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Planning strategies for Canadian urban planners : a case study of Regina Salomaa, Diana Rita 1981

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PLANNING STRATEGIES FOR CANADIAN URBAN PLANNERS: A CASE STUDY OF REGINA by DIANA RITA SALOMAA B.A., University of Alberta, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1981 (c) Diana Rita Salomaa, 1981 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department or by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of Community and Regional P l a n n i n g The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date October, 1981 ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis i s to examine a new approach to planning as advocated by Ron Clark, the Director.of Planning i n Regina from 1976 to 1980. Compared to the t r a d i t i o n a l planning ro l e , Clark outlined an a c t i v i s t orientation to planning based on the following f i v e strategies. It was short term and issue oriented as opposed to "master" planning, p o l i c y planning versus reactive and regulatory planning, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n rather than planning for private i n t e r e s t s , and p o l i t i c a l intervention instead of a passive and non-controversial r o l e . The study reviews the relevant l i t e r a t u r e to develop a th e o r e t i c a l perspective on the urban planner's r o l e . The t r a d i -t i o n a l approach to planning, the r a t i o n a l comprehensive model, i s examined along with two basic reforms to this model i n order to contrast the planning style advocated by Clark. Next, th e o r e t i c a l concerns regarding each of Clark's strategies are outlined. A case study of the inner c i t y i s the basis for analyzing the extent to which these strategies were put into practice. In addition, the formulation of Regina RSVP, a municipal development plan for the City, i s examined to ascer-t a i n the extent of public input as the l a t t e r strategy was to be a major feature of planning i n Regina. The study concludes that Clark was successful i n i n t r o -ducing a new planning process to Regina. This was r e f l e c t e d i n c i t y council's support of Regina RSVP. Rather than being a t r a d i t i o n a l land use plan, RSVP documents presented a strategy for public planning, described major and emerging issues con-fronting the City, and offered p o l i c y objectives for resolving these issues. In the process, a model for the future develop-ment of Regina emerged. The case study on inner c i t y planning c l e a r l y showed that Regina planners were successful i n implementing t h e i r strategies. Planning s t a f f and community groups i d e n t i f i e d pressing inner c i t y problems, short term action was taken, planning was p o l i c y oriented, there was a considerable amount of community l e v e l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and Regina planners were a c t i v i s t s i n terms of both i n i t i a t i n g action and lobbying for the implementation of planning goals. However, the study also found some lim i t a t i o n s i n the application of these strategies. With respect to Regina RSVP, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n was not i n i t i a t e d at an early stage of the planning process. There was a lack of documented evidence on many inner c i t y problems or research on viable growth alterna-t i v e s . L a s tly, the strategies of p o l i t i c a l intervention and public p a r t i c i p a t i o n create p o t e n t i a l role c o n f l i c t s as to who should i n i t i a t e planning goals. Two external constraints which reduced the e f f e c t i v e application of these strategies also became apparent. F i r s t , p o l i c y planning at the l o c a l l e v e l i s d i f f i c u l t due to the dominant role of the p r o v i n c i a l government. Secondly, planners are constrained i n making long term improvements as t h e i r legitimacy has been limited primarily to technical matters. Local planners are unable to make any basic changes as they have l i t t l e power to influence s o c i a l and economic trends. At best, they can support programs that a l l e v i a t e some of t h e i r worst e f f e c t s . i v This case study has i l l u s t r a t e d an approach to planning that re-defined the planner's role beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l l y passive and technical role c r i t i c s have claimed characterize the profession. Regina planners were largely successful i n implementing th e i r strategies. Because the approach used i n Regina went well beyond basic reforms to the profession, and proved to be implementable, the strategies of short term action, issue orientation, p o l i c y formation, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l intervention should be used by other urban planners i n Canada. If planners want to assume a more i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n c i t y development, there w i l l have to be more discussion on the prac-t i c e and function of the planning profession. Planning educa-tion should also r e f l e c t a more responsible role for planners. The values and purposes of planning should be stressed over technical competency. An understanding of who and what we are planning for i s more important than achieving proficiency i n using planning tools. ! TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents L i s t of Tables L i s t of Figures Acknowledgement CHAPTER ONE: AN EXAMINATION OF PLANNING PRACTICE 1.1 INTRODUCTION 1.2 RATIONALE 1.3 METHOD 1.4 THESIS ORGANIZATION CHAPTER TWO: PLANNING IN REGINA 2.1 EFFECT OF EARLY PLANS 2.2 STRATEGIES UTILIZED BY THE REGINA PLANNING DEPARTMENT (1976-1980) A. Short Term Action B. Issue Oriented C. Policy Formation D. Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n E. P o l i t i c a l Intervention CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 3.1 SELECTED TRENDS IN PLANNING THOUGHT A. E f f i c i e n c y and the S c i e n t i f i c Method B. Rational Comprehensive Model C. Reforms to the Rational Comprehensive Model D. Limitation of Reforms to Planning 3.2 THEORETICAL CONCERNS REGARDING CLARK'S STRATEGIES A. Short Term, Issue Oriented B. Policy Formation C. Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n D. P o l i t i c a l Intervention CHAPTER FOUR: BACKGROUND TO REGINA 4.1 HISTORICAL ROOTS 4.2 ECONOMY 4.3 POPULATION v i 4.4 HOUSING 41 4.5 LOCAL GOVERNMENT 43 CHAPTER FIVE: REGINA RSVP 45 5.1 THE PUBLIC PARTICIPATION PROGRAM FOR REGINA 45 RSVP CHAPTER SIX: THE INNER CITY 51 6.1 INNER CITY CHARACTERISTICS 51 6.2 GENERAL INNER CITY PROBLEMS 54 A. Over-Zoning 54 B. Declining Population 59 C. Decreasing Housing Stock 59 D. Deteriorating Housing 60 E. Deficiency of Services 60 F. Lack of Open Space 61 G. Lack of Parking and Poor Street Conditions 63 H. Increasing Crime and Social Problems 63 6.3 NEIGHBORHOOD SPECIFIC INNER CITY PROBLEMS 63 6.4 POLICY OBJECTIVES 65 6.5 INNER CITY STRATEGY 65 A. Neighborhood Planning 66 B. Inner City Advisory Group 67 C. Neighborhood Improvement 67 D. Housing Programs 68 E. Landbanking 69 F. Intergovernmental Strategy 70 6.6 INNER CITY ACHIEVEMENTS 70 A. Neighborhood Planning 70 B. Zoning 72 C. Inner City Advisory Group 73 D. Neighborhood Improvement 73 E. Housing 74 F. Landbanking 75 F. Intergovernmental Strategy 75 CHAPTER SEVEN: ANALYSIS OF PLANNING STRATEGIES 77 7.1 SHORT TERM, ISSUE ORIENTED ACTION 78 A. Extent to Which Planning Was Short Term, Issue Oriented 78 B. How Well Issues Were Substantiated by Research 79 C. Scope of Planning 79 D. Solutions Recommended to A l l e v i a t e Inner City Problems 80 v i i 7.2 POLICY FORMATION 84 A. Mechanisms to Make Planning More Policy Oriented 84 B. Policy Goals i n Regina 85 7.3 PUBLIC PARTICIPATION 86 A. Public Involvement - Regina RSVP 87 B. Public Involvement i n Inner City Planning 89 7.4 POLITICAL INTERVENTION 90 A. Evidence of an A c t i v i s t Approach to Planning 90 B. Role Co n f l i c t s 91 7.5 LIMITATIONS, CONSTRAINTS, AND STRENGTHS 93 A. Limitations 94 B. Constraints 94 C. Strengths 95 7.6 SUMMARY 97 7.7 FURTHER RESEARCH 98 BIBLIOGRAPHY 100 v i i i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 Population Projections for Regina 42 2 Average Annual Dwelling Unit Starts 43 3 Timetable for the Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n Program 46 4 Questionnaire Results - Regina RSVP 49 5 Investment Inner City Neighborhoods (1971 - 76) 60 6 Housing Conditions i n Inner City Neighborhoods 61 7 Neighborhood Problems 64 8 Recommended Housing Projects 69 9 Documentation of Inner City Problems 79 10 Inner City Physical Problems and Recommendations 81 11 Inner City Economic Problems and Recommendations 83 12 Inner City Social Problems and Recommendations 83 13 Inner City Planning Goals and Recommendations 86 14 C i t i z e n Involvement i n Neighborhood Planning Process 90 15 Who Formulates Planning Goals? 93 ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Mawson's Plan 9 2 Inner City Neighborhoods 52 3 Development Trends i n the Inner City 56 4 Inner City Zoning, 1976 57 5 Generalized Inner City Land Use, 1976 58 6 General Areas of Poor Housing 62 X ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e to thank Professor Brahm Wiesman for giving me the i n s p i r a t i o n to write on a d i f f i c u l t but int e r e s t i n g topic. His guidance and encouragement was greatly appreciated. I would also l i k e to thank Professor Michael Seelig for his he l p f u l comments. As well, Ron Clark and the Regina Planning s t a f f were most h e l p f u l i n answering my questions. F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank my husband, Henry, for his patience, help and encouragement. 1 CHAPTER ONE AN EXAMINATION OF PLANNING PRACTICE 1.1 INTRODUCTION Since World War II, Canada has r a p i d l y become urbanized with i t s population increasingly concentrated i n a.few large centers. Concurrent with t h i s growth i n c i t y s i z e , the Canadian urban planning profession has expanded. In 1949, there were only six planning departments i n a l l of Canada and f o r t y - f i v e planners. Today, most c i t i e s have separate planning departments incorporated i n the municipal government structure. Recently, planning has specialized and broadened i t s sphere of influence. There are now numerous regional, s o c i a l , and special purpose planning agencies. As well, senior levels of government have begun to employ urban planners. (Gerecke, 1976) Despite the number of people entering and p r a c t i s i n g the profession, planners have been c r i t i c i z e d ( p a r t i c u l a r l y around the late 1960's and early 1970's) for doing l i t t l e to d i r e c t urban growth i n any well-conceived manner. According to the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development (1969), planners, i n t h e i r eager desire to accommodate growth, have become technicians. They are preoccupied with matters such as the administration of zoning and subdivision regulations and the provision of municipal infrastructure. The Task Force claimed that planners have done l i t t l e to question the s o c i a l and ecological consequences of continued growth nor have they provided much i n i t i a t i v e i n public p o l i c y formation. Many of the Task Force's c r i t i c i s m s of the Canadian plan-ning profession were substantiated by a 1971 study conducted by 2 Kent Gerecke. Gerecke sent questionnaires to a l l the urban planning directors i n Canada i n an attempt to i d e n t i f y Canadian planning practice. Survey re s u l t s showed there was an emphasis on " t r a d i t i o n a l , physical, design-oriented planning" i n Canada rather than a move to a "new socio-economic, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and research-oriented planning". The major findings were: (a) Over half of the important planning decisions made were related to f a c i l i t a -ting, servicing or c o n t r o l l i n g community growth. There was less concern about confronting transportation, housing or public f i -nance problems. Social and ecological issues (eg. poverty, the quality of the environment) were overlooked e n t i r e l y . (b) The type of planning a c t i v i t y undertaken was large l y determined out-side the planning agency. This meant that planners provided ad hoc remedies to crise s instead of i n i t i a t i n g p o l i c i e s to guide and dir e c t growth. (c) The majority of planners preferred to leave controversial matters to p o l i t i c i a n s . (d) The public was very.seldom consulted through questionnaires or surveys, (e) Research was limited to s p e c i f i c issues rather than being conducted on a continuous basis. (f) The Planning Director's major role was administrative. They viewed the function of thei r agencies as preparing and administering comprehensive plans, zoning and subdivision regulations. The image of Canadian planners as timid, conservative and technical was reinforced by the Ontario Economic Council (1973) : "Two things are evident. F i r s t , the senior public planners have, i n ef f e c t , been doing very l i t t l e planning; they have served lar g e l y as planning administrators, carrying out c h i e f l y housekeeping functions. Second, they have offered few i n i t i a -t ives and innovations. . . They have not, i n any 3 discernible sense, emerged as a t r u l y innovative force i n the area of public p o l i c y formulation." There i s much discussion i n planning l i t e r a t u r e on the need to reassess what the professional planner's r o l e ought to encompass. In the early history of planning, problems were r e l a t i v e l y clear cut. Urban growth was haphazard and unregu-lated. Municipal infrastructure such as sewage f a c i l i t i e s , drinking water, roads and schools was inadequate or non-exis-tent. Consequently, the task of the planner was simple. He was to f a c i l i t a t e the orderly development of the c i t y . In recent decades, the pace of urbanization has r a p i d l y increased. As a r e s u l t , the planning function has assumed greater importance with the actions of planners a f f e c t i n g the l i v e s of most Canadians. C r i t i c s claim i t i s no longer suf-f i c i e n t for planners to simply focus on the technical d e t a i l s of growth. If planners want to have more control over the development of c i t i e s , they must adopt a more active and ag-gressive r o l e . They must assume greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for determining public p o l i c i e s a f f e c t i n g a l l aspects of the c i t y . (Levin, 1966) Questions regarding the a l l o c a t i o n of public resources, the consequences of continued urban growth, as well as the form of future growth should be raised. According to the l i t e r a t u r e , planners have not responded to the new challenges confronting them. C r i t i c s claim that unless there i s a re-examination of the r o l e and function of planners, they w i l l be relegated to the r o l e of bureaucrats enforcing increasingly i r r e l e v a n t regulations. ( E d i t o r i a l , Plan Canada, 1966) In the meantime, the r e a l task of c i t y building w i l l , by default, be l e f t to p o l i t i c i a n s , developers, architects and engineers. 1.2 RATIONALE The purpose of this thesis i s to examine a more active role for planners as advocated by Ron Clark, the Director of Planning i n Regina from 1976 to 1980. I was attracted to Clark's approach, as he made a conscious e f f o r t to avoid many of the li m i t a t i o n s of past planning practice. His planning philosopy was based on the following f i v e strategies. It was short term and issue oriented as opposed to comprehensive "master" planning which seldom, he believed, resulted i n any action. It was po l i c y planning rather than technical, reactive and regulatory planning. It was based on public p a r t i c i p a t i o n as opposed to planning for private i n t e r e s t s . F i n a l l y , i t was based on p o l i t i c a l i n t e r -vention. This meant that Regina planners assumed an active r o l e . They were not a f r a i d to challenge established p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e r e s t s . I f e l t that Clark's strategies should be further examined as they represented s i g n i f i c a n t reforms to shortcomings i n planning practice. This approach could provide a new model for planning which should be practiced by a l l Canadian.urban:plan-ner s . 1.3 METHOD This thesis w i l l examine the extent to which Clark''' was able to put his planning strategies into practice. The focus on * It should be noted that although I s p e c i f i c a l l y refer to Ron Clark throughout this thesis, I am also r e f e r r i n g to Regina planning s t a f f . Their contribution and support was necessary for the implementation of these strategies. 5 the strategies themselves rather than an evaluation of r e s u l t s achieved i s necessary because of the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s of i s o l a t i n g other causal factors such as the p o l i t i c a l climate which may influence the success or f a i l u r e of a program. This approach serves to i l l u s t r a t e both the constraints planners are confronted with as well as ways they can exert a greater i n f l u -ence over planning decisions. In conducting t h i s evaluation, the following steps were required: (a) To become f a m i l i a r with both Clark's planning philoso-phy and problems confronting Regina. This was done through i n -terviews with Ron Clark, key personnel i n the Regina Planning Department and a c i t y h a l l reporter for the Regina Leader-Post. Regina Planning Department documents were the primary source of information supplemented by a r t i c l e s i n the Leader-Post. (b) To compare Clark's strategies with approaches advocated by other theorists (the early concern, with, effi c i e n c y , : r a t i o n a l comprehensive model, advocacy planning and the humanistic approach) to better understand what changes Clark proposed. I then examined th e o r e t i c a l concerns regarding each of Clark's planning strategies. Plan Canada and the American Inst i t u t e of  Planning Journal were the primary sources of information. (c) To understand whether Clark was able to put his str a t e -gies into practice. I selected inner c i t y planning as a case study. According to Planning Department documents, i t was under-going considerable development pressure posing a serious threat to the r e s i d e n t i a l character of many inner c i t y neighborhoods. The Planning Department placed high p r i o r i t y on solving inner 6 c i t y problems. (d) To b r i e f l y examine the process of formulating Regina RSVP, the new growth management strategy for Regina, as a case study on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Regina RSVP was one of Clark's most s i g n i f i c a n t achievements while Director of Planning. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was a major feature of his approach. 