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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Plans and values Meyer, Maximilian Guenter Erich 1979

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PLANS AND VALUES by MAXIMILIAN GUENTER ERICH MEYER pl.Ing. r Technische Dniversitaet Muenchen, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Architecture) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July, 1979 (c) Maximilian Guenter Erich Meyer, 1979 PLANS AND VALUES by MAXIMILIAN GO ENTER ERICH MEYER D i p l . I n g . , T e c h n i s c h e U n i v e r s i t a e t Muenchen, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES {S c h o o l of A r c h i t e c t u r e ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d . THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1979 (c.) M a x i m i l i a n G u e n t e r E r i c h Meyer, 19 79 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t he r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t he U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I ag ree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Depar tment o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l no t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Depar tment o f Architecture The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D A T E AH^M-I- n i 0 ! ABSTRACT Floorplans in buildings ace prestructured not only by functional r e s t r i c t i o n s , but also by attitudes towards preferred conditions. The attitudes are i m p l i c i t i n s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s ; yet not always are they e x p l i c i t l y stated as program intentions. Each type of i n s t i t u t i o n adheres to a c u l t u r a l value orientation which defines organisational contexts as preferred paradigms for intended functions, expectad a c t i v i t y and supporting conditions. The s t a r t i n g point of this thesis l i e s in s o c i a l theory which i s used to define four major types of value orientations describing paradigms for human interaction in s o c i a l organisations. These four are Control, Integration, Prestige and P r o f i t . The main body of t h i s work consists of an application of these four value orientations to the physical attributes of an assortment of building plans for each of four d i f f e r e n t genotypic organisations: prisons, schools, o f f i c e s and shopping centres. A building plan i s seen as a number of places organized and interrelated by a c i r c u l a t i o n system. Five generic i i i conditions, of plans of building c i r c u l a t i o n systems, orient users through various stages towards, into and within the organisational environment. Tliese are location, boundary, layout, paths and edges. The r e s u l t s of analyses of the above parameters show that c h a r a c t e r i s t i c conditions of plans e s s e n t i a l l y support organisational goals and values. The environment created responds to the value intentions of organisations and to the value orientations of users, as well as or instead of functional considerations. For example, the superordinate value orientation of a prison i s control, and path (corridor) arrangements reinforce t h i s orientation no matter how dysfunctional they may otherwise be. It i s concluded that the value orientations of an i n s t i t u t i o n t i e i t s organisational context to the conditions of a corresponding physical environment. The value orientations are thus pertinent to the rules of building owners, building programmers, and the r e s u l t s illuminate how assumed values condition the way so-called functional reguirements are interpreted in i n s t i t u t i o n a l architecture. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 . 1 INTRODUCTION . 1 1 Problem And General Background 1 2 Background Literature 3 3 Objectives 6 3.1 Deduction Of Hypothesis 6 3.2 Limitation Of Concern 9 3.3. Hypothesis 18 CHAPTER 2 2 2 THE CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTION AND THE CONTROL VALUE . 22 1 Introduction 22 2 The Location Of The Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n . 28 3 The Size Of The Prison Grounds And The D e f i n i t i o n Of Its Boundaries 33 4 The Layout Of The Terr i t o r y And The Designation Of Places 38 4.1 General Principles 38 4.2 Core-places 43 4.3 The Locus Of Power 47 4.4 Support-places 51 4.5 Summary Of This Section , 52 5 Paths And The Flow Of I n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t i v i t y . 52 6 Edges Defining The C e l l s 57 7 Summary 67 CHAPTER 3 71 THE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION AND THE INTEGRATIVE VALUE i . . . . . . . 71 V 1 Introduction 7 1 2 The Location of the Educational I n s t i t u t i o n .. 75 3 Boundary and Size of the I n s t i t u t i o n a l Territory .. 79 4 The Layout of the Plan and the Designation of Places . 84 4.1 General Principles 84 4.2 Social Integration: D i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the Plan according to Participants 90 4.3 Scholastic Integration 93 4.4 The Locus of Power 97 4.5 Summary of This Section 99 5 Paths and the orientation of i n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t i v i t y .... 1C0 6 The Edges defining the a c t i v i t y units .......... 107 7 Summary 113 CHAPTER 4 <. . 119 OFFICES AND THE PRESTIGE VALUE ..119 1 Introduction 119 2 The Location Of The Office ...... . ......12 4 3 Boundaries And Size Of The Office Building ...129 4 The Layout Of The Plan And The Designation Of Places 134 4.1 General Principles 135 4.2 Core Places And The Locus Of Power ......139 4.3 Support Places 145 4.4 Summary Of This S e c t i o n 150 5 Paths And The Workflow L i n e 151 6 The Edges Of The I n d i v i d u a l Workstation 158 7 Summary , 16 4 CHAPTER 5 ......... 173 SHOPPING CENTRES AND THE PROFIT VALUE 17 3 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 173 2 The l o c a t i o n of the commercial E n t e r p r i s e , S p e c i f i c a l l y the Shopping Center .177 3 The Outside Perimeter and The I n s i d e Boundary of the Shopping Center ...183 4 The Layout of The Shopping Center and the De s i g n a t i o n of Places 189 4.1 Shop Mix and Arrangement 189 4.2 Magnets 191 4.3 Support and D e l i v e r y Areas 196 4.4 A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Shopping Center ...198 4.5 Summary of t h i s S e c t i o n ....199 5 Paths and the D i r e c t i o n of A c t i v i t y 199 6 The Edges of Shops and the Exchange Process ..205 7 Summary - 21 3 CHAPTER 6 220 CONCLUSIONS 220 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 220 2 Achievement o f O b j e c t i v e s 22 1 2.1 The Nature of Values 221 v i i 2.2 The Generic Conditions -. 222 2.2.1 General Remarks: 222 2.2.2 Summary and Comparison: 225 3 Implications and Remarks 23 1 4 Recommendations * 235 Bibliography 237 v i i i LIST OF TABLES Page Chapter 2. The c o r r e c t i o n a l I n s t i t u t i o n Table 2-1 Location of correctional i n s t i t u t i o n s , Nagel, p. 48 * 30 Table 2-2 Perimeter security, Nagel, p. 62 35 Table 2-3 Basic design forms, Nagel, p. 46 . 40 Chapter 4. Office Buildings Table 4-1 Reasons for being downtown. City of Vancouver Planning Department, Office Space Demand (Aug. 1973), p.. 36 7..7..77 125 Table 4-2 Space needs for private o f f i c e s , John E. Browne, The Open Plan O f f i c e -- P r i n c i p l e s and Design, (London, The I n s t i t u t e of Office Management, 1970), p.25 158 Chapter 5. Shopping Centres Table 5-1 Consumption patterns Jones, p. 45. 181 Table 5-2 Space budget, Jones, p. 43 189 Table 5-3 Shop unit dimensions Jones, p. 115 , 190 i x LIST OF FIGURES Page Chapter 1. Introduction Figure 1-1 In t e r r e l a t i o n of s o c i a l and s p a t i a l context with plan conditions .... 9 Chapter 2. The Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n Figure 2-1 Seagoville Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n , Texas, a e r i a l view, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 104 30 Figure 2-2 Federal Penitentiary, Atlanta, a e r i a l view, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 41. 30 Figure 2-3 Federal Prison, Alcatraz, a e r i a l view, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 44 30 Figure 2-4 State Prison, Trenton, plan 1836-1917, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 37 31 Figure 2-5 Sing Sing prison, plan, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 37 ,. 31 Figure 2-6 State Prison, Jackson, Michigan, a e r i a l view, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 68 35 Figure 2-7 25-inmate j a i l , plan excerpt, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 173 36 Figure 2-8 Informal v i s i t i n g room, i n t e r i o r view, Nagel, p. . 10 4 , 37 X Fig u r e 2-9 Semi-formal v i s i t i n g room, i n t e r i o r view, Nagel, p. 104 ..... - 37 F i g u r e 2-10 Formal v i s i t i n g room, i n t e r i o r view, Nagel, p. 103 37 F i g u r e 2-11 F e d e r a l Reformatory, Aldarson, plan, U.S. Bureau of P r i s o n s , p. 133 39 Fi g u r e 2-12 Fe d e r a l P r i s o n , A l c a t r a z , ' p l a n , D.S. Bureau of P r i s o n s * p. 45 39 Fi g u r e 2-13 Bordentown P r i s o n Farm, plan , D.S. Bureau of P r i s o n s , p. 95 , 41 Fi g u r e 2-14 F e d e r a l C o r r e c t i o n a l I n s t i t u t i o n , Danbury, Conn., plan, 0.S. Bureau of P r i s o n s , p. 91 41 F i g u r e 2-15 S i e r r a Conservation Center, Jamestown, plan, Nagel, p. 43 , .". 42 F i g u r e 2-16 D i s c i p l i n a r y B a r r a c k s , Camp Cooke, p l a n , U.S. Bureau Of P r i s o n s , p. 77 42 Fig u r e 2-17 Proposed Super S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n , p l a n , D.S. Bureau o f P r i s o n s , p. 47 43 Figu r e 2-18 St a t e P e n i t e n t i a r y , Vienna, 111., plan, Nagel, p. 44 44 Fi g u r e 2-19 C o r r e c t i o n Center, Y a r d v i l l e , N.J., plan, Nagel, p. 43 .... 44 Fi g u r e 2-20 Campe Cooke, plan e x c e r p t , o p . c i t . 45 Fig u r e 2-21 Bordentown, plan e x c e r p t , o p . c i t . 45 F i g u r e 2-22 County j a i l , Ipswich, England, plan, Johnston, p. 22 47 Fi g u r e 2-23 State P r i s o n , Trenton, p l a n 1836, Johnston, p. 30 47 Fi g u r e 2-24 State P e n i t e n t i a r y , S t a t e v i l l e , a e r i a l view, Johnston, p. 19 47 F i g u r e 2-25 L o u i s i a n a State P e n i t e n t i a r y , Angola, p l a n , Johnston, p. 48 47 F i g u r e 2-26 Proposed F e d e r a l J u v e n i l e Center, plan e x c e r p t , D.S. Bureau of P r i s o n s , p. 147 48 x i Figure 2-27 New Jersey State Prison, Leesburg, plan, Nagel, p. 75 48 Figure 2-28 Leesburg, plan excerpt, op.cit 48 Figure 2-29 Reception and medical center, Lake Butler, plan excerpt, Nagel, p. 72 49 Figure 2-30 State Penitentiary, S t a t e v i l l e , i n t e r i o r view, Johnston, p. 19 ... 49 Figure 2-31 Federal Penitentiary, Atlanta, plan, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 41 51 Figure 2-32 State Penitentiary, Graterford, Penn., plan, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 57 51 Figure 2-33 Proposed Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n , plan excerpt, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 54 i 53 Figure 2-34 Bentham's Panopticon prison, plan excerpt, Johnston, p. 18 56 Figure 2-35 Armed supervision g a l l e r i e s . Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n , schematic plan, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 53 56 Figure 2-36 Proposed Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n , section c e l l block, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 50 ... 59 Figure 2-37 Proposed Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n , i n t e r i o r view, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 50 59 Figure 2-38 Segregation c e l l s , standard d e t a i l , plan, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 213 62 Figure 2-39 Segregation c e l l s , i b i d . , section 62 Figure 2-40 Inside C e l l s , standard d e t a i l , section, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 208 62 Figure 2-41 Outside c e l l s , standard d e t a i l , section, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 203 62 Figure 2-42 Open Dormitory, standard detail,•plan,' U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 197 64 Figure 2-43 Dormitory cubicles, standard d e t a i l , plan, U.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 201 64 x i i Figure 2-44 Dormitory squadrooms, standard detail,' plan, O.S. Bureau of Prisons, p. 200 64 Figure 2-45 Youth Center, Morgantown, West V i r g i n i a , plan, Nagel, p. . 74 65 Chapter 3. The Educational I n s t i t u t i o n Figure 3-1 Camden, New Jersey, schematic plan, Columbia University, p. 9 . . 76 Figure 3-2 Integrated school s i t e , schematic plan, Roth, p. 23 '. ,. 76 Figure 3-3 B i l l y ' s drawing, Coles, p. 54 , .. 78 Figure 3-4 The City as a School, plan, Woods, p. . 123 . 78 Figure 3-5 Hawthorne School, Utah, plan> William G. Brace, Grade School Buildings, (Milwaukee, The Bruce Publishing Co., 1914), p. 55 82 Figure 3-6 Belaire School, plan. P r o f i l e s of Sig n i f i c a n t Schools, Belaire Elementary School, San Angelo, Texas, (New York, Educational F a c i l i t i e s Laboratories, Sept. . 60) , p. 7 82 Figure 3-7 Madisonville School, Ohio, plan, Bruce, p. 20 82 Figure 3-8 High school commons, schematic plan, P r o f i l e s of Sig n i f i c a n t Schools, Rich Township, p. 11 82 Figure 3-9 St. Thomas of Canterbury School, Manchester, England, plan excerpt, Pearson, p. 62 83 Figure 3-10 Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, New. York City, plan excerpt. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record, 1976/6, p. .129 7 85 Figure 3-11 Eynsham Elementary School, England, plan, Pearson, pp. 50-51 86 x i i i Figure 3-12 Evelyn Lowe School, London, England, plan Pearson, pp. 44-45 ... 86 Figure 3-13 Cassady School, Camden, plan, Columbia University, p. 22.. 87 Figure 3-14 H i l l s d a l e High School, altered plan, P r o f i l e s of S i g n i f i c a n t Schools, H i l l s d a l e High School, p. 14. 88 Figure 3-15 East Rochester School, New Hampshire* plan, Engelhardt, p. 73 ». 90 Figure 3-16 Bellamy School, Tampa, F l o r i d a , plan, Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Record 1976/6, p. 119 ........ 90 Figure 3-17 Eynsham School, i b i d . , plan excerpt 91 Figure 3-18 Fredrick Harrison School, Stapleford, England, plan, Pearson, p. 59 91 Figure 3-19 Nagele school, Holland, plan, Otto, Part I, p. 2 : 93 Figure 3-20 Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, i b i d . , plan . 95 Figure 3-21 Timberline High School, Washington, plan, American Association of School Administrators, p. 94. 95 Figure 3-22 Lyon School, St. Louis, Mo., plan, Bruce, p. 97 96 Figure 3-23 Primary School, Compton, England, plan, Pearson, pp. 70-71 100 Figure 3-24 Evelyn Lowe School, i b i d . , plan excerpt .... 101 Figure 3-25 Saginaw School, Michigan, schematic section grade 5, P r o f i l e s of S i g n i f i c a n t Schools, Saginaw Township, p. 5 .102 Figure 3-26 Saginaw School, i b i d . , schematic section, grade 6, .102 Figure 3-27 Saginaw School, i b i d . , schematic section, grade 7 and 8, 102 Figure 3-28 School near Zurich, Switzerland, perspective section, Dtto, p. 13 103 xiv Figure 3-29 Figure 3-30 Figure 3-31 Figure 3-32 Figure 3-33 Figure 3-34 Figure 3-35 Figure 3-36 H i l l s d a l e High School, i b i d . , o r i g i n a l plan, Daylight contours, schematic plan; Roth, p. 54 103 106 Brize Norton Primary School, England, plan, Pearson, p. .40 107 The Lancastrian system, plan, Maurice Smith, "Not Writing on Built-Form, in Harvard Educational Review, p. 73 ........109 School near Zurich, Switzerland, plan. Otto, p. 14 1C9 Fl e x i b l e furniture, schematic plan, American Association of School Administrators, p. 33 .........109 Mother of God Academy, Stanford, Connecticut, i n t e r i o r view, Curtis and Smith, p. 147 110 Montessori School, Delft, Holland, i n t e r i o r view, Hertzberger, p. 63 110 Chapter 4. Office Buildings Figure 4-1 Figure 4-2 Figure 4-3 Figure 4-4 Figure 4-5 Figure 4-6 Decisions and r i s k s , schema. Dale, p. 129 121 Organisation chart, schema, Office Administration Handbook, p. 27 121 Office employment in the U.S., map, Daniels, p. 97 124 Office and r e t a i l location, schematic map. City Planning Department, Redevelopment in Downtown Vancouver, Report No. 5, ^Vancouver, City Planning Department, July 1964), pp..12 and 15 126 John Deere & Co., Moline, I l l i n o i s , s i t e plan, tfohl, p. 74 127 Baroque ca s t l e , view, Hohl, p. 11 127 XV Figure 4-7 Knights of Columbus, New Haven, Conn., view, Mildred F. Schmertz, comp., Of f i c e Building Design, second ed., (New York, McGraw-Hill, 1975) , p. 95 . 130 Figure 4-8 Chase Manhattan Bank, New York, plan plaza, Hohl, p. 122 130 Figure 4-9 Connecticut General Insurance, Bloomfield, view, Hohl, p. 11 131 Figure 4-10 ABC Company, plan excerpt, Saphier, p. 76. , 131 Figure 4-11 Hoffman-LaRoche, Nutley, N.J:, f i r s t , t y p i c a l and executive f l o o r plans, Schmertz, p. 46 .132 Figure 4-12 Double zone layout, plan, Joedicke, p. 2 9 .135 Figure 4-13 T r i p l e zone layout, plan, Joedicke, p. 33 ••• 135 Figure 4-14 Single zone layout, plan, Joedicke, p. 29 135 Figure 4-15 Location of building f a c i l i t i e s , two plans, Robichaud, p. 119 ...136 Figure 4-16 Mile High Centre, Denver, plan, Joedicke, p. 34 136 Figure 4-17 Australia Sguare Office Centre, t y p i c a l plan, Hohl, p. 160 136 Figure 4-18 Grids, schematic plan, • Duffy et a l . , Planning D f f i c e Space (1976), p. 53 137 Figure 4-19 Planning grid, open o f f i c e s , schematic plan, Joedicke, p. 18 137 Figure 4-20 Planning gr i d , private o f f i c e s , schematic plan, Joedicke, p. 19 137 Figure 4-21 Organisation structure, schema, • Forrest, p. 20 139 Figure 4-22 Rechtsschutz AG, West Germany, view, Steele, p. 50 ........ , 139 xvi Figure 4-23 Figure 4-24 Figure 4-25 Figure 4-26 Figure 4-27 Figure 4-28 Figure 4-29 Figure 4-30 Figure 4-31 Figure 4-32 Figure 4-33 Figure 4-34a Figure 4-35b Figure 4-35 Figure 4-36 Stacking plan ,• schematic section, Gensler, p. 21 140 Noxell O f f i c e s , Cockeysville, Maryland, upper and lower l e v e l plans, Schmertz, p. 39 140 John Deere & Co;, f i r s t and t y p i c a l f l o o r plan, Hohl, p. 11 141 Office for Minoru Yamasaki, plan, Schmertz, p. 51 141 General Connecticut Insurance Co., plan, Joedicke, p. 213 . - 141 Krupp AG, West Germany, t y p i c a l plan, A. Wankum, "Layout Planning i n the Landscaped O f f i c e " , in Office Landscaping, Anbar Monographs, (London, Anbar Publications, 1966), p. 33 . 142 Ford Werke AG, West Germany, plan. Business Equipment Manufacturers Association (BEMA), Improving Office Environment, (Elmhurst, 111., The Business Press, 1969), pp. 18-19 142 Krupp AG., plan excerpt, Wankum, p. 33 146 Chase Manhattan Bank, N.Y.C., top and executive (17th) f l o o r plans, Hohl, p. 122 149 Osram Office, Munich, ground f l o o r plan, Hohl, p. 59 149 Cit i c o r p Building, plaza plan, Architectural Record, 163 (June 1978), p. 111 7.7 149 ABC Corporation, organisation chart, Saphier, p. 66. 151 ABC Corporation, plan, Saphier, p. 68 151 Insurance claim center, two department plans, Office Administration Handbook, p. 898 152 Hypothetical building scheme, section, Saphier, p. 54 152 x v i i Figure 4-37 12 steps to a layout, plan. Office Buildings, Architectural Record, pp. 234-235 .. 155 Figure 4-38 Krupp AG, plan with workflow l i n e s , Forrest, p. 54 156 Figure 4-39 C e l l u l a r o f f i c e layout, plan, Office Buildings, A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record, pp. 234-235 : 156 Figure 4-40 Space standards, diagram, Duffy et a l . , Planning Office Space (1976), p. 92 158 Figure 4-41 Osram Office, top f l o o r plan, Hohl, p. 59 ..161 Figure 4-42 Torrington Company, Conn., upper l e v e l plan, Hohl, p. 17 161 Figure 4-43 "Loyalty", aphorism, Cameron, p. 43, 162 Chapter 5. Shopping Centers Figure 5-1 Market location, schematic s i t e plan, Helga M. Richards, How to Plan Your Market, (London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1957), p. 5 177 Figure 5-2 Market subdivision, schematic plan, Richards, p. 25 177 Figure 5-3 Land value and location, schematic plan, Richards, p. 25 , 178 Figure 5-4 Shopping center access, Lion, p. 14 , .179 Figure 5-5 System of central places, schema, Beavon, p. 29 179 Figure 5-6 Location and r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y , schema, Jones, p. 50 182 Figure 5-7 Crossroads center, Oklahoma C i t y , s i t e plan, Redstone, p. 308 184 Figure 5-8 Randhurst shopping center, I l l i n o i s , s i t e plan, Sosling, p. 34. 187 x v i i i Figure 5-9 Service layout, shop i n Shana, plan, Richards, p. 45 .. 187 Figure 5-10 S e l f - s e r v i c e layout, supermarket, schematic plan, Zimmerman, p. 202. 191 Figure 5-11 Magnet location, schemata, Darlow, p. 16 , 191 Fiaure 5-12 Exton Sguare, Pennsylvania, plan, Redstone, p. 162 192 Figure 5-13 The Esplanade, Oxnard, C a l i f o r n i a , s i t e plan excerpt, Redstone, pp. 180-181 192 Figure 5-14 Supermarket, schematic plan, Zimmerman, p. 197 193 Figure 5-15 La Puente shopping center, C a l i f o r n i a , plan, Gosling, p. 41. 194 Figure 5-16 Location of stores in the mall, schematic plan, Lion, p. 24. ... ...... . > 197 Figure 5-17 North Park shopping center, Texas, s i t e plan, Gosling, p. 33 ., ,. 200 Figure 5-18 Woodfield Mall, Schaumburg, I l l i n o i s , plan excerpt, Redstone, p. 19 ... . . 200 Figure 5-19 Mall courts, schematic plan and section, Lion, p. 41 201 Figure 5-20 Escalators, schematic plan, Lion, p. 70 201 Figure 5-21 Sandwell Centre, West Bromwich, England, s i t e plan, Darlow, p. 217. .... 203 Figure 5-22 Trucking tunnels, plan excerpt of the Ala Moana shopping center, Honolulu, Redstone, p. . 147 203 Figure 5-23 Eastridge shopping center, San Jose, C a l i f o r n i a , plan. Gosling, p. 42 ......... 205 Figure 5-24 Store fronts, schemata, Andersen, p. 23. 205 xix Figure 5-25 The Children's Place, Willowbrook center, Wayne Township, N.J., plan, Redstone, p. 247. . .... 206 Figure 5-26 Airport boutique, Main Place H a l l , Buffalo, N.Y., view, Redstone, p. 236. . 206 Figure 5-27 Paraphernalia boutique, New York City, plan. Gosling, p. 143. 208 Figure 5-28 ELNA sewing machine shop, Vienna, plan, Kaspar, p. 59 .... 