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The National Salvation Association : the case of the seven worthies Francis, Lesley Jean 1982

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THE NATIONAL SALVATION ASSOCIATION: THE CASE OF THE SEVEN WORTHIES by LESLEY JEAN FRANCIS B.A., University of Auckland, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 1982 Q Lesley Jean Francis, 1982 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or pu b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l .gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 i i ABSTRACT The National Salvation Association brought into prominence and temporary a l l i a n c e s o c i a l forces that would figure importantly i n the tempestuous course of the following decades: the dissident i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals, the more or less modernized or Westernized elements of the urban population and part of the commercial sector of the population. They shared a sense of the need to save China from external aggression and c i v i l war. Moreover, they desired change i n China. The National Salvation Association acted as a veh i c l e for modernization, and a catalyst for change. From t h i s study i t i s evident that the National Salvation Association was well organized with e f f e c t i v e group leadership. During the f i f t e e n months af t e r i t s formal inauguration (May 1936), the National Salvation Association, i n the face of ever-increasing KMT e f f o r t s to control the press, produced a large quantity of l i t e r a t u r e . Some of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e , as well as a wide s e l e c t i o n of biographical, reminiscent and commemorative materials, has greatly aided the present study. This has been supplemented by various p e r i o d i c a l s and newspapers of the period. As a microcosm of the National Salvation Association as a whole, an examination of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association has shown f i r s t , that not only was the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association a continuation of a p o l i t i c i z a t i o n trend but that these women were at le a s t as m i l i t a n t and p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e as t h e i r male counterparts. Second, the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association was i i i characterized by a curious amalgamation of Shanghai's female labour force and women i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals. Both the leadership.and the support base of the National Salvation Association were marked by a preponderance of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals. They used the printed medium to espouse wider liberal-democratic s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l concerns. The case of the seven worthies brought the seven Shanghai National Salvation leaders to national prominence; they became i n e f f e c t a cause celebre for democratic r i g h t s . But, the enduring s i g n i f i c a n c e of the National Salvation Association was that the prominence afforded by the t r i a l made possible the use of these people as symbols for the united front. Five of the seven retained prominent positions during the Sino-Japanese War through involvement with the Democratic League. i v PREFACE This study i s preliminary and p a r t i a l i n many respects. It i s meant as an introduction to issues and questions that have continued to remain e l u s i v e . Source materials are abundant, but have not always been e a s i l y obtainable, and when av a i l a b l e , have frequently been more useful for research with an e a r l i e r time period i n view. Moreover, the information i n the Chinese materials i s often vague and unclear, as well as at times quite contradictory from one account to another. I n i t i a l l y , the topic of t h i s study was thought a good choice as an M.A. t h e s i s , because of the p o t e n t i a l i t had to shed l i g h t on the r o l e of Chinese urban i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals i n organized p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t i e s i n the immediate pre-Sino-Japanese War period. However, i t has become evident that research on t h i s topic requires detailed i n v e s t i g a t i o n , not only of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context i n which the National Salvation Association emerged, but also of the actors - those urban i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals who provided leadership for the organization, expressed liberal-democratic views i n National Salvation manifestoes and other l i t e r a t u r e , and who became incre a s i n g l y alienated from the KMT. Constraints of time, sources, and the need for further d e t a i l e d knowledge of the actors and the organization i n a wider time framework contribute to the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced i n researching t h i s topic for an M.A. t h e s i s . Thus, as an exploration of a t o p i c , i t i s l i m i t e d to many tentative conclusions, leaving many questions unanswered, and r a i s i n g a host of others. Yet, I do not subscribe to the notion that the writing of recent h i s t o r y must wait u n t i l a l l the facts are i n . V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page T i t l e Page i Authorization . i Abstract i i Preface i v Table of Contents v Abbreviations v i Acknowledgement . . . . . v i i Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Aspects of National Salvation Association Organization and Non-Literary A c t i v i t y . . . . 19 Chapter 3: National Salvation L i t e r a r y A c t i v i t y 48 Chapter 4: The Arrest and T r i a l of the Seven Worthies . . 87 Chapter 5: Conclusion . 113 Bibliography 121 Glossary 135 v i ABBREVIATIONS CCP Chinese Communist Party KMT Kuomintang KWCP Kuo-wen chou-pao [National News Weekly] NCH North China Herald and Supreme Court and  Consular Gazette PRC People's Republic of China TCSH Ta-chung sheng-huo [ L i f e of the Masses] YMCA Young Men's C h r i s t i a n Association YWCA Young Women's C h r i s t i a n Association v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT At various stages of t h i s study several scholars gave help and c r i t i c i s m that improved the q u a l i t y of the work beyond the reach of my a b i l i t y . Among those who should be s p e c i a l l y mentioned are: Professor A r i f D i r l i k of the Department of History, Duke University, under whom t h i s study f i r s t evolved i n a research seminar, and Professor Edgar Wickberg of the Department of History, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. As my thesis advisor, Professor Wickberg gave invaluable-help, useful c r i t i c i s m , and encouragement, without which th i s t hesis may not have been completed. F i n a l l y , my thanks to Mrs. Rosabella Prasad for typing the manuscript. 1 o CHAPTER-1:..INTRODUCTION It was within a complex tapestry of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l complexity that the strands of the National Salvation Association were woven. The time framework of t h i s study i s r e s t r i c t e d e s s e n t i a l l y to the period May 1936 to August 1937. This period extends from the formal organization of the Ch'uan-kuo ke chieh chiu-kuo lien-ho hui"*" [All-China National Salvation Federation] (popularly known as the National Salvation Association) i n May 1936, to the release of the seven National Salvation Association leaders from prison i n August 1937. A longer time span may well have been useful i n understanding the h i s t o r i c a l precedents of the National Salvation Association, but due l a r g e l y to the constraints of time t h i s has not been possible. Then too, t h i s study does not include analysis of the December Ninth Movement. The December Ninth Movement was e s s e n t i a l l y a student movement - narrower i n focus, support, and leadership than the National Salvation Association. The geographical focus of t h i s thesis i s p r i m a r i l y l i m i t e d to Shanghai. The j u s t i f i c a t i o n for t h i s choice i s that Shanghai was the f o c a l centre of National Salvation a c t i v i t y i n China i n the pre- • Sino-Japanese War period. It was also the headquarters of the National Salvation Association, and the main centre for the publishing of Chiu-wang wen-hsueh [National Salvation L i t e r a t u r e ] . F i n a l l y , i t was i n Shanghai that the seven National Salvation Association leaders l i v e d and were arrested; an event which marked a c r u c i a l turning point i n the fortunes of the National Salvation Association. This study focuses on the National Salvation Association 2 leadership at the expense of rank and f i l e National'Salvation Association members. F i r s t , sources to some extent d i c t a t e such a choice. There i s a r i c h legacy of writings a v a i l a b l e , both about and written by a number of the National Salvation Association leaders. But i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the support base of the National Salvation Association i s very much handicapped by the anonymity of the subjects. No study w i l l be complete u n t i l the question i s s a t i s f a c t o r i l y answered: Who were these people? Second, i t was thought that these materials would provide some useful i n s i g h t s i n t o understanding the nature of the organization as a whole. Moreover by emphasizing the leadership who epitomized China's urban educated professionals, i t was hoped to gain a better understanding of a segment of society i n Republican China, which has received l i t t l e s cholarly attention. This study of the National Salvation Association i s j u s t i f i e d for the following reasons: F i r s t , as a microcosm of organized patriotism, the National Salvation Association provides us with a better understanding of the character and l i m i t s of pat r i o t i s m i n China i n general, and i n Shanghai i n p a r t i c u l a r . Second, i t supports the notion of growing d i s a f f e c t i o n among i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals from the KMT during the 1930s, and suggests that t h i s segment of society, at l e a s t i n the pre-Sino-Japanese War period, did not opt for a Communist s o l u t i o n to China's s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l or economic problems. Third, i t reveals the wide ranging liberal-democratic i d e a l s held by the National Salvation Association leaders, as seen p a r t i c u l a r l y i n National Salvation manifestoes and p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e of the period. F i n a l l y , i t suggests that the National Salvation Association f a c i l i t a t e d a close r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n the p o l i t i c a l arena, between 3 Chinese labour and the Chinese i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . This study arose out of a desire to analyse i n greater d e t a i l an aspect of Republican China that to date has received a modicum of attention i n Chinese sources, and which has been commented on generally by some Western h i s t o r i a n s . Presumably the p o l i t i c a l s e n s i t i v i t y of the topic has precluded much scholarly research and p u b l i c a t i o n i n both the Republic of China and the PRC. However some writings, either i n the form of reminiscent account or biographical study have emerged from the Chinese press i n the PRC, the Republic of China, and Hong Kong. In one way or another these publications have revealed c r u c i a l information that would have remained hidden, but few of them are without partisan bias, and at the same time they f a i l to give a conceptual framework to the study of the National Salvation Association. The few Western scholars who have examined the National' Salvation Association have offered d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . Linebarger and Rosinger, writing during the early 1940s about the immediate pre-Sino-Japanese War period, stressed the immediate p o l i t i c a l importance of the National Salvation Association, an importance which had given i t s leaders p o s i t i o n s on the f i r s t People's P o l i t i c a l Council, created i n 1938. This was the advisory body to the 2 KMT during the Sino-Japanese War. But, neither Linebarger nor Rosinger made any r e a l e f f o r t to examine i n depth the a f f a i r s : of the National Salvation Association. A number of other h i s t o r i a n s who have written since 1949, on the other hand, have been more concerned with the Communist revolution, than with any serious attempt to discuss the National Salvation 3 Association. Others such as I s r a e l and K l e i n , Lutz and Wales (Helen Snow) 4 have tended to view the National Salvation Association within the context of student unrest, spearheaded by the December Ninth 4 demonstration of 1935. This approach f a i l s to recognize that although students gave s i g n i f i c a n t support to the National Salvation Association; p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the months a f t e r December 9, 1935,' they did not lead the organization. The leadership of the National Salvation Association was assumed by i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals. Among the i n t e l l e c t u a l s , u n i v e r s i t y professors and teachers were prominent. The professionals included lawyers, bankers and j o u r n a l i s t s . S i m i l a r l y the support base of the National Salvation Association was also wider than that of the student movement. F i n a l l y , Van Slyke and Domes, wr i t i n g i n the 1960s, have paid some attention to the National Salvation Association within the framework of works l a r g e l y given to the consideration of wider interests."' No monographs of which I am aware give., extensive treatment to t h i s issue. One problem basic to t h i s study concerns the use of terms. For example, Chinese materials are frequently inconsistent i n the use of the terms: Chiu-kuo hui [National Salvation A s s o c i a t i o n ] , Ch'uan-kuo  ke-chieh chiu-kuo lien-ho hui [All-China< National Salvation Federation] and Chiu-wang ylln-tung [National Salvation Movement], Moreover, these terms are used interchangeably i n many Chinese and Western language sources. One reason f o r th i s apparent lack of p r e c i s i o n i s that p r i o r to the formation of the Ch'ilan-kuo ke-chieh chiu-kuo lien-ho hui (May 1936), a closer l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n of which would be 'All-China National Salvation Federation from a l l walks of l i f e , ' the term Chiu-kuo hui was used i n documents to designate the l o c a l p a t r i o t i c National Salvation groups, which had no national suasion, but which had 5 emerged i n China's c i t i e s some years e a r l i e r . However, even a f t e r the Ch'tlan-juo ke-chieh"/ chiu-kuo lien-ho hui was formed, i t was frequently referred to i n Chinese and Western language sources as Chiu-kuo hui and ^ N a t i o n a l -"Salvation ~Assqclatdion' 0,respectively, and i n some Western language materials as 'the Association.' S i m i l a r l y , the term Chiu-wang yun-tung has been used without any time d i s t i n c t i o n , and thus at times without d i s t i n g u i s h i n g i t from the Ch'uan-kuo ke-chieh  chiu-kuo lien-ho hui i n Chinese and Western sources a l i k e . In t h i s study I have endeavoured to be precise i n the use of these terms. Where t r a n s l a t i n g or quoting sources, I have retained the term used. Where a l o c a l National Salvation Association i s intended, I have indicated t h i s by s t a t i n g i t s l o c a t i o n , as for example, Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association (emphasis mine), I have also retained the use of the term National Salvation Movement. I think i t i s reasonable to use th i s term both before and a f t e r May 1936 to continue to re f e r to National Salvation p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t i e s i n China. The growth of the National Salvation Movement i n many d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s appears to j u s t i f y the use of the terms National Salvation Association or All-Ch i n a National Salvation Federation, only a f t e r the more formal n a t i o n a l organization came into existence. F i n a l l y , some sources r e f e r to the Chiu-kuo chen-hsien [National Salvation Front]. This was formed a f t e r the formal organization of the National Salvation Association, but l i t t l e i s known about i t s precise nature. Presumably i t shared the same character and people as the National Salvation Association as a whole. The term Ch'i chlln-tzu has frequently been translated as 'Seven 6 Gentlemen,' leading to complications over Shih Liang, a lady among them. Thus I have chosen to use the term 'Seven Worthies' when r e f e r r i n g to the seven National Salvation leaders. This seems more i n keeping with t h e i r morally upright characters, and the esteemed p o s i t i o n i n which they were held by society. The term Chun-tzu i s used i n c l a s s i c a l Chinese texts to denote a person of superior or upright character, without reference to gender. The use of Chun-tzu i n the case of p o l i t i c a l martyrs was established for the use of the s i x martyrs of the Hundred Days Reform of 1898. The f i r s t use of the term i n the case of the National Salvation leaders was i n the use of liu-chun [Six Worthies] i n the Ta-kung Pao ["L'Impartial'] of T i e n t s i n on December 5, 1936, to refer to the s i x male leaders from Shanghai. The connection between the May Fourth Movement and the National Salvation Association i s not c l e a r l y evident. Yet on the whole the assertion of some linkage appears p l a u s i b l e . Perhaps the most persuasive clue l i e s i n the fact that many of the non-student i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals i n the National Salvation Association were i n a sense 'the May Fourth generation' grown up. In 1919 they had been students, but by the 1930s they had grown to maturity. For example, Wang Tsao-shih was a student at Tsinghua"University at the time of the May Fourth Movement of 1919, and he became a student leader. By the mid-1930s, Wang had opened a law'practice i n Shanghai, and l a t e r became Dean of Arts at Kuang-hua University i n Shanghai. He was one of the seven worthies. The student demonstrations against China's humil i a t i o n by Japan at the V e r s a i l l e s Peace Conference began on May 4, 1919, sparking a nationwide protest movement. As i t gradually involved p o l i t i c a l , 7 i n t e l l e c t u a l , economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l issues, May Fourth became a turning point i n Chinese h i s t o r y . The Chinese students of 1919 proclaimed t h e i r lack of confidence i n the warlord Government of the day. More than t h i s , they denied the legitimacy of any government i n which the Chinese people refused to place t h e i r confidence. It was t h i s assertion, implied rather than a r t i c u l a t e d , at the time, that constituted the r e a l impact of the May Fourth experience on l a t e r Chinese p o l i t i c s . Some p a r a l l e l s exist between the May Fourth Movement and the National Salvation Movement of the 1930s. One such i s the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of publishing. Chinese publishing underwent a remarkable development a f t e r the May Fourth Incident. The new p e r i o d i c a l s were generally s h o r t - l i v e d . Their names revealed the temper of the time. These new p e r i o d i c a l s are noteworthy for one fact preeminently: they introduced to the p u b l i c , and provided a channel of communication f o r , young Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s who became prominent s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l or l i t e r a r y figures i n China during the following decades. Actually, the ''periodical fever' during the years following the May Fourth Incident was epoch-making both i n the development of Chinese public opinion and i n the shaping of the new i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Newspapers i n the major c i t i e s were also influenced by the revolutionary t i d e a f t e r the May Fourth Incident. Many of them added s p e c i a l columns or published supplementary magazines i n order to p r i n t new l i t e r a r y works and discuss the c u l t u r a l and student movements. The 1920s i n China was an era of intense e f f o r t s at p o l i t i c a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l and l i t e r a r y change. Students and t h e i r teachers were at the centre of the ferment. Various movements and associations 8 p r o l i f e r a t e d ; there were p o l i t i c a l study groups and l i t e r a r y s o c i e t i e s . Among these the New Culture Movement held a prominent place. Its avowed goal was no less than the transformation of the e n t i r e f a b r i c of Chinese culture: s o c i a l and personal mores, values, a r t , l i t e r a t u r e , language and scholarship, and even p o l i t i c a l forms. New C u l t u r a l i s t s did not consider themselves to be breaking with China's past, but rather moving the old culture into a new and dynamic present. The National Salvation Movement was one of the major ingredients i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the 1930s. The early 1930s were a p a r t i c u l a r l y agonizing and acute time for Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals, who formed the support base of the National Salvation Movement. The nation stood i n great danger from the threat of Japanese aggression, yet factionalism, KMT p a r t y / m i l i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p , r e s i d u a l warlordism, and the existence of armed Communist enclaves i n Kiangsi and elsewhere, created i n t e r n a l warfare and d i s u n i t y , leaving China i l l - p r e p a r e d to meet tnerJapanese threat. Urgent problems of s o c i a l and economic reform were compounded by worldwide economic depression and seemed in s o l u b l e . The student movement which seemed so powerful i n an e a r l i e r decade had been e f f e c t i v e l y suppressed. Many students abandoned t h e i r hopes for fundamental change and turned from p o l i t i c a l involvement to the hedonistic pursuit of personal s a t i s f a c t i o n . But, idealism and nationalism remained strong, and some students chose instead to become involved i n programs of r u r a l reconstruction, mass education, and p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t i e s , such as the National Salvation Movement. In the 1930s the d i s p a r i t y between KMT claims and KMT accomplishments did not escape the notice of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . They 9 were increasingly estranged from the Government due to the KMT's attitude toward them, as r e f l e c t e d i n i t s persistent e f f o r t s to regiment education, i t s d i s t r u s t of even moderate c r i t i c i s m , i t s attempts to exploit the student movement for i t s own ends or to suppress i t e n t i r e l y , i t s resort to harsh methods i n dealing with i t s opponents, and i t s sedulous promotion of i t s own s t e r i l e ideology. Yet we must be c a r e f u l not to exaggerate the extent of i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s a f f e c t i o n or i t s consequences. Many who recognized the p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l d e b i l i t i e s of the KMT maintained allegiance to i t nonetheless. As i n the past, China's chaos and c i v i l wars had always afforded good excuses and opportunities f or foreign aggression. While the main forces of the Tungpei Army were engaged i n f i g h t i n g the warlord Yen Hsi-shan, Japan struck Mukden on September 19, 1931. The.; f a i l u r e of the League of Nations to r e s t r a i n Japan from a l l - o u t aggression resulted i n the f a l l of the whole of Manchuria to Japan. Aft e r the Mukden Incident, National Salvation replaced revolution as the most pressing problem f o r the p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e students, i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals, and China personified would receive a great deal more sentimental love than i t formerly had. It should be borne i n mind that • despite some progress i n s o c i a l and economic l i f e , China i n the mid-1930s was not much better than i n the 1920s, which were characterized by warlordism. Although Chiang Kai-shek's own power and prestige had r i s e n measurably, h i s v i r t u a l c ontrol or power had not extended beyond eight provinces, namely, Kiangsu, Chekiang, Anhwei, Kiangsi, Fukien, Honan, Hupei and Hunan. In North China, Sung Che-yuan was h a l f - l o y a l to Nanking; so was 10 Han Fu-Ch'u, warlord of Shantung. . In Shansi, except for a b r i e f period i n 1930, Yen Hsi-shan had ruled with an i r o n hand since the founding of the Republic. In Western China, the Ma f a m i l i e s s t i l l held Ninghsia and Tsinghai as t h e i r feudal f i e f s . However, the two Mas with t h e i r Moslem subjects, being strongly anti-Communist, helped to secure the North West for Chiang Kai-shek. Most of the warlords j u s t mentioned were opposed to Chiang, but they opposed the Communists even more. While a majority of them were anti-Japanese and wished to see c i v i l war ended, some l i k e " it Han Fu-Ch u, and to some extent even Sung Che-yuan and Yen Hsi-shan, were ambiguous i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward resistance against Japan. Since early 1932 Chiang Kai-shek's p o l i c y toward Japan and the CCP had been characterized by the slogan an-nei jang wai [inte r n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n before resistance against external aggression]. In e f f e c t , Chiang;:Kai-shek t r i e d to apply a dual p o l i c y by which negotiation and resistance were to be used simultaneously as a means to slow down Japanese aggression. While temporizing with Japan, Chiang sought to exterminate the CCP. The consummation of the Ho-Umetsu negotiations i n early J u l y 1935 set the stage for the removal from Hopei province of a l l m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l persons and groups unfriendly to Japan, and therefore ushered i n a new era of Japanese control i n North China. Japan's a l l - o u t aggressive p o l i c y which was beginning to take shape i n early 1933 had d e f i n i t e l y manifested i t s e l f i n the spring of 1935 when Japan launched the '-'self government" movement of f i v e provinces (Suiyuan, Chahar, Hopei, Shantung, and Honan) i n North China. Af t e r much s o l i c i t a t i o n for a puppet leader among the old and the 11 new Chinese m i l i t a r i s t s , from Wu P'ei-fu to Yen Hsi-shan, the Japanese Army i n North China, with the consent of the Kwantung Army i n Manchuria, eventually s e t t l e d on General Sung Che-yuan. No sooner had Sung Che-yuan and his 29th Army taken over i n l a t e September 1935 the control of Peking and the T i e n t s i n area, than Major General Doihara K e n j i , chief of the Kwantung Army's Special Service Section, set out to engineer a series of incidents and to confront Sung Che-yuan with open demands for immediate proclamation of self-government. Evidently the strong measures taken by the Japanese m i l i t a r y had the f u l l support of the Japanese Government, for an October 28, 1935 the Japanese Foreign Minister H i r o t a announced the Three P r i n c i p l e s of Japan's China p o l i c y : f i r s t , thorough suppression of anti-Japanese thoughts and a c t i v i t i e s i n China; second, conclusion of a Sino-Japanese anti-Communist m i l i t a r y pact; and t h i r d , achievement of ^'economic cooperation''' between Japan, Manchukuo, and China, with a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n provided for North China. The open manifestation of Japan's aggressive p o l i c y hastened the development of the self-government movement on the one hand. Self-government, among other things included: autonomy or freedom from ce n t r a l c o n t r o l . On the other hand, i t aroused a new surge of Chinese pa t r i o t i s m which had gained momentum since the Mukden Incident. The crowning success of Doihara's adventure was the separation of East Hopei from Chinese j u r i s d i c t i o n by the inauguration of the "East Hopei anti-Communist and self-government,council'' with the notorious Yin Ju-keng as chairman on November 24, 1935. The establishment of the Hopei-Chahar P o l i t i c a l Council i n December 1935, with Sung Che-yllan as chairman, touched o f f the greatest student , 12 p a t r i o t i c movement since the May Fourth Movement of 1919. The students i n Peking exploded i n demonstrations on December 9 and 16, 1935. These outbursts protested Japanese aggression, c r i t i c i z e d Nanking's d i l a t o r y t a c t i c s , and demanded immediate resistance. The disturbance, l i k e the May Fourth and May T h i r t i e t h (1925) Movements soon spread to other c i t i e s and regions. Shanghai i n p a r t i c u l a r was swept along, p a r t l y because the foreign concessions provided a convenient haven for c r i t i c s of Nanking's p o l i c y . Shanghai, as a centre of revolutionary movements held a p o s i t i o n i n modern Chinese h i s t o r y unequalled even by Peking. I t was here that Mao Tse-tung helped to e s t a b l i s h the CCP, and Sun Yat-sen lectured on the Three People's P r i n c i p l e s . Few other places would q u a l i f y so well as a "'hot bed of r e b e l l i o n , 1 ' with the possible exception of Canton. That China appeared to enter.a new era a f t e r 1900 has been widely noted. Changes were taking place i n a l l aspects of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e . ^ Among these was the spectacular growth of modern Chinese journalism. Publishing was b i g business and i t was l u c r a t i v e . Although most of the newspapers and journals were at f i r s t sponsored by Westerners, control .soon gravitated into g Chinese hands. Shanghai was a major centre for publishing newspapers and other l i t e r a t u r e . The volume of publishing presupposed the existence of a l i t e r a t e or semi-literate.reading public i n the treaty ports such as Shanghai, and the peripheral areas. Even by the end of the 19th century Shanghai had begun to a t t r a c t ambitious and r e s t l e s s youths of the neighbouring provinces. After 1919, with the general loosening of family t i e s , Shanghai looked 13 even more l i k e the land of opportunity for a larger i n f l u x of migrants. Population also grew ra p i d l y i n Shanghai. This growth was the r e s u l t of an.influx into the c i t y of i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , merchants, peasant-labourers, and unemployed youths i n search of a better l i v e l i h o o d . I n t e l l e c t u a l s and c u l t u r a l non-conformists flocked to Shanghai, and sought refuge under foreign law. A study of the National Salvation Association, which was centred i n Shanghai, demands some understanding of the nature of China's urban i n t e l l i g e n t s i a at t h i s time. The word ' i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , ' " while Russian i n o r i g i n , has frequently been used with reference to Chinese socj-ety. This word i s used with a wide range of meaning, and the C 1 outer l i m i t s of t h i s range are i b y no means sharply defined. Often 9 i t seems to mean no more than the c u l t u r a l stratum. Before we hasten to a too f a c i l e d e f i n i t i o n of the 20th century Chinese i n t e l l i g e n t s i a as simply a temporarily displaced bureaucratic c l a s s , i t should be noted that within the millen.i\c*l h i s t o r y of China strong strands of a l i e n a t i o n , withdrawal, and even of martyrdom are i n t e g r a l parts of Confucian t r a d i t i o n . T r a d i t i o n a l l y the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , or i n t e l l e c t u a l s , were part of the o f f i c i a l r u l i n g e l i t e . In t r a d i t i o n a l China the writer had a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l p o s i t i o n than the writer i n Western society, who i n e a r l i e s t times was integrated i n t o society and somewhat l a t e r moved to dependence on a r i s t o c r a t i c patronage. At the end of the 19th century, however, the p o s i t i o n of Chinese writers and i n t e l l e c t u a l s had changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Writers became professionals. Two factors were immediately responsible for t h i s change. One was the r e j e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n , which had led numerous i n t e l l e c t u a l s to renounce the 14 o f f i c i a l system of the educated e l i t e . Moreover, the examination system by which an educated man entered the c i v i l s e r vice was terminated i n 1905. The development of the publishing industry, which allowed writers and i n t e l l e c t u a l s a l i k e to earn an income from w r i t i n g , was the second factor that led to the change i n Chinese writers' s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . In short, the commercialization of w r i t i n g led to professionalism, This change to professionalism, however, does not mean that writers abandoned t h e i r r o l e s as i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Writers, as i n t e l l e c t u a l s , assumed the r o l e of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l c r i t i c s , exponents of change and often became p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s . Whereas i n early 20th century China not a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l s were writ e r s , most write r s , as the l i t e r a t e , a r t i c u l a t e , and concerned segment of the population, were i n t e l l e c t u a l s . For t h i s reason, t h e i r l i t e r a r y creations r e f l e c t t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l concerns, t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l assumptions, and t h e i r preoccupation with the c u l t u r a l change that they considered themselves to have i n i t i a t e d . Thus the h i s t o r y of the National Salvation Association i s of i n t e r e s t for displaying the a c t i v i t y of non-student i n t e l l e c t u a l s and other c i t y dwellers, p a r t i c u l a r l y p r o f e s s i o nal groups. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a number of these people who assumed leadership i n the National Salvation Association had long-standing involvement i n the KMT, not a few of them being KMT members. This i s exemplified by Shih L i a n g ^ and Shen C h i i n - j u ^ who were both long-standing KMT members. The National Salvation Association was one of the elements i n the r i s e of a p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t i n China i n response to the continuing 15 Japanese pressure a f t e r the Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931. Its immediate aim was to pressure the Central Government to change from i t s c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y towards Japan, to a p o l i c y of immediate resistance. With c i v i l war looming ahead, the National Salvation Association made i t s utmost e f f o r t to stop the c i v i l war on the one hand, and on the other, to unite the nation to cope with Japan. The CCP also c a l l e d f o r a nation-wide united front against Japan. This was not simply the r e s u l t of po l i c y decisions made i n Moscow or China. It was strongly influenced by the powerful surge of patriotism that swept through China's c i t i e s a f t e r the student uprisings of December 1935. Students and various other groups i n China's c i t i e s organized for National Salvation Association work at t h i s time. It was es p e c i a l l y i n Shanghai that the December Ninth demonstration i n Peking induced an immediate response i n Shanghai. On December 21, 1935 there were student demonstrations i n Shanghai, and on December 22, plans were made to form a Shanghai U n i v e r s i t i e s Students National 12 Salvation Association. In Shanghai, the Women's National Salvation Association was formed 13 on December 21, 1935 with Shih Liang, as one of i t s leaders. Over two hundred writers, lawyers and newspapermen met i n the Ningpo residents' "guild to form the Cul t u r a l National Salvation Association 14 on December 27. Ma Hsiang-po was t h e i r president. Other groups which organized at t h i s time included the Vocational National Salvation Association i n which Sha C h ' i e n - l i was a d i r e c t o r . A 15 scholar i n jurisprudence, he practised law i n Shanghai i n the 1930s. He was another of the seven worthies. The University Professors' 16 National Salvation Association and the Society for National C r i s i s 16 Education, both led by T'ao Hsing-chih, organized at t h i s time. A Workers' National Salvation Association possibly was formed. Besides i s s u i n g manifestoes and publishing p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e , the various National Salvation Associations i n Shanghai helped i n the organization of demonstrations. Af t e r the i n i t i a l e n t h usiastic response of students on December 21, and again on December 24,"*"^  when the p o l i c e were out i n force, future demonstrations kept to commemorative days or other occasions of public assembly. For these l a t e r demonstrations the f i r s t of which occurred on January 28, 1936 and led to the formation of the A l l - C h i n a National Salvation Federation, 18 i n d u s t r i a l workers played a major r o l e . Late i n May 1936 two National Salvation Congresses were held i n Shanghai; the culmination of several months of organization. The f i r s t Congress met on May 29, to form the A l l - C h i n a Student National 19 Salvation Federation. Then, on May 30, three thousand people took part i n a demonstration which marched to the tombs of the May T h i r t i e t h 1925 victims and d i s t r i b u t e d handbills purporting to show the progressive 20 annexation of China by Japan. This was followed, on May 31, by the second National Salvation Congress at which the A l l - C h i n a National Salvation Federation was formally inaugurated. The seven worthies, a l l leaders i n the National Salvation Association, were arrested i n the early morning hours of November 23. Their law case, which became known by the press as the Ai-kuo wu t s u i [Patriotism i s not a crime] case, attracted wide pu b l i c attention, which continued to i n t e n s i f y u n t i l t h e i r release from prison on August 1, 1937 a few weeks a f t e r the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War. 17 I N T R O D U C T I O N NOTES 1Romanization i s Wade-Giles except that postal s p e l l i n g s have been used for well known geographical names. 2 Paul Linebarger, The China of Chiang Kai-shek (Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1941) pp. 175-178, and Lawrence K. Rosinger, China's Wartime P o l i t i c s , 1937-1944 (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966) p. 50. Lucien Bianco, Origins of the Chinese.Revolution, 1915-1949 (Palo A l t o , CA: Stanford University Press, 1973) and Edgar Snow, Random Notes on Red China, 1936-1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957). 4 , John I s r a e l and Donald K l e i n , Rebels and Bureaucrats: China's December 9ers (Berkeley, CA: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1976) and J e s s i e Lutz, "December 9, 1935: Student Nationalism and the Chinese C h r i s t i a n Colleges," Journal of Asian Studies .26:4 (1967): 627-648 and Nym Wales, Notes on the Chinese Student Movement (Madison, CT: 1959) (mimeographed). \ . P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n Chinese Communist History (Palo A l t o , CA: Stanford University Press, 1967), and J . Domes, Vertagte R e v o l u l ' H o n : die P o l i t i k der Kuomintang i n China,  1923-1937 ( B e r l i n : De Gruyter, 1969). A summary of these Three P r i n c i p l e s i s given i n Wu Tien-wei, "The Sian Incident: A P i v o t a l Point i n Modern Chinese Hi s t o r y " Michigan Papers i n Chinese Studies 26, p. 8. ^A useful summary i s found i n Mary Wright, ed., "Introduction: The Rising Tide of Change," i n China i n Revolution: The F i r s t Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968), pp. 1-63. g L i n Yutang, A History Of the Press and Public Opinion i n China (Shanghai: K e l l y and Walsh, 1936) p. 88. O, Benjamin I. Schwartz, "The I n t e l l i g e n t s i a i n Communist China," Daedalus 89 (1960) p. 604. L i Shou-tung, ed., Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien (Shanghai: publisher unknown, 1937) p. 89. 18 1 1 I b i d . , p. 95. 12 NCH, 25 December 1935. 13 n L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 105. 1 4NCH, 1 January 1936, I b i d . , p. 78. " ^ L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien p. 88. ~*"^Ibid. , pp. 60-61. 1 7NCH, 1 January.1936. 18 Pai T'ao, H u i - i T'ao Hsing-chih hsien-sheng (Peking: Chung-hua shu-tien, 1948) p. 119. 19 Chiu-wang shou-ts'e (no place; publisher unknown) p. 41. 20 NCH, 3 June 1936. !9 CHAPTER 2: ASPECTS OF NATIONAL SALVATION ASSOCIATION ORGANIZATION AND NON-LITERARY ACTIVITY The focus of t h i s chapter concerns various aspects of National Salvation Association organization and n o n - l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t y p r i o r to the arrest of the seven worthies, November 1936. The chapter also includes a case study of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association. It i s clear that although the December Ninth demonstration had s i g n a l l e d a renewal of p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t y i n the case of Peking, p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t y i n Shanghai had continued since 1931. Shanghai had been the largest centre of anti-Japanese a c t i v i t y a f t e r the Mukden Incident.''" Opposition to Japan was p a r t i c u l a r l y v i r u l e n t among the i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n Shanghai, where a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of anti-Japanese organizations had emerged i n the early 1930s. The seven worthies i n t h e i r t r i a l traced the National Salvation Association back to several of these. For example, i n December 1931 a Chung hua min-kuo kuo-nan chiu-chi hui [Society for the R e l i e f of the National C r i s i s of the Chinese Republic] was formed. The Society c r i t i c i z e d the domestic p o l i c i e s of the KMT and demanded a strong anti-Japanese l i n e . With over two hundred members and branches i n sixteen provinces, Domes claimed that i t formed one of the largest formal opposition groups at 2 a time when KMT tutelage permitted l i t t l e opposition. In terms of the s i z e of the membership, t h i s claim seems questionable. Nevertheless, the magnitude of the anti-Japanese response i n Shanghai was s u f f i c i e n t to provoke the Japanese to demand that Shanghai Mayor Wu T'ieh-ch'eng abolish a l l anti-Japanese organizations and to 20 attack Shanghai on January 28, 1932, when Wu was unable to meet the demand, due i n part to both his own l i m i t e d means of enforcing the a b o l i t i o n of anti-Japanese organizations and the magnitude of the anti-Japanese response. The Shanghai Incident grew out of e f f o r t s to suppress disorders that accompanied an anti-Japanese boycott, that was i n turn a response to the Manchurian Incident. A cease-fire agreement reached i n May 1932 st i p u l a t e d the suppression of a l l a n t i -4 Japanese a c t i v i t i e s . At t h e i r t r i a l i n 1937 the seven worthies singled out the Ko t'uan-t'i chiu-kuo lien-ho hui [Federation for National Salvation]"^ as an important antecedent of the National Salvation Association. Chinese documents used thus f a r have not indicated the nature of t h i s organization. The December Ninth Incident i n Peking induced an immediate response i n Shanghai. The NCH of December 18, 1935 r.epor.ted that there had been meetings of Shanghai students i n support of Peking students and that the Federation of Local University Students for National Salvation had sent a telegram to the Government. This telegram urged the re s t o r a t i o n of East Hopei to China. Preparations were made for the inauguration of a National Salvation Federation of Various Public Bodies i n Shanghai, which would publish a newspaper. On December 22 plans were made to form a Shanghai University Students National Salvation Federation."^ Students i n various other c i t i e s organized for National Salvation work. Thus, i n early 1936 the Fu-nu sheng-huo [Women's L i f e ] noted that t h i r t y two c i t i e s had Student National Salvation Association groups.^ The Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association was formed on December 21, 1935 with Shih Liang, a leading lawyer, as one of 21 i t s leaders. This i s discussed i n greater depth l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. Over two hundred writ e r s , lawyers and newspapermen met i n the Ningpo Residents' Guild to form the Shanghai C u l t u r a l National Salvation 8 Association on December 27. Ma Hsiang-po (Ma Liang) a n i n e t y - f i v e year old ex-Manchu o f f i c i a l , who had .written vigorously on Japanese aggression a f t e r 1931, was t h e i r president. A cursory glance at various Chinese sources suggests that an. in-depth study of the Shanghai Cu l t u r a l National Salvation Association would prove not only i n t e r e s t i n g , but would shed a d d i t i o n a l l i g h t on the i d e o l o g i c a l character of the National Salvation Movement as a whole. One obvious advantage i s the existence of several signed manifestoes, which y i e l d several hundred names of people who to greater or l e s s e r extent were involved i n the National Salvation Movement. These included w r i t e r s , such as Hsu Chieh, Hsu Mou-yung, Chou Li-po, and Cheng Chen-to, and 9 economists, such as Hsieh Mu-ch'iao, and Chang Nai-ch'i. Besides, the emergence of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association and the Shanghai C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association, other groups which formed i n December 1935 included: the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association, i n which Sha C h ' i e n - l i was a c t i v e , " ^ the Shanghai University Professor's National Salvation A s s o c i t i o n and the Society for National C r i s i s Education, founded by T'ao Hsing-chih shortly a f t e r December 9, 1935. However we lack d e t a i l s concerning these groups. Nevertheless, on the basis of present information, a table (at the end of t h i s chapter) .reconstructs the possible organization of the National Salvation Association and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i t s various components. Sources vary concerning the existence or not of a Shanghai 22 Workers' National Salvation Association. Freyn suggests that attempts i n Shanghai, 'to draw workers into the National Salvation Movement led to immediate suppression, but a Workers' Anti-Japanese National Salvation Association was nevertheless formed i n February 1936.'"^ Freyn argues that the 'Workers' Anti-Japanese National Salvation Association remained i l l e g a l , and that the Japanese i n p a r t i c u l a r 12 spared no e f f o r t to hunt down i t s members.' Rosinger likewise supports the notion of the formation of a Workers' National Salvation 13 Association, and the subsequent declaration of i t s i l l e g a l i t y . Smith simply asserts that 'groups of workers ... formed National 14 Salvation Associations.' None of these writers i n d i c a t e t h e i r sources for such comments. Notwithstanding, t h e i r views are consistent with the claims of one Chinese s o u r c e , ^ but are refuted by another which noted that.in late-1935 - early-1936, i n d u s t r i a l workers did not have t h e i r own group i n Shanghai but were expected to enter the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association.'"^ On the basis of what I have seen, there are no published manifestoes, reports of a c t i v i t i e s , mentions of leadership or other references to a Shanghai Workers' National Salvation Association (with the exception already noted) which would help to v e r i f y the existence of such a group. This i s i n marked contrast to the potted accounts that are av a i l a b l e concerning other Shanghai National Salvation Association groups. Curiously, i t seems that even though i n d u s t r i a l workers may have been expected to j o i n the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association, some women workers are reported as being involved i n the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association. Whether they held dual membership i s not known. 23 Although the existence of a l l these groups i s well documented, several problems concerning National Salvation Association organization remain. For example, I have not been able to determine the precise r e l a t i o n s h i p of these various l o c a l National Salvation Association groups to each other. Nor i s i t c l e a r what actual authority each group commanded over i t s own a f f a i r s . F i n a l l y , while i t seems possible to argue for a separate development of the Student National Salvation Association wing of the National Salvation Association, the precise r o l e of students i n the National Salvation Association as a whole i s more d i f f i c u l t to ascertain. Two National Salvation Association Congresses were s i g n i f i c a n t for subsequent National Salvation Association organization and a c t i v i t y . According to one source, these two Congresses were held i n Shanghai l a t e i n May 1936."^ Late May was chosen to coincide with the commemoration of the May T h i r t i e t h 1925 Incident. In 1936 t h i s date had acquired a new s i g n i f i c a n c e with the sudden expansion of the Japanese garrison at T i e n t s i n to well above the l i m i t s of the Boxer 18 Protocol. This further fueled anti-Japanese f e e l i n g s i n Shanghai. The f i r s t National Salvation Association Congress met on May 29, 1936. This was a student Congress. Twenty s i x representatives from student National Salvation organizations attended t h i s Congress. The 19 All-China Student National Salvation Federation was formed. The second National Salvation Association Congress was held on May 31, 1936. At t h i s Congress the A l l China National Salvation Federation was formed, with representatives of at l e a s t f o r t y d i f f e r e n t organizations present at i t s inauguration. Membership of t h i s body was open to groups rather than i n d i v i d u a l s . The largest representation came from T i e n t s i n 24 20 and Shanghai. Although National Salvation groups were active i n 21 Sian p r i o r to the Sian Incident i n December 1936, at t h e i r t r i a l , the seven accused claimed that there had been no representative from 22 Sian at the inauguration. The A l l China National Salvation Federation elected a t h i r t y 23 f i v e member executive committee. Those elected included Ma Hsiang-po, 24 Tsou T'ao-fen (at t h i s point i n Hong Kong) and Madame Sun 25 (Sung Ch'ing-ling). When John Gunther was i n China i n 1939, he described the National Salvation Association as 'her group' which 26 'was i n a sense the o r i g i n of the united front.' There seems to be no other evidence for the importance of Madame Sun i n the Association, apart from her r o l e at the time of the t r i a l of the 27 seven worthies. I have not been able to determine the names of other members of the executive committee, whether other members of the "executive commmittee were from Shanghai, where the headquarters of the National Salvation Association was located, i s not known. The precise function of the executive committee i s also unclear. More i s known about the standing committee of t h i r t e e n to f i f t e e n members which was also elected to be responsible for National Salvation 28 I I Association p o l i c y formulation. Those elected included Shen Chun-ju, Sha C h ' i e n - l i , Wang Tsao-shih, Chang Nai-ch'i, Shih Liang and L i 29 30 Kung-p'u, the l a t t e r elected i n absentia, although the NCH of June 3, 1936 reported him present at the May 30 demonstration. At 31 l e a s t s i x of the standing committee came from Shanghai. The question of National Salvation Association finances also deserves attention. Lineberger claims f i r s t , that the National Salvation Movement was financed e s s e n t i a l l y through voluntary 25 contributions; second, that most of the National Salvation Movement's work was done by volunteers who asked for no f i n a n c i a l remuneration, t r a v e l l i n g and working at t h e i r own expense; and f i n a l l y , that approximately Ch.$5,000 s u f f i c e d to cover headquarters expenses i n 32 Shanghai. Almost without exception, Chinese sources that I have seen do not discuss the question of the finances of the National Salvation Association. However the Chiu-wang shou-ts'e noted that the National Salvation Association sought voluntary f i n a n c i a l contributions, 33 p a r t i c u l a r l y from businessmen and professionals, for a r e l i e f fund, to provide temporary r e l i e f to refugees, e s p e c i a l l y i n North China. Various centres for receiving contributions, designated for t h i s 34 purpose, were established. Questions such as how, where, when and how much money was d i s t r i b u t e d are not mentioned. Nor i s i t c l e a r what c r i t e r i a were used i n deciding who should receive t h i s f i n a n c i a l assistance, or even whether the assistance given was i n kind, such as food or c l o t h i n g , or cash. It i s , moreover, d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y Linebarger's claim regarding the finance of the National Salvation Association's headquarters i n Shanghai, on at l e a s t two counts. F i r s t , he does not specify the time period for which t h i s Ch.$5,000 was s u f f i c i e n t . Second, Linebarger gives no i n d i c a t i o n of his source for such a f i g u r e . I have not been able to substantiate or refute t h i s , on the basis of any other source which I have seen. It would also be i n t e r e s t i n g to know to what extent, i f at a l l , the National Salvation Association's coffers were aided by finances from publishing endeavours. The National Salvation Association i n Shanghai, and presumably 26 elsewhere, Included a well organized t r a i n i n g program. Only one Chinese text which I have used for t h i s study refers to National 35 Salvation t r a i n i n g i n any depth. The Chiu-wang shou-ts'e provides ins i g h t into one aspect of National Salvation organization, and thus reinforces the notion of a well organized body. The National Salvation Association t r a i n i n g programme was i n part implemented i n conjunction with National Salvation Association c e l l groups. These c e l l groups met once a week, or every ten days, for the purpose of study and discussion. The National Salvation Association also considered that t r a i n i n g and propaganda work were complementary, though one was not a substitute for the other. The National Salvation Association aimed to t r a i n both 'the 36 masses' and 'cadres'. Training classes were held for the masses outside of working hours, so that those taking National Salvation t r a i n i n g courses were free to seek employment. Classes were held every day for one to two hours. There i s no i n d i c a t i o n i n the Chinese sources that I have seen of the course duration, whether weeks or months, or who was responsible for leading such courses. In addition to the regular d a i l y t r a i n i n g classes, study groups and c o l l o q u i a were also held for 'the masses'. These were held every f i v e days or once a week, and were less formal than the regular t r a i n i n g classes. In Shanghai, a National Salvation Association t r a i n i n g o f f i c e provided the venue for cadre t r a i n i n g . Whether t h i s was the same place as the Shanghai National Salvation Association headquarters, I am s t i l l unsure. Cadres l i v e d together at the t r a i n i n g o f f i c e f or the duration of t h e i r t r a i n i n g . They were not free to seek employment. 27 Study groups and c o l l o q u i a were used to t r a i n cadres, the aim being to strengthen the t h e o r e t i c a l basis acquired i n the regular t r a i n i n g classes for the 'masses'. In terms of content, the t r a i n i n g course for cadres included f i r s t , p o l i t i c a l economy theory; second, mass movement's methods; t h i r d , general knowledge of m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s ; and f i n a l l y , knowledge and experience of defence. It i s unclear how the t h i r d and fourth section d i f f e r e d . The f i r s t section, p o l i t i c a l economy theory, was divided into f i f t e e n sub-sections: (1) Basic knowledge of economics; (2) basic knowledge of philosophy; (3) n a t i o n a l united front; (4) s o c i a l structure; (5) revolution h i s t o r y ; (6) world a f f a i r s ; (7) imperialism; (8) national problems; (9) democratic government; (10) workers'.and peasants' problems; (11) youth problems; (12) women's problems; (13) t r a i t o r s , and the theory of t r a i t o r s ; (14) war-time economy; and (15) war-time diplomacy. Unfortunately, the text I used does not contain a breakdown of the other three areas of t r a i n i n g content. However, the content of National Salvation t r a i n i n g , as revealed i n t h i s one section, shows the wide range of issues with which the National Salvation Association was concerned. It i s not c e r t a i n what c r i t e r i a were used i n the s e l e c t i o n of people to take cadre t r a i n i n g or who was responsible for giving t h i s t r a i n i n g . Nor i s i t c l e a r what cadres were supposed to do, once trained. These issues r a i s e further questions, such as: why were these topics taught, and what were the long term goals of National Salvation training? To attempt to estimate the s i z e of the National Salvation 3 Association i s d i f f i c u l t . In the purported absence of membership l i s t s 28 in d i c a t o r s of s i z e must include numbers who attended National Salvation Association meetings, p a r t i c i p a t e d i n National Salvation demonstration marches, and signed manifestoes. Even .then, documentation used for t h i s study precludes a precise estimate. Morwood suggests that the National Salvation Association had 'some eight hundred thousand members." He gives no i n d i c a t i o n how t h i s figure was calculated. It may well be too low an estimate. For example, as early as l a t e 1935, one Chinese source stated that from December 9-31, 1935 more than 136,000 students, from t h i r t y two c i t i e s and representing over 39 four hundred schools, p a r t i c i p a t e d i n National Salvation meetings. At the l o c a l l e v e l , over one thousand women attended the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association inaugural meeting, and par t i c i p a t e d i n the demonstration march the same day. Shanghai and Peking C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association manifestoes yielded 40 41 283 and 149 signatures respectively. SHANGHAI WOMEN'S NATIONAL SALVATION ASSOCIATION Education had always-been esteemed i n China, but for men. During the f i r s t few decades of the twentieth century however, the press began to claim that education of women was of basic importance; that the education of women held the key to China's s u r v i v a l ; i t was not a luxury that could be put of f u n t i l a l a t e r date. Just how did. the press j u s t i f y t h i s view? The main l i n k between women's education and the national welfare of China expressed in.the press was the t r a d i t i o n a l maternal r o l e of women. Women were to be educated because they would be the mothers of the Chinese race and of the Chinese c i t i z e n s of the future. Education was not j u s t i f i e d as an 29 inherent r i g h t of women. Shanghai had l e d the way i n the establishment of women's education. The f i r s t g i r l s ' school had been established i n 1897, 42 and was connected with the reform movement. But, while there had been a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of g i r l s ' schools i n Shanghai, the actual number of g i r l s being•educated had been abysmally low. A comparatively small number of Chinese urban women may have enjoyed some education, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the lower l e v e l s by the May Fourth era and thus a measure of l i b e r a t i o n from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e . Rural women remained e s s e n t i a l l y unaffected. Coeducation had existed i n some i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher learning p r i o r to the May Fourth Incident. For instance, i n 1918 the Canton 43 C h r i s t i a n College f i r s t opened i t s doors to women. By 1922 twenty-44 eight u n i v e r s i t i e s and colleges i n China had female students. Although the female enrollment i n each of these i n s t i t u t i o n s was r e l a t i v e l y small, the acceptance of female students was of greater s i g n i f i c a n c e than the actual number of students who attended. A l i n k between the education of women i n China and the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of women i n China i s evident. While not a l l women revo l u t i o n a r i e s i n early 20th century China were educated women, as educational opportunities for women expanded, so too did t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s increase. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s and mass demonstrations was not pecul i a r to the 1930s. Pr i o r to the 1911 Revolution women had 45 organized several p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s , and marched i n p o l i t i c a l demonstrations. For example, i n 1908 thousands of g i r l s i n Canton 46 marched on behalf of China's p o s i t i o n i n the Tatsu Maru dispute. 30 In the contemporary records and i n l a t e r memoirs one sometimes encounters the names of wives of revolutionaries who at the same time were themselves pursuing revolutionary careers. For example, Ho Hsiang-ning (Madame Liao Chung-k'ai), and Ho Chen (Madame L i u Kuang-han), who had both accompanied t h e i r husbands to Japan, were among the e a r l i e s t female members of the T'ung-meng hui [United League]. Perhaps the most notorious of the early women rev o l u t i o n a r i e s was Ch'iu Chin.- Rankin aptly characterized her as a "revolutionary 48 romantic with a f l a i r for dramatic a c t i o n . " Ch'iu Chin's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ranged on the one hand from j o i n i n g the Kuang-fu hui [Restoration S o c i e t y ] . i n China i n 1905, to founding the Kung-ai hui [Common Love Society] i n Tokyo, another society of male and female revolutionaries which was committed to ending Manchu ru l e i n China; and on the other hand to founding and co-editing Chung-kuo nil pao [Chinese Women's Paper].(which i n 1906 was the most r a d i c a l magazine fo r women), and at the same time serving as p r i n c i p a l of two Shaohsing schools, Ming-tao G i r l s ' School andTa-t'ung School, where she 49 conducted m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g f o r the g i r l s i n these schools. Thus, Ch'iu Chin provides an example of the p o l i t i c a l goals and the s t y l e of female p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the eve of the 1911 Revolution. This p o l i t i c i z a t i o n gained momentum during the subsequent years. Throughout the May Fourth era, the women's movement organized around such demands as the ri g h t to marry f r e e l y , vote, be elected to o f f i c e , own property and be educated. In the mid 1930s women's-periodicals such as the Fu-nu sheng-huo [Women's L i f e ] equated female education with a strong and prosperous China. This was no mere r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n designed for i t s appeal to 31 n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n t e r e s t s for feminist ends. These women j o u r n a l i s t s who wrote for the press, f i r m l y believed that t h e i r feminism was an i n t e g r a l part of nationalism. They l i v e d and worked i n the atmosphere of ardent nationalism that was growing i n the student and i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s i n China and Japan. They were at le a s t as committed to saving China as t h e i r male counterparts, but as women they defined China's weakness also i n terms of the i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n a l l o t t e d to them as the female h a l f of the population. An understanding of the r o l e of women i n the National Salvation Movement i n general, and i n the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association i n p a r t i c u l a r i s compelling for two reasons. F i r s t , i t sheds l i g h t on the s t y l e of women's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n China, e s p e c i a l l y i n urban centres. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g i s the close l i n k i n p o l i t i c a l activity.;, between educated professional women, and the female urban labour force. The numerical importance of women i n Shanghai's labour force i s i l l u s t r a t e d by one scholar who noted that i n 1928, 56% of a l l Shanghai workers were women (9.2% were c h i l d r e n ) , only 6% i n T i e n t s i n but 44% 51 i n Hangchow and 51% i n Hankow. Early i n China's i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n process, women had been organizing and carrying out s t r i k e s f or shorter hours of work and better pay. There had been two peaks of s t r i k e a c t i v i t y i n the 1920s: the f i r s t i n 1922 and the second beginning with the May T h i r t i e t h Movement i n 1925 and continuing into 1926. In 1922 s i x t y f a c t o r i e s had been struck i n eighty s t r i k e s and over 52 M 30,000 women workers had been involved. Hsiang Ching-yu i s credited with leading two s t r i k e s i n 1924; one i n a Shanghai s i l k f i l a t u r e i n 54 which 12,000 women struck and another i n the Nanyang Tobacco Plant. 32 Hsiang was not the only woman who had been active i n s t r i k e organization. Others included Ts'ai Ch'ang,"^ who had e a r l i e r gone to France, and L i u Chien-hsien,"^^ a t e x t i l e worker. This s t r i k e a c t i v i t y suggests that the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women workers i n the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association was but the continuation of a p o l i t i c i z a -t i o n trend. Ever more important, i t suggests that women workers were, on t h e i r own, j u s t as p o l i t i c a l l y m i l i t a n t as male workers, and that economic concerns were inc r e a s i n g l y linked to p o l i t i c a l issues. The Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association held i t s inaugural meeting December 21, 1935 at the Shanghai YWCA."^ According 58 to one report, more than one thousand women attended. These women represented various segments of urban society: students, shop employees, workers, lawyers, c i v i l servants, writers and housewives. On the basis of the sources I have seen, i t i s not possible to determine what proportion .of the t o t a l number each group represented. The sources do not provide a l i s t of names of women who attended t h i s meeting, so with few exceptions most of these women must remain anonymous. The attendance of women workers at t h i s meeting i s i n t e r e s t i n g for several reasons. F i r s t i t suggests that these women opted, or were expected to j o i n the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association (emphasis mine), i n preference to a workers National Salvation Association, while men workers, i t seems, were expected to j o i n the 59 Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association. Although there was no Chinese newspaper press coverage, the Fu-nu sheng-huo recorded that a Shanghai Women's National Salvation 60 Association demonstration march took place December 21, 1935. 33 This immediately followed the conclusion of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association inaugural meeting. I f , as the Fu-nu  Sheng-huo claimed, more than one thousand women took part i n the l a t e afternoon march through the streets of Shanghai, then i t must have attracted considerable public attention. The lack of Chinese press attention, and the f a i l u r e of other periodicalsVo report on t h i s demonstration suggests that while the proclamation of mar t i a l law i n Shanghai the day before seemingly had no deterrent e f f e c t on the women demonstrators, the Central Government's suppression of the press e s s e n t i a l l y deterred press coverage of the event. Perhaps too, by the mid 1930s demonstration marches, even by women, were les s news-worthy than before. The slogans used by the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association did not r e f l e c t feminist concerns, such as equal r i g h t s or women's education. Various slogans were used, such as, " K i l l the t r a i t o r s who commit treason;" "We're not a f r a i d to d i e ; " "Oppose secret diplomacy;"" "Defend the p a t r i o t i c movement;" and "Down with XX (Japanese) imperialism." These slogans r e f l e c t the concerns 61 expressed by various National Salvation manifestoes of the period. It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the size of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association. Shih Liang claimed that i t had more 6 2 than 1,600 members. The Women's National Salvation Association was established i n at least several other urban centres, including Peking and T i e n t s i n , but the size of these groups i s not known. National s a l v a t i o n manifestoes issued by the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association may provide a more precise i n d i c a t i o n of the s i z e 6 3 of that organization, but to date I have only seen one of these. 34 This did not mention s i z e . In the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association Shih Liang (born 1907), one of China's f i r s t and most famous woman lawyers, 64 was one of the leaders. Shih graduated i n law i n the mid 1920s. She had joined the KMT by the mid 1920s, and during the Northern Expedition, 1926-27, headed the Personnel Training Section under the Revolutionary Army's General P o l i t i c a l Department. In the l a t e 1920s Shih held several minor posts i n Kiangsu, but by the end of the decade she was p r a c t i s i n g law i n Shanghai. In the Sino-Japanese War period, Shih Liang, as well as Shen Chun-ju, Chang Nai-ch'i, L i Kung-p'u, and Tsou T'ao-fen figured prominently i n the T'ung-i chien-kuo t'ung-chih hui [The United National Construction League], the Chung-kuo min-chu cheng-t'uan t a t'ung-meng [The Grand A l l i a n c e of Chinese Democratic Parties] and the Chung-kuo min-chu t'ung-meng hui [The China Democratic League]. Later on, af t e r the Sino-Japanese War, Shih headed a l i a i s o n committee under the KMT-sponsored New L i f e Movement and was among the organizers of the l e f t i s t - o r i e n t e d Fu-nu l i e h - i hui [China Women's League], which was placed under the Chung-hua ch'uan-kuo fu-nil lien-ho hui [All-China Women's Federation] when the CCP came to power i n 1949. With the exception of leading Communists Ts'ai Ch'ang and Teng Ying-ch'ao (Madame Chou En-lai) and other prominent women such as Sung Ch'ing-ling (Madame Sun Yat-sen) and Ho Hsiang-ning^ (Madame Liao Chung-k'ai), few women emerged with so many s i g n i f i c a n t posts as Shih 67 Liang i n the early years of the PRC. Shih Liang epitomized the leadership, at l e a s t , and, one suspects, a large proportion of the rank and f i l e members of the National 35 Salvation Association, i n leaning, not toward the CCP, but toward the minor democratic parties and groups which emerged i n the Sino-Japanese War period and continued i n the PRC. -It should be noted that there were some people i n the minority parties who held membership also i n the CCP, and some who wanted CCP membership, but who were 6 8 repeatedly denied i t . It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that several other prominent women, such as Ho Hsiang-ning, Sung Ch'ing-ling and the writer Chiang Ping-chih (Ting Ling) were also active i n t h e i r support of the National Salvation Association. A curious feature of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association was that i t seems as i f men, also, ocould and did j o i n . Male domination of g i r l student groups was a feature of 69 the 1920s. To what extent men dominated, or led, the Women's National Salvation Association remains, i n terms of my own research, unknown. At t h i s point I am only able to l i n k the name of one man to the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association: P'an Kung-chan.^ The commissioner of education of the c i t y government of Greater Shanghai since 1932, P'an was e a r l i e r a leader i n the 1919 student movement.^ Focussing attention on the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association does more than j u s t strengthen our grasp, which at best i s tenuous on the r o l e of women i n urban Republican China. The Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association also serves as an example of the wide range of National Salvation Association a c t i v i t y as a whole. NATIONAL SALVATION NON-LITERARY ACTIVITY The various National Salvation Association groups i n Shanghai not only issued manifestoes and produced p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e , but 36 also helped organize demonstrations. One such demonstration by students culminated i n the occupation of the North R a i l Station i n 72 Shanghai on December 24, 19.35, where the p o l i c e were out i n force. Future demonstrations tended to keep to commemorative days or other occasions of public assembly such as the funeral of the f i l m s t a r Wan Ling-yu. In these l a t e r demonstrations, the f i r s t of which occurred on January 28, 1936 and led to the formation of the A l l -Shanghai Federation of National Salvation Unions, i n d u s t r i a l workers who had joined i n T'ao Hsing-chih's National C r i s i s Education 73 Movement played a leading r o l e . On May 30, 1936 three thousand people took part i n what the NCH described as a 'violent anti-Japanese 74 demonstration!. The demonstration was to express opposition to the progressive annexation of China by J a p a n . ^ There i s l i t t l e information on the a c t i v i t i e s of the National Salvation Association for the few months p r i o r to the arrest of the seven worthies i n November 1936. T'ao Hsing-chih went abroad to spread the National Salvation message to Europe and North America. He v i s i t e d twenty eight nations. T'ao helped to form the All-Europe Overseas Chinese National Salvation Federation and gave several lectures i n America. These included lectures to New York dockers, who were presumably non-Chinese. They subsequently refused to ship arms to J a p a n . ^ This suggests that T'ao appealed to both overseas Chinese and to non-Chinese i n key p o s i t i o n s . An attempt by National Salvation leaders to hold a commemorative meeting of the Manchurian Incident on September 18 i n Shanghai was stopped by KMT a u t h o r i t i e s , who claimed to be: very disturbed by the sudden appearance of anti-Japanese i n c i d e n t s . ^ 7 These included the 37 7 8 murder of a Japanese clerk i n Shanghai July 10, the Ch'eng-tu 79 Incident, where two Japanese were k i l l e d while opening a consulate, and the Pakhoi Incident on September 3 ..when a Japanese man was k i l l e d 80 i n East Kwangtung. Just p r i o r to September 18, the Shanghai KMT headquarters published a c i r c u l a r . This c i r c u l a r proclaimed that the National Salvation Association was i l l e g a l , 'a c o l l e c t i v e body of r e a c t i o n a r i e s , ' who c o l l e c t e d money to enrich themselves under the guise of National Salvation. Several National Salvation leaders including Madame Sun sent a l e t t e r to the NCH to deny these charges and to suggest that the Government prove i t s charges i n court i f i t 81 dared. The National Salvation leaders claimed that the Association had not been registered because the freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n granted by the P r o v i s i o n a l Constitution had' been removed by l a t e r laws. They questioned why the Government should not be overjoyed at organized patriotism at a time when the Government i t s e l f could not lead such organizations because of diplomatic considerations. In November 1936 a Japanese-instigated attack on Suiyuan was 82 begun by Mongol troops. I n i t i a l skirmishes on November 2, led to 83 the capture of Pailingmiao on November 7. At the same time, a wave of i n d u s t r i a l s t r i k e s started i n Shanghai. Communist Chinese h i s t o r i a n s have claimed that these s t r i k e s 84 were great anti-Japanese s t r i k e s . It i s d i f f i c u l t to substantiate t h i s claim. F i r s t , the i n i t i a l s t r i k e was i n a Chinese s i l k factory. The occasion f o r the s t r i k e concerned the dismissal of t h i r t y two 85 union leaders. Second, although s t r i k e s soon became concentrated i n the Japanese m i l l s of Shanghai and spread quickly to the northern 86 c i t i e s of T i e n t s i n , Tsingtao and Sian, the issue was not c l e a r l y one 38 of resistance to the Japanese. National Salvation leaders gave t h e i r strong support to the s t r i k e r s , by staging a demonstration i n Shanghai to the same s t r i k e r s , Chang Hsueh-liang made generous donations. But workers i n Japanese f a c t o r i e s demanded higher wages at a time of great prosperity i n the cotton industry. Japanese m i l l owners viewed these s t r i k e s as sequels to the Chinese m i l l s t r i k e s of the previous week and f e l t that there was no a g i t a t i o n on anti-Japanese l i n e s , no 87 handbills and no other inflamatory matter. The s t r i k e s , which continued u n t i l approximately November 22, assumed a more serious nature on l a t e r occasions, when there were c o n f l i c t s with the p o l i c e and some s l i g h t damage was i n f l i c t e d on f a c t o r i e s . Third, with the exception of one pitched b a t t l e between p o l i c e and workers at the Toyoda m i l l on November 17, which the Japanese d i r e c t o r of the M i l l Owner's Association describes as 'a r i o t engineered by a number of extreme elements, 1 the s t r i k e s were described by the NCH as having 88 ' a l l the appearances of regular trouble between c a p i t a l and labour.' There i s no evidence i n any of the Chinese sources that I have used to suggest that the National Salvation Association i n s t i g a t e d these s t r i k e s . It i s c l e a r , however, that the National Salvation Association supported these developments i n November 1936. At a meeting held i n the Y.M.C.A. compound i n Shanghai to commemorate Sun Yat-sen's birthday, over two thousand students, professors and labourers contributed to a s t r i k e r e l i e f fund for Chinese workers i n Japanese-owned f a c t o r i e s . Some people who attended the meeting suggested demanding the immediate release of a l l arrested s t r i k e r s by using the threat of a general s t r i k e . Others suggested the organization of a s p e c i a l committee to give the maximum possible aid t 39 the s t r i k e r s . While the National Salvation Association encouraged s t r i k e a c t i v i t y , one source also suggested that the organization 90 contributed f i n a n c i a l a id to the s t r i k e r s . At the same time the Association voted to send contributions to Suiyuan and at the end of November eight representatives of the Shanghai public delivered 91 Ch.$100,000 to the war front. It was at t h i s point, i n the early hours of November 23, 1936 that the seven Shanghai leaders of the National Salvation Association were arrested and the general clampdown on anti-Japanese a c t i v i t y i n t e n s i f i e d . The various National Salvation groups, born out of both e a r l i e r anti-Japanese organizations and the December Ninth demonstration, and culminating i n the National Salvation Association, had had almost a year i n which to develop. The National S a l v a t i o n i s t s had produced a large amount of l i t e r a t u r e . These groups were not l e g a l l y recognized by the Government, nor were they given a r e a l chance to develop. Nevertheless, i n the c i t i e s , where anti-Japanese propaganda had i t s 92 chief e f f e c t , due i n part to the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the press i n the c i t i e s and to the ever-increasing a l i e n a t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s from the KMT, the response to p a t r i o t i c appeals i n t e n s i f i e d . 40 I I z ^ e. 11 o 5 o o F — ) 0-at O 2 Q . ! O in 2 41 TABLE: NATIONAL SALVATION ASSOCIATION: ORGANIZATION, MAY 1936 NOTES: 1. For sources for Table, see Notes to Chapter 2 2. The A l l - C h i n a National Salvation Federation was an umbrella organization which elected both the standing committee and the executive committee. 3. Possible dual membership of standing and executive committees existed. 4. Precise nature'of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A l l — C h i n a Student National Salvation Federation and the A l l - C h i n a National Salvation Federation i s not yet determined. 5. N.S.A.: National Salvation Association. 6. The existence of a Workers' National Salvation Association i s questionable. 7. Dual membership existed between l o c a l National Salvation Associations; at least at the leadership l e v e l , and possibly at the membership l e v e l . 8. Various l o c a l National Salvation Associations and the A l l - C h i n a National Salvation Federation published manifestoes. 9. The nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l o c a l National Salvation Associations and National Salvation Association propaganda, t r a i n i n g and c e l l group work, i s yet to be determined. 10. Propaganda, t r a i n i n g and c e l l group work were d i s t i n c t but linked National Salvation Association functions. 42 CHAPTER 2: ASPECTS OF NATIONAL SALVATION ASSOCIATION ORGANIZATION AND NON-LITERARY ACTIVITY NOTES ^James B. Crowley, Japan's Quest for Autonomy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), p. 159. ^ J . Domes, Vertagte Revolution: die Polltik der Kuomintang i n  China, 1923-1937 ( B e r l i n : De Gruyter, 1963), pp. 648-649. 3 Crowley, Japan's Quest for Autonomy, p. 160. 4 ii Hsu Ting Lee-hsia, Government Control of the Press i n Modern  China, 1900-1949 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 103 mentions the agreement. "*Li Shou-tung, ed., Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun tzu shih chien (no place: publisher unknown, ? 1937), p. 61. North China Herald and Supreme Court and Consular Gazette (hereafter NCH) December 25, 1935. An a r t i c l e i n Ta-chung sheng-huo (hereafter TCSH) 1:7, December 28, 1935, pp. 170-171 captures the s p i r i t of enthusiasm i n the Shanghai response to Peking. - . 7Fu-nii sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) pp. 249-251. ^NCH January 1, 1936, and L i , Chiu-Kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih-chien, p. 78. 9 I I Hsieh (pronounced Hsueh). ~ ^ L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chlin-tzu shih chien, pp. 77-88. See also Ma Hsiang-po, Ma Hsiang-po (Liang) hsien-sheng nien-p'u (T a i p e i : Wen hai ch'u-pan she, 1971) and Ma Hsiang-po wen-chi Reprint ( T a i p e i : Wen hai ch'u-pan she, 1972). Sha was a d i r e c t o r i n the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association. ''"''"Hubert Freyn, Prelude to War: The Chinese Student Rebellion of  1935-36 (Shanghai: China Journal Publishing Company, 1939) p. 59. 12 Ibid. See also Nym Wales, Notes on the Chinese Student Movement (mimeographed) (Madison, CT, 1959) p. 43. 13 Lawrence K. Rosinger, China's Wartime P o l i t i c s , 1937-1944 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1944), p. 14. 43 14 John M. Smith, "Chang Nai-ch'i and His C r i t i c s : The Interpretation of the Hundred Flowers Movement," M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978, p. 38. Smith does not comment on the l e g a l i t y of such groups. Chang Chih-i, K'ang-chan chung t i cheng-tank ho p'ai-pieh (Chungking: Tu-shu sheng-huo ch'u-pan she, 1939), pp. 99-109. 16 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 60-61. "*"^Chiu-wang shou-ts'e (Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1939) p. 41. This mentions preparations. 1 8 NCH May 20, 1936, June 3, 1936. 19 Chiu-wang shou-ts'e, p. 41. 20 Ibid. (Palo A l t o , CA: Stanford University Press, 1967). 21 L. P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n  Chinese Communist History p. 71. At the t r i a l the accused claimed that the Sian movement had 'a d i f f e r e n t content.' L i , Chiu-kuo wu  t s u i ch'i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 71. 22 ii L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 71, 100. 23 Ibid., pp. 62-63. 24 Ibid ., p. 85. 25 Soong (Sung) Ch'ing-ling, Wei hsin Chung-kuo fen-tou (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1952) p. 74. 26 John Gunther, Inside Asia (New York: E. Hamilton, 1939), pp. 205, 202. 27 I I L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i ch'i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 156-170. ^ I b i d . , p. 62. 29 I b i d . , p. 62. 3°Ibid., p. 82. 31 Ib i d . , p. 62. 44 32 Paul Linebarger, The China of Chiang Kai-shek (Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1941), p. 176. It i s not clear whether t h i s f i g u r e was s u f f i c i e n t for expenses per month or per annum. 33 Chiu-wang shou-tse, p. 166. 34 Ib i d . , p. 167. 35 See the Chiu-wang shou-t'se. According to the Table of Contents of the Chiu-wang shou-t'se the section which dealt with t r a i n i n g was i n pp. 103-109 i n c l u s i v e . However the text I used did not contain pp. 106-115 i n c l u s i v e , and thus omitted several pages of the section r e l a t i n g to t r a i n i n g . 3 6 I b i d . , p. 105. 37 Linebarger, The China of Chiang Kai-shek, p. 177. 38 William Morwood, Duel f o r the Middle Kingdom: The Struggle Between Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Tse-tung f o r Control of China (New York, Everest House, 1980) p. 177. 39 Fu-nll sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) pp. 249-250. 40 TCSH 1:6 (1935) p. 158. 4 1TCSH 1:15 (1936) p. 361, A 2, Ch'eng Chai-fan, Chung-kuo h s i e n - t a i nu-tzu chiao-yu shih (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1936), p. 21. See also R. M. Witke, "Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women During the May Fourth Era of Modern China." Ph.D. th e s i s , University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1970, p. 222. 43 Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement: I n t e l l e c t u a l Revolution  i n Modern China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 123. 44 ti I I Ch'en Tung-yuan, Chung-kuo fu-nu sheng-huo shih (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chti, 1928), pp. 387-396. ^Witke, "Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women During the May Fourth Era of Modern China." p. 51. Mary Wright, ed., China i n Revolution: The F i r s t Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968), Introduction, p. 33. 45 47 The f u l l name i s Chung-kuo t'ung-meng hui [China United League]. 48 Mary Rankin, "The Revolutionary Movement i n Chekiang: A Study i n the Tenacity of T r a d i t i o n , " i n Mary Wright, ed. China i n Revolution: The F i r s t Phase, 1900-1913, p. 320. 49 Ibid ., p. 349. "^Fu-nu sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) p. 252. ~^Fan'g Fu-an, Chinese Labour (London:_ P.. S ._ King and Sbn-Ltd., 1931) , .p. 31. :Z ' " ."••J.'f'..'.T'.'.'•< "^Hsiang Ch'ing-yu, "Chung-kuo t s u i - c h i n fu-nu yun-tung," Fu-nu nien-chien (Shanghai) 1924, pp. 77-87. See also Hung-ch'i p'iao-p'iao, 5 pp. 28-31. 53 Suzette L e i t h , "Chinese Women i n the Early,Communist Movement," i n Marilyn B. Young, ed., "Women i n China," Michigan Papers i n Chinese  Studies 15 (1978): 47-71. 5 4 I b i d . "^Hung-ch'i p'iao-p'iao, 1:75; 5:172; 8:53. "^L e i t h , "Chinese Women i n the Early Communist Movement," p. 60. 5 7Fu-nu sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) p. 235, states Ch'ing-nien hui (YMCA) but L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 105 states Nu ch'ing nien-hui (YWCA). 5 8Fu-nu sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) p. 235. 59 I I L I , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i ch'i chun-tzu shih chien pp. 60-61. 6°Fu-nu sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) pp. 235-239. 61 National Salvation Association manifestoes are discussed i n Chapter 3. 62 I I L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 105. Fu-nu sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) pp. 252-253. 46 64 Biographical data i n Donald W. K l e i n and Anne B. Clark, eds., Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Communism, 1921-1965 2 v o l s . (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), pp. 764-765, and Who's Who i n Communist China (Hong Kong: Union Research I n s t i t u t e , 1969-1970), p. 508. Sources are not agreed on where Shih Liang studied law. K l e i n and Clark, Biographical Dictionary of Chinese  Communism, 1921-1965, p. 764, states the "Shanghai Law College," and Who's Who i n Communist China, p. 508, the "Shanghai P o l i t i c s and Law'College," which presumably was the Shanghai fa-cheng hsueh-yuan [Shanghai College of Law and P o l i t i c a l Science]. These were two separate i n s t i t u t i o n s . 65 L. P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n  Chinese Communist History, pp. 171-172, suggests t h i s was probably sometime between the f a l l of 1943 and the spring of 1944. Carson Chang, The Third Force i n China (New York: Bookman Associates, 1952), p. 115, simply says the National Salvation Association was allowed to j o i n l a t e r . No dates were given. 