1.4 THESIS ORGANIZATION The remainder of thi s thesis i s organized as follows. Chapter Two reviews early planning i n Regina. This contrasts planning under Clark to past approaches used as well as provides a background to current problems. Next, each of Clark's f i v e planning strategies are outlined. Chapter Three discusses selected categories of planning thought to better understand the approach put into practice by Regina planning s t a f f . In addition, t h e o r e t i c a l concerns regarding each of Clark's strate-gies are examined. Chapter Four provides a general background to Regina i n terms of h i s t o r i c a l roots, economy, population, housing demand and l o c a l government. Chapter Five describes the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n program for Regina RSVP in order to deter-mine the extent and type of public involvement i n formulating growth management p o l i c i e s . Chapter. Six describes the applica-t i o n of planning strategies to the inner c i t y . It includes a summary of inner c i t y problems, the Planning Department's ap-proach to these problems, and major r e s u l t s achieved. Chapter Seven analyzes the extent to which Clark's strategies were actu a l l y applied i n the inner c i t y as well as the type of public involvement with regard to Regina RSVP. It looks at: (a) to what extent .was planning short term and issue oriented, (b) how well problems were substantiated by research and documented e v i -dence, (c) scope of planning, (d) type of planning actions rec-ommended, (e) mechanisms suggested to f a c i l i t a t e p o l i c y planning (f) p o l i c y goals, (g) extent and type of public involvement with regard to Regina RSVP, (h) extent of resident involvement i n inner c i t y neighborhoods, (i) extent and type of p o l i t i c a l inter vention, and (j) r o l e c o n f l i c t s t h i s l a t t e r strategy created. Chapter Seven also summarizes the l i m i t a t i o n s , constraints, and strengths of Clark's approach to planning. 8 CHAPTER TWO PLANNING IN REGINA According to Clark, previous planning i n Regina exhibited few innovative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . He believed i t was t y p i c a l of those c i t i e s which "emerge from the economic imperatives of a c a p i t a l i s t - d i r e c t e d society". (Clark, 1980:217) Planning decisions had been dictated by private interests with l i t t l e opportunity for public intervention. The following i s a b r i e f overview of Regina's early plan-ning history according to a Planning Department document en-t i t l e d Regina RSVP: A Planning Strategy for Regina (A Working  Document (1977A). It offers an insight into how Regina planners proposed to change the pattern of planning i n the c i t y . Clark f e l t that past planning i n Regina c l e a r l y demonstrated the i n -adequacy of a passive and reactive planning function. In addition, i t provides a background to current problems as i t was believed many were the r e s u l t of the adverse e f f e c t s of early plans. 2.1 EFFECT OF EARLY PLANS The f i r s t plan for Regina was produced i n 1914 by Thomas Mawson, a B r i t i s h town planner. U n t i l then, growth had been chaotic and ad hoc. Clark believed Mawson's plan had a long-l a s t i n g detrimental e f f e c t on the c i t y . As Figure 1 i l l u s t r a t e s , i t reinforced a class bias for settlement. The upper and middle classes were encouraged to s e t t l e south of the CPR tracks, while the working class was directed north of the tracks. However, Mawson's plan was not e n t i r e l y negative. It did enhance the environmental qu a l i t y of the c i t y as i t resulted i n Figure 1 Mawson's Plan Source: Regina Planning Department, 1977A:10 10 an extensive r e s i d e n t i a l tree planting program and park develop-ment . The next major planning e f f o r t did not occur u n t i l 1927. This was when Regina's f i r s t zoning bylaw came into e f f e c t . Six zones (which d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between r e s i d e n t i a l , business and i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t s ) were established for the c i t y . Clark believed the bylaw only minimally r e s t r i c t e d land use as uses i n each zone overlapped considerably. It was not u n t i l 1930 that a Town Planning Commission, whose purpose was to prepare a planning scheme for Regina, was established. Clark f e l t the fact that the plan followed the zoning bylaw revealed a marked uncertainty about the planning process. To t h i s point.there were no e x p l i c i t public p o l i c i e s to d i r e c t growth. Although a plan was prepared by the Commission, i t was set aside due to the depression and World War I I . Immediately after the war, a planning consultant named Eugene Faludi was hired to prepare a master plan. Clark believed the most negative aspect of Faludi's plan was his recommendation to est a b l i s h suburban shopping centers. He claimed t h i s created serious d i f f i c u l t i e s for current planning as i t affected both the v i t a l i t y and commercial v i a b i l i t y of downtown Regina. Faludi's plan was accompanied by a new zoning bylaw which was passed i n 1949. The new bylaw was e s s e n t i a l l y the same as the f i r s t except that more land use zones were created. Like the 1927 bylaw, overlapping uses ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n business and i n d u s t r i a l zones) were permitted. According to Clark, the most damaging aspect of both by-laws was that a large amount of land zoned for p a r t i c u l a r uses was vacant. There was no longer any need to es t a b l i s h p o l i c i e s to guide development since the future land uses were already decided upon. The r e s u l t of over-zoning and the absence of growth management p o l i c i e s meant that development interests could dictate future patterns of growth. As the Faludi plan quickly became outdated, a community planning scheme was prepared i n 1961 by the Planning Depart-ment, which had been established ten years previously. The planning scheme reserved a large area for downtown development. Clark claimed t h i s r e f l e c t e d an u n r e a l i s t i c outlook for the future economic growth of Regina. He believed the ef f e c t of the report was to encourage land speculation i n the central business d i s t r i c t and to place unnecessary redevelopment pressure on r e s i d e n t i a l properties i n the inner c i t y . The plan was implemented by a new zoning bylaw which was i n e f f e c t from 1962 to 1968. Although th i s bylaw was more comprehensive than previous bylaws, i t s t i l l allowed over-lapping uses i n p a r t i c u l a r zones. In 1968, a new zoning bylaw was adopted. C o n f l i c t s arose as to whether the 1961 municipal planning scheme or 1968 zoning bylaw controlled c i t y development. C r i t i c s of the 1961 plan-ning scheme claimed i t was intended as no more than a guide which was to serve as a framework for a l a t e r comprehensive plan. The l a t e r plan never followed. Problems arose whenever the 1961 planning scheme and zoning bylaws d i f f e r e d . (Leader-Post, October 3, 1973) There was pressure from various interest groups, p a r t i c u -12 l a r l y from those related to the property industry, to rescind the 1961 plan. These groups claimed the c i t y could lose up to $57 m i l l i o n in development as anyone could launch an action to stop projects that c o n f l i c t e d with the 1961 plan. (Leader-Post, October 3, 1973) In 1973, c i t y council passed a resolution that made zoning bylaws the sole mechanism of planning control for the c i t y . This meant that where there was a c o n f l i c t , the zoning bylaws would p r e v a i l . According to Clark (1980:225): "The implications of t h i s resolution have been serious in terms of the growth and development of Regina. With no o v e r a l l guidelines for development, planning i s re-duced to an ad hoc a c t i v i t y . Here zoning i s being used inappropriately to di r e c t the growth of a c i t y , owing to the lack of a comprehensive plan for orderly development. In the absence of a plan, the nature of the development i s dictated by private interests who own the land and by thei r a b i l i t y to lobby successfully for rezoning of i n -dividual pieces of the i r land or whole areas. This creates considerable uncertainty as to the future devel-opment of any area of the c i t y . Thus, i f control i s achieved by regulation instead of by public policy, development may be won for private than for public good." Clark was determined that future planning i n Regina would provide a sharp break with previous planning whereby: (a) Private plans had been allowed to take precedence over public plans, (b) Public planning had concentrated on planning by regula-tion rather than planning by public policy, and (c) Planning had made no attempt to define and lead i n the f i e l d of public p o l i c y . (Regina Planning Department, 1977A) The following strategies, discussed i n more d e t a i l below, form the cornerstone of Clark's e f f o r t s to achieve a new planning process for Regina. They are: short term action, issue oriented, p o l i c y formation, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l interven-13 t i o n . 2.2 STRATEGIES UTILIZED BY THE REGINA PLANNING DEPARTMENT  (1976-1980)' (Note: The following discussion of planning strategies i s from Regina RSVP: A Working Document, 1977A) A. Short Term Action Clark f e l t that t r a d i t i o n a l long range plans have two basic l i m i t a t i o n s . They are soon outdated because i t i s d i f f i c u l t to accurately predict future trends. In addition, as these plans seek a unitary public i n t e r e s t , they are vague and abstract. It i s d i f f i c u l t to s t i r p o l i t i c a l i nterest i n them. As a r e s u l t , they are seldom implemented. He believed that a more p r a c t i c a l strategy i s short term action. Short term plans adapt to chang-ing circumstances and they are more r e a d i l y translated into action. Clark cautioned that short term action did not rule out a long range perspective. Short term decisions must be made in the context of long term p o l i c i e s and objectives. A longer view provides guidelines for future development and i t i s a frame-work for observing and measuring change. B. Issue Oriented Clark believed that planners should concentrate on defining and resolving s p e c i f i c urban issues rather than formulating master plans. C r u c i a l issues would be i d e n t i f i e d through an on-going dialogue with the public. A strategy of key i n t e r -ventions, with each intervention representing public p o l i c y trans-lated into action, would confront and ameliorate the most im-mediate problems. He f e l t t h i s approach would ensure that qua-14 l i t y of l i f e improvements eould be made (such as affordable housing, public t r a n s i t and access to open space). It also expanded the role of planners beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l emphasis on land administration. Clark cautioned that while key interventions focused on im-mediate issues, planners must also keep i n mind the complexity and inter-relatedness of urban problems. Problems i n Regina were divided into two categories: major and emerging issues. The Planning Department defined major i s -sues as those that the public expressed the most concern towards. This was measured through media coverage, delegations to c i t y council, and questions raised by v i s i t o r s to a storefront plan-ning o f f i c e located i n the downtown area. Although Clark ac-knowledged, that t h i s was not the most r e l i a b l e method to deter-mine community concerns, he f e l t that the issues raised were of interest to a s i g n i f i c a n t number of people i n Regina. The major issues were: (a) The City of Regina should support the R a i l Relocation Program as i t provided a unique opportunity to im-prove the urban environment and resolve transportation problems. (In 1974, the federal government passed the R a i l Relocation and Grade Crossing Act. This allowed municipalities to relocate r a i l l i n e s and i t provided funding to implement plans on the vacated land.) (b) The downtown should be r e v i t a l i z e d , (c) The inner c i t y neighborhoods should be protected and made at t r a c t i v e r e s i d e n t i a l areas for a va r i e t y of income groups. Emerging issues were those that the Planning Department predicted could be s i g n i f i c a n t problems i n the future. In t h i s case, the planners, rather than the public, defined the goals, 15 objectives and issues. The l i s t was not meant to be exhaustive. The Planning Department f e l t that through future discussions,the public would agree with some, rej e c t others and add many of t h e i r own issues. The emerging issues were: (a) The t r a d i t i o n a l form of low density, car dependent suburban r e s i d e n t i a l devel-opment should be challenged. (b) Public t r a n s i t should be pro-moted and improved. (c) The municipal government should play a more active r o l e i n a l l e v i a t i n g inadequate housing supply, p a r t i c u l a r l y for certain income groups. (d) A l l levels of government should take a more responsible attitude toward Native problems. (e) Well designed open space and recreational f a c i l i t i e s should be given greater budgetary p r i o r i t y . C. P o l i c y Formation According to Clark, l o c a l government has t r a d i t i o n a l l y concerned i t s e l f with non-controversial "housekeeping" services. These services have the common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of being related to property (eg. the provision of water supply, sewage c o l l e c -t i o n and disposal, and f i r e and police protection). Senior governments, on the other hand, have been responsible for p o l i c y areas such as welfare, education, transportation and major public works. He believed that i n recent years there has been a s h i f t i n emphasis i n the r o l e of l o c a l government. Both the rate and type of urban growth involve projects on a massive scale. These generate public attention and often b i t t e r op-position. As a r e s u l t , l o c a l o f f i c i a l s are forced to consider controversial p o l i c y questions(eg. public t r a n s i t versus more freeways). Clark f e l t that planning i n Regina must break the tendency 16 to be reactive and regulatory and move into the f i e l d of public policy. Well formulated p o l i c i e s would provide directions for future urban growth. They would specify the goals to be pur-sued and how these goals would be achieved. Consequently, Regina planning s t a f f , with aid from the public, formulated p o l i c i e s on both.the major and emerging issues confronting the c i t y . Planning Department documents outlined two ways that ag-gressive p o l i c y stimulation could be achieved. They were: (a) Public Dialogue - The public must have an active voice i n decision-making. To achieve t h i s , the Planning Department's role was to promote communication between the public, c i t y coun-c i l , c i v i c administration and other lev e l s of government. (b) P o l i c y Secretariat - Most c i v i c bureaucracies have no, or limited, p o l i c y c a p a b i l i t y . Clark f e l t there was a need to restructure l o c a l government to ensure a better p o l i c y making environment. He suggested that a p o l i c y secretariat responsible to council should be created. It would have an e x p l i c i t p o l i c y formation and coordination mandate. In addition, input from informal organizations such as neighborhood planning groups should be integrated into the p o l i c y making function of muni-c i p a l i t i e s . D. Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n According to Clark, private interests often determined the type of development a c i t y experienced. In the past, the public had l i t t l e opportunity to influence the nature of urban growth. The Planning Department f e l t t his trend should be reversed with public interests taking precedence over private i n t e r e s t s . This 17 could only be r e a l i z e d through a strategy, of public planning. As Clark said: "Our r o l e i s to be provocative. What's wrong with dialogue? We're not a f r a i d of the public. We want to be able to test some ideas on the public... get some reaction from the people. After a l l they are the ones who are going to be l i v i n g here. They should have some say i n the planning of the c i t y . " (Leader-Post, December 28, 1976:5) To achieve public involvement on an ongoing and continuous basis, Clark believed the following was needed: (a) Information and awareness - The City must provide the public with information about l o c a l issues as well as information on the a c t i v i t i e s and programs of l o c a l government departments. In addition, the City should i n i t i a t e a series of seminars on the structure and operation of l o c a l government. It was be-lieved an open flow of information was e s s e n t i a l i f the public was to p a r t i c i p a t e meaningfully i n the planning process. (b) A c c e s s i b i l i t y - Most c i t i z e n s have had l i t t l e contact with the people who make decisions. The Planning Department recommended that p o l i t i c i a n s , administrators and planners make themselves accessible to the public. They should i n i t i a t e d i a -logue on important planning issues. Suggested ways to achieve communication were the continued operation of a storefront planning o f f i c e i n the downtown area, neighborhood planning, and public meetings. (c) Respbnsiveness - Planning must be responsive to diver-gent viewpoints as i t was believed "building a better community i s dependent upon communicating, l i s t e n i n g , explaining, under-standing and mutual education." (Regina Planning Department, 1977:62) To achieve t h i s , Clark suggested funds be made a v a i l -18 able to community groups. This would allow them to research neighborhood problems and develop community plans. The c i v i c bureaucracy should be reorganized to become more p o l i c y oriented, F i n a l l y , the Regina Planning Commission was urged to adopt a more active r o l e . It consisted of 15 members who were appointed for three years by council to investigate matters related to the physical, s o c i a l or economic circumstances, of the municipality. (Leader-Post, A p r i l 16, 1977) The Commission had t r a d i t i o n a l l y maintained a low public p r o f i l e . Clark suggested i t should begin to take a more active interest i n planning matters. For example, they could host community meetings to determine the public's views. F. P o l i t i c a l Intervention This strategy, although not e x p l i c i t l y described i n plan-ning documents, emerged as an important component of the ap-proach to planning used i n Regina. It included the following elements: (a) I n i t i a t e planning action - Planners must be w i l l i n g to take r i s k s and become involved i n controversy. With the aid of the public, they should frame t h e i r own questions, provide answers to these questions, and develop programs without wait-ing for requests to do so. (Gans, 1975) By assuming an active r o l e , planners have a unique opportunity to play a more i n -f l u e n t i a l part i n decision-making. P o l i t i c i a n s confront prob-lems without adequate information or even clear concepts of what they want to achieve. Planners can o f f e r decision-makers information, analysis and p o l i c y recommendations. (Krumholz, Cogger, Linner, 1975) 19 However, presenting information alone i s not enough. Planners must also seek out potential a l l i e s among the public, business, and p o l i t i c a l communities and show them how t h e i r interests are affected by various development proposals. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) (b) Making value positions clear - Activism, as i t involves taking public positions on issues, implies that planners must decide which interest group they want to serve. T y p i c a l l y , planners have chosen to support and strengthen the position of the suburban, car owning, home owning,middle class groups i n society. (Hague, 1974) Regina planners chose to give p r i o r i t y to low income inner c i t y residents. 