208 Figure 5-29 Jewellers shop, Mannheim, plan, Kaspar, p. 79 ....208 Figure 5-30 Very Very Terry Jerry boutique. The Cannery, San Francisco, plan, Redstone, p. 283 209 Figure 5-31 Gait Toyshop, service layout, plan, Gosling, p. 133 211 Figure 5-32 Gait Toyshop, self-serve layout, plan, Gosling, p. 134 211 Figure 5-33 Just Looking Boutique, London, plan, Gosling, p. 137 211 Chapter 6. Conclusions Figure 6-1 Graphic summary 223 XX ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In i t s beginning this piece of work was very broad and diffu s e . I f e e l very much obliged to my advisors, Dr R. W. Seaton, Dr. Paul Richtar and Robert MacLeod, for helping me to focus my attention and c a p a b i l i t i e s onto an area which could be covered within a limited amount of time. I also want to thank a l l those who have added to the conceptualisation of thi s project, e s p e c i a l l y Bruno Freschi and Abraham Rogatnick, and also two of my previous teachers. Dr. Christian Norberg-Schulz, Oslo, and Heinz Volkenborn, B e r l i n , who implanted the seed of interest which, to a great degree, motivated t h i s study. I am espe c i a l l y indebted to Dr. R. W. Seaton who has given me irreplaceable help with his numerous suggestions for c l a r i f y i n g and editing t h i s text. My gratitude i s due to Linda Forbes for proofreading the f i n a l version and to Amar Shan for his help in- typing the f i n a l product. Thanks are also due to Dino Rapanos, the acting d i r e c t o r for the graduate program, Diana Cumpston for her sincere concern for the well-being of the students in the school, Natalie Hall for her assistance with the l i t e r a t u r e xxi search, Fred Lachnit for technical help and a l l my fellow students.... Dalia, Patrick, Alfonso, Tibor, Charlotte, Vinay, Max and Peter Teng... who supported me and the project i n many ways. I am very grateful to the Canada Council, The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for their generous f i n a n c i a l support. And f i n a l l y I want to thank Linda Wegwermer f o r her emotional support and p r a c t i c a l assistance, both indispensable prerequisites for the success of any challenging enterprise. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Problem and General Background Formulated i n broadest terms, t h i s thesis t r i e s . to establish a r e l a t i o n between architecture and human int e r a c t i o n . One reason for architecture i s provision of c l i m a t i c shelter. It can also be viewed as the creation of places for s p e c i f i c tasks or functions as stated i n space programs. Both these views — shelter and function — draw attention to further aspects: the organisation of sheltering places and the resulting p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r human in t e r a c t i o n . Shelter and functional t i e s are prerequisites f o r human inter a c t i o n i n buildings; the l a t t e r also impart certain l i m i t a t i o n s on the kind of in t e r a c t i o n that i s l i k e l y to take place. Architecture, then, i s viewed as a s o c i a l a rt, in the sense that i t regulates and orients s o c i a l contact. In t h i s study I try to show that arrangements for s o c i a l contacts i n and around buildings — or t h e i r absence — are 2 neither accidental nor whimsical but rather relate to c u l t u r a l assumptions about buildings. This study also has implications f o r the designer's ro l e : "The designer's mission i s to delineate the human behaviour that must be accommodated and the r e a l i z a t i o n of a system of energy and matter which supports these behaviours." 1 The study outlines c r i t e r i a to a s s i s t the designer i n t h i s mission. They find t h e i r application more in comparison and interpretation of i n t e r r e l a t e d behavioural settings than i n the measuring of functional quantities. They presuppose less technical in-house knowledge, but r e s t on the much broader and common parameters of orienting and regulating s o c i a l contact. The c r i t e r i a can be a basis for discussion for those involved in the planning of buildings and for the general public which uses them. The link between i n s t i t u t i o n a l program and architecture setting i s seen i n the interpretation of a value orientation, which singles out the sorts of relationships that are more desirable. In an a r c h i t e c t u r a l plan, the c r u c i a l elements pertaining to these relationships are contained i n the c i r c u l a t i o n system, which orients users into or towards places within an organizational context. These physical places are in turn related to positions or statuses within an i n s t i t u t i o n . It i s the hypothesis of t h i s thesis that s o c i a l models of i n s t i t u t i o n s are r e f l e c t e d in a r c h i t e c t u r a l r e a l i t y . 3 2 Background Literature There i s considerable l i t e r a t u r e presenting d i f f e r e n t viewpoints about plans and c i r c u l a t i o n and on potential user response to plans. In t h i s context here I s h a l l only mention some of the major developments and indicate t h e i r r e l a t i o n to t h i s study. Some viewpoints have no pronounced interest i n human in t e r a c t i o n , seeing plans as a r e s u l t of necessary s t r u c t u r a l support and climatic enclosure. 2 The architect's mission stops with the creation of a shelter. Another view concentrates more on the implementation of space requirements. Connection charts and diagrammatic layouts — at times compiled by computer — are design methods associated with such a view. 3 Here plans are seen as the result of the most e f f i c i e n t implementation and interconnection of organisational functions. This socio-technical view reduces human inte r a c t i o n to the performance of s p e c i f i c tasks and interactions; i t reduces the design of plans to exercises in b i - and tri-dimensional geometry. 4 Lynn Moseley proposes a method for the planning of buildings on the basis of analysis of c i r c u l a t i o n costs. The t o t a l amount of unit t r a f f i c to any one place, multiplied by the access distances to i t , provide a rough estimate of the amount of mechanical energy spent as c i r c u l a t i o n cost. In c i r c u l a t i o n planning, t h i s product should remain a constant. In an o f f i c e building, for example, the executive receives only a few c a l l e r s and s i t s far away, while the receptionist s i t s close to the main c i r c u l a t i o n a r t e r i e s where she receives many c a l l e r s . 5 Moseley's parameters, of course, over-simplify the interactions in an organisation. For example, the locations of a receptionist and an executive are not only a r e s u l t of r a t i o n a l computations but also of prestige d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s . Executives are not supposed to respond to as many undiscriminated contacts as t h e i r s e c r e t a r i e s . Even i n the open landscape concept of o f f i c e planning (bureaulandschaft) which i s presumably based only on performance i n t e r r e l a t i o n and e f f i c i e n c y , private o f f i c e s for executives are planned at peripheral or more remote locations. In other cases, Moseley's parameters are actually contradicted in plans to advance organisational goals. In the supermarket, f o r example, the most frequently bought items of the daily diet are not close to the entrance, but toward the back perimeter of the sales area, as to encourage c i r c u l a t i o n through the store. In the following chapters e f f i c i e n c y i s seen as the r e a l i z a t i o n of organisational values and goals and not as the minimizing of mechanical energy. A fourth orientation toward c i r c u l a t i o n planning draws attention to creative analogies. For example, Le Corbusier's plan f o r the Maison l a Roche allegedly derives from a symbolic analogy with Duchamp's "Nude descending a s t a i r c a s e " . 6 Analogies also may be drawn between Le Corbusier's own painting and some of his f l o o r p l a n s . 7 In 5 these cases, formal aesthetic configurations become the basis of plans and human interaction i s not the primary concern. In the following section I w i l l try to show a d i r e c t analogy between organizational goals and the c i r c u l a t i o n system on the basis of preferred and desired a c t i v i t y . A f i f t h view approaches c i r c u l a t i o n planning through established patterns of use and places. "A Pattern Language" by Christopher Alexander, presents a catalogue of places for human a c t i v i t i e s . 8 Numerous standard s i t u a t i o n s — e.g., the location of auto parking — are grouped into sets r e f e r r i n g to dif f e r e n t scales and phases of the planning and design process. The generic patterns are posited as universal and therefore largely independent of i n s t i t u t i o n a l context. In contrast, t h i s thesis argues that organizational values shape c i r c u l a t i o n patterns and space arrangements, depending on the kinds and g u a l i t i e s of interaction and freedom which are desired. 9 In reviewing prominent works on human s p a t i a l behaviour, Baldassare finds that e a r l i e r studies from the 1960s looked at s p a t i a l behaviour more i n uni-dimensional and deterministic terms. 1(> Absent throughout these discussions are any thorough. considerations of s o c i a l position, s o c i a l organisation, or rati o n a l e for choice cf i n t e r a c t a n t s . 1 1 One of the orientations of more recent developments sees human s p a t i a l behaviour mediated by roles and symbolic meanings. 6 It i s the general intent of this t h e s i s to investigate the manipulation of the design of plans through d i f f e r e n t types of s o c i a l organisation. This concern i s more pertinent to the content of this thesis, as i t stresses the importance of the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n , i n which groups gradually define the appropriate roles and the a c t i v i t i e s occurring in t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . Thus the physical i n t e r r e l a t i o n of places for roles are both a means for the designer and programmer to e l i c i t certain behaviours and a means for the user to orient his role expectations, founded in the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process. 3 Objectives In the following chapters I s h a l l discuss four different types of s o c i a l organisations and their respective s p a t i a l contexts. My investigations are e s s e n t i a l l y l i m i t e d to analyses of c i r c u l a t i o n areas i n plans as a means to bring people together or to separate them from each other, depending on the value orientation of the organisation. 3. 1 Deduction of Hypothesis In the context of thi s thesis, human interaction i n organisations i s based on the .adoption of roles. These generate the .expectations or conditions i n the physical environment such that the roles can be adequately exacted. A s o c i a l structure w i l l generate r o l e behaviour on the part of i t s members, norms which prescribe the 7 behaviour, and values that j u s t i f y them. These w i l l serve the function of tying people together to form and maintain an integrated system of behaviour. 1 2 Norms are of a cognitive nature; they are based on b e l i e f s and knowledge. Expressions, manners and taste are of a cathetic nature; they are based on what i s rewarding, d e l i g h t f u l or f a m i l i a r . Values are standards with which to weigh the merit of intentions and the accep t a b i l i t y of alternatives. An element of a shared symbol system which serves as a c r i t e r i o n or standard for se l e c t i o n amongst the alternatives of orientation which are i n t r i n s i c a l l y open in a s i t u a t i o n may be c a l l e d a v a l u e . 1 3 Roles in i n s t i t u t i o n s are modeled on b e l i e f s that they are instrumental, that they are rewarding when well acted, and that they are i n t r i n s i c a l l y proper, appropriate, or "ri g h t " i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l context, which I refer to as a value orientation. John Dewey, the American pragmatic philosopher, substitutes the word "price" for "value". Within a given context — s o c i a l and environmental -- ce r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s and the necessary physical conditions are priced higher than o t h e r s . 1 4 In t h i s sense a plan i s a sel e c t i o n of desired conditions selected i n terms of other opportunities considered less valuable. A plan singles out places designated to a c t i v i t i e s on the basis of a value orientation. Reduced to the simplest possible terms ... a s o c i a l system consists i n a p l u r a l i t y of 8 i n d i v i d u a l actors interacting with each other i n a situation which has at least a physical or environmental aspect ..." 1 5 A s o c i a l system contains s o c i a l organisations. Within these, people behave i n an i n t e r r e l a t e d fashion according to a consensus of purposeful a c t i v i t y . This a c t i v i t y takes place i n a s p a t i a l context. Since roles are enacted i n a s p a t i a l context, indivi d u a l s must obtain varying degrees of physical separation or closeness to others i n order to engage i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . 1 6 Both i t s s p a t i a l context and i t s purposeful a c t i v i t y are part of o r i e n t a t i o n a l systems of an organisation or subgroup; the context and a c t i v i t y are reinforced i n the s o c i a l i s a t i o n p r o c e s s . 1 7 In a building we look for conditions which we expect to f i n d . Spatial contexts and purposeful a c t i v i t i e s reveal the structure of an organisation and confirm our expectations with respect to i t . In what follows, contingent and purposeful behavior in i n s i t u t i o n s i s denoted by the word " r o l e " . The basis f o r selecting a role i s call e d a "value". The s p a t i a l context within which roles are enacted i s c a l l e d "position". Positions are located in "places" i n , plans. A s o c i a l organisation i s seen as an i n t e r r e l a t i o n of roles selected on the bais of a value orientation. The plan of the building housing an organisation i s an i n t e r r e l a t i o n of positions. In orienting to various positions and i n interacting r o l e s between positions, people make use of the c i r c u l a t i o n system (see graphic i l l u s t r a t i o n in Figure 1-1). 9 VALUE ORIENTATION ROLE POSITION PLACE B e h a v i o u r a l S e t t i n g a n d A c t i v i t y S i t e SOCIAL CONTEXT SPATIAL CONTEXT PLAN CONDITION f i Figure 1-1. Interrelation of s o c i a l and s p a t i a l context with plan conditions 3.2 Limitation of concern In the following chapters I limited my concern to four different value orientations. The rationale f o r my selection i s partly borrowed from Talcott Parsons. For him the s o c i a l system consists of a p l u r a l i t y of actors, who i n t h e i r interactions are oriented by values which comprise complementary expectations for roles and responses ( s a n c t i o n s ) . 1 8 Such value-orientations are i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , which means that the values are inter n a l i z e d and that expectations of incumbents of respective roles are expressed and e x p l i c i t . 1 9 For the maintenance of the s o c i a l system, i t i s essential that these value orientations are routinely realized in i t s i n t e r a c t i v e system. 2 0 Tendencies to deviate from these accepted ways of action poses functional problems for the system. 2 1 As a 10 basis for resolution of these problems, i . e . , to adapt and incorporate potential c o n f l i c t s (Parsons here uses the word "integration" in a very wide meaning)22, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d value orientations work as established and codified mechanisms. 2 3 In the following I am concerned with four such functional problems and the respective problem solving mechanisms. a) The a l l o c a t i o n problem Resources and f a c i l i t i e s are necessary to perform functions; rewards are necessary to motivate the i n d i v i d u a l . Both of them are limited in supply. 2* Therefore i t i s e s s e n t i a l to regulate who i s to get what, who i s to do what and under which c o n d i t i o n s . 2 5 The i n s t i t u t i o n a l screening mechanisms fo r d i s t r i b u t i n g power govern the a l l o c a t i o n of f a c i l i t i e s and rewards and thereby influence the working order of a s o c i a l system. 2 6 S p e c i f i c a l l y , through the a l l o c a t i o n of prestige ranks, actors are rewarded with q u a l i f i e d access to f a c i l i t i e s and further rewards. 2 7 This h i e r a r c h i c a l ordering we may c a l l prestige, which i s the r e l a t i v e esteem i n which an in d i v i d u a l i s held i n an ordered t o t a l system of d i f f e r e n t i a t e d e v a l u a t i o n . 2 8 In Chapter 5 I s h a l l look at the prestige hierarchy of administrative organisations in o f f i c e buildings. b) The exchange mechanism f a c i l i t i e s and rewards belong to the category of 11 "possessions", the rights of which are transferable from one actor to another through the process of exchange. 2 9 Possessions are s i g n i f i c a n t as means to further goals. "...Immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n s are renounced i n the i n t e r e s t of the prospectively larger gains to be derived from the attainment of the g o a l s . . . " 3 0 In a modern i n d u s t r i a l society with an elaborate d i v i s i o n of labour, i t i s extremely important for the order and s t a b i l i t y of the system 3 1 that there are mechanisms regulating the exchange of products and s e r v i c e s . 3 2 Within the instrumental d i v i s i o n of labour i s inherent the possible orientation towards monetary g a i n . 3 3 The s t r u c t u r a l focus of the orientation to p r o f i t i s , of course, the phenomenon of instrumental exchange, which, as we have seen, has some place in every s o c i a l system. 3 4 In Chapter 6 I s h a l l look at shopping centres as organisations and buildings established predominantly for exchange and p r o f i t . c) S o c i a l i z a t i o n Through the process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , t h e i n d i v i d u a l acquires the requisite orientations for s a t i s f a c t o r y r o l e performances. 3 5 In t h i s process, the need of a c h i l d becomes c u l t u r a l l y shaped and organized so that i t seeks g r a t i f i c a t i o n in a direction compatible with i t s integration into the s o c i a l system. 3 6 This way, under "normal conditions", the individual's hopes or claims f o r al l o c a t i o n s w i l l not greatly exceed what he or she 12 r e c e i v e s . 3 7 Thus, ...the a l l o c a t i o n of parsonnel between roles i n the s o c i a l system and the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process of the i n d i v i d u a l are c l e a r l y the same processes viewed in d i f f e r e n t perspectives... 3 8 Parsons makes clea r that the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process aims at integration of the c h i l d into a complex s o c i a l system, 3 9 through the family, school, playgrounds and the community.*" So c i a l i z a t i o n i s defined, by those mechanisms necessary to maintain a stable and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y integrated s o c i a l system through the formation of a given set of appropriate personality systems and the sp e c i f i c a t i o n of the i r role-orientation ... 4 1 In Chapter 3 I s h a l l look at the school and the schoolhouse in terms of the integration of the student into the s o c i a l system, achieved through the process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . d) Violation and enforcement of value standards A s o c i a l system t r i e s to maintain an equilibrium i n the inte r a c t i v e processes through s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 4 2 Social control supports members in th e i r b e l i e f s about proper behaviour, and reduces the need for aggressive or defensive r e a c t i o n . 4 3 To some extent, a certain permissiveness i s sometimes neaded to tolerate certain deviations due to "spe c i a l circumstances". Yet t h i s permissiveness must be s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d so as not to encourage deviance. 4 4 F a i l u r e of the mechanism of s o c i a l i z a t i o n to motivate conformity with expectations creates tendencias to deviant behaviour which, beyond certain c r i t i c a l points, would be disruptive of the s o c i a l order or e q u i l i b r i u m . 4 5 13 i f c ertain value orientations are not i n t e r n a l i z e d — as in the criminal — and the s o c i a l norms are violated, more ef f e c t i v e means of control have to be introduced.* 6 One such means i s i n s u l a t i o n , preventing p o t e n t i a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g elements from coming into contact with other elements or members of society, i n order to prevent an open c o n f l i c t . * 7 One other means i s the deprivation of the claim to legitimacy.* 8 Furthermore, punishment . . . i s a r i t u a l expression of the sentiments which uphold the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d values which the criminal has violated. lou are either with us or against us... The d e f i n i t i o n of acts as criminal i s the type case of the very broad category of mechanisms of control of the most f a m i l i a r kind, where normative patterns are 'enforced' by the attachment of s p e c i f i c negative sanctions to t h e i r v i o l a t i o n , . . . * 9 In Chapter 2 I s h a l l discuss the prison and the prison organisation i n terms of these negative sanctions as a mechanism of control. In t h i s thesis I am not concerned with an i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal construct or his personal perception of his role or position. I am more concerned with the s o c i a l organisation of which the i n d i v i d u a l i s part by membership and made part of by means of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Therefore I am talking about types of roles within an organisation^ The c i r c u l a t i o n system orients and regulates interaction between positions. Positions are embedded in a c t i v i t y s i t e s . 