66 Ho Hsiang-ning, the wife of Liao Chung-k'ai, was the f i r s t woman to j o i n the T'ung-meng;hui, 1905. For biographical data see Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, eds., Biographical  Dictionary of Republican China, 4 vols (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971). Entry: Ho Hsiang-ning. 67 K l e i n and Clark, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Chinese  Communism, 1921-1965, p. 765. Shih Liang has held positions such as Minister of J u s t i c e ; member,standing committee of various National People's Congresses, Vice Chairman, China Democratic League; and various positions i n women's a f f a i r s . 68 For example Sung Ch'ing-ling was reported as repeatedly asking to j o i n the CCP.' See B e i j i n g Review 21 May 25, 1981, p. 5. 69 M Chung-kuo fu-nu, September 1967, p. 22. 7 ^ L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 105. 7^"The China Yearbook, ed., by H. G. W. Woodhead (Shanghai: 1936) p. 246. Also known as Y. Y. Phen. 7 2NCH, January 1, 1936. 73 Pai T'ao, H u i - i T'ao Hsing-chih hsien-sheng (Peking: Chung-hua shu-tien, 1948) pp. 114-119. 74 NCH, June 3, 1936. p. 408. 47 Ibid. 76 Mai Ch'ing, T'ao Hsing-chih (Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, 1949), p. 53. 7 7NCH, September 23, 1936, p. 531. 78 Ibid., July 15, 1936. 79 Ibi d . , September 2, and 9, 1936. 80 Ibid., September 16, 1936. 81 Ibid., September 30, 1936, p. 573. 82 NCH, November 4, 1936. 8 3 I b i d . , November 11, 1936. 84 Ho Kan-chih i s an example. 85 NCH, November 4, 1936, p. 237. 86 Rosinger, China's Wartime P o l i t i c s , 1937-1944, p. 20. 87 NCH, November 11, 1936, p. 237. 88 Ibi d . , November 25, 1936, p. 316. 89 Ibi d . , November 18, 1936, p. 276. 90 I I L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 69, 81. 91 NCH, December 2, 1936, p. 355. 92 Je s s i e G. Lutz, "December 9, 1935: Student Nationalism and the Chinese C h r i s t i a n Colleges," Journal of Asian Studies 26:4 (1967) p. 642; Donald G. G i l l i n , Warlord. Yen Hsi-shan, 1911-1949 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 224-227. 48 CHAPTER 3: NATIONAL SALVATION LITERARY ACTIVITY National Salvation l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t y included the p u b l i c a t i o n of National Salvation manifestoes and p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e i n general. These emerged within a m i l i e u of government suppression of the Chinese press. This chapter aims to consider f i r s t , government suppression of the press i n the 1930s, second, p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e i n general and f i n a l l y , National Salvation manifestoes. An awareness of these three elements should provide ins i g h t into both the character of the National Salvation Association and the arrest and t r i a l of the seven worthies. Although newspapers and books have proved u s e f u l , most of the information gleaned f or t h i s chapter has been obtained from Chinese p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e published during the 1930s. Chinese p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e during t h i s period enjoyed a unique p o s i t i o n . For various reasons,? p e r i o d i c a l publishing f l o u r i s h e d more than the p u b l i c a t i o n of books. Few p e r i o d i c a l s survived more than a few years; some might have had one or two issues. So ephemeral were some that only the month and the day were printed but not the year. Few of these f u g i t i v e p e r i o d i c a l s have reached l i b r a r i e s i n the West and even when a l i b r a r y has a t i t l e , i t r a r e l y has a l l the issues. ' GOVERNMENT SUPPRESSION OF THE PRESS Because of the dominance of p o l i t i c a l problems i n China throughout the 1930s, emphasis on the suppression of dissenting p o l i t i c a l views was from the very beginning a most important objective of censorship and i t became in c r e a s i n g l y c r u c i a l as the years went by. The c o n f l i c t 49 between the KMT, determined to suppress publications supposedly detrimental to i t , and writers/ ,• bent on expressing t h e i r opinions reached a feverish p i t c h by the mid 1930s. Central and l o c a l Government control was t i g h t e r over newspapers and p e r i o d i c a l s , e s p e c i a l l y those that dealt with current a f f a i r s and s o c i a l , economic, or p o l i t i c a l ideas, than over books or other types of publications. The P r o v i s i o n a l Constitution promulgated i n 1931 guaranteed freedom of speech, w r i t i n g and publication,"'" yet the p u b l i c a t i o n laws i n one way or another c u r t a i l e d these c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s of the people. Various news censorship regulations were proclaimed by the c e n t r a l as well as l o c a l Governments. In addition to the P u b l i c a t i o n Law of 1930 and the Regulations for i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n 1931, the Regulations for Punishing Counter-revolutionaries were decreed i n 1929 and the emergency Law Governing Treason and Sedition i n 2 1931. This law prescribed c a p i t a l punishment or l i f e imprisonment for those who engaged i n seditious propaganda by writings, p i c t u r e s , or word of mouth, with intent to subvert the Republic. To f a c i l i t a t e pre-p u b l i c a t i o n censorship of books and p e r i o d i c a l s , the Censorship Commission for Books and P e r i o d i c a l s was established i n Shanghai i n 1934. Instead of coercion, i t seems the Government at times resorted to incentives. One means used to i n c i t e the more prominent writers or editors to support the Central Government was evidently to o f f e r them o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . For example, early i n 1936, two high ranking o f f i c i a l s were sent to Shanghai to win over Tsou T'ao-fen. Declining an i n v i t a t i o n to confer with Chiang Kai-shek i n Nanking, Tsou l a t e r learned that Chiang had probably intended to give him a government 3 ' p o s i t i o n there. 50 In Japanese controlled areas of China, Japanese interference with Chinese publications everywhere grew s t e a d i l y i n the few years p r i o r to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. On September 19, 1931 the Japanese army struck at Mukden under flimsy pretexts, and then extended i t s sway over a l l of North Eastern China, the r i c h e s t and most f e r t i l e part of the country. As soon as i t occupied that vast area, i t established Manchukuo and l o s t no time i n r e v i s i n g textbooks and outlawing Chinese p a t r i o t i c writings. S t r i c t censorship of newspapers and magazines was imposed by the Japanese army and the Japanese 4 Embassy i n cooperation with the Chinese puppet government o f f i c i a l s . The Japanese invasion of Shanghai on January 28, 1932 met with f i e r c e resistance from the Chinese Nineteenth Route Army. Although a ceasefire agreement reached i n May 1932 s t i p u l a t e d the suppression of a l l anti-Japanese a c t i v i t i e s , the Chinese people's hatred for the Japanese remained intense. On A p r i l 10, 1933 Chiang Kai-shek made his p o s i t i o n c l e a r : "Before a l l the Communist bandits are destroyed, we must not t a l k about r e s i s t i n g the Japanese. Whoever disobeys t h i s order w i l l be given the severest punishment.""^ The concomitant slogan, " i n t e r n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n before resistance against external aggression" was kept a l i v e by Chiang u n t i l the Sian Incident, December 12, 1936. Whatever the reasons were behind t h i s p o l i c y , i t was d i f f i c u l t for the Chinese people to accept emotionally. Since the Communists were clamouring for resistance to Japan, the Central Government was i n c l i n e d to consider that those who advocated war with Japan must be eit h e r Communist or Communist-oriented. P a t r i o t i c student demonstrations were often dispersed by armed p o l i c e and s o l d i e r s . Campuses were raided and the possession of any prohibited publications was s u f f i c i e n t 51 cause for the owner's a r r e s t . " But, the repression of p a t r i o t i c student a c t i v i t y was such that those arrested were usually released a f t e r a few weeks' imprisonment. In order not to offend the Japanese, the Government i n i t s publications avoided using the term "Japan." In a l l publications, seemingly anti-Japanese expressions, including reports on the Japanese troop i n t r u s i o n into North China, were outlawed. The symbols "X X" were employed to represent the two characters for Japan, should that nation be referred to i n any unfavourable l i g h t . 7 A l l negotiations g with Japan were kept secret. Yet the Chinese p e r i o d i c a l press was not acquiescent and by the mid 1930s many publications used the term "Japan" rather than the symbols "X X," and were in c r e a s i n g l y strong i n t h e i r condemnation of the exigencies of Japanese aggression. Likewise, the secrecy of diplomatic negotiations was condemned by the Chinese p e r i o d i c a l press. This response i s s i g n i f i c a n t as i t r e f l e c t s the growing sense of a l i e n a t i o n from the Government i n Nanking f e l t by contributors to the Chinese press. Japanese meddling i n the a f f a i r s of the Chinese press i s further i l l u s t r a t e d by the Hsin-sheng chou-k'an [New L i f e Weekly] case. The Hsin-sheng chou-k'an began p u b l i c a t i o n i n Shanghai i n January 1934, 9 shor t l y a f t e r the suspension of Sheng-huo chou-k'an [ L i f e Weekly]. Sheng-huo chou-k'an was a popular weekly which at the height of i t s popularity i n 1932 claimed a c i r c u l a t i o n of 155,000.^ In the early 1930s two of the editors of Sheng-huo chou-k'an were Tsou T'ao-fen and Hu Yu-chih. Sheng-huo chou-k'an's readers were mainly young people: students, white c o l l a r workers, small businessmen, professionals and primary and middle school teachers. The editor and publisher of 52 Hsin-sheng chou-k'an, Tu Chung-yuan, was an i n d u s t r i a l i s t and an admirer of Tsou T'ao-fen. On May 4, 1935 Hsin-sheng chou-k'an ca r r i e d an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Random t a l k of the emperors," written by I Shui, the pseudonym of 12 A i Han-sung, who edited Sheng-huo chou-k'an during i t s f i n a l days. The a r t i c l e began with a discussion of the powers Chinese emperors once enjoyed and the tragedy of some of the least fortunate emperors of China. Then i t stated: "The Japanese war o f f i c e and the c a p i t a l i s t class are the r e a l rulers of Japan." The a r t i c l e concluded by c a l l i n g P'u Y i , Emperor K'ang Teh of the so-called "Manchukuo," "puppet of 13 the puppets." The Japanese claimed that the a r t i c l e was a great i n s u l t to the Emperor of Japan. I n i t i a l l y the a r t i c l e attracted l i t t l e attention. However i n June 1935, i t suddenly aroused the belated wrath of the Japanese community i n Shanghai. The Central Government i n Nanking as well as the Shanghai Municipal Government was confronted with Japanese demands for apologies and remedial action. On June 10, 1935 the Central Government issued a d i r e c t i v e which c a l l e d f o r the promotion of f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s with a l l neighbouring countries. The Mayor of Shanghai, Wuit'ieh-ch'eng, promptly apologized to the Japanese and ordered a ban on the p e r i o d i c a l , the punishment of the persons responsible, and the destruction of a l l remaining copies of the issue; he also guaranteed that s i m i l a r incidents would not recur. Tu Chung-yuan was arrested on July 2, 1935 on charges of publishing remarks derogatory to the Emperor of Japan. Arrangements were made to bring Tu to t r i a l . On July 9, 1935 the Second Branch Kiangsu High Court was convened. Tu was formally charged not with s e d i t i o n , but with committing an offense under A r t i c l e s 116 and 310 of 53 the New Criminal Code, and A r t i c l e 325 of the Old Criminal Code, for i n s u l t i n g the head of a f r i e n d l y state. The conviction was made easy by the defense, who made no attempt to j u s t i f y the a r t i c l e . Tu Chung-yuan was subsequently t r i e d and sentenced to fourteen months of imprisonmenty two months short of the maximum penalty prescribed. Chinese documents which I have seen do not i n d i c a t e why he was not charged with s e d i t i o n . A l l copies of the issue of the p e r i o d i c a l , i n which the a r t i c l e appeared, were to be confiscated. Furthermore, the judge declared the sentence f i n a l and denied Tu the right to a p p e a l . ^ Af t e r the Hsin-sheng chou-k'an case, the campaign to suppress a n t i -Japanese l i t e r a t u r e grew even more intense. Three bookstore managers were brought to t r i a l on December 11, and one peddler and another bookstore manager on December 9, 1935, a l l for s e l l i n g anti-Japanese 16 books i n Shanghai. Incidents m u l t i p l i e d as many people were found g u i l t y of the "crime" of being anti-Japanese."'"7 It should be noted that the Nanking Government's e f f o r t s to suppress anti-Japanese l i t e r a t u r e i n the face of mounting Japanese expansion i n China were s i m i l a r to the e f f o r t s of some l a t e Ch'ing dynasty o f f i c i a l s who sought to suppress incendiary a n t i - C h r i s t i a n l i t e r a t u r e while confronted by a growing . . , . 18 missionary enterprise. The Chinese Government a u t h o r i t i e s also took steps to ensure that various p o l i t i c a l agencies and educational i n s t i t u t i o n s were made f u l l y aware of the s i t u a t i o n concerning anti-Japanese l i t e r a t u r e , and urged them to exercise r e s t r a i n t . A g i t a t i o n to boycott Japanese goods, as well as anti-Japanese speeches and organizations, were a l l proscribed. Various orders and proclamations were issued to suppress p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t i e s and l i t e r a t u r e . On 5 4 December 20, 1935 martial law was proclaimed for the Shanghai-Nanking area and on February 20, 1936 the Emergency Regulations for Keeping Peace and Order were promulgated. These Regulations authorized troops or p o l i c e "to use force or other e f f e c t i v e measures" to suppress a l l 19 p a t r i o t i c meetings and demonstrations. National S a l v a t i o n i s t s responded i n t h e i r manifestoes and with a r t i c l e s i n various p e r i o d i c a l s , a l l of which expressed t h e i r disapproval of such measures. In 1936 many p e r i o d i c a l s were suppressed for a l l e g e d l y being 20 anti-Japanese, t h i r t e e n of them i n November alone. Of these t h i r t e e n p e r i o d i c a l s , I have seen various issues from only two: Tu-shu sheng-huo 2 [Study L i f e ] and Fu-nu sheng-huo [Women's L i f e ] . I t seems that suppression of p e r i o d i c a l s i n an i r o n i c sense acted as a ca t a l y s t f o r further opposition to ever-increasing Government c o n t r o l , as i l l u s t r a t e d by the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e during the 1930s. What then, was the e f f e c t of Government suppression of the Chinese press i n the 1930s, p r i o r to the Sino-Japanese War? As 22 compared with the number of books published each year, . p e r i o d i c a l publishing seemed to be more vigorous. P e r i o d i c a l s did not require much c a p i t a l and thus enjoyed more f l e x i b i l i t y than books and news-papers. A p e r i o d i c a l which was banned could e a s i l y appear under a new t i t l e ; frequently edited and published by the same persons. The more r a d i c a l the p e r i o d i c a l was, the sooner i t changed i t s t i t l e . This i s one of the reasons why, during t h i s period, there was such a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of p e r i o d i c a l s published; most of them had but a 23 short l i f e . The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of p e r i o d i c a l s i s emphasized by the Shanghai-shih nien-chien [Shanghai City Yearbook] 1935, which stated that i n 1934 there were no le s s than two hundred twelve p e r i o d i c a l s 55 published i n Shanghai alone. ButQ not a l l of these were concerned with p o l i t i c a l or s o c i a l a f f a i r s . The worst e f f e c t of Government suppression of the Chinese press, however, was that i n pro s c r i b i n g a l l Communist publications and denouncing a l l anti-Japanese a c t i v i t i e s as Communist-instigated, the Government deprived the Chinese people of any r e l i a b l e ways of learning the motives that prompted the Chinese Communists, and p a t r i o t i c organizations such as the National Salvation Association, to promote anti-Japanese sentiments. Suppression of the Chinese press also reduced the public's access to information about Japanese a c t i v i t i e s i n China and as; to what anti-Japanese opposition existed. F i n a l l y , i t should be observed that i n t h i s period the p r i n c i p a l cause f o r censorship was i d e o l o g i c a l and was aimed at the Chinese Communists. In t h i s connection, s p e c i f i c reasons advanced by the Min i s t r y of the I n t e r i o r for the suppression of publications were, frequently: spreading 25 Communist propaganda, ag i t a t i n g class struggle and attacking the KMT. Each new p u b l i c a t i o n law, a product of i t s time, surpassed i t s predecessors i n i t s emphasis on suppressing p o l i t i c a l opposition, e s p e c i a l l y i n newspapers, and p e r i o d i c a l s that discussed the a f f a i r s of the state, and s o c i a l , economic, or p o l i t i c a l ideas. Yet, p r o l i f e r a t i o n of p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e continued i n spite of stringent Government press c o n t r o l . PATRIOTIC LITERATURE Although Chinese documents used the terms Ai-kuo wen-hsueh [ P a t r i o t i c L i t e r a t u r e ] and Chiu-wang wen-hslleh [National Salvation L i t e r a t u r e ] , the d i s t i n c t i o n between these two genres i s blurred. 56 Furthermore, the terms Ai-k'uo wen-hsueh and Chiu-wang wen hslleh were used interchangeably. For these reasons, I propose to treat them together i n t h i s study. The upsurge i n the National Salvation Movement led to a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the p a t r i o t i c press. One source stated that over a thousand p e r i o d i c a l s were published by p a t r i o t i c associations through-out China during 1936-1937, of which at least a hundred p e r i o d i c a l s 26 were based i n Shanghai. Unfortunately almost none of t h i s outpouring has reached Western l i b r a r i e s . Our i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the National Salvation Association, i n terms of the p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e of the period, must therefore be based on only a few of the more prominent p e r i o d i c a l s such as, Ta-chung sheng-huo [ L i f e of the Masses], and Fu-nu sheng-huo. Ta-chung sheng-huo was edited by Tsou T'ao-fen. This p e r i o d i c a l stressed the need for immediate resistance to Japan to prevent the destruction of China. It also showed a keen awareness of other areas of world c o n f l i c t i n 1936, such as I t a l y ' s attack on Abyssinia and the Spanish C i v i l War, which i t s editors believed could serve as models for China under Japanese aggression. Tsou T'ao-fen devoted much space i n the Ta-chung sheng-huo to a r t i c l e s which supported the United Front and the National Salvation Movement. It should be noted that the Ta-chung sheng-huo published 27 several a r t i c l e s on the Student National Salvation Movement. These pointed to the need for organization, education and action. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i s the report of the January 21, 1936 formation of a: Shang-hai ko ta-chung-hsueh hsueh-sheng chiu-kuo hsuan ch'uan t'uan [ A l l Shanghai Univeristy and Highschool National Salvation 28 Propaganda Group]. This group of approximately eighty students, 57 according to the Ta-chung sheng-huo, formed three teams, each with a team leader, to e f f e c t National Salvation propaganda. This gives further support to the notion of a d e f i n i t e organizational structure within the National Salvation movement. Furthermore i t would seem from these a r t i c l e s that at times the Shanghai Student National Salvation Movement's enthusiasm for propaganda and demonstrations to voice t h e i r anti-Japanese sentiment was kept i n check by repre-sentatives of other branches of the National Salvation Movement, such as the Shanghai C u l t u r a l and Women's National Salvation 29 Associations. This helps refute the commonly held view that the students led the National Salvation Movement, as suggested by:such 30 scholars as Wu Tien-wei. The Ta-chung sheng-huo also provides a reprint of the f i r s t 31 manifesto of the Peiping C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association. This was signed by one hundred f o r t y nine people. It was not dated. it 32 The l i s t of signees was headed by Ma Hsu-lun, an eminent Chinese educator and government o f f i c i a l . I t was s i m i l a r i n content to a manifesto issued by the Shanghai C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association, which i s discussed l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. Shanghai was i n the vanguard of the movement i n China to es t a b l i s h women's education, as i t was i n the whole range of contemporary i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y , given i t s p e c u l i a r l y cosmopolitan nature. Shanghai presented a favourable market for p e r i o d i c a l s and newspapers, both by and for women. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the p e r i o d i c a l Fu-nll sheng-huo, which was a strong advocate of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the National Salvation Movement. It devoted s p e c i a l issues to the ro l e of women i n the formation of the Shanghai Women's 58 National Salvation Association, highlighted the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association demonstration marches, and published 33 the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association manifesto. Fu-nu sheng-huo was equally concerned with the fate of the Chinese nation: a r t i c l e a f t e r a r t i c l e stressed China's perilous condition i n the modern world. The p e r i o d i c a l ' s very p u b l i c a t i o n was a graphic demonstration that the fa t e of the nation was no longer s t r i c t l y a male concern. The overwhelming tenor of Fu-nll sheng-huo was one of ardent nationalism and devotion to.the cause of strengthening China by improving the q u a l i t y of Chinese womanhood. The p e r i o d i c a l most frequently quoted at the t r i a l of the seven 34 worthies, Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao [ B u l l e t i n of National Salvation] i s not a v a i l a b l e i n Western l i b r a r i e s . The one issue of Chiu-wang  ch'ing-pao which I have seen, was dated October 10, 1937, and published i n Shanghai. I t i s thus s t r i c t l y outside the l i m i t e d time framework of t h i s t h e s i s . However, i f t h i s issue can be taken as representative of the stance taken by contributors t o Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao, then i t r e f l e c t s f i r s t , an overwhelming concern to denounce Japanese aggression. Second, a r t i c l e s also express the need for organization and t r a i n i n g of the masses (min-tsung): both t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l . I t contains l i t t l e reference to l o c a l National Salvation a f f a i r s . Unlike e a r l i e r p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e which employed the symbols "X X" to denote Japan, the Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao used the Chinese characters for Japan (Jih-pen), at least i n th i s issue. i While considered within the general rubric of Ai-kuo wen-hslleh [ P a t r i o t i c L i t e r a t u r e ] , Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao and other publications 35 such as Chiu-wang pao-tao [National Salvation Report], and 59 Chiu-wang chou-k'an [National Salvation Weekly], were more s p e c i f i c a l l y representative of Chiu-wang wen-hslieh [National Salvation L i t e r a t u r e ] . These publications were published by the National Salvation Association and were narrower i n focus than Ai-kuo wen-hslieh. For example, the fourth issue of Chiu-wang pao-tao was a b r i e f seven page report, which commemorated the December 9 (1935) movement. It also contained reports on student National Salvation a f f a i r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Nanking, Peking and T i e n t s i n ; and several despatches r e l a t i n g to National Salvation 36 endeavours i n Cheng-tu. This supports the notion that while the National Salvation movement was based i n Shanghai, i t thrived also i n other urban centres throughout China. 37 The Chiu-wang chou-k'an was an organ of the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association. Published i n Shanghai, i t contained discussion of national p o l i t i c s i n general, and of l o c a l p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r e s t s i n p a r t i c u l a r . This p e r i o d i c a l although representative of Chiu-wang wen-hslieh, was f i r s t published i n October 1937, a f t e r the seven worthies were released from-prison. Thus i t too f a l l s outside the p a r t i c u l a r time-span of t h i s present research. However, i t i s useful to observe that two of the contributors to t h i s premier issue were Sha C h ' i e n - l i and the prominent writer, Shen Yen-ping (Mao Tun). This issue of Chiu-wang chou-k'an which had twelve pages, devoted several a r t i c l e s to the a f f a i r s of the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association. One a r t i c l e by 38 Shen Yen-ping e n t i t l e d "How to endure," included a Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association manifesto. Unfortunately for our purposes, t h i s was not signed or dated. The question of t r a i n i n g i n the National Salvation Association receives attention i n several 60 a r t i c l e s . Concern was expressed that organization and t r a i n i n g of 39 the masses was lagging behind other National Salvation e f f o r t s . As genres of Chinese l i t e r a t u r e , and as vehicles for communicating views and ideas i n China throughout the 1930s, Ai-kuo  wen-hsueh and Chiu-wang wen-hsueh have received l i t t l e a ttention from Western scholars. Both of these categories of l i t e r a t u r e i n v i t e further research. P a t r i o t i c sentiment found expression not only i n l i t e r a t u r e but also i n p a t r i o t i c music. The National Salvation Movement was made vocal through the development of a mass singing movement. The f i r s t popular p a t r i o t i c song "The March of the G u e r r i l l a s " (also c a l l e d "The March of the Volunteers") was born i n 1932. This song became a powerful influence i n the spread of the National Salvation Movement. It was dedicated to the Chinese g u e r r i l l a f i g h t e r s i n Manchuria. In t h i s song Nieh Erh, the composer, set the s t y l e for numerous other p a t r i o t i c songs composed i n the following years. The words are as follows: Arise! Ye who refuse to be bondslaves! With our very f l e s h and blood Let us b u i l d our new Great Wall. China's masses have met the day of danger, Indignation f i l l s thehearts of a l l our countrymen. Arise! Arise! Arise! Many hearts with one mind, Brave the enemy's gunfire. March on! Brave the enemy's gunfire. March on! March on! March on! The i n f u s i o n of p a t r i o t i c songs into a mass singing movement was c h i e f l y due to the promotion by L i u Liang-mo, a young C h r i s t i a n , a graduate of the Shanghai College of Law. Being a singer himself, he started a mass singing club i n the Shanghai Y.M.C.A., where he •61 worked a f t e r graduation. The mass singing movement spread r a p i d l y . L i u Liang-mo described h i s experience: I found a buried voice i n the bosom of the people waiting for expression. Our National Salvation Movement was proclaimed i n 1935 and we were hearing such slogans as 'China must not be enslaved by Japan,' 'China must stop her c i v i l war,' 'We must unite and r e s i s t the invaders.' The songs which I taught them expressed the.same idea and to my great surprise i n a short time they not only sang, 'Arise! Ye who refuse to-be bondslaves,' but they roared It Chinese p e r i o d i c a l s provide the words, and the music i n the 42 Chinese pentatonic scale for. various p a t r i o t i c songs which were sung at National Salvation Association meetings and during demonstration marches. These songs were almost i n v a r i a b l y bound up with the concern for national defence and expressed confidence i n the f i n a l v i c t o r y of China against Japan. NATIONAL SALVATION MANIFESTOES Various manifestoes of the National Salvation A s s o c i a t i o n were published. In general, these manifestoes were statements of purpose, and outlined the objectives of the National Salvation Association. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g are the few manifestoes which I have seen which have an appended l i s t of signees. The names of these i n d i v i d u a l s , i n the purported absence of National Salvation Association membership l i s t s , provides some i n d i c a t i o n of the character of the National Salvation Association, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of i t s s o c i a l composition and i t s p o l i t i c a l leanings. Two of the early National Salvation manifestoes were published i n Ta-chung sheng-huo. The f i r s t e n t i t l e d , "Plans for National C r i s i s Education," was composed by T'ao Hsing-chin;. I t was divided 62 into eight short sections. This manifesto stressed the imminence of national destruction and the need for mass education to save China. The o v e r a l l aims expressed were: 1. Advance the c u l t u r e of the masses; 2. Seize freedom and equality for the Chinese race; and 3. Defend the i n t e g r i t y and independence of the Chinese R e p u b l i c . 