20 CHAPTER THREE THEORETICAL BACKGROUND This chapter examines two major trends which have influenced planning practice, e f f i c i e n c y and the s c i e n t i f i c method i n the early 1900's, and the l a t e r appearance of the r a t i o n a l compre-hensive model i n the 1950's. These trends i l l u s t r a t e many of the l i m i t a t i o n s of planning practice which Clark was highly c r i t i c a l of. The profession's early adoption, of the s c i e n t i f i c method as the basis for t h e i r work led to a passive, value-free, technical and physical orientation to planning. Although th i s was replaced by the r a t i o n a l comprehensive model, the basic pre-mises of early planning practice were not rejected. Instead, through the use of better tools, planners attempted to enhance r a t i o n a l and objective decision-making. Two basic reforms to the r a t i o n a l comprehensive model, more communication and an expanded scope for planning, were then examined. These reforms were contrasted with Clark's approach to planning i n order to see what alternatives he had to o f f e r . 3.1 SELECTED TRENDS IN PLANNING THOUGHT A. E f f i c i e n c y and the S c i e n t i f i c Method At the turn of the century, both Canada and the United States began the i r transformation from a g r i c u l t u r a l to i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . Haphazard physical growth occurred as there were few, i f any, governmental structures to cope with the problems of rapid urbanization. (Gunton, 1980) There were limited municipal sewer services, drinking water, garbage disposal or t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s . Subdivision and construction were unregulated and l e f t to the whim of i n d i v i d u a l landowners. There was a growing sense of disorder and s o c i a l unrest, e s p e c i a l l y among the poor, as they suffered the worst effects of the t r a n s i t i o n to indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n . (Heskin, 1980) Action had to be taken, p a r t i c u -l a r l y with respect to public health, as the upper and middle classes were f e a r f u l of the diseases and other s o c i a l e v i l s rampant i n the slums. Planners adopted a s i m p l i s t i c approach to improving society. It was believed there was a dir e c t relationship be-tween the quality of the physical environment and the quality of l i f e . (Heskin, 1980) The prescribed remedy for the various s o c i a l e v i l s was improvement of the physical setting. Thus, i f well designed and well s i t e d houses, playgrounds and community f a c i l i t i e s could be substituted for the crowded conditions of the slums, then not only disease, but crime, delinquency, a l -coholism, broken homes, and mental i l l n e s s would disappear. (Webber, 1963) This marked the beginning of the profession's early and persistent focus on the physical development of the c i t y . While planners saw themselves as urban experts, they lacked a t h e o r e t i c a l foundation for t h e i r work. (Heskin, 1980) During th i s period, at the turn .of the century, philosophers such.as Veblen and Dewey advocated the application of the s c i e n t i f i c method to s o c i a l a f f a i r s . (Heskin., 1980) Planners r e a d i l y embraced this idea as i t imbued them with a sense of profession-alism. They claimed they were s c i e n t i s t s and as such, would be e f f i c i e n t , dedicated to o b j e c t i v i t y , and could c a r e f u l l y c o l l e c t and analyze " f a c t u a l " data i n a dispassionate, value-free fashion. (Klosterman, 1978) 22 C r i t i c s claim that planners, because they so r e a d i l y accepted t h e i r r o l e as value-free technicians, became adminis-trators of programs rather than proposers or evaluators of v a r i -ous alternatives. Their task was to f i n d the means for achiev-ing public p o l i c y objectives while avoiding the value questions of defining those objectives. By r e l y i n g on p o l i t i c i a n s to determine planning goals, planners firmly aligned themselves with dominant p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e r e s t s . (Barr, 1972) E t h i c a l questions regarding the a l l o c a t i o n of public resources were seldom asked. (Davidoff, 1965) C r i t i c s also claimed that planners had overestimated the role that physical structures play i n shaping s o c i a l behavior. (Webber, 1963) While some aspects of the c i t y ' s physical en-vironment can d i r e c t l y benefit residents, the physical setting, by i t s e l f , i s only a minor condition for the r e a l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l and economic opportunities. Differences i n s o c i a l status, race, shortage of job opportunities, inadequate education, and low income present far more serious problems for upward mobility than inadequate physical structures. B. Rational Comprehensive Model By the 1950's, physical determinism was seen as too s i m p l i s t i c a theory. In i t s place, another model of planning was i d e n t i f i e d which saw the c i t y as a complex system of eco-nomic, s o c i a l and physical forces. (Heskin, 1980) The new premise of planning required far more comprehensive analysis. This meant that planners, when presented with a goal, must: (a) consider a l l of the alternatives open to them, (b) i d e n t i f y and evaluate a l l of the consequences which would follow from 23 the adoption of each alternative, and (c) select the alternative with the most preferred consequences i n terms of the goal. (Friedmann, 1966) To achieve t h i s i d e a l , planners began to u t i l i z e s o p h i s t i -cated tools which were being developed at the time. These included cost-benefit analysis, input-output studies, simula-ti o n models and computer technology. (Heskin, 1980) It was believed that these tools would bring planners closer to the s c i e n t i f i c i d e a l espoused i n e a r l i e r planning theory, r a t i o n a l and objective decision-making. The r a t i o n a l comprehensive model of planning assumes planners hold an al l - s e e i n g , all-encompassing view of the world. (Barr, 1972) C r i t i c s claim t h i s i s an impossible task as no one can know a l l of the available alternatives or a l l of the consequences which would follow from any action. (Friedmann, 1966) Theorists such as Braybrooke and Lindblom (1963) argue that decision-making, rather than being compre-hensive, has the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . It i s : (a) remedial, as decisions are made to solve immediate problems rather than to f u l f i l goals; (b) incremental, as r e l a t i v e l y small changes are made; (c) s e r i a l , i n that problems are successively attacked rather than solved at once; (d) exploratory, i n that goals are continually being redefined; and (e) fragmented, i n that only a limited number of alternatives are considered. It also places a heavy emphasis on technical expertise. However, technical solutions do l i t t l e to r e d i s t r i b u t e wealth, knowledge, s k i l l , or other s o c i a l goods. (Davidoff, 1965) The poor are the most disadvantaged by thi s approach to planning. 24 Through lack of education, they are i l l - p r e p a r e d to deal with the increasing bureaucratization and technical basis of decisions. (Peattie, 1968) It also assumes that planners can i d e n t i f y a u n i f i e d public i n t e r e s t . Their task i s to produce a single plan con-taining the o v e r a l l goals of the community. (Altshuler, 1965) In t h e i r quest for consensus, planners ignore the fact there are competing needs and aspirations among d i f f e r e n t groups. F i n a l l y , as t r u l y comprehensive goals are general, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to obtain p o l i t i c a l commitment to them. As a r e s u l t , the plans often never reach the stage of implementation. Because of these c r i t i c i s m s , theorists have suggested a v a r i e t y of reforms to a l l e v i a t e shortcomings i n the r a t i o n a l comprehensive model of planning. The following i s a discussion of some.of these reforms as well as t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s . C. Reforms to the Rational Comprehensive Model Advocate planners f e l t that planning could be improved i f planners represented the interests of a p a r t i c u l a r group, es p e c i a l l y the poor. (Davidoff, 1965) It was f e l t these people had been underrepresented i n the planning process. Consequently, advocate planners rejected the notion of a single "best" solu-tion or the notion of a unitary public in t e r e s t . (Peattie, 1963) Proponents of advocacy planning claimed i t would have the following advantages. It would better inform the public of the alternate choices available. It would force public planning agencies to compete with other planning groups. In the absence of opposition, public agencies have l i t t l e incentive to improve the quality of t h e i r work. Those groups who have been c r i t i c a l 25 of establishment plans would be given the opportunity to produce superior plans. F i n a l l y , any plan submitted would make ex-p l i c i t the values underlying recommendations for p a r t i c u l a r courses of action. Reasons for supporting one set of proposals as well as reasons in d i c a t i n g the i n f e r i o r i t y of other courses of action would be given, thus aiding decision-makers i n th e i r task of choosing the best plan. (Davidoff, 1965) However, c r i t i c s claim advocacy planning does not eliminate the problem of c o n f l i c t i n g objectives because poor communities lack homogeneity or common i n t e r e s t s . As well, people at the bottom of the s o c i a l ladder are harder to draw into the plan-ning process. Advocate planners often f i n d themselves working with the more organized upwardly mobile elements of a poor area. Their demands are not necessarily representative of the larger community. (Peattie, 1968) F i n a l l y , although Davidoff described advocates as a channel through which the interests of the community flowed, i t has been claimed that professionals frequently set the agenda. They conceptualize the problem and define the terms of how the prob-lem w i l l be solved. The issues raised are often those the pro-fessional has the most expertise i n or for which funding can be obtained rather than those highest on the community's l i s t . (Peattie, 1968) Transactive planners (Friedmann, 1976) believe planning can be improved i f the communication gap between planners and thei r c l i e n t s i s closed. As planner's language i s conceptual and mathematical while c l i e n t ' s language i s based on personal experience, there i s an i n a b i l i t y to exchange meaningful.messages between the two. Friedmann i n s i s t s face-to-face contact with the people affected by planning decisions i s needed. He believes th i s w i l l f a c i l i t a t e growth and mutual learning between the plan-ner and c l i e n t . Transactive planning has been c r i t i c i z e d as being u n r e a l i s -t i c and d i f f i c u l t to implement. As well, i t does not address issues such as the imbalance i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power, or provide any insight on c o n f l i c t resolution. (Friedmann, Hudson, 1974) The collaborative theory of planning (Godschalk, M i l l s , 1966) also stresses planner-client communication. Dialogue i s to be sustained through ongoing surveys of the behavior patterns of people and organizations (eg. preferences for various types of l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s ) . These surveys serve a dual function. F i r s t , they provide the planner with an avenue of collaboration with the public through a c t i v i t i e s interviews and discussions. Second, findings from the surveys aid i n p o l i c y and planning decisions as survey r e s u l t s i d e n t i f y subcommunities, t h e i r values, and a c t i v i t i e s . A major problem of t h i s approach i s the d i f f i c u l t y i n making meaningful use of the massive and unstructured data acquired. In addition, survey costs are expensive. (Godschalk, 1967) The r e s u l t of t h i s more humanistic trend i n planning was a greater awareness of the growing inequities i n society. As c i t i e s experienced higher concentrations of population, the d i s p a r i t i e s between growing affluence on the one hand and continued poverty on the other became more apparent. The re-sponse was to broaden planner's interests to include more 27 concern with the s o c i a l and economic consequences of the i r plans. In Vancouver, for example, a Social Planning department emerged in 1968 as a separate municipal government department. (Egan, 1977) It was responsible for the evaluation and recommendation o f . s o c i a l service grants to c i t y council. In th i s way, the c i t y could set annual p r i o r i t i e s and support those services where so c i a l need was the greatest. The department also designed programs to cope with s p e c i f i c problems, p a r t i c u l a r l y with re-gard to youth and senior c i t i z e n s . D. Limitation of Reforms to Planning Today, the role of the professional community planner i s s t i l l a highly uncertain one. There i s s t i l l a considerable amount of disagreement as to what constitutes the planner's f i e l d and what his special s k i l l s and expertise are. Conse-quently, the planning f i e l d i s governed by a large body of diverse theories and methodologies. It has been suggested that the profession i s being s p l i t into progressive and conservative wings. Progressive planners c a l l for s o c i a l planning to reduce r a c i a l and economic i n -eq u a l i t i e s . Conservative planners defend t r a d i t i o n a l physical planning and the legitimacy of middle class values. (Rein, 1969) According to some theo r i s t s , however, the reform t r a d i t i o n i n planning has misread the f a i l u r e s of past planning practice. (Piven, 1975) Shortcomings have been attributed to either a lack of communication or a too narrow technical scope for plan-ning. Piven claims these new doctrines have been e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y adopted by planners as they cause a minimum of professional up-heaval. They do not require planners to address the r e a l prob-28 lem, the subservience of the planning profession to dominant p o l i t i c a l and economic int e r e s t s . Piven believes that planners are larg e l y committed to the values of growth and development. For example, this was demon-strated i n th e i r support of large scale projects l i k e urban renewal that uprooted thousands of working class poor from the inner c i t y . She claims more communication was not needed to know what these families wanted. Past f a i l u r e s have also been ascribed to a too narrow scope for planning. As a r e s u l t , planners have assumed new areas of competence to include not only physical but s o c i a l and economic issues. Piven believes that this i s the more dangerous d o c t r i n a l reform. It assumes that the interests of the poor have been overlooked due to planner's preoccupation with land development issues rather than s o c i a l services. The rela t i o n s h i p between economic organization and poverty are ignored while planners focus on the delivery of more and better s o c i a l services. The approach to planning u t i l i z e d i n Regina under Ron Clark, i t s Planning Director, went beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l reforms to the profession. Regina planners believed that public rather than private interests should be served. They not only u t i l i z e d c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and an expanded scope for plan-ning, but they also incorporated other approaches. These i n -cluded p o l i c y planning which spe c i f i e d future directions for growth, p o l i t i c a l intervention whereby planners i n i t i a t e d action and lobbied for the implementation of planning goals, advocacy planning for low income inner c i t y residents (as many inner c i t y p o l i c i e s favored these people), and a short term, issue oriented 29 approach to ensure immediate qua l i t y of l i f e improvements. The strategies advocated by Clark address the major short-comings of planning practice. Consequently, t h i s approach to planning provides the best t h e o r e t i c a l model for other urban planners to follow. Other theories offered i n planning l i t e r a -ture have only responded to a few selected l i m i t a t i o n s . The following section i s a b r i e f examination of t h e o r e t i c a l concerns regarding strategies used i n Regina, as suggested by planning t h e o r i s t s . 3.2 THEORETICAL CONCERNS REGARDING CLARK'S STRATEGIES A. Short Term, Issue Oriented Clark believed that planners should concentrate on a l l e v i a t -ing pressing urban problems. However, as R i t t e l and Webber (1969) point out, planning problems are d i f f i c u l t to resolve as they possess the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F i r s t , i n order to understand a planning problem, one needs to know how one proposes to resolve i t . For example, poverty can be seen as a r e s u l t of low income, de f i c i e n c i e s i n occupa-t i o n a l s k i l l s or c u l t u r a l deprivation. Planners chose explana-tions which are most consistent with t h e i r world view, ones that support t h e i r values, interests and ideology. Thus, there i s no correct d e f i n i t i o n of what constitutes the problem nor any one "best" solution. Second, a l l planning problems are symptoms of higher l e v e l problems. For example, crime may be a r e s u l t of poor housing, which i n turn i s due to low income, and so on. R i t t e l and Webber believe that problems should be attacked on as high a l e v e l as possible. The higher the l e v e l of a problem's formu-3 0 l a t i o n , however, the more abstract i t becomes, and the more d i f f i c u l t to resolve. They warn against an incremental approach as marginal improvements do not necessarily lead to o v e r a l l im-provements. On the contrary, by curing some of the more obvious symptoms, resolution of higher l e v e l problems may be made more d i f f i c u l t . B. Policy Formation Clark believed that planning should become more p o l i c y oriented. In r e a l i t y , t h i s may be d i f f i c u l t to achieve. There are several factors working against l o c a l government p o l i c y making such as: (a) Subordination to P r o v i n c i a l Government Control - By v i r t u e of the B r i t i s h North America Act, municipalities are the concern and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the p r o v i n c i a l governments. Through special charters or general municipal acts, p r o v i n c i a l governments specify what service functions can and must be per-formed by m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , the structure of municipal decision-making, terms of o f f i c e of elected c o u n c i l l o r s , q u a l i f i c a t i o n s for voters and candidates, and the extent of municipal powers to r a i s e revenues. In addition, each province has numerous other statutes and regulations that a f f e c t l o c a l government decision-making. (Higgins, 1977) Local government autonomy i s further complicated by a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of assorted boards, commissions, authorities and committees. These bodies are usually created for a single pur-pose by either the p r o v i n c i a l government or council i t s e l f (eg. l i b r a r i e s , parks, transportation). They often possess a degree of independence that places them outside the control of c i t y council. They frequently r e s u l t i n a duplication and lack of coordination of