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Perceptions of an imperial crisis : Canadian reactions to the "Sepoy Mutiny", 1857-8 Stone, David Leigh 1984

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PERCEPTIONS OF AN IMPERIAL CRISIS: CANADIAN REACTIONS TO THE "SEPOY MUTINY", 1857-8 by DAVID LEIGH STONE B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History We accept t h i s thesis as conforming „ to the r^e^tuijred standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1984 (c) David Leigh Stone, 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date A p r i l 12, 1984 DE-6 (3/81) i i Abstract In 1857 many native c i v i l i a n s and s o l d i e r s i n northern India rebelled against B r i t i s h r u l e . The so-called "Sepoy Mutiny" sparked a world-wide debate about the nature of B r i t i s h imperialism and about the character of i t s Asian subjects. This study examines the scope and causes of reactions i n the United Province of Canada, the "senior" colony of the Empire. Contemporary newspapers are the main h i s t o r i c a l resource for both e x p l i c i t reactions and i m p l i c i t imagery about the c o n f l i c t . A l l the perceptions were based on prejudices which pre-dated 1857. The war did not create any new images or even a l t e r e x i s t i n g ones. Rather, i t seemed to prove what Canadians had thought about India a l l along. The main issues were the "character" of the Indians, the nature of B r i t i s h imperial government, the causes and j u s t i c e of the r e v o l t , the morality of the " a t r o c i t i e s " and of r e p r i s a l s and, i m p l i c i t l y , what the war meant for Canada. A l l Canadians shared the r a c i s t assumption that Europeans were superior to coloured people. On every other issue Canada's anglophone and francophone communities d i f f e r e d sharply. English-Canadians r a l l i e d to the f l a g ; French Canada responded with i t s t r a d i t i o n a l a n t i - B r i t i s h , i s o l a t i o n i s t perspective, a legacy of the Conquest of 1759. The culminating reaction was that many British-Canadians ••" volunteered to f i g h t i n India. Westminster responded by founding the 100th Royal Canadian Regiment. The f i r s t c o l o n i a l regiment raised s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r imperial service, i t was meant to be the f i r s t step i i i i n a conscious e f f o r t to tighten imperial unity. The plan was the product of a momentary c r i s i s mentality which did not d e f l e c t the long term trend toward imperial d e - c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . English-Canadians and French-Canadians saw almost every aspect of the war from d i f f e r e n t perspectives. Ethnic cleavage, far more than sectarian or class r i v a l r y , was the d i s t i n c t i v e feature of Canada's reactions to the "Mutiny". i v TABLE OF CONTENTS page Abstract i i Table of Contents i v Acknowledgements v Chapter INTRODUCTION 1 I. THE MUTINY AND THE IMAGE-MAKERS 14 I I . THE CANADIAN IMAGE OF INDIA, 1857-8 31 I I I . CANADIAN IMAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 50 IV. IMPRESSIONS OF THE MUTINY 65 V. RESPONSES TO THE MUTINY IN CANADA 79 VI. CANADIANS TO THE RESCUE 93 VII. THE ROYAL CANADIANS I l l CONCLUSION 155 Notes Introduction 11 Chapter I 29 Chapter II 47 Chapter I I I 63 Chapter IV , 76 Chapter V 89 Chapter VI 106 Chapter VII 140 Bibliography 168 V Acknowledgements I would l i k e to thank the f a c u l t y and s t a f f of the Department of History, and e s p e c i a l l y my thesis supervisor, Dr. F r i t z Lehmann, for the advice and e f f o r t they gave to t h i s project. I dedicate t h i s thesis to my fiancee, Jennifer McKim, who has l i v e d with the thing for as long as she has known me, and who has been patient, h e l p f u l , and supportive the whole time. INTRODUCTION I No bayonets flashed i n the morning sun, no colours snapped d e f i a n t l y i n the lead. Their uniforms were d i s g r a c e f u l - the s t u f f had been mouldering i n storage for twenty years at l e a s t , some said since the War of 1812 - and the f a l l of t h e i r boots was a b i t uneven. The band t o o t l i n g such un-martial favourites as "The Old Folks at Home" and "The G i r l I Left Behind Me" was borrowed from another regiment. None of that mattered, though, to those townsfolk who waved or cheered or shouted encouragement to the s c a r l e t ranks tramping through old Quebec. On t h i s day, June 25, 1858, there was no prouder b a t t a l i o n anywhere i n the Empire. This was Canada's "own", the 100th Prince of Wales' Royal Canadian Regiment of Foot. Brand-new, the f i r s t c o l o n i a l regiment i n the B r i t i s h Army, i t was headed overseas. Down at the docks, waiting to take them to England, was the steamship, "Indian". It was aptly named, for India was why they were there. Oh, the men joined up for t h e i r own reasons, r e c r u i t s always have. Private Gorman dreamed of glory. Ensign Boulton wanted to see more of the world. Private "Hunter" - i t was an a l i a s - wanted to see no more of h i s wife. Lieutenant de B e l l e f e u i l l e had his family's name to uphold. Private Lenny, s e r i a l number 851, should have been there, too, but he was not: a courtmartial got to hear about h i s ambitions. What made them a l l Royal Canadians was a savage l i t t l e war half-way around the world. The "Sepoy Mutiny", a year old but s t i l l 2 raging on, was already known as a fabulous epic: greased cartridges and blowing from guns; the heroism at Delhi and the horror of Cawnpore; John Nicholson, Henry Havelock, and the Rani of Jhansi; the glory; the shame...."'" The war brought the regiment i n t o being. As the f i r s t drafts marched away everyone s t i l l thought that India was where they would show what c o l o n i a l s were made of. II The question i s not why Canadians joined the army. An i n d i v i d u a l might choose to f i g h t f o r any country under the sun but h i s decision would have no national or h i s t o r i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . The question i s not r e a l l y even why they were wanted. Great B r i t a i n needed men for i t s war and there were men to be had i n North America. London had other reasons, too, but that was cause enough. The r e a l question i s did Canadian society sanction i t s young men going to f i g h t so far from the home hearths, and why? A regiment might be no more than a bundle of i n d i v i d u a l motives but society gives i t approval, gives i t a purpose, gives i t i t s marching orders. This sanction separates the s o l d i e r from the brigand. Sometimes the cause i s a r e a l threat to national i n t e r e s t s or even to the state's s u r v i v a l , at other times i t i s an emotional or p h i l o s o p h i c a l issue. This study seeks to trace the sources, type, and extent of the sanction to l e t Canada's youths f i g h t Great B r i t a i n ' s wars. Month a f t e r month bad news ar r i v e d from the East. A l l the while, Canadians were forming images of Asia: what Indians were l i k e , what the 3 East India Company was l i k e , what the f i g h t i n g was a l l about. The sanction to get involved was the d i r e c t r e s u l t of contrasting images, the near-blameless B r i t i s h versus the black-hearted heathens. The core of t h i s essay, therefore, i s the matter of image. "Image" i s a "Simile, metaphor; mental representation; idea, 2 conception; character of thing or person as perceived by the p u b l i c . " No need to mystify the subject: as used here, "image" means "public opinion". Like opinion, image may be right or i t may be wrong. Usually i t j u s t approximates r e a l i t y . The d e f i n i t i o n i s nice because i t equates image to metaphor. One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c responses to the war was to see s u p e r f i c i a l s i m i l a r i t i e s between India and Canada, to t r y to shoehorn Indian lessons into our domestic quarrels. English-Canadians and French-Canadians r a r e l y saw eye to eye on anything, i t seems, e s p e c i a l l y imperial a f f a i r s . Not only did both sides use Indian metaphors against the other, but both also formed d i f f e r e n t images of c e r t a i n aspects of the c r i s i s . To understand the welter of images conjured by Canadians i t i s necessary to explore the Province's s o c i a l cleavages, something t h i s paper returns to time and time again. Of course, the Mutiny was an imperial matter, which raises a l i n e of questioning quite separate from imagery. England had to give i t s sanction, too, i f Canadian enthusiasm was to be transformed into a f i g h t i n g u n i t . In t h i s case, B r i t i s h public opinion was not important; i t was a decision of cabinet. Therefore, part of t h i s paper looks at the B r i t i s h "sanction" as imperial p o l i c y : what did Whitehall want and what did the mechanics of founding the regiment say about imperial 4 rel a t i o n s h i p s at that time? The construction of t h i s essay r e f l e c t s the nature of the Empire. Much of t h i s i s about Canada's r e l a t i o n s h i p with Great B r i t a i n , rather than with India, because the Empire was e s s e n t i a l l y a c o l l e c t i o n of separate b i l a t e r a l arrangements between London and various colonies. Most of the colonies had nothing to do with each other: Canada shared nothing with India except B r i t i s h suzerainty. In 1857 the Province did not a c t i v e l y respond to India at a l l . We had a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with England and the English dealt with India. Tremors from the East r a t t l e d London and we responded to that. I l l Canada's response to the war has a wider s i g n i f i c a n c e than j u s t the founding of' a regiment or the formation of t r a n s i t o r y images. Its lessons can be applied to other times, to other places, and f i l l s an important gap i n Mutiny l i t e r a t u r e . The summer of 1857 to the summer of 1858 was not a " t y p i c a l " year - Canadians did not normally pay any attention to India - but i t was a time when an impression of the East was seared i n t o our consciousness. Old assumptions were tested, uncomfortable questions were asked, and new opinions were moulded. A l l these were done i n a s p i r i t of c r i s i s . A question i s thus r a i s e d : did the images fade with the headlines or did they l i v e on to fundamentally set our percep-tions of the East? Unfortunately, the scope of t h i s study precludes a d e f i n i t i v e answer. However, evidence suggests that the B r i t i s h view 5 of Indians hardened during the Mutiny and remained f o s s i l i z e d u n t i l well into t h i s century. B r i t i s h p o l i c y followed s u i t , and when General Dyer ordered his.troops.to gun down hundreds of demonstrators at Amritsar i n 1919 he was remembering the outbreak more than s i x t y years before. Surely Canadians, with le s s need to keep an eye on changes i n Asia, had even les s reason to change t h e i r minds. The legacy of 1857 3 probably l i v e d on for decades i n t h i s country. The l i t e r a t u r e on worldwide contemporary responses to the Mutiny i s remarkably sparse, even for England. The only s i g n i f i c a n t c o l l e c t i o n of works on t h i s subject i s Rebellion 1857: A Symposium, 4 edited by P.C. J o s h i . Contributions deal with B r i t i s h , French, I t a l i a n , Russian, and Chinese reactions, a l l from a Marxist perspective emphasizing peasant and worker s o l i d a r i t y with the rebels. That thesis i s unconvincing i n a l l of them and the embryonic state of Canada's working-class makes the theme untenable for t h i s s t u d y . M o r e applicable i s the recurrent fi n d i n g that the bourgeoisie i n each country interpreted the news from India from a n a t i o n a l i s t perspective, s t r e s s i n g whatever accorded with t h e i r own. h i s t o r i e s or philosophies.^ The French, for instance, tended to side with the sepoys as an extension of France's a n t i - E n g l i s h nationalism. That p a r t i c u l a r example had an exact counterpart i n Canada. It i s rather remarkable that the l i t e r a t u r e contains, say, the I t a l i a n reaction to the Mutiny, but no one has looked at what the "white" settlement colonies thought about i t . A fter a l l , aside from Great B r i t a i n , Canada was the only place i n the world which did more than j u s t t a l k about the c r i s i s . The other colonies were just as 6 interested and would have done the same i f they had been asked to. Aside from a few purely domestic issues, the lessons of this study can probably be applied to other settlement colonies, i n c l u d i n g places as distant as A u s t r a l i a or South A f r i c a . No doubt the images were the same because the assumptions.- about coloured peoples, the worth of the Empire, and so on - were the same. IV Canada was the "senior" settlement colony of the B r i t i s h Empire. g With more than two-and-a-half m i l l i o n people i t dwarfed the r e s t . S t i l l , i t was small-time. Confederation with the Maritime colonies was a f u l l decade away and seemed further; e x p l o i t i n g the vast North-west was s t i l l j u s t a Toronto fantasy. The United Province of Canada constituted no more than today's Ontario and Quebec. This study i s s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d to those two places. The Province was f a i r l y i n s u l a r compared to, say, the Maritimes, 9 whose seaborne trade spanned the world. It looked inward, i t s ambition was to carve out i t s own continental "empire" by peopling the North American wilds. Foreign a f f a i r s mostly meant keeping a wary eye on the Yankees. Rural l i f e dominated the Province. Clearing the forest was s t i l l the main thing f o r most people, though good land was running out. Urbanization was j u s t beginning. Montreal, with close to one hundred thousand people; Toronto, about h a l f as big; and Quebec, were the only r e a l c i t i e s . " ^ Things were changing f a s t , though, i n the wake of a 7 "boom" economy and a huge i n f l u x of immigrants... The number of workers i n " i n d u s t r i a l employment" nearly doubled i n ten years, reaching 12 one hundred and f o r t y - f i v e thousand in.1861. Inevitable class tensions rose, no doubt worsened by the short but.deep depression i n 1857-8. A few r a d i c a l n o n - s o c i a l i s t newspapers such as L'Avenir or William Lyon Mackenzie's The Toronto Weekly Message catered to the d i s a f f e c t e d . The r a d i c a l s were staunchly a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t , whether they t r u l y r e f l e c t e d the views of the workers i s hard to know. James Bryne's valuable 13 analysis of B r i t i s h working-class reactions to the Mutiny assumes so. It seems u n l i k e l y that Canadian p r o l e t a r i a n p o l i t i c a l consciousness was developed highly enough to foster s o l i d a r i t y with the rebel sepoys, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r undeniable a t r o c i t i e s . Anyway, the workers were so few that the r a d i c a l press could be s a i d to be t h e i r spokesmen without i t making much dent on the conclusions. What made Canada unique was not so much class struggle as ethnic and r e l i g i o u s trouble. As one p o l i t i c i a n s a i d , "We have three populations i n Lower Canada, the French Canadians, the I r i s h Catholics and the B r i t i s h P r o t e s t a n t s . T h a t was j u s t as true for the Province o v e r a l l . Although a minority, B r i t i s h e r s dominated the place: i t s economy, i t s p o l i t i c s , i t s c i v i l appointments, and the top of the s o c i a l pyramid. Most numerous i n the west, they were disproportionately powerful i n the east, too. That was the bastion of the French-Canadians, s t i l l the largest ethnic group i n the country. Despite, or because of, the Conquest they had t h e i r own brand of nationalism, embodied i n t h e i r language, laws, and r e l i g i o n . The victims of B r i t i s h imperialism, they were mildly a n t i - B r i t i s h and intensely i s o l a t i o n i s t . 8 This automatically set them against English-Canadians i n an imperial emergency. Worse, they were Catholics i n a country which had a middling kind of Protestant Ascendancy. I r i s h Catholics, also concentrated i n the Lower Province, suffered more from t h i s . Being I r i s h made them suspect anyway, but many English-Canadians - and Upper Canadian I r i s h Orangemen - also damned them as the dupes of Papist subversion. A l l i n a l l , ethnic and r e l i g i o u s d i v i s i o n s f a r over-shadowed any i n c i p i e n t class struggle. In 1857 and 1858 Canada was even more divided than usual. An e l e c t i o n , the quick collapse of two successive governments, followed by a dubious c o n s t i t u t i o n a l t r i c k to entrench a t h i r d , widened the east-west, French-English s p l i t . Into t h i s context landed the Mutiny debate. The 1850's are neglected years i n Canadian historiography. The struggle f o r Responsible Government was won, the build-up to Confederation had not yet begun. Writers have ignored the i n t e r v a l and for t h i s period there i s v i r t u a l l y no l i t e r a t u r e about Canadian thoughts on imperialism. Carl Berger's seminal The Sense of Power, a look at Canadian i m p e r i a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s , begins with Confederation, which surely i n j e c t e d a new sense of nationalism i n t o the matter. He argues, i n f a c t , that our i m p e r i a l i s t s were a c t u a l l y n a t i o n a l i s t s who saw the Empire as a v e h i c l e by which Canada could quickly achieve greatness, a co-holder with B r i t a i n of much of the world. That was not the case i n 1857. We were r e a l c o l o n i a l s then. We wrapped ourselves i n the Union Jack and f e l t s u i t a b l y t h r i l l e d whenever England threw a few patronizing gestures our way. J.M.S. Careless has said of the 1850's: "Canada, perhaps, never 9 before or since has been so B r i t i s h . " The huge i n f l u x of B r i t i s h immigrants i n the f i r s t h a l f of the century meant that a large and i n f l u e n t i a l group of Canadians had not had time to shuck t h e i r B r i t i s h i d eals for l o c a l ones. They were not n a t i o n a l i s t s because they f e l t that Great B r i t a i n and Canada were equally t h e i r home. A.W. Rasporich i n "Imperial 'Sentiment i n the Province of Canada during the Crimean 17 War 1854-1856" found that English-Canadians a c t u a l l y went beyond that: they romanticized the Empire i n t o something nearly divi n e . He did not explain why but, to return to Careless' theme for a moment, was i t not natural f o r overseas Britons to n o s t a l g i c a l l y remember the Old Country and g l o r i f y the p o l i t i c a l structure that linked them to i t 18 s t i l l ? " L i t t l e Englandism" was not popular i n the colonies. Such was the i n t e l l e c t u a l m i l i e u of English Canada at the time of the Mutiny. Rasporich's a r t i c l e i s valuable because i t analyzes Canada's reaction to another imperial war around the same time as the Indian troubles. His conclusion - that English-Canadians flaunted an exaggerated pa t r i o t i s m while francophones pragmatically professed t h e i r l o y a l t y as a way of reducing suspicions about t h e i r p o l i t i c a l ambitions - sounds 19 f a m i l i a r . His methodology provokes some questions, though. He gives equal space to the P a t r i o t i c Fund, addresses to the Queen, celebrations at the f a l l of Sebastopol and on the day of prayer, and, f i n a l l y , to the newspaper image of French and Russian autocracy. A l l had t h e i r equivalents i n 1857 but there i s a problem. Most were o f f i c i a l functions, f or which there i s an etiquette of things one says or does not say. An address to the Queen i s always p a t r i o t i c ; a sermon i s always a sermon. One has to be rather picky to see any 10 difference between the righ t thing said i n Toronto and the r i g h t thing said i n Quebec. Victory celebrations hold the same trap. They are always good f o r a party.and a b i t of jingoism, but so i s any other excuse: the f a l l of Delhi and completion of a t r a n s - A t l a n t i c cable a 20 few months l a t e r sparked i d e n t i c a l celebrations. A v i c t o r y bonfire does not very well express the quibbles and shades of opinion i n issues, nor does i t trace the clash of old biases with new f a c t s , nor does i t show how ideas grow out of s o c i a l conditions, nor, indeed, does i t even say why anyone thought the event was important. These sorts of things are the s t u f f of h i s t o r y . A much better source, the foundation of t h i s paper, i s the journalism of the day. Despite i n t e r p r e t i v e problems, newspapers provide the h i s t o r i a n with a wealth of data, reasons, i n s i g h t s , and images, along with the usual complement of nonsense and personal quarrels masquerading as debate. For an image study, such as t h i s one, journalism has an extra importance. In the 1850's, newspapers were the image-makers. 11 NOTES 1. A f u l l e r introduction to the Mutiny w i l l be found i n Chapter 1. 2. J.B. Sykes, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, s i x t h e d i t i o n , Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, Oxford, 1976, p. 536. 3. U n t i l 1948 or 1949 Mr. Stanley Delhi-Force T y t l e r was a l i v i n g reminder of the way things were. He was born amid the squalor and disease and f i g h t i n g of the Ridge and miraculously survived h i s infancy. He was the l a s t known survivor of the Mutiny, dying at Vancouver, aged ninety-one. See Richard C o l l i e r , The Indian Mutiny, Fontana Books, London, 1963, p. 312. 4. P.C. J o s h i , ed. , Rebellion 1857: A Symposium, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, 1957. 5. The trouble i s that workers r a r e l y l e f t written records so h i s t o r i a n s have to make-do with scanty evidence. This i s so even i n the most valuable contribution, James Byrne's " B r i t i s h Opinion and the Indian Revolt", pp. 291-312. Byrne derived working-class sentiments almost s o l e l y from ei t h e r The Reynold's Newspaper, a n o n - s o c i a l i s t r a d i c a l j o u r n a l , or from a former Cha r t i s t , Ernest Jones, who wrote most of the newspaper's a r t i c l e s . Yu Sheng-Wu and Chang Chen-Kun, "China and India i n the Mid-19th Century", pp. 337-352, s t r a i n c r e d u l i t y . Based on a few c r y p t i c references to dark-skinned foreigners they claim that Indians and Chinese aided one another i n j o i n t a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t struggle by simultaneously f i g h t i n g the Mutiny and the Second Opium War and that revolutionary-minded sepoys l a t e r joined with the Taipings i n a sort of a l l - A s i a l i b e r a t i o n war. 6. The phenomenon of n a t i o n a l i s t squabbling among the world-wide bourgeosis i s a tenet of Marxism, of course. In 1857 i t was apparently true. Some analyses emphasize the middle-class reaction. The best i s Edward M. Spiers, The Army and Society 1815-1914, Longman, London, 1980, pp. 121-144. As the t i t l e implies, t h i s study emphasizes m i l i t a r y matters such as r e p r i s a l s , generalship, and enlistment. He has found evidence of s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the p r i v a t e opinions of B r i t i s h middle-class thinkers but a near unanimity i n t h e i r public utterances: those opposed to the s p i r i t of vengeance prudently held t h e i r tongues. He extended t h i s conclusion to a l l classes, describing men l i k e Ernest Jones as i s o l a t e d , i f courageous, i n d i v i d u a l s who were bucking the popular s p i r i t of t h e i r fellows. Middle-class writers often veered from opinion to opinion during the course of the war. The Times, The History of the Times, The Times, London, 1939, v o l . I I , pp. 309-319, would l i k e one to believe that that was because t h i s most i n f l u e n t i a l paper switched i t s p o l i c i e s during the war. It i s a s e l f - s e r v i n g argument, advanced to r e l i e v e the editor of The Times 12 of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or the vengeance s p i r i t and not e n t i r e l y convincing because i t rests on p e r s o n a l i t i e s . 7. Lord Panmure, Minister for War, wrote of c o l o n i a l recruitment: "Your Majesty's servants are informed that many men may be obtained, e s p e c i a l l y i n the A u s t r a l i a n colonies, by t h i s step." See Panmure to the Queen, Feb. 1, 1858, i n S i r George Douglas and S i r George Dalhousie Ramsay, The Panmure Papers, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1908, v o l . I I , pp. 473-474. As i t was, A u s t r a l i a n militiamen replaced B r i t i s h garrisons there so that the regulars could go to India. In f a c t , the Duke of Cambridge worried that there would not be enough s o l d i e r s l e f t to back up governmental authority! The Cape was commended for providing cavalry horses without the usual p r o f i t e e r i n g . In every colony men volunteered to serve i n the war: Canada was s p e c i a l only because the B r i t i s h took up our o f f e r . 8. As of J u l y 1857 Canada was reported to have had 2,571,437 people. By comparison, V i c t o r i a , the most populous of the A u s t r a l i a n colonies, had only 414,000 and New Zealand a mere 130,000. See The New Era, September 17, 1857. 9. This study does not include,the Maritimes. I n c i d e n t a l l y , though, two Nova Scotian papers, The Acadian Recorder (Halifax) and The  Yarmouth Herald, were researched. On substantive issues they were broadly s i m i l a r to Canadian j o u r n a l s . They paid a l o t more attention to the West Indies, though. They frequently fleshed out t h e i r mutiny news with s a i l o r s ' t a l e s of the East, not n e c e s s a r i l y making t h e i r news more accurate but c e r t a i n l y making i t more c o l o u r f u l . 10. A.R.M. Lower, Canadians i n the Making: A S o c i a l History of Canada, Longmans, Green and Co., Toronto, 1958, pp. 264-265. 11. The economy surged from about 1853 u n t i l a world-wide "crash" i n 1857-8 and then resumed growing i n the '60's. The depression was to have some impact on c o l o n i a l recruitment. Between 1851 and 1861 immigration jumped the population 37 percent, mostly i n Upper Canada. I b i d . , p. 259. 12. Stanley B. Ryerson, Unequal Union: Confederation and the Roots of  C o n f l i c t i n the Canadas, 1815-1873, Progress Books, Toronto, 1868, pp. 268-269. The figure was based on a census but p r e c i s e l y what " i n d u s t r i a l employment" constituted i s open to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 13. James Byrne i n P.C. Joshi, pp. 291-312. Byrne's conclusions about the sentiments of B r i t i s h workers may be transferable t o . t h e i r . Canadian counterparts. L'Avenir or The Toronto Weekly Message said much the same sort of thing as the r a d i c a l papers he quotes i n his essay. However, his main source, The Reynold's Newspaper, was r a r e l y , i f ever, c i t e d i n our journals. 13 14. Christopher Dunkin, 1865, quoted i n Lower, p. 265. This s o c i a l composition was unique to Canada and so l i m i t s the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of some of our Mutiny experiences to the s i t u a t i o n s of other colonies. 15. Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies i n the Ideas of Canadian  Imperialism 1867-1914, Uni v e r s i t y of Toronto, Toronto, 1970. 16. J.M.S. Careless, "Mid-Victorian L i b e r a l i s m i n Central Canadian Newspapers, 1850-67", i n the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . XXXI, no. 3, Sept. 1950, p. 234. 17. Anthony W. Rasporich, "Imperial Sentiment i n the Province of Canada during the Crimean War 1854-1856" i n W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of A c h i l l e s : Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age, McClelland and Stewart Limited, Toronto, 1968, pp. 139-168. 18. The central debate about mid-century B r i t i s h imperialism revolves about whether or not " L i t t l e Englanders" - those who f e l t that the Empire was a burden that B r i t a i n should divest i t s e l f of - r e a l l y a l t e r e d diplomatic p o l i c y . It i s generally accepted that the more they talked the. more the c o l o n i s t s clung to the advantages of the Empire. Nothing i n t h i s study disputes that view. 19. There was more unanimity about the Crimean War than on the Mutiny, though, because i n the former B r i t a i n and France were f i g h t i n g side by sid e . 20. In Montreal both f e s t i v i t i e s had f l a g s , a parade, an a r t i l l e r y salute, i l l u m i n a t i o n s (Dolly's Chop House always getting l i t up most exuberantly), and bon f i r e s . The m a r t i a l element seems to have been part of the genre. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , both events might have been considered p a t r i o t i c B r i t i s h achievements, the telegraph tying us to the Old Country and a l l that. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that while English-Canadian places celebrated both quite joyously, Quebec's f e s t i v i t i e s were muted both times. 14 CHAPTER I THE MUTINY AND THE IMAGE-MAKERS Jo u r n a l i s t s were, i n a sense, the f i r s t " h i s t o r i a n s " of the Mutiny. Even as the f i g h t i n g raged on they interpreted i t s causes, course, and consequences. Their accounts were, n a t u r a l l y , coloured by the pre-conceptions and emotions of the day, and they were too close to the events to have had much h i s t o r i c a l perspective. Equally important, t h e i r s t o r i e s were influenced by the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the world-wide newspaper business. Some of these s t r u c t u r a l factors were unique to the war and had an enormous impact on imagery. How the world learned about the Mutiny explains a great deal about what i t learned. Before going on to track the news as i t twisted through the news-rooms of the world, one has to look at what r e a l l y happened i n the war. H i s t o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are, of course, forever changing: they s u f f e r evaluation and re-evaluation, r e v i s i o n , replacement, and resurrection. Kaye and Malleson 1 i n the 1870's pioneered the standard B r i t i s h explanation that interference i n native society sparked a m i l i t a r y mutiny that had neither natio n a l appeal nor c i v i l i a n backing. 2 Since 1947 Indian h i s t o r i a n s such as Chattopadhyaya and Chaudhuri have forged an a l t e r n a t i v e . To them the war was a n a t i o n a l i s t r e b e l l i o n characterized by c i v i l i a n involvement and co-operation between Hindus 3 and Muslims i n a common cause. The r i f t extends even to terminology, though there are signs of a developing synthesis. Such a synthesis i s b r i e f l y presented here as a prelude to a look at the newspaper industry 15 and i t s imagery. India was a patchwork of native states and B r i t i s h domains. Paramount power over a l l of the subcontinent and the government of B r i t i s h India was the East India Company. Once i t had been a rather p i r a t i c a l merchant firm but a very conservative r u l e r , meddling i n native l i f e only enough to siphon off the land's wealth. Over the years, though, reforms had transformed the Company in t o a government only, an arms-length agent of the B r i t i s h cabinet. English p o l i t i c a l fashions, against which the Company had never been t r u l y immune, got increased access to the government and the old hands-off p o l i c y began to erode. From the 1830's on, the B r i t i s h began to re-make India i n t h e i r own image. U t i l i t a r i a n doctrines c a l l e d for a wholesale sweeping-away of native t r a d i t i o n s which stood i n the way of economic "Progress". The r i s e of evangelical Protestantism demanded an aggressive p o l i c y against Hindu and Muslim " s u p e r s t i t i o n " . The B r i t i s h good-naturedly blundered through the complexities of native society, saving widows from s a t i and t r a v e l l e r s from Thugs and babies from i n f a n t i c i d e , b u i l t canals and began railways, finagled land from "feudal" holders to give to the peasants, l e t i n missionaries and founded schools to free youngsters from the errors of t h e i r forefathers. They swept away l e g a l sanctions against C h r i s t i a n converts. They found excuses, usually native "mis-rule", to annex many of the p r i n c e l y states. With the best of intentions they broke the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of centuries. Under Governor-General Dalhousie the process accelerated i n the l a s t years before the Mutiny. Great B r i t a i n could not hold India by force alone. There were only 16 forty thousand B r i t i s h troops there. Power r e l i e d on the aid of collaborators, of which there was no shortage i n the stew of princes, races, r e l i g i o n s , and economic i n t e r e s t s , that was India. Too many of the collaborators, though, became alienated by the reforms. Too often the reforms struck at the heart of the caste system, seemingly by design, and the people began to suspect that the Christians were t r y i n g to break caste, to force everyone to convert. The most important collaborators were the native s o l d i e r s , the sepoys. Their l o y a l t y was held by t h e i r pay, s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s , and a sense of m a r t i a l honour. But they were men of t h e i r v i l l a g e s so they f e l t that same growing d i s t r u s t of B r i t i s h intentions that others f e l t . They had t h e i r own grievances, too: p r o s e l y t i z i n g colonels, Britons contemptuous of "niggers", army reform that stripped them of p r i v i l e g e s and extra pay. In 1856 Oudh was annexed. Most sepoys were r e c r u i t e d there and t h e i r p a t r i o t i c i r e was roused by i t s high-handed theft from i t s princes. The f i n a l provocation was the famous greased cart r i d g e . Word got around that the new ammunition was smeared with pig or cow f a t 4 i n a deliberate plot to break caste. The Bengal Army re c r u i t e d mostly high-castes, the very people most s e n s i t i v e about t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l prerogatives. They f i n a l l y refused to take any more i n t e r -ferences from the B r i t i s h . In February 1857 a regiment refused the cartridges and was disbanded; i n March another refused orders and i t , too, was disbanded. At Meerut e i g h t y - f i v e cavalrymen were p u b l i c l y humiliated and j a i l e d for not taking the ammunition. On May 10, t h e i r compatriots stormed the j a i l , burned the cantonment, and butchered every European they 17 could get t h e i r hands on. Delhi was taken. One by one the native regiments across vast stretches of north-central India mutinied u n t i l there was p r a c t i c a l l y no Bengal Army l e f t . At the time there were a l o t of rumours about a conspiracy organizing the mutinies but there was no such p l o t . The pattern of r i s i n g s was sporadic and apparently unco-ordinated. C i v i l i a n s joined i n . In some places they led the r e v o l t ; more generally they used the collapse of authority to burn land r e g i s t r y o f f i c e s and the l i k e . They reinforced the mutineers i n the defence of the great c i t i e s . The r e b e l l i o n gained a p o l i t i c a l focus when the l a s t of the t i t u l a r Moghul Emperors was coerced into becoming the movement's figurehead. His edicts perhaps aided the remarkable co-operation shown between Hindu and Muslim communities i n the struggle. His r o l e also symbolized the e s s e n t i a l l y reactionary nature of the war. Old kings and old i n s t i t u t i o n s were reinstated. T r a d i t i o n a l "feudal" tenures returned. Dispossessed chiefs and princes raised t h e i r standards once more and the people seem to have r a l l i e d to them. The i n t e l l e c t u a l drive for the movement came from t r a d i t i o n a l society; i t was quite unlike the western-oriented n a t i o n a l i s t movement of the twentieth-century. In Oudh and i n a few other states l o c a l patriotism was a main-spring of r e v o l t . Despite the Moghul Emperor t h i s was not a t r u l y national movement. The south, Bengal, and the Punjab held for the B r i t i s h . The reasons were as uneven as the impact of foreign reforms. The south had launched and l o s t i t s revolts against the outsiders long ago. The armies of Madras and Bombay - separate from Bengal's - were not nearly so freighted with Brahmins. The commercial class of Calcutta 18 needed the B r i t i s h . Many ryots had benefitted from land reform and peace. The Sikhs were even less keen about Hindus and Muslims than they were about the B r i t i s h . So much of the f i g h t i n g was Indian against Indian. The Union Jack held on because most Indians s t i l l collaborated, or at least stayed neutral. For both sides t h i s was something of a race war and they slaughtered almost anyone of the other colour. Meerut set the pattern: wherever there was a r i s i n g European c i v i l i a n s , men, women, and chi l d r e n a l i k e , were k i l l e d and t h e i r bodies mutilated. No instances of torture or rape were ever proven. The B r i t i s h , however, expected the worst - nothing was more ho r r i d to t h e i r minds than the thought of a black hand on a pure white thigh - and r e t a l i a t e d f e r o c i o u s l y . V i l l a g e s were burned, c i t i e s sacked, captured sepoys were executed, c i v i l i a n males were almost ro u t i n e l y murdered, and some s o l d i e r s refused to spare even the women. The vengeance fever was highest a f t e r several hundred Europeans were butchered at Cawnpore but i t had been going on almost from the beginning. The B r i t i s h won a f t e r fourteen gruesome months, though skirmishing continued i n the Himalayan f o o t h i l l s well into 1859. When i t was over the v i c t o r s r e f l e c t e d on i t s causes. They decided that they would have to work with Indian society as they found i t , to prop up indigenous leadership, to accept the s u r v i v a l of " s u p e r s t i t i o n " , for a while at l e a s t . The d i s c r e d i t e d Company was scrapped i n favour of a regular c o l o n i a l government. The attempt to rev o l u t i o n i z e India stopped and the Raj f o s s i l i z e d . Right up u n t i l the end i n 1947 the Raj retained the exotica of native princes and a l l . Perhaps the most l a s t i n g 19 impression of the Mutiny was the d i s t r u s t i t created between the imperial masters and t h e i r subjects i n India. The war was a turning-point i n Indian h i s t o r y . At the time the outside world got only one side of the story. P r a c t i c a l l y a l l the news from India was written up by the small European community there, what i s often c a l l e d "Anglo-India". It was the dominant s o c i a l group, a "caste" linked by skin colour, r e l i g i o n , and culture to the Paramount Power and which, whatever i t s i n t e r n a l squabbles, stuck together to l o r d over the natives. I r o n i c a l l y , our news came from a group i n India which was determined to remain as un-Indian as possible. Before 1857 most popular accounts about the subcontinent came from missionaries. They had endless s t o r i e s about t h e i r adventures i n the land of s a t i , thuggee, and "Juggernaut". Churches were foremost among those who wanted to smash t r a d i t i o n a l India and convert i t to a progressive C h r i s t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n . During the war a s c a t t e r i n g of missions gave Calcutta clergymen a tenuous conduit of news from upcountry. From them came many of the tales of mutilations, tortures, treachery, and deeds "too h o r r i b l e to put to pen". The s t o r i e s were mostly f a b r i c a t i o n s but they were accepted almost without question. A clergyman, presumably, t o l d the t r u t h . Soldiers gave the best accounts of the f i g h t i n g ; they were the only Europeans on the spot. Some took the time to write to the papers; more often t h e i r l e t t e r s home found t h e i r way into p r i n t . Soldiers shared a l l the usual prejudices of Anglo-India, made even harder by t h e i r tough-minded m i l i t a r y