14 An a c t i v i t y s i t e i s a physical area within organizational boundaries, in which a prescribed a c t i v i t y recurrently and regularly takes place. This s i t e i s then linked to other s i t e s to form the organizational environment. 5 0 The a c t i v i t y s i t e concept i s based on Barker's idea of a behavioural s e t t i n g . 5 1 A c t i v i t y s i t e i s a standard place for standing (routine, receiving) behaviour. A related cluster of a c t i v i t y units i s denoted as an " a c t i v i t y unit" within t h i s study. For the purpose of t h i s thesis the discussion of the c i r c u l a t i o n system i s limited to f i v e generic a t t r i b u t e s . Each orients or regulates the inte r a c t i o n within or between a c t i v i t y s i t e s or a c t i v i t y units. Some of these f i v e conditions are an adaptation of Kevin Lynch's elements of the c i t y image. Others relate more to the concept of the a c t i v i t y s i t e . Lynch i d e n t i f i e d f i v e key elements of the c i t y image: paths, edges, d i s t r i c t s , nodes, and landmarks. 5 2 The a n a l y t i c a l framework of each of the succeeding chapters i s adapted from his five - p a r t model. An adaption of Lynch's elements was considered necessary, because his elements describe orientation without r e f e r r i n g to s p e c i f i c destinations or goals. In t h i s thesis a sequential orientation towards positions i s considered a necessary assumption. Lynch's elements describe a set of conditions rather than a sequence of conditions. The elements relate mostly to the public realms of the c i t y . Roles and positions are more prescribed and enforced as within an i n s t i t u t i o n a l building than i n public spaces outside i n s t i t u t i o n s . 15 Lynch sees paths as "channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or po t e n t i a l l y moves". In the context of t h i s study, paths are seen as channels shaping the flow of a c t i v i t y within an organization. Edges i n Lynch's sense are more or less penetrable boundaries or seams along which two regions are joined together. In the context of this thesis, boundaries are the l i m i t s of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l s i t e v i s a v i s the outside environment. Edges, on the other hand, are treated as the l i m i t s of a c t i v i t y settings inside of the i n s t i t u t i o n . Lynch's element ca l l e d " d i s t r i c t " refers to an area that one can enter, that i s "recognizable as having some common, i d e n t i f y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " . Entering into the inside of a place means penetrating i t s boundary. The inside i t s e l f i s seen as an organization of places and i s described i n succeeding chapters as "layout". R d i s t r i c t i s i d e n t i f i e d by i t s character. Lynch says, which i s often "used for exterior reference i f v i s i b l e from the outside". The problem of s i t e location for an i n s t i t u t i o n i s one of s i t u a t i n g a f a c i l i t y or complex i n some d i s t r i c t which i s conducive to achievements of i t s basic value orientation. However, in the case of a shopping centre, the preferred location i s l i k e l y to be not a d i s t r i c t but rather a nodal centre of gravity i n a network of vehicular paths. Lynch's element of nodes describes " . . . s t r a t e g i c spots 16 in a c i t y into which an observer can enter, and which are the intensive f o c i to and from which he i s t r a v e l l i n g . " 5 3 "Core-places", as used in t h i s thesis, describe such nodes within the organizational t e r r i t o r y and i t s layout. Lynch's element termed "landmark" was considered inappropriate to the analysis of organisational plans since an image usually i s associated with the elevation of a building. Also, perceptual quality of a building as an image does not predominate over the functional aspects of i t s plan. Thus people could orient towards a landmark, but hardly connect i t with s p e c i f i c positions they could act from or interact with. In some places i n the text, reference i s made to an image attached to the outside of an a c t i v i t y s i t e , as for example in a shop entrance. The effect of images on role selection and a c t i v i t y orientation i s an aspect requiring much more attention than i t was possible to give within t h i s present study. The five generic conditions within the c i r c u l a t i o n system are defined as follows. 1) I:2£§.tion. of the organisation within the regional environment, in some d i s t r i c t s . This r e f e r s to planning considerations as to WHERE the organizational goals could be best r e a l i z e d and organizational interaction concentrated. I t also relates to the orienting user, as to WHERE one would look for a s p e c i f i c organization. 17 BoundarY describes the marking of the organization's t e r r i t o r y and the organizational concern as defined v i s a v i s the outside public. It relates to the d e f i n i t i o n of organisational a c t i v i t y within a certain area and the f a c i l i t a t i o n of desired outside-inside i n t e r a c t i o n , or reception r i t u a l s . I t relates to HOW such interaction s h a l l be f a c i l i t a t e d and HOW an orienting i n d i v i d u a l could enter and participate in organizational a c t i v i t y . Lay_out refers to the subdivisions of the t e r r i t o r y into various zones and a c t i v i t y units. How many and what kind of positions are created. WHERE does what take place in the keyplan. S p e c i f i c a l l y WHERE are the units located which deliver the organizational goal, or which stand i n direct r e l a t i o n to goal delivery. These "nodes" I ca l l e d "Core-Places". What other units are necessary to maintain the organizational system or to compensate for the goal orientation. These units are located in "Support-Places". Where i s the activing authority located, or the "locus of power". The subdivision and designation of places r e l a t e s to planning decisions as to WHERE i t i s considered best to have what kind of a c t i v i t y . For the interacting user t h i s means WHERE one would go to do what. Paths l i n k the various a c t i v i t y units to form the organizational environment and regulate the flow of 18 organizational a c t i v i t y . The conditions of paths refer to the mode of movement and the possible choice of destination. For the user these conditions determine HOW to get from position to position. 5) I^ges are the physical d e f i n i t i o n s of an a c t i v i t y s i t e or a c t i v i t y unit. Conditions such as permeability, s i z e , orientation and privacy w i l l describe the type of ro l e and the type of position as an integral part within the organizational system. 3.3. Hypothesis The conditions indicate the kinds of contacts which can be made within the constraint of various positions i n the organizational environment. The organizational environment i s formed according to the types of roles and positions necessary to r e a l i z e organisational goals; these point back to decisions based on a value orientation^ The following four chapters discuss the value of orientations -- co n t r o l , integration, prestige, p r o f i t — and are divided i n t o seven sections. In each chapter an introductory section w i l l i d e n t i f y the value orientation in the respective organizational system. The following f i v e sections w i l l discuss each of the f i v e conditions location, boundary, layout, paths, edges. A f i n a l summary w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the e f f e c t of the value orientation on the fi v e conditions. Raymond G. Studer, "Some Aspects of the Man-Designed Environment Interface", as ci t e d by Walter H. Moleski, "Environmental Programming for Offices Based on Behavioural Considerations", in Architecture f o r Human Behaviour (Philadelphia: The American I n s t i t u t e of ArchitectsT 1971) , p. 48. Geoffrey Broadbent, Design i n Architecture: Architecture and the Human Sciences (London: John Wiley & Sons, 1975), pp7 ~412-4177~ Ibid., pp. 299-320, 427-430. Fred I. Steele, Physical Settings and Organisation Development (Beading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1973) , pp. 15, 16. Also, C h r i s t i a n Norberg-Schulz, Existence, Space and Architecture, (London, Andrio VistaT 1971),~p. ~1~ Lynn Moseley, "A Rational Design Theory for Planning Buildings Based on the Analysis and Solution of Ci r c u l a t i o n Problems", Architects Journal, 138 (September 1963) , pp. 525-537." Broadbent, op. c i t . , p. 352. Stanislaus von Moos, Le Cor busier! Elemente einer Synthese (Stuttgart: Huber, ~1968JT, p. 3457 Christopher Alexander, Sara Ishikawa, Murray S i l v e r s t e i n , et a l . , A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 977) . Broadbent, op. c i t . , pp. 25-54, 349-363, 412-430. Mark Baldassare, "Human Spatial Behaviour", Annual Review of Sociology, ed. Ralph H. Turner, James Coleman and Renee C. Fox, 4 (1978), p. 30-31. Ibid., p. 37. Ibid., p. 43. D. Katz and R. Khan, "The Social Psychology of Orgnaisations", as cited by Moleski, o p . c i t . , p. 49. 20 14. Talcott Parsons, The S o c i a l System (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, 1951), p. 12. 15. Charles Morris, The Pragmatic Movement i n American Philosophy (New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1970), pp7 105-106. 16. Parsons, op. c i t . , p. 5. 17. Baldassare, op. c i t . , p. 46. 18. Norberg-Schulz, op. c i t . , p. 11. 19. Talcott Parsons and Edward A. S h i l s , eds., Towards a General Theory of Action. (Cambridge Massachusets: Harvard University Press, 1962), pp. 157, 195, 411. 20. Ibid., p. 203. 21. Parsons, 1951, op. c i t . , p. 320 22. Ibid., p. 35. 23. Ibid., p. 22. 24. Parsons and S h i l s , 1962, op. c i t . p. 203. 25. Ibid., p. 25. 26. Ibid., p. 197. 27. Ibid., p. 26. 28. Ibid., p. 202. 29. Parsons, 1951, op.cit, p. 132. 30. Ibid., pp. 119, 414. 31. Ibid., pp. 48-49. 32. Talcott Parsons, Essays i n S o c i o l o g i c a l Theory, revised edition (New York: The Free Press, 1954), p. 326. 33. Parsons, 1951, op. c i t . , p. 71. 34. Ibid., p. 245. 35. Ibid., p. 243. 21 36. Ibid., p. 205. 37. Parsons and S h i l s , 1962, op.cit, p. 18. 38. I b i a . , p. 197. 39. Parsons, 1951, op. c i t . , p. 207. 40. Talcott Parsons and P.obsrt F. Bales, Family.! S°£iilii nation and Interaction Process (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, 1955), p. 50. 41. Parsons and S h i l s , 1962, op.cit, p. 197. 42. Ibid., pp. 228-229. 43. Parsons, 1951, op. c i t . , p. 298. 44. Ibid., p. 299. 45. Ibid., p. 300. 46. Parsons and S h i l s , 1962, op.cit, p. 228. 47. Ibid., p. 158. 48. Parsons, 1951, op. c i t . , p. 309 and Parsons and S h i l s , 1962, op. c i t . , p. 230. 49. Parsons, 1951, op.cit, p. 31C. 50. Ibid., pp. 310-311 51. Moleski, op. c i t . , p. 48. 52. I i b i d . , p. 49. 53. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City. (Cambridge, Massachusets: MIT Press, 1966), pp. 46-49. 54. I b i d . , P- 47. 55. I b i d . , P- 47. 56. I b i d . , P- 47. 57. I b i d . , PP- 47, 75. 22 CHAPTER 2 THE CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTION AND THE CONTROL VALUE 1 Introduction In t h i s chapter I s h a l l focus on the control goals of corre c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , showing that the execution of control i s f a c i l i t a t e d by the physical building plant. Control through confinement i s a r e l a t i v e l y recent phenomenon of penal philosophy, approximately 200 years old. Previously the executors of sentences made use of more economic and less time consuming measures, such as r e s t i t u t i o n , e x i l e , corporal and c a p i t a l punishment. Only debtors were confined, u n t i l someone could b a i l them out. Apart from these the s o c i a l system of those days held l i t t l e i n t e r e s t in those convicted. Toward the end of the eighteenth century the Age of Enlightenment took a more profound i n t e r e s t i n the "human values" of those they convicted. In p a r t i c u l a r the Pennsylvania Quakers created their now famous penitentiary, where the convicted were to be "bettered" by enlightening 23 t h e i r g u i l t y conscience in penitence. In t h i s they were controlled and assisted through s o l i t a r y confinement, supplemented by a rudimentary supply of food, clothing and exercise. *This s o l i t a r y system had i t s d i f f i c u l t i e s however, as i t proved almost impossible physically to wholly i s o l a t e prisoners from each other. Accordingly, the s o l i t a r y system was succeeded by the " s i l e n t " system, which r e l i e d on r i g i d control of prisoners to enforce the rules against communication between prisoners. This was supplemented by concealment in dress (e.g. masks and homogeneous uniforms) and token a r c h i t e c t u r a l barriers (e.g., screens or thick walls). Thus the o r i g i n a l goal of the Quakers — to encourage penitence — was i r o n i c a l l y subverted by a subordinate instrumental goal: the r e s t r i c t i o n of the free w i l l of the prisoners. To support a higher goal, a r e s t r i c t i v e one was adopted which was a n t i t h e t i c to the o r i g i n a l idea of v o l i t i o n a l penitence through greater understanding of the divine creeds. Another philosophy i m p l i c i t i n the spread of control practices in the nineteenth century was that exemplified by the Panopticon of Jeremy Bentham. This prison model, discussed l a t e r , sought to r e i f y an a u t h o r i t a r i a n , h i e r a r c h i c a l and c e n t r i s t cosmology. The prison governor sat i n the centre of a miniature universe, complete and autonomous in i t s e l f , with prison o f f i c e r s p a t r o l l i n g the c i r c u l a r corridors around him. They were a s s i s t i n g the 24 governor in constant supervision of the prisoners, who represented the t h i r d t i e r in t h i s cosmos.1 I t was, by implication, to be made clear to the prisoners that society i s orderly and controlled, not l i k e the anarchy which usually t y p i f i e d the environments whence prisoners originated. Here i n prison, i n other words, untrained and undisciplined transgressors were to r e a l i z e the eminence and power of s o c i a l authority. Inexorable scrutiny and prompt negative reinforcement of transgression from s o c i a l rules — i . e . , tight control — were to advance t h i s awareness. Thus, some estimable but a n t i t h e t i c philosophies for redemption of criminals — one based upon unworldly penitence and the other based upon worldly s o c i a l i z a t i o n — call e d for incarceration as a necessary f i r s t step. The one c a l l e d for i s o l a t i o n ; the other, for orderly adoption of s o c i a l r o l e s . Penitence c a l l e d for s i l e n c e , r e s u l t i n g i n r i g i d control and punishment of communication among candidates for remorse; and s o c i a l i z a t i o n c a l l e d for h i e r a r c h i c a l supervision and negative reinforcement of deviation based on a calculus of pleasure and pain worked out by the Benthamite U t i l i t a r i a n s . Accordingly the two philosophies converged to a s i n g l e concern: control. In the past two hundred years, concern for control has dominated prison design almost to the denial of a l l other concerns. Insofar as the control i s not internalized by prisoners, and not based upon prisoner 25 concerns but rather upon the exigencies of authority and i t s power to punish, so control i n prison can be said to be based upon tyranny. This outcome i s i n contrast to prison conditions two centuries before, at the onset of reform through penitence or s o c i a l i z a t i o n . At that time, prisons were mainly stockades, warehouses or holding pens for debtors or those under arrest, while dungeons were tombs both f i g u r a t i v e l y and l i t e r a l l y . In neither prisons nor dungeons was control of the prisoner's psyche, v o l i t i o n or behaviour a matter of concern. Two hundred years l a t e r , the devices of the tyrant — surveillance, segregation, subversion, punishment and uniformity — are i n t r i n s i c concerns i n the design of prisons in the western world.* 2 Therefore . . . i n r e a l i t y there i s every reason to believe that prisons are primarily designed and organized to pursue e f f e c t i v e custodial c o n t r o l . That i s the dominant concern of the public they were established to serve, and, therefore, the major concern of any prison o f f i c i a l who wishes to remain employed. 3 Recently though there has been another s h i f t i n values which views those i n c o n f l i c t with the established l e g a l consensus not as g u i l t y but as in need of readjustment and education. The attempt to create corresponding conditions has lead to the correctional i n s t i t u t i o n of the "motel-type". 4 This supports a c t i v i t i e s more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a boarding school than the c l a s s i c penitentiary. Between the values of control and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the prison finds i t s e l f i n a fundamental dualism. The 26 i n s t i t u t i o n has r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to one outside public, demanding absolute safe keeping (control goal), yet i t also has r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards another public which demands that inmates — they are no longer c a l l e d convicts — be treated in compliance with the humanitarian ideals of the enlightened democracy (re h a b i l i t a t i o n goals) . As I have indicated in the beginning, I s h a l l focus mainly on the control goal for the purpose of i l l u s t r a t i n g i t s e ffect on the building plans. I understand control to mean the assumed right to inspect and survey a l l items under j u r i s d i c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y those entering or leaving the t e r r i t o r y . Control also connotes the power to dominate and to punish, by l i m i t i n g the a c t i v i t y of those confined. In support of these three aspects of control, the plans of the confining i n s t i t u t i o n s create the places which define the roles and positions of those c o n t r o l l i n g and of those being controlled. They establish the places necessary to inspect ongoing a c t i v i t y and they f a c i l i t a t e dominance and punishment by keeping the inmates i n place. They make control more economical by physical arrangements that can be an e f f e c t i v e substitute f o r the presence of a guard, thereby cutting down on wage expenses. This i s important as approximately 75% of the t o t a l budget for the maintenance of American prisons in 1975 was spent in personnel c o s t s . 5 The interpretations of plans for the physical design of prisons also makes possible a better understanding of 27 diffuse control values. Thus, the guestion of how much and what kind of control can be p a r t i a l l y answered by interpreting the designation and character of physical places within the i n s t i t u t i o n a l system. In the following sections I s h a l l discuss prisons through the variation of building plans — ranging from maximum to minimum security — in terms of the concerns to survey and to dominate so as to control. The plans, then, are a resu l t of i n t e n t i o n a l decisions made on the basis of valuing c e r t a i n conditions higher than others. In the subseguent sections I s h a l l elaborate on the following aspects of plans: Section 2. The location of the cor r e c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n the regional environment as a response to the ascribed c l i e n t e l e , i . e . the funding public or the confined inmate; Section 3. The parameters defining the size of the prison grounds, and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l boundaries enclosing the t e r r i t o r y occupied by the prison; Section 4. The layout of t h i s t e r r i t o r y with respect to the designation of places for i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d a c t i v i t i e s ; Section 5. The flow of i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t i v i t y along paths between designated places; Section 6 . The edges between a c t i v i t y units and the occupants of respective places; Section 7. Summary of the points discussed above. 28 2 The Location of the Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n Even today many correctional f a c i l i t i e s are planned by government organs vicariously for the public and the inmates. Rn expert body of senior public servants dominates the process, by assessing the need for construction or renewal of f a c i l i t i e s and compiling a program based on t r a d i t i o n a l paradigm solutions for the designing a r c h i t e c t s . Thus the concrete system perpetuates i t s e l f through creating the same s p e c i f i c conditions which have become part of an in-house know-how. Only broad concepts enter the discussion within the general public, who can, therefore, address the inmate's needs only on such a general l e v e l . The recent change in values has inspired a more open planning process, where policy makers and p r a c t i t i o n e r s discuss c o r r e c t i o n a l concepts, and not physical answers, with the programmers and architects i n a "consultative process". 6 Then the diffuse control goal i s discussed more s p e c i f i c a l l y and some of the t r a d i t i o n a l building solutions become susceptible to re-evaluation. Within t h i s recent discussion a r e l o c a t i o n of the prison has been considered. Presently most existing prisons are located away from metropolitan areas. This i s a d i r e c t response to the funding public, who i s w i l l i n g to put up with the perceived danger and ugliness of prisons i f these are essential to the l o c a l job market. 7 When the concerns of the general public dominates the considerations for the location of the prison, a rural s i t e removes most everyday 29 fears as well as reduces costs through, cheap labour and land. As a conseguence of the recent s h i f t i n values the discussion focusses on the discovered r i g h t s of the inmate, who no longer i s seen as a uniform member of a homogeneous class of deviants, but as an i n d i v i d u a l of personal construct and with multiple t i e s to his so c i o c u l t u r a l environment. As most inmates come from a metropolitan environment, an urban location of the prison would be appropriate. 