services. (Higgins, 1977) Local autonomy i s further eroded by the steadily worsening f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . As an area becomes more urbanized, there are greater expectations and demands for more and higher lev e l s of municipal services. However, by 1974, municipalities were meeting less than half t h e i r t o t a l expendi-tures out of t h e i r own revenue sources. The remainder was being made up by grants and borrowing from senior levels of govern-ment.. Fin a n c i a l aid brings with i t the imposition of federal/ p r o v i n c i a l standards, procedures and regulations. (Higgins, 1977) (b) Subordination to Federal Government Control - A wide range of p o l i c i e s and decisions are made by parliament, the departments, mi n i s t r i e s and federal agencies. Although l o c a l governments are seldom consulted, the effects of these p o l i c i e s can be s i g n i f i c a n t as they produce consequences with which the municipalities must cope. For example, federal con-t r o l over aviation, navigation and shipping places planning decisions such as the location of a i r p o r t s , port f a c i l i t i e s and r a i l l i n e s beyond the control of l o c a l planners. ( I n s t i t u t e of Local Government, 1979) Another type of impact i s the physical presence of the federal government. In some municipalities i t i s the biggest employer, largest landowner and biggest developer. (Higgins, 1977) Also, through i t s spending power, the federal govern-ment can exert influence over l o c a l matters over which i t haa no d i r e c t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l control. (Institute of Local Govern-ment, 1979) 3 2 (c) Local Government Structure - The structure of l o c a l government i t s e l f , according to Fi s h (1975), works against public p o l i c y formation. F i r s t , party p o l i t i c s are discouraged at the l o c a l l e v e l . In c i v i c elections, candidates often have no e x p l i c i t and coherent ideology on what p o l i c i e s the c i t y should pursue. This i s i n contrast to elections at senior levels of government where candidates are expected to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r party's pro-gram or platform. Second, the administrative concept of l o c a l government i s reinforced by i t s structure. The power and duties of Canadian mayors do not make them strong chief executives. They have no separate powers over matters such as appointments, removal of personnel or budgets. Local counci l l o r s serve on a part-time basis giving them l i t t l e opportunity to become f a m i l i a r with the day-to-day operation of the c i v i c bureaucracy. Terms of o f f i c e are short. As l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s are never far removed from an elec t i o n , they have l i t t l e incentive to take a longer view or to consider p o l i c i e s rather than projects. (d) Weak Position of the Planning Department - At the l o c a l l e v e l , the Planning Department comes closest to being a p o l i c y oriented body. As i t s function i s to plan the future growth of the c i t y , i t must, of necessity concern i t s e l f with a broad range of issues such as housing, parks, streets, and public works. Therefore, to plan e f f e c t i v e l y , projects and programs of other c i v i c departments must be coordinated and reviewed. However, l i n e departments are highly protective of thei r own j u r i s d i c t i o n and often look upon planners with sus-33 picion. Moreover, l i n e departments enjoy r e l a t i v e independence from planning controls. (Fish, 1975) C. Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n An important component of Clark's planning strategy was public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Planning theorists such as Arnstein (1969) and Heberlein (1976) warn that p a r t i c i p a t i o n by i t s e l f i s not enough as p a r t i c i p a t i o n can serve d i f f e r e n t functions. According to Heberlein, i t can be: (a) Informational - This i s simply an exchange of information either from planners to the public or vice versa, (b) R i t u a l i s t i c - Public meetings are held because of l e g a l requirements even though neither the public nor planners are interested i n such involvement, (c) Assurance-The prime goal i s to reassure the public that t h e i r views have been heard and they have not been ignored i n the planning pro-cess, (d) Interactive - This i s the only true form of p a r t i c i -pation. Planners and' the public j o i n t l y work on a problem to reach a mutually agreeable decision. Arnstein claims that c i t i z e n s must not only hear and be heard, but they must have some assurance t h e i r views w i l l be taken into account. This involves a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power. The public must be represented on committees and advisory boards that determine planning goals and p o l i c i e s , allocate resources, and operate programs. She states anything less i s merely an empty r i t u a l which allows p o l i c y makers to.claim that a l l side were consulted. In the meantime, the status quo remains unchanged. As well as the function p a r t i c i p a t i o n can serve, other pote n t i a l problems are: (a) Those groups which complain the 34 most are served while those who are q u i e t , or unable to make t h e i r case may be ignored, (b) The views of o r g a n i z e d groups are - given more'weight than o p i n i o n s of unorganized c i t i z e n s . (c) The c i t i z e n s o f t e n must i n i t i a t e the i n q u i r y , (d) P u b l i c involvement takes p l a c e a f t e r o p i n i o n s have s o l i d i f i e d , (e) The p u b l i c can review and, at best, r e a c t to m a t e r i a l l a r g e l y pre-pared by the bureaucracy, ( f ) There i s l i t t l e feedback to the p u b l i c concerning the impact of t h e i r suggestions on the agency. ( H e b e r l e i n , 1976) To a v o i d these l i m i t a t i o n s , H e b e r l e i n suggests t h a t the f o l l o w i n g steps are needed: (a) The planner must r e a l i z e t h a t there i s no s i n g l e pub-l i c . I t i s composed of a l a r g e number of groups w i t h v a r y i n g i n t e r e s t s , needs and d e s i r e s . T h e r e f o r e , a planner's task i s to i d e n t i f y a l l the p u b l i c s a f f e c t e d by a p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e and a c t i v e l y seek to c o n t a c t them. (b) Small group meetings composed of s i n g l e p u b l i c s are more u s e f u l than l a r g e open meetings attended by m u l t i p l e p u b l i c s . T h i s ensures t h a t a l l i n t e r e s t s have been r e p r e s e n t e d and i t allows a more s e r i o u s d i s c u s s i o n of needs, d e s i r e s and a l t e r n a t i v e s . (c) The p u b l i c should be contacted at an e a r l y stage b e f o r e i s s u e s have c r y s t a l l i z e d and courses of a c t i o n have been decided upon. (d) P u b l i c input should be documented. T h i s serves to s a t i s f y v a r i o u s groups t h a t t h e i r views were heard, a c c u r a t e l y p e r c e i v e d and taken i n t o account. Although they may not be s a t i s f i e d w i t h the f i n a l d e c i s i o n , they w i l l not f e e l they were 35 l e f t out of the planning process. (e) Public involvement should be a continuing e f f o r t . This w i l l allow input from more d i f f i c u l t to reach publics. As well, the public w i l l less l i k e l y f e e l they are only reviewing actions taken by an agency. D. P o l i t i c a l Intervention Clark believed planners should become a c t i v i s t s by playing a larger r o l e i n decision-making. His style of planning i s similar to that used i n Cleveland i n the early 1970's. Cleve-land planners f e l t that problems confronting the c i t y had l i t t l e to do with land uses, zoning or issues of urban design. (Long, 1975) Instead, problems had more to do with personal and muni-c i p a l poverty, unemployment, neighborhood deterioration, crime, inadequate mobility and so on.. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) Conse-quently, Cleveland planners opted for a new type of planning. F i r s t , they advocated the interests of the poor, a group which formed a large and growing proportion of the c i t y ' s popu-l a t i o n . These people had few, i f any, choices, Cleveland plan-ners believed, due to t h e i r d a i l y b a t t l e with low incomes and poverty. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) Cleveland planners were com-mitted to providing them with a wider range of alternatives and opportunities. By planning for the less advantaged, Cleveland planners recognized there were a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r e s t s . They did not seek consensus. Instead, t h e i r endorsement or r e j e c t i o n of planning proposals was measured larg e l y i n terms of t h e i r effect upon the poor. Second, planning i n Cleveland was p o l i c y oriented. Objec-3 6 tives and p o l i c i e s were formulated for the major issues confront-ing Cleveland: low incomes, deteriorating and abandoned housing, inadequate public transportation, and lack of p r i o r i t i e s for community development. These problems, although not compre-hensive, were chosen as Cleveland planners f e l t they had an opportunity to influence key decisions i n these areas. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) Third, Cleveland planners were a c t i v i s t s . They believed that planners should take the i n i t i a t i v e by defining what the important issues were and developing recommendations for action. In this way, planners could assume a strategic r o l e i n decision-making. P o l i t i c i a n s often lack> adequate information, a long range perspective, or even clear concepts of what should be done. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) They believed that planners, as well as providing recom-mendations, should lobby for the positions the planning agency wanted to see implemented. Planners should intervene i n a l l the small decisions leading to the ultimate resolution of an issue. They should also seek out potential a l l i e s and show them how the i r interests are affected. (Krumholz.et a l , 1975) This approach to planning appeared to be f a i r l y successful. For example, with regard to t r a n s i t , Cleveland planners opposed consultant's recommendations for a c a p i t a l intensive rapid t r a n s i t system, instead favoring improvements to the l o c a l bus system. Their stand, although drawing heavy c r i t i c i s m from the business community, t r a n s i t o f f i c i a l s , environmental and other interest groups, resulted i n federal grants being withheld u n t i l other, less costly approaches had been more thoroughly evaluated. 3 7 The Cleveland planning s t a f f also successfully prevented the Transit System from discontinuing a route connecting several inner c i t y public housing projects. By persuading the mayor to oppose the service cut, the Transit System continued the service. They also opposed plans for a freeway through the City's east side which would have displaced four thousand residents. The Ohio Department of Transportation was forced to u t i l i z e another route which followed an unused r a i l r o a d right-of-way. In the area of community development, Cleveland planners did not approve the City's making a ten to f i f t e e n m i l l i o n d o l l a r investment on a proposed 350 m i l l i o n d o l l a r downtown office-commercial complex. They maintained the project offered no guarantee of additional property or income tax revenues, there was no firm commitment of jobs, and i t would have added to a l -ready surplus o f f i c e space. The planners f e l t the money could be better spent i n the City's decaying inner c i t y neighborhoods. Although c i t y council overrode the planner's recommendations, important questions were raised with regard to similar projects. (Krumholz et a l , 1975) Cleveland planners opposed powerful business, labor and p o l i t i c a l interests i n the course of lobbying for the interests of the poor. Surprisingly enough, they not only survived, but prospered as many of t h e i r recommendations were acted upon. (Long, 1975) The s t y l e of planning Clark suggested for Regina was similar to the approach used i n Cleveland. Regina planners formulated p o l i c i e s on various aspects of the c i t y , they often advocated the interests of low income inner c i t y residents, 38 a n d t h e y u t i l i z e d a n a c t i v i s t o r i e n t a t i o n t o p l a n n i n g . C l e v e -l a n d p l a n n e r s p r o v e d t h a t t h i s t y p e o f a p p r o a c h c o u l d b e s u c c e s s -f u l . CHAPTER FOUR BACKGROUND TO REGINA To gain a better understanding of Regina and the planning issues i t confronts, t h i s chapter w i l l provide a b r i e f overview of Regina's h i s t o r i c a l roots, economy, population, housing demand and l o c a l government. 4.1 HISTORICAL ROOTS Regina was a product of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. It was founded i n 1882 due to the CPR's decision to use a southern route across the P r a i r i e s rather than t h e i r o r i g i n a l l y surveyed nothern route. (Brennan, 1980) This meant that Battleford, the former c a p i t a l of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , was 225 miles north of the proposed railway .line. Regina, on the other hand, lay d i r e c t l y on the route. C r i t i c s proclaimed the townsite had few natural advantages to make i t a feasi b l e t e r r i t o r i a l c a p i t a l . It was situated on a vast, treeless p l a i n and the only nearby source of water was P i l e '0 Bones (Wascana) Creek. (Brennan, 1980) A major factor influencing the CPR's decision, however, was the i r vast land-holdings around what was to become Regina. (Regina Planning Department, 1977A) Considerable p r o f i t s could be r e a l i z e d by the sale of land and potential d i f f i c u l t i e s with established business interests i n the north would be avoided. As the CPR was one of Regina's major landowners, they exerted considerable influence over i t s early development. Streets were l a i d out i n a gr i d pattern and the general location of the City's commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l areas was determined. (Brennan, 1980) 40 Regina's population steadily grew as settlers poured into the area attracted by the prospect of profitable grain farming. By 1903, with a population of three thousand, i t was incor-porated as a City. Two years later, when Saskatchewan became a province, Regina was designated as i t s capital. Today, the handicaps of the harsh topography have been largely overcome. A desolate stretch of prairie has been turned into a pleasant urban community due to the resourcefulness of it s residents. Wascana Creek, which winds across the City, has been dammed to form an a r t i f i c i a l lake situated southeast of the downtown area. There has been an extensive tree planting program and park development. The most well known park is Wascana Center which has two thousand acres of parkland. With its impressive landscaped grounds, as well as marina and picnic sites, Wascana Center is a major tourist attraction. (Dale, 1980) 4.2 ECONOMY Because Regina lies in the heart of one of the richest wheat growing areas in Canada, the City's economy is heavily dependent upon the agricultural sector. (Regina Planning Depart-ment, 1977A) It is an important service and distribution center supplying both farm implements and consumer goods to the southern portion of the province. (Caviedes, 1980) Consequently, almost twenty-seven percent of the City's workers are employed in wholesale or r e t a i l trades. Since the 1960's, there have been attempts to lessen Regina's economic dependence on agriculture. The discovery of underground resources, such as potash and petroleum, have helped strengthen the area's economy. Economic diversification is not 41 an easy task, however, as Regina is not an attractive location for industry. It lacks proximity to markets, cheap sources of energy, favorable transportation costs, and convenience in securing raw materials. (Regina Planning Department, 1977A) The second largest source of employment in Regina, after trade, is in administration. This is due to the City's status as a provincial capital. It has become the site of crown corp-orations and development agencies that operate a l l over Saskatch-ewan. (Caviedes, 1980) In 1976, the provincial government em-ployed almost two-thirds the government workers, the federal government one-quarter, and the City the remainder. 4.3 POPULATION According to the Planning Department (1979B), Regina's rate of population growth has slowed considerably since 1966 to an average growth rate of just over one percent per year. They state this is mainly due to a declining birth rate as well as a decrease in the rural depopulation which occurred in the past decade. In 1979, Regina's population was 154,000. By 2001, the Planning Department has estimated that i t w i l l vary from a low of 179,000 to a high of 204,500. The f i n a l figure w i l l depend on both future birth rates and economic opportunities available in the City. (Refer to Table 1 for population projections.) Regina's population is a f a i r l y young one. The City has a median age of 26.5 compared to 27.8 for Canada. (Statistics Canada, 1976) 4.4 HOUSING By 1979, housing demand in Regina was at a very high level. 42 'Table 1 Population Projections for Regina Population in thousands 200 150 100 50 _-=: - -Lc L( H: H: DW F e r t i l DW Migrat .gh F e r t i Lgh Migrs -ity .ion . l i t y ition 1946 1956 1966 1976 1986 1996 Source: Regina Planning Department, 1979B:9 Over three thousand dwelling units, both apartments and single family homes, had been constructed annually i n the l a s t few years. The Planning Department (1979B) believed demand was due to the r e l a t i v e youthfulness of the City's population. People of the post-war baby boom era were reaching the 20 to 36 years of age' bracket and were establishing households. It was predicted housing demand would drop i n the 1980's as t h i s age group was accommodated. (Refer to Table 2 for average annual dwelling unit starts.) 43 Table 2 Average Annual Dwelling Unit Starts Dwelling Units AN \ \ — \ J A / V ternateX \\ iw foreca \ \ \\ \\ H l gh Fore-; cast Low F \ \ ^recastS^ 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 1956. 