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The interpretation of dreams in ancient China Ong, Roberto Keh 1981

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THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS IN ANCIENT CHINA by ROBERTO KEH ^ ONG B.A.(Hons.), M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1981 © Roberto Ken Ong, 1981 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e head o f my department o r by h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f / T i ' ^xf^-StC* The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date r>r C I O /-7Q \ ABSTRACT This work i s an exercise i n armchair ethnography. I t aims to show, hy examining c e r t a i n data from the inexhaustible t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese l i t e r a t u r e on the subject of dreams and dreaming, some aspects of the dream l i f e of the ancient Chinese. The f i r s t f i v e chapters deal with the various ways i n which dreams were regarded as s i g n i f i c a n t i n ancient China. Although my approach i s p r i m a r i l y thematic, the data are presented i n a more or le s s chronological order, so that some l i g h t may be thrown on the develop-mental dimension of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese thinking on dreams i n the process. Chapters six and seven are concerned with the methodology of Chinese dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Two d i s t i n c t approaches to t h i s are i d e n t i f i e d , which I term the corroborative and the a s s o c i a t i v e . The Ricoeurian notion of " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as r e c o l l e c t i o n of meaning," with i t s emphasis on contextual understanding, i s found compatible with the underlying p r i n c i p l e s of the Chinese o n e i r o c r i t i c a l p r a c t i c e . In the f i n a l chapter, I further l a b e l the corroborative approach " i c o n i c " and the a s s o c i a t i v e approach "symbolic." I conclude with the observation that the ancient Chinese owed t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n dreams to t h e i r unremitting i i search f o r meaning i n the cosmos, of which man, i n the t r a d i t i o n a l concept, was an i n t e g r a l part. I f i n d t h i s i n t e r e s t i n d i c a t i v e of the a f f e c t i v e aspect of the Chinese mind, and conjecture that as long as the Chinese have hopes, f e a r s , joys and sorrows, as do the r e s t of the world, they w i l l continue to dream. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGMENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I: DREAM AS HARBINGER OF FUTURE EVENTS 1 . 1 The Dreams of Huang-ti 1.2 The Dreams of Other Ancient Emperors 1 . 3 P r e d i c t i v e Dreams i n the Confucian C l a s s i c s CHAPTER I I : DREAM AS MESSAGE FROM THE SPIRIT WORLD 2 . 1 Dreams i n the Shang Oracle-Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s 2.2 Dreams Involving S p i r i t s i n the Tso-chuan 2 . 3 Dream Ghosts and the Duality of Souls 2 .4 Message Dreams from the Dead 2.5 Message Dreams from D e i t i e s of Human Ori g i n 2.6 Dream Incubation 2.7 Dream as Commodity 2.8 The Dream-God CHAPTER I I I : DREAM AS RESPONSE TO PHYSICAL STIMULI 3 . 1 The Internal Stimuli 3.2 The External Stimuli 3.3 A Freudian C r i t i q u e CHAPTER IV: DREAM AS PROJECTION OF MENTAL STATES 4 . 1 Confucius as Dreamer 4.2 Dream and Rationalism 4 .3 Confucius as Dreamt 4 .4 Dream and Skepticism 4.5 Dreams- Come-False i v CHAPTER V: DREAM AND REALITY 8 4 5 . 1 Chuang-tzu and Descartes 5 . 2 The B u t t e r f l y Dream as Allegory 5 . 3 Dream as F l i g h t 5 . 4 Dream Realism i n the Lieh-tzu 5 . 5 The I l l u s i o n of Time and Space 5 . 6 The Buddhist V i s i o n 5 . 7 The Kuan-yin-tzu on Dream Ambiguity 5 . 8 Dream Realism from T'ang to Ch'ing 5 . 9 Spatio-temporal Discreteness and Continuity CHAPTER VI: TOWARD A THEORY OF CHINESE DREAM INTERPRETATION 143 6 . 1 Meaning and Inter p r e t a t i o n 6 . 2 Dream as Multivocal Text 6 . 3 The C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Dreams CHAPTER VII: METHODS OF CHINESE DREAM INTERPRETATION 165" 7 . 1 The Corroborative Approach 7 . 1 . 1 Oneiromancy and T o r t o i s e - S h e l l Scorching 7 . 1 . 2 Oneiromancy and Yarrow-Stalk Casting 7 . 1 . 3 Oneiromancy and Sun-Dog Watching 7 . 2 The Associative Approach 7 . 2 . 1 Decoding Dream Symbols by Dir e c t Association 7 . 2 . 2 Decoding Dream Symbols by Poetic Logic 7 . 2 . 3 Decoding Dream Symbols by L i n g u i s t i c Means 7 . 2 . 3 . 1 Paronomastic Linkage 7 . 2 . 3 . 2 Ideographic Analysis CHAPTER VIII: SUMMARY 197 NOTES 2 0 3 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 1 9 APPENDIX: LIST OF TRANSLITERATED CHINESE WORDS 2 2 6 v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks are due to Professor Daniel L. Overmyer f o r h i s patient guidance as advisor; to Professors Jan W. Walls and Yvonne L. Walls of the Un i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a f o r t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p , encouragement, and help i n more ways than there i s space to record here; to Mr. and Mrs. Thomas W. Mouat, P. Eng., under whose blessed roof I have had numerous pleasant dreams i n the l a s t three years; and to Mr. Ronald J . Balden, soon to be with the Atomic Energy Limited of Canada, f o r many stimulating discussions and f o r t e l l i n g me, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the story of August Kekule and h i s hypnagogic v i s i o n . L a s t l y , i t i s my wish to dedicate t h i s humble f r u i t of love's labor to my f r i e n d Miss Holly E. R a t c l i f f e of McMaster U n i v e r s i t y . v i Lernen wir traumen, meine Herren, dann finden wir v i e l l e i c h t die Wahrheit. — August Kekule Ber. 23(1890):1307 v i i 1 Introduction 1 Rationale Dreams have always fascinated humankind. They are worthy of serious i n v e s t i g a t i o n simply because, i f f o r no other reason, they are, or are at l e a s t thought to be, there. Dreaming i s a private experience. As long as the dream i t s e l f cannot be o b j e c t i f i e d , i t s occurrence remains an assumption. Nevertheless, t h i s assumption i s a u n i v e r s a l one; f o r dream reports can be found i n a l l s o c i e t i e s whether ancient or modern and however p r i m i t i v e or advanced. Dreams are, as a r u l e , reported as events that have taken place i n sleep. Quite apart from the p h i l o s o p h i c a l question whether such events are e s s e n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from our waking experiences, i t i s legitimate to ask, at the e x p e r i e n t i a l l e v e l , whether they mean anything. This question often presents i t s e l f because many dreams verge on the b i z a r r e . For people i n the habit of assuming that whatever does not make immediate sense should be quickly forgotten, such a question may not e x i s t . For others, however, strangeness i t s e l f i s an i n v i t a t i o n to adventure and discovery, and incomprehensibility an i n d i c a t i o n of hidden s i g n i f i c a n c e . Hence the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of dreams, an a r t held i n many ancient s o c i e t i e s to be of such importance that no personal, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , or economic question could be decided upon without f i r s t having recourse to i t . 2 In more recent centuries i n the West, particularly-a f t e r the advent of the Age of Reason, the importance ascribed to dreams and dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n had considerably decreased, so that when Preud revived the whole issue with the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s Die Traumdeutung at the turn of t h i s century, the event could j u s t l y be described as epoch-making. Since then, the subject of dreaming has become r e s -pectable i n academic c i r c l e s . I t i s almost fashionable as a topic f o r research i n such, d i s c i p l i n e s as psychology, sociology, philosophy, anthropology, r e l i g i o n , l i t e r a t u r e , and even c l i n i c a l physiology. Tnis thesis aims to contribute to the current i n t e r e s t i n dreams by delving into the vast store of material on the subject preserved i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese sources. I t attempts to show two things; f i r s t , how dreams were regarded as s i g n i f i c a n t by the ancient Chinese, and secondly, the ways i n which the meaning of dreams was determined. 2 Sources T h e o r e t i c a l l y , since I intend to pursue the subject within the confines of China's past, anything written i n Chinese before the modern era touching on dreams i s poten-t i a l primary source m a t e r i a l . R e a l i s t i c a l l y , however, i t behooves me to be s e l e c t i v e . Thus, my references are of three general types. F i r s t , works of o f f i c i a l standing, such as the Confucian c l a s s i c s and the dynastic h i s t o r i e s . Secondly, works by i n d i v i d u a l thinkers, scholars, and writers 3 throughout the ages, e.g. the Chuang-tzu, Lieh-tzu. Lun heng, Ch'ien-fu lun t etc. Thirdly, works that cater to popular tastes or of popular origin, e.g. the numerous pi-chi hsiao- shuo (anecdotal fiction) and the anonymous Chou-kung chieh- meng (Duke of Chou interprets dreams). Of the f i r s t group, the Tso-chuan and Chou-li, both dating back to pre-Ch'in times, are of the greatest impor-tance for my present purpose. Of the second group, a l l the four works mentioned above are indispensable. In the case of the Chuang-tzu, I r ,refer i n particular to the "Ch'i-wu lun" chapter (2), which, as one of the so-called "inner chapters," dates back to the Warring-States period. The Lieh-tzu as we have i t now, although containing material from the third century B.C., was written i n about A.D. 300, as pointed out by A.C. Graham i n his introduction to his translation of the book. I have made extensive use of the "Chou Mu-wang" chapter ( 3 ) . Both Lun heng and Ch'ien-fu lun are indisputably from Han times. In spite of their advanced state of corruption, both texts are mostly readable, thanks to Liu P'an-sui's Lun heng chi-chieh (prefaced jen-shen, i.e. 1932; rpt. Peking, 1957) and to Wang Chi-p'ei's annotation and emen-dation of the Ch'ien-fu lun (prefaced Chia-ch'ing 19th year, chia-hsu, i.e. 1814; rpt. Shanghai, 1978). The relevant chapters i n the f i r s t book are "Lun ssu," (62) "Chi yao," (64) and ".Ting kui." (65) In the second, "Meng l i e h " (28) is invaluable. 4 As f o r the t h i r d group, I have a v a i l e d myself of the handy c o l l e c t i o n s P i - c h i hsiao-shuo ta-kuan and Wu-ch'ao  hsiao-shuo ta-kuan. The respective dates of the i n d i v i d u a l works i n rthe.se c o l l e c t i o n s w i l l he given as I r e f e r to them i n the text. One important secondary source i n t h i s category i s Chang Feng-i's Meng-chan le i - k ' a o (prefaced Wan-li i-yu, i . e . 1585), i n 12 chtian. This work i s a compilation of dream episodes gleaned from ancient and contemporary sources. I t also includes one or two anecdotes personal to the compiler. In h i s preface Chang Feng-i states h i s reason f o r undertaking t h i s work thus: Some years ago I had an i l l n e s s so serious that "both physicians and quacks could do nothing about i t . I recovered, however, thanks to a dream. Then I thought: Although the secret a r t of the ancient sages had got l o s t i n transmission, the proven cases on record could s t i l l he v e r i f i e d . Thus, I traced the source to the Six C l a s s i c s and searched through the h i s t o r i e s , r e l a t i n g my findings to various other texts, t a n g e n t i a l l y touching on writings of a f i c t i v e nature as w e l l . No matter how remote or recent i t might be, or whether the people involved were Chinese or outlandish, so long as the material provided some 5 evidence f o r dreams, I would pick and include i t i n t h i s work, which I have e n t i t l e d Meng-chan  l e i - k f a o or A Study of Dream In t e r p r e t a t i o n by  Categories. The categories ( l e i ) or sections (jou) were set up i n reference to the content of the material. Thus, " t f i e n - hsiang" (heavenly signs) i s the f i r s t s ection, " t i - l i " (geographical features) the second, "sheng-hsien" ( s a i n t s and sages) the t h i r d , and so on. The f i n a l s ection i s "shuo meng" (speaking of dreams), which contains texts r e l a t i n g to the t h e o r e t i c a l aspect of dreams and dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . This c o l l e c t i o n has served as my key to the whole subject. I t should be used with caution, however, f o r some c i t a t i o n s are abridged, others s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d . Hence, I have made a point of always r e f e r r i n g to the o r i g i n a l source where a v a i l a b l e . The Chou-kung chieh meng, a sort of dream d i c t i o n a r y , i s of uncertain date. I f Chang Peng-i did not make a snide remark about i t i n h i s preface to h i s own work, I would have absolutely no idea as to i t s vintage. He says: V e r i l y , there was no better mantic a r t than dream ("interpretation} . During the Wei-Chin period, each generation s t i l l had i t s famous s p e c i a l i s t s . In Sung-Ytlan times, however, people had l o s t so much i n t e r e s t i n i t that some c r a f t y ones i n the book market appropriated the name 6 "Duke of Chou." For i t was Confucius who was said to have dreamt of the Duke of Chou, whereas the duke himself had. never had dreams cs i c 7 . How then can he have Cwritten such] a book? And how can i t have been handed down? (For a book of t h i s nature!) to have been transmitted not through the Chou-li but ostensibly as one book, does t h i s stand to reason? Based on t h i s evidence, l e t me t e n t a t i v e l y propose that the Chou-kung chieh meng was already i n existence, and quite popular at that, i n the sixteenth century. My own copy i s found i n another book i n popular c i r c u l a t i o n c a l l e d Hsiang meng yil-hsia chi (Dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and the record from a jade box). The Yti-hsia chi or, more formally, Hsu  Chen-ehun yti-hsia chi (Record from the jade box of Hsu the True Lord), i s by i t s e l f a book of Taoist o r i g i n . Ascribed to Hsii Hstin of Chin times, i t contains, among other things, a calendar l i s t i n g the feast-days of various Taoist d e i t i e s and s a i n t s . I t i s included i n the Hsu Tao-tsang (Supplement to the Taoist patrology). 3 Methodology In any study of dreams and dreaming, one methodological issue which immediately confronts the student i s the problem of how a dream report can be considered genuine, that i s , regarded as a f a i t h f u l account of an actual dream experience. I have addressed myself to t h i s issue i n the opening paragraphs 7 paragraphs of Section 6.2. Since, i n undertaking t h i s research, I saw myself p r i m a r i l y i n the r o l e of a sedentary anthropologist i n the t r a d i t i o n of James Prazer and Edward Tylor, I f e l t obliged to make some sort of d i s t i n c t i o n between " r e a l " and " f a b r i c a t e d " dreams, however tenuous i t might seem. For i t occurred to me that, although f i c t i t i o u s dreams could c e r t a i n l y t e l l us something about the alleged dreamers, as Freudian psychoanalysts would generally acknow-ledge, they belonged i n the personal h i s t o r i e s of t h e i r o r i g i n a t o r s not as dreams but, properly, as f a b r i c a t i o n s . Owing to t h i s methodological scruple, I have had to exclude, with much regret, dream material from such works of f i c t i o n as the Hung-lou meng (Dream of the red chamber) and the Hsi-yu pu (Sequel to journey to the West), to mention but two notable examples. I have also r e f r a i n e d from any reference to the dream-like language and symbolism of the I ching f o r s i m i l a r reasons. On the other hand, I have made extensive use of compar-at i v e material from other cultures, both ancient and modern, i n the hope that a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l perspective may be brought to bear upon the subject. F i n a l l y , owing to my conviction that, as f a r as the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese views on dreams are concerned, t h e i r i mplications f o r r e l i g i o n and philosophy are f a r more extensive than f o r any other f i e l d of human knowledge, I have allowed myself to be guided i n t h i s endeavor by the methodological p r i n c i p l e s formulated by Mircea E l i a d e and h i s followers i n 7+ the f i e l d of the phenomenology of r e l i g i o n and those taught by Paul Ricoeur i n that of p h i l o s o p h i c a l hermeneutics. N.B.: The word "ancient" i n the t i t l e of t h i s work i s used i n the French sense of ancien regime. Hence, by "ancient China" I mean the China before the r e v o l u t i o n of 1911. 8 CHAPTER I DREAM AS HARBINGER OP FUTURE EVENTS The idea that dreams may come true has found credence i n many cultures. The contents of such dreams may he quite straightforward and require no further explanation, or they may consist of symbolic imageiries calling for the expertise of a dream interpreter to decipher. Although i n our modern sophistication we can always explain or explain away precognitive dreams i n terms of the workings of the unconscious, subconscious, or preconscious mind, for the ancients such dreams had a r e a l i t y of their own i and were often attributed to supernatural causes. They were generally believed to have been sent by some deity or s p i r i t whose message had to be taken seriously. The Old Testament, for example, records the dreams of King Nebuchad-nezzar or Babylon, Pharaoh of Egypt, Jacob of Israel and his son Joseph, a l l of which foreshadowed future events. 1 .1 The Dreams of Huang-ti In ancient"China, legend has i t that Huang-ti or the Yellow Emperor of high antiquity once dreamt that he saw a great wind blowing away the "dust and d i r t " under heaven. Then, i n another dream, he saw a man with an extremely heavy cross-bow herding myriads upon myriads of sheep. Upon waking, he sighed and interpreted the dreams thus: Feng (the Chinese word for 'wind', which happened to be the clan-9 name of Fu-hsi/P'ab-hsi, one of the sage-kings of pre-his-t o r i c a l China, as w e l l ) , is, one who gives orders and holds o f f i c e . When t'u, 'earth', i s taken away from kou, ' d i r t ' , 2 what remains i s hou, 'leader'. May i t not be that there i s someone surnamed Feng and c a l l e d Hou under heaven? As f o r the heavy cross-bow, to handle i t requires extraordinary l i , 'strength'; and herding myriads upon myriads of sheep means someone capable of looking a f t e r the people (mu min) and doing good. Surely there must be under heaven a person surnamed I i and c a l l e d Mu, 'shepherd'I Having thus interpreted h i s own dreams, the Yellow Emperor had the two persons i n question sought. Consequently, Feng Hou was found i n a secluded spot by the sea, and L i Mu i n the v i c i n i t y of a great lake. The former was appointed 3 prime minister and the l a t t e r a general. Thus, not only did the Yellow Emperor subject h i s dreams to a symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , but he also resorted to an o n e i r o c r i t i c a l method based on l i n g u i s t i c associations 4 derived from dream imageries. Huang-fu Mi of Western Chin times, who recorded t h i s legend i n h i s T i wang shih-chi ( P e r i o d i c a l accounts of emperors and k i n g s ) , ^ concluded i t with the following statement: "As a r e s u l t , Huang-ti wrote the Chan meng ching ( C l a s s i c of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ) i n eleven chtlan." And indeed, the Han-shu I-wen chih (Chapter on the a r t s and l e t e r a t u r e i n the dynastic h i s t o r y of Han) l i s t s a work e n t i t l e d Huang-ti  ch'ang-liu chan-meng (The Yellow Emperor's long-willow oneiro-10 mancy) i n eleven chtian, followed "by another c a l l e d Kan Te ch'ang-liu chan-meng (Kan Te's long-willow oneiromancy) i n 7 twenty chiian. 1.2 The Dreams of Other Ancient Emperors 8 According to the Chu-shu chi-nien (Bamboo c h r o n i c l e s ) , Emperor Yao once dreamt, presumably before h i s accession to q the throne, that he climbed up to heaven. The T i wang shih-chi has a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n of Yao's dream; i t states: "At T'ang, Yao dreamt that he went up to heaven r ; r i d i n g a dragon. Consequently, he possessed a l l under heaven." Then Shun, the right-hand man of Emperor Yao, i s said to have dreamt that h i s eyebrows were as long as h i s h a i r . Apparently, t h i s was regarded as a good omen. For l a t e r he was to be appointed regent by Yao and f i n a l l y to succeed him 11 as emperor. Ytt, the hydraulic engineer, Emperor Chun's protege and successor, once dreamt too that he washed himself i n a r i v e r 12 and drank from i t . And the Chu-shu chi-nien records that when T'ang was about to receive the heavenly mandate and overthrow Chieh, the l a s t emperor of the dynasty founded by Ytl, he dreamt that 13 he reached up to heaven and l i c k e d i t . I Chih/I Yin, who was to become T'ang's prime minister, when he was about to answer T'ang's c a l l to duty, dreamt that 14 he cruised by the sun and moon i n a s k i f f . I Chih was said to be a descendant of L i Mu, the Yellow Emperor's general mentioned above. 11 The T i wang shih-chi r e l a t e s the circumstances under which I Ghih came into T'ang's employ as follows: Preoccupied "by the thought of procuring able men, T'ang dreamt that a man came with a cauldron on h i s back and holding high i n h i s hands a chopping-block. The man smiled at him. T'ang woke up and interpreted the dream thus: The cauldron i s f o r combining the f l a v o r s and the chopping-block f o r s l i c i n g and c u t t i n g . Surely there must be someone under heaven who i s going to be my cook C t s a i , which also means 'minister')! Now, I Ghih was a descendant of I i Mu. He took to t i l l a g e i n the wilds of Yu-shen. Having heard of him, T'ang sent him a present by way of i n v i t a t i o n . But he was detained by the r u l e r of Yu-shen. T'ang therefore made a marriage proposal to the r u l e r , who then sent h i s daughter to T'ang. She was accompanied by I Ghih as a servant. When he a r r i v e d at Po (T'ang's c a p i t a l ) and saw T'ang, he was carrying a cauldron on h i s back and holding 1 5 a chopping-block i n h i s hands. In t h i s instance we have a p r e d i c t i v e dream i n which a pun 16 i s involved. 1 . 3 P r e d i c t i v e Dreams i n the Confucian C l a s s i c s That dreams forebode happenings i n the future i s implied 1 2 i n the following l i n e s from the Shih-ching (Book of odes): Below, the rush-mats; over them the "bamboo-mats. Comfortably he sleeps, He sleeps and wakes And i n t e r p r e t s h i s dreams. 'Your lucky dreams, what were they?' 'They were of black bears and brown, Of serpents and snakes.' The d i v i n e r thus i n t e r p r e t s i t : 'Black bears and brown Mean men-children. Snakes and serpents 1 7 Mean g i r l - c h i l d r e n . (Arthur Waley's t r a n s l a t i o n ) Whoever wrote these l i n e s was c e r t a i n l y aware of the symbolic nature of dream imageries, whose meanings would have to be deciphered through an understanding of the conventions involved. The " d i v i n e r " mentioned here may have been a pr o f e s s i o n a l dream i n t e r p r e t e r . The next poem i n the Shih-ching again mentions some dreams and another i n t e r p r e t e r : Your herdsman dreams Dreams of locusts and f i s h , Of banners and f l a g s . A wise man explains the dreams: 'Locusts and f i s h 13 Mean f a t years. Flags and banners 1R Mean a teeming house and home. I t i s not at a l l c l e a r how the " d i v i n e r " or the "wise man" a r r i v e d at the meanings given f o r the dream objects mentioned, although we can see that some kind of a s s o c i a t i v e p r i n c i p l e was at work. There must also have been c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s that had to be taken into account. The Shu-ching (Book of documents) r e l a t e s how King Wu-ting of the Shang dynasty discovered the recluse Fu Ytieh, l a t e r h i s chief adviser, through a dream. The king dreamt of the man. Upon waking, he i n s t r u c t e d the court a r t i s t to paint a p i c t u r e of Ytleh based on h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . Then he despatched a search party to the countryside with the p i c t u r e . 19 Fu Ytleh was found i n a cave. This was a f a i r l y l i t e r a l dream. The Shu-ching also contains a "pep t a l k " given by King Wu, future founder of the Chou dynasty, to h i s troops i n preparation f o r launching h i s campaign against Shou/Chou, the l a s t Shang/Yin king. A f t e r enumerating the enormities per-petrated by t h i s tyrant, King Wu continued, "My dreams are i n accord with the oracle-bone crackings; thus the omen i s doubly auspicious. We s h a l l triumph f o r sure i n attacking the Shang." 2 0 Here King Wu alluded to an o c c u l t p r a c t i c e r e q u i r i n g the mutual corroboration of two divinatory techniques. This w i l l be discussed at length i n Chapter VII as an approach to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n c l a s s i c a l times. 1 4 Next, the Tso-chuan t e l l s the story of Yen-chi, a lowly concubine own by Duke Wen of Cheng. She dreamt that Heaven sent f o r a lan-flower and gave i t to her, saying, "I am 2 1 Po-ch'ou, your ancestor. Let t h i s be your son's emblem. As the l a n exudes a s t a t e l y fragrance, so s h a l l the people obey and love him." Later, i t happened that Duke Wen saw her, gave her a lan-flower, and s l e p t with her. Wishing to decline h i s advances, she said, "Your maid-servant i s a worthless person. Even i f by luck she should bear a son, she would not be believed. May she make bold to use t h i s l a n as evidence, i f that should happen?" The duke consented. Afterwards, she indeed gave b i r t h to a son and named 22 him Lan, who became Duke Mu. Yen-chi's dream would lose much of i t s p r e d i c t i v e character i f one could show that she had a weakness f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r flower and that Duke Wen knew about i t . But as the text stands, the dream i s meant to be understood as p r e d i c t i v e . This, too, was a l i t e r a l dream. The same source r e l a t e s the following dream of Sheng-po, an o f f i c e r of Lu. He dreamt that he was crossing the r i v e r Huan, where someone gave him a carnation gem and a f i n e p e a r l . He ate them and wept, shedding tears of gems and pearls on h i s bosom, u n t i l i t was f u l l y covered. Then he began to sing: As I crossed the r i v e r Huan, A gem and a pearl were given to me. 15 Home, home I must go, Now that my bosom swells with jewelry. He woke up and was so scared that he dared not have the dream inte r p r e t e d . Three years l a t e r , on h i s way back from Cheng, he a r r i v e d at Li-shen, where he f i n a l l y had the dream in t e r p r e t e d , saying, "I was a f r a i d that the dream prefigured my death, that's why I was r e l u c t a n t to have i t int e r p r e t e d . Now that my followers have increased and have stayed with me f o r three years, i t should be harmless to t e l l i t . V 23 So he t o l d i t , and died i n the evening of that very day. Referring to t h i s dream episode, Tu Ytl says i n h i s commentary that the pearl and gem s i g n i f y the han-jewelry placed i n the mouth of the deceased at b u r i a l . Hence Sheng-po's apprehension. This story also suggests the idea that a p r e d i c t i v e dream would not take e f f e c t u n t i l i t was t o l d . This seems to agree with the Talmudic doctrine that "the dream follows the mouth," that i s , "everything happens >in;accordance with the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Another Confucian c l a s s i c , the L i - c h i (Book of r i t e s ) , says that King Wen of Chou once asked h i s son King Wu, "What dreams did you have l a t e l y ? " King Wu said, "I dreamt that the Ti-god gave me nine t e e t h . " 2 5 "And what do you think the dream means?" "Well, since there are nine states i n the West, i t could 1 6 mean that you, Father, w i l l yet bring them into our f o l d . " "No," said King Wen, "that's not the meaning. In ancient times the word f o r teeth means 'years' as w e l l . You may expect to l i v e to be ninety, and I a hundred. I w i l l give you three years." This episode ends with the statement that King Wen was 26 ninety-seven when he died and King Wu ninety-three. In h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of King Wu's dream, King Wen apparently r e l i e d on h i s knowledge of the etymology of the word ch'ih, 'teeth'. Dreams containing t h i s type of l i n g u i s t i c symbolism w i l l also be treated i n Chapter VII. F i n a l l y , the L i - c h i r e l a t e s how Confucius himself, sensing h i s approaching death, got up early one morning and began to sing a mournful song. When Tzu-kung came to see him, he described to t h i s d i s c i p l e the way i n which the funeral r i t e s used to be conduc-ted i n the preceding two dynasties. He said that under the Y i n dynasty, of whose r o y a l house h i s family was a branch, the ceremony took place between the two p i l l a r s of the h a l l , that i s , between the stpes f o r the host and those f o r the guest. The people of Chou, however, did i t at the top of the western steps, thus making the deceased, as i t were, a guest. "Some nights ago," the Master went on, "I dreamt that I was s i t t i n g between the two p i l l a r s , with the s a c r i f i c i a l o f f e r i n g s i n f u l l view. Since sage-kings do not a r i s e , who on earth w i l l honor me? I am dying, I suppose." A f t e r t h i s , 2 7 he lay i l l f o r seven days and died. 17 And so there went another prophet unhonored i n h i s own country. In sum, I must point out that the idea of dreams having a p r e d i c t i v e function can be found not only i n such older texts as I have adduced i n t h i s chapter, but i n Chinese writings of a l l times, i n c l u d i n g the modern era. 18 CHAPTER TWO DREAM AS MESSAGE PROM THE SPIRIT WORLD In many ancient s o c i e t i e s , s p i r i t u a l beings, such as gods, demons and ghosts, were believed to have a mode of existence of t h e i r own. Nevertheless, they also seemed capable of communicating with human beings. The ancient Egyptians, f o r example, regarded dreams as messages from the gods. The Babylonians and the Assyrians, i on the other hand, a t t r i b u t e d dreams to demonic f o r c e s . The ancient Greeks, too, considered a dream to be a v i s i t paid 2 to a sleeping person by a god or ghost. Among the examples given i n the foregoing se c t i o n , there i s one that involved s p i r i t u a l beings, namely, the dream of Yen-chi. In t h i s dream "Heaven" may be regarded as a god or nature s p i r i t and Po-ch'ou a ghost. This chapter deals i n p a r t i c u l a r with dreams that show in t e r a c t i o n s between the s p i r i t world and that of the l i v i n g . 2.1 Dreams i n the Shang Oracle-Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s Pyro-scapulimancy, or d i v i n a t i o n by i n t e r p r e t i n g cracks produced by heat on bones, mostly shoulder blades of domestic c a t t l e and a few other animals, as well as on t u r t l e s h e l l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y plastrons, was pr a c t i s e d i n China during the Shang and Chou dynasties. The discovery of the i n s c r i b e d oracle bones i n 1899 was a momentous event i n modern Chinese 4/ archaeology. The oracle-bone i n s c r i p t i o n s reveal to us not only such 19 mundane concerns of the Shang/Yin people as hunting, f i g h t i n g and weather forecasts, but t h e i r r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l . There are a s i g n i f i c a n t number of oracle-bone i n s c r i p -tions having to do with dreams. These were charges to the oracle which "sought to determine the p o t e n t i a l l y ominous s i g n i f i c a n c e of a dream, u s u a l l y the king's, that had already taken place and to discover which ancestor or power had 5 caused the dream." For example, there are several i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r r i n g to the dreams of King Wu-ting mentioned i n the foregoing chapter. According to these i n s c r i p t i o n s , the king often dreamt of h i s consort or of one of h i s concubines and wanted to know whether such dreams would bring d i s a s t e r . He also dreamt of other people, such as ancestors, deceased brothers and c o u r t i e r s . A l l these o n e i r i c apparitions seemed to disturb him. He also had recurrent ghostly dreams, which were undoubtedly f r i g h t e n i n g . In general, the Shang people seemed convinced that dreams were caused by the dead, i n p a r t i c u l a r the hsien-kung and h s i e n - p i , that i s , the p a t r i a r c h a l and matriarchal ancestors, whose ghosts were r e q u i r i n g p r o p i t i a t i o n s by s a c r i f i c i a l 7 o f f e r i n g s . 2.2 Dreams Involving S p i r i t s i n the Tso-chuan The Tso-chuan has always been notorious f o r i t s accounts of the prodigious. I t t e l l s of the dream, f o r example, of Tzu-yli, a general of the state of Ch'u, who had once made for himself a cap of fawn-skin, which he had not worn. P r i o r 20 to a c r u c i a l b a t t l e against the army of Chin, he dreamt that the r i v e r god said to him, "Give me fyour capjj , and I w i l l bestow on;you the marsh of Meng-chu. He refused to comply. Knowing about the dream, h i s son Ta-hsin and Tzu-hsi, another general, sent Jung-huang to remonstrate with him, but to no a v a i l . The b a t t l e took place and Tzu-yil suffered defeat. 8 Afterwards, he committed s u i c i d e . Apparently, the i l l - f a t e d general suffered the conseq-uences of re f u s i n g to give i n to the demands of a nature s p i r i t made known to him i n a dream. Another passage from the Tso-chuan t e l l s how Duke Ch'eng of Wei was forced by the T i barbarians to move h i s c a p i t a l to T i - c h ' i u , where Hsiang, the f i f t h king of the Hsia dynasty, had resided f o r a c e r t a i n length of time. Soon afterwards Duke Ch'eng dreamt that K'ang-shu, the f i r s t marquis of Wei, said to him, "Hsiang has grabbed the of f e r i n g s due me." The duke then ordered that s a c r i f i c e s also be offered Hsiang. But Ning Wu-tzu, a c o u r t i e r , objected and s a i d , " S p i r i t s are not pleased with the o f f e r i n g s of those who are not t h e i r own k i n . Besides, what are Ch'i and Tseng (two states descen-ded from the l i n e of Hsia) doing, anyway? Hsiang has not received o f f e r i n g s here for, a long time now; i t ' s none of our f a u l t . You should not tamper with the ru l e s made by King Ch'eng and the Duke of Chou with regard to s a c r i f i c e s . 21 Please withdraw your order about s a c r i f i c i n g to Hsiang." 7 Here we have a case of an ancestral s p i r i t t r y i n g to influence the behavior of the l i v i n g through dreams. He would have succeeded, had i t not been f o r a r i t u a l tech-n i c a l i t y . In contrast to t h i s , there i s the anecdote about Tzu-ch'an, the learned prime minister of Cheng, who once went on a good-will v i s i t to Chin, where he was consulted by Han Hstlan-tzu, who came to meet him. "Our r u l e r has been i l l i n bed f o r three months now," began the l a t t e r , "and we have scuttled to the mountains and r i v e r s and offered s a c r i f i c e s to them a l l , but h i s i l l n e s s has become worse instead of b e t t e r . Now he has dreamt of a yellow bear entering the door of h i s chamber. What monstrous d e v i l can that be?" "With the i n t e l l i g e n c e of your r u l e r and with the government i n your hands," r e p l i e d Tzu-ch'an, "what mons-t r o s i t y can there be? In the old days, when Yao put Kun to death on Mount Ytl, h i s s p i r i t changed in t o a yellow bear, which excaped in t o the abyss of Ytl. Thus, under the Hsia dynasty (founded by Kun's son the great King Ytl), as well as the two following dynasties, an a n c i l l a r y s a c r i f i c e was offered to Kun, too, at the annual s a c r i f i c e to Heaven. May i t be that Chin, as leader of the confederate states , has not s a c r i f i c e d to him yet?" So then Han Hstlan-tzu offered the prescribed s a c r i f i c e and, as a r e s u l t , the marquis of Chin got somewhat b e t t e r . 1 Tzu-ch'an was rewarded with two square cauldrons from Chti. 22 Here we see that the marquis of Chin got s i c k apparently "because of h i s negligence i n o f f e r i n g the Hsia s a c r i f i c e to Kun who, although not h i s ancestor, was e n t i t l e d to the sac-r i f i c e by precedent. Thanks to the e r u d i t i o n of Tzu-ch'an;* who seemed aware of the common roots of myth and dream, the yellow bear i n the marquis' dream was c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d . Otherwise, the outcome would c e r t a i n l y have been d i f f e r e n t . 2 . 3 Dream Ghosts and the Duality of Souls Apparently, Tzu-ch'an had quite a reputation i n h i s day as a knowledgeable person i n matters of the o c c u l t . The following episode contains h i s discourse on the making of a ghost and on the d u a l i s t i c concept of ; the s o u l . The people of Cheng frightened one another about Po-yu. "Here comes Po-yui" they would say and then ran o f f without 11 knowing where they were going. In the second month of the year when the document on punishment was cast ( i . e . the preceding year), someone dreamt that Po-yu stalked i n armor, saying, "On the jen-tzu day I w i l l k i l l T a i , and next year on the ,jen-yin day I w i l l k i l l Tuan." When Ssu-tai did die on the day jen-tzu, the people were even more t e r r i f i e d . In the month that the states of Ch'i and Yen made peace ( i . e . the f i r s t month of the current year), when Kung-sun Tuan died on the day jen-yin, the people's horror knew no bounds. I t came to an end only when the next month Tzu-ch'an 12 appointed Kung-sun Hsieh and Liang-chih to calm the people. 2 3 Tzu-ta-shu asked him the reason f o r making the appoint-ments. Tzu-ch'an sa i d , "When a ghost has a place to go to, then i t won't do e v i l . I have provided such a place f o r the ghost." "But why did you appoint Kung-sun Hsieh as well?" prusued Ta-shu. "To assuage the people," explained Tzu-ch'an. "Since Po-yu was not righteous, I had to think of a way to please them. In governmental a f f a i r s , there are times when mea-sures must he taken which run counter to the normal proced-ures, so as to pander to the people. I f you don't do so, they won't t r u s t you, and d i s t r u s t leads to disobedience." When Tzu-ch'an went to Chin, Chao Ching-tzu asked him, "Is i t the case that Po-yu could s t i l l become a ghost?" "C e r t a i n l y , " r e p l i e d Tzu-ch'an. "When a human being i s born, what f i r s t takes shape i s the p'o-soul. When t h i s i s produced, the Yang-force which i t contains gives r i s e to the nun-soul. By employing things the v i t a l elements are increased. The hun- and p'o-souls are thus f o r t i f i e d . Consequently, they become r e f i n e d and b r i g h t , to the point of a t t a i n i n g divine luminosity. "Even when an ordinary man or woman dies a v i o l e n t death, h i s or her soul could s t i l l hang around people and cause excessive havoc. What more Liang Hsiao (= Po-yu), a scion of our former r u l e r Duke Mu, grandson of Tzu-liang and son of Tzu-erh, a l l ministers of our state, having pursued p o l i t i c a l careers f o r three,generational 24 "Although Cheng i s not well-endowed and, as the phrase goes, 'a wisp of a sta t e ' , i n the case of a family whose members had "been at the helm of government f o r three gener-ations, the things employed were indeed extensive and the v i t a l elements extracted therefrom plenteous. Moreover, the clan i s a great one, and what the soul draws on i s ample. Is i t not indeed f i t t i n g that our Liang-hsiao, who died a 1 3 v i o l e n t death, was capable of becoming a ghost?" In l a t e r times, the dual-soul theory as expounded by Tzu-ch'an here, when f u l l y developed, became integrated 1 4 with the cosmological theory of Yin-Yang. The p'o-soul was then said to be responsible f o r the sensory functions of the eyes and ears, the cognitive function of the mind, the motor a c t i v i t i e s of the limbs, and the production of vocal sound. The nun-soul, on the other hand, seemed rather i l l - d e f i n e d ; i t s a t t r i b u t e s were di f f u s e d and impalpable; i t s presence was attested by v i t a l i t y i t s e l f . Tzu-ch'an's statement on the subject could be taken as implying that the p'o-soul existed before the hun. But t h i s statement should be understood i n a conceptual sense rather than i n terms of temporal sequence. In t h i s regard, K'ung Ying-ta's commentary states: L i u Hsttan says that when a man i s endowed with l i f e , h i s body must possess v i t a l force ( c h ' j ) , and that the union of v i t a l force and body does not p o s i t the p r i o r i t y of one or the other. Yet i t i s stated here LTby Tzu-ch'anJ that 'what f i r s t takes shape i s c a l l e d p'o, and the Yang element 25 contained therein hun. 1 This implies that the body ex i s t s before the v i t a l force and, hence, p 1o precedes hun. That there i s a temporal order f o r the coming into being of hun and p'o i s based on the observation that, the body has substance, while the v i t a l force does not. From lithe existence of 0 the body i s the v i t a l force known; hence p 1o i s s a i d to precede hun. In r e a l i t y , however, 15 they come i n t o being simultaneously. A f u r t h e r elaboration on t h i s soul theory was that there were three hun-souls and seven p'o-souls, and that the former would ascend to heaven at the demise of t h e i r possessor, as the l a t t e r sank into the earth. But i t i s not c l e a r to me whether each of the three hun or of the seven p'o was assigned a s p e c i f i c function. ru> Working on an enormous amount of ethnographical material pe r t a i n i n g to the north American Indian notions of the soul, Ike Hultkrantz distinguishes between the f r e e - s o u l and the body-soul. The free-soul i s the s p i r i t u a l p r i n c i p l e which i s a c t i v e while the body i s i n a passive state, whereas the body-soul manifests the l i f e of the waking i n d i v i d u a l . The f r e e - s o u l functions p r i m a r i l y as a detachable, extra-physical so u l , hence i d e n t i c a l with the dream-soul. When i t gives expression to the ego-consciousness, then i t manifests i t s e l f as the ego-soul. The body-soul, on the other hand, may e a s i l y be s p l i t up into a number of f u n c t i o n a l souls bound to d i f f e r e n t organs whose v i t a l p r i n c i p l e s they are. 2 6 Each body-soul, however, may be temporarily converted in t o an extra-physical soul and, as such, may e x h i b i t the proper-'S t i e s that are combined with a s p e c i f i c f r e e - s o u l . r I f t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s correct, then the North American Indian f r e e - s o u l would seem to correspond to the Chinese hun-soul, and the body-soul to the p'o-soul; f o r the Chinese soul concept also has a p h y s i o l o g i c a l aspect. The Nei-ching su-wen, f o r example, states that the p'o-soul i s stored i n the lungs and the hun-soul i n the l i v e r . 