4 3 These three aims r e f l e c t f i r s t , the wide range of National Salvation goals. This i s s i g n i f i c a n t , as i t shows that the National Salvation Movement was not merely concerned with the preservation of China's t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y . Second, the aims, however well or i l l -defined, give some i n d i c a t i o n of the concerns of National Salvation leaders, such as T'ao Hsing-chih. While the contents of t h i s manifesto and others deserve further d e t a i l e d research, probably the most that can be achieved here are a few i n s i g h t s here and there, seen as through a glass darkly. "Culture" has always been a d i f f i c u l t and elusive concept. In the wake of the May 4, 1919 New Culture Movement the controversy over Chinese and Western cultures received attention from the pens of 44 such scholars as Hu Shih and Liang Shu-ming. By the 1930s the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a were as much i s o l a t e d i n China's urban centres as they were i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y separated from the backward country-side. S o c i a l i s o l a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l impotency gave r i s e to restlessness, f r u s t r a t i o n and a growing need to f i n d roots i n Chinese society. Strident c a l l s for c u l t u r a l transformation were not only t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l p r escriptions for the i l l s of China but also a r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l o n e l i n e s s , t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to e f f e c t 6 3 t h e c h a n g e s t h e y d e s i r e d . A d i s c i p l e o f J o h n D e w e y , T ' a o H s i n g - c h i h w e n t f u r t h e r t h a n D e w e y ' s c o n c e p t s o f " e d u c a t i o n i s l i f e " a n d " e d u c a t i o n i s s o c i e t y , " 45 a n d p r o c l a i m e d t h a t " l i f e i s e d u c a t i o n " a n d " s o c i e t y i s e d u c a t i o n . " L i k e L i a n g S h u - m i n g , T ' a o c o n t e n d e d t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r o f m o d e r n C h i n e s e e d u c a t i o n h a d a l i e n a t e d t h e C h i n e s e i n t e l l i g e n t s i a f r o m t h e r u r a l m a s s e s o f C h i n a a n d l e f t t h e m a s p a r a s i t e s t o p e r f o r m a n y s e r v i c e f o r s o c i e t y a t l a r g e . T h u s , T ' a o a r g u e d t h a t C h i n a n e e d e d a new f o r m o f c u l t u r e a n d e d u c a t i o n , w h i c h w o u l d i m m e r s e t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l i n r u r a l e d u a t i o n w h e r e h e w o u l d " l e a r n b y d o i n g . " A l t h o u g h T ' a o w a s e x p l i c i t l y a D e w e y i t e , h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l r o o t s , l i k e L i a n g S h u - m i n g ' s w e r e a n c h o r e d i n t h e N e o - C o n f u c i a n i s t t h o u g h t o f Wang Y a n g - m i n g . W a n g ' s d o c t r i n e o f C h i h - h s i n g h o - i . [ t h e u n i t y o f k n o w l e d g e a n d a c t i o n ] , w a s r e f l e c t e d i n T ' a o ' s own c o u r t e s y n a m e , H s i n g - c h i ( a c t i o n - k n o w l e d g e ) w h i c h h e a d o p t e d a b o u t 1 9 3 0 . I t s e e m s t h a t T ' a o H s i n g - c h i h u s e d t h i s m a n i f e s t o , a t l e a s t , t o r e i t e r a t e h i s c o n c e r n s f o r m a s s e d u c a t i o n , a n d t o f u r t h e r h i s g o a l s f o r s h e n g - h u o c h i a o - y u [ l i f e e d u c a t i o n ] . T h e a i m s , t o s e i z e f r e e d o m a n d e q u a l i t y f o r t h e C h i n e s e r a c e , a n d t o d e f e n d t h e i n t e g r i t y a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e C h i n e s e R e p u b l i c , w e r e i n t e r t w i n e d . I n d e p e n d e n c e w a s a d e c e p t i v e l y s i m p l e g o a l . I t h a d a t l e a s t t h r e e m a i n c o m p o n e n t s : w h i c h t h e m a n i f e s t o c o n s i d e r e d a s e s s e n t i a l : f i r s t , i t p r e s u p p o s e d s o v e r e i g n t y ; s e c o n d , s o v e r e i g n t y r e q u i r e d f r e e d o m f r o m i n t e r f e r e n c e ; a n d , t h i r d , t h a t f r e e d o m c o u l d o n l y b e g u a r a n t e e d b y i t s e q u a l i t y i n s t r e n g t h w i t h t h e s t r o n g e s t . T h e f i r s t q u e s t i o n o f i n d e p e n d e n c e c o n c e r n e d C h i n a ' s s o v e r e i g n t y a n d i t s b o u n d a r i e s . T h e J a p a n e s e p r e s e n c e i n N o r t h C h i n a m a d e i t c l e a r t h a t t h e r e w a s n o t m e r e l y t h e q u e s t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t y b u t t h e m u c h 64 more serious matter of the erosion of Chinese sovereignty with China proper. There was another aspect of sovereignty which re l a t e d to the question of:both equality and freedom from interference. This concerned the unequal t r e a t i e s signed with B r i t a i n , France, Russia, the United States of America, Japan, and other powers, which were forced upon the Ch'ing dynasty from 1840 onwards. The task of t r y i n g to have them revised had begun even before the f a l l of the Ch'ing dynasty. But, there could be no s i g n i f i c a n t improvement i n China's p o s i t i o n as long as Japan continued to make gains at China's expense. The consummation of the Ho-Umetsu negotiations i n July 1935, set the stage for removal from Hopeh province of a l l m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l persons and groups unfriendly to Japan, and therefore ushered i n a new era of Japanese control i n North China. Japan's a l l - o u t aggressive p o l i c y which had started to take shape i n early 1933 had d e f i n i t e l y manifested i t s e l f i n the spring of 1935, when Japan launched the " s e l f government" movement of f i v e provinces (Suiyuan, Chahar, Hopeh, Shantung, and Honan) i n North China. The open manifestation of Japan's aggressive p o l i c y hastened the development of the self-government movement on the one hand, and, on the other, aroused a new surge of Chinese pa t r i o t i s m which had gained momentum since the Mukden Incident. The h i g h l i g h t of Doihara K e n j i ' s ^ 7 adventure i n North China was the separation of twenty-two counties i n East Hopeh from Chinese j u r i s d i c t i o n by inaugurating the East Hopeh Anti-Communist and Self-Government Council, with the 48 1 notorious Yin Ju-keng as chairman, on November 24, 1935. With these developments i n mind, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that T'ao Hsing-chih perceived that the^problem of North China was'not merely a l o c a l a f f a i r 65 but a problem for national concern. The second manifesto was e n t i t l e d : "The Challenge of the People's L i b e r a t i o n Movement." This was the second declaration of the Shanghai Cu l t u r a l National Salvation Association. I t was issued by the t h i r t y -f i v e member executive committee, who decried the ineffectiveness of the previous declaration to change Government p o l i c y , and proposed that the Government should act so as to: 1. Fundamentally change the present foreign p o l i c y and make public information on a l l past diplomatic events; 2. Give freedom to mass organizations, protect the p a t r i o t i c movement, and speedily set up a national (min-tsu) united front; 3. Stop a l l c i v i l war; 4. Arm the people of the whole country; 5. Guarantee absolute freedom of assembly, association, speech and printed word; 6. Dismiss and punish a l l traitorous o f f i c i a l s who are intimate with the enemy; 7. Break a l l economic contact with the enemy and restore a nation-wide boycott of enemy goods; and 8. Release a l l p o l i t i c a l prisoners and hasten to r e l i e v e . . 49 the national c r i s i s . Amidst the c r i s i s over North China, the KMT F i f t h Congress convened at Nanking i n early November 1935 and made no d r a s t i c changes of p o l i c y toward Japan which, since the Shanghai Incident i n early 1932 had been characterized by the concept of an-riei jang-wai [ i n t e r n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n before resistance against external aggression]. 66 The f a i l u r e of the Nanking Government to .make public information on a l l diplomatic events i s i l l u s t r a t e d by reference to two well-known Sino-Japanese accords: F i r s t , the Tangku Truce signed May 31, 1933 provided for the establishment of a d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone encompassing twenty-one d i s t r i c t s on the Chinese side of the Sino-Manchurian f r o n t i e r , or the n o n - f o r t i f i c a t i o n of the Chinese f r o n t i e r . It marked the successful introduction of .Kwantung Army m i l i t a r y pressure into North China. The Tangku Truce also provided for a Chinese constabulary to keep law and order i n the area. But neither the preamble to the Tangku Truce nor the accompanying declaration of the complete text was revealed at f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n . The second sentence of A r t i c l e 4: "The said [Chinese] p o l i c e force s h a l l not be constituted by armed units h o s t i l e to Japanese f e e l i n g s , " was completely suppressed u n t i l 1937. 5 0 Second, the Hiro t a Three P r i n c i p l e s , announced by the Japanese Foreign Mini s t e r H i r o t a Koki, October 28, 1935 were f i n a l l y published January 1936."'"'" The Hirota Three P r i n c i p l e s demanded: thorough suppression of anti-Japanese thoughts and a c t i v i t i e s i n China; conclusion of a Sino-Japanese anti-Communist m i l i t a r y pact; and achievement of "economic cooperation" between Japan, Manchukuo, and China, with a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n provided for North China. In e f f e c t , Hirota's foreign p o l i c y aimed at i s o l a t i n g China from the rest of the world so as to coerce her into submission, and improving r e l a t i o n s with the West, while preventing i t from expanding i t s influence i n Asia. The concern for the cessation of c i v i l war and the establishment of a united front, as expressed i n t h i s manifesto, was r e i t e r a t e d i n 67 a l l subsequent National Salvation manifestoes that I have seen, and w i l l be discussed i n greater d e t a i l l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. In seeking to understand the demands Jthat freedom be given:to mass organizations, and that the p a t r i o t i c movement be protected, i t should be r e c a l l e d that t h i s manifesto was published following the proclamation of martial law i n Shanghai and Nanking on December 20, 1935. It seems that'-the Nanking Government was determined to consolidate i t s p o s i t i o n through suppression not simply of the Communists, but also of the popular democratic movement and, i n the l a s t analysis, a l l c r i t i c a l groups. The c a l l to arm the people of the whole country i s i n t e r e s t i n g . This proposal i s not found i n any other National Salvation manifesto that I have seen. It seems that t h e i n c l u s i o n of t h i s proposal i n t h i s manifesto could well be linked to the influence at l e a s t of Mesdames Sun Yat-sen (Sung Ch'ing-ling) and Xiao Chung-k'ai i n the National Salvation Movement. These two women were involved i n an organization: 52 the Chinese People's Committee for Armed Self-Defense. The precise nature of t h i s organization, i t s support base, and. i t s l i n k s with the National Salvation Movement raises questions for further research, ' ' ^ p which havfc not been elucidated by any documents which I have seen so f a r . How many other National Salvation leaders advocated the r i g h t of the people to bear arms i s not c l e a r . As has been seen already, not only did the Nanking Government deny the rights of people to organize, to associate, and to assemble, 53 which were part of Sun Yat-sen's doctrine, i t f a i l e d to advocate them. Then too, the P r o v i s i o n a l Constitution adopted May 12, 1931 s t i p u l a t e d that " a l l persons s h a l l have the freedom of assembly and format ion > y 68 of a s s ociations..." and that " a l l persons s h a l l have the l i b e r t y of 54 speech and p u b l i c a t i o n , " but ever increasing suppression of democratic rights was the order of the day. Understandably, the manifesto does not name the t r a i t o r o u s o f f i c i a l s intimate with the enemy. Such o f f i c i a l s may have been epitomized by Ho Ying-chin, who i n December 1935 was the highest authority representing the Central Government, i n North China: Acting Chairman of the Peking Sub-Council of the M i l i t a r y A f f a i r s Council, of which Chiang Kai-shek was Chairman. Even since h i s submission to the Japanese demands as embodied i n the s o - c a l l e d Ho-Umetsu agreement, July 6, 1935, Ho Ying-chin had been l a b e l l e d as pro-Japanese, and incurred the i r e of National S a l v a t i o n i s t s and students. As noted e a r l i e r i n t h i s section, one of the demands of the H i r o t a Three P r i n c i p l e s was the achievement of "economic cooperation" between Japan, Manchukuo, and China, with a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n provided for North China. The manifesto not only condemned Chinese economic contact with Japan, but advocated that a nation-wide boycott of Japanese goods be restored. An e a r l i e r wi'decspread boycott of Japanese goods followed i n the wake of the May 4 Incident 1919. In 1936, one scholar asserts that a nation-wide boycott of Japanese imports succeeded i n cutting trade by two-thirds. Unfortunately he does not substantiate t h i s with any e v i d e n c e . H o w e v e r , the actual commercial damage i n f l i c t e d upon Japan i s s t i l l subject to debate. The f i n a l demand for the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners and r e l i e f of the national c r i s i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g , given that the manifesto was published j u s t two months aft e r the December 9, 1935 Movement, during which many students were arrested. Perhaps however, 69 the sentiment expressed i n t h i s demand goes back even further to the Chung-kuo min-ch'uan pao-chang t'ung-meng [China League for the Protection of C i v i l Rights], i n which at l e a s t three key National 56 S a l v a t i o n i s t s were leaders. Founded i n December 1932, t h i s organization sought, sometimes s u c c e s s f u l l y , to win the release from the KMT of p o l i t i c a l prisoners, many of them communists. There were also sections i n t h i s manifesto which dealt with the duties of the C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association and with demands to the Central Government. These demands urged the Government to p r o h i b i t suppression of the p a t r i o t i c movement by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y those i n the North. Neither of these documents mentioned the Communist Party by name and the c a l l for a united front was not d i r e c t l y linked to the c i v i l war and negotiations for a united government. However i t should be noted that t h i s does not preclude l i n k s between the National Salvation Association and the Communist Party. The nature of National Salvation Association - CCP l i n k s w i l l be considered l a t e r . On May 30, 1936 three thousand people took part i n what the NCH described as a " v i o l e n t " (emphasis mine) anti-Japanese demonstration 57 58 i n Shanghai, which commemorated the May 30, 1925 Incident. What the NCH meant by " v i o l e n t " i s uncertain. Violence cannot be q u a n t i f i e d , nor i s overt r i o t i n g necessarily i t s most s i g n i f i c a n t expression. At the May 30 commemorative demonstration a r e s o l u t i o n was passed by the demonstrators. This demanded: 1. The use of force to prevent smuggling i n the North; 59 2. Government denunciation of the Hirota Three P r i n c i p l e s ; 3. Government r e j e c t i o n of "the trap" of j o i n t (Sino-Japanese) 70 suppression of Communism; 4. Encouragement and protection of a l l National Salvation Movements i n China; and 5. Amendment of the Draft Constitution to concur with 60 Sun Yat-sen's Three People's P r i n c i p l e s . 61 The d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone f a c i l i t a t e d Japan's " s p e c i a l trade": smuggling. The smuggling of s i l v e r proceeded Northeast-ward during much of 1935, while opium and ever increasing amounts of a r t i f i c i a l s i l k yarn, sugar, and cigarette paper were c a r r i e d Southwest-ward through the Great Wall passes from Manchuria into China proper. The " s p e c i a l trade reached a peak i n early 1936, p r i o r to t h i s National Salvation statement being issued. It should be noted that although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to evaluate the smuggling s i t u a t i o n i n the North because of lack of quantitative s t a t i s t i c a l information, the los s of revenue through smuggling reached considerable proportions, regardless of s t a t i s t i c a l data discrepancies. For example, one source pointed out that t o t a l revenue losses (due to smuggling) from August 1935 -6 2 A p r i l 1936 amounted to over Ch.$25,000,000. It would seem that the demands i n t h i s r e s o l u t i o n were a response of National S a l v a t i o n i s t s to the p u b l i c a t i o n of the H i r o t a Three P r i n c i p l e s , January 1936. Although i t was not stated, possibly the demand for the amendment of the Draft Constitution to concur with Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles'was e s s e n t i a l l y addressed to the problem of democratic r i g h t s , as discussed e a r l i e r . These demands were supplemented by a more comprehensive manifesto which was formulated by the executive committee of the 63 A l l - C h i n a Federation f National Salvation Unions on May 31, 1936. 71 This was a much more impassioned document. F i r s t l y , i t attempted to r e l a t e the National Salvation cause to the continued Japanese p o l i c y to "enslave" China. Secondly, i t denounced the " a u t h o r i t a t i v e groups" 64' ( s i c ) . This referred to the seriousness of Japanese aggression. The manifesto accused the Central Government of devoting i t s e l f to the u n i f i c a t i o n of power without accepting the duties of a united power, p r i n c i p a l l y the task of national defense. Despite repeated announcements of immediate destruction of the Communists the Government had not achieved i t s goal i n the post 1927 period. At the same time i t wasted valuable national resources, which could have been used against the external aggressor. Declarations were made by L i Tsung-jen to f i g h t Japan at a l l costs. Feng Yu-hsiang advocated an end to c i v i l war, a l l i a n c e with the Soviet Union and j o i n t resistance to J a p a n . ^ The CCP revised i t s p o l i t i c a l programme so as to f i g h t j o i n t l y with other p a r t i e s . The executive committee of the A l l - C h i n a "All China Natiotialj Salvation Federation maintained that I t "should have been clear to the Government f i r s t , that there was "a unanimous demand on a l l sides that China needed a national revolution to struggle for independence and l i b e r a t i o n , " and second, that t h i s could be achieved "only under the demand for a war of resistance against Japan, as the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e i n common." The National Salvation Front alone, the manifesto claimed, had the power to break the deadlock between the various groups competing for power i n China. The manifesto reasoned that "the National Salvation Front had no p o l i t i c a l ambition whatsoever" and that i t s only aim was to "promote the formation of a united, a n t i -enemy p o l i t i c a l power." The manifesto proposed to the various groups that: 72 1. A l l par t i e s and groups immediately put an end to c i v i l war; 2. A l l p a r t i e s and groups immediately free the p o l i t i c a l prisoners i n t h e i r custody; 3. A l l p a r t i e s and groups immediately send formal delegates, through the National Salvation Front, to begin j o i n t negotiations....; 4. The National Salvation Front w i l l guarantee with a l l the power at i t s disposal, the f a i t h f u l f u l f i l l m e n t of the a n t i -enemy programme by.any and a l l par t i e s and groups; and 5. The National Salvation Front w i l l with a l l the "'.power at i t s d isposal, use sanctions against any party or group that v i o l a t e s the j o i n t anti-enemy programme and acts to weaken the united strength against the enemy. The cessation of c i v i l war mentioned i n t h i s manifesto was addressed not only to the f i g h t i n g between the KMT and the Communists i n the North West of China, but also to the C i v i l War j u s t erupting •between the Central Government and Liang-Kwang (Kwangtung and Kwangsi) i n the South. The l a s t two proposals i n the manifesto, although f i n e on paper, could have no e f f e c t i v e b i t e i n the m i l i t a r i s t i c b a t t l e s of Ch ina. This manifesto also raises some i n t e r e s t i n g questions concerning National Salvation power goals. I f , as the manifesto claimed, the National Salvation Front had power and aimed to increase i t s power, then what determined the nature of t h i s power? A cautious weighing of what l i t t l e i s d e f i n i t e l y known suggests that although the National Salvation Front claimed a neutral mediatorial r o l e , i t increasingly 73 supported and thus at least t a c i t l y encouraged other power groups or in d i v i d u a l s whose immediate goals at l e a s t , concurred with stated National Salvation goals; f o r example, to stop c i v i l war, r e s i s t Japan, and form a united.front. In suggesting that the National Salvation Front gave at le a s t t a c i t support to other power groups such as the CCP, i t must be observed that i n contrast to the increasing aggression of Japan and her determination to divorce North China from the j u r i s d i c t i o n of Nanking was the sharp decline i n the Chinese Communist movement during the early 1930s. By 1933, the CCP work i n the "white" areas had , , 66 collapsed and most of i t s clandestine organizations were broken. Everywhere the Communists were i n r e t r e a t ; not even one Soviet area was able to withstand the N a t i o n a l i s t s ' onslaught; and the Communist forces were eit h e r hiding as i n the case of Kiangsi a f t e r the "Long 6 7 March" or driven from t h e i r bases. To the great majority of Chinese l i v i n g i n 1935 and 1936 the Red Army was almost non-existent, f o r i t did not occupy even a si n g l e . l a r g e c i t y but rather took sh e l t e r behind the Ta-hsueh shan (Great Snow Mountains] i n Hsikang or i n the caves of Northern Shansi. Yet the Communists were as committed and resolute as ever so f a r as t h e i r long time goal of Communism was concerned, but t h e i r immediate objectives were t h e i r own s u r v i v a l and national s a l v a t i o n from Japan's aggression. This objective of resistance to Japan's aggression coincided not only with the goal of Chang Hsueh-liang but with that of the National S a l v a t i o n i s t s as w e l l . However^precise documentation of the extent of both support and encouragement given i s not a v a i l a b l e . Which National S a l v a t i o n i s t s gave t h i s support i s also d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y . 74 The National Salvation Front's encouragement and support to ind i v i d u a l s whose immediate goals coincided with i t s own i s exemplified i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with Chang Hsueh-liang. In Shanghai, following the conclusion of the F i f t h National Congress of the KMT held i n November 1935, Chang Hsueh-liang witnessed the surge of the p a t r i o t i c movement that caught h i s imagination. He plunged himself into close association with various i n t e l l e c t u a l s , such as Wang Chao-shih, Shen chun-ju, and Madame Sun Yat-sen,* under whose s p e l l he was drawn closer to the National Salvation Movement, thereby strengthening h i s views of c i v i l 6 8 war and the formation of a united front against Japan. As i t turned out Chang became one of the few men of power who patronized the cause of the students and the National Salvation Movement. The formal establishment of the National Salvation Association at Shanghai roughly coincided with the Liang-Kwang revolt i n ea r l y June 1936. Both served as c a t a l y s t s i n shaping Chang's mind over China's domestic issues and po l i c y toward Japan. As the central Government grew more repressive toward the National Salvation Movement, Chang appeared to move to the other extreme by giving i t t a c i t protection. The National Salvation Front's support and encouragement given to Chang Hsiieh-liang i s important for at le a s t two reasons. F i r s t , i t was reciprocated. Second, i t helps refute the ideas of e a r l i e r h i s t o r i c a l studies which suggest a b i p o l a r approach, i d e n t i f y i n g the CCP and the National Salvation Movement at one end of the spectrum, 69 and the KMT at the other. Such a view seems to be untenable, at lea s t i n the pre-Sino-Japanese War period. The manifesto also c a l l e d f or the maximum possible increase i n the "power of the f r o n t , " which meant presumably, i n i t s r o l e as a 75 p e t i t i o n i n g group. According to Linebarger, the quest for p o l i c y and p r i n c i p l e rather than p o l i t i c a l power was a new one to China, and as a r e s u l t National Salvation leaders came to be esteemed almost " ;• u n i v e r s a l l y . 7 ^ But Linebarger f a i l s to note the existence of e a r l i e r pure ideals p o l i t i c a l groups such as the Ch'ing-i scholars of the l a t e Nineteenth Century. Perhaps the d i s t i n c t i o n between the quest for p o l i c y and p r i n c i p l e and the quest for power-- i s not as precise as Linebarger suggests, and these are not necessarily mutually exclusive elements. I t seems rather that the National Salvation Movement wanted mediatorial power and.petitioning power, but i t did hot seek t h i s power for i t s e l f as a p o l i c y making or governing body. But, to the extent that various National-Salvation leaders such as T'ao Hsing-chih and Madame Sun Yat-sen used the National Salvation Movement as a receptacle for. t h e i r ideas, and as a v e h i c l e to advance t h e i r own goals, then the National Salvation Movement was a powerful force i f not ambivalent c a t a l y s t . The May 1936 formation in.Shanghai of the All-China Federation of National Salvation Unions coincided with the outbreak of the Liang-Kwang up r i s i n g . This had begun with a demand from the South West P o l i t i c a l Council for immediate resistance to Japan on June 2, and a request for movement of troops to the North by the South West 71 m i l i t a r y leaders on June 4. This u p r i s i n g , i n which the South 72 Western armies were renamed " A n t J a p a n e s e National Salvation Forces" had an immediate impact on the Central Government. I t resulted i n the 73 movement of troops to protect Hunan from invasion from the South. The Liang-Kwang up r i s i n g presented a problem to the National Salvation Movement., since i t s aim was resistance to Japan, but i t s 76 methods were l i a b l e to lead to further c i v i l war. In Shanghai one thousand f i v e hundred students went on s t r i k e at Futan University on 74 June 9 to protest Japanese a c t i v i t i e s i n the North. On June 21 there was a siege of the Shanghai North Station i n an attempt to hijack a t r a i n to go to Nanking. The object of t h i s mission was to have been to p e t i t i o n the Central Government to solve the South West problem peacefully and to r e s i s t J a p a n . N o formal statement by the National Salvation Association leaders i n Shanghai was produced u n t i l a pamphlet, dated July 15, was issued by Tsou T'ao-fen, Shen Chiin-ju, Chang Nai-ch'i and T'ao Hsing-chih. This was e n t i t l e d : "A Few Basic Conditions and Maximum Demands for Uniting to Meet the National I n s u l t . " The pamphlet included a short plea to the South West;- to use as much pressure as possible on the Central Government to promote resistance to Japan, but to avoid taking a stand of opposition to the Central Government. Of the Chinese sources that I have seen, t h i s document contained one of the longest remaining records of the views of the National Salvation leaders. I t was an attempt to define the r e a l standpoint of the National Salvation Front and to express the hopes of the writers i n the various "authority groups" i n the nation. The documents began by noting that the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n had changed markedly since the December 9 Movement and that a l l leaders were beginning to see the importance of national s a l v a t i o n . It c i t e d as examples the Government's release of the f u l l Tangku Truce text and i t s protest to Japan over smuggling; the South West's c a l l f o r resistance; the change i n CCP p o l i c y with the renaming of the Workers' and Peasants' Soviet as the People's Soviet; and f i n a l l y , the 77 r e f u s a l of Sung Che-yuan to form an autonomous organization i n North China. Nevertheless the document held that there were s t i l l suspicions that National Salvation was only a "fashionable ornament" of no r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and that the "united f r o n t " was only a temporary slogan which was being "used" by c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l groups. The National Salvation Front, i n an e f f o r t to adopt a people's standpoint, indicated i n t h i s document that the united.front was important f o r f i v e reasons: 1. That i f resistance i s l e f t to one group alone, i t w i l l f a i l ; 2. That unless there i s tolerance within the resistance movement, the people w i l l end up opposing the government; 3. That i n a united front the s i n c e r i t y of a l l groups w i l l be put to the t e s t ; 4. That i f a united front i s formed and natural confidence restored, traitorous acts w i l l cease to be possible; and 5. That unless there i s confidence i n the united f r o n t , i t w i l l f a i l and with i t the resistance to Japan, but i f there i s confidence the unity gained i n resistance w i l l also be of value a f t e r the war i s over. Aft e r e x t o l l i n g the v i r t u e s of the united f r o n t , the document i d e n t i f i e d s i x sources of authority i n China. The f i r s t was Chiang Kai-shek, who was distinguished from the KMT. To Chiang Kai-shek, the writers of the document pleaded f i r s t , that f i v e years of f a i l u r e to uproot the Communists (since 1931) must have persuaded him that h i s p o l i c y of i n t e r n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n before external resistance was not e f f e c t i v e . Second, they claimed that i n the nationa l c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n , unity could be achieved by ending a l l c i v i l war and permitting 78 freedom to anti-Japanese movements. They expressed hope that Chiang would then lead the Government to begin the righteous war of l i b e r a t i o n . To the South West, they showed sympathy, but expressed hope that the South West would grant genuine freedom to the anti-Japanese movement. They urged the Northern leaders to cease repression of the student movement and the anti-Japanese masses. Regarding the KMT, they trusted that i t would discard i t s past prejudice and again form a united front with the Communists. They appealed to the KMT to purge i t s ranks of pro-Japanese bureaucrats. To the Communists, the writers of the document expressed hope that the CCP would show i t s s i n c e r i t y i n the united front, by ending the attacks on central troops and that i t would show tolerance to the r i c h e r classes, and prevent i d e o l o g i c a l l y immature l e f t i s t youths i n the c i t i e s from disrupting national s a l v a t i o n work. F i n a l l y , they appealed to the masses to be the most fervent of a l l the groups i n t h e i r opposition to imperialism and bad government. This pamphlet struck a neutral pose between a l l the contending groups and t r i e d to point out the f a i l i n g s of each. A reference to " i d e o l o g i c a l l y immature l e f t i s t youths"7"'" who t r i e d to use the National Salvation Movement to spread class struggle, indicated that the CCP c a l l f o r a united front was not being heeded by a l l l e f t i s t s . The National Salvation leaders saw the KMT as the leader of the united front, with Chiang Kai-shek as. the supreme commander. Later Communist hi s t o r i a n s who did not claim that the Communists led the National 78 Salvation Movement, interpreted the united front as Communist-led, at t h i s point. How much influence t h i s pamphlet had i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. 