perspective. Having taught the natives to 20 fear them, the s o l d i e r s f e l t degraded when forced to fear the natives. Worse, i n the l i t t l e world of Anglo-India every s o l d i e r l o s t some f r i e n d , acquaintance, or loved one i n the burning cantonments. The army lashed back with murder and p i l l a g e and made no secret of i t . Many l e t t e r s from the front righteously described r e p r i s a l s and execut ions. Indian j o u r n a l i s t s mostly j u s t packaged the news that reached them from upcountry sources, adding t h e i r own slant to each story. A l o t of i t was pure speculation. Not one Indian newspaper sent a correspondent into the war zone. In f a c t , a l o t of the news came out of Bombay, far from the f i g h t i n g and the government, simply because i t was a week closer to England than was Calcutta. Habitually, j o u r n a l i s t s were the advocates of white i n t e r e s t s against the natives and the "native-coddling" government. In the Mutiny t h i s translated into wild demands for vengeance and a v i t r i o l i c campaign against Governor-General Canning's "clemency" to the insurgents. The world press could not o f f e r an a l t e r n a t i v e viewpoint because t h e i r correspondents were drawn from among Indian j o u r n a l i s t s . For instance, The Times' regular Calcutta correspondent was Meredith Townsend, editor of The Friend of India. The only correspondent sent to India from outside was William Howard Russell of The Times. He did not get to the " f r o n t " u n t i l February 1858, when the war was winding down.7 U n t i l then Anglo-Indians had a monopoly on news. The European community i n the East was absolutely staggered by the Rebellion. Time af t e r time, whites were cut down by the "niggers"; i n place a f t e r place the B r i t i s h f l a g was torn down. Alone amid a 21 hundred m i l l i o n brown faces, unable even to f l e e without native help, Anglo-Indian s u p e r i o r i t y crumbled into panic. They lashed back with g pen and sword. Concluded R u s s e l l : The utterers of those sentiments have been so t e r r i b l y frightened that they can never forgive those, or the race of those, who i n f l i c t e d such t e r r i b l e shocks on t h e i r nervous system ( s i c ) . They see no safety, no absolute means of prevention-to the recurrence of such alarms, but the a n n i h i l a t i o n of every sepoy who mutinied, or was l i k e l y to have done so i f he could. Such were the people who provided the West with i t s news. Rebels never wrote to us, native manuscripts were r a r e l y translated, and even "babus" were not often heard overseas. I r o n i c a l l y , the government of India provided the closest thing to an a l t e r n a t i v e to Anglo-India's viewpoint. The Company wanted calm. It set i t s e l f against the h y s t e r i a of the European community with a stream of o p t i m i s t i c and reassuring b u l l e t i n s . That was the normal duty of any government, of course, and i t s statements were no more r e l i a b l e than most. Newsmen everywhere j u s t assumed that the Company was covering up i t s own mistakes. They preferred to believe the Indian press instead. The government acted true to form by imposing press censorship. The s o - c a l l e d "Gagging Act" of June 13, 1857, li c e n s e d a l l presses i n B r i t i s h India. A l i c e n s e could be revoked i f anything printed impugned or i n c i t e d hatred against the government, or i f i t strained r e l a t i o n s with native princes. By t h i s law The Bengal Hukaru, edited by an 9 Englishman, was b r i e f l y closed and others were warned. But William Lyon Mackenzie exaggerated w i l d l y when he claimed that, "In India they imprison the E d i t o r s , s t r i n g them up, shoot them, torture them. 22 A l e g a l threat s u f f i c e d . In f a c t , Anglo-Indian papers got away with scandalous denunciations of the Governor-General. He was more worried about incendiary s t o r i e s getting to the natives. The r e a l l y vehement Indian presses were "underground", of course, or beyond reach i n the pr i n c e l y states. The main ef f e c t of the "Gagging Act" was to smother the moderate native journals. From India the news went str a i g h t to England. Important dispatches were sent by fast ship to Egypt and on to Malta or T r i e s t e , whence they were cabled to London. Even so, world of the outbreak at Meerut took more than a month to reach the East India Company's head o f f i c e on Leadenhall Street. A f u l l e r explanation of events had to await the regular mail. Fleet Street reprinted whole sections of Indian newspapers, augmenting them with India House b u l l e t i n s and l e t t e r s home from the troops. In the absence of any a l t e r n a t i v e , B r i t i s h journals tended to accept the judgements of t h e i r Anglo-Indian counterparts at face value. The Times and other papers r a i l e d on for whole columns about the need to restore B r i t a i n ' s honour and power and how the ungrateful sepoys should be strung up by the thousands. Working-class papers t r i e d to pin the blame on the i m p e r i a l i s t aristocracy i n England but they were hamstrung by the undeniable savagery of the r i s i n g . In general, Britons shared Anglo-India's fee l i n g s about native r e v o l t s . The rest of the world got i t s news from London, r e p r i n t i n g a r t i c l e s and adding e d i t o r i a l s . The press i n each country presented the news according to i t s own national viewpoint.1"'" The French, i n p a r t i -cular, wrote long commentaries cast i g a t i n g the flaws of B r i t i s h 23 imperialsim. They blamed London as much as London blamed Indians for the r e v o l t . Not that the French had anything against imperialism: they were inordinately proud of the way they beat up A l g e r i a and were helping the B r i t i s h i n the China War. Rather, French nationalism was at i t s heart a n t i - E n g l i s h and i t f e l t good.to point out t h e i r r i v a l ' s f a u l t s once i n a while. In a sense, France was "Europeanizing" the news into something that had l i t t l e to do with India. But for a l l that, French c r i t i c i s m was the most potent a l t e r n a t i v e to the Anglo-Indian perspective. Then the news crossed the A t l a n t i c . New distance-shrinking technology integrated Canadian journalism t i g h t l y into the outside world. Steamships r e g u l a r l y brought the mail from B r i t a i n and Europe, Montreal was linked to Boston by telegraph, and work was underway on a trans-A t l a n t i c cable. Already the emphasis was on the " l a t e s t " from abroad. Foreign news was more often a barebones telegram than an in-depth an a l y s i s . Countering that trend was the habit of r e p r i n t i n g large sections of B r i t i s h and European journals, often i n t r a n s l a t i o n , usually without c r e d i t i n g the sources. Later on, our editors got t h e i r own bundles of Indian newspapers. Moreover, many papers had correspondents i n such c i t i e s as London, Glasgow, or P a r i s . Those writers were not Canadians and they passed on the thoughts current i n the place where 12 they l i v e d . We had no correspondents i n India, though one or two l e t t e r s from Canadian o f f i c e r s f i g h t i n g i n the Queen's-army in-India were printed during the Mutiny. The upshot of i t a l l was that our editors were superbly aware of what others thought of events - and on that they based t h e i r own e d i t o r i a l s - but they had no independent channel of 24 information from the East. Canada was an image-importing country. Even before the Mutiny, a r t i c l e s about India appeared i n the Canadian press from time to time. Most were of the horrors-of-Hindu-s u p e r s t i t i o n v a r i e t y written.by missionaries. Events such as the East India Company's seizure of the Island of Perim, near Aden, i n early 1857 were also reported. No doubt s t o r i e s out of the Sikh Wars or the annexation of Oudh had e a r l i e r helped f i x i n Canadian minds some notion about the empire i n the East. Newspapers were not the only printed sources i n t h i s country. We got books and magazines from Europe and the United States, as well as from our own rudimentary publishing industry. But for the Mutiny newspapers were v i r t u a l l y the sole image-makers. Only newspapers could -indeed, were meant to - keep up with r a p i d l y changing events. That i s why t h i s study i s based on an analysis of newspaper sources above a l l else . The newspapers examined were: The Daily Globe, The Toronto  Weekly Message, and The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, a l l of Toronto; The  Weekly Times, The Brant Expositor, and The M a i l , of Hamilton, Brantford, and Niagara, Canada West, re s p e c t i v e l y ; The P i l o t , The New Era, The True Witness and Catholic Chronicle, The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Les Pays, and L'Avenir, of Montreal; The Quebec Gazette, Le Journal  de Quebec, and Le Courrier du Canada, of Quebec; and Le Courrier de  Saint-Hyacinthe i n the Eastern Townships. These journals represented a cross-section of the p o l i t i c a l , ethnic, r e l i g i o u s , and class d i v i s i o n s of the United Province of Canada. They were published i n big c i t i e s and small towns a l i k e . 25 The"Daily Globe was the i n t e l l e c t u a l leader of Canada West. Its plank was Reform, with the concomitant of more power f o r Upper Canada. It also paid keen attention to B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s , paradoxically supporting the r a d i c a l s there while wholeheartedly upholding the imperial connexion. Editor George Brown was utterly.contemptuous of The Times of London for 13 i t s ignorance about c o l o n i a l a f f a i r s . Like everyone else, though, he re-ran whole pages of the London paper, which then enjoyed p r i o r i t y at the Foreign O f f i c e and at India House. The appearance was that The Daily Globe took i t s cue from Printing-House Square, but that was a misleading quirk of the time. In 1857 and 1858 George Brown was wholly absorbed i n domestic p o l i t i c s , e l e c t i o n s , and h i s s h o r t - l i v e d government. He reprinted many a r t i c l e s about the war from various B r i t i s h journals but he did not have time for more than a very few e d i t o r i a l s . Therefore, The Daily Globe appears less often i n t h i s study than i t s prominence would normally demand. Most of the smaller newspapers i n Canada West aped The Daily Globe's l i n e . The Hamilton Weekly Times, also used here, was more independent than most. In Lower Canada, The Montreal Weekly Gazette 14 was a spokesman for the c i t y ' s anglophone Tory merchants-. and was rab i d l y i m p e r i a l i s t i c . The Quebec Gazette was also ultra-Tory by reputation but during the Mutiny i t was one of the most outspoken c r i t i c s of B r i t i s h r e p r i s a l s . The P i l o t was l i b e r a l i n economics and moderate i n tone. V i r t u a l l y a l l Lower Canadian journals set themselves against George Brown's Gr i t s i n domestic p o l i t i c s . However, on imperial matters there was remarkable unity throughout the whole of the Province's anglophone press. The dominance of f a i r l y recent B r i t i s h 26 immigrants was even more pronounced i n journalism than i n most other spheres of Canadian l i f e . For them, B r i t a i n and Canada, colony and 15 empire, were one. W i l l i o n Lyon Mackenzie was quite the exception. The editor of The Toronto Weekly Message was once leader of the Upper Canadian rebels i n 1837-1838 and he was s t i l l a r a d i c a l n o n - s o c i a l i s t republican. His view of England as a leader of European monarchical reaction was shared by L'Avenir, a francophone "rouge", annexationist j o u r n a l . " ^ Both might be considered working-class newspapers. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian was published by the Wesleyan Methodist Church i n Canada. Its platform was predictable. The True Witness and  Catholic Chronicle was not only a very s t r i d e n t voice for Catholicism but was also r a b i d l y aggressive i n promoting I r i s h r i g h t s , both i n Canada and for the n a t i o n a l i s t cause i n the Emerald I s l e . D'Arcy McGee, publisher of The New Era was a more moderate advocate of I r i s h -Canadian r i g h t s . Once a n a t i o n a l i s t a g i t a t o r , he had completely reversed himself and now sought to advance the I r i s h cause from within the framework of the Empire. He was no apologist, though. Even as he fe r v e n t l y proclaimed I r i s h l o y a l t y he churned out the most damning indictments against the East India Company and of B r i t i s h imperial hypocrisy i n general. Some French-Canadian journals played much the same game. Le Journal de Quebec was w i l l i n g to flaunt i t s l o y a l t y - i t was one of the "bleus" against the annexationist movement a few years e a r l i e r -for the pragmatic end of securing tolerance f or francophone ambitions i n the P r o v i n c e . ^ Le Courrier du Canada was at least as amenable to 27 B r i t i s h imperialism elsewhere. Le Pays and Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe, though, came out strongly against the B r i t i s h i n India and against the very idea of c o l o n i a l recruitment for the army. Whatever t h e i r p o l i t i c s , a l l francophone papers were f i r s t and foremost French-Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t s . None could generate much enthusiasm for imperial adventures: they were more concerned about l o c a l a f f a i r s . In f a c t , they usually ignored the Mutiny altogether except when there was a big story or some choice r i d i c u l e of the B r i t i s h i n a Paris j o u r n a l . Which foreign a r t i c l e s were reprinted was one of the d i s t i n c t i v e differences between the anglophone and the francophone press i n Canada. English-language papers usually borrowed from the B r i t i s h while franco-18 phones copied commentaries from P a r i s . The diffe r e n c e was more fundamental than j u s t language. Half of the Province read England's side of the story; the others got the a n t i - E n g l i s h viewpoint of French nationalism.. Both arguments f i t n i c e l y into Canada's own ethnic struggle: the Mutiny was a way to f i g h t other "wars". The colony was probably j u s t too fragmented to develop i t s own perspective. Some small synthesis might have evolved on the r e p r i s a l s issue: Canadians generally seem to have been less bloody-minded than Englishmen. The d i f f i c u l t task i s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between those ideas which had an impact on Canadian thought and those which were read here but were not widely accepted. Reprints are the main methodological v i l l a i n s . Often one was run for i t s information or for i t s insi g h t s into what was thought abroad even though the editor disagreed with i t s tone or conclusion. Editors did not always say what they thought of an a r t i c l e . 28 Worse, they often f a i l e d to say where they got the story from. Generally, though, a maverick r e p r i n t stands out from the r e s t : editors tended to copy whatever accorded with t h e i r own writings. In v i r t u a l l y a l l cases t h i s study has been able to r e l y on firmer evidence than r e p r i n t s . Correspondents, while not Canadians, have been treated as i n d i c a t i v e of t h e i r e d i t o r s ' viewpoints, since no 19 journal would put up with a contrary writer f o r very long. Mostly, though, t h i s essay i s grounded on " e d i t o r i a l s " - taken here to mean any statement of fact or opinion o r i g i n a t i n g i n a domestic paper. There remains the i n e v i t a b l e question: did the editors think what the people thought? The surest answer to that i s to point to t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n s : i f they did not s a t i s f y t h e i r customers they went 20 out of business. In the absence of any a l t e r n a t i v e news source i t i s reasonable to assume that newspapers not only mirrored public sentiment but led i t , too. Journalism remains the best h i s t o r i c a l evidence f o r mid-nineteenth century public opinion, e s p e c i a l l y f o r the quickly-changing events of wartime. 29 NOTES 1. S i r John William Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War i n India, 1857-1858, W.H. A l l e n and Co., London, 1870, and Colonel G.B. Malleson, A History of the Indian Mutiny 1857-1858 Commencing from  the close of the second volume of ... S i r John Kaye's History of  Sepoy War, London, 1878-80. 2. Haraprasad Chattopadhyaya, The Sepoy Mutiny, 1857: a So c i a l Study  and Analysis, Bookland, Calcutta, 1957, and Sashi Bhusan Chaudhuri, C i v i l Rebellions i n the Indian Mutinies, 1857-1859, World Press Private, Calcutta, 1957. 3. T r a d i t i o n a l names l i k e the "Sepoy Mutiny" or the "Indian Mutiny" imply that there was no c i v i l i a n involvement. Terms l i k e " r e v o l t " or " r e b e l l i o n " , l e t alone the Marxist phrase "Indian War of Independence", imply a n a t i o n a l i s t struggle. This study uses a l l these terms interchangeably, without reference to t h e i r s t r i c t h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l connotations. 4. There was no conspiracy but there almost c e r t a i n l y was cow f a t , sacred to Hindus, and pig f a t , abhorrent to Muslims, on the ca r t r i d g e s . The Ordnance Department contracted for tallow without specifying what type. Contractors n a t u r a l l y would have supplied the cheapest: cow fat and, perhaps, pig f a t . See P h i l i p Mason, A Matter of Honour: An Account of the Indian Army, i t s O f f i c e r s  and Men, Penguin Books, London, 1974, p. 265. The whole episode also shows what a remarkably negative view of C h r i s t i a n i t y that the natives had: i f you were no longer a Hindu or a Muslim you must automatically have become a C h r i s t i a n . 5. Kaye, v o l . I I , p. 269. 6. The Times, The History of the Times, The Times, London, 1939, v o l . I I , p. 309. When the revolt began, C e c i l Beadon, Home Secretary to the Government of India, was temporarily f i l l i n g i n for Townsend. This was kept secret because Company servants were not allowed to . contribute to the press. It was unfortunate for Canning, though, that Townsend resumed his duties. Beadon's appeals for calm gave way to Townsend's campaign against Canning's "clemency". Since The  Times did not name i t s correspondents the change must have made i t s e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y seem e r r a t i c indeed, e s p e c i a l l y when i t changed again a f t e r the paper sent out i t s own reporter from England. 7. Russell was famous for his exposes of army i n e f f i c i e n c y i n the Crimean War. His despatches from India were very c r i t i c a l of Anglo-Indian demands for vengeance and may have been p a r t l y responsible for the quick ebbing of that s p i r i t . In 1860 he published h i s impressions i n a volume now a v a i l a b l e as William Howard Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary, Michael Edwardes, ed., Cas s e l l and Co., London, 1957. 30 8. Russell i n The Times, reprinted i n The Quebec Gazette, August 2, 1858, p. 2c. 9. Michael Maclagan, "Clemency" Canning, Macmillan and Co., London, 1962, pp. 101-104. 10. The Toronto Weekly Message, September 11, 1857, p. 2b. 11. See P.C. Joshi, ed., Rebellion 1857: A Symposium, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, 1957. 12. "I had no personal.experience of Canada...," Glasgow correspondent, The  P i l o t , February 19, 1858, p. 2e. "Correspondents" were what we would c a l l " s t r i n g e r s " today, permanent residents of a foreign c i t y who regul a r l y provided s t o r i e s and opinion from t h e i r region. 13. F.H. U n d e r h i l l , "Canada's Relations with the Empire as seen by the Toronto Globe, 1857-1867", i n the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . X, no. 2, June 1929, pp. 106-128. 14. A.W. Rasporich, "Imperial Sentiment i n the Province of Canada during the Crimean War 1854-1856" i n W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield  of A c h i l l e s : Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age, McClelland and Stewart Ltd., Toronto, 1968, p. 140. 15. J.M.S. Careless, "Mid-Victorian L i b e r a l i s m i n Central Canadian Newspapers, 1850-67" i n the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . XXXI, no. 3, Sept. 1950, pp. 221-236. 16. Rasporich, pp. 161-162. 17. Ibid., p. 141. 18. This was generally true but not i n v a r i a b l y so. The l a t e s t news, i n whatever language, was always st r a i g h t from London; French commentaries were slower i n coming and looked at the broader issues. English-Canadian papers, i n turn, would often reprint them i n t r a n s l a t i o n . Despite t h i s d i v e r s i t y of opinion the fact remained that most in-depth a r t i c l e s about the Mutiny i n English-Canadian papers came from Great B r i t a i n while most French-language readers got t h e i r commentaries from P a r i s . 19. The True Witness had some trouble with i t s Dublin writer, Rev. Dr. C a h i l l . He c a l l e d on Irishmen to take advantage of England's p l i g h t by using c i v i l disobedience to press for concessions to Ireland. The True Witness continued to publish him but pointedly distanced i t s e l f from him. 20. L'Avenir, i n f a c t , f a i l e d i n November 1857. 31 CHAPTER II THE CANADIAN IMAGE OF INDIA, 1857-8 The public seem to know but l i t t l e about th i s place....1 Canadians i n the mid-nineteenth century r a r e l y had cause to think about India. We seldom went there, hardly traded there, had never 2 warred there. The imperial connexion was with the United Kingdom, not with other parts of the Empire, and even that l i n k seemed threatened by " L i t t l e Englanders" i n the Old Country. The Province's few contacts with the subcontinent were mostly through the t a l e s of missionaries or e x - B r i t i s h Army men. 3 The f i r s t c r y p t i c telegram of the Sepoy Mutiny reached Canada i n early July 1857. "Later news from India," i t said , "shows that the insubordination of the native troops has assumed a very formidable 4 shape." By mid-month the newspapers were f u l l of shocking s t o r i e s . Mutinies i n the army had broken out a l l over Northern India, Europeans had been massacred at Delhi and Meerut, a native King had been proclaimed, and B r i t i s h power i n the East had apparently collapsed. The war became the biggest foreign news event of the next two years. Canadians were not e n t i r e l y ignorant about India.~* A scan of domestic journals shows that several of them reprinted a r t i c l e s about the East i n the l a s t few weeks before the war. But none suspected trouble and the Mutiny came right out of the blue. Unfortunately, i t began with a massacre at Meerut. From the s t a r t , then, Canadians f e l t a 32 fresh horror j o s t l i n g with whatever old suppositions they had about India. To separate the old ideas from the new poses a methodological problem. The d i f f i c u l t y i s compounded in.the early weeks by an u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i l e n c e among j o u r n a l i s t s , most of whom waited for more facts before r i s k i n g a comment. For a while, too, the B r i t i s h Foreign O f f i c e down-played the s i z e of the Revolt. Not u n t i l the end of July was the f i r s t i n f l u e n t i a l roar of h y s t e r i a - The Times' demand that Delhi e x i s t no more - reprinted i n Canada.^ There was a l u l l , therefore, of several weeks before the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c response to the war surfaced i n B r i t a i n and i n Canada. We may a r b i t r a r i l y assume that i n those early weeks our editors were wr i t i n g from old preconceptions about the East. In f a c t , Canada reacted to the f i r s t news with serene confidence. The Globe's very f i r s t statement had f a i t h i n the Empire. The Hindoo population have experienced too long the blessing of B r i t i s h r u l e , as compared with the former misgovernment and tyranny of native monarchs, to have much sympathy with the d i s a f f e c t i o n of the few mutineering regiments. 7 Near the end of the month The P i l o t was s t i l l expressing the same fading hope and c i t i n g p r e c i s e l y the same reason. "Under the sway of England," i t said, "the Hindoo peasant eats h i s bread i n peace - a g state of things unknown to the country under i t s native r u l e r s . . . . " Whatever the sepoys might do i n pursuit of t h e i r s e c t i o n a l ambitions, i t was expected that the peasants would be f a i t h f u l to the good master who had so improved t h e i r l o t . Although couched i n the language of r a t i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t , the argument r e l i e d on a patronizing a i r of s u p e r i o r i t y over the Asians. 33 The Indians were incapable of responsible conduct i n government but they made good, quiet followers. It was an early and very, very mild manifestation of the dominant image of the natives during the war: the l i m i t a t i o n s of " A s i a t i c character". Later, the moderation would disappear and the defects i n the natives would be a t t r i b u t e d to Satanic i n s p i r a t i o n . Already The Globe had issued a sterner v e r d i c t on the nature of the natives: The Hindoo i s an impulsive being, e a s i l y excited, and wild i n h i s aimless anger -emotional as a c h i l d , and dangerous as a strong, unscrupulous, and c r a f t y man. A small thing, therefore, may impel him to strange, excesses.9 The tone of the passage was p i t y i n g and patronizing, f o r the hy s t e r i a had not yet begun. What The Globe was saying was that Indians had the less endearing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , of c h i l d r e n : wilfulness and i r r a t i o n a l i t y . These were dangerous i n a fully-grown man. The notion that natives were inherently immature was a commonplace. For instance, the Edinburgh Review, reprinted i n Canada, lamented that: Henceforth we must regard the sepoy, i n spi t e of a l l ancient experiences and associations, not as a laughing, p l a y f u l , c h i l d - l i k e , c h i l d - l o v i n g , simple-minded ^ s o l d i e r ; but as a ruthless murderer.... In a sense, the v i s i o n of the sturdy peasant was j u s t another manifestation of t h i s idea. C r e d i b i l i t y and f a i t h f u l n e s s were the endearing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of native peasants, as well as of c h i l d r e n . It was a l l evidence that Canadians f e l t that coloureds were r a c i a l l y i n f e r i o r to us. There s t i l l remained some d i f f i c u l t y comprehending how the poor, 34 skinny native, so g r o v e l l i n g and apathetic to our eyes, could so suddenly turn into a ravening, murderous r e b e l . A foreign account, which Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe reprinted as " p l e i n de profondeur", expressed the dilemma: Nous nous faisons, en e f f e t , en France une idee singuliere- de ces races l o i n t a i n e s . Confondant l'energie avec l a bonte, l'apathie avec l a douceur, notre imagination se represente l ' l n d i e n comme une creature soumise, souple, et meme rampante, eloignee de toute cruaute Meutres, perjures, crimes et supplices de toutes sortes, paraissent peu de chose a des gens dont 1'esprit de caste et l e deshonneur de l a perte de l e u r rang sont l e seul f r e i n . 1 1 What reconciled the c o n f l i c t i n g images was another age-old premise. It was the idea of O r i e n t a l i n s c r u t a b i l i t y . The Asian's g r o v e l l i n g was a ruse to disguise the hatred which b o i l e d within him. The deceit made him even more s i n i s t e r . The Rev. Dr. Taylor t o l d a Montreal prayer meeting that the Insurrection was "a more appa l l i n g e x h i b i t i o n of the native perfidiousness of the A s i a t i c , and the d i r e f u l passions he can conceal under a smooth e x t e r i o r , than anything the world has been 12 acquainted with previously." As the war fever i n Canada increased, the r h e t o r i c got stronger. The defects of the Indian were in c r e a s i n g l y ascribed to Satanic design. But even i n the f i r s t days of the war, and probably much further back than that, Canadians already had a deep-seated conviction that the coloured races were i n f e r i o r to Europeans. To the world the Indian presented a veneer of c i v i l i z a t i o n , but deep i n s i d e he seethed with p r i m i t i v e passions. Like a c h i l d he could be f a i t h f u l and innocent, 35 but l i k e a c h i l d he could not control his emotions. It was a dangerous flaw i n a fully-grown man with the strength to do a l o t of damage. It was even more dangerous since his every mannerism was intended to l u r e the unwary into overlooking his defects. In 1857 i t appeared that he had been uncommonly successful i n h i s t r i c k e r y and the whole Empire was at stake. The image was very f l u i d , adaptable to almost anything which could happen. I f the Revolt had f i z z l e d the image of the c h i l d i s h , happy peasant would have predominated. When worst came to worst, well, we knew a l l along that the weak-willed heathen could not control himself. The notion of O r i e n t a l i n s c r u t a b i l i t y guaranteed that European r a c i a l self-confidence could never be rocked, come what may. In f a c t , i t appears that theMutiny did not a c t u a l l y create any new images about Indians at a l l . It focussed a l o t of attention on our prejudices, which the bitterness of war probably "hardened" i n people's minds f o r many years or decades to come. But the Mutiny r e a l l y only "proved" our o l d ideas about the East. The V i c t o r i a n s had a penchant for t a l k i n g about "character". The term was undefined but i t connoted c e r t a i n vague and b e n e f i c i a l a t t r i -butes: vigour, honesty, ambition of a c r e d i t a b l e s o r t , and so on. "Character" was a moral concept yet some of i t s components, l i k e "energy", were p h y s i o l o g i c a l . In f a c t , "character" was considered a r a c i a l a t t r i b u t e , by and large. Most coloured peoples had weak "characters". Most of the "proofs" that natives had poor characters were around for a long time before 1857. The war did not change the conviction; i t 36 just focussed more attention on the matter and added more evidence to the "proofs". The Mutiny did add one new class of "proofs" to the l i s t , which already included r e l i g i o u s , governmental, and "blood" prejudices. The " a t r o c i t i e s " committed by the rebels on Europeans i n 1857 over-whelmed every other aspect of the Revolt. Indian " a t r o c i t i e s " were nothing new - the "Black Hole of Calcutta" was legendary - but 1857 made them the dominant image of the East. Asian r e l i g i o n s had long seemed to be the most outstanding "proof" of native depravity. For years missionaries had r a i l e d i n the p u l p i t and i n the press•against the e v i l s of heathenism. They supplied the outside world with a l o t of i t s knowledge about India. A Methodist j o u r n a l , The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, ran f i v e items on India i n the two issues j u s t before the f i r s t Mutiny news reached Canada, far more than any other paper. The s p i r i t of the missionaries was revolutionary; they wanted to undermine Hinduism and Islam so that C h r i s t i a n i t y could spread across the East. The pace of t h e i r e f f o r t s had increased a f t e r the 1830's, when the evangelical movement which swept B r i t i s h Protestantism was accompanied by a crusade against the t o l e r a t i o n of " s u p e r s t i t i o n s " . Since Indian society was inseparable from i t s r e l i g i o n s , the attacks i n e v i t a b l y developed into a general anti-Indian bias. On the very day that i t printed the f i r s t telegraphed news of the i n s u r r e c t i o n , The C h r i s t i a n Guardian ran an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d , " C r u e l t i e s of Heathenism." The sick i n India, i t i n s i s t e d , were l e f t at ghats to die without aid or sympathy - and were smothered by p o t e n t i a l h e r i t o r s 13 at the f i r s t sign of an inconvenient recovery. It -reproduced from the New York Observer a poignant d e s c r i p t i o n of a Hindu mother s a c r i f i c i n g 14 her daughter to c r o c o d i l e s . 37 Hinduism most appalled our forebears. It was p o l y t h e i s t i c , a n i m i s t i c , i d o l worship: the negation of everything C h r i s t i a n . The multitudes worshipped a menagerie of gaudy i d o l s - crocodiles, monkeys, voluptuous women, multi-armed men, hideous monsters. Its theology and scriptu r e s seemed a muddle. Hinduism harboured such things as temple p r o s t i t u t i o n , widow burning, garotte murders i n the name of K a l i , and the s t o r i e s of mass suicide beneath the wheels of "Juggernaut" became legendary. In Montreal, the Rev. Dr. Wilkes delivered a sermon to a prayer meeting. The Hindus, he sai d , "are p o l y t h e i s t s ; t h e i r gods counted not by thousands, but by hundreds of m i l l i o n s , and t h e i r worship obscene, bloody, cruel - many of t h e i r gods the embodiment of the v i l e s t passions. But, for him as for most Canadians, Islam was the r e a l threat. "The Mohammedan," he s a i d , "though a monotheist, i s dark, f a n a t i c a l , f i e r c e , a most b i t t e r hater of everything bearing the name Christian.""'"^ The image of Muslims as cunning and treacherous fanat i c s bent on destroying C h r i s t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n has been a staple of Western society since the Middle Ages. This image was e s p e c i a l l y potent i n 1857. The-;war came right out of the blue f o r the B r i t i s h and caught them f l a t - f o o t e d . Its suddenness, the way i t broke out i n d i f f e r e n t places at the same time, and the legend that B r i t i s h rule was due to end on the centenary of the b a t t l e of Plassey, a l l suggested that the Rising was a long-fomented plo t . The d o c i l e and degenerate Hindus did not seem to be energetic enough to p u l l o f f such a coup on t h e i r own. So, ignoring the whole cow 38 fat issue and a l l the signs of spontaneous r e b e l l i o n , many Canadians assumed the Mutiny was a Muslim p l o t . Its authors and i n s t i g a t o r s are, we believe, to be looked for amongst the Moslem population of that vast country, and not amongst the Hindoos; the l a t t e r being but the tools by means of which the former hope to r e - e s t a b l i s h Moslem supremacy, and the authority of t h e i r f a l s e prophet, by replacing the Mogul dynasty on the throne of Delhi. Viewed i n t h i s l i g h t the bloody contest now raging i n the East may be looked upon as but another act i n the great drama wherein, i n the Middle Ages, a Godfrey of B o u i l l o n , a St. Louis of France, a Richard Coeur de Lion of England, and a ^ Saladin played the most conspicuous parts.... By the writer's own admission, the r e l i g i o u s image was part of a t r a d i t i o n going back a thousand years. The Mutiny added very l i t t l e to i t . I f the war proved that the natives were depraved i t was hardly news; the customs and ambitions of India's f a i t h s had shown that long before. The r e l i g i o u s "proof" of Asian debaseness was very important to Canada's image of Indians i n general. The argument was convincing because i t was grounded on the V i c t o r i a n ' s f a i t h i n h i s own r e l i g i o n . A l l other creeds were errors at best and Satanic at worst. Yet the r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was not a l l bad. It offered the native the hope of improvement through conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y . Despite his race, the native could acquire most of the moral elements of "character" which he so woefully lacked. A s i a t i c governments provided another "proof" that native character was debased. "Utopian p r i n c i p l e s " of government would never work i n India, alleged The P i l o t , because of "the character of the m i l l i o n s of 18 h a l f c i v i l i z e d people they have to govern." As we have seen, The Globe 39 and The P i l o t both f e l t sure that Indian peasants did not want to return to the wars and tyranny of native r u l e r s . Even The Toronto Weekly Message declared that " m i l i t a r y despotism i s the only p r a c t i c a l r u l e " 19 for India. Of course, the B r i t i s h for years had used alleged native misgovernment as a pretext to annex p r i n c e l y states. Just the year before, i n 1856, the King of Oudh had been deposed on that very excuse. The propaganda may s t i l l have been fresh i n Canadian minds when the Mutiny came along. Anarchy i n the revolted areas of 1857-8 clinched i t . It i s not clear from the evidence whether Canadians at that time could foresee the Asians ever acquiring enough "character" to govern themselves decently. As stated before, "character" was l a r g e l y a r a c i a l a t t r i b u t e . The idea that some races are p h y s i c a l l y and morally i n f e r i o r was an old one but i n the 1850's i t was gaining new adherents. Comte de Gobineau had recently given r a c i a l i n e q u a l i t y an i n t e l l e c t u a l j u s t i f i c a -t i o n . Science seemed to be giving i t an empirical basis. In a marvelously q u a s i - s c i e n t i f i c a n alysis, a French Navy doctor argued that climate and biology had degenerated the p h y s i c a l and moral f i b r e of India's residents: Chairs molles, muscles gr&les, forces digestives languissantes, n u t r i t i o n et as s i m i l a t i o n imparfaites, r e s p i r a t i o n peu dtendue; c i r c u l a t i o n c a p i l l a i r e sans Snergie; temperature du corps peu e"levee; pouls p a r f o i s intermittent, habituellement rapide, toujours f a c i l e a deprimer; sang pale; l i q u i d e , ddpourvu de p l a s t i c i t y ; d i s p o s i t i o n a 1'engorgement des glandes et des visceres abdominaux, aux i n f i l t r a t i o n s et aux epanchements sgreux; e n f i n , defaut de reaction de l'organisme. 40 Cette f a i b l e s s e r a d i c a l e , ce relache-ment des t i s s u s contrastent avec l a fougue des passions, les saccades d ' a c t i v i t e physique et morale qui revelent, chez l'lndou comme chez 1'habitant des pays chauds, un defaut d'equilibre entre l e sang et les nerfs. A i n s i s'expliquent l a frequence des aff e c t i o n s nerveuses et, au moral, l a mobilite des sentiments et idees, l e s successions brusques d'exaltation et d'abattement que l'on remarque chez les habitants des pays chaud.^ The good doctor believed that i n f i n d i n g evidence of phys i c a l weakness he had found the cause of a race's emotional defects. He confused r e l i g i o n with e t h n i c i t y when he postulated that, of a l l the Indians, "La classe musulmane, qui resu l t e du melange de l'Irande, 21 presente seule l e s a t t r i b u t e s de l a v i g u e u r e t de l a sante." However, he seemed to o f f e r empirical support f o r the suspicion that the Hindus were too indolent to revolt unless goaded into i t by the Muslims. Although i t was never e x p l i c i t l y stated, the anatomical argument also provided a f i n e j u s t i f i c a t i o n for continued B r i t i s h r u l e i n the East. Every Canadian seemed to accept r a c i a l differences to some extent or other. Even that r a d i c a l democrat, William Lyon Mackenzie, i m p l i c i t l y accepted the i n e q u a l i t y of races, while denying the conclusions: "The inhabitants of Hindostan," he declared, "are not of the woolyhaired A f r i c a n species, but are i n every respect as capable of c i v i l i z a t i o n as 22 the Celt or Anglo-Saxon." However, the genetic "proof" of Asian i n s t a b i l i t y was never as popular as the r e l i g i o u s evidence. Perhaps the ta l k sounded too much l i k e American j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r slavery, at a time when Canada offered refuge to escaped blacks. Or i t might have been that science was j u s t too absolute: unlike C h r i s t i a n i t y , genetics 41 offered no hope of redemption. A l l of the arguments reviewed here were "proof" that native society was rotten to the core. A l l of these ideas were popular during the Mutiny but the war did not add much to the evidence for each. The great contribut ion of 1857 to Canada's image of Asians was the " a t r o c i t i e s " . From the outset of the f i g h t i n g , Europeans, whether s o l d i e r s or c i v i l i a n s , men or women or c h i l d r e n , i n place a f t e r place, were massacred and t h e i r bodies mutilated. Francophone Canadians read of "les traitements d'une barbarie mouie que l e s cipayes font subir aux Europeens, des fa m i l i e s entieres couples en morceaux, des femmes soumises a tous l e s outrages, des enfants r S t i s vivants au bout d'une 23 baionnette." News of the most infamous massacre, at Cawnpore, reached Canada i n October: The Court yard i n front of the Assembly rooms, i n which Nena Sahib had fixed h i s headquarters, and i n which the women had been imprisoned, was swimming with blood. A large number of women and c h i l d r e n who had been c r u e l l y spared a f t e r the c a p i t u l a t i o n for a worse fate than instant death, had been barbarously slaughtered on the preceding morning -the former having been stripped naked, and then beheaded and thrown in t o a well; and the l a t t e r having been hurled down a l i v e upon t h e i r butchered mothers, whose blood rested on t h e i r mangled bodies. Only four escaped - the wife of a merchant and three o t h e r s . 