8 For a long time only one general c r i t e r i o n determined the location of the prison — i t could be anywhere, as long as i t was f a r away (see Table 2 - 1 , page 30). The isolated location provides a buffer zone between the i n s t i t u t i o n and the outside world and also f a c i l i t a t e s inspection (see Figures 2-1 to 2-3, page 30). The prevailing barren s t i l l n e s s and unobstructed l i n e s of v i s i o n , "permitting guards to observe persons approaching, or when the event occurs, prisoners l e a v i n g " 9 supports the concern with safety not only through the outside perimeter, but also through an ef f e c t i v e surveillance of the i n t e r i o r areas, without complicating scheduled a c t i v i t i e s or i n h i b i t i n g growth of the f a c i l i t y . In regard to the surveillance of the i n t e r i o r , the early c i t y prisons encountered tremendous problems when both the c i t y and the inmate population were growing; the former was closing i n on the walls outside and the l a t t e r . 30 L O C A T I O N S OK 23 NEW C O R R E C T I O N A1. INSTITUTIONS FOR M E N I N S T I T U T I O N R O A D M I L E S TO S T A T E ' S L A R G E S T C I T Y P O P U L A T I O N O F S U P P O R T I N G C O M M U N I T Y P E R C E N T M I N O R I T Y I N M A T E S P E R C E N T M I N O R I T Y S T A E F M A X S E C U R I T Y its M M 55 1 M A X S E C U R I T Y :ir> 0,000 42 9 M A X / M R U S E C U R I T Y 70 MM 49 11 M A X / M E D S E C U R I T Y 40 i. no 20 M E D S E C U R I T Y Ml) 2.500 54 4 M E D S E C U R I T Y | W .15.000 65 1 M E D S E C U R I T Y 90 3,200 2 0 M A X S E C U R I T Y 450 1.300 51 2 M A X S E C U R I T Y 240 8,000 54 0 M A X S E C U R I T Y m 2.500 55 11 M E D S E C U R I T Y no M M unknown unknown MIN S E C U R I T Y 100 2,500 50 20 M E D S E C U R I T Y 27!i 11. unknown unknown M E D S E C U R I T Y 230 6,000 52 25 M E D S E C U R I T Y 167 13,000 41 7 M E D S E C U R I T Y •Ml 2.500 24 fi MIN S E C U R I T Y 455 2.500 40 i M A X / M E D S E C U R I T Y 172 0,500 unknown unknown M E D S E C U R I T Y MM 15.000 20 I M E D S E C U R I T Y O S 2,000 52 1 M E D S E C U R I T Y 120 l , M 0 31 2 Mf lD/MIN S E C U R I T Y 33 20,000 5ft 14 M I N S E C U R I T Y 00 27.00(1 40 17 A V E R A G E 172 M M 45 8 Above, Figure 2 - 1 . Seagovilla M i a d l e , Figure 2-2. Atlanta Below, Figure 2 - 3 . Alcatraz Table 2 - 1 . Locations threatening to burst them from in s i d e . Inspection had nearly become impossible, for example, i n Trenton, where numerous buildings obstructed the l i n e s of v i s i o n . Then inspection was i n t e n s i f i e d to a general dominance, l i m i t i n g even sanctioned a c t i v i t i e s , such as physical exercise (see Figure 2 - 4 , page 3 1 ) . 1 0 In addition, the space for s o l i t a r y confinement was no longer available. Double and t r i p l e occupancy rendered very unfavourable conditions for penitence. The Sing Sing Prison 31 ENTRANCE ANO ADMINISTRATION BUILDING-BUILT I838. ORIGINAL SOUTH WINS OUTSIDE CELLS - BUILT 1838. NORTH " " " REMOOCLCO ON AUBURN PLAN 1677. WEST WINS. AUBURN STYLE-BUILT 1661" 1862. WOMEN'S WINS- BUILT-1670. EAST WING- AUBURN STYLE- BUILT 1871. WINGN0.6 " " " 1893-189*. NEW MODEL " " CELL HOUSE- BUILT 1908-1907. HOSPITAL-BUILT.1897. . STATE PRISON OFNEW JERSEY IN 1917 DEATH CHAMBER-BUILT 1907. SHOP AREA- BUILT 1879-1885-LAUNORY AND BATH HOUSE- BUILT 1697. BOILER ROOM AND SHOPS-BUILT I860. COOK HOUSE-BUILT 1897-1896. BOILER ROOM. REPAIR SHOPS- REMODELED 1899. LAUNDRY-BUILT 1909. VEHICULAR SALLY PORT. EXERCISE YARD-WJttTNj.S JfTTrnTTTTTTTTTITTT' l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l ORIGINAL CELL BLOCKS SING SING PRISON, 1828 Above, Figure 2-4. Trenton 1836- 1917 Below, Figure 2-5. Sing Sing (see Figure 2-5) shows the attempt to combine the lim i t a t i o n s of space with the valued concept of penitence. Yet the walls keeping each inmate i n place were so close together that the desire to communicate had to be i n h i b i t e d by the dominating "rule of s i l e n c e " , creating a much more unstable s i t u a t i o n than the previous one i n Pennsylvania. Thus the bucolic setting at that time was not only a response to the desires and anxieties of cit i z e n s , . but also necessary to create new conditions in an altered s i t u a t i o n , which could yst f a c i l i t a t e the valued old intentions. These s t i l l l a r g e l y centred on control, which had become increasingly d i f f i c u l t to maintain i n the old location. With the recent accent on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , control i s s p e c i f i c a l l y tied to a certain misbehaviour of the pa r t i c u l a r inmate. There i s l i t t l e need f o r a general 32 confinement or the inspection and dominance of a l l a c t i v i t i e s . With a diminishing interest in c o n t r o l , the factors which led the prison into the wastelands may not be so decisive any more. If one values the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of inmates into the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environment, then the price i s to r e f r a i n from an overemphasis on control. For location t h i s means that future prisons might be built i n the c i t y , so as to help t h e i r prisoners to readjust their habits while being close to family and friends. This price f o r urban location may seem high, yet the solution i s actually economical, as prisons could increasingly make use of the existing urban in f r a s t r u c t u r e , such as u n i v e r s i t i e s or c l i n i c s . 1 1 In t h i s section I have discussed•prison location as a r e s u l t of emphasis upon control and of material and economic conditions. Due to recent evaluative decisions, today certain urban locations are priced higher than other r u r a l ones. I f the emphasis on control permeates a l l aspects of prison l i f e then the chosen location has to support control uncompromisingly; i f the emphasis on control is l i m i t e d to p a r t i c u l a r issues (e.g., escape) then i t i s possible f o r the selected location to f a c i l i t a t e s p e c i f i e d non-control goals, such as r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . 33 3 The Size of the Prison Grounds and the Definition of i t s Boundaries \ With an orientation towards control the siz e of the domain inside the prison perimeter depends on the concern for l e v e l s of inspection and dominance. Both aspects are very high in the maximum security prisons, ; and most a c t i v i t i e s are r e s t r i c t e d . The fewer the number of a c t i v i t i e s tolerated, the easier i t becomes to survey the remaining ones. Therefore maximum security prisons are assigned three times as many inmates as minimum security prisons. There a higher tolerance for a c t i v i t i e s increases the workload of the guards, who are expected to function as r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f f i c e r s . And yet, r i s k of f a i l i n g to notice v i o l a t i o n s of existing rules increases i f groups become too large. I f the size i s not r i g h t , the price paid to create the environment w i l l not l i v e up to the valued expectations, i . e . , e f f e c t i v e control and a possible reintegration of the inmate. 1 2 Recently a d i f f e r e n t parameter was proposed, determining size on the basis of the number of inmates from the immediate surrounding region. This r e f l e c t s a s h i f t of values from optimization of control by authority to f a c i l i t a t i n g access between an inmate and his r e l a t i v e s . 1 3 I s h a l l next discuss the e f f e c t of d i f f e r e n t scopes of control on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l boundary and i t s permeability fo r intermural exchange. At most times the i n s t i t u t i o n defines i t s boundary at the perimeter of i t s occupied 34 t e r r i t o r y . Usually i t i s impossible to penetrate into the t e r r i t o r y without a r i t u a l marking the crossing of the boundary at sp e c i f i e d ports of entry (e.g., s a l l y ports). In some of the minimum security campus-type prisons the perimeter i s not subst a n t i a l l y defined. Here the concern to segregate i s not extended over a l l prisoners but limited to those in s p e c i a l l y designated buildings. A con t r o l l e d boundary exists only around these units inside the o v e r a l l grounds (see section 4.2, Core-places). Yet i n most prisons a complete enclosure of the t e r r i t o r y defines the absolute separation of i n t e r i o r and exterior movements, at a l l times, with or without the presence of a guard. Depending on the perceived security r i s k , v i s u a l control by guards is i n t e n s i f i e d and the boundary i s reinforced (see Table 2-2, page 35). The simplest form of boundary i s a fence, which can be raised to 14 feet, making i t insurmountable. I f t h i s does not s a t i s f y the security need, a second fence can be added with a narrow buffer between the two. This in-between "no man's land" i s covered with white sand to reveal anything that moves between the fe n c e s . 1 4 Sometimes s o l i d walls are erected instead of fences. These then l i m i t visual contact with the outside world. Reduced v i s u a l contact i s sometimes considered an advantage, as when a prison i s located i n an urban setting. The walls have been raised up to 33 feet i n height. Eventually they have proven to be very c o s t l y , e s p e c i a l l y when the enclosed t e r r i t o r y i s l a r g e . 1 5 One 35 TOTAL M 5 21 fiO Table 2-2. Perimeter security Figure 2-6. Jackson solution to t h i s problem i s attempted i n the State Prison at Jackson, Michigan, where the outer walls of the two cellhouses also define 3000 feet of the prison perimeter (see Figure 2-6) . 1 6 The use of buildings to provide a security perimeter at a smaller scale i s very common in the courtyard-type prison. Sometimes, as at Danbury, the perimeter buildings are augmented by fencing. The maximum security prison of the telephone pole-type i s a closed i n s t i t u t i o n , in which the inmates are allowed to enter outdoor spaces only for scheduled a c t i v i t i e s . Nevertheless, such prisons are also l i k e l y to have r i g i d l y defined t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries which dominate the i n t e r i o r grounds. It i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of an emphasis upon control that confining and surveillance measures are doubled, t r i p l e d or guadrupled for security, leaving no f l e x i b i l i t y as to what are the desired and sanctioned a c t i v i t i e s . Domination of the t e r r i t o r y increases with the desire to 36 cont r o l . It i s epitomized by the guardtowers defining the presence and place of the guards who very often are t r i p l e -checking the system boundary. While the outside boundary dominates those inside and keeps them i n place, the entrances are highly important places f a c i l i t a t i n g inspection of the l i m i t e d amount of tolerated t r a f f i c . There i s usually one entrance for pedestrians and one for vehicles. The separation has to be made, as both modes of transportation require d i f f e r e n t procedures of examination and d i f f e r e n t sized " s a l l y ports". E s s e n t i a l l y these s a l l y ports are places defined by two walls and a gate on each of tha remaining sides. Whatever enters a s a l l y port — vehicles or men — i s c l o s e l y examined before i t can resume motion in either d i r e c t i o n . 1 7 Most prisons t r y to control a l l inside-outside i n t e r a c t i o n . This becomes more d i f f i c u l t when outsiders are temporarily allowed into the defined t e r r i t o r y . Therefore, most prisons have s p e c i a l places for meetings between inmates and t h e i r v i s i t o r s , so as to permit inspection and dominance of t h e i r interactions (see Figure 2-7). In i n s t i t u t i o n s with low security rating a v i s i t o r may receive "free grounds" after the usual r i t u a l of Figure 2-7. V i s i t i n g room, plan 37 r e g i s t r a t i o n and inspection when crossing the boundary. For example, at the M i s s i s s i p p i Prison Farm at Parchman the inmate i s even allowed to spend time unwatched with his mate in a place c a l l e d "the red houses". Left, Figure 2-8. Informal v i s i t i n g room Middle, Figure 2-9. Semi-formal v i s i t i n g room Eight, Figure 2-10. Formal v i s i t i n g room V i s i t i n g rooms vary i n form depending upon the extent to which interaction i n them must be inspected or dominated and r e s t r i c t e d for security reasons. At one end of the scale, in the informal v i s i t i n g room, the guest and the inmate share the same place and are allowed to converse casually (see Figure 2-8). Tn the semi-formal arrangement a table forms a ba r r i e r dividing the room. There, inmate and v i s i t o r are only allowed to move within the areas on th e i r respective sides (see Figure 2-9). F i n a l l y , in the formal v i s i t i n g room, v i s i t o r and inmate are t o t a l l y separated by a more or less transparent wall and converse with each other over an intercom (see Figure 2-1C) . Here as in the prison boundary, which I also discussed 38 in t h i s section, the f l o o r p l a n defines places f a c i l i t a t i n g an increasing dominance of the intermural a c t i v i t i e s , by l i m i t i n g them to those sanctioned by the i n s t i t u t i o n . 4 The Layout of the T e r r i t o r y and the Designation of Places In t h i s section I s h a l l discuss the location of places within the i n s t i t u t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y and the uses to which they are assigned. After some remarks on the o v e r a l l layout I s h a l l focus on the places controlled most extensively (core places), those marking the location of the authority (locus of power), and those places which support the functioning of the system as a people processing i n s t i t u t i o n , for a c t i v i t i e s such as feeding and health care (support places). 4. 1 General p r i n c i p l e s The arrangement of a stable number of a c t i v i t y units i n a prison r e f l e c t s the scope of control sought by means of l i m i t i n g the a c t i v i t y i n areas by surrounding them with security zones. These areas may at f i r s t be clustered and f i n a l l y integrated so as to consolidate the f o c i of security. In a campus layout with a low security rating l i k e the Reformatory for Women at Alderson, West V i r g i n i a , the major a c t i v i t y units — inmate and s t a f f housing, work, eating, administration, recreation, etc., — are loosely clustered into groups (see Figure 2-11, page 39). There are no security zones separating these c l u s t e r s . T e r r i t o r i a l 39 FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN ALDERSON WEST VIRGINIA GUN GALLERIES-d m m m m n n n n i i Tl aiiiiiii j jnuj j j j j i i j ! -^--5^0^^-=•] jJTTTTTTTniTTTTT-TiTTTTTTTTTTTTI ! 1 ^ i H J J J i l l l l J l l l J r J j l l l l J i J U J D r i h — ..mULLiim.iM. jiiJjjjiiiJiijiiLJjiiiiijiijjijj vtUHLIMM.-* • 1 ADMINISTRATION BL06.AND MAIN C E L L H O U S E FIRST FLOOR PLAN LEMHI) I. SALUPOftTANO METAL OITCCTMf. t. Amour, i vmTtNaNoon. A LIARAAT 9 CELL ILOCK'A? • CELL ILOCK 'IT 1 CtLL ILOCK *tf I OCLLILOCRV ALCATRAZ tSUAN0,CAL*ORNU • «ESi«A<j. 10 KITCHEN US. PENITENTIARY Figure 2-11. Alderson Figure 2-12. Alcatraz control i s s p e c i f i c a l l y limited to some units or buildings in the top l e f t corner of the plan, such as decreased p r i v i l e g e cottage (K) , the reception (L) and admission buildings (N) . A contrary case i s that of Alcatraz (Figure 2-12) , the former American Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n for adult male felons. Thece, control was di f f u s e and all-encompassing. The prison had major a c t i v i t y units l i k e those at Alderson. However, i t s a c t i v i t y units were strongly separated from each other, each forming an i n d i v i d u a l security zone f o r housing, feeding, administration and custody. Furthermore, these zones were immediately adjoining, with no uncontrolled space between them. Together they are surrounded by the building walls, which described a larger security zone, espe c i a l l y when seen from outside. The variety between these two examples i s manifold. Yet as Table 2-3 (page 40) shows, preference i s given to three basic types of layout: the campus layout for a minimum no B A S I C DESIGN FORMS O F 60 NEW C O R R E C T I O N A L C E N T E R S M A X I M U M M E D I U M T Y P E S E C U R I T Y S E C U R I T Y O P E N T O T A I , R A D I A L I P A N O P T I C O N 0 T E L E P H O N E l*m,E ID H I G H - R I S E 0 C O U R T Y A R D 4 C A M P U S 2 T O T A L 17 -- - Table 2-3. Design Forms security r a t i n g , the courtyard layout for medium and maximum security, and the telephone pole layout for maximum security. They also mark the major steps towards increasing inspection and dominance in the designation of places and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . The marking of an outside boundary i s the f i r s t step towards a defined security zone. Yet at the Bordentown Prison Farm, New Jersey, the farm buildings are s t i l l outside the security zone (see Figure 2-13, page 41).. The area inside the fence i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d into a northern shop and a very concentrated southern housing area. Here a c t i v i t y units are s t i l l separated into at least three adjoining security zones. In the t y p i c a l courtyard layout, for example at Danbury, Connecticut (see Figure 2-14, page 41), most a c t i v i t y units are placed i n one large complex surrounding an i n t e r i o r courtyard as a recreation space of lower security rat i n g . I f there i s s t i l l an outside fence, we have one security zone within another one, as for example i n Danbury. There i s a further inside area separated from the rest and designated to shop a c t i v i t i e s . At another 41 V BORDENTOWN PRISON FARM* BORDENTOWN.N-J-'tf- J *?°' *9tf A ADMINISTRATION B MINIMUM S E C U R I T Y -C M A X I M U M SECURITY-D MEDIUM SECURITY-E MEDIUM S E C U R I T Y -F 'DININO H A L L a K I T C H E N -0 P O W E R H O U S E -M WATER T R E A T M E N T PLANT-J 3 C W A O I D I S P O S A L P L ANT-IC I N D U S T R I A L BUILDINQ L F A R M B U I L D I N G S 9 FEDERAL CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTION DANBURY. CONN. ADMINISTRATION: I L A U N O R Y . OUTSIDE C E L L BLOCK J POWER H O U S E K S H O P •NSIOE C E L L BLOCK L DORMITORY CUBICLE DORMITORY HONOR R O O M S W A R E H O U S E . S H O P K I T C H E N DININO H A L L 0 AUDITORIUM « SCHOOL R OUTSIOE C E L L BLOCK « S G A R A G E T G R E E N H O U S E U GUAI Figure 2-13. Bordentown Figure 2-14. Danbury courtyard prison at Jamestown, C a l i f o r n i a (Figure 2-15r page 42), the shop zone i s outside of the main courtyard. In the maximum security telephone pole layout most a c t i v i t y units are condensed into one major security zone defined by the building, which i s further subdivided i n s i d e . The building i s surrounded by an outer security zone which often includes shops and areas for outdoor recreation. See, for example, the maximum security d i s c i p l i n a r y barracks at Camp Cooke, C a l i f o r n i a (Figure 2-16, page 42). In the plans for a Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n (see Figure 2-17, page 43) even the shops (R, on the east side of the building) are linked to the other a c t i v i t y units. Also the exercise yard (H, in the west) i s linked to the main 42 Sierra Conservation Center, Jamestown, California Above, Figure 2-15. Fight, Figure 2-16, Jamestown Camp Cooke MAXIMUM SECURITY DISCIPLINARY CAMP COOKE, CALIFORNIA BARRACKS 4 AO* I HIS TR AT ON H INSIDE CELLS 3 NESS HALL • KITCHEN 9 HONOR ROOMS 1 SEGREGATION u STORAGE C ogrjioe CELLS J OUTSIDE CELLS V LAUNDRY 0 0ORMITORT K K GARAGE a Fine MOUSE E L Y 801 LEU PLANTf OUTSIDE CELLS M. QUARANTINE as INDUSTRIES G AUDfTORlUN * CHAPEL H HOSPITAL 0* SCHOOL a LIBRARY C • 'OktO* t/«/*» complex of buildings through a separate control zone (Z) . As security zones become increasingly interlocked a l l a c t i v i t i e s are subjected to inspection and dominance. Yet even in the plans for the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n (see Figure 2-17, page 43), some units were completely separated whenever their i n c l u s i o n in any of the defined zones was considered a hazard or inconvenience; the powerhouse and the administration were moved outside the perimeter walls. A diffuse control orientation dominates a l l a c t i v i t i e s in an i n s t i t u t i o n by r e s t r i c t i n g them to narrowly defined places and times. There are no res i d u a l places and no uncontrolled times: housing i s li m i t e d to sleeping, eating to eating, and work to work. The possible scope of a c t i v i t i e s gets l e s s as control increases and condenses a l l units into a t i g h t l y controlled security zone. 43 Figure 2-17. Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n 4.2 Core-places Even i n the minimum security prisons some zones are subjected to a maximum of control. One i s the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n unit, a prison within the prison, which can be found in most i n s t i t u t i o n s . In the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n procedure newly-arrived inmates are, for a number of weeks, segregated, s c r u t i n i z e d and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to sex, age, background, offence and escape r i s k , i n r e l a t i o n to the s p e c i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n ' s control goals and resources. 44 When each inmate enters the prison system he i s subjected to three months of intensive scrutiny and testing. I t i s an e f f o r t to evaluate a man and how he w i l l perform, both i n prison and a f t e r he i s released. Because each new a r r i v a l i s an unknown commodity. Custody and Control demand excessive security u n t i l a l l tests have been completed at the Diagnostic Centre. 