1 8 The Ch'ien-chin pao-yao, another medical work, claims 19 that i n j u r i e s to the l i v e r provoke dreams. I f so, i t would follow that i t i s the hun-soul that i s involved i n the process of dreaming. This would further accentuate i t s i d e n t i t y with the North American Indian f r e e - s o u l . But the Shu-chfl-tzu, a Ming p h i l o s o p h i c a l work written by Chuang Yuan-ch'en, gives a d i f f e r e n t opinion: The hun-soul of a person dwells i n the heart and wanders i n the eyes, hence a l l waking s i t u a t -ions are created by i t . The p'o-soul of a person wanders i n the kidneys and dwells i n the l i v e r , hence a l l dreaming s i t u a t i o n s are created by i t . But then why i s i t that waking s i t u a t i o n s are palpable, whereas dreaming s i t u a t i o n s are ephemeral? Well, because the hun-soul i s trans-migrated from kalpa to kalpa, i t s set habits are ingrained and i t s i d e a t i o n a l complex hard-bound; 27 hence the s i t u a t i o n s i t creates are hard to r a r e f y or destroy. The p'o-soul grows with the body, i t s set habits are s u p e r f i c i a l and i t s i d e a t i o n a l complex transient; hence the s i t u a t i o n s that i t creates no sooner a r i s e than they vanish. A l l cognitions effected by the hun-soul, though d i s t i n c t , go to make up the same Ocean of R e a l i t y (hsing-hai, 'the Sea of Bhutatathata). As a r e s u l t our waking s i t u a t i o n s are generally a l i k e . Every a f f e c t i v e s i t u a t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g with the p'o-soul i s evolved from a p a r t i c u l a r embryonic v i t a l force; hence our dreaming s i t u a t i o n s 20 d i f f e r from person to person. At t h i s point, i t i s hard to say to what extent Buddhist notions influenced Chuang Yiian-ch' en' s thinking. With regard to the North American Indian notion of the p l u r a l i t y of the soul, Hultkrantz has also said that the f r e e - s o u l , normally a c t i v e , may become passive as an ego-soul, and that the body-soul, passive as a r u l e , may become act i v e when i t temporarily turns into a disembodied soul assuming the q u a l i t i e s proper to a s p e c i f i c f r e e - s o u l . In t h i s l i g h t , perhaps the hun-p'o dichotomy should likewise be understood as representing two facets of a s i n g l e psychic e n t i t y , even i f at the phenomenological l e v e l each stands as a unitary concept i n i t s own r i g h t . The following passage from the Shu-chtl-tzu seems conducive to t h i s speculation: The lungs, kidneys, and spleen are the p a l a t i a l 28 chambers of the p'o-soul; the l i v e r and the heart are the c a p i t a l abodes of the hun-soul. The ears, nose and mouth are the p'o-soul's courtyards, whereas the eyes and tongue are the hun's outbuildings. During daytime, they wander about i n the courtyards and outbuildings. At night they, return to the p a l a t i a l chambers and c a p i t a l abodes. Hence, while awake we are 21 conscious and when i n bed we dream. Note that i n t h i s passage the functions of the hun- and p* o-souls are not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d with respect to e i t h e r the waking state or the dream stat e , although they are said to occupy d i f f e r e n t v i s c e r a l residences at night and to l o i t e r round the v i c i n i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t sense organs during the day. But i f we turn to the question of t h e i r destinations a f t e r death, then i t i s cl e a r that the two souls go separate ways. The t r a d i t i o n of t h i s idea may be traced to the following passage from the " C h i - i " (The meaning of s a c r i f i c e s ) chapter i n the L i - c h i ; Tsai-wo said, "I have heard the terms kua (ghost) and shen ( s p i r i t ) , but I don't know what they mean." The Master sa i d , "The v i t a l force i s the shen nature i n i t s f u l l n e s s , and the: p?o .the kugL nature i n i t s f u l l n e s s . The highest teaching consists i n the union of kueL and shen. A l l the l i v i n g 29 must die and, when dead, return to the ground. This i s what i s known as kueL. The hones and f l e s h decay down there; under cover, they turn into f i e l d s o i l . But the v i t a l force springs upward and becomes a glorious splendor. The odors and vapors which induce melancholy are the r e f i n e d essences of a l l things as well as 22 manifestations of the shen nature. The v i t a l force ( c h 1 i ) mentioned here, as the element which v i v i f i e s the body when united with i t , i s e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e with the hun-soul. When death occurs, i t escapes from the body and ascends to heaven where i t partakes of the shen nature. I t i s then characterized by luminosity. The ph y s i c a l remains go under the ground, where they r o t and are termed kueL, in t o which the p' o-soul i s said to convert. This statement on the nature of ch f i and p 1o i s susceptible to various i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . Wang Ch'ung (A.D. 27-97?)» f o r example, paronomastically equates kuei, 'ghost 1, with kueL. 'return', meaning the return of the p h y s i c a l remains to earth. In the "Lun ssu" (On death) chapter of the Lun heng he states: What makes a person l i v e i s the subtle v i t a l force ( c h i n g - c h * i ) , which expires when death occurs. The subtle v i t a l force i s produced i n the blood v e s s e l s . When a person dies, the blood vessels are emptied, and the subtle 30 v i t a l force i s spent. This causes the body-to decay and turn i n t o dust. By what means 2 3 can he become a kuei? Then he adds: When a man dies, h i s subtle s p i r i t (ching-shen) ascends to heaven and h i s s k e l e t a l remains return to earth. Hence kueL, which means OA ' r e t u r n 1 . Wang Ch'ung's materialism does not make allowance f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of post-mortem s u r v i v a l of p e r s o n a l i t y nor of i n d i v i d u a l consciousness i n whatever form. This view had 2 5 a number of supporters i n the subsequent ages. In contrast to t h i s , the Shu-chtl-tzu again provides the t h e i s t i c view, as follows: When a man dies, h i s hun goes up and h i s p'o goes down. Not that the hun-soul i s capable of r i d i n g the clouds and ascending to heaven, but that i t s e f f i c a c i o u s element ( l i n g ) can (fraake it^rj move upward and f l o a t wherever i t wants to go. I t may enjoy the s a c r i f i c i a l o f f e r i n g s , or i t may sneak into a womb C^01" r e - b i r t h j . I t s mutations are unlimited. Hence the saying [from the I-ching 3 that the wandering soul e f f e c t s transformations. Not that the p'o-soul i s to submerge without a trace i n the subterranean springs, but that i t s 31 e f f i c a c i o u s element adheres to the corpse and hovers round the c o f f i n and does not leave the s eclusion of the grave. Thus, when the descendants f o f the deceased} come to s a c r i f i c e at the grave, i t may enjoy the o f f e r i n g s . When the corpse decomposes and the grave deteriorates^,, then the p 1 o-soul turns in t o nothingness. For i t was composed of the father's sperm and the mother's "blood. Now that i t has returned to i t s o r i g i n , i t does not come back to l i f e again. Hence the saying fcfrom the I-ching} that the e s s e n t i a l v i t a l force becomes matter. Now, t h i s "matter" r e f e r s to the p'o-soul. L i f e comes from the union of hun and p'o, and death i s the r e s u l t of t h e i r separation. But the hun-soul e x i s t i n g and the p'o-soul not yet diss i p a t e d are s t i l l l i n k e d and sympathetic to each other when they encounter dangers or d i f f i c u l t i e s , i n much the same way as the branches and leaves are r e l a t e d to the roots. This explains why geomancers consider b u r i a l s i t e s so important.2'*' To demonstrate the l a s t point, Chuang t e l l s a story: Huang Shan-ku once suffered from a disease i n the r i b cage. Then a woman appeared i n a dream and said to him, "I am your previous 3 2 incarnation. Where I am now "buried i s i n f e s t e d with ants. They have burrowed through my waist-bone ( i . e . lower portion of the spine). That's why you are having trouble i n the r i b cage. Rebuild my grave and your ailment s h a l l be cured." Shan-ku complied and i t happened accordingly. Chuang's theory i n t h i s connection i s that Owing to the wandering soul's transformation, Shan-ku came into being. The woman that appeared i n h i s dream was the p'o-soul of h i s previous l i f e which had been restored to the ground with the bones and f l e s h . When the p'o-soul i s i l l , so i s the body; and when the p'o-soul i s w e l l , so i s the body. Now, when a person i s born with a deformity, i t i s because the p'o-soul of his/her 2 7 previous s e l f has not returned completely. The etiology of congenital handicaps as Chuang would 1* have i t may yet o f f e r some h i n t to the avant-garde science of genetic engineering. 2 . 4 Message Dreams from the Dead The f i r s t thing to be noted about the dead i n dreams i s that they do not appear dead but are, as a r u l e , a l i v e and sometimes k i c k i n g . A H i t t i t e text t e l l s of a queen reporting: "In a dream something l i k e my father has r i s e n 2 8 again, a l i v e , . . . " The dead may appear i n dreams f o r any reason. A 33 usual one i s to ask the dreamer a favor. Some of the things most frequently requested by the dead i n dreams are new graves, better b u r i a l s i t e s , and the l i k e . This i s a recurrent motif i n the l i t e r a t u r e . According to A. Leo Oppenheim, i t was f i r s t introduced in t o Western l i t e r a t u r e by A c h i l l e s ' s dream of Patroclus ( I l i a d 23:62ff.). Dreams fea t u r i n g the dead constitute a category of sp e c i a l importance because not only do they reveal a s i g -n i f i c a n t aspect of dream concept i n general, but they shed l i g h t on such matters as soul theory and the structure of the underworld. To a student of popular r e l i g i o n , the value of such information cannot be overstated. I propose, then, to examine a few dreams of t h i s nature from Chinese sources dating back, t h i s time, to the Wei-Chin period and a f t e r . The I ytlan (Garden of oddities) by L i u Ching-shu of the Liu-Sung dynasty (A.D. 420-478), f o r example, t e l l s the story of a young widow who l i v e d with her two sons. She was addicted to tea. There was an ancient grave i n t h e i r quarters. Whenever she made tea, she never f a i l e d to make an o f f e r i n g of i t f i r s t at the grave. Her two sons were disturbed by t h i s p r a c t i c e . "Does the o l d grave have any consciousness," they said to her one day, "so that you are obliged to make the o f f e r i n g s ? " They intended to dig i t up, but had to d e s i s t from doing so because t h e i r mother p e r s i s t e n t l y forbade them. That night the mother dreamt that a person said to 34 her, "I have stayed i n t h i s grave f o r more than two hundred years, and you have been very kind i n t r y i n g to quench my t h i r s t . Not only have you protected my grave from being desecrated by your sons, but you have regaled me with your exc e l l e n t tea. Although I am but a bunch of r o t t e n bones under the ground, can I forget to repay your kindness?" Then she awoke. The next morning she found i n the courtyard a huge sum of coins, amounting to one hundred-thousand. They looked l i k e having been buried f o r a long time, except that the s t r i n g s which strung them together were a l l new. She returned to t e l l her sons about the f i n d , and they were remorseful. From then on she was even more conscien-29 tious i n her prayers and l i b a t i o n s . In t h i s story the deceased did not so much appear i n the woman's dream to make a request as to give thanks f o r u n s o l i c i t e d favors received. On h i s own admission, he was a bunch of r o t t e n bones that had been i n t e r r e d f o r over two hundred years. Yet he appeared i n the dream as a "person." The same source mentions Ssu-ma T'ien, a general., of the Chin dynasty. During an i l l n e s s , he saw i n a dream an old man. "I am Teng A i (a general during the Three-Kingdoms era)," he s a i d . "One of my houses i s i n d i s r e p a i r . F i x i t f o r me, s i r . " Ssu-ma made i n q u i r i e s afterwards and found out that at the temple of Teng A i there was a straw hut which had 35 long "been run-down. He had a t i l e - r o o f e d house erected i n 30 i t s stead. Then there i s the t a l e about Hsi K'ang, the Taoist philosopher. As a young man, he was taking a nap one day when an extremely t a l l man appeared i n dream who introduced himself as a musician at the court of the Yellow Emperor. "My remains were buried i n the woods located three l i east of your house," said he. "Someone has unearthed them and l e f t them exposed. Please be so kind as to bury them, and I w i l l send a sumptuous reward." Hsi K'ang went to the s i t e mentioned and indeed found £twoJ bleached leg-bones, each to the length of three ch'ih. He buried them at once. That night he dreamt again of the t a l l man, who came to teach him the music of remote a n t i -quity known as the Kuang-ling san. No sooner had he woke up than he began to play the wonderful music with p r e c i s i o n , 31 without a si n g l e f a l s e note. A l l the three dream s t o r i e s j u s t c i t e d suggest that the dead were s o l i c i t o u s about the condition of t h e i r p h y s i c a l remains f o r a long time a f t e r t h e i r demise, ranging from a few hundred to thousands of years, and that they were able to e n l i s t , through dreams, the help of the l i v i n g f o r the maintenance and improvement of t h e i r p h y s i c a l condition. The Sou-shen hou-chi, (Later record of seeking a f t e r s p i r i t s ) , a work ascribed to the Eastern-Chin poet T'ao Ch'ien (A.D. 372-427), r e l a t e s the following story i n the same ve i n . Ch'eng Chien, a native of Tung-kuan, died of i l l n e s s 36 and was buried somewhere on the county border. Ten years l a t e r , he unexpectedly appeared to the county magistrate i n a dream one night and said to him, "I am Ch'eng Chien, a resident now dead. At t h i s very moment some people are t r y i n g to rob me. Please hurry and help me, Your HonorI" Thereupon the magistrate ordered h i s i n t e r n a l and external personnel to g i r d up and get organized into a platoon c o n s i s t i n g of one hundred men. They were then despatched horseback to the grave-site. When they reached there, the sun was j u s t about to r i s e . But a l l of a sudden i t became so foggy that even at close range they could not see each other, but could only hear the creaking sound coming from within the grave, where the c o f f i n was pried open. There were two men on the mound keeping watch, but, thanks to the b l i n d i n g fog, they did not notice the approaching party. When the magistrate himself a r r i v e d , a l l the hundred men gave a loud cry at the same time. Three men i n the grave were arrested, while the two on the mound escaped. The c o f f i n was not too badly damaged. The magistrate im-mediately had i t repaired. That night he dreamt again of Ch.'.eng Chien, who said to him, "I can recognize to the l a s t d e t a i l the two who got away. One has on h i s face a dark birthmark which looks l i k e a bean-leaf. The other has two chipped f r o n t teeth. I f Your Honor but follow these clues i n your search, they w i l l surely be found." 37 The magistrate did what he said and "both f u g i t i v e s 3 2 were caught accordingly. In t h i s case, the lapse between the death and the dream was ten years, a much shorter length of time compared with the above. But the dream-apparition's concern was the same: the repose of h i s earthly remains. Here he appealed to the l o c a l c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s f o r pr o t e c t i o n and helped to catch the c u l p r i t s . This d e t a i l makes the story sound l i k e a prototype f o r some courtroom plays of the Yuan period. In such plays the r o l e of a ghost, which may or may not appear i n dream, often leads to the r e s o l u t i o n 3 3 of the mystery. The following story from the same source t e l l s of the dream-apparition of someone not so dead. Cheng Mao likewise died of an unspecified disease. When a l l the l a s t r i t e s had been performed short of interment, h i s wife and other family members simultaneously dreamt that he said h i s apoin-ted time had not yet come and that h i s breath had j u s t been cut o f f by chance through s u f f o c a t i o n . "You may open the c o f f i n , " he i n s t r u c t e d them, "then i g n i t e the carriage l a n t e r n and apply i t to the top of my 3 4 head." They did so and he was indeed revived. In t h i s case the i n t e r v a l between the apparent death and the o n e i r i c v i s i t a t i o n was even shorter: j u s t a few days, presumably. Bearing the Chinese d u a l i s t i c soul theory i n mind, we may say that Cheng Mao's hun-soul, which must have been hovering about h i s c o f f i n a l l the while, f r a n t i c a l l y 38 seeking means to reunite with h i s i n e r t body, was responsible f o r the dreams h i s family had. The a p p l i c a t i o n of the l i g h t e d lantern to h i s crown was s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r l i g h t s i g n i f i e s the Yang p r i n c i p l e , and the head, as the head-dress of Taoist p r i e s t s accentuates, i s where a l l the Yang forces i n the body culminate. This potent conjunction was designed by Cheng Mao himself to l u r e h i s vagrant hun-soul back to i t s former domicile. Another point of i n t e r e s t i n t h i s episode i s the phen-omenon of simultaneous dreaming, a f a m i l i a r theme i n the dreamlore of many cu l t u r e s . When two or more people report an i d e n t i c a l dream, i t s supernatural o r i g i n i s thought h i g h l y p l a u s i b l e . Apart from asking favors, ghosts may also appear i n dreams to do the dreamer a good turn. The Hsu sou-shen chi (Sequel to the record of seeking a f t e r s p i r i t s ) t e l l s of a fisherman who moored h i s boat at the estuary i n Ho-fei one night. Then he heard music from an ensemble of l u t e s , f l u t e s , and other instruments, and dreamt that someone was d r i v i n g him away and t e l l i n g him, "Don't come near where o f f i c i a l s and courtesans are." I t turned out that, according to l o c a l hearsay, Lord Ts'ao once took some courtesans aboard 3 5 h i s boat and i t capsized at t h i s spot. Sometimes dream messages from the dead may not be e x p l i c i t l y stated and therefore require i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The following passage from a vignette e n t i t l e d "Shuo meng" (Speaking of dreams) i n the Yung-hsien-chai p i - c h i (Notebook 39 from the Studio of P l a i n Indolence) hy Ch'en Ch'i-ytian of l a t e Ch'ing times i s an example: The Chou-li speaks of an o f f i c e r f o r oneiromancy, who i n t e r p r e t s good and bad dreams i n many ways. I t i s a p i t y that t h i s a r t i s now l o s t . I dream r e a d i l y whenever my head h i t s the p i l l o w . In a sing l e night I may have several dreams, a l l coming to naught. My l a t e father, however, often did not have any dream throughout the year. But whenever he had one, i t i n v a r i a b l y came true, sure as an echo. This sort of thing i s c e r t a i n l y d i f f i c u l t to r a t i o n a l i z e . In the year ping-ch'en of Hsien-feng r e i g n period (1856), my l a t e wife Madame Wen became i l l during the epidemic. Then my father unaccountably dreamt of my l a t e mother. He took the occasion to t e l l her, "Do you know that our daughter-in-law i s dying?" "Good f o r her," said my mother. On waking, my father said to me, "Your wife i s dying and your mother says that's good f o r her. I am a f r a i d the ravages of the war w i l l soon reach our province." And indeed, i n the following year Chin-hua was attacked by the bandits ( r e f e r r i n g to the T'ai-p'ing r e b e l s ) , and two years l a t e r the whole 40 of Chekiang f e l l . Our family had to evacuate and disperse, r e s u l t i n g i n nine deaths. They were a l l c u r s o r i l y i n t e r r e d , without ceremony. I t was indeed good fortune that my wife had died before-hand. 3 6 I f , i n h i s father's dream, the remark of the writer's mother sounded ominous, the old man's in s t a n t r e c o g n i t i o n of the message s t i l l depended l a r g e l y on h i s awareness of and pre-occupation with the current s o c i a l upheaval now known as the T'ai-p'ing Revolution. From t h i s we may i n f e r the o n e i r o c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e that i n i n t e r p r e t i n g a dream, the dreamer's personal cirmumstances at the time of dreaming should be taken into account. This point w i l l be f u r t h e r discussed i n Chapter VI. The reference to the Chou-li w i l l be f u l l y treated i n Chapter VII. 2.5 Message Dreams from D e i t i e s of Human O r i g i n So f a r I have shown that c e r t a i n s p i r i t s , whether benevolent or malevolent, are reported to have appeared i n some ancient Chinese dreams. Nature s p i r i t s , such as "Heaven" i n Section 1.3 and the r i v e r god i n Section 2.2, were among them. Ancestral s p i r i t s , too, are prominent i n Chinese dream-l o r e . Of the twenty-eight dream episodes recorded i n the Tso-chuan, I found eight having to do with t h i s kind of s p i r i t s (not n e c e s s a r i l y the dreamer's own ancestors' though). 3 7 Since human beings d e i f i e d a f t e r t h e i r deaths constitute 41 an important category of deities i n the Taoist pantheon as well as i n that of Chinese popular religion, this section i s devoted to dreams relating to them. 3 8 The Chi-shen l u (An account of the investigation of sp i r i t s ) by Hsu Hsuan (A.D. 916-991) t e l l s of a butcher named Cheng Chiu whoilived i n Shou-ch'un i n dire poverty. Once he dreamt that a man introduced himself as Lien P'o and said to him, "You may dig up my sword. It i s buried i n the eastern part of the v i l l a g e . I w i l l make you ri c h on condition that you do not give up your job. Chiu followed his instructions and indeed found the sword. The following year he became rich.* But when he subsequently revealed the matter, the sword was l o s t . Now, h i s t o r i c a l l y , Lien P'o was a general of the state of Chao during the Warring-States period. He was deified presumably for the same reason that Kuan Ytl (popularly known as Kuan-ti, 'Emperor Kuan', or Kuan-kung, 'Lord Kuan') of the Three-Kingdoms period or Ytleh Fei of Southern Sung times was: they were a l l stalwart warriors who met violent deaths. Among a l l Chinese deities of human origin, Lord Kuan was undoubtedly the most popular, owing to his alleged readiness to lend a helping hand to whoever needed i t . To give an example: During the Chia-ching reign-period (A.D. 1522-1566), in Lin-chiang county there was a Buddhist temple which housed an image of Lord Kuan. When Minister Chang Ch'un was s t i l l an undergraduate, he used to 42 study i n t h i s temple. Whenever he passed i n fro n t of the Lord's statue, he never f a i l e d to how i n reverence. Come new moon or f u l l moon, he always made a point of burning some incense and praying i n s i l e n c e . I t happened that some bees b u i l t a hive i n one of the ears of the Lord's statue. When Chang Ch'un noticed the messy ear, he took the trouble to clean i t . That night he dreamt that the Lord came into h i s study. He f e l l on h i s knees to welcome the august guest. "I owe you one f o r taking care of my ear," said the Lord, "and I s h a l l r e c i p r o c a t e . Say, when you read the Ch'un-ch'iu, do you understand i t s hidden meaning?" Then he began explaining a few passages. As he l i s t e n e d on, Chang Ch'un came to r e a l i z e that h i s exposition was such as he had never heard from anyone e l s e . From then on he dreamt of the Lord's v i s i t every night. One day, some fri e n d s of h i s who s p e c i a l i z e d i n t h i s c l a s s i c met with him to p r a c t i s e w r i t i n g essays on i t . Ch'un put together a composition based on what the Lord had expounded to him. They read i t and could not r e f r a i n from heaving sighs 39 i n admiration. J 43 According to popular t r a d i t i o n , Lord Kuan, a patron s a i n t of the l i t e r a t i among other things, was a great reader of the Ch'un-ch'iu (Spring and autumn annals). He i s invariably-represented, i n paint i n g and sculpture, as holding a volume of the c l a s s i c i n one hand and poring over i t i n a dramatic stance. Hence, i n t h i s case, i t was only f i t t i n g that he chose to impart to h i s benefactor i n a serie s of dreams h i s own i n s i g h t s i n t o t h i s work. Even i n Buddhism, monks of great s a n c t i t y are said to have appeared i n dreams to d e l i v e r messages. The following episode, which took place i n the early Ch'ing period, i s recounted i n the Jen-wu feng-su chih-tu ts-'-ung-t'an (Colle c t e d anecdotes on p e r s o n a l i t i e s , customs, and i n s t i t u t i o n s ) , a modern work: The Monastery of Longevity i s the present abode of the Reverend Shih L i e n . In this;?;^.?" monastery there used to be an elder who passed on fourteen years ago, was niched i n a c e l l , and had not been placed i n a pagoda. Shih L i e n at one time was undertaking such a construction and had already chosen a date f o r the removal when the elder appeared i n a dream, saying, "My flesh-body i n the niche i s i n t a c t and uncorrupt. Some day i t w i l l come out, therefore i t should not be cremated. Please open the niche and show i t to a l l the f a i t h f u l . " Torn between doubt and b e l i e f , Shih L i e n prayed "before the niche: " I f I alone sai d so, i t might sound absurd and f r i v o l o u s . I f Your Reverence has s p i r i t u a l e f f i c a c y ; please show Yourself to the congregation i n a dream." That day the whole congregation indeed had a dream, which they conveyed to a l l the elders and superiors i n the other mountains as well as to a l l l a i t y . Then they a l l gathered together to open the niche. CJThe dead monk's 3 face looked as i f he was a l i v e . He sat i n a solemn posture with h i s hands clasped. His n a i l s were very long, but on h i s neck and one cheek there were two small holes corroded by i n s e c t s . He was i n s t a l l e d on a high seat f o r 40 veneration. Although i t i s a basic tenet i n Buddhism that the phenomenal world i s maya, that i s , an i l l u s i o n (of t h i s more i n Chapter V) and 1that, i n s o f a r as i t partakes of the nature of the phenomenal, the body i s to be considered as nothing but a " s t i n k i n g leather bag (ch'ou p'i-nang)," the corpse of a monk i n a state of nonputrefaction i s always regarded, as i n Catholicism, as a mark of s a n c t i t y . I t i s not c l e a r , however, whether i t i s also the case that the soul i s believed to remain i n i t . At any rat e , i n t h i s episode our monk seemed to value h i s le a t h e r bag so hi g h l y that he was preva i l e d upon to cause simultaneous dreaming.^ 45 2.6 Dream Incubation I f s p i r i t u a l beings may on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e manifest themselves i n dreams f o r whatever reason, i t i s also the case that they may be d e l i b e r a t e l y induced to appear i n dreams through prayer and/or some form of p r o p i t i a t i o n . In some ancient cultures, dream incubation was i n s t i -t u t i o n a l i z e d . In Egypt, f o r instance, temples dedicated to Serapis, the god of dreams, were located throughout the land. These temples, c a l l e d serapeums, were managed by profes-s i o n a l dream i n t e r p r e t e r s known as the Learned Men of the Magic L i b r a r y . The Serapeum at Memphis, constructed about 3000 B.C., was one of the most important. The technique of incubation consisted i n praying, f a s t i n g and sleeping i n these temples. I t was also possible to induce dreams i n such a temple by proxy i n case the actual suppliant could 42 not make the -journey. In ancient Greece dream incubation became a hi g h l y developed a r t . Incubation centres had t h e i r beginnings around the f i f t h century B.C., and there were more than three hundred of them functioning throughout Greece and the Roman Empire i n the second century. V i s i t o r s came as a r u l e to seek answers to medical problems. The god would in d i c a t e i n a dream what typejof medicine should be taken. Later i t was the oracles or i n t e r p r e t e r s who would sp e c i f y , on the basis of the dream recounted to them, the appropriate 43 remedy. The ancient Hebrews, too, believed that dreams could 46 be provoked a r t i f i c i a l l y , although the Rabbis forbade the use of incubation. Nevertheless, i t was p r a c t i s e d : the Temple of Aesculapius was v i s i t e d by Greeks, Romans, and Hebrews a l i k e . The t r a c t a t e Sanhedrin goes so f a r as to say that one may sleep on the grave of a dead person so as to receive some message from the dead. Moreover, according to the Talmud, i t i s possible to pray f o r good dreams and f o r the n u l l i f i c a t i o n or changing of bad dreams. The Berakoth states: " I f a dream s p i r i t t e l l s a man 'Tomorrow you w i l l d i e , 1 he should not despair. Prayer and good deed h e l p . " 4 4 F i n a l l y , dream incubation was also p r a c t i s e d , as a r o y a l p r i v i l e g e and as a p r i e s t l y function, by the Babylon-ians, H i t t i t e s , Assyrians and Akkadians i n ancient Near E a s t . 4 5 In ancient China, too, there used to be shrines famous fo r dream incubation i n various l o c a l i t i e s . One such shrine i n Fukien province was described i n the following passage from the Min hsiao-chi ( L i t t l e notes on Min) by Chou Liang-kung: Everyone knows about praying f o r dreams at C h i u - l i (Nine Carp), but not about the Hsien-men Tung (Cave of the Immortals' Gate) presided by Lord Chiu-ho (the t i t u l a r d e i t y ) . I t i s located twenty-two l i west of the Hsien-yu county CseatJ. CHereU the c l i f f on e i t h e r side stands l i k e a wall and a t t a i n s a height of ten or so ,jen (one 47 .jen i s eight ch'ih, the Chinese f o o t ) . Going i n zigzag fashion toward the west, one f i n d s Taoist temples and Buddhist monasteries. Around the cave 1s entrance and along the creek, boulders flank the banks i n such a way that an avalanche of w a t e r f a l l s c o n s i s t i n g of more than ten terraces i s created. Where the banks come to an end the land i s more c u l t i v a t e d . The presence of fowl, dogs, mulberry trees and hemp crops marks i t out as a d i s t i n c t area. Five l i beyond t h i s point stands a watershed which i s already within the boundary of Chin-chiang county. The dreams procured Eat t h i s site*} are as 4 6 marvelously e f f i c a c i o u s as those at Carp Lake. This d e s c r i p t i o n of the shrine suggests that, though situated amidst surroundings of great n a t u r a l beauty, owing to i t s f a r - f l u n g l o c a t i o n and rugged t e r r a i n , i t was v i s i t e d only by those who were s i n g u l a r l y motivated. Fortunately f o r dream seekers, some other dream dispen-s a r i e s were more a c c e s s i b l e . The temple of ch'eng-huang t 'god of walls and moats', i n a town or c i t y , f o r instance, was a very popular one. This d e i t y was a kind of guardian s p i r i t who looked a f t e r the general wellfare as well as p a r t i c u l a r needs of the people within h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n . He was as a r u l e a d e i f i e d personage who during h i s l i f e t i m e had distinguished himself by v i r t u e of h i s exemplary conduct. There i s a legend about Yii Ch'ien, M i n i s t e r of M i l i t a r y 48 A f f a i r s of the Ming dynasty during the rei g n of Emperor Ying-tsung (A.D. 1436-1449)» who was wrongly accused and ordered executed "by the emperor. A f f l i c t e d by remorse, however, the emperor r e i n s t a t e d him posthumously i n h i s o f f i c a l p o s i t i o n and gave him the o f f i c e of Arch-God of Walls and Moats of All-under-Heaven. Since Ytl Ch'ien was a native of Hangchow, i t was decreed that h i s residence i n that c i t y be converted into a temple i n h i s honor. This temple soon became a centre f o r dream incubation. In an a r t i c l e , Wang Yung-ch'tlan, a modern writer, described i t as follows: On the eve of winter s o l s t i c e each year, at about n i g h t f a l l , people seeking a f t e r dreams move toward the temple of the Arch-God of Walls and Moats of All-under-Heaven with incense and candles i n t h e i r hands and blankets and bedding on t h e i r shoulders. O r d i n a r i l y , t h i s temple i s a l l deserted and quiet. But on t h i s p a r t i c u l a r day lamps and candles are l i g h t e d , causing a l o t of fuss that i s hard to t o l e r a t e . un entering the temple, the dream seekers l i g h t up t h e i r incense and candles. A f t e r going through the prescribed r i t u a l of kneeling t h r i c e and kowtowing nine times, they spread out the'ir blankets and beddings and f a l l asleep i n a peace-f u l frame of mind. When a late-c;omer cannot f i n d 49 f i n d a bed-space, he w i l l v o l u n t a r i l y spend the night outdoors. The climate i n our province of Chekiang i s such that at the winter s o l s t i c e i t i s already very cold. I f snow does not come, there i s bound to be f r o s t . In s p i t e of t h i s , some people choose to go to Ytt Ch'ien's tomb and sleep beside i t i n the open-air, i n order to procure dreams. On the eve of winter s o l s t i c e , at dusk, one never f a i l s to see f a i t h f u l dream seekers along the road with lanterns i n t h e i r hands and blankets and bedding on t h e i r shoulders. (Yu Ch'ien's tomb i s located at Mao-chia Pu i n the West Lake region, ten-odd ljL from Hangchow.) Generally, they go to pray f o r dreams at an early hour. V/hat i s the reason f o r t h i s ? Perhaps the dream-seeking f a i t h f u l subscribe to the notion that "When the . 4 7 night i s long, dreams come i n plenty;" In the foregoing d e s c r i p t i o n , some dream seekers at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r temple were w i l l i n g to undergo some form of of asceticism as evidence f o r t h e i r s i n c e r i t y . I t appears, however, that with regard to dream incubation the ch'eng-huang could o c c a s i o n a l l y be influenced by means other than s p i r i t u a l , as can be seen i n the following episode from the Chin-hu lang-mo (Babblings from a Bronze Urn) by Huang Chtin-tsai of the Ch'ing period: Ch'in Chung-ytlan of Chiang-ning had a s e r i e s of 50 "bad dreams. Disgruntled, he got ready a l o t of s a c r i f i c i a l money and burned i t at the temple of the ch'eng-huang, together with a p r a y e r f u l essay, the g i s t of which read: "Amidst the sundry g l i t t e r s of t h i s world, human fortunes are predetermined. The momentariness of a dream surely does not matter one way or another. This sum of money i s hereby offered i n paymentf£&h auspicious dreams." When th i s prayer was over, ghostly voices were heard squealing, as i f disputing fover the moneyjj., , Aft From then on h i s dreams became rather agreeablel^j^ The reference to ghosts quarreling n o i s i l y over the s a c r i f i c i a l money offered at the temple seems to in d i c a t e that the god did not keep the money f o r himself but turned i t over to the ghosts d i r e c t l y responsible f o r the occurrence of the bad dreams as a bribe or p r o p i t i a t i o n . This would imply that he was not the dispenser of dreams, but acted rather l i k e a monitor or a mediator. 2.7 Dream as Commodity The conception of dream as something transferable can be found i n some cultur e s . A. Leo Oppenheim c i t e s the famous epigram of Juvenal ( S a t i r e s VI: 546-547) concerning the Jews of Rome who sold customers f o r l i t t l e money the kind of dream they wanted: "A few coppers purchase, where Jews are concerned, f u l f i l m e n t of dreams and fancies , "^r^* In t h i s regard, Arthur Waley t e l l s the story of the two daughters of Regent Masatoki of Japan (12th cent.). 51 The younger dreamt that the sun and moon f e l l i nto her lap. The elder, c a l l e d Masako, talented and versed i n oneirology., cozened her s i s t e r i n t o b e l i e v i n g that i t was a t e r r i b l y unlucky dream. Then she offered to buy i t , explaining that a dream bought or sold had no potency. She paid f o r i t with an ancient Chinese mirror which her s i s t e r had always wanted. The l a t t e r was to r e a l i z e what she had l o s t by s e l l i n g her dream only long afterwards when Masako became the v i r t u a l 50 r u l e r of Japan. The Chln-hu lang-mo c i t e d i n the preceding s e c t i o n recounts the story of the consort of Chin Ch'un-ch'iu, king of Hsin-lo (one of the three ancient kingdoms of Korea) as follows. When s t i l l a maiden, she heard her elder Pao-ehi mention that she had a dream i n which she ascended the West Mountain and sat there. Before long she found h e r s e l f a d r i f t a l l over the country. Upon waking, she t o l d the £future^ queen about i t . The l a t t e r s a i d , " I ' l l buy your dream, s i s t e r . " l a t e r , taking!) Ch'un-ch'iu took her i n . - S i r Thus the good omen indeed came true. - j^r / 2.8 The Dream-God In discussing the Jewish p r a c t i c e of buying and s e l l i n g dreams i n ancient Rome, Oppenheim maintains that t h i s was an outcome of the Talmudic concept of the dream which postulates "the existence of a r u l e r of dreams who could be induced by prayers or magic to provoke c e r t a i n dreams i n c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s . " P a r a l l e l to the Hebraic notion of a supernatural d i s -52 penser of dreams, Mesopotamia!! r e l i g i o n also knows of several gods of dreams, v a r i o u s l y designated as Mamu, Anzaqar or Anzaggar, and Zaqiqu or Ziq i q u . The semantics as well as th e o l o g i c a l implications of these names are f u l l y discussed hy Oppenheim. As he points out, the designation "god of dreams" may mean a number of things i n various contexts. For example, the connotations of the term zaqiqu, Assyrian i n o r i g i n , range from 'storm' 5 3 to ' e v i l s p i r i t ' and even to 'nothingness'. Hence, when the Mesopotamian dream-god i s designated by t h i s term (some-times used to r e f e r to the souls of the dead as w e l l ) , we may sleep assured that the f l i g h t y , chthonic, d e s t r u c t i v e , 54-or even demonic aspect of dreams i s at issue. The demonic conception of the dream e n t a i l s i t s being regarded as an objective event. In t h i s view, e v i l dreams remain operative even i f the dreamer happens to forget t h e i r content. Perhaps t h i s was the.idea behind the apotro-paic r i t u a l of invoking Po-ch'i, a mythical beast, to devour the unwanted dreams during Han times when the annual ceremony 5 5 of _ta nuo (grand exorcism) was being held. Was there a dream-god i n ancient China comparable to the Babylonian Mamu, the Sumerian Manu, the Egyptian Serapis, or the Grecian Hermes or Aesculapius, who could be invoked to grant c e r t a i n types of dreams? Well, the S h i h - l e i t'ung- pien (Compendium of L i t e r a r y A l l u s i o n s ) mentions a dream-god c a l l e d C h i h - l i . This source also mentions a mantra to be t^ r e c i t e d seven times before r e t i r i n g , as follows: yuan chou '• 56 tsang kuan chtl chu mi t' i . E v idently, t h i s i n c a n t a t i o n i s of f o r e i g n o r i g i n . The dream-god's name does not sound Chinese e i t h e r . 54 CHAPTER THREE DREAM AS RESPONSE TO PHYSICAL STIMULI In the foregoing chapters I have shown that i n ancient China, as i n some other parts of the ancient world, dreams were thought of as having divinatory s i g n i f i c a n c e and as o r i g i n a t i n g from the s p i r i t world. Both notions implied that the dream was a supernormal event. This concept was the natural outcome of the magico-religious world-view entertained by the ancients. As human knowledge about the world increased, the processes of nature were understood i n more d e t a i l . And, f o r the enlightened, the time soon came when a l l phenomena observed by our forebears had to be explained i n terms of natural cause and e f f e c t . The somatic basis of the dreaming process was thus sought a f t e r . 3 . 1 The Internal Stimuli We know that i n many ancient s o c i e t i e s , medicine was a branch of r e l i g i o n , and the p r i e s t or shaman often doubled as a healer. With the progress of human knowledge, science and r e l i g i o n parted company; and medicine, shedding i t s sacerdotal trappings, came i n t o i t s own. Thus, Hippocrates was able to teach that epilepsy, r e f e r r e d to by the Greeks of h i s day as the Sacred Disease, was not divine i n o r i g i n . On the contrary, i t had a natural cause: e i t h e r phlegmatic or b i l i o u s attacks on the b r a i n . 55 He noted the influence on bodily health of such elements i n nature as the p r e c a i l i n g winds, the water supply, and the s o i l . He observed the e f f e c t of food and drink, of 1 occupation, and of the habits of people i n causing disease. As well, Hippocrates wrote a t r e a t i s e on the medical s i g n i f i c a n c e of dreams. Without denying that some dreams were sent by the gods to apprise people of future events, he considered dreams p r i m a r i l y as diagnostic i n d i c a t o r s of b o d i l y conditions. Dreams con s i s t i n g of actions and thoughts s i m i l a r to those experienced by the dreamer during the day indicated a healthy state, whereas dreams that ran counter to daytime experience and that involved some strug-gle or triumph s i g n i f i e d b odily disturbance, the seriousness of which was i n d i r e c t proportion to the degree of violence 2 i n the struggle. In the mid-seventeenth century, Thomas Hobbes was to echo the Hippocratic view on dreams as follows: And seeing dreams are caused by the distemper of some of the inward parts of the Body, diverse 3 distempers must needs cause d i f f e r e n t Dreams. Hobbes managed to give an account of the psychosomatic mechanism involved i n dreaming. In h i s view, an emotion that we experience i n our waking l i f e produces a c e r t a i n p h y s i c a l sensation, so that when t h i s sensation i s aroused by some ph y s i c a l stimulus when we are sleeping, the corres-ponding psychological state ensues, t h i s time accompanied 56 "by an appropriate imagery (Hobbes termed i t "imagination") a r i s i n g from the b r a i n . ^ At about the same time, Jeremy Taylor wrote: Dreams follow the temper of the body, and commonly proceed from trouble or disease, business or care, an active head and a r e s t l e s s mind, from f a n t a s t i c remembrances, or from some common demon, good or bad. 5 Although Taylor acknowledged the demonic o r i g i n of dreams, he nonetheless emphasized t h e i r p h y s i o l o g i c a l aspect as follows: The dream of the yolk of an egg importeth gold ( s a i t h Artemidorus), and they that use to remember such f a n t a s t i c i d o l s , are a f r a i d to lose a f r i e n d when they dream t h e i r teeth shake, when n a t u r a l l y i t w i l l rather s i g n i f y a scurvy; f o r a natural i n d i s p o s i t i o n and an imperfect sense of the beginning of a disease, may vex the fancy into a symbolical representation; f o r so the man that dreamed he swam against a stream of blood, had a pleuresy beginning i n h i s side; and he that dreamt he dipped h i s foot into water, and that ^ i t was turned into a marble, was e,n'ticed into the fancy by a beginning dropsy; and i f the events do answer i n one instance, we become credulous i n twenty. 