1966 1976 1986 1996 Source: Regina Planning Department, 1979B:10 4.5 LOCAL GOVERNMENT Regina was divided into ten wards i n 1973. Aldermen are elected from each ward while the mayor i s elected from the c i t y -at-large, a l l for a term of three years. (Leader-Post, May 7, 1977) Before the ward system was implemented, most aldermen were primarily elected from South Regina. According to Clark (1980), th i s area tended to be predominantly l i b e r a l , professional and upper or middle class. For the most part, council seats before 1973 were occupied by l o c a l businessmen, r e a l estate developers and other entrepreneurs. There was l i t t l e representation from 44 Northern Regina which, tended to be NDP and working class. (Leader-Post, May 7, 1977) The f i r s t e l e c t i o n after the ward system, i n October 1973, saw the el e c t i o n of seven new aldermen out of a possible ten. (Leader-Post, October 25, 1973) This marked the beginning of greater geographical representation on Regina c i t y council. Clark (1980) believed i t also s i g n i f i e d a new reform ethic. There was greater concern for issues such as public t r a n s i t , older neighborhood preservation, downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n , and affordable housing. The e l e c t i o n i n October 1976 appeared to endorse council's new d i r e c t i o n as nine out of ten incumbents were returned to o f f i c e . (Leader-Post, October 28, 1976) The defeated incumbent was an alderman who had served for twenty years. His opponent ran on a campaign that included support for neighborhood preservation and more public involvement i n planning. (Clark, 1980) The October 1979 c i v i c e l e c t i o n s i g n i f i e d a dramatic r i s e i n the p o l i t i c a l influence of community groups. A new mayor and six new aldermen were elected, four of whom had been active i n community groups i n t h e i r area. (Leader-Post, October 28, 1979) The p o l i t i c a l climate during Clark's tenure as Planning Director appeared to be predisposed i n favor of his strategy of planning. This could have been a factor i n the acceptance of Regina RSVP by c i t y council. The 1979 e l e c t i o n suggested that the implementation of these strategies would confront l i t t l e opposition. However, Clark stated t h i s support never material-ized to the extent i t could have. 45 CHAPTER FIVE •REGINA RSVP One of the major tasks the Planning Department was involved in under Ron Clark was to formulate a municipal development plan for the City. To this point, there had been no comprehensive plan to guide future growth. Regina RSVP, as the plan was called, was not a traditional land use plan. Instead, i t des-cribed a new planning process for Regina. It outlined a strategy for public planning, described major and emerging issues, and presented policy goals and objectives to guide the resolution of these issues. This chapter describes the public participation program with regard to Regina RSVP. As public input was an important component of Clark's planning strategy, I was interested in how policies outlined in this document were formulated. Chapter Seven analyzes the extent and type of public involve-ment . 5.1 THE PUBLIC PARTICIPATION PROGRAM FOR REGINA The t i t l e of the municipal development plan, Regina RSVP, signified the Planning Department's desire for an open planning process. It was the public's invitation to become involved in planning their City. As Table 3 illustrates, a major effort was made to secure public input. The public involvement program began in the spring of 1976 with the opening of a storefront planning office in downtown Regina. The office was an attempt to bring planning out of city hall and put i t where i t was easily accessible to the public. Citizens could discuss relevant planning issues and 4 6 Table 3 Timetable for the Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n Program Spring 1976 Summer 1976 1976/1977 1977 June 1977 Opening of storefront o f f i c e Newspaper "Downtown Regina" distributed Research on issues Summer 1977 Sept 1977 F a l l 1977 Working Document completed Nov 1977 Mailed to government, interest groups Dec 1978 Seminars Newspapers, 26 public Approval by 2nd reading to discuss pamphlets meetings council i n of plan by RSVP mailed held p r i n c i p l e council March 1979 Spring 1979 Oct 1979 TV program to discuss completed plan 3 public meetings to discuss plan before f i n a l approval Plan passed 3rd and f i n a l reading by council Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977B:9 offer t h e i r suggestions as to what ought to be done. That summer, the Planning Department published a newspaper e n t i t l e d "Downtown Regina" and d i s t r i b u t e d i t to a l l c i t y r e s i -dents. The newspaper was designed to stimulate inte r e s t and discussion on downtown problems. It raised questions such as whether the downtown should be pedestrian or car oriented, should downtown access be based on the car or bus, and what could be done to improve the physical appearance of the down-town area. During 1976 and 1977, the Planning Department began to research various c i t y issues. Clark f e l t there was an absence 47 of comprehensive information on which to base important plan-ning decisions. The major studies conducted were: (a) an evalua-t i o n of recreational f a c i l i t i e s and programs, (b) t r a n s i t and transportation requirements, (c) housing and land development issues, (d) inner c i t y s o c i a l , economic and housing conditions, (e) airport requirements, (f) plans for a new suburban develop-ment i n northwest Regina, and (g) areas of future expansion. (Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1978) As well, shortly before Clark became Director, the City of Regina sponsored an international competition on innovative ways to redevelop CPR yards i n downtown Regina, which were to be removed under the R a i l Relocation Program. In 1977, based on the research, a report e n t i t l e d A Working  Document was completed. This report was the basis for the muni-c i p a l development plan. It l a i d the groundwork for future plan-ning i n Regina as issues, p o l i c i e s and public planning were outlined. Through the p o l i c i e s recommended, the Planning Department presented a clear concept of what Regina should become. This included the following elements: (a) The downtown should be r e v i t a l i z e d to become the commercial and c u l t u r a l heart of the c i t y . This would p a r t l y be achieved through the proposed relocation of the CPR yards then i n the downtown core. The plan for the area featured park land and open space, housing, commercial development, a convention center as well as t r a f f i c and t r a n s i t requirements. (However, as federal funding for th i s program was discontinued, these plans never materialized.) Downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n also depended on the r e s t r i c t i o n of 48 l a r g e suburban shopping c e n t e r s , b e t t e r planned downtown develop-ment, and improved environmental q u a l i t y , (b) P u b l i c t r a n s i t should be promoted and encouraged, (c) Inner c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l areas should be p r o t e c t e d from commercial and i n d u s t r i a l develop-ment. Increased m u n i c i p a l expenditure would be r e q u i r e d f o r housing, open space, s e r v i c e s and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e to make the i n n e r c i t y an a t t r a c t i v e p l a c e to l i v e f o r people of v a r i o u s income l e v e l s , (d) The t r a d i t i o n a l form o f low d e n s i t y suburban r e s i d e n t i a l growth should be c h a l l e n g e d as i t was a w a s t e f u l use of land and s e r v i c e s . New suburban development should f e a t u r e i n c r e a s e d d e n s i t y and more v a r i e t y i n housing types, (e) The m u n i c i p a l i t y should take a more a c t i v e r o l e i n a l l e v i a t i n g i n -adequate housing supply, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r c e r t a i n income groups. In order to do so, a comprehensive housing p o l i c y was needed, (f) A l l l e v e l s of government should take a more r e s p o n s i b l e a t t i t u d e toward Native problems. The m u n i c i p a l i t y should r e s e r v e a c e r t a i n percentage of low cost housing u n i t s f o r Native people, a r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t y should be b u i l t f o r Native c h i l d r e n , and the c i t y and p r o v i n c i a l government should employ more N a t i v e s , (g) More money should be spent on w e l l designed open space and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . Copies of the Working Document were m a i l e d to a l l r e l e v a n t government agencies, community groups, s e r v i c e c l u b s , and church groups as k i n g f o r t h e i r comments. Seminars were h e l d i n the summer o f 1977 to d i s c u s s the i s s u e s i n Regina RSVP w i t h c i v i c department o f f i c i a l s and business a s s o c i a t i o n s . The Working Document was the b a s i s f o r a s e r i e s of p u b l i c meetings h e l d i n every neighborhood i n Regina i n the f a l l of 49 1977. To prepare c i t i z e n s for the meetings, a newspaper and four pamphlets summarizing issues discussed i n the Working Document were mailed to i n d i v i d u a l households. A questionnaire which in v i t e d reactions to the proposals made was included. Most respondents appeared to be sympathetic to p o l i c i e s outlined i n Regina RSVP, although only 150 questionnaires were completed. The re s u l t s are shown i n Table 4. Table 4 Questionnaire Results - Regina RSVP Issues \ Percentage Favorable Downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n 61 Elimination of long term parking 75 R e s t r i c t i o n of suburban shopping centers 55 R e s t r i c t i o n of commercial development i n the inner c i t y 70 City should be involved i n the supply of housing 75 More input from neighborhood groups 97 D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of housing types 86 Increased suburban density 80 Public t r a n s i t 95 More attention to Native problems 76 Increased parks and recreation budget 79 Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977B:68-70 In November 1977, c i t y council approved i n p r i n c i p l e p o l i c i e s formulated i n the Working Document. These p o l i c i e s would form the basis for Regina's new development plan. In 1979, a thirteen volume comprehensive plan was completed. 5 0 A newspaper published by the Planning Department e n t i t l e d "An Update on Planning i n Regina" was delivered to every house-hold i n the City. It traced what had happened from the f i r s t public meetings i n the f a l l of 1977 to approval i n p r i n c i p l e by council i n December 1978 of the plan and several supporting / documents. The f i r s t public discussion of the completed plan took place on a special two hour t e l e v i s i o n program i n March 1979. Clark discussed the planning issues i n Regina. The public could phone i n and ask questions of some of the aldermen and members of the Regina Planning Commission. Three public meet-ings were scheduled i n late March. The plan passed t h i r d and f i n a l reading of council i n October 1979. This made Regina RSVP the l e g a l plan for the City. According to Clark, Regina RSVP was more than a series of books. It s i g n i f i e d a process of c i t i z e n involvement, which was not to end with the completion of the development plan. Public input was to play an important r o l e i n a l l planning decisions made i n Regina. Chapter Six looks at inner c i t y planning i n order to see how the planning strategies and p o l i c i e s outlined for the inner c i t y , i n RSVP documents, were implemented. CHAPTER SIX THE INNER CITY According to the Planning Department, inner c i t y neighbor-hoods were undergoing decline and i n s t a b i l i t y . This was l a r g e l y attributed to over-zoning and a decreasing population. The Planning Department f e l t that the r e s i d e n t i a l character of inner c i t y neighborhoods should be preserved and enhanced. The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to present c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and problems of Regina's inner c i t y neighborhoods, how the Planning Department proposed to a l l e v i a t e these problems, and some of the r e s u l t s achieved. Chapter Seven w i l l analyze the extent to which the planning strategies Clark advocated (short term, issue oriented, p o l i c y formation, public p a r t i c i -pation and p o l i t i c a l intervention) were put into practice i n inner c i t y planning. Unless otherwise stated, information presented i n t h i s chapter i s derived from Regina Planning Department documents e n t i t l e d Regina RSVP: A Working Document (1977A) and Regina's  Inner C i t y Strategy (1978). 6.1 INNER CITY CHARACTERISTICS Six inner c i t y neighborhoods which had experienced problems were i d e n t i f i e d i n planning documents. Four were south of the CPR mainline (Cathedral, T r a n s i t i o n a l , 11th Avenue East and General Hospital) and two were north (Albert-Scott and East-view). Refer to Figure 2 for neighborhood boundaries. (Note: Eastview was composed of West Eastview, Eastview and Innismore.) Figure 2 Inner City Neighborhoods Source: Regina Planning Department, 1977A: 102 53 The Planning Department stated these neighborhoods shared the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : (a) They were declining i n population. Planning documents showed that by 1976, t h i s loss ranged from 147o to 34%> of each area's 1961 population. In the same period, the City of Regina's population increased by 25%. (Regina Planning Depart-ment, 1978:72) (b) The average income for each neighborhood was lower than the City average income. In 1971, i t was $6805 compared to $8947 for Regina. (Regina Planning Department, 1978:72) (c) There was a large proportion of non-family households. They made up 44% of inner c i t y households i n 1971 compared to 21%, for Regina. (Regina Planning Department, 1978:26) (d) They housed a disproportionately large number of senior c i t i z e n s and young people between the ages of 20 to 29. In 1971, senior c i t i z e n s made up 18% of the inner c i t y population compared to 12%, for Regina. However, data showed l i t t l e d i f -ference between the inner c i t y and the City average with respect to young adults. They made up 19% of the inner c i t y population compared to 17%, for Regina. (Regina Planning Department, 1978: 73) (e) School enrollments were declining. Between 1970 to 1976 there was a 22%, decrease i n inner c i t y enrollments compared to 12% for suburban schools. (Regina Planning Department, 1978:78) (f) The density of housing was higher than the City aver-age. There were 6.5 households per acre i n the inner c i t y . No figures were given for the City average. (Regina Planning 5 4 Department, 1 9 7 8 : 7 3 ) (g) Residents were more transient. In the inner c i t y , 2 8 % of residents stayed for less than one year compared to 2 2 % for Regina,in 1 9 7 1 . (Regina Planning Department, 1 9 7 8 : 7 4 ) (h) There was a much smaller proportion of home ownership than the City average. It was 3 7 % i n 1 9 7 1 compared to 6 0 % for Regina. (Regina Planning Department, 1 9 7 8 : 7 5 ) These claims were generally well substantiated by S t a t i s t i c s Canada information c i t e d as well as the Planning Department's own data. 6 . 2 GENERAL INNER CITY PROBLEMS The following i s a description of general problems which the Planning Department believed affected most inner c i t y neigh-borhoods . A. Over-Zoning Inner c i t y zoning regulations allowed large areas of com-mercial and i n d u s t r i a l development i n predominantly r e s i d e n t i a l areas. As a r e s u l t , planning documents i d e n t i f i e d three types of development trends occurring i n the inner c i t y . They were: (a) Massive Redevelopment - The T r a n s i t i o n a l neighborhood was c l a s s i f i e d a massive redevelopment area. During the 1 9 6 0 ' s , i t was zoned r e s i d e n t i a l business to allow further expansion of the downtown area. Consequently, i t experienced intense develop-ment pressure as zoning allowed a mixture of commercial, o f f i c e and r e s i d e n t i a l development at high densities. The majority of i t s residents were now non-family house-holds, the average household size was 1 . 7 , 9 2 7 o were tenants and 55 they were either young (20-29) or senior c i t i z e n s . (b) Declining Neighborhoods - These areas were character-ized by deteriorating housing, a decreasing population and low income l e v e l s . It was believed zoning encouraged decline as i t allowed industries, warehouses, o f f i c e s , high, density housing, and commercial developments i n these l a r g e l y . r e s i d e n t i a l . d i s -t r i c t s .• (c) Stable Neighborhoods - This type of neighborhood was i d e n t i f i e d by stable income l e v e l s , non-family and family units, a high proportion of homeowners, good quality housing, and l i t t l e pressure for redevelopment. These areas were zoned r e s i d e n t i a l two-family which only allowed duplexes and single family homes. Refer to Figure 3 for the location of each trend. In summary, the Planning Department believed over-zoning was a major factor contributing to the decline and i n s t a b i l i t y of the inner c i t y . This exerted two types of development pres-sures on inner c i t y neighborhoods. South of the CPR tracks, zoning allowed business, commercial and high density housing to intrude into low density r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhoods. North of the tracks, i n d u s t r i a l zoning allowed a large area of ware-houses and i n d u s t r i a l uses. (See zoning map, Figure 4) Only small portions of the inner c i t y were protected by low density r e s i d e n t i a l zones even though single family housing was the predominant land use. (See land use map, Figure 5) Although the Planning Department believed the downtown must be given room to expand, they believed growth could occur i n two non-residential areas. These were: (a) under-utilized land i n 56 ( 1 1 Massive Redevelopment j , 2 | Declining | 3 | Stable Figure 3 Development Trends i n the Inner City Innismoie Downtown Tra n s i t i o n a l 11th Avenue E a s l l General! Hospital 1 Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1978:90-92 57 R2 Two Family R3 Multi Family Figure 4 Inner City Zoning 1976 \ Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1978 58 Figure 5 Generalized Inner City Land Use I 1976 \ Residential Residential Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A:25 the western portion of the downtown and (b) vacated CPR r a i l yards to the north of the downtown once r a i l l i n e r e location had occurred. B. Declining Population Another major factor believed to contribute to inner c i t y decline was a decreasing population, p a r t i c u l a r l y after World War II, as middle class families moved to the suburbs. Census data c i t e d showed that from 1941 to 1971, Regina's inner c i t y population s t e a d i l y decreased from nearly 49% of the t o t a l c i t y population to 14%. (Regina Planning Department, 1978:87) Whereas once the inner c i t y had been a r e l a t i v e l y stable area, planning documents now indicated a s h i f t to non-family households, transients, a high proportion of tenants, and low incomes. While Clark acknowledged the v i t a l r o l e of the inner c i t y i n accommodating low income residents, he believed the inner c i t y should be r e v i t a l i z e d to a t t r a c t a l l income l e v e l s . C. Decreasing Housing Stock Another problem i d e n t i f i e d was decreasing housing stock. This was l a r g e l y attributed to speculation caused by over-zoning. Consequently, large commercial and o f f i c e developments were replacing moderately priced accommodation for low income people. Clark believed t h i s problem was p a r t i c u l a r l y serious as Regina had one of the lowest vacancy rates i n Canada. Planning documents provided no figures on the extent of housing demolition i n the inner c i t y . However, Table 5 i n -dicates that i n a l l inner c i t y neighborhoods, most recent investment was for non-residential development. 