1 9 This r e s u l t s in a segregation of the reception unit from the rest of the prison. See, for example, i n the campus plan of the I l l i n o i s State Penitentiary at Vienna (far right of Figure 2-18), or i n the courtyard type plan of the Correction Center at Y a r d v i l l e , New Jersey (lower right of Figure 2- 19) . in r L e f t , Figure 2-18. Vienna, I l l i n o i s Eight, Figure 2-19. Y a r d v i l l e Another core-place i s the segregation unit, also c a l l e d " ...administrative quarantine, adjustment unit, S i b e r i a , the Box... and most frequently the Hole." 2 0 This i s the place for the notorious troublemakers, prisoners with mental disorders, p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s , homosexuals, escape-prone inmates and those who committed a crime within the p r i s o n . 2 1 45 The location of t h i s unit close to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n unit may be due to a si m i l a r security rating, but can also give the new inmate an idea of what to expect i f he does not comply with the set rules. See, for example, the Alderson Reformatory (Figure 2-11, page 39), Camp Cooke (Figure 2-20) and the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n (Figure 2-17, page 43 Yet M A X I M U M S E C U R I T Y D I S C I P L I N A R Y B A R R A C K S C A M P C O O K E , C A L I F O R N I A 100 O 100 tDO 800 A ADMINISTRATION H INSIDE CELLS B HONOR ROOMS I SEGREGATION C OUTSIDE CELLS J OUTSIDE CELLS D DORMITORY K E " L r OUTSIDE CELLS M. QUARANTINE G AUDITORIUM ft CHAPEL N HOSPITAL G' SCHOOL ft LIBRARY S MESS HALL 8 KITCHEN U STORAGE V LAUNDRY X GARAGE a FIREHOUSE Y BOILER PLANT Be INDUSTRIES C . H . T O H O W t/4/4T L . o c ™ B O R D E N T O W N P R I S O N F A R M -B O R O E N T O W N . N J -I00 '_ _p 100' 2 0 0 ' 300' 4 9 0 ' A ADMINISTRATION B MINIMUM SECURITY C MAXIMUM SECURITY-I D MEOIUM SECURITY I E MEDIUM SECURITY F DINING HALL & KITCHEN-Figure 2-20. Camp Cooke Figure 2-21. Bordentown also the pre-release honour rooms are frequently located within the same security zone, which might suggest that t r u s t i s a luxury that most prisons cannot af f o r d . Rather, administration may see i t s e l f as a "gateway" as well as a power centre -- that i s , gate control i s part and parcel of i t s power. See, for example, the Bordentown Prison Farm (Figure 2-21) . In maximum security prisons, e s p e c i a l l y , the mess h a l l s receive maximum attention, as here the i n s t i t u t i o n faces the 46 d i f f i c u l t y of inspecting and dominating a large number of inmates. Therefore mess h a l l s are located near the control room and endowed with extra provisions for control: Some have catwalks from which armed guards maintain close scrutiny. In others, elevated control rooms from which tear gas and, i f need be, bu l l e t s can be sprayed upon disorderly p r i s o n e r s . 2 2 Also to keep the security hazard low, mess h a l l s are b u i l t as small as possible: There's room f o r eight hundred men i n the mess h a l l at one time; and that's a l l they want there at any one time — more would be dangerous i n case of a r i o t . So they have to stagger the units to eat, and i t takes about an hour and a half to feed the whole j o i n t . . . . 2 3 Here too, increased control considerations lead to a segregation of inmates within the prison. 4.3 The locus of power With an increasing public i n t e r e s t in the prison system and i t s establishment as a producing and consuming i n s t i t u t i o n , the role of the administration became twofold. On the one hand i t has had to execute control over the inmates; on the other, to represent the i n s t i t u t i o n before the general and business public. Gradually the two d i f f e r e n t functions have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d into a place for the c o n t r o l l i n g guards and another place for the representing administration. 2* For example, i n the County J a i l at Ipswich, England, 1783-1790 (see Figure 2-22, page 47), the governor and his household, who were responsible for the care and control of 47 Figure 2-22. Ipswich 1790 Figure 2-23. Trenton 1836 convicts, were i n the centre of the prison. In the early Trenton New Jersey plan, 1833-36 (Figure 2-23), the locus of authority was placed less c e n t r a l l y towards the gate, while s t i l l maintaining v i s u a l control at the centre of the converging corridors. Figure 2-24. S t a t e v i l l e 1919 Figure 2-25. Angola 1955 S t i l l l a t e r , at S t a t e v i l l a , I l l i n o i s , 1919 (see Figure 2-24), the authority i s separated i n t o two p a r t i e s : the guards in the centre of the prison structure and the administration, which performs a representative r o l e , in front of the prison walls. us More recently the administration has been completely separated from the prison structure, as in the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, 1955 (see Figure 2-25, page Ul). With the authority outside the security perimeter, v i s i t i n g business agents are spared the r i t u a l f r i s k i n g and stripping to which everybody entering the inside zone i s subjected, i n order to prevent the passing of contraband. Independently one can also trace the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s a t i o n of control as a function of varying security ratings i n places assigned to security forces. In the plan for a r e l a t i v e l y low security reformatory proposed by the United States Bureau of Prisons (see Figure 2-26), the c o n t r o l l i n g o f f i c e r has no place or o f f i c e i n the cottage he i s assigned to. He i s expected to patrol up and down a central h a l l . 2 5 L e f t , Figure 2-26. Reformatory Middle, Figures 2-27, 28. Leesburg In the State Prison at Leesburg, New Jersey (see 49 Figures 2-27, 2-28, page 48), the guard occupies a desk in the protruding inner corner of the elevated dayroom. From there he can control access and egress and survey the adjoining c o r r i d o r s , but i s also accessible to the inmates using the dayroom. Here the guard functions also as a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n counsellor. Similar conditions e x i s t at the Reception Centre at Lake Butler, F l o r i d a (see Figure 2-29) , i o o o o • o u n c D.D I D D D Q D D [ • • • • • • • " • • • rXJRMTTUfcY • n • n n n • n n n Figure 2-29. Lake Butler Figure 2-30. S t a t e v i l l e yet the separation between the guard and the inmates i s more pronounced. At S t a t e v i l l e , a maximum security i n s t i t u t i o n (see Figure 2-30), the separation of inmates and guard i s complete. Here the place for the guard, a small control tower, i s i n the centre of the structure surrounded by a large c i r c u l a r monitor space, separating him from the inmates placed in the c e l l s on the outside. Incidentally, the layout of the S t a t e v i l l e prison closely resembles the famous Panopticon Prison of Jeremy Bentham, discussed l a t e r in t h i s text (see Figure 2-34, page 56). A study by Presthold, Taylor and Shannon (1976) points to the fact that the mode in which control i s 50 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d within the building structure has a decisive e f f e c t on inmate and s t a f f behaviour. The study draws i t s conclusions from observing the change of behaviour which resulted when an i n s t i t u t i o n was moved from a barracks-type plant to a new structure. In the dormitories of the old plant and in the places between these, the guards unobtrusively mixed with the talking and playing inmates. Both viewed the s i t u a t i o n as sympathetic and secure. In the new i n s t i t u t i o n the guards were assigned a s p e c i f i c place i n the centre of a three-winged star-plan. They were separated by glass walls from the adjoining dayrooms and private c e l l s . The resulting situation revealed a stronger opposition between inmates and s t a f f and a f e e l i n g of h o s t i l i t y , even amongst the inmates themselves: interaction receded and the s t a f f dressed again i n uniform.26 4.4 Support-places Prisons are t o t a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ; they seek autonomy and complete separation from the world outside. Therefore a l l the e s s e n t i a l means for maintaining the l i f e and security of the inmates have to be included within the prison walls. These are the supporting places. The desire to control gradually dominates a l l supporting places. A few hundred years ago prisons were by no means as t o t a l , in the sense of the above d e f i n i t i o n , as they are now. They were, at best, holes for safekeeping, providing only bread and water, sometimes not even that to those without money. 2 7 As a breakthrough, the humanizing 51 1 H L E T I 0 F I E L D ^ j . HOSPITAL LAUNDRY ISOLATION FIRE HOUSE WAREHOUSE -INO. BOILER RM a POWER HSE. COOUNG TOWER RECEIVING A TREATMENT OLD INDUSTRIES 8L0G. NEW * OIST1TUT10NAL SHOPS U COTTON WAREHOUSE COMM.BSTOREHSE V GUARD TOWERS P R O P O S E D M A X I M U M S E C U R I T Y P R I S O N >, NEW E A S T E R N S T A T E PENITENTIARY GRATERFORD, PENNA. 'pq o >oc too TO *oo too too too A WAITING ROOM B AOH IN I STRATI ON C HOSPITAL 0 CELL SLOCKS E KITCHEN F INDUSTRIES BLDG.iruTuwj M WAREHOUSE G I ADMINISTRATION H ASSEMBLY HALL A GYM-NASIUM J LIBRARY & SCHOOL K POWER HOUSE L SECURITY CELL HOUSE 2 CELL SLOCKS 3 PUNISHMENT 4 EDUCATION 9 SHOPS 6 MESS HALL 7 HOSPITAL 5 GREENHOUSE F i g u r e 2-31. A t l a n t a F i g u r e 2-32.. G r a t e r f o r d Pennsylvania system i n 1829 made a p o i n t of p r o v i d i n g food, c l o t h i n g and work t o a l l inmates. In improving p r i s o n s — and t u r n i n g them i n t o a t o t a l i n s t i t u t i o n — h o s p i t a l s , l i b r a r i e s , chapels, auditoriums and classrooms were i n c l u d e d w i t h i n the w a l l s , as well as barbers, d e n t a l o f f i c e s , photo s t u d i o s , e t c . While these support p l a c e s are s t i l l l a r g e l y independent u n i t s w i t h i n the t e r r i t o r y of the A t l a n t a p r i s o n (see F i g u r e 2-31), they are mostly i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n the inn e r s e c u r i t y zone i n the G r a t e r f o r d , P e n n s y l v a n i a p r i s o n s t r u c t u r e (see F i g u r e 2-32). Thus the a c t i v i t i e s they support are s u b j e c t e d t o i n c r e a s i n g c o n t r o l . In the planned Super S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n (see F i g u r e 2-17, page 43) a l l o f these s u p p o r t i n g u n i t s are i n t i m a t e l y married t o the c e n t r a l c o n t r o l c o r r i d o r . 5 2 4 . 5 S u m m a r y o f t h i s s e c t i o n I n t h i s s e c t i o n I h a v e s h o w n h o w t h e p r e f e r e n c e f o r c o n t r o l e n c r o a c h e s o n t h e d i s p o s i t i o n o f t h e a s s i g n e d t e r r i t o r i e s . W i t h a n i n c r e a s i n g d e s i r e t o i n s p e c t a n d d o m i n a t e , p r i s o n p l a n n e r s i n c o r p o r a t e m o r e a n d m o r e a c t i v i t i e s i n t o a d o u b l e a n d t r i p l e c h e c k e d e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e c o n d i t i o n s c r e a t e d a r e s u c h t h a t a l l a c t i v i t i e s d e e m e d l e s s s e c u r e a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y d e b a r r e d . 5 P a t h s a n d t h e F l o w o f I n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t i v i t y T h e a c t i v i t y u n i t s l a i d o u t o n t h e a s s i g n e d t e r r i t o r y a r e c o n n e c t e d b y p a t h s , w h i c h d i r e c t t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m . I n t h i s s e c t i o n I s h a l l d i s c u s s t h e e f f e c t o f t h e c o n t r o l o r i e n t a t i o n o n t h e f r e e d o m t o c h o o s e d e s t i n a t i o n s a n d t h e t o l e r a t e d m o d e s o f m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e m . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I s h a l l s h o w t h a t t h e d e s i r e t o i n s p e c t l e a d s t o a v i s u a l d o m i n a t i o n o f p a t h s a n d r e s t r i c t i o n o f a l l m o v e m e n t s w i t h i n t h e m t i l l t h e r e i s h a r d l y a n y m o v e m e n t a t a l l . I n a c a m p u s l a y o u t i n m a t e s a r e u s u a l l y a l l o w e d f r e e g r o u n d s ; s e e , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e A l d e r s o n p l a n ( F i g u r e 2-11, p a g e 3 9 ) o r t h e S t a t e P e n i t e n t i a r y a t V i e n n a ( F i g u r e 2-18, p a g e 44) . T h e r e t h e i n m a t e s h a v e a c h o i c e o f p a t h a n d a c h o i c e o f d e s t i n a t i o n . T h e t i m e s c h e d u l e m a y l i m i t t h e l a t t e r c o n s i d e r a b l y . T h e c o u r t y a r d - t y p e p l a n i n t r o d u c e s a r i g i d d e f i n i t i o n o f a n o u t e r p e r i m e t e r . H e r e t h e f r e e g r o u n d s a r e l i m i t e d t o 53 the inner s e c u r i t y zone enclosed by b u i l d i n g s t r u c t u r e s . The l a t t e r a l s o l i n k a l l a c t i v i t y u n i t s i n t e r n a l l y . I t i s thus p o s s i b l a to r e s t r i c t a l l movement to the i n s i d e c o r r i d o r s . The choice of path, then, would be l i m i t e d t o a clockwise or counterclockwise d i r e c t i o n . One can compare the Yard.villa : plan (Figure 2-19, page 44) with the Danbury plan (Figure 2-14, page 41) With respect to formal d i f f e r e n c e s i n courtyards and surrounding c o r r i d o r s , the Danbury plan seems to suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y of a sh o r t c u t through the cou r t y a r d ; the u n i f i e d c i r c l e of Y a r d v i l l e s t r e s s e s the importance of i n s i d e connections. The t i g h t e s t system t o c o n t r o l the movement on paths i s provided by the telephone pole p l a n . In t h i s layout one c e n t r a l c o r r i d o r u s u a l l y b i s e c t s the c o r r i d o r s of the perpendicular side-wings; see, f o r example, the plan of Camp Cooke D i s c i p l i n a r y Barracks (Figure 2-20, page 42). EMERGENCY ENTRANCES Figure 2-33. Super Se c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n In the proposed Super S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n (Figure 2-33), a l l movement from housing to mess h a l l , shops, l i b r a r y , 54 classrooms, h o s p i t a l , and gymnasium i s channelled along the c e n t r a l c o r r i d o r - Only f o r the purpose of outside i r e c r e a t i o n are the inmates allowed outside t h i s system. In mqst telephone pole plans there i s only one path to choose. Furthermore, the choice of a d e s t i n a t i o n can at any time be i l i m i t e d by c l o s i n g of the entrances to the side c o r r i d o r s i with g r i l l s or guard s t a t i o n s . This telephone-pole c i r c u l a t i o n arrangement also f a c i l i t a t e s the c o n t r o l of the i mode of movement; any allowed t r i p can e a s i l y be r e s t r i c t e d to a d i r e c t progression from o r i g i n t o d e s t i n a t i o n . A l l i n -between stopovers are e l i m i n a t e d , which e f f e c t i v e l y reduces an>y casual i n t e r a c t i o n between the various a c t i v i t y u n i t s . Casual i n t e r a c t i o n i s f u r t h e r r e s t r i c t e d by s e a l i n g o f f a c t i v i t y u n i t s with t h i c k w a l l s , l e a v i n g only t h e i r w e l l -guarded entrances open. The speed of motion and the number of inmates moving together i s also very o f t e n c o n t r o l l e d . Dunn, a former inmate, w r i t e s about h i s e a r l y morning t r i p to the mess h a l l : The hallway, from which the various c e l l b l o c k s and u n i t s branch o f f , i s a guarter of a mile long ... B u l l s are standing about every t h i r t y f eet along the c o r r i d o r , watching the guys and | h a r r a s s i n g them, t e l l i n g them to walk two abreast i f they bunch up ... 2 8 I t i s harder t o maintain such a marching order on s t a i r s , as any i n t e n t i o n a l or u n i n t e n t i o n a l stumbling inmate could cause confusion and c o l l i s i o n s . Therefore s t a i r s between the major u n i t s are considered a s e c u r i t y hazard and I 55 e l i m i n a t e d . 2 9 In the planned Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n the dominance of the guards was to be reinforced further by cross-corridor g r i l l s . These were to c u r t a i l the distance that any group of inmates could progress down the central spine, thereby l i m i t i n g the momentum to be gained by charging inmates. The cross-corridor g r i l l s in e f f e c t form a series of interlocking s a l l y ports between various security zones. The location of the central control room i n or next to the central corridor f a c i l i t a t e s surveillance of a l l a c t i v i t i e s outside and between the designated a c t i v i t y units. (See, for example, the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n plan in Figures 2-17 and 2-33; the control room i s marked by an asterisk.) In t h i s sense the corridor is a materialisation of l i n e of v i s i o n . I t i s no longer just a means of t r a v e l . Quite the contrary: pedestrians or handtrucks using the corridor might be considered dysfunctional as they might obstruct the view. Rs control increases, the basic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the prison between those c o n t r o l l i n g and those being controlled becomes more pronounced. A double c i r c u l a t i n g system, also c a l l e d "double tracking", i s a physical manifestation of t h i s schism by status. One hundred and f i f t y years ago the plans for Bentham's Panopticon Prison (see Figure 2-34) included a double c i r c u l a t i o n system: one system of inspection g a l l e r i e s (F) and one of c e l l g a l l e r i e s (D) , the l a t t e r separated by a glass wall (0) from the former. 3 0 In the Federal Penitentiary at Alcatraz — now closed 56 Figure 2-34. Panopticon Figure 2-35. G a l l e r i e s ARMED SUPERVISION GALLERIES SUPER SECURITY INSTITUTION lar i A, cells B. to C. great art fiky light D. cell galleries entrance inspection galleries chapel galleries inspector's lodge, dome of the chapel K. skylight to dome L. storerooms with galleries M, floor of the chapel N. circular opening in dome 0. annular wall from top to bottom, for light, air, and separation and in the proposed Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n the paths of the armed guards are separated from the rest of the c i r c u l a t i o n system. At Alcatraz there was a rather primitive i n s t a l l a t i o n of caged-in catwalks for the guards at both ends of the cellhouse (see Figure 2-12, page 3 9). In the plans for the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n considerable sophistication was attained (see Figure 2-35) . Not only were the guard corridors completely enclosed, leaving only small s l o t s for surveillance and f i r i n g a gun, but they also form a complete c i r c u l a t i o n system running between double walls throughout the i n s t i t u t i o n , with the only entrance and exit i n the control room. 3 1 The desire to inspect a l l movements eventually leads to 57 t h e i r channeling into increasingly fewer paths, which then are dominated by the authority. The system then suffers severely from overdetermination, as the condition i n which everything — decisions, space, movement, and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y — i s c l e a r l y or narrowly defined. A l l a c t i v i t i e s are scheduled. Social contacts are predetermined... It i s a condition in which groups can e a s i l y be supervised, where authority can be maintained, and one in which accountability for personal action l i e s beyond the i n d i v i d u a l . 3 2 6 Edges Defining the C e l l s Here I s h a l l discuss the edges surrounding the basic planning units, the c e l l s and t h e i r occupants. The security c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of prisoners defines the type of c e l l and the s i z e , goals and security rating of the whole i n s t i t u t i o n . Generally these edges have to f a c i l i t a t e a number of things: 1) hold the inmate i n place (dominate) 2) allow v i s u a l surveillance of h i s a c t i v i t i e s in the c e l l (inspect) 3) define "private" t e r r i t o r y (protecting rights of inmate) . These aspects receive d i f f e r e n t attention with the various lev e l s of control. With l i t t l e o f f i c i a l control the inmate may be granted considerable control over his t e r r i t o r y , for example in the honour or prerelease rooms. As the concern of authority to inspect mounts, the occupant's control of c e l l space decreases i n favour of the prison authority. The defining edges of his c e l l become more transparent to supervisory 58 surveillance and access. For example, the outside c e l l or room with window for natural l i g h t i s almost universal i n low and medium security i n s t i t u t i o n s . but i t tends to disappear from plans f o r high security prisons. When increased surveillance and loss of privacy i s coupled with the dominance by the authority, as i n the telephone pole prison, the inmates' t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s rapidly decrease. The edges in high security prisons make open provisions f o r surveillance but they also function to keep the occupant i n place and f i n a l l y to remove him frcm any outside stimulation, thereby l i m i t i n g h i s p o s s i b i l i t y to act and react. The extreme examples of t h i s are the segregation units which can be found in most prisons (see Section 4 above, for discussion of segregation units). Yet while segregation units are lim i t e d to one part of the building or just one unit i n low security i n s t i t u t i o n s , t h e i r conditions, i n e f f e c t , p r e v a i l i n a l l c e l l s of the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n ; here there i s l i t t l e difference between the segregation c e l l s marked I on the plan and the regular accommodation marked F (see Figure 2-33, page 53). A l l c e l l s are removed from the outside walls. This i s the case i n many maximum security prisons which use the inside c e l l - b l o c k as a regular means of accommodation (see, for example. Figure 2-20. Camp Cooke, page 45). At Alcatraz (Figure 2-12, page 39) and in the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n these c e l l blocks are concentrated into a h a l l , eliminating the outside spaces between buildings. The 59 l a t t e r goes even one step further than Alcatraz by introducing another edge between each half of the ce l l b l o c k s , consisting of a double wall containing the corridor for the armed guards (see Figure 2-36). The rationale for t h i s wall i s that in the Alcatraz system, the c e l l b l o c k s have had open spaces a l l around them, thus making i t possible for inmates f r e e l y to c i r c u l a t e around and between the c e l l b l o c k s . . . This i s what happened in the r i o t at Alcatraz i n the spring of 19U6... i n the [proposed Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n ] i t i s completely impossible for inmates to c i r c u l a t e around a c e l l b l o c k or hide behind i t . " 3 3 Section, Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n Perspective, c e l l b l o c k mentioned in Section 4, i t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of doublecheck the security system. This Left , Figure 2-36. Eight, Figure 2-37. As already increasing control to often means double Security walls. Thus i n the cellblocks the planned Super were separated by a I n s t i t u t i o n , 60 monitor space with double walls i n front and double walls i n back, defining guard and u t i l i t y corridors (see Figure 2-36, page 59). Each c e l l b l o c k i s therefore a sealed o f f unit inhabited by a number of inmates small enough to be held in check. There are no windows; a skylight illumines the block, but bars the inhabitants from the stimulation of a view (see Figure 2-37, page 59) . [When] an inmate leaves the main corridor and enters his block, he cannot get out of this block except thorough the one well-guarded door which he used in e n t e r i n g . 