57 Taylor, a churchman, exhorted the reader not to be impressed by dreams with regard to t h e i r alleged p r e d i c t i v e f u n c t i o n , f o r i n so doing he or she might be fooled by the d e v i l into accepting "a f a l s e proposition upon a ground weaker than the 7 discourse of a waking c h i l d . " Writing i n 1896, Wilhelm Wundt offered a psycho-physio-l o g i c a l theory of dreams. He thought the dreaming process to be conditioned by what he c a l l e d "the s p e c i a l l y modified 3 dospositions to sensations and v o l i t i o n a l reactions." InWundt's view, while the external motor a c t i v i t i e s were i n h i b i t e d i n ordinary sleep and dreams, the sensory functions became more exc i t a b l e . While admitting that these changes had not been investigated d i r e c t l y , he assumed from the psychological symptoms that the p h y s i o l o g i c a l conditions generally consisted " i n the i n h i b i t i o n of a c t i v i t y i n the regions connected with processes of v o l i t i o n , and appercep-t i o n , and i n the increased e x c i t a b i l i t y of the sensory Q centers." The concept of dreams as i n d i c a t i v e of i n t e r n a l b o d i l y conditions can be found i n the Chinese medical l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l . Even to t h i s day, i t i s nothing unusual f o r a Chinese physician p r a c t i s i n g t r a d i t i o n a l medicine, when making a thorough diagnosis, to ask the patient what dreams he or she has been having l a t e l y . A f t e r a lengthy passage explaining the cosmological theories ( v i z . the b i p o l a r complementarity of Y i n and Yang, and the c i r c u l a r p e r i o d i c i t y of the Five Agents) underlying 58 the Chinese medical p r a c t i c e , t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s , and how they correspond to the four seasons, the human body and so f o r t h , the Huang-ti nei-ching su-wen' (The Yellow Emperor's c l a s s i c on i n t e r n a l medicine: p l a i n questions) states: Thus do we know that when the Yin f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of wading through great tbodies o f ! water i n f e a r . When the Yang f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of great f i r e burning and scorching. And when both Yin and Yang f l o u r i s h , then dreams of k i l l i n g and maiming each other occur. When the upper [^pulse^l f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of f l y i n g . When the lower f p u l s e i f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of f a l l i n g . ' Overfed, one dreams of gi v i n g . Famished, one dreams of taking. When the breath of the l i v e r f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of being angry. When the breath of the lungs f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of cry-ing. An abundance of short worms £rin the bowels'!) brings about dreams of gathering a throng. An 1 2 abundance of long worms causes dreams of beating 1 3 and hurting each other. In t h i s passage we see what sort of bodily excess or d e f i c i e n -cy t r i g g e r s what dream imagery. The Ling-shu ching ( C l a s s i c on the v i t a l axis) has a passage i n the same ve i n . A f t e r mentioning a l l the above dream imageries, i t continues the l i s t thus: When the breath of the heart f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams 59 of being prone to laughter or of fear and t i m i d i t y . When the breath of the spleen f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams of song and music, or of one's body growing heavy and unwieldy. When the breath of the kidneys f l o u r i s h e s , one dreams that the waist and backbone / T 5 r are loose and d i s j o i n t e d . " That Yin i s equated with water and Yang with f i r e hardly needs any comment. Under normal conditions, the force of Yang waxes as that of Y i n wanes and v i c e versa; the balance of nature i s thus maintained. I t follows that when both forces increase at the same time, then, instead of complemen-t i n g each other, they clash. Hence dreams of " k i l l i n g and maiming each other." Since the "upper" pulse i s located i n the neck and the "lower" at the wrist, each t r i g g e r s o f f a dream experience corresponding to i t s l o c a t i o n . That when we are well-fed our dreams are characterized by generosity and when sta r v i n g by greed stands to reason even i n our waking thoughts. I suspect, however, that the notion of Yin-Yang complementarity also plays a part i n these two equations. As to why hookworms suggest gregariousness and tapeworms are a n t i s o c i a l i s anybody's guess. The symbolism involved i n dreams brought about by an excess of "breath" i n each of the f i v e v i s c e r a ( i . e . heart, l i v e r , spleen, lungs, kidneys) can e a s i l y be explained i f we bear i n mind how these f i v e i n t e r n a l organs are correlated with, among other things, the emotions, ostensibly based on 60 the theory of the Five Agents. The Ling-shu ching, f o r example, states that when the subtle breath or v i t a l force ( c f . Section 2.3) binds i t s e l f to the l i v e r , then one i s worried; to the heart, happy; to the lungs, sad; to the kidneys, f e a r f u l ; and to the spleen, 16 timid. Thus each of these emotions i s found to have a s p e c i f i c p h y s i o l o g i c a l c o r r e l a t e . With respect to dream symbolism, the Ling-shu ching further states: When the impeding breath (chtleh-ch'i) dwells i n the heart, one dreams of h i l l s , mountains, smoke and f i r e ; i n the lungs, of f l y i n g about and seeing strange objects of gold and i r o n ; i n the l i v e r , of f o r e s t s and trees; i n the spleen, of h i l l s and great marshes, and of winds and rains destroying houses; i n the;.kidneys, of verging on a chasm, or of being submerged i n water; i n the bladder, of t r a v e l l i n g ; i n the stomach, of drink-ing and eating; i n the large i n t e s t i n e s , of f i e l d s and the wilds; i n the small i n t e s t i n e s , of v i l l a g e s and towns, and of roads high and low; i n the g a l l bladder, of f i g h t s and l i t i g a t i o n s , or of d i s -embowelling oneself; i n the g e n i t a l i a , of accep-t i n g or r e c e i v i n g ; i n the nape, of being beheaded; i n the legs, of walking but not being able to move forward, and of l i v i n g i n a caved-in place or a sunken garden; i n the thighs and forearms, 61 of performing ceremonies which involve kneeling and r i s i n g ; and i n the mucous membrane of the 17 bladder, of u r i n a t i n g . Here, not only are the f i v e v i s c e r a mentioned again, but s i x other i n t e r n a l organs, the l i u f u , 'six bowels", and some other external body parts are included as w e l l . Again, i n c o r r e l a t i n g the dream imageries with t h e i r respective p h y s i c a l sources, the cosmological p r i n c i p l e s underlying the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese concept of the human body are applied. For example, the heart i s associated with the element of f i r e , hence dreams of smoke and f i r e when t h i s organ i s impeded by the noxious breath. The l i v e r has the a t t r i b u t e of wood, therefore dreams about f o r e s t s and trees occur when i t i s s i m i l a r l y a f f e c t e d . 3.2 The External Stimuli The statement about dreams of decapitation i n the passage from the Ling-shu ching l a s t c i t e d found a p a r a l l e l centuries l a t e r , and i n Europe to boot, i n the case of A l f r e d Maury, the French psychologist, who dreamt that he was t r i e d and executed by a t r i b u n a l during the French Revolution and was then g u i l l o t i n e d . In r e a l i t y , however, a piece of the wooden molding from the canopy of h i s bed f e l l on h i s neck and woke him up, at the very moment when 18 the blade descended i n h i s dream. Dream accounts of t h i s type have often been adduced -bcuf.c of-te-jo-bocm addiwod) by proponents of the theory that 62 dreaming i s a p h y s i o l o g i c a l mechanism triggered hy sensory s t i m u l i . The Po-wu chih (Record of various things) hy Chang Hua of Han times claims that when one sleeps on a b e l t , one dreams of a snake; and that when a b i r d holds one's h a i r i n i t s beak (however t h i s may happen), one dreams about f l y i n g . ^ In h i s Yu-yang tsa-tsu (Mixed chops from Yu-yang), Tuan Ch'eng-shih of T'ang times confirms t h i s view thus: Since the b l i n d do not dream, we know that dreaming i s Da matter ofl7 habit ( h s i ) . My maternal cousin Lu Yu-tse dreamt that he saw someone beating the drum. When he awoke, h i s k i d brother was at play pounding the door i n simulation of s t r e e t -drums. Also, my paternal aunt's husband P'ei Ytian-yii said that among h i s r e t a i n e r s there was one who took a fancy to the g i r l next door. He dreamt that the g i r l gave him two cherries to eat. Upon waking, Che foundj cherry p i t s dropping onto 20 e i t h e r side of h i s pi l l o w . That the b l i n d do not dream i s of course a misconception. This statement, however, does not detract from the p l a u s i b i l i t y of the two instances that Tuan gives i n support of h i s view. F i n a l l y , the Kuan-yin-tzu from l a t e T'ang times thinks of the weather conditions as possible i n s t i g a t o r of dreams. I t asserts that when the day i s getting cloudy, one w i l l dream 21 of water; when i t i s getting sunny, of f i r e . 6 3 3 . 3 A Freudian C r i t i q u e In the West, the view that dreams a r i s e from p h y s i o l o g i c a l causes, whether external or i n t e r n a l , was widely accepted among educated people toward the end of the nineteenth century. I t i s no longer countenanced by a good number of modern psychologists, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of the Freudian persuasion. Ernest Jones puts i t t h i s way: I t i s commonly believed i n s c i e n t i f i c c i r c l e s that the mental processes of which dreams are composed a r i s e , without any p s y c h i c a l antecedent, as the r e s u l t of i r r e g u l a r e x c i t a t i o n of various elements i n the cerebral cortex by p h y s i o l o g i c a l processes occurring during sleep. This, i t i s maintained, accounts f o r the confused and b i z a r r e nature of the mental product, and any apparently l o g i c a l connec-t i o n and order that frequently appear to some extent i n dreams are explained by the supposition that the mental processes i n question are represented i n c o r t i c a l elements that stand i n close, anatomical or p h y s i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n to one another, and so are simultaneously stimulated by the peripheral s t i m u l i . Hence any problem as to the p s y c h i c a l o r i g i n of the mental processes, s t i l l more as to the meaning of the dream as a whole, i s by the nature of things excluded as being nonexistent, and any i n v e s t i g a t i o n along such l i n e s i s condemned as savouring of antiquated s u p e r s t i t i o n about the 64 'reading of dreams' unworthy of educated people. While not denying that the source of some dream material i s to he found i n somatic s t i m u l i during sleep, Jones adamantly holds that they are i n no case the whole cause of the dream, but are merely woven into i t s f a b r i c i n exactly the same way as any p h y s i c a l material, and only when they f u l f i l cer-t a i n requirements. Sometimes somatic s t i m u l i may serve as the e f f e c t i v e i n s t i g a t o r of a dream, but i t can r a r e l y explain the whole of i t . 2 5 To b r i n g h i s point home, Jones gives the following example: A man saw i n f r o n t of him i n a dream a Greek a l t a r composed of a s o l i d mass of writhing snakes. There were nine of them, and they f i n a l l y assumed the shape of a pyramid or t r i a n g l e . He awoke at t h i s point s u f f e r i n g from severe c o l i c k y pains i n the abdomen, and, being a medical man, the resemblance at once flashed across h i s mind between the idea of contracting c o i l s of i n t e s t i n e s and that of 2 4 writhing snakes. Jones points out that, i n t h i s case, there was no doubt a genetic r e l a t i o n between the somatic stimulus and the dream, the and .that f o r those who uphold p h y s i o l o g i c a l theory of dreams t h i s was a good i l l u s t r a t i o n f o r i t . But the psychologist thinks t h i s etiology inadequate: i t f a i l s to account f o r such other features i n the dream as the a l t a r , the number 6 5 nine, and the t r i a n g u l a r form. I t happened that, at a banquet on the preceding day, a young lady had asked the dreamer why the number nine was so prominent i n Greek mythology. He r e p l i e d that i t was because nine, being three times three, possessed i n a high degree the properties of the sacred number three. He was spared the embarrassment of having to explain to her why three, a number having p h a l l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e (with i t s r e l a t i o n to r e l i g i o u s worship i n general and to snake-worship i n p a r t i c u l a r ) , was sacred, as her a t t e n t i o n was somehow diverted at t h i s point. In Jones' view, the dream was p l a i n l y a n a r c i s s i s t i c and e x h i b i t i o n i s t i c one, for.-the dreamer i d e n t i f i e d himself with the god Priapus who was adored f o r h i s masculine 2 5 a t t r i b u t e s , symbolized i n h i s dream by the snakes. I t i s c l e a r that the Freudian reading of dream-symbols i s c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c . I t s claim to u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a t i o n i s therefore questionable. Nevertheless, Jones's c r i t i q u e of the view of dream as caused by p h y s i c a l s t i m u l i i s i n c i s i v e . His i n s i s t e n c e that dreams have meaning and that t h e i r meaning has to be unravelled through symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s commendable. I t remains f o r me to point out that, i n ancient China, except f o r a few members of the l i t e r a t i , the p h y s i o l o g i c a l theory of dreams was never popular. 66 CHAPTER POUR DREAM AS PROJECTION OF MENTAL STATES Any n o n - s p e c i a l i s t who has occasion to wonder why a l l t h i s a t t e n t i o n focused on dreams i n modern psychology w i l l soon f i n d , even with minimal probing, that a l l the major schools i n t h i s d i s c i p l i n e agree that there i s a meaningful r e l a t i o n s h i p between the dream state and the waking st a t e . Moreover, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p obtains on the p s y c h i c a l plane. Thus, dreaming i s a mental process which we experience i n sleep, j u s t as thinking, remembering, imagining, d e c i s i o n -making are mental processes which take place when we are awake. In t h i s l i g h t , the subject of dreaming i s c l e a r l y under the purview of psychology. This p o s i t i o n d i f f e r s r a d i c a l l y from that held by the l a t e nineteenth-century psychologists, such as Maury and Wundt mentioned i n the preceding chapter, who theorized about dreams from a r a t i o n a l i s t i c , mechanistic world-view. For them, the dream was explained as soon as i t s p h y s i c a l source, whether external or i n t e r n a l , was i d e n t i f i e d . Over against t h i s m a t e r i a l i s t approach, Freud's impassioned plea was loud and c l e a r : Dreams are not to be likened to the unregulated sounds that r i s e from a musical instrument struck by the blow of some external force instead of by a player's hand; they are not meaningless, they are not absurd; they do not imply that one portion 6 7 of our s t o r e o f i d e a s i s a s l e e p w h i l e a n o t h e r p o r t i o n i s b e g i n n i n g to wake. On the c o n t r a r y , they are p s y c h i c a l phenomena of complete v a l i d i t y — f u l f i l l m e n t s of w i s h e s ; they can be i n s e r t e d i n t o the c h a i n of i n t e l l i g i b l e waking menta l a c t s ; they are c o n s t r u c t e d by a h i g h l y c o m p l i c a t e d a c t i v i t y 1 o f the m i n d . Thus F r e u d s t a r t e d i t a l l . A l t h o u g h h i s t h e o r y o f dreams s u b s e q u e n t l y underwent m o d i f i c a t i o n s even i n the hands of h i s f a i t h f u l f o l l o w e r s , the major p r e m i s s e s , t h a t dreams are m e a n i n g f u l , t h a t they are v a l i d p s y c h i c a l phenomena, and t h a t they can be i n t e g r a t e d through i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i t h d i u r n a l m e n t a t i o n s , have n o t changed. A Chinese proverb s a y s , "What you t h i n k by day, t h a t you dream a t n i g h t . " T h i s summarizes F r e u d ' s t e a c h i n g on T a g e r e s t e , 'day r e s i d u e s ' , which c o n s i s t of memories o f v e r y r e c e n t e x p e r i e n c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y e x p e r i e n c e s from the day i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g the dream. Day r e s i d u e s , a c c o r d i n g 2 to F r e u d , are b a s i c elements i n dream f o r m a t i o n . I n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s I s h a l l adduce i n s t a n c e s from t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese sources i n s u p p o r t o f t h i s v i e w . I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n to s u g g e s t , I h a s t e n to a d d , t h a t such i n s t a n c e s may be d e s c r i b e d as " F r e u d i a n " w i t h a l l the nuances o f the t e r m . 4.1 C o n f u c i u s as Dreamer I f C o n f u c i u s i s s a i d to have a n t i c i p a t e d h i s own death 68 through a dream v i s i o n (see Section 1.3), he i s also known to have been r e t i c e n t about matters r e l a t i n g to the uncanny or things not of immediate concern to the p r a c t i c a l side of l i f e . For example, when asked about the problem of death, he s a i d , " I f we s t i l l don't know about l i f e , how can we know about death?" And when asked how to serve the s p i r i t s , he said, " I f we s t i l l cannot serve the people, how can we serve the s p i r i t s ? " 5 Confucius's agnosticism may have been more apparent than r e a l , but the question at hand i s why, i n subsequent ages, no Confucian worth h i s s a l t would venture to discourse on supernormal phenomena without hedging himself with some s k e p t i c a l comments or advancing some m o r a l i s t i c j u s t i f i c a -tions . To give an example: the Analects records Confucius as saying, " I must be growing weak; I have not dreamt of the Duke of Chou f o r a long time now."4 What follows i s a selec-t i o n of comments on t h i s passage by some la t t e r - d a y Confu-cians . Kung An-kuo (Han): In h i s decrepitude, Confucius never dreamt of the Duke of Chou again. This indicates that, i n h i s prime of l i f e , he used to dream of the duke, whose teachings he intended to implement.5 Hsing Ping (Sung): Here Confucius sighed f o r h i s f a i l i n g health, 69 . saying that i n h i s heyday, he used to dream of the Duke of Chou, whose teachings i t had been h i s ambition to put i n t o p r a c t i c e ; but that since, f o r some time now, he 'had not dreamt of the duke again, he must have grown weak and s e n i l e . Chang Shih (Sung): The mind which caused the Master to dream of the Duke of Chou was i d e n t i c a l with the mind which made the l a t t e r think of the three sage-kings. In the heyday of h i s l i f e , expecting that the Way would soon be r e a l i z e d , and that the measures i n i t i a t e d by the Duke of Chou would soon apply to the whole realm, the Master kept pondering on the matter even as he l a y i n bed and dreamt. When he became old and feeble, however, knowing that the Way could not be r e a l i z e d a f t e r a l l , he ceased to dream of seeing the duke again. But i f we were to suppose that i t was owing to h i s thinking and pondering that the sage saw the Duke of Chou i n dream, then we would be Cfound mentally)impeded and constipated, f o r the sagely mind i s incapable 7 of delusive dreams. A l l the three commentators c i t e d above cor r e l a t e Con-fucius 's dream of the Duke of Chou with the f a c t that he was then young and ambitious. Chang Shih f u r t h e r alludes to the error of the speculation that somehow Confucius was deluded by the dream. He makes i t cle a r that the sagely mind i s a l l 70 penetrating and may not succumb to any form of delusion. This point was amplified by Wei Hsiang-shu of Ch'ing times thus: The moment our mind thinks of e v i l , a demon i s present therein to beguile and play upon i t , so that during the day i t appears i n d i s c e r n i b l e shape and at night i n our dreams, and . t h i s demon1) won't r e s t u n t i l damage has been done. Hence an e v i l mind i s the demon i t s e l f . What i s so odd, then, about one demon being i n cahoots with another? The moment our mind i s righteous, a god i s found therein to protect and keep watch over i t , and r t h i s god^t won't r e s t u n t i l both our parents and our o f f s p r i n g have earned i t s b l e s s i n g . Therefore a righteous mind i s i t s e l f a god. Now, what i s so questionable about one g god consorting with another? Here we see that gods and demons are not spoken of as beings i n t h e i r own r i g h t , but rather as projections of our mental states with e t h i c a l overtones: they are no things'tou-1 good and e v i l o b j e c t i f i e d , the better f o r us to recognize them f o r what they are. I t follows that, i n t h i s view, bad dreams are nothing but the natural product of a morally depraved mind, as Wei said further: I f our mind i s at ease, so w i l l be our speech and act i o n . I f our speech and act i o n are at ease, so w i l l be our dream soul. And i f our dream soul i s 71 at ease, so w i l l be our l i f e and our death. I f , however, one i s i l l at ease i n l i f e and i n death, the reason i s to be found i n one's mind.^ And elsewhere he added: To be able to hold one's own while dreaming i s a sign of consummate scholarship. Such an a b i l i t y -ensures o r d e r l i n e s s i n the management of important a f f a i r s . My own experience has attested to t h i s . 1 0 In Wei's opinion, then, our mental d i s p o s i t i o n i s the b e - a l l and end-all of dreaming. The l a s t c i t a t i o n suggests the idea that i f we but had the r i g h t frame of mind, i t might even be possible f o r us to manipulate the content of our dreams. A p a r a l l e l to t h i s idea can be found i n the book Creative  Dreaming by P a t r i c i a G a r f i e l d , who maintains that our psycho-l o g i c a l -jproblems can be dealt with at t h e i r source i n our minds. One e f f e c t i v e way to do t h i s , she suggests, i s dream co n t r o l . She argues f o r the " s h a p a b i l i t y " of dreams as follows: Patients i n therapy describe having Freudian-type dreams — that i s , dreams with predominant sexual and aggressive symbols, — when they consult a Freudian analyst. The same patient, when he : switches to a Jungian th e r a p i s t , begins to have Jungian-type dreams of mandalas and archetypes. This change i s not merely a s h i f t of emphasis i n 72 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n but a s h i f t i n actual dream content. The patient has learned to shape h i s dreams accor-ding to the wishes and expectations of h i s therap-i s t . The point i s that i f p s y c h i a t r i c patients can a l t e r the con-tents of t h e i r dreams to s u i t t h e i r therapists' purposes, so can we t a i l o r our dreams to s u i t ours. As a matter of ethno-graphic f a c t , t h i s i s r o u t i n e l y done by the Senoi t r i b e i n Malaysia, who teach t h e i r c h i l d r e n , from the time they can 12 t a l k , to dream i n a p a r t i c u l a r pattern. According to G a r f i e l d , therapists who are convinced that consciousness can shape dreams have used t h i s knowledge to help t h e i r patients improve by d e l i b e r a t e l y i n f l u e n c i n g 1 "5 t h e i r patients' dreams. ^ Since, i n t h i s view, the conscious mind i s believed to be capable of l o r d i n g i t over dream con-tent, the dream i s robbed of i t s mystery. We can take our dreams i n our own hands, so to speak, and do whatever we l i k e with them. Thus, a l l hideous denizens of the night world are made to cower i n the light;of human consciousness. Now, to the orthodox Confucian, the human mind i s by nature r a t i o n a l . I t i s imperative that we behave according to the dict a t e s of reason and lead a virtuous l i f e , f o r reason cannot divorce i t s e l f from moral considerations. 4.2 Dream and Rationalism Again, from the Confucian perspective, the reason that resides i n us i s an extension of the underlying p r i n c i p l e of 7 3 the universe i t s e l f . Reason, then, i s the basis upon which correspondences between the human sphere and the world of nature are established. This metaphysical concept may be exemplified by the following story i n the Hsin hsti (New order) ascribed to L i u Hsiang ( 7 7 B.C.-A.D. 6 ) : Duke Wen of Chin was on a hunting t r i p and the guide reported to him, "There i s a huge snake ahead! I t s body i s as thick as a dyke, and so the road i s completely blocked." "I have heard," said the duke, "that the princes f o r t i f y t h e i r v i r t u e s , the o f f i c e r s improve t h e i r s e r v i c e s , and the scholars c u l t i v a t e themselves, when they have had bad dreams, i n an e f f o r t to thwart the advent of calamity. I have erred, and Heaven has sent t h i s to warn me." Then he turned round h i s chariot and was set on h i s way back. The guide s a i d , "Your servant has heard i t said that a happy man should not o f f e r rewards and that an angry man should not impose p e n a l t i e s . But now i t ' s e i t h e r e v i l or good luck that l i e s before us and Dthe course of events'] cannot be changed. Why don't we just chase i t away?" "Not so," said the duke, " f o r the ghostly cannot overcome the Way, nor can the prodigious overcome V i r t u e . No e v i l or good has come about yet, hence i t can s t i l l be a l t e r e d . " Then he headed h i s carriage back to h i s abode. 74 Having fasted f o r three days, the duke con-fessed i n the temple thus, "The animals I used as s a c r i f i c e s were not f a t and the o f f e r i n g s were not ample: s i n number one. My fondness f o r hunting knew no r e s t r a i n t : s i n number two. I have l e v i e d many taxes and duties and meted out heavy punish-ments and pe n a l t i e s : s i n number three. I ask that from now on, l e t no t a r i f f s be c o l l e c t e d at the c i t y gates and markets, l e t no duties be imposed at the marshes and dams, l e t criminals be pardoned, l e t the taxes on old farmlands be reduced by h a l f and l e t no tax be l e v i e d on new ones." These orders were ca r r i e d out and within f i v e days, the o f f i c e r assigned to guard the snake dreamt that the heavenly Ti-god slew i t , saying, "For what reason did you block the way of the sagely r u l e r ? " Awakened from the dream, he saw that the snake had decomposed, e m i t t i n g a stench. He reported i t to Duke Wen, who remarked, "Right! I t did turn out that the ghostly could not overcome the Way, and the prodigious could not overcome V i r t u e . How can people r e f r a i n from seeking a f t e r Reason and l e t Heaven be responsible? A l l we should do i s 1 4 counter i t ( i . e . the monstrous) with V i r t u e . I f , i n t h i s view, inauspicious portents and dreams are to be regarded as i n d i c a t i v e of moral shortcomings on the 7 5 dreamer's part, then, conversely, good dreams may he a t t r i b u t e d to the dreamer's superior character. This brings out the compatibility of dream with r a t i o n a l i t y : w h i c h , i n the Confucian v i s i o n , i s the only basis f o r moral thought and a c t i o n . 4.3 Confucius as Dreamt Just as Confucius had dreamt of the Duke of Chou, hi s i n t e l l e c t u a l as well as moral exemplar, so also did h i s admirers i n subsequent ages dream about him. In h i s famous work, the Wen-hsin tiao-lung (The l i t e r a r y mind and the carving of dragons), L i u Hsieh (c. A.D. 4 6 5 -5 2 2 ) t o l d us the following dreams that he had dreamt: As a c h i l d of seven I dreamt of colored clouds l i k e brocaded s i l k and that I climbed up and picked them. When over t h i r t y years of age, I dreamt I had i n my hand the painted and lacquered ceremonial vessels and was following Confucius and t r a v e l l i n g toward the south. In the morning I awoke happy and deeply at ease. The d i f f i c u l t y of seeing the Sage i s great indeed, and yet he appeared i n the 15 dream of an i n s i g n i f i c a n t fellow l i k e me I Such u p l i f t i n g and i n s p i r i n g dreams were no doubt a cause f o r joy to a dedicated w r i t e r . In f a c t , L i u Hsieh mentioned them as a prelude to explaining why he wanted to write about l i t -erature. Wu Ytl-pi of the Ming dynasty, probably the greatest dreamer i n the Confucian f o l d , claimed that he had on separate 7 6 occasions dreamt of Confucius and King Wen of Chou; of Chu Hsi, the Sung Neo-confucian master; of Confucius's grandson Tzu-ssu; and of Chu Hsi's father and wife. Wu had the audacity to say he had even dreamt that Confucius 16 came with two followers to pay him a v i s i t I Wang Ming-ytleh of Ch'ing times, too, reported that he once dreamt of peeking at King Wen and the Duke of Chou through a window, as they passed hy r i d i n g two chariots • 4- A 1 7 m tandem. A f t e r c i t i n g these and other instances i n h i s essay e n t i t l e d "Shuo meng" (Speaking of dreams), Yii Ytteh (A.D. 1821-1906), the eminent Ch'ing scholar, remarked, "Whether such things may or may not have happened should he determined 18 on a personal b a s i s . " B l u n t l y put: some such reported dreams may have been pure f a b r i c a t i o n s , regardless of whether the dreamer was an honest-to-goodness Confucian. Could we blame Yii Ytleh f o r sounding ske p t i c a l ? 4.4 Dream and Skepticism Apart from the more s p e c i f i c meaning of r a t i o n a l i s m i n Western philosophy as an epistemological theory opposed to empiricism, the term i s also used to characterize :that a t t i t u d e of mind which makes l i g h t of opinions derived p r i m a r i l y from authority, t r a d i t i o n , or r e v e l a t i o n . Reason instead i s the only basis f o r the formation of opinion. I t i s i n the l a t t e r sense that the term has been used i n Section 4.2. I t i s i n t h i s sense, too, that skepticism, as sworn-enemy of dogmatism, conformism, and t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , may be regarded as r a t i o n a l e : 77 ism's blood-brother. Of the not too numerous doubters and debunkers i n the h i s t o r y of Chinese thought, Wang Ch'ung, already r e f e r r e d to i n Section 2 . 3 , c e r t a i n l y ranked among the greatest. We know that he was not crazy about gods and demons. Nor about dreams: The meaning of dreams i s dubious. Some say that dreams are I caused byilthe subtle s p i r i t which l i n g e r s by i t s e l f i n the body, thus produc-ing good and e v i l signs. Others say that the subtle s p i r i t acts and intermingles with people and things. Now, suppose that i t indeed li n g e r e d i n the body, then the subtle s p i r i t of the dead would do so as w e l l . And suppose that i t indeed acted, yet when one dreamt that one k i l l e d or hurt others, and that the one who k i l l e d and hurt others was also k i l l e d by others; having looked over one's person and examined one's body the next day, one would not f i n d evidence f o r wounds i n f l i c t e d by sword-blade. • -:-^ :% / Granted that dreams make use of the subtle s p i r i t , s t i l l t h i s subtle s p i r i t f i n dreams3 i s f a k i n to'} the subtle s p i r i t of the dead. I f the subtle s p i r i t of dreams cannot hurt people, then 19 how can the subtle s p i r i t of the dead hurt,? 78 In t h i s passage Wang Ch'ung argues, by analogy from dreams, that the moment one dies, one's subtle s p i r i t loses i t s power. Thus, a dead person does not have the wherewithal to become a ghost. Since consciousness does not p e r s i s t a f t e r death, the dead can do no harm. In the "Chi yao" (An account of the monstrous) chapter (64) of the Lun heng, Wang Ch'ung r e l a t e s the story of Chao Chien-tzu, who had been i l l and i n a coma f o r seven and a h a l f days. When he came to, he t o l d h i s cou r t i e r s that he had gone up to the abode of the Ti-god, had roamed the middle heaven with a host of d e i t i e s , and had been treated to c e l e s t i a l music and dance. Then a black bear attempted to seize him, and the T i -god commanded him to shoot i t . He did and i t died. Then came a brown bear. Again he took a shot, h i t t i n g and k i l l i n g i t . The Ti-god was so pleased that He gave him two caskets containing jewelries. Then he saw a c h i l d at the Ti-god's side. And the Ti-god entrusted to him a Mongolian dog, t e l l i n g him to give i t to h i s son when he grew up. The Ti-god also made c e r t a i n prophesies to him with regard to the future of the Chin state as well as some other events yet to take place. Wang Ch'ung comments on the dream thus: How do we know that the Ti-god which Chao Chien-tzu saw was not the r e a l Ti-god? We know i t from the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of dreams. Mansions, terraces, mountains, and ridges are not o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . 7 9 Thus do we know t h a t the T i - g o d t h a t C h i e n - t z u saw i n h i s dream was n o t the T i - g o d i n heaven. I f t h i s was not the T i - g o d i n heaven, t h e n the m i d d l e heaven t h a t he c l a i m e d to have roamed w i t h the h o s t of s p i r i t s cannot he heaven. Shu-sun M u - t z u dreamt t h a t heaven weighed down upon him (see S e c t i o n 4 . 5 ) . I f t h i s had been r e a l , then heaven must have descended and reached the e a r t h . Upon r e a c h i n g the e a r t h , i t would have met the b a r r a g e o f mansions and t e r r a c e s . Hence i t c o u l d not have touched h i m . F o r i f i t h a d , then the mansions and t e r r a c e s would have been c r u s h e d . That they remained i n t a c t i n d i c a t e s t h a t heaven d i d n o t reached the e a r t h . I f i t d i d not reached the e a r t h , then i t d i d n o t weigh down upon the man. I f i t d i d n o t weigh down upon h i m , then what d i d weigh down upon him was not heaven i t s e l f b u t r a t h e r the image o f heaven. From the f a c t t h a t the heaven which weighed down upon Shu-sun M u - t z u i n h i s dream was not heaven, we know t h a t the heaven which Chao C h i e n - t z u had roamed was not heaven. Wang Ch'ung was not t r y i n g to be f u n n y . L i k e a good l a w y e r , he p r e s e n t e d h i s argument i n l o g i c a l f a s h i o n and by a p p e a l to common sense . He c o n t i n u e s : Some say t h a t people may a l s o have l i t e r a l dreams. 80 One saw A ( i n dream 'j and the next day one indeed saw A. One saw Mr. X t i n dreamD and the next day one indeed saw Mr. X. Yes, people may also have l i t e r a l dreams. But such dreams consist i n images. I t i s t h e i r imageries that are l i t e r a l . How do we demonstrate t h i s ? When a l i t e r a l dreamer saw A or Mr. X i n a dream, and the next day he indeed saw A or Mr. X, th i s Ltype o f dreanTQ i s l i t e r a l . I f we asked A or Mr. X however, neither o f them would (fsay they had} seen fthe dreamer} .. I f neither o f them saw the dreamer, then the A and Mr. X seen i n dream were nothing but images that looked l i k e them. I f t h i s was a matter o f the images looking l i k e them, then we know that the Ti-god seen by Chien-20 tzu was an image that looked l i k e the Ti-god. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to know what Wang Ch'ung would have 21 said about p a r a l l e l or r e c i p r o c a l dreams. Wang Ch'ung has more to say about the u n r e a l i t y of dreams: Moreover, the o n e i r o c r i t i c s say that when one dreams, one's soul t r a v e l s . When one dreams of the Ti-god, i t i s one's soul that ascends to heaven. Ascending to heaven i s l i k e ascending a mountain. When we dream that we are ascending a mountain, our f e e t climb the mountain and our hands cl u t c h 8 1 at the trees; only thus can we go up. But to go up to heaven, there i s nothing to r e l y on; how can we get up there? Heaven i s ten thousand l i away from us I A person walks a hundred l i a day. With soul and body together, yet one cannot go f a s t ; how then can one expect the soul to go f a s t t r a v e l l i n g alone? Suppose that the soul could t r a v e l as f a s t as the body, then i t would have ' taken several years f o r Chien-tzu to ascend to and descend from heaven before he awoke. And yet i t was only a f t e r seven days when he came to. 22 How could the time be so short? Wang Ch'ung's whole argument was based on the theory that the soul had no separate existence and could act with e f f i c i e n c y only when r e s i d i n g i n the body. Hence any notion about dream realism was untenable because dream events were i r r e c o n c i l a b l e with our experiences of the p h y s i c a l world. Other than t h i s , he acknowledged the existence of dreams as dreams. 4.5 Dreams Come False Now, one reason f o r skepticism to rear i t s q u i z z i c a l head, wherever the question of the r e a l i t y of dreams a r i s e s , i s because there are notable dreams on record that did not come true. The dream of Shu-sun Mu-tzu mentioned by Wang Ch'ung just c i t e d i s a case i n point. E a r l i e r i n h i s l i f e , Shu-sun l e f t h i s family i n Lu and went to Ch'i. On the way he met a woman at Keng-tsung, 82 who cooked f o r him and sheltered him. She asked where he was going. When t o l d , she c r i e d and saw him o f f . He a r r i v e d i n Ch'i and l a t e r married a lady of the Kuo family, who bore him two sons. One night, Shu-sun dreamt that the sky weighed down upon him, and he was unable to bear i t . At that c r i t i c a l moment he turned round and saw a man, dark and hump-backed, with deep-set eyes and a piggish mouth. "Niu ('Ox')," he c r i e d out, "help me!" A f t e r t h i s he was able to withstand the pressure. ) The next day he summoned a l l h i s followers, but could not f i n d such a man among them. So he t o l d them to remember hi s dream. Afterwards, upon h i s countrymen's i n v i t a t i o n , he r e -turned to Lu, where he was made a minister. Then the woman of Keng-tsung and presented him with a pheasant. He asked her whether she had a son and she r e p l i e d , "My boy i s quite b i g now; he was able to come with me.carrying the pheasant." When the boy was summoned, whom did Shu-sun see but the person he had seen i n h i s dream. Without asking what h i s name was, Shu-sun c a l l e d out, "Niu!" and the boy answered, "Aye." Then Shu-sun summoned a l l h i s followers to look at the boy and made him a waiting-boy. Shu-sun loved the boy and had high hopes f o r him. But Niu grew up to become the main source of h i s g r i e f . When at l a s t Shu-sun became very i l l , Niu denied him food and 2 3 drink, thus s t a r v i n g him to death. 8 3 Another famous dream which proved misleading was that of Emperor Wen of Han, who once dreamt that he wanted to climb up to heaven hut could not. Then an imperial oarsman ( i d e n t i f i e d i n the dream by h i s yellow cap) pushed him up to i t . The emperor turned round and noticed that the man:'-s garment had a hole i n the lower portion between the g i r d l e and the small of h i s back. Upon waking, Emperor Wen went to Chien-t'.ai (Terrace of Gradation) located i n the middle of a lake on the palace grounds, on purpose to look f o r the man he saw i n h i s dream. There he found Teng T'ung, whose garment had the t e l l - t a l e . hole. On learning that the man's surname was Teng, which he took to mean t i n g , 'to ascend', the emperor was very pleased indeed. Prom then on, imperial honors and favors showered upon Teng T'ung day by day. F i n a l l y , he was appointed a f i r s t -c lass minister (shang t a i - f u ) , although he had no t a l e n t to speak of, apart from h i s impeccable personal behavior. A l l t o l d , Teng T'ung did not amount to much, except perhaps h i s act i n g l i k e a sycophant on o c c a s i o n . 2 4 84 CHAPTER FIVE DREAM AND REALITY Do dreams have a r e a l i t y of t h e i r own? For those who believe that dreams have a p r e d i c t i v e function and f o r those who believe that they are messages from the s p i r i t world, the answer would be Yes. On the other hand, those who think that dreams can be s u f f i c i e n t l y explained i n ei t h e r p h y s i o l o g i c a l or psychological terms alone would c e r t a i n l y say No. But j u s t what makes ordinary people c a l l waking experiences r e a l and dream experiences unreal? I f , i n . deference to the seeming t a n g i b i l i t y of our waking l i f e , we f e e l obliged to characterize our dream l i f e as unreal, then we may be said to be capable of experiencing the unreal. In such a case, the term "unreal" would r e f e r to the object of our experience, and not to the experience i t s e l f . In other words, at the e x p e r i e n t i a l l e v e l , the dream i s s t i l l r e a l . At l e a s t i t was and s t i l l i s considered so i n some p r e l i t e r a t e societies,' where things and events seen i n dreams are e i t h e r thought to be i d e n t i c a l with those of the waking state or regarded as belonging to another world where they are r e a l i t i e s i n t h e i r own r i g h t . There are, however, o n t o l o g i c a l and epistemological issues involved i n t h i s question. Since some of the best minds i n the h i s t o r y of both Eastern and Western thought 85 have addressed themselves to such issues, I propose to present t h e i r views i n t h i s chapter. 