79 Some of the questions i t raised had already become academic. For example, Chiang Kai-shek, i n dealing with the South West, had 79 already pledged not to use arms against theSouth West by July 8, and the South West uprising began to disintegrate as Kwangtung capitulated to Nanking's control. Mao Tse-tung sent a l e t t e r to the National Salvation leaders to express the Communists support for 80 National Salvation e f f o r t s toward a united front, an action which 81 was used at the t r i a l of the seven to t i e them i n with the CCP. Mao Tse-tung stressed i n . h i s long and persuasive reply that he welcomed the conditions and demands set forth by the leaders of the National Salvation Movement and was glad to comply with them for the purpose of forming the "united f r o n t . " He said, "We are i n agreement with your manifesto, programme and demands, and earnestly desire to cooperate with you and a l l other p a r t i e s and groups, e i t h e r as 82 organizations or as i n d i v i d u a l s . " The fundamental tenor of the various National Salvation -manifestoes' that I have seen indicates that National Salvation was the paramount concern. This concern which encompassed both opposition to Japan and the termination of c i v i l war i n China took precedence over democratic concerns. It i s not possible to detect any overt pro-Communist stance i n any of the National Salvation manifestoes which I have seen. Notwithstanding, i t i s possible to determine that various signees of National Salvation manifestoes were Communist or Communist-oriented at the time the manifestoes were issued. But the amount of influence these persons may or may not have had i s d i f f i c u l t to determine p r e c i s e l y . 80 CHAPTER 3: NATIONAL SALVATION LITERARY ACTIVITY NOTES "'"NCH May 19, 1931, p. 221; Hsien-cheng shou-ts'e (Kwang-tung: Chung-kuo wen-hua shih yeh chu, 1933), pp. 35-41. 2 Text of t h i s Law i s reprinted i n KWCP 8:11 March 23, 1931; the Regulations for i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n i b i d . , 13:6 A p r i l 6, 1931. 3 Mu Hsin, Tsou T'ao-fen (Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, 1959) , p. 159. 4 The New York Times 2:5 August 13, 1933. p. 12. ^Sheng-huo chou-k'an 8:3 A p r i l , 1933. p. 17. Edgar Snow, "The Ways of the Chinese Censor," Current History, 42 (1935):385-386; The New York Times 9:6 March 13, 1935. 7Not infrequently Japan was referred to i n p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e of the period as simply "the enemy" or "the adversary." 8 Hu Shih, Wo-men yao-ch'iu..." TKP December 29, 1935. At the time when Hu Shih wrote the a r t i c l e , the contents of the Tangku Truce, which had been signed i n May 1933, had s t i l l not been made pu b l i c . 9 Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, eds. Biographical  Dictionary of Republican China 4 vo l s . (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971), entry: Tu Chung-yuan. The clo s i n g date of Sheng-huo chou-k'an.is given as October 1933. In the entry: Tsou T'ao-fen, i b i d . , the cl o s i n g date i s given as December 16, 1933. The Ch'Uan-kuo Chung-wen ch'i-k'an lien-ho mu-lu (Peking: Pei-ching t'u-shu-kuan, 1961), p. 401 supports a December c l o s i n g . "*"^ Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, pp. 53-54; and L i n Yutang, A History of the Press and Public Opinion i n China (Shanghai: K e l l y and Walsh Ltd., 1936), p. 151. A l l sources give approximately the same c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s . I t should be noted that at i t s height Hsin ch'ing-nien [New Youth], the most important p e r i o d i c a l of the May Fourth era, had a c i r c u l a t i o n of 16,000. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth  Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 73. 1 •'"Mu, Tsou-T'ao-fen, p. 49. Hsin-sheng chou-k'an 2:15 May 4, 1935, pp. 312-313. 81 Ibid. 14 Ch'en Ying-hsing, ed. Chung-hua min-kuo hsing-fa chieh-shih  t'u piao chi t'iao wen (Min kuo: Shang-wu y i n shu kuan, 1936), pp. 268-269. ^ F o r a more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s case, see NCH July 3, 10, 17, 24, 1935, pp. 15, 60, 89-90, 100, 140. 1 6NCH July 17 and 24, August 7, 1935, pp. 100, 151, 238. ^See NCH October 16, 1935, for the so-called "anti-Japanese poster i n c i d e n t " i n Hankow. 18 Paul Cohen, " C h r i s t i a n missions and t h e i r impact to 1900," i n Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank, General eds. The Cambridge  History of China, Late Ch'ing, 1800-1911 10:1 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1978), pp. 569-570). 19 Hubert Freyn, Prelude to War: The Chinese Student Rebellion of  1935-36 (Shanghai: China Journal Publishing Co., 1939), pp. 65-66. 20 Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, p. 190, l i s t s the t h i r t e e n p e r i o d i c a l s suppressed i n November 1936. 21 Tu-shu sheng-huo was a Marxist review. Its writers included L i Kung-p'u, A i Ssu-ch'i (a prominent Marxist t h e o r i s t ) , and Chang Han-fu (a Vice M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s i n post 1949 PRC). 22 Accurate s t a t i s t i c s on the publishing trade i n China during t h i s period are not a v a i l a b l e . Shen-pao nien-chien, 1936, pp. 1285-1286 states that a t o t a l of 8,148 t i t l e s were submitted for censorship from March 1932 to September 1935, and 5,075 t i t l e s were registered with the Min i s t r y of the I n t e r i o r from June 1928 to June 1935. 23 L i n , A History of the Press and Public Opinion i n China, p. 126. 24 Shang-hai shih nien-chien (China), 1935 p. 536. 25 The Chinese Yearbook (Shanghai: Commercial Press) 1937 p. 1093, notes that during the period May 1936 to February 1937, 206 publications were suppressed by the Ministry of the I n t e r i o r . The reasons for suppression were as follows: A g i t a t i n g class struggle: 23; Attacking the KMT: 1; Attacking the N a t i o n a l i s t government: 23; Spreading Communist propaganda: 65; P r o l e t a r i a n a r t s : 11; Indecent: 2; Miscellaneous: 81. T o t a l : 206. 82 26 Outline History of China (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1958), p. 378. . 2 7 F o r example, see TCSH 6 (1935) p. 137; 8 (1936) pp. 185-186; and 9 (1936) pp. 215-217. O Q TCSH 13 (1936) p. 329. 29 For example see i b i d . , p. 330. 30 Wu Tien-wei, "The Sian Incident: A P i v o t a l Point i n Modern Chinese History." Michigan Papers i n Chinese Studies 26 (1976) p. 120. 3 1TCSH 14 (1936) pp. 361-362. 32 In both 1925 and 1928 Ma Hsu-lun was Vice Minister of Education In 1927 he was a member of the Chekiang P o l i t i c a l Council and the Administrative Commission; and Director of the C i v i l A f f a i r s Bureau; and i n 1928 Councillor to the National Government. B r i e f Biographical notes: Max Perleberg, Who's Who in.Modern China (Hong Kong: Ye Olde P r i n t e r i e , 1954), pp. 160-161, entry 9.8. 3 3Fu-ml sheng-huo 2:1 (1936) pp. 253-255. 34 Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao October 10, 1937 i s held at the National Lib r a r y , Peking, A copy of t h i s was obtained. 35 I have only seen the 4th issue of Chiu-wang pao-tao which was dated December 9, 1936. 36 Chiu-wang chou-k'an 1 (1937). Ibid ., p. 4. Ibid . 39 Ibid., p. 6. 40 L i n Yutang, "Singing P a t r i o t s i n China," Asia 41:2 (1941) p. 71. 41 Frank B Lenz, "He taught China to Sing," C h r i s t i a n Herald October 1942, p. 17. For example see Fu-nil sheng-huo (1936) and TCSH (1936), and p a r t i c u l a r l y TCSH 13 (1936) p. 322. 83 43 TCSH 1:9 (1936) p. 218. The manifesto i s dated January 6, 1936. 44 Liang's ultimate s o l u t i o n to China's unique c u l t u r a l dilemma was modernization through c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l . Sey Guy A l i t t o , The Last Confucian: Liang Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma of Modernity (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1979), e s p e c i a l l y chapters 4 and 8. 45 it T'ao Hsing-chih, "Sheng-huo chi chiao-yu," i n Wei chih-shih Chieh-chi (Peking: Sheng-huo chiao yu she, 1950), pp. 1-10. 46 Mai Ch'ing, Tao Hsing-chih (Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, 1949), p. 7. T'ao had e a r l i e r adopted the courtesy name Chih-hsing (knowledge-action). See Boorman and Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, entry: T'ao Hsing-chih. ^^Doihara Kenji was the chief of the Kwantung Army's Special Service Section. 48 Yin Ju-Keng was a returned student from Waseda University. He was married to a Japanese woman. 49 TCSH 1:9 (1936) p. 231. The f i r s t d eclaration i s contained i n TCSH 1:6 (1935) p. 158. This' was issued by the Shanghai Cu l t u r a l National Salvation Movement, before i t s formal organization as a society. I t likewise has eight sections and bears 283 signatures. "^For text, see The Chinese Yearbook 1936-37 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937) p. 431. 51 L i n c o l n L i , The Japanese Army i n North China 1937-1941.(London, New York and Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 212. 52 Wu, 'The Sian Incident: A P i v o t a l Point i n Modern Chinese History." Michigan Papers i n Chinese Studies 26 (1976) p. 213: Note 41. See also Boorman and Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary  of Republican China, entry: Sung Ch'ing-ling. 53 Min-ch'uan chu-i [Doctrine of People's Rights or Democracy] i s the second part of the San-min chu-i [Three P r i n c i p l e s of the People]. 54 Hsien-cheng shou-ts'e, pp. 35-41, e s p e c i a l l y chapter 2, which deals with the ri g h t s and duties of the people, A r t i c l e s 14 and 15. "'"'immanuel C. Y. Hsu, The Rise of Modern China (New York, London and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 699. See also Boorman and Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, e n t r i e s : Tsou T'ao-fen, Shen Chun-ju and Sung Ch'ing-ling. 84 Tsou T'ao-fen was a member of i t s executive committee; Shen Chun-ju helped found the Chung-kuo min-ch'uan pao-chang t'ung-meng and Sung Ch'ing-ling was one of the organizers and chairman of the organization. 5 7NCH June 3, 1936, p. 408. This was d e t a i l e d e a r l i e r . 5 8 From December 1924 on, Shanghai was beset with a wave of labour troubles and i n February 1925 a seri e s of s t r i k e s against the Japanese cotton m i l l s resulted i n s i g n i f i c a n t Communist gains i n labour organizations. In mid-May a new round of disturbances at the Nagai Wata M i l l s led to the death of a worker named Ku Cheng-hung at the hands of a Japanese foreman on May 15, 1925. It was t h i s act which was to lead d i r e c t l y to the May 30, Incident. What seemed at f i r s t to be a mere incident; a student demonstration, with an unfortunate bloody ending, became instead a movement that spread from Shanghai to the ports of the East coast and the Yangtze and led to a rash of s t r i k e s and a boycott against the B r i t i s h i n Hong Kong and the South. 59 For d e t a i l s on the Hirot a Three P r i n c i p l e s , see James B. Crowley, Japan's Quest for Autonomy (Princeton: Princeton Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1966), pp. 230-233. fit) NCH June 3, 1936, p. 408. 61 The Tangku Truce (1933) provided for the establishment of a d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone. The Ch'in-Doihara Agreement of July 27, 1935 extended the d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone to include a l l the t e r r i t o r y "East of a l i n e drawn from Changping i n Hopei to the wall i n East Hopei v i a Yenching and Talinpao, and South of another l i n e drawn from a point North of Tushihkou to a point south of Changpei." See Hsu Shu-hsi, The North China Problem (Shanghai: K e l l y and Walsh Ltd., 1937), p. 21. 6 2 The Chinese Yearbook 1936-37 (Shanghai Commercial Press, 1937) p. 429. 6 3 English text i n Lawrence K. Rosinger, China's Wartime P o l i t i c s , 1937-1944 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), pp. 85-93. Chinese text as a supplement to the Chiu-wang shou-ts'e, (Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1939), p. 210. 64 Rosinger, China's Wartime P o l i t i c s , 1937-1944, pp. 86-87. 65 See NCH May 13, 1936, p. 262. This statement was reported i n the London Press of May 9, 1936. I t was l a t e r denied by Feng on May 12, 1936, i n a statement to the foreign o f f i c e i n Nanking. See NCH May 20, 1936, p. 313. 85 For accounts on the collapse of CCP organs i n the KMT-held areas, see U. T. Hsu, I n v i s i b l e C o n f l i c t (Hong Kong: China View Points, 1958); Yang Tzu-lieh, Chang Kuo-t'ao fu-jen h u i - i l u (Hong Kong: San-lien -shu-tien, 1970); Yuen Sheng, Sun Yat-sen University i n Moscow and  the Chinese Revolution (Lawrence: The University of Kansas Press, 1971), chapters 16 and 17. ^ B e f o r e the "Long March" set out from Kiangsi i n October 1934, there were four major Soviet bases, namely the Kiangsi, Western Hupeh-Hunan, Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei, and Northern Szechwan areas. 6 8Ming-pao yueh-k'an 33 (1968) p. 50. 69 For example see Chan Lau Kit-ching, The Chinese Youth Party, 1923-1945 (Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Press, 1972) pp. 38, and Carsun Chang, The Third Force i n China (New York: Bookman Associates, 1952), p. 80. ^ P a u l Lineberger, The China of Chiang Kai-shek (Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1941), p. 175. 71KWCP 13: 23 June 15, 1936 gives the texts. 7 2NCH June 10, 1936, p. 445. 7 3 I b i d . , June 24, 1936, p. 518. 7 4 I b i d . , June 17, 1936, p. 492. 7 5 I b i d . , June 24, 1936, p. 534. 7^Text i n supplement to T'an pai chi (No place: September 1936), pp. 216-234. 7 7 I b i d . , p. 231. 78 Ho Kan-chih, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1959), p. 65. 7 9NCH July 8, 1936, p. 78 80 L.P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n Chinese Communist History' (Palo Alto", CA: Stanford' rUniversity . Press,' 1967) , pp. 69-L i Shou-tung, ed. Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chlin-tzu shih chien (No place: ? 1937), p. 67. 86 Mao Tse-tung, et a l . China: The March Toward Unity (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1937), p. 70. 87 CHAPTER 4: THE ARREST AND TRIAL OF THE SEVEN WORTHIES This chapter focuses f i r s t , on the arrest of the seven worthies, and second, on t h e i r t r i a l , considering the public response evoked by the t r i a l . The t r i a l brought the National Salvation Association leaders national prominence as symbols of the united front and national unity i n the face of external aggression. The actual a r r i v a l of the Japanese attack (the July 7, 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident) within weeks of t h e i r t r i a l cut short the process of struggle for t h e i r release, but not before t h e i r names had become famous. The f i n a l act by the National Salvation leaders before t h e i r arrest had been to send a telegram to the Central Government, to Fu T s o - i , the commander i n Suiyuan, and to Chang Hsueh-liang, commander at Sian."'" This telegram demanded that immediate a i d be given to the Suiyuan defenders and expressed f u l l sympathy with them. The telegram to Chang Hslieh-liang also suggested the immediate despatch of troops 2 to the front and exertion of pressure on the Central Government. Sha noted that the text of t h i s telegram was printed i n the Chiu-wang 3 ch'ing-pao [National Salvation B u l l e t i n ] of November 22,- 1936. This source i s not held i n Western l i b r a r i e s , and according to the Ch'uan-kuo Chung-wen ch'i-k'an lien-ho mu-lu [National Union L i s t of Chinese P e r i o d i c a l s ] the November 22, 1936 issue i s not held i n l i b r a r i e s i n China. The leaders also put forward plans for the m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g of workers for the defense of Shanghai i n a pamphlet e n t i t l e d 'A 4 h a n d b i l l p e t i t i o n i n g the 2,300,000 c i t i z e n s of Shanghai.' I have not seen the text. Two sources suggest that these actions provoked the Japanese to demand the suppression of the National Salvation Movement. 88 While t h i s seems p l a u s i b l e , I can not at t h i s point v e r i f y i t . Edgar Snow suggested that the Japanese held National Salvation leaders responsible for the Shanghai s t r i k e s and that Nanking was w i l l i n g to oblige Japan. ~* The second source was a statement by Madame Sun on November 26, 1936.^ This statement concerned the arrest of the seven worthies. Madame Sun quoted from the Shanghai Mainichi Shinbun. This newspaper had reported her arrest along with the arrest of the seven leaders, on charges of complicity with the Communist Third International. Madame Sun suggested that the Japanese must have given the paper i n s i d e information of the impending a r r e s t s . Further research using Japanese sources may help to v e r i f y t h i s suggestion. Other sources mention the simultaneous arrest of two National Salvation leaders i n Nanking: Sun Hsia-ts'un and Ts'ao Meng-Chiin, and the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on Ma Hsiang-po's actions. These were ind i c a t i o n s of a general attack on the 'Aid to Suiyuan Movement,' rather than an attack on National Salvation a c t i v i t i e s i n Shanghai. 7 Nevertheless, i t was the case of the seven arrested i n Shanghai, rather than the other arr e s t s , which drew public attention. Later h i s t o r i a n s with the hindsight knowledge of the Sian Incident, which was to occur within three weeks of the arrest have given great prominence to the impact.of the arrests on public opinion. However, a cursory survey of the contemporary, press does not bear out t h i s claim. The Tung-fang tsa-chih ["The Eastern Miscellany"] mentioned the g arrest of the seven i n i t s diary but offered no comment. The Kuo-wen  chou-pao [National News Weekly] f a i l e d to note t h e i r arrest i n i t s diary and two weeks l a t e r reprinted one e d i t o r i a l from the Ta-kung pao ["L'Impartial"] which at the time was h i g h l i g h t i n g the Suiyuan 89 campaign';. The Ta-kung pao did not bring the arrest into front page prominence. I t published short a r t i c l e s on the arrest on November 24 and 25, 1936 and a longer a r t i c l e on November 26, reported on the f i r s t t r i a l and the KMT statement issued through Shanghai Mayor Wu T'ieh-ch'eng. Two long a r t i c l e s on December 2 and 5, gave d e t a i l s of the backgrounds of those arrested and the public response to the arrest . This should not lead us to presume that the case did not a t t r a c t attention, but i t suggests that the attention evoked was more from various p o l i t i c a l leaders than from the press. Why t h i s was the case I am s t i l l not sure. Perhaps i t was i n part because Chinese-language newspapers i n Shanghai were censored by the News Censorship Bureau. This Bureau was established j o i n t l y i n the International Settlement i n March 1933 by the l o c a l KMT headquarters, the Shanghai Municipal Government, and the Shanghai Garrison Headquarters."^ Given that the seven worthies were arrested i n Shanghai, a few words about the Shanghai court system seems i n order. In 1928, the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Greater Shanghai, which covered a l l of Shanghai outside the foreign settlements, was established by the Chinese Government and placed d i r e c t l y under the control of the Executive Yuan. Whereas the Shanghai Municipal Council with i t s Municipal Po l i c e s t i l l existed i n the International Settlement and the French a u t h o r i t i e s i n the French Settlement, and the foreign residents enjoyed the same e x t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l p r i v i l e g e s as before, the Mixed Court was returned to China i n 1927 and became the Shanghai P r o v i s i o n a l Court under the control of the Kiangsu P r o v i n c i a l Government. In 1930, i n an agreement between China and some of the foreign powers, China was authorized to e s t a b l i s h a D i s t r i c t Court and a Branch High Court i n Shanghai with j u r i s d i c t i o n over a l l 90 criminal and c i v i l cases in v o l v i n g only Chinese c i t i z e n s . Chinese laws were applicable i n these courts, which were a part of China's j u d i c i a l system, and a l l appeals had to be made to the Supreme Court of China. By an almost i d e n t i c a l agreement, the rendition of the Mixed Court i n the French Settlement took place on July 31, 1931. This agreement was renewed on A p r i l 1, 1933. Arrests of Chinese residents or raids on Chinese properties i n the Settlement were made by the foreign Municipal P o l i c e and the residents handed over to the Chinese a u t h o r i t i e s . The seven worthies were arrested i n the early morning hours of November 23, 1936"'""'' although November 22 has frequently been 12 quoted. Tsou, Chang and Shih were arrested i n the French Settlement, 13 t r i e d i n the afternoon and were released at 7.30 p.m. The remaining four were arrested i n the International Settlement and released on b a i l 14 that same afternoon. The charges were not clear at t h i s stage but came under the category of "intent t o i n j u r e the Chinese Republic.""'""' Sha related that the po l i c e were so uncertain of the charges that they did not know to which court to take the accused, the Kiangsu Shanghai F i r s t Special Court or the higher Second Special Court, reserved for 16 very important cases only. In the end, the l a t t e r was chosen. At the t r i a l the defense lawyers f o r the accused complained about the absence of warrants and the r o l e of the Shanghai Security Bureau which acted i n the Settlements outside i t s jurisdiction."'' 7 Despite t h e i r release on b a i l , s i x of the accused were rearrested the same night. This followed a warning from the Public Security Bureau to the Settlement Court which stated that new criminal evidence had been discovered and that there 18 was a danger that the accused would f l e e . Shih Liang had i n the meantime gone to Soochow on business.and then to v i s i t her sic k mother, 91 19 and was not arrested at t h i s time. The French Court held i t s f i r s t - e v e r midnight session to t r y Tsou and Chang. Since the French Court found no good evidence against the accused, i t remanded them i n custody and then handed them over to the Chinese Procurator. The Chinese Procurator i n turn transferred them to the Public Security Bureau and to the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Shanghai 20 D i s t r i c t Court. After they had passed through three prisons i n four 21 days, Tsou and Chang eventually ended up i n KMT hands. With the other four accused, trans f e r to the Public Security Bureau proved easier, as three of them were only temporary residents of the Settlements. The fourth, Sha, was a leader i n the Shanghai Vocational National Salvation Association, against which evidence was c i t e d by members of the HuO-hua tu-shu hui [Sparks Reading Society], 22 the members of which had been arrested f or fomenting m i l l s t r i k e s . Thus by November 27 a l l s i x men arrested had reached the Public 23 Security Bureau and were transferred to Spochow on December 2. Shih 24 Liang, who i t was f a l s e l y rumoured was hidden i n Madame Sun's house, reported to Soochow i n l a t e December on her mother's recovery from an • i i 25 i l l n e s s . 26 The news of the arrest was f i r s t printed on November 24 a f t e r the Central News Agency branch i n Shanghai announced i t . The purported crimes of the arrested were: organization of an i l l e g a l group, currying favour with the Communists by i n c i t i n g s t r i k e s and boycotts, 27 and p l o t t i n g to disturb the peace arid upset the Government. The arrest was made under the emergency regulations of the previous 28 February. On November 25, Shanghai Mayor, Wu T'ieh-ch'eng issued a 29 formal statement to the press. This began: 92 Since L i Kung-p'u and others i l l e g a l l y organized the so-called Shanghai National Salvation Association, they have r e c k l e s s l y used the name of National Salvation to spread rumours. Their aim was undoubtedly to weaken the people's trust i n the Government. Furthermore, recently they have been i n league with 'red bandits,' have wi l d l y proposed a popular front, have fanned class struggle and have even proposed the overthrow of the National Government and i t s replacement by a government of national defence .... Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n t h i s statement i s the suggestion that the National Salvation Association 'proposed a popular front and fanned class struggle.' Chinese sources consistently stated that the National Salvation Association advocated a min-tsu [national] front, not a jen-min [popular] front. Chinese sources which I have seen, with few exceptions, do not suggest the National Salvation Association 'fanned class struggle.' By the time t h i s statement was issued L i 30 Kung-p'u's school, c a l l e d Liang T s ' a i , had been closed and t h i r t e e n 31 p e r i o d i c a l s with p a t r i o t i c content had been suppressed. The magnitude of the repression of the p a t r i o t i c movement and the announcement of the suspected crimes of the arrested produced a heavy i n f l u x of p e t i t i o n s to the Government. On November 25 L i Tsung-jen and Pai Ch'ung-hsi petitioned Central Government leaders for 32 the unconditional release of the seven, a request which they repeated 33 on December 3. On November 26, 107 Peking professors sent a telegram to Nanking, which demanded that at a time of national c r i s i s , unity, not squabbling, was needed. The telegram pointed out that the seven arrested were perceived by the whole nation to be fervent p a t r i o t s and 34 should be immediately released. The CCP Central Committee sent a telegram which suggested ways to a i d the seven. Telegrams were also sent to the Central Government by overseas Chinese i n Thailand and 93 35 Singapore. Over 300 overseas Chinese i n the United States of America signed a telegram which stated that i f the Chinese Government was sincere i t would change i t s foreign p o l i c y and protect the p a t r i o t i c movement, otherwise the Government would appear to be the 36 dupe of pro-Japanese elements. Perhaps the most important telegram was that sent to Chiang Kai-shek i n Loyang by over twenty members of the KMT Central Executive Committee, including Yu Yu-jen, Feng Yu-hsiang, Sun Fo, L i Lieh-^chun and Shih Ying. This telegram requested that Chiang t r y i n earnest to secure the release of the seven arrested. Other expressions of sympathy came from Peking u n i v e r s i t y and high school students who went on a two-day s t r i k e and sent representatives to Nanking. This was followed by a demonstration on December 12, i n which the demonstrators c a l l e d f o r 'a struggle for 38 p a t r i o t i c freedom and the release of the p a t r i o t i c leaders.' Without a f u l l range of contemporary newspapers, i t i s impossible to evaluate the strength of the press reaction. One author claimed 39 that the arrests provoked a reaction equal to the Suiyuan war. The Ta-kung pao's reporting of the arrest does not bear out t h i s claim. Even though the Ta-kung pao began to use the term liu-chim [six gentlemen] and began to press for a det a i l e d indictment or the 40 immediate release of the arrested, the main fear i t expressed was that t h i s attack on members of the c u l t u r a l world would undermine the tenuous unity achieved i n the m i l i t a r y realm. Because of the reputations of the arrested and the sympathy they received from the Shanghai p o l i c e , the arrested men were given very comfortable prison conditions. While i n Shanghai, the arrested were allowed v i s i t s by t h e i r family and f r i e n d s , and were permitted 94 \ u n r e s t r i c t e d access to newspapers. They were not held i n normal prison ) c e l l s but were allowed s p e c i a l large rooms at the Public Security 41 Bureau. On t h e i r transfer to Soochow they were given s i x rooms i n the s i c k bay of the remand prison and were i n i t i a l l y granted the same 42 freedoms as i n Shanghai. Shih Liang was held i n the women's prison 43 i n Soochow, some distance from the other s i x . With the successful conclusion of the Suiyuan War by the Chinese, and with national f e e l i n g aroused by t h i s event and by the Government's open attack on the p a t r i o t i c movement, Chiang Kai-shek 44 proceeded to Sian on December 4 to demand the renewed prosecution of the anti-Communist extermination campaign. Much has been written on the events of the following three weeks which included the arrest 45 of Chiang on December 12 and h i s release on December 25. Chang Hsueh-liang, the Sian commander, was threatened by Chiang with dismissal unless he could turn h i s Manchurian troops against the Communists, who had only j u s t routed over-extended ce n t r a l armies i n Kansu. While Chiang s t i l l stressed domestic p a c i f i c a t i o n before external resistance, i t was clear that he was unwilling to answer Chang's i n i t i a l demands for the end to c i v i l war, which were expressed before December 12. Soon a f t e r he had arrested Chiang, Chang sent a 46 • > telegram to the Government at Nanking. The preamble stressed that the arrest of the Shanghai leaders had given r i s e to a f e e l i n g that p a t r i o t i s m had become a crime. In the eight demands at the end of the telegram, one advocated the immediate release of the arrested leaders and another urged that a National Salvation Assembly, be convened. The Sian Incident and i t s repercussions came to dominate . 