3 4 There i s another door, though, lab e l l e d "emergency entrance" i n the plan (see Figure 2-33, page 53) . The operative word i s "entrance". A state of emergency i s not determined by those i n s i d e , but by those outside, so the door i s flu s h on the inside, with the hardware on the outside. Another rationale for this door i s that " [ i f ] inmates r i o t , they usually block the main entrance with a l l the movable f u r n i t u r e . " 3 S These are the overall conditions i n the Super Security I n s t i t u t i o n , where the doubling of edges f a c i l i t a t e s the desire to keep inmates in their place. There i s l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n made between the accommodations allowed to various i n d i v i d u a l inmates. Yet even maximum security prisons have segregation c e l l s , i s o l a t i n g the inmates even more than the "ordinary" c e l l s . These c e l l s are found i n a l l prisons where the authority introduces a hierarchy of c e l l s , both to respond to various needs for control and also 61 to introduce a reward system for inmates complying with the i n s t i t u t i o n a l processes. The r e s t r a i n t rooms are the bottom of the l i n e (see Figures 2-38 and 2-39, page 62). These give no p r i v i l e g e s and allow complete domination of the inmate's a c t i v i t i e s . Ordinarily a r e s t r a i n t room includes a vestibule between the g r i l l of the c e l l and the wall to the catwalk or c o r r i d o r . It includes i n d i v i d u a l forced a i r v e n t i l a t i o n , heating c o i l s in the f l o o r and a small window i n the outer c e l l door; the window can be shut by the guard, leaving the inmate in complete darkness. In the most severe types, there i s no furniture, there i s a f l o o r drain instead of the t o i l e t , and walls and f l o o r are f i n i s h e d i n terrazzo, which can be easily washed down with a hose i n s t a l l e d outside the c e l l . A l l the inmate has l e f t i s his own body, enough a i r to breathe, a bearable temperatura, and enough calories to keep him a l i v e . For him the c i r c u l a t i o n system i s reduced to a couple of pipes f o r warmth and a i r and a couple of holes: the foodpass for incoming calories and the f l o o r d r a i n for outgoing wastes (see Figure 2-39, page 62). The f i r s t relaxation of control i s the removal of one edge, the vestibule. We then have a regular inside c e l l with an inside t o i l e t ("wet" ce l l ) and a front g r i l l d i r e c t l y adjoining the catwalk in' the monitor space (see Figure 2-40, page 62). Here the inmate can get some stimulation from inside the cellblock. The next relaxation and removal of another edge i s 6.2 — - - — , Outside c e l l » o 5 63 allowance for an outside c e l l , where the c e l l wall i s i d e n t i c a l with the outside building wall (see Figure 2-41, page 62). Here the inmate can receive some outside s t i m u l i from the ebb and flow of ths heavens, the weather and the seasons. Also the wall to the corridor may be s o l i d , with a door of s t e e l and an observation panel, granting considerable p r i v a c y . 3 6 With the outside c e l l may also come a separation of functions in the form of a dayroom. This room i s i n the same security zone as the c e l l s — at the end of each ce l l b l o c k — allowing some informal i n t e r a c t i o n , as the prisoners can pass from c e l l to dayroom without passing any security check. 3 7 The next step up in the hierarchy of confinement means a breakdown of the walls separating the inmates from each other, as in a dormitory. There are two opposing views concerning dormitories. The f i r s t i nterprets the conditions as a relaxation of control and as an encouragement to increased human int e r a c t i o n ; the other sees the breakdown of walls between the prisoners as a threatening exposure to each others' pugnacious ambitions. 3 8 While dormitories r e f l e c t a decrease in dominance, they also grant l i t t l e privacy. This i s partly accommodated through i n t e r i o r subdivisions, which introduce edges between the inmates and reduce the o v e r a l l density i n the dormitories. Thus within a dormitory system there may be an open dormitory (Figure 2-42, page 64) , a dormitory with cubicles (Figure 2-43) and a dormitory with sguadrooms 64 Figure 2-42. Figure 2-43. Figure 2-44. Open dormitories Cubicles Squad rooms (Figure 2-44) . The density decreases from 50 to 100 square feet per inmate, while the privacy increases from open dorm to squadrooms. Dormitories are mainly a means of stretching the budget, as they are much lower i n construction cost than tool-proof cages. 3 9 The f i n a l step in confinement i s the so c a l l e d honour room; these are "dry" c e l l s (without a t o i l e t ) with a wooden door to which the inmate holds the key. Here the occupant controls the edge of his t e r r i t o r y and has freedom of a certain area, as he no longer needs a guard to lock or unlock his door. Depending upon the security zoning, t h i s area can reach as far as the dayroom, the showers and t o i l e t s , or as far as the prison perimeter. Most prisons make use of thi s hierarchy of c e l l s and their m u l t i p l i c i t y of edges, yet any move up or down the 65 Figure 2-45. Morgantown '--^  hierarchy of confinement depends t o t a l l y on the d i s c r e t i o n of the authority. Some more recent i n s t i t u t i o n s have introduced a "token economy". Here the moves up or down the hierarchy are decided on a more objective basis, the accumulation of tokens based on p o s i t i v e or negative behaviour. At the J. F. Kennedy Youth Centre at Morgantown, West V i r g i n i a (see Figure 2-45), the inmates "buy" dormitory space or a private room with the tokens they have been awarded for work and good behaviour.* 0 Here the prestige attached to certain places within the i n s t i t u t i o n becomes a working parameter for c o n t r o l l i n g inmates' behaviour. Another i n s t i t u t i o n , the Purdy Women's Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n in Washington, attempts to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e the reintegration of inmates into the s o c i a l system. Their prerelease apartments, located adjacent to the main \ 66 i n s t i t u t i o n , are almost l i k e homes, containing a kitchen, dinette, l i v i n g room, two double bedrooms and a b a t h . 4 1 Yet Robert Sommer says: "A prison can never be l i k e home, nor can any college dormitory, a school building, or a motel." 4 2 In t h i s section I have t r i e d to show how the increase of control can be traced also within the small scale of the i n d i v i d u a l unit as experienced by the occupant. Within the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of doublechecking the system i n order to inspect and to dominate, the doubling of edges r e f l e c t s on a small scale s i m i l a r procedures as discussed above i n the sections on boundaries and layout. Similar to the conditions set by the paths, the doubling of edges r e f l e c t s a concentration on the main objective: to l i m i t a c t i v i t y in order to control. 7 Summary In t h i s chapter I have t r i e d to show how the plan of the prison supports the control orientation of the acting authority. I centred on the aspects of inspection and domination, to investigate t h e i r e f f e c t on the physical plan. During the various stages of the argument one can discern a gradual increase of measures prohibiting interaction and a c t i v i t y . These range in scope from inspection to dominance, from s p e c i f i c control to an a l l -encompassing diffuse control. Thus the f i r s t r e s t r i c t i o n i s the removal of the prison from the s o c i a l centres of a c t i v i t y into a r u r a l s e t t i n g . 67 The next i s a d e f i n i t i o n o f a t e r r i t o r i a l boundary w i t h i n which a c t i v i t y i s t o l e r a t e d . The t h i r d step i s to l i m i t the paths the inmate i s allowed to t r a v e l and to d i r e c t the a c t i v i t y s t i l l t o l e r a t e d . The l a s t step i s to remove the inmate from a l l edges o f h i s c o n f i n i n g cage by c r e a t i n g a v o i d around him, which separates him from anything happening o u t s i d e of h i s cage. Rt t h i s stage we have the p r i s o n w i t h i n the p r i s o n . There the c i r c u l a t i o n system i s not a system of access, but a system t o prevent access by means of a s e r i e s of b u f f e r zones, v o i d s , double w a l l s , double p o r t s and double checks. 68 Notes 1. • Aldous Huxley, Prisons (London: Trianon Press, 1949), p. 13. 2. For the text between the asterisks on the two preceding pages, I am greatly indebted to R. W. Seaton. 3.. Charles w. Thomas and David M. Petersen, Prison 0£2§Ili:2^£ion and Inmate Subcultures, The Bobbs Her i l l Studies in Sociology (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merill Co., 1977), pp. 27 and 35. 4. Robert Sommer, Ticjht Spaces:. Hard Architecture and How to Humanize I t T^ Inglewood c l i f f s , N. • J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974) , p. 47. 5. Thomas and Petersen^ op. c i t . , p. 13. 6. K. L. McReynolds, "Designing a Correctional F a c i l i t y " , Federal Probation 37 (4, 1973), pp. 26-34. 7. William G. Nagel, The New Red Barni A C r i t i c a l Look at the Modern American Prison (New York:, Walker and Company, 1949) p. 37. 8. Ibid., pp. 47 and 148. 9. Ibid., p. 60. 10. 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, Handbook of Correctional I n s t i t u t i o n Design and Construction (Washington, D.C: Federal Bureau of Prisons, 1949), p. 37. 11. W.T. McGrath, " C r i t e r i a for Prison Location and Structure", Canadian Journal of Criminology and Correction, 7, No. 2 (1965)7 PP- ~~ 149-152. See also Nagel, op. c i t . , p. 126 etc. 12. IT. S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . , pp. 6-7. 13. Nagel, op. c i t . , pp. 56-57. 69 14. Ibid., p. 60. 15. 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . , p. 62, mentions the prison wall of the A t t i c a State Prison, N. Y. , which was 6700 feet long and consumed 14% of the t o t a l construction costs. 16. Ibid., p. 67. 17. Ibid., p. 220. 18. Nagel, op. c i t . , p. 108. 19. Anthony J. Manocchio and Jimmy Dunn, The Time Game,: Two Views of a Prison (Beverly H i l l s , C a l i f o r n i a : Sage Publications, 1970) , p. 215. 20. Nagel, op. c i t . , p. . 80. 21. Ibid., p. 84. 22. Ibid., p. 88. 23. Manocchio and Dunn, op. c i t . , p. 40. 24. Ibid., pp. 46-47, on the dress code of prison s t a f f : the guards wear uniforms, while the warden and associate warden wear s u i t s . 25. 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . , p. 148. 26. Perry H. Prestholdt, Robert R. Taylor and William T. Shannon, "The Correctional Environment and Human Behaviour: A Comparative Study of Two Prisons for Women", in The Behavioural Basis of Design, Book Iz_ Selected Papers, eds. Peter Suedfeld and James A. Russell (Strousburg, Pa.: Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross, 1976), pp. 145-149. 27. Norman Johnston, The Human Cage:. A Brief History of Prison Architecture (New York: Walker and Company, 1973), p. 15. 28. Manocchio, op. c i t . , p. 39. 29. 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, op.. c i t . , p. 73. 30. Johnston, op. c i t . , pp. 19-20. 70 31- 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . f p.. 52. 32. Nagel, op. c i t . , p. 40 33. 0. S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . r p. 48. 34. Ibid., p. 51. 35. Ibid., p. 196. 36. Nagel, op. c i t . , p.. 70. 37. U.S. Bureau of Prisons, op. c i t . , pp. 201 and 215. 38. The f i r s t view was held by the Dnited States Bureau of Prisons and i s supported by Prestholdt, Taylor and Shannon; the second view i s supported by Nagel. 39.. Nagel, op. c i t . , p. 72. 40. Ibid, pp. 133-134. Also on p. 132, he mentions the highrise prison at Morgan ton. North Carolina, where a move up in the hierarchy r e s u l t s i n a move down to a lower f l o o r and closer to the exit. 41. Ibid, p. 76. 42. Sommer, op. c i t . , p. 48. 71 I wish my school to be as free as i t could be unless we broke a rule and destroyed the p r i v i l e g e 1 CHAPTER 3 THE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION AND THE INTEGRATIVE VALUE 1 Introduction In t h i s chapter I s h a l l discuss the schoolbuilding. Schools f a c i l i t a t e the integrative value orientation. This i s a predisposition contrary to the previously discussed control orientation. In many ways the argument here w i l l complement the one in the previous chapter. I w i l l focus here on plans based on power shared i n the combined wishes of those the i n s t i t u t i o n i s assigned to process. I f the prison plan i s shaped to dominate the processed, the schoolhouse should connect and serve the processed. One of the reasons for the growth of the educational i n s t i t u t i o n i s an increase i n tasks and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which were previously assigned to other i n s t i t u t i o n s . 2 In s o c i a l systems with l i t t l e d i v i s i o n of labour, the tasks of integrating the learner — young and old — i s assigned to the family or clan. They take the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of 72 acquainting the i n d i v i d u a l with the e x i s t i n g c u l t u r e and the body of knowledge. With an i n c r e a s i n g d i v i s i o n of labour, exposure to the body of knowledge becomes s e l e c t i v e ; l e a r n i n g i s a p r i v i l e g e r e f l e c t i n g the amount of s o c i a l support given to the i n d i v i d u a l by the c l a s s he belongs t o . 3 I f the time and resources f o r education and l e a r n i n g are not e q u a l l y a v a i l a b l e to a l l , a b a s i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the s o c i a l system i n t o the "poor and ignorant" and the " r i c h and knowing" perpetuates i t s e l f . These c o n d i t i o n s were prev a l e n t , f o r example, i n France before the r e v o l u t i o n 4 and p r e v a i l p r e s ently i n underdeveloped nations l i k e I n d i a . L a t e r , i n the western world, enlightened p o l i c i e s have pointed to the b a s i c i n j u s t i c e and have supported the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s a t i o n of education by the corporate s t a t e throughout the s o c i a l system. In t a k i n g care of the various aspects of the s o c i a l i s a t i o n process the s t a t e t r i e s to o f f e r equal opportunity and access to a l l a s c r i b e d members. But i t also creates a s p l i t between the primary s o c i a l i z i n g u n i t , the f a m i l y , and the s o c i a l system, by t a k i n g some of the concerns and d e c i s i o n s out of reach of the i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y and delegating i t t o the complex system of e d u c a t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I n c r e a s i n g l y the e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n assumes and i s given more f u n c t i o n s and competence. Today the homes are few where t r u e a s s i s t a n c e i n education i s offered to the c h i l d . The e s s e n t i a l f a c t o r of education i s the school, apart from the s t r e e t . 5 73 Yet schools have to be responsive to those they serve and to be l o y a l to the values they are assigned to represent. As we l i v e in a culture with a p l u r a l i t y of values, the concepts of the most proper ways of educating the i n d i v i d u a l are constantly changing. Education for a long time was based on the authority of the teacher to impart knowledge. Gradually i t was r e a l i z e d that the pupil was capable of deciding as well, and a "democratic teaching s t y l e " was conceived, which would integrate a l l participants with each other. In a further step a l l l a s t i n g decisions were viewed as manipulative and as i n h i b i t i n g equal opportunity. 6 Today the most valued conditions are those providing the l e a s t resistance to change and the best p o s s i b i l i t i e s to integrate new ideas. Schools are instruments for improving society and therefore cannot be allowed to stagnate. They must be i n a continuous state of self-renewal. 7 However, a l l integration has e s s e n t i a l l y to f u l f i l two major functions: one was and s t i l l i s the scholastic function of preparing the student i n symbol management, by teaching him at least an accepted minimum of s k i l l s , such as "'reading, ' r i t i n g and 'rithmetic": the other i s predominant in the early stages of s o c i a l i s a t i o n . The c h i l d as a s o c i a l being i s assisted by the school i n i t s emotional development. 8 The school integrates the i n d i v i d u a l according to his own personal p o t e n t i a l . This s o c i a l function attempts to reduce individual differences or disadvantages 74 due to heritage or the primary s o c i a l i s a t i o n i n early childhood. 9 These two integrative functions, s c h o l a s t i c and s o c i a l , generate the complexity of the educational system. The general openness and adaptation to the i n d i v i d u a l person has to be coupled with integrating t h i s person's a c t i v i t i e s into the system of s o c i a l values and instrumental s k i l l s . Here I s h a l l take integration to mean the bringing together of different parts and participants and the removal of ba r r i e r s between them. 1 0 The scope of integration i n schools i s r e f l e c t e d in various building plans, ranging from an open elementary school to a high school with s p e c i f i c departments. Interpretation of such building plans renders more s p e c i f i c an understanding of the integrative orientation, by pointing to the integrated parts and showing the barriers that p a r t i c i p a t i n g parts are allowed i n order to define themselves as subunits within the whole. Depending on the scope of the integrative functions, the building plan sets the conditions f o r exploration, by l i n k i n g the a c t i v i t y places with each other without se t t i n g up any d i r e c t i v e or s e l e c t i v e barriers for participants. In some other settings the plan conditions w i l l favour advance of the s p e c i f i c requirements of i n d i v i d u a l parts; in such instances exploration i s directed towards the i n t e r n a l growth within these units. The following sections discuss aspects of plans s i m i l a r to those talked about i n the previous chapter. Keyplans of 75 various schools are examined in terms of t h e i r potential f o r implementing the integrative value o r i e n t a t i o n . The sections include: Section 2. The location of the school within the s o c i a l and physical community i t was established to serve; Section 3. I t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l boundary and the entries through i t ; Section 4. The layout of the school property with respect to designation and non-designation of places; Section 5. The orientation of a c t i v i t i e s along paths; Section 6. The edges between the basic units; Section 7. Summary of this chapter. 2 The Location of the Educational I n s t i t u t i o n S o c i a l l y , the school stands between the family unit and the s o c i a l system the individual i s to be integrated i n t o . Physically, "the association of school to neighbourhood and neighbourhood to community... [established] a continuity i n pattern of s o c i a l organisation" (see Figure 3-1, on page 76) . " Before a general awareness of the disadvantages of urban l i f e , schools were located "on some of the most s t r i k i n g and dominant s i t e s of a town."*2 Then the location was more a matter of pride and authority and less one of s o c i a l obligations to the c h i l d . More recently pedagogical considerations form the 76 L e f t , Figure 3-1. School, d i s t r i c t , c i t y Bight, Figure 3-2. Neighbourhood with integrated schools central basis of s i t e selection; the school should be close to the children, usually within a safe walking distance between the school and the r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood (see Figure 3-2). The tolerated walking distance increases with the gradual loosening of emotional family t i e s as the c h i l d i s integrated into the s o c i a l system. A nursery should be within sight or hearing of the home residence — up to 1000 feet — the primary school within an easy walk of up to one-half of a mile and the secondary school up to one mile di s t a n t . 