employment, health care, and education. Canadians (including elected members of government and government o f f i c i a l s ) generally shared this view. To some extent, the leaders of veterans' organizations used the morality issue to arouse ex-service personnel to act on the evictions issue.40 As well, one or two veterans took some advantage of the housing controversy in the i r own p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . Jack Henderson, the president of the Canadian Legion's p r o v i n c i a l command, ran as a Non-Partisan Association-endorsed candidate for school board in the 1944 c i v i c elec-t i o n s ^ l and as a L i b e r a l candidate in Vancouver East in the 1945 federal election.42 James S i n c l a i r was known as the Li b e r a l " s o l d i e r M.P." for North Vancouver.43 The Cit i z e n s ' R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Council of Greater Vancouver44 concerned i t s e l f with the immediate problem of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g demobilized armed forces personnel. It represented a d i v e r s i t y of interests i n the c i t y - business, 68 professional, s o c i a l welfare, labour, government, veterans, and church. 45 Not surprisingly, membership sometimes over-lapped with other groups l i k e the veterans' organizations. In June, 1944, a l o c a l housing r e g i s t r y o f f i c i a l explained the veterans' shelter problem to the Council whose members quickly set up a housing committee chaired by former Tory cabinet minister H.H. Stevens. 4 6 The Council associated i t s e l f with r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and housing not only out of "a sense of grati t u [ d e ] " to veterans but "because Canada's future s t a b i l i t y and progress depend[ed] upon the combined e f f o r t of government and people in removing causes of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and u n r e s t . " 4 7 Its role was co n c i l i a t o r y and cautionary. It assisted in the resolution of differences over legal agreements between Vancouver City Council and WHL,48 and i t warned the prime minister and others of the potential danger in the c i t y ' s housing s i t u a t i o n . 4 9 The 1944 Curtis report, prepared for the Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, and the 1944 report of the B r i t i s h Columbia Post-War Rehabilitation Council influenced organizations that sought a comprehensive housing policy.50 The two most important such groups, the LPP and the CCF, used these studies to press for resolution of the long-term post-1944 housing problem. The Curtis report recommended a national housing and planning program to provide for town planning, home ownership, home improvement, slum clearance, 6 9 low-rental projects, and co-operative and r u r a l housing.51 This program would require two separate Dominion housing and planning administrations, federal f i n a n c i a l assistance, municipal and p r o v i n c i a l administration, s e n s i t i v i t y to community concerns, and public, private, and co-operative ownership of housing. In p a r t i c u l a r , i t would r e a l i z e the accommodation needs of low and moderate income Canadians. The section of the Post-War Rehabilitation Council report dedicated to planning and housing52 calle d for a p r o v i n c i a l planning and housing authority, enabling l e g i s l a t i o n for regional planning and housing authorities, federal subsidies or loans to municipalities to undertake housing projects, and adjustments to the NHA to furnish subsidies for low-rental projects. The LPP 1s motivation was i d e o l o g i c a l , since the party offered l i t t l e in the way of material incentives and favour-able publicity.53 Yet, despite i t s b e l i e f in the imminence of the s o c i a l i s t revolution,54 the LPP advocated p o l i c i e s on housing (and other issues) not very much di f f e r e n t from those of the CCF.55 i n p a r t i c u l a r , i t supported low-rental housing projects assisted by federal funding, l o c a l housing authorities, slum clearance, and a federal ministry of housing.56 Whereas the CCF achieved greater e l e c t o r a l success in the 1940s, the LPP employed more aggressive and m i l i t a n t 70 t a c t i c s , e s p e c i a l l y at the municipal l e v e l . In 1944 and 1945, party members l i k e John McPeake and E l g i n Ruddell were instrumental i n forming the "5000 Homes Now" Committee and the C i t i z e n s ' Emergency Housing Committee.57 Both groups took a s p i r i t e d offensive on the housing issue, and Ruddell was l a t e r active in the revived Vancouver Housing Associa-t i o n . 58 As well, the LPP i n i t i a t e d public r a l l i e s and picket lines at homes of soon-to-be evicted tenants.59 F i n a l l y , LPP members had gained the leadership of major B r i t i s h Columbia unions and the Vancouver Labor Council during the early 1940s.60 A l l of these organizations agitated for improve-ments in housing conditions.61 Some union leaders, including McPeake of the International Union of Mine, M i l l and Smelter Workers and Harold P r i t c h e t t of the International Wood-workers of America, also led protest a c t i v i t i e s . 6 2 Ideology motivated the CCF as well as the LPP. At i t s p r o v i n c i a l and national conventions, in i t s election mani-festos, and in i t s publications, this democratic s o c i a l i s t party committed i t s e l f to a comprehensive, planned program very much l i k e the one recommended by the Curtis r e p o r t . 6 3 This program recognized the relationship between housing and p l a n n i n g , 6 4 c a l l e d for dominion, p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal housing a u t h o r i t i e s , 6 5 required federal f i n a n c i n g , 6 6 advo-71 cated low-rental housing and slum clearance,67 supported private home ownership and co-operative housing, 68 a n c j proposed research into new materials and methods of construction.69 Unlike the LPP, the CCF more successfully presented i t s housing program in e l e c t o r a l p o l i t i c s . It r e l i e d less upon m i l i t a n t t a c t i c s and more upon i t s elected members at a l l three government levels -- Helena Gutteridge in Vancouver, Dorothy Steeves, Laura Jamieson, Grace Maclnnis, and Grant MacNeil in V i c t o r i a , and Angus Maclnnis in Ottawa. Moreover, by 1944, the CCF had seriously challenged the old p o l i t i c a l parties in the Ontario p r o v i n c i a l election, in the national opinion p o l l s , and in i t s vic t o r y in the Saskatchewan el e c t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , the B r i t i s h Columbia CCF women, l i k e women elsewhere,70 a c t i v e l y promoted improvements in hous-ing. Gutteridge?^ generated a storm of housing reform activ-i t y while a c i t y alderman between 1937 and 1939. A member of the c i t y ' s special committee on housing, she helped to prepare the 1937 survey of Vancouver housing conditions72 and attempted to a t t r a c t support from community, housing, and labour organizations for low-rental housing under NHA Part I I . Beginning in the mid-1 930s,73 steeves continuously raised the housing issue in the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e and l a t e r served as a member of the B r i t i s h Columbia Post-War 72 Rehabilitation Council.74 Jamieson established co-operative houses for single working women during the war.75 Grace Maclnnis advanced CCF housing policy in her writings and in speeches to public meetings and the Legislature.76 Despite the s i m i l a r i t y of LPP and CCF solutions to the housing problem, the two p o l i t i c a l parties did not act together on the issue. At the national l e v e l , the LPP wished to form a popular left-wing front with the CCF, but the s o c i a l democrats rejected such a c o a l i t i o n . B i t t e r feelings extended from the national struggle into the l o c a l housing controversy. For example, CCF member E.S. Scanlon withdrew from the "5000 Homes Now" Committee because the LPP had i n f i l t r a t e d the organization and made i t "a p o l i t i c a l foot-b a l l " , while McPeake denied Scanlon's charges and asserted that the group was "broadly representative" of the public;77 in addition, Angus Maclnnis refused to parti c i p a t e in the "5000 Homes Now" meetings.78 The Vancouver Housing Association was the l o c a l wing of the Housing and Planning Association of Canada, which represented Canada's national low-rental housing and slum clearance lobby. Upon i t s formation in 1937,79 the Vancouver group began a survey of the c i t y ' s housing conditions, but the war postponed i t s completion u n t i l 1946.80 Although influenced by the Curtis report,81 the VHA emphasized low-rental housing and slum clearance rather than a 73 comprehensive housing program. 8 2 i t demanded the consolida-tion of a l l housing and planning a c t i v i t i e s in one federal ministry and the creation of l o c a l authorities for the construction and administration of low-rental projects. As well, i t advocated that, i f the Dominion government refused to take the i n i t i a t i v e , the municipalities should approach p r o v i n c i a l governments to request federal f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t -ance. 8 3 Although, on the whole, concerns about low-rental housing needs motivated the VHA membership, c l e a r l y the pa r t i c i p a t i o n of some individual members furthered their professional or p o l i t i c a l i nterests. For p o l i t i c i a n s l i k e Helena Gu t t e r i d g e , 8 4 Grace Maclnnis, 8 5 and Elgin R u d d e l l , 8 6 the VHA complemented and reinforced CCF and LPP positions on housing. In addition, the VHA i n c i d e n t a l l y advanced the professional careers and concerns of some of i t s members l i k e Frank Buck, 8 7 a professor at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and a member of the Town Planning Commission, Jocelyn Davidson 8 8 of the l o c a l CMHC o f f i c e , and Leonard Marsh, 89 who had written the Curtis report and who taught at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia after the war. A great many community groups supported the drive for action on the housing problem. Most prominant were women's organizations,90 churches,91 professional groups,92 s o c i a l welfare associations, 93 a n c j service clubs.94 These groups also participated in the housing campaign through their 74 representatives on the Rehabilitation Council.95 Newspapers and journals brought the post-1944 housing issue to public attention and demanded and offered solu-tions. The Sun, the Daily Province, and the News-Herald in Vancouver published s t o r i e s , e d i t o r i a l s , and a r t i c l e s on a l l aspects of the housing situation.96 S i m i l a r l y , a r t i c l e s in popular magazines l i k e Maclean's and Saturday Night, profes-sional and business journals l i k e Canadian Business, and the Royal A r c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada Journal, and p o l i t i -c a l and labour publications l i k e the CCF News and the Trades and Labor Congress Journal covered housing conditions and very often suggested answers to d i f f i c u l t i e s . 9 7 Some govern-ment o f f i c i a l s blamed the 1944 - 1945 agitation over evic-tions on inflammatory press coverage.98 i n fact, the l o c a l press and popular and serious journals together increased public awareness of the housing problem and generated constructive responses to i t . Public protests about the housing question went to federal, p r o v i n c i a l and municipal governments. The prime minister and the ministers of Finance, Munitions and Supply (Reconstruction and Supply), National Defense, and Pensions and National Health (Veterans A f f a i r s ) , the WPTB chairmen, and even the IHC received l e t t e r s , resolutions, telegrams, and delegations of o f f i c i a l s from Vancouver organizations.99 The same groups also sent l e t t e r s and delegations to the p r o v i n c i a l government and c i t y council,100 which in turn exerted pressure upon the Dominion.101 i n addition, CCF MLAs made demands upon the B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, 102 a n c j federal ministers requested action from each other.103 Moreover, internal reports went d i r e c t l y from the Emergency Shelter Administration and l o c a l housing r e g i s t r y in Vancouver to top WPTB o f f i c i a l s . 1 0 4 F i n a l l y , federal o f f i c i a l s and ministers d i r e c t l y confronted the lo c a l housing issue by reading c r i t i c a l e d i t o r i a l s in Vancouver newspapers.105 The protests ultimately reached IIs ley and Howe for decision-making on emergency housing policy.106 Between 1944 and 1 946 , the agitation of many Vancouver protest groups induced the federal government to respond with WHL housing projects and with WPTB measures. The protests began with the constitution of the " 5 0 0 0 Homes Now" Committee in March, 1 9 44 , increased as the May 1 eviction date approached, and swelled throughout the summer with public meetings,107 r a l l i e s and picket lines at the homes of evicted families,108 representations to a l l three govern-ments, and l i v e l y press coverage. The Dominion government reacted by of f e r i n g 100 WHL houses for veterans. With the nearing of the October, 1 944 , and the 1945 eviction dates, public concern i n t e n s i f i e d . In January, the federal govern-76 ment imposed WPTB Emergency Shelter regulations and appointed the recently r e t i r e d A i r Vice-Marshall Leigh F. Stevenson as administrator.109 T n Greater Vancouver, the summer months brought 769 notices to vacate for May and 1,976 notices from May to O c t o b e r . T h e immediate r e s u l t was the formation of a Cit i z e n s ' Emergency Housing Committee and an increase in eviction r a l l i e s and picket lines.111 F i n a l l y , the Dominion reacted, issuing a WPTB evictions freeze on July 25, proposing 1,100 more WHL units,112 and start i n g the construction of VLA housing. Agitation persisted into the winter as accommodation conditions deteriorated with demobilization. Undoubtedly, contemporary and past events l i k e the V-E Day r i o t s in Halifax113 and the 1930s strikes of the unemployed in Vancouver^ 4 coloured the si t u a t i o n . When in January, 1946, the Vancouver City Council and the federal government f a i l e d to convert the old Hotel Vancouver into a hostel, several hundred veterans led by the New Veterans Branch of the Canadian Legion occupied the hotel with widespread community support.115 This c r i s i s forced an agreement between c i t y and Dominion, and the Rehabilitation Council took over the management of the Hotel Vancouver and Dunsmuir Hotel hostels.116 The f i n a l outcome of this d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n l a t e r in the 1940s was CMHC's construction of the Renfrew Heights and Fraserview developments under i t s veterans' rental housing plan.11 7 The federal government p a r t i c u l a r l y favoured WHL 77 housing projects as a solution to housing congestion and public a g i t a t i o n . Yet, Vancouver City Council hesitated to conclude agreements with WHL. It opposed the payment of a nominal sum for tax sale lots conveyed to WHL, and i t objected to the loss of future tax revenue incurred by the transfer of c i t y land to the crown.118 F i n a l l y , the augment-ation of protests and the intercession of the Rehabilitation Council's housing committee, led by H.H. Stevens, convinced the c i t y to give in to WHL's terms. In September, 1944 and in July and September, 1945, three agreements for 1,200 houses resulted.119 Thus, the federal government reluctantly acceded to the protest groups' demands for a resolution of the post-1944 housing emergency. The thrust for remedial measures came from the bottom-up (the protest groups), not from the top-down (the Dominion government). Arguably, by 1944 the vehicles for applying those measures, WHL and the WPTB, were in place in the federal bureaucracy. S t i l l , the resistance of government o f f i c i a l s , excepting those in WHL, delayed for too long a resolution of the post-war housing emergency. Furthermore, this resolution was only a temporary remedy to the immediate problem - WHL projects, an evictions freeze, and emergency shelter l i k e the old Hotel Vancouver - rather than a comprehensive, planned, and long-term solution. In effe c t , the government l i s t e n e d to the most powerful protest 78 group, the veterans as well as the Rehabilitation Council, rather than to groups l i k e the LPP, CCF and VHA. Conceivably, historians might apply s o c i a l control theory to this instance of federal reaction to public agitation over housing conditions.120 T n t h e loose, rather s i m p l i s t i c sense of s o c i a l control,1^1 i t is possible that those in power (elected members and o f f i c i a l s of government, in addition to l o c a l business and professional interests) did wish to maintain the s o c i a l equilibrium. Certainly, the 'federal government did receive warnings of s o c i a l unrest from various sources122 and admitted on occasion to acting due to the threat of disorder. 