60 Table 5 Investment i n Inner City Neighborhoods (1971-76) 7o of Investment "L of Investment i n in Housing Non-Residential Uses Cathedral 34 66 T r a n s i t i o n a l 43 57 General Hospital 2 98 11th Avenue East 31 69 Eastview 18 82 Albert-Scott 36 64 Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1978:13 D. Deteriorating Housing According to the Planning Department, the inner c i t y had a large portion of i t s housing stock i n poor condition, p a r t i c u -l a r l y i n areas undergoing decline and massive redevelopment. It was believed investors had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n maintaining r e s i d e n t i a l properties as they would soon be demolished and replaced by more p r o f i t a b l e developments. Poor qua l i t y housing stock was also attributed to the high proportion of low income homeowners i n the inner c i t y . They could not afford to maintain t h e i r homes. There was a lack of data i n planning documents to indicate the extent of poor housing i n the inner c i t y (other than informa-tion contained i n Table 6 and Figure 6). Nor were any c r i t e r i a c i t e d on how poor housing quality was determined. E. Deficiency of Services Clark believed that the City placed a high p r i o r i t y on 61 Table 6 Housing Conditions i n Inner City Neighborhoods V i c t o r i a East (Includes General Cathedral 11th Ave E) Eastview Hospital Age of Buildings % B u i l t 89 73 55 73 Before 1945 % Housing Needing 20 20 16 22 Rehabilitation Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department.. Inner City  Re-Development Programs for Regina, undated:31 accommodating new suburban growth. As a r e s u l t , the majority of municipal expenditures went to the construction of suburban infrastructure, parks, schools and l i b r a r i e s . He claimed inner c i t y services only received funding i f the work i n the suburbs was completed. No figures comparing municipal and inner c i t y spending were ci t e d . F. Lack of Open Space In 1976, a consulting firm named Lombard North was hired by the Planning Department to survey open space i n inner c i t y neighborhoods. They found that the inner c i t y had an average two acres of open space to one thousand people. In suburban areas, i t was s l i g h t l y over ten acres per thousand population. (Regina Planning Department, 1978:77) Inner c i t y open space was found to be unattractive due to poor landscaping, drainage problems, l i t t e r and heavy t r a f f i c . As well, recreational f a c i l i t i e s were inadequate. 62 Poor Housing Figure 6 General Areas of Poor Housing West Eastview Albert-Scott Cathedral Downtown Tra n s i t i o n a l G|ne Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, undated: 14 63 G. Lack of Parking, and Poor Street Conditions Another problem i d e n t i f i e d was severe parking problems., p a r t i c u l a r l y on streets near the central business d i s t r i c t , and in areas of rooming houses, shopping f a c i l i t i e s and industry. As well, many streets were said to be i n poor to f a i r condition. Evidence to support these claims was a random survey of c i t y streets conducted by the Planning Department the morning of October 8, 1976. Survey r e s u l t s showed that parking problems were evident on over h a l f the streets surveyed. Most streets had minor or major cracks. (Regina Planning Department, 1978: 18,28,35,45,53,65) H. Increasing Crime and Social Problems The Planning Department stated there was a high incidence of s o c i a l problems i n the inner c i t y . One problem i d e n t i f i e d was youth-related (eg. vandalism, drugs, lack of jobs and recreational f a c i l i t i e s ) . In addition, there was a mixed reaction by many inner c i t y residents to the recent i n f l u x of Native people. Planning documents indicated Natives experienced problems of discrimination, a high l e v e l of unemployment, low incomes, and lack of s k i l l s . It was believed increasing crime rates i n thi s area were a good i n d i c a t i o n of the high incidence of s o c i a l problems but there was no documented evidence to support these claims. 6.3 NEIGHBORHOOD SPECIFIC INNER CITY PROBLEMS Spe c i f i c problems found i n each neighborhood are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 7. Through a series of community workshops i n 1976, the Plan-Neighbourhood Problems Cathedral Transitional General 11th Ave. East- Albert-Hospital East vi AW s™+-f^ -Absentee Landlords X X X X Access to Decision Making X X X X Daycare X X Development Intrusions X X X Lighting X L i t t e r X X Natives X X X X Parks & Recreation X X X X X Provision of Transit X X X Senior Ci t i z e n F a c i l i t i e s X X X Streets X X X T r a f f i c & Parking X X X X Youth X X X Zoning X X X X X — — — (D H-CJQ p 1 w o I - i H o o fD H o a4 I - 1 CD 3 cn O N 4> 65 ning Department worked with neighborhood groups i n the General Hospital, Albert-Scott and Cathedral areas to i d e n t i f y l o c a l concerns. The Planning Department acknowledged that the table was not complete due to the lack of dialogue with r e s i -dents i n other areas. Consequently, problems i n these com-munities were determined s o l e l y by Regina planning s t a f f . 6.4 POLICY OBJECTIVES The Planning Department believed that r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the inner c i t y should be preserved. These areas provided r e l a t i v e l y inexpensive re n t a l housing and less costly homes for purchase by low income families. Their.central location reduced transportation costs as they were close to downtown services and employment opportunities. F i n a l l y , i t was f e l t that, the inner c i t y had amenities not found i n other suburban areas such as large trees on r e s i d e n t i a l streets and houses of varying and d i s t i n c t i v e architecture. Policy objectives for the inner c i t y were: (a) To maintain the inner c i t y neighborhoods as r e s i d e n t i a l areas for a va r i e t y of income l e v e l s , (b) To provide for more c i t i z e n involvement i n planning decisions made i n the inner c i t y , and (c) To improve the general quality of l i f e i n the inner c i t y . (Regina Planning Department, 1979A:69) 6.5 INNER CITY STRATEGY To achieve these p o l i c y objectives, the inner c i t y strategy consisted of the following elements: neighborhood planning, Inner City Advisory Group, neighborhood improvement, housing, 66 landbanking, and an intergovernmental strategy. The following i s a description of these strategies. Tangible r e s u l t s achieved with regard to each strategy are summarized i n section 6.6. A. Neighborhood Planning Neighborhood planning was a process where l o c a l residents, businessmen, aldermen and government o f f i c i a l s worked together to define and resolve neighborhood problems. According to Clark, new c i v i c programs, major housing developments and re-zonings had seldom been discussed at the community l e v e l . Conse-quently, misunderstandings or opposition to proposed developments often resulted i n confrontation between residents and the c i v i c bureaucracy. Neighborhood planning attempted to prevent confrontation through a process of continuous dialogue. Government o f f i c i a l s were made aware of l o c a l p r i o r i t i e s and residents were able to recommend alternative solutions for their area. Neighborhood planning involved the following steps: (a) a community association, organized by residents, i d e n t i f i e d general problems, (b) council designated an area as a neighborhood plan-ning area, (c) with the aid of planning data, a technical report o u t l i n i n g physical, s o c i a l , and economic conditions of the neighborhood was prepared and a s i t e o f f i c e was established, (d) l o c a l issues and problems were further defined through meetings, surveys and research, and (e) a neighborhood plan, prepared by residents, was presented to c i t y council. Once council approved the plan, i t was implemented as funds became available. Neighborhood planning i n Regina had a d i s t i n c t i v e feature i n that resident associations were contracted by the City 67 to prepare the plans.. The ro l e of the Planning Department was to provide advice and resources, such as s t a f f and funding, and to coordinate the involvement of c i t y departments to i n i t i a t e dialogue with residents. B. Inner City Advisory Group The Planning Department suggested an Inner City Advisory Group, composed of approximately twelve members including community group representatives, businessmen, and inner c i t y aldermen, be formed to: (a) provide a public overview of prob-lems and future directions for the inner c i t y , (b) monitor community issues and evaluate the mu n i c i p a l i t y 1 s performance i n dealing with them, (c) coordinate and communicate among neighborhood associations, (d) provide l i a i s o n with downtown groups such as the Downtown Authority, (e) provide information to the community, and (f) be a vehicle of communication between neighborhood associations and c i t y council. C. Neighborhood Improvement According to the Planning Department, many services i n the inner c i t y were i n need of upgrading (eg. inadequate park space, deteriorating water and sewer l i n e s , poor housing stock). The Neighborhood Improvement Program (NIP) offered federal and pro-v i n c i a l funds for improving infrastructure, housing and recrea-t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . It was to be one of the major means for obtaining f i n a n c i a l backing for inner c i t y r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . In 1978, the federal government discontinued NIP programs. NIP was replaced by the Community Services Grant Program, which meant considerably less money was available. The Planning 68 Department began a new program, the Neighborhood Improvement Area Program (NIA), which u t i l i z e d available federal funds i n order to continue neighborhood improvement i n the inner c i t y . E l i g i b i l i t y for the NIA program was dependent upon the following c r i t e r i a : a large stock of housing i n need of repair, major environmental problems, and an active community association which was interested i n being involved. A new improvement area was to be designated by the Planning Department every two years. D. Housing Programs The Planning Department's housing p o l i c y included the following elements: (a) Research - It was f e l t that an information base on housing and land development issues should be established i n order to develop.a sound inner c i t y housing p o l i c y . Research was to include an examination of land ownership patterns on Regina's periphery, building costs, and p r o f i t s of major con-tractors, major developers and speculators who operate i n Regina, and an overview of the development process. (b) Housing Coordinator - It was recommended that a housing coordinator be hired to communicate with other departments, analyze housing stock, review housing p o l i c i e s , obtain funding, evaluate ex i s t i n g programs, and coordinate inner c i t y housing polic y . (c) Programs - Clark claimed there were two major concerns with regard to inner c i t y housing. F i r s t , there was a lack of adequate accommodation for special needs groups such as senior c i t i z e n s , Natives, low income fami l i e s , and single adults (although not supported by any evidence). Secondly, housing 69 stock was considered to be of poor qu a l i t y i n many areas. Table 8 summarizes the recommended housing projects. Table 8 Recommended Housing Projects Problem Area Proj ect Seniors Highrise projects deemed suitable (although more e f f o r t to provide a var i e t y of housing types and to disperse housing i n d i f f e r e n t areas) Natives Non-profit and co-op housing Low income Rental subsidy agreement between province and CMHC to reduce re n t a l costs Single low Hostels income Middle income AHOP funds which provide f i n a n c i a l aid for new homeowners homeowners should be extended to ex i s t i n g hous-ing. This would encourage young families to buy older homes i n the inner c i t y . Poor housing Promote use of federal and p r o v i n c i a l r e h a b i l -stock i t a t i o n funds Decreased I n f i l l housing population Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1978 E. Landbanking The Planning Department believed the City of Regina should acquire strategic parcels of land i n the inner c i t y . In this way, non-profit and cooperative housing groups could obtain land at reasonable prices, undesirable commercial and business intrusions could be prevented, and land could be provided for innovative r e s i d e n t i a l development. The federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments offered f i n a n c i a l 70 aid for landbanklng. It was recommended that government agencies be approached by the City with s p e c i f i c proposals for buying inner c i t y land. F. Intergovernmental Strategy Clark recognized that many socio-economic measures needed to r e v i t a l i z e the inner c i t y were beyond the mandate of the Planning Department. He therefore suggested that public and private agencies should be approached to undertake projects. For example, i t was recommended that both senior and municipal levels of government could be asked to create jobs for Native people and low income groups. A planner was already working with the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Social Services to ensure that s o c i a l service p o l i c y adequately r e f l e c t e d the needs of Natives i n the inner c i t y . CMHC and-private organizations such as churches, clubs and unions could be approached for funding for low cost housing. 6.6 INNER CITY ACHIEVEMENTS This section describes the extent to which Clark's planning strategies were put into practice i n the inner c i t y . It should be noted that the Planning Department's major task during 1976 to 1980, while Clark was Director, was to formulate. Regina RSVP. Clark l e f t at a time when the plan was just beginning to be put into e f f e c t . As well, this study covers a r e l a t i v e l y short time period. Keeping these l i m i t a t i o n s i n mind, inner c i t y achievements included the following: A. Neighborhood Planning Neighborhood planning was f i r s t i n i t i a t e d i n the General 71 Hospital area i n 1976, the Cathedral area i n 1977, and Albert-Scott (North Central) area i n 1979. In a l l three communities, residents were concerned about inadequate services and f a c i l i t i e s , lack of park space, and youth-related problems such as vandalism and drugs. Also, i n the General Hospital area, residents were concerned about the construction of a fourteen storey medical complex as i t would involve the demolition of t h i r t y - s i x homes. In the Albert-Scott area, r a c i a l tensions were a major problem as nearly f i f t y percent of the population was of Native ancestry. Through the neighborhood planning process, residents could have a direc t input into area planning i n addition to functioning as a lobby on council to a l l e v i a t e l o c a l problems. For example, the General Hospital community association was successful i n convincing council to re-examine the proposed hospital expansion i n t h e i r area. Consequently, a modified proposal was made which consisted of a four storey health center and eighteen town-houses . Council approved both the General Hospital and Cathedral area plans i n 1979. The North Central plan was presented to council i n October 1980. The Planning Department a c t i v e l y supported the neighborhood planning process. When residents i n the Cathedral area re-quested neighborhood planning designation from council, the Planning Department provided the association with f i n a n c i a l aid to begin organizing community support for the concept. (Leader-Post, December 14, 1976:6) They also provided grants to help pay the cost of materials and rent so that s i t e o f f i c e s 72 could be established i n both, the Cathedral and General Hospital areas. (Leader-Post, June 4, 1977:35) B. Zoning Through neighborhood planning, the Planning Department and community associations worked together to amend old zoning regulations i n each inner c i t y neighborhood. The new zoning bylaw was adopted by council i n March 1978. The following i s a summary of the major zoning changes. (a) New Inner City Zones - The new zoning bylaw made a d i s -t i n c t i o n between inner c i t y and suburban r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Zones i n the inner c i t y had smaller s i t e requirements to accom-modate development on exi s t i n g twenty-five foot l o t s . Also, some zones allowed conversion of exi s t i n g single family homes into multi-family uses. (Regina Planning Department, 1979B) (b) T r a n s i t i o n a l Neighborhood Zoning - In the T r a n s i t i o n a l area, new zoning allowed higher density housing and mixed use developments at a r a t i o of eighty percent r e s i d e n t i a l to twenty percent commercial. (c) Permitted and Discretionary Uses - A l l zones were com-posed of permitted and discretionary uses. Permitted uses were compatible i n t h e i r s p e c i f i c zone. They required only a building permit and had to meet parking and s i t e regulations. Discre-tionary uses were usually compatible i n th e i r p a r t i c u l a r area. However, conditions of approval were sometimes required to l e s -sen p o t e n t i a l l y negative impacts. As a r e s u l t , they required council's approval before a building permit was issued. This allowed public agencies and the affected community group a chance to voice t h e i r concerns. (Regina Planning Department, 73 1979B) (d) Parking - Parking requirements were determined by the use and, i n some cases, by the zone of a p a r t i c u l a r development. Fewer parking spaces were required for r e h a b i l i t a t e d buildings to encourage both the re-use of ex i s t i n g buildings and the use of public t r a n s i t . Also, instead of providing a l l the required parking, developers could pay money to the City to provide municipal parking, upon council's approval. (Regina Planning Department, 1979B) C. Inner City Advisory Group The Inner City Advisory Group was never formed. Clark believed this was largely due to the fact that community assoc-iatio n s were f a i r l y new and were struggling to become established. It was a major task to i d e n t i f y and resolve t h e i r own neigh-borhood concerns l e t alone develop a coordinated approach to the inner c i t y . According to Ann Peck, a senior planner, this has only begun to happen r e c e n t l y / p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to inner c i t y housing and heritage preservation. D. Neighborhood Improvement Two communities i n Regina's inner c i t y were neighborhood improvement areas, North Highland i n 1975 and Albert-Scott i n 1977. Extensive improvements were made.to infrastructure and services, making both neighborhoods more viable and a t t r a c t i v e to inner c i t y residents. Because NIP funds were cancelled i n 1978, the Planning Department began i t s own program, the Neighborhood Improvement Area Program (NIA). Several inner c i t y neighborhoods were 74 studied i n order to i d e n t i f y which should receive i n i t i a l fund-ing. The Cathedral area most clos e l y met requirements for the program and residents had produced a neighborhood plan which provided the basis for the use of NIA funds. As a r e s u l t , i t was designated the f i r s t NIA area. (Regina Planning Depart-ment , 1979B) E. Housing (a) I n f i l l Housing - The aim of the i n f i l l housing program was to increase the amount of housing i n the inner c i t y , make e f f i c i e n t use of the e x i s t i n g municipal infrastructure, and to provide housing for low income, senior c i t i z e n s , and family households. (Regina Planning Department, 1979B) In 1977, the p r o v i n c i a l government announced a program of inner c i t y land a c q u i s i t i o n i n cooperation with the City. Once the land was acquired, Saskatchewan Housing Corporation (SHC) was to work with the City and l o c a l community groups to develop new housing on the s i t e s . By the f a l l of 1978, several housing sit e s were