5.1 Chuang-tzu and Descartes The f i r s t thinker i n ancient China who spoke of dreams from a ph i l o s o p h i c a l angle was Chuang-tzu (c. 4th cent. B.C.). In the "Ch'i-wu lun" (Discussion on making a l l things equal) chapter of the hook ascribed to him, he states: He who dreams of drinking wine may weep when :;. morning comes; he who dreams of weeping may i n the morning go o f f to hunt. While he i s dreaming he does not know i t i s a dream, and i n h i s dream he may even t r y to i n t e r p r e t a dream. Only a f t e r he wakes does he know i t was a dream. And someday there w i l l be a great awakening when we know that t h i s i s a l l a great dream. Yet the stupid believe they are awake b u s i l y and b r i g h t l y assuming they understood things, c a l l i n g t h i s man r u l e r , that one herdsman — how dense! Confucius and you are both dreaming! And when I say you 2 are dreaming, I am dreaming too. (Burton Watson's t r a n s l a t i o n ) This essay i n i t s e n t i r e t y develops the idea that i f a l l states of being seem so cut o f f from one another as to r e s u l t i n such polar contrasts as s e l f and things, t h i s and that, great and small, r i g h t and wrong, good and bad, high and low, and even l i f e and death, i t i s because we, as f i n i t e 86 beings, tend to discriminate e n t i t i e s and t h e i r a t t r i b u t e s from a point of view determined by our contigent s p a t i o -temporal circumstances. To Chuang-tzu's mind, a l l categories are a r t i f i c i a l and a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s r e l a t i v e . Hence, u l -timately, i n t h e i r n a t u r a l , u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d state, a l l things partake of the same primordial s t u f f , whose p r i n c i p l e of organization, or apparent lack of i t , i s conceptualized as the Way. Prom t h i s outlook, nothing i n the world i s to be considered more acceptable than any other. And i t would be a c o l o s s a l delusion indeed, i f one should prefer l i f e to death. Chuang-tzu puts i t t h i s way, "How do I know i n hating death I am not l i k e a man who, having l e f t home i n h i s youth, 3 has forgotten the way back?" In the passage c i t e d above, the p o l a r i t y of the dream and the waking state i s used to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s idea. The apparent d i s j u n c t i o n between the two states i s t a c i t l y ac-knowledged. But the f a c t remains that, as dreams go, there i s no i n t e r n a l evidence on the basis of which they may be known as such. Granted that sometimes we experience l u c i d dreams, that i s , dreams i n which we r e a l i z e that we are dreaming, t h i s r e a l i z a t i o n i t s e l f more often than not turns v. ;, out to be part of the dream: we could even dream that we had awakened from a dream and started i n t e r p r e t i n g i t ! Only when we f i n a l l y wake up does i t dawn upon us that we have dreamt i n a dream. The t a n t a l i z i n g question i s , of course, whether we ever r e a l l y wake up. Two milleniums l a t e r and across the oceans, Descartes 87 was to express the same skepticism i n h i s " F i r s t Meditation," i n which he described himself as at f i r s t f e e l i n g c e r t a i n that he was "here, s i t t i n g by the f i r e , wearing a winter cloak,..." but then as being puzzled when he r e c a l l e d : How often, i n the s t i l l of the night, I have the f a m i l i a r conviction that I am here, wearing a cloak, s i t t i n g by the f i r e — when r e a l l y I am undressed and l y i n g i n bedl"^ Descartes held the deceitfulness of the senses respon-s i b l e f o r h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l doubt. His claim that there i s no i n t e r n a l c r i t e r i o n f o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between dreams and waking experiences has repeatedly been brought to task by thinkers i n recent decades, p a r t i c u l a r l y the followers of Ludwig Wittgenstein. Arthur Danto, f o r example, reduces to a paradox Descartes' claim that the senses can always deceive him by p o i n t i n g out that t h i s could have been discovered i n no other way save on the basis of the evidence provided by the senses themselves. He refutes the Cartesian Dream Argument thus: One must be awake no l e s s to argue than to sense. So, i f the argument i s to be taken s e r i o u s l y , i t must be presupposed that he who o f f e r s i t i s awake. Or else he i s not arguing but only t a l k i n g i n h i s sleep. I f he i s r e a l l y arguing, he i s awake, and i f he i s awake, he i s sensing and not seeming to sense, and so the Dream Argument cannot be sound. 8 8 But i f he i s not awake, he i s not r e a l l y arguing, and. since there i s no argument, there i s nothing to refute I So e i t h e r there i s no Dream Argument, or else the Dream Argument i s refuted through i t s ... 6 very presuppositions. But, as Danto immediately points out, i n presenting h i s Dream Argument, Descartes was not so much concerned with f a c t s about dreams per se as with a theory of perception. This theory holds that the contents of our experience are nothing but "pictures" whose representational value i s at best dubious. I t may well be that they do not stand f o r anything i n the r e a l world. Since there i s no conceivable way of comparing these pictures with t h e i r supposed counterparts i n the r e a l world, the very existence of such counterparts i s questionable, and the r e a l world i t s e l f becomes a mere hypothesis. Consequently, there i s no way of t e l l i n g whether the pictures we have are r e a l or imaginary. A l l we can say 7 i s that our perception of them i s r e a l . 5.2 The B u t t e r f l y Dream as Allegory To the extent that the perceptual or e x p e r i e n t i a l aspect of human existence i s accorded v a l i d i t y i n Descartes' medit-a t i o n on the subject, we may say that h i s ideas are i n accord with Chuang-tzu's musings. But, as a metaphysician i n the Western p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n , Descartes had to work out h i s ideas by deductive reasoning. Chuang-tzu, f o r h i s part, was a poet who had not much use f o r d i s c u r s i v e thought. Rather, 89 lie r e l i e d on an i n t u i t i v e grasp of things to achieve h i s unique v i s i o n epitomized by the oft-quoted dream-story with which he concludes the "Ch'i-wu lun": Once Chuang Chou dreamt he was a b u t t e r f l y , a b u t t e r f l y f l i t t i n g and f l u t t e r i n g around, happy with himself and doing as he pleased. He didn't know he was Chuang Chou. Suddenly he woke up and there he was, s o l i d and unmistakable Chuang Chou. But he didn't know i f he was Chuang Chou who had dreamt he was a b u t t e r f l y , or a b u t t e r f l y dreaming he was Chuang Chou. Between Chuang Chou and a b u t t e r f l y there must be some d i s t i n c t i o n ! 8 This i s c a l l e d the Transformation of Things. (Burton Watson's t r a n s l a t i o n ) Ostensibly, t h i s charming story i s intended to drive home the burden of the whole essay, namely, that from a supra-mundane standpoint, where a l l r e l a t i v i t y does not obtain and a l l contention-ceases, the various modes of being w i l l be perceived i n t h e i r e s s e n t i a l oneness. In such a state they are mutually convertible. Hence, dream experiences partake of the same nature as waking experiences, and the dreamt b u t t e r f l y i s every inch as r e a l as the dreaming philosopher. Thus put, the a l l e g o r i c a l value of Chuang Tzu's dream i s obvious. To begin with, the image of the b u t t e r f l y i t s e l f i s fraught with symbolic meaning. P a r t l y owing to Chuang Tzu's 90 dream, the b u t t e r f l y as poetic imagery i n Chinese l i t e r a t u r e i s often associated with a sense of ease, gaiety and abandon. Freed from the bondage of i t s pupal stage, i t " f l i t s and f l u t t e r s around" at w i l l and without aim, being thoroughly absorbed i n the celebration of l i f e . This, I take i t , i s the i d e a l way to l i v e as Chuang-tzu saw i t . In our myopic v i s u a l f i e l d brought about by our i n g r a i n -ed habit of making d i s t i n c t i o n s upon d i s t i n c t i o n s , however, a l l existence i s compartmentalized and appears to us i n the form of i n f i n i t e categories: form, substance, time, space, r e l a t i o n , number, and so on. This being the case, between Chuang Chou and the b u t t e r f l y , as between dream-time and waking moments, some d i s t i n c t i o n i s no doubt i n order. Again, the winged in s e c t i n a l l i t s splendor owes i t s existence to a puny, creeping l a r v a which, qua l a r v a , ceases to e x i s t as soon as the metamorphosis takes place. This wonder of nature accounts f o r the f a c t that i n many cultures the b u t t e r f l y i s a symbol of the soul released from the body at the hour of death. In c l a s s i c a l Greek, f o r example, the word psyche may mean ' l i f e ' , 'departed s p i r i t ' , or 'the immortal s o u l ' . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t also means ' b u t t e r f l y ' or 'moth'. And i n C h r i s t i a n iconography the b u t t e r f l y f i g u r e s i n the Easter symbolism of the r e s u r r e c t i o n . Well, we cannot expect Chuang-tzu to have known c l a s s i c a l Greek and C h r i s t i a n symbolism to boot, but must we suppose that he was also unable to see the analogy between the dormant c h r y s a l i s and the benighted human ego shrouded i n i t s spatio-91 temporal s t r a i t jacket, and that between the glorious b u t t e r l y and the l i b e r a t e d soul; immersed i n the b e a t i f i c state of t o t a l awareness, or what he c a l l s ta chtieh, 'the Great Awadening 1? 5 . 3 Dream as P l i g h t With the above considerations i n mind, Chuang-tzu's b u t t e r f l y dream may be regarded as a paradigm, as f a r as Chinese dreamlore i s concerned, of what Mircea E l i a d e terms "the symbolism of ascension." This s i g n i f i e s the e c s t a t i c mystical experience of escaping from the clutches of Death q i n t o a new mode of existence. I t i s comparable to the shamanic f l i g h t i n trance described i n great d e t a i l by E l i a d e i n h i s book Le Chamanisme, where he mentions that shamans i n various parts of the world claim to be capable of f l y i n g away 10 l i k e b i r d s , or mounted upon a horse or a b i r d . In t h i s connection, E l i a d e also takes as examples some Chinese legends about emperors f l y i n g through the a i r . He dwells i n p a r t i c u l a r on the term "feathered sage" or "feathered v i s i t o r , " which r e f e r r e d to a Taoist adept. E l i a d e notes that the motif of magical f l i g h t i s very ancient i n f o l k l o r e and i s of u n i v e r s a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . What characterizes the countless myths and legends embodying t h i s theme " i s the f a c t that weight i s abolished, that an onto-.11 l o g i c a l mutation has occurred i n the human being himself."* This weightless condition i s implied, I b e l i e v e , i n Chuang-tzu's expression hstl-hsu-.jan, which Watson mimetically and i m a g i s t i c a l l y renders as " f l i t t i n g and f l u t t e r i n g around." 92 Again, according to E l i a d e , the images of " f l i g h t " and "wings" s i g n i f y the spiritual l i f e and, i n a d d i t i o n , the power of i n t e l l i g e n c e which seeks to understand secret things and metaphysical truths. Such secrets and truths are discovered 12 m the course of new awakenings of consciousness. At t h i s point our eminent h i s t o r i a n of r e l i g i o n s himself takes f l i g h t from h i s chosen f i e l d and roves i n the r a r e f i e d sphere of philosophic anthropology. Thus, he states: Now, i f we consider the " f l i g h t " and a l l the r e l a t e d symbolism as a whole, t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e i s at once apparent: they a l l express a break with the universe of everyday experience; and a dual purposivenessi-is evident i n t h i s rupture: both transcendence and, at the same time, freedom 13 are to be obtained through the " f l i g h t . " I t i s c e r t a i n l y true that the notions of transcendence and freedom constitute the dominant theme of a l l symbolic representations of the " f l i g h t , " be they myths, legends, or dreams. I t also seems reasonable that these two e s s e n t i a l motifs are expressive of an o n t o l o g i c a l change i n man, i n the sense that a rupture of the plane of everyday experience has taken place. Nevertheless, the s p e c i f i c content of e i t h e r state v a r i e s i n kind and degree with respect to the personal circumstances of the i n d i v i d u a l concerned and, more importantly, i n accordance with the c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n which serves as h i s frame of reference. A poet's f l i g h t of fancy may not take him b o d i l y out of the a t t i c , 93 but i t c e r t a i n l y creates f o r him, i f only f o r a f l i t t i n g moment, the v i s i o n of a better world where bread and butter do not constitute a problem. In any event, the f l i g h t i t s e l f represents progress toward a higher r e a l i t y . In Buddhism, f o r example, the f l i g h t of an arhat s i g n i f i e s h i s transcendence of the human condition. The Buddha himself i s said to have reached the summit of the Cosmic system even at h i s n a t i v i t y , when he placed h i s fe e t f l a t on the ground, took seven s t r i d e s towards the North and proclaimed, "I am at the top of the world, I am the best i n the world; t h i s i s my l a s t b i r t h ; f o r me, there w i l l 14 never again be another existence." For Chuang-tzu, however, transcendence on the s p i r i t u a l plane consists i n the mystical awareness that the Tao, the primordial v i t a l p r i n c i p l e underlying a l l existence, i s immanent. Once t h i s transcendence i s achieved, a l l d i s t i n c -t i o n at the phenomenal l e v e l i s abolished. In an essay e n t i t l e d "Chuang Chou meng hu-tieh lun" (On Chuang Chou's dreaming of the b u t t e r f l y ) , L i Yiian-cho, a professor at the Imperial Academy during Southern Sung times, wrote: A l l things spring from the same root; Is and Is-not partake of one essence. What i s t h i s that we c a l l Chou and what i s t h i s that we c a l l butter-f l y ? I f we consider Chou to be no b u t t e r f l y , then we f a i l to forget selfhood. I f we regard the b u t t e r f l y as no Chou, then we f a i l to forget 94 thinghood. Things and s e l f depend on each other, and a l l appearances are c h a o t i c a l l y intertwined. Hence, to say that they are unequal i s simply f a l s e d e s c r i p t i o n . Don't we know that things are of themselves no-thing, hence even a "butterfly i s naught; and that s e l f i s of i t s e l f no-self, hence even Chou i s i l l u s o r y ? Moreover, granted that there i s a d i s t i n c t i o n : f l i t t i n g and f l u t t e r i n g , one dreams and becomes a b u t t e r f l y and l o , there i s the b u t t e r f l y and no Chou! B r i s t l i n g and b u s t l i n g , one wakes and becomes Chou and presto, there i s Chou and no b u t t e r f l y ! But t h i s ^points uptl the e x c l u s i v i t y 1 5 of our perception and the equality of things. I f t h i s text i s shot with Buddhist terminology, the mode of thought remains b a s i c a l l y Taoist. Chou sleeps and dreams that he i s a b u t t e r f l y ; upon waking, he then wonders whether he i s being dreamt by the b u t t e r f l y . But, i n h i s human condition, he cannot have i t both ways at the same time. I t ' s l i k e looking at one of those o p t i c a l i l l u s i o n s , of which the viewer can get only one picture at a time. I t also seems l i k e the dilemma suggested by the saying: You cannot eat the cake and have i t . Besides, there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that as you eat the cake, i t eats into you as w e l l . 95 By the same token, as we dream, we are also dreamt. Whoever r e a l i z e s t h i s truth at the e x i s t e n t i a l l e v e l , i t may he said of him that the f l i g h t i s accomplished: the dream i s over, he i s now f u l l y awake. L i Yiian-cho f u r t h e r argues that since the states of dreaming and of waking reside i n the same subject, there must be some point of contact between them. But, i n s o f a r as e i t h e r state constitutes a world of i t s own, one i s as f a l s e (wang) and as r e a l (chen) as the other. He wrote: Now, we look at our one body and consider i t our own; we glue ourselves to ten thousand things and become attached to them. With our p h y s i c a l form we open ourselves to ( i . e . the phenomenal world); thus, i n our wakefulness we deal with the r e a l i t y of events. With our hun-soul we come int o contact with i t ; thus, i n our*sleep we deal with the vacuity of dreams. We do not know that the waking and dreaming of a single night i s the opening and c l o s i n g of one ph y s i c a l form, and the opening and c l o s i n g of one ph y s i c a l form i s the going and coming of one nature. Once turned into a thing, one i s woefully disgusted; once reverted to a human, one i s buoyantly happy. Just what makes thinghood so unpleasant and humanhood so g r a t i f y i n g ? This only shows that the myriad transformations have never come to an end. Once the p h y s i c a l form i s shaped, one s t e a l t h i l y 9 6 considers i t one's own. What delusion! Only when the Great Awakening occurs can we know the Great Dream; only when the Real Person appears can we have Real Knowledge. Since i n dream one i s not aware of the waking state, the dream i s not taken to be delusive. l i k e w i s e , while awake one does not know about the dream state, hence wakefulness i s not regarded as r e a l . Since Chou did not know the b u t t e r f l y , the b u t t e r f l y was not considered f a l s e . Likewise, the b u t t e r f l y did not know Chou, hence Chou was not 1 5 thought to be true. Thus, i f we want to know and a t t a i n the Way, then we must aim at r i d d i n g ourselves of self-attachment as well as attachment to external things. For the two are e s s e n t i a l l y the same. Just as our inner s e l f r e l a t e s to external things, so does dreaming r e l a t e to waking. They mirror each other. Both are equally aspects of the Way, the Ultimate R e a l i t y . 5.4 Dream-Realism i n the Lieh-tzu The Lieh-tzu i s another major Taoist book that makes copious reference to dreams. Ascribed^to Lieh Yu-k'ou, a b^le.C-iieved-1 thinker t r a d i t i o n a l l y to have f l o u r i s h e d a century before Chuang-tzu, the book i t s e l f as we have i t now was probably 1 6 forged i n the fourth century A.D. The t h i r d chapter e n t i -t l e d "Chou Mu-wang" (King Mu of Chou) i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h i n dream material. I t says: What the s p i r i t encounters makes a dream; 97 what the body contacts makes an event. Thus, our thoughts during the day and our dreams at night are the encounters of our s p i r i t and body. Consequently, when the s p i r i t i s r e c o l l e c t e d , thoughts and dreams w i l l disappear of themselves. What we don't t a l k about while t r u s t i n g our waking moments and don't understand while t r u s t i n g our dreams i s the departure and a r r i v a l of the Transformation of Things. The Real Men of yore forgot themselves when awake and did not dream 17 when r e t i r i n g — i s t h i s i d l e talk? This passage asserts the unity of body and s p i r i t . As a c o r o l l a r y , the homogeneity of dreams and wakeful thoughts i s assumed. The motifs of s e l f - f o r g e t t i n g and of not dream-ing occur i n the Chuang-tzu as w e l l . The theme of dream-realism exemplified by Chuang-tzu's b u t t e r f l y dream takes a dramatic turn i n the following story from the Lieh-tzu: Mr. Yin of Chou managed a large estate. Those who worked f o r him s c u t t l e d about from dawn to dark without r e s p i t e . There was an old servant whose muscular strength was a l l spent, yet he was put to work a l l the harder. By day, whining and .groaning, he went about h i s job. At night, giddy and t i r e d , he f e l l sound asleep. Then h i s s p i r i t was set a f i e l d , and every night he dreamt that he was a r u l e r , l o r d i n g i t over the 98 people and i n control of a l l a f f a i r s of state. He roamed about and gave banquets-in h i s mansions and palaces, doing as he pleased. His joy was beyond compare. Upon waking, however, he was on the t r e a d m i l l again. When someone expressed sympathy f o r h i s hard l o t , the servant said, "A man's l i f e may l a s t a hundred years, which are divided i n t o days and nights. In the daytime I slave i t out and, speaking of wretchedness, t h i s i s wretched indeed. But at night I become a r u l e r , and my joy i s i n -comparable. What's there to carp about?" Mr. Yin's mind was preoccupied with mundane a f f a i r s . His concern revolved around the family inheritance. Thus he wore himself out body and mind. Now, every night he dreamt that he was a bondsman. He scu r r i e d about, doing a l l kinds of menial work. Abused, r e v i l e d , caned and whipped, he sustained a l l manner of i l l - t r e a t m e n t . He muttered, mumbled, whined and groaned i n h i s sleep, and found peace only at daybreak. Sick of i t a l l , Mr. Yin went to see a f r i e n d , who t o l d him, "With a s o c i a l p o s i t i o n high enough to make you distinguished, and with enough assets and to spare, you are f a r better than others. I f at night you dream that you are a slave, t h i s 99 reversion from ease to s u f f e r i n g proves the constan-cy of f a t e . How can you j u s t i f i a b l y crave the best of both dream and waking worlds?" Having l i s t e n e d to h i s f r i e n d , Mr. Yin reduced hi s servants* workload and h i s own worries as w e l l . 1 8 Consequently, h i s ailment was somewhat r e l i e v e d . This story suggests that dreams have a compensatory or r e t r i b u t o r y function with respect to the dreamer's circum-stances i n l i f e . The moral i s that, taken i n toto, the ups and downs i n our experience tend to cancel each other out, so that no p a r t i c u l a r way of l i f e i s to be considered superior to any other. 5 . 5 The I l l u s i o n of Time and Space The story from the Lieh-tzu c i t e d above brings out ano-ther important aspect of the dream, namely, i t s spatio-tem-poral dimension. In the dream world, as i n our waking experi-ence, time i s sequential (e.g. night follows day) and space comes i n chunks (e.g. the estate, mansions, and palaces). Thus the dream constitutes another world p a r a l l e l to our everyday world. Moreover, they mirror each other i n content. Within t h e i r respective spatio-temporal framework, both worlds are characterized by continuity, which i s c r u c i a l to our perception of r e a l i t y . But i f the two are mirror-images of each other and run p a r a l l e l , they cannot intrude into each other. A l i n e of demarcation must e x i s t between them. Is t h i s the case with 100 a l l dreams i n r e l a t i o n to the waking state? The author of the Lieh-tzu seems to think otherwise, as can be seen i n the next story from the same chapter: A man of Cheng was gathering firewood i n the wilderness when he came upon a s t a r t l e d deer. He approached i t , h i t and k i l l e d i t . For fear that people might see the poor thing, he h a s t i l y h id i t i n a d i t c h and covered i t with brushwood. He was overwhelmed with "joy. But soon afterwards he forgot where he had hidden the deer, and thought that i t must have been a dream. He walked along the road rhapsodizing about the in c i d e n t . A wayfarer heard him and, led by what he said, found the deer. When he got home, the man t o l d h i s wife, "A while ago some woodcutter dreamt he had got a deer, but had no idea where i t was. Now I have found i t . His dream was p l a i n l y a true one." "Isn't i t rather," said h i s wife, "that you dreamt and saw the woodcutter f i n d the deer? But must there be a woodcutter? Now that the deer has r e a l l y been found, i s n ' t i t your dream that has come true?" "Evidently, I've got a deer," said the man; "why should I care which one of us was dreaming?" When the woodcutter reached home, he was disquieted by the loss of the deer. And that 101 night he a c t u a l l y dreamt of the place where he had hidden i t and of i t s present owner as we l l . The next morning, act i n g on h i s dream, he found the deer and, i n claiming i t , embroiled himself i n a dispute. A s u i t was f i l e d with the magistrate, who pronounced: "At f i r s t you (woodcutter) r e a l l y got the deer, but f a l s e l y took i t to be a dream. Then you r e a l l y dreamt that you found the deer, but f a l s e l y took i t to be r e a l i t y . "He f o r h i s part r e a l l y took your deer, and i s now disputing with you over i t . What's more, his wife said that i n a dream he saw the deer as belonging to somebody, but that t i n reality]nobody had i t . Now that t h i s deer i s here, I suggest you divide i t between yourselves." The case was reported to the r u l e r of Cheng, who remarked: "0 dear, i s the magistrate going to divide that 'somebody's deer' i n a dream too?" The Minister of State was interviewed and he said: "Dream or no dream, t h i s i s something your humble servant cannot t e l l apart. To d i s t i n g u i s h between waking and dreaming, there was only the Yellow Emperor or Confucius. Since both the Yellow Emperor and Confucius are now gone, who i s there to make the d i s t i n c t i o n ? Let us f o r the moment abide by the magistrate's decision and that should 102 ' be f a i r enough.." This i s a short-short story i n v o l v i n g six characters, f i v e male and one female, and each i n t e r e s t i n g i n i t s own way. The woman's remark, when t o l d by her husband about the deer, was remarkable i n i t s i m p l i c a t i o n of the idea that the only r e a l i t y , whether i n the dream or waking state, i s whatever the s e l f experiences. Hence, i t was her husband's dream, i f there had been one, that came true, as evidenced by the f a c t that i t was he who found the deer. No, the woodcutter did not dream i t . As a matter of s o l i p s i s t i c f a c t , there was no woodcutter i n the f i r s t place. More importantly, t h i s story touches upon one of the ;: greatest enigmas of our everyday l i f e : how things get l o s t , and how, i f we are lucky, they are recovered. The question-word "how" i n most cases of t h i s nature i s superfluous, i f we but read the lost-and-found column i n the c l a s s i f i e d ads. A t y p i c a l announcement reads: "Please return to owner i f found. No questions asked." But how people acquire things i s just as mysterious, i f not more so. Of course there are many success s t o r i e s t e l l i n g us, f o r example, how Andrew Carnegie made h i s f i r s t m i l l i o n . Well, we were t o l d how he did i t . But would the formula work f o r each one of us? Anyhow, the point of the dream-deer story, as I see i t , i s that i t makes no sense f o r us to be a c q u i s i t i v e and pos-:! sessive, because things are i l l u s o r y , and so are we. The deer murdered i n broad daylight was as dead as the one appear-103 ing i n the dream. The Solomonic wisdom of the magistrate was amply demonstrated by h i s r e c o g n i t i o n of and r e s i g n a t i o n to the f a c t that there was no way to unravel the tangled skeins of dream and r e a l i t y . 5.6 The Buddhist V i s i o n I have j u s t shown that i n the story l a s t c i t e d from the Lieh-tzu, the borderline between dream and r e a l i t y once again d i s s o l v e s . The r e l a t i v i t y of the tangible and the i l l u s o r y i s thus brought out i n stark r e l i e f . I f the ancient Taoist thinkers seemed to take a dim view of the r e a l i t y as o r d i n a r i l y perceived, so did t h e i r Buddhist colleagues. The Surangama sutra (rendered into Chinese as Leng-yen ching by Master Paramiti of Central North India i n A.D. 705 at Canton, China), f o r example, contains a gatha dwelling on t h i s point p r e c i s e l y , from which I quote' the f i r s t eight l i n e s : Of R e a l i t y a l l phenomenon i s devoid, For, born of conditions, i t i s l i k e an i l l u s i o n . And noumenon, having neither inception nor e x t i n c t i o n , Is as unreal as flowers i n the sky. Words, while f a l s e , reveal r e a l i t i e s ; But falsehood and r e a l i t y make two falsehoods. When even the real-unreal i s denied, 20 Wherefore any mention of seer and seen? The " R e a l i t y " (chen-hsing) i n the f i r s t l i n e i s the immutable, unconditioned Bhutatathata as contrasted with the conditioned 104 and ever-changing world of phenomena. The former i s to the l a t t e r as the ocean i s to the waves or r i p p l e s . In Mahayana philosophy Bhutatathata i s the sum of a l l things. In t h i s perspective, our everyday r e a l i t y i s no d i f f e r e n t from the dream world. The notion of R e a l i t y i s conceivable, i n s o f a r as we are aware of the u n r e a l i t y , by comparison, of the phenomenal world. Owing to the l i m i t a t i o n s of human language, though, R e a l i t y cannot but be f a l s e l y represented. How, indeed, then, can we t e l l the r e a l from the unreal? si- - , The va.jracchedika pra.jnaparamita (tr a n s l a t e d into Chinese as Chin-kang ching, 'The diamond sutra', i n the f i f t h century at Ch'ang-an by Kumarajlva, a monk from Eastern Turkestan, depicts the ephemeral q u a l i t y of the phenomenal world with a s t r i n g of imageries: As s t a r s , a f a u l t of v i s i o n , as a lamp, A mock show, dew drops, or a bubble, A dream, a l i g h t n i n g f l a s h , or cloud, 21 So should one view what i s conditioned. But i f the phenomenal world i s comparable to a dream and the r e s t , i t does not mean that phenomena i n general, i n c l u d i n g dreams, are i n s i g n i f i c a n t . On the contrary, they are instrumental to our understanding and eventual attainment of R e a l i t y . For i t i s through the appearance that the under-l y i n g r e a l i t y i s perceived. Hence, the phenomenal world i s i n e f f e c t the embodiment of the ebb and flow i n the ocean of Samsara ( b i r t h s and deaths). P r e c i s e l y because i t i s born of 105 "conditions" (yuan), we may not take i t l i g h t l y , hut must tipt o e our way through i t , so that our l i f e may r e s u l t i n good karma, that i s , meritorious deeds. Whether awake or dreaming, good deeds produce good f r u i t and bad deeds bad. Such i s the i n e l u c t a b l e law of Karma. This point i s the subject of the following conversation between two chief d i s c i p l e s of the Buddha recorded i n the Pancavim s a t i s a h a s r i k a prajna paramita (Mo-ho po-jeh po-lo-mi ching): Thereupon Sariputra asked Subhuti, " I f , i n a dream, a Bodhisattva-Mahasattva ( i . e . a perfected Bodhisattva) gets into the samadhi meditation on the three subjects of Emptiness (k'ung), Formless-ness (wu-hsiang), and Absence of Desire (wu-tso), would t h i s be conducive to the P e r f e c t i o n of Wis-dom (prajna paramita)? " I f the Bodhisattva enters by day in t o the three samadhis," said Subhuti to Sariputra, "and t h i s i s conducive to the P e r f e c t i o n of Wisdom, then i t should be j u s t as b e n e f i c i a l i f he does so i n a dream. Why? Because whether i t happens by day or at night i n dreams, i t makes no d i f f e r -ence. Sariputra, i f the Bodhisattva-Mahasattva p r a c t i s e s the P e r f e c t i o n of Wisdom by day and t h i s i s good, then i t should be just as good i f he does i t i n dreams." 106 Sariputra then asked Subhuti, "The karma per-petrated by a Bodhisattva-Mahasattva i n a dream — does not t h i s karma accumulate? As the Buddha says, ' A l l dharma are as dreams.' Hence, i t should not accumulate. Why, Because i n a dream there are no things to cause such accumulations, which happen only when we think, ponder, and d i f f e r e n t i a t e while awake." Subhuti then said to Sariputra, " I f a man dreamt that he k i l l e d someone or something, would i t be pleasant f o r him when he woke up to r e c a l l and ponder, to hold on tos the appearances and d i s t i n g u i s h between h i s ' s e l f and the k i l l e d ? Sariputra, what would you say to t h i s ? " " I f there are no accessory causes (yuan)," said the l a t t e r , "then neither karma nor thoughts w i l l a r i s e . I f such causes are present, however, they w i l l give r i s e to both karma and thoughts. 22 "Quite so, Sariputra, quite so..." This dialogue revolves around the doctrine that a l l e n t i t i e s , whether material or otherwise, owe t h e i r existence to a chain of contributory causes which, i n turn, spring from our attachment to the appearance of objects i n the phenomenal .world. This b o i l s down to the dictum that the immaterial i s i d e n t i f i a b l e with the material (k'ung chi shih  se, 'sunya i s rupa'). I t accounts f o r the importance Bud-dhis t s , i n the same way as the p r a c t i t i o n e r s of most other 107 r e l i g i o n s , attach to r i t u a l and r e l i g i o u s a r t and symbolism, which are "form" and "appearance" at t h e i r best. In the case of Chinese Buddhism, at l e a s t the Pure Land sect seems to make use of the dream i n p a r t i c u l a r as a means to achieve c e r t a i n devotional aims, as can be seen i n the following account from the Lang-huan chi (An account of Lang-huan)by I Shih-chen of Yilan times: Recently my f r i e n d Wang Ch i u - l i e n the lay Buddhist was engaged i n c u l t i v a t i n g the Pure Land, on which he meditated single-mindedly. At night he dreamt that he saw the Buddha, but always as a sculpted image, not the l i v i n g Buddha. He could do nothing about i t . One day he met Master Chi the monk and t o l d him the matter. "This i s easy to deal with," said the monk. "When you think of your l a t e father, can you hold f i n your mindihis usual demeanor?" "Yes." "Can you see him i n your dreams i n such a way that he i s no d i f f e r e n t from when he was l i v -ing?" "There i s no diff e r e n c e . " "The Buddha i n himself has no appearance," said the monk; "the appearance i s manifested only i n conformity with the way of things. From now on, you should think of your l a t e father as 1 0 8 Amitabha. L i t t l e by l i t t l e , imagine that there are white streaks of l i g h t i n between h i s brows, that h i s face i s as of r e a l gold, and that he s i t s on a lotus-flower. You can even imagine that h i s body grows l a r g e r and l a r g e r . Then your l a t e father j_s himself the l i v i n g Buddha." Mr. Wang applied the method as prescribed. From then on, whenever he dreamt of h i s father, he mentally said to himself, "This i s the Buddha." Then, sometime l a t e r , h i s father l e d him to s i t on the l o t u s , and explained to him the essence of the teaching. He learned something, and became even more devout i n h i s s p e c i a l exercise. Then i t happened that a c e r t a i n Mr. Ma of h i s father's generation who, p r i o r to the l a t t e r ' s death, had been a merchant i n Szechuan and had not returned i n the past ten years, came knocking at the door and asked to see him. This man said that one day he contracted a dangerous disease and died of i t f o r h a l f a day. Tied up, he was taken by an o f f i c e r to the h e l l s . In fear and anxiety, he suddenly saw a l i g h t of gold b r i g h t l y shining. In the midst of i t was the image of a person s i t t i n g cross-legged upon a lotus-flower. "He c a l l e d me by name. I stared at him and saw that i t was your venerable father. He ordered the o f f i c e r to take me home, and I came to. For 109 t h i s reason I have not spared t h i s long journey hack here to express my gratitude." Having said t h i s , he asked, "What did your venerable father do to achieve t h i s ? " Mr. Wang t o l d him the whole story. Amazed, he vowed to do likewise i n the hope that he, too, might a t t a i n the Pure Land. The writer appends the following comment: Judging from t h i s episode, not only i s t h i s technique of Master Chi's conducive to personal s a l v a t i o n , but i t also works f o r the s a l v a t i o n of others. Thus, h i t t i n g two birds with one stone 2 3 as i t were, what he revealed was unprecedented. The devotional technique of conjuring up v i v i d mental images i n meditation i s also employed i n other r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s . Witness, f o r example, the S p i r i t u a l Exercises of Saint Ignatius Loyola. Nevertheless, the s p e c i f i c content of such meditations i s determined by the dogmatic requirements of the t r a d i t i o n concerned. Imagine a Catholic s p i r i t u a l d i r e c t o r counselling h i s charges to think of t h e i r own earthly fathers as so many Chris t s hanging upon the cross 1 That would be s a c r i l e g e , to say the l e a s t . In Mahayana Buddhism, however, since Buddha-nature i s believed to be immanent i n a l l beings, sacred and profane a l i k e , there i s , nothing out of character, i n point of dogma, with imagining one's own father to be the Buddha himself. Also i m p l i c i t i n the story i s the notion that dream-110 events are r e a l even from the perspective of the transcendent. Hence, i t i s possible to achieve the sa l v a t i o n of oneself and others through dreaming. The motif of the importance attached to the size of the contemplated image i s found i n yet another anecdote from the same source: There was a woman who had dispensed with adornment and who worshipped the great Bodhisattva Kuan-yin with much fervor. The nuns often urged her to c u l t i v a t e the Pure land, t e l l i n g her to meditate on Kuan-yin by v i s u a l i z i n g her dharma-body, the l a r g e r the better. Thereafter she frequently dreamt of the Bodhisattva at night. But i t was very small and i n the form of a jade Buddha, looking l i k e a woman with her h a i r done up. One day she received from her husband a jade Kuan-yin which looked l i k e the one she saw i n her dreams. Prom then on she was a l l the more fervent 24 i n her devotion to the Bodhisattva. The e f f i c a c y of s p i r i t u a l journeys and dream t r a v e l s to the Never-Never Land under the guidance of a monk who possessed extraordinary powers i s described i n the following story from the Lang-huan chi as well: Master Teng exhorts people to study the Pure Land teaching. He considers f a i t h e s s e n t i a l f o r 111 the novice. Otherwise, he does not even disallow any worldly l i f e s t y l e , beyond saying that one should not t a l k about other people's f a u l t s , nor drink to get drunk, nor eat non-vegetarian food i n v o l v i n g slaughter of animals, nor indulge i n i l l i c i t sexual r e l a t i o n s . [/People are advised 7} to pursue t h e i r t h e i r vocations, and i n t h e i r spare time to close t h e i r eyes and s i t properly,' whereever they can, while r e c i t i n g by heart the Buddha's name and con-templating his countenance. A f t e r a year or so, when they have gained f a c i l i t y i n the technique, then they can do i t whether walking, standing s t i l l , s i t t i n g , or l y i n g down. Even i n dreams they w i l l be able to see the Buddha. This i s evidence f o r ce r t a i n success. This monk also possesses some arcane techniques. S i t t i n g together with someone i n a quiet room, he can extract h i s companion's s p i r i t f o r an.excursion i n the Realm of Peace and Nurture (an-yang ching- chieh, ^ another; .name.'forthe".Pure Land) which i s somewhat s i m i l a r to what the Amitabha sutra des-cr i b e s . When a person has undertaken such a journey once or twice, then what he sees i n h i s dreams are often of the same d e s c r i p t i o n . When such dream-t r i p s accumulate, then at the hour of death h i s s p r i t u a l essence w i l l c e r t a i n l y not go to anywhere else except the West (where Paradise i s ) . 112 Because of t h i s , he has had many followers who have a l l been able to go to be reborn ( i n the Pure Land). t'His techniques.!!;are uncannily e f f e c -t i v e . There are even cases of t^the departed^ reveal-i n g themselves b o d i l y to inform t h e i r f a m i l i e s tof t h e i r present s t a t e U . This being the case, can we a f f o r d not to have f a i t h i n the doctrine of the 25- 5>~~ Pure land 7 ^ The d o c t r i n a l basis of the dream-realism exemplified by these s t o r i e s l i e s i n the Mahayana conception of the "fun-damental, absolute, and perfect mind of the Tathagata" ( j u - l a i - t s a n g pen-miao yuan-hsin) as i d e n t i c a l with both worldly mind and a l l phenomena but at the same time as being neither the one nor the other, as expounded i n the Surangama sutra. I t therefore embraces both the mundane and the supramundane, and goes beyond eithe r i d e n t i t y or difference ( l i chi l i f e i 26 shih chi f e i c h i ) . Thus, delusion i s simply our f a l s e awareness, i n our samsaric state, of things as r e a l objects, whereas i n the perspective of the Supreme Bodhi (enlightenment), they are merely i l l u s i o n s a r i s i n g from the s i x organs (eyes, ears, 27 nose, tongue, body, i n t e l l e c t ) and sense data. But the existence of the delusive presupposes that of the r e a l , j ust as the f i v e - c o l o r e d c i r c l e round the l i g h t of a lamp seen by a person with inflamed eyes i n d i c a t e s the 28 presence of the burning lamp. By the same token, delusion a r i s e s from our defective consciousness. Nevertheless, i t 113 p o i n t s u p t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a t l e a s t t h e B a s i c B o d h i ( p e n - c h t i e h ) . A g a i n , t o s a y t h a t d e l u s i o n h a s i t s r o o t s i n o u r f a u l t y c o n s c i o u s n e s s i s t o s a y t h a t d e l u s i o n b e g e t s d e l u s i o n . I f i t h a s c a u s e s , t h e n t h e s e a r e a l s o u n d e r d e l u s i o n . I f s o , c a n t h e y b e r e a l ? T h e B u d d h a s a y s t h a t s u c h c a u s e s a r e n o t r e a l . R a t h e r , t h e y a r e c o m p a r a b l e t o t h e e y e s a n d e y e b r o w s o f t h e madman Y a j n a d a t t a o f S r a v a s t i who t o o k p l e a s u r e i n s e e i n g t h e m i n a m i r r o r b u t who t h o u g h t h i m s e l f b e d e v i l l e d w h e n o n e m o r n i n g h e a t t e m p t e d t o s e e t h e m i n h i s own h e a d a n d f a i l e d : A p e r s o n who h a s a t t a i n e d B o d h i i s l i k e o n e w h o , w h e n a w a k e , r e l a t e s w h a t h e s a w i n a d r e a m . E v e n i f h e i s c l e v e r , b y w h a t m e a n s c a n h e t a k e a n y t h i n g o u t o f i t ? M u c h l e s s tcan h e m a k e a n y t h i n g o u t o f J a s t a t e w h i c h h a s n o r e a l c a u s e a n d d o e s n o t e x i s t i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e . T a k e t h a t C f e l l o w j Y a j n a d a t t a who l i v e d i n a c i t y f o r e x a m p l e . D i d h e h a v e c a u s e t o b e h o r r i f i e d b y t h e f l i g h t o f h i s h e a d ? I f h i s m a d n e s s s u d d e n l y came t o a n e n d , h i s h e a d c o u l d n o t b e h a d f r o m e l s e w h e r e ; a n d i f h e r e m a i n e d 2 9 u n h i n g e d , i t w a s n o t l o s t . e i t h e r . H e r e t h e B u d d h a t e a c h e s u s t h a t o n c e we r e a l i z e t h e b a s e l e s s -n e s s o f d e l u s i o n , a n d l o w i t s f a l s i t y i n t e r m i n g l e s w i t h R e a l i t y , t h e n i t w i l l v a n i s h o f i t s e l f , t h e n t h e m a d n e s s o f t h e Y a j n a d a t t a i n o u r m i n d w i l l c e a s e o f i t s e l f . T h e i d e a t h a t i l l u s i o n i s i n g r a i n e d i n R e a l i t y may b e t r a c e d b a c k t o t h e M a d h y a m i k a o r M i d d l e S c h o o l t r a d i t i o n 114 i n i t i a t e d by Nagarjuna (c. 2nd cent. A.D.). The Doctrine of the Mean (chung tao) expounded i n the Madhyamika-sastra (Chung-kuan lun, a t t r i b u t e d to Nagarjuna and tran s l a t e d into Chinese by Kumarajlva A.D. 409) postulates a r e a l i t y beyond' such antitheses as m a t e r i a l i t y ( j i a ) and immateriality (k'ung), creation (sheng) and e x t i n c t i o n (mieh), being (vu) and nonbeing (wu) > etc. The point i s that none of these terms i s absolute. Rather, each i s d i a l e c t i c a l l y r e l a t e d to i t s opposite, and the union of the two r e s u l t s i n a synthesis which i s thought to be a more adequate expression of the mystery of Ultimate R e a l i t y . This the Madhyamika apologists choose to c a l l the Madhya, 'Mean', (chung). Thus,.