2 4 A t r o c i t y s t o r i e s , more than anything else, made the Mutiny a 25 "war of race, a war of r e l i g i o n , a war of revenge." They were the 25 products of shaken minds. When cringing, s e r v i l e "niggers" suddenly smashed B r i t i s h power i n northern India, the Europeans there suffered a 42 t e r r i b l e psychological shock. Even worse was t h e i r u t t e r helplessness. Alone amid a teeming, h o s t i l e population the whites could do nothing without native help, not even f l e e . Haunted imaginations turned every rumour into a sordid deed of rape, torture, and mutilation. At f i r s t many journals i n Canada were s k e p t i c a l about the reports coming out of India. The Toronto Weekly Message i n s i s t e d a l l along that they were invented at Printing-House Square and Fleet 27 Street. But the sheer numbers and horror of the s t o r i e s soon convinced most Canadians that the Indians were capable of any depravity. When a despatch a r r i v e d saying, "Three Regiments Burned," The New Era 28 exclaimed that i t was "monstrous and i n c r e d i b l e . " But i t seems to have been believed, u n t i l another paper explained that the tents, not the men, had been torched. The English-language press i n Canada began to echo the j o u r n a l i s t i c f i restorm at "Home". For example, a poet i n Lennoxville offered his inflammatory "Cawnpore". It read i n part: For there i n yonder courtyard gapes the very mouth of H e l l , Accursed through ages yet to come - the dark and s i l e n t w e l l ; And there the s t a t e l y palm-tree rears i t s h o r r i d growth above, Fat with the dashed-out brains of babes, and tears of those we love. Thank God, our clouds are breaking! Hark to the cannon's roar That wakens from a hundred palms the echoes of Cawnpore. Sweet voices i n your i r o n throats! Sweet i n -cense i n your wrath That marks i n storms of flame and blood the brave avengers' path! \ 43 Even as moderate a paper as The P i l o t admitted that: No one can have read the t i d i n g s which have every now and then reached us from that f a r - o f f country, of the f e a r f u l treatment our fellow countrymen, and t h e i r wives and chi l d r e n , have received at the hands of the mutinous Sepoys, without having his blood curdle i n his very veins, and a loud, deep cry for vengeance to those friends come from the very depth of his soul. Rape, far. more than murders, caused t h i s i n f e c t i o u s frenzy of horror and hate. "And that those treacherous scoundrels the sepoys -whom the English despised because they were conquered, and, as they say so often, for t h e i r colour - should lay beastly hands on t h e i r women, those f r a g i l e symbols of p u r i t y and of repressed desire, r a i s e d them to a p i t c h of frenzied rage which has not been equalled i n t h e i r 31 h i s t o r y . " The True Witness concluded: (The) atrocious acts ... - are e s s e n t i a l l y and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y A s i a t i c i n a l l t h e i r features. When the Ori e n t a l would express i n the strongest manner, his scorn, hatred and defiance of his foe, he i n v a r i a b l y seeks to accomplish his object by outraging the l a t t e r * s female r e l a t i v e s . 3 2 Inquiries held j u s t a f t e r the war and h i s t o r i c a l research since 33 has f a i l e d to turn up even a s i n g l e case of rape. It i s therefore s i g n i f i c a n t that people of the time not only assumed that the Indians n a t u r a l l y would commit the most unspeakable act, but also considered i t as something c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Asians. The Quebec Gazette was so cautious that as l a t e as November i t was s t i l l i n s i s t i n g that the causes of the Revolt were unclear. Yet the same a r t i c l e confidently asserted that: These a t r o c i t i e s are not merely Moslem A t r o c i t i e s , but they are, and have been, 44 and always w i l l be, a marked and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t r a i t of A s i a t i c character, and of a l l barbarous, h a l f - c i v i l i z e d nations, - nay, even men belonging to those nations, who claim to head the march of c i v i l i z a t i o n and moral improvement, have, at times, dimmed the brightness of t h e i r country's glory, by deeds as v i l e as those which are at present darkening English homes and English hearts with heavy clouds of death and dishonored memories.34 The writer c l e a r l y was t r y i n g to be f a i r . So i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that he gave the Asian no hope of improvement. The very essence of the native was his defects. The a t r o c i t i e s stripped the ethnic and "working-class" newspapers, rebel India's p o t e n t i a l supporters, of arguments. D'Arcy McGee of The New Era wrote, " A l l i n t e l l i g e n t Irishmen, from the days of Burke, have disapproved the East India Company's wars and aggressions i n Hindostan, but no one worthy of the name, no C h r i s t i a n , no c i v i l i z e d creature, can hold any other sentiment than utter abhorrence f o r the murderers of babes and v i o l a t o r s of women taken captive i n t h i s 35 i n s u r r e c t i o n . " The Toronto Weekly Message continued to fig h t against imperialism but i t was l e f t with only a negative argument. "There i s cruelty on both sides i n India - barbarity a l i k e i n invaders and invaded. Which have most reason to be cruel? The strangers who seek 36 to trample on India for gain, or the natives whose home i s there?" As we have already seen, the francophone press i n Canada, no less than i t s anglophone counterpart, was convinced that the Indians were p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y and emotionally weak. The a t r o c i t i e s cost the rebels most of What moral support the French-Canadians may have had l e f t to o f f e r . As Le Journal de Quebec e d i t o r i a l i z e d : 45 Du reste, les Indiens en massacrant tant de femmes, et d'enfants qui ne le u r ont pas f a i t de mal, et se l i v r a n t de'crire, ont perdu l e s sympathies des nations, en mime temps q u ' i l s se sont a t t i r e l a haine implacable et vengeresse du peuple anglais tout e n t i e r . It ne s'agira plus maintenant de soumettre une nation qui combat pour l a l i b e r t e et qui ne veut pas du joug etranger, mais de venger l e sang et l a honte de peres, des meres, des epoux, des f r e r e s , des soeurs et des enfants innocents!37 For domestic h i s t o r i c a l reasons, which we s h a l l examine l a t e r , French-Canadians tended to sympathize with any< national struggle against B r i t i s h imperialism. However, the a t r o c i t i e s stripped them of t h e i r main p o s i t i v e arguments. No one could r e a l l y think that the Indians would do a better job of governing themselves than the B r i t i s h did. A l l they could do was to show that the a t r o c i t i e s were not so bad as the B r i t i s h made out, and to show that the r e p r i s a l s were as barbarous as anything the rebels had done. French-Canadians seemed to be saying that the sepoy cause was good but the sepoys themselves were not. It was h a i r - s p l i t t i n g at best and i t was not very e f f e c t i v e . On nearly every other dimension of the Mutiny - the image of B r i t i s h r u l e i n India, the r e p r i s a l s , what Canadians ought to do, the rightness or wrongness of the war - English-Canadians and French-Canadians were adamantly opposed. The only thing that a l l Canadians, regardless of ethnic, sectarian, or class d i f f e r e n c e s , agreed on was the image of the Indians. It suggests that the image was based on a very simple stereotype, one that a l l white Canadians could embrace without endangering t h e i r own domestic i n t e r e s t s . The Mutiny confirmed 46 that the coloured' peoples were i n f e r i o r . Most of the "proof" for t h i s b e l i e f - the evidence based on blood, r e l i g i o n , or native "mis-rule" - had been around for a long time before 1857. The native was presumed to be degenerate b o t h i i n body and i n mind, with j u s t a veneer of s e m i - c i v i l i z a t i o n precariously containing the seething savage passions within him. It was a very f l e x i b l e image fo r i t explained both the rampaging sepoy and the apathetic do-nothing. The physical image of the Indian was no clue to what was going on i n hi s immature mind. His every mannerism, his whole l i f e , everything he sai d , his very weak and skinny body, was a disguise. That eternal deceit made him even more s i n i s t e r and dangerous. The war did not change any images. I t only hardened pre-conceptions into convictions. The " a t r o c i t i e s " were the only new evidence raised by the f i g h t i n g . The s i g n i f i c a n t thing about them i s that most of them did not happen at a l l . Anglo-Indians assumed that the natives would do the worst imaginable things and Canada, with the rest of the world, happily accepted the assumption. It i s the best evidence of a common European r a c i s t philosophy which pictured coloureds as basely defective i n "character". The a t r o c i t i e s transformed a war for imperial, domination into a crusade against the forces of eternal darkness. For some Canadians, as for the B r i t i s h , i t had elements of a race war. Ra l l y i n g to England's cause, The Montreal Weekly Gazette concluded that, " I t has been a contest for the maintenance of our common race, for the existence of our common 3 8 C h r i s t i a n i t y , and our common c i v i l i z a t i o n . " 47 NOTES 1. The P i l o t , September 14, 1857, p. 2b. The author was r e f e r r i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y to the c i t y of Delhi but he could have as t r u t h f u l l y meant a l l of India. The reams of h i s t o r i e s , g l o s s a r i e s , and geographies of India which were printed i n the newspapers suggest that readers had a l o t of catching up to do. 2. This study i s confined to the United Province of Canada, that i s , today's Ontario and Quebec. The Maritimes, of course, had more seaborne contact with the East. 3. The term, "Sepoy Mutiny", i s used i n t h i s study as synonymous with "Indian Rebellion", "Revolt", "Uprising", or whatever. The choice of terms i s not meant to imply either that the events were s o l e l y a m i l i t a r y mutiny or a popular r e v o l t . Modern historiography tends to accept that there was c i v i l i a n involvement i n the war but not that i t was a t r u l y n a t i o n a l i s t r evolution. 4. The Daily Globe, July 9, 1857, p. 9c. 5. "India" i s used here to denote the population of the subcontinent. It does not denote the land. Canadians had some idea of the d i v e r s i t y of the geography of the place but i n general viewed i t as i n t o l e r a b l y hot and dusty or as a f e t i d jungle. 6. The Times, reprinted i n The P i l o t , July 29, 1857, p. 2C. 7. The Daily Globe, July 13, 1857, p. 2f. 8. The P i l o t , July 28, p. 2e. 9. The Daily Globe, July 24, 1857, p. 2f. 10. The Edinburgh Review, reprinted i n The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, January 6, 1858, p. I f . 11. A r t i c l e from an u n i d e n t i f i e d French paper, reprinted i n Le Courrier  de Saint-Hyacinthe, December 18, 1857, p. 2b. 12. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, October 10, 1857, p. 2b. 13. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, July 15, 1857, p. I f . 14. The New York Observer, reprinted i n The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Dec. 2, 1857, p. I f . 15. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 24, 1857, p. 2d. 16. Ibid. 48 17. The True Witness, September 25, 1857, p. 4a. 18. The P i l o t , August 3, 1857, p. 2e. 19. The Toronto Weekly Message, July 24, 1857, p. 4a. 20. Dr. Godineau i n the Revue Coloniale; reprinted i n Le Courrier du  Canada, Oct. 23, 1857, p. Id. 21. Ibi d . 22. The Toronto Weekly Message, Feb. 5, 1858, p. l b . 23. Union, reprinted i n Le Journal de Quebec, Sept. 22, 1857, p. 2a. 24. The Cork C o n s t i t u t i o n a l , reprinted i n The True Witness, October 2, 1857, p. 4a. 25. William Howard Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary, George Routledge and Sons. London. 1859. Reprint e d i t i o n , Michael Edwardes, ed., C a s s e l l & Co., London, 1957, p. 29. 26. A term which was apparently much used by the B r i t i s h i n India but which was not commonly used by B r i t i s h newspapers and was never published i n Canada. 27. The Toronto Weekly Message, Jan. 15, 1858, p. 2b. 28. The New Era, January 26, 1858, p. 2c. The c l a r i f i c a t i o n was printed i n The P i l o t , January 26, 1858, p. 2a. 29. Poem by "J.J.P.", of Lennoxville, was written expressly for The  Montreal Weekly Gazette, March 27, 1858, p. l c . 30. The P i l o t , December 31, 1857, p. 2a. 31. P h i l i p Mason, A Matter of Honour, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1974, p. 29.6. That k i l l i n g s alone did not i n s p i r e the B r i t i s h t h i r s t for vengeance i s clear i n a comment by Delaney, editor of The Times. He congratulated his correspondent, W.H. R u s s e l l , for q u e l l i n g the hate by r e f u t i n g some of the s t o r i e s of rape and mutilation. "The key to the savage s p i r i t " said Delaney, "was the ' a t r o c i t i e s ' , and these seem to have resolved themselves into simple massacre." See The Times, The History of The Times, Vol. II, The Times, London, 1939, p. 317. 32. The True Witness, October 9, 1857, p. 4a. 33. See S i r John William Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War i n India  1857-1858, Vol. I I , W.H. A l l e n & Co., London, 1870, pp. 80 and 373. However, Michael Edwardes, Red Year: TheJIndian Rebellion  of 1857, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1973, p. 31 says that at Meerut, 49 European women were v i o l a t e d - "not by men, but by s t i c k s of burning tow and thatch thrust f a r in t o t h e i r bodies." 34. The Quebec Gazette, November 18, 1857, p. 2a. 35. The New Era, Sept. 24, 1857, p. 2b. 36. The Toronto Weekly Message, Sept. 18, 1857, p. 2c. 37. Le Journal de Quebec, Oct. 8, 1857, p. l a . 38. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Nov. 28, 1857, p. 4a. 50 CHAPTER III CANADIAN IMAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY Canadians mistook the nature of the East India Company, Itfe saw a B r i t i s h government gone bad, gone native, "Hindooised."^ In f a c t , the Company had taken over the Moghul administration and ran i t with f a i r l y few changes. The government had always been at l e a s t as Indian as i t was B r i t i s h . I r o n i c a l l y , t h i s misconception spawned a d i v e r s i t y of thought about John Company, not at a l l l i k e the narrow stereotype of India i t s e l f . The subcontinent was f a r away, an exotic land of unfathomable people, quite beyond our ken. But India House seemed to be a B r i t i s h government and of that we had had much experience. Every Canadian had a p o l i t i c a l philosophy - based on c l a s s , r e l i g i o n , e t h n i c i t y , i n t e r e s t , democracy, or whatever - by which our own governments were assessed. In 1857 these made-in-Canada viewpoints were turned on India. There were two main issues. What was the East India Company? And, was i t aiding or s t i f l i n g C h r i s t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n i n India? A journal concerned with one question pretty well ignored the other. Newspapers had a l i v e l y time applying t h e i r pet theories to India's a f f a i r s . Although laden with preconceptions, the images of the Company were not s t a t i c . The Rebellion shook up our complacent acceptance of India House's every claim. "Backgrounder" reports which revealed Company blunders and viciousness blackened i t s name for everyone. After a few months John Company continued to evoke several d i f f e r e n t images 51 but a l l were equally d i s c r e d i t a b l e . What was the East India Company? Was i t a business, a government, or j u s t a front f o r Whitehall? O r i g i n a l l y i t had been a company of traders with a royal charter to govern. But over time i t had been stripped of i t s trading r i g h t s . It continued to r u l e , sheer distance from London giving i t s servants a l o t of independence. Changes to i t s charter, though, had made India House p r a c t i c a l l y an extension of Whitehall. The Company's r o l e fixed i t s image. The Globe saw Leadenhall 2 Street as but a "mouthpiece" of Whitehall. It was probably no coincidence that The Globe r a r e l y c r i t i c i z e d the Company. The omission would have been s u r p r i s i n g otherwise; The Globe was a sworn enemy of another royal chartered company. A l r e a d y - s t i r r i n g Upper Canadian ambitions for the Northwest were blocked by the Hudson's Bay Company. But nobody, least of a l l The Globe, linked the two great firms. Most journals went to pains to d i s s o c i a t e India House from Westminster. The New Era was t y p i c a l : "We desire, as we think every f r i e n d of j u s t i c e ought to desire, to separate the Company's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y altogether from that of the army engaged i n the s e r v i c e of t h e i r 3 sovereign. There are, i n f a c t , two powers i n India, both B r i t i s h . " No doubt a newspaper which confined i t s attacks to a private company, a l b e i t one c l o s e l y t i e d with Westminster, was les s exposed to charges of unpatriotism than i f i t had c r i t i c i z e d the B r i t i s h government. Radical and French-Canadian papers n a t u r a l l y j u s t lumped London and Leadenhall Street together as j o i n t oppressors. Journals tended to look at the Company's economic aspects rather than 52 i t s administrative features. They seem to have assumed that any B r i t i s h government would be an improvement on any native e f f o r t . They also feared that any private firm with such a huge public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y might ignore duty i n favour of p r o f i t s . But p a r t l y , too, i t was because papers devoted to economic, c l a s s , or ethnic issues saw the Company as a malevolent r e l i c of the past. To them, John Company was an a r i s t o c r a t . "For our own part, we wish from our heart that England was well r i d o'f India j on almost any terms. That country has been to her a continual source of anxiety, trouble, and expense, and what benefit she 4 derives from the connexion i t i s impossible for us to conceive." The P i l o t was r e f e r r i n g to the B r i t i s h taxpayer's i n t e r e s t , for he financed India's hidden costs of the army, navy, and diplomats."' In return, wrote correspondents, India House demanded loans from Parliament and dispensed patronage.^ But what r e a l l y angered t h i s moderate l a i s s e z - f a i r e journal was the Company's trading monopoly, which discriminated against other B r i t i s h entrepreneurs to enrich a small group of Company d i r e c t o r s . The P i l o t made t h i s point so often that one wonders i f the editor knew that the monopoly, except f o r the China opium trade, had been abolished twenty-four years before or that patronage had been replaced by competitive examinations i n 1853! It was a curious b l i n d spot for a paper which was normally very well informed about B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s and which had correspondents i n both London and Glasgow. It would seem that The P i l o t ' s obsession with Free Trade and free enterprise had blinded i t to changes i n India which, i f not complete, had at least dismantled the old oligarchy. D'Arcy McGee, editor of The New Era, harboured' an even more 53 obsolete image. He s t i l l saw the eighteenth-century depredations of C l i v e and Hastings. Most of h i s e d i t o r i a l s were taken right out of Edmund Burke's accusations against Hastings! 7 "The following a t r o c i t i e s described by Burke, have c e r t a i n l y not been exceeded even by the Sepoy 8 v i l l a n i e s of 1857..." and so on. Burke, of course, was I r i s h . Beyond that, The New Era's i n s t i t u t i o n was that l i t t l e had changed i n India since his day. The jo u r n a l gave s p e c i a l prominence to reports that Company agents tortured Indian peasants who were reluctant to hand over taxes. The Toronto Weekly Message took the concept of nabobs to i t s l o g i c a l extreme. The point of India was to finance England's a r i s t o -cracy, "to secure to the younger sons and r e l a t i v e s of Englishmen despotic power over a people 10,000 miles distant - to perpetuate a dominion founded on conquest which means wholesale robbery - pretended c h r i s t i a n s robbing Hindoos, Brahmins, and Mahometans of country and l i b e r t y , i n order to enrich themselves by a l i e n , slave labour while 9 pretending to abolish the slave trade!" The r e s u l t was doubly pernicious. This r a d i c a l organ did not d i s t i n g u i s h between India House and Westminster; the a r i s t o c r a c y used i t s wealth through government to oppress the working class at home and abroad. "No t r u t h i s more c l e a r to us than that B r i t i s h colonies, l i k e India, are held as a means of preserving an influence, to those who are the enemies of education and true r e l i g i o n at home, and of l i b e r t y everywhere. The French-Canadian image of the East India Company r e f l e c t e d t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t r u s t of everything B r i t i s h . In t h i s respect they were 54 l i k e t h e i r contemporaries i n France whose enmity to India House was but an extension of t h e i r old r i v a l r y with England. 1 1 Francophones on both sides of the A t l a n t i c saw India House and Westminster, and a l l other Britons, as one. They often lauded the c i v i l i z i n g r o l e of B r i t i s h administration i n India. But they adamantly rebuked B r i t i s h r e p r i s a l s against the sepoys and roundly castigated revenue torture and other economic abuses. Underlying a l o t of t h e i r c r i t i c i s m s was the notion that B r i t a i n was a nation of shop-keepers. Francophone accounts talked endlessly of money: the v e n a l i t y , corruption and exactions of the Company's o f f i c i a l s , how reforms were delayed because they would reduce p r o f i t s , how India was the treasure-house that financed England's European and overseas domination, and how either B r i t a i n was l o s t without India's wealth or the Mutiny would be beaten because England could buy mercenaries. The nation of shop-keepers, i t seems, were p i t i e d because they l e t materialism d e f l e c t them from higher ambitions. For Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe the French actions i n A l g e r i a were, i n an unspecified way, "une p o l i t i q u e plus noble et plus elevee que 12 c e l l e Anglais v i s - a - v i s des ses sujets indiens." The problem was not imperialism per se; the problem was B r i t i s h imperialism. Newspapers with s o c i a l or economic grievances held up the East India Company as an example of a l l that was wrong with B r i t i s h society. To French Canada i t represented B r i t a i n ' s imperial arrogance. To others i t represented u n f a i r p r i v i l e g e . None of these papers r e a l l y cared about India; they were making a point about Canada and England. The P i l o t complained because trading monopoly oppressed other Britons. The New Era saw i n India the English rape and impoverishment of Ireland. 55 The Toronto Weekly Message saw the Court of Directors as another Family Compact, the l i t t l e c o t e r i e of o f f i c e - h o l d e r s and moneybags who had dominated Upper Canada so thoroughly e a r l i e r i n the century. None of the papers r e a l l y knew or cared much about India; as we have seen, Indians were regarded as benighted creatures anyway. But nor were they j u s t c y n i c a l l y using India House as a convenient allegory. Rather, each was applying to India what they deemed to be univ e r s a l moral p r i n c i p l e s , p r i n c i p l e s which they a l l believed that the East India Company c a l l o u s l y v i o l a t e d . In the f i r s t months of f i g h t i n g , information was scanty. Writers had to r e l y on t h e i r preconceptions. The outbreak of r e b e l l i o n was evidence enough that the East India Company had blundered. So the press was n a t u r a l l y c r i t i c a l but, The Toronto Weekly Message excepted, f a i r l y f o r g i v i n g . Who would have thought pig and cow fat was such a big deal, anyway. Over the next few months, though, j o u r n a l i s t s overseas uncovered an u g l i e r John Company. The plundering of Bengal a f t e r Plassey, revenue t o r t u r e , grinding taxation, a c r i m i n a l l y slow-working j u d i c i a l system, u n j u s t i f i e d wars, botched land tenure schemes, the i l l - g o t t e n gains of nabobs, bribes i n Parliament, patronage, these and many other i l l s were ai r e d more thoroughly than ever before. Editors i n Canada reprinted these and quickly l o s t whatever complacency they might have had. Canadian images of John Company did not change i n substance but they c e r t a i n l y got blacker 13 and blacker. Even The Globe took a potshot or two at the Company. John Company was also a missionary, a l b e i t a reluctant one. Fomenting r e l i g i o u s r e v o l u t i o n could be u n s e t t l i n g f o r p r o f i t s i n India, 56 where r e l i g i o n was i n e x t r i c a b l y bound into the s o c i a l system. But doing Christ's work bought p o l i t i c a l support i n England. From the 1820's on to the Mutiny the Company repeatedly impinged on Muslim and Hindu orthodoxy. Missionaries were allowed i n t o India, English education was introduced, practices such as suttee ( s a t i ) were suppressed, and the Company ceased funding Hindu f e s t i v a l s . European technology and science made t h e i r own inroads on Indian r e l i g i o u s customs and thought. The Indian f a i t h f u l became apprehensive: inheritance laws which to the B r i t i s h simply gave C h r i s t i a n converts equality with others were seen as a di r e c t attack against Hinduism. Yet the Company was a f i t f u l missionary at most. I n s t i t u t i o n s as important as the high-caste Bengal army were o f f - l i m i t s to missionaries. "Muscular" Christians did not appreciate the Company's caution. To them i t was j u s t weakness, a patr o n i z a t i o n of s u p e r s t i t i o n . They promoted a wholesale r e l i g i o u s , s o c i a l , and economic revolution: the " C h r i s t i a n i z i n g " and " c i v i l i z i n g " of India. Clergymen were respectable enough to have the ear of the press. So even before the Mutiny Christians had begun to give India House a bad image. 14 The Rebellion i n 1857 was a momentary rebuff to these enthusiasts. Sepoys had obviously mutinied from r e l i g i o u s fear and meddling mission-aries were blamed.1"' C h r i s t i a n stalwarts counter-attacked at once. The blame, they said, r e a l l y lay with the East India Company. It made a perfect scapegoat. Rich, reactionary, and harsh, i t already had a l o t of enemies. For clergyman and j o u r n a l i s t a l i k e i t was easier to condemn John Company than one's own earnestly-held f a i t h ! Moreover, the Company had 57 made a l o t of mistakes over the years, mistakes which were being exposed i n the press every day. Its r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was j u s t another e v i l among many. For the one must recognize as c l e a r l y as the other that errors and crimes of B r i t i s h r u l e r s i n the East have been i n some - a greater or less - measure the cause of t h i s f i e n d - l i k e i n s u r r e c t i o n . . . . Men professing C h r i s t i a n i t y among the Hindoos, have not led C h r i s t i a n l i v e s , and by t h e i r example taught them the beauty of t h e i r r e l i g i o n . Nay, the C h r i s t i a n r u l e r s of the land have winked at, and i n some respects patronised, the horrors attendant upon the idolatrous worship of the natives. They discouraged rather than encouraged conversions to C h r i s t i a n i t y among the people, and e s p e c i a l l y among the troops: they acted as i f they esteemed a l l r e l i g i o n s a l i k e . T o l e r a t i o n was'alike a.necessity and duty; but t h i s was more than t o l e r a t i o n - i t was shameful weakness.16 Nobody ever t r i e d to define where t o l e r a t i o n ended and weakness began. In f a c t , the r e l i g i o u s issue was more than usually contradictory. A quick nod to the p r i n c i p l e of r e l i g i o u s freedom was i n v a r i a b l y followed by a proposal for intolerance and upheaval. "We would not have them (India House) i n t o l e r a n t ; . . . " preached a minister, but adding, "Surely C h r i s t i a n England w i l l never again be found superintending the abominable r i t e s of a heathen temple, or f o s t e r i n g the detestable i n s t i t u t i o n of caste. Churchmen simultaneously evaded blame for the Mutiny and proudly claimed c r e d i t f o r i t ! "With the native s o l d i e r s , indeed, the missionary body have l i t t l e or nothing to do;... In the mutiny of the troops and the t r a n q u i l i t y of the populace, then, we possess a rec o n c i l a b l e two-fold evidence that the labours of the C h r i s t i a n 58 evangelist have not been i n vain." Yet the same organ could s t r i d e n t l y proclaim: "The great temple of Hinduism has begun to rock under the powerful shock of C h r i s t i a n t r u t h . The united testimony of missionary agents has witnessed f o r a series of years that influences have been operating f a r and wide, shaking the confidence which had been entertained f o r ages i n Brahmin s u p e r s t i t i o n s . Who can doubt but that the recent u p r i s i n g i s a resistance on the part of Heathen idolatrous 19 systems to the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n ; . . . " One Methodist minister made 20 both these contradictory points i n a si n g l e sermon! The French-Canadian press paid l i t t l e a t tention to the r e l i g i o u s issue, compared to i t s deep involvement i n economic and s o c i a l matters. There was a tendency to l i s t every adventure of every French Catholic p r i e s t or nun on the subcontinent. But the main r e l i g i o u s element i n French-Canadian accounts was simply the b e l i t t l i n g of English-Canadian claims that God was on England's side. P r a c t i c a l l y a l l of the Francophone papers ran e d i t o r i a l s or reprints r i d i c u l i n g the Day of General Fast, Humiliation and Prayer observed i n Great B r i t a i n during October 1857. An o f t - r e p r i n t e d dispatch from a London journal described how Britons solemnly went to church on th i s Fast 21 Day and then returned home for a sumptuous holiday dinner. When a s i m i l a r Fast Day was proclaimed for Canada i n November L'Avenir 22 commented, "Quelle Moquerie!" Our own Fast Day sermons were hardly even reported i n the francophone press. The True Witness was a l o t harsher. Its one and only point was that B r i t i s h Protestants, whether they were at Westminster, India House or the lo w l i e s t ranks of the army, denied the basic p r i n c i p l e of 59 r e l i g i o u s freedom. This I r i s h Catholic j o u r n a l thought the East India Company t r i e d a l l too hard to convert the Indians: " l e t the public judge the phrenzy (sic) of the Indian Government and of the English i n t o l e r a n t f o l l y to grease cartridges with the f a t of pigs, cows, and sheep i n order to force two hundred and f i f t y thousand men to become 23 Exeter H a l l and Connemara Protestants." The True Witness could not believe that Protestantism could convert by any other means. For th i s paper the Mutiny was a chance to hammer home the message that r e l i g i o u s intolerance was the norm i n B r i t i s h India. But the writers were not i n the least concerned about the natives' r e l i g i o u s fears - those were mere s u p e r s t i t i o n s . Rather, the r e a l crime was the intolerance shown by the Company and Queen's armies to the Catholicism of t h e i r I r i s h 24 soldi e r y ! In the end The True Witness had to support John Company against the sepoys. Although an unfortunate h i s t o r i c a l accident made Protestantism instead of Catholicism the main C h r i s t i a n i z i n g force i n India, that was s t i l l better than a heathen dominion. Unlike i t s Protestant counterparts, t h i s paper did not see the Mutiny as heathenism's l a s t gasp. Rather, Islam was f i g h t i n g for dominance i n the East; i t was the Crusades a l l over. "That God may, i n His mercy, be pleased to avert the impending danger should, we say, be the prayer of every C h r i s t i a n , i r r e s p e c t i v e of national o r i g i n ; for i t i s not so much B r i t i s h r u l e , as C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f , that i s now menaced by the 25 a l l i e d forces of Brahma and Islam." The Mutiny taught England a stern lesson, every paper agreed. For journals concerned with r e l i g i o n i t was a divine lesson. "May we not reasonably derive these lessons from the recent mutinies - that the 60 po l i c y of English r u l e r s i n encouraging the accursed opium t r a f f i c , and i n many tamperings with i d o l a t r y , has met with a needed and s i g n a l rebuke from that jealous God who judgeth among the nations and w i l l not 2 6 give His glory to another." For the Protestant papers, at l e a s t , the main lesson was that the East India Company was inadequate for i t s mammoth task. Unable to r e s i s t the temptations of the East, p a r t i c u l a r l y when they were p r o f i t a b l e , John Company was a weakling who could never again be allowed to impede the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y through India. Catholic views, though somewhat d i f f e r e n t , were no more complimentary. Images of the Company based on the r e l i g i o u s issue were varied but a l l were d i s c r e d i t a b l e . Protestant journals demanded a complete change i n the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s of post-Mutiny India. They expected C h r i s t i a n i t y to be vigorously promoted by the government. How that was to be done without force or intolerance was never explained. Any programme to abolish caste, such as was advocated, would have involved a monumental s o c i a l upheaval i n India. In the event, they were to be disappointed by B r i t i s h p o l i c y i n India a f t e r the Mutiny. Newspapers c r i t i c a l of the Company on s o c i a l or economic grounds also expected changes as a r e s u l t of the Rebellion. Radicals l i k e L'Avenir or William Lyon Mackenzie, who sought nothing less than the dismantling of the B r i t i s h Empire, were to be disappointed. P r a c t i c a l l y no one else questioned B r i t a i n ' s r i g h t to rule India. Perhaps i t was j u s t a " p o l i t i c a l accident" that gave a few merchants so vast an empire. But England could keep what she had got: indeed, i t was her duty to bring good government to the ungovernable and C h r i s t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n to 61 the benighted. Company r u l e was quite another matter. Although Britons every-where had drawn together i n the dis a s t e r s of 1857 - The P i l o t no longer talked of abandoning India - the Company had been thoroughly d i s c r e d i t e d . There was not much thought given to a l t e r n a t i v e s . No credence was given the Company's claim that at le a s t i t had kept India out of the hands of p o l i t i c i a n s and i n the hands of experts. There was no thought of double government, nor of t i n k e r i n g with executive and l e g i s l a t i v e councils. Throughout the c r i s i s there had been another image looming i n the background. It was an a l t e r n a t i v e which made John Company look so second-rate that i t in s p i r e d c r i t i c i s m of the way India was run; i t was an a l t e r n a t i v e which even had some prestige among the French-Canadians: the B r i t i s h Parliament. Direct rule from Westminster was r e a l l y the only a l t e r n a t i v e to Company ru l e which Canadians even bothered to consider. In a sense, the shock of war had c u l l e d out any p o s s i b i l i t y of moderation. There was a new determination to hold India and to improve vigorously - perhaps almost f o r c e f u l l y - Indians, whether they wanted to or not. Hence there was a p r e d i l e c t i o n for sweeping away a l l the past obstacles to a "forward p o l i c y . " "Let the B r i t i s h Government govern B r i t i s h India, & not have the progression or impeding of mighty monetary, manufacturing, a g r i c u l t u r a l , and educational i n t e r e s t s , and measures of i n t e r n a l improvements, i n the hands of a company of men who have already, i n many instances, shown 27 to the world at large t h e i r incapacity and lethargy." :.The East India Company evoked many images f o r Canadians - m e r c a n t i l i s t r e l i c s , 62 a r i s t o c r a t i c oppressors, arrogant imperial overlords, niggardly shopkeepers, the bigoted persecutor of the F a i t h , weak-kneed succumber to temptation - but i t had no r e a l friends here. As early as December 1857, rumours reaching Canada said that the Company was to be abolished. The New Era t y p i f i e d the sentiments of many Canadian j o u r n a l i s t s : "Every d i s i n t e r e s t e d person i s pleased that the Company's old humdrum 28 system has come to an end - tumbled to pieces from want of cohesion." 63 NOTES 1. As The True Witness c a l l e d i t , October 9, 1857, p. 4e. 2. The Globe, January 16, 1858, p. 2e. 3. The New Era, October 16, 1857, p. 2a. 4. The P i l o t , July 15, 1857, p. 2b. 5. Ibid., Sept. 5, 1857, p. 2a. 6. Ibid., August 7, 1857, p. 2b., for example. 7. The New Era, Sept. 26, 1857, p. 2a, and October 3, 1857, p. 2a., for examples. 8. Ibid., December 8, 1857, p. 2c. 9. The Toronto Weekly Message, August 7, 1857, p. 3c. 10. Ibid., August 14, 1857, p. 3d. 11. See Charles Fournian, "Contemporary French Press," i n P.C. Joshi (ed.), Rebellion 1857: A Symposium, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, 1957, pp. 291-312. 12. Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe, July 24, 1857, p. ( ? ) . See also Sept. 15, 1857, p. l a for the argument that England could always buy s o l d i e r s from her neighbours i f necessary. Le Journal  de Quebec, October 8, 1857, p. l a also emphasizes that B r i t a i n w i l l presevere, for i t i s strong by gold. It and Le Courrier du Canada emphasized France's expansion i n A l g e r i a , but most French journals i n Canada paid close attention to French colonies, including the footholds i n India. 13. See, for example, The Globe, November 10, 1857, p. 2d. "Our empire i n the east has for years been hanging by a h a i r , " i t said, f o r the educated Indian had no outlet f o r h i s ambitions and the s e n i o r i t y system ensured that the sepoys remained crude and i l l i t e r a t e . The peasant alone would remain l o y a l because he knew the benefits of B r i t i s h peace and ru l e . In the early winter of 1857-8 i t s t i l l was unclear whether or not the ryots of northern India had joined i n the Revolt. The "babus", i n f a c t , mostly supported B r i t a i n i n the war. The expectation otherwise was probably another manifestation of the idea of the inscrutable O r i e n t a l and h i s hidden ambitions. 