1 3 Around a secondary school the density of student population within the ideal perimeter may not be s u f f i c i e n t to make i t economically viable. In that case bussing may be 77 necessary. . (In the 0. S. bussing i s also necessary f o r reasons of integration.) Bussing c a l l s for proximity to feeder roads. However, the way to school should be as safe as possible and therefore not close to major thoroughfares and other t r a f f i c hazards ** (see Figure 3-2, page . . ) . This points to a major problem faced in the s e l e c t i o n of the location for the school. On the one hand i t should integrate the c h i l d with the daily l i f e of the community. On the other hand i t should f i l t e r the situations the c h i l d i s confronted with, to f a c i l i t a t e easy and safe access and dissociate the educational environment from the undesirable pollutions of modern l i v i n g . Also, the recreational value of a s i t e contributes to . i t s sele c t i o n . Yet these considerations support the c r i t i c i s m against the increasing segregation of educational f a c i l i t i e s from the core of i t s community: [Education]... ceased to be conterminous with the entire f i e l d of experience of the society and became limited to the f i e l d of experiences permitted by the i n s t i t u t i o n . 1 5 The ultimate consequence of unconditional integration would be the " c i t y as a school". A good school would have a road going r i g h t through i t , or under i t , and you could see cars and stores and people, and they'd be looking at you, and then you wouldn't have to take a bus and go way out i n t o nowhere, just because you're going to s c h o o l . 1 6 (See Figure 3-3, page 78.) In his project "The City as a School" for the City of Caen, 78 Left, Figure 3-3. B i l l y ' s drawing Eight, Figure 3-4. City as a school France, Shadrach Woods proposed an urban structure determined by a l i n e a r c i r c u l a t i n g system link i n g a number of interspersed educational f a c i l i t i e s (A), shops (C), soc i a l services (B) , and r e s i d e n t i a l units (D) (see Figure 3-4) In such a system one can imagine a constantly adaptable educational experience.... places for teaching and learning being formed and modified by the p a r t i c i p a n t s . 1 7 These ideals are partly accommodated i n many schools, through their giving open access to the whole community during non-school hours. Any community financing the building of a school can receive compensation for the expenditure not only through the education of th e i r c h i l d r e n , but also through the planned use of the building f o r adult a c t i v i t i e s . 1 8 Then the location of the school w i l l not only respond to the needs of the c h i l d , but also to members of the community. Thus through strategic location near the centre of gravity 79 of a community the school can help integrate children with adults through t h e i r sharing of common s.paces. The school i s s i t e d to be a focus of community, planned by community members and located amidst r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Such a school i s e a s i l y accessible from the home. In t e r r e l a t i o n with the structure of the c i t y i s common in smaller communities. There i s , however, no reason why the school cannot serve a sim i l a r integrative function in large c i t i e s , given i t s location near a stable centre of gravity. 3 Boundary and Size of the I n s t i t u t i o n a l T e r r i t o r y In t h i s section I sha l l discuss the siz e of the i n s t i t u t i o n and i t s boundaries. The size of the school derives from the number of pupils i n r e l a t i o n to pedagogical values for helping the ind i v i d u a l to integrate into the s o c i a l system. Such assistance inversely depends in part on the size of classrooms and the size of schools. Smaller schools, f o r example, require that pupils play more s o c i a l roles in them. 1 9 At the same time, the larger the classroom and schoolhouse, the more economical i t i s to provide s p e c i a l classes and resources which support teaching. Accordingly the desirable size of schools must be decided somewhat a r b i t r a r i l y : f o r example, 500-600 students for an elementary school, 1200-1800 for a middle school and up to 6000 f o r a high school. These numbers determine i n turn the size of 80 the school d i s t r i c t s , which may either be a subdivision within a larger c i t y or, v i a bussing, an integration of smaller settlements or minorities into a larger community. 2 0 A school usually lacks physically defined strong boundaries. For the most part, boundaries are symbolic — e.g., p a r t i a l fencing — or for administrative purposes. The outermost of these d e f i n i t i o n s are the attendance boundaries, l i m i t i n g the school d i s t r i c t and orienting children to their respective i n s t i t u t i o n s . School d i s t r i c t boundaries may be associated with physical elements of the environment, e.g., highways, as an administrative convenience. Thus a "neighbourhood" may be defined as an a r b i t r a r y area of 5000 inhabitants served by one elementary school for 500 p u p i l s . 2 1 Usually the school grounds surrounding a neighbourhood school are deliberately rather than administratively defined, especially i f a school i s located close to heavily t r a f f i c k e d roads. Usually an e a s i l y permeable boundary for pedestrians serves to warn participants of the outside hazard and to define the l i m i t s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The d e f i n i t i o n often takes the form of a 4-foot fence, which at playgrounds may be raised up to 6 f e e t . 2 2 As more recent locations for newer school buildings tend to avoid heavy t r a f f i c , the fence i s replaced by planting or large open spaces inaccessible to vehicles (see Figure 3-2, page 76). These open spaces usually are allocated to the pleasure and recreation of a l l age groups 81 in the community. 2 3 A closer d e f i n i t i o n of a school i s " i t s building walls". During business hours these are permeable to a l l who have business i n the school, but not to casual v i s i t o r s except on i n v i t a t i o n . The exterior walls also delimit a climatic environment enveloping a c t i v i t y units l i k e classrooms, administration o f f i c e s and locker rooms. These three d e f i n i t i o n s — school d i s t r i c t , schoolgrounds, building walls — describe different degrees of boundedness. They o r d i n a r i l y are permeable to those who wish to enter on business, but not to casual v i s i t a t i o n . The openness of an i n s t i t u t i o n , f a c i l i t a t e d by easy access through a m u l t i p l i c i t y of entrances into the building, i s partly a sham. If one penetrates further i n t o the building, one might encounter i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a r r i e r s , which sharply l i m i t access times to the gymnasium or the classrooms, for example. I s h a l l discuss t h i s i n Section 4 on layout. By way of arbitrary examples, the Hawthorne School i n Salt Lake C i t y , Utah has 10 entrances (Figure 3-5, page 82) . The more recent St. Thomas of Canterbury, Manchester, England has 12 entrances (Figure 3-9, page 83). The Belaire Elementary School, San Angelo, Texas has one separate entrance for each of i t s classrooms (Figure 3-6) . In schools l i k e these there i s no r i g i d regulation of inside-outside i n t e r a c t i o n . Rather, there i s a gradual t r a n s i t i o n from i n t e r i o r to exterior a c t i v i t y areas and hence to the surrounding community. At the same time the use of these a c t i v i t y areas i s sharply defined during 82 Left, Figure 3-5. Hawthorne School Right, Figure 3-6. Belaire School business hours and often not extended beyond these. The assembly h a l l or the auditorium i s a place with a designated purpose of addressing and integrating the whole school-oriented community. In most schools these are near the centre of the structure but also close to the main entrance as, f o r example, in the Madisonville School, Ohio or the Rich Township High School in I l l i n o i s (see Figures 3-7 and 3-8) i TI • i . i i • i o 11 r l i C T . f i H I I ( .HIT b C f l l t T l l f 1 I I • I • I I l i a .1 . . . . d •• u n y#-:vVy£ I'lllsi VUHIU VLAH. I't lll.IC (K'lllHIU lUMSiiNMI.I.I, I I 1 t I I C I N 11 I C M I L f e i i T i i i i t n C O M M O N S - L S ^ . . . ' . ' . . L e f t , Figure 3-7. Madisonville School Right, Figure 3-8. Rich Township School. While the auditorium has a main s o c i a l function of getting people together, the l i b r a r y , usually i n a si m i l a r 33 lo c a t i o n , centres more on the s c h o l a s t i c functions of the school community; i t s materials are mainly d i d a c t i c . Figure 3-9. St. Thomas of Canterbury School, Manchester > parents | £ •^rar** cloaks cloaks tr B/pjrciect ivisua1! Only rarely are places oriented towards parents. The St. Thomas of Canterbury School designates a s p e c i a l lounge to the parents of the children, who are thereby encouraged to partake in the school's a c t i v i t i e s and to a s s i s t the f u l l - t i m e personnel 2* (see Figure 3-9) . At the Primary School at Compton, London, there i s a parents' waiting room adjoining the nursery classrooms. Even though most schools with a nursery or kindergarten do not make such d e f i n i t e provisions, they s t i l l maintain the proximity of beginners' classrooms to a side entrance. See, for example, the Madisonville School in Figure 3-7, page 82). This consideration acknowledges the strong t i e s between mothers and young children. The administration o f f i c e in a school usually i s located near the main entrance and in i t s representative r o l e serves to orient outside-inside i n t e r a c t i o n . Generally everybody has access to the school. Yet at most times 84 outside-inside interaction i s oriented functionally towards s p e c i f i c class units. These units in turn draw upon the community for functional support of both the propaedeutic and integrative missions of a school. 4 The Layout of the Plan and the Designation of Places Here I s h a l l discuss the layout of the schoolhouse plan with respect to the integrative function of the school. I begin with a few general remarks on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of non-designated and designated areas, depending on whether unconditional or s p e c i f i c integration i s sought. I s h a l l then focus on two d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s of organizing the available area. 4. 1 General p r i n c i p l e s When formal introduction to academic s k i l l s i s dominant the area of a school plan is more l i k e l y to be subdivided into i n d i v i d u a l l y designated places, while open areas tend to disappear. The need then arises to connect and t i e these i n d i v i d u a l classroom units into one whole. At the opposite extreme, where emphasis l i e s on s o c i a l i z i n g children, formal classrooms tend to disappear and teaching takes place in open classrooms. Two extremes of these contrasting arrangements are the " c i t y as a school" and the departmental high school. In the f i r s t case the i n s t i t u t i o n r e f r a i n s from marking an i n s t i t u t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y . The richness of the educational experience arises from the richness of the surrounding 85 s o c i a l system i n which the school i s administratively embedded. 2 5 In the second case the plan reveals a great number of i n d i v i d u a l units connect by corridors. The whole Figure 3-10. Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, second f l o o r CLASSF 00MS LIBRARY MfaloFI UCLASSf JOMS miinih school i s e s e n t i a l l y defined by i t s network of corridors. These are mainly allocated to f a c i l i t a t e movement between the individual c l a s s units. See, for example, the Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, New York City (Figure 3-10). The open plan school comes closest to the c i t y as a school. In the Elementary School at Tampa, Florida (Figure 3-15, page 90), for example, only one-third of the available area i s allocated to s p e c i f i c units. The rest i s open a c t i v i t y area, usable at the discretion of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . 2 6 See here also the East Rochester School, New Hampshire (Figure 3-16, page 90) and the Brize Norton School i n England (Figure 3-31, page 107) . In the Eynsham School, England a greater number of designated areas are located on the outside of the plan, leaving the central areas open as an a c t i v i t y zone. This zone i s also the c i r c u l a t i o n system integrating the units into one whole 2 7 (see Figure 3-11, page 86). 86 Above, Figure 3-11. Eynsham School Below, Figure 3-12. E. Lowe School The Evelyn Lowe Primary School i n London (see Figure 3-12) i s subdivided into four major units: a nursery (A, C ) , a long wing for juniors (B, E, F, D) , one for seniors (H# G) , and a central h a l l with adjoining dining and s t a f f rooms and a verandah. In t h i s school, accordingly, a c t i v i t y spaces are more defined. The formal classroom places are di f f e r e n t i a t e d into open and closed units; however, the l a t t e r are r e l a t i v e l y few and integrated with the former through an angular corridor. This corridor i s c i r c u l a t i o n system and a c t i v i t y space at the same time. 87 Figure 3-13. Cassady School —. _ r. _ In the Cassady School, New Jersey, a c t i v i t y i s separated into classrooms and a c i r c u l a t i o n system which t i e s these into a whole. Part of t h i s system includes three dif f e r e n t kinds of open places: the common rooms (1), the courtyards (2), and the community h a l l (3). The plan (see Figure 3-13) renders two major units on each of two l e v e l s grouped around an i n t e r i o r courtyard. Each of these units contains four classrooms and a common room. Here, within the majority of designated units, there i s a di v e r s i t y of, unfortunately separated, open spaces. These form part of the c i r c u l a t i o n system, which integrates a l l units within the school and the school with the outside community. 2 8 F i n a l l y , when looking at new plans for the H i l l s d a l e High School (Figure 3-14, page 88), one finds most spaces enclosed and designated f o r an a c t i v i t y centering on teaching contents. The open areas are reduced to a ce n t r a l lobby and a grid system of corridors. Sometimes the integrative orientation focuses more on s p e c i f i c parts; then the unrestricted openness of the plan 88 t T h f I f if i r I r 3 "* I | I SHALL GROUP I I _ 2 j ) L V J - * . J - » . J _ i i . i _ k . } RESOURCE* MATERIALS |": , e " . - * 1 | TT^ rrfn n*m rYn „S, I III»»»"-»IIIII..IMI| Figure 3-1U. H i l l s d a l e H !H r r i T I T I T I T L " High School, new plan j j l ] I j I a,;"t «rr I I [ i . ' 'c.H.CLS1 " U l l l l l l l HH HH BREL8J 1 ° LARflE I GROUP i i l i -"-ii i s modified. Increasingly the conditions required by the s p e c i f i c parts determine the layout of the plan; i t i s , i n turn subdivided into an increasing number of i n d i v i d u a l units. While the prison with i t s high concern for control compacts the a c t i v i t y units together, the d i f f e r e n t i a t e d school apparently expands them. However, the more that subunits are to be integrated, the greater the necessity for an independent c i r c u l a t i o n system. The school plans dicsussed follow roughly a development from a general s o c i a l integration to a s p e c i f i c scholastic integration. In the former, the layout i s determined by not narrowly designating places to participants and putting l i t t l e or no l i m i t to their a c t i v i t i e s . In the l a t t e r , the plan i s dominated by the s p e c i a l a c t i v i t y units with associated p a r t i c u l a r participants. That i s , the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom system determines both the participants and the a c t i v i t i e s they should take part i n . At the same time i t l i m i t s the choice of participants as to what they s h a l l do i n the space. In the following I s h a l l discuss these two p r i n c i p l e s — s o c i a l integration and scholastic integration — with respect to s p e c i f i c core-places, s p e c i f i c support-places and 89 non-designated, open spaces. In the previous chapter I discussed core- and support-places in separate subsections; here I s h a l l discuss them within the two subsections devoted to each of the pedagogical p r i n c i p l e s . 4.2 Social integration: d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the plan according to participants When s o c i a l integration i s of prime concern, as i t often i s i n primary schools, the goal i s to integrate participants and r e f r a i n as much as possible from a con s t r i c t i o n of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . 2 9 This i s best realized in the open-plan school. There the work areas are learning zones, i . e . , areas open to a m u t l t i p l i c i t y of a c t i v i t i e s and extending throughout a major part of the plan. The more enclosed areas are those which either house a c t i v i t i e s which would d i s t r a c t from the goal, such as noise from making music or eating, or which are es s e n t i a l to maintain the system, such as lavatories and administration, (see for example, the East Rochester School, New Hampshire, Figure 3-15, or the Bellamy Elementary School at Tampa, F l o r i d a , Figure 3-16, page 90). The resource centre takes a varying position: in Rochester i t i s c e n t r a l l y located and integrated into the primary a c t i v i t y zone; i n the Bellamy plan i t i s more defined and can be considered a supporting unit. This open-plan layout can suffer from a lack of orientation, as participants can not necessarily i d e n t i f y with a d e f i n i t e place. In p a r t i a l compensation the Bellamy 90 a 6 ^ 1 r n B « e e ^ « 2B nn «^ ? - I 6^ E_ DE_31 H i UNDER , , LL ITimjil | TUTm CAFETORIUM m s J L U I [^r-i 5 .55 I {SPEECH I I — f - — 1 H • SB IE a Ha t> 4 C R P I a* 8 Top, Figure 3-15. East Rochester School Bottonir Figure 3-16. Bellamy School School plan defines places for a kindergarten and for exceptional children. Compared with other layouts, the open plan school appears to lack core places. The open a c t i v i t y zones support many a c t i v i t i e s , with a few a c t i v i t i e s accommodated i n special units. On the other hand, the "home-base" model of the Eynsham School (see Figure 3-17,page 91) t r i e s to create a f e e l i n g of belonging and to further a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the children. At the same time the i n s t i t u t i o n t r i e s to remain open to a m u l t i p l i c i t y of a c t i v i t i e s . Here the home rooms, assigned to a group of 40 pupils from the ages of 5-9, are the core places. In the home rooms there are family sessions at the beginning and end of each day. Then children discuss i n d i v i d u a l progress and d i f f i c u l t i e s . 3 0 91 From these places the children venture into the open a c t i v i t y space and the suppporting s p e c i a l units, such as theatre or l i b r a r y . At Eynsham the core places are rather small and f u l f i l l only the basic need for an o r i e n t i n g place with a minimum of s t r u c t u r a l coercion for the i n d i v i d u a l . Left, Figure 3-17. Eynsham School Right, Figure 3-18. F. Harrison School In contrast i n , the house plan — for example the Fredrick Harrison Infants School i n Stapleford, England (see Figure 3-18) -- each core place i s expanded to contain a number of supporting places within i t s defining edges. Each group i s assigned a subplace for general teaching and a homing area. 3* Here the school plan s t a r t s to s p l i t up into le s s interdependent units. Integration between the houses of the p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups i s f a c i l i t a t e d by short corridors, which also contain science bays. Furthermore the units are clustered around the central court, h a l l and dining f a c i l i t i e s , which are the only open units not 92 allocated to a s p e c i a l group of participants. When d e f i n i t i o n of subgroups of participants becomes of a necessary concern, supporting units and open spaces are assimilated into the subunits the open plan integrating a l l participants i s eventually replaced by the houseplan, which in e f f e c t constitutes an agglomeration of quasi-autonomous sub-units. 4.3 Scholastic Integration: d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the plan according to special a c t i v i t y units Special a c t i v i t y units, though merely a small part of a c t i v i t y in the s o c i a l integration, become the core of a c t i v i t i e s in some schools. The deciding parameters for the layout are the s p e c i f i c kind of a c t i v i t i e s that members should take part i n . The multipurpose a c t i v i t y spaces, which were paramount in supporting the integration of participants, are de-emphasized in r e s i d u a l spaces or are designated as supporting functions, such as the c a f e t e r i a or the resource centre. In the school at Nagele, Holland, i n s t i t u t i o n a l core a c t i v i t i e s are designated to classrooms (No. 1 i n Figure 3-19, page 93) . These retain a corner for group work as a support for a c t i v i t i e s not d i r e c t l y connected to classroom teaching (3). In t h i s school the area i n front of each classroom i s a place f o r open group a c t i v i t y (11) ; t h i s i n turn i s integrated into the c i r c u l a t i o n system leading to a central multipurpose room ( 2 ) . 3 2 E s s e n t i a l l y there are two systems: an open c i r c u l a t i o n system supporting s o c i a l 93 J:: | 1 /.,/:.\;;;..