> i n the l a t e r Mahayana l i t e r a t u r e , the dream becomes the exemplary metaphor of t h i s doctrine. The following story from the Mahaprajnaparamita sastra (Ta chih-tu lun, another major Mahaylna work ascribed to Nagarjuna and translated into Chinese by Kumarajlva A.D. 397-415) i s an example: When the Buddha was s t i l l i n the world, there were three brothers. They heard that i n V a i s a l i (an ancient state i n Central India) there was a desirable woman by the name of Amrapall, that i n Sravasti (a c i t y ) there was another named Sumana, and that i n Rajagrha (another c i t y ) there was yet another c a l l e d Utpala-vandana. These three men had each heard people ex t o l the matchless i n t e g r i t y of the three women. They thought of them with such absorption and i n t e n s i t y 115 that l i a i s o n s happened i n t h e i r dreams. Upon waking, they pondered, "The l a d i e s didn't come to us, neither did we go to them, and yet t h i s i l l i c i t a f f a i r took place!" Thence i t occurred to them that a l l dharma might well he just l i k e that. To resolve t h i s prohlem, they went to see the Bodhisattva Bhadrapala, who said, "Such i s indeed the case with a l l dharma. I t a l l a r i s e s , i n a l l i t s v a r i e t y , from our thoughts." Then he took the opportunity to explain, with t a c t , the vacuity of a l l dharma. And so the men achieved A v i v a r t i n (the state of no r e t r o g r e s s i o n ) . The Chinese Buddhist concept of the dream and i t s r e l a t i o n to r e a l i t y i s best summed up by Lien-ch'ih Ta-shih (Master of the Lotus Pond) of Ming Times i n an essay e n t i t l e d "Shih meng" (Mundane dreams) thus: The old saying goes: L i v i n g i n t h i s world i s l i k e having a b i g dream. And Scripture says: When we come to look at the world, i t i s comparable to things i n a dream. Such terms as " l i k e " and "comparable" are used because there i s no better way of putting i t than by way of comparisons. Ultimately, however, i t may he said that i t i s a r e a l dream, not just a comparison. For our l i f e commences from youth through adulthood, from adulthood through age, and from 116 age u n t i l death. No sooner have we entered one womb than we come out of another, and soon enough we s h a l l have been i n and out of i t again ad  in f i n i t u m . And as when we are born we do not know where we come from, so when dead we do not know whither we are going. W i l l y - n i l l y , a f t e r one thousand b i r t h s and ten thousand kalpas, we are s t i l l as ignorant of ourselves as ever. No sooner have we sunk to h e l l than we become ghosts, brutes, humans, devas. We r i s e and sink, and sink and r i s e again. H e l t e r - s k e l t e r , a f t e r one thousand b i r t h s and ten thousand kalpas, we are s t i l l as ignorant of our-selves as ever. Isn't t h i s a r e a l dream? An old poem says: On a pi l l o w f o r a moment i n a spring dream, One traverses so many thousand l i south of the Yangtze I Now, there are people so led by p r o f i t and fame that they scurry ten thousand l i _ back and f o r t h . Does t h i s have to take place on a p i l l o w only? Thus do we know that Master Chuang dreamt of a b u t t e r f l y , but that p r i o r to the dream, i t was a dream too; Confucius dreamt of The Duke of Chou, but p r i o r to the dream, i t was a dream too. Throughout the Great Kalpas, there i s not a single moment when we are not i n a dream. When we break through our benightedness and b r i l l i a n t l y achieve the Great Awakening and say, 117 "Up i n heaven and underneath i t , I alone am exalted," •51 then s h a l l we he c a l l e d the Awakened. Hence, the whole message of Buddhism to somnolent humanity i s t h i s : Wake up! 5.7 The Kuan-yin-tzu on Dream Ambiguity From what I have discussed so f a r , i t can r e a d i l y be seen that there i s some a f f i n i t y between the Buddhist view of dreams and that of the Taoist. Small wonder that, i n the Chinese popular mind, the cliche" " L i f e i s but a dream" i s i n d i f f e r e n t l y a t t r i b u t e d to Buddhist or Taoist o r i g i n . Rather than embark,-, on the h a i r - s p l i t t i n g enterprise of making a tedious comparison between the two t r a d i t i o n s on the subject, I s h a l l present i n t h i s section the dream theory found i n the Taoist book Kuan-yin-tzu already r e f e r r e d to i n . 1 Section 3.2, hoping that, i n the process, more s i m i l a r i t i e s and perhaps some differences between the two l i n e s of thought w i l l be made be apparent. To begin with, the Kuan-yin-tzu speaks of the nature of time and space i n dreams thus: What i s dreamt at night may sometimes be longer than the night: mind has no time. To one horn i n Ch'i, everything h i s mind perceives i s of Ch'i. When l a t e r t h i s person goes to Sung, to Ch'u, to Chin, and to Liang, the content of h i s mind d i f f e r s 32 i n each case: mind has no space. With respect to the problem of time, t h i s text i s 118 apparently t a l k i n g about our experience, on occasion, of time being compressed i n dreams. This can be explained i n terms of the Freudian dream-work mechanism of condensation: an e d i t i n g process. Maury's dream c i t e d i n Section 3.2 was a famous example of t h i s phenomenon. Later we s h a l l see a few Chinese examples. As to the problem of space, the text says, i n e f f e c t , that mind cannot be structured i n such a way that r e p l i c a s of geographical areas i n the external world can be found i n i t . Being no respecter of a r t i f i c i a l boundaries, mind roams untrammelled. Although i n the second case the text makes no e x p l i c i t reference to the dream state, there seems no reason why the statement cannot apply to i t as w e l l . A f t e r a l l , the d i s -i n t e g r a t i o n of space boundaries, as well as the compression of time, i s a common feature i n the dream reports from many 33 c u l t u r e s . Next, i n genuine Taoist fashion, the book discusses the f u t i l i t y of making d i s t i n c t i o n s : People of the world who d i s t i n g u i s h between "others" and "us," on the ground that our thoughts d i f f e r from t h e i r s and t h e i r s from ours, c e r t a i n l y do not understand that i n dreams people also fthink") : "Our thoughts d i f f e r from t h e i r s and t h e i r s from ours." So, who are we and who are they? People of the world who d i s t i n g u i s h between "others" and "us," on the ground that our pains 119 d i f f e r from t h e i r s and t h e i r s from ours, c e r t a i n l y do not understand that i n dreams people also think}:; "Our pains d i f f e r from t h e i r s and t h e i r s from ours." So, who are we and who are they? N a i l s and h a i r are not susceptible to pain, hands and feet are not capable of thought, yet they are "us"; how can we ali e n a t e them on such grounds? People of the world who consider what they see by themselves alone as dreams and what they see i n common with others as waking experiences c e r t a i n l y don't understand that, on account of some s p i r i t u a l l i n k s , a person may also perceive something alone by day; and on account of some psychic a f f i n i t i e s , two persons may have the same dream at night. Both cases are C^accountable by} our s p i r i t u a l or psy-c h i c a l ^conditions}. So, what i s dream and what i s wakefulness? People of the world who take what they see ('for a moment^ as dreams and what they see fo r a long while as waking states c e r t a i n l y don't understand that as momentary perceptions are due to the forces of Y i n and Yang, so are protracted perceptions. Since both are due to our Yin and 3 4 Yang, what i s dream and what i s wakefulness? Once again, the idea that Ultimate R e a l i t y i s monistic and hence not subject to any kind of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s eloquently argued f o r . The dual aspects of t h i s R e a l i t y , namely, Yin and Yang, are then said to account f o r dream and waking v i c i s - i v.,r 120 situdes a l i k e . As beings-in-the-world, we cannot but be influenced, whether awake or i n sleep, by the workings of these two alternate forces, e s p e c i a l l y when they are manifested as the Five Agents. Only the sagely mind, unencumbered by matter, w i l l be able to r i s e above such infl u e n c e s . In t h i s tenor, the Kuan-yin-tzu states: Those prone to Benevolence dream mostly of pines, cypresses, peaches and plums. Those prone to Righteousness dream mostly of swords, weapons, metal, i r o n . Those prone to I n t e l l i g e n c e dream mostly of r i v e r s , lakes, streams, and marshes. Those prone to F i d e l i t y dream mostly of h i l l s , mountains, plai n s and f i e l d s . Enslaved by the Five Agents, they do so without exception. But as soon as one hears something or thinks of some-thing i n a dream, the dream changes accordingly, not to be impeded by the Five Agents. The sage b r i d l e s matter with h i s mind and controls h i s mind with h i s nature, hence h i s mind i s coterminous with Creation, not to be impeded by the Five Agents e i t h e r . 5 5 The f i v e Confucian v i r t u e s , correlated with the Five Agents since Han times by Tung Chung-shu i n h i s e c l e c t i c philosophy known as the Union of Heaven and Humankind ( t ' i e n  jen h o - i ) , are presented here as i n s t i g a t o r s of c e r t a i n dream contents. The p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of such contents i s an 121 i n d i c a t i o n t h a t t h e d r e a m e r ' s m i n d i s b e i n g i m p e d e d . N e v e r -t h e l e s s , t h e m i n d n a t u r a l l y s e e k s t o f r e e i t s e l f o f s u c h i m p e d i m e n t a n d i s a b l e t o do s o , as i n d i c a t e d by t h e v o l a t i l i t y o f dream c o n t e n t s . The m i n d o f a T a o i s t s a g e , a s s u g g e s t e d hy t h i s p a s s a g e , i s one w h i c h h a s t r a n s c e n d e d a l l e n c u m b r a n c e . Hence i t s c r e a t i v e c a p a c i t y i s i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h a t o f n a t u r e a t l a r g e . T h i s c r e a t i v i t y , w h e t h e r a s a f u n c t i o n o f n a t u r e o r o f t h e human m i n d , i s so p o w e r f u l t h a t i t s o m e t i m e s r e s u l t s i n a n o m a l i e s . Hence t h e f o l l o w i n g c o u n s e l : When y o u see s o m e t h i n g w i t h a s n a k e ' s h e a d a n d a human b o d y , o r s o m e t h i n g w i t h t h e arms ( s i c ) o f a n ox and s c a l e s o f a f i s h , o r s o m e t h i n g w i t h t h e shape o f a demon a n d w i n g s o f a b i r d , d o n ' t be s h o c k e d . F o r s u c h t h i n g s a r e n o t a s s h o c k i n g a s d r e a m s , a n d dreams a r e n o t a s s h o c k i n g a s w a k i n g e x p e r i e n c e s . To h a v e e a r s , e y e s , h a n d s a n d a r m s , t h e s e a r e e v e n more s h o c k i n g l G r e a t s p e e c h i s u n s p e a k a b l e , g r e a t w i s d o m u n t h i n k a b l e . M i n d , t h e n , a s p a r t a n d p a r c e l o f n a t u r e , i s t h e s o u r c e o f a l l c r e a t i o n , a n o m a l o u s o r o t h e r w i s e . B u t how, o r b y what m e a n s , does i t w o r k ? The b o o k s a y s : T h e r e a r e p e r h a p s c o u n t l e s s m i l l i o n s a n d b i l l i o n s o f p e o p l e u n d e r h e a v e n . E a c h p e r s o n h a s d i f f e r e n t d r e a m s , and e a c h n i g h t t h e dreams v a r y . - T h e r e a r e h e a v e n a n d e a r t h a n d p e o p l e a n d t h i n g s C ; i n t h e m j . 122 A l l t h e s e , c r e a t e d by t h o u g h t , are perhaps as innumerable as d u s t . How do we know t h a t the 37 p r e s e n t heaven and e a r t h were not thought up? I t t e l l s us t h a t whether dreaming o r awake, our mind works by t h i n k i n g , thus c r e a t i n g a l l the t h i n g s t h a t we see i n e i t h e r s t a t e . But the a b i l i t y to t h i n k e n t a i l s c o g n i t i o n . Hence, our c o g n i t i v e power u n d e r l i e s the phenomenal w o r l d . I t f o l l o w s t h a t , i n o r d e r to r i d o u r s e l v e s o f the impediment o f t h i s w o r l d , a l l we have to do i s r e l i n q u i s h t h i s power: I n dreams, m i r r o r s , and w a t e r s , t h e r e e x i s t heavens and e a r t h s . Those who w i s h to r e l i n q u i s h the heaven and. e a r t h i n dreams do not s l e e p when i n b e d . Those who w i s h to r e l i n q u i s h the heaven and e a r t h i n the m i r r o r do not have t h e i r appearance r e f l e c t e d t i n — 1 i t ? . Those who w i s h to r e l i n q u i s h the heaven and e a r t h i n water do not f e t c h i t when i t b r i m s . The r e a s o n f o r t h e i r b e i n g l i e s here f / i n us^ and n o t t h e r e C i n them}. , Hence, the sage does n o t g i v e up 3 8 heaven and e a r t h ; he g i v e s up c o g n i t i o n . But i f the s a g e l y mind i s capable o f c r e a t i n g i t s own heaven and e a r t h a t w i l l and i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f the m i n i s t r a t i o n of the F i v e A g e n t s , then even a t t h i s stage i t has a l r e a d y t r a n s c e n d e d the phenomenal w o r l d to some degree . I f s o , the a c t o f r e n o u n c i n g mind and c o n s e q u e n t l y s e l f can o n l y mean a h i g h e r or perhaps the u l t i m a t e stage of t r a n s c e n d e n c e : I f one knows t h a t t h i s body i s l i k e the body 123 i n dreams perceived i n accordance with the c i r -cumstances, then one can take the v o l a r s p i r i t as oneself and roam the Purest Heaven. I f one knows that these things are l i k e the things i n dreams perceived i n accordance with the circumstances, then one can concentrate one's v i t a l essence to become a thing and traverse the f r o n t i e r wilds. This teaching enables us to perceive our subtle s p i r i t and prolong l i f e , to forget the subtle s p i r i t and transcend l i f e . As metal produces water, so we inhale breath to nourish our v i t a l essence. And as wood produces f i r e , so we inhale wind to nourish our s p i r i t u a l being. This i s the way to sustain our subtle s p i r i t by external means. We r i n s e with water to nourish our v i t a l essence, which then becomes ine x a u s t i b l e . And we stroke f i r e to nourish our s p i r i t u a l being, which also becomes i n e x a u s t i b l e . This i s the way to sustain our subtle s p i r i t by i n t e r n a l means. As regards the f o r g e t t i n g of our subtle s p i r i t so as to transcend l i f e , I have already talked about i t b e f o r e . 5 9 The statements about nourishing the s p i r i t by external and i n t e r n a l means probably r e f e r to the arcane p r a c t i c e known as i n t e r n a l alchemy (nei tan). I t i s at such a stage, when one i n pursuit of the Tao i s s t i l l concerned with p h y s i c a l immortality, that what one perceives i n dreams may 124 intrude i n t o waking r e a l i t y and blend with i t . To the adept who i s capable of e f f e c t i n g such a condition at w i l l , the borderline between the dream and waking states i s o b l i t e r a t e d . He i s thus able to f l y i n s p i r i t and t r u l y becomes a "fea- -thered" one ( c f . Section 5 . 3 ) . In t h i s connection the dream becomes more than j u s t a .metaphor. I t i s on a par with and inseparable from waking r e a l i t y . But the Taoist i d e a l of s p i r i t u a l p e r f e c t i o n demands that the seeker of the Way ignore and forget t h i s amorphous state, however e x h i l a r a t i n g i t may be. In^iso doing, he may hope to f i n d and lose himself at l a s t i n the elusive and inexpressible Tao which, i n i t s u t t e r i n e f f a b i l i t y , i s l i k e a dream. The Kuan-yin-tzu puts i t t h i s way: To speak of the Tao i s l i k e t a l k i n g about dreams. For the dream-speaker says, "Such gold and jade, such u t e n s i l s and v e s s e l s , such bi r d s and beasts ..." The t a l k e r can t a l k about these but cannot ' take them and give them away, and the l i s t e n e r may l i s t e n to h i s t a l k but cannot receive and pos-sess the things. The good l i s t e n e r , however, i s 40 not muddled and does not argue. This, then, i s the p h i l o s o p h i c a l underpinning of dream-realism according to at l e a s t one Neo-taoist work. The idea was to catch on, as evidenced by more and more s t o r i e s with dream-realism as theme during the T'ang period and thereafter. Many of these s t o r i e s are perhaps mere figments of poetic imagination, others claim to be v e r i t a b l e accounts, s t i l l 125 others seem.a mixture of f a c t and fancy. 5.8 Dream-Realism from T'ang to Ch'ing During the T'ang dynasty there was a plethora of fan-t a s t i c t a l e s concerned with dream-realism. Pai Hsing-chien (A.D. 776-827), younger brother of the celebrated poet Pai Chtl-i and a writer i n h i s own r i g h t , wrote a piece e n t i t l e d "San meng c h i " (An account of three dreams).^ I t t e l l s of a case i n which a dream-event i n the making was chanced upon and reacted to by a waking person. The second story had to do with the a c t i v i t i e s of waking i n d i v i d u a l s which were observed by a man i n h i s dream. The t h i r d involved r e c i p r o c a l dreams corroborated by subsequent events i n the waking world. I t i s a moot question whether s t o r i e s of t h i s nature f l o u r i s h i n g during T'ang times were influenced by Buddhist philosophy. For although i t i s true that by then Buddhism was well entrenched i n mainstream Chinese thought, and although i t i s well known that the Pai brothers were adherents to the f a i t h , Taoist influences i n the l i t e r a r y products of -.:>. t h i s period cannot be gainsaid e i t h e r . Pai Chtl-i himself admitted that h i s mind had early found repose i n Buddhism, but that he had wandered with abandon i n the teachings of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu as w e l l . The t a l e "Nan-k'o t'ai-shou chuan" (Governor of the Southern Branch) written by L i Kung-tso (c. 770-850), who knew Pai Hsing-chien personally, leaves no doubt as to whether i t stands on the Buddhist or Taoist side, i d e o l o g i c a l l y speaking. I t r e l a t e s how Ch'un-yti Fen, an i d l e - r i c h young man of 126 the Yangtze River region, l i v e d through more than twenty-years i n a dream as the son-in-law of the king of a country c a l l e d Huai-an (Peace i n an Ash Tree) and as governor of a southern t r i b u t a r y state. When he woke up, the two f r i e n d s , with whom he had been carousing under a huge, old ash tree south of h i s house and who had c a r r i e d him back home when he got drunk, were s t i l l there washing t h e i r f e e t by the couch. He t o l d them the dream, on the clue of which they found a chain of a n t - h i l l s i n a hollow under the ash tree. The topographical d e t a i l s of these a n t - h i l l s , as well as the comportmentgof the ants themselves, coincided with a l l that he had experienced i n h i s dream. He ordered that the a n t - h i l l s be preserved. But a sudden storm ensued that night, and when he examined the holes i n the morning, the ants had gone. Ten days l a t e r , one of h i s two f r i e n d s died suddenly and the other was taken i l l . R e a l i z i n g that a l l was vanity whether one was dreaming or awake, he became a Taoist and l e d an austere l i f e . He died three years l a t e r at the age of forty-seven, as predicted i n the dream. The story ends with the following poem: His reputation reaches to the skies, His influence can make a kingdom f a l l , And yet t h i s pomp and power, a f t e r a l l , 4 2 Are but an ant-heap i n the wise man's eyes. (Ohi-chen Wang's tr a n s l a t i o n ) Well, i s n ' t i t said i n the Chuang-tzu that the Way i s i n the ant? 127 The "Chen-chung c h i " (An account of what happened i n s i d e a pillow) by Shen Chi-chi (c.750-800), i s patently Taoist. Prom t h i s t a l e was derived the legend of the -!'Huang-liang meng" (Yellow m i l l e t dream) which concerns Lu Tung-pin of Eight Immortals fame. This legend was i n turn done int o the Ming play "Han-tan meng" (Dream at Han^tan) by T'ang Hsien-tsu (1550-1617). I t t e l l s of a young man who became acquainted with a Taoist p r i e s t at an inn by the road to Han-tan ( i n modern Hopei province). The young man considered himself a f a i l u r e i n terms of worldly achievement and t o l d the Taoist so. As they talked, the inn-keeper was steaming a pot of m i l l e t . Then the young man grew drowsy. The Taoist gave him a p i l l o w made of green p o r c e l a i n and with an opening at each end. The young man somehow manages to crawl into i t and found himself back home. What follows was the story of h i s l i f e f o r the next f i f t y years. He married the b e a u t i f u l daughter of a good family and became r i c h . He passed the examinations, was appointed an o f f i c a l and promoted from one post to another u n t i l he became one of the most i n f l u e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e s i n the empire. Thereafter, he was twice banished to the f r o n t i e r wilds thanks to the slanderous attacks from h i s p o l i t i c a l enemies. F i n a l l y v indicated however, greater honors and more material rewards were heaped upon him. Then he f e l l i l l and died one night. Waking up with a s t a r t , he found himself l y i n g i n the roadside inn. The 128 Taoist p r i e s t was s i t t i n g by b i s side as before and the m i l l e t s t i l l cooking. The story concludes with the young man saying to h i s companion: I know now at l a s t the way of honor and disgrace and the meaning of poverty and fortune, the r e c i -p r o c i t y of gain and loss and the mystery of l i f e and death, and I owe a l l t h i s knowledge to you. Since you have thus deigned to i n s t r u c t me i n the vanity of ambition, dare I refuse to p r o f i t there-from? 4" 5 The theme of t h i s story, as well as that of the preced-ing one, i s the u n i v e r s a l lament: L i f e i s but an empty dream, and a l l worldly pursuit comes to naught. Each story ends with the protagonist achieving some degree of enlighten-ment. In t h i s l i g h t one may j u s t l y wonder i f such s t o r i e s were not written p a r t l y f o r d i d a c t i c purposes. Another common motif i n the two dreams i s compression of the time that elapsed i n each as opposed to the actual time spent i n dreaming i t . What the Kuan-yin-tzu says about mind having no time applies i n these two s t o r i e s . The r e l a t -i v i t y of a l l opposites cannot be more e f f e c t i v e l y dramatized than when set i n a f l u i d temporal framework which makes a mockery of our ennui, our impatience with the slow rhythm of our humdrum existence. For a story i n a l i g h t e r mood feat u r i n g dream-realism, there i s the fu (prose-poem) by Su Shih (1036-1101), e n t i t l e d 129 "Hou ch'ih-pi f u " (The second fu-poem on the Red C l i f f ) , i n which the poet recounts: The time was about midnight. I looked into the quietude and emptiness around me. At t h i s point a lone crane appeared. I t came from across the r i v e r , heading east. With wings l i k e chariot wheels and a t t i r e d i n mystic black and s i l k y white, i t gave a long, p i e r c i n g c a l l , swept past=my boat and headed west. Soonsafter, my v i s i t o r s took leave, and I s l e p t . Then I dreamt that a Taoist p r i e s t i n a feathery garment a i r i l y s t r o l l e d by Lin-kao. He joined h i s hands i n s a l u t a t i o n and said to me, "Did you enjoy your t r i p • to the Red C l i f f ? " I asked what h i s name was. He lowered h i s head and did not answer. "Alas, ahal Now I know! E a r l i e r t h i s evening, wasn't i t you, s i r , who flew past me and shrieked?" The Taoist p r i e s t looked at me and smiled, and I woke up with a s t a r t . Then I opened the door and 44 looked out, hut could not see where he was. Su Shih was of course w r i t i n g poetry, but there i s nothing implausible about the dream as he t o l d i t . Moreover, the Taoist motifs of featheriness and o n t o l o g i c a l change are very much i n evidence. In contrast to t h i s , the Yuan work Lang-huan chi c i t e d e a r l i e r r e l a t e s the story of Hsiieh Sung, who was said to be 130 a merciful man by nature. He abstained from k i l l i n g , and would not hurt even a bug. One night he dreamt that there was a swarm of bugs on hi s blanket. They gradually turned into t i n y human biengs and said to him, "We have p r o f i t e d from your kindness f o r some time now. At t h i s very moment you are i n danger, and i t i s f o r us to reciprocate." Having said t h i s , they a l l l i n e d up on the blanket and dropped dead i n s t a n t l y . Alarmed, Sung woke up. The lamps were s t i l l shining. He summoned his servant, and saw that the blanket had a streak of blood s t a i n spreading across to the length of one foot or so. I t consisted of dead bugs. Sung grieved over them f o r a long time, without knowing why they had died. I t turned out that that night there was an assassin who had been paid a hundred c a t t i e s ( s i c ) of gold by someone to k i l l Sung. This man had an old sword so keen that upon contact blood would spurt and the v i c t i m would die at once. And so that night, as the man lowered h i s sword, he saw blood i n s t a n t l y . Under the impression that death had indeed occur-red, the man went back to report to h i s master. Both were j u b i l a n t . Only the next day when they had sent someone to spy on Sung's household did they f i n d out that he was unharmed. When they heard of the massacre of the bugs, they came to r e a l i z e that these insects had died f o r Sung. The theme of o n t o l o g i c a l change i s again present i n t h i s story, which also smacks of the Buddhist notion of karmic r e t r i b u t i o n . I t s moral i s unmistakable. 1 3 1 But dream realism also occurs i n s t o r i e s of a l e s s sombre character. The Hsiao-fu (House of laughter) by the Ming popular n o v e l i s t Feng Meng-lung (?-1646) contains the following gem: Aigreat drinker dreamt that he possessed some good wine. He was about to heat and drink i t when he suddenly woke up. Remorseful, he said, "I should have taken i t cold!" A joke l i k e t h i s one i s intended to e l i c i t e a good laugh from the audience and nothing more. This type of anecdotal t i d b i t s , with i t s racy, sometimes raucous sense of humor, has always been popular with the Chinese common f o l k . Some modern l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s consider i t a genre worthy of s p e c i a l 47 a t t e n t i o n . The following, taken from the Hsiao-tao (Laughter that brings the house down) by Ch'en Kao-mo of Ch'ing times, i s another example: A man dreamt that he was i n v i t e d to an opera party. He had barely taken h i s seat when h i s wife d i s t u r b -ed and woke him up. As he was bawling her out, she said , "Don't rant. Go back to sleep while there i s 48 s t i l l time; the opera i s n ' t half-way through yet! As a f i n a l example of the dreaming-waking ambiguity, I take the following account from the Mo-yii l u (Record from r e s i d u a l ink) by Mao Hsi a n g - l i n of the Ch'ing period: 132 L i f e i s , a f t e r a l l , l i k e a dream. Within the span of a hundred years we hustle and h u s t l e , unable to decide f o r ourselves when to laugh and when to cry. This i s sad enough. But what I have heard from my uncle Lord T 1an-yuan i s even more amazing. During the K'ang-hsi r e i g n period (1662-1722), i n our home-town Sung-chiang ( i n present Kiangsu province) there was a c e r t a i n Wei Ch'eng-chi, whose forebears were natives of Chekiang province. At that time he ran a pharmacy on the west side of the Level bridge (P'ing-ch'iao). Leading a f r u g a l and simple l i f e , he accumulated wealth and became rather prosperous. He had two sons. Meng-hsiang, the elder, c a r r i e d on the family business. Yao-p'u, the younger, was endowed with f i n e q u a l i t i e s and by i n c l i n a t i o n s o l i t a r y and chaste. He was a b i b l i o -p h i l e , and i n h i s youth attended the p r o v i n c i a l academy. Yao-p'u married a lady nee Ch'ien, and the following year they had a son. The boy was named 49 Tuan, because he was born i n F i f t h month. The two brothers loved each other, and f o r t h i s reason they did not l i v e separately a f t e r t h e i r father's death. Then Yao-p'u was engaged as a tutor by the Feng family of East v i l l a g e , located f i v e or s i x 133 l i away from the c i t y . He often stayed overnight i n the study. One evening, owing to some s a c r i f i c i a l matters, he made known hi s i n t e n t i o n to go home. But i t turned out that h i s employer wanted to ent e r t a i n some distinguished guests and so i n s i s t e d that he stay f o r the banquet. I t l a s t e d u n t i l the second watch (nine through eleven o'clock). Three other guests l e f t together with him, and t h e i r host sent a servant to see them home. They talked along the way, and soon reached the East gate. They had barely entered the c i t y when Yao-p'u suddenly stood immobile. Everybody asked what happened but he did not respond. So they took him home, and when they reached there h i s face was as white as paper and h i s limbs cold as i c e . He breathed h i s l a s t before daybreak. Ten years or so a f t e r h i s death, Hsi Yli-chieh, courtesy name Pi-ch'ing, a scholar from the same town, t r a v e l l e d to Chin-ling (present Nanking) to take the F a l l examinations. He lodged with a family surnamed Lu i n the West Lane close to the Wu-ting bridge. On the eve of the exams, hi s landlord regaled a l l the tenants with food and wine. At the party they t o l d each other where they came from. When Hsi's turn came, he said, "Sung-chiang." Thereupon Lu asked, " S i r , aren't you Hsi 134 Pi-ch'ing of Hua-t'ing?" "Yes, I am," said H s i . Lu lowered h i s head and, overcome by sadness, heaved a sigh. Everybody was astonished and asked what the matter was. "My fr i e n d s h i p with Mr. Hsi has la s t e d f o r two l i f e t i m e s now," he began. "My ancestors were o r i g i n a l l y from P'ei-chou (a county i n present Kiangsu province), but we l i v e d here f o r three generations now. My father's name was Ying-lung. He was a satin-weaver, and set up a m i l l i n Hstian--tzu Lane at the southern gate. My name i s Mao-fang. I learned my father's trade from childhood, and was married to my wife, nee Hu, at the age of twenty-four. Nine years l a t e r , my father passed away. That f a l l , I f e l l i l l during an epidemic and nearly died. When my i l l n e s s took a c r i t i c a l turn, I was i n a coma and h a l f asleep, and, don't ask me how, was reborn as a son of the Wei family of Sung-chiang. Prom then on I could no longer remember the events at Chiang-ning. I went to school i n Sung-chiang, got married, and had a son. I can s t i l l v i v i d l y r e c a l l a l l these things. I s t i l l remember taking the junior examinations one year, i n which I ranked t h i r d and Mr. Hsi seventh." "Were you Mr. Wei Yao-p'u i n your previous l i f e then?" asked H s i . 135 "Well, not i n a previous l i f e , but i n a dreami" said Lu, and a l l present c l i c k e d t h e i r tongues i n amazement. "I heard," continued H s i , "that on your way home from school that day you got s i c k , and died the same night. Did you know the cause of your i l l n e s s ? " "I remember holding a teaching p o s i t i o n at the Fengs of East v i l l a g e . That evening my employer feasted some guests. When the banquet was over, I l e f t f o r home i n the company of such and such and a servant. A few steps a f t e r we entered the c i t y , a l l of a sudden I saw a giant coming from the westi He wore a loose garment, held a club i n h i s hand and walked very s w i f t l y . He gave me a blow, which t e r r i f i e d me extremely and sent me scurrying l i k e mad f o r more than two hours. Then, as my frayed nerves calmed down a b i t , dazedilike a l o s t soul, I looked around and r e a l i z e d that I was not on the accustomed road of former days. In fr o n t of me lay a creek, with several willow trees standing by. Gazing yonder, I saw some silhouetted v i l l a g e huts on the f a r side of the creek. As I was thinking of seeking information from some v i l l a g e r as to where the ford was, I saw l y i n g i n the moonlight d i r e c t l y toward the west and alongside the willows a l i t t l e boat. I rushed forward and found that the boat was about ten feet off-bank. I held on to a twig and 136 jumped i n haste. But my f e e t slipped, and I f e l l i n to the water. "When I opened my eyes, I found myself i n bed, with my heart p a l p i t a t i n g and cold sweat oozing f o r t h . I thought i t was a nightmare, and asked whether my son Tuan was asleep. At the bedside was my present wife, who s a i d , 'Your son? What dream-talk i s t h i s ? You have been sleeping f o r a day and a night! Stay awake f o r a while and then have some porridge.' "Greatly i n t r i g u e d upon hearing t h i s , I sat up, looked around c a r e f u l l y , and saw none of the old things. I was extremely scared and dared not ta l k about i t . Only afterwards did I r e a l i z e that t h i s body had become a c e r t a i n Lu of Chiang-ning. When I think of the events at Sung-chiang, however, they seem r e a l and not a dream. Otherwise, how could a dream i n Chiang-ning correspond to t h i r t y years i n Sung-chiang? I have always intended to go to Sung-chiang to retrace my past l i f e . But ever since my father's death, the family fortunes have gradually declined. Besides, I have no bro-thers, sons, or nephews. That's why I can.'t make the long t r i p . Now that I have met you, i t i s cle a r that t h i s prodigious event did happen. I wonder how the Wei family are doing l a t e l y ? " "Owing to Meng-hsiang's unremitting e f f o r t s , " said Hsi, "the family fortunes have prospered even 137 more. And Madame has brought up the c h i l d properly. He passed l a s t year's exams and was admitted to the county academy. I remember how, when we were school-mates, I used to admire the ease with which you wielded the writing-brush and turned out a f r e e -flowing essay i n just a j i f f y . Is your l i t e r a r y genius s t i l l there?" "I can s t i l l remember a l l the happenings at Sung-chiang," said Lu, "but when i t comes to poetry and prose, I am at a l o s s . " When Hsi had written the examinations and was returning to h i s home-town, Lu made him a present of a v a r i e t y of products native to the c a p i t a l and sai d , " I f I don't wake too soon from my present dream, I might s t i l l make i t to Yiin-chien (ancient name f o r Sung-chiang) eventually." Hsi returned and t o l d Wei's son about the matter. Owing to the dubiety of the father-son r e l a t i o n s h i p , however, the young man did not f i n d i t appropriate to pay Lu a v i s i t , and Lu never went to Sung-chiang e i t h e r . The idea that one may be aware of the events of a previous l i f e frequently occurs i n f i c t i o n , but i t i s c e r t a i n l y unheard of that a dream may encompass a l i f e t i m e , as i n Lu's case. This account has been obtained from Chao Shih-fu, the l i c e n t i a t e , of Hua-t'ing. He i s Wei's 1 3 8 f i r s t cousin, and i s a protege of Lord T'an-ytian. SO Hence, I suppose, i t i s not f i c t i t i o u s . I t appears-that, as f a r as Lu Mao-fang was concerned, the l i f e of t h i r t y dream-years that he had l e d as Wei Yao-p'u was more r e a l than h i s present l i f e . He seemed to know no-thing f i r s t hand about himself p r i o r to the i l l n e s s that occasioned the dream. This i s implied by h i s statement that i t was only some time a f t e r h i s awakening that he came to r e a l i z e who he then was. I f t h i s was the case, he must have reconstructed h i s l i f e before the dream from what others, p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s wife, said about him, as well as from h i s own observation of what was going on around him. On the other hand, h i s wife and the other people concerned must have thought that he was s u f f e r i n g from a severe case of amnesia brought about by the i l l n e s s . Again, i t i s the spatio-temporal aspect of t h i s dream that proves most i n t r i g u i n g . I t gives me a chance to elab-orate, i n the next and f i n a l section of t h i s chapter, on what I have discussed i n Section 5.5. 5.9 Spatio-temporal Discreteness and Continuity In the protagonist's own account of the dream l a s t c i t e d (according to the story as written of course), i t occurred when he was t h i r t y - t h r e e years o l d . He also said that h i s l i f e as Wei Yao-p'u i n the dream la s t e d more than t h i r t y years. Hence a retrogression was involved which made them v i r t u a l contemporaries. This being the case, one wonders whether t h e i r paths had ever crossed, l i v i n g i n r e l a t i v e l y ? 139 close proximity ( i n the same province) as they were. Such a question may sound naive or even i d l e , hut at l e a s t i t serves a h e u r i s t i c purpose, f o r i t touches on the very nature of time and space as we perceive them. In our everyday experience, time i s characterized hy l i n e a r c o n t inuity. As such, i t i s segmented into smaller or greater periods such as hours, days, months, seasons, years, and so on. These periods are thought of as succeeding each other i n single f i l e and proceeding i n only one d i r e c t i o n , so that time appears to he an i r r e v e r s i b l e flow. In t h i s conception, events that occur i n time cannot repeat them-selves: what happens, happens once f o r a l l . According to Joseph Needham, the idea of l i n e a r , con-tinuous time i s found i n European as well as Chinese c u l t u r e . I t i s from t h i s idea that people i n both cultures derive 51 t h e i r sense of h i s t o r y . Moreover, i n h i s book La pensee chinoise, Marcel Granet points out that the Chinese "preferent v o i r dans l e Temps un ensemble d'eres, de saisons et d'epoques, dans l'Espace un complexe de domaines, de climats et d'orients;" that they "n'avaient aucune d i s p o s i t i o n a concevoir, comme deux milieux independants et neutres, un Temps a b s t r a i t , un Espace a b s t r a i t ; " that " l e Temps et l'Espace ne sont jamais concus independamment des actions concretes...;" that the Chinese "decomposent l e Temps en periodes comme i l s decomposent l'Espace en regions;" and, f i n a l l y , that the Chinese "ne se sont point soucies de concevoir l e Temps et l'Espace comme deux milieux homogenes, aptes a loger des concepts c H O a b s t r a i t s . 1 , 5 2 These observations c e r t a i n l y throw l i g h t on that aspect of the Chinese mind characterized by secularism, by a t h i s -worldness, a down-to-earth concern f o r p r a c t i c a l i t y . Need-ham, too, wrote: For the ancient Chinese, time was not an abstract parameter, a succession of homogeneous moments, but was divided into concrete separate seasons 53 and t h e i r subdivisions. He added, as did Granet, that "the idea of succession as such was subordinated to that of a l t e r n a t i o n and interdependence." The l a t t e r idea r e f e r s to the cosmological theory of the School of Yin-Yang led by Tsou Yen (c. 350-270 B.C.) of the Warring States period. Even i n h i s day t h i s theory was already integrated with the theory of the Five Agents (see Sections 3.1 and 5.7 above). Needham was quick to point out that t h i s , though assured-l y true, was not the whole story. For the Yin-Yang School-men (Needham c a l l s them N a t u r a l i s t s ) had to contend with the competing schools of Mohists and Logicians, who were never intere s t e d i n t h e i r theories. Moreover, the h i s t o r i a n s and other scholars undertaking long-term s o c i o l o g i c a l studies and speculation had no use f o r the idea of '.'packaged" time. Needham therefore came to the following conclusion: There was both compartmentalized time and continuous time i n Chinese thinking. Both were important i n d i f f e r e n t ways, the former f o r some of the sciences 1 4 1 and technology, the l a t t e r f o r h i s t o r y and 55 sociology. To r e c a p i t u l a t e : Just as temporal i n f i n i t y i s an i n f e r r e d a b s t r a c t i o n , so.-.also i s the idea of an immense, boundless space. As f a r as our actual perception i s concerned, space, too, consists of a se r i e s of p a r t i t i o n s which, owing to t h e i r i n t e r l o c k i n g s , nevertheless constitute a continuum. As do the discrete periods of time, the separate u n i t s of space flow into each other as w e l l . As c i v i l i z e d human beings, we are thus pinned down i n a spatio-temporal strangle hold from which there i s no natural release. I f on occasion we f a i l to notice the passage of a ce r t a i n length of time, such an event i s conslrued as purely subjective. For example, Robinson Crusoe did not know, while marooned on h i s " i s l a n d of Despair," that he had " l o s t " a day by f a l l i n g sound asleep f o r two days i n a row, u n t i l he returned to c i v i l i z a t i o n and, presumably, checked h i s "account" 56 with the calendar. With regard to space, we normally think we know where we stand and, when moving around, where our next step i s going to land. We do not expect to tumble wide-eyed into a sort of t e r r e s t r i a l "black hole." To return to the dream l a s t c i t e d : I t was i t s spatio-temporal structure that made i t seem so r e a l to the dreamer. P r e c i s e l y at the moment when he jumped and f e l l i n t o the water, though, a c o n f l a t i o n of t h i s structure and that of the world into which he was getting took place. As a r e s u l t , he 142 could not r e a l l y t e l l which was dream and which r e a l i t y . On the other hand, had Lu Mao-fang/Wei Yao-p'u accepted ei t h e r the Taoist idea that a l l opposites were complementary pair s or the Buddhist notion that a l l time and space were nothing hut s c a f f o l d i n g of the i l l u s i v e phenomenal world, then the d i s t i n c t i o n would not have been necessary i n the ' I f i r s t place. 