64 14. It may have been a permanent defeat for C h r i s t i a n a c t i v i s t s i n India. B r i t i s h Indian governments a f t e r the Mutiny did not r i s k r e b e l l i o n again by promoting a C h r i s t i a n crusade. But t h i s was not immediately apparent i n 1857. 15. The accusations were very evident i n B r i t i s h a r t i c l e s reprinted i n Canada during the war. The Quebec Gazette, Nov. 18, 1857, p. 2a, incorporated excerpts from the I l l u s t r a t e d London News and the Revue des Deux Mondes to r a i s e and refute the accusations. 16. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, November 28, 1857, p. 3a. 17. Rev. Dr. Wilkes i n a sermon to a prayer meeting, i n I b i d . , October 31, 1857, p. 4a. 18. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, September 2, 1857, p. 3b. 19. Ibid ., August 12, 1857, p. 2a. 20. See Rev. Dr. Taylor's sermon to a Methodist prayer meeting, i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, October 10, 1857, p. 2b. 21. See the Morning Post a r t i c l e reprinted i n , among others, i n Le Journal de Quebec, Nov. 7, 1857, p. l a ; Le Courrier du Canada, Oct. 26, 1857, p. Id.; and L'Avenir, Nov. 15, 1857, p. l a . 22. L'Avenir, Nov. 15, 1857, p. l a . 23. The True Witness, August 28, 1857, p. 2a. 24. Ibid ., f o r example. 25. Ibid., Sept. 25, 1857, p. 4a. 26. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, August 12, 1857, p. 2a. Note the assumption that B r i t a i n i s God's chosen agent for the conversion of India. 27. The Quebec Gazette, August 14, 1857, p. 2a. 28. The New Era, December 17, 1857, p. 2f. 65 CHAPTER IV IMPRESSIONS OF THE MUTINY Canadian thought on the war i n India was mostly d e r i v a t i v e . The " f a c t s " came v i a England; commentaries were from B r i t i s h or European journals. Yet P r o v i n c i a l papers show evidence that we looked at some issues quite d i f f e r e n t l y from our counterparts at Fleet Street or P r i n t i n g House Square. To understand Canada's viewpoint one has to look at the debates overseas. Unfortunately - and s u r p r i s i n g l y - there has been l i t t l e study of B r i t i s h reactions to the war, and s t i l l less that i s any good. James Bryne 1 has i d e n t i f i e d the three main c o n f l i c t s i n the B r i t i s h bourgeois press as: the f i g h t between the East India Company's supporters and i t s detractors, C h r i s t i a n i t y ' s r o l e i n India, and " L i t t l e Englanders" versus romantic i m p e r i a l i s t s . The content of h i s a r t i c l e , though, shows the importance of vengeance as an issue, as well as his contention that the working-class perceived the u p r i s i n g as a popular r e b e l l i o n rather than as a mutiny. 2 Edward Spiers i s mostly concerned with society's perception of the army. He therefore emphasizes the cult of the generals, Havelock e s p e c i a l l y , and assumptions that the war was being well handled despite the evidence i t was not. But he accords importance also to vengeance, the anti-Company crusade, and whether the war was a mutiny or a r e b e l l i o n . The Times, i n i t s centenary apologia, concentrates on the vengeance 66 and anti-Canning campaigns i t led, with mention of i t s espousal of the 3 mutiny explanation. The issues raised i n these various sources were the same mostly as those dealt with i n B r i t i s h newspaper a r t i c l e s reprinted i n Canada during the war. One exception was Bryne's notion of a c o n f l i c t between i m p e r i a l i s t s and a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t s . This was hardly r a i s e d i n the r e p r i n t s , a f t e r the f i r s t days at l e a s t , and since Bryne does not back up his assertion i t might not have been an issue i n England e i t h e r . 4 His claim that, "The East India Company had few friends l e f t , " was true enough, though, on both sides of the A t l a n t i c . Army matters were much discussed but did not spark much acrimony. Vengeance and the causes of the revolt were c e r t a i n l y staples i n the r e p r i n t s . A l l i n a l l , the issues i n England were the issues i n Canada. French-Canada was, as usual, a s p e c i a l case. It got a l o t of i t s reports from P a r i s . Fournian^ has found that the French press was broadly c r i t i c a l of the B r i t i s h i n India, not for i d e o l o g i c a l reasons so much as for t r a d i t i o n a l French antipathy to t h e i r cross-Channel r i v a l s . His argument seems to apply j u s t as well to French-Canadians. Francophone journals tended to focus on.East India Company misdeeds, the l i k e l i h o o d that the f i g h t i n g was a popular r e b e l l i o n , and vengeance. To summarize: Indian a t r o c i t i e s aside, the main issues for every-one were'the causes and nature of the r e v o l t , John Company's c u l p a b i l i t y , C h r i s t i a n i t y ' s place i n India, vengeance and Canning's "clemency". I m p l i c i t l y , every writing also contained advice on another issue: how best to govern India i n future. England's righ t to sovereignty i n India was hardly an issue at a l l . 67 For a l l the shouting to and f r o , nobody anywhere r e a l l y knew what to make of the war. Exploding into headlines from out of nowhere, i t provoked a l l sorts of bewildered responses: fury, j u b i l a t i o n , despair, sympathy, vengefulness, shame, and a thousand "I-told-you-so's". It was a l l over before any consensus evolved. Pig and cow f a t , lotuses, and chapatties were to become the s t u f f of legend. At the time they got s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e a t tention as j o u r n a l i s t s sought deeper reasons for r e v o l t . The P i l o t suggested land tenure problems,^ many blamed Company greed, while The Globe looked to native character. Others accepted that r e l i g i o u s fear lay behind the cartridge issue and r i v a l explanations were muscled out i n the f i g h t between missionaries and " i d o l a t r y " . The C h r i s t i a n i t y issue has already been discussed i n Chapter II above, as has the debate over the East India Company. Then there was the conspiracy theoary. The Russians, bent on avenging Crimea, were supposed to have egged the Muslims, born schemers, and the Hindus, born dupes, into r e v o l t . It was, said Rev. Dr. Wilkes, "a Russian mine exploding too l a t e . " 7 Not everyone accepted t h i s . The Quebec Gazette, f o r one, thought that the random pattern of mutinies, t h e i r weak leadership, and the apparent lack of strategy precluded a 8 long-planned p l o t . Le Journal de Quebec scoffed that: "II est probable que, s ' i l y a du v r a i , i l y a aussi beaucoup d'exageration dans ces accusations; mais en les admettant tantes que l a f e u i l l e anglaise l e formule, i l reste a se demander pourquoi l a Russie a pu g trouver un acces s i f a c i l e parmi l e s populations de l'Inde...." French-Canadians reprinted dozens of a r t i c l e s from Europe decrying t h i s 68 blatant search for a scapegoat. They wanted the blame placed where i t r i g h t l y belonged: on B r i t i s h blunders. English-Canadians, though, could not believe that the Indians would w i l l i n g l y r e j e c t the benefit of B r i t i s h r u l e . Someone had to have goaded the natives into i t , and l o g i c a l l y that someone was Russia, a t r a d i t i o n a l competitor for empire i n Asia and recently an enemy i n war. While nothing was c e r t a i n , Russian meddling was close to being a " c e r t a i n t y " . More d i f f i c u l t to pinpoint than the causes was the nature of, the u p r i s i n g . Was i t a sepoy mutiny or a revolt of the people? The Home government, The Times, and t h e i r i l k dismissed i t as a purely m i l i t a r y a f f a i r . Opposition p o l i t i c i a n s , the B r i t i s h l i b e r a l press, the French press, and many s o l d i e r s i n the f i e l d f e l t i t was a popular r e b e l l i o n . The mutiny theory won out only a f t e r a l l was calm. French-Canadians were predisposed toward the notion of a popular struggle for national l i b e r a t i o n . 1 ^ * Among anglophones, only The Toronto Weekly Message said from the s t a r t that the Indian masses had r i s e n . 1 1 The rest hoped i t was j u s t a mutiny, expected the peasants to show enough good sense not to follow the sepoys, and crossed t h e i r f i n g e r s . As the months passed, the press generally moved away from the mutiny theory toward that of a sepoy-led but widely popular r e b e l l i o n . The P i l o t i l l u s t r a t e d t h i s trend. In August i t accepted that the f i g h t i n g was a mutiny, probably i n c i t e d by p l o t t e r s . But by October: "We fear... that though the s o l d i e r s are the immediate actors i n the r e b e l l i o n , the people of India generally, Hindoos and Mahometans, sympathize with 12 them and wish them success." The issue on which Canadian sentiments seemed to d i f f e r s i g n i f i -cantly from B r i t i s h opinions was the question of punishment for rebels. 69 In essence, t h i s meant r e p r i s a l s . From the beginning, B r i t i s h troops and t h e i r native a l l i e s i n the f i e l d had exacted a t e r r i b l e vengeance. V i l l a g e s were burned, c i t i e s looted, men flogged, hanged, or shot. The blowing from guns became legendary. At "Home" many Britons shared the blood-lust, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r Cawnpore. The Times howled that Delhi must be razed and "Every tree and gable-end i n the place should have i t s burden i n the shape of 13 a mutineer's carcase." A London correspondent observed, "We are not a bloodthirsty people i n general, but on th i s occasion, a desire for revenge deep-seated and deadly i n i t s purpose i s everywhere apparent.... 14 Men set t h e i r teeth and speak f i e r c e l y when t a l k i n g of India now." Readers everywhere knew of many B r i t i s h crimes because, i n the twisted s p i r i t of that time and place, the murderers proudly proclaimed them. A l l newspapers c a r r i e d l e t t e r s and a r t i c l e s g r a phically d e t a i l i n g r e p r i s a l s . "The hanging and flogging s t i l l go on.... Our new levy now receiving the prisoners from Cashmere shot 78 the day before yesterday, and are keeping the native o f f i c e r s to be shot i n here, to make an impression." 1"' The 10th Regiment even murdered f i f t y l o y a l sepoys j u s t because of t h e i r skin c o l o u r . 1 ^ A Canadian o f f i c e r serving i n India wrote home of the s p i r i t t h e r e : 1 7 You can e a s i l y judge what demons we s h a l l prove when once brought i n contact with these r a s c a l s . There are some who require that we should make them su f f e r the same tortures, (sic) to which they submitted (sic) us. But I am not of t h i s opinion. • Let us at least show ourselves c i v i l i z e d , l e t us spare the woman (sic) and c h i l d r e n , but no quarter must be given to those taken i n arms, and who have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n these h o r r i b l e a t r o c i t i e s . 70 To t a l k of k i l l i n g women and ch i l d r e n was rare. But The Morning Star (London) claimed that ten thousand men, women, and ch i l d r e n were 18 butchered at Cawnpore and an equal number at Delhi. Even i f the figures were suspect there was evidence enough of slaughters. Had the victims been Christians or whites the uproar would have been tremendous. In that sense, readers were g u i l t y of at least condoning the p r a c t i c e s . Some of the craziness was transmitted to Canada. The Montreal 19 Weekly Gazette's poet-contributor penned these s t i r r i n g l i n e s : That flame that burns t i l l recompense be taken for the s l a i n , And Delhi's walls be numbered with the " C i t i e s of the P l a i n " . Why t e l l us of forgiveness? Ours i s no i d l e song: The cry of tortured c h i l d r e n -of the "unutterable wrong"! Ho! Men of England, nerve your arms upon the blood-stained sod, And s t r i k e , i f ever England struck, for j u s t i c e and for God. Not t h i s the time f o r charity for you accursed brood. With a mighty shout to Heaven goes up the cry of blood. Close th i c k e r round the standards -grasp t i g h t e r yet the sword; For man must be the bearer of the vengeance of the Lord. Historians have made much of t h i s blood-lust. The bulk of B r i t i s h journals were infected with i t . Yet one must remember that even i n London there was a large segment of opinion opposed to indiscriminate r e p r i s a l s . The l i b e r a l press, i n p a r t i c u l a r , worked hard to q u e l l the murderous s p i r i t . The fire-breathers were reprinted i n Canada. But so, too, were the moderates and i t was they who P r o v i n c i a l editors chose to follow. Perhaps i t was our remoteness from the c r i s i s , perhaps Canadian society was more l i b e r a l than that of the "Old Country", 71 but p r a c t i c a l l y a l l P r o v i n c i a l journals aped the stance of one section of B r i t i s h opinion. French-Canadians, less encumbered by fond s e n t i -ments f o r England, were e s p e c i a l l y vociferous i n r i d i c u l i n g r e p r i s a l s . And yet" a ' l o t of our moderation was j u s t sloppy thinking. That some punishment of rebels was i n order was never doubted. But we never t r i e d to define the l i n e between mass punishment and terrorism. We never distinguished between what law allowed and j u s t i c e required. The m i l i t a r y punishment for mutiny was death. I f every sepoy prisoner could be shot for mutiny should every c i v i l i a n rebel be hanged for treason? Were a l l rebels to be held responsible for the a t r o c i t i e s of a few? Above a l l , what proof was required that someone was a rebel, and not j u s t an innocent bystander trapped i n the war-zone? Canadians opposed indiscriminate r e p r i s a l s . Our journals openly 20 derided B r i t i s h c r i e s for wholesale revenge. Yet we often used very s i m i l a r language. "R e p r i s a l " , "vengeanc.e", and " r e t r i b u t i o n " were a l l used as synonyms for "punishment". One writer advocated severe punishment " i n the eastern fashion" but not i f i t was i n d i s c r i -21 minate. He did not specify what he meant by that but, whatever Moghul India's actual record, i t connoted a r b i t r a r y " j u s t i c e " and a gruesome demise. In p r a c t i c e , we condoned flogging, hanging, or shooting a l l men of f i g h t i n g age found i n the war zone - no one even seems to have demanded any form of t r i a l . "Indiscriminate" r e p r i s a l s were j u s t those against old men, women, and c h i l d r e n . We advocated leniency but we s e t t l e d for that. The True Witness was making t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n when i t demurred: "As yet there i s not a s i n g l e well authenticated instance of the 72 s l i g h t e s t violence offered by the B r i t i s h troops to the women or children of the mutineers, or indeed to any except the mutineers them-22 selves, who have r i c h l y deserved the doom that has been awarded them" Canadian equivocation was best shown at the recapture of Delhi. General Wilson opened the c i t y to l o o t i n g and a general slaughter of i t s men. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, while regretting that the victims "doubtless included some innocent men among the many g u i l t y , " 23 applauded the proclamation to spare the women and child r e n . The P i l o t concurred, arguing that a massacre would have occurred anyway 24 and otherwise would have included women and child r e n ! Perhaps The Quebec Gazette was the ultimate apologist, accepting crimes i n the 25 small but not the large scale, f or Britons but not for Indians: Aware as we are of the overpowering influence which the excitement of a b a t t l e - f i e l d creates and sustains i n • the breasts of B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s , we were quite prepared to hear of whole-sale slaughter while under the power of that excitement, and even of hearing of detached and i s o l a t e d instances i n which the supplications of the aged man, the prayers of the kneeling woman, or the unconscious smile of the tender i n f a n t , would f a i l to avert t h e i r dreadful doom -f a i l to s t r i k e a respondent chord i n the bosom of unmanly, unhumanized miscreants. We were prepared to hear a l l t h i s , but we were not prepared to hear of the instances brought by the English papers, i n which the B r i t i s h s o l d i e r has tarnished h i s name and fame, by becoming a cold-blooded, unfeeling, and barbarous murderer. So, although Canadians were far less prone to vengeance-mongering than Britons, and although our journals adopted the tone of the more 73 l i b e r a l s e c t i o n of the B r i t i s h press, our wr i t e r s , too, had been swayed by Indian a t r o c i t y s t o r i e s and could maintain t h e i r stance only by h a i r - s p l i t t i n g . In keeping with t h e i r stance against indiscriminate r e p r i s a l s , Canadian journals did not j o i n the c r i t i c s of Governor-General 26 Canning's "clemency" proclamation. The furore was mostly a B r i t i s h a f f a i r , our editors r e p r i n t i n g each attack and rebuttal bur r a r e l y commenting. The P i l o t did, but equivocated by p r a i s i n g Canning's . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 xntent whxle crxtxcxzxng hxs timxng as maybe encouragxng more mutxnxes. How the war was being run was also dealt with by second-hand reports. Fulsome t r i b u t e s to Havelock were exceptions: even some 28 French-Canadians e x t o l l e d t h i s hero to the s t a r s . There were plenty of instances of army bungling yet, oddly enough, everyone seemed to assume that t h i s was not Crimea repeated. But what to do with India a f t e r the war? It had cost too much in blood and treasure to give up now. Canadians were too engrossed i n our own squabbling P r o v i n c i a l Parliament to give the India B i l l much thought. Yet the statements of the previous months i m p l i c i t l y held recommendations f or India's future. These can be reconstructed. One thing was c e r t a i n : the East India Company had to go. Long suspect, i t was now u t t e r l y d i s c r e d i t e d . Beyond that, Canadians -c o n s t i t u t i o n a l t r a i l - b l a z e r s i n the nineteenth-century Empire - paid no a t t e n t i o n to the new order i n India. Only The P i l o t ' s Glasgow correspondent ventured to say that the l e g i s l a t i o n was poor as i t 29 divided r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and continued patronage. Obviously, C h r i s t i a n i t y had to have a bigger r o l e i n the new India. 74 The p r o s e l y t i z e r s had won the argument. Besides, "the promotion of 30 even worldly i n t e r e s t s are best secured by the spread of the Gospel." The army would henceforth r e c r u i t only converts (kept i n l i n e by more Queen's troops than before). Caste had to be uprooted. Of course, no one would be forced to convert but education and missionary work would 31 soon bring sweet reason to the sub-continent. An i n t e g r a l part of the c i v i l i z i n g process was technological advance. Railways, telegraphs, f a c t o r i e s , and commerce were the engines which broke down p e t r i f i e d customs and s u p e r s t i t i o n s . Canadians measured India's progress under the B r i t i s h by these s t a t i s t i c s and seem to have assumed the process would continue. Indeed, they probably hoped i t would be pushed even f a s t e r . Canadians thus promoted a forward p o l i c y ' o f change for India. B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l d o m thought otherwise. Far from fomenting a s o c i a l r evolution on the sub-continent, Westminster propped up the e x i s t i n g order and slowed change. This i s not to say that Canadians were out-of-touch: i n the heat of war the B r i t i s h p ublic also demanded change. But when public attention d r i f t e d away from India the bureaucrats could get to work, unimpeded by scrutiny. They did not want to " c i v i l i z e " the place so much as they wanted se c u r i t y . The new order i n India was based on c e r t a i n decisions about what the uprising meant. During the war there was f a r more uncertainty, far more competing theories, than there were hard f a c t s . Quickly afterward, however, some b e l i e f s c r y s t a l i z e d i n t o "knowledge". It became accepted that the war was j u s t a giant mutiny, not a c i v i l r e b e l l i o n . Blame was found i n the army structure, which was top-heavy 75 with high-castes and which had lax d i s c i p l i n e . There was a new aware-ness that behind the cartridge issue lurked native fears about the pace of Western intrusions into t h e i r society. B r i t i s h r e p r i s a l s were q u i e t l y forgotten but Indian a t r o c i t i e s were not. Cawnpore was remembered as a warning f o r a l l time. It was a memorial to the s a c r i f i c e s made by Britons i n 1857. It was a monument to the g l o r i e s of B r i t i s h arms. Above a l l , i t was a warning that the white peoples of the Empire had to maintain t h e i r v i g i l e n c e , for the dark-skinned m i l l i o n s could no longer be trusted. The war-time z e a l to prevent another outbreak by C h r i s t i a n i z i n g and c i v i l i z i n g India faded into determination to keep control of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order. 76 NOTES 1. James Bryne, " B r i t i s h Opinion and the Indian Revolt" i n P.C. Joshi (ed.), Rebellion 1857: a Symposium, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, 1957, pp. 291-312. 2. Edward M. Spiers, The Army and Society 1815-1914, Longman, London, 1980, pp. 121-144. 3. The Times, The History of The Times, The Times, London, 1939, Vol. I I , pp. 309-313. 4. Bryne, i n J o s h i , p. 294. 5. Charles Fournian, "Contemporary French Press" i n P.C. Joshi (ed.), Rebellion 1857: a Symposium, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, 1957, pp. 313-321. 6. The P i l o t , Dec. 9, 1857, p. 2a, and, based on a Westminster Review a r t i c l e , Feb. 20, 1858, p. 2a. 7. Rev. Dr. Wilkes to a prayer meeting, quoting from a l e t t e r from an unnamed London source, i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 24, 1857, p. 2d. 8. The Quebec Gazette, Nov. 18, 1857, p. 2a. 9. Le Journal de Quebec, Aug. 27, 1857, p. l e . Le Courrier de Saint- Hyacinthe, Sept. 4, 1857, p. f, reprinted an a r t i c l e from Le Pays (Paris) debunking the conspiracy theory. 10. It was the l i n e of t h e i r non-British sources, too. A Frenchman i n India, reprinted i n Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe, Nov. 10, 1857, p. l c , claimed that the war was "une revolution formidable de l a part des populations en general..." 11. The Toronto Weekly Message, Aug. 7, 1857, p. 4a. 12. The P i l o t , Aug. 13, 1857, p. 2b, and October 22, 1857, p. 2a. 13. The Times, reprinted i n The P i l o t , July 29, 1857, p. 2c, and quoted i n The History of The Times, Vol. I I , p. 312. 14. London correspondent, The P i l o t , Sept. 4, 1857, p. 2d. 15. L e t t e r from a c i v i l service o f f i c e r at Sialkote, reprinted i n Ibid. , Oct. 8, 1857. 16. The New Era, Nov. 19, 1857, p. 2f. 77 17. "E.J.", l e t t e r from Calcutta, August 21, 1857, printed i n The  Montreal Weekly Gazette, Dec. 26, 1857, p. 4b. Although i d e n t i f i e d as a Canadian o f f i c e r , "E.J." was not f u l l y named. The reference to the dead women and.children of the regiment suggests that the writer was Lieut. Edmond de Lotbiniere J o l y , of H.M. 32nd Regiment. The Quebec native was l a t e r k i l l e d at Lucknow. See Le Courrier du  Canada, January 4, 1858, p. 3a. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , the writer may have been L i e u t . E.J. Badgley, of Montreal, who served i n the Mutiny with the 1st Royal Regiment, the 53rd Regiment, and i n 1859 was s t i l l f i g h t i n g the rebels as a member of the 9th Oudh M i l i t a r y P o l i c e . Judging from a l e t t e r from him at that time he was s t i l l dead set against clemency for the rebels. See The Montreal Weekly  Gazette, Feb. 19, 1859, p. 3b and 3 c , and The Quebec M i l i t a r y  Gazette, reprinted i n The Globe, Feb. 4, 1858, p. 2a. 18. The Morning Star, reprinted i n The P i l o t , Nov. 19, 1857, p. 2b, and i n The Toronto Weekly Message, Nov. 20, 1857, p. 2g. 19. Poem from The Montreal Weekly Gazette, reprinted i n Le Journal de  Quebec, Nov. 7, 1857, p. 2e. 20. For example, "Ces c r i s de fureur, pousses par quelques e c r i v a i h s brittaniques ont f a i t l e plus grand t o r t a l a cause de 1'Angleterre, dans une l u t t e s semblable a c e l l e ou e l l e se trouve engagee..." Le Journal de Quebec, Nov. 7, 1857, p. 2e. The P i l o t ' s campaign began.on Aug. 22, 1857, p. 2d, with, an appeal from the Glasgow correspondent. He continued on Sept. 17th, p. 2c - "But a l l whole-sale f i r e - r a i s i n g . . . , & c , i s Satanic work at best, and not to be commended or even j u s t i f i e d i n or by C h r i s t i a n men" - and Oct. 21, 1857, p. 2d. The paper e d i t o r i a l i z e d i n favour of Canning's much-c r i t i c i z e d "clemency" on Nov. 6, 1857, p. 2a. The Quebec Gazette took up the issue a f t e r the sack of Delhi by the B r i t i s h . 21. The P i l o t , Nov. 6, 1857, p. 2a. 22. The True Witness, Oct. 9, 1857, p. 4a. I r o n i c a l l y , t h i s paper was forever r e p r i n t i n g references to B r i t i s h a t r o c i t i e s against the I r i s h i n Cromwell's day and i n 1798. 23. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Nov. 21, 1857, p. 4a. 24. The P i l o t , Nov. 23, 1857, p. 2a. 25. The Quebec Gazette, Nov. 23, 1857, p. 2a. 26. See Michael Maclagen, "Clemency" Canning, Macmillan & Co. Ltd., London, 1962, pp. 132-165 and appendix I I , pp. 324-327. 27. The P i l o t , Nov. 6, 1857, p. 2a. 28. Spiers, pp. 132-133, explains the c u l t of Havelock as a r e s u l t of middle-class aspirations. The middle-class, Non-Conformist hero 78 showed that men of his class could out-perform a r i s t o c r a t s even i n that t r a d i t i o n a l preserve of the upper c l a s s , the m i l i t a r y . Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe, Jan. 29, 1858, p. l a , c a l l e d h i s loss "douloureuse" as he was the "plus b r i l l i a n t des generaux anglais de l'Inde". 29. The P i l o t , Jan. 21, 1858, p. 2d. 30. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Jan. 27, 1858, p. 2a. 31. For example, The P i l o t , by no means the most vociferous of journals suscribed to a l l these views. See J . P l i m s o l l , M.D., a frequent contributor, Nov. 10, 1857, p. 2d; on army reform; the Glasgow correspondent, Nov. 19, 1857, p. 2b on caste; and an e d i t o r i a l , Nov. 17, 1857, p. 2a on education. 32. The Quebec Gazette, Aug. 5, 1857, p. 2a. 79 CHAPTER V RESPONSES TO THE MUTINY IN CANADA So intimately are our l i v e s and i n t e r e s t s linked together with those of the people of the rest of the empire, that this blow has f a l l e n near, i f not upon ourselves. Men i n our great towns have watched here day by day with almost breathless suspense for the news from before Delhi and the other scenes of i n s u r r e c t i o n , conning the l i s t s of k i l l e d and wounded, l e s t perchance dear friends or r e l a t i v e s were numbered among the f a l l e n . This contest, then, has been ours as well as those of our brethren i n B r i t a i n . It has been a contest for the maintenance of the p o s i t i o n of our common race, for the existence of our common C h r i s t i a n i t y , and our common c i v i l i z a t i o n . 1 Canadians had no r e a l economic, p o l i t i c a l , or s t r a t e g i c stake i n Inddia. We c e r t a i n l y f e l t no a f f i n i t y to the s u p e r s t i t i o u s l o t who l i v e d there. But English-Canadians f e l t a "blood" kinship to the B r i t i s h i n India. The P i l o t and Rev. Dr. Taylor spoke of them as "our countrymen;" The Globe and The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette wrote of "Our 2 empire." In a sense, the Province did not respond to India's woes at a l l . It r a l l i e d to England, which did react to the shock waves from the East. I n t e r - c o l o n i a l s o l i d a r i t y did not enter into i t , except perhaps for the r a d i c a l f r i n g e . S t i l l , i n the summer of 1857 through the spring of '58 India was big news. In September, more than ha l f of The P i l o t , not counting the advertisements, was devoted to the Mutiny. Montreal's Theatre Royal 80 advertised i t s "Grand P i c t o r i a l I l l u s t r a t i o n s of the WAR IN INDIA." 4 There were public lectures i n India. Amateur v e r s i f i e r s churned out t i t l e s such as "Cawnpore" or "The R e l i e f of Lucknow; or Jessie. Brown. Books on the war appeared early i n the hew year. "So much i n t e r e s t i s attached to t h i s country at the present moment," noted one paper, "that almost everything else i s set aside and people t a l k of nothing but I n d i a . " 7 Opening the P r o v i n c i a l Parliament at Toronto, the Governor-General, S i r Edmund Head, declared that: The people of Canada, as they have sympathized x«oi.t:h: the danger and sufferings of t h e i r fellow-subjects, w i l l i n l i k e manner r e j o i c e at the vigour which has checked t h i s r e b e l l i o n , and w i l l appreciate the steadfast courage and perseverance which have distinguished our countrymen i n the east. It i s a source of pride to the B r i t i s h Colonies that with Havelock and Outram i s associated the name of I n g l i s , and that we have sent from Canada some who f e l l g g a l l a n t l y f i g h t i n g at Delhi and Lucknow. Then, as now, p o l i t i c a l speeches were not exactly store-houses of f a c t . They were concerned with images; safe expressions of l o f t y sentiments. As such they indicated a l l the " r i g h t - t h i n k i n g " of the day. Government made another symbolic gesture. By Royal Proclamation, Friday, November 27, 1857, was declared a "Day of General Fast, 9 Humiliation and Prayer" i n Canada. Montreal and Toronto responded well. "The day set apart as a general f a s t , and for prayer for the res t o r a t i o n of peace i n India, was very generally observed, outward (sic) l e a s t , i n t h i s c i t y . Business was mostly suspended, and service was 81 held i n nearly a l l the churches, and sermons s u i t a b l e to the occasion were preached by the pastors of the several congregations, and as f a r as we can learn these services were numerously attended." 1^ In Montreal even the synagogues held s p e c i a l s e r v i c e s . 1 1 The occasion seems to have fared less well i n Quebec Cit y . Not even the "extra-britannique" Quebec Gazette reported any observances i n that largely-francophone c i t y . French-Canadians, despite the urgings of Catholic bishops, probably ignored Fast Day. Certainly francophone newspapers did not take i t s e r i o u s l y ; most mischievously ran an account claiming that on England's Fast Day churchgoers returned home 12 to a holiday feast. L'Avenir c a l l e d the whole business, "La farce 13 blasphematoire.... Quelle moquerie!" French-Canadians did not share t h e i r anglophone countrymen's fond sentiments for the "Old Country". At any rate, the Indian R e l i e f Fund offered a more concrete expression of sympathy for B r i t i s h victims of the war. Money was sometimes raised by benefit concerts or e x h i b i t i o n s , more often by prayer meetings. In Montreal three such events i n October attracted 14 two thousand Protestants each. The London Free Press (Canada West) wrote of a Methodist assembly: "The audience appeared to be a t t e n t i v e and devout, and demonstrated t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the object of the meeting by contributing, as we understand, the sum of t h i r t y d o l l a r s towards the fund for the r e l i e f of su f f e r e r s i n the East." 1"' The most exuberant expression of sentiment came with the news that Delhi had been recaptured. In Montreal flags were hoisted, b u i l d -ings illuminated, the volunteer a r t i l l e r y f i r e d a salute, and a 82 P i l o t Extra was snapped up. Toronto was more subdued but flags were strung over King S t r e e t . 1 7 Smaller English c i t i e s i n the Province celebrated i n the f i n e s t s t y l e . In Hamilton the a r t i l l e r y f i r e d a twenty-one gun salute and i n the evening Court House Square reverberated to the assembled m i l i t i a 18 bands and "feu de j o i e . " In Sherbrooke, too, windows were l i t up, 19 bonfires blazed, and the m i l i t i a and firemen paraded. Even l i t t l e Perth, C.W., managed a celebration: With the a r r i v a l of mail on Saturday evening, came the telegram announcing to us the much-wished-for f a l l of Delhi. As the Protestants of t h i s part of the country since the commencement of the revolt i n India have watched the progress of events there with the deepest i n t e r e s t and with earnest desire that "the wrong might be righted," you may be sure that the news caused no l i t t l e excitement. Bonfires were l i g h t e d , rockets, Roman candles and other fireworks discharged, while guns and p i s t o l s cracked i n every d i r e c t i o n , and the Perth brass band paraded the s t r e e t s , making them resound with good and l o y a l tunes; and when they concluded, hearty and loud B r i t i s h cheers were given for the Queen and the B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s i n India. The r e j o i c i n g s were kept up t i l l very close on Sunday, when a l l dispersed with a hearty round of cheers. 2^ A more pernicious clue to Canadian sentiments was the temporary popularity of a new word. "Sepoyism". It was synonymous with "vandalism" and i t s i n s p i r a t i o n was the same: a group of people i d e n t i f i e d with wanton destruction. An attempt to d e r a i l a t r a i n , 21 therefore, was l a b e l l e d , "Sepoyism i n Canada." Sometimes "sepoy" was j u s t a s i l l y slander. It could be used against any foe, whether or not he had anything to do with India. 83 The Montreal Herald denounced a r i v a l as "... the organ also of the 22 re b e l l i o u s Sepoys." In return, i t was renamed the "Montreal Sepoy" 23 by an enraged l e t t e r - w r i t e r . On a matter completely unrelated to 24 India, another paper protested "A 'Sepoy' attack upon t h i s j o u r n a l . . . " The Toronto Weekly Message, which decidedly was pro-sepoy, even used the term against Her Majesty's Government i n Canada! "There are a set 25 of Sepoys i n public o f f i c e i n Canada..." "Sepoyism" had a more dangerous use, though. Specious s i m i l a r i -t i e s between the v i l l a i n s overseas and domestic groups were used to s t i r up ancient hatreds i n Canada. 2 6 Wrote The C h r i s t i a n Guardian: Like causes are generally productive of s i m i l a r e f f e c t s i n every place; and i f the encouragement and support given to the f a l s e r e l i g i o n s of India, with a view the more e f f e c t u a l l y to govern the people, and the i n s u l t , d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t , which C h r i s t i a n i t y has thus endured, has been so s i g n a l l y avenged, i t i s not unreasonable to expect that the j ealous God w i l l everywhere vindicate his honour, when the claims of h i s truth are disregarded. We make t h i s remark i n view of the favour with which that counterpart of the Indian s u p e r s t i t i o n s , Popery i s at present regarded, by many of the P o l i t i c i a n s of our country;... The Bowmanville Statesman (C.W.) ca r r i e d the argument on to ... 27 s p e c i f i c s : W i l l the representatives of Canada l i s t e n any longer to the Sepoy cry of such men for Separate schools? Has not the same hue and cry been r e i t e r a t e d over and over again by the Indian Sepoys? and does not the same motive actuate the papal Sepoy as did the Indian? Do any doubt that the papists would attempt the e x t i r p a t i o n of 84 every Protestant to-morrow, i f they had the least hope of success? And we ask, i s that government r e a l l y l o y a l to B r i t a i n , that would fo s t e r i n Canada separate s c h o l a s t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s , to a people who abuse every p r i v i l e g e granted them, and s t e a l t h i l y employ t h e i r sectarian i n s t i t u t i o n s to poison the youth under t h e i r care. The "sepoys" were French-Canadians, mostly. There was a shallow analogy between t h e i r r e l i g i o u s claims and the cartridge issue. And j u s t as B r i t i s h India had "pandered" to ungrateful i d o l a t r y , so Parliament had been manipulated into serving as the unthanked defender of French culture i n Canada. More fundamentally, t h e i r l o y a l t y was questioned, and had been since the Conquest. They lacked the "blood" 28 t i e s r e q u i s i t e f o r l o y a l t y to the "Mother Country". In t r u t h , the francophone press did not exactly support B r i t a i n i n the war. It halfheartedly upheld England as the champion of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the heathen East. There were no a l t e r n a t i v e s . But French-Canadians denounced East India Company misrule, took a pessimistic view of B r i t i s h chances i n the war, and damned the English l u s t for vengeance. Besides, they f e l t a lurk i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n i n England's hum i l i a t i o n . French Canada, too, saw the struggle overseas as an analogy. For i t , the war "ce n'est pas seulement une revolte de soldats, mais un v r a i (sic) revolution qui s'etend chaque jour davantage et gagne peu a 29 peu l a population...." I t s e l f a conquered nation under B r i t i s h domination, French Canada understood that the Indians were f i g h t i n g a just war for nation a l l i b e r a t i o n - although the connections were never made e x p l i c i t l y . Had a t r o c i t i e s not stripped the rebels of t h e i r moral 85 authority - and had the outcome been d i f f e r e n t - French-Canada might have made the analogy more e x p l i c i t . In a sense, French-Canadians reversed the usual comparison; they imposed on India viewpoints fashioned at home. It was, i n f a c t , a n a t i o n a l i s t perspective. It owed nothing to London's lead, quite unlike the sentiments of t h e i r anglophone countrymen. The I r i s h were Catholics, of course, and they too had ancient grievances against the English. A massive immigration of paupers escaping the famine of the '40's had engendered further i l l - w i l l i n . Canada. The bogey of "sepoyism" haunted them, too. L o y a l i s t s i n the colony waited to pounce on any I r i s h s e d i t i o n . Irishmen here kept up t h e i r o ld j u g g l i n g act. Their journals existed to combat "Orangeism" i n Canada but t r i e d to dampen suspicion by loudly proclaiming I r i s h l o y a l t y to the Crown. India got the same mix of c r i t i c i s m and patriotism. D'Arcy McGee, edit or of The New Era, r a i l e d against the East India Company but was p o l i t i c enough not to condone the rebels' methods. " A l l i n t e l l i g e n t Irishmen, from the days of Burke, have disapproved the East India Company's wars and aggressions i n Hindostan, but no one worthy of the name, no C h r i s t i a n , no c i v i l i z e d creature, can hold any other sentiment than utter abhorence for the murderers of babes and 30 v i o l a t o r s of women taken captive i n t h i s i n s u r r e c t i o n . " As insurance he frequently h a i l e d the glory of the B r i t i s h army. He also denied that Irishmen were pro-sepoy. "Some of our exchanges are making the most of a so - c a l l e d " I r i s h " meeting i n New York, to sympathize with the Sepoys. It i s assumed as an evidence of 86 the animus of the I r i s h m i l l i o n s i n the States, although the h a l l i t was held i n (the Stuyvesant I n s t i t u t e ) w i l l hardly contain three hundred persons. That number out of 250,000 natives of Ireland i n New 31 York and Brooklyn, cannot surely be c a l l e d a representation." The True Witness and Catholic Chronicle staunchly defended B r i t i s h r u l e i n India, p r e f e r r i n g even a Protestant India to a heathen one. But i t was saddled with an extremist Dublin correspondent, Rev. Dr. C a h i l l . He went so far as to c a l l on Irishmen to seize the chance India offered, to boycott the army u n t i l man-short England gave 32 i n to reforms i n Ireland. The editors distanced themselves from that one. On his main theme, though, they backed him up with r e p r i n t s and e d i t o r i a l comments. With world attention r i v e t t e d on India the good clergyman zeroed i n on,... the I r i s h problem i n India! He wailed on endlessly about B r i t i s h army dis c r i m i n a t i o n against i t s own I r i s h 33 Catholic s o l d i e r s . It was as i f Indians did not e x i s t , and the land was j u s t a backdrop for the long-running I r i s h drama. Like French-Canadians, the I r i s h here seem to have had a pers-pective on the war i n India based on t h e i r ethnic and r e l i g i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the English. Their comments were b i t t e r , t h e i r protestations of l o y a l t y even s h r i l l e r . I f the analogies between India and Ireland were not made more e x p l i c i t i t might have been for pragmatic reasons: "The cause of Ireland against England i s a good and holy cause, and can only be injured by any attempt to connect i t with that of the Bengal Sepoys." The Toronto Weekly Message got i t s analogies from the editor's 87 personal p r e d i l e c t i o n s . William Lyon Mackenzie saw the climax of his own career, the r e b e l l i o n of 1837-8, r e f l e c t e d i n the Indian Revolt. The B r i t i s h , he i n s i s t e d , had d e l i b e r a t e l y goaded Indians into r e v o l t , as a pretext to suppress reforms. The "proof" was that the 35 Crown had done j u s t that to Canada i n 1837 and to Ireland i n 1798. It was inherent i n the nature of imperialism. " I t i s with India was i t was with Canada, no reasoning, no experience, no example has any e f f e c t upon the conservative a r i s t o c r a c y , and t h e i r r e l a t i v e s , the contractors, d i r e c t o r s , f i n a n c i e r s , brokers, &c., who r u l e the empire." "Meantime the war w i l l carry o f f the d o l l a r s from Canada, disorder 37 the n a t i o n a l c r e d i t , and make money ti g h t here and i n B r i t a i n . " His conclusions were r a d i c a l ; the mentality behind them t y p i c a l . Like h i s countrymen, Mackenzie saw India as h i s t o r y repeated. And he cared about India because of i t s cost to us. Westerners, Canadians included, looked to the East from a Western perspective. Where we saw d i f f e r e n c e s , we drew contrasts. Contrasts we interpreted as Indian f a i l i n g s . To make sense of India we sought s i m i l a r i t i e s . We got analogies instead; analogies i n which that backward land seemed to r e l i v e our own h i s t o r y some decades or 38 centuries l a t e . To correct Indian f a i l u r e s , to give them the benefit of our experience, we exported to them our r e l i g i o n , ideas, technology, and economy. Remaking India i n a Western mould was B r i t a i n ' s prerogative. Canadians applauded. The tone of a l l our journals was c l e a r : India under the B r i t i s h was rated by i t s "progress"; that i s , by the extent of i t s Westernization. In concrete terms that meant railways, 88 trade, and churches. In a more general sense i t meant that India was experiencing events which we had undergone i n our more advanced h i s t o r y . 