123 still, an expression of fear over disturbances is not exactly the same as imposition of s o c i a l control. To date, no written evidence in which s o c i a l control theory p l a i n l y influenced the federal govern-ment in the implementation of emergency housing measures i s available. The s t r i c t sense of the s o c i a l control concept associated with Talcott Parsons,124 in w h i c h deviant groups represent a threat to society by operating outside the main value pattern and in which the i n s t i t u t i o n of control precedes and prevents s o c i a l breakdown, seems inappropriate to the Vancouver s i t u a t i o n . F i r s t , unrest over housing congestion and evictions indicated the collapse of control. Secondly, protest groups were not behaving in a deviant 79 manner i n demanding improvements i n hous ing . T h e i r reasons f o r c h a l l e n g i n g governments were l e g i t i m a t e , and they enjoyed widespread support from the Vancouver community. Th i s case study o f Vancouver suggests tha t , i n re spond -ing to p r o t e s t groups, the f e d e r a l government took i n t o i t s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o c i a l r a t h e r than market concerns about hous-i n g . I t con t inued w i t h the d i r e c t p r o v i s i o n of WHL houses, i s sued the e v i c t i o n s f r e e z e , and conver ted the o l d H o t e l Vancouver because i t r e c o g n i z e d r e l u c t a n t l y the e x i s t e n c e of a s o c i a l need f o r accommodation. Thus, the emergency program c o n t r a s t e d s t r i k i n g l y w i th the government ' s l ong - range , i n d i r e c t l y i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t , and m a r k e t - d i r e c t e d hous ing p o l i c y . As w e l l , the study i n d i c a t e s t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n over hous ing , the p rov ince s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s accepted as nece s sa ry the d i r e c t l y i n t e r -v e n t i o n i s t r o l e p l ayed by the f e d e r a l government under i t s wartime powers. B r i t i s h Columbia c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s and Vancouver c i t y c o u n c i l c o n s i s t e n t l y r e f e r r e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s from p r o t e s t groups to f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r s and o f f i c i a l s . As both R.L. M a i t l a n d , the A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l , and H.G.T. P e r r y , Educa t i on m i n i s t e r , charged, conges t i on and e v i c t i o n s were a "war p rob lem" ! 25 a n ( j a " n a t i o n a l p rob lem" ! 26 w i t h which lower l e v e l s o f government l acked the re sources to cope. 80 Clearly, in 1944 - 1946, the federal government demonstrated i t s a b i l i t y to part i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y in housing and i t s awareness, however hesitant, of the s o c i a l need for shelter. 81 Footnotes 1 Canada, Statutes, 8 Geo. VI, c. 46 (1944), "An Act to Promote the Construction of New Houses, the Repair and Modernization of Exi s t i n g Houses, the Improvment of Housing and Li v i n g Conditions, and the Expansion of Employment in the Postwar Period [National Housing Act, 1944]." 2 The Canada Year Book, 1947, p. 585. In Vancouver, the company started to bui l d i t s e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e terraced housing on West Broadway and 4th Avenue between Vine and Waterloo Streets; see Vancouver Sun, Oct. 6, 1945, p. 17, Nov. 6, 1945, p. 5, Feb. 26, 1946, p. 11, March 21, 1946, p . l . CMHC s t i l l owns the housing. 3 O.J. Firestone, Residential Real Estate in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951), p. 487. 4 Ibid., p. 489, Table 110. 5 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, Aug. 10, 1943, p. 3, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. I I . 6 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 488, Table 109. 7 Canada, Statutes, 6 Geo. VI, c. 33 (1942), "An Act to Ass i s t War Veterans to Settle upon the Land [The Veterans Land Act]"; Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 487; Walter S. Woods, Rehabi l i t a t i o n (A Combined Operation);  Being a History of the Development and Carrying Out of a  Plan for the Re-establishment of a M i l l i o n Young Veterans of  World War II (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1953), pp. 150-55; "Report by the Director of the Veterans Land Act to the Interdepartmental Housing Committee," May 21, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017, IHC-1, unnumbered document 4. 8 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 489, Table 110. 9 PC 9439, Dec. 19, 1944; WPTB "Press Release No.01026, Shelter Administrators in Congested Areas, Dec. 23, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 708, F i l e 25-14-18-1. 1 0 The Canada Year Book, 1945, p. 893. These congested areas included Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , Ottawa, H u l l , Toronto, Hamilton, and Winnipeg. H Ibid. In Montreal, l o c a l o f f i c i a l s decided not to part i c i p a t e in the emergency shelter regulations. 82 12 "Housing Permit System Removed; Emergency Shelter Regulations Extended to A l l Canada," [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Aug. 31, 1945, City of Vancouver Archives [hereafter CVA], Newspaper Clippings, M4289-5. 13 Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 498. 14- The Canada Year Book, 1947, p. 586. The government revoked the emergency shelter regulations in 1949; Firestone, Residential Real Estate, p. 498. 15 Canada, Wartime Prices and Trade Board, Canadian War  Orders and Regulations, Vol. VII (1945), Order No. 537. 1 6 PC 3409, May 10, 1945. PC 5180, Dec. 19, 1946, dissolved the IHC. 1 7 Canada, Statutes, 9-10 Geo. VI, c.15 (1945), "An Act to Incorporate the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation [The Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation A c t ] . ' 18 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Annual  Report, 1946, p. 4. 19 National Housing Act, 1944. 20 w.A. Mackintosh, "The White Paper on Employment and Income in Its 1945 Setting," Canadian Economic Policy Since  the War, ed. S.F. K a l i s k i (Ottawa: Canadian Trade Committee, Private Planning Association of Canada, 1966), p.13. 21 "Extracts from 'The White Paper' on Employment and Income," Canadian Economic Policy since the War, ed. S.F. K a l i s k i (Ottawa: Canadian Trade Committee, Private Planning Association of Canada, 1966), pp. 135-54. 22 Mackintosh, pp. 10-11. 23 "white Paper," p. 144. 24 Albert Rose, Canada Housing P o l i c i e s (1935 - 1980) (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980), p. 29. 25 Ibid., pp. 28-29. 26 Canadian War Orders and Regulations, Vol. I l l (1943), Order No. 294. 83 z / Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates [hereafter referred to as Hansard], Vol. I (1944) , pp. 561-63; Vol. II (1944), pp. 1865-66; Vol. I l l (1944), p. 2130. 28 Ibid.; Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, May 10, 1944, p. 10, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. I I . The smaller Ontario c i t i e s were Windsor, Oshawa, Brantford, and St. Catherines. 29 Hansard, Vol. I l l (1944), p. 2425. 30 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, May 10, 1944, p. 10, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. I. See also "Report for Interdepartmental Housing Committee by Mr. Jas. A. H a l l Representing Wartime Housing Ltd.," PAC, RG 2, Ser. 18, Vol. 9, F i l e H-13. 31 CR. DeMara to R.C Carr, Nov. 2, 1942, PAC, RG 19, vo l . 3980, F i l e H-l-15; Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 6, PAC, RG 83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2; CD. Howe to J.L. I l s l e y , Feb. 24, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 32 One Munitions and Supply o f f i c i a l , L e s s l i e R. Thomson, supported the f u l l use of WHL expertise i n meeting the post-war housing problem; see Canada, Department of Munitions and Supply, "Preliminary Report on the Housing Situation i n Canada and Suggestions for Its Improvement," prepared by L e s s l i e R. Thomson, Ottawa, Oct. 22, 1942, pp. 322-24. 33 E.R. Gold to Donald Gordon, Aug. 5, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 701, F i l e 25-2, Vol. 1; Owen Lobley to Gordon, Aug. 24, 1944, i b i d . 34 Here I refer to papers held by the federal archives at the PAC, in p a r t i c u l a r , the records of the Department of Finance (RG 19), the WPTB (RG 64), and the Privy Council (RG 2). 35 See, for example, Minutes, Special WPTB Meeting, July 23, 1945, Appendix A, p. 2, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-3. My own subjective observation i s that more le t t e r s protesting the housing problem originated in Vancouver than i n any other c i t y . 36 For example, the women's a u x i l i a r y to the Royal Canadian Navy, the women's committee of the 28th Canadian Armoured Regiment, and the women's a u x i l i a r y of the Seaforth 84 Highlanders; see, Telegram from Women's A u x i l i a r y to the Royal Canadian Navy to Ian Mackenzie, Minister of Veterans A f f a i r s , Dec. 14, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17; Mrs. G.C. Chandler, Women's Committee of the 28th Canadian Armoured Regiment, to W.L.M. King, June 28, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser E 3., Vol. 4018; Jean Clark to Mackenzie, Minister of Pensions and National Health, Sept. 23, 1944, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203C-17. 37 The "old Hotel Vancouver" was located on the Eaton's s i t e at Granville and Georgia Streets. 38 sun, Aug. 4, 1944, p. 17. 39 i b i d . , March 20, 1946, p\2. 40 "Veterans Picket Line Planned for Evic t i o n s , " [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Aug. 25, 1944, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M4289-3. 41 Sun, Nov. 22, 1944, p. 10. 42 i b i d . , Oct. 27, 1944, p. 15. 43 "Housing Set-Up Scored," [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , July 28, 1944, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M4289-3. 44 The Rehabil i t a t i o n Council wrote i t s own history in 1948; see "The Citizens Rehabilitation Council of Greater Vancouver Summary of A c t i v i t i e s , 1940 - 1948 [hereafter referred to as Rehabil i t a t i o n Council Summary of A c t i v i t i e s " ] , Special Collections D i v i s i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library, Frank E. Buck Papers [hereafter referred to as "Buck Papers"], Box 11, F i l e 15. 45 Minister, Meeting of the Rehabilitation Section of the Co-ordinating Council for War Work and C i v i l i a n Services, Feb 22. 1944, Buck Papers, Box 11, F i l e 13. 46 see also, Richard Wilbur, H.H. Stevens, 1878 - 1973 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), p. 213. 47 A.W. Cowley, Citizens Rehabilitation Council, to King, June 22, 1945, PAC, RG 2, Ser. 18, Vol. 9, F i l e H-13. 48 c i t y Ready to Back Housing Plan, Seeks Better Terms," [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Aug. 1, 1944, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M4289-3. . 85 49 Cowley to King, June 22, 1945, PAC, RG 2, Ser. 18, Vol. 9, F i l e 11-13. 50 For the CCF, see CCF News, A p r i l 13, 1944, p. 2, Aug. 24, 1944, p. 3, Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3; CCF MLAs C.G. MacNeil, D.G. Steeves, and H.E. Winch sat on the B.C. Post-War Rehabi l i t a t i o n Council. For the LPP, see P a c i f i c  Advocate, Oct. 13, 1945, pp. 12-13, and Jan. 25, 19~W, housing supplement, passim. 51 See Canada, Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Planning [chaired by CA. C u r t i s ] , F i n a l Report of the Subcommittee, March 24,  1944 (Ottawa: King's Pri n t e r , 1946), pp. 9-22 [hereafter referred to as Curtis Report] for a quick summary of the recommendations. The subcommittee's membership included professionals, academics, and bureaucrats in economics, architecture, planning, sociology, housing, and municipal a f f a i r s from across Canada; i t did not represent the busi-ness community and labour. CA. Curtis, a Queen's University economist, chaired the subcommittee. Leonard Marsh was research adviser. Both F.W. N i c o l l s and Joe Pigott sat on the subcommittee. 52 B r i t i s h Columbia, Post-War Rehabilitation Council, Reports of the Post-War Reh a b i l i t a t i o n Council; The Interim  Report (1943) and Supplementary Report (1944) ( V i c t o r i a : King's P r i n t e r , 1945), p. 150. This Council included MLAs from government and opposition sides of the pr o v i n c i a l Legislature. 53 Ivan Avakumovic, The Communist Party in Canada; A  History (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975), p. 272. Banned in 1940, the Communist Party regrouped as the LPP. 54 i b i d . , p. 273. 55 i b i d . , pp. 103, 135, 176. 56 P a c i f i c Advocate, Nov. 25, 1944, p. 4, and Jan. 18, 1946, pp. 1,3. 57 The "5000 Homes Now" Committee grew out of the Consumers Council in March, 1944, but was disbanded the following September; Sun, March 1, 1944, p. 13, and Sept. 20, 1944. The Citizens Emergency Housing Committee formed the next summer; Sun, June 15, 1945, p. 26. 58 sun, Jan. 5, 1946, p. 27. 59 i b i d . , Aug. 7, 1944, p. 2. 86 60 Irving Martin Abella, Nationalism, Communism, and  Canadian Labour; the CIO, the Communist Party, and the Canadian Congress of Labour, 1935 - 1956 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973), pp. 80, 177-78. These unions were the International Woodworkers of America, the International Union of Mine, M i l l and Smelter Workers, the Dock and Shipyard Workers, the Boilermakers and Iron Shipbuilders Union, and the International Association of Machinists. 61 For example, see: Sun, July 26, 1944, p. 13, and June 27, 1945, p.13; Main Deck, Aug. 11, 1943, p. 4; '756' Review, Nov., 1944, p. 1, Feb., 1945, p. 4, and June, 1945, p. 3; Minutes, Vancouver City Council, Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, Vol. 9, May 22, 1944, p. 337, June 5, 1944, p. 339, and A p r i l 9, 1945, p. 382, and Vol. 10, July 9, 1945, p. 3, CVA, 26 A; M.A. Knight, Britannia Mine and M i l l Workers' Union to King, June 13, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17; Telegram, E. Leary, Vancouver Labor Council to King, July 13, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17; C.V7. Caron, Boilermakers and Iron Shipbuilders Union, to King, July 6, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4018. 62 "Friends A s s i s t Evictee," [unidentifed newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Aug. 19, 1944, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M4289-3. 6 3 A preliminary proposal for a housing program appeared in a 1935 publication, Social Planning for Canada, by the League for Social Reconstruction and pre-dated the Curtis Report by almost a decade. Humphrey Carver wrote this proposal. See, League for Social Reconstruction, Research Committee, Social Planning for Canada, introd. by F.R. Scott et a l (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), pp. 451-63; Humphrey Carver, Compassionate Landscape (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), p. 51. 6 4 Federationist, March 25, 1943, p. 4, and A p r i l 22, 1943, p. 4; CCF News, Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3. 6 5 CCF News, Jan. 18, 1945, p. 4, May 16, 1945, p. 3, Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3, and Aug. 22, 1946, p. 1. 6 6 Ibid., Jan. 18, 1945, p. 4, and Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3. 6 7 Ibid., Jan. 18, 1945, p. 4, May 16, 1945, p. 3, Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3, and Aug. 22, 1946, p. 1. 6 8 i b i d . 87 6 9 Ibid., Jan. 18, 1945, p. 4, May 16, 1945, p. 3, and Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3. 70 Eugenie Ladner Birch and Deborah S. Gardiner, "The Seven-Percent Solution; A Review of Philanthropic Housing, 1870 - 1910," Journal of Urban History, Vol. VII, No. 4 (Aug., 1981), pp. 406, 412-14, 429-31; Shirley Spragge, "A Confluence of Interests: Housing Reform i n Toronto, 1900-1920," The Usable Urban Past; Planning and P o l i t i c s in the  Modern Canadian City, ed. Alan F.J. A r t i b i s e and Gi l b e r t A. Ste l t e r (Carleton Library No. 119; Toronto: Macmillan of Canada i n Association with the Ins t i t u t e of Canadian Studies, Carleton University, 1979), pp. 247, 255-56. 