acquired i n the 11th Avenue East, General Hospital and Albert-Scott neighborhoods. Low re n t a l senior c i t i z e n apartments were planned for the Albert-Scott and General Hospital areas. The l a t t e r project was to be b u i l t i n conjunction with a senior c i t i z e n center and a ten family townhouse project. Because SHC owned land and was negotiating for property i n other communities, several more housing projects were to be under construction i n 1980. It was hoped the i n f i l l housing program would act as a catalyst for other developers and residents to upgrade or redevelop i n the inner c i t y . (Regina Planning Depart-ment, 1979B) (b) Rehabilitation - The federal Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program (RRAP) was available i n two areas of the City, North Highland and Albert-Scott. The Planning Department hoped to introduce RRAP into the Cathedral and General Hospital areas i n 1979. A p r o v i n c i a l Residential Assistance Program (RAP) and a senior c i t i z e n home repair program also provided funds. They were a c t i v e l y promoted by the Planning Department. In November 1979, the City of Regina and p r o v i n c i a l government i n i t i a t e d a Home Repair Advocacy Program.to encourage interest i n home repairs and to explain the available assistance programs, F. Landbanking The City, i n cooperation with the p r o v i n c i a l government, began acquiring land i n inner c i t y neighborhoods. Land was purchased i n the General Hospital, 11th Avenue East, and Albert-Scott areas. G. Intergovernmental St r at'egy The intergovernmental strategy was u t i l i z e d to a limited extent by the Planning Department. This mainly consisted of assigning a planner to work with the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Social Services on i t s Policy Advisory Board. Clark stated that the limited use of this strategy was due to the fact the Planning Department, under him, was just beginning to get established. The Planning Department was large l y successful i n imple-menting t h e i r strategies i n the inner c i t y . Neighborhood plans were developed i n three inner c i t y areas, a new zoning bylaw-was devised and passed which recognized the predominantly r e s i d e n t i a l character of inner c i t y communities, a neighborhood improvement program was begun i n the Albert-Scott area and other neighborhoods were studied for t h e i r e l i g i b i l i t y for funding, i n f i l l housing was b u i l t , and inner c i t y land was p u b l i c l y acquired. The only two strategies that met with limited success were the Inner City Advisory Group and the intergovernmental strategy. CHAPTER SEVEN 77 ANALYSIS OF PLANNING STRATEGIES According to the Regina Planning Department (1977A:54), " . . . the t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n between planning, the public and elected o f f i c i a l s has produced several lessons: 1. We now know that public decisions are made on s p e c i f i c issues, with c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s , and not i n a h o l i s t i c , abstract way, as implied i n the t r a d i t i o n a l master plan. 2. We now know there are tremendous lim i t a t i o n s i n thinking about the future, as implied by the t r a d i -t i o n a l master plan. 3. We now know that no one expert can or should have the right to d i r e c t the community, as implied by the t r a d i t i o n a l role of the planner. If these lessons are i n fact correct, then the dilemma of planning i s to f a c i l i t a t e an integrated process i n which pressing urban issues are better communicated, maximum public dialogue i s fostered and where action, i n the form of responsive public policy, i s taken." The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to analyze the extent to which the strategies of short term action, issue orientation, p o l i c y formation, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l intervention were put into practice i n inner c i t y planning. In addition, the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n program with regard to Regina RSVP w i l l be examined. The following questions are addressed: SHORT TERM, ISSUE ORIENTED ACTION A. To what extent was planning short term, issue oriented? B. How well were problems substantiated by research and documented evidence? C. Did Regina planners attempt to expand the scope of planning beyond physical concerns? D. Were the solutions recommended to a l l e v i a t e these prob-lems more than the t r a d i t i o n a l technical and reactive response c r i t i c i z e d by Clark? 78 POLICY FORMATION A. What mechanisms did Clark suggest to f a c i l i t a t e p o l i c y planning at the l o c a l l e v e l and how successful were they? B. To what extent was inner c i t y planning p o l i c y oriented? PUBLIC PARTICIPATION A. What was the extent and type of public involvement with regard to the formulation of p o l i c i e s outlined i n Regina RSVP? B. Was public input an important component of inner c i t y planning? POLITICAL INTERVENTION A. To what extent were Regina planners a c t i v i s t s ? B. What role c o n f l i c t s did this create? Lastly, conclusions are drawn with respect to the major l i m i t a t i o n s , constraints and strengths of the planning strategies used i n Regina. 7.1 SHORT TERM ISSUE ORIENTED ACTION A. Extent to Which Planning was Short Term, Issue Oriented Planning i n Regina was based on short term and issue oriented action. Regina RSVP planning documents, rather than describing future land uses, outlined major and emerging issues confronting the City. The topics discussed were: r a i l re-location, downtown, the inner c i t y , suburban growth, trans-portation, housing and land development, Natives, and open space and recreation. Inner c i t y r e v i t a l i z a t i o n was a major issue i n Regina. Planning s t a f f and community groups i d e n t i f i e d inner c i t y problems which were to be addressed. 79 B. How Well Issues Were Substantiated by Research Gerecke's 1971 study of the Canadian urban planning pro-fession showed that research had a low p r i o r i t y for most planning agencies. Clark was c r i t i c a l of the nature of past planning practice i n Canada. He maintained planning i n Regina should move beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l model. Yet, although a program of research was proposed, i t was not a major element of his planning strategy. For example, with regard to the inner c i t y , most of the problems i d e n t i f i e d were not substantiated by research. Table 9 Documentation of Inner City Problems Problems Ide n t i f i e d 1. Zoning and development intrusions 2. Population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (decreasing population, nonfamily households, transient, low incomes, tenants, large number of seniors) 3. Lack of open space 1. Deteriorating housing 2. Lack of parking, poor street conditions 1. Decreasing housing stock 2. Lack of affordable housing for p a r t i c u l a r groups 3. Number of absentee landlords 4. Deficiency of services i n inner c i t y (suburban versus inner c i t y municipal expenditures) 5. Increasing crime and s o c i a l problems 6. Native problems of unemployment, lack of s k i l l s , inadequate housing, low incomes Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1978, 1979A C. Scope of Planning The scope of planning i n Regina was broadened beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l physical concerns. Inner c i t y problems i d e n t i f i e d i n planning documents included physical, economic and s o c i a l Problems Well Documented Some Evidence No Evidence Cited 80 issues. Despite the short period of time Clark was Director, there was an attempt to address most of these problems. The only exception was unemployment, and addressing i t would have required greater use of the intergovernmental strategy to lobby for inner c i t y jobs. D. Solutions Recommended to A l l e v i a t e Inner City Problems Clark was c r i t i c a l of the t y p i c a l approach to planning with i t s reliance on physical solutions. The following i s a b r i e f analysis of recommendations made by Regina planning s t a f f with regard to the inner c i t y problems i d e n t i f i e d (as outlined i n Tables 10, 11 and 12). (a) Physical Problems - Zoning, housing programs and neigh-borhood improvement were the major tools recommended to deal with the physical aspects of inner c i t y decline. Although these are the t r a d i t i o n a l means available to planners, they have been c r i t i c i z e d as being i n e f f e c t i v e i n achieving any long term im-provements. According to Hason (1977), zoning does not stop the decay of inner c i t y areas nor does i t maintain the character of neighborhoods. It does not address problems of r e a l estate speculation, slums or housing shortages. A l l i t can do i s a l -locate the use of urban land i n a r a t i o n a l and e f f i c i e n t way. Nor, some c r i t i c s argue, can the NIP program seriously improve neighborhoods due to the i n s i g n i f i c a n t amount of money allocated to i t . (City Magazine, September 1975) Local government planners are limited i n making basic improvements as they do not have the means to bring about struc-t u r a l change. Furthermore, senor levels of government, with greater revenue sources, frequently formulate p o l i c i e s and 81 Table 10 Inner City Physical Problems and Recommen dations Physical Problems Re c ommen d a t i on s Over-Zoning Declining Population Inadequate Supply of Housing Poor Quality of Housing Deficiency of Services Lack of Open Space Lack of Parking Poor Street Conditions Inadequate Public Transit New zoning bylaw I n f i l l housing Est a b l i s h information base on inner c i t y housing Hire a housing coordinator Draft a demolition bylaw I n f i l l housing and landbanking Request CMHC to extend Graduated Payment Mortgage Program to existing homes i n older neighborhoods Promote use of federal and p r o v i n c i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs Neighborhood Improvement Landbanking for open space Sp e c i f i c regulations dealing with parking i n new zoning bylaw Neighborhood Improvement Public awareness program promoting t r a n s i t E s t a b l i s h senior interdepartmental commit-tee to implement p o l i c y recommendations of Transportation and Transit Study (eg. bus lanes, shelters, express buses) Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1978, 1979A programs which are applicable to the c i t y (eg. RRAP, NIP). The actions of l o c a l planners are large l y r e s t r i c t e d to implementing these programs. However, long term effects are seldom possible as complex urban problems cannot be solved by single purpose programs. At best, such programs r e s u l t i n cosmetic changes. 82 Lasting solutions may require fundamental changes i n p o l i c y goals and directions with respect to s o c i a l and economic issues which are outside the competence of l o c a l government. Given these constraints, Regina planners made e f f e c t i v e use of the planning mechanisms available to them. They were able to i n i t i a t e improvements to inner c i t y f a c i l i t i e s and i n f r a s t r u c -ture, encourage the City to become involved i n landbanking, increase the supply of low cost housing, promote inner c i t y home repair, and implement a new zoning bylaw which r e s t r i c t e d commercial and i n d u s t r i a l development i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas. (b) Economic Problems - Although c i t y planners have l i t t l e power to influence national economic p o l i c i e s regarding poverty or unemployment, they can support programs which benefit the poor. Regina planners recommended the implementation of a var i e t y of low cost housing projects. A home repair advocacy program was i n i t i a t e d to encourage interest i n home repairs and to explain the available assistance programs. Public t r a n s i t was favored over a car oriented transportation system. As a re s u l t , improvements such as new buses, increased frequency at rush hours, express buses, and exclusive bus lanes provided a reasonably a t t r a c t i v e and moderately priced form of trans-portation. (c) Social Problems - To a certain extent, Clark r e l i e d on physical solutions to a l l e v i a t e inner c i t y s o c i a l problems. It was believed that poor, inadequate and overcrowded housing was one of th e i r major causes. (Regina. Planning Department, 1978:5) However, improved housing, by i t s e l f , w i l l do l i t t l e to change underlying problems of discrimination, poverty and 83 Table 11 Inner City Economic Problems and Recommendations Economic Problems Re c ommen d a t i on s Unemployment Low Income The federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments should be asked to create jobs i n the inner c i t y . Purchase property for public housing through f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l programs Request CMHC to red i r e c t terms of GPM program to needs of low income families Request p r o v i n c i a l government to a s s i s t i n development of co-op housing Encourage private groups to sponsor housing projects Lobby CMHC for a single person hostel P r i o r i t y for public t r a n s i t Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1978, 1979A Table 12 Inner City Social Problems and Recommendations Social Problems Recommendations Lack of Daycare Crime and Social Problems Natives Youth Access to Decision-Making Neighborhood Improvement Work clos e l y with p r o v i n c i a l Department of Social Services Low cost housing Native sports complex City and p r o v i n c i a l government should employ more Natives Neighborhood Planning Neighborhood Planning Inner City Advisory Group Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1978, 1979A 84 alienation. The Planning Department did go beyond a physical approach as they recommended that a planner continue to work with the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Social Services. In addition, access to decision-making was to be improved through neighborhood planning and an Inner City Advisory Group. Although t h i s group was never formed, neighborhood plans o u t l i n i n g community prob-lems and solutions were developed by community associations i n the General Hospital, Albert-Scott and Cathedral neighborhoods. 7.2 POLICY FORMATION A. Mechanisms to Make Planning More Policy Oriented Planners have been c r i t i c i z e d for adopting a technical ap-proach to planning as they have l e f t the formulation of public p o l i c y objectives to p o l i t i c i a n s . As a r e s u l t , i t has been claimed that planning has r e f l e c t e d consensus and acceptance of a corporate or u t i l i t a r i a n view of the c i t y . (Kaplan, 1969) Clark believed planning should move away from i t s reactive and regulatory approach and become more p o l i c y oriented. Consequent-l y , an important task of planners was to formulate goals for future growth. Planning documents outlined two mechanisms for f a c i l i t a t i n g p o l i c y planning i n Regina: (a) Po l i c y Secretariat - The Planning Department suggested a p o l i c y secretariat be formed within the structure of l o c a l government. Its task would be the formulation of urban p o l i c y and coordination of c i v i c programs to complement p o l i c y goals. However, th i s idea was r e s i s t e d by c i t y council. 85 (b) Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n - Clark believed the public should become more involved i n the planning process. For example, through neighborhood planning, community groups could develop p o l i c y objectives for t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r areas. While both a change i n l o c a l government and public input are important, they are not enough to ensure a more responsible municipal r o l e i n p o l i c y making. This i s due to the p r o v i n c i a l control of l o c a l government. Provinces specify the service functions to be performed by m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , the structure of municipal decision-making, and most importantly, how revenue i s to be raised. In recent years, there has been a trend to-wards less l o c a l autonomy due to an i n a b i l i t y of municipalities to meet t o t a l expenditures out of t h e i r own revenue sources. This has meant a f i n a n c i a l dependence on senior levels of govern-ment who, i n turn, specify how the money i s to be spent. (Higgins, 1977) B. Po l i c y Goals i n Regina Planning decisions i n Regina were made in l i g h t of long-term goals and objectives which were c l e a r l y outlined i n Regina RSVP. With regard to the inner c i t y , the p o l i c y goals were: (a) To maintain inner c i t y neighborhoods as r e s i d e n t i a l areas accommodating a v a r i e t y of income l e v e l s . (b) To provide for more c i t i z e n involvement i n planning decisions. (c) To improve the general quality of l i f e . Table 13 i l l u s t r a t e s how planning recommendations were to achieve these goals. 