39 India was a kind of belated Canada. To smug English-Canadians the B r i t i s h achievements there were p a r a l l e l enough. To disgruntled I r i s h and French-Canadians i t harkened to t h e i r own degradation under the B r i t i s h . To Mackenzie i t was Canada's r e b e l l i o n r e - l i v e d . We cared about India but not for India's sake. Mackenzie cared because i t financed a repressive a r i s t o c r a c y . The P i l o t worried about the moral costs to Britons of East India Company monopoly and patronage. 40 Reprisals were the loss of C h r i s t i a n morals. English-Canadians saw i n the Mutiny the danger of pandering to untrustworthy peoples; I r i s h and French-Canadians hoped i t taught England a lesson i n humility. Canadians were concerned about India, but mostly for i t s e f f e c t s on Canada and Great B r i t a i n . 89 NOTES 1. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Nov. 28, 1857, p. 4a. 2. The P i l o t , Dec. 31, 1857, p. 2a; Rev. Dr. Taylor quoted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 10, 1857, p. 2b; The Globe, Nov. 10, 1857, p. 2d; and The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette, reprinted i n The Toronto Weekly Message, July 24, 1857, p. 4c. 3. Advertisement, The New Era, Feb. 20, 1858, p. 2f. 4. For example, The Globe, Jan. 23, 1858, p. 21. It noted, though, that: "The H a l l was by no means as well f i l l e d as i t might be...." In Montreal, a Mr. J . P l i m s o l l , M.D., lectured on one or two occasions. 5. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, March 27, 1858, p. l c , and The P i l o t , Feb. 4, 1858, p. 2a. 6. Advertisement, The Globe, January 7, 1858, p. 3e. 7. The P i l o t , Sept. 14, 1857, p. 2b. Only l o c a l p o l i t i c s could compete f o r ink with the Mutiny. Other news - a royal wedding, O r s i n i ' s attempt on Napoleon I I I , numerous shipwrecks, even the China War - were mere r e s p i t e s . This was nothing unique to Canada or even to the B r i t i s h Empire. According to The New Era's Paris correspondent, Oct. 15, 1857, p. 2c: "Our journals continue to f i l l t h e i r columns with matters r e l a t i n g to the Sepoy i n s u r r e c t i o n . . . . Even the once pleasing heading Variete now only leads you into an ambush of Sepoys." 8. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, March 6, 1858, p. 3b. Col. John I n g l i s , who commanded the garrison at Lucknow a f t e r S i r Henry Lawrence's death, was from Nova Scotia - a fa c t which got s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i n B r i t i s h North America. Lieutenants James Bradshaw and Edmond de Lo t b i n i e r e J o l y , both of Quebec, were B r i t i s h army regulars who f e l l at Delhi and Lucknow, re s p e c t i v e l y . Responding to the Throne Speech, the Hon. Mr. Patton agreed that the war i n India "had excited the very strongest fee l i n g s throughout the country, and e n l i s t e d the sympathies of almost every man i n i t for the parent s t a t e . " He and the Hon. Col. Prince both waxed eloquent on the malevolence of the sepoys and the heroism of B r i t i s h defenders - The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, March 6, 1858, p. l g . 9. The Canadian Proclamation followed B r i t a i n ' s example of a month before. The text of the Proclamation was printed i n The P i l o t , Nov. 10, 1857, p. 2b. 10. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Dec. 2, 1857, p. 2b. 90 11. The P i l o t , Nov. 28, 1857, p. 2a. 12. Le Journal de Quebec, Nov. 7, 1857, p. l a , for example. 13. L'Avenir, Nov. 15, 1857, p. l a . 14. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 15, 1857, p. 2b, and Oct. 24, 1857, p. 2d. 15. The London Free Press, reprinted i n The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Oct. 28, 1857, p. 3a. 16. The P i l o t , Nov. 13 and 14, 1857, p. 2a and 2b, re s p e c t i v e l y . 17. The Toronto Leader, reprinted i n Ibid ., Nov. 17, 1857, p. 2e. 18. The Hamilton Spectator, reprinted i n Ib i d . 19. The Sherbrooke Times, reprinted i n I b i d . , Nov. 20, 1857, p. 2c. 20. Perth correspondent, The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Nov. 21, 1857, p. 3d. 21. The P i l o t , Feb. 13, 1858, p. 2d. 22. The Montreal Herald's denunciation of The Toronto Mirror quoted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. l a . 23. The l e t t e r , which attacked The Montreal Herald as a Yankee annexationist rag, was signed " B r i t i s h Bayonet". Printed i n The P i l o t , Nov. 26, 1857, p. 2e. 24. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Dec. 19, 1857. 25. The Toronto Weekly Message, Feb. 5, 1858. 26. The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Sept. 9, 1857, p. 2a. 27. The Bowmanville Statesman, reprinted i n The C h r i s t i a n Guardian, Nov. 25, 1857, p. 2b. 28. Frequently a t i r a d e against an i n d i v i d u a l francophone would use arguments used against h i s n a t i o n a l i t y i n general. A l e t t e r signed " B r i t a n n i a " i n The Quebec Gazette, Nov. 2, 1857, p. 2d, i s an example: "The redacteur en chef of the newspaper "Le Canadien," a p o l i t i c a l j ournal basking i n the sun of Government patronage, and whose " I n s t i t u t i o n s , Langue et L o i s " would long ago have been among the things of the past, were i t not for the protection which i t enjoys under the aegis of the B r i t i s h Crown, and i t s regard for the r i g h t s and l i b e r t i e s of i t s people of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s - t h i s g r a t e f u l - ( s i c ) l o y a l c o l o n i s t adorns the columns of h i s Government organ with a t i s s u e of unfounded calumnies against the B r i t i s h 91 people and s o l d i e r y , which none but a renegade would have dared to u t t e r even i n t h i s "free country."" 29. Le Courrier de Saint-Hyacinthe, October 16, 1857, p. 2d. 30. The New Era, September 24, 1857, p. 2b. 31. Ib i d . 32. See Rev. Dr. C a h i l l , The True Witness and Catholic Chronicle, Sept. 4, 1857, p. 2a. He changed hi s tune a f t e r Cawnpore, though. 33. For instance, Rev. Dr. C a h i l l , "On the persecution of Catholic s o l d i e r s i n India - c o n f i s c a t i o n of t h e i r pay - Cruelty to t h e i r Children", I b i d . , Aug. 7, 1857, p.. l a . This theme was also taken up by a reprint from The Weekly Register, Ibid ., July 17, 1857, p. l e , and an e d i t o r i a l , I b i d . , Aug. 28, 1857, p. 2a. The True Witness and Catholic Chronicle's e d i t o r i a l s were not so prone as the imported commentaries to forget that Indians were involved i n India's problems. The paper viewed the c r i s i s more as a r e l i g i o u s crusade - C h r i s t i a n i t y versus Islam and Hinduism -than as an ethnic matter. S t i l l , the I r i s h analogy kept cropping up. An e d i t o r i a l even i n s i s t e d that the cartridged were, indeed, pollu t e d , to force the sepoys "to become Exeter H a l l and Connemara Protestants." Ibid ., Aug. 28, 1857, p. 2a. 34. Ibid ., Oct. 2, 1857, p. 5a. In the end, some papers such as The  Hamilton Banner and The Fredericton Head Quarters (New Brunswick), decided that The New Era was a closet sepoy. See The New Era, Oct. 24, 1857, p. 2b, and Nov. 24, 1857, p. 2d, for i t s denials. I r o n i c a l l y , the most inflammatory I r i s h r h e t o r i c was imported by mainstream English-Canadian j o u r n a l s . Prefaced "a sample of the blasphemies of a few of the more rabid of the I r i s h j o u r n a l s , " The P i l o t , Feb. 16, 1858, p. 2c; The Globe, Feb. 22, 1857, p. 3b; and others ran an excerpt from The I r i s h News (New York). It t r u l y was v i t r i o l i c , yearning for "Himalayan heaps of English s l a i n , and Ganges' generous flood incardinated with English blood." The Toronto Mirror also reprinted a l i t t l e d i t t y from the Dublic Nation: But the Sepoys have hoisted t h e i r banner of green, And they f i g h t for t h e i r own native land, May our green f l a g , too, come into view, And our foes f l y off from our stand. Captain Dan. From The Montreal Weekly Gazette, October 31, 1857, p. l a . 35. The Toronto Weekly Message, Sept. 11, 1857, p. 2a and, i n a r e p r i n t introduction, p. 4a. Mackenzie sometimes got very s p e c i f i c i n his comparisons. On the r e p r i s a l s issue: "So i t was i n Canada i n 1837-8, the Montreal Herald and l i k e journals demanded that the 92 Canadians be u t t e r l y annihilated as a race..." I b i d . , Sept. 18, 1857, p. 3c. 36. Ibid ., Sept. 18, 1857, p. 2d. He made the same stand Aug. 14, 1857, p. 3d: "No truth i s more cl e a r to us than that B r i t i s h Colonies, l i k e India, are held as a means of preserving an influence, to those who are the enemies of education and true r e l i g i o n at home, and of l i b e r t y everywhere." 37. Ibid ., Sept. 14, 1857, p. 3b. 38. For instance, Indian "feudalism" seemed an imperfect version of B r i t a i n ' s own a r i s t o c r a c y . So land reform i n the eighteenth-century sought to remake talukdars and zemindars into a proper gentry. When B r i t a i n ' s middle-class was able to exert i t s strength a new concept was exported. Now a r i s t o c r a t s were but parasites on the industrious classes. In some areas of India, therefore, native " a r i s t o c r a t s " were dispossessed. The Daily News, reprinted by The P i l o t , Sept. 14, 1857, p. 2a, characterized sepoys as a r i s t o c r a t i c i d l e r s who e n l i s t e d "to l o r d i t over the i n d u s t r i a l c l a s s e s . " 39. Always allowing, of course, for the d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t s of A s i a t i c character. Some people saw a t r o c i t i e s , f o r instance, as symptomatic of half-barbarous peoples i n a l l ages and places but most saw them as an Asian t r a i t poking up through the veneer of Westernization. 40. "But a l l wholesale f i r e - r a i s i n g i n . c i t i e s , demolition of v i l l a g e s , destruction of crops, blowing from guns, & c , i s Satanic work at best, and not to be commended or even j u s t i f i e d i n or by C h r i s t i a n men." Glasgow correspondent, The P i l o t , Sept. 17, 1857, p. 2c. Opposition to r e p r i s a l s was almost always based on morality; r a r e l y on pragmatic grounds such as less tension a f t e r the war. 93 CHAPTER VI CANADIANS TO THE RESCUE In 1857 many Canadians dramatically expressed t h e i r s o l i d a r i t y with the B r i t i s h Empire. They volunteered to f i g h t i n India. Horse Guards, the B r i t i s h Army headquarters, made use of the Province's martial ardour but i n a way quite unlike what the volunteers had intended. England seemed desperately short of troops. Enlistment standards were lowered and thousands of Britons took the Queen's s h i l l i n g but s t i l l more were needed. 1 A l l sorts of stopgaps were rumoured. Whitehall 2 reputedly beseeched Napoleon III f o r a i d . The Danish Army was asked 3 i f i t could spare any o f f i c e r s w i l l i n g to serve f i v e years i n India. 4 One hundred Austrian cavalrymen were said to have volunteered. A B r i t i s h Foreign Legion of mercenaries was touted."' Someone estimated that one hundred and f o r t y thousand unemployed Americans were w i l l i n g to f i g h t ; another report claimed that the Niagara depot was already e n l i s t i n g both Canadians and Americans. 7 As usual, P r o v i n c i a l opinion about Great B r i t a i n ' s p l i g h t was s p l i t along ethnic l i n e s . French-Canadians were mischievously delighted by a l l the s t o r i e s . They e s p e c i a l l y l i k e d the thought of England so humbled that i t needed French help, or at l e a s t a foreign legion with g a French contingent. English-Canadians b r i d l e d at the very thought. So English-Canada came to the rescue. F i r s t to o f f e r t h e i r services were the o f f i c e r s and men of P r o v i n c i a l m i l i t i a b a t a l l i o n s . The Ottawa F i e l d Battery volunteered i n August; the B r o c k v i l l e R i f l e s 94 followed early the next month. The Guelph R i f l e s , No. 2 R i f l e Company of Montreal, the York F i e l d Battery, and the Toronto Foot Company of Volunteer A r t i l l e r y tagged along i n October. 1^ Lieutenant Pattison of the Toronto Volunteer R i f l e s c a l l e d f o r men to j o i n up; a veteran of 1812, Colonel Milo M'Cargar of the G r e n v i l l e m i l i t i a proposed to r a i s e one hundred men. 1 1 And: "The Toronto Colonist says that the colored population of Canada West contemplate forming a regiment for service i n 12 India or Canada." The response from London was very gracious but non-commital: The several o f f e r s have been l a i d before Her Majesty, who has been pleased to express the high g r a t i f i c a t i o n which i t has afforded her to receive these a d d i t i o n a l proofs of the l o y a l and p a t r i o t i c feelings which animate the inhabitants of Canada. Reasons may e x i s t , which at present would make Her Majesty's Government hesitate before entertaining proposals which would involve the withdrawal of any portion of the M i l i t i a of the Province. ... 13 Nothing more was heard for some months. Horse Guards could not decide what to do with the c o l o n i a l o f f e r . A c t u a l l y , many Canadians were dubious about the venture too. No one knew how London might use the men. Would they go overseas or j u s t replace B r i t i s h garrisons i n North America? Would selected m i l i t i a units be c a l l e d up separately or would a Canadian expeditionary force be formed? God f o r b i d that the only option be the regular army: l i f e i n the ranks, i f not exactly h e l l , was not the best use of our valued Canadian youths. Above a l l , who would pay? The militiamen were much commended for t h e i r spunk. There were 95 only a few grumbles, that, " l i s feraient mieux d"aider a d e f r i c h e r leur 14 vaste contree." Some supporters feared that the o f f i c e r s might have volunteered j u s t to reap the c r e d i t , expecting t h e i r o f f e r would not be taken up.1"' If they were c a l l e d up and evaded t h e i r commitment i t could be embarrassing for the whole colony. A l l i n a l l , the objections were pretty weak. Even so r a d i c a l a journal as L'Avenir was half-minded. "Nous n'avons pas d'objection a ce que nos volontaires a i l l e n t en masse et a leurs f r a i s et depens montrer leur prouesse dans l e guerre des Indes. Mais nous protestons hautement contre l e projet de taxer l e peuple canadien pour aider aux tyrans de l"inde a maintenir leur cruel 16 et barbare despotisme." It need not have worried. By convention the P r o v i n c i a l government would have to give i t s approval before i t s m i l i t i a could go o f f to f i g h t f o r B r i t a i n . 1 7 But i t had no i n t e n t i o n of paying for the m i l i t i a ' s l i t t l e adventure. More worrisome were the myriad young c i v i l i a n s tempted to run o f f to war. Toronto alone was said to have had more than f i v e hundred 18 men anxious to j o i n up. No doubt some burned to serve Queen and Empire or to avenge Indian crimes. Others, of course, had le s s p a t r i o t i c motives. For some the appeal was: p a r t l y for the sake of the "fun of the thingv" as they would c a l l i t , and p a r t l y , with the more i n t e l l i g e n t p a r t i c u l a r l y , f o r the sake of expand-ing t h e i r ideas, by v i s i t i n g foreign l a n d s . 1 9 An awful l o t more needed the money. The country, the whole Western world i n f a c t , was i n the grips of economic depression. 96 Under ordinary circumstances, we should deem i t the duty of the public press rather to discourage than encourage t h i s species of enthusiasm, which seems to be growing and extending day by day. But when we know that the streets of our towns, as well as those of the neighboring American c i t i e s , are and must continue for a great part, i f not a l l , the coming winter to be f i l l e d ' w i t h people lacking employment; that they must s u f f e r a good deal of p r i v a t i o n and hardship ere better times come round, and be tempted to a l l sorts of e v i l courses to get the food with which t h e i r industry w i l l scarce supply them, we cannot but f e e l that men can be spared from Canada better now than at any other time, and i f they wish to serve t h e i r Queen, and sustain t h e i r fellow countrymen i n so great and noble a struggle as that i n which B r i t i s h arms are now engaged i n Hindostan, we must wish them h e a r t i l y God speed.^0 They could not a l l go overseas with our t i n y m i l i t i a companies. Nor was the regular B r i t i s h Army much of an a l t e r n a t i v e . It had a minimum ten-year enlistment term and the s o l d i e r ' s l o t was a harsh one. When the economy turned around the New World would need i t s young men to develop the continent. So Canada's would-be s o l d i e r s needed a d i f f e r e n t arrangement. The t r i c k was to get i t , without Canada having to pay for i t . "They.must form a d i s t i n c t i v e corps from the l i n e . Ours must be Canadian corps, and the promise of promotion from the ranks for merit must be one of the incitements to them to do t h e i r duty. Their terms of service too must be shortened to say two years, or t i l l the r e s t o r a t i o n of order i n India.. On these terms we are s a t i s f i e d one or 21 two e f f e c t i v e corps might be r a i s e d i n Canada....." The Montreal Weekly Gazette knew that c o l o n i a l society was more ega l i t a r i a n ' t h a n the 97 Old Country's, and the army would have to recognize i t , too. But there was no sign that the corps had to be d i s t i n c t i v e l y Canadian as an expression of "n a t i o n a l " pride. Nationalism was more evident i n a proposal from The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette. It wanted a "Royal Canadian Army." The editors seem to have envisaged Canada r a i s i n g three regiments, i n c l u d i n g one of French-Canadians. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick together might add another. These would replace most of the B r i t i s h garrisons i n North America, except those of Quebec, H a l i f a x , and the Royal Canadian 22 R i f l e s . Since t h i s scheme would spare several B r i t i s h regiments for India the paper apparently expected London to pay for the c o l o n i a l u n i t s . It went on to say: " s i nous devons devenir un Etat, i l nous faut une force armee, et s i nous voulons assurer notre independance, 23 cette force doit etre proportionnee a cette f i n . " Canadians, English or French, were not ready for ei t h e r an army or an expeditionary corps. One j o u r n a l quite r i g h t l y protested that French-Canadians would have been branded as t r a i t o r s had they 24 proposed an army for independence. Our money would be better spent i f given to the Indian R e l i e f Fund than i f given to the army, said 25 another. B r i t a i n was no f r i e n d to our prosperity i f the flower of 26 our youth was taken for defence. Involvement i n wars i n which we had no d i r e c t i n t e r e s t would s t r a i n imperial unity. We needed our 27 s o l d i e r s at home to ward o f f the United States. One simply i n s i s t e d , "Nous repetons q u ' i l est du devoir d'une metropole de defendre ses 28 colonies contre l e s ennemis." We had l o t s of excuses for a sudden bout of non-interventionism. 98 The r e a l reason we did not want any s o l d i e r s was that we did not want to pay for them. No one r e a l l y believed that Great B r i t a i n would pay for our army. Many suspected the"Province would be saddled with the b i l l s i f ei t h e r the m i l i t i a or other volunteers went to India. Sol d i e r i n g was not for Canada, anyway; our contribution to Empire lay elsewhere. "Leave to B r i t a i n Imperial d e l i b e r a t i o n s , f o r embassies and the power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the sword; the Colonies have enough to do f o r some generations to come, i n extending a belt of c i v i l i z a t i o n from the coal f i e l d s of Cape Breton, to the coast of Vancouver's Island.... Every penny expended by Canada i n playing at 29 s o l d i e r s i s a penny worse than wasted." Meanwhile, the War O f f i c e was t r y i n g to decide what to do with our volunteers. There were several arguments against using them at a l l . Whatever t h e i r rank, many of the militiamen were gentlemen, often prof e s s i o n a l s , mostly British-Canadians. A b a t a l l i o n was often as much a s o c i a l club as a f i g h t i n g force and the o f f i c e r s would pay substantial 30 expenses to belong. In the United Kingdom i n t e g r a t i n g such gentle-men-soldiers i n t o the war had been a headache. The Commander-in-Chief of the army was against the very idea: "I also hope you w i l l on no account give way to Volunteer Corps, of which I see so much said i n the newspapers. These never w i l l answer; they are unmanageable bodies, 31 and would ru i n our Army." Not a l l the men of our volunteering units meant to go overseas, 32 either. Too many had businesses or families to leave. This problem was minor, though. The gaps could have been f i l l e d by the many young c i v i l i a n s clamouring f or act i o n . Besides, the men need not have been 99 sent to India; they could have re l i e v e d regular garrisons i n Canada or elsewhere. There was one very good reason to accept Canadian volunteers. Diplomacy. During the Crimean War there was a l o t of t a l k about r a i s i n g a regiment or two from the Province. When the B r i t i s h sought approval f o r the project from the Canadian government, our cabinet declined to give i t . A memorandum explained: Should the War be protracted or the course of events render i t necessary to employ the whole M i l i t a r y force of the Empire i n the East, the Committee have too much reason to believe that attempts s i m i l a r to those from time to time made on Cuba, and i n the years 1838-1839 on Canada would be made by the party alluded to. In other words, fear of the United States caused the Canadian government to scotch plans f o r an expeditionary force to the Crimea. But i n Canada many people believed that the B r i t i s h had snubbed us. As the story went, our o f f e r was returned unanswered, on the i n s u l t i n g l y t h i n excuse that 34 i t was addressed to the wrong o f f i c e ! This time the Americans were on our side. So Colonial Secretary Labouchere wrote to the Prime M i n i s t e r : The Canadian A r t i l l e r y Corps at Kingston i n Canada have volunteered to go to India. Panmure wishes me to write to say that the General declines t h e i r o f f e r . I confess I have great doubts of the wisdom of t h i s step, and am a f r a i d that i t w i l l be i l l - r e c e i v e d i n Canada. I cannot imagine why means cannot be found of employing c o l o n i s t s who make such an o f f e r . I f e e l sure that the e f f e c t of doing so would i n the colony i t s e l f be most u s e f u l . 100 Palmerston's response was, "Why should not the Canadian A r t i l l e r y be 36 g r a t i f i e d by a couple of years' s e r v i c e i n India?" At that time the 37 need for men dovetailed n i c e l y with the need to humour the c o l o n i a l s . But when Delhi was re-taken the immediate panic for more men subsided. Horse Guards could look to the future. It had already decided to permanently b u i l d up the s i z e of the army by adding f i f t e e n 38 second b a t t a l i o n s . For t h i s i t wanted regular r e c r u i t s , men ready to sign on for the regulation ten-year enlistment term. Canada's m i l i t i a , and most of our other volunteers, had meant to serve only for the duration of the war. The volunteers never did get a d e f i n i t e yes or no from London. Their o f f e r j u s t lapsed with the c r i s i s . But they had already had some impact, for they had shown that the colonies were w i l l i n g to f i g h t for the Empire. That must have encouraged the War O f f i c e to go ahead with a scheme i t had been q u i e t l y nurturing since June, long before the volunteers spoke up. The B r i t i s h Army wanted a Canadian regiment of the l i n e . It would be something quite new i n imperial defence arrangements. Colonials were by no means rare i n the B r i t i s h Army. Quite a few Canadians were already f i g h t i n g i n India: among the o f f i c e r s were Capt. Butt, 79th Highlanders; L i e u t . J o l y , 32nd Regiment; Capt. M c G i l l , 60th R i f l e s ; L i e u t . Forsyth, also of the 60th; L i e u t . Bradshaw, 52nd Regiment; Li e u t . E.J. Badgly, 1st Royal Regiment; Li e u t . McKay, 97th Regiment; Li e u t . Sewell, 86th Regiment; Assistant Surgeon Sewell, Bengal F u s i l i e r s (East. India Company Army), and Assistant Surgeon H.T. 39 Reade, V.C., 61st Regiment. J o l y , Bradshaw, and McKay died there. 101 But there were no c o l o n i a l regiments of the l i n e , none which Horse Guards could post to India or anywhere else overseas. M i l i t i a -men signed up for l o c a l defence only and c o l o n i a l governments could stop t h e i r use elsewhere, as Canada did during the Crimean War. The B r i t i s h Army maintained a few d i s t i n c t i v e l y c o l o n i a l u n i t s , such as the Royal Canadian R i f l e s , but they too were r e s t r i c t e d to l o c a l use. The odd c o l o n i a l unit had, i n time, been ra i s e d to the status of a regular regiment of the l i n e : the New Brunswick Fencibles, for instance, 40 had become the 104th. But at no time had there ever been a c o l o n i a l regiment founded s p e c i f i c a l l y for use i n the Empire beyond the colony i t s e l f . The idea of one, though, had been k i c k i n g around for some time. The panic for men i n June 1857 caused London to se r i o u s l y consider two d i f f e r e n t schemes. "I am a l l for r a i s i n g a black regiment from the Negroes i n Canada," wrote Prime Minister Palmerston, "and for sending i t as soon as formed to the West Indies to take the place of a West India regiment to be sent on to India. I f we f i n d no great d i f f i c u l t y i n r a i s i n g a 4 l black regiment i n Canada, we might go on to r a i s e a second...." Blacks were thought to bear t r o p i c a l heat better than Europeans could, hence t h e i r value. The Toronto Colonist reported t h i s scheme i n October as the idea of escaped American slaves l i v i n g i n Canada, but i t was 42 probably i n i t i a t e d by London much e a r l i e r . In any event, nothing came of i t . The other proposal rudely interrupted the August vacation of Canada's Governor, S i r Edmund Head: 102 I was q u i e t l y refreshing myself i n Cornwall when I got a l e t t e r from Mr. Labouchere saying that serious thoughts were again entertained of r a i s i n g a regiment i n B.N. America; and d e s i r i n g me to see Lord Panmure and the D. of Cambridge on the subject. Much to my disgust I came up yesterday (from Bodmin i n 12 hours). I have not yet seen Lord Panmure, but I have j u s t come from the Horse Guards where I have talked the matter over with the Duke of Cambridge and General Yorke. It i s evident that H.R.H. i s very  anxious the thing should be done: General Yorke, I can see, on the other hand does >; not l i k e encroaching too much on the patronage of the Horse Guards and would give nothing to the Colonists but the subalterns' commissions. The Duke proposes to write to you c o n f i d e n t i a l l y & ask you to consult de Rottenburg & prepare a scheme. This scheme i f i t i s ready, I am to see when I pass through London i n October. It w i l l not of course be made public or communicated to the Canadian Government u n t i l approved and s e t t l e d h e r e . 4 3 C l e a r l y the impetus for t h i s project came from England, not Canada. Our militiamen had not even offered t h e i r services that early i n the war. But the volunteers might have forced the issue. While London hemmed and hawed for months the o f f e r s flowing from t h i s country showed that Canadians were ready to f i g h t for Queen and Empire. In February 1858 a royal warrant authorized r e c r u i t i n g i n the colonies 44 for the imperial army. London's decision to r e c r u i t c o l o n i a l s was an aberration of the times. In the panic for men the War O f f i c e was w i l l i n g to experiment. For a while i t found i t s e l f with two c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i c i e s - p o l i c i e s which would have led to two very d i f f e r e n t models of an army. Westminster's long-term i n t e n t i o n was to r i d the B r i t i s h taxpayer 103 of imperial defence costs. In 1846 the C o l o n i a l Secretary Lord Grey, had announced that the imperial garrisons i n the A u s t r a l i a n colonies were to be reduced, and m i l i t a r y i n s t a l l a t i o n s would henceforth be maintained by the c o l o n i s t s . If they wanted any a d d i t i o n a l imperial protection the colonies would have to pay the extra costs. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , they could r a i s e t h e i r own l o c a l forces, i n which case London would provide expertise to help them. It was thus a p o l i c y not only of reducing B r i t i s h expenditures but also of encouraging colonies to 45 undertake t h e i r own defence. The idea was pursued f a i r l y vigourously, even though problems and delays kept cropping up a l l over the Empire due to l o c a l circumstances. A l i t t l e l a t e r on the plan was extended, with some modifications, to 46 Canada. At the time of the Mutiny the C o l o n i a l Secretary sent a c i r c u l a r to the colonies urging them to upgrade t h e i r m i l i t i a s so that 47 the hard-pressed army would be r e l i e v e d of some of i t s burden. In 1861 a select committee of the House of Commons was set up to recommend changes to the proportion of defence costs borne by the colonies and the United Kingdom. It concluded that c o l o n i a l responsible government implied a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to look a f t e r t h e i r own defence. B a s i c a l l y , the B r i t i s h taxpayer was to be l i a b l e only for the costs of the navy, the defence of areas kept for purely " i m p e r i a l " reasons - such as G i b r a l t a r and H a l i f a x - and for the retention of a mixed bag of poorer dependencies. The imperial garrisons were yanked from A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand; only serious external threats kept them i n Canada and the Cape for a few more years. By 1871 the only B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s i n Canada were guarding the naval stations of H a l i f a x and Esquimalt. The 104 end result of t h i s p o l icy was to create " n a t i o n a l " armies i n each of the major colonies. The Canadian regiment was an experiment i n quite the opposite d i r e c t i o n . Colonials were expensive - j u s t getting them to England was a cost i n i t s e l f - but i n the scare of the Mutiny money was no object. So f a r , i t was j u s t another of those l i t t l e i nterruptions i n the trend toward "retrenchment". But Governor-General Head saw the regiment as the f i r s t step to a much grander p o l i c y , a m i l i t a r y pattern new to the Empire. Great B r i t a i n i s , as i t were, placed i n the centre of a c i r c l e : every man who emigrates to Canada or A u s t r a l i a has hitherto ceased to be a v a i l a b l e f or any m i l i t a r y purpose other than the defence of the si n g l e and distant point on the circumference which he may have adopted as h i s new home. But i f a regiment for general service can be, from time to time, drawn from one (of) these out l y i n g points, i t w i l l be so much gained: the population, not of Great B r i t a i n & Ireland, but of the whole Empire may contribute i n some degree to the m i l i t a r y strength of the whole.... The increase of the larger Colonies may thus tend to augment the active m i l i t a r y force of England, and the i n h a b i -tants of each may be a v a i l a b l e for some-thing more than the passive protection of i t s own s o i l . In t h i s case, the B r i t i s h Army would grow with the growth, and strengthen with the strength of her Provinces as well as with her own, and would be so constituted as to represent them & combine i n i t s e l f elements c o n t r i -49 buted by each. His scheme anticipated by several decades New Zealand's c o n t r i -bution of ships and men to the Royal Navy. No doubt, too, he expected the colonies eventually would pay for t h e i r share of the imperial army. 105 Head's v i s i o n would have been a t r u l y imperial army: an amalgam of "na t i o n a l " regiments under one f l a g , serving anywhere i n the Empire, i n war and i n peace. At least one j o u r n a l i s t at the time was able to guess at the scope of t h i s scheme and i t s p o l i t i c a l impact on imperial unity - even i f he at t r i b u t e d i t to the wrong person. Lord Panmure, by bringing forward the establishment of a Canadian regiment .... might even have thought that i t would not be a bad idea to have a regiment from every colony under the B r i t i s h crown, representing that colony i n the army of the Parent State, sharing a l i k e i t s t o i l s and triumphs, i t s deadly struggles and i t s glorious v i c t o r i e s ; and proving no mean l i n k s i n the chain. which binds i n d i s s o l u b l y the home fee l i n g s and the i n t e r e s t s of Great B r i t a i n and her dependencies. The experiment got underway on Wednesday, March 3, 1858. The Canada Gazette formally proclaimed that: ... Her Most Gracious Majesty The  Queen hath been pleased to approve of the r a i s i n g within t h i s Province of Canada, of a Regiment of Infantry, co n s i s t i n g of One Thousand rank and f i l e , to be st y l e d "The 100th," or "Prince of Wales' Royal Canadian Regiment,".... 106 NOTES 1. Reporters gave varying reasons for the r e c r u i t i n g s h o r t f a l l . The London correspondent for The P i l o t , Aug. 21, 1857, p. 2d, wrote that: "The lower orders, and from these we get our s o l d i e r s , do not f e e l an i n t e r e s t , a personal i n t e r e s t , i n e i t h e r quarrel (India and China Wars), and then the climate of India deters young men from embarking i n i t s hazards." The Glasgow correspon-dent i n the same jour n a l , Oct. 12, 1857, p. 2b, and The New Era, March 4, 1858, p. 2b, blamed B r i t i s h s o c i a l p o l i c y f or depopulating those t r a d i t i o n a l pools of r e c r u i t s , the Highlands and Ireland. 2. Le Journal de Quebec, Aug. 11, 1857, p. 2c. 3. The Danish Post, c i t e d i n The New Era, Sept. 26, 1857, p. 2d. 4. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 10, 1857, p. 4h; and Le Courrier  de St.-Hyacinthe, Oct. 20, 1857, p. 2e. 5. Le Courrier du Canada, Oct. 28, 1857, p. 2d. 6. "Most of these men are good shots and far better material for making s o l d i e r s than the artizans of Manchester or the street boys of London. They w i l l f i g h t , they w i l l endure hardship, they w i l l obey i n t e l l i g e n t l y . As to the l e g a l i t y of e n l i s t i n g them we take that to be unquestionable, as the Indian States or Rajahs are not o f f i c i a l l y known to our government; and even i f i t were not, no sane o f f i c i a l i n t h i s country would i n t e r f e r e to prevent these poor fellows earning a l i v e l i h o o d , and thus save them from doing mischief here t h i s winter." The New York Herald, reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 24, 1857, p. 3c. 7. The Toronto Weekly Message, Aug. 14, 1857, p. 2c. This report was probably i n c o r r e c t . A Royal warrant authorizing r e c r u i t i n g men i n Canada was not issued u n t i l February 1858. It was even less l i k e l y that American c i t i z e n s would have been taken. Washington had protested that i t s n e u t r a l i t y had been v i o l a t e d when Americans were recruited on United States s o i l by the B r i t i s h Army during the Crimean War. 8. To follow t h i s rumour, see Le Journal de Quebec, Aug. 11 and 29, Oct. 8 and 31, 1857, pp. 2c and Id, l a and l c , r e s p e c t i v e l y . 9. I b i d . , Aug. 22, 1857, p. 2c; and The Quebec Gazette, Sept. 9, 1857, p. 2c. 10. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. Id and l c ; and The P i l o t , Oct. 29, 1857, p. 2b. 107 11. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. l b ; and The  Toronto Leader, reprinted i n The True Witness and Catholic  Chronicle, Oct. 23, 1857, p. 5e. 12. The Quebec Gazette, Oct. 16, 1857, p. 2d. 13. R.T. Pennefather, Governor's Secretary, to Baron De Rottenburg, Adjutant-General of M i l i t i a , Oct. 21, 1857, printed i n The P i l o t , Oct. 29, 1857, p. 2b. 14. Le Journal de Quebec, Aug. 22, 1857, p. 2e. 15. Unnamed journal quoted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. 4a, said, "We also tru s t that the young men i n question mean what they say, and that i f t h e i r o f f e r should be accepted there w i l l be no backing out on t h e i r part." The Gazette added that i t was r e l i e v e d so many men had volunteered. " I t i s not now a question of Col. Prince or Col. Rankin seeking eclat by o f f e r i n g what they could perform, but we have men o f f e r i n g to serve, not asking to command." 