71 "Persistent Lady Who Strove and Arrived," [unidenti-f i e d newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M 3818; Susan Wade, "Helena Gutteridge: Votes for Women and Trade Unions," In Her Own Right; Selected Essays on Women's  History i n B.C., icl. Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess (Victor-i a : Camosun College, 1980), pp. 187-203. 72 Vancouver, Building, C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, [A Survey of the Housing Situation in Vancouver], Vancouver, 1937, CVA, PD 447. 73 Vancouver Daily Province, March 18, 1936, p. 6; Sun, Nov. 2, 1938, p. 3. 74 Reports of the Post-War Rehabi l i t a t i o n Council, pp. 166, 199. 75 Laura E. Jamieson, "Co-op Liv i n g in Vancouver," Canadian Forum, Vol. XXIII, No. 267 ( A p r i l , 1943), pp. 18-19; Federationist, July 1, 1943, p. 3. 76 CCF News, Feb. 17, 1944, p. 1, March 16, 1944, p. 5, Feb. 22, 1945, p. 1, A p r i l 12, 1945, p. 3, Feb. 7, 1946, p. 6, Sept. 5, 1946, p. 3, and May 22, 1947, p. 2; Sun, March 11, 1944, p. 5, and July 11, 1945, p. 13. 77 s_un, March 31, 1944, p. 15. 78 i b i d . , A p r i l 13, 1944, p. 11. 79 Sun, Jan. 5, ,1946, p. 27; Vancouver News-Herald, Dec. 11,~T9"37, p. 2. 80 Vancouver Housing Association, "Housing Vancouver; A Survey of the Housing Position i n Vancouver" (Vancouver, March, 1946). 88 81 i b i d . , p. 56. 82 i b i d . , pp. 51-55. 83 The VHA launched a campaign to urge c i t y council to ask Ottawa for funds and for l e g i s l a t i o n to set up a l o c a l housing authority for a low-rental project only in March, 1947; Sun, March 25, 1947, p. 9. 8 4 News-Herald, Dec. 11, 1937, p. 2. 85 Province, Jan. 31, 1947, p. 5. 86 Sun, Jan. 5, 1946, p. 27. 87 Buck Papers, Box 12, F i l e s 2-6. 88 Province, Jan 31., 1947, p. 5. 89 Marsh was a ubiquitous figure in 1946 - 1947. He was a popular speaker, appearing at the CCF summer Camp Woodsworth, the Boag Labour School, or VHA meetings; see, CCF News, Aug. 7, 1947, pp. 5,6, and Sun, March 25, 1947, p. 6. In 1947, he directed a University of B r i t i s h Columbia housing survey in Strathcona, i n i t i a t e d by the VHA and carried out with federal, p r o v i n c i a l , and c i t y funding; see, Province, June 28, 1947, p. 5; VHA "Housing Review," July 11, 1947, Special Collections Division, University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library, Angus Maclnnis Memorial Coll e c t i o n , 40B-10. A report on the survey was later published; see Leonard C. Marsh, Rebuilding a Neighbourhood;  Report on a Demonstration Slum-Clearance and Urban  Rehabilitation Project in a Key Central Area in Vancouver (University of B r i t i s h Columbia Research Publications, No. 1; Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1950). For a short biography of Marsh, see Michael B l i s s , "Preface," in Leonard Marsh, Report on S o c i a l Security for Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), ix-x. i 90 Local Council of Women to King, Dec. 29, 1945, University Women's Club of Vancouver to J.L. I l s l e y , Dec. 13, 1945, Women's Voluntary Services to King, Dec. 14, 1945, and Jan. 9, 1946, Lion's Ladies Club to King, Jan. 9, 1946, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17. See also the representations of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, Vancouver Council of Jewish Women, Canadian Daughters League, B'nai B ' r i t h Women, Vancouver Business and Professional Women's Club, and Catholic Women's League of Canada, Minutes, Vancouver City Council, Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, Vol. 9, March 6, 1945, pp. 375-76, and Vol. 10, May 20, 1946, p. 73, June 11, 1946, p. 78, and June 10, 1947, p. 189. 89 9 1 Telegram, F i r s t United Church to King, Dec. 20, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17. 92 Telegram from B.C. Mainland Canadian Association of Social Workers to King, Dec. 14, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17. 93 Telegram from Family Welfare Bureau to I l s l e y , Dec. 13, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203-17. See also, Minutes, Vancouver City Council, Building, C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, Vol. 9, March 6, 1945, pp. 375-76. 9 4 Minutes, Vancouver City Council, Building, C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, Vol. 9, March 6, 1945, pp. 375-76. 95 Minutes, Meeting of the Rehabilitation Section of the Co-ordinating Council for War Work and C i v i l i a n Services, Feb. 22, 1944, Buck Papers, Box 11, F i l e 13. 96 See, for example, the series of a r t i c l e s by Don Carlson in the Sun, A p r i l 1, 1946, p. 1, A p r i l 3, 1946, p. 23, A p r i l 5, 1946, p. 12, A p r i l 8, 1946, p. 6, A p r i l 9, 1946, p. 6, A p r i l 13, 1946, p. 15, and A p r i l 15, 1946, p. 5. 9 7 For a l i s t i n g of the a r t i c l e s in these journals, see John David Hulchanski, Canadian Town Planning and Housing,  1940 - 1950; A H i s t o r i c a l Bibliography (Toronto: Centre for Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto, 1979). 98 "Responsibility for Shelter" [memorandum from WPTB Chairman Donald Gordon], Dec. 7, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 708, F i l e 25-14-18-1. 9 9 See the c o l l e c t i o n of representations from Vancouver groups on the subject of the old Hotel Vancouver in PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203C-17. See also l e t t e r s on the subject of evictions in PAC, RG 19, Vol. 2730, F i l e 200-2. As well, see Sun, July 29, 1944, p. 7, June 1, 1945, p. 3, June 13, 1945, p. 1, and June 25, 1945, p. 10. 100 F o r delegations representing the "5000 Homes Now" Committee and the Rehabilitation Council to Attorney-General Maitland, see Sun, March 10, 1944, p. 1, June 27, 1945, p. 1, March 2, 1946, p. 14, March 19, 1946, p. 5, and A p r i l 10, 1946, p. 2. For examples of representations to the c i t y , see ' Minutes, Vancouver City Council, Building, C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, Vol. 9, March 6, 1945, pp. 375-76; Sun, March 10, 1944, p. 1, June 6, 1944, p. 5, Aug. 4, 1944, p. 17,and Dec. 1, 1944, p. 1. 90 1 0 1 Sun, July 26, 1944, p. 13, and July 10, 1945, p. 7; R.L. Maitland, Attorney-General of B r i t i s h Columbia, to Donald Gordon, WPTB, July 20, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 701, F i l e 25-2, Vol. 1. 102 Sun, March 11, 1944, p. 5, and July 18, 1943, p. 1. 103 See, for example, the 1944 -'1946 correspondence between Ian Mackenzie, Minister of Pensions and National Health, and J.L. I l s l e y , Minister of Finance, in PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203 C-17. 104 p o r examples of housing r e g i s t r y reports, see PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1040, Box 215, F i l e G.05.02. Also, see "A Memor-andum Respecting the Housing Situation in the Vancouver -New Westminster Area Prepared by the Emergency Shelter Administration, Vancouver, B.C. [hereafter referred to as "Emergency Shelter"], May 1, 1945, PAC, RG 19, Ser. E 3, Vol. 4017. 105 Donald Gordon encountered a Vancouver Sun e d i t o r i a l c r i t i c a l of himself and the WPTB in Aug., 1944; see the records on the matter in PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203C-17. 106 Minutes, Special WPTB Meeting, July 23, 1945, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-3; Sun, July 27, 1945, p. 1 . 1° 7 Sun, A p r i l 11, 1944, p. 13, A p r i l 13, 1944, p. 11, Dec. 9, 1944, p. 15, and March 2, 1946, p. 15. 108 See, for example, i b i d . , Aug. 7, 1944, p. 2, and Aug. 19, 1944, p. 7. 109 i b i d . , Dec. 23, 1944, p. 9, and Jan. 9, 1945, p. 1. 110 "Emergency Shelter." See also, Minutes, Special WPTB Meeting, July 23, 1945, Appendix A, p.2, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-3. 111 See, for example, Sun, June 5, 1945, p. 3, July 10, 1945, p. 3, July 18, 1945, p. 3, and July 19, 1945, pp. 1,2. 112 Ibid., July 25, 1945, p. 1. 113 i b i d . , May 16, 1945, p. 10, and May 28, 1945, p. 4. 114 Ibid., Jan. 28, 1946, pp. 1,2. r 91 1 1 5 Ibid., Jan. 26, 1946, p. 1, and Jan. 28, 1946, pp.1,2,4. 116 "Rehabilitation Council Summary of A c t i v i t i e s , " pp. 5-6. 117 Vancouver, Legal Department, [Agreements between the City of Vancouver and His Majesty the King in Right of Canada Represented by WHL], Dec. 31, 1947, and Nov. 22, 1948. The CMHC veterans' rental housing plan was a continuation of the WHL program; see Firestone, Residential  Real Estate, pp. 484-85. 118 "City Ready to Back Housing Plan, Seeks Better Terms," [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , Aug. 1, 1944, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M4289-3. 119 Vancouver, City Clerk's Department, [Agreement between the Corporation of the City of Vancouver, His Majesty the King in Right of Canada, and WHL], Sept. 25, 1944, July 1, 1945, and Sept. 1, 1945. 120 The following have been useful in thinking c r i t i c a l l y about s o c i a l control theory: Gareth Stedman Jones, "Class Expression Versus Social Control? A Critique of Recent Trends in the Social History of 'Leisure'," History Workshop, No. 4 (Autumn, 1977), pp. 162-70; Don S. Kirschner, "The Ambiguous Legacy: Social Justice and Social Control in the Progressive Era," H i s t o r i c a l Reflections, Vol. II (1975), pp. 69-88; William A. Muraskin, "[Essay Review:] The Social-Control Theory in American History: A Crit i q u e , " Journal of S o c i a l History, Vol. IX, No. 4 (Summer, 1976), pp. 559-69; Bruce M. Stave, ed., Modern  In d u s t r i a l C i t i e s ; History, Policy, and Survival (Beverly H i l l s , C a l i f . : Sage, 1981), pp. 75-181. 121 Jones, p. 164. 122 Cowley to King, June 22, 1945, PAC, RG 2, Ser. 18, Vol. 9, F i l e H-13; Emergency Shelter", p. 8; Telegram, Mackenzie to I l s l e y , Sept. 19, 1944, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203C-17; Jean Clark to Mackenzie, Sept. 21, 1944, PAC, RG 19, Vol. 716, F i l e 203C-17; Maitland to Gordon, July 20, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 701, F i l e 25-2, Vol. 1; Maitland to I l s l e y , Sept. 7, 1944, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 701, F i l e 25-2, Vol. 2. 123 Minutes, Special WPTB Meeting, July 23, 1945, PAC, RG 64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-3. 9 2 1 2 4 Jones , pp. 1 6 6 - 6 7 . 1 2 5 M a i t l a n d to I l s l e y , Sept . 7 , 1 9 4 4 , PAC, RG 6 4 , S e r . 1 0 3 0 , Box 7 0 1 , F i l e 2 5 - 2 , V o l . 2 . 1 2 6 H . G . T . Pe r r y was quoted i n a l e t t e r from L . F . Stevenson to Gordon, Aug. 2 , 1 9 4 5 , PAC, RG 6 4 , S e r . 1 0 3 0 , Box 6 9 9 , F i l e 2 5 - 3 . 93 Chapter 4 AN EVALUATION OF WARTIME HOUSING LIMITED In response to the wartime housing problem, the federal government intervened in an unprecedented fashion through the di r e c t provision of accommodation. It is reasonable to question how successfully the vehicle for this intervention, Wartime Housing Limited (WHL), performed i t s task. Certainly, o f f i c i a l s associated with WHL believed that i t functioned very w e l l . In a May, 1945 report to WHL share-holders, president Joe Pigott asserted that the corporation was "well-established" and"smoothly operating" and that i t was doing an excellent and e f f i c i e n t job.^ Employees and directors published glowing a r t i c l e s about the company's construction method, house designs, s i t e planning tech-niques, and tenant relations policy.2 O f f i c i a l s in the Department of Munitions (Reconstruction) and Supply recount-ed WHL's a c t i v i t i e s in a positive l i g h t and helped the National Film Board document on fi l m the company's wartime contribution.3 The minister responsible for WHL, CD. Howe, praised the corporation's competency and expressed his pride in i t s housing projects.4 94 In addition, WHL tenants were s a t i s f i e d with their housing.5 They made the modest houses comfortable, planted gardens, and participated in community a c t i v i t i e s . 6 No hard evidence exists to suggest that they harboured serious grievances about WHL accommodation.7 Perhaps the inadequate housing conditions of the 1930s and 1940s caused them to appreciate more f u l l y the simple but s u f f i c i e n t houses.8 In many cases, tenants purchased and improved their homes in the post-war years. S t i l l , a reliance upon the testimony of WHL o f f i c i a l s and tenants is too subjective and biased a method for evaluating the company's performance. A better approach is to examine how well WHL f u l f i l l e d the objectives set out in the order-in-council that created i t . The crown company's purposes were to increase the rental housing supply, to target i t s program to war workers in congested areas, to provide suitable l i v i n g accommodation, to manage completed projects, and to maintain economy and e f f i c i e n c y in i t s operations. 9 WHL added substantially to the stock of rental hous-ing. Between 1941 and 1947, i t completed 31,192 u n i t s . 1 0 By 1949, WHL and Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) started 49, 611 units and finished 45,930 under both the war workers' and veterans' rental housing programs. The WHL program.initially targeted construction to war 95 workers and afterwards to so l d i e r s ' dependents and veterans, although in a few instances before 1944, i t housed families of men serving o v e r s e a s A s well, WHL c a r e f u l l y directed i t s projects to areas with housing need. It employed surveys of l o c a l conditions to determine the extent of that need before deciding to a c t . ^ 2 WHL houses provided unpretentious but suitable l i v i n g accommodation. Yet, their construction, design, and s i t e planning may be characterized as progressive, experimental, and d i s t i n c t i v e . For example, the company i n i t i a l l y devel-oped a bold solution to i t s major construction problem. Because i t was expected to remove i t s housing at the war's end, i t had to build temporary, not permanent, units. The houses were to rest upon posts or blocks, rather than base-ments, and they demanded a construction method that would f a c i l i t a t e their eventual dismantling and possible re-as-semblage elsewhere. Confronted with this requirement for a temporary structure, with a shortage of building materials, and with the need for speed and economy, WHL employed an inventive semi-prefabricated or "demountable" technique^ 3 adapted from a method worked out three years previously by National Housing Administration (NHAA) director F.W. Nicolls.14 Instead of using a f u l l y prefabricated approach^ in which fab r i c a t i o n and complete or p a r t i a l assembly occur 96 in a factory, WHL workmen made standardized plywood f l o o r , wall, roof, p a r t i t i o n , and c e i l i n g panels in a shop at the project location and erected and finished the house on s i t e with remarkable rapidity.16 The "demountable" technique contributed to the prefabrication debate among experts and commentators on housing in the 1940s; although prefabrica-tion was by no means a new phenomenon in Canada,17 many s p e c i a l i s t s viewed i t as a quick and inexpensive solution to the shelter problem.18 WHL construction did deviate from the semi-prefabricat-ed method in time and place. In i t s North Vancouver pro-j e c t s , the corporation used standard building techniques since B r i t i s h Columbia plywood, in heavy demand by eastern war industries, was not available in s u f f i c i e n t supply on the coast.19 gy 1944, WHL houses displayed a more permanent character, being b u i l t of frame c o n s t r u c t i o n ^ and resting upon a foundation running around the periphery of the entire structure rather than upon posts or blocks.21 Although o r i g i n a l l y the homes were considered temporary, thousands survive to this day through improvements l i k e the addition of a f u l l basement and proper maintenance.22 Throughout i t s pre-1944 operations, WHL constructed i t s s t a f f houses23 with normal building methods. WHL house designs were pl a i n and p r a c t i c a l yet curious-ly d i s t i n c t i v e . Across Canada, the company used the same 97 standard house types for both i t s two-bedroom and four-bed-room bunaglows; la t e r , i t added a third two-bedroom type (Figures 2, 3 and 4).24 These basic, simple house plans included a l i v i n g room, a kitchen with a dining area, bed-rooms, a bathroom, and a woodshed. A limited assortment of wall finishes and colour