86 Table 13 Inner City Planning Goals and Recommendations Goals Recommendations To maintain the r e s i d e n t i a l character of inner c i t y neighborhoods Housing programs Landbanking More c i t i z e n involvement Neighborhood planning Inner City Advisory Group Improve the quality of l i f e Landbanking for open space Neighborhood improvement Intergovernmental strategy to resolve economic and s o c i a l problems Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1977A, 1979A 7.3 PUBLIC PARTICIPATION This section w i l l analyze public p a r t i c i p a t i o n from two perspectives - both the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n program i n develop-ing p o l i c i e s for Regina RSVP, the o v e r a l l growth management strategy for Regina, and the extent of c i t i z e n involvement i n inner c i t y planning. According to Heberlein (1976), to achieve good public -involvement, rather than just good public r e l a t i o n s , planners (a) i d e n t i f y and contact a l l the publics affected by a p a r t i c u l a r issue, (b) meet i n d i v i d u a l l y with each group to ensure th e i r vi< and concerns are understood, (c) contact the public at an early stage, (d) document public input, and (e) ensure that public involvement i s a continuing e f f o r must: 87 Applying Heberlein's c r i t e r i a , the following conclusions can be made concerning public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the RSVP program and inner c i t y planning. A. Public Involvement - Regina RSVP (Information i n t h i s section i s derived from Regina RSVP: Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n Program, 1977B:5-10.) (a) The Planning Department both i d e n t i f i e d and a c t i v e l y sought out a range of groups with varying interests concerning Regina's future growth. City council, the Regina Planning Commission, l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l government departments, com-munity associations, business clubs, inte r e s t groups, and i n d i v i d u a l households were sent information on Regina RSVP, which outlined the important planning issues and suggested recommendations. (b) The Planning Department met i n d i v i d u a l l y with groups representing a p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t . Seminars were held with the c i v i c bureaucracy and with business groups such as the Building Owner's and Manager's Association and the Downtown Businessmen's Association. A series of twenty-six public meetings were arranged on a neighborhood basis to hear concerns at the community l e v e l . Questionnaires were di s t r i b u t e d at each of the public meetings. In addition, attempts were made to reach the general public. A storefront planning o f f i c e was opened i n the downtown area and three general meetings were held, along with a number of t e l e v i s i o n and radio programs. (c) The Planning Department did not i n i t i a t e public p a r t i c i p a t i o n at an early stage of the planning process. The public was i n v i t e d to comment once the issues, solutions and 88 p o l i c y objectives i n Regina RSVP were determined. Planning s t a f f presented a future model for Regina based on higher density res-i d e n t i a l growth, more reliance on public t r a n s i t , and downtown r e v i t a l i z a t i o n to make i t the center of r e t a i l a c t i v i t y . The public was l e f t i n the p o s i t i o n of reacting to the proposals made rather than i n i t i a t i n g t h e i r own. Secondly, although Regina RSVP did offe r three alternative models of growth, the evidence presented supported the Planning Department's position. The f i r s t a l ternative assumed a l l new r e s i d e n t i a l growth would be low density suburban, the second assumed growth would be suburban with varying densities, and the t h i r d assumed half of new growth would be i n the inner c i t y with the remainder being b u i l t at a higher density i n the suburbs. The l a s t alternative was c l e a r l y favored as i t was shown to make the most economical use of land, f a c i l i t i e s and municipal ex-penditures. Research was not conducted on the implications of the other models i n order to give the public a r e a l choice. F i n a l l y , residents lacked any decision-making power to guarantee that t h e i r views would be taken into account as they were not represented on any p o l i c y committees or advisory boards. Heberlein (1976) distinguishes between d i f f e r e n t functions of public involvement. It can be used to exchange information, to reassure people th e i r views have been heard, to meet le g a l requirements, or i t can be i n t e r a c t i v e as planners and the public work together. Regina RSVP public involvement was informational rather than i n t e r a c t i v e . (d) Heberlein states documentation of public comments i s important as i t assures the public t h e i r views were heard and 89 considered. Public input regarding Regina RSVP was recorded i n a planning document e n t i t l e d Regina RSVP: Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n  Program. Questionnaire r e s u l t s as well as comments from govern-ment agencies, interest groups and the public were recorded. The next section looks at the extent to which Heberlein's l a s t c r i t e r i o n , that public involvement must be a continuing process, was followed. B. Public Involvement i n Inner City Planning Clark was successful i n ensuring that public p a r t i c i p a t i o n played a large role i n planning decisions made i n the inner c i t y . Through neighborhood planning, community associations were given a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of decision-making power. Residents i d e n t i -f i e d neighborhood problems, recommended programs and p o l i c i e s , and developed neighborhood plans which outlined future develop-ment i n th e i r area. Neighborhood planning i n Regina was unique as c i t i z e n s , rather than planners, made the f i n a l recommendations. In addition to neighborhood planning, the Planning Depart-ment sustained c i t i z e n involvement i n the inner c i t y through the following mechanisms: (a) workshops to discuss community problems with residents i n the Cathedral, General Hospital and Albert-Scott neighborhoods, (b) consultation with community groups to prepare a new zoning bylaw, (c) community group grants to the Cathedral and General Hospital areas to help defray the costs of materials and rent so that neighborhood s i t e o f f i c e s could be established, (d) periodic delivery of planning publications to in d i v i d u a l 9 0 households to keep c i t i z e n s informed of current planning issues. However, one problem with public input was that only neigh-borhoods with organized resident groups were involved i n the planning process, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 14. Table 14 C i t i z e n Involvement i n Neighborhood Planning Process Transi-Cathedral t i o n a l General 11th Albert- East-Hospital Ave East Scott view 1976 Workshops X X X Neighbor-hood Planning X X X NIP X NIA X Community Group Grants X X Source: Derived from Regina Planning Department, 1978 This may have been due to the limited resources of the Planning Department and the short time period examined. 7.4 POLITICAL INTERVENTION A. Evidence of an A c t i v i s t Approach to Planning (a) I n i t i a t i o n of Planning Action - The Planning Department was very successful at influencing public p o l i c y i n Regina. A major measure of t h e i r success was the acceptance by council of Regina RSVP which outlined both a strategy for planning and a model for what Regina should become. (b) Advocacy Planning for Inner City Residents - Clark placed a high p r i o r i t y on problems faced by inner c i t y residents, 91 i n p a r t i c u l a r low income fam i l i e s , senior c i t i z e n s and Natives. In the past, these people have been largely ignored. Federal p o l i c i e s i n North America have been biased i n favor of suburban growth. (Downs, 1979) For example, mortgage credit has been more e a s i l y available i n new suburban areas rather than older neighborhoods. Federally supported housing clearance programs i n the 1950's and 60's often destroyed sound inner c i t y housing stock. At the same time, suburban communities frequently made a concerted e f f o r t to r e s t r i c t entry to a r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous group of middle class residents. Low income families were ex-cluded by means of r e s t r i c t i v e zoning, building codes and neighborhood opposition to subsidized housing. By stressing the needs of inner c i t y residents, Clark was representing a group that had been l e f t to fend for themselves i n the past. B. Role C o n f l i c t s P o l i t i c a l intervention, or activism, was possibly one of the Planning Department's strongest and most e f f e c t i v e strategies. Regina.planners took a leadership r o l e by defining the important issues and recommending future courses of action. As Clark stated, "Planning should not just be a rubber stamping. It should be a control process to protect the public i n t e r e s t s . " " I t i s up to the Planning Department to point out the directions the c i t y should take to get the best combi-nation of l i v i n g conditions for the money av a i l a b l e . " (Leader-Post, December 28, 1976) It can be argued there are two p o t e n t i a l problems with regard to p o l i t i c a l intervention. F i r s t , p o l i c y formation can be said to be the prerogative of p o l i t i c i a n s as t h e i r special 92 competence i s to provide leadership. Their task i s to a r b i t r a t e between c o n f l i c t i n g interests and come to choices, for which they alone are accountable. However, p o l i t i c s by i t s very nature i s incapable of generating long range goals. P o l i t i c a l decision-making i s p a r t i a l , short range and opportunistic. (Friedmann, 1966) Through research and analysis, planners are more able to r e a l i s t i c a l l y assess present decisions i n terms of future consequences. As a r e s u l t , they have a unique and p o t e n t i a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l role to play i n decision-making. Because of t h e i r specialized competence, they are able to off e r p o l i c y makers information and p o l i c y recommendations. Secondly, i t can be argued there i s an inherent c o n f l i c t between p o l i t i c a l intervention and public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The former assumes planners should point out future courses of action while the l a t t e r involves more public involvement i n the plan-ning process. It brings into question what ro l e planners should play. They can become: (a) educators as they convince the public of the superior merits of t h e i r plans, (b) technicians as they implement the desires of the majority of the public, (c) negoti-ators as they t r y to compromise between professional planning goals and the public's wishes, or (d) advocates f o r the interests of a p a r t i c u l a r group. None of these roles forecloses the p o s s i b i l i t y of one aspect of p o l i t i c a l intervention, lobbying for the implementation of planning goals. However, who should formulate these goals does present a c o n f l i c t . Table 15 i l l u s t r a t e s the dilemma. The only roles where the two strategies are compatible are negotiator and advocate. The negotiator role i s u n r e a l i s t i c Table 15 Who Formulates Planning Goals? P o l i t i c a l Intervention Public P a r t i c i p a t i o n Planning Role Planner Formulates Goals Public Formulates Goals Educator X Technician X Negotiator X X Advocate X X as i t assumes planners can f i n d consensus. In r e a l i t y , no matter what the f i n a l decision i s , planners w i l l never please everyone. Therefore, they must make value choices on which groups to support and work with these groups to formulate and implement planning action. These groups w i l l not necessarily always be the same as they may vary with the circumstances and planning decisions to be made. With regard to Regina RSVP, the Planning Department as-sumed an educative r o l e as planners decided the goals. The public's r o l e was a f a i r l y minor and reactive one. In t h i s case, the c o n f l i c t between the two strategies was not resolved. However, i n inner c i t y planning, both planners and inner c i t y residents worked together to formulate goals and lobby for th e i r implementation. Planners were advocates and there was no r o l e c o n f l i c t between the two strategies. 7.5 LIMITATIONS, CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS Planning i n Regina under Clark was the antithesis of the 94 passive, a p o l i t i c a l and conservative approach, claimed by c r i t i c s to have characterized much of the planning profession. The following i s a summary of the major l i m i t a t i o n s , constraints and strengths of planning i n Regina. A. Limitations Clark (1980:227) claimed planners "must not merely respond to the i n i t i a t i v e s of concentrated interests i n the private sector, but must attempt to place the i n i t i a t i v e i n the hands of the public where i t belongs." He was successful i n doing th i s with the exception of public involvement regarding Regina RSVP. In this case, the public's role was a reactive one. Professionals predetermined the agenda by conceptualizing the problems and defining the terms for t h e i r resolution. Secondly, there was a lack of research and documented evidence on many inner c i t y problems or on viable growth alternatives as discussed i n Regina RSVP. Therefore, the public had l i t t l e r e a l choice i n growth management strategies to be followed. F i n a l l y , Clark's strategies present a p o t e n t i a l c o n f l i c t between p o l i t i c a l intervention and public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Both strategies cannot be implemented when planners assume either an educator or technician r o l e . The case study on public involve-ment with respect to Regina RSVP demonstrated the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s . B. Constraints Although planners may a c t i v e l y s t r i v e towards having more than a marginal influence on c i t y building, there are constraints 95 which may limit the effectiveness of their role. Clark f e l t that planners should become more policy oriented. However, there are several obstacles that work against policy development at the local level. Because municipalities are creatures of the provincial government, their responsibilities can be expanded or reduced at any time. The trend has been to a reduction in local authority due to the proliferation of special purpose bodies and the ever-increasing financial de-pendence on senior levels of government. As well, both the federal and provincial governments own significant amounts of land in most urban centers. Large scale projects built on this land can have far-reaching effects. Another constraint is the fact most planning actions are ameliorative. To have any long term effects, planners must strive to do more than correct immediate problems. They should address the underlying social causes rather than the symptoms of urban dysfunctions. Resolution of problems on a more fundamental level, involving structural changes in society, is necessary i f planners want to have more than a marginal impact. But, there is a gap between reality and theory. Local planners have l i t t l e influence on national or provincial policies and their legitimacy has been limited primarily to technical matters. C. Strengths Clark's intended style of planning was, to a large extent, implemented in Regina. The following summarizes the major strengths of his approach. By taking a short term, issue oriented approach to planning 9 6 Regina planners ensured that inner c i t y neighborhoods exper-ienced some immediate improvements. New low cost houses were constructed, older ones were r e h a b i l i t a t e d , and community ser-vices were upgraded. By comparison, conventional approaches lead to a planning process which places great emphasis on producing a "master" plan delineating future land uses. The plan tends to be treated as the once and for a l l solution and can r e s u l t i n a considerable lapse of time before any actions are implemented. Regina planners did not l i m i t themselves to physical issues. There was an attempt to address s o c i a l and economic concerns as well, through both programs that planners supported and the use of an intergovernmental strategy. Although there was limited use of t h i s strategy due to the r e l a t i v e l y new position of the Planning Department under Clark, he f e l t i t was a viable course of action to be pursued. Many government agencies appeared w i l l i n g to discuss p o l i c y positions on various issues a f f e c t i n g the c i t y . For example, Clark stated the p r o v i n c i a l Social Planning Secretariat shared p o l i c y documents on issues such as poverty which the Planning Department could c r i t i q u e . Planning i n Regina moved well beyond a technical and reactive approach as decisions were'made in the context of long term goals and objectives. In the process, Regina planners, through the p o l i c i e s they recommended for the inner c i t y , became advocates for the interests of low income inner c i t y residents. These people have frequently been ignored i n the planning process as federal and p r o v i n c i a l programs primarily aid middle class suburban homeowners. 97 The Planning Department was. committed to c i t i z e n input into the planning process. A major mechanism for achieving t h i s was neighborhood planning whereby c i t i z e n s defined community con-cerns and made the f i n a l recommendations for resolving them. The Planning Department provided resources and lobbied c i t y council for f i n a n c i a l aid so that community groups could formulate and implement area plans. Public involvement was a continuous process. Through a storefront planning o f f i c e and publications delivered to households, c i t i z e n s were kept aware of the current planning issues i n Regina. Regina planners were not a f r a i d to take the i n i t i a t i v e i n recommending future courses of action. As a r e s u l t , the Planning Department assumed an i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n Regina as they gained both public and p o l i t i c a l acceptance of p o l i c y recommendations outlined i n Regina RSVP. Through council acceptance of RSVP documents, the Planning Department was successful i n introducing anew planning process to Regina based on short term action, issue orientation, p o l i c y planning, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l intervention. Clearly a new strategy for Canadian urban planning was implemented. 7.6 SUMMARY Gerecke's research showed that Canadian urban planning i s primarily an administrative practice. It emphasizes the pre-paration and administration of comprehensive plans, zoning and subdivision regulations. It has a strong physical orientation, discourages c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and, for the most part, i s reactive. Planners seldom i n i t i a t e proposals as they r e l y , instead, on elected o f f i c i a l s to determine planning goals. 98 Gerecke's research offered a challenge to the planning profession. Whether planners take up t h i s challenge depends on the interpretation of t h e i r r o l e . If they are s a t i s f i e d to play a passive and technical part i n c i t y development, there i s no need for change i n the profession. However, i f planners believe they should have a more active and aggressive voice i n the formulation of public p o l i c y and, consequently, a more i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n decision-making, then there i s indeed a need for change. Planning l i t e r a t u r e has pointed out the inadequacies of the r a t i o n a l comprehensive model and i t has offered new theories to make up for shortcomings i n this model. The recommended reforms have been either more communication or an expanded scope for planning. Regina planners incorporated p o l i c y planning which provided the directions for future growth, with activism to ensure planning goals were implemented, with short term action to achieve immediate quality of l i f e improvements, along with public p a r t i c i p a t i o n and an expanded scope for planning. As they went well beyond the basic reforms to planning, and were successful i n implementing t h e i r strategies i n Regina, t h i s approach to planning should be used by other urban planners i n Canada. 7.7 FURTHER RESEARCH Regina Planning Department documents were very well written. They summarized the history of planning and development i n Regina, thus putting into context the new approach to planning advocated for the City. Implications for growth, a strategy for public 99 planning as well as the issues were c l e a r l y outlined. However, planning documents did not resolve pot e n t i a l problems associated with some of the recommended strategies. F i r s t , there i s an inherent c o n f l i c t between public p a r t i c i p a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l intervention as i t brings into question the r o l e of the planner. For example, should planners r e l y on professional judgment to formulate planning goals, should they be spokesmen for the majority viewpoint, or should they be advocates for p a r t i c u l a r interests? Secondly, Clark did not research alternative growth management strategies. Although research can expand the choices available, how extensively should planners search for alternatives? Lastly, the d i f f i c u l t y of p o l i c y planning at the l o c a l l e v e l and the limited tools available to planners pose constraints which l i m i t the effectiveness of l o c a l planning. These problems are common to a l l planners and require further study. Planning schools also have an important role to play i n the future approach to planning practice. Planning education should stress the values and purposes of planning as well as technical competency. It i s not enough to equip planners with the technical tools of the profession. 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