1 ( 95 the Chinese scene to the extent that the case of the arrested leaders 47 soon dropped into the background. Since the Central Government had rejected the eight demands made by Chang, and Chiang Kai-shek had l e f t Sian without signing any agreement, the Government was under no ob l i g a t i o n to release the leaders. Public attention became focussed on Chiang and those others who had joined him i n negotiations i n Sian, and, once Chiang was released, upon the re s u l t s of the Incident for 48 Chinese p o l i t i c s . Some p o l i t i c a l analysts t r i e d to show that Sian had resulted i n a p o l a r i z a t i o n of the country, and e s p e c i a l l y of students, i n t o l e f t and ri g h t groups. They claimed that the l e f t i s t s had been i n the ascendancy during the c a l l s f o r the unity of a l l partie s i n 1936, but a f t e r Sian had shown the i n s i n c e r i t y of National 49 Salvation slogans, the right had grown correspondingly i n strength. Whether such a p o l a r i z a t i o n occurred i s l e s s important than the fact that there was a new f e e l i n g i n China that Chiang had accepted leadership of the resistance. The strength of the National Salvation Movement grew markedly. It c l e a r l y became the t h i r d l a r g e s t organized p o l i t i c a l force i n C h i n a . T h e Japanese Government and General S t a f f decided that with China's new determination, attempts should be made to r e t a i n North China as a buffer zone rather than to bring i t under J a p a n . ^ At the t h i r d KMT Plenum held from February 15 to 22, 1937, Wang Ching-wei i n his opening speech declared that the KMT's tasks were to recover l o s t t e r r i t o r i e s and safeguard the e x i s t i n g ones, to s t a b i l i z e i n t e r n a l conditions, to work for National Salvation and to 52 inaugurate democratic government. Chiang made known the eight Sian demands and, on February 21, c a l l e d for the t o t a l eradication of Communism from China, but allowed room for r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , i f the 96 Communists followed c e r t a i n conditions. The communists for t h e i r part sent a telegram to the Plenum with t h e i r conditions for a united 54 front. Thus the two major parties had begun to s e t t l e t h e i r differences i n the i n t e r e s t of the nation's future. THE TRIAL Pressure was placed on the imprisoned leaders from the s t a r t of the Sian Incident. On December 14 a l l v i s i t o r s were prohibited, a l l newspapers banned, and the prison guards were strengthened by m i l i t a r y p o l i c e . I n mid-January 1937 i t was announced that Wang and Sha had temporarily closed t h e i r law practices and that Chang 56 and Wang had been dismissed from t h e i r banking and teaching jobs. On January 20 twenty-one representatives of the Shanghai N a t i o n a l v S a l v a t i o n Association came to the prison where- the s i x men were held to v i s i t the arrested. A f t e r they were refused permission to see the s i x men, they l e f t a note with t h e i r names appended. A week l a t e r two of those who had signed, Ku Liu-hsing and Jen Sung-kao were arrested. During t h e i r f i r s t two months i n prison the seven were 58 questioned f i v e times by the procurator. Though the National Salvation leaders expected that they would be released at the end of the two month l e g a l period for lack of evidence, on January 29 the 59 l e g a l period was extended for a further two months. They were 60 interrogated only once more during, t h i s extension. On the very l a s t day for i n t e r r o g a t i o n a ten-part indictment was presented to the seven. This document named a further seven who were to be t r i e d concurrently. They included T'ao Hsing-chih (at t h i s 97 point i n the United States of America), Ku Liu-hsing, Jen Sung-kao, and a c e r t a i n Lo Ch'ing.^"'' On October 21, 1936 Lo Ch'ing had been arrested i n Chiang-yin while carrying a copy of the public l e t t e r sent by Mao Tse-tung and the Communists to the National Salvation leaders. This was unreported at the time, but h i s was the f i r s t arrest leading 6 2 to the Government's attack on the National Salvation Association. 6 3 The f u l l indictment was printed by the press and provided e d i t o r i a l comment such as the following, which a f t e r i t had outlined the background of the seven, stated: When the Shensi (Sian) a f f a i r was s e t t l e d , Shen and the others should have been blameless, but the court lengthened the term once, and on the l a s t day of the term, A p r i l 3, when many people expected the return to freedom of the arrested, unexpectedly the Soochow procurator's o f f i c e suddenly issued i t s indictment.... This case i s a sad one for the court, but b a s i c a l l y there should be no heavy punishments i n f l i c t e d , merely an extension of t i m e . ^ The indictment of A p r i l 3 began with a b r i e f o u t l i n e of the a c t i v i t i e s of the arrested, from the i n i t i a l organization of a National Salvation group u n t i l t h e i r a r r e s t . Two "All-China 'National ; 'Salvation Federation"documents the manifesto and. the " F i r s t . . :65 P o l i t i c a l P r i n c i p l e s for Resistance to Japan and National Salvation," were c i t e d , as well as the July pamphlet by Tsou T'ao-fen. The ten formal charges spelt out i n d e t a i l the e a r l i e r KMT accusation that the seven worthies endangered the Republic; preached Ideas contrary to the Three People's P r i n c i p l e s ; d e l i b e r a t e l y worked for the Communist Party; prepared to overthrow the Government; propagated a popular f r o n t ; and the new charge of having s t i r r e d up the Sian Incident, a f t e r mutual contact between Chang Hsueh-liang and the accused. Perhaps the most i n t e r e s t i n g of the charges was the seventh, i n which the procurator 98 quoted from a copy of the S t a l i n i s t p e r i o d i c a l Tou-cheng [Struggle], seized at Tsou T'ao-fen's house. This copy of Tou-cheng categorized Chang Nai-ch'i as a comprador of the Shih t ' a i - l i n [ S t a l i n i s t ] group. The procurator did not use the fact of Tsou's possession of the p e r i o d i c a l to point to CCP - National Salvation A s s o c i a t i o n connections but to show that the National Salvation Movement, even i f d i s t i n c t from extreme l e f t T r o t s k y i s t s , was s t i l l opposed to Sunist p r i n c i p l e s . This long indictment was answered by a much longer document, prepared by the accused and t h e i r lawyers, and submitted to the court 6 8 on June 6, 1937. This document attempted to answer the ten points of the indictment with further documentation on behalf of the accused. It also pointed out that the procurator had misquoted the documents from which he c i t e d . For example, the quotation from the National Salvation manifesto, which stated, 'The Western Powers under t h e i r erroneous p o l i c y of a s s i s t i n g Japanese imperialism to attack the Soviet Union' was quoted as 'China (made) the mistake of attacking the Soviet 69 Union.' The care with which t h i s whole reply was formulated only serves to h i g h l i g h t the inadequacies of the indictment, i n which l e g a l p r e c i s i o n had to be put aside to give expression to the p o l i t i c a l intent of the prosecution. The opening session of the t r i a l was held on June 11, 1937. 7^ Although plans had i n i t i a l l y been made for an open t r i a l , worries over possible demonstrations and even rumours of the abduction of the accused resulted i n the t r i a l being closed to the p u b l i c . A f t e r very stringent s e c u r i t y precautions, the accused were brought to the court. They immediately appealed the decision to hold the case i n a court closed to the p u b l i c . They argued that t h i s would f a c i l i t a t e 99 a miscarriage of j u s t i c e . After much wrangling the court was opened to the accused's immediate families and press r e p o r t e r s . ^ Shen Chun-ju, the eldest of the accused, then s i x t y - f o u r years 72 1 old, was questioned f i r s t . He explained the formation of the various National Salvation groups, and the aims of the National Salvation Association. One Chinese source noted that the-.court t r i e d to l i n k the Association to the CCP through the s i m i l a r i t y of slogans. Shen then claimed that demands for unity were not the property of a s i n g l e ^ party. Shen explained that the Association had not been registered i n order to prevent diplomatic embarrassment f o r the Government. He c i t e d the case of sending a copy of the "May 1936 National Salvation Manifesto to Mayor Wu as proof that there had never been any i n t e n t i o n to keep t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s secret. The court t r i e d to p i n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the November 1936 s t r i k e s on the Association, but Shen maintained that h i s only act, as an i n d i v i d u a l , not as an Association member, was to give money to r e l i e v e s t r i k e r s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Shen denied any knowledge of Sian, which had occurred during h i s time i n prison. He went on to explain that the Association had never c a l l e d for a jen-min [popular] f r o n t , with i t s connotations of the l e f t c o a l i t i o n i n France and Spain, but for a min-tsu [national] front to include a l l p a r t i e s . Shen's defence lawyer f i n a l l y requested the court to note that Shen had been a KMT'member for twenty f i v e years, 73 Shen's examination l a s t e d one and a h a l f hours and covered a l l the charges quite f u l l y . Other examinations which followed were b r i e f e r and r e i t e r a t e d most of what Shen had s a i d . . Chang Nai-ch'i was also asked the reasons for the Association's attack on the 1936 draft c o n s t i t u t i o n . He pointed out.that the changes that had been demanded 100 74 had already been effected, so t h i s could hardly be termed an attack. Wang Tsao-shih was extremely a r t i c u l a t e i n the c o u r t . 7 ^ He both ( explained the need f o r complete national unity and the various p o l i t i c a l concepts of p o l i t i c a l power and government. His examination proved embarrassing to the judge who was unable to stop him from 76 speaking. L i Kung-p'u, Tsou T'ao-fen, Sha C h ' i e n - l i and Shih Liang were then examined. 7 7 Shih c a l l e d on the court to examine Ma Hsiang-po, as one knowledgeable i n National Salvation a f f a i r s , an embarrassing 7 8 request, f o r the Government had j u s t made Ma a Government Advisor. The three remaining suspects were then examined. Both Jen Sung-kao and Ku Liu-hsing denied membership i n any National Salvation group, but claimed that they had appeared at Soochow out of sympathy with ^ 79 the arrested. Lo Ch'ing denied any connection with the Association, though he conceded that, a f t e r a meeting with Chang Nai-Ch'i, he had conceived the idea of forming a Kiangsu P r o v i n c i a l National Salvation 80 Association. After the examination of each of the accused by the judge, t h e i r defence lawyers suggested documents and e s p e c i a l l y Government statements, which would show the falseness of the charges, 81 but the judge r e p l i e d that examination of these would be unnecessary. The r e s u l t of the judge's r e f u s a l to examine the defence's evidence was a p e t i t i o n submitted by the defence lawyers on behalf of the seven p r i n c i p a l accused. This p e t i t i o n demanded the dismissal of the judge for fear of a miscarriage of j u s t i c e . A s i m i l a r p e t i t i o n 82 was f i l e d by Lo "Ch'ing. Two reasons f o r the p e t i t i o n were given by the defence lawyers for the accused. The f i r s t concerned the behaviour of the judge who did not allow a public t r i a l , the second, the r e j e c t i o n of a l l evidence submitted by the defence without even ordering i t s scrutiny by the two assistant judges. On June 12 the ) 101 lawyers for Ku and Jen appeared i n court but were t o l d that the case 83 had been temporarily suspended because of the p e t i t i o n s . On June 22 the accused and t h e i r lawyers sent two short documents to the c o u r t . 8 4 One was e n t i t l e d 'a note on p o l i t i c a l opinion' which gave reasons for National Salvation a c t i v i t y , and the other, a p e t i t i o n which submitted further evidence for the defence on each of the ten charges. On June 25 the second t r i a l began with new j u d i c i a l personnel. The security precautions on that occasion were even more stringent 85 than before, as i f the Government was even more a f r a i d of public demonstrations. The t o t a l hearing lasted seven hours and centred around the prosecution charge of the connections between the accused 86 and Chang Hsueh-liang, which had purportedly led to the Sian Incident. A l l ten accused were again questioned and were able to refute the prosecution charges. The desperation of the prosecution was evident, when i n response to the defense request to see the handbills which Ku and Jen had been carrying as 'propaganda contrary to the Three People's. P r i n c i p l e s ' on t h e i r January v i s i t to the Soochow prison, the 87 prosecution could only o f f e r a p e r i o d i c a l from February. The demands of the defence to see the d e t a i l s of Chang Hsueh-liang's t r i a l were granted. An adjournment was given, so that these documents could be consulted. This s i g n a l l e d the close of the court session. Other defense demands to c a l l Ma Hsiang-po and Wu T'ieh-ch'eng were 88 turned down by the court. In early July i t was announced that the 89 accused would be detained i n prison for a further two months. 102 RESPONSE TO THE TRIAL What of the public reaction to the t r i a l ? The case has been 90 named the 'Patriotism i s not a crime' case by the Chinese press. On May 27 a p e t i t i o n was sent to the Government by over one hundred members of Shanghai c u l t u r a l c i r c l e s . This p e t i t i o n requested the release of the seven and asked that the case against T'ao Hsing-chih 91 be dropped. On June 11 over 4,800 people from Shanghai who had prepared to go to Soochow to hear the case f i l e d a p e t i t i o n which c a l l e d for the release of the accused, Government respect for the law and 92 I I freedom of action for the p a t r i o t i c movement. Feng Yu-hsiang, Yu Yu-jen and L i Lieh-chun renewed t h e i r c a l l for an unconditional 93 release of the seven. The following e d i t o r i a l from the Kuo-wen 94 chou-pao [National News Weekly] expressed the f u t i l i t y of continuing with these criminal charges i n the new p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . The e d i t o r i a l stated: Since the Shen case began, i t has attracted much att e n t i o n i n society, but a f t e r the Sian Incident was s e t t l e d and the CCP changed i t s p o l i c y , i t s r e a l weight has been reduced. As i t i s now, i t w i l l probably be resolved i n a short time. Organizations l i k e the National Salvation Federation are already unnecessary i n the present s i t u a t i o n , and t h e i r desire for an end to the c i v i l war has now been achieved.... Worries that the case of the seven worthies might not be so e a s i l y resolved began to be expressed a f t e r the f i r s t t r i a l and the changing of the judge. The bankers of Shanghai pe t i t i o n e d on June 15 for the release of Chang Nai-Ch'i as someone who, with wide learning and ten years of banking experience, was needed at a time of economic reconstruction. A s i m i l a r request was made on 95 behalf of Tsou T'ao-fen by the Shanghai Publishers' Guild. A Kiangsi 103 public meeting,.as reported i n the press on June 20, sent a telegram to the Government, which demanded the release of Wang and the others, who were 'just and famous' people. It also stated that the danger to China had increased d a i l y with ' d e v i l s ' on a l l sides, and i t urged the Government to f i g h t the 'd e v i l s ' and l e t the people l i v e i n peace. Madame Sun and sixteen other National Salvation Association members and sympathizers addressed a telegram to the KMT executive committee. This telegram demanded a prompt decision i n the case of the seven worthies since the accused had already been i n prison for seven months.^ 7 Late i n June a new movement began outside the court to e f f e c t the release of the accused. It was i n i t i a t e d by Madame Sun and Madame Liao Chung-k'ai, who, with fourteen others, submitted a p e t i t i o n to the Kiangsu High Court. They argued that i f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n National Salvation Association work was to become a crime, they too wished to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and to be sent to prison. This 98 p e t i t i o n was submitted on June 25 and was followed by a statement to the press which explained the aim of the Chiu-kuo ju-yu yun-tung 99 [National Salvation Enter Prison Movement], The aim of t h i s movement was to gain freedom for the p a t r i o t i c movement, at a time when the f r i c t i o n between the National Salvation A s s o c i a t i o n and the Government had been reduced af t e r the Sian Incident. In t h i s changed s i t u a t i o n , the continuation of the court case not only prolonged wrongful imprisonment but was a grave mistake i n p o l i c y which " rendered patriotism a crime. Since other methods had f a i l e d and since the accused were being charged on evidence drawn from p e r i o d i c a l s and manifestoes i n which others had had a hand, these others and any who 104 f e l t the c a l l of National Salvation was righ t should s a c r i f i c e themselves and enter prison as p a t r i o t i c criminals. The aim would be achieved by non-violent means and success would help provide both group unity useful i n the coming war and a f u l l recognition to the National Salvation Association. The Chiu-kuo ju-yll yun-tung was an immediate success and began to gain wide support from many who had no connection with the National Salvation Association."'"^' On June 27 a mass meeting of workers and students which numbered over three thousand met i n Shanghai to hear Madame Sun speak. At a reception for the press l a t e r that day, i t was announced that a few hundred who had attended the mass meeting, had already joined the movement, although press censorship made i t d i f f i c u l t todnform the public."''^"'' By July 6, f i l m stars and d i r e c t o r s , writers,- u n i v e r s i t y professors, students, workers, o f f i c i a l s and even employees of foreign businesses had joined and sent i n p e t i t i o n s to the Government. The movement was not r e s t r i c t e d to Shanghai, but was eagerly received i n Peking, where even a group 102 of e l d e r l y l a d i e s demanded to enter prison. They demanded admittance i n t o custody, but were turned away by the procurator. On the next day they went again and were informed that i f they produced 103 evidence of t h e i r g u i l t , they might be charged. On July 7 the Marco Polo Bridge Incident marked the beginning of the War of Resistance to Japan. Before the leaders of the Chiu-kuo ju-yl l yun-tung could prepare t h e i r evidence, the accused were released on August 1. The p a t r i o t i c leaders i n Nanking were not released 104 immediately. The Government ban on National Salvation songs was l i f t e d and orders for the arrest of Kuo Mei-shu, a l e f t i s t w r i t e r , 105 were c a n c e l l e d . W i t h t h i s new s p i r i t apparent i n the Central Government, the released leaders issued a statement: We deeply believe that under the Central leadership we must extend the great struggle for national l i b e r a t i o n and that we w i l l gain the f i n a l v i c t o r y . We are prepared for a t o t a l s a c r i f i c e i n order to f u l f i l our part of the people's vocation during the national 1 Ofi l i b e r a t i o n war. The released leaders sent a telegram to Chiang Kai-shek i n which they stated that they wished to continue National Salvation work and merely awaited his orders."""^7 Reports vary as to whether the release of the seven was unconditional "^ 8 or merely on b a i l , " ' " ^ but none of those released was re-arrested under the KMT Government. In retrospect the decision to bring charges against the arrested seems strange, considering the flimsy evidence which the prosecution was able to muster. Two possible reasons can be suggested as to why the KMT decided to press charges, although without Government documentation there i s no means of knowing; whether e i t h e r i s correct. The f i r s t i s that, having arrested the Shanghai leaders i n part because of Japanese pressure, the KMT had decided to keep the case i n process, to convince Japan that China did not intend to s t a r t a war against Japan as had been demanded by the arrested. I f t h i s was the case, the KMT was prepared to r i s k l o s i n g face at home i n order to gain time i n i t s foreign r e l a t i o n s , a procedure already well used during the early 1930s. The second a l t e r n a t i v e i s that the KMT f e l t that the evidence against the accused would stand up i n court and could be used as a t o o l against the Communists during the months of bargaining over the united front. • In e i t h e r case the KMT misjudged the weakness of i t s own prosecution evidence and therefore allowed the case to appear as a 106 c l e a r case of KMT p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t d i s t o r t i n g the law. During June the case attracted the i n t e r e s t and the accused the sympathy and support of the general p u b l i c . With the Chiu-kuo ju-yii yun-tung the accused were recognized as martyrs who deserved the sympathy of a l l i n the nation. As symbols of the united front and national unity i n the face of external aggression, the t r i a l brought the National Salvation leaders national prominence. The actual a r r i v a l of the Japanese attack within weeks of t h e i r t r i a l cut short the process of struggle for t h e i r release, but not before t h e i r names had become famous. 107 CHAPTER 4: THE ARREST AND TRIAL OF THE SEVEN WORTHIES "4ji Shou-tung, ed. Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chlin-tzu shih chien (no place: 'publisher unknown, ? 1937) . 2 Sha ' C h ' i e n - l i , Ch'i jen chih yll (Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1937), p. 141. 3 I b i d . , p. 141. 4 Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 399. 5 I b i d . , p. 399. ^Soong (Sung).Wei hsin Chung-kuo fen-tou.pp. 74-75. ^Chiu-wang shou-ts'e (Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1939), p. 42. For d e t a i l s on Ts'ao Meng-chun see Donald W. K l e i n and Anne B. Clark, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Communism, 1921-1965 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), heading: Ts'ao Meng-chun. Q Tung-fang tsa-chih, 33:24 December 16, 1936, p. 102. 9 This was the response of the T i e n t s i n e d i t i o n to the a r r e s t . ~*"^Shang-hai shih nien-chien, 1937, compiled by the Gazette Bureau of Shanghai (Shanghai, 1938), p. T71. -> 1 """NCH December 2, 1936, p. 378 and TKP November 24, 1936. Also by c a l c u l a t i o n from the information i n Sha, Ch'i jen chih yll. 12 For example, i n the answer to the court's indictment, which was prepared by the accused and t h e i r lawyers. Sha, Ch'i jen chih yli, p. 147. 13 NCH December 2, 1936. L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih  chien, p. 2. 1 4NCH December 2, 1936. Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, pp. 9, 18. 1 5NCH December 2, 1936. 16 Sha, Ch'i jen chih yll, pp. 15-16. 17 108 1 7 I b i d . , pp. 18-20. 18 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 9, Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, pp. 128-130. 19 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i ch'i chUn-tzu shih chien, p. 9 and Sha, Ch'i jen chih yd, ,pp. 128-130. 20 NCH December 2, 1936, TKP November 25, 29, 1936. 21 ii Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, p. 57. 22 Ibid., pp. 32-33. 2 3 I b i d . , pp. 57, 66-70. 2 4TKP December 2, 1936. 25 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 9. 26T, . , Ibid., p. 1. 2 7 Sha, Ch'i jen chih-yu, pp. 133-143. 28 TKP November 24, 1936. 29 Mu Hsin, Tsou T'ao fen. Reprint (Hong Kong: San-lien shu-t i e n , 1959), p. 196, TKP November 26, 1936, L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i  c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 3-4. 30 NCH December 2, 1936. i 31 Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, p. 190 gave a l i s t . NCH December. 16, 1936 states that 17 p e r i o d i c a l s were stopped, Edgar Snow, Red Star Over  China, p. 376, suggested 14. 32 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i ch'i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 127. 3 3TKP December 5, 1936. 34 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chUn-tzu shih chien, pp. 126-127. Mu, Tsou-T'ao-fen, p. 195. 109 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 126-127. 3 5Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, p. 195. 36 I I L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 129-131. 3 7TKP December 5, 1936. 38 Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, p. 195. 39 I I L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 2. 40 TKP of December 1936, and the e d i t o r i a l from the Shanghai e d i t i o n quoted i n KWCP 13:49 December 14, 1936. 41 I I Sha , Ch'i jen chih yu, pp. 48-51. 42 The d e t a i l s of the l i f e of the accused i n prison form a large portion of the l a t t e r h a l f of Sha's book. A short d e s c r i p t i o n i s given from Tsou's point of view i n . L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu  shih chien, pp. 136-141. During the time i n prison Wang worked on his book, Chung-kuo wen-t'i t i feri-hsi [Ah Analysis of the Problems of  China], (Shanghai^ i n i t i a l l y 1935, but repressed by Kuomintang censors.) 43 it Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, p. 105. 44 L. P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United "Front i n Chinese Communist-History (Palo Alto:-CA, Stanford University.Press, 1967), p. 73. Others have"quoted December 7. 45 Notably Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n Chinese Communist History, and James C" Thomson, Jr.,, "Communist Policy and the United Front j n China," Harvard University Papers on China, 11 (1957): 99-148. 46 Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China, p. 381. 47 For example, there i s only one mention of the arrest.of the seven leaders i n the KWCP of January 1937. 48 See the news e d i t o r i a l s i n the KWCP of January 1937. 49 KWCP 14:4 January 18, 1937, p. 9, i s an example. "^Paul Lineberger, The China of Chiang Kai-shek, p. 178, Ch'ien Tuan-sheng, The Government and P o l i t i c s of China, 1912-1949 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950), p. 357. 110 "'"'''James B. Crowley, "A Reconsideration of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident," Journal of Asian Studies,22:3 (1963) pp. 279-280. 52 The China Yearbook, ed. H. G. W. Woodhead (Shanghai: The North China Daily News and Herald Ltd., 1938), p. 530. 5 3 I b i d . , pp. 531-532. 54 . Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front i n Chinese Communist Histo r y , p. 90. Sha .•, Ch'i jen chih yu, p. 91. 5 6 I b i d . , p. 100. 5 7 I b i d . , pp. 108-111. 58 Ibid., Preface p. 4., 59 I b i d . , p. 113. 60 I b i d . , Preface p. 4. 61 The indictment i s printed i n L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 15-30, and i n Sha, Ch'i j en chih yu, pp. 133-143. 62 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i chi chun-tzu shih chien, p. 93. 4KWCP 14:14 A p r i l 1937. TKP A p r i l 8, 1937. 64, ^~*I have not found a copy of t h i s document i n any National Salvation text that I have seen. 6 6 Tou-cheng [Struggle] was a S t a l i n i s t journal of the CCP Central Bureau i n Kiangsi^1933-1934. 