combinations and an occasional reversal of plans provided some variety in exterior appear-ance. 25 By 1944, the company had improved the i n t e r i o r and exterior design of the houses (Figures 5 and 6).26 WHL adapted the plans to i t s own needs from NHAA model homes developed in the early war years (Figure 7) and from the NHAA prefabricated units.27 In turn, NHAA model homes sim p l i f i e d 1930s "Cape Cod" or "saltbox" s t y l i s t i c modes, already an innovative "reduction of forms to bare essent-i a l s " (Figure 8).28 Having pushed this reductive process to i t s l o g i c a l consequence, WHL housing in North Vancouver and in other i n i t i a l projects resembled the cabins of early Vancouver29 and of f r o n t i e r Canada generally or the workers' cottages of B r i t i s h Columbia resource towns.30 Nevertheless, the country-wide uniformity of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y unaffect-ed WHL housing has rendered the "wartime house" almost as i d e n t i f i a b l e to Canadians as the grain elevator or the chateau-style hotel or railway s t a t i o n . In the late 1940s, CMHC ar c h i t e c t u r a l s t a f f expanded the four WHL plan types 98 Figure 2 WARTIME HOUSING LIMITED HOUSE TYPES Source: Burwell R. Coon, "Wartime Housing," Royal A r c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada Journal, Vol. XIX, No.1 (Jan., 1942), p. 7. S I N G L E F A M I L Y D W E L L I N G T Y P E H 22 100 Figure 3 HOUSE TYPE H-12 IN NORTH VANCOUVER Source: North Shore Museum and Archives, North Vancouver (City) Photograph C o l l e c t i o n , No. 3420 Figure 4 HOUSE TYPE H-1 IN NORTH VANCOUVER Source: North Shore Museum d Archives, North Vancouver (City) Photograph C o l l e c t i o n , No. 3419 Figure 5 HOUSE TYPE H-21 IN VANCOUVER Source: Canada, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, [Album of Photographs and Plans of Wartime Housing i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a ] , [1947], City of Vancouver Archives, Photograph C o l l e c t i o n , 150-1 105 Figure 6 PLAN FOR HOUSE TYPE H-21 IN VANCOUVER Source: Canada, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, [Album of Photographs and Plans of Wartime Housing in Vancouver and V i c t o r i a ] , [1947], City of Vancouver Archives, Photograph C o l l e c t i o n , 150-1 \ 107 Figure 7 NATIONAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION MODEL HOUSE NO. 501 Source: Public Archives of Canada National Photography C o l l e c t i o n , Cent Mortgage and Housing Corporation C o l l e c t i o n , 1969-40 110 Figure 8 CAPE COD COTTAGE Source: Canada, Department of Finance, Dominion Housing Act; A r c h i t e c t u r a l  Competition; Low-Cost House Designs (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1936), p.69. Design No. 430 112 F i g u r e 9 POST-WAR SMALL HOUSE DESIGN Source: Canada, C e n t r a l Mortgage and Hous ing C o r p o r a t i o n , Smal l House Des i gns ; V o l . 2: O n e - a n d - a - H a l f - S t o r e y (Ottawa: n . n . , 1949) , p. 19, No. 49-54 mm •"" ^SSmSU st r BfcD RM. 10 2'x no' * — * J Area: 1 st Floor: 61 5 sq. ft. 2nd Floor: 342 sq. ft. Total: 957 sq. ft. Cubic Contents: 1 3,975 co. ft. Minimum lot width: with drive: 38'-8" without drive: 36'-8" 114 i n t o a p o r t f o l i o of h i gh q u a l i t y sma l l -house de s i gn s 3 ^ u t i l i z e d i n v e t e r a n s ' developments l i k e Renfrew He ights or F r a s e r v i e w (F i gu re 9 ) . 3 2 The WHL h o s t e l des igns s i m i l a r l y possessed a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c u n i f o r m i t y , s i m p l i c i t y , and e f f i c i e n c y r e l i e v e d somewhat by the sugges t ion of c l a s s i c a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l around the main e n t r a n c e . 3 3 Whi le always f u n c t i o n a l , WHL s i t e p l a n n i n g s t rove to be imag ina t i ve when c i r cumstances p e r m i t t e d . 3 4 The company p r e f e r r e d to b u i l d on s e r v i c e d land to has ten p r o j e c t c o m p l e t i o n . Thus, the g r i d p a t t e r n o f t e n imposed a r i g i d s t r e e t p l an on a WHL community and r e i n f o r c e d the r a t h e r monotonous house d e s i g n . S t i l l , i n Vancouver, the company put up i n f i l l hous ing among o l d e r , d e v e l o p e r - b u i l t homes and added v a r i e t y to s t r e e t s c a p e s . 3 ^ When l a r g e r c i t y b l ock s were a v a i l a b l e in m u n i c i p a l i t i e s l i k e North V a n c o u v e r 3 6 or We l l and, O n t a r i o , WHL i n t r o d u c e d c r e s c e n t s or c u l - d e - s a c s to r e l i e v e the o v e r - a l l r e g u l a r i t y . In f r i n g e areas l i k e Sea I s l a n d , where the company i t s e l f s e r v i c e d the l a n d , 3 7 i t adopted a f r e e s t r e e t p a t t e r n to l e s sen the impress ion o f u n i f o r m i t y c r e a t e d by the house t ype s . Whatever the road p l a n , WHL landscaped i t s hous ing p r o j e c t s 3 ^ and encouraged tenants to garden. When CMHC took over the v e t e r a n s ' hous ing program a f t e r the war, i t des igned communities l i k e Renfrew He ight s and F r a s e r v i e w to f o l l o w the n a t u r a l contours o f the s i t e . 115 Carefully designed WHL projects b u i l t around war industry were not unlike e a r l i e r planned i n d u s t r i a l towns. Indeed, the provision of workers' communities or housing was a very old idea. European and American i n d u s t r i a l i s t s had been developing planned towns since the early 19th cent-ury. 39 After 1900, when American i n d u s t r i a l i s t s began to assume a systematic approach to welfare work in industry, they promoted the planning of model towns a l l over the United States. At the same time, the concept of model i n d u s t r i a l communities crossed the border into Canada.40 The American s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n of housing, Gwendolyn Wright, has revealed that the s i g n i f i c a n t factor in creating these towns was the objective of imposing s o c i a l control upon workers. In fact, i n d u s t r i a l i s t s in both countries sought to intro-duce housing and planning reforms that would defuse poten-t i a l labour unrest and increase production through the fostering of a stable, contented and family-minded work-f o r c e . 4 2 xt i s possible to speculate that planned WHL housing projects pursued a similar objective despite one very obvious difference: the federal government and i t s crown company rather than industry introduced the wartime communities. Certainly, the government meant to ensure e f f i c i e n t war production through the direct provision of workers' accommodation. Yet, no proof exists to assert that i t or WHL consciously implemented s o c i a l control theory in 116 the physical planning of i t s war workers' communities. During the war, the management of WHL projects f e l l upon l o c a l voluntary advisory committees and hired person-n e l . 4 3 This decentralization helped to defray costs and to l i m i t the number of s t a f f members. As well, i t afforded the corporation a smooth entry into a community and assistance from l o c a l organizations. Usually, WHL set up a committee of prominent men i n an area while i n i t i a t i n g development. 4 4 The committee's functions were to advise on potential or proposed s i t e s , to help in negotiations for property acquis-i t i o n and in the c a l l for tenders, to e s t a b l i s h an adminis-t r a t i v e o f f i c e , and to hire s t a f f . Under the d i r e c t i o n of the largely autonomous committee, WHL employees looked after house a l l o c a t i o n , rent c o l l e c t i o n , accounting, services, and maintenance, and reported to the Toronto head o f f i c e . They solved physical and s o c i a l problems in WHL developments through dir e c t co-operation with community groups. After 1944, WHL decided that i t could no longer ask committees to supervise projects on a permanent basis and subsequently increased i t s administrative s t a f f . WHL managed i t s operations with economy and e f f i c i e n -cy. 45 In 1941, the company started i t s a c t i v i t i e s with a $100,000 allotment from the federal government and with 117 permission to enter into commitments up to $10 m i l l i o n . 4 6 By-July, 1946, the government had advanced over $86 m i l l i o n to WHL.47 However, the company's assets amounted to more than $91 m i l l i o n , i t s houses and other buildings were worth over $72 m i l l i o n , and income through rentals receivable that p a r t i c u l a r month exceeded $95,000. Thus, WHL contrasts s t r i k i n g l y with the i n d i r e c t l y interventionist programs undertaken since 1946 by CMHC: the federal government has few assets to show for a l l i t s subsidization. The government apparently took a f i n a n c i a l loss when after 1946 CMHC began to s e l l off WHL houses and veterans' rental housing program units. By 1952, CMHC had disposed of 29,452 houses for a to t a l amount of $110.5 m i l l i o n . 4 8 Some observers complained that the construction cost per WHL rental unit nearly equalled the cost of a NHAA-financed owner-occupied- house . 49 However, as a House of Commons committee report noted in 1942, these c r i t i c s did not r e a l i z e that the WHL c a p i t a l costs included l o c a l improvement expenditures.50 The WHL houses did rent at higher amounts than the NHAA monthly payments covering , 20-year mortgage and tax payments.51 An evaluation of WHL may take into consideration c r i t e r i a other than the f u l f i l l m e n t of program objectives. Another possible c r i t e r i o n i s the extent to which WHL was accountable to Parliament. In fact, MPs exercised l i t t l e 118 control over the company, which had been created by an order-in-council rather than an act of Parliament. S t i l l , although they claimed to have i n s u f f i c i e n t access to information about company a c t i v i t i e s , 5 2 MPs repeatedly challenged CD. Howe, the minister responsible for WHL, during question periods and debates. As well, in 1942, the House of Commons asked a committee on war expenditures to look into WHL's performance and, in July, the committee tabled a report generally favourable to the company. Over time, WHL and CMHC implemented some of the report's recom-mendations: the use of standard or ready-cut construction to reduce costs; the provision of low-cost accommodation for dependents of soldiers serving overseas; and the sale of houses to tenants desiring to buy them.53 Nevertheless, the corporation generally operated independently of Parliament: i t was much more answerable to Howe and other government o f f i c i a l s than to MPs. Another c r i t e r i o n for assessing WHL is a f f o r d a b i l i t y . A certain confusion surrounds the income group for which WHL provided accommodation. The press and some MPs, including Howe, continually referred to WHL units as low-rental housing. Leonard Marsh, the housing expert who wrote the Curtis report, stated f l a t l y that the corporation did not supply low-rental housing.54 The term "low-rental" implies the purpose of sheltering a low income group, which in 1944 119 paid under $20 per month rent and which was able to afford perhaps $12 per month.55 i t also suggests some government subsidization to make housing accessible to low income tenants. Yet, WHL tenants enjoyed moderate incomes from stable employment in war industry and were thus able to afford the $22 to $30 per month rentals calculated by Pigott as necessary to recoup c a p i t a l and operating costs: WHL had no intention of subsidizing i t s tenants. About 44% of WHL tenants had previously paid rents below $20,56 but steady, modest incomes from war industry substantially reduced th e i r a f f o r d a b i l i t y problem. An additional c r i t e r i o n useful in evaluating WHL is i t s s k i l l in tenant r e l a t i o n s . In 1941, the corporation set up a Tenant Relations Department.57 The program undertaken by this department was s i g n i f i c a n t for two reasons. F i r s t , i t represented an i n i t i a l , conscious attempt to introduce a systematic strategy of s o c i a l control to a nation-wide federal housing scheme. Secondly, i t denoted "a new phase of s o c i a l engineering"58 more subtly p a t e r n a l i s t i c than previous s o c i a l control experiments in housing in other countries. Tenant Relations used s o c i a l control theory in the Talcott Parsons sense.59 Department head Lionel Scott intended the program to reduce or eliminate behaviour that might deviate from accepted s o c i a l norms. Or, as he 120 apparently told the WHL Board of Directors: You are doing a job of plant-staffing...You want the men to stay on the job. You want your property cared f o r . The people in those homes have got to l i v e normal, contented, stimulating l i v e s , and take a pride in their community.60 Scott also r e a l i z e d that hundreds of migrants torn from families, friends, and fa m i l i a r associations might not integrate well with each other or with the host community: A few people d r i f t i n g into a Town can be absorbed. When they come in lots of hundreds, maybe thous-ands, existing s o c i a l agencies are unable to cope with them and they provide a f e r t i l e breeding ground for discontent, juvenile delinquency and so c i a l discord.61 Scott expressed these concerns about behaviour as i t related to productivity, WHL's property, and the broader community within the context of f i g h t i n g a world war: The very care of the democratic way of l i f e for which we are fi g h t i n g l i e s in healthy, l o c a l communities a l i v e to, and dealing with l o c a l problems, which in their t o t a l make up National problems. To keep our developments healthy physically, mentally, and s o c i a l l y i s our job.62 Scott asserted that the work with tenants was not paternal-121 i s t i c . Rather, i t was based "upon democratic principles":63 ...no superimposed programs, no pet projects are foist e d upon the people. It [the work] is based upon the credo that to enjoy freedom we must accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , to have p r i v i l e g e s we must assume obligations...Our job is to lead and to guide, and to make possible - by certain material and leader-ship contributions - a r i c h , balanced, decent and normal community l i f e . 6 4 In fact, the program was p a t e r n a l i s t i c : leading and guiding with the purpose of i n s t i l l i n g s o c i a l norms are s t i l l a form of control. Probably i t would be more accurate to describe the WHL tenant relations approach as subtly p a t e r n a l i s t i c . In any case, Lionel Scott's work represented the systematic application of s o c i o l o g i c a l theory to the way in which working people lived.65 A tenant relations program was not a new idea in 1941. Its application in WHL operations did represent i t s intro-duction to large-scale federal housing schemes in Canada. In the United States, i n d u s t r i a l i s t s had provided their model towns with "welfare secretaries" or " s o c i a l secretaries" who acted as "moral police, s t a t i s t i c i a n s , teachers, recreation-a l planners, and counselors."66 Nevertheless, these "secre-t a r i e s " behaved in a much more heavily p a t e r n a l i s t i c manner than WHL s t a f f : Tenant Relations Department counsellors acted more l i k e "recreational planners" than "moral p o l i c e " . 122 Scott shaped a tenant relations program 6 7 that, l i k e the rest of the WHL administration, operated on a partly paid and p a r t l y voluntary basis. By 1945, the department budget comprised 2 1/2% of gross rents or about $150,000 per year. 6^ It consisted of 35 hired s t a f f members across Canada.69 Scott himself trained the community counsellors. He assigned them to housing projects where they established contact with l o c a l s o c i a l agency heads, factory managers, c i v i c o f f i c i a l s , service clubs, and other community organiz-ations and with WHL tenants. The counsellors brought togeth-er occupants and l o c a l groups as circumstances dictated. They also helped tenants set up a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s 7 ^ that the tenants themselves supported by fund-raising. WHL provided community centres, 71 some equipment, and a monthly magazine for tenants c a l l e d Home L i f e . 7 2 Like the l o c a l advisory committees, the Tenant Relations Department ended with the war. The f i n a l c r i t e r i o n for judging the WHL program i s the degree to which i t employed intergovernmental co-operation. In fact, WHL introduced the p r i n c i p l e of j o i n t r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y between governments in rental housing p r o j e c t s . 