143 CHAPTER SIX TOWARD A THEORY OP CHINESE DREAM INTERPRETATION In the foregoing chapters, I have shown that dreams were s i g n i f i c a n t to the ancient Chinese one way or another. This chapter i s concerned with the t h e o r e t i c a l aspect of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as practised i n ancient China. 6.1 Meaning and I n t e r p r e t a t i o n I f the use of language i s s p e c i e s - s p e c i f i c to humans, so i s the search f o r meaning. When we ask what the meaning of a word i s , we want to know what i t s i g n i f i e s . But ambiguity, whether at the l e x i c a l or s y n t a c t i c l e v e l , i s a f a c t of natural language. Any l i t e r a t e person knows that to get the meaning of a word as used i s not a simple matter of looking i t up i n a d i c t i o n a r y . More importantly, one has to examine i t s context, AS a further complication, many people tend to use words i n t o t a l disregard of t h e i r d i c t i o n a r y meanings. Prom a c e r t a i n point of view, t h i s constitutes a misuse or even abuse of language. In .any.:event, where ambiguity i s present, meaning i s uncertain, and hence i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s c a l l e d f o r . But where does meaning come from? One possible answer i s , "From nature." In the West, the medieval metaphor of "the book of nature" conveys the idea that our universe i s of i t s e l f meaningful. I t s meaning i s manifested by the r e g u l a r i t y of i t s operations, e.g. p e r i o d i c i t y of the seasons, constancy of the movement of heavenly bodies, c y c l i c i t y of H4 the t i d a l ebb and flow, the lunar waxing and waning, the vegetal growth and decay, etc. The t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese b e l i e f that the w r i t i n g system was derived from the forms and patterns found i n nature seems to have sprung from the same idea. And yet, the same natural phenomena can be perceived i n d i f f e r e n t ways. Thus, a subjective element i s introduced into our conception of the f a c t s of nature. To my mind, any d e f i n i t i o n of culture i s wanting which does not take into account the human capacity f o r perceiving things i n d i f f e r e n t ways under d i f f e r e n t conditions. This e n t a i l s the notion that human culture i s an evolutionary, dynamic process. In t h i s perspective, the human act of perceiving things i n d i f f e r e n t ways under varying spatio-temporal circumstances cannot but r e s u l t i n the discovery of new meanings and sometimes i n the recovery of old ones. Hence, i f we ask the question "Where does meaning come from?" a second time, the answer may well be, "Prom culture." This answer implies that meaning, so f a r from being inherent i n the object, i s what we read into i t . Thus, the "reading-into" i s what i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s a l l about. The two contrastive notions of meaning and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as discussed above, when applied to a theory of dream i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n , b o i l down to the question whether meaning i s i n t r i n s i c to the dream or i t i s rather a function of i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n . In my opinion, as f a r as the p r a c t i c e of dream i n t e r p r e t -a t i o n i s concerned, the f i r s t view seems to have been t a c i t l y 145 accepted by the ancient Chinese o n e i r o c r i t i c s . For them, rather than "reading-into," i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was a matter of "reading-out-of." I t i s also c l e a r to me that the ancients were aware of the problem of multivocity i n dream symbolism. Thus, the same dream imagery may have d i f f e r e n t s i g n i f i c a t i o n s i n accordance with i t s changing contexts. Consequently, a dream di c t i o n a r y i s only as u s e f u l and l i m i t e d i n i t s usefulness as any language d i c t i o n a r y (see Section 7.2.2 i n the next chap-ter) . At any rate, as practised i n ancient China, the a r t of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n consisted i n recovering the meaning hidden i n dreams. I t was therefore, i n i t s intent and purpose, consistent with what Paul Ricoeur c a l l s " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as i re collection;; of meanings," i n s o f a r as i t s underlying assumption was that dreams were meaningful i n themselves and that t h e i r messages, though often v e i l e d , were never f a l s e . 6.2 Dream as Multivocal Text We know of our own dreams only as r e c o l l e c t i o n s , and of other people's dreams only as ei t h e r o r a l or written reports, f i r s t - h a n d or otherwise. This points up the subjec-t i v e nature of dreaming, and i s the source of a p e c u l i a r type of skepticism concerning the r e a l i t y of dreaming as an event. I t poses the question whether we ever r e a l l y dreamt. For a l l that can be v e r i f i e d i s the f a c t that sometimes, when we wake up from sleep, we t e l l others that we had such and such dreams. But there i s no wayvat - a l l f o r us to prove to 146 our own or to our l i s t e n e r s ' s a t i s f a c t i o n that the reported dreams did occur, apart from our subjective f e e l i n g that they d i d . Thus Norman Malcolm, f o r one, argues that our con-cept of dreaming i s derived from "a queer phenomenon," namely, 2 dream-telling. Nevertheless, t h i s remarkable phenomenon has been observed i n a l l known human s o c i e t i e s , from the crudest to the most sophisticated. The f a c t that a dream exists only as a private experience leads Calvin H a l l and Robert Van de Castle to define i t o p e r a t i o n a l l y as "that which a person reports when he i s asked to r e l a t e a dream, excluding statements which are comments upon or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the dream."-5 Thus, u n t i l the day comes when technological advances w i l l make i t possible to monitor the content of dreams as they are being dreamt, any venture to t r e a t the dream as an occurrence i n i t s own r i g h t i s an exercise i n f u t i l i t y . I t i s c l e a r , then, that a l l we are dealing with i s dreams as reported. Nevertheless, i t i s legitimate to ask whether a dream report i s based on an actual dream experience, i f any, or i f i t i s a mere f a b r i c a t i o n . When we come across a reported dream i n a book purported to be f a c t u a l , say, a h i s t o r y or a biography, we are expected to accept the account as i s , f o r the simple reason that v e r i f i c a t i o n i s out of the question. To suspect that the reported dream might not be true, i n whole or i n part, i n the sense that the reported dreamer did not dream i t or did not dream i t that way, would amount to compromising the writer's 1 4 7 i n t e g r i t y . On the other hand, dream s t o r i e s can of course he f a b r i c a t e d . A l l dreams of f i c t i t i o u s characters, such as Finnegan or Chia Pao-yii f o r example, are sheer f a b r i c a t i o n s because the alleged dreamers themselves are invented. One would be hard put to i t though, to try to prove that a dream reported by a r e a l person i s f a l s e or inaccurate, short,of c a l l i n g him or her a l i a r . Hence, dream i n t e r p r e t e r s as a matter of p r i n c i p l e do not question the v e r a c i t y of a dream. In the Freudian t r a d i t i o n , material produced by free associa-t i o n i s regarded as having as much psychical value as the dream i t s e l f . In the preceding section, I mentioned the problem of multiple meaning as being known to the ancient Chinese o n e i r o c r i t i c s . The following account, taken from the San-kuo  chih (History of the three kingdoms), t e l l s of an episode i n the career of Chou Hsiian, a celebrated dream i n t e r p r e t e r of the Three Kingdoms era: Once, someone asked Hsiian, "Last night I dreamt of straw dogs; what does that mean?" "You are about to have good food," .Hsiian answered. Soon a f t e r , t h i s man went out and was a c t u a l l y regaled with a sumptuous meal. Some time l a t e r , the same man came back to ask Hsiian, "Last night I dreamt of straw dogs again, why?" Hsiian said to him, "You are going to f a l l from H 8 a carriage and break your legs. Please be care- ; f u l l " And i t soon happened as he had s a i d . S t i l l l a t e r , the man came to ask Hstlan a t h i r d time, "Last night I dreamt of straw dogs again, why?" Hstlan s a i d , "Your house w i l l have a f i r e ; you should watch i t c l o s e l y I " And the f i r e broke out before long. Then the man t o l d Hsuan, "You know,-I didn't r e a l l y dream on any of those occasions; I just wanted to tes t you. How could they have a l l come true?" Hstlan answered, " I t was the s p i r i t s that moved you and made you say those things; that's why they were no d i f f e r e n t from r e a l dreams." "But a l l the three dreams," pursued the man, "were about straw dogs, and yet t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were a l l d i f f e r e n t ; how's that?" "Straw dogs," Hstlan explained, "are s a c r i f i c i a l o f f e r i n g s to the gods. Hence, your f i r s t dream meant you would get food and drink. When the s a c r i f i c e i s over, the straw dogs are crushed under wheel, thus your second dream prefigured your f a l l from a carriage, ending i n broken legs. When the straw dogs have been crushed, they are bound to be carted away as firewood. And so the l a s t dream warned you of f i r e . " ' Ch'en Shou (A.D. 2 3 3 - 2 9 7 ) , the h i s t o r i a n , concludes Chou 149 Hstlan's biography with the remark that i n i n t e r p r e t i n g dreams, he scored an eighty to ninety percent accuracy. Chou Hstlan c e r t a i n l y operated on the premise that a symbol may have several meanings, and that i t has to be inter p r e t e d at any p a r t i c u l a r moment with contextual under-standing. F i r s t of a l l , there was no d i f f i c u l t y f o r him to put the straw dogs i n t h e i r proper context and i d e n t i f y them with s a c r i f i c i a l objects. This meaning may well have been l i s t e d i n some popular dream book. But an experienced dream i n t e r -preter would not be content with j u s t what the book says, even i f he had occasion to consult i t . He would probably use the information obtained from such a source i n the same way that an experienced writer or habit u a l reader would use an ordinary d i c t i o n a r y . Just as a scrupulous user of words would always make a point of taking the l i n g u i s t i c environment of a word in t o account when pondering on i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e , so also would the expert o n e i r o c r i t i c a s c e r t a i n the meaning of a p a r t i c u l a r dream symbol i n terms of i t s c u l t u r a l context among other things. In the case j u s t c i t e d the time frame i n which each dream was reported to have occurred was of c r u c i a l importance to the dream i n t e r p r e t e r i n u n r a v e l l i n g i t s meaning. As w e l l , Chou Hstlan's a t t i t u d e toward f a b r i c a t e d dreams was noteworthy. When t o l d that the dreams had not r e a l l y been dreamt, he explained that they remained nonetheless v a l i d because i t was the s p i r i t s that moved the " f a l s e " dreamer to say what he had sa i d . In other words, f a b r i c a t e d dreams had the same o r i g i n as dreamt ones. Again, t h i s a n t i c i p a t e d 1 5 0 Freudian dream theory. I t implies that to dream i s to f a b r i c a t e , that i s , to manipulate symbols i n a capricious way. I t follows that a l l dreams, whether dreamt or invented, are by nature d e c e i t f u l , and can become true only when cor-5 r e c t l y i n terpreted. On another occasion, i t took such an august personage as Emperor Wen of Wei to f a b r i c a t e a dream and have Chou Hsiian i n t e r p r e t i t . I t was only when Chou Hsiian came up with a negative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that the emperor said to him, "But I was only f o o l i n g youl" Not to be put out, Chou Hsiian said i n reply, "The dream i s nothing but i d e a t i o n ( i ) . When revealed i n words, then i t s good or bad import i s p r e d i c t a b l e . " b y So then, beware; f o r no matter what you say about your dreams, the single-minded dream i n t e r p r e t e r i s prepared to take your word f o r i t l 6 .3 The C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Dreams Before a dream can be interpreted, i t has to be iden-t i f i e d i n terms of i t s general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Hence the numerous l i s t s of dream types c l a s s i f i e d according to various c r i t e r i a i n many cultures by as many a u t h o r i t i e s throughout the ages. To give an example: Artemidorus of Daldis (c. 2nd cent. A.D.) made a d i s t i n c t i o n , i n the f i r s t place, between what he c a l l e d enhypnion and oneiros. The enhypnion in d i c a t e s a present state of a f f a i r s . For example, a lover dreams that he i s with h i s beloved. Dreams triggered by p h y s i c a l stimu-151 l i also belong i n t h i s c l a s s . I t i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s type of dreams that i t s operation i s l i m i t e d to the duration of the dreamer's sleep, and does not contain a p r e d i c t i o n of a f,uture state of a f f a i r s . The oneiros, on the other hand, indi c a t e s future events; i t i s i t s nature to induce a c t i v e 7 undertakings when the dreamer awakes. Artemidorus further distinguished two kinds of oneiros or p r e d i c t i v e dreams. One he c a l l e d theorematic and the other a l l e g o r i c a l . He defined them as follows: V Theorematic dreams are those which correspond * exactly to t h e i r own dream v i s i o n . For example, a man who was at sea dreamt that he suffered ship-wrecked, and i t a c t u a l l y came true i n the way that i t had been presented i n sleep.-... A l l e g o r i c a l dreams, on the other hand, are those which s i g n i f y one thing by means of another: that i s , through , them the soul i s conveying something obscurely by physi c a l means.8 In t h i s system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , a type of dreams labeled as enhypnion did not require i n t e r p r e t a t i o n because non-s i g n i f i c a t i v e . Another type of dreams c a l l e d theorematic also did not c a l l f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n because they were to be under-stood l i t e r a l l y . I t was mainly on the type of p r e d i c t i v e dreams regarded by Artemidorus as a l l e g o r i c a l that he prac-t i s e d h i s a r t . One would expect that there was a set of c r i t e r i a by which to i d e n t i f y the d i f f e r e n t types of dreams before any i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was ca r r i e d out. For i t would be disastrous 152 i n some cases to take a theorematic dream f o r an a l l e g o r i c a l one, and v i c e versa. But I have f a i l e d to f i n d any such c r i t e r i a provided i n Artemidorus 1s. O n e i r o c r i t i c a (Interpre-t a t i o n of dreams). Are we to understand that t h i s matter was e n t i r e l y up to the i n t e r p r e t e r ' s acumen, depending on h i s past experiences? In the Chou-li, a Confucian c l a s s i c dating hack to the q beginning of the Warring States era, s i x types of dreams are distinguished. The are: 1) cheng meng — regular or p o s i t i v e dreams ( i . e . dreams that occur peacefully of them-selves, not being induced or influenced by anything), 2) 6 meng — h o r r i b l e dreams ( i . e . dreams caused by f r i g h t ) , 3) ssu meng — yearning dreams ( i . e . dreams r e s u l t i n g from yearning thoughts while awake), 4) wu meng — wakeful dreams ( i . e . dreams triggered by something said while awake), 5) h s i meng — happy dreams ( i . e . dreams brought about by joy or d e l i g h t ) , and 6) chft m e h g : f e a r f u 1 dreams (i.-e.."dreams 10 a r i s i n g from f e a r ) . I f we go by Cheng Hsiian's annotations (given above i n parentheses), t h i s system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s apparently based on the psychological causes of dreams rather than t h e i r contents. There are two other notable l i s t s of dream types from ancient Chinese sources. The l i s t of s i x dream types . given i n the t h i r d chapter of the Lieh-tzu i s i d e n t i c a l with that i n the Chou-li just given, except that i n the Lieh-tzu they are r e f e r r e d to as the l i u hou: s i x 'symptoms' or 'marks' of the dream. 153 The other l i s t i s found i n the Ch'ien-fu lun (Essays by a recluse) by Wang Fu (c. A.D. 85-163) of Eastern Han times. In Chapter 28 of t h i s book e n t i t l e d "Meng l i e h " (Dream pageant) ten types of dreams are discussed. They are the chih — l i t -e r a l , hsiang — symbolic, ching — earnest, hsiang — pensive, jen — personal, kan — c l i m a t i c , shih — seasonal, fan — paradoxical, ping — pa t h o l o g i c a l , and hsing — a f f e c t i v e . The essay goes on to explain these terms as follows: In the old days, when I-chiang, consort of King Wu of Chou, conceived T'ai-shu, she dreamt that the Ti-god t o l d her, "Name your son Ytl and r r ^ give him T'ang 'as a f i e f 1 ,. Later, the c h i l d was born with the character f o r Yil on h i s palm, and that was the name given him. And when King Ch'eng conquered T'ang, the land was enfeoffed to him. This was a dream that l i t e r a l l y came true. The Shih-ching states: Black bears and brown Mean men-children Snakes and serpents Mean g i r l - c h i l d r e n • • • Locusts and f i s h Mean f a t years Flags and banners ^ ^  Mean a teeming house and home These are symbolic dreams. L i v i n g i n an era of chaos, Confucius dwelt on the beneficence of the Duke of Chou by day and dreamt of him at night. Such dreams were induced 1 5 4 by earnest thinking. When one thinks of something and then dreams that i t happens, or when one i s worried and dreams about h i s worries, such a dream comes from memory or pensiveness. There are things which, when dreamt of by a noble, are considered auspicious, and when dreamt of by a nobody, are considered pernicious; and there are things which, when occurring i n a gentleman's dream, are regarded as honorable, and when they turn up i n a mean person's dream, are thought to be d i s g r a c e f u l . These are dreams tfto be "under-stood^ according to the personal status l/of the dreamer]}. On the eve of the b a t t l e of Ch'eng-p'u, Duke Wen of Chin dreamt that the Viscount of Ch'u lay on top of him and sucked out h i s b r a i n . This was very bad indeed. When the b a t t l e took place, however, i t turned out to be a great v i c t o r y f o r him. This was an extremely paradoxical dream. Dreams of cloud and r a i n make people f e e l bored and perplexed. Sunny or a r i d dreams cause confusion and a l i e n a t i o n . Dreams of great cold lead to doldrums, and dreams of high winds set people a d r i f t . These are dreams brought about by cl i m a t i c conditions. In spring one dreams of coming f o r t h and growing, i n summer of e x a l t a t i o n and b r i l l i a n c e , 1 5 5 i n autumn and w i n t e r o f m a t u r i t y and s t o r a g e . These are dreams i n harmony w i t h the s e a s o n s . A f f l i c t e d by Y i n d i s e a s e we dream o f c o l d , and s u f f e r i n g from Yang d i s e a s e we dream of warmth. I n t e r n a l a i l m e n t s b r i n g dreams o f c o n f u s i o n and e x t e r n a l ones b r i n g dreams of e x p a n s i o n . Dreams caused by d i s e a s e are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r/images o f J e i t h e r d i s p e r s i o n or c o h e s i o n . These a r e known as p a t h o l o g i c a l dreams. I n the r e a l m of human emot ions , we speak o f d i f f e r e n t l i k e s and d i s l i k e s . The same f e e l i n g may cause good l u c k to one and bad l u c k to a n o t h e r . Hence, a l l o f us s h o u l d watch out f o r o u r s e l v e s and make a p o i n t o f i n t e r p r e t i n g ( o u r d r e a m s j i n accordance w i t h our p r o p e n s i t i e s . These, t h e n , 12 are known as a f f e c t i v e dreams. Wang F u ' s " l i t e r a l " dreams correspond to A r t e m i d o r u s 1 s 13 t h e o r e m a t i c dreams. A l t h o u g h the example he gave f o r t h i s type o f dreams smacks o f a s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g p r o p h e c y , t h i s does not d e t r a c t from i t s l i t e r a l n e s s . The f o l l o w i n g s t o r y from the Meng-chan l e i - k ' a o (see " I n t r o d u c t i o n " ) may serve as a n o t h e r example: L i u C h ' a o - l i n was a man of s t e r l i n g c h a r a c t e r . One n i g h t he dreamt t h a t he came to a p l a c e w i t h two pomegranate t r e e s , under which he found one r~ v thousand s t r i n g s o f c a s h . V On waking upjj he pondered t h a t throughout h i s l i f e he had never e n t e r t a i n e d 156 thoughts of greed, and wondered how he could have had such a dream. Soon a f t e r , a townsman surnamed Tai h i r e d him as a resident tutor. In the courtyard of h i s study there stood two pomegranate trees, j u s t l i k e what he had seen i n h i s dream. Afterwards, he received a salary i n the amount of exactly one thousand str i n g s of cash. 14-Eventually, he obtained h i s degree. But a l i t e r a l dream need not involve a p r e d i c t i o n about the r e l a t i v e l y d i s t a n t future. I t may also be concerned with the immediate present, as the following story from the same source i n d i c a t e s : A man was s u f f e r i n g from a f r a c t u r e . His physician advised him to t r e a t i t with a l i v e t u r t l e . He soon found one and was ready to k i l l i t . One night, however, he dreamt that the t u r t l e said to to him, "Don't harm me; I have an unusual formula f o r i t s cure. Just get one catty of f r e s h Rehmahhia lu t e a Iti-huang) and four taels of fresh ginger and have them uniformly heated. Then wrap them round the point of fr a c t u r e with sackcloth and you w i l l get well . " The man woke up and t r i e d out the p r e s c r i p -15 t i o n . I t worked. One might question the propriety of using t h i s eerie story as example of what Wang Pu c a l l e d l i t e r a l dreams on the ground that, l i k e h i s celebrated near contemporary Wang Ch'ung, 157 though keenly inte r e s t e d i n the i r r a t i o n a l , he too had the inveterate tendency to explain them away i n r a t i o n a l i s t i c terms, witness h i s essays on d i v i n a t i o n (25), on shamanism (26), and on physiognomy (27). Be that as i t may, the f a c t remains that, i n matters r e l a t i n g to the p r e d i c t i v e function of dreams, Wang Fu did not r u l e out the popular theory that dreams were sent by the gods. He wrote: Some dreams may be quite s t r i k i n g but p r e d i c t nothing. Others may seem rather i n s i g n i f i c a n t yet consequential. Why so? Well, what we c a l l dream r e f e r s i n the f i r s t place to a perplexing, incom-prehensible phenomenon; the term i t s e l f suggests a nebulous state of a f f a i r s . Hence, i n making decisions, one does not depend s o l e l y on i t . In the management of one's a f f a i r s , one makes plans and gets on one's f e e t to carry them out; yet there are times when things don't follow through. How then can one be c e r t a i n about dreams, which are impalpable and mixed i n character? I t i s only when they are induced by earnestness of purpose or when they comprise messages from the gods that they 16 may be -prognosticated. Artemidorus, roughly contemporary with Wang Fu, was more guarded with respect to the question of the divine o r i g i n of dreams. I t seems, however, that he too was i n c l i n e d to give i t the b e n e f i t of the doubt, e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of dreams 158 whose s i g n i f i c a n c e was of immediate concern. Even so, i n keeping with h i s generally r a t i o n a l , empirical approach to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , he put the greater emphasis on the mind 17 as the source of the p r e d i c t i v e character of dreams. In h i s explanation of the oneiros he stated: Oneiros i s a movement or condition of the mind that takes many shapes and s i g n i f i e s good or had things that w i l l occur i n the future. Since t h i s i s the case, the mind predic t s everything that w i l l happen i n the future, whether the lapse of time i n between i s great or small, by means of images of i t s own, c a l l e d elements, that are natural products. I t does t h i s because i t assumes that i n the interim we can be taught to l e a r n the future through reasoning. But whenever the actual occurrences admit of no postponement whatsoever, because whoever i t i s that guides us causes them to happen without delay, the mind, thinking that p r e d i c t i o n serves no purpose to us unless we grasp the truth immediately before having to l e a r n i t through experience, shows these things d i r e c t l y through themselves, without waiting f o r anything that i s extraneous to show us 17 the meaning of the dream. I f i n d the p a r a l l e l between Artemidorus's ideas and those of Wang Pu on t h i s subject s t r i k i n g . Just as Artemidorus spoke of the p r e d i c t i v e character of dreams being a function of the'mind, so also Wang Fu wrote that "earnestness of pur-159 pose" (ching-ch'eng) was responsible f o r c e r t a i n dreams con-t a i n i n g messages. Moreover, as Artemidorus hinted at the pos-s i b i l i t y of such dreams being caused by some unknown being, "whoever i t i s , " so did Wang Pu state unequivocally that dreams brought by the s p i r i t s were p r e d i c t i v e . Again, what Wang Fu termed hsiang or symbolic dreams bear some semblance to Artemidorus's a l l e g o r i c a l dreams, which he defined as "those which s i g n i f y one thing by means of another: that i s , through them, the soul i s conveying some-1 8 thing obscurely by physical means." I take i t that by "physical means" i s meant symbolic images perceived i n dreams. Wang Fu, f o r h i s part, did not give any d e f i n i t i o n f o r what he c a l l e d symbolic dreams. He did, however, c i t e the two stanzas from the Shih-ching as examples. On the strength of these examples I f e e l j u s t i f i e d i n assuming that h i s idea of the symbolic corresponds to Artemidorus's idea of the a l l e g o r i c a l . Another point of i n t e r e s t i s that Artemidorus mentioned f i v e classes of a l l e g o r i c a l dreams set up by some o n e i r o c r i t i c s of h i s day. F i r s t , there are "personal" dreams, i n which the dreamer experiences something bound to happen to him alone. Secondly, there are " a l i e n " dreams, i n which the dreamer sees another person known to him experiencing something that w i l l happen to the l a t t e r alone. T h i r d l y , there are "common" dreams i n v o l v i n g the dreamer himself and others. Fourthly, there are "public" dreams that involve such things as the harbors and walls, the market places and gymnasia and the 160 p u b l i c m o n u m e n t s o f t h e c i t y . L a s t y , d r e a m s t h a t p r e d i c t c o s m i c - c o o m i c - c o n d i t i o n s , s u c h a s t h e t o t a l e c l i p s e o f t h e s u n , t h e m o o n , a n d t h e o t h e r s t a r s a s w e l l a s t h e u p h e a v a l s o f e a r t h a n d s e a a r e t e x m e d " c o s m i c . " A t f i r s t b l u s h , o n e w o u l d t h i n k t h a t t h e f i r s t t h r e e c l a s s e s may a l l b e s u b s u m e d u n d e r Wang F u ' s c a t e g o r y o f " p e r s o n a l " d r e a m s . B u t Wang F u d i d m a k e i t c l e a r i n t h i s c a s e t h a t b y p e r s o n a l h e m e a n t t h e d r e a m e r ' s s t a t u s a s a p e r s o n ( j e n - w e i ) o r p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u c h a s b e i n g " h i g h b o r n o r l o w b r e d , i n t e l l i g e n t o f s l o w - w i t t e d , m a l e o r f e m a l e , 19 a n d o l d o r y o u n g . J H e r e Wang F u was o b v i o u s l y t a l k i n g a b o u t s o m e t h i n g h a v i n g ^more t o do w i t h t h e d r e a m e r t h a n t h e d r e a m i t s e l f . T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e d r e a m e r w o u l d s u b s t a n -t i a l l y a f f e c t t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e d r e a m , i n m u c h t h e same way t h a t i t w o u l d a l t e r t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f h i s / h e r w a k i n g b e -h a v i o r . F o r i n s t a n c e , w h e n a s o l d i e r k i l l s enemy- s o l d i e r s i n t h e b a t t l e f i e l d , i t i s g e n e r a l l y c o n s i d e r e d t o b e a f e a t o f v a l o r ; b u t w h e n a m e r c h a n t s h o o t s r i v a l - m e r c h a n t s i n t h e m a r k e t - p l a c e , i t may b e c o n s t r u e d a s a m a t t e r o f h i s c o m p e t -i t i v e i n s t i n c t g o n e h a y w i r e . T h a t t h e s o c i a l s t a t u s a n d p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f t h e d r e a m e r s h o u l d b e t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n w a s a n o n e i r o c r i t -i c a l p r i n c i p l e n o t u n k n o w n t o A r t e m i d o r u s e i t h e r . I n B o o k I , S e c t i o n 9 o f h i s O n e i r o c r i t i c a h e s t a t e s : I t i s p r o f i t a b l e — i n d e e d , n o t o n l y p r o f i t a b l e b u t n e c e s s a r y — f o r t h e d r e a m e r a s w e l l a s f o r t h e p e r s o n who i s i n t e r p r e t i n g t h a t t h e d r e a m i n t e r p r e t e r k n o w t h e d r e a m e r ' s i d e n t i t y , o c c u p a t i o n , 161 2 0 b i r t h , f i n a n c i a l statuSi, s t a t e of h e a l t h , and age. What u n d e r l i e s t h i s p r i n c i p l e , I g a t h e r , i s the assumpt ion t h a t dream symbols are p l u r i v o c a l and t h a t , t h e r e f o r e , to d e c i p h e r t h e i r meanings, c o n t e x t u a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s n e c e s -s a r y . Such u n d e r s t a n d i n g e n t a i l s a d e t a i l e d knowledge of the dreamer 's s o c i a l s t a n d i n g and p e r s o n a l a f f a i r s . I f t h i s i s the c a s e , then Wang F u ' s category of p e r s o n a l dreams s h o u l d be regarded as a s u b - c l a s s o f the g e n e r a l c a t e g o r y o f " s y m b o l i c " dreams, f o r the r e a s o n t h a t the dreamer ' s s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s are e x t r i n s i c to the dream i t s e l f . Wang Pu d i d not say s o , but t h e r e seems - ..noi - r e a s o n why n o t * a p e r s o n a l dream may/sometimes be u n d e r s t o o d l i t e r a l l y . T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n a p p l i e s to a l l the r e m a i n i n g seven types o f dreams i n Wang P u ' s system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as w e l l . B e i n g a Greek , A r t e m i d o r u s was l o g i c a l l y - m i n d e d enough to l i s t a l l the t h r e e c l a s s e s o f dreams h a v i n g to do w i t h the dreamer ' s p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s as s u b - c l a s s e s o f a l l e g o r i c a l dreams. I n f a i r n e s s to Wang F u , however, I must p o i n t out t h a t the t e x t of the C h ' i e n - f u l u n as we have i t now i s c o r r u p t . I t i s a t e x t u a l c u r i o s i t y , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r the examples g i v e n f o r a l l the types of dreams, we f i n d s i m p l e d e f i n i t i o n s f o r the e i g h t types b e g i n n i n g from the t h i r d down to the t e n t h , but no d e f i n i t i o n s f o r . the f i r s t two: the l i t e r a l and the s y m b o l i c . There are a t l e a s t two p o s s i b l e ways to e x p l a i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . One i s to suppose t h a t Wang Fu d i d d e f i n e " l i t e r a l " and " s y m b o l i c , " 162 but that the l i n e s are missing from the text extant. The other hypothesis i s that Wang Fu did not define them at a l l , e i t h e r because he thought that these two types of dreams were e a s i l y recognizable to h i s readers a f t e r he had given the examples; or because, l i k e Artemidorus, he intended the f i r s t two types to be two general, exhaustive categories with repect to properties i n t r i n s i c to the dream, which could only be interpreted e i t h e r l i t e r a l l y or symbolically. In short, the l i t e r a l - s y m b o l i c dichotomy was a c a t c h - a l l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y device. I f so, then the remaining eight types, p a r t i a l l y following Artemidorus 1s treatment, should be considered sub-classes of eithe r l i t e r a l or symbolic dreams, as shown i n the following two diagrams: A. Artemidorus 1s C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Dreams Dreams l • 1 Enhypnion .. iGheiros (non-predictive) ( p r e d i c t i v e ) i ^ — — » Theorematic A l l e g o r i c i 1 S 1 < Personal A l i e n Common Public Cosmic B. Wang Fu's C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Dreams Dreams » D i r e c t Symbolic (p r e d i c t i v e ) ( p r e d i c t i v e ) I r - l 1 1 1 L-i 1 1 Earnest Pensive Personal Climatic Season- Patho- Para- A f f e c -a l l o g i c a l doxical t i v e I f none of the above conjectures holds water, then we have no other choice, as f a r as I can see, but to accept the text as i t stands and say that Wang Fu, true to the character 163 of the s t e r e o t y p i c a l Chinese scholar, was " u n s c i e n t i f i c . " As a parting shot to t h i s chapter, l e t me c i t e the following anecdote about Ytleh Kuang (A.D. 252-304) of the Western Chin dynasty and hi s future son-in-law Wei Chieh (286-312) from the Shih-shuo hsin-yti (A new account of tal e s of the world) by L i u I-ch'ing (403-444): When Wei Chieh was a young l a d with h i s h a i r i n t u f t s , he asked Ytleh Kuang about dreams. Ytleh said, "They're thoughts (hsiang)." Wei continued, "But dreams occur when body and s p i r i t aren't i n contact. How can they be thoughts?" Ytleh r e p l i e d , "They're the r e s u l t of causes ( y i n ) . No one's ever dreamed of entering a r a t hole r i d i n g i n a carriage, or of eating an i r o n pestle a f t e r p u l v e r i z i n g i t , because i n both cases there have never been any such thoughts or causes." Wei pondered over what was meant by "causes" f o r days without coming to any understanding, and eventually became i l l . Ytleh, hearing of i t , made a point of ordering h i s carriage and going to v i s i t him, and thereupon proceeded to make a de t a i l e d explanation of "causes" f o r Wei's b e n e f i t . Wei immediately began to recover a l i t t l e . Sighing, Ytleh remarked, "In t h i s lad's breast 21 there w i l l never be any incurable sickness." (Richard Mather's t r a n s l a t i o n ) 164 E x h i b i t i n g h i s prowess as a "pure-talker," Ytleh Kuang reduced dreams to two types: those r e s u l t i n g from "thoughts" and those from "causes." Although he did not elaborate on what he meant by "thoughts," from the objection r a i s e d by Wei Chieh we may i n f e r that he meant psychical causes. Wei, Chieh's remark was reminiscent of Wang Ch'ung's theory that the soul could function as such only as long as i t was bound to the body ( c f . Section 4.4). Thoughts were the natural outcome of such a union. His objection may be paraphrased as follows: While dreaming, the s p i r i t i s be-l i e v e d to be wandering away from the body, how can thoughts then be possible? This l e d to Ytleh Kuang's second answer, namely, "causes," by which he apparently meant phy s i c a l s t i m u l i which triggered "thoughts" which i n turn gave r i s e to dreams. l i k e a l l other products of r e d u c t i o n i s t thinking, the charm of t h i s theory l i e s i n i t s s i m p l i c i t y , i t s shortcoming i n i t s tendency to d i s t o r t i f not ignore c e r t a i n f a c t s and make unwarranted assumptions. Eor example, how did Ytieh Kuang know that no one had ever dreamt of the two dreams he mentioned? Granted that the f e a s i b i l i t y of these two dream scenarios was n i l , yet, since they were conceivable i n "thoughts" (and even expressible i n words), by h i s own theory there should be no reason why they were undreamable. 165 CHAPTER SEVEN METHODS OP CHINESE DREAM INTERPRETATION The b e l i e f i n the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of future events, or i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of revealing the unknown through obser-vation of the known, e n t a i l s acceptance of the notion that our world, f o r a l l i t s apparent chaos, has a hidden design. Hence, nothing ever r e a l l y happens at random or by chance. In t h i s view, nature may be l i k e n to an open book replete with hidden meanings and messages. Di v i n a t i o n i s the i n t e r p r e t i v e process by which the unknown i s made known. The methods of d i v i n a t i o n are many i n number and i n kind, but each culture seems to have i t s preferences. D i v i n a t i o n by astrology, f o r example, was preferred by the ancient Egyptians. In ancient Rome, a class of p r i e s t s c a l l e d augurs was set apart to i n t e r p r e t the signs i n the sky. Among the Arabs, predictions are often made on the ba-s i s of the shapes seen i n sand. Other popular methods pract i s e d i n various parts of the world include palmistry, crystal-gazing, shell-hearing, haruspicy or the inspection of e n t r a i l s , the casting of l o t s , the use of cards, etc. In pre-Ch'in China, the preferred method of d i v i n a t i o n was pyro-scapulimancy, which I have b r i e f l y discussed i n Section 2.1. Then there was d i v i n a t i o n by consulting the I-ching hexagrams which involved the casting of yarrow-stalks. The observation of meteorological phenomena, such as so l a r hues, vapors and coronas, constituted a t h i r d method. Other 1 6 6 than these, oneiromancy, or d i v i n a t i o n by dream, was of utmost importance. There i s textual evidence showing that these mantic arts were sometimes combined to prognosticate the same data. Dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r seems to have been prac-t i s e d c o n j o i n t l y with each of the other three techniques mentioned above. Whether t h i s p r a c t i c e implied misgiving on the dream i n t e r p r e t e r ' s part as to i t s accuracy or t r u s t -worthiness i s not f o r me to say. My conjecture i s that the idea behind i t was to obtain an external confirmation or corroboration of the dream omen. Hence, I term t h i s the corroborative approach to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of dreams. Apart from the corroborative approach, dreams were also interpreted i n t e r n a l l y with reference to t h e i r imageries, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of which was determined by one way of asso-c i a t i o n or another. This I c a l l the a s s o c i a t i v e approach. These two approaches to t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i l l be discussed separately i n the following sections. l i 1 The Corroborative Approach The prominence of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as a divinatory technique i n pre-Ch'in China i s described i n the Han-shu i-wen chih as follows: There are many mantic a r t s , but the greatest of r them a l l i s dream I i n t e r p r e t a t i o n } . Thus, during Chou times, o f f i c i a l s were appointed to take charge of i t . The Shih-ching also records dreams 167 of black and brown bears, of locusts and f i s h , amd of f l a g s and banners, showing how prognosti-cations of the great men ( i . e . dream i n t e r p r e t e r s ! were conducive to the v e r i f i c a t i o n of good and bad omens. Then i t goes on to say: This was probably f c a r r i e d outp i n conjunction with pyro-scapulimancy and d i v i n a t i o n by yarrow 2 s t a l k s . The statement that during Chou times dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n had o f f i c i a l standing i s based on a passage i n the Chou-li, a Confucian c l a s s i c dating back, according to Bernhard Karlgren and Ch'ien Mu, to at l e a s t the beginning of the 3 Warring States era. The f i n a l statement about the combination, i n p r a c t i c e , of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with the two other div i n a t o r y techniques also comes from t h i s source. As a Confucian work, the Chou-li purports to give a comprehensive account of the i n t r i c a t e bureaucratic system designed by the Duke of Chou himself.. The "Ch'un-kuan tsung-po" chapter of t h i s book mentions two o f f i c i a l s having something to do with dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . One i s the T'ai-pu,'Grand Augur', who i s i n charge of matters r e l a t i n g to the san-chao or three types of s i g n i f i c a n t cracks produced on t o r t o i s e s h e l l s or shoulder blades of c a t t l e f o r purposes of d i v i n a t i o n , the san-i or three versions of the I-ching which serves as the basis f o r yarrow-stalk d i v i n a t i o n , and the san-meng or three methods of dream d i v i n a t i o n . These three mantic a r t s , each i n i t s e l f comprising a three-way d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , are coor-168 dinated by the pa-ming, 'eight ordinances', that i s , eight types of routine questions put to the o r a c l e s . 4 Another passage i n the same chapter mentions the Chan- meng, 'Dream Interpreter', whose o f f i c e i t was to divine the good and i l l omens of the six - types of dreams ( c f ; Section 6 . 3 ) i n the following ways. F i r s t , by s c r u t i n i z i n g the i n ^ stances of the union of heaven and earth throughout the four seasons. Secondly, by d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the Yin and Yang modes of the v i t a l f o rce. T h i r d l y , by r e f e r r i n g to the conditions or positions of the sun, the moon, and the s t a r s . In winter, i t was h i s duty to inquire about the 'king's dreams and to present to him auspicious dreams, which the king received with courtesy. Next, the Dream Interpreter would o f f e r the s a c r i f i c e of she-meng i n the four quarters, thus sending o f f bad dreams. Only then would the annual Ceremony of P u r i f i c -a t i o n (nan = nuo) be i n i t i a t e d , the purpose of which was to 5 drive away a l l p e s t i l e n c e . I f we accept the d e s c r i p t i o n given i n these two passages as having some h i s t o r i c a l v a l i d i t y , then dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and practised during Chou times i n combination with pyro-scapulimancy and yarrow-stalk casting as well as the observation of cosmic phenomena. 