6 7Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, pp. 139-140. 6 8 I b i d . , pp. 144-177. 69 I b i d . , p. 150. I l l 7°NCH June 11, 1937, p. 448. 7 "^Mu, Tsou T'ao-fen, p. 203 and L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chlln- tzu shih chien, p. 112. 72 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 60-71. 73 it L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 113. 7 4 I b i d . , pp. 71-79. 7"^Ibid. , pp. 113. This d e s c r i p t i o n i s from the Kuo-min chou k'an 1:7. Ib i d . , pp. 78-82. 7 7 I b i d . , pp. 78-82. 7 8 Ib i d . , p. 91. Boorman and Howard, eds., Biographical Dictionary  of Republican China, 4 v o l s . New York: Columbia Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1967-1971, heading: Ma Liang. 79 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 92. 8°Ibid., p. 93. 81 For example, the f i n a l demand of the lawyers was for the court not to pass judgement summarily. L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu  shih chien, p. 96. 82 Ibid ., pp. 96-97. o o NCH June 16, 1937. 8 4Sha, Ch'i jen chih yu, p. 178. 85 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, p. 98. 8 6 I b i d . , p. 98. 87 I b i d . , p. 110. 88 Ibid ., p. 114. 8 9NCH July 7, 1937. 112 90 See the newspaper quotations i n L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i  chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 110-120. 91 I b i d . , pp. 123-124, which quotes the TKP . 92 I I Ibid ., p. 121, which quotes the Chun-chung hsin-wen [Mass News]. 93 Chiu-wang shou-ts'e, p. 43. 94 KWCP 13:24 June 21, 1936, p. 1. 95 NCH June 23, 1937, p. 493. 96 ii L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 122-123. 97 Ib i d . , p. 156. 9 8 I b i d . , pp. 156-157. " i b i d . , pp. 158-161. 100 T T., Ibid., p. 133. 1 0 1NCH June 30, 1937, p; 542. 102 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, pp. 132-134. 103„ ., Ibid., p. 170. "^ ^ I b i d . , Preface by Hu Yu-chih. 1 0 5NCH August 4, 1937, p. 189. 106 L i , Chiu-kuo wu t s u i c h ' i chun-tzu shih chien, Preface. 1 0 7NCH August 4, 1937. ^^Chiu-wang shou-ts'e, p. 43. 109 NCH August 4, 1937. C H A P T E R - 5 : - " C O N C L U S I O N W i t h o u t r e d u c i n g p r o b l e m s o f h i s t o r i c a l f a c t t o q u e s t i o n s o f d e f i n i t i o n , we may c l a r i f y m a t t e r s b y a s k i n g w h a t i s m e a n t b y t h e N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n . I t i t i s d e f i n e d i n t e r m s o f p a t r i o t i c a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e f e w d e c a d e s w h i c h f o l l o w e d t h e M a y F o u r t h M o v e m e n t , t h e n i t r e f e r s t o a n a t i o n a l , w e l l o r g a n i z e d F e d e r a t i o n o f l o c a l N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n g r o u p s , w h i c h h a d e a r l i e r a n t e c e d e n t s i n v a r i o u s a n t i - J a p a n e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I f t h e N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n r e f e r s t o t h e c o m p o s i t e o f p o l i t i c a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l c u r r e n t s i n some w a y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f ' m i d d l e c l a s s ' i n t e r e s t s i n u r b a n C h i n a d u r i n g t h e m i d - 1 9 3 0 s , t h e n t h i s i s s i g n i f i c a n t , n o t o n l y i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e p a s t b u t f o r t h e l i g h t i t t h r o w s o n t h e p r e s e n t . T h i s s t u d y h a s s o u g h t t o i l l u m i n a t e b o t h t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k a n d a c t i v i t y o f t h e N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n a n d t h e n a t u r e o f t h e s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l c u r r e n t s t h a t p e r v a d e d i t . I t w a s n o t . t h e f u n c t i o n o f i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s s e n t t h a t w a s new i n C h i n a , b u t r a t h e r t h a t i t w a s g i v e n e x p r e s s i o n n o t o n l y b y i n t e l l e c t u a l s b u t a l s o b y p r o f e s s i o n a l s . T h e s e p r o f e s s i o n a l s w e r e v a r i o u s l y e d u c a t e d i n C h i n e s e s c h o o l s a n d u n i v e r s i t i e s , a n d i n some c a s e s a b r o a d . T h e y h e l d s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n s i n s u c h p r o f e s s i o n s a s l a w , f i n a n c e , c o m m e r c e , j o u r n a l i s m . T h e i n v o l v e m e n t o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n t h e N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n m a r k e d t h e i r m a t u r a t i o n a s a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e . C o n f u c i a n s o c i e t y h a d a l w a y s a s s i g n e d t o i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e a s c r i t i c s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l o r d e r . O f t e n t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y h a d b e e n d i s c h a r g e d o n l y a t t h e l e v e l o f s y m b o l i c r e m o n s t r a n c e , b u t o n o c c a s i o n c r i t i c i s m o f i m p e r i a l p o l i c y h a d b e e n 114 more f o r c e f u l l y expressed by i n d i v i d u a l s or groups, sometimes with d i r e consequences. Broadly defined as p a t r i o t i c , and p a r t i c u l a r l y with the aim to save the country (China) from foreign (Japanese) aggression, the National Salvation Association was also a receptacle and v e h i c l e for espousing a wide range of other s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l concepts. This was more than a mere passive or symbolic concern, as the protagonists were active and committed to these wider concerns. What i s new and thus s i g n i f i c a n t i n the National Salvation Association as a v e h i c l e i t s e l f for i n t e l l e c t u a l dissent, i s that the dissenters were not only i n t e l l e c t u a l s but professionals, representative of Chinese urban society, and desirous of change i n that society. Thus the National Salvation Association acted as a v e h i c l e for modernization, and a ca t a l y s t for change. To understand the conscious responses of those i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals who led the National Salvation Association, and who used the power of the pen to promulgate t h e i r viewsy we must make a serious attempt to understand t h e i r ideas. Right or wrong, men tend to believe that they act on the basis of t h e i r ideas. Thus, t h i s study has shown that to define the National Salvation i n negative terms, such as being anti-Japanese, i s c l e a r l y too s i m p l i s t i c . The manifestoes and various National Salvation l i t e r a t u r e reveal that the writers exhibited a reasoned response to the changing p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n China. The National Salvation Association manifestoes and National Salvation l i t e r a t u r e show that i n the mid-1930s writers became inc r e a s i n g l y engaged i n the p o l i t i c a l c r i s e s of t h e i r day. The s p l i t between Chiang Kai-shek's KMT and the Communists i n p a r t i c u l a r , resulted i n d i f f e r i n g p o l i t i c a l commitments among writers and 115 0 and i n t e l l e c t u a l s . In terms of the National Salvation Association, an in-depth study of the Shanghai C u l t u r a l National Salvation Association, for which signed manifestoes e x i s t , would prove not only i n t e r e s t i n g , but could shed further l i g h t on the i d e o l o g i c a l character of the National Salvation Association as a whole. For example, at present i t i s almost impossible to i d e n t i f y the l e f t and e s p e c i a l l y the r i g h t with any great p r e c i s i o n , as p o l i t i c a l attitudes i n the National Salvation Association ranged a l l the way from those which coincided with Communist views to those of the KMT. Furthermore, continuing research should seek to investigate why some i n t e l l e c t u a l s joined the National Salvation Association and others stayed outside i t s o r b i t . The increasing p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l p o l a r i z a t i o n i n China a f t e r 1927, and e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the establishment of the Nanking regime i n 1928, affected the l i t e r a r y scene. The p o l a r i z a t i o n was exacerbated by the presence of Japan i n Manchuria during the f i r s t h a l f of the 1930s. Chiang Kai-shek's weak response to the foreign danger i n Manchuria and North China led to a growing r a d i c a l i s m famong ce r t a i n sections of Chinese society. This was given c l e a r expression 0 by i n t e l l e c t u a l s and writers through the power of the pen. In the 1930s the p o l i t i c s of r i g h t and l e f t , i n addition to National Salvation and global c o n f l i c t s , became dominant concerns. The question of whether those who write or expressed themselves p u b l i c l y , as did the seven worthies, do indeed, i n some manner, r e f l e c t the thought of society as a whole i s i n i t s e l f a most formidable one. In countries l i k e China, i n p a r t i c u l a r , we are confronted by theproblem of an alienated i n t e l l i g e n t s i a - an 116 i n t e l l i g e n t s i a which thinks thoughts and uses a language quite a l i e n to the masses as a whole. Yet study of the National Salvation Association suggests that however hesitant, e f f o r t s were being made to bridge the gaps between the urban masses and the National Salvation Association. For example, i n d u s t r i a l workers and shop employees p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the Shanghai women's National Salvation Association. This study supports the notion of increasing a l i e n a t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals from the KMT, which was at least i n part a reaction to ever increasing KMT suppression of democratic r i g h t s , control.of the press, and p o l i t i c a l ineptitude i n foreign p o l i c y formulation and diplomacy. The language and the contents of National Salvation Association manifestoes and National Salvation l i t e r a t u r e show t h i s a l i e n a t i o n trend. Sources dealing with the National Salvation Association also refute the suggestion that the National Salvation Association was Communist i n character. While there may well have been, and probably were, Communists i n the National Salvation Association, even i n the pre-Sino-Japanese War period, sources do not i n d i c a t e whether these persons assumed any leadership r o l e , and thus influence, i n the Association. Further d e t a i l e d study of the l i t e r a r y works and other a c t i v i t i e s of these people would be a help to further i n v e s t i g a t i o n of th i s issue. It should be noted that at the time of the t r i a l of the seven worthies, the court did not openly accuse them of Communism, but merely hinted at connections to the CCP. The exact nature of these connections has yet to be p r e c i s e l y determined. Perhaps the stance taken by the court came from a r e a l i z a t i o n that proving charges of Communism against respected f i g u r e s , well known i n the 117 Shanghai professional world, would be d i f f i c u l t . C e r t a i n l y the openness with which several KMT leaders r a l l i e d i n support of the arrested, indicates that there was no general f e e l i n g that these people were anything but p a t r i o t s . This study has focussed to some extent on the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association at the expense of other groups. But the rewards of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n have been s i g n i f i c a n t . F i r s t , i t has revealed a continuing trend of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of women i n urban China, p a r t i c u l a r l y Shanghai, showing that these Shanghai women were every b i t as m i l i t a n t and p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e as were t h e i r male counterparts. Second, no evidence was found of any male dominance or leadership of the Shanghai Women's Movement where male leadership of female groups was common. Third, the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association reveals an i n t e r e s t i n g a l l i a n c e between Shanghai's women i n t e l l e c t u a l s , professionals and labour force. Unfortunately, examining the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association.has not greatly enhanced our understanding of who many of these women were. Some names we do know for sure, the others are nameless. The usefulness of these nameless women National S a l v a t i o n i s t s i s therefore l i m i t e d to a symbol. They represent a group image, rather than i n d i v i d u a l images. In the end, however, we must admit that a study of the Shanghai Women's National Salvation Association (and other constituent groups of the Association) w i l l concern i t s e l f mainly with those who have l e f t written testimony. Limited as such an undertaking may be, i t has i t s own j u s t i f i c a t i o n . Consideration of the arrest and t r i a l of the seven worthies 118 pointed to KMT suppression of both p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e and the p a t r i o t i c movement. At the same time i t showed that the response to t h i s KMT suppression was p r o l i f e r a t i o n of l i t e r a t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y i n Shanghai, and increased numerical growth of the National Salvation Association. The seven worthies were catapulted to National prominence as a r e s u l t of the t r i a l . They became i n e f f e c t a cause celebre for democratic r i g h t s . The response from various sections of Chinese society indicated both f r u s t r a t i o n with the KMT's c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y toward Japan and continued demands for democratic r i g h t s i n China. Much of the l a t e r i n t e r e s t i n the National Salvation Association and the seven worthies has come from the prominent r o l e which these people played i n l a t e r Chinese p o l i t i c s . Tsou T'ao-fen died i n 1944 i n the area controlled by the New Fourth Army. He was posthumously admitted to the CCP. U n t i l h i s death he was treated with great esteem i n China.^ L i Kung-p'u was assasinated along with Wen I-to 2 i n November 1946, i n another famous case of p o l i t i c a l martyrdom. The remaining f i v e a l l served i n high positions i n China a f t e r 1949 3 as reminders of the united front. The prominence which made possible the use of these people as symbols for the united front was the r e s u l t of the t r i a l . The t r i a l made them famous at a time when the KMT had to relax i t s control to allow prosecution of a war of resistance. They retained prominent positions during the Sino-Japanese War through involvement with the Democratic League. Thus, when we place the National Salvation Association i n / , the context of China 1936-1937, i t appears as one of the major ingredients i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e at t h i s time. I t attracted the support of a numerically small but highly s t r a t e g i c section of Chinese urban society: i n t e l l e c t u a l s and professionals, who also assumed the 119 leadership of the Association. The National Salvation Association both produced large quantities of p a t r i o t i c l i t e r a t u r e and absorbed a good deal of the attention paid by the KMT to the domestic scene. The lack of documentary evidence renders i t d i f f i c u l t to prove the extent to which the National Salvation Association advanced the causeeof the united front. C e r t a i n l y i t can be argued that the National Salvation manifestoes had consistently advocated a united front, and that t h i s goal was r e a l i z e d July 7, 1937, when the united front p o l i c y was made pub l i c . In the subsequent years various National S a l v a t i o n i s t s were employed i n Government administrative posts, and several served as members of the F i r s t People's P o l i t i c a l Council, which was established i n July 1938. Thus the Government found i t expedient to co-opt i t s c r i t i c s . The extent to which the National Salvation Association advanced the other causes i t s membership espoused, i s s i m i l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to determine. Some causes such as women's rights and mass education, awaited r e s o l u t i o n a f t e r 1949. 120 CONCLUSION NOTES See Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, eds., Biographical  Dictionary of Republican China (New York: Columbia Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1967-1971), heading: Tsou T'ao-fen. Commemorative works on Tsou and editions of his writings were published i n the PRC a f t e r 1949. 2 i(See Jen-min y i n g - l i e h (No place: Li-wen erh l i e h - s h i h chi-nien wei yuan hui, 1946). 3 See Boorman and Howard, eds., Biographical Dictionary of  Republican China, Donald K l e i n and Anne B. Clark, eds., Biographical  Dictionary of Chinese Communism, 1921-1965, 2 v o l s , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971, and also Who's Who i n Communist China (Hong Kong: Union Research I n s t i t u t e , 1969-70), for biographical d e t a i l s . 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY Chinese Sources B e i j i n g chou-pao [Beijing Review]. Peking: 1977-82. ( 3& & J l ] $ L ) Chang C h i h - i . K'ang-chan chung t i cheng-tang ho p'ai-pieh [ P o l i t i c a l Parties and Groups i n the War of Resistance], Chungking: T-shu sheng-huo ch'u-pan she, 1939. ( % \ — , ^ ^ ^ M $L % fa yfK *'J } Chang Nai-ch'i. Chang Nai-ch'i lun-wen hsuan [A Selecton of Chang Nai-ch'i's Essays], Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1934. ( f tb Mr JLC) Ch'en Shao-yu. Ch'en Shao-yu (Wang Ming) chiu-kuo yen-lun hsuan-chi [Selected Addresses of Ch'en Shao-yu (Wang Ming) on National Salvation]. Hankow: Chung-kuo ch'u-pan she, 1938. ( ft u to, M, & ct. m > M.® % Ch'en Tung-yuan. Chung-kuo fu-nu sheng-huo shih [History of the L i f e of Chinese Women]. Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1936. (Reprint) O r i g i n a l l y published 1928. ( ^ (|S3 Ht Ch'en Ying-hsing, ed. Chung-hua min-kuo hsing-fa chieh shih t'u piao  chi t'iao wen [Explanatory Charts and A r t i c l e s on the Criminal Code of Republican China]. Min-kuo: Shang-wu y i n she' kuan, Ch'eng Chai-fan. Chung-kuo h s i e n - t a i nu-tzu chiao-yu shih [History of Modern Chinese Women's Educational], Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1936. ffL^ > Chiao-fei chan-shih [History of the War to Exterminate the Bandits]. 6 T a i p e i : Chung-hua t a t i e n pien-yin, 1967. ( fcQL $L ) Chiu-kuo pan-ylleh k'an [National Salvation Semi-Monthly ]. 1 Canton: May 1935. ( ^ g) % f.] ) Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao [National Salvation B u l l e t i n ] , Volume, Number, place of p u b l i c a t i o n - unknown. October 10, 1937. ( ^ *f-^ [ Chiu-wang chou-k'an [National Salvation Weekly]. 1 Shanghai: . October 10, 1937. 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Fan-kiing chiu-kuo t'e-k'an [Special Issue on Anti-Communism and National S a l v a t i o n ] . 1 Peking: February 9, 1936. (This was published by the Peking anti-communist student organization, "the Peking Students' Anti-Communist National Salvation Society." ( ^ £ tf\ ift H ) Fu-nu nien-chien [Women's Yearbook]. Shanghai: 1924. ( •£ ^ ) Fu-nu sheng-huo [Women's L i f e ] . Shanghai: 1935-1939. ( # Hsien-cheng shou-ts'e [Constitutional Government Handbook]. Kwangtung: Chung-kuo wen-hua shih-yeh chu, 1933. ( % £JL % M ) Hstlan hsiang [Anxious Thoughts]. Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-chu, 1933. (Author unknown) . ( 4k - ) Hung-ch'i p'iao-p'iao [The Red Flag Waves]. Peking: Chung-kuo ch'ing-nien ch'u-pan she, 1957. ( ^f. £|i ) Jen-min jih-pao [People's D a i l y ] . Peking: 1950-1957. ( A- i% 0 ) Jen-min y i n g - l i e h [People's Heroes]. No place: Li-wen erh l i e h - s h i h chi-nien wei-yuan hui, 1946. ( A . ] ^ / ^ ft') ) Kuo-wen chou-pao [National News. 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Ma Hsiang-po (Liang) hsien-sheng nien-p'u [Biography of Ma" Hsiang-po]. Reprint. T a i p e i : Wen hai ch'u-pan she, 1971. fcTCi' (tO ft ) ^ Ma Hsiang-po wen-chi [Collected Works of Ma Hsiang-po] Reprint. T a i p e i : Wen h a i ch'u-pan she, 1972. ( * 8 t e < & ) Mai Ch'ing. T'ao Hsing-chih. Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, 1949. ( ft f , n 4* to > Mao Tse-tung,. et a l . T'ung-i chan hsien h s i a tang-p'ai wen-t'i [The Question of Parties and Groups under the Under Front]. Yenan: Shih-shih hsin-wen p i e n - i she, 1938. ( ^ j\ Mu Hsin. Tsou T'ao-fen. Reprint. Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, Pai T'ao. H u i - i T'ao Hsing-chih hsien-sheng [In Memory of T'ao Hsing-chih]. Reprint. Peking: Chung-hua shu t i e n , 1948. ti- m 45 to !t '£ > T'ao Hsing-chih t i sheng-p'ing c h i ch'i hsueh-shuo [ L i f e and Educational Writings of T'ao Hsing-chih]. Shanghai: San l i e n shu-tien, 1950. ( ?£) f% fcp fyi) £ j£ / j ^ JjjL ff l i t ) 1 Peip'ing shih hsueh-sheng chiu-kuo lien-ho hui t i - i t'zu hsilan-yen [ F i r s t Manifesto of the Peking Students' United Association for National S a l v a t i o n ] . Peking: A p r i l 25, 1936. ( f f % t *x m m & % - t % ) San-i-pa chi-nien t'e-k'an [March 18th, Memorial S p e c i a l ] . No place, no date. ( -z, - , \ iL £. ^ ^ ) Sha C h ' i e n - l i . Ch'i jen chih yu [The Imprisonment of Seven People]. Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1937. A. ) Shanghai-shih nien-chien [Shanghai C i t y Yearbook]. Shanghai: Shanghai-shih t'ung-chih kuan, 1935-1937. ( X- i& !f ML ) 124 Shanghai T'ao-fen chi-nien kuan, ed. T'ao-fen t i tao-lu . [The Way .* - of Tsou T'ao-fen]. Peking: San l i e n shu-tien, 1958. ( * | g £ a , nLs4- ) Shen-pao ["The Shun Pao"]. Shanghai: 1936-1937. ( $k. ) Shen-pao nien-chien [The Shen Pao Yearbook]. Shanghai: 1936. Sheng-huo chou-k'an [ L i f e Weekly] . Shanghai: 1931-1933. ( 7& 3LH ) Shih-chieh chih-shih she, ed. Chung-Jih wen-t'i chiang-hua [A Guide to Sino-Japanese Problems], Shanghai: Sheng-huo shu-tien, 1936. H, it ) Soong (Sung) Ch'ing-ling. Wei hsin Chung-kuo fen-tou [The Struggle for a New China], Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1952. Ta-chung sheng-huo [ L i f e of the Masses]. 1-16 Shanghai: 1935-1936. ..J Ta-kung pao ["L'Impartial"]. Shanghai: 1935-1937. ( A $\k^ ) \ & / ; / Ta-kung pao shih t i chou-k'an. ["L'Impartial" History and Geography " A Weekly]. T i e n t s i n : 1934-1937. ( A ^ I2*L &>] ) Tai Po-t'ao. T'ao Hsing-chih t i sheng-p'ing chi c h ' i hsueh shuo [T'ao Hsing-chih's L i f e and Thought], Peking: San-lien shu-t i e n , 1949. 1% *5 & M f * iL ) T'an pai chi [A C o l l e c t i o n of Straight-forward Statements]. No place: publisher unknown, September 1936. ( ^g. ^ ) T'ao Hsing-chih, "Sheng-huo c h i chiao-yii," i n Wei chih-shih chieh-chi " L i f e and Education," i n [The False Knowledge C l a s s ] , Peking: San l i e n shu-tien, 1950. ( HL ft . >\h & m '?&  } T'ao Hsing-chih hsien-sheng chi-nien chi [A C o l l e c t i o n fo Essays Commemorating Mr. T'ao Hsing-chih]. No place: T'ao Hsing-chih hsien-sheng chi-nien wei-yuan hui, 1949. ( if *b HL kltte > Teng T ' a i , ed. Lun h s i e r i - t a i wo-men-ti wen-hsueh yun-tung [On Our Current L i t e r a r y Movement]. Shanghai: Chang Chiang Shu-tien, 1936. ( ffc A . , ftfr vi #Hfl i# JL # i£, > Ting Shih-min, ed. Chiu-wang yen-lun chi [A C o l l e c t i o n of Statements on National Salvation]. Second E d i t i o n . No place: Publisher unknown, January 1938. t % & & > Tsou T'ao-fen. T'ao-fen wen-chi [Works of Tson T'ao-fen]. 3 v o l s . Hong Kong: San l i e n shu-tien, 1957. ) 125 Tsou T'ao-fen. T'ao-fen wen-lu [Selected Writings of T'ao-fen]. Shanghai: San-lien shu-tien, 1949. ( jfe ^ jt^4-$l ) Tung-fang tsa-chih ["The Eastern M i s c e l l a n y " ] . Shanghai: 1936-1937. Tung-fang tsa-chih tsung-mu [Cumulative Table of Contents of "The Eastern M i s c e l l a n y " ] . Peking: 1957. ( $ ll ) Wang Chien-min. Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih kao [Draft History of the Chinese Communist Party], 3 v o l s . T a i p e i : Wang Chien-min, 1965. ( £ 4. % j t 4% ) Wen-hua chiao-yll yen-chiu h u i , ed. Ko k'ang-Jih tang-p'ai t i hsuan-ch'uan huo-tung [The Propaganda A c t i v i t i e s of VArious A n t i -Japanese P o l i t i c a l Parties and Groups]. Chungking or Yenan: (same) Publisher unknown, 1941. ( J C ^  #iL f XrA. % -H" , i ^ 0 | . yiK t'l % 4$ 4?A ) Wu T'ieh-ch'eng. Wu T'ieh-ch'eng hui i l u [The Memoirs of Wu T'ieh ch'eng]. T a i p e i : San-min shu-chli, 1971. Second E d i t i o n . ( F i r s t E d i t i o n , 1968) . ^ <3 >\% Yang Tz u - l i e h . Chang Kuo-t'ao fu-jen h u i - i l u [Memoirs of Mrs. Chang Kuo-t'ao]. Kowloon: Tzu l i e n ch'u-pan she, 1970. C H> i ti , 3& m fr A . IgJ « * . ) Yi-erh-chiu yun-tung [The December Ninth Movement]. 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Lawrence: The University of Kansas Press, 1971. 135 GLOSSARY A i Han-sung (I Shui) • ( j£ & ) ( & *K-) Ai-kuo wu t s u i [Patriotism i s not a crime] ( >^ /!$ ^ |^ ) Ai-kuo wen-hslieh [ P a t r i o t i c L i t e r a t u r e ] ( >J^  /^ ) J[_ ^  ) An-nei jang-wai [Internal p a c i f i c a t i o n before resistance against external aggression] ( 1^3 ) Chang Nai-ch'i ( £1 Ji ) Chang Hsueh-liang ( $ L ^ ^ ) Cheng Chen-to ( |f ^ ) Ch'i chun-tzu { X. f0 £ ) Chiang Kai-shek ( -Ji\ %y ) Chiang Ping-chih (Ting Ling) ( J £ //jC i L ) ( ^ ft ) Chih-hsing ho-i [the unity- of knowledge and action] ( to i-f & -* ) Ch'ing-i [Pure Ideals] ( -j% ify ) Ch'iu Chin ( 4-K ) Chiu-kuo chen-hsien [National Salvation Front] ( l!3 j^JiPO Chiu-kuo hui [National Salvation Society] ( Is3 ) Chiu-kuo ju-yli yun-tung [National Salvation Enter Prison Movement] ( A M< i £ ^ ) Chiu-wang ch'ing-pao [ B u l l e t i n of National Salvation] ( <^X_£ ^ ) Chiu-wang chou-k'an [National Salvation Weekly] ( Al ) Chiu-wang pao-tao [National Salvation Report] ( ^L.'fc- /^L.^ -- ) Chiu-wang wen-hslieh [National Salvation L i t e r a t u r e ( <^JL. ) Chiu-wang yun-tung [National Salvation Movement] ( ~t- M^-i^ti ) Chou E n - l a i ( )f\ % J$L ) Chou Li-po ( L i Po) ( $- '/Jkj) ( JL $0 Ch' lian-kuo Chung-wen ch' i - k ' an [ A l l China Chinese P e r i o d i c a l s ] ( &m f JLM H ) Ch'lian-kuo ke-chieh chiu-kuo lien-ho hui [ A l l China National Salvation Federation] ( /£• ($) %r $L ID J$ & % ) Chlin-chung hsin wen [Mass News] ( ^ jfy ) Chung-hua ch'lian-kuo fu-nli lien-ho hui [ A l l China Women's Federation] 136 Chung-hua min-kuo kuo-nan chiu-chi hui [Society f o r the R e l i e f of the National C r i s i s of the Chinese Republic] c t f foffi m %% ) Chung-kuo min-chu cheng-t'uan ta t'ung-meng [The Grand A l l i a n c e of Chinese Democratic Parties] ( <f l|) K £ #L IJ] A ^3 §H ) Chung-kuo min-chu t'ung-meng hui [The China Democratic League] { ^ m ^ i- ^ vA ^ ) Chung-kuo min-ch'uan pao-chang [China League for the Protection of C i v i l Rights] ( " f (D & \k fjf- ) Chung-kuo nii-pao [Chinese Women's Paper] ( *p /jS) ~& $-jk^ ) Chung-kuo t'ung-meng hui [China United League] ( /^ ) Jij ) Chung-kuo wen-t'i t i fen-hsi [An Analysis of the Problems of China] ( f m r$ > Feng Yu-hsiang ( 7$ £. ) Fu-nu l i e n - i hui [China Women's League] ( -jn^ % ^ ) Fu-nu sheng-huo [Women's L i f e ] ( Ho Chen ( fZ\ J? ) Ho Hsiang-ning ( <4*f ) Ho Ying-chin ( 4 3 #L ) Hsiang Ching-yu ( fa ^ f ) Hsieh Mu-ch'iao ( j$f j§. ) Hsin-sheng chou-k'an [New L i f e Weekly] ( 4^f ^ ) Hsll Chieh ( |^ ) Hsu Mou-yung ( 4£ ^/|) ) Hu Shih ( i | L ) Hu Yu-chih ( m i L ) Huo-hua tu-shu hui [Sparks Reading Society] ( )>C 4o i% $ ) Jen-min [Popular] ( A- $j ) Jen Sung-kao ( -2^ ^  ) Ke t'uan-t'i chiu-kuo lien-ho hui [Federation for National Salvation] ( m # L a ) Ku Liu-hsing ( 4 $ & ^ ) Kuang-fu hui [Common Love Society] ( i£j J^L ^ ) Kuo-min chou-k'an [The National Weekly] ( [J3 ^ ) Kuo-wen chou-pao [National News Weekly] ( (13 M, $ L ) L i Kung-p'u ( ^ £ ) 137 L i - l i a n g [Power, strength, force] ( JO ) L i Lieh-chun ( J£ /J, ) L i Tsung-jen ( -|r % 4 - ) Li-yung ["used] ( 4f<\ $ ) Liang Shu-ming ( jjt > Liao Chung-k'ai ( J% \^ )Liu-chun Liu-chlln [Six Gentlemen] ( A j& ) . L i u Kuang-han L i u Liang-mo Lo Ch'ing ( f ) Ma Hsiang-po (Ma Liang) ( /.& ) ( ) Mao Tse-tung ( 4J 2f ^ ) Min-tsu [National] ( fk/ %K ) Pai Ch'ung-hsi ( & ^ ^ ) P'an Kung-chan ( 5^ - 4-\ ) Sha C h ' i e n - l i ( ''/^j ^  f- ) Shanghai fa-cheng hsueh-yiian [Shanghai College of Law and P o l i t i c a l Science] ( X- M fJL ) Shanghai K'ang-Jih chiu-kuo ta-t'ung hui [Shanghai National Salvation League for Resistance to Japan] ( i j | #L 8 $JL (Is) A* )*\ i T Shanghai ko t a chung-hsueh hsueh-sheng chiu-kuo hsiian ch'uan t'uan [ A l l Shanghai University and High School National Salvation Propaganda Group] ( £ %rA- f <? f ^ $ % ^ # Shanghai shih nien-chien [Shanghai City Yearbook] ( 5^ ^ 3 >fy Shen Chun-ju ( jfa $Q \%. ) Shen Yen-ping (Mao Tun) ( fik ti<^) ( % Jfa ) Sheng-huo chiao-yll [ L i f e Education] (>i 7%%^%} Sheng-huo chou-k'an [ L i f e Weekly] ( £ iiL £J ) Shih chien [Incident] ( |l> ^ ) Shih Liang ( J*L l L > Shih t ' a i l i n [ S t a l i n i s t ] ( 3t A ) Shih Ying ( ) Sun Fo ( 3 & £j. ) Sun Hsia-ts'un ( 3 $ . ) Sung Che-yuan ( & # / u ) Sung (Soong) Ch'ing-ling ( ^ 4 l S t ) 138 Ta chung sheng-huo [ L i f e of the Masses] ( A y i 7^ ) Ta-hsueh shan [Great Snow Mountains] ( .A ^ ) Ta-kung pao ["L'.Impartial 1 1] ( A £ ) T'ao Hsing-chih ( lift i% £t> ) Teng Ying-ch'ao ( /#f |.| ) Tou-cheng [Struggle] ( J * ) Tsai Ch'ang ( #r f & ) Ts'an-an [Tragedy] ( ^  ^, ) Tsao Meng-chun ( $ %. M, ) Tsou-T'ao-fen Tu Chung-yuan ( ^ - i ) Tu-shu sheng-huo [Study 1 L i f e ] ( %\ $g £ i& ) T'u-sha [Butchery] ( 4 #S_ ) Tung-fang tsa-chih ["The Eastern Miscellany"] ( T'ung-i chien-kuo t'ung-chih hui [The United National Construction League] ( $ 1 - $ % >f- ) T'ung-meng hui [The United League] ( §§. ^ ~ ) Wang Ching-wei ( y£ #f 4$j ) Wang Tsao-shih ( 2- 3&. ) Wang Yang-ming ( Wu T'ieh-ch'eng ( ^  ) Yin Ju-keng ( J&SL 7k ) Yu Yu-jen ( ^ ^ $4. ) 

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