7 3 Arrangements for the disposal of houses and for services and payments i n l i e u of taxation on crown land normally required some sharing between WHL and municipal governments. In the pre-1944 agreements,74 the crown company a lone took re spons -i b i l i t y f o r the hous ing and agreed to remove i t soon a f t e r the war ' s end. However, s h a r i n g o c c u r r e d w i t h r e s p e c t to s e r v i c e s and payments i n l i e u o f t axe s . A m u n i c i p a l i t y conveyed l and to WHL f o r a nominal sum and s u p p l i e d s e r v i c e s to a hous ing p r o j e c t i n r e t u r n f o r an annual payment per house; when n e c e s s a r y , the company i n s t a l l e d s e r v i c e s on the land and turned them over to the m u n i c i p a l i t y f o r o p e r a t i o n or maintenance. In the post-1944 agreements, WHL and the m u n i c i p a l i t y bo th took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r d i s p o s a l o f p r o p e r t y and r e t a i n e d s i m i l a r arrangements f o r s e r v i c e s and payments i n l i e u o f t a x a t i o n . I f the c o r p o r a t i o n s o l d any houses i n the f i r s t ten y e a r s , i t undertook to pay the m u n i c i p a l i t y a p redetermined amount f o r the l a n d . A t the c l o s e o f the 15 -year a m o r t i z a t i o n p e r i o d , the m u n i c i p a l i t y cou ld purchase any un so ld houses, and the company consented to pay the m u n i c i p a l i t y an annual amount e q u a l l i n g the normal t a x a t i o n on un so ld houses . The r o l e o f the p r o v i n c i a l government was to a u t h o r i z e m u n i c i p a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the 1949 - 1964 f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l p a r t n e r s h i p i n hous ing put to use on l y i n a p e r f u n c t o r y way the expe r i ence o f i n te r gove rnmenta l c o -o p e r a t i o n ga ined through the WHL program.75 Thus, WHL ach ieved some success i n f u l f i l l i n g i t s o b j e c t i v e s and i n d e a l i n g w i t h a f f o r d a b i l i t y , tenant 124 r e l a t i o n s , and i n te r gove rnmenta l a f f a i r s , a l though owing to wartime c i r cums tance s , i t was not s u f f i c i e n t l y accountab le to P a r l i a m e n t . Y e t , groups o u t s i d e of the Mun i t i ons (Recon-s t r u c t i o n ) and Supply Department regarded WHL w i t h m i s t r u s t and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . F inance Department s t a f f members as much as any group beyond government r e a c t e d to WHL w i th s u s p i c i o n and b i t t e r -n e s s . They were concerned that the c o r p o r a t i o n would o v e r -s tep i t s g u i d e l i n e s and s t a r t to b u i l d permanent r a t h e r than temporary hous ing i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h the NHAA and the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y . T h e i r m i s g i v i n g s came from two sources : f e a r o f s o c i a l i s m and b u r e a u c r a t i c r i v a l r y . Compet i t i on between the NHAA and the WHL o r i g i n a t e d in the c a b i n e t d e c i s i o n to c r e a t e WHL and hampered r e l a t i o n s between F inance and the company throughout the war y e a r s . When the o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l e s t a b l i s h i n g WHL was brought down, the NHAA had a l r e a d y made i t s own p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r defence h o u s i n g . 7 6 NHAA d i r e c t o r F.W. N i c o l l s thought tha t the agency, w i th i t s q u a l i f i e d s t a f f , i t s knowledge of sma l l house c o n s t r u c t i o n , and i t s under s t and ing o f c o a s t - t o - c o a s t hous ing requ i rements was bes t equipped to handle the wartime t a s k . 7 7 The p o s s i b l e abandonment o f a l l N a t i o n a l Housing Ac t programs on l y added to the NHAA's d i s appo in tment . The i n a b i l i t y o f the two b u r e a u c r a c i e s to work together in the i n i t i a l s tages o f WHL's o r g a n i z a t i o n suggests the beg inn ing 125 of a r i v a l r y ; although NHAA s t a f f members moved to Toronto to a s s i s t the new company, WHL eventually continued on i t s own "by mutual consent", 78 a n c j the NHAA employees returned to Ottawa. This early antagonism persisted in fr u s t r a t i n g work relations between WHL and N i c o l l s u n t i l the war's end.79 Both NHAA and Wartime Prices and Trade Board (WPTB) of f i c i a l s feared that WHL would begin to bui l d permanent rather than temporary housing. After the committee report about the WHL program was tabled i n the House of Commons i n July, 1942, Howe announced that the corporation would construct "a reasonable number of houses" i n c i t i e s with a serious housing shortage.80 However, Finance Department o f f i c i a l s and agencies l i k e the WPTB firmly believed that WHL should provide only temporary housing in remote areas and leave permanent housing i n Toronto, Hamilton, Winnipeg, Vancouver and other c i t i e s to private enterprise and the NHAA.81 Thus, they were outraged when WHL and Hamilton negotiated an agreement by which the company would bu i l d permanent houses, charge rents undercutting the l o c a l housing market, and possibly s e l l the houses to tenants after f i v e years on better f i n a n c i a l terms than were possible under the National Housing Act. The c o n f l i c t was settled eventually at the m i n i s t e r i a l level,82 a n c j y^L worked out a less offensive agreement with the c i t y of Hamilton. 126 Behind the concerns of Finance Department o f f i c i a l s lay a very re a l fear of socialism. Finance minister J.L. I l s l e y rejected the di r e c t provision of housing by a peacetime government as s o c i a l i s t i c and dangerous; he firmly believed in the private sector's capacity to supply housing.83 He could countenance WHL only as a temporary solution to the wartime and veterans' housing emergency. When he correspond-ed with Howe in 1942 over permanent housing in Hamilton, he pointed out the "grave danger" of WHL's proposal as a prece-dent for the post-war housing program.84 ypTB personnel also regarded WHL plans for Hamilton as a "dangerous and far-reaching programme" that would end in the " s o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l our housing", "with probable diastrous results to our present economic policy of private home ownership."85 While municipalities regarded wartime and post-war housing conditions as a national problem requiring a federal government solution, WHL encountered many l o c a l obstacles to the implementation of i t s programs. By May, 1945, Pigott reported to WHL shareholders that, on the whole, smooth municipal relations had replaced e a r l i e r "very trouble-some "86 dealings. In fact, many municipal governments reserved " h o s t i l i t y " , or at best "passive tolerance", for WHL projects.8 7 Often, they simply resented the intrusion of a large-scale federal project into a l o c a l community. For example, general public antagonism greeted a WHL scheme for 127 New Glasgow, Nova Scotia.88 Complaints about a housing type i l l - s u i t e d to winter condit ions , about the a t t r a c t i o n of "undesirables" from outside the area, and about the unpopular awarding of a war industry contract reached Howe in Ottawa, and he determined that the project should be relocated in H a l i f a x . Usual ly , c i t y governments expressed unhappiness about the qua l i ty of WHL housing and requested more permanent structures owing to accommodation shortages. In p a r t i c u l a r , they were apprehensive about the de ter iorat ion of WHL temporary housing into slums i f i t was not removed after the war. From the ir perspect ive , i n f e r i o r housing would diminish land values and tax assessments. For example, Hamilton's c i t y counci l preferred permanent houses.89 Again, in Vancouver, Mayor J.W. Cornett asserted that "we should go in for the permanent c lass of home."90 Vancouver aldermen and o f f i c i a l s looked upon WHL's North Vancouver housing as an "eyesore" and as "packing cases."91 Nevertheless, they c a l l e d B u r k e v i l l e a "big improvement"92 and ins i s t ed upon s imi lar housing when in 1944 Vancouver negotiated a'WHL agreement.93 In general , municipal governments grumbled over the loss of tax revenue r e s u l t i n g from WHL agreements. Previous experiences with the 1919 s o l d i e r s ' housing scheme and recent opposit ion to the tax exemption clause of the 128 National Housing Act Part II reinforced this response. Some-times altercations over services erupted i f municipalities thought that the payments in l i e u of taxes were inadequate. The reeve of Richmond and l o c a l WHL s t a f f members fought for two years over a school agreement for Burkeville children and drew Pigott, Howe, and the p r o v i n c i a l education minister into the conflict.94 Yet, other municipalities l i k e the c i t y of North Vancouver settled without d i f f i c u l t y on agreements for Bewicke and Ridgeway schools,95 for a f i r e hall,96 and for Heywood Park.97 Lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , builders, suppliers, and property owners acknowledged that WHL did an admirable job of bui l d -ing war workers' housing in remote areas, but they repudiat-ed any suggestion that the corporation should construct permanent housing in c i t i e s in dire c t competition with private enterprise. In 1942, the Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association98 a n d the Ontario R e t a i l Lumber Dealers Association99 expressed, special concern about the proposed agreement to build permanent WHL housing in Hamilton. They maintained that private industry could furnish permanent homes in c i t i e s with National Housing Act assistance and with the same p r i o r i t i e s on building mater-i a l s as WHL. The private sector anticipated a reluctance in 129 WHL to step aside after the war and to permit private enter-prise the resumption of i t s normal peacetime operations.100 As well, i t recognized the bureaucractic competition between the Finance Department and WHL. In addition, l o c a l property owners and builders frequently r e s i s t e d WHL projects. Organizations l i k e the North Vancouver City and D i s t r i c t Property Owners Associa-tion expressed concerns about property values i f , at the war's end, WHL did not remove i t s non-taxpaying houses.102 As well, l o c a l builders usually strongly opposed WHL. Vancouver's Building Contractors' Association, a f f i l i a t e d with the National House Builders' Association,103 resisted the construction of WHL housing in the city.104 The argu-ments advanced against the crown company were many: the units would deteriorate into slum housing; the company received p r i o r i t i e s on building supplies unavailable to builders; WHL's p r i o r i t i e s would delay the completion of hundreds of partly constructed houses;105 a n d returning soldiers deserved better quality, owner-occupied housing than WHL homes. The Association promoted better access to p r i o r i t i e s on building materials for i t s members and Nation-a l Housing Act assistance for home ownership. Municipal governments l i k e Vancouver City Council supported equal access to materials and argued that builders could do a better job of house construction than WHL. They also suggested that private enterprise could handle the housing 130 si t u a t i o n i f given adquate supplies and labour.106 While one might have expected the Co-operative Common-wealth Federation (CCF) to support WHL's d i r e c t l y inter-ventionist a c t i v i t i e s , such was not the case. As the wartime voice of the Canadian public housing lobby, the CCF respond-ed with h o s t i l i t y to WHL almost from the company's incep-t i o n . 107 i t based i t s opposition on several grounds.108 F i r s t and most importantly, the CCF saw WHL as a threat to i t s drive for a planned and comprehensive national housing program undertaken j o i n t l y by federal, p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal housing au t h o r i t i e s . It regarded the NHAA as an agency that p o t e n t i a l l y could introduce this national program. However, the federal government reduced NHAA's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s when i t established WHL. Secondly, the CCF contended that the NHAA was capable of building temporary as well as general housing in the war years and that a decrease in r e s i d e n t i a l construction could cause "a whole host of so c i a l problems before the war i s over, and after it."109 Thirdly, WHL directors were not accountable to Parliament, p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to expenditures. Fourthly, i f WHL housing were not removed afte r the war owing to accommoda-tion shortages, the poorly b u i l t projects would degenerate quickly into slums. F i f t h l y , the cost of building a rented WHL unit exceeded that of an owner-occupied National Housing 131 Act house. (Of course, the July, 1942 committee report on WHL disputed this assertion.) The B r i t i s h Columbia MLA Dorothy Steeves added other issues to these p o i n t s . ^ 0 9 s h e c a l l e d the crown company " d i c t a t o r i a l " because i t could serve three days notice-to-leave to i t s tenants.110 Further-more, the WHL tax exemptions burdened the l o c a l taxpayer.111 The post-war disposal of WHL houses caused some worry to tenants,112 a n d eventually Steeves began to demand that the homes be sold off immediately to occupants. 1^ The only good feature of the WHL program from Steeves's perspective was the Tenant Relations Department. 1 1 4 It is doubtful i f the federal government could have undertaken the dire c t provision of housing at this time in a more e f f i c i e n t manner than i t did through WHL. Yet, as a new player in the housing f i e l d , the crown company encountered considerable negative response from vested interests in the federal and municipal governments and from advocates both of private enterprise and democratic socialism. Much of the h o s t i l i t y originated in the federal Cabinet's 1941 decision to create WHL and to reduce NHAA's role simultaneously. Perhaps the Dominion government might have diminished some of this dissension and some of the housing shortage by allowing builders special f i n a n c i a l assistance and p r i o r i -t i e s to construct permanent, low-cost housing for war workers and veterans in large Canadian c i t i e s . S t i l l , the government could never have eliminated the c o n f l i c t between 132 WHL and i t s c r i t i e s . The American approach, which success-f u l l y employed both public and private means, was s i m i l a r l y beset by bureaucratic r i v a l r i e s and by reproaches from public housing and builders' lobbies.115 133 Footnotes 1 Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 6, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol.2. 2 Burwell R. Coon, "Wartime Housing," Royal Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada [RAIC] Journal, Vol. XIX, No. 1 (Jan., 1942), pp. 3-8; Ernest I n g l e ^ "Wartime Housing Limited," Canadian Congress Journal, Vol. XX, No. 6 (June, 1941), pp. 15-16; Lionel Scott, "Community Housing," Canadian Forum, Vol. XXIII, No. 267 ( A p r i l , 1943), pp. 8-10; Scott, "Some Facts about Community Centres," RAIC Journal, Vol. XXII, No. 2 (Feb., 1945), pp. 24-25; W.L. Somerville, "Planned Homes for Our Munitions Workers," Canadian Homes  and Gardens, Vol. XVIV, No. 1 (Jan., 1942), pp. 11-13, 42; Somerville, "Planning Wartime Communities," Canadian Homes  and Gardens, Vol. XXI, No. 1-2 (Feb., 1944), p. 38; Somerville, "Site Planning for Wartime Housing," RAIC Journal, Vol. XIX, No. 6 (June, 1942), pp. 129-31. Coon of the Toronto firm S.B. Coon and Sons, was a WHL architect responsible for the supervision of Ontario projects; see, Canada, Department of Munitions and Supply, "Preliminary Report on the Housing Situation in Canada and Suggestions for Its Improvements," prepared by L e s s l i e R. Thomsom, Ottawa, Oct. 22, 1942 [hereafter referred to as Thomson], p. 248; The Canadian Who's Who, (Vol. IV; Toronto: Trans-Canada Press, 1948), p. 195. Ingles and Somerville were WHL dire c t o r s . Scott managed the Tenant Relations Department. 