7.1.1 Oneiromancy and T o r t o i s e - S h e l l Scorching As mentioned i n Section 2.1, the Shang oracle-bones recorded a good number of r o y a l dreams. I f the a r t of dream d i v i n a t i o n i n China indeed dates back to p r e h i s t o r i c times, as the legend of the Yellow Emperor i n t e r p r e t i n g h i s own 169 dreams (see Section 1.1) seems to suggest, then perhaps i t i s not e n t i r e l y groundless to surmise that the Shang people too p r a c t i s e d d i v i n a t i o n by dreams and, by way of double-check, subjected t h e i r dreams to oracle-bone prognostication as w e l l . Besides, i n Section 1.3 we quoted King Wu of Chou, i n hi s long-winded harangue to h i s troops as to why they should march on the tyrant King Chou of Shang, as saying: "My dreams are i n accord with the oracle-bone prognostications I" This was a clear reference to the p r a c t i c e of combining d i v i n a t i o n by dreams with that by oracle-bones. 7.1.2 Oneiromancy and Yarrow-Stalk Casting As f o r combining dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with d i v i n a t i o n by yarrow s t a l k s , a good example may be taken from the Tso-chuan, Chao 7. I t r e l a t e s that Lady Chiang, the wife of Duke Hsiang of Wei, was c h i l d l e s s . The duke's concubine Chou-ko, however, gave b i r t h to a c r i p p l e d son named Meng-chih. Then K'ung Ch'eng-tzu, a minister, dreamt that K'ang-shu, the f i r s t marquis of Wei, t o l d him to set up a c e r t a i n Yuan as successor to the ducal t i t l e , and that he, K'ang-shu, would make Y1i and Shih Kou ministers to Yuan. Now Ytl was the great-grandson of K'ung Ch'eng-tzu, the dreamer, and Shih Kou the son of Shih Ch'ao, another minister. I t happened that Shih Ch'ao had the same dream, and t o l d Ch'eng-tzu about i t . Moreover, both dreams had occurred before the concubine bore a second son, who was to be named Yuan. When t h i s f i n a l l y took place, K'ung Ch'eng-tzu consulted the 170 I-ching hy posing to the d i v i n i n g stalks the question whether Ytian would enjoy the bounties of Wei and preside over the s a c r i f i c e s to the Gods of Earth and M i l l e t . The hexagram ob-tained was Chun, the t h i r d i n the I-ching as we have i t today, which Wilhelm/Baynes translated as " D i f f i c u l t y at the Begin-ning. " Then K'ung Ch'eng-tzu put another question to the oracle as to whether i t would be commendable f o r him to set up Meng-chih. In answer to t h i s he got the Chun hexagram again. This was followed by P i , the eighth hexagram, translated by Wilhelm/Baynes as "Holding Together." He showed the r e s u l t s to Shih Ch'ao, who remarked, "Ytian succeeds; i s there any doubt?" Now, the phrase "Ytian succeeds," or i n Chinese "ytian  heng," (Wilhelm/Baynes' r e n d i t i o n : "supreme success") i s the f i r s t statement.-in the "judgment" appended to the hexagram Chun. But i n the I-ching the word yuan, meaning f i r s t or foremost, i s a te c h n i c a l term. Here Shih Ch'ao took i t to mean the personal name of the prospective h e i r . So Ch'eng-tzu questioned him, "Doesn't that mean the eldest?" Shih Ch'ao said i n r e p l y , "Since Marquis K'ang so named him, he may be regarded as the eldest. Meng Chih i s defective as a person, and may not have a place i n the a n c e s t r a l temple, therefore he may not be considered eldest. Besides, the judg-ment on t h i s hexagram also states, " I t i s good to appoint a prince." ( l i chien hou) Now, i f the h e i r were auspicious, why would there be any mention of appointing another? Surely the term "appoint" must r e f e r to somebody other than the h e i r . 171 S i n c e " b o t h h e x a g r a m s i n d i c a t e t h e same t h i n g , y o u h a d b e t t e r s e t Y u a n u p i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e b e h e s t o f M a r q u i s K ' a n g a n d t h e i n d i c a t i o n s o f t h e t w o h e x a g r a m s . T h e d i v i n i n g s t a l k s r e i n f o r c e t h e d r e a m p o r t e n t s , a n d e v e n K i n g Wu {of Chou^ j * a b i d e d b y t h i s p r i n c i p l e . W h a t w i l l y o u d o , i f y o u d o n ' t c o m p l y w i t h i t ? " C o n v i n c e d , K ' u n g C h ' e n g - t z u a c c o r d i n g l y s e t Y u a n u p a s s u c c e s s o r t o t h e d u c a l t i t l e o f W e i . ' " ' 7 . 1 . 3 O n e i r o m a n c y a n d S u n - D o g W a t c h i n g A u g u r i e s o b t a i n e d i n d r e a m s may f u r t h e r b e c o r r o b o r a t e d b y a f o u r t h m e t h o d o f d i v i n a t i o n . I n t h e C h o u - l i p a s s a g e a b o u t t h e T - ' a i - p u o r G r a n d A u g u r , t h r e e m e t h o d s o f d r e a m d i v i n -a t i o n a r e n a m e d , c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e t h r e e t y p e s o f c r a c k s i n o r a c l e - b o n e d i v i n a t i o n a n d t h e t h r e e v e r s i o n s o f t h e I - c h i n g . T h e y a r e c a l l e d c h i h - m e n g , c h i - m e n ^ , a n d h s i e n - c h i h . A c c o r d i n g t o C h e n g H s t l a n , t h e f i r s t m e a n s " t h a t w h i c h t h e d r e a m a r r i v e s a t , " a n d w a s d e v i s e d d u r i n g H s i a t i m e s , t h e s e c o n d a n d t h i r d b o t h m e a n " w h a t t h e d r e a m o b t a i n s , " a n d w e r e d e v i s e d b y t h e g p e o p l e o f Y i n a n d o f C h o u r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h e C h o u - l i t e x t g o e s o n t o s a y t h a t e a c h o f t h e s e t h r e e m e t h o d s h a s t e n b a s i c y t i n . A g a i n , C h e n g H s u a n e q u a t e s y t l n w i t h h u i , ' b r i g h t n e s s 1 , a n d t a k e s i t t o r e f e r t o t h e m e t h o d o f o b s e r v i n g t h e t e n k i n d s o f v a p o r o u s i l l u m i n a t i o n s o c c u r r i n g i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o t h e s u n , a s y m b o l o f t h e k i n g , who w a s s a i d t o r e s o r t t o t h i s m a n t i c a r t t o o b t a i n t h e g o o d o r e v i l p o r t e n t s o f d r e a m s t h a t h e h a d d u r i n g t h e p r e v i o u s n i g h t . N o w , i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r m e n t i o n i n g t h e o f f i c e o f t h e C h a n -172 meng or Dream Interpreter, the Chou-li describes the duties of another bureaucrat c a l l e d Shih-chin, 'Ominous-Vapor Watcher'. He p r a c t i s e s the a r t of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the shih hui or ten vaporous i l l u m i n a t i o n s mentioned above. The usual gloss f o r q hui i s ' l i g h t and vapor around the sun'. Professor Ho Ping-yii, i n a l e c t u r e given to the Astronomy Club of the U n i v e r s i t y of Hong Kong two years ago, proposed the theory that the shih hui r e f e r r e d to i n the Chou-li are i n f a c t what are known i n meteorological optics as p a r h e l i a , also c a l l e d i n English 10 mock suns or sun-dogs. I f t h i s i s correct, then we may say that i n ancient China the observation of meteorological phenomena was also thought to have a bearing on d i v i n a t i o n by dreams. 7 . 2 The Associative Approach The a s s o c i a t i v e approach to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s char-a c t e r i z e d by the i n t e r p r e t e r ' s absorption i n the symbolic aspect of the dream i t s e l f . The meaning of a dream i s determined by e s t a b l i s h i n g a s s o c i a t i v e l i n k s between the dream imageries and t h e i r r e f e r e n t s . This can be done i n three:ways: f i r s t , by d i r e c t a s s o c i a t i o n ; secondly, by poetic l o g i c ; and t h i r d l y , by l i n g u i s t i c means. 7.2.1 Decoding Dream Symbols by D i r e c t A s s o c i a t i o n This method i s s i m i l a r to what Jungian psychologists 11 c a l l " a m p l i f i c a t i o n . " I t i s resorted to when dream symbols are given culturally-based meanings acceptable to a p a r t i c u l a r culture group. For example, f o r the Chinese, the dragon, the sun, and sometimes the moon as w e l l , are r o y a l symbols. 173 Legend has i t that King Wen of Chou once dreamt that the 12 l i g h t of sun and moon came i n touch with h i s body. The mother of Emperor Yuan of Liang, p r i o r to h i s b i r t h , had dreamt that the moon f e l l into her lap. She was said to have become 13 pregnant r i g h t a f t e r the dream. Hsiao Tao-ch'eng (A.D. 429-482) dreamt, at seventeen, that he went up i n the sky r i d i n g a blue dragon which t r a v e l l e d westward chasing the sun. Even-t u a l l y , he usurped the throne of Southern Sung and founded the Southern Ch'i dynasty. Meanings of dreams given i n popular dream-books are mostly of t h i s type. The following passage on the symbolism of 'heaven' or 'sky' i s taken from the f i r s t paragraph of the "Chou-kung chieh meng" section i n the Yii-hsia chi (see Intro-duction) : When Cone dreams that?the gate of heaven opens, ( i t means some3 i l l u s t r i o u s person w i l l make recom-mendations and introductions Con the dreamer's behalf?. When cone dreams that} heavenly l i g h t i s shining, i t s i g n i f i e s that i l l n e s s w i l l be eliminated. When rone dreams that3 the sky i s c l e a r and r a i n has dis s i p a t e d , Cit means that] a hundred worries w i l l go away. When cone dreams thatJ the sky brightens, some woman w i l l bear an i l l u s t r i o u s son. When Cone dreams that7 the heavenly gate turns red, i t s i g n i f i e s a great r i s i n g . 174 When tone dreams t h a t 3 one l i f t s up one's face r toward heaven, tit signifies!} great enrichment and high p o s i t i o n . When tone dreams of} r i d i n g a dragon and going up to heaven i n search f o r a wife, t t h i s means^ h i s sons and daughters w i l l a t t a i n high p o s i t i o n s . • • • rr \ i -When tone dreams thatJ heaven s p l i t s open, f t h i s means} there w i l l be the sorrow of a divided nation. • a . . .1— ~-w When tone dreams that 2 the heavenly stars are brig h t , i t s i g n i f i e s that dukes and ministers w i l l a r r i v e / ^ / Since the sky or heaven above us i s immense and sends the r a i n that we need, and i s something people everywhere can see but cannot reach, i t s associations with such ideas as bounty and prestige are e a s i l y established and recognized across cultures. But there are also dream symbols whose meanings are c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c , as the following examples from the same source demonstrate: When tone dreams thatJ i n the h a l l the f l o o r caves i n , i t s i g n i f i e s that one's mother i s i n d i s t r e s s . • • • When fone dreams that") excrement and d i r t p i l e up, f i t means^ money and riches w i l l gather. • • • tWhen one dreams of) 1 l o s s of cap or hat, i t means leaving or withdrawing from o f f i c e . 175 r When lone dreams of} sharing an umbrella with -d someone, i t s i g n i f i e s separation or d i s p e r s i o n . / 1 Q In the f i r s t example, the image of a h a l l suggests "mother" because, t r a d i t i o n a l l y , that i s where mother i s to be found when she i s at r e s t . The word t'ang, ' h a l l * , i s i n f a c t a synonym f o r 'mother'. One might say that t h i s synonymy i s metonymically derived. Further, I must add that the word vju, 'worry, d i s t r e s s ' , i s a euphemism f o r 'death'. In the second example, money conjures up the repulsive images of dung and d i r t because, p r o v e r b i a l l y , i t stinfc^Ty This a s s o c i a t i o n r e f l e c t s the reputed hauteur, or hignminded-ness i f you w i l l , on the part of the t r a d i t i o n a l scholar class toward pecuniary matters, as was expressed by Yin Hao (A.D. 3 0 6 - 3 5 6 ) i n the following anecdote from the Shih-shuo h s i n -J l IV, 4 9 : Someone once asked Yin Hao, "Why i s i t that About to get o f f i c e , One dreams of c o f f i n s ; About to get wealth, One dreams of f i l t h ? " Yin r e p l i e d , " O f f i c e (*kuan) is, b a s i c a l l y ' s t i n k i n g decay, So someone about to get i t Dreams of c o f f i n s (*kuan) and corpses. Wealth i s b a s i c a l l y 'feces and clay,' So someone about to get i t Dreams of f o u l disarray." (Richard Mather's t r a n s l a t i o n ) In h i s reply, Yin Hao c l e a r l y associated wealth with dung and d i r t . ,His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o f f i n dreams w i l l be discussed i n Section 7 . 2 . 3 . 1 . 176 In h i s a n a l y t i c a l way, Artemidorus has the following to say about dreams of dung: Cow dung means good luck only f o r farmers, which i s also true of horse dung and a l l other kinds of excrement except f o r human feces. But f o r other men i t s i g n i f i e s sorrows and i n j u r i e s , and, i f i t s t a i n s , i t means sickness as well. I t s i g n i f i e s benefits and has been observed to ind i c a t e success only f o r those who are engaged i n lowly profes-17 sions. The l a s t point agrees with the s i g n i f i c a t i o n given f o r dung and d i r t i n the "Chou-kung chieh meng" and makes e x p l i c i t the class of people to whom dreams of such a content may be auspicious. The cap i n the t h i r d example i s a status symbol, being part of the i n v e s t i t u r e of a mandarin. Hence, the symbolism i s of a synecdochic nature. The c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c i t y of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n can be brought out by contrasting i t with the meanings assigned to cap dreams i n G.H. M i l l e r ' s Ten Thousand Dreams Interpreted: For a woman to dream of seeing a cap, she w i l l be i n v i t e d to take part i n some f e s t i v i t y . For a g i r l to dream that she sees her sweetheart with a cap on, denotes that she w i l l be bashful and shy i n h i s presence. To see a prisoner's cap denotes that your courage i s f a i l i n g you i n time of danger. 177 To see a miner's cap, you w i l l i n h e r i t a s u b s t a n t i a l 18 competency. None of these associations would have occurred to a t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese dream i n t e r p r e t e r . The fourth example i s t e c h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the preceding three. The a s s o c i a t i o n of "umbrella" (san) with "dispersion" (san) i s based on homophony. That i s to say, a pun i s involved. This type of a s s o c i a t i o n has been noted by dream i n t e r p r e t e r s everywhere throughout the ages. Both Freud and Jung have paid s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n t o i i t . Since a s s o c i a t i o n by l i n g u i s t i c means has i t s own rules and constitutes an important type of symbolism by i t s e l f , i t i=. deserves a separate treatment (see Section 7.2.3). 7.2.2 Decoding Dream Symbols by Poetic l o g i c This d i f f e r s from the preceding method i n that the a s s o c i a t i o n of the dream symbol with i t s supposed meaning i s more u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e . I t i s , as a r u l e , established by such r h e t o r i c a l devices as p a r a l l e l i s m , analogy, metaphor, 19 me tonymy, syne cSp ch.e,. etc. -An i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by t h i s method may sometimes appear p l a i n l y reasonable and at other times tenuous or at best far-fetched, depending on the wit and experience of the i n t e r p r e t e r . A f t e r a l l , metaphor, as Monroe Beardsley puts i t , i s but "a poem i n miniature."^Hence the term "poetic l o g i c , " which should not be taken to imply any disparagement on poets. To give an example. T'ao K'an, the famous general 1 7 8 of the Eastern Chin, once dreamt, when young, that h i s hody had eight wings. Thus' equipped, he flew up to heaven and saw that i t had nine gates, one enclosed within another. He managed to get i n as f a r as the eighth hut f a i l e d to enter the l a s t one, where the gatekeeper h i t him with a cane. As a r e s u l t , he f e l l hack down to earth, and broke a l l h i s l e f t wings i n the process. Upon waking, he s t i l l f e l t pain i n h i s l e f t arm p i t . Subsequently, he became the viceroy of eight prefectures. He often r e f l e c t e d on h i s youthful dream about the broken wings, which made him content with hi s l o t and deterred him from getting involved i n court 21 p o l i t i c s . In i n t e r p r e t i n g h i s own dream, T'ao K'an seems to have associated both the eight wings that he had and the eight c e l e s t i a l gates that he entered i n h i s dream with the eight prefectures under h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n afterwards. But there i s no conceivable reason as to why "wings" or "gates" should mean "prefectures." The p a r a l l e l i s m i s perceived purely on the basis of the numerical sameness between the dream images and t h e i r purported referents i n r e a l i t y . On the other hand, the equation of "reaching up to heaven" with the idea of success and that of " f a l l i n g down to earth" with that of f a i l u r e seem self-explanatory. The Wu-ch'ao hsiao-shuo ta-kuan. a c o l l e c t i o n of f i c t i v e writings from the Wei-Chin down to the Ming period, contains fragments from an o n e i r o c r i t i c a l work simply e n t i t l e d Meng- shu (Dream book, c. 6 t h cent.), from which I take the following^ to demonstrate the i n t e r p r e t i v e method under discussion: 179 — Whoever dreams of dwarfs w i l l not succeed i n his undertakings. He w i l l stop i n the middle of an enterprise and subsequently f a i l to a t t a i n renown, thus becoming the object of people's laughter and scorn. — When one dreams of combs,, i t means that one's anxiety w i l l disappear. r— — LDreaming that3 one has lustrous h a i r means one's mind i s at ease. — (Dreaming that} mites and l i c e are a l l gone means one w i l l recover from a l l ailments. — [Dreaming that} mites and l i c e are causing trouble means one w i l l be gnawed bo d i l y . — When one sees mites and l i c e i n a dream, i t means that trouble i s i n the o f f i n g . — tDreaming of^ q u a i l f i g h t i n g means one i s at enmity with others. Seeing q u a i l i n a dream means one i s worried about f i g h t s . — Yarsticks are the means by which we determine lengths. Hence, dreaming that one has got a yardstick means one wants to r e c t i f y others. — LDreams of}) curtains and screen mean one i s 22 hiding one's s e l f . In my discussion of the straw-dog dreams as interpreted by Chou Hstlan i n Section 6.2, I remarked that an expert dream i n t e r p r e t e r at work would r e l y more on h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l experience and good sense than on the information obtained 180 from popular dream books, because they often give only the most l i k e l y meaning or meanings f o r a p a r t i c u l a r dream symbol. This i s borne out by the above examples from the Meng-shu. For the novice dream i n t e r p r e t e r , such information might be h e l p f u l to some extent as h i n t s or leads; to become adept at h i s business, however, he was expected to draw from h i s own knowledge about the world and h i s understanding of human a f f a i r s . Again, the problem of multiple meaning comes to the fo r e . I t i s i n the nature of a symbol to have what Ricoeur c a l l s "a surplus of meaning,"'such that i t s s p e c i f i c s i g n i f i c a t i o n i n a p a r t i c u l a r context has to be determined by contextual understanding. Owing to the f l u i d i t y of the s i g n i f i c a t o r y process of symbols, no dream di c t i o n a r y , whether ancient or modern, can r e a l l y claim to be exhaustive i n any of i t s d e f i n i t i o n s of dream imageries. As Charles Rycroft points out, "Dreamers use images of objects with which to make metaphorical st a t e -ments about themselves," hence, " l i s t i n g standard meanings of objects 'appearing' i n dreams i s a p o i n t l e s s , methodo-23 l o g i c a l l y unsound, a c t i v i t y . " For purposes of comparison, however, again I take the following examples from M i l l e r ' s book: — To see your friends dwarfed, denotes t h e i r health, and you w i l l have many pleasures through them. Ugly and hideous dwarfs, always forbode d i s t r e s -sing states, (p.209) 181 — To dream of combing one's h a i r , denotes the i l l n e s s or death of a f r i e n d or r e l a t i v e . Decay of f r i e n d s h i p and loss of property i s also indicated by t h i s dream, (p.156) — I f you see well kept and neatly combed h a i r , your fortune w i l l improve, (p.272) To see tangled and unkempt h a i r , l i f e w i l l be a v e r i t a b l e burden, business w i l l f a l l o f f , and the m a r r i a g e yoke w i l l be t r o u b l e s o m e to carry, (p.273) — To see q u a i l i n your dream, i s a very favorable omen, i f they are a l i v e ; i f dead, you w i l l under-go serious i l l luck. To shoot q u a i l , f o r t e l l s that i l l f e e l i n g s w i l l be shown by you to your best f r i e n d s . To eat them, s i g n i f i e s extravagance i n your personal l i v i n g , (pp.463-464) — To dream of a yard s t i c k , f o r t e l l s much anxiety w i l l possess you, though your a f f a i r s assume unusual a c t i v i t y , (p.613) — To dream of curtains, f o r e t e l l s that unwelcome v i s i t o r s w i l l cause you worry and unhappiness. Soiled or torn curtains seen i n a dream means di s g r a c e f u l quarrels and reproaches, (p.180) Apparently, both M i l l e r and the anonymous author of Meng-shu took the image of a dwarf to be symbolic of negative mental states, such as d i s t r e s s and f r u s t r a t i o n . The sight of anything stunted never f a i l s to e l i c i t from the u n r e f l e c -182 t i v e public a mixed sense of the lugubrious and the ludicrous. In t h i s l i g h t , the dwarf may be seen as a symbol of hopeless f a i l u r e f o r which the subject cannot be held responsible. Nevertheless, i n some f o l k l o r i c t r a d i t i o n s , the dwarf appears as a benevolent, i f sometimes mischievous, imp, as evinced by various Scandinavian and German legends. M i l l e r seems to have taken t h i s i n t o account i n h i s p o s i t i v e reading of dwarfish dreams. Combs are the means by which tangled h a i r i s set i n order. The act of combing i s therefore analogous to that of problem-solving, as i s implied by the Meng-shu i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of comb dreams. M i l l e r , however, i n t e r p r e t s a n t i p h r a s t i c a l l y i n t h i s case; hence h i s negative reading. As f o r l i c e and other r e l a t e d bugs, both a u t h o r i t i e s agree that nobody (except s o f t i e s l i k e Hstieh Sung mentioned i n Section 5.8) loves parasites, e s p e c i a l l y the blood-sucking v a r i e t y . The f a c t that both works i n t e r p r e t the presence of l i c e i n dreams as meaning physical maladies i n r e a l i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n that the metaphor i s derived from l i t e r a l 24 s i m i l a r i t i e s . I t would help to understand the meaning given f o r o n e i r i c q u a i l i n the Meng-shu i f one knew that these b i r d s were known i n ancient China to be prone to belligerence and were raised accordingly as game fowl. Apart from t h i s , L i Shih-chen (1518-1593) , the noted Ming physician and h e r b a l i s t , i n h i s annota-t i o n of the Pen-ts'ao kang-mu (Compendium of medicinal herbs), 25 mentioned that quails were monogamous. I f t h i s i s u n i v e r s a l l y 1 8 3 true, then M i l l e r ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n shows awareness of i t i n taking the q u a i l to s i g n i f y f r i e n d l i n e s s . In taking measurements, we aim at p r e c i s i o n . The yard-s t i c k i s a norm or standard f o r measuring lengths. Since we also conceive of our personal conduct as having to conform to a c e r t a i n norm, the yardstick i s an apt metaphor f o r i t . This i s as f a r as the Meng-shu i n t e r p r e t a t i o n goes. M i l l e r ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n goes one step f a r t h e r . By way of metaphorical deduction, the yardstick becomes f o r him a symbol of anxiety presumably f o r the reason that i t i s not always pleasant or easy to try to l i v e up to a r i g i d standard. With regard to dreams about curtains, to say that such dreams imply a desire to hide one's s e l f , as the Meng-shu does, i s to state one of the obvious purposes curtains are hung up f o r . Again, t h i s metaphor i s a f a i r l y l i t e r a l one. M i l l e r ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t h i s case merely indicates one of the possible implications of the meaning given i n the Meng- shu. Thus we see that, i n spite of t h e i r apparent differences the meanings given to the dream images found i n two popular dream books, which d i f f e r i n both the time and the c u l t u r a l milieu i n which they were written, share some basic assump-tions. In view of t h i s , perhaps i t i s not too wide of the mark to generalize that dream i n t e r p r e t e r s everywhere have always entertained s i m i l a r no.tions of the processes of sym-b o l i c representation. So f a r I have shown that, to some ancient Chinese dream 184 i n t e r p r e t e r s , metaphorical imagery was the s t u f f dreams were made of. Hence, f o r them, the f i r s t step i n dream i n t e r p r e t -a t i o n was to a s c e r t a i n the subject or theme to which the dream images metaphorically applied. Now, i n our waking l i f e , we use metaphor consciously as a fig u r e of speech, when the metaphor used i s a l i v e one, i n place of d i r e c t statement. In a dream, however, one i s not aware of the s u b s t i t u t i v e nature of i t s metaphorical imagery. The meaning of such imagery i s r e a l i z e d only upon waking, i f at a l l . Charles Rycroft puts i t s thus: Imagery i n dreams f u l f i l s a function the reverse of that f u l f i l l e d by metaphor i n waking speech. Meta-phor i n waking speech adds to or defines more pre-c i s e l y and v i v i d l y a meaning already and consciously intended; imagery i n dreaming lacks as yet the mean-ing that w i l l turn i t into metaphor. I t i s , as i t were, a thought that has yet to acquire the author who w i l l give i t metaphorical meaning. 2 6 Doesn't t h i s echo, i f somewhat obscurely, the Talmudic adage ref e r r e d to i n Section 1.3, that a dream i s only as true as i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ? The s i t u a t i o n of the dreamer who, while dreaming, does not comprehend the metaphorical meaning of h i s dream i s analogous to that of a poet who l e t s h i s fancy soar high and, i n h i s moment of i n s p i r a t i o n , does not care, l e t alone understand, what he writes. Hence, enter the oneiro-c r i t i c or the l i t e r a r y c r i t i c , as the case may be. But, as we know, c r i t i c s of whatever s t r i p e are notorious 185 f o r t h e i r extravagance and, i n spite of the a u t h o r i t a t i v e stance they generally assume, are quite capable of making unsubtantiated statements about the object of t h e i r c r i t i c -ism. In short, c r i t i c s are not i n f a l l i b l e . O n e i r o c r i t i c s are no exception, as the following episode from the Sui-shu (Dynastic h i s t o r y of Sui) about the scholar Wang Shao i l l u s -t r a t e s : His Majesty fjEmperor Wen of SuT^ dreamt that he wanted to climb up a high mountain but could not, u n t i l he got Ts'ui P'eng to hold h i s feet from below and L i Sheng to support h i s elbows. Then His Majesty said to P'eng, "In l i f e and i n death, I s h a l l be with you." Shao remarked iTwhen t o l d of the dream^, "This dream i s highly auspicious. Climbing up a high mountain indicates supreme l o f t i n e s s and great serenity, f o r ever as the mountains. For 'P'eng' suggests P a t r i a r c h P'eng tP?eng-tsu, the Chinese Methuselah, who legend says l i v e d to be eight thousand years old}, and L i r e f e r s to L i the Old One ( i . e . Lao-tzu, regarded as an Immortal by T a o i s t s J . To be supported and attended to by these two men i s indeed a sign of longevity." Upon hearing t h i s , His Majesty could not hide hi s pleasure. That year, however, he died, and Benefiting^from hindsight, even an amateur should be able to say that the mountain the emperor dreamt of s i g n i f i e d h i s soon a f t e r Ts'ui P'eng also died. 186 eternal domicile, and that Ts'ui P'eng holding the emperor's feet from below meant the former would follow r i g h t behind the l a t t e r on h i s way there. In sum, metaphorical imagery i n dreams i s at best ambiguous. Hence i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by antiphrases or opposites, an o n e i r o c r i t -i c a l p r i n c i p l e attested i n various t r a d i t i o n s . Such ambiguity may be rooted i n language (see, f o r example, "The A n t i t h e t i c a l Meaning;of Primal Words," i n The Complete Psychological Works  of Sigmund Freud, v o l . XI, pp.155-161). 7.2.3*Decoding Dream Symbols by L i n g u i s t i c Means Since language i s an i n t e g r a l part of culture, the method of dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by l i n g u i s t i c a s s o c i a t i o n may r i g h t l y be considered a s s p e c i a l case of the culture-oriented technique discussed i n Section 7.2.1. However, as I have explained at the end of that section, owing to i t s prominence i n the l i t e r -ature and to the f a c t that i t exhibits some underlying p r i n c i p l e s governing i t s d i s t i n c t mode of i n t e r p r e t i n g , I think i t appro-pri a t e to consider i t under a separate heading. Since speech, as well as w r i t i n g i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , has always been a fundamental a c t i v i t y of Homo sapiens, small wonder that language should play such a c r u c i a l r o l e i n our dream l i f e . Metaphor may be considered a major function of language. What we are concerned with here, however, are the raw f a c t s of language: the speech sound and the s c r i p t that represents i t . In a dream interpreted by any of the methods about to be discussed, dream images are equated with words e i t h e r as heard 187 or as written. I s h a l l term the f i r s t method "paronomastic linkage" and the second "ideographic a n a l y s i s . " 7.2.3.1 Paronomastic Linkage This i s simply dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by puns. Alexander the Great i s reported to have dreamt, near the end of h i s arduous siege of Tyre, that he saw a satyr dancing. This was interpreted by h i s dream i n t e r p r e t e r as meaning sa-tyros, 'Tyre i s thine', which spurred the empire-builder to v i c t o r y . Artemidorus himself recorded the following dream together with i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , apparently based on puns, which he said was r e l a t e d by "Menecrates the grammarian": A man who wanted to have childre n dreamt that he met someone who owed him money. He c o l l e c t e d the debt and gave the debtor a quittance. This was the content of the dream. But Menecrates goes on to say that the dream i n t e r p r e t e r s i n Alexandria were unable to i n t e r p r e t i t , and the man, who was at a loss as to what the dream might mean, prayed to Serapis to unravel the mystery f o r him. He dreamt that Serapis said to him, "You w i l l not have c h i l d -ren." For a man who gives a quittance does not receive i n t e r e s t . And a c h i l d at the moment of i t s b i r t h i s also c a l l e d TOKOC ( o f f s p r i n g ) . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , Artemidorus gave t h i s as an example of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n "based on etymologies of words." Granted that the two meanings of the Greek word i n question are etymologic-a l l y r e l a t e d , s t i l l i t i s not hard to see that the r e l a t i o n i s 188 derived from a metaphor, probably dead to the dreamer but not . ,, . 30' z~ to the grammarian. X: The Meng-chan lei-k ' a o records the following punning dream that proved p r e d i c t i v e : A scholar went to the Temple of the Nine Immortals to pray for dreams. The f i r s t time he dreamt that an Immortal t o l d him,, "The hu-lu (gourd) has not sprouted yet." He f a i l e d that year. Later, i n due time he went to pray again and dreamed that the Immortal said, "The hu-lu has already sprouted." That year he f a i l e d again. When the appointed time came again he went to pray and dreamt that the Immortal said, "The hu-lu i s not ripe yet." That year he f a i l e d a t h i r d time. Frustrated, the scholar did not go to pray anymore. Nor did he pass any subsequent examinations. One day, pressed by h i s colleagues, he went to pray f o r dreams again and dreamt that the Immortal said, "The hu-lu i s r i p e . " He woke up with a s t a r t and t o l d the dream to his colleagues. None of them could i n t e r p r e t i t . He passed the examination that year. Then, reading the b u l l e t i n , he noticed that a c e r t a i n r -„ Hu preceded him, f i n rankj and a c e r t a i n Lu came a f t e r him, both aged twenty. And he figured out that i n the year when he f i r s t went to pray f o r dreams, both of them were yet unborn. Everyone who heard h i s t a l e thought i t marvel-189 loci-; lous, knowing that s c h o l a s t i c success was temporally 31 predestined. Again, the meaning of the series of punning dreams i n t h i s episode could only he understood hy hindsight, owing to the f a c t that the puns involved the surnames and b i o l o g i c a l development of two i n d i v i d u a l s who were t o t a l strangers to the dreamer. Some punning ffimTang dreams acquired standard meanings probably by reason of t h e i r frequent occurrence. The equat-ion of san, 'umbrella', with san, 'dispersion', c i t e d i n Section 7.2.1 i s an example. Another f a i r l y standard equat-t i o n i s that of kuan, ' c o f f i n ' , with kuan, ' o f f i c i a l ' . The " i P J ^ ^ a ^ S i i P M^^^JB ' S " states: For the c o f f i n to emerge from the grave by i t s e l f i s greatly auspicious. To carry a c o f f i n into 3' one's house means o f f i c i a l appointment i s a r r i v i n g . Which leads us back to the anecdote about Yin Hao homologizing the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o f f i n dreams with that of money dreams (see Section 7.2.1). According to him, o f f i c i a l s by nature stink, being corrupt; hence, one'dreams of c o f f i n s and corpses when about to be appointed. In h i s t r a n s l a t i o n , Richard Mather points up the punning involved by i n s e r t i n g parenthet-i c a l l y the pronunciations f o r the two words i n question. In t h i s regard, the Meng-chan lei-k'ao records the story of one Chao Liang-ch'i, who once dreamt that there were more than ten c o f f i n s l y i n g side by side. S t a r t i n g from the east end, he stepped on them one a f t e r another u n t i l he reached the 190 e l e v e n t h , w h i c h c a v e d i n and c a u g h t h i s f e e t . A f t e r w a r d s , he a c t u a l l y o c c u p i e d e l e v e n o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s i n a row a n d f i n a l l y d i e d i n o f f i c e a s a s e c r e t a r y i n t h e G r a n d C o u n c i l ( c h u n g - s h u s h e - j e n ) . 5 5 B u t puns i n dreams were n o t a l w a y s a s s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d a s i n t h e e x a m p l e s j u s t g i v e n . Somet imes a p u n n i n g dream c o n t a i n e d a t w i s t o f m e a n i n g w h i c h r e q u i r e d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n b e f o r e t h e dream c o u l d be c o r r e c t l y i n t e r p r e t e d . F o r e x a m p l e , E m p e r o r Wen o f S u i , i n h i s e a r l y l i f e b e f o r e h i s a c c e s s i o n t o t h e t h r o n e , i s r e p o r t e d t o h a v e once d r e a m t , w h i l e s l e e p i n g i n a b o a t moored f o r t h e n i g h t , t h a t he d i d n o t h a v e a l e f t h a n d . Upon w a k i n g u p , he f e l t t h e dream r e p u g n a n t . So he went a s h o r e t o a t h a t c h t e m p l e , where he f o u n d a n o l d monk a n d t o l d h i m t h e dream i n i t s e n t i r e t y . T h e r e u p o n t h e monk s t o o d up a n d c o n g r a t u l a t e d h i m , s a y i n g , "To have no l e f t h a n d i s t o be s i n g l e - f i s t e d ( t u - c h ' t l a n ) . Y o u s h a l l become t h e Son o f H e a v e n . " 5 4 " U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e l e a r n e d monk h a d i d e n t i f i e d t h e p h r a s e t u - c h ' t l a n , ' s i n g l e - f i s t e d ' , d e r i v e d f r o m t h e dream i m a g e r y o f " h a v i n g no l e f t h a n d , " as a pun on t u - c h ' u a n , ' i n d e p e n d e n t a u t h o r i t y ' . A n o t h e r s t o r y t e l l s o f a c e r t a i n Ma L i a n g who, when h i s t e r m o f o f f i c e a s m a g i s t r a t e o f t h e s u b - p r e f e c t u r e o f C h i a n g -l i n g was a b o u t t o e x p i r e , h a d t h e b i z a r r e dream t h a t a t u f t o f h a i r c r o p p e d up on h i s t o n g u e . Then a dream i n t e r p r e t e r e x p l a i n e d t o h i m , " H a i r g r o w i n g on t h e t o n g u e c a n n o t be s h a v e d o f f . T h i s means y o u ' l l s e r v e a s e c o n d t e r m . " And so i t h a p p e n e d . 36 I n t h i s c a s e t h e w o r d t ' i ' t o s h a v e ' , d e r i v e d 191 from the dream imagery of "hair on tongue," was equated with t ' i , 'to substitute f o r ' . Dreams interpreted t h i s way often contained ominous imageries which were shown to he auspicious only upon i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n . The following i s another example: L i T i was handsomely mustache and bearded. On the day before the imperial examination, he dreamt that someone gave him a very thorough shave. He f e l t i t abhorrent. However, an i n t e r p r e t e r said, "You w i l l c e r t a i n l y receive the chuang-yiian honors {awarded to the best scholar i n the examft, because t h i s year the sheng-yuan j f i r s t honor i n the prov-i n c i a l examsj i s L i u Tzu. fj l n your dreamjjf you took Tzu's place ( t ' i Tzu, homophonous with t ' i tzu, 'to shave o f f the mustache'), what else can that mean i f not the chuang-ytlan?" When the b u l l e t i n was released, i t turned out as predicted. 5 6" In each of the three episodes l a s t c i t e d , the dream i n t e r p r e t e r came up with an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n consoling to the dreamer, thus r e l i e v i n g the anxiety brought about by the ominous imagery of h i s dream. Thus, the dream i n t e r p r e t e r i n ancient China functioned i n much the same way as the psychotherapist of our times. But then there were also dreams with imageries of a dubious character which were unfavorably interpreted. The Yu-yang tsa-tsu t e l l s the story of Chang Chan, a homebound commercial t r a v e l l e r who dreamt that he cooked i n a mortar. 192 Perplexed by the dream, he went to consult a p r o f e s s i o n a l dream; ' i n t e r p r e t e r surnamed Wang, who said to him, "When you reach home, s i r , you may not be seeing your wife; f o r to cook i n a mortar means there i s no pot." Chang went home only to f i n d that h i s wife had been dead f o r several 37 months already. In t h i s case wu f u , 'no pot', derived from the dream imagery of "cooking i n a mortar," was found to be homophonous with wu f u , 'no wife'. The bluntness of the i n t e r p r e t e r i n t h i s instance was somewhat redeemed by the f a c t that, as i t turned out, the merchant's wife was already dead when he had the dream. 7.2.3.2 Ideographic Analysis This i s the method by which dream imageries are converted into the Chinese s c r i p t which i s then analyzed and interpreted with a view to a s c e r t a i n i n g i t s p r e d i c t i v e import. The "Pen-ching hstin" chapter of the Huai-nan-tzu has i t that when Ts'ang-chieh (one of the Yellow Emperor's able men) invented the w r i t i n g system, m i l l e t rained down from heaven and ghosts wailed at night. The commentary of Kao Yu (Eastern Han) on t h i s passage states: Ts'ang-chieh f i r s t saw the patterns of b i r d s ' traces, then he invented w r i t i n g . As a r e s u l t , deceit and a r t i f i c e cropped up; people strayed from the basic and flocked to the t r i v i a l . They abandoned husbandry and sought to p r o f i t from wielding the awl fused i n making i n s c r i p t i o n s 193 on hard material before the invention of paper). Heaven knew that they would starve, and so sent down a spate of m i l l e t . Ghosts were a f r a i d that theytmightrbe denounced by written texts, hence 39 t h e i r wailing at night. ^ This comment touches on the negative consequences of the invention of wri t i n g i n human society. Greater s t r e s s , however, seems to l i e on the disturbance i t caused i n the cosmic order. For i f Ts'ang-chieh was indeed the inventor of w r i t i n g and human at that, then the invention would amount to an act of i n t r u s i o n by a mortal into the world beyond. Hence the reported anomalous phenomena attendant upon the event. S c r i p t , as purveyor of meaning, was to be the means by which the mysteries of Heaven arid Earth would be disclosed to Man. Thus viewed, Ts'ang-chieh's status as a mytho-cultural hero was of Promethean proportions. For, l i k e f i r e , w r i t i n g was indispensable to human c i v i l i z -a t i o n . At any rate, to the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese popular mind, the written characters were some sort of encapsulated ideas. Moreover, since ideas i n themselves were not susceptible to temporal wear and t e a r , t h e i r potency was conceived of as cutting across time-frames. Hence t h e i r p r e d i c t i v e power. Ideographic analysis as an independent mantic a r t i s very ancient. There are s t i l l Chinese f o r t u n e - t e l l e r s who s p e c i a l i z e i n t h i s technique, or combine i t with others. As applied to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , again, i f the legend 194 of the Yellow Emperor i n t e r p r e t i n g h i s own dreams i s any i n d i c a t i o n , i t must have a venerable t r a d i t i o n as we l l . The l i t e r a t u r e abounds i n s t o r i e s exemplifying t h i s technique. The Chin-shu records the following episode about an ambitious man who came to g r i e f : Wang Tun led h i s army toward the i n t e r i o r f i . e . seat of central government}. When they camped at the lake, Hstl Hstin went with Wu Chun to see him, hoping to ta l k him out of the campaign. At that time Kuo P'u was on Wang Tun's advis-ory s t a f f . Thus, thanks to him, they met Wang Tun, who was so pleased as to -offer them a drink. Then Wang asked, "I dreamt that a piece of wood broke into heaven. What do you gentlemen think of t h i s ? " Hstin said, "That's not a good omen." And Wu Chtin rejoined, "For the wood to go up and break into heaven, t h i s s p e l l s the character wei,'hot yet'. C i t s i g n i f i e s thatJf my l o r d may not act rashly at t h i s point." Tun would not l i s t e n , and consequently suffered d e f e a t . 