16. L'Avenir, Nov. 2, 1857, p. 3b. 17. George Stanley, Canada's Soldiers 1604-1954, MacMillan, Toronto, 1954, pp. 214-215. 18. Unidentified.journal quoted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. 4a. 19. The Ottawa C i t i z e n , reprinted i n The Quebec Gazette, Sept. 11, 1857, p. 4a. 20. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. 4a. 21. Ibid. 22. The Royal Canadian R i f l e Regiment was a B r i t i s h Army unit comprised of s o l d i e r s who were s e t t l e d i n Canada. It was l i m i t e d to service i n the colony. 23. The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette, reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n i n Le Journal  de Quebec, Sept. 15, 1857, p. l a . The emphases were c e r t a i n l y added by Le Journal. Unfortunately, the extant c o l l e c t i o n of the M i l i t a r y Gazette i s very incomplete. Its;proposal must be reconstructed from fragments quoted or reprinted i n other journals. The passage quoted i n t h i s study only sounds revolutionary: no doubt the M i l i t a r y Gazette meant that if_ Canada became independent i t would need an army, and a sizeable one, to fend o f f the United States. 24. Le Journal de Quebec, Sept. 15, 1857, p. l a . Le Courrier du  Canada, Oct. 28, 1857, p. l a , l i k e d the idea of a French-Canadian regiment, though. 108 25. Le Journal de Quebec, Sept. 19, 1857, p. l a . 26. Le Courrier de St.-Hyacinthe, March 9, 1858, p. 2a. 27. The New Era, reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n by I b i d . 28. L'Avenir, Oct. 1, 1857, p. 2b. 29. The Quebec Chronicle, reprinted i n The Acadian Recorder (Halifax, N.S.), March 27, 1858, p. 2c. 30. L'Avenir, Oct. 1, 1857, p. 3c, derided t h i s aspect of the m i l i t i a . "Les volunteers sont partout, aux bals, aux promenades, aux societes savantes, esperons aux talons, sabres au cote, et avec tout l e baggage du costume r i d i c u l e et absurde q u ' i l s portent. Rien l e plus r i d i c u l e que de v o i r parader partout ces hommes grossiers et ignorants qui se croient quelque chose, parce q u ' i l s sont revetus de l'habit de l a soldatesque." 31. Duke of Cambridge to Lord Panmure, Sept. 25, 1857, i n The Panmure  Papers, S i r George Douglas and S i r George Dalhousie Ramsay, eds., 2 v o l s . , Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1908, Vol. I I , p. 435. Presumably our m i l i t i a would at least have had more formal t r a i n i n g than the i r r e g u l a r B r i t i s h volunteer corps. 32. The Ottawa C i t i z e n , reprinted i n The Quebec Gazette, Sept. 11, 1857, p. 2e. 33. Quoted i n Stanley, p. 215. 34. The anecdote was recounted by Mr. J u s t i c e Haliburton, of "Sam S l i c k " fame, i n Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 82, July 1857, p. 121. The i n s u l t was also r e c a l l e d i n a l e t t e r - t o - t h e -e ditor i n The New Era, March 6, 1858, p. 2c. The Quebec Gazette, Aug. 14, 1857, p. l e denied the story was true but conceded that i t was widely accepted i n the country. 35. Labouchere to Palmerston, Sept. 23, 1857, i n The Panmure Papers, Vol. I I , p. 433. 36. Palmerston to Panmure, Sept. 25, 1857, i n Ibid. 37. There was also some small pressure from the B r i t i s h press i n favour of c o l o n i a l help for the war e f f o r t . For instance, Blackwood's  Edinburgh Magazine, Vol. 82, July 1857, p. 121 had written: "And we cannot help adverting to what we consider a gross oversight -to use the mildest expression - on the part of our government, i n not appealing to the l o y a l colonies for assistance i n the prosecution of an important war. Would i t not have been the natural, prudent, and p a t r i o t i c course to have rec r u i t e d our armies from the masses of the western population - from men of our blood and kindred, fellow-subjects of the Queen, and i n h e r i t o r s of a l l 109 our t r a d i t i o n s ? " The Morning Post (London, U.K.), reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n i n Le Courrier du Canada, Oct. 30, 1857, p. Id, recounted the Canadian m i l i t i a ' s o f f e r i n most glowing terms. 38. Panmure to Clarendon, June 1857, i n The Panmure Papers, Vol. I I , p. 392. 39. Most of these men were l i s t e d by The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette, reprinted i n The Globe, Feb. 9, 1858, p. 2d. A reference to M c G i l l , wounded at Delhi and mentioned i n despatches, appeared i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, June 19, 1858, p. l c . An obituary for McKay, a native of the Ottawa-area who died of smallpox i n Oudh, appeared i n I b i d . , May 7, 1859. J o l y , a French-Canadian from Quebec and son of a former Speaker of the l e g i s l a t u r e of Lower Canada, died at the f i r s t r e l i e f of Lucknow, according to Le  Journal de 1'Instruction Publique, reprinted i n Le Pays, Jan. 30, 1858, p. 3a. Bradshaw, son of the manager of the Bank of Upper Canada i n Quebec, was k i l l e d at Delhi - see The P i l o t , Jan. 26, 1858, p. 2a. Reade, born at Perth, Upper Canada, won the V i c t o r i a Cross at Delhi. See Charles Shortt, ed., Perth Remembered, Perth Museum/Mortimer Ltd., 1967, p. 141. 40. Stanley, p. 214. The 104th Regiment had since been disbanded. 41. Palmerston to Panmure, Sept. 25, 1857, i n The Panmure Papers, Vol. I I , p. 432. 42. The Toronto Colonist, reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 24, 1857, p. 6h, described the "Emancipation S o c i e t i e s , composed for the most part of escaped slaves, and free coloured men.... and we have understood that they contemplate o f f e r i n g to r a i s e a regiment, either to go to India, to serve i n Canada, or to be employed i n any way, or for any period, that may be deemed most advisable by the Imperial Government." The newspaper was describing a volunteer u n i t ; London's plan was probably for a regular black regiment. It may have been considered as early as June. Lord Panmure to Lord Clarendon, June 1857, i n The Panmure  Papers, Vol. I I , p. 392, asked i f a black regiment i n Jamaica could be spared " - i n which case, I could manage to send i t d i r e c t l y to India, and replace i t by a new corps to be raised i n Canada." 43. Head to Eyre, c o n f i d e n t i a l , August 22, 1857, P.R.O., P.R.O. 30/46/18, quoted i n D.G.G. Kerr, S i r Edmund Head: Scholarly  Governor, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1954, p. 137. Lieut.-General S i r Wm. Eyre was commander of imperial troops i n Canada. Labouchere was the Colonial Secretary. Baron de Rottenburg^ was Adjutant-General of M i l i t i a i n Canada. 44. Lord Panmure had informed the Queen that: "Your Majesty's servants are informed that many men may be obtained, e s p e c i a l l y i n the A u s t r a l i a n colonies, by t h i s step." But apparently attention 110 was directed instead to the scheme for a Canadian regiment. See Panmure to the Queen, Feb. 1, 1858, i n The Panmure Papers, Vol. I I , pp. 473-4. 45. W.C.B. T u n s t a l l , "Imperial Defence, 1815-1870" i n J.H. Rose, A.P. Newton, and E.A. Benians, eds., The Cambridge History of  the B r i t i s h Empire, Cambridge Uni v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge, 1968, Vol. I I , p. 812. 46. I b i d . 47. Labouchere's "Defence of the Colonies" c i r c u l a r was printed i n The New Era, Nov. 10, 1857, p. 2e. 48. T u n s t a l l , pp. 829-834. 49. Head to Stanley, May 1, 1858, P.R.O., CO. 42/613, quoted i n Kerr, pp. 141-142. Lord Stanley was the new Colonial Secretary. 50. The Quebec Gazette, March 3, 1858, p. 2d. 51. The Canada Gazette, March 3, 1858, P.A.C. (Public Archives of Canada), C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13303, p. 3. I l l CHAPTER VII THE ROYAL CANADIANS A dramatic burst of m i l i t a r y fervour was Canada's most notable -and s u r p r i s i n g - response to the Mutiny i n India. The volunteers of 1857, and the men of the 100th Regiment a f t e r them, were anxious to brave distance, climate, disease, and sepoys' b u l l e t s for Queen and Empire. It was a s p i r i t not to be expected i n that supposed age of " L i t t l e Englandism," e s p e c i a l l y f or a colony with so l i t t l e d i r e c t i n t e r e s t i n f i g h t i n g half-way around the globe. The response was Canadian; the form was B r i t i s h . Rather than take flash-in-the-pan volunteers, London opted for a c o l o n i a l regiment to help f l e s h out the larger army that the Mutiny had shown was needed i n peacetime as well as war. It was an experiment unlike anything else i n Canada's long r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Empire. Had the volunteers been taken, the r e s u l t might have been comparable to the contingents sent to the Boer War. The men were much the same: middle-class or "gentlemen" militiamen, mostly, anxious to show t h e i r p a t r i o t i s m i n a b r i e f and glorious adventure. The ranks of the 100th, by contrast, were for "regulars" only. • Who were these men who signed up to follow the f l a g for ten long years? And how was the regiment received by the public? In 1858 Canada was not the Dominion which so confidently claimed the twentieth-century for i t s e l f . The colony was only j u s t beginning to f e e l i t s strength, to cast expansionist eyes westward, and to t a l k of the Confederation which ultimately would 112 re-order imperial a f f a i r s . The Proclamation founding the regiment came at a time when the Mutiny had inflamed old quarrels. English-Canadians were infused with a rally-round-the-standard patriotism; French-Canadians pointed to the East as another f a i l u r e of B r i t i s h imperial p o l i c y . Arguments for and against a Royal Canadian Army had worsened things. Inevitably, the 100th became yet another contentious issue. Most English-Canadians were pretty keen about the idea of a Canadian Regiment. It was. p a r t l y a matter of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Many people assumed that the Mother Country was paying a compliment to her strong and worthy o f f s p r i n g . England founded the regiment not j u s t to get men f o r India but as a gesture of confidence i n the colony and as a response to the volunteers. Many remarks pointed to t h i s motive. " I t was supposed a great compliment was to be paid to Canada by t h i s m i l i t a r y movement...," wrote one newspaper. 1 Another smugly decided, "This i s no empty compliment to Canada." Added yet another, "There i s no doubt that our p r o v i n c i a l vanity i s , to some extent, g r a t i f i e d 3 by having a Regiment almost i f not altogether composed of Canadians." The Quebec Gazette spoke warmly of: The gratitude due Lord Panmure for his kindness i n extending to Canada the boon of enabling men to embrace the profession and "pittance" of a s o l d i e r . . . . 4 His Lordship uses no argument, makes no appeal; he grants that which was appealed f o r , and grants i t to Canadians on the same terms that Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen, receive i t , and having received i t cherish with a love and defend i t with a zeal, the amount of which t h e i r enemies best can t e l l . 5 113 As i s evident i n t h i s statement and many others, Canadians believed that the 100th Regiment was the product of the clamour for action raised by the volunteers of the previous autumn. No one seemed to consider that a regular regiment was a rather inappropriate response to amateur s o l d i e r s . Perhaps the prestige of a regular army un i t , e s p e c i a l l y one honoured as "The Prince of Wales' Own", overshadowed that of any contingent of county m i l i t i a s . The b e l i e f that England was complimenting Canada by "granting" i t a regiment probably r e f l e c t e d the colony's changing r o l e i n the Empire. Canada was s t i l l j u s t a colony, dependent on Great B r i t a i n for protection, a considerable volume of trade, and f o r a c u l t u r a l a l t e r -native to the Americans. " L i t t l e Englandism" was a philosophy found i n the Old Country much more than i n the colonies. The occasional encouraging gesture from Westminster was s t i l l much appreciated here. But Canada was also an important colony, a growing place with p o t e n t i a l and aspirations on a continental s c a l e : within a decade Confederation would revamp imperial r e l a t i o n s . The notion of a compliment was held by that section of society which had an image of the Province as a place important enough for the B r i t i s h to humour. The regiment's supporters, l i k e the volunteers before them, were anxious to exert Canada's strength i n the imperial cause i n the East. But i t was not so much an i m p e r i a l i s t philosophy as i t was p l a i n r a l l y - r o u n d - t h e - f l a g patriotism. Nor was i t a very c l e a r l y expressed n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment. Carl Berger has argued that Canadian i m p e r i a l i s t s of l a t e r decades were ac t u a l l y n a t i o n a l i s t s . ^ They saw the Empire as a forum in which Canada could pursue a greater destiny, a shortcut to 114 world power since Canada and the other "white" Dominions could run the Empire i n partnership with Great B r i t a i n . It i s possible that some Canadians were thinking that way i n 1858, i f i n an embryonic way. If so, none were saying i t very c l e a r l y . The "big thinkers" i n those days s t i l l dreamed of unifying B r i t i s h North America and of expanding across the continent, not of foreign muscle-flexing. The regiment's opponents were more obviously n a t i o n a l i s t i c . They recognized that Canada was not England and that our destiny was to develop our chunk of North America. These c r i t i c s were numerous, as even The Quebec Gazette had to admit. 7 Among them were many of the anglophones who had objected to the idea of a Canadian Army, and for many of the same reasons. Also opposed were most of the I r i s h and French-Canadians, the bulk of the population. Most francophone journals j u s t ignored the regiment; they kept i t out of the news as much as they could and so, presumably, reduced i t s " v i s i b i l i t y " to the French-Canadian p u b l i c . The rest of the French-language newspapers a c t i v e l y discouraged enlistments. They often u t i l i z e d the p r a c t i c a l arguments raised by some anglophones against r e c r u i t i n g here, but t h e i r r e a l reason seems to have been an emotional d i s l i k e of things B r i t i s h . They had a d i s t i n c t i v e a t t i t u d e moulded by the Conquest: an i n s u l a r and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t nationalism which t r i e d to avoid outside entanglements. A B r i t i s h Army regiment raised i n the g colony for foreign service was contrary to every French-Canadian value. During the Canadian Army debate many anglophones had objected to the colony spending money on defence: 115 Leave to B r i t a i n Imperial d e l i b e r a t i o n s , for embassies and the power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the sword; the Colonies have enough to do for some generations to come, i n extending a b e l t of c i v i l i z a t i o n from the coal f i e l d s of Cape Breton, to the coast of Vancouver's Island.... Every penny expended by Canada i n playing^at s o l d i e r s i s a penny worse than wasted. But the 100th was paid for by London, so that many English-Canadians who obj ected to a P r o v i n c i a l army were quite happy to see the c o l o n i a l regiment. 1^ For French-Canadians, though, the regiment's true "cost" was i n men rather than i n d o l l a r s . Their i n s u l a r nationalism emphasized that the colony was a very small and weak place i n a big world. Every man e n l i s t e d was another l o s t from the task of developing the Province. Des dissentions, des d i v i s i o n s n£es des differences de race et de r e l i g i o n , d i v i s i o n s dont'peuvent s'accuser et l e gouvernement l o c a l et l e gouvernement. imperial, ont amene 1'Emigration de 500,000 Canadiens aujourd'hui r£pandus dans l e s E t a t s -Unis, cette emigration s'augmente encore tous les jours et c'est ce moment que l a metropole c h o i s i t pour enlever a l a population 1000 des hommes qui peuvent l u i &tre l e plus u t i l e ? 1 1 French-Canadians protested the r a i s i n g of the 100th f a r more than they had objected to Canadian volunteers going to f i g h t i n India. The volunteers, of course, would have been back within a year or two: regulars were " l o s t " for a decade at l e a s t . The cost i n men was not j u s t i n hands l o s t to the Province. There was also the misery of s o l d i e r i n g , of the s o c i a l degradation which was as bad as the dangers of the f i e l d . A d e s c r i p t i o n of flogging 116 prompted a b i t t e r reminder: "Jeunes gens i n t e l l i g e n t s du Canada engagez-vous done dans l e lOOe regiment de l'humaine et l i b r e Angleterre!... V o i l a en e c h a n t i l l o n des tortures auxquelles e l l e l e s soumets, et une preuve de son respect pour l a v i e et l a di g n i t e de ,,,12 ses s e r v i t e u r s ! S o c i a l differences between Canada and England were a favourite weapon of the regiment's c r i t i c s . For instance, a l e t t e r - t o - t h e -e d i t o r signed "Young Canada" systematically demolished r e c r u i t e r s ' 13 promises. It savaged the claim that l i f e i n the ranks was as rewarding as were many, many commercial jobs, discounted the vaunted " p r o b a b i l i t y " of any private ever reaching "the highest grade" of the army, and c a l l e d the pension a "miserable p i t t a n c e . " The l e t t e r took s p e c i a l aim at B r i t i s h snobbery: Now i s the imperial Government i n earnest? Does i t r e a l l y think that any sane man i n " t h i s Canada" w i l l throw away the prime of his l i f e , and submit to be lorded over by Chaw-les and Fwed-wick? - Guess not! Any m i l i t a r y system attempted i n t h i s country must have for i t s basis promotion by merit - only. The young men of Canada are too democratic i n t h e i r ideas for any o t h e r . 1 4 The Montreal Weekly Gazette had made exactly the same point about a merit system i n connection with a Canadian contingent for India. Another observer now applauded, "Nous desirons que cette l e t t r e a i t 16 de l'echo dans l ' e s p r i t et dans l e coeur de toute notre jeunesse." Half of the o f f i c e r s of the 100th were to be B r i t i s h , some transferred from other regiments or from the half-pay l i s t , others promoted from the Lucknow g a r r i s o n . 1 7 Worse, they were to be the 117 seniors of t h e i r ranks. The adjutant, Lieutenant-Colonel, and the Colonel were a l l B r i t i s h - although the Colonelcy was a purely honourary post and the r e a l commander, Lieutenant-Colonel de 18 Rottenburg, had strong connections with the colony. Horse Guards could hardly have given a l l the commissions to. Canadian o f f i c e r -candidates, who were a l l quite inexperienced. S t i l l , at l e a s t one c o l o n i a l j o u r n a l i s t was miffed by the " i n s u l t " . How much the 100th or "Prince of Wales" i s a Canadian Regiment may be learned from the fact that the chief appointments are to be made i n England .... We are f u l l y j u s t i f i e d i n s t y l i n g the present attempt to r a i s e troops i n Canada, and pay a compliment to her people - an abortion.19 This r e a c t i o n smacked of the Crimean " i n s u l t " . Both were products of the snobbery issue - indeed, "Young Canada" had remembered the 1855 20 f i a s c o as another proof of h i s contentions. Both " i n s u l t s " depended on the very high opinion that c o l o n i s t s had of t h e i r homeland, and on the perception of a s o c i a l gulf between colony and metropolis. The i n s u l t s were made a l l the more heinous by i n f l a t e d expectations of a compliment. At any rate, Canadian o f f i c e r - c a n d i d a t e s , at l e a s t , were not fazed by the r i g i d class system incorporated i n t o the 100th Regiment: many of them were the s o c i a l e l i t e of the colony. The s e l e c t i o n process ensured that. Half the o f f i c e r s - one major, s i x captains, eight lieutenants, and a handful of ensigns - were to be residents of Canada. They had to get a personal recommendation from the Governor, pretty well excluding a l l but the s o c i a l e l i t e . Then they had to prove t h e i r 118 m i l i t a r y competence to a Board of O f f i c e r s drawn from the imperial garrison. F i n a l l y , i n a quaint custom long since dropped i n England, 21 they had to r a i s e a c e r t a i n number of r e c r u i t s for the regiment. Lieutenants had to supply at l e a s t f o r t y men passed and attested, 22 captains needed eighty, and the major had to f i n d two hundred. Ensigns, the lowest commissioned rank, did not need any. The commissions were granted without purchase, as was normal for newly-formed regiments. The Brant Expositor, for one, was not impressed: Why, the r a i s i n g of 80 men by each of the s i x Captains would cost double the price of a commission, so that i n a pecuniary point of view, no advantage i s offered to Canadians i n that respect. The conditions altogether are so preposterously outrageous, that a man must indeed have l o s t a l l d i g n i t y and s e l f respect i f he condescend to accept a commission so hampered with absurd s t i p u l a t i o n s . Red tape and ignorance of Canada seem to p r e v a i l at Horse Guards. 2 3 Another observer was far more content: It i s a recognition, i n the highest quarter, of the l o y a l ardor of Her Majesty's subjects here, and i n a substantial way. For i n no manner could anyone i n England enter the army as a Major, Captain, or Lieutenant; whereas i n t h i s case, the major, the s i x captains, the eight lieutenants, w i l l be gazetted to those positions at once. 4 Apparently a l o t of other people were enthusiastic about the o f f e r , too. One newspaper reported that one hundred and f i f t y a p p l i c a -tions f o r commissions had been received; another said that more than 25 a hundred would have to be refused for lack of space. Yet another exulted that: 119 The Proclamation for r a i s i n g the 100th Regiment has excited a remarkable fervour among the young gentry of the Province. We understand that upward of 600 applications f or permission to r a i s e men, have been received from candidates f o r commissions, over and above the number required. It w i l l be necessary to r a i s e two or three Canadian regiments to s a t i s f y the martial s p i r i t that has been evoked i n t h i s class of recruits.26 A c t u a l l y , regimental records show only twenty-four serious candidates. But these include only those whom the Governor recommended. No doubt There were many, many who never got that f a r . The Canadian Premier, John A. Macdonald, referred two candidates to the a u t h o r i t i e s and at 27 least one of them does not show up i n the records. 28 Nineteen were chosen. Probably a l l but three were born i n 29 Canada or had long resided here. Four of the lieutenants were French Canadians. Most of them were scions of the P r o v i n c i a l e l i t e . B r i t i s h o f f i c e r s were expected to be gentlemen, of course, and the Governor was u n l i k e l y to personally know any but the upper crust. Three of the candidates were born i n the innermost c i r c l e s of the "Family Compact", the oligarchy which had co n t r o l l e d Upper Canada i n the 1820's and 30 '30's. One of the French-Canadians was the son of the Seigneur de M i l l e I s l e s , another was a son of the Seigneur de Beauport. Both 31 families had served i n the B r i t i s h Army since the eighteenth-century. Ensign Ridout came from a prominent L o y a l i s t family and was son of the Cashier of the Bank of Upper Canada; Major Dunn's father had been 32 the Receiver-General of Canada. Captain Price was the scion of a 33 lumber baron, from one of the r i c h e s t f a m i l i e s i n the land. At least 120 two more o f f i c e r s were the sons of colonels; another came from an 34 old family top-heavy with judges and lawyers. Almost h a l f of the 35 Upper Canadian o f f i c e r s were former Upper Canada College boys. So t i g h t was the c i r c l e from which these gentlemen sprang that some were related by marriage. Major Dunn's father had wed the 36 s i s t e r of Lieutenant Duchesnay. It seems that two or three of the 37 ensigns were connected i n t h i s way, too. Ensign William Clarke 38 seems to have been Captain John Clarke's son. Perhaps those detractors who demanded that the regiment be f i t t e d to a Canadian, rather than a B r i t i s h , mould ignored the fact that the upper crust of both s o c i e t i e s were pretty much the same. Top B r i t i s h f a m i l i e s had always thought of the army as not only an honourable career but also as a splendid sort of " f i n i s h i n g school" for sons, and no doubt some 39 of the lOOth's commissions were used this way, too. There were a few apparent exceptions to t h i s web of wealth, power, and prestige. Captain George Macartney had been a postmaster at P a r i s , C.W., for the past twenty-one years. But he was also a long-40 time militiamen, having served i n the r e b e l l i o n of 1837. Captain John Clarke had entered the army as a lowly schoolmaster-sergeant. After eleven years, some of them i n India, he l e f t the service as a 41 sergeant-major. Another candidate had served twenty-nine years, 42 r i s i n g from the ranks. No doubt i n a l l these cases t h e i r m i l i t a r y experience was too good f o r the regiment to pass them by. Some of the would-be o f f i c e r s had already been blooded. One had served i n the Ceylon R i f l e s and the 21st Regiment and had fought 43 i n the Crimea with the Scots Greys. De B e l i e f e u i l l e had warred i n 121 44 A f r i c a and i n the Crimea with the French Foreign Legion. Another French-Canadian, Louis Casault, had also fought with the Foreign 45 Legion and was wounded at Sebastopol. Alexander Dunn was Canada's native-born hero: winner of the V i c t o r i a Cross at "The Charge of the Light Brigade." With that reputation he was everyone's choice for 46 major and managed to r a i s e the mandatory two hundred followers. Most of the r e s t were m i l i t i a o f f i c e r s . Captains Terrence Smyth and John Fletcher were the commanders of units which had volunteered to f i g h t i n India. Both had also been m i l i t i a volunteers during the 47 troubles of 1837-9. Another had volunteered for the regiment that 48 Canadians had hoped to send to the Crimean War. None of the ensigns had, or needed, any m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g . Canadians seemed to think that t h e i r officer-candidates were 4 pretty good. The Mail declared that the regiment was well o f f i c e r e d . Successful candidates got fulsome t r i b u t e s i n the newspapers. And, of course, the perception of an " i n s u l t " to Canada by the i n c l u s i o n of B r i t i s h o f f i c e r s was an inverted expression of confidence i n our own "boys". In f a c t , though, Canadian m i l i t a r y talent seems to have been a b i t t h i n . The rules had to be bent to give some of the l o c a l s a chance. A l f r e d Rykert, for instance, got a commission without any m i l i t a r y experience whatsoever. ~'1 At least he only got a lieutenancy; Richard P r i c e , with only eighteen months as a ranker i n the m i l i t i a , 52 got a captaincy! Ensigns were tested purely on t h e i r c l a s s i c a l 53 educations. Candidates for higher posts were supposed to have been given the usual test f o r m i l i t a r y competence by a Board of O f f i c e r s . But Horse Guards l a t e r had one o f f i c e r re-write i t , "the examination 122 to which he appears to have been subjected on the r a i s i n g of the 100th Regiment being by no means as minute or extending to the same points as that l a i d down i n Her Majesty's Regulations as q u a l i f y i n g an O f f i c e r 54 to be promoted to the rank of Captain." There was one other l i t t l e quirk i n the s e l e c t i o n of o f f i c e r s . The parliamentary correspondent of The Montreal Herald reported: Le bruit court parmi l e s deputes bas-Canadiens qu'une l e t t r e d'un c e r t a i n M.P.P. adressee au Gouverneur... et qu'elle a v e r t i s s a i t Son Excellence de ne pas donner de commissions aux Canadiens-francais a cause de leur deloyaute. The Governor paid no a t t e n t i o n and the French-language press j u s t l e t the matter die. But i t shows the deep ethnic animosities which could impinge on any matter inv o l v i n g o f f i c i a l d o m . So the o f f i c e r s were chosen. They s t i l l had to get r e c r u i t s . Surely i t was a comment on the times that we have to follow the o f f i c e r s to learn anything about the men - regimental records do not have even a l i s t of t h e i r names! For more we must look to memoirs, newspapers, parliamentary papers, and proceedings against deserters. Ensign Charles Boulton l a t e r r e c a l l e d the splendid sight of the f i r s t r e c r u i t e r - himself - i n the Peterborough area, Canada West: My father supplied me with what necessary funds I wanted, lent me h i s waggon and a pair of horses, and I engaged a f r i e n d who played the bag-pipes, the only musical instrument I could procure i n the neighbourhodd, for r e c r u i t i n g purposes. With an o l d -fashioned uniform, lent me by an o f f i c e r who had early s e t t l e d i n the country, I started o f f to v i s i t the neighbouring v i l l a g e s to r e c r u i t ; and I need hardly 123 say that I was the envy and admiration of every youth of my own age who witnessed my progress through the country. At the end of a fortnight I had got together twenty of as f i n e , young, backwoods fellows as one could wish to s e e . ^ It was done on only a s l i g h t l y more heroic scale i n the c i t i e s , too. Although p r o v i n c i a l wages were higher than those i n the Old Country, the army offered only the regulation pay, the usual free k i t , and the normal three pound bounty."'7 But officer-candidates could o f f e r as much extra money as they wanted from t h e i r own pockets. So the notorious skulduggery of the recruiting-sergeant came to Canada. Private Henry Gorman, whose memoirs are our only voice from the ranks, said that Major Dunn was o f f e r i n g an extra three pounds bounty to anyone e n l i s t i n g for him. The money did not show up u n t i l Gorman had complained a l l the way up to Colonel Rollo, Quartermaster-General of the forces i n Canada and the man responsible f o r organizing the 100th. "I am sure," said Gorman, "there were not many others who e n l i s t e d 58 who received any of the extra bounty." As always, l i q u o r was a great persuader. Amid other regimental records i s a lawyer's l e t t e r regarding one Joseph Breault, a French-Canadian, who "was made 59 intoxicated and i n that state induced to e n l i s t . . . . " He was fourteen years o l d . Another rather pathetic testimonial to r e c r u i t i n g techniques was the obituary for "Scotch W i l l " , a Brantford d e r e l i c t , who, "having become connected with the e n l i s t i n g parties around town, had scarcely drawn a sober breath for a month or two."^ One officer-candidate was p a r t i c u l a r l y sordid i n h i s quest for names: 124 A young married man of the name of S h e r i f f , a medical student i n Montreal, had a f t e r a week's d i s s i p a t i o n and drunkeness been e n l i s t e d f o r Mr. Hays, i t came to the knowledge of h i s wife, an i n t e r e s t i n g young person, who upon hearing the step her husband had taken went nearly deranged, she used her utmost endevours with Mr. Hays to l e t her husband off and prevent him being attested, and to get him to pay smart [money], Mr. Hays prevented t h i s , and S h e r i f f was sworn i n , when to a l l accounts he was labouring under delerium tremens, he was brought to my o f f i c e by h i s wife, i n the hope that I would l e t her husband o f f . She was i n great agony of, mind and h y s t e r i c a l ; I had given her a chair, and she was sobbing and begging hard for me i f possible to l e t her husband o f f . To calm her I sai d , "I w i l l see what can be done when your husband i s brought before me for f i n a l approval." Mr. Hays, who was i n the room without my knowledge, (there being upwards of t h i r t y persons i n the room) rushed through the crowd gathered round the table, and i n a loud a u t h o r i t a t i v e tone addressed me. "You cannot l e t him o f f , he i s my r e c r u i t , and I w i l l hold him, I have a receipt for him, here i t i s , and that i s s u f f i c i e n t for me. x So what kind of men were these heroes marching o f f to f i g h t for Queen and Country? The evidence above tends to confirm The Toronto Colonist i n i t s suspicions that they were the denizens of "tap-rooms." Another suggested that: The regiment w i l l be well o f f i c e r e d ; but we are doubtful i f the rank and f i l e w i l l impress the people of B r i t a i n , whither they are to be sent as soon as organized, with a very favorable opinion of our Canadian population. The class of men popularly known as "hard cases" compose the majority of the r e c r u i t s , and we fear the regiment w i l l soon get the cognomen of the "hard hundredth. 125 Le Pays was the most angry. C i t i n g The Globe i t claimed that at 64 least two-thirds of the men were past offenders against the law. It reported a wild succession of crimes being committed by the r e c r u i t s assembled at Montreal: supposedly they i n s u l t e d respectable la d i e s on the s t r e e t s , robbed and beat up passers-by, even tore apart a house, and i t a l l climaxed when two r e c r u i t s murdered a s o l d i e r of 6 5 the 17th for a b o t t l e of whiskey. Although reprinted i n some other francophone papers, the s t o r i e s were not substantiated by other journals, were never mentioned i n the anglophone press, and do not 66 appear i n regimental records. Perhaps Le Pays had raised inveterate d i s l i k e of the B r i t i s h Army into a personal vendetta against the 100th. The conduct of the Royal Canadians was very important to the colony. The men were the Province's "representatives" abroad. They had to l i v e up to a self-image which Canadians cherished of themselves and which we wanted projected overseas, p a r t i c u l a r l y to Great B r i t a i n . Our s o l d i e r s were not r e a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those raised i n the Old Country but we wanted them to seem so. In short, we wanted England to think we were better than we r e a l l y were. The colony was on the verge of doing great things but i t would require co-operation and understanding from the B r i t i s h ; the regiment was an opportunity to show doubters i n the metropolis how l o y a l and competent we r e a l l y were. There was more than j u s t banquet-hall r h e t o r i c to L i e u t . Rykert's declaration that, "the argus eyes of the country were now fixed upon 6 7 the Regiment - indeed every s o l d i e r i n i t f e l t them to be so...." Lots of remarks show the importance of the regiment's public r e l a t i o n s r o l e . "We hope that men of good character only w i l l be 126 e n l i s t e d into t h i s corps," s a i d one, "so that Canada may never be 6 i ashamed, to exhibit her m i l i t a r y representatives, at home or abroad." "From the information we receive," continued another, "we believe the 100th w i l l very soon be f i l l e d up, and f i l l e d up with a very superior class of men, the r e c r u i t i n g a u t h o r i t i e s being very p a r t i c u l a r on t h i s head, and s o l i c i t i o u s of sending to England a corps that w i l l r e f l e c t 69 c r e d i t on Canada...." "The 100th regiment presented a r e a l l y good appearance i n l i n e . . . e x h i b i t i n g a specimen of Canadian s o l d i e r s , which w i l l , we have no doubt, be properly appreciated by the powers that be on t h e i r a r r i v a l i n England." 7^ Actually, t h e i r landing at Liverpool was rather less than impressive. For lack of any other uniforms, the 100th wore old Canadian M i l i t i a a t t i r e which had been kept i n storage since 1837 -some sa i d the War of 1812! Naturally the c l o t h was rotten: every uniform shed an epaulette, a t a i l - for these were the pigeon-tailed "coatees" not seen i n England f o r many a year - or at least the pompon from the forage cap. The knapsacks had been freshened up with a coat of t a r , which l e f t a black smear on the s c a r l e t c o a t s . 7 1 We were a sight for the gods on landing at L i v e r p o o l . A mob of comically clad creatures l i k e nothing that had been seen on the streets of that c i t y within the memory of that generation of i t s c i t i z e n s . Many were the i n q u i r i e s as to who and what we were and from whence we came. In some way the impression prevailed that we were from the scenes of the slaughtered garrisons, women and c h i l d r e n i n India, and much sympathy was shown us by the Liverpudlians. They did not laugh at or deride us, that treat was reserved for our reception by the troops i n camp at S h o r n c l i f f e . We 127 c e r t a i n l y contributed to the gaiety of that camp. It was one continuous roar of boisterous laughter from the time we reached the camp grounds u n t i l we ar r i v e d at the l i n e s assigned u s . ^ Obviously, the regiment's public r e l a t i o n s work had suffered a setback, thanks to the army's usual degree of administrative e f f i c i e n c y . The Times published a l e t t e r , signed "One Who Was With the 100th," complaining that t h e i r only welcome from Liverpool was the swearing i n 73 of extra policemen!" A r e b u t t a l l e t t e r said there was no cause for welcome: i t a t t r i b u t e d c o l o n i a l p a t r i o t i s m to exorbitant pay, claiming that the regiment had cost s i x times as much to form i n Canada as i t would have cost i n England, due to higher c o l o n i a l labour rates. In Parliament, i t mentioned, an M.P. had moved for accurate cost 74 figures as a r e s u l t . The Times i t s e l f was not overly-complimentary, saying the men were of "heterogeneous character" and mostly "raw mate r i a l , " despite some " f i n e s o l d i e r l y men."^ Fortunately, once properly uniformed and d r i l l e d the regiment proved very smart and shone when the Duke of Cambridge inspected them. A l e t t e r home exulted: "This has been a proud day for Canada. The men of the 100th Regiment have opened the eyes of the people of England, who were 76 evidently unprepared to see such s o l d i e r s from a colony...." Our greatest boast was t h e i r physique. Boulton said t h e i r average height was f i v e feet seven inches, Gorman claimed f i v e feet eleven inches, while Major-General S i r Sam Steele; r e c a l l e d seeing men break down i n tears because they could not make the s i x foot requirement of one detachment. 7 7 Apparently we wanted the good folks 78 i n England to have an image of Canadians as super-men. 128 The occupational and educational standards of the men seemed f a i r enough, too. Of a batch of f o r t y Montrealers, "the greater part are a r t i z a n s , a few are c l e r k s , one or two are persons who held respectable s i t u a t i o n s before e n r o l l i n g themselves, and the least 79 number i s composed of labourers." Of some Toronto r e c r u i t s : "The state of t h e i r education i s also s a t i s f a c t o r y - 42 being able to write well, 1 badly, and only 14 could not sign t h e i r names. Of the whole number, only three were recognized by the Magistrate or h i s 80 Clerk as having ever appeared as accused p a r t i e s at the Po l i c e Court." Boulton and Gorman both r e c a l l e d that the ranks held a f a i r number of 81 educated men, including college graduates. Hard evidence i s not easy to come by, though. The only occupations l i s t e d i n the regimental records were a young man who helped his father's blacksmithing business, a dissolute medical student, and the chief warden of a m i l i t a r y 82 prison. A reporter observed among the r e c r u i t s , "many whose feet f e l l to the ground with the true m i l i t a r y tread, and whose heads were ca r r i e d i n the upright p o s i t i o n , which marks the trained followers 83 of the f i f e and drum, and the colors of the country." Gorman noted among them "a considerable s p r i n k l i n g " of old s o l d i e r s or veterans of " o l d country" m i l i t i a s which were sent into service i n the Crimean 84 War. If' he was t y p i c a l , many more were Canadian militiamen. He and the three buddies who e n l i s t e d with him were a l l members of the 85 London (C.W.) Volunteer F i e l d Battery. Probably a l o t more were o f f farms. Some small places provided a disproportionate number of r e c r u i t s . Tiny Alton and Orangeville each 129 supplied a s o l d i e r : that may have been as many as nearby, and much larger, Brampton, added.