3 See Thomson's report prepared for the Department of Munitions and Supply; J . de N. Kennedy, History of the  Department of Munitions and Supply; Canada in the Second  World War (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1950), Vol. I, Sec. II, pp. 480-89. See also, "Wartime Housing," a National Film Board of Canada documentary f i l m directed by Stanley Jackson, 1941, 16 mm., colour pri n t , PAC, National Film, TV, and Sound Archives. 4 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates [hereafter referred to as Hansard], Vol. I l l (1942), pp. 2570-72, Vol. V (1942), pp. 4977-78, Vol. IV (1943), pp. 3852-53, Vol. II (1944), p. 1700, Vol. I (1945), p. 2273. See also CD. Howe to J.L. I l s l e y , Minister of Finance, Feb. 24, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol.709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 5 " F i r s t Report of Subcommittee No. 1 [on WHL]," Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Journals, Vol. LXXXII (1942-43), pp. 540-41; Vancouver Sun, Feb. 13, 1942, p. 6; 134 Hansard, Vol. I l l (1942), p. 2570, Vol. V (1942), p. 4977, Vol. I (1945), p. 2273. 6 See, for example, Vancouver News-Herald, March 18, 1942, p. 9. 7 MPs tended to complain in the House of Commons about the quality of WHL housing; see Hansard, Vol. I l l (1942), pp. 2464-65, 2568-72, Vol. V (1942), pp. 4977-78, Vol. I (1945), pp. 2272-73, Vol. I (1946), p. 331. 8 Vancouver Daily Province, Oct. 28, 1941, p. 9; News-Herald, March 18, 1942, p. 9. 9 PC 1286, Feb. 24, 1941 . 1° O.J. Firestone, Residential Real Estate in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951), p. 488, Table 109. 11 Thomson, p. 262; Hansard, Vol. V (1942), pp. 4977-78. 12 Thomson, pp. 229-31 . 13 For WHL house construction methods, see the following: "Canadian War Housing," Pencil Points, Vol. XXIII, No. 4 ( A p r i l , 1942), pp. 43-47; Coon, "Wartime Housing"; Leonard L. Knott, "Prefabrication and the Post-War House," Canadian Business, Vol. XVI, No. 9 (Sept., 1943), pp. 46-51, 136, 138, 140, 142, 144, 146; Knott, "War Housing Boom," Canadian Business, Vol. XIV, No. 8 (Aug., 1941), pp. 16-24, 68, 70; Somerville, "Planned Homes for Our Munitions Workers"; C. Stevenson, "New Homes for Canada [Homes in Centres of War Industry]," Canadian Home Journal, Vol. XXXVIII (Feb., 1942), pp. 12-13. See also the documentary "Wartime Housing" for a fi l m record of WHL construction methods. According to " F i r s t Report of Subcommittee No. 1," p. 543, the "demountable" method was more expensive than standard frame construction. 14 Knott, "Prefabrication," pp. 51, 136; Knott, "War Housing Boom," p. 21; Kennedy, Vol. I, Sec. II, p. 483. 15 For a quick summary of prefabrication, see, Canada, Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Planning [chaired by CA. C u r t i s ] , F i n a l Report of the Subcommittee, March 24, 1944 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1944) [hereafter referred to as Curtis Report], pp. 297-98. 135 •o Workers needed an estimated 16 man-hours to put up a small house, and they were capable of completing a group of 20 houses and turning them over to the tenants in 30 days; see Knott, "Prefabrication", p. 142. 1 7 G.E. M i l l s and D.W. Holdsworth, "The B.C. M i l l s Prefabricated System: The Emergence of Ready-Made Buildings in Western Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c Sites, Occasional  Papers in Archeology and History, No. 14 (1975), pp. T27-69; Thomas Ritchie, Canada Builds, 1867 - 1967 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), pp. 53, 126-27, 135. 1 8 see E.G. Faludi, "Prefabricated Houses," Canadian Forum, Vol. XXI, No. 248 (Sept., 1941), pp. 174-76; Faludi and Catherine Chard, "The Prefabricated House Industry," RAIC Journal, Vol. XXII, No. 3 (March, 1945), pp. 56-62; Knotty "Prefabrication"; W.B. McCutcheon, "Canada Adapts Prefabrication," Canadian Business, Vol. XX, No. 3 (March, 1947), pp. 36-38, 98, 100; Dorothy Steeves, "Home-Building: Canada's No. 1 Post-War Project," New Commonwealth, Vol. XI, No. 6 (Oct. 12, 1944), pp. 3,7; Bruce H. Wright, "Prefabrication," RAIC Journal, Vol. XX, No. 9 (Sept., 1943), pp. 159-60. 19 Province, Aug. 14, 1941, p. 23. 2 0 Kennedy, Vol. I., Sec. II, p. 484. 21 Sun, Sept. 7, 1944, p. 5; Kennedy, Vol. I., Sec. II, p. 484. 22 For adaptations of WHL housing, see: Mary Beeler Galloway [Scott], "User Adaptations of Wartime Housing," Master's of Environmental Design (Architecture) Project, University of Calgary, 1978; C e c i l Edwin John Gould, "Wartime Housing in V i c t o r i a , B.C.; Direct Federal Intervention in Housing and Subsequent Alterations to Standardized Designs," MA thesis, University of V i c t o r i a , 1977. 23 Thomson, pp. 254-55; "Wartime Housing," RAIC Journal, Vol. XXII, No. 4 ( A p r i l , 1945), pp. 84-86. 24 WHL termed the house types H-1/H-2, H-11/H-12, H-21/H-22, and H-41/H-42. H-11/H-12 was the four-bedroom bungalow, H-41/H-42 a later addition. H-2 reversed H-1. For written and i l l u s t r a t e d descriptions of the house types, see: Thomson, pp. 252-54; Coon, pp. 3,7; Somerville, "Planned Homes for Our Munitions Workers," p. 12. For a film record, see the documentary "Wartime Housing." 136 25 Coon, p. 3; Thomson, p. 252. 26 Canada, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, [Album of Photographs and Plans of Wartime Housing in Vancouver and V i c t o r i a ] , [1947], City of Vancouver Archives [hereafter CVA], Photograph Col l e c t i o n , 150-1. 27 F.W. N i c o l l s , "Wartime Housing in Canada," Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Forum, Vol. LXXIII, No. 6 (Dec, 1940), pp. 494-96; "The Modern Home [Model House No. 501 Sponsored by the Dominion Government]," Canadian Home Journal, Vol. XXXVI (Jan., 1940), p. 27; Sun, Jan. 7, 1939, p. 23. Voluntary committees of the RAIC assisted WHL's Arch i t e c t u r a l Division in the selection of house plans; Kennedy, Vol. I., Sec. II, pp. 481-82. 28 Harold Kalman, Exploring Vancouver 2; Ten Tours of  the City and Its Buildings (Rev. ed.; Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1978), p. 199, H6. See also, Canada, Department of Finance, Dominion Housing Act; A r c h i t e c t u r a l Competition; Low-Cost House Designs (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1 936), pp. 36~, 42~j 69~j Graeme Chalmers and Frances Moorcroft, B r i t i s h Columbia Houses; A Guide to the  Styles of Domestic Architecture in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Western Education Development Group, Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981), pp. 81-83. A similar s t y l i s t i c reduction occurred in the United States; see, for example, E.M. Jenkins, "Low-Cost Houses for Factory Employees, at Ja r r e t t , V i r g i n i a , " Pencil Points, Vol. XXI, No. 8 (Aug., 1940), pp. 55-57. 29 Deryck William Holdsworth, "House and Home in Vancouver; The Emergence of a West Coast Urban Landscape, 1886 - 1929," PhD diss e r t a t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981, p. 250, f i g . 7.1.a. 30 For example, see, "Blueprint of Buildings for Cariboo Gold Quartz Mining Co. to Be Erected at Wells, B.C.," Cariboo Gold Quartz Mining Co. Ltd. Papers, CVA, Add. Mss.'280, Vol. 42, Folder I I . 31 Canada, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Small House Designs; Vol. I: Bungalows; Vol. 2: One-and-a-HaIf-Storey; Vol. 3: Two-Storey (Ottawa: n.n., 1949). Sam Gitterman, CMHC's chief architect, was responsible for the design excellence of these houses; Humphrey Carver, Compassionate Landscape (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), p. 110. 137 32 Kalman, p. 212, H28. On p. 199, H6, Kalman asserts that the reduction of the Cape Cod cottage led l o g i c a l l y and shortly "to the r a d i c a l l y non-historical creations" of architects l i k e Peter Thornton, R.A.D. Berwick, C E . Pratt, and CB.K. Van Norman. On the basis of evidence presented here, one might add that that reduction also led to the t r a d i t i o n a l - l o o k i n g , post-war developer-built house that he himself i d e n t i f i e d in Fraserview (p. 212). 33 "Wartime Housing." The No. 4 Temporary building that s t i l l stands behind the Confederation Building, Ottawa, and that housed CMHC in i t s early years resembles the s t a f f houses; see Carver, p. 103. The North Vancouver s t a f f houses apparently had a 4-column portico; see drawing for "Alterations to Front Entrance Doors & New Canopy to S t a f f Houses, Wartime Housing Ltd., Feb. 2nd, 1943," Canadian Archives, University of Calgary [hereafter CAA], McCarter Nairne C o l l e c t i o n , Acc. No. 84A/80.18 34 For WHL s i t e planning, see H. Peter Oberlander, "Canada's Planning Experience i n Housing Her War Veterans," American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s Planning (1949), pp. 198-201; Somerville, "Planning Wartime Communities" and "Site Planning for Wartime Housing." 35 Wartime Housing Ltd., Site Plans for Vancouver Projects 1, 2, and 3A, B and C, CVA, u n c l a s s i f i e d documents. 36 [Site Plan for WHL Project No. 3, North Vancouver], Oct. 5, 1942, CAA, McCarter Nairne C o l l e c t i o n , Acc. No. 84A/80.18. Project No. 3 was in the Mosquito and Mackay Creeks area. 37 William St o r r i e of the engineering firm Gore and Sto r r i e handled plans and sp e c i f i c a t i o n s for roads, sewers, and water; WHL then l e t contracts for the work and employed supervising engineers to superintend construction; Thomson, p. 248. 38 The landscape architect H.B. Dunnington-Grubb advised WHL on landscaping matters, and Burwell Coon directed the contracted work from head o f f i c e ; Thomson, p. 248. Dunnington-Grubb lectured in landscape design at the University of Toronto School of Architecture; "Contributors to This Issue," RAIC Journal, Vol. XIX, No. 9 (Sept., 1942), p. 196. 39 Examples are Lowell i n the U.S., Essen in Germany, and S a l t a i r e , Port Sunlight and Bourneville i n B r i t a i n . 138 40 Canadian examples are Cassidy, B.C., Temiskaming, ue., and the Ontario Nickel Belt towns; see E.A. Haggen, C o l l i e r y of Granby Consolidated Mining, Smelting and Power Co., Ltd.," Mining and Engineering Record, Vol. XXIV, No. 15 (Aug. 15, 1919), pp. 209-19; A.K. Grimmer, "The Development and Operation of a Company-Owned Industrial Town," Engineering Journal, Vol. XVII, No. 5 (May, 1934), pp. 219-23; G i l b e r t A. S t e l t e r , "Community Development in Toronto's Commercial Empire: The Industrial Towns of the Nickel Belt, 1883-1931," Laurentian University Review, Vol. VI, No. 3 (June, 1974), pp. 3-53. 41 Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream: A Social  History of Housing in America (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981) , pp. 58-72, 177-92. 42 i b i d . , pp. 178, 184-85; Haggen, pp. 218-19; Grimmer, p. 219; S t e l t e r , pp. 42-43. 43 Kennedy, Vol. I., Sec. I I , pp. 486-88, Thomson, pp. 232-34. 44 i n North Vancouver, WHL made Dr. D.J. M i l l a r chairman of the l o c a l advisory committee when Norman Robinson arrived to i n i t i a t e a housing development; see, Province, Sept. 5, 1941, p. 5. To date, no evidence has been found to confirm that such a committee existed in Richmond, which may help to explain the uneasy relationship between WHL and the Richmond municipal government. 45 i say this in contradiction of D.B. Mansur's reservations about WHL's accounting system, which he claimed followed "the rather archaic Government practice of never writing anything down and being s t r i c t l y on a cash basis"! See Mansur, President, CMHC, to W.H. Campbell, Aug. 28, 1946, PAC, RG56, Vol. 57, F i l e 2-30. 46 PC1286, Feb. 24, 1941. 47 Mansur to Campbell, Aug. 28, 1946. 48 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Annual  Report, 1952, p. 21. Joe Pigott thought the sale of this housing "a tremendous waste of money through s e l l i n g these properties at a lo s s " when he had c a r e f u l l y worked out WHL rentals to provide a net earning, to make possible the disposal of units after 10 years, and s t i l l to recover company costs; see, Pigott to J. de N. Kennedy, Jan. 3, 1949, PAC, RG28, Ser. A l , Vol. 7; Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, pp. 3-4, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 139 49 For example, see Hansard, Vol. I l l (1942), p. 2568. CCF MP A.M. Nicholson gave the average cost of a WHL house in Hull as $3,379, according to a return brought down in the House of Commons; another return gave the average cost of a NHA-financed house as $3,750. 50 " F i r s t Report of Subcommittee No.1," p. 542. The report noted that l o c a l improvement expenditures amounted to $705 per housing unit. 5 1 Ibid., p. 540. The ranges for WHL and NHA monthly payments were respectively $22 to $30 and $20.38 and $26.50. As explained above in footnote 48, WHL calculated i t s rentals for 10 years, while NHA's amortization period was 20 years. 5 2 Hansard, Vol. IV (1941-1942), pp. 3845-47. 53 Interestingly, the committee also suggested: (1 ) a nation-wide campaign using volunteer workers to find surplus accommodation for home-seekers; (2) a conversion plan for older single family homes; and (3) the construction of permanent homes under NHA in urban centres experiencing housing shortages; see " F i r s t Report of Subcommittee No.1," p. 543. 54 News-Herald, July 16, 1947, p. 3; see also Helen Marsh, "From 1Shacktown 1 to 'My Town': Wartime Housing Community Projects," National Home Monthly, Vol. XLV, No. 11 (Nov., 1944), p. 24; Leonard C. Marsh, "Principles of Low Rent Housing," Public A f f a i r s , Vol. X, No. 4 (Oct., 1947), pp. 234-38. 55 Curtis Report, pp. 107, 113. 56 Ibid., p. 263, Table 62. In 5 combined c i t i e s (Halifax, Peterborough, Hamilton, Windsor and North Vancouver), 43.6% of WHL tenants had previously paid rentals up to $20 and 28.4% had paid $21 to $25. 57 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, Aug. 10, 1943, p. 1, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 58 Scott, "Some Facts about Community Centres," p. 24. 59 Gareth Stedman Jones, "Class Expression Versus Social Control? A Critique of Recent Trends in the Social History of 'Leisure'," History Workshop, No. 4 (Autumn, 1977), pp. 166-67. 140 6 0 H. Marsh, p. 20. 61 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, Aug. 10, 1943, p. 2, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 6 2 Ibid., p. 3; H. Marsh, p. 25. 63 Minutes, Meeting of WHL Board of Directors, Aug. 10, 1943, p. 3, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 64 Ibid. 65 Marsh, p. 25. Scott, an Englishman of about 40 when he worked for WHL, was educated in London, Vienna, Munich and Paris, moved to Dayton, Ohio, in 1928, and eventually set up his own consulting business in housing and decorating in Toronto. He developed a singular expertise in connecting psychology and sociology with environmental design. 66 Wright, p. 178. 6 7 H. Marsh; Scott, "Community Housing," and "Some Facts about Community Centres." 68 Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 4, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. Pigott thought the "money well spent" and "producing good r e s u l t s . " 69 H . V . C o l l i n s was the counsellor in North Vancouver; Sun, Oct.3, 1942, Mag. Sect., p. 11. 70 These a c t i v i t i e s included pre-natal c l i n i c s , kindergartens, play schools, garden clubs, c r a f t groups, grandmothers' clubs, sports, Red Cross committees, choirs, stamp c o l l e c t o r s ' clubs, orchestras, credit unions, and so on. Scott estimated that of these a c t i v i t i e s 32.2% focused on babies, children, and young people, 16% on health and welfare, 12.7% on community service and war work, 12% on sports, 11.6% on miscellaneous adult a c t i v i t i e s , 9% on education and study groups, and 6.5% on s o c i a l functions; Scott, "Some Facts about Community Centres," p. 24. For a fil m record of some of these a c t i v i t i e s , see the documentary "Wartime Housing." 71 North Vancouver and Burkeville both had community centres. Burkeville's was (and is) a converted barn; see News-Herald, Nov. 6, 1943, p. 3. The North Vancouver centre was sold o f f in 1947; see, Community Centres, Report of Disposition of Buildings and Operations," Nov. 15, 1947, RG56, Vol. 59, F i l e 2-31; see also, Sun, Oct.6, 1947, p. 15. 141 72 CVA holds Home L i f e and Community Interests, Vol. I l l , Nos. 2-6 [1942], Vol. IV, Nos. 1, 3, and 6 [1943], and Vol. V, No. 1 [1944]. It also has a few issues of the North Vancouver project's magazine; see High Tide, Vol. 1, Nos. 1-4 (May 15 - Aug. 21, 1943). 73 Kennedy, Vol. I., Sec. II, pp. 485-86; see also, Curtis Report, pp. 36-37, 264-65; Thomson, pp. 235-38. 74 WHL maintained nation-wide uniformity in these agreements subsequent to working out a suitable basis for them with the Quebec p r o v i n c i a l Cabinet in July, 1941; see Thomson, p. 237. 