4 0 ^ Had Carl Jung been consulted by Wang Tun about the dream, he probably would have seen i n the wood the unmistakble cosmic tree. And Freud, had he been s i m i l a r l y approached, might have come up with the ubiquitous p h a l l i c symbol. Wu Chtin, however, simply wrote the word f o r wood out as mu , and 195 then added a h o r i z o n t a l stroke to the upper h a l f of t h i s character to represent heaven, and the r e s u l t was the character wei To give another example. Ho Ghih, a functionary of Shu Han of the Three Kingdoms period, once dreamt that a a mulberry tree grew i n a w e l l . He asked the dream i n t e r p r e t e r Chao Chih about i t . Chao Chih said, "The mulberry does not belong i n a w e l l . I t ' s bound to be transplanted. However, the character f o r mulberry, (sang), consists of four 'tens' ( *"T**) and an 1 eight' ( - V ) below. Your age, I'm a f r a i d , w i l l not exceed t h i s . " Afterwards, Ho Chih became magistrate 41 ' of Chien-wei and indeed died at the age of f o r t y - e i g h t . Chao Chih's analysis of t h i s character as being composed of four 'tens' and one 'eight' was uncouth. Aimore p l a u s i b l e a n a l y s i s , i f one was concerned with s c h o l a r l i n e s s , would be breaking i t up into three tens and one 'tree' ( TK*. ), with the l a t t e r as i t s c l a s s i f y i n g component. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , how-ever, dream i n t e r p r e t e r s , l i k e the practioners of other mantic a r t s , had a penchant f o r r i d i n g roughshod over s c h o l a r l y n i c e t i e s . E i t h e r of the two examples just c i t e d had only one predominant dream image i d e n t i f i e d as a graphic representation of the character involved. But there were also instances where two images (and i n some cases more) were considered s i g n i f i c a n t and brought into play, as exemplified i n the following story from the Meng-chan l e i - k ' a o : Wang Wei of Eastern township had two sons, named Pang-ch'eng and Ying-ch'i, who went to take the 1 9 6 entrance examination at the academy. The wife of t h e i r mentor, Professor (wen-hstleh),. Ku, dreamt that the two students came with h a l f of t h e i r bodies wet because they had f a l l e n into the water. Upon waking, she t o l d the dream to Ku, who remarked, "Put the ' h a l f (pan ) beside the 'water' (shui 7jX= y ) and we get the character 'J^ (p' an, 'academy'). May i t be that those two students are going to rove about i n that august h a l l of learning?" And so i t happened. In t h i s case i t was the juxtaposition of two ideographic elements derived from t h e i r corresponding dream images that brought out the c r u c i a l character. 197 CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY In the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese scheme of things, the s p a t i a l universe, dichotomized as heaven and earth, was pregnant with meaning, thanks to the r e g u l a r i t y of i t s operations and the patterned forms and shapes observable i n the myriad things found i n i t . The spectator was, of course, man. For h i s own good, man r e a l l y could not a f f o r d to ignore any sign of nature, be i t the movement of the sun, moon, and s t a r s , the r o t a t i o n s of the seasons, the a l t e r n a t i o n of day and night, the trembling of the earth, or the f l o o d i n g of r i v e r s . A l l such phenomena were v i t a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t to him and therefore aroused h i s i n t e r e s t . As a c h i l d of nature himself, h i s own bodily processes also engaged hi s a t t e n t i o n . He soon took i t into h i s head that t h i s e n t i t y that was him also constituted a universe by i t s e l f , a l b e i t i n miniature. And before long, correspondences between the two universes, a n a l o g i c a l l y derived, were iden-t i f i e d . To the extent that heaven and earth were thought of by the ancient Chinese as the source of l i f e , t h e i r concept of the universe may be described as " v i t a l i s t i c " : heaven and earth were imbued with a meta-gaseous substance c a l l e d c h ' i which, when joined to any physical form, animates i t . This substance was, i n e f f e c t , the s p i r i t u a l essence of a l l e x i s -tents, i n c l u d i n g man, except that i n him i t became highly 1 9 8 refined and was manifested as conscious intelligence. I t was the power of intelligence that distinguished him from wood, stone, bird, beast, insect, and f i s h . This was also the means by which man came to make sense out of the universe. Thanks to this l i g h t of reason i n Mm, man was able to read the signs of nature i n a number of ways. These became formalized as the various divinatory techniques which enabled him to decode messages coming from both without and within him. Such messages were often perceived i n their original form directly through the visual, auditory, or t a c t i l e sense. For, then as now, the medium was the message. Thus, mantic information could be gathered not only from the sun's l i g h t and hue, the formation of clouds, the direction of winds, the shape and location of rainbows, the duration of fogs, the paths of lightning, but also from the mysterious humming in the ear as well as the cooking pot, the barking of dogs, the shrieking of crows, the involuntary twitching of the eyelid, the unaccountable fever on the face and ears, the jerking of muscles, cardiac palpitations, and sneezing (see Ytt-hsia chi. pp.6 4 - 6 8 ) . On top of a l l these techniques, as the Han-shu i-wen chi t e l l s us, the interpretation of dreams reigned supreme. Judging from the amount and variety of dream material preserved i n the immense storehouse of traditional Chinese literature, we can safely conclude that the ancient Chinese took their dreams seriously. Their interest i n dreams, 1 9 9 ranging from the s p i r i t i s t i c through the physico-psychological to the religio-philosophical, may he said to have encompassed almost the whole gamut of oneiric phenomena ever experienced hy humanity at large. That this interest did not include the physiologically-oriented, empirical approach to the study of dream mechanism conducted i n the West i n the past three decades i s under-standable. The ancient Chinese did not set up laboratories for the study of dreams for the same reason that they did not set up laboratories, i n the modern sense, for the study of anything. This was not a question of technology either, for to say so would beg the question why the technology was not there i n the f i r s t place. As I see i t , the reason why, for a l l their ostentatious concern about practicality, the ancient Chinese did not set much store by the p o s i t i v i s t i c , physiological view of dreams was that, to them, the mystery of the dream was part of i t s meaning, and that, consequently, any effort at demystification would result i n diminishing i t s meaningfulness. For the same reason, as far as I know, the ancient Chinese never attempted to send a rocket to the moon. They preferred to v i s i t i t , i f at a l l , i n their dreams and reveries, and afterwards record such v i s i t s i n their poems and legends. As was the case with the other divinatory techniques mentioned above, dream interpretation as practised i n ancient China did not always require a verbal form of expression. Although we know next to nothing about the technical aspect 200 of the corroborative approach to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as described i n the Chou-li (see Section 7 . 1 ) , from what i t does say, I gather that a l l the three methods under t h i s heading were non-verbal i n nature. Rather, the content of dreams was taken as i t stood and i t s import was interpreted i n a generalized way as being e i t h e r good or bad. I do not r u l e out the p o s s i b i l i t y that i n some cases more s p e c i f i c s i g n i f i -cances could be determined. In any event, no l i n g u i s t i c a s s o c i a t i o n was involved. A f t e r being so interpreted, con-f i r m a t i o n by means of any of the other techniques was then sought f o r . The f a c t that i n the oracle-bone i n s c r i p t i o n s only the barest content of dreams was recorded and not the 1 l e a s t b i t of i n t e r p r e t i v e material could be found seems to support my theory. I f the foregoing d e s c r i p t i o n f i t s the a v a i l a b l e data, then t h i s mode of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be termed " i c o n i c , " i n the sense that the configurations of forms and shapes ; found i n nature as well as dream imageries were examined i n terms of t h e i r representational properties. In contrast to the i c o n i c , there was the symbolic mode of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as exemplified by the a s s o c i a t i v e approach to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , wherein we see a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e . Here the meaning of dreams was deciphered not i n accordance with what t h e i r imageries ostensibly represented, but through the mediation of e x p l i c i t or i m p l i c i t language manifested as e i t h e r speech or w r i t i n g . I think that t h i s l a t t e r approach was considered by the 201 ancients to be a methodological improvement on the f i r s t one and therefore superseded i t . The loss of the pre-Han dream-books, such as those two l i s t e d i n the Han-shu i-wen chih (see Section 1 . 1 ) , was probably not accidental. If so, the regrets expressed by some oneirologists i n later ages (see, for example, the preface to the Meng-chan i-chih {(The vagrant significance of dream interpretation)) by Ch'en Shih-yiian of Ming times) would be superfluous. Beyond a doubt, the ancient Chinese were a nation of dreamers. From high antiquity downwards, through the temporal corridor and on the social ladder, sage-kings, culture-heroes, emperors, empresses, courtiers, philosophers, scholars, soldiers, poets, peasants, priests, monks, nuns, tradespeople and artisans, both the highborn and the lowbred alike, a l l dreamt and somehow many of them managed to have their dreams recorded. This i n i t s e l f was a great service to human culture, i f only because i t preserved for posterity the most v i v i d , colorful and authentic portrayal of that other aspect of the Chinese mind which i n this day and age i s so easily overlooked, partly because de-emphasized and even frowned upon by the mod-ern Chinese themselves. To some Westerners (e.g. Henry Kissinger and his breed) nowadays, the quintessential Chinese i s either the Mao-suited hardhead at the international conference table, or the shrewd merchant behind the counter i n any Chinatown shop playing his lute of an abacus, or even the bespectacled science student from Peking, Taipei, or Hong Kong. It would indeed tax their 202 imagination to the h i l t i f such people were asked to see a L i Po i n any one of these or an Emily Dickinson i n , say, Madame Mao, although some years ago her husband himself almost got nominated f o r the Nobel p r i z e , i n recognition not of h i s contribution toward world peace but of h i s poetic e f f o r t . Nevertheless, the good people of China s t i l l dream. But that's another story. 203 NOTES Chapter I: Dream as Harbinger of Future Events 1 See Robert L. Van de Castle, "Psychology of Dreaming," i n Dreams and Dreaming, ed. S.G.M. l e e and A.R. Mayes (Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1973J, pp.17-22. 2 For the characters involved, see Appendix. 3 Hsu Tsung-ytian, T i wang shih-chi chi-ts'un (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chtl, 1964), p.21. 4 To be discussed i n Section 7.2.3. 5 This work was l o s t during Southern Sung times. Since Yuan times there have been several c o l l a t e d versions i n existence. A good modern e d i t i o n i s Hsu Tsung-ytian' s work just c i t e d . 6 Hsu Tsung-ytian, p.21. 7 Han-shu i-wen-chih (Po-na ed.) 10:31b. 8 This work i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y believed to be the annals of Wei of the Warring States era. I t was discovered, thanks to a tomb t h i e f , i n the second year of the T'ai-k'ang reign period (A.D. 280-289) of the Western Chin dynasty, only to be l o s t again f o r good; see Ch'ti Wan-li, Ku-chi  tao-tu (.Hong Kong: Lti-yuan shu-tien, 1964), pp.77-78. I am using Hsu Wen-ching's c o l l a t e d e d i t i o n ; see next note. 9 Hsu Wen-ching, Chu-shu chi-nien t'ung-chien (prefaced 1750; r p t . T a i p e i : I-wen yin-shu-kuan, 1966), p.107. 10 Hsu Tsung-ytian, p.35. 11 I b i d . , pp.39-40. 12 Hsu Wen-ching, p.149. 13 I b i d . , pp.214-215. 14 I b i d . 15 Hsu Tsung-ytian, p.67. 16 See Section 7.2.3.1. 204 Chapter I, NOTES continued: 1.7 Shih-ching. Ode 189 (Ssu kan); Arthur Waley, The Book of  Songs (London: Allen and Unwin, 1937), p.283. IS Ode 190 (Wu yang); Waley, p. 168. 1- 9 See the prefatory note to the "Yueh-ming shang" chapter, which happens to he one of those forged during Eastern Chin times; see Ch'tl Wan-li, op. c i t . , p. 144. 20 Shu-ching 21 ('iTlai^-shih"); cited in Michel Soymie, "Les songes et leur interpretation en Chine," in Les songes  et leur interpretation (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 'Sources Orientales' 2, 1959), p.259. 24 In his commentary, K'ung Ying-ta points out that Po-ch'ou cannot have called himself Heaven and Heaven cannot have turned i t s e l f into Po-ch'ou, and that this kind of ambiguity can occur only to a dreamer; see Ch'ung-k'an Sung-pen Tso- chuan chu-shu (1815; rpt. Taipei: I-wen, n.d.) 21:17a. 22- Tso-chuan, Hstlan 3; James legge, The Chinese Classics V (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960; rpt. 1970), 294. 23 Tso-chuan. Ch'eng 17; Legge V, 404. 24 Cited i n Roger C a i l l o i s , The Dream Adventure (New York: The Orion Press, 1963), p p . x i i - x i i i . 25 I follow Wang Meng-ou's reading and emend l i n g , 'years of age', to ch'ih, 'teeth'; see Li - c h i chin-chu chin-i (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1970) v.1, pp.274-275. 26 Li-chi 8 ('Wen-wang shih-tzu"); Legge I (rpt. 1967), 344. 2-7- Li- c h i 3 (" T' an-kung"); Legge I, 138-139. Chapter II: Dream as Message from the S p i r i t World 1 Van de Castle, op. c i t . , pp.17-18. 2 Ibid., p.19; see also Carl Alfred Meier, "The Dream i n Ancient Greece and Its Use i n Temple Cures (Incubation)," i n The Dream and Human Societies, ed. G.E. von Grunebaum and Roger C a i l l o i s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p.304. 3 For a description of this practice, see Kwang-chih Chang, Shang C i v i l i z a t i o n (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), pp.31ff. 205 Chapter II, NOTES continued: 4 For a detailed account of this discovery, see Hu Hou-hstlan, "Chia-ku-wen fa-hsien chih l i - s h i h chi ch'i t s ' a i - l i a o chih t'ung-ehi," i n Chia-ku-hstteh Shang-shih lun-ts-ung  ch'u-chi (rpt. Hong Kong: Wen-yu-t'ang, 1970), v.2, ts'e 4. 5 David N. Keightley, Sources of Shang History: The Oracle- Bone Inscriptions of Bronze Age China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978;, p.34. 6 Hu Hou-hstlan, "Yin-jen chan-meng k'ao," i n op.cit., v.2, ts'e 3, pp.3b-5b. 7 Ibid., p.6ab. 8 Tso-chuan. Hsi 28; Legge V, 210. For a study of the sym-bolism and cultural implications involved i n this dream, see Georg von Koeppen, "Zwei Trflume aus dem Tso-chuan und Ihre Interpretation," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft 119 11969): 135-156. 9 Tso-chuan, Hsi 51; Legge Y, 219. 10 Tso-chuan. Chao 7; Legge V, 617. 11 For an account of Po-yu's death, see Tso-chuan, Hsiang 50; Legge V, 557. 12 Kung-sun Hsieh was the son of Tzu-k'ung, who had also been put to death; see Tso-chuan, Hsiang 19, Legge V, 483. Liang-chih was Po-yu's son. 13 Tso-chuan, Chao 7; Legge V, 618. 14 Cf. Daniel L. Overmyer, "Acceptance i n Context: Death and Traditional China," i n Death and Eastern Thought, ed. Frederick H. Hoick {.Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1974), pp. 213-219. 15 Tso-chuan chu-shu 44:14a. 16 This notion of the duality or even plurality of souls i s not confinced to Chinese religious thought. For a summary of the various traditions on this subject, see Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, 4th ed. (London: J. Murray, 1903), I, 434-435. 17 Ike Hultkrantz, Conceptions of the Soul among North American  Indians t Monograph Series 1 (Stockholm: Ethonographical Museum of Sweden, 1953), pp.27, 241. 206 Chapter II, NOTES continued: 18 Nei-ching su-wen 23 ("Hsuan-ming wu-ch'i"); Ilza Veith ( t r . ) t Huang Ti Nei Ching Su Wen: The Yellow Emperor's  Classic of Internal Medicine (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1949) , p.208. '19 Sun Ssu-miao, Ch'ien-chin pao-yao. ed. Kuo Ssu, i n P'ing- chin-kuan ts'ung-shu, i - c h i (, 18075, 6: 8b. 20 Chuang Ytlan-ch'en, Shu-chtl-tzu, i n Po-tzu ch'tlan-shu, han 7 (Shanghai: Sao-yeh shan-fang, 1919). nei-p'ien, 2:6b. 21 Ibid., 4:6b. 22 Ch'ung-k'an Sung-pen L i - c h i chu-shu (rpt. Taipei: I-wen), 47:14a-15a. 23 Wang Ch'ung, Lun Heng (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan-she, 1974) , p.315. 24.Ibid. 25 Por a discussion of this issue, see Ch'ien Mu, hChung-kuo ssu-hsiang-shih chung chih kui-shen-kuan," (Views on ghosts and s p i r i t s i n the history of Chinese thought) i n Ling-nun ytl hsin (Soul and mind) (Taipei: Lien-ching, 1976), pp.79-89. 26 Chuang Ytlan-ch'en, nei-p'ien, 6:3. 27 Ibid. 28 A. Leo Oppenheim, "Dreams in Ancient Near East," Transac- tions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 46(1956): 204. V?" 29 Liu Ching-shu, I-ytlan, i n Hsueh-chin t'ao-yuan, ts' e 153, 7:1b-s-2a. 30 Ibid., 7:4b. 31 Ibid., 7:4a. 32 T'ao Ch'ien, Sou-shen hou-chi, i n Hstieh-chin t'ao-yuan. ts'e 152, 6:3ab. 33 Cf. George A. Hayden, Crime and Punishment i n Medieval  Chinese Drama: Three Judge Pao Pi ays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), p.10. 34 T'ao Ch'ien, op. c i t . , 4:3a. 35 Cited i n Chang Peng-i, Meng-chan lei-k'ao (prefaced 1585), 207 Chapter II, NOTES continued: 11:11a. 36 Ch'en Ch'i-yiian, Yung-hsien-chai pi - c h i . i n Pi-chi hsiao- shuo ta-kuan III (rpt. Taipei: Hsin-hsing shu-chtl, 1962), 37 Hsi 31, one; Ch'eng 2, one; Ch'eng 10, one; Chao 7, four; Chao 17, one. 38 Cf. Holmes Welch, The Parting of the Way (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp.135-141. ^ 39 Kuan-sheng ti-chtin sheng-chi t'u-chih (1838; rpt. Hong Kong: Wu-sheng-t'ang, 1960), 3:5a. 40 Chu-an, Jen-wu feng-su chih-tu ts'ung-t'an (Shanghai: I-chia-she, 1948), p.203. 41 For modern parallels see the case of Master Tz'u-hang i n Taiwan and that of Ting-hsi i n Hong Kong as reported in Holmes Welch, The Practice of Chinese Buddhism 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 344-345. Welch comments on the Buddhist cult of the "meat-body" thus: "Indeed, the whole concept of the meat body would seem to exemplify the antithesis of the doctrine of the impermanence and to violate the s p i r i t i n which the hhiksus of Buddhist India were urged to sojourn i n cemet-eries, drawing lessons i n impermanence from the decompos-i t i o n of corpses — a f a i r l y repellent custom i n i t s e l f . " (Ibid.) • 42 Van de Castle, op. c i t . , p.17. 43 Ibid., p.19. 44 Sandor Lorand, "Dream Interpretation i n the Talmud," i n The New World of Dreams, ed. Ralph L. Woods and Herbert B. Greenhouse (New York: Macmillan, 1974), pp.152-154. 45 A. Leo Oppenheim, op. c i t . , p.188. 46 Chou Liang-kung, Min hsiao-chi, in Lung-wei mi-shu (1794; rpt. Taipei: Hsin-hsing,1969) III, 1763-1764. 47 Wang Yung-ch'tian, "Hang-chou ch'i-meng ku-shih,') (Stories of dream incubation i n Hangchow) Folklore Weekly of 2701. 48 Huang Chtin-tsai, Chin-hu lang-mo, i n Pi-chi hsiao-shuo  ta-kuan III, 2790. 208 Chapter II, NOTES continued: 49 Rolf Humphries, The Satires of Juvenal (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958), pp.85-86; cited in Latin i n Oppenheim, op. c i t . , p.237. 50 Arthur Waley, The Secret History of the Mongols and Other  Pieces (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1963), p.73. 51 Huang Chiin-tsai, op.cit., p.2790. 52 Oppenheim, p.237. 53 Ibid., p.234. 54 Ibid., pp.234-235. 55 Hou Han-shu (Po-na ed.) " L i - i chih," 5:12b. 56 Huang Pao-chen, Tseng-kuang shih-lei t'ung-pien (Shanghai: Wen-sheng shu-chii, 1915). Chapter III: Dream as Response to Physical Stimuli 1 Hippocrates, The Medical Works of Hippocrates, t r . John Chadwick and W.N. Mann (Oxford: Blackwell Sc i e n t i f i c Publications, 1950), pp.14, 90, 184, 214-218. 2 Ibid., pp.194-201. 3 Cited in Ralph L. Woods and Herbert B. Greenhouse (ed.), The New World of Dreams (New York: Macmillan, 1974), p.177. 4,Ibid., p.178. 5 Ibid., p.162. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid., p.163. 8 Ibid., p.179. 9 Ibid. 10 See Nei-ching chiang-i (Lecture notes on the Nei-ching) (Shanghai: K'o-hsueh chi-shu ch'u-pan-she, 1964), p.216. 11 Ibid., p.220. 209 Chapter III, NOTES continued:: 12 Ibid. 13 The Neirching, traditionally ascribed to the Yellow Emperor, is l i s t e d i n the Han-shu i-wen chih. It was referred to for the f i r s t time as Shu-wen in the Shang-han lun (Treatise on typhoid fever) by Chang Chi (= Chang Chung-ching) of Han times. Ilza Veith translated only the f i r s t thirty-four chapters. 14,The Ling-shu-ching (The v i t a l axis), also ascribed to the Yellow Emperor and often printed as a single book, i s re-garded by some as a sequel to the Nei-ching. It i s not li s t e d i n the Han-shu i-wen chih. nor in the Sui and T'ang dynastic histories. Its existence was f i r s t divulged by Shih Sung of Southern Sung^times, who said an old edition of i t was i n the family collection; see Ch'tl Wan-li, Ku- chi Tao-tu. p.87. 15 Ling-shu-ching (Peking: Jen-min wei-sheng ch'u-pan-she, 1963), 43 ("Yin-hsieh fa-meng"), pp.85-86. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid. 18 Herbert Greenhouse, "Dream of the Guillotine," i n Woods and Greenhouse (1974), pp.89-90. 19 Chang Hua, Po-wu chih, i n Po-tzu ch'uan-shu, han 7, 10:1b. 20 Tuan Ch'eng-shih, Yu-yang tsa-tsu (1608; rpt. Taipei: Hsueh-sheng shu-chti, 1975), p.50. 21 Kuan-yin-tzu, i n Po-tzu ch'uan-shu, han 8, "Erh chuf" p.2b. 22 Ernest Jones, "Freud's Theory of Dreams," in Lee and Mayes (1973), p.40. 23 Ibid., pp.58-59. 24 Ibid., p.59. 25 Ibid., p.60. Chapter IV: Dream as Projection of Mental States 1 Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, t r . and ed. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 1955), p.122. 2 Ibid., pp.165-188 210 Chapter IV, NOTES continued: 3 Lun-ytl 11 ("Hsien chin"):12. 4 Ibid.,-7 ("Shu erh"):5. 5 Ch'ung-k'an Sung-pen Lun-yu chu-shu (1815; rpt. Taipei: I-wen) 7:2a. 6 Ibid. 7 Chang Shih, Lun-ytl Chang Hstlan- kung chi eh (Ming manuscript; rpt. Taipei: Chung-kuo tzu-hsiieh ming-chu chi-ch'eng pien-yin chi-chin-hui, 1977) 4:3a. 8 Wei Hsiang-shu, Han-sung-t'ang yung-yen, in Han-sung-t1ang  ch'iian-chi (prefaced 1708), ts'e 5 , P.2a. 9 Ibid., p.27b. 10 Ibid., p.21b. 11 Patricia L. Garfield, Creative Dreaming (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974; rpt. Toronto: Ballantine Books, 1976), p.5. 12' Ibid., pp.4, 51, 80^ -117; see also R.G. D'Andrade, "The Effect of Culture oh Dreams," i n Lee and Mayes (1973), p.206. 13 For a development of this idea i n science-fiction, see Roger Zelazny, The Dream Maker (London: Panther Books, 1968). 14 Liu Hsiang, Hsin hsti. in Po-tzu ch'iian-shu, han 1, 2:2b-3a. 15 Liu Hsieh, Wen-hsin tiao-lung, t r . and annotated Vincent Yu-chung Shih, bilingual ed. (Taipei: Chung-hua shu-chtl, 1970), p.2. 16 Ytl Ytleh, Chiu-chiu hsiao-hsia l u , i n Ch'un-tsai-1 1 ang  ch'tlan-chi (1892), ts'e 153t 12:11a; cf. also Lien-che Tu Fang, "Ming meng," Ch'ing-hua hstleh-pao. 10.1 (June 1972): 55-73. 17 Ytl Ytleh, op. c i t . 18 Ibid. 19 Wang Ch'ung, Lun heng, (Shanghai: Jen-min, 1974), p.321. 20 Ibid., pp.334-337. 211 Chapter IV, NOTES continued: 21 An example of this typei of dreams i s recorded i n Tso-chuan, Hsiang 18. It relates that during the autumn of that^year, the marquis of Ch'i invaded the northern border of Lu. At that time Chung-hsing hsien-tzu (of Chin) was about to attack Ch'i, when he dreamt that he was having an argument with Duke L i (of Chin), whom he had murdered. The duke struck him with a halberd, and his head f e l l off before him. He kneeled down, (took i t and re-) mounted i t (on his neck). Steadying i t with his hands while running away, he saw Kao, the shaman of Keng-yang. On a certain day there-after, he saw the shaman on the road and talked to him (about the dream and the l a t t e r said he had had) the same (dream). (Legge V, 478) The last sentence i s e l l i p t i c a l but the meaning seems clear. 22 Wang Ch'ung, p.337. 23 Tso-chuan, Chao 4; Legge V, 598-599. 24 Han-shu (Po-na ed.) 93:1h-2a. Chapter V: Dream and Reality 1 See Arlene Sheila Gould, Dream and Reality among Five North  American Indian Peoples: An Examination of the Literature (M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978). 2 Burton Watson ( t r . ) , The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp.4 7 - 4 8 . 3 Ibid., p.47. 4?Rene" Descartes, Descartes: Philosophical Writings, ed. Elizabeth Anscombe and Peter T. Geach (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1954), p.62. 5 See, for example, Norman Malcolm, Dreaming (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959). 6 Arthur C. Danto, Analytical Philosophy of Kowledge (London: Cambridge University Press, 1968), p.170. 7 Ibid., p.171. 8 Watson, p.49. 9 Mircea Eliade, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries: The Encounter  between Contemporary Faiths and Archaic Realities, t r . 212 Chapter V, NOTES continued: Philip Mairet (New York: Harper and Row, 1960), Chapter V, passim. 10 Mircea Eliade, Le chamanisme et les techniques archagques  de l'extase (Paris: Payot, 1951), pp.365ff. 11 Eliade, Myths. Dreams and Mysteries, pp.101, 104. 12 Ibid., p.105. 13 Ibid., p.106. 14 Ibid., pp.110-111. 15 L i Ytlan-cho, Chuang L i eh shih lun (Ten essays on Chuang-tzu and Lieh-tzu), i n Tao-tsang 1001/1263 (se hsia). 16 See A.C. Graham ( t r . ) , The Book of Lieh-tzu (London: John Murray, 1960), p.1. 17 For A.C. Graham's translation, see The Book of Lieh-tzu, p.67. 18 See also A.C. Graham, pp.68-69. 19 Cf. Graham, pp.69-70. 20 Leng-yen ching i - t u chien-chu (Peking: Keng-shen fo-ching liu-t'ung-ch'u, 1943) 5:3. I am indebted to Prof. Leon Hurvitz. for helping me to translate these eight lines. As i t stands, this translation i s not done: just abandoned. See also Upasaka Lu K'uan-yti (Charles Luk, t r . ) , The  Surangama Sutra (London: Rider and Co., 1966), p.116. 21 Edward Conze(tr.), Vajracchedika Prajnaparamita, Serie Orientale Roma XIII (Rome: Instituto Italian© Per II Medio Ed Estremo Oriente, 1957), p.92. Conze points out (pp.2-3) that probably owing to the exigencies of Chinese v e r s i f i c -ation, Kumarajiva's translation of this verse gives only six comparisons instead of nine. Whatever the "exigencies" were, both Bodhiruci and Hsllan-tsang managed to include a l l the nine similes i n their translations; see Lo Shih-hsien, Neng-tuan chin-kang po-jeh po^lo-mi-tuo ching tsuan-i (Hong Kong, 1975), p.188. 22 Taisho Tripitaka 8:347. 23 I Shih-chen, Lang-huan chi. i n Hsiieh-chin t'ao-yuan, ts'e 148, chtian.:- chung, pp.7b-8b. 24 Ibid., chtlan hsia. p.11b-12a. 213 Chapter V, NOTES continued: 25 Ibid., p.11ab. 26 Leng-yen ching i - t u chien-chu 4:11-14; Luk, pp.95-96. 27 Ibid., 3:29; Luk, p.80. 28 Ibid., 2:20; Luk, p.49. 29 IbidV, 4:16. My translation differs from Luk's in the punctuation of the f i r s t sentence; see Luk, p.98. 30 Taisho 7:110. 31 Lien-ch'Ih ta-shih, Chu-ch'uang san-pi, i n Lien-ch'ih  ta-shih ch'tlan-chi (1897; rpt. Taipei: Chung-hua fo-chiao wen-hua-kuan, 1973), pp.67b-68a. 32 Kuan-yin-tzu. i n Po-tzu ch'uan-shu. han 8, "Ssu fu," p.7b. 33 In recent times, experiments on the rapid eye movement seemed to show a correlation between the dream narrative and the way the eyes moved. This led William Dement, one of the pioneers i n the f i e l d , to think that REMs were indeed an indication that dreaming was taking place, and that the action of the dream was not instantaneous but lasted as long as the REM period lasted (see Woods and Greenhouse, p.277). Without discounting Dement's reput-ation as a keen observer, the question remains whether this i s true of a l l dreams involving action. 34 Kuan-yin-tzu, "Liu p i , " p.8b. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid., "Erh chu," p.2b. 38 Ibid., p.3a. 39 Ibid., "Ssu fuTchapter. 40 Ibid., "Chiu yao" chapter. 41 See Lu Hstln (edi), T'ang Sung ch'uan-ch'i chi (Peking: Wen-hstleh ku-chi k' an-hsing-she, 1955), PP. 108-110. 42 Ibid., pp.81-91. 43 Ibid., pp.29-33. 214 Chapter V, NOTES continued: 44 Su Shih, "Hou Ch fih-pi fu," in Ching-chin Tung-p'o wen-chi  shih-ltieh (Peking: Wen-hstleh ku-chi k'an-hsing-she, 1957) , 1 :4 -5 . 45 I Shih-chen, op. c i t . , chtlan shang, p.21. 46 See Chou Ch'i-ming (ed.), Ming Ch'ing hsiao-hua ssu-chung (Hong Kong: T'ai-p'ing shu-chti, 1963), p.93. 47 Ibid., pp.1^5; see also Wu Chia-ch'ing, Chung-kuo hsiao- hua hsiian (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1971), "Introduction." 48 Cited i n Chou Ch'i-ming, pp.122-123. 49 "Tuan" i s a poetic equivalent for F i f t h month i n the Chinese lunar calendar. I t refers to Tuan-yang, the so-called "Dragon-Boat Festival," which f a l l s on the f i f t h of this month. 50 Mao Hsiang-lin, Mo-yil l u . i n Pi-chi hsiao-shuo ta-kuan III, 2066. 51 See Joseph Needham, Time and Eastern Man, Occasional Paper 21 (London: Royal Anthropological Institute, 1965), p.v. 52 Marcel Granet, La Pens^e chinoise, in L'Evolution de  l'humanite: Synthese collective XXV, . (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, 1950), pp.86, 88, 9 6 , 1 8 113; cited i n Joseph Needham (1965), p.7, n.1. 53 Needham, Science and C i v i l i z a t i o n i n China II (Cambridge: The University Press, 1962), 288. 54 Needham, Time and Eastern Man, p.8; cf. Granet, La Pensee  chinoise. pp.329ff.; Needham, SCC II, 289ff. 55 Needham, Time and Eastern Man, p.8. 56 Daniel Defoe, The Life and Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1869), pp.94-95: "After my broken and imperfect prayer was over, I drank the rum i n which I had steeped the tobacco, which was so strong and rank of the tobacco that I could scarcely get i t down; immediately upon this I went to bed. I found presently i t flew up into my head violently; but I f e l l into a sound sleep, and waked no more t i l l , by the sun, i t must neces-sa r i l y be near three o'clock in the afternoon the next day — nay, to this hour I am partly of opinion that I slept a l l the next day and night, and t i l l almost three the day after; for otherwise, I know not how I should lose a day out of my reckoning i n the days of the week, as i t appeared some years after I had done; for i f I had lost 215 Chapter V , NOTES continued: i t hy crossing and recrossing the Line, I should have lost more than one day; hut certainly I lost a day i n my account, and never knew which way." Chapter VI: Toward a Theory of Chinese Dream Interpretation 1 Paul Ricoeur, Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Inter- pretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970;, pp. 28ff. 2 Norman Malcolm, op. c i t . , pp.83-90. 3 Calvin S. Hall and Robert L. Van de Castle, The Content  Analysis of Dreams (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1966}, p.18. 4 Ch'en Shou, San-kuo chih (Po-na ed.), "Wei chih" 29:12b-13a. 5 In this regard, the Talmudic tradition seems to make an even stronger claim, namely, that a l l dreams are only as true as their interpretations. Hence the adage: "A dream that i s not interpreted i s l i k e a l e t t e r that i s not read." Cited i n Hall and Van de Castle, p.23, see also C a i l l o i s , The Dream Adventure, p . x i i . 6 Ch'en Shou, op. c i t . , "Wei chih" 29:12ab. 7 Artemidorus, Oneirocritica: The Interpretation of Dreams, t r . Robert J. White (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975), Bk.1, Sec.1 (p.14). 8 Ibid., I, 2 (p.15). 9 For the dating of this book, see Ch'u Wan-li, op. c i t . , pp.159-171; Bernhard Karlgren, "The Early History of the Chou-li and the Tso-chuan texts," BMFEA 3 (1931)? Sven Broman, "Studies on the Chou-li," BMFEA 33 (1961). 10 Chou-li, "Ch'un-kuan tsung-po" chapter. Cf. Richard B. Mather(tr.), Shih-shuo hsin-ytl: A New Account of Tales  of the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976), p.98, n.1. 11 Waley's translation; see Section 1.3. 12 Wang Fu, Ch'ien-fu lun, annotated Wang Chi-p'ei (Shanghai: Ku-chi ch'u-pan-she, 1978), pp.371-372. 216 Chapter VI, NOTES continued: 13 Artemidorus defines theorematic dreams as "those which correspond exactly to t h e i r own dream-vision. For example, a man who was at sea dreamt that he suffered shipwreck, and i t a c t u a l l y came true i n the way that i t had been presented i n sleep." ( I , 1, p.15). 14 Meng-chan lei-k ' a o 6:27a. 15 I b i d . , 4:13a. 16 Wang Fu, o p . c i t . , pp.376-377. 17 Artemidorus, p.15. 18 I b i d . 19 Wang Fu, p.373. 20 Artemidorus, p.21. 21 L i u I-ch'ing, Shih-shuo hsin-yti: A New Account of Tales of  the World, t r . Richard B. Mather (Minneapolis: U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1976), p.98. Chapter VII: Methods of Chinese Dream Inte r p r e t a t i o n 1 Cf. L e s l i e Shepard (ed.), Encyclopedia of Occultism and Parapsychology (De t r o i t : Gale Research Co., 1978), p.247. 2 Han-shu i-wen chih (Po-na ed.) 10:32b. 3 See Chapter VI, n.9. 4 Sun I-jang, Chou-li cheng-i ( T a i p e i : Commercial Press, 1967) IV, 13.47:60-69. 5 I b i d . , 13.48:88-94. 6 Tso-chuan, Chao 7; Legge V, 619. 7 Sun I-jang, 13.47:66. 8 I b i d . 9 I b i d . , 13.48:95. 10 Ho Ping-yti, "Hou-i s h e - j i h , po-hung kuan-jih, ch'tleh yu ch ' i shih?" Chung Pao Monthly 2 (Hong Kong: Chung-pao yfteh-k'an, March, 1980), 51-54. 217 Chapter VII, NOTES continued: 11 Edward C. Whitmont, The Symbolic Quest: Basic Concepts of  Analytical Psychology (G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969; rpt. New York: Harper and Row, 1973), p.38. 12 Hsu Tsuhg-ytian, op.cit., pp.82-84. 13 Meng-chan lei-k'ao 1:9a. 14 Ibid., 1:5b. 15 Hsiang-meng yu-hsia chi (Hong Kong: Ch'ang-hsing shu-chtt, n.d.;, p.81. For a discussion of this source, see Introduction. 16 Ibid., pp.82-83. 17 Artemidorus, II, 26(p.106). 18 Gustavus Hindman Miller, Ten Thousand Dreams Interpreted (.Chicago: M.-A. Donohue and Co., 1901;, p.124. 19 Following J.R. Searle, I consider metonymy and synecdoche to be special cases of metaphor; see John T. Searle, Expression and Meaning (London: Cambridge University Press, 1979), p . m . 20 Monroe Beardsley, Aesthetics (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1958;, p.134; cited i n Paul Ricoeur, Inter- pretation Theory: Discourse and the Surplus-of Meaning (Fort Worth, Texas: Texas Christian University Press, 1976), p.46. 21 Meng-chan lei-k'ao 2:12b. 22 Meng-shu, i n Wu-ch'ao hsiao-shuo ta-kuan (rpt. Taipei: Hsin-hsing, 1960;, pp.627-629. 23 Charles Rycroft, The Innocence of Dreams (London: The Hogarth Press, 1979), p.86. 24 For a discussion of metaphor of this type, see J.T. Searle, op. c i t . , pp.91-94. 25 L i Shih-chen, Pen-ts'ao kang-mu (c. 16th cent.; rpt. Shang-hai: Chin-chiang shu-chii, 1885) 48:126. 26 Rycroft, p.71. 27 Sui-shu 29 (Po-na ed.), "Lieh-chuan" 34:9a. 28 Cited i n Richard Cavendish (ed.), Encyclopedia of the t 218 Chapter VII, NOTES continued: Unexplained (New York: McGraw H i l l , 1974) , p.78. 29 Artemidorus, IV, 80 (p.216). 30 In Ghinese too, interest i s called tzu-ch'ien, 'child-money', and capital mu-ch'ien, 'mother-money'. This metaphor i s very old. 31 Meng-chan lei-k'ao 1:33b. 32 Ytl-hsia chi, p.87. 33 Meng-chan lei-k'ao, 9:16a. 34 Meng-chan lei-k'ao 2 :14b . 35 Ibid., 2:11b. Artemidorus devotes a whole section to dreams of tongues, including hairy ones; see Oneirocritica, I, 32 (p.33). 36 Meng-chan lei-k'ao s2:16a. 37 Tuan Ch'eng-shih, op. c i t . , 8:50. 38 Liu An, Huai-nan-tzu (Ku-su: Chd-wen-t'ang, 1804; rpt. 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' eng-huang tfy TM. hsien-pi r^*^ cheng meng ZE> ^y- hsLang ch'i hsiang 1^ chi meng i$r ^ hsing chia hsii-hsu jan ^ chia hsii f $i hu-lu chih JL, hui ch'ih hun ch'ih chih meng ^ i-yu ching 1^" jen \ • ^ ching-ch'i '4ft%i j en-shen -^=" ^ ching-shen 'jfj't'f jen-tzu ^ ch'ou p'i-nang jen-wei ^ 'f-*: chtl meng f-fi ^ jen-yin -^ s chuang-yiian %K'?Ls ju-lai-tsang -fcw^tf^ chtleh-ch'i sk. pen-miao "yiian-hsin ^.'tjrJM,c* chung ^ kan ^ chung-shu she-jen " S f i r ^ / % W / V kuan 1?* chung-tao "f* ^ kuan fif fan kui fe, feng /IL kui fu iM; k'ung ^ han ^ k'ung chi shih se ~2 " E / ^ T L -hou y^" kou hsi 4". ^ lan T^j 227 l e i *^ shih-hui -f* *f> l i ssu meng ^ l i chi l i f e i &tpifo& ta chtleh shih chi f e i chi -A^lfaktf ta nuo l i chien hou M t'ai-pu -A. IK l i n g Of t'ang /If l i n g 'M teng l i u fu ri lik f i #•) l i u hou -?T f'fx f i ^ mi eh ti-huang mu-ch'ien ~^ 1^ t i - l i td. 3?£ mu min %K t ' i tzu $ L nan t ' i tzu nuo ^£$. t'ian-hsiang /\_ ijfc. o meng f| ^ * t'ien-jen ho-i 9^ A.' pa-ming tsai ^ pen chtleh /£v Hi t'u -±. pi-chi hsiao-shuo 'Mo- tu-ch'uan 1% ^ ping ^ tu-ch'uan ping-ch'en t^7 ^ tzu-ch'ien /$j£" p'o % wang pu =8|S wei ^ san wen-hstleh ^ san wu -J^r" san-chap 3- wu fu -^r^-san-i -3- 4? wu fu san-meng JH, ^ wu-hsiang -MrtS shang tai- f u -t. r/c ^ wu meng ^  ^ she-meng • ^ - B | wu-tso -&r^T-shen *t yu 1=} sheng yu Jr sheng-hsien ^ ytian ^ L -sheng-yiian ^ yuan chou tsang kuan shih Bf ch'tl chu mi t ' i 4 S shih-chin yuan heng T ^ ~ ^ 228 y i i n 5 t 2 Personal Names: Chang Chan & *% Chang Ch'un Chao Chih ^ 0 X Chao Ching-tzu ^L""^ Chao Liang-ch'i ^ g. "ft a& Chao Shih-fu < ^ Ch'eng, Duke of W e i ^ - ' - V Ch'eng, King of Chou l^j ffy =^ Ch'eng Chi en Cheng Chiu ^ " J f e ! Cheng Mao "¥|5 r£ Chia Pao-yu ^ ^-2.-Ciang, lady 4$. i % Chieh 7f\ Ch'ien, Lady ft. Chin Ch • un- ch' iu Ch' i n Chung-yuan ^ If tt. Ch'ing-tu /St ^ r Chou, Duke of T$) Chou, King of Shang Chou Hsuan /*/ Chou-ko ^ Ch'u, Viscount of Chung-hsing hsien-tzu "^Afp/fri ^ Ch'un-yii Fen >f *t Feng )«C. Feng Hou Fu-hsi iK. Jffc Fu Ytleh i<f UL Han Hsuan- tzu ^ Ho Chih -fT Hsi K'ang f & Hsi Ytl-chieh J % Ji.- ?c# Hsiang "t-f Hsiang, Duke of Wei / f * f ^ . < ^ Hsiao Tao-ch'eng ^ Hsu Chen-chun ty^fzi Hsu Hstln 1> Hstleh Sung t | ^ Hu, Lady t# Hua-t'ing ^ ^ Huang Shan-ku ^ - / ^ Huang-ti I-chiang I Chih'ff ^ I Yin If ^ Jung-huang K'ang-shu Kao, Shaman 3 i ijL Kuan-kung )i|> -k> Kuan-ti !&) ^ Kuan Ytl $ j 33 Kun Kung-sun Hsieh 3 ^ Kung-sun Tuan 4»L Kuo, Lady £p ^ Kuo P'u f?S 4^ L i , Duke of Chin ^ 7% L i Mu ^ L i Sheng ^ L i Ti Liang-chih 'Liang-hsiao l^v "8" Lien P'o Liu Ch'ao-lin ^ ^ Liu Hstlan '/:?. Liu Tzu % K\ Lu Mao-fang ' f t t8£ ^ Lu Yu-tse^j| &lJ Lu Tung-pin g> ^ Ma Liang Meng-chih Jk"% Meng-hsiang J e . *®f-Mu, Duke of Cheng % ff-*.V Ning Wu-tzu 1 « " 2 ^ - ^ Niu 4-Pai CM-i &A$> Pang-ch'eng -£f? -ttfe Pao-chi P'ao-hsi /?L4^ P'ei Yuan-yu ?L.*r^ P'eng-tsu f£ Pi-ch'ing }>& JZp Po-ch'ou 1fa 'gfe-Po-yu 16 Sheng-po Shih Ch'ao Shih Kou v3t ^ Shih Lien # v Shih Sung S^tfe Shou (= Chou, King of Shang) Shu-sun Mu-tzu i«L 9^ f-f - ^ Shun ^ Ssu-ma T'ien "M? Ssu-tai 3ro ^ Ta-hsin ^ Tai (= Ssu Tai) r=^* Tai ^ T'ai-shu ^ T'an-ytian, Lord ^ ® T'ang, King of Shang 5% T'ao K'an ^ Teng Ai ~>C Teng, Master ^jF &^  Teng T'ung ^ *Jb^  Tsai-wo Ts'ang-chi eh Ts'ao, Lord ^ <cV Tsou Yen %)\ tef" Ts'ui P ' e n g ^ %>> Tuan, Kung-sun Tuan 2% Tung-kuan ^ t*~J&* Tzu-ch'an Tzu-erh Tzu-hsi ^ Tzu-kung •^-"KT Tzu-k'ung Tzu-liang Tzu-ssu ^ Tzu-ta-shu 7 t ^ - ^ 5 ^ Tzu-ytl ^-SP* Wang Chiu-lien -X. A / * H _ Wang Ming-ytieh 3, / I ^ - ^ 7 Wang Shao JS. ™J> Wang Tun 3E. Wang Wei -^7* Wei Ch'eng-chi ^ % Wei C h i e h / f t f ^ Wen, Madame fx. Wu Chtin ^ Wu-ting - j -Wu Yu-pi jg. 4^ Yao-^L Yao-p'u (Wei) "Si, Yen-chi .•ajfe-fc* Yin (Mr.) £^ Yin Hao ffSi 3^-Ying-ch'i Ying-lung Yu, King Y* Ch'ien *-f -tffv Ytian Ytleh Fei & Ytieh Kuang 3 Place Names: Chiang-an Chiang-ning 5z_ t^ P Ch'eng-p'u i£ ffi Ch'i ^ Chin-chiang Chin-hua ^  ^ Chin-ling Chien-t'ai l&j % Chien-wei ^ ^ Chiu-li Chti H Ho-fei Hsien-men tung "fa^ P5 Hsien-yu-fJ-. Hsin-lo %ff % Hstlan-tzu (Lane) -€^ 1 ^  ^ Huai-an ^ Huan i-LS. Keng-tsung *^ p: Keng-yang ^ Ku-su-i^S Li-shen f t Lin-chiang #A l** Lin-kao -^jL Mao-chia pu ifc. Meng-chu "Hi P'ei-chou 25/3 VM*) P'ing-ch'iao ntfb-Po San-ho -3, Shou-ch'un ^ Sung-chiang >feV- 5-x. Tan-ling # ?4 T'ang TiAch'iu Tseng ^ j i Wu-ting (bridge) -3^ Yu-shen J p . Ytl, Mount 3 9 •»•/ Ytl, abyss of "m i&l Ytln-chien [ V ) 2 3 3 4 Other Proper Names: An-yang ching-chi eh -^^h ^^ L ]^ Chia-ching ^ Chia^ ch'ing Chih-li Chiu-ho, Lord ^ L < T ) ^ Chun z£L Hsien-f eng ji^ 4jg I, Constellation % K'ang-hsi ^ J8£ Kuan-yin ^^_T%' Kuang-ling san ^ Pi Po-ch'i't&-^-T'ai-k'ang * 7 ^ ^ T'ai-p'ing ~A.-^~ Ti (harharians) "fct. Ti (god) Tuan-yang i ^ . ^ Wan-li ^ >/H 5 Names of Authors and Editors: Chang Chi $L Chang Feng-i %. Chang Hua Chang Shih i%L*K Ch'en Ch'i-yuan (^-^ ?L Ch'en Shih-yiian T & ^ r L - i Ch'en Kao-mo ^ f c ^ - T ^ Ch'en Shou Cheng Hsiian ^  ~^"> Ch'i en Mu 4& -f$ Chou Ch'i-ming Chou Liang-kung f£] •=c*' Chu-an 4% fit. Chu Hsi 3h Ch'ii Wan-li/£. 3* 3L Chuang Yiian-ch'en Feng Meng-lung ^  7t<L Ho Ping-yii^f-q- ^  -ft^ Hsing Ping tfp Hsii Hsiian * *..-f$" S*. Hsii Tsung-yiian ^ i f . ^ Hsii Wen-ching 43? *7v ^ 0" Hu Hou-hsiian TftD *^ Huang Chtin-tsai-%Sf)3fc. Huang-fu Mi j i - T&' T%L I Shih-chen ~t£ 3^v 234 Kao Yu % K'ung An-kuo TsL^fr K' ung Ying- ta u Kuo Ssu J i L i Kung-tso <=V ^ L i Shih-chen # L i Ytian-cho ^ Lien Ytl-k'ou ?'J 4£ % Lien-ch'ih ta-shih ^ i ^ ^ t f e ^ Liu An ^ ) ^ Liu Ching-shu-fEj ^  "H Liu Hsiang ^ ' J \% Liu Hsieh Liu I - c h ' i n g ^ Liu P'an-sui^ Lo Shih-hsien % &f Lu Hstin -^^1 Ma Chtln-liang "^>^1\ Mao Hsiang-lin ^f^-/®^ Pai Hsing-chien fe? 3"7~ Pan Ku (D Shen Chi-chi f??L ^ Su Shih 3£ Sun I-jang <?f>-i& 7 ^ Sun Hsing-yen ^f; )f /[ry-Sun Ssu-raiao ^ T'ang Hsien-tsu 5% ffj^Tiit T'ao Ch'ien ?£) ^ Tu Ytl ^ Tuan Ch'eng-shih -fiL ^  K Wang Chi-p'ei £ 3 E . £<g. 1% Wang Ch'ung IZ. Wang Pu ^  ^ Wang Meng-ou 3- ^  "Zalf Wang Yung-ch'uan -3. ^  jfc-Wei Cheng 4^. Wei Hsiang-shu 'fg Wu Chia-ch'ing Ytl Ytieh J&$_ Pang-Tu Lien-che ^>lLJffit% Juan Ytian T?L TL* Ho Ping-yti 4T ^ Huang Pao-chen ^  ^ J j -Ku Shih ^ L i Ytian-cho ^ ?t-4-Chang Hai-p' eng |& i§ p < ,% 2 3 5 6 Names of Publishers: Ch'ang-hsing shu-chtl -|L & 4r Chin-chiang shu-chtl * £ ^A) Chin-pu shu-chli $L$? Chtl-wen-t'ang 3£ Chung-hua fo-chiao wen-hua-kuan ^^^fe^k. -k.^^ Chung-hua tzu-hstleh ming-chu chi-ch'eng pien-yin chi-chin-hui <f B • > * - * - * ^ r ^ ^ > ^ 4 L ^ ^ -Fo-chiao fa-hsiang hstleh-hui Han-f en-lou I3i> ~$*h* Hsiieh-sheng shu-chtl ^  * ^ £ ? Hsin-hsing shu-chtl ^ff-^r^ 75? I-chia-she —' ifjx.^ T-^  I-wen yin-shu-kuan X. cp^-^^ Jen-min wei-sheng ch'u-pan-she A. ^.-f%"'^- &i rt-fc.-5^** Keng-shen fo-chiaj* liu-t'ung-ch'u ^ «^T^>^£ % j ^ ^ f t K'o-hstleh chi-shu ch'u-pan-she -t^^ Ku-chi ch'u-pan-she Lien-ching shu-tien Lil-ytlan shu-tien ^ ^ " # 7 ^ Sao-yeh shan-fang ^ " i f c &f T'ai-p'ing shu-chti "A.-^ -"^ "/^  Wen-hstieh ku-chi k'an-hsing-she ~K^&^TZ-^ Wen-sheng shu-chtl Wen-yu-t'ang 7x."jtl Wu-sheng-t'ang ~£i ^ i t ? 7 Titles of Written Works: Chan-meng ching £* -jr Chen-chung chi 'fa-^-iZ* Chi-shen lu i ^ ' ^ ' f ^ C h i - i ^ ^ Ch'i-wu lun ^  ^ - i ^ Chi yao 2 3 6 Chia-ku-hsueh Shang-shih lun-ts'ung ch'u-chi f Jl§'J$~ffi Ch'ien-chin pao-yao ^ ^ • ' ^ • ^ Ch'ien-fu lun Ffr Chin-hu lang-mo /§S^£ Chin-kang ching /Qs $-J &k Ching-chin Tung-p'o wen-chi shih-lueh Ch'ing-hua hslieh-pao ^ IH^^t^ Chiu-chiu hsiao-hsia l u Chiu yao tl* ^ Chou-kung chi eh meng f^ ) --^"SKp.^ Chou-li ch&ng-i |i] ^ Chou Mu-wang /I) f^' -3, Chu- ch' uang san-pi 'rf -3- 3^. 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