^ S t r a t f o r d , a " p e t i t e l o c a l i t e du Haut-8 7 Canada," reputedly contributed more than t h i r t y ! Richmond, near Ottawa, was a s p e c i a l case. An e a r l i e r 100th, the Prince Regent's County of Dublin Regiment of Foot, which had fought i n Canada during the War of 1812, was disbanded there i n 1818. Many of the veterans s e t t l e d to farm the d i s t r i c t . In 1858 t h e i r sons and grandsons flocked to j o i n the new 100th. So many e n l i s t e d that London l a t e r declared the Royal Canadians to be the l i n e a l descendant of the old 100th and the 1813 b a t t l e honour, "Niagara", was insc r i b e d on the new 88 colours. The Three Rivers Inquirer remarked that, "The scheme seems to 89 fi n d favour i n the eyes of our French Canadian population here." I f so, i t must have been a l o c a l aberration. The 100th was very much an "English-Canadian" regiment. It i s quite apparent that Upper Canada w i l l f u r n i s h the " l i o n ' s share" of the men who w i l l compose t h i s regiment; and the paucity of French Canadians e n l i s t i n g would tend to support the idea that the m i l i t a r y s p i r i t , so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the French nation, has v i r t u a l l y died out, or been frozen out, of the bosum of i t s Canadian descendants.^0 Even some of the Lower Canadian o f f i c e r s did t h e i r r e c r u i t i n g i n the 91 Upper Provinces. T h i r t y years l a t e r , then-colonel Terrence Smythe r e c a l l e d that the regiment was o r i g i n a l l y composed of Upper Canadians, 92 with very few French-Canadians. A newspaper breakdown of enlistments i n various c i t i e s seemed to confirm the impression. Of the men assembled to that time, "295 were e n l i s t e d i n Toronto; 123 i n London; 110 i n 130 Montreal; 70 i n Kingston; 70 i n Hamilton and S t r a t f o r d ; 28 i n 93 Ottawa; 36 i n Niagara; and 17 i n Quebec." Of sixty-nine r e c r u i t s whose names appear i n regimental records, no more than nine were 94 obviously i d e n t i f i a b l e as francophones. A l l t h i s sounds true to form. To t h i s day the number of francophones i n the Canadian armed forces i s disproportionately small. In 1858 the r e c r u i t i n g was for a B r i t i s h Army uni t , something quite contrary to French Canada's i s o l a t i o n i s t nationalism. Most of the francophone newspapers froze regimental news out of t h e i r columns, or s t r i d e n t l y condemned i t . Of course, j o u r n a l i s t s might have been voices i n the wilderness, neither leading opinion nor r e f l e c t i n g i t . But i n view of a l l the evidence i t seems u n l i k e l y that French-Canadians f e l t the Royal Canadians were, i n any sense, " t h e i r s " . Gorman's detachment got a rather cold reception on i t s a r r i v a l i n Montreal. "Here we were greeted by a mob of hoodlums who j i b e d and 95 jeered and pelted us with mud and snow slush. " It may or may not have been an i s o l a t e d incident. C e r t a i n l y the regiment got an enthusiastic reception from the public elsewhere i n the Province. The f i r s t r e c r u i t i n g party i n Quebec caused "quite a sensation"; i n 96 St. Catherines they met with "unlooked for success". And as the f i r s t contingents moved out, The Toronto Colonist reported: Considerable i n t e r e s t was evinced along the l i n e of march as the gallant l i t t l e band went for t h to "brave the b a t t l e and the breeze," i n whatever clime the m i l i -tary destinies of the Empire may have occasion to marshal i t s sons against the foe - There was much cheering, some white handkerchiefs were waved by f a i r hands from windows, and when the cars moved 131 o f f there was a burst of f e e l i n g from the crowd which might be termed enthusiasm, and at which the brave boys who had "taken the s h i l l i n g " seemed highly d e l i g h t e d . 9 7 In h i s narr a t i v e , Gorman made the i n t e r e s t i n g point that the Crimean 98 War had aroused a s p i r i t of m i l i t a r y enthusiasm i n the colony. Certainly the m i l i t i a movement here got a boost at that time. During th£ Mutiny Canadian j o u r n a l i s t s were co n t i n u a l l y harking back to the events of 1855, e s p e c i a l l y the>proposed Canadian regiment, almost as though the two wars were connected. It seems pl a u s i b l e that a " m a r t i a l i z i n g " process begun during the Crimean War was ca r r i e d on and i n t e n s i f i e d by the gripping news coming out of India so soon afterward. One group that does not seem to have been very enthusiastic was the Canadian government. True, i t had agreed to l e t the B r i t i s h Army r e c r u i t here. London, recognizing the new s i t u a t i o n engendered by c o l o n i a l self-government, would not have proceeded otherwise. But at no time did the P r o v i n c i a l government take o f f i c i a l notice of i t s "own" regiment. It did not send any representatives to the dinners sponsored by the m i l i t i a i n honour of the departing o f f i c e r s , there was no send-off ceremony, there was not even a congratulatory telegram. Surely some flowery r h e t o r i c of support was not beyond the Province's j u r i s d i c t i o n ! The only i n d i c a t i o n of any o f f i c i a l i n t e r e s t i n the 100th was a motion before the P r o v i n c i a l Parliament. By the by, what about Mr. Ferres' motion regarding the P r o v i n c i a l present, to i t s "own regiment," of a stand of c o l o r s , band instruments, and mess plate? Now i s the time to agitate the matter; surely the 100th w i l l not be allowed to leave Canada without some token 132 whereby the country from which i t h a i l s may be ever present i n the minds of the men destined to " f i g h t and f a l l " i n i t s ranks.... Apparently the motion died. The Royal Canadians got t h e i r mess plate and colours from the Queen. The f a i l u r e of the P r o v i n c i a l government to o f f e r even a token of support to the regiment was possibly a p o l i t i c a l d ecision. The cabinet may have wanted to avoid getting into the furore over the regiment that had antagonized the Province's English and French communities. Later i t was assumed that the Canadian cabinet had been a moving force behind the " o f f e r " of a regiment. Gorman said that the c a l l for s o l d i e r s was made "through the Canadian Government." 1^^ In 1887 The Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette declared that: The great statesmen who has led the Canadian people for h a l f a century secured, with the aid of h i s great colleague the l a t e lamented S i r G.E. C a r t i e r , Bart., the concurrence of the Canadian House of Assembly and L e g i s l a t i v e Council, and the upshot was that the Governor-General, S i r E.W. Head, was authorised to accept at the hands of the people of Canada a regiment ra i s e d by i t s officers....101 And, around the same time, The Indian Daily News made the completely erroneous statement that, "The regiment was made over to the B r i t i s h 102 government by Canada as a free g i f t during the mutiny." The notion was probably part of the mythologizing of imperial unity, which caught on as the nineteenth-century drew nearer to i t s close. A s i g n i f i c a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the regiment,though one which did not seem to bother anyone, was that most of the Royal Canadians were not r e a l l y native "Canadians" at a l l . In a batch of Toronto 133 r e c r u i t s reportedly "there were 14 English, 4 Scotch, 9 I r i s h , 2 Yankees! 103 9 Canadians, 6 Germans and Swiss, and 2 French." Another detachment had f i f t y - s e v e n men: "Of these, 33 were natives of Ireland, 9 of England, 5 of Scotland, 7 of Canada, 1 of Nova Scotia, 1 of France, 104 and 1 (an I r i s h Yankee) of the United States." Lieutenant-Colonel De Rottenburg o f f i c i a l l y recorded that of eight hundred and s i x t y - f i v e men assembled i n England, three hundred and seven were I r i s h , two hundred and s i x t y - e i g h t were Canadians, one hundred and ninety-seven were English, and ninety-three were Scot t i s h . He continued: I have to observe that numbers of men returned to England, the I r i s h are people who went to Canada to s e t t l e , and others, although not absolutely born Canadians have been residents there for a number of years. In other words, the Royal Canadians were mostly i m m i g r a n t s . S i n c e they were young - the upper age l i m i t was t h i r t y - most had probably not been i n the country long. The proportion of I r i s h , i n c i d e n t a l l y , was about the same as i n the rest of the B r i t i s h Army. Moreover, they would have been f a i l e d immigrants. The native-born Canadians likewise were probably evading f i n a n c i a l r u i n . Unemployment was high; the whole Western world was i n an economic depression. E n l i s t i n g might have been a desperate step but i t was better than d e s t i t u t i o n . As The Globe suggested: "The hard times,-however, may have as much to do i n sending new men " i n search of the bubble reputation," as love of a m i l i t a r y l i f e . " 1 ^ 7 "The present condition of stagnation both i n the Province and i n the United States i s eminently favorable to r e c r u i t i n g , " said another, looking to the 134 bright side, "and w i l l of i t s e l f be s u f f i c i e n t to ensure the success 108 of the attempt." A "mere appeal to lack of employment and s u f f e r i n g " i s what another c a l l e d r e c r u i t i n g . 1 ^ 7 As always, of course, there were other motives, too: to f l e e the monotony of the farm, a wife, or a l i f e of missed chances. 1 1^ Boulton was off to see the w o r l d . 1 1 1 No doubt, too, there was a t h i r s t f o r glory, to be part of the great struggle which had been the focus of a t t e n t i o n for the better part of a year. The P i l o t , f o r one, e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y advised, "To young men possessed of good health, energy, and t a l e n t s , India now o f f e r s a f i e l d f o r enterprises such as 112 perhaps the world has never seen before." The chance to avenge the Empire's honour i n j I n d i a was not mentioned very often during r e c r u i t i n g . Unlike the m i l i t i a volunteers of the previous autumn, the rankers of the 100th could not expect the pick of the f i g h t i n g , some quick glory, and then a triumphant and early return home. The regular-army boys were i n i t for ten years, come what may. So s o l d i e r i n g was sold as a career. S t i l l , the lure - or spectre - of India was always apparent and sometimes was raised. As one long-winded j o u r n a l i s t noted, "want of a s h i l l i n g - a b e l l y f u l of beer - or the enticements of a tap-room, are not the only strings i n human nature which can be harped upon to produce a s o l d i e r " and he vehemently denied that India should not be Canada's war: Out upon such an assertion, when the bloody s a c r i f i c e s , and the innumerable a t r o c i t i e s , committed on the homes, the honor, the existence, of English men and women, i n a f a r o f f land, are 135 yet ringing i n our ears. Out upon such an assertion, when we are every day ' hearing of deeds of daring courage, indomitable endurance, and never dying honor, performed by handfuls of B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s combatting against t e r r i f i c odds, i n the cause of a l l that i s dear to the Briton's heart. Out upon such an assertion, when we l i s t e n to the taunting, but distant boast, of the so l d i e r s we have beaten so often, and can beat again - well may i t be said of these men that "distance lends enchantment to the view" - l e t them come nearer and they w i l l soon f i n d how stern and rugged is. the r e a l i t y . While r e c r u i t i n g i n Canada, f i g h t i n g raged on at Lucknow. Word of the f i n a l v i c t o r y there - which many assumed meant the war was a l l but done - did not reach the Province u n t i l around the beginning of May, when r e c r u i t i n g was nearly completed. Desperate f i g h t i n g i n ce n t r a l India, Rajputana, and the Himalayan h i l l country continued well into the following spring. Men j o i n i n g the 100th could s t i l l hope to help avenge the humiliations of the Mutiny. Plenty of remarks show that Canadians thought t h e i r "boys" 114 were India-bound. Once organized, i t was said , "the regiment w i l l proceed to England, and with as l i t t l e delay as possible to the seat of the war i n India or C h i n a . ^ The New Era wrote s a r c a s t i c a l l y of "deux regiments destines a s ' a l l e r f a i r e eventrer par les cipayes 116 ou a se fondre et se dessecher au s o l e i l de 1'Hindoustan." At farewell dinners colonels f r e e l y predicted that the war was not over and the Royal Canadians would get into i t y e t . 1 1 7 Even a poem 118 linked vengeance for Indian a t r o c i t i e s to the purpose of the 100th. In September, when the regiment was i n England, came a report 136 that i t was under orders for Malta, "and unless war comes to a speedy close i n India, i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y the East w i l l be the 119 destined f i e l d for t h e i r f i r s t brush with an enemy." A l l seemed confirmed when The Times, which had a very close r e l a t i o n s h i p with the B r i t i s h government, said the 100th was about to proceed to India 120 for a c t i v e . s e r v i c e . Gorman remembered that, "Orders to embark for foreign s e r v i c e at Portsmouth on two days' notice were j o y f u l l y 121 received, and hopes ran high that India would be our d e s t i n a t i o n . " Captain Smythe wrote home that, "Malta or G i b r a l t e r w i l l probably be 122 our f i r s t h a l t , and then on to India." As i t turned out, they never got to India. In June 1859 they were dumped at G i b r a l t a r . The Mediterranean was a quiet s t a t i o n ; new units had been sent there to free more experienced regiments to 123 help f i n i s h o ff the sepoy rebels. But by then the war was over, anyway. The 100th languished i n garrison duty on the Rock u n t i l 1863, when i t was transferred - to equally t i n y and quiet Malta. In 1866 they were brought home to Canada to protect against the threat of Fenian r a i d s . Back i n 1858 a permanent r e c r u i t i n g depot had been set up i n Toronto. The r e c r u i t i n g o f f i c e r reported: On my a r r i v a l i n Toronto, I found so many young men w i l l i n g to e n l i s t , and who came to the Fort for that purpose, that I considered i t quite unnecessary to make any exertions.... His Excellency the Governor General has spoken to me on the subject, and adverted to the f e a s i b i l i t y of r a i s i n g a Second B a t t a l i o n . I gave as my opinion that there would be no d i f f i c u l t y i n obtaining the required number of men.125 137 L i e u t . - C o l . De Rottenburg had also thought that, "any vacancies i n the regiment would be r e c r u i t e d f o r i n Canada, and that the o f f i c e r s also would l i k e l y be taken from Canada. Therefore i n the course of 126 a few years the regiment would', be e n t i r e l y Canadian." But i n 1862 the Toronto depot was closed. Recruiting i n Canada was deemed to cost too much, though the only r e a l a d d i t i o n a l expense was the transportation of r e c r u i t s to the United Kingdom. Governor-General Head's grand v i s i o n of a B r i t i s h Army drawn from a l l parts of the "white" Empire proved a s h o r t - l i v e d abberation i n the longer-term trend of f o r c i n g self-governing colonies to defend themselves. The Treasury, not imperial unity, was Westminster's r e a l concern except i n times of panic as i n 1857-8. The f a r c i c a l r e s u l t was that when the Royal Canadians were stationed i n Canada i n 1866 they got drafts 127 of r e c r u i t s sent from England! Meanwhile, the ten year s t i n t s of the o r i g i n a l Canadian r e c r u i t s expired, and most took t h e i r discharges. By the time i t s a i l e d again for England i n October 1868, the Royal 128 Canadian Regiment was Canadian i n name only. The regiment slogged on nevertheless. I t eventually got to India and stayed there for a longer unbroken s t r e t c h than any other unit of the Queen's army before or since. In 1881 the army was re-organized, and many regiments were merged together i n "shot-gun marriages". The Royal Canadians were merged with an old East India Company regiment - the 109th, formerly the 3rd Bombay Europeans - to form an I r i s h regiment! It was rather awkwardly named, the "100th Prince of Wales'slLeinster Regiment (Royal Canadians)". The Canadian connection, long forgotten i n the 100th, returned 138 to the fore • as the disgruntled battalions t r i e d to dissolve t h e i r forced merger. A movement to " r e - p a t r i a t e " the 100th into the Canadian Army got going i n the 1880's and continued f i t f u l l y f o r another f o r t y 129 years! The regiment f i n a l l y saw action i n the Boer War and then i n a succession of famous battlegrounds i n the Great War. But i n 1922 the I r i s h Free State got independence and the B r i t i s h Army's I r i s h regiments l o s t t h e i r reason for being. There was a l a s t e f f o r t to re- p a t r i a t e the 100th - there was t a l k of making i t a kind of Canadian Guards regiment at Buckingham Palace - but by then Canada had i t s own 130 battle-scarred regiments to be proud of. And, as always, i t would have cost money: the Royal Canadian Regiment was a c l a s s i c example of imperial sentiment being continually undercut by p r a c t i c a l considera-tions of cost. In 1922 the regiment was placed on n i l strength, i t s mess plate and records were returned to the Dominion, i t s colours were l a i d up i n Windsor Castle, and the l a s t manifestation of Canada's 131 involvement i n the Sepoy Mutiny faded away. The 100th Regiment was not one of the great units of the B r i t i s h Army but that should not detract from i t s importance i n 1858. In a so- c a l l e d era of " L i t t l e Englandism" i t was a monument to imperial unity. Recruiting, l i k e j u s t about every other aspect of the Mutiny debate, l a i d bare the central Canadian problem of competing nationalisms. French-Canadians reacted to the Conquest by turning to i s o l a t i o n i s m . They did not support the B r i t i s h Empire and. c e r t a i n l y they had no i n t e n t i o n of j o i n i n g the B r i t i s h Army. : B r i t i s h Canadians, though, had a •rallyrrOuh-d-the^f lag.-.patriotism that" was patently. c o l o n i a l i s t . By i t s e l f , perhaps, r e c r u i t i n g might not have become an emotional issue 139 emotional issue i f i t had not followed months of discussion about India which had already inflamed our ethnic d i v i s i o n s . The Canadians who e n l i s t e d were mostly f a i r l y recent immigrants from the United Kingdom, e s p e c i a l l y from Ireland. It could not have been any other way. Except for the francophones, Canada was a land of immigrants. Far from being i n any way "un-Canadian", the regiment r e f l e c t e d the s o c i a l r e a l i t y of English Canada at that time. Many of the r e c r u i t s joined up because they needed work. But that could not have been t h e i r only motive. It was a dangerous vocation they had chosen. They knew that the regiment was raised because of the Mutiny and nearly everyone expected that i t would soon be f i g h t i n g i n India. Moreover, every i n d i c a t i o n i s that the men were anxious to brave the dangers of the East. Theirs was the chance to avenge the p a i n f u l memories of Delhi, Cawnpore, and Lucknow. No c o l o n i a l regiment had ever before been raised s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r imperial duty. S i r Edmund Head intended that the 100th should be the f i r s t step toward a new type of imperial army, one i n which the colonies shared the burden of empire with the Mother Country. It did not work because Westminster's long-term p o l i c y was to reduce defence costs, even at the r i s k of loosening imperial unity to some extent. But for a b r i e f few years the regiment had the p o t e n t i a l to bind together the Empire to an unprecedented extent. 140 NOTES 1. The Brant Expositor (Brantford, C.W.), March 9, 1858, p". 3b. The paper was c r i t i c i z i n g features of the regiment - but the notion of a compliment was as often raised by c r i t i c s as by supporters. 2. Unidentified Canadian j o u r n a l , reprinted In The Acadian Recorder (Halifax, N.S.), March 20, 1858, p. 2c. 3' .The"..Trois. -Rivieres Inquirer (Trois R ivieres, S.E.), reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, A p r i l 10, 1858, p. l g . 4. The Quebec Gazette, May 7, 1858, p. 2b. It was answering c r i t i c s of c o l o n i a l r e c r u i t i n g , hence the reference to a s o l d i e r ' s "pittance". 5. Ibid ., March 3, 1858,.p. 2b. Again, the paper f e l t obliged to rebut a c r i t i c , t h i s time The Toronto Colonist. Detractors i m p l i c i t l y recognized the popularity of the notion of a B r i t i s h compliment to Canada by t h e i r attempts to d i s c r e d i t the idea. Their argument was best summarized i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, March 27, 1858, p. 3c. I r o n i c a l l y , i t was written i n a pro-r e c r u i t i n g l e t t e r - t o - t h e - e d i t o r which s a r c a s t i c a l l y paraphrased the c r i t i c i s m s of an u n i d e n t i f i e d Montreal "Anglo-Rouge" j o u r n a l . ""The hard f a c t , " so says the paper, i n t h i s , which i t c a l l s . "a brass and copper a f f a i r , " i s that simply the Imperial Government want men for the suppression of the Indian r e v o l t ; and therefore i t i s no compliment to Canada but a mere business transa c t i o n . " 6. Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies i n the Ideas of  Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914... Uni v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1970. 7. The Quebec Gazette, March 1858, p. 2d, said , under the t i t l e of "Recruiting i n Canada": "In an a r t i c l e on t h i s subject the Toronto Colonist assumes a strongly antagonistic p o s i t i o n , consonant, no doubt, not only with i t s own opinions, but with those entertained by many others. These opinions must not, however, be taken as the opinions of a people." 8. Irish-Canadian journals seem to have had a s i m i l a r "England-leave-us-alone" a t t i t u d e , and for somewhat s i m i l a r h i s t o r i c a l reasons. S t i l l , here as on the Emerald I s l e , £he I r i s h flocked to the colours i n 1857. This does not mean that the journals were out of touch with t h e i r readers. Times were bad and the army was the t r a d i t i o n a l refuge for d e s t i t u t e Irishmen. In the crunch, sentiments, though earnestly s t i l l held, gave way to the need to f i l l one's stomach. 141 9. The Quebec Chronicle, reprinted i n The Acadian Recorder, March 27, 1858, p. 2c. This a r t i c l e on the Canadian Army debate was reprinted more than a month a f t e r i t s f i r s t issuance, by which time the debate over the 100th had begun. Cle a r l y the Recorder thought the argument applicable to both debates. 10. For instance, The P i l o t , Feb. 26, 1858, p. 2e, declared: Quite d i f f e r e n t i s the proposed Royal P r o v i n c i a l Regiment, the expense of which i s , of course, to be met and borne by England, from the impracticable plan of a Canadian army, to be enrolled and equipped, at the cost of the colony, which was mooted by c e r t a i n o f f i c e seekers, and denounced and opposed by the whole Franco-Canadian press, and by. a majority of the English journals i n t h i s Province. 11. Le Courrier de St.-Hyacinthe, March 16, 1858, p. 2a. It suggested instead giving men free land on condition that they marry and work i t . The colony would grow and Great B r i t a i n would be enriched i n the process. 12. Ibid ., March 30, 1858, p. 2b. It was commenting on an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "A Cawnpore i n England" reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n on the same column from The Northern Daily Express (Newcastle, U.K.). 13. See The New Era, March 16, 1858, p. 2c for the l e t t e r and p. 2g for the r e c r u i t i n g advertisement i t was based on. 14. Ibid. Naturally, supporters of r e c r u i t i n g denied that the s o l d i e r ' s l o t was so bad as a l l that. The Three Rivers Inquirer, reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, A p r i l 19, 1858, p. l g , stated bal d l y , "The condition of the B r i t i s h s o l d i e r i s greatly improved, and o f f e r s a f a i r inducement to those young men to e n l i s t , who want permanent employment." The Quebec Gazette, March 3, 1858, p. 2d, was more s t r i d e n t : ... many men from the ranks have received commissions... look at the e f f o r t s made and making, to furnish our s o l d i e r s and t h e i r c h i l d r e n with an education, where wanted, equal to that of any of the schools of Canada... extensive l i b r a r i e s and reading rooms i n every garrison... the increased pay which attends good conduct... the one h a l f a d d i t i o n a l pay granted 142 when i n the f i e l d of a c t i o n . . . annuities and g r a t u i t i e s for long and meritorious s e r v i c e s . . . V i c t o r i a n Crosses for Valor... pensions for past s e r v i c e s , various i n amount, yet i n a l l cases forming a reserve fund of no mean importance. 15. The Montreal Weekly Gazette, Oct. 31, 1857, p. 4a. 16. Le Courrier de St.-Hyacinthe, March 30, 1858, p. 2a. 17. Sessional Papers ( B r i t i s h ) , 1857-8 (458) XXXVII, p. 384. 18. Some considered Baron de Rottenburg a kind of Canadian by ass o c i a t i o n - he was Adjutant-General of M i l i t i a i n Canada, had sol d i e r e d here with some d i s t i n c t i o n during the troubles of 1837, and his father had been administrator of the government i n Upper Canada during the War of 1812. See Henry J . Morgan, Sketches of Celebrated Canadians and Persons Connected with  Canada, Hunter, Rose & Co., Quebec,J1862, pp. 699-701. The adjutant, L i e u t . John Lee of the 17th, had been serving i n Canada and had helped organize the 100th. See J . C a s t e l l Hopkins, ed., Canada: An Encyclopedia of the Country, Toronto, 1898, Vol. IV, p. 466B. The Colonel was Major-General Viscount M e l v i l l e , K.C.B.,_general commanding the troops i n Scotland, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, and Aide-de-Camp to the Queen. See The  Montreal Weekly Gazette, July 17, 1858, p. Ih. Regimental Commander-in-Chief, another purely honourary post, was, of course, the Prince of Wales. 19. The Brant Expositor (Brantford, C.W.), March 9, 1858, p. 3b. 20. "Young Canada" i n The New Era, March 16, 1858, p. 2c, r e c a l l e d when, "the o f f e r of the Canadian Government to r a i s e troops was treated by the Imperial Authorities with s i l e n t contempt; as was also the volunteered aid of our gallant m i l i t i a companies. And now i t would be mean, to the l a s t degree, for any s p i r i t e d Canadian to take notice of t h e i r p a l t r y overtures." 21. Actually i t had been proposed again during the Mutiny as a quick way to get s o l d i e r s . But the o f f e r was withdrawn before anything was done. The New Era, Oct. 10, 1857, p. 2c. 22. These conditions were s t i p u l a t e d i n the founding proclamation, i n The Canada Gazette, March 3, 1858, P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13303, p. 3. 23. The Brant Expositor, March 9, 1858, p. 3b. An o f f i c e r - c a n d i d a t e was allowed to pay r e c r u i t s an extra bounty, out of h i s own pocket, to sign up under his name. Probably t h i s i s the expense the a r t i c l e refers to - the extra payments would quickly have 143 become a b s o l u t e l y / v i t a l for getting men. It was also another advantage that the r i c h families of the colony had over poorer competitors for commissions. 24. Unidentified j o u r n a l , reprinted i n The Acadian Recorder,: March 20, 1858, p. 2b. 25. Unidentified journal or correspondent reprinted i n The Acadian  Recorder (Halifax, N.S.), March 20, 1858, p. 2c; and The Toronto  Colonist, reprinted i n The P i l o t , March 1, 1858, p. 2c. 26. The Mail (Niagara, C.W.), March 17, 1858, p. 2f. 27. A Captain McLeod Moore of Ottawa wrote to Macdonald about getting a commission and the l a t t e r re-directed him to contact the Governor-General or Horse Guards. Macdonald l a t e r wrote to h i s mother that he had gotten a company ( i e . a captaincy, presumably for "an old s o l d i e r " . I f true, that o f f i c e r ' s name would be on the records, of course. See J.K. Johnson, ed., The Letters of  S i r John A. Macdonald Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, 1968, Vol. I I , pp. 31 and 40. 28. The actual numbers of each rank varied s l i g h t l y from those advertised i n the o r i g i n a l Proclamation. The successful candidates were: MAJOR Alexander Dunn, Toronto, l a t e H.M. 11th Hussars CAPTAIN Charles Clarke, Toronto, York M i l i t i a . Cavalry John Clarke, Montreal, Montreal A r t i l l e r y George Macartney, P a r i s , C.W., Volunteer M i l i t i a R i f l e s Richard P r i c e , Quebec, Megantic Volunteer R i f l e s (ranks) Terrence W. Smythe. B r o c k v i l l e . C.W., B r o c k v i l l e R i f l e s LIEUTENANT L.C.A.L. De B e l i e f e u i l l e , Montreal, l a t e Fr. Foreign Legion, Voltigeurs de Deux Montagnes-Charles Carriere, Ottawa, Ottawa R i f l e s Louis Casault, Quebec, l a t e French Foreign Legion P h i l i p Derbishire, Toronto, W. Kent M i l i t i a (U.K.) Henry Duchesnay, Beauce, m i l i t i a (ranks) John Fletcher, Montreal, No. 2 Montreal R i f l e s A l f r e d Rykert, St. Catherines, Brown W a l l i s , Port Hope, O.'W., Durham Light Cavalry 144 - ENSIGN Thomas Baldwin, Toronto, Charles Boulton, Cobourg, C.W., William Clarke, ?, Henry Davidson, Hamilton, John Ridout, Toronto, 29. Captain Charles Clarke was born and raised i n India. Captain John Clarke had entered the B r i t i s h Army back i n 1836. Lieutenant P h i l i p Derbishire may or may not have been an immigrant: i n 1855 he volunteered for the Canadian regiment being considered for the Crimean War yet at the same time he got a commission i n the English m i l i t i a . See P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13354, p. 51; R13318, p. 18; and R13373, p. 80, r e s p e c t i v e l y . 30. Robert E. Saunders, "The Family Compact Defined", i n E a r l , D.W., The Family Compact: Aristocracy or Oligarchy?, Copp Clark Publishing Co., Toronto, 1967, pp. 15-20, i d e n t i f i e s Ensign Charles Boulton's father, D'Arcy, and h i s grandfather, Chief J u s t i c e Robinson, as two of the eight members of the " e l i t e of power" i n Upper Canada i n the 1820's and '30's. Ensign Ridout and Major Dunn were descended from men i d e n t i f i e d as being i n the " e l i t e of o f f i c e " during the oligarchy's heyday. Saunders i d e n t i f i e s the " e l i t e of power" and the " e l i t e of o f f i c e " as the inner c i r c l e s of the Family Compact as narrowly defined. The power of the Family Compact stemmed from i t s v i r t u a l monopoly of government o f f i c e s , more than from commercial wealth. 31. For the former, L.C.A.L. De B e l i e f e u i l l e , see The Canadian  M i l i t i a Gazette, Vol. IV, No. 24, June 13, 1889, p. 188. For the l a t t e r , Henry Theodore Duchesnay, see J.H. Burnham, Canadians i n the Imperial Naval and M i l i t a r y Service Abroad, Williamson & Co., Toronto, 1891, p. 226. The m i l i t a r y t r a d i t i o n s of both f a m i l i e s are frequently mentioned i n Benjamin Suite, H i s t o i r e de l a M i l i c e Canadienne-Francaise 1760-1897, Desbarats & Cie., Montreal, 1897, e s p e c i a l l y pp. 17, 45, and 49. 32. Morgan, pp. 730-1 and 701-2, re s p e c t i v e l y . 33. P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, v o l . 1019, R13353, p. 49. 34. Ensign Thomas Baldwin was son of Col. Baldwin, l a t e of H.M. 50th and the Emperor of B r a z i l ' s service, farmer, magistrate, militiaman, and p o l i t i c i a n . See Morgan, pp. 773-5. Another colonel's son was Lieutenant Brown W a l l i s , a law student. See The Montreal Weekly Gazette, May 8, 1858, p. 3b. Not a l l of Ensign Charles Boulton's family were magistrates: a maternal grandfather had been a Brigadier-General i n the East India Company. S ee TtiG Canadian M i l i t a r y Gazette, Vol. IV, No. 26, June 30, 1892, p. 200. 145 35. According to the account of Henry Gorman, an 1858 r e c r u i t i n L i e u t . - C o l . Frederick Ernest Whitton, The History of the Prince  of Wales's Leinster Regiment (Royal Canadians), Gale and Polden Ltd., Aldershot, 1924, pp. 50-1. 36. The Montreal Gazette, reprinted i n The Canadian M i l i t a r y Gazette, Vol. IX, No. 23, Dec. 1, 1894, p. 8. 37. Ridout's family was connected to the Boultons and the Baldwins, according to Morgan, p. 731. There were two prominent Baldwin families i n the colony but Morgan says, p. 734, that they were d i s t a n t l y r e l a t e d . 38. See The New Era, Feb. 20, 1858, p. 2c. 39. O f f i c e r s , of course, did not have to serve ten years; they could get out whenever they wanted. I n c i d e n t a l l y , these l i s t s of wealth, prestige, and connections i n the 100th are probably not exhaustive. 40. P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13328, p. 36. 41. He had since become a m i l i t i a captain and adjutant of the Montreal A r t i l l e r y . Moreover, he spoke fluent Hindi and French. I b i d . , R13318, p. 18. 42. Henry Bruce joined the 82nd Regiment i n 1825, became an ensign some years l a t e r , and was adjutant when he resigned i n 1854 and came to Canada. He had since been a major i n the m i l i t i a . He resigned h i s captaincy i n the 100th Regiment for unstated reasons i n July 1858. See Ibid., R13327, p. 33 and Vol. 1020, R13890, p. 117. 43. But Andrew Hays l o s t h i s chance for a commission i n the 100th for ungentlemanly conduct. See Ibid ., Vol. 1019, R13349, p. 28 and Vol. 1020, R13645, pp. 32-38A. 44. He had served f i v e years with the Foreign Legion and the Chasseur d'Afrique corps, seeing action i n the Kabyle campaign i n A l g e r i a . At the outbreak of the Crimean War he had t r i e d to get a commission i n the B r i t i s h Army. Rebuffed, he re-entered the Foreign Legion and won medals from both the French and B r i t i s h governments. He had been back i n Canada only since December. See I b i d . , Vol. 1019, R13351, pp. 46-6. 45. I b i d . , R13350, p. 64. 46. He had been a senior lieutenant i n the 11th Hussars, quite the swank regiment, but h i s army service had only t o t a l l e d three years. He r e a l l y was everyone's choice: Bruce had been aiming for the majorcy but as soon as Dunn entered the race Bruce deferred, accepted a captaincy Instead, and transferred f o r t y 146 excess r e c r u i t s to Dunn's name. Charles Clarke added nineteen more to Dunn's t o t a l . I b i d . , R13477, p. 128; R13482, pp. 123-5; and Vol. 1020, R13613, p. 5. 47. Smythe commanded the B r o c k v i l l e R i f l e s ; Fletcher commanded No. 2 Company, Montreal Volunteer R i f l e s and was d r i l l and musketry i n s t r u c t o r f o r the Canada East m i l i t i a . See I b i d . , Vol. 1019, R13326, p. 30 and R13317, p. 21, r e s p e c t i v e l y . 48. P h i l i p Derbishire. See footnote 35 above. 49. The Mail, March 31, 1858, p. 2e. 50. E s p e c i a l l y , of course, i f they were hometown boys. For examples, see the t r i b u t e to Dunn i n I b i d . , May 19, 1858, p. l h or to Brown Wallis i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, May 8, 1858, p. 3b. 51. The scholarship-holder at T r i n i t y College was said to have studied m i l i t a r y matters on h i s own account and that seems to have s a t i s f i e d the Board of O f f i c e r s . P.A.C., R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13374, pp. 82-3. 52. I b i d . , R13353, p. 49. The Quebec M i l i t a r y Gazette, quoted i n The Quebec Gazette, March 17, 1858, p. 2b, protested that " i n making such an appointment... His Excellency S i r E. Head has d e l i b e r a t e l y set himself to contravene the p u b l i c l y expressed desire of her Majesty, of her government, and of her English people; and that he has made use of the boon accorded by her Majesty to her l o y a l Canadian subjects, who tendered t h e i r l o y a l services eight months ago, for the purpose of g r a t i f y i n g his own personal p r e d i l e c t i o n and desire of patronage." 53. Ensigns were examined i n subjects such as English, French, and the c l a s s i c a l languages, drawing, arithmetic, the h i s t o r y and geography of England, Rome, and Greece, and so on. See Ridout's examination, P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13367, p. 62, The candidates did not do very w e l l : two were d i s q u a l i f i e d by the test and another two got through only on t h e i r second t r y . French was a big problem but was deemed ind i s p e n s i b l e . On the other hand, at l e a s t three of the higher o f f i c e r s knew some Hindi. 54. I b i d . , Vol. 1021, R15867, p. 59, Horse Guards to Lieut.-Gen. Williams. The word "points" i n t h i s passage i s conjectured from the handwriting. Fletcher had passed his captaincy test i n 1858 but s e t t l e d f o r a lieutenancy when he could not r a i s e enough men for a higher post. Later, when he was to be promoted, the question arose as to whether he had to re-write the captaincy exam. That was when Horse Guards discovered that the t e s t s i n Canada were i r r e g u l a r . In any event, he passed the regulation examination and was promoted to captain. 147 55. The Montreal Herald, reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n i n Le Minerve (Montreal), which added t h i s e d i t o r i a l , II semble que l a guerre de 1812 avait ferme l a bouche a ce reproche de deloyaut£. N'importe, s i c'est a i n s i que l e gouvernement anglais pretend recruter des troupes dans l e B. Canada, pour a l l e r mourir pour l u i sur les champs de b a t a i l l e , i l peut perdre toute i l l u s i o n . The whole was then reprinted i n Le Journal de Quebec, March 20, 1858, p. 2e. 56. Charles Boulton, Reminiscences of the North-West Rebellions, Grip P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., Toronto, 1886, p. 15. Ensigns did not have to raise men but Boulton was taking no chances. 57. For comparative purposes, Sessional Papers ( B r i t i s h ) 1857-8 (458) XXXVII, p. 385, recorded some d a i l y average wages i n Canada. With board and lodging farm labourers made ls.8d. i n Canada East; 2s.6d. i n Canada West. Quarrymen without board and lodging made 4s.6d. i n Canada East and 5s. i n Canada West. 58. Gorman i n Whitton, pp. 47-8. 59. He also deserted. The lawyer continued, with a hint of threat, "Should... Joseph Breault be arrested as a deserter, i t w i l l be the means of turning a l l the young Canadians i n t h i s part of the Country into,enemies whilst at present there cannot be found a more l o y a l people." P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1021, R21284, p. 179. 60. The Brant Expositor, A p r i l 27, 1858, p. 2c. 61. The Adjutant-General had to order Andrew Hays three or four times to leave the room before he would do so - and then was back again not f i v e minutes l a t e r with another drunken r e c r u i t i n tow. Another uproar ensued. No doubt i t was these incidents which cost Hays his chance for a commission. "Smart money", referred to i n the quoted passage, was a payment to buy one's s e l f out of the service. Whether or not Mr. S h e r i f f was f i n a l l y e nrolled Is unknown. P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1020, R13645, Adjutant-General to Eyre, pp. 35-7. 62. "... any poor d e v i l who can do nothing else can take the r e c r u i t i n g Serjeant's s h i l l i n g , and the population of Canada are offered the same tempting inducements which enliven the tap-rooms of St. G i l e s ' and the v i l l a g e alehouse during the English f a i r . " The Toronto Colonist, quoted i n The Quebec Gazette, March 3, 1858, p. 2d. 148 63. The M a i l , March 31, 1858, p. 2e. To a t t r a c t respectable, forward-looking r e c r u i t s the paper suggested that the Province give every s o l d i e r a hundred acres of land a f t e r ten years' service. 