75 Albert Rose, Canadian Housing P o l i c i e s (1 935-1 980) (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980), pp. 29-33. 76 Knott, "War Housing Boom," p. 21, and "Prefabrication and the Post-War House," pp. 51, 136. 77 "Memorandum to Dr. W.C.Clark from Mr. N i c o l l s : Re Defence Housing," Feb. 19, 1941, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 78 Hansard, Vol. IV (1941 - 1942), pp. 3844-47. 79 Correspondence between CD. Howe and J.L. I l s l e y re. F.W. N i c o l l s Attitude to WHL, A p r i l , 1943, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3540, F i l e on Housing, 1935 - 1945. 80 Hansard, Vol. V (1942), pp. 4977-78. 81 J.D. Forbes to N i c o l l s , Oct. 29, 1941, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3540. 82 See correspondence on the issue of WHL-built permanent housing in Hamilton, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 83 Hansard, Vol. IV (1941 - 1942), pp. 3840-47; "Summary of Remarks by Hon. J.L. I l s l e y . , " July 9, 1945, PAC, RG19, Ser.E 3, Vol. 4017, IHC Doc. No. 18; "Speech by Hon. J.L. I l s l e y , " Oct. 25, 1945, PAC, RG19, Ser.E 3, Vol. 4017, IHC Doc. No. 117; Correspondence between I l s l e y and Howe re: Division of Responsibility of the National Housing Program as between the Departments of Finance and Reconstruction, Dec, 1944, to March, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 84 H s l e y to Howe, Oct. 21, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 142 85 C y r i l R. DeMara, Rentals Administrator, to R.C. Carr, Assistant Secretary, WPTB, Nov. 2, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 86 Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 5, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 87 Helen Alford, "Housing and Local Government in Canada; Some Impressions," 1945, CVA, 34-C-5, Vol. 60, 1946, F i l e on Housing. 88 Correspondence re: WHL Project in New Glasgow, N.S., June, 1941, PAC, RG19, Vol. 2734. 89 Howe to I l s l e y , Nov. 2, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 90 Cornett to J.W. Fry, Mayor of Edmonton, July 30, 1943, CVA, 34-C-1, Vol. 56, 1943, F i l e on Housing. 91 " c i t y O f f i c i a l s Inspect Wartime Housing S i t e , " [unidentified newspaper c l i p p i n g ] , A p r i l 14, 1943, CVA, Newspaper Clippings, M8453. 92 "Housing O f f i c i a l Back," [unidentified newspaper cl i p p i n g ] , A p r i l 24, 1943, CVA, Newspaper clippings, M4289-2. 93 "WHL: Agreement re Houses for Returned Men," Sept. 12, 1944, CVA, 28-A-1, 1944, F i l e on Wartime Housing. 94 Correspondence re: Burkeville school issue, in Richmond, Corporation of the Township, Clerk's Department Records, F i l e 2216; Sun, June 29, 1945, p. 4. Pigott acknowledged WHL's d i f f i c u l t i e s with Richmond in Minutes, Annual Meeting of WHL Shareholders, May 29, 1945, p. 5, PAC, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes, Vol. 2. 95 See above, p. 48. 96 North Vancouver, City, Council, Minutes, No. 16 (1942 - 1945), March 20, 1944, p. 137, item 9. 97 Ibid., May 25, 1943, p. 75, item 5. 98 j.w. Macdonnell, President, Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association, to Howe, Oct, 30, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3540. 143 y y A.A. S t r e a t f i e l d , Ontario R e t a i l Lumber Dealers Association Incorporated, to I l s l e y , Oct. 23, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-l-15. 100 Horace Boultbee, "The Question of Wartime vs Long-Time Housing," Saturday Night, Vol. LVIII, No. 10 (Nov. 14, 1942), pp. 20-21. 101 Ibid.; Hansard, Vol. V (1942), pp. 4908-09, 4977-79. 102 Sun, A p r i l 29, 1942, p. 17, and June 18, 1943, p. 16; Province, June 18, 1943, p. 1. 103 These associations were groups of small builders. The national organization was founded in 1943. Later, i t became the Housing and Urban Development Association of Canada (HUDAC). See, Fina n c i a l Post, June 4, 1983. 1 ° 4 Sun, Aug. 3, 1944, p. 2, Oct. 20, 1944, p. 24, Dec. 19, T M 4 , p. 5, June 16, 1945, p. 1, and July 16, 1945, p. 2; Province, Aug. 9, 1944, p. 9. 105 During the war, Quality Homes Corporation and Vancouver T i t l e s Ltd. encountered problems getting loans from mortgage companies because the companies feared that shortages i n materials might delay the completion of house construction. They proposed a plan to c i t y council for building low-cost housing and asked for equal p r i o r i t i e s on building materials once war needs were met, support from lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , and NHA autho r i t i e s , and endorsation and tax sale lots from the c i t y . See Quality Homes Corporation and Vancouver T i t l e s Limited, "A Plan to Build 1000 Low Cost Houses in Vancouver Annually," 1942, CVA, Photograph C o l l e c t i o n , 163-1. 1 ° 6 Sun, June 9, 1942, p. 13, and June 10, 1944, p. 2. 107 Hansard, Vol. IV (1941 - 1942), pp. 3846-47, Vol. II (1942), pp. 1612-13, and Vol. I l l (1942), pp. 2568-69; Federationist, A p r i l 23, 1942, p. 3; CCF News, Oct. 12, 1944, p. 4. 108 on accountability, see Federationist, Feb. 18, 1943, pp. 1-4; Sun, Feb. 12, 1943, p. 4; News-Herald, March 20, 1945, p. 9. On the national housing program, see News-Herald, Feb. 11, 1942, p. 20, and Sun, Feb. 11, 1942, p~. 15. On poor construction, see Federationist, March 18, 1943, p. 3; News-Herald, Jan. 15, 1942, p. 3; Sun, Jan. 15, 1942, p. 17. 109 Hansard, Vol. II (1942), p. 1613. 144 l l u CCF News, Feb. 17, 1944, p. 1, and March 22, 1945, p. 1; Sun, Feb. 12, 1943, p. 4; News-Herald, March 20, 1945, p. 9. 1 1 1 Federationist, March 18, 1943, p. 3. 1 1 2 CCF News, Feb. 17, 1944, p. 1, and March 22, 1945, p. 1 . 1 1 3 Ibid., Sept. 30, 1945, p. 3; Province, Aug. 27, 1945, p. 19. 1 1 4 CCF News, Oct. 12, 1944, p. 4. 1 1 5 P h i l i p J . F u n i g i e l l o , The Challenge to Urban  Liberalism; Federal-City Relations during World War II (Knoxville• University of Tennessee Press, 1978), pp. 80-119. 145 CONCLUSION By 1944, a tremendous demand for housing, p a r t i c u l a r l y for low income groups, existed in Canada. Coincidentally, the federal government demonstrated i t s expertise in the dir e c t provision of war workers' and veterans' housing.1 Why, then, did the government not convert Wartime Housing Ltd. (WHL) into a permanent low-rental housing agency after World War II? As the f i r s t Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) president D.B. Mansur speculated in 1945,2 the government could have created in the Department of Reconstruction and Supply a national public housing authority separate from CMHC that f u l l y u t i l i z e d WHL's experience in the housing f i e l d . Conceivably, this national authority could have met low income housing needs by several alternative means including d i r e c t supply and ind i r e c t f i n a n c i a l assistance. Late in 1947, CD. Howe, the minister responsible for CMHC, summed up the federal government's position on housing. 3 He c l e a r l y stated that the government would not countenance the long-term dir e c t provision of housing except in emergencies. According to Howe, the "fundamental 146 p r i n c i p l e " of Dominion po l i c y was the government's commit-ment "to create more favourable credit conditions that would encourage r e s i d e n t i a l construction." 4 The Dominion Housing Act, the Home Improvement Plan, and the 1938 National Housing Act (NHA) established the p r i n c i p l e of indir e c t intervention in home building before the war; the 1944 NHA reaffirmed i t . Howe j u s t i f i e d the federal position on a const i t u t i o n a l basis. The Dominion pursued i n d i r e c t intervention "since housing is a function of property and c i v i l rights, a matter within the j u r i s d i c t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l and municipal govern-ments. "5 In addition, "subsidization of low-rental hous-ing... is r i g h t l y a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of municipal and prov-i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s " for "they are the parties d i r e c t l y responsible for s o c i a l welfare."6 Thus, although the federal government had r a d i c a l l y intervened in the nation's accommo-dation under i t s wartime powers, normally constitutional reasons precluded i t from being held accountable for hous-ing. S t i l l , Howe admitted that the low-rental housing problem was "of such magnitude that no one l e v e l of govern-ment can see i t through."7 The solution would be the active co-operation of a l l three governments. The Dominion was "anxious to work out with the provinces and municipalities a basis for handling the long-term problem."8 In fact, the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l argument conveniently 147 excused federa l act ion on low income housing much as i t had delayed the introduct ion of unemployment r e l i e f . 9 While the Dominion government res i s t ed d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the grounds of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , in pract ice i t has intervened unequivocal ly and permanently in housing since World War 1 1 . 1 ° CMHC s t i l l owns and manages r e n t a l units turned over to i t nearly forty years ago by Housing Enter-pr ises of Canada L t d . ^ C e r t a i n l y , the federal government has played the most act ive and v i s i b l e publ ic ro le in the housing sphere since the war's end. Some observers have argued that, i f motivated, the government could have surmounted the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t y . 1 2 without doubt, other factors discouraged the Dominion's entry into the publ ic housing f i e l d . To some extent, the reso lut ion of a 1944 - 1945 bureau-c r a t i c c o n f l i c t ^ between the Departments of Finance and of Reconstruction and Supply determined federa l p o l i c y . O r i g i n -at ing in e a r l i e r disagreements about WHL, the struggle concerned the type of government intervent ion in renta l housing; as w e l l , i t represented a c o n f l i c t between the "market welfare" and "soc ia l welfare" approaches to housing. Confident of pr ivate enterpr i se ' s c a p a b i l i t y and f e a r f u l of soc ia l i sm, Finance o f f i c i a l s argued for i n d i r e c t federal p a r t i c i p a t i o n in supplying ren ta l housing through the 1944 NHA: f e d e r a l l y - a s s i s t e d l imi ted dividend companies 148 could build the low-rental housing call e d for in the Curtis report.14 By contrast, Reconstruction o f f i c i a l s l i k e WHL president Joe Pigott acknowledged the private sector's i n a b i l i t y to supply low-rental housing and advocated long-term dir e c t federal i n t e r v e n t i o n . ^ Yet, while Finance minister J.L. I l s l e y and his o f f i c i a l s shared the same position, Howe did not adhere to Pigott's viewpoint.16 He was not opposed to WHL's construction of permanent rental housing, but, at the same time, he expected the crown company's eventual l i q u i d a t i o n . 1 7 The adversaries made at least two attempts to se t t l e the c o n f l i c t . During the winter of 1944 - 1945, Reconstruc-tion and Supply proposed assuming Finance's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for rental housing, slum clearance, and urban renewal provisions covered by the 1944 NHA. 18 The Department's intention was to establish a housing section administering low and moderate income rental projects. Joe Pigott would be director of housing development. No doubt, WHL would have reported to this new housing section. However, Howe and I l s l e y f a i l e d to negotiate an arrangement sat i s f a c t o r y to both p a r t i e s . They could not agree on the d i v i s i o n of f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for rental schemes. As well, I l s l e y f retted about the possible advancement of socialism under Pigott's administration. Howe, who was more interested in 149 meeting the housing demand than in p o l i t i c a l philosophy,19 regarded WHL as a more e f f e c t i v e rental housing program th the "unworkable"20 N H A schemes. F i n a l l y , he suggested to I l s l e y that Finance retain the NHA's entire administration Pigott l e f t WHL a few months later.21 His resignation removed from the c o n f l i c t the strongest proponent of permanent dire c t federal p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Later in the same year, a committee composed of o f f i c i a l s from Finance and Reconstruction and Supply reconsidered the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of r e a l l o c a t i n g housing authority between the two departments.22 However, the committee's central concern was to co-ordinate a l l govern-ment housing operations. Committee members accordingly recommended to Howe and I l s l e y the consolidation of a l l programs into one department reporting to a single minister. Howe and I l s l e y accepted this proposal, and they entrusted the task of consolidation to Finance's new creation, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. The c o n f l i c t ' s f i n a l resolution came about within CMHC. The corporation's major functions and objectives r e f l e c t e d Finance's perception of the Dominion's role in housing.23 CMHC's job was to administer NHA a c t i v i t i e s and to provide discounting f a c i l i t i e s for lending i n s t i t u t i o n s Its main purpose was "to stimulate private enterprise to serve as large an area as possible of the housing f i e l d , 150 thus reducing the pressure for p u b l i c l y assisted housing."24 Then, in 1946, after the overburdened I l s l e y handed respon-s i b i l i t y for CMHC to Howe,25 the corporation developed a more d i r e c t l y interventionist short-term solution to the post-war housing emergency; i t devised i t s veterans' rental housing plan. At the same time, fearing that i t would perma-nently remain the landlord of thousands of rental units, CMHC began to s e l l WHL and veterans' houses to i t s tenants.26 Thus, the c o n f l i c t ' s outcome by 1947 was Howe's stated policy of long-range i n d i r e c t intervention oriented towards the market and temporary dir e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n aimed at s o c i a l need. Another s i g n i f i c a n t factor underlying federal policy was the consensus between the Finance Department and the business community about the Dominion government's role in the housing field.27 Private sector organizations l i k e the i n f l u e n t i a l Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association and Finance shared many convictions: the industry could meet the enormous need for shelter; the national housing schemes should provide employment and s t a b i l i z e the economy during both the depression and reconstruction; the Dominion should not p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y in housing; the federal government should make home ownership more at t r a c t i v e to more c i t i z e n s through increased f i n a n c i a l assistance; the government should also encourage rental housing construction with 151 f i n a n c i a l help to builders and limited dividend corpora-tions; and the Dominion should only involve i t s e l f in public housing i n d i r e c t l y with the close co-operation of the pr o v i n c i a l and municipal governments. Yet, the relationship between business and Finance went beyond shared attitudes. For example, organizations representing lending i n s t i t u t i o n s and builders submitted b r i e f s to government. As well, Finance requested insurance companies to form Housing Enterprises of Canada Ltd., a limited dividend company for moderate-rental housing construction,28 a n d i t consulted with business over drafting legislation.29 The industry and the Finance Department had developed th e i r accord in the 1930s and reaffirmed i t in the 1940s. This consensus determined that the main thrust of government involvement in housing would be i n d i r e c t l y i n t erventionist and market-oriented. This interpretation of the relationship between Finance and business confirms the analyses of other observers. Although i t s k i r t s the issue of class struggle, the i n v e s t i -gation substantiates A l v i n Finkel's conclusions about the interconnection of government and the construction indust-ry. 30 As well, the examination reinforces and augments the assessments of Humphrey Carver and Tom Gunton: federal commitment to private enterprise prevented permanent dire c t government provision of housing.31 F i n a l l y , the enquiry 152 finds i t s e l f in agreement with Lawrence B. Smith, a housing s p e c i a l i s t associated with the Fraser Institute and an opponent of d i r e c t public intervention. Smith acknowledges (approvingly) that the 1935 - 1954 federal housing policy "sought to encourage the private sector rather than to replace i t with direct government involvement."32 Protest groups also contributed to the evolution of federal housing p o l i c y . Finkel has argued that during the depression " r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e " groups l i k e the Co-operat-ive Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the trade union movement, the farmers' organizations, and Social Credit lacked s u f f i c -ient power and organization to influence government decision-making.33 By 1944 - 1945, well-constituted protest groups l i k e the CCF, the Labor Progressive Party, the trade unions, and various community and housing associations exercised greater strength. Indeed, by 1943, the CCF presented a dynamic p o l i t i c a l challenge to both the Liberals and the Conservatives, and, in 1945, returned servicemen exerted no small influence on the government. Yet, as the Vancouver case study i l l u s t r a t e s , d i f f e r i n g goals among the protest groups allowed the federal govern-ment to defuse agitation without ever resolving the long-term housing problem.34 The government offered remedial 153 reforms l i k e WHL p r o j e c t s to ease the 1944 - 1947 emergen-cy. The powerful o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t e r e s t e d i n vet e r a n s ' needs were content w i t h these temporary measures. Other groups l i k e the CCF th a t wanted more fundamental changes i n housing p o l i c i e s were d i s s a t i s f i e d . S t i l l , w h i l e the CCF's p o p u l a r i -t y i n 1944 caused the L i b e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to in t r o d u c e other s o c i a l w e l f a r e measures, i t could not f o r c e the government to r e l i n q u i s h i t s f i r m l y entrenched, market-d i r e c t e d approach to housing. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the CCF c o n t i n -ued to press the government f o r a n a t i o n a l housing program emphasizing l o w - r e n t a l p r o j e c t s . E v e n t u a l l y , the 1949 NHA amendment i n t r o d u c i n g the f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l p a r t n e r s h i p ^ ^ i n r e n t a l housing r e s u l t e d . T h i s , too, was a remedial reform which never met the low income housing need.36 Throughout the l i f e o f the f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l p a r t n e r s h i p , Ottawa remained committed p r i m a r i l y to p o l i c i e s that f o s t e r e d home ownership and promoted p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e . F i n a l l y , the gen e r a l ambivalence o f Canadians about home ownership may have helped to account f o r housing p o l i c y developments at the war's end. Probably, the m a j o r i t y favoured ownership, but, perhaps f e a r f u l o f post-war d e p r e s s i o n , many p r o s p e c t i v e owners b e l i e v e d t h a t they could not a f f o r d to buy a house. In 1941, while more d w e l l i n g s were owner-occupied than rented throughout Canada, the re v e r s e was the case i n urban areas.37 As a Vancouver survey 154 i n d i c a t e d , 3 8 most renters preferred to own; nevertheless, the a f f o r d a b i l i t y problem discouraged them from buying and caused them to support low-rentals housing projects. Doubt-l e s s l y , in 1944 - 1945, the L i b e r a l government shrewdly calculated that i t s long-term program of indir e c t interven-tion promoting home ownership and i t s short-term plan of i d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n supplying rental housing would match the hesitant mood of Canadian v o t e r s . 3 ^ Thus, for several reasons, the federal government did not reconstitute WHL as a permanent low-rental housing agency following the Second World War. Ordinarily, federal o f f i c i a l s excused the Dominion from playing a more aggressive role in the housing f i e l d on cons t i t u t i o n a l grounds. Yet, there were other explanations. The resolution of a bureaucractic c o n f l i c t between the Finance and the Reconstruction and Supply Departments and the consensus among Finance o f f i c i a l s and the business community determined the di r e c t i o n of public intervention in the housing f i e l d . As well, the divisions among groups agitating for improved housing conditions and the ambivalence of many Canadians towards both home ownership and low-rental housing allowed the federal government to introduce remedial rather than more fundamental reforms. These explanations together indicate the government's firm and continuing commitment to the "market welfare" viewpoint and i t s reluctant and 155 temporary recognition of s o c i a l need. Only a major a t t i t u -d i n a l s h i f t to a " s o c i a l welfare" approach would ever bring about any fundamental change i n i t s housing poli c y . This market-oriented perspective has hindered advances in housing po l i c y i n the same way that for decades the poor law t r a d i t i o n had blocked government acceptance of unemployment r e l i e f . 4 0 H i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e about the origins of the Canadian s o c i a l security system present a confused picture about housing policy's relationship to the welfare state. Dennis Guest includes housing l e g i s l a t i o n in his survey of depres-sion and wartime s o c i a l welfare advances. 4! However, he asserts that, i n the 1940s, the main thrust of Canadian housing p o l i c y pointed towards home ownership and private enterprise. The veterans' housing program supplemented this p r i n c i p a l objective. Housing p o l i c y continued to neglect the needs of low income families. According to A l v i n F i n k e l , housing figured as an element in the welfare state's ground-work l a i d i n the 1930s. 4 2 Nevertheless, the interconnection of government and construction industry interests dictated remedial, not fundamental, s o c i a l reform. In other words, Guest and Finkel view housing as part of the welfare state, and yet both see housing p o l i c y as market-related. The evidence presented i n this thesis dispels the 156 confusion. Although the federal government could have included housing in the emerging s o c i a l welfare system through a WHL-inspired low-rental agency, i t did not. The a t t i t u d i n a l changes 4^ making possible wartime advances in s o c i a l security simply did not carry over to the housing f i e l d in any l a s t i n g way. Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, long-range housing policy remained market-oriented rather than need-related. In housing matters, the welfare state was a "market welfare" state. Accordingly, WHL represented a successful but temporary experiment in p u b l i c l y - b u i l t housing, and the 1944 NHA was not part of the burst of wartime s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . Instead, NHA assisted in the introduction of Keynesian theory to Canadian economic policy: the government regarded housing as a s t a b l i l i z a t i o n tool to ease the country through the reconstruction p e r i o d . 4 4 Experts writing in the 1970s confirm this analysis of housing and the welfare state. Michael Dennis and Susan Fish, who support the " s o c i a l welfare" approach, assert that the federal government used housing as a s t a b l i z i a t i o n t o o l , and they decry inadequate government action on pre-1972 low income housing. 4^ L.B. Smith, a proponent of the "market welfare" philosophy, applauds the 1940s and 1950s market-directed p o l i c i e s and repudiates the 1970s need-oriented programs. 4 6 In 1944 - 1945, the Canadian government had the 157 opportunity of implementing the Curtis report's major recommendation - a comprehensive, planned national housing program emphasizing low income accommodation. When i t created CMHC, the government could as eas i l y have channelled WHL's expertise into the constitution of a national low-rental housing agency. A single federal authority could have administered and co-ordinated both agencies and i n i t i a t e d a comprehensive nation-wide housing plan. Instead, the government disregarded the Curtis report's suggestion and maintained i t s pre-war commitment to private enterprise and home ownership. In retrospect, federal affirmation of the "market welfare" approach has r e s t r i c t e d state a c t i v i t y in public and s o c i a l housing and precluded the introduction of a national housing plan for forty years. Only a s h i f t in attitude f u l l y recognizing the s o c i a l need for housing w i l l bring about any s i g n i f i c a n t change in federal p o l i c y . 1 58 Footnotes 1 Inexperience is often used to explain government delay in introducing s o c i a l reform. James Struthers dismisses this explanation with respect to unemployment r e l i e f in No Fault of Their Own; Unemployment and the  Canadian Welfare State, 1914 - 1941 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983), p. 210. Lack of experience cannot be used to excuse federal d i s i n c l i n a t i o n in 1944-1945 towards involvement in low-rental housing. 2 D.B. Mansur to W.A. Mackintosh, July 30, 1945, Public Archives of Canada [hereafter PAC], RG64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-4. 3 CD. Howe, "Meeting Canada's Housing Needs," Public  A f f a i r s , Vol. X, No. 4 (Oct., 1947), pp. 217-21. 4 Ibid., p. 217. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., p. 220. 7 Ibid., p. 221. 8 Ibid. 9 Struthers, pp. 209-10. 10 Howe also asserted that community planning was "primarily a p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " ; CD. Howe, "Community Planning in Canada," Royal Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada Journal, Vol. XXIII, No. 11 (Nov., 1946), p. 267. On the other hand, Tom Gunton has argued that "i n practice a l l levels of government have exercised planning powers"; see "Origins of Canadian Urban Planning," City Magazine, Vol. VI, No. 1 (Spring, 1983), p. 32. A good Vancouver example of federal planning is Granville Island. 11 Here I refer to CMHC-owned housing on West Broadway and West Fourth Avenues, Vancouver, b u i l t by Housing Enterprises of Canada, Ltd. 1 2 Gunton, p. 32. . 13 Vancouver Sun, Aug. 1, 1945, p. 1; Robert Bothwell and William Kilbourn, CD. Howe: A Biography (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), p. 208. 159 1 4 E.A. L o v i t t , "Five Plans to Provide Dwellings," Canadian Business, Vol. XVII, No. 6 (June, 1944), pp. 122, 124; Janet R. Keith, "The Coming World Boom in Housing," Canadian Business, Vol. XVIII, No. 1 (Jan., 1945), p. 100; A.W. Cowley, Greater Vancouver Citizens' Rehabilitation Council, to W.L. Mackenzie King, June 22, 1945, PAC, RG2, Ser. 18, Vol. 9, F i l e H-13. 1 5 J.M. Pigott to J . de N. Kennedy, Jan. 3, 1949, PAC, RG28, Ser. A 1, Vol. 7. Pigott's position in the 1940s dif f e r e d substantially from his 1935 stance in which he supported i n d i r e c t , not dire c t , state intervention in housing; see, John Tupper Saywell, "Introduction," Housing  Canadians; Essays on the History of Residential Construction  in Canada (Discussion Paper No. 24; Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada, 1975), pp. 174-76. Pigott was a Conservative supporter; see Struthers, p. 114. 16 An example i s the controversy over Hamilton's WHL housing. Howe was able to accept Finance's viewpoint over Pigott s i f Finance objected; see Dr. W.C. Clark to Donald Gordon, Nov. 9, 1942, and CD. Howe to J.L. I l s l e y , Nov. 2, 1942, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980, F i l e H-1-15. 1 7 Howe to I l s l e y , Feb. 24, 1945, PAC, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 18 Correspondence re: Division of Responsibility of the National Housing Program as between the Departments of Finance and Reconstruction, Nov. 30, 1944 to March 12, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 19 Writers often describe Howe as one who had "an engineer's capacity to get things done" but an "ignorance and contempt of p o l i t i c a l theory"; see Bruce Hutchison, The  Incredible Canadian (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1952), p. 215. 20 Howe to I l s l e y , Feb. 24, 1945, PAX, RG19, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. 21 Minutes, WHL Board of Directors Meeting, May 29, 1945, p. 1, RG83, Vol. 70, Minutes,' Vol. 2. 22 [Memorandum to J.L. I l s l e y and CD. Howe], Nov. 22, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol. 714. Committee members were J.S. Godsoe, Wartime Industries Control Board, D. Gordon, Wartime Prices and Trade Board, and D.B. Mansur and M. Sharp, Department of Finance. 160 l i "Memorandum to Cabinet, Re: Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation B i l l , " Oct. 2, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3539. 2 4 Ibid., p.1. See also D.B. Mansur to W.A. Mackintosh, July 30, 1945, PAC, RG64, Ser. 1030, Box 700, F i l e 25-1-4, p. 1 . 25 J.W. P i c k e r s g i l l and D.F. Forster, The Mackenzie  King Record; Vol. 3: 1945 - 1946 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), pp. 110, 192. 2 6 Sun, June 25, 1945, p. 10; "Sale of Wartime Housing Units," July 3, 1946, PAC, RG35, Ser. 4, Vol. 2; Humphrey Carver, Compassionate Landscape (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), pp. 109-110. 2 7 Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association, "Housing in Relation to Post-War Reconstruction," Feb. 24, 1944, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3447; "The Place of Private Industry in the Post-War Building Programme; Submission by the National House Builders Association to the Rt. Hon. W.L. Mackenzie King, C.M.G., Prime Minister, Canada," Jan. 20, 1944, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3390, F i l e 04747 H-8; Canadian Construction Association, [Brief to the Special Committee on Reconstruction and Re-establishment], Nov. 25, 1943, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3980; J.L.E. Price, "A Suggested Plan for I n i t i a t i n g the Solution of the Low Cost Housing Problem in Canadian Urban Areas," June 12, 1944, PAC, RG19, Vol. 3567; J.L.E. Price, "Tackling Canada's Housing Problem," Municipal  Review of Canada, June, 1944, pp. 12-13. 28 Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association, "Memorandum re: L i f e Insurance Companies' Joint E f f o r t in Rental Housing," Nov. 6, 1945, PAC, RG19, Vol. 2734, F i l e 700-17. 29 Papers re: the Formation of Housing Enterprises of Canada Ltd., PAC, RG19, Vol. 709, F i l e 203-1A-1. Finance and Dominion Mortgage and Investments Association worked out together the l e g i s l a t i o n for this limited divident company. 30 A l v i n Finkel, Business and Social Reform in the  T h i r t i e s (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1979), pp. 100-116. The p r i n c i p l e of state intervention of behalf of private enterprise's e f f o r t s in the Canadian housing f i e l d was accepted before the 1930s; see, Lorna F. Hurl, "The Toronto Housing Company, 1912 - 1923: The P i t f a l l s of Painless Philanthropy," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, Vol. LXV, No. 1 (March, 1984), pp. 34, 40. 31 See above, pp. 2-3. 161 J Z Lawrence B. Smith, Anatomy of a C r i s i s ; Canadian  Housing Policy in the Seventies (Vancouver: Fraser I n s t i t u t e , 1977), p. 10. 33 Finkel, pp. 154-66. 34 Michael Dennis and Susan Fish, Programs in Search of  a Policy; Low Income Housing in Canada (Toronto: Hakkert, 1972), pp. 1-15. 35 Canada, Statutes, 13 Geo. VI, c. 30 (1949), "An Act to Amend the National Housing Act, 1944." The idea of intergovernmental co-operation in providing low income housing dates back at least to 1914; Hurl, p. 43. 36 Albert Rose, Canadian Housing P o l i c i e s (1935 - 1980) (Toronto: Butterworths, 1980), pp. 33-38. 37 Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Eighth Census  of Canada, 1941; Vol. IX: Housing (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1949), p. 95, Table 20. 56.7% of dwellings in Canada were owned, and 43.3% were rented. In urban areas, 41.2% were owned as opposed to 58.8% rented. 38 See above, p. 32. 39 Robert Bothwell, Ian Drummond, and John English, Canada Since 1945: Power, P o l i t i c s , and Provincialism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), p^ 65. 4 0 Struthers, pp. 208-14. 41 Dennis Guest, The Emergence of Social Security in  Canada (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1980), pp. 100-102, 127-28. 42 Finkel, pp. 1-4, 100-16. 43 J.L. 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