64. The Globe, c i t e d i n Le Pays, A p r i l 15, 1858, p. 2e. 65. Le Pays, A p r i l 2 and 15, 1858, both p. 2e, and A p r i l 27, p. 2f. 66. Within the army the regiment seems to have had a quiet reputation, with a very low rate of desertions. But as l a t e as 1887 Capt. Fletcher was r e f u t i n g newspaper claims that the r e c r u i t s were a l l drunkards. See The Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette, Vol. I l l , No. 23, Dec. 8, 1887, p. 180. 67. Lieut. Rykert i n a banquet speech, paraphrased by The Mail, June 9, 1858, p. 2d. 68. The M a i l , March 10, 1858, p. 3b. 69. The Toronto Colonist, reprinted i n I b i d . , A p r i l 7, 1858, p. Id. 70. The Quebec Gazette, May 26, 1858, p. 2c. 71. Gorman i n Whitton, pp. 51-2. 72. Ibid., p. 52. Punch, Vol. XXXV, July 24, 1858, p. 33, also had fun with the lOOth's misfortune. It reported: "Tuesday. LORD CLANRICARDE c a l l e d attention to one of those b e a u t i f u l l i t t l e b i t s of management which make our Army so proverbial for i t s admirable administration. The Canada Regiment, the 100th came over the other day, and i t was necessary to clothe i t , and clothes were accordingly sent down. But when the garments came to be examined, i t was found that,they.were without Buttons. Of course, i t was nobody's f a u l t . " 73. L e t t e r , i n The Times (London, U.K.), July 6, 1858, p. 12d. The Stipendary Magistrate i n Liverpool denied signing on any s p e c i a l constables and a t t r i b u t e d the lOOth's cold reception to a lack of p u b l i c i t y . The Times, July 9, 1858, p. 12a. 74. L e t t e r , i n The Times, July 8, 1858, p. 5f. A c t u a l l y , except for transportation costs to England, the 100th cost no more than any other B r i t i s h Army uni t . 75. The Times, July 17, 1858, p. 9e. A short time before, though, i t ran an a r t i c l e , reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, June 19, 1858, p. 4e, which e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y welcomed the innovation of t h i s c o l o n i a l regiment. 76. Correspondence of The Montreal Weekly Gazette, reprinted i n The Mail, Oct. 6, 1858, p. 3a. 149 77. See Boulton, p. 18; Gorman i n Whltton, p. 66; and Steele c i t e d by Capt. J.F. Cummins, "The 100th Royal Canadians", i n The Canadian Defence Quarterly, Vol. I I , No. 4 (July 1925), p. 353. The Canada Gazette, P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13303, p. 3 s t i p u l a t e d a minimum height of f i v e feet four inches. Some r e c r u i t i n g o f f i c e r s might, however, have t r i e d to score extra "marks" by getting more statuesque followers. 78. The l e v e l of B r i t i s h ignorance about Canada was quite amazing, according to Gorman. He said that I r i s h s o l d i e r s were forever pestering the 100th for s t o r i e s of h a i r - r a i s i n g encounters with Indians and wild beasts i n the f o r e s t . The Canadians complied with no concern for f a c t s . The I r i s h would not accept, though, that Canadian hares turn white i n winter to match the snow - one of the few truths i n the l o t - and words were exchanged, then blows, and then a general r i o t developed a l l over camp. There were a number of severe i n j u r i e s as a r e s u l t . Gorman i n Whitton, pp. 58-9. 79. The Montreal Herald, reprinted i n The Globe, March 25, 1858, 80. The Globe, March 25, 1858, p. 3d. 81. Boulton, p. 25; Gorman .in whitton, p. 69. Of course, those rankers may have been well-schooled but d i s s o l u t e . 82. Private William Amor, age 18, wrote for h i s discharge, saying, "As f o r me S i r I would rather leave the Service than have the chance of obtaining a commission no one knows Sir.what a s o l d i e r i s except those that rank as Private Soldiers i n her Majesty's Service." (sics) He claimed 136 desertions out of 1056 men e n l i s t e d and concluded, "I hope and I t r u s t that I s h a l l be so fortunate as to get my discharge and then i t w i l l be warning;;to me never to be so f o o l i s h again." His father backed him up by writing to Eyre. "Honorable S i r , I have great need of him haveing ( s i c ) made arrangements to make Implements for the next p r o v i n c i a l f a i r " See P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1020, R13774, pp. 95 and 90, re s p e c t i v e l y . The medical student was the drunken Mr. S h e r i f f from the Hays incident, although i t i s possible that, he was able to get dismissed from the r o l l s . Chief Warden Naylor became the regimental sergeant-major. See Ib i d . , R13477, p. 131 and R13654, p. 189. 83. The Quebec Gazette, May 7, 1858, p. 2b. 84. Gorman i n Whitton, p. 46. 85. Ib i d . 150 86. W. Perkins B u l l , From Brock to Currie, The Perkins B u l l Foundation, George J . McLeod Ltd., ? , 1935, p. 208, l i s t s some r e c r u i t s from these places. It may not be complete, though. This source also l i s t s the number of other men from^Peel County, Ontario, who served i n B r i t i s h and foreign wars between Waterloo and South A f r i c a . 6 served i n the Crimean War 1 served i n the Indian Mutiny 15 served i n the U.S. C i v i l War 2 served i n the Franco-Prussian War (medical corps, both sides) 1 served i n the Afghan War 3 served i n the Spanish-American War 1 served i n the Boxer Rebellion Unfortunately i t i s not stated i f a l l these men were natives of Peel County or - as i s l i k e l y - s e t t l e d there a f t e r t h e i r m i l i t a r y adventures. See p. 540. 87. An u n i d e n t i f i e d j o u r n a l , reprinted i n Le Journal de Quebec, May 1, 1858, p. 2e. 88. Whitton, p. 45 and Cummins, pp. 352-3. It i s not clear how many of the r e c r u i t s were descended from the veterans of the old 100th. The emotional l i n k was probably enough to bring i n a dispropor-tionate number. But the decision i n 1875 to declare the Royal Canadians to be descended from the "Prince Regent's" might j u s t have been an excuse to give a b a t t l e honour to a regiment which had not yet been i n action a f t e r nearly twenty years of garrison duty. 89. The Three Rivers Inquirer, reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly  Gazette, A p r i l 10, 1858, p. l g . 90. The Quebec Gazette, A p r i l 16, 1858, p. 2b. 91. Ibid. The a r t i c l e continues to say that Pric e and Cassault were "busy reaping where the harvest i s p l e n t i f u l " ; on A p r i l 21, 1858, p. 2d, the paper makes i t p l a i n that P r i c e , at l e a s t , was r e c r u i t i n g i n the Upper Province. 92. Letter from Smythe, printed i n The Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette, Vol. I l l , No. 23, December 8,. 1887, p. 180. He was objecting to a proposal to hang up the old regimental colours i n the Catholic cathedral i n Montreal. 93. The Quebec Chronicle, reprinted i n The M a i l , May 5, 1858, p. l h . The Toronto f i g u r e may also be read as 258 or 256 - the microform i s marred - but the conclusion i s not a l t e r e d . 94. This fi g u r e includes only those whose r e g i s t r a t i o n number suggests were recruited i n Canada i n the years 1858-1862. It excludes cases which might have come from the regiment's depot at the I s l e of Wight, which opened a f t e r 1860 or so. 151 95. Gorman i n Whitton, p. 47. Of course, i f Le Pays i s r e l i a b l e , e a r l i e r contingents of the 100th had made themselves unwelcome i n Montreal. 96. The Quebec Gazette, March 22, 1858, p. 2c; and The St. Catherines  Co n s t i t u t i o n a l , reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly March 27, 1858, p. 2b. In both places, some of the sensation might j u s t have been the novelty of, r e c r u i t i n g p a r t i e s . 97. The Toronto Colonist, reprinted i n The Ma i l , A p r i l 7, 1858, p. Id. 98. Gorman i n Whitton, p. 45. 99. The Quebec Gazette, June 11, 1858, p. 2c. The motion was also mentioned i n The Mail, March 31, 1858, p. 2e. 100. Gorman i n Whitton, p. 45. Of course, Governor Head was part of the Canadian government, and he was a guiding l i g h t of the proj ect. 101. The Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette, Vol. I l l , No. 14, October 6, . 1887, pp. 107-8. The statesman was S i r John A. Macdonald, of course. 102. The Indian Daily News, reprinted i n I b i d . , Vol. I I , No. 92, A p r i l 21, 1887, p. 731. 103. The Globe, reprinted i n The Brant Expositor, A p r i l 2, 1858, p. 2c. Whitton, p. 68, said that a number of s o l d i e r s from the disbanded German Legion ( B r i t i s h Army) had s e t t l e d i n Canada af t e r the Crimean War and that some e n l i s t e d i n the 100th. 104. The Globe, March 20, 1858, p. 3d. The government expressly forbade r e c r u i t i n g i n the United States - see The Canada Gazette, P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1019, R13303, p. 3 - but Americans could cross the l i n e to e n l i s t . 105. Sessional Papers ( B r i t i s h ) , 1857-8 (458) XXXVII, p. 385. The exact wording of De Rottenburg's handwritten passage i s p a r t l y conjectural - the writing was bad - but the meaning was clear enough. His figures broadly agreed with those i n the newspaper reports above. Newspaper reporting on the 100th was often inaccurate:-but, i n this case, t h e i r more-specific breakdown of "nat i o n a l " groups may be more accurate than De Rottenburg's r i g i d catagories of B r i t i s h groups and "Canadian". 106. Again, i n l a t e r decades a myth grew that they were " p r a c t i c a l l y  every man Canadian born". The quote i s i n Cummins, p. 354, but i t was much bandied about. 152 107. The Globe, March 24, 1858, p. 2c. 108. The Quebec Gazette, March 8, 1858, p. 2c. 109. The Toronto Colonist, quoted i n Ibid ., March 3, 1858, p. 2d. 110. Another pathetic reminder of the nature of some r e c r u i t s remains i n a l e t t e r from a Mrs. Lacey to General Eyre. ' i have taken the l i b b e r t y of addressing you on behalf of myself i n cause of, my husband e n l i s t i n g i n the 100 regiment under her majestys service. i apply to you as a f e e l i n g gentleman to look i n to my d i s t r e s s i n a strange country i f you could a s s i s t me i n getting home to England i w i l l be t r u l y t h a n k f u l l i have been married twelve years and i think i t very hard to be parted now without any • — •--;.„ provocation.he has e n l i s t e d under a f a l s e name i n the name of hunter h i s proper name i s Lacey i wrote to his excellency the governor general and he t o l d me you are the gentleman i should apply to and he gave me your address i hope.... O f f i c i a l inquiry seemed to confirm that her husband, also from England (and over-aged at t h i r t y - t h r e e ) , had run off into the army. Sadly, what, i f anything, was done remains a mystery. P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1021, R14957, pp. 21 and 18. 111. Boulton, p. 13. "I had j u s t l e f t Upper Canada College, and, with youthful enthusiasm, was anxious to see something of the world; and a m i l i t a r y career seemed to o f f e r a coveted opportunity f o r g r a t i f y i n g my ta s t e s . " 112. The P i l o t , Feb. 24, 1858, p. 2a. 113. The Quebec Gazette, March 3, 1858, p. 2d. 114. Some of the e a r l i e s t reports suggested the 100th would be bound to B r i t i s h North America. A l l other c o l o n i a l units, even B r i t i s h Army units l i k e the Royal Canadian R i f l e s , had been permanently stationed i n the land of t h e i r o r i g i n . But the innovative nature of the 100th was soon recognized and the assumption of Indian service n a t u r a l l y followed. 115. An u n i d e n t i f i e d Canadian j o u r n a l , reprinted i n The Acadian  Recorder (Halifax, N.S.), March 20, 1858, p. 2c. 116. The New Era, reprinted i n t r a n s l a t i o n i n Le Courrier de St.-Hyacinthe, March 9, 1858, p. 2a. Le Courrier agreed with the sentiments expressed by D'Arcy McGee. Sickness, war, and desertions would diminish the regiment since i t was "destine a 153 a l l e r aux Indes et a. changer dans tous l e s cas d'emisphere." See March 16, 1858, p. 2a. 117. Col. Dyde of the Canadian Active Force ( m i l i t i a ) made t h i s speech at a dinner f o r Baron de Rottenburgh; Col. Munro of H.M. 39th said much the same thing at a farewell for Capt. Pr i c e . See The Montreal Weekly Gazette, June 19, 1858, p. 3f, and The Quebec Gazette, July 4, 1858, p. 2e, respectively. 118. "The Hundredth Regiment" by "J.C." of Montreal apparently was reprinted from The Liverpool Mercury (U.K.) i n The Mail (Niagara), August 4, 1858, p. 4a. Heart sickening tales from India Of deeds too v i l e to name Arouse i n every manly soul, A burning m a r t i a l flame; It needs not bounty nor reward To swell the mustering throngs, Enough that men with hearts have heard Of Englishwomen's wrongs. St. Lawrence banks, Ontario's shores, Resound with f i f e and drum, Their vanguard stands i n England now, The cry i s , " S t i l l they come;" They came to f i g h t f o r England's Queen For l i b e r t y and law. The new world's hardy pioneers, The hope of Canada. And that the Prince i n a f t e r years, Who c a l l s the corps h i s own, May f i n d the hundredth of the l i n e The bulwark of h i s throne. 119. The Transcript (Montreal), reprinted i n The Montreal Weekly  Gazette, Sept. 18, 1858, p. 2d. 120. The Times (London, U.K.), Nov. 5, 1858, reprinted i n The  Montreal Weekly Gazette, Nov. 27, 1858, p. 2b. 121. Gorman i n Whitton, p. 64. 122. L e t t e r , dated S h o r n c l i f f e , Oct. 4, 1858, i n The Montreal Weekly  Gazette, Oct. 30, 1858, p. 3a. 123. Boulton was j u s t as glad the regiment did not get further than the Rock. The war i n India had petered out but tensions with France were high and there was the p o s s i b i l i t y of another grand European war. See p. 19. S t i l l , he always described the 100th 154 as a regiment "which was being raised i n the colony for s e r v i c e i n India." See p. 13. 124. The Times, December 5, 1861, p. 7d printed a l e t t e r , signed "A Voice from the 100th or Prince of Wales's Royal Canadian Regiment", which read i n part: Our country (Canada) i s now threatened with war. Send us there to defend our homes. We may not a l l be born Canadians, but i t i s our adopted country. We supplied Old England with a b a t t a l i o n on purpose to help her i n the East. Now, when our country wants help l e t us go there.... We detest Yankees and t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s f ar more than you do; we are proud of being c i t i z e n s of the B r i t i s h empire, and w i l l f i g h t for the i n t e g r i t y of that empire; and, i f you l i k e , w i l l annex Maine, so as to give the North American colonies a good winter harbour. For a d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s period i n the lOOth's h i s t o r y , see Whitton, pp. 65-81 or Boulton, pp. 19-34. 125. Capt. Clarke to the M i l i t a r y Secretary, Nov. 23, 1858 -P.A.C., C s e r i e s , R.G. 8, Vol. 1020, R14346, p. 172. Clarke, Li e u t . Fletcher, and four sergeants had been returned to Canada to e s t a b l i s h the r e c r u i t i n g depot. 126. Baron De Rottenburg's speech at a dinner given i n his honour, reported i n The Montreal Weekly Gazette, June 19, 1858, p. 3f. 127. Whitton, p. 86. See pp. 82-6 for a d e s c r i p t i o n of the lOOth's stay i n Canada, 1866-8. 128. Teirrence Smythe, the 1858 captain, became colonel of the 100th and was the l a s t Canadian i n i t . The l a s t f i f t e e n or twenty others l e f t the regiment i n November 1879, at Muritsur, India. See his l e t t e r s i n The Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette, Vol. I l l , No. 23, Dec. 8, 1887, pp. 180-1. 129. See Cummins, pp. 357-359. 130. Ibid ., p. 359. 131. I b i d . , p. 360. The regiment was not disbanded. Technically, i t was placed on n i l strength: that i s , as an honour i t was retained on the Army Rolls but i t had no o f f i c e r s or men. The regiment's o r i g i n a l stand of colours had long before been returned to Canada as an honour to the Dominion. It hung for many years i n the Parliamentary l i b r a r y i n Ottawa and l a t e r at The Royal M i l i t a r y College, Kingston. 155 CONCLUSION I The Royal Canadian Regiment climaxed our Province's obsession with the Sepoy Mutiny. It was a dramatic response but i t was only one of many. In f a c t , i t was unlikely that a thousand young Canadians could have been e n l i s t e d so quickly i f months of bad news and h o r r i f y i n g images had hot j o l t e d them out of complacency. More than anything else, those images j u s t i f i e d making that distant struggle "our" war. The images were not a c t u a l l y new. Even before 1857 our news-papers sometimes printed s t o r i e s from India and there were books and a r t i c l e s about i t as well. Most of them were written e i t h e r by missionaries v i n d i c a t i n g t h e i r work or by India House j u s t i f y i n g some annexation or other: none were very complimentary to the natives. Our pre-conceptions explain why the Mutiny, for a l l i t s hy s t e r i a , did not create or change any opinions. It merely "proved" what we already thought, or what we were w i l l i n g to believe. In so doing the images were "set" firmly i n the public mind and i t Is u n l i k e l y that opinions changed much for decades to come. The most important image was that of " A s i a t i c character". Indians were depicted as semi-barbarous people with j u s t a veneer of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The Hindu seethed with p r i m i t i v e , s u p e r s t i t i o u s passions which could be e a s i l y manipulated by others, for the poor fellow was as credulous as a c h i l d . The Muslim was a schemer, a dark 156 f a n a t i c . This image of Islam has been a t r a d i t i o n i n the West probably since the Middle Ages. Indians looked harmless enough, feeble-bodied and c r i n g i n g creatures-but that was a deception which made them a l l the more dangerous. The notion of "Oriental i n s c r u t a -b i l i t y " explains why our images did not change. We expected that the peasant would be as apathetic as he looked and stay quiet; but i f he revolted, well, we suspected a l l along what he was l i k e deep down. The image was so f l e x i b l e i t could be proved by whatever happened. Religion was one of the main "proofs" of Asian i n f e r i o r i t y . Hinduism seemed to be a nightmare of s a t i , Thuggee, and appalling monsters worshipped as gods. Islam was the f a n a t i c a l enemy of Christendom. The rest of native s o c i e t y did not redeem the Indians, e i t h e r . Much was made of the idea that they could not govern them-selves. That had been a f a v o r i t e excuse for B r i t i s h annexations i n the past and anarchy i n the revolted areas seemed to c l i n c h the f a c t . A t r o c i t i e s were the other great "proof" of Asian character. From the f i r s t news of Meerut our new awareness of the East was tinged with t e r r o r s as every week we read more t a l e s of tortures, k i l l i n g s , mutilations, and "deeds too v i l e to name". Rape was the worst of a l l , for white women were symbols of p u r i t y and good; for black heathens to d e f i l e such temples was to overthrow a l l that we valued. Except for the k i l l i n g s , none of the s t o r i e s were v e r i f i e d l a t e r . The boat-loads of young l a d i e s f l e e i n g India minus t h e i r noses and ears disappeared into t h i n a i r . Anglo-Indians had invented those s t o r i e s , or at least passed on the wildest rumours, because they thought the "niggers" capable of any depravity. The point i s that Canadians 157 believed them. A l l those old s t o r i e s about Thugs and "Juggernaut" prepared us for the worst. Every Canadian, even avowed democrats, accepted to some extent the idea that coloureds were i n f e r i o r . The theory that some races were ge n e t i c a l l y , and hence permanently, i n f e r i o r was j u s t coming into vogue, with the help of some impressive-looking, q u a s i - s c i e n t i f i c "evidence". It was not widely accepted, though, possibly because i t smacked too much of American ideas about negroes. Much more popular, and promoted by churches, was the explanation that the native was s t i l l p r i m i t i v e but that he could yet be tamed by C h r i s t i a n i t y . Our analyses of India's government were a b i t less crude than our stereotypes of the people. Canadians knew what B r i t i s h governments were supposed to do, so we could rate the East India Company's perfor-mance. There were two issues. What did the Company do for Indians? And, what did the Company do to Britons? For most of the English c o l o n i s t s , t h i s was a r e l i g i o u s matter. U n t i l the heathen was converted not much could be done for him. Missionaries were forever complaining that the Company tolerated i d o l a t r y so much that i t a c t u a l l y seemed ashamed of Ch r i s t . The clin c h e r was that the army was o f f - l i m i t s to missionaries, with the lamentable r e s u l t s that the sepoys were then demonstrating. For many Canadians the Mutiny became a crusade. It was the l a s t convulsive throes of dying su p e r s t i t i o n s but only i f the panderers on Leadenhall Street were pushed aside could the Cross i n h e r i t the East. Others were more concerned about the damage that the Company was doing to England. They envisaged a gang of a r i s t o c r a t i c nabobs who 158 used the taxpayer's bayonets to plunder Bengal, pocketed the cash, and then returned the favours by stacking a l l the l u c r a t i v e posts with th e i r r e l a t i v e s . To r a d i c a l s , India was both an al l e g o r y for Canada's own p l i g h t and also the f i n a n c i a l underpinnings of the whole imperial system. The image was p a r t l y correct but i t was mostly outdated, owing more to the days of Cl i v e and Hastings than to 1857. At le a s t one paper seemed to think that the Company s t i l l monopolized a l l Indian trade! French-Canadians n a t u r a l l y agreed that imperialism was bad for England and worse f or the colonies. They went on to show how the Company had ruined India. They exposed the rape of Bengal, the collapse of native industry, the corruption of Company o f f i c i a l s , and the use of tor t u r e to extract taxes from the peasants. Again, the s t o r i e s were often a hundred years old, with the implication that nothing had changed since. While anglophones conceded that the Company had not l i v e d up to true B r i t i s h i d e a l s , francophones were saying that no B r i t i s h deeds ever did. Henceforth, a l l agreed, C h r i s t i a n i t y would have to be pushed more'vigorously - though heaven f o r b i d that we should be i n t o l e r a n t ! -and the Company had to go. Direct rule from Westminster was the only a l t e r n a t i v e considered. It was not good enough f o r our own f a i r land but i t was better than what the Indians had had. Not even the French-Canadians dreamed that India would be better o f f independent. Whatever the i l l s of B r i t i s h imperialism, they had to admit that any Ch r i s t i a n government was better than anything the natives could come up with. 159 Nobody r e a l l y cared about India, anyway. To c r i t i c i z e the Company was to advance the cause of C h r i s t i a n i t y , to undercut an unfair oligopoly, or even to s t r i k e a blow against the whole imperial system, but these were j u s t i f i e d as being good for Canada or Great B r i t a i n , not India. In the end i t did not matter that no one thought the Company was worth saving'. Men s t i l l r a l l i e d to the Union Jack, driven by more compelling images. At f i r s t , English-Canadians thought that the f i g h t i n g was j u s t a mutiny. But as the months passed there was mounting evidence that the peasants had r i s e n , too. There was s t i l l no consensus by the middle of 1858. By contrast, French-Canadians were sure from the s t a r t that the war was a n a t i o n a l i s t uprising of a l l the people united against foreign oppression. The victims of the Conquest could i d e n t i f y with that kind of a struggle. Sometimes they equated i t to the Rebellion of 1837-1838. India became a metaphor to be used to f i g h t the Province's domestic "war". For a l l that, the c o l o n i s t s - except f o r a few r a d i c a l s , annexationists, and other denizens of the " l u n a t i c f r i n g e " - rushed to proclaim t h e i r l o y a l t y to the Empire. French and Irish-Canadian newspapermen did so as p e r s i s t e n t l y as anyone else . However v i c i o u s l y they denounced imperialism, they always said that they had the true i n t e r e s t s of Canada and England at heart; l e t the damn Yankees invade again and we would show them our patriotism, j u s t as we did i n 1776 and 1812! This s t u f f was meant to disarm those true-blue B r i t i s h e r s who suspected everyone else of subversion. It was a pragmatic kind of l o y a l t y . The empty boasts were meant to buy acceptance, 160 and eventually more p o l i t i c a l power, for the colony's non-English people. Overshadowing every other aspect of the Mutiny was the spectre of the a t r o c i t i e s . They appalled everyone. They robbed the rebels of any moral support. French-Canadians enjoyed tweaking John B u l l but i n the end they had to admit that c i v i l i z a t i o n i n India depended on the B r i t i s h . Radicals were likewise hamstrung, grumbling lamely that i t was better that thieving i m p e r i a l i s t s died than the ri g h t f u l " , inhabitants of the land. Most of the col o n i s t s howled with rage: the butchers had to be punished. In England at the time the papers were c a l l i n g f o r groves of gibbets and for whole c i t i e s to be razed. None of our journals ever went that f a i . • Many, condemned, that kind of t a l k . They . demanded " r e t r i b u t i o n " or "sanguinary punishment" or some such fuzzy thing, but, they sai d , they abhorred indiscriminate slaughter. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s s t i l l not c l e a r ; a l o t of crimes were glossed over by the wordy whitewash. They applauded when General Wilson ordered that every man i n Delhi be k i l l e d because he spared the women and chil d r e n . They even condoned the stray murder of infants or old women, so long as i t was not systematic.- Any differences between English opinion and English-Canadian thoughts were more apparent than r e a l . For French-Canadians the r e p r i s a l s were the ultimate proof of what they had been pointing out since the Mutiny began: the hypocrisy of B r i t i s h imperialism, the hideous gap between i t s high-blown ideals and i t s r e a l i t y . Later, francophone papers would evoke an image of the wild-eyed 161 s o l d i e r , intoxicated with blood and l o o t , to discourage t h e i r people from e n l i s t i n g . English-Canadians acted on a d i f f e r e n t image. A l l of the a t r o c i t i e s merged i n time into the horror of the well at Cawnpore. It made the war " j u s t " , i f ever there had been any doubt. More to the point, i t made intervention by Canada a duty to humanity. Ultimately, i t was the image which raised the 100th Regiment. II It was probably i n e v i t a b l e that some c o l o n i s t s would want to f i g h t i n India. Canadians had volunteered for Crimean War service; at century's end t h e i r sons were b r o i l i n g i n South A f r i c a . When the Province's m i l i t i a b attalions began o f f e r i n g themselves for active service i n August 1857 they were probably j u s t making a gesture. It got them'.honour even i f they were not c a l l e d up. Cert a i n l y the o f f i c e r s had to explain that o f f e r s did not automatically commit a l l members to go overseas. The rush of units volunteering i n October was, no doubt, more serious, f o r by then the news from Cawnpore had a r r i v e d . Hordes of amateurs were reported to be anxious to j o i n the expedition. Young men being young men, they longed to escape the farm, l i v e perilous adventures, win a l i t t l e glory, and along the way give the heathens a good l i c k i n g i n the Queen's name. Most of them probably had nothing better to do anyway, since the depression had thrown them out of work. The idea was popular. French-Canadians grumbled but they accepted that any volunteers who wanted to die of heat-stroke could do 162 so provided England paid the b i l l s . Anglophones were far more enthu s i a s t i c . The fewer unemployed we had, the fewer trouble-makers we had. More to the point, the cause was good and the force would be a c r e d i t to the Province. Colonists were handier with guns than were the gutter-sweepings of Dublin or Glasgow. If we kept the men together as a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Canadian brigade we would show the Motherland what worthies her c o l o n i a l sons were. Perhaps there was a'.'.kernel of Canadian nationalism i n that, but i t smacked more of c o l o n i a l inadequacy. The Province f e l t i t had to prove i t s e l f to England. The B r i t i s h cabinet was i n c l i n e d to g r a t i f y the c o l o n i s t s because i t might do wonders for imperial r e l a t i o n s . Army headquarters, though, did not want amateurs who would hog a l l the good f i g h t i n g and then go home. It needed regulars since a bigger standing army would have to p o l i c e India i n future. The Canadian government, which could have vetoed any plan, l e f t the decision to London, probably from fear of antagonizing voters i n one ethnic group or another no matter what happened. Thus the imperial government looked to i t s own i n t e r e s t s and came up with something quite new. The 100th Regiment became the f i r s t c o l o n i a l regiment raised s p e c i f i c a l l y to serve wherever the Empire needed i t . The army was thinking only of getting the men i t needed r i g h t away. The man behind the scheme, S i r Edmund Head, had a grander v i s i o n : nothing le s s than a new type of army and a more u n i f i e d Empire. He hoped to see a l l the "White" colonies contributing men -and eventually, no doubt, money - so that the army would be progressively strengthened as the colonies grew. Instead of l o c a l 163. m i l i t i a s under l o c a l command guarding t h e i r l o c a l d i s t r i c t s , there would be a t r u l y imperial army under one command and one f l a g to answer the c a l l wherever i t was needed. The Colonies would have become more aware.of each other as t h e i r contingents stood side-by-side i n common cause. His l o f t y i d e a l s were doomed by imperial r e a l i t y , not only.in England but i n the colonies, too. As soon as the c r i s i s was over, B r i t a i n returned to i t s long-term p o l i c y of reducing i t s defence costs. The taxpayer at "Home" did not want to pay even the minor extra costs of r e c r u i t i n g i n the colonies. The colonies, i n turn, wanted more, not l e s s , c o n t r o l over t h e i r d e s t i n i e s . Though embryonic, l o c a l "nationalism" was growing. Confederation was less than a decade away. It should have been harder to f i l l a regular regiment committed to a ten-year enlistment term than an i r r e g u l a r force to serve only "for the duration". Army l i f e was notoriously hard. That a thousand men signed up i n a few months was a testimony to Canada's dedication to the Empire. Some of the r e c r u i t s , i t i s true, were drunks, d r i f t e r s , and l o s e r s , but the regiment proved to be one of the best-behaved i n the whole army. Probably more men were driven into i t by the depression than by drink. Fewer than a t h i r d of them were Canadians by b i r t h . The rest were mostly from the United Kingdom, from Ireland e s p e c i a l l y , and since they were young they must have been f a i r l y recent immigrants. These were probably the ones who could not make a go of i t i n the New World. To the I r i s h , i n p a r t i c u l a r , the army was more f a m i l i a r as a refuge of l a s t resort than i t was to native Canadians. S t i l l , p a t riotism whipped to a fury by the bloody 164 . image at Cawnpore was also a motive. B r i t i s h immigrants n a t u r a l l y were the f i r s t to be drawn by a c a l l to the Union Jack. En g l i s h -Canadians were not far behind. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that French-Canadians, though the bulk of the workers and of the unemployed, hardly numbered i n the ranks. As French-Canadians saw i t , the army was s t e a l i n g our future by taking away the young men needed to b u i l d up the colony. One paper got h y s t e r i c a l , accusing the r e c r u i t s of crimes more at home i n Delhi than i n Montreal. It was an emotional issue f o r francophones because the army was the most B r i t i s h part of the B r i t i s h imperial system that they f e l t was so oppressive. To e n l i s t was to collaborate with the enemy. Anglophone Reform papers sometimes also complained about the regiment, but not because they were i s o l a t i o n i s t s l i k e the French-Canadians. When they said that our youths should stay home they reasoned that a stronger colony, someday str e t c h i n g a l l the way to the P a c i f i c Ocean, would strengthen the Empire more than any number of regiments. What r e a l l y angered them was that most of the senior o f f i c e r s of the regiment were B r i t i s h . It was, they said, an i n s u l t to Canadians. Perhaps t h i s was a spark of nationalism; more l i k e l y i t was touchy colonialism. They were g r a t i f i e d by England's gesture of confidence i n the Province but they were miffed that the confidence was less than complete. S t i l l , most English-Canadians interpreted the regiment as a si g n a l honour. They were embarrassingly g r a t i f i e d that the Mother Country l e t us have our own regiment, with a Canadian name and everything. 165^ In turn, we were very concerned that we make a good impression i n the Old Country. By far most of the debate was about how we could r a i s e a "better grade" of r e c r u i t , men who were better than anyone e n l i s t e d i n B r i t a i n , men who would show that the colonies were well worth favouring. The e f f u s i v e l o y a l t y was genuine but i t was also pragmatic. The fact was, as part of the B r i t i s h Empire we needed London's goodwill and co-operation i f we were to t h r i v e and win more control over our own a f f a i r s . I l l Underlying the whole of Canada's response to the Indian Rebellion - perceptions, power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and actions - were two s o c i a l f a c t s . They were far more important than, say, class d i v i s i o n s . One made some of our reactions applicable to other settlement colonies; the other was uniquely Canadian. F i r s t , Britons the world over f e l t that they were a "nation" of shared "blood" and common i n t e r e s t s . Second, French-Canadians had t h e i r own and very d i f f e r e n t sense of n a t i o n a l i t y . English-Canadian l o y a l t i e s extended far beyond the borders of our l i t t l e colony. Most of the people, in c l u d i n g the most i n f l u e n t i a l names i n p o l i t i c s and journalism, had immigrated from the Old Country. They retained t h e i r B r i t i s h i d e a l s , desires, and perceptions. As much as they loved t h e i r adopted home, they staunchly preserved t h e i r pride i n being B r i t i s h . The Empire was what l e t them be both Britons and Canadians. 166 It was part of t h e i r i d e n t i t y and they clung to i t . There were few " L i t t l e Englanders" i n the colonies. This sense of belonging to a Greater B r i t a i n made even the most distant B r i t o n t h e i r "countryman". It wasJpopular .in those days to express t h i s common n a t i o n a l i t y i n terms of blood: Britons were the dominant "race" of the Empire. In t h i s sense, Anglo-Indians were the fellows of English-Canadians i n a way that the Province's francophones were not. England was the focus of the Empire i n both a p r a c t i c a l and an emotional way. The colonies often did not deal with each other d i r e c t l y . P o l i t i c s , trade, and news tended to move between the colonies v i a London. At the same time, Canadians responded not to events i n India so much as to England's response to happenings i n the East. At heart, our response was pat r i o t i s m to the Union Jack. A threat to Anglo-Indians did not a f f e c t the English Montrealer's material i n t e r e s t s . But i t affected h i s nationa l honour every b i t as much as i t did the Londoner's. Beyond that, a threat to the Empire im p e r i l l e d his i d e n t i t y i n a way that the stay-at-home Englishman could not appreciate. I f events i n the East impelled Great B r i t a i n to act, then i t compelled us to aid B r i t a i n . English-Canadian nationalism was fundamentally i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t . However, i n the Province the French-Canadians were too numerous to ignore. They had t h e i r own brand of nationalism. It was a product of the Conquest and of continuing B r i t i s h e f f o r t s to assimilate them. French-Canadian p o l i t i c i a n s worked i n the Canadian Parliament to protect t h e i r language, laws, and r e l i g i o n . Lower Canada, i n p a r t i c u l a r , was t h e i r bastion. French-Canadian nationalism was i s o l a t i o n i s t because •1.67 t h e i r energy was taken up by the struggle to keep what they already had. They had no reason to favour B r i t i s h imperialism and they would not l e t imperial needs come before the i n t e r e s t s of Canada. In f a c t , to charges that they were d i s l o y a l they r e p l i e d that they had the Province's true i n t e r e s t s at heart. On imperial matters i t was u n l i k e l y that the francophones would agree with t h e i r anglophone countrymen. Canada, therefore, was s t i l l f i g h t i n g the B a t t l e of the Plains of Abraham with words. That i s why there was so r a r e l y a s i n g l e "Canadian" opinion: there were usually at least two, often with the Irish-Canadians adding a t h i r d somewhere i n the middle. India became another arena.in which to stage the o l d f i g h t because on an imperial matter both English-Canadians and French-Canadians f e l t that t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s , were at stake. For French Canada the dominant image of the Indian Mutiny was of haughty B r i t a n n i a crushing her hapless v i c t i m s . It was not an image to encourage enlistments i n the army. For English-Canadians the cause was summed up by Cawnpore. When the 100th Prince of Wales' Royal Canadian Regiment of Foot marched o f f i n that summer of 1858 i t was an expression of English-Canadian resolve that the.wrong must be righted. The regiment had the s o l i d sanction of the B r i t i s h h a l f of Canadian society; our h i s t o r y , continuing r i g h t up through the l a t e r c r i s e s of the Boer War and the conscription issue of two World Wars, suggests that no more was possible. 168 BIBLIOGRAPHY NEWSPAPERS: Acadian Recorder, The (Halifax, N.S.), July 1, 1857 - March 27, 1858. Avenir, L' (Montreal), July 1, 1857 - November 15, 1857. Brant Expositor, The (Brantford), March 9, 1858 - October 8, 1858. Ch r i s t i a n Guardian, The (Toronto), July 1, 1857 - March 31, 1858. 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Weekly Times, The (Hamilton), January 9, 1858 - August 21, 1858. Yarmouth Herald, The (Yarmouth, N.S.), July 23, 1857 - March 31, 1858. 169 PARLIAMENTARY AND ARMY DOCUMENTS Great B r i t a i n . Parliament. Sessional Papers, 1857-8 (458), Vol. XXXVII, pp. 383-6. "RETURN of the COST of Levying the 100th REGIMENT of the LINE, and Conveying i t to England." Public Archives of Canada. "C" s e r i e s . R.G. 8, Vols. 1019, 1020, 1021, 1021A. PERIODICALS Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette. Vol. I, No. 18, September 8, 1885. Vol. I I , No. 92, A p r i l 21, 1887. Vol. III,.No. 14, October 6, 1887; No. 17, October 27, 1887; No. 23, December 8, 1887. Vol. IV, No. 24, June 13, 1889. Vol. VII, No. 26, June 30, 1892. Canadian M i l i t a r y Gazette (continues Canadian M i l i t i a Gazette). Vol. VIII, No. 13, July 1, 1893. Vol. IX, No. 7, A p r i l 1, 1894; No. 23, December 1, 1894. Careless, J.M.S. "Mid-Victorian L i b e r a l i s m i n Central Canadian Newspapers, 1850-67." 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