\ I . _ Figure 3-19. School at Nagele J integration and an adjoining system of classrooms as independent units f o r teaching and learning. The Cassady School, previously mentioned, follows a s i m i l a r layout (see Figure 3-13, page 87). However the Cassady School, with 28 classes, i s much larger than Nagele. Nagele has only six classes and i t s major units are more separated from each other. I t s s o c i a l integrative units — commonrooms, courtyards, community h a l l — are only linked to the rest of the c i r c u l a t i o n and a c t i v i t i e s by bottleneck corridors and doorways, rendering them as separated u n i t s rather than part of the c i r c u l a t i o n system. Once the focus of a school l i e s with s p e c i f i c academic a c t i v i t i e s , more units are necessary to allow a range of a c t i v i t i e s large enough to accommodate the concerns of most participants. For example, in the Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, New York City (see Figure 3-20, page 95), the layout shows a great number of places for the various group sizes. These places are repeated throughout the various departments, devoted to instruction of p a r t i c u l a r academic subjects i n s p e c i f i c ways. Each deparment i s a school i n 94 t h e s c h o o l , l i n k e d w i t h t h e o t h e r s b y a s y s t e m o f c o r r i d o r s . T h e r e i s a g u i d a n c e c e n t r e i n o r d e r t o o r i e n t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s w i t h i n t h e s y s t e m o f s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s . T h e r e f o r e t h e r e a r e n o o p e n i n t e g r a t i v e p l a c e s , o t h e r t h a n t h e s t r a i g h t c o r r i d o r s , t h e l o b b y a n d t o a d e g r e e t h e s t u d e n t d i n i n g a r e a , w h i c h p e r m i t s s o m e i n f o r m a l a c t i v i t y . T h e a u d i t o r i u m , i n a s e p a r a t e l y d e f i n e d l o c a t i o n a n d b y v i r t u e o f i t s s p e c i a l i z e d f o r m , p r o v i d e s o n l y r o o m f o r s p e c i f i c u s e s . P l a c e s f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e s c h o l a s t i c i n t e g r a t i o n a r e m o r e e n c l o s e d i n i n d e p e n d e n t u n i t s . T h e b r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r o f p a r t s a n d p a r t i c i p a n t s i s d e s i g n a t e d t o a s e p a r a t e c i r c u l a t i o n s y s t e m . I f t h i s s y s t e m c o n t a i n s n o n - d e s i g n a t e d a r e a s o r r e s i d u a l s p a c e , i t c a n s u p p o r t t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f o t h e r t h a n s p e c i f i e d a c t i v i t i e s . I n o r d e r t o c l a r i f y t h e p o i n t I w o u l d l i k e t o c o n t r a s t t h e p l a n o f t h e M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g , J r . , H i g h S c h o o l ( F i g u r e 3 - 2 0 , p a g e 95) w i t h t h a t o f t h e T i m b e r l i n e H i g h S c h o o l ( s e e F i g u r e 3 -21 , p a g e 95). T h e T i m b e r l i n e s c h o o l f o l l o w s t h e h o u s e s y s t e m . T h e o n e b i g s t r u c t u r e o n t h e l e f t s i d e o f t h e p l a n c o n t a i n s a l l h o u s e s w i t h s o m e s u p p o r t i n g a c t i v i t y u n i t s , s u c h a s s c i e n c e o r h o m e a r t s r o o m s . A s e p a r a t e s t r u c t u r e h o u s e s o t h e r s u p p o r t i n g u n i t s s u c h a s m u s i c , a u d i t o r i u m , g y m n a s i u m a n d p o o l . 3 3 H e r e t h e c o r e a c t i v i t y c e n t r e s o n i n t e g r a t i n g a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s o f a g r o u p , r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e s u b j e c t s t h e r e a r e t o b e t a u g h t . I n c o n t r a s t , a t M a r t i n L u t h e r , t h e c o r e a c t i v i t y c e n t r e s o n 95 a m i g q i a i u i • * m itr r!sr-: SMS: 3 i iV L e f t , Figure 3-20. Martin Luther King, J r . , High School Pight, Figure 3-21. Timberline High School teaching the departmental subjects. At Timberline, the supporting units for s p e c i a l a c t i v i t i e s are an extension of the general a c t i v i t y of the houses. At Martin Luther, most a c t i v i t i e s take place within the framework of the highly specialized places. Support takes the form of delegating participants to the various special units, by the guidance centre and by the administration. At Timberline the c i r c u l a t i o n system is open and i n t e r r e l a t e d with the a c t i v i t i e s of the houses which i t connects. At Martin Luther, the c i r c u l a t i o n system i s closed and open a c t i v i t i e s are limited to the lobby and to 96 the student c a f e t e r i a . 4.4 The locus of power The authority designates and supports the places supplied by the plan. S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t manages a working organisation, bringing together physical parts and participants. In the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom system the authority i s intimately married to the various a c t i v i t y units. Each of the teachers has authority over his classroom; his presence i s asserted by his desk. 3* This view of the c e n t r a l i t y of the teacher's and administrator's authority i s supported when the teachers' room and p r i n c i p a l ' s o f f i c e are i n the midst of and immediately adjacent to classrooms and away from the entrances. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e i r second f l o o r location in the Lyon School, Saint Louis, Missouri (see Figure 3-22) . Figure 3-22.. Lyon School An a l t e r n a t i v e view i s for the p r i n c i p a l to give more authority to teachers. In such instances the p r i n c i p a l ' s authority tends to merge into supporting administration. Then his o f f i c e need no longer be embedded among teaching 97 spaces. See, for example, the open-plan Elementary School at Tampa, Flo r i d a (Figure 3-16, page 90), or the Martin Luther King, J r . , High School, New York c i t y (Figure 3-20, page 95) . In such places the major function of the administration i s to f a c i l i t a t e change of a c t i v i t i e s and goals, to perform public r e l a t i o n s , to help orient i n d i v i d u a l s , to "iron out the bugs" and to remove barri e r s between the d i f f e r e n t p a r t s . 3 5 To f a c i l i t a t e these functions the administration i s a concentrated unit, closely connected to the entrance and the c i r c u l a t i o n system. See, for example, the plan of the Timberline High School (Figure 3-21), the similar location, yet d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n to other units i n the Martin Luther King, J r . , High School (Figure 3-20) or the plan of the Cassady School (Figure 3-13, page 87). Openness and f l e x i b i l i t y between d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s appears associated with a separation of dir e c t i n g administration o f f i c e s from the area of a c t i v i t y units. It further appears to favour such o f f i c e s as a general support to which participants can turn i f need be. 4. 5 Summary of t h i s section The s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i v e orientation assigns places to groups of members. As t h i s goal becomes more pronounced, the designated places encompass more of the available area with more defined unit spaces. Scholastic integration assigns places to s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s . The greater the number of s p e c i f i c units, the less room there i s for 98 unspecified a c t i v i t i e s and the more specialized becomes the c i r c u l a t i o n system that t i e s s p e c i a l i z e d places together. As schools take on the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of deciding what i s good to take part i n and who should p a r t i c i p a t e , t h e i r goals become increasingly s p e c i f i c . When the integration of parts gets more s p e c i f i c , the plans correspondingly show a diminishing amount of open space f o r unconditional integration. When new schools are b u i l t , places are designed to f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r designated roles as well as possible. Yet, the most open schoolhouse w i l l only be p a r t i a l l y successful i f i t s p a r t i c i p a t i n g actors cannot relate to the designations of places. Or, i n the opposite way, not s p e c i f i c a l l y designed buildings can integrate t h e i r participants and a c t i v i t i e s , i f places are used i n f l e x i b l e and multi-functional ways. -The best school, a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y , that I ever saw or worked in was not designed as a school at a l l . It was the Commonwealth School in Boston... the building... i s f u l l of "wasted" space, "unusable" space — s t a i r s , s t a i r landings, l i t t l e c o r r i d o r s , closets, bathrooms....a great deal of the most important i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l l i f e of the school goes on i n them...One student f i l l e d a bathtub with cusions and made that her reading and study space. 3 6 5 Paths and the Orientation of I n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t i v i t y In t h i s section I s h a l l discuss paths as a system of orientation i n schools, both for physical access and to encourage p a r t i c i p a t i o n : 99 ... the more active approach to learning...expressed i t s e l f i n the urgent need for more fl o o r s p a c e . . . s a t i s f i e d simply by opening the classroom doors and l e t t i n g out the children into neighbouring c o r r i d o r s . . . 3 7 As the a c t i v i t y units i n a school become more numerous.and s p e c i f i c , physical access becomes more s a l i e n t than the p a r t i c i p a t i o n function. At the Eynsham School (Figure 3-17, page 91) paths are l i t t l e - d e f i n e d and the flow of a c t i v i t y i s r e l a t i v e l y open. Apart from two short c o r r i d o r s connecting the two major units of the school with the c e n t r a l h a l l , no barriers are set up to channel or d i r e c t a c t i v i t y ; the pupils are free to inte r a c t i n the central a c t i v i t y space. The Evelyn Lowe School (Figure 3-24, page 101) grants s i m i l a r freedom, yet shows a l i n e a r organisation in contrast to the c e n t r a l one at Eynsham. At the Evelyn Lowe School, the i n d i v i d u a l i s progressively exposed to a series of a c t i v i t i e s , while i n the l a t t e r , participants are surrounded by the a c t i v i t i e s . In both these cases, however, paths are multifunctional and intimately connnected with i n t e r r e l a t e d a c t i v i t y bays or un i ts. In the Cassady School, New Jersey (Figure 3-13, page 87) , the system of paths promotes passage between s p e c i f i c units, but the paths do not s p e c i f i c a l l y serve to expose the pedestrians to adjoining a c t i v i t y units. When the a c t i v i t i e s in the school are s p e c i f i c a l l y selected and defined, paths are increasingly used just for 100 locomotion. They no longer assist p a r t i c i p a n t s in becoming in c i d e n t a l l y acquainted with each other and with the peripheral a c t i v i t i e s they pass. The organisational schedule tends to be fixed with respect to a c t i v i t i e s , places and participants. Pedestrian c i r c u l a t i o n i s planned on the basis of a destination orientation rather than on an encounter orientation. See, for example, the Martin Luther King, J r . , High School (Figure 3-20, page 95), where the grid system of paths aims at c i r c u l a t i o n e f f i c i e n c y and s p a t i a l order. In the open plan schools, paths are l a i d out to f a c i l i t a t e and stimulate exploration of a l l ongoing a c t i v i t i e s . When the scholastic function i s more dominant, paths are l a i d out i n terms of partic i p a n t s ' needs to move betwen s p e c i f i c destinations. Figure 3-23. Compton School To adapt the paths of the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom system to the idea of free exploration, "the central corridor can 101 be opened up by simply removing corridor w a l l s . " 3 8 See, for example, the remodelled Primary School at Compton, England (Figure 3-23, page 100) . There the paths are not only a transportation system, but also an interpenetrative systtem on the p r i n c i p l e of osmosis. 3 9 In the East Rochester Elementary School (Figure 3-15, page 90) the open plan does not define any permanent paths. Rather, paths are a r e s u l t of the arrangement of furniture. Exposure to and separation of integrated paths i s f l e x i b l e and not defined by the building structure. At the Evelyn Lowe School, London, England (Figure 3-24, page . . ) , the walls defining the corridors are perpendicular to the d i r e c t i o n of motion, rendering the corridors rather as a series of gateways between a c t i v i t y places. Here the pedestrian i s exposed to the a c t i v i t i e s in the adjoining bays. The small corridors at the Harrison Infants School (Figure 3-18, page 91) follow a similar p r i n c i p l e . Figure 3-24. Evelyn Lowe School The multiple use of corridors i s more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d in the Saginaw School, Michigan. Here the space between two rows of classrooms i s divided in the middle to supply 102 project areas for the f i f t h grade (Figure 3-25, page 102) . In the sixth grade the same space i s l e f t open to f a c i l i t a t e team teaching (Figure 3-26). In the seventh and eighth grades, the common space i s given over to i n d i v i d u a l study rooms, responding to the need for more spe c i a l i z e d studies (Figure 3-27). In t h i s school the character of paths relates to the integration of s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s , ranging from a mere d e f i n i t i o n of t e r r i t o r y for f i f t h graders to a f a c i l i t a t i o n of scholastic a c t i v i t i e s among seventh and eighth graders.* 0 3 -u°y*jrT A c n v i r r A R B A H A S P I F F B Q K N T • AND I T T (ft MITti.M ZtimoUxWOtl ABBA cm T Y A G H B B . 3 C E O T I O K ACTIVITY" A R e A L A f l c i e E N O U O H pea O W U f * racxJtfeCTS. Tr-jo c.-'i* w a T H u c - i i o H A L arv<c<** Figures 3-25, 26, 27. Saginaw School, sections clockwise f i f t h , s i x t h , and eighth grades is. o o i i o e p IWTO SM4U. t p u a W M i CAM D i s c u s s . In a small school near Zurich, Switzerland (Figure 3-28, page 103), the paths connecting the units i n a s p l i t -l e v e l plan can also be used as an auditorium. At the Harrison school (Figure 3-18, page 91) and at the Evelyn Lowe School (Figure 3-24, page 101) , the dining areas are part of the paths and an indication of t h e i r multifunctional uses. 103 Figure 3-28. School near Zurich Residual space can be seen as an encouragement for undefined a c t i v i t i e s . Even though the layout of the Nagele School (Figure 3-19, page 93) f a c i l i t a t e s a classroom organisation, there i s ample residual space i n the group a c t i v i t y areas. These are part of the c i r c u l a t i o n system and give place to unscheduled a c t i v i t i e s flowing i n and out of classrooms. In the f i r s t layout of the H i l l s d a l e High School, San Mateo, C a l i f o r n i a (Figure 3-29), the wall panels of the corridor follow a zig-zag pattern. This provides additional space in front of classrooms, establishes an id e n t i t y of place and adds a more pleasant view, to the otherwise straight c o r r i d o r s . 4 1 In the more defined Figure 3-29. H i l l s d a l e High School, old plan layouts, r e s i d u a l places or multifunctional designations f a c i l i t a t e s i m i l a r intentions. However, with an increase i n units and s p e c i f i c designations, paths are increasingly 104 limited to locomotion. In p r i n c i p l e there should be no double tracking, no separation of paths for various groups of participants, as the function of paths should be to bring participants together. In practice, however, the numerous entrances i n t o the c i r c u l a t i o n system can s t r a t i f y participants entering and exiti n g from the system at di f f e r e n t points without being exposed to other than t h e i r own classmates. See, for example, the Evelyn Lowe School (Figures 3-24, page 101) or the Compton Primary School (Figure 3-23). Even though a l l participants i n p r i n c i p l e have access to a l l parts, and even though parts eventually meet i n the c e n t r a l supporting units, there i s s t i l l a d i f f s r e n t i a t i o n of sections within these three schools. Especially at Evelyn Lowe the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s reinforced, as the sections are separated by exterior vestibules. At the Eynsham School (Figure 3-11, page 86) a l l a c t i v i t i e s converge in the central spaces, which are integrated with one h a l l between them. More or l e s s the same thing occurs in the open plan at Tampa, Fl o r i d a , or Rochester, New Hampshire (Figures 3-16 and 3-15) . The s t r a t i f i c a t i o n on paths i n the school does not e n t a i l complete separation of those with power and those without, which characterizes some prisons. However through the length of paths and the many entrances, a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n into d i f f e r e n t groups seems apparent as, for example, i n the Evelyn Lowe School (Figure 3-12 and 3-24). One problem of paths i n the school i s distance: 105 And the corridors, they're just too long and you p r a c t i c a l l y should have a card to t r a v e l from one part of the building to the next. My older brother, he's i n the sixth grade, and i t ' s l i k e he's across the country from me. I never see him except when school i s out. Then everyone wakes up. 4 2 Inside paths i n the school plan may be l a i d out to bring together a c t i v i t y units and t h e i r participants; scale sets a l i m i t to t h i s endeavour. If the number of units or the number of participants gets too big, s i z e considerations w i l l lead to a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the integrated parts. Furthermore, s t a i r s are an obstacle for the c h i l d , which sharply delimits v e r t i c a l integration within the school o r g a n i s a t i o n . 4 3 Some elementary schools are of a s p l i t l e v e l type to diminish the v e r t i c a l segregation characterizing school buildings of two or more storeys. 6 The Edges Defining the A c t i v i t y Units In the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom system the ideas about who should participate i n what kind of a c t i v i t y were rather set. There the defining edges linked participants more with exterior nature than with others inside. The viewpoint was that each classroom should provide a view of natural green, fresh a i r and natural l i g h t , preferably from two s i d e s . 4 4 See, for example, the school near Zurich (Figure 3-28 and 3-33, page 103). . There the walls integrate the students with the natural environment, but they also separate them from each other. For s u f f i c i e n t natural l i g h t i n g , the average 106 | ; Daylight contours in foot candles for conventional (left) and j , modern classroom with bilateral lighting[(r[ght). Minimum re-j quired 30 ft.c. Figure 3-30. Daylight contours 26-30 foot wide classroom requires windows, an a d d i t i o n a l outside wall, or a clerestorey, for skylights. Light from one side wall w i l l only illuminate half of the area with more than the required 30 footcandles. This varies, though, with the size of windows, the height and the colour of the w a l l s 4 5 (see figure 3-30). These required conditions severely l i m i t the possible dimensions of classrooms and the p o s s i b i l i t y of connecting or adding units horizontally or v e r t i c a l l y . With the open school concept, the idea of exposing participants to each other gained i n importance r e l a t i v e to the rather rudimantory exposure to the natural environment. 4 7 There also occurred a change i n building codes, as now a r t i f i c i a l l i g h t i n g and a i r conditioning could substitute for natural sources of l i g h t and v e n t i l a t i o n . * 7 The p r i n c i p l e of the f l e x i b l e edges i n the open plan can be i l l u s t r a t e d by the plan of the small Brize Norton Primary School i n England (see Figure 3-31, page 107) . Furnishings define areas without creating unmovable edges. A carpet defines a comfortable area and a chalkboard, a demonstration area. Yet the same places could be used d i f f e r e n t l y at another time. Places and roles of 107 c a r d b o a r d screen ent rance f rom coa t s m o b i l e w o r k t o p / c u p d . . c a r d b o a r d sc reen Figure 3-31. Brize Norton School participants are f l e x i b l e . One problem in the open-plan school design i s control of noise. Yet in the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom, too, any noise i s r e l a t i v e l y noticeable due to the norm of s i l e n c e . Research on noise l e v e l s i n open-plan schools and t r a d i t i o n a l classrooms schools supports t h i s notion. Noise is equally noticeable i n t r a d i t i o n a l classrooms and i n open-plan schools. In both kinds of environment roughly half of those noticing noise find i t d i s t r a c t i n g . 4 8 Nevertheless, noise reduction has been more of an issue in the open-plan school; therefore, music, shops, and cafeterias are i s o l a t e d from the rest of the units. In addition to absorbent c e i l i n g s and carpets, air-conditioning may be used to mask d i s t r r a c t i n g sounds with the "white noise" of droning f a n s . 4 9 Then equal opportunity r e s u l t s i n an equal disadvantage. Loud participants are drowned out by the hum-108 drum of the v e n t i l a t o r s , while the s t i l l ones must learn to l i v e with the drone. 5 1 The open-plan i s based on the f l e x i b i l i t y and permeability of edges. The corresponding s o c i a l organisation promotes opportunity for students to adapt and p a r t i c i p a t e . I t e n t a i l s also a s h i f t i n the r o l e of teachers from authority to o r g a n i z e r s . 5 1 In the classroom, roles and positions are defined by custom and d e s i g n . s 2 The t r a d i t i o n a l rectangular classroom supports a view of the student as an empty organism, which i s to be conditioned to the " r i g h t " responses, much l i k e Pavlov's dogs. "It was no accident that the materials and methods of i n s t r u c t i o n and the form of the classroom were teacher-centred." 5 3 See here, for example, the Lancastrian system, wherein 304 children ware packed into fixed rows (Figure 3-32, page 109). In the 1930s Gestalt psychology pointed to the need to relate stimuli to a configuration of g e s t a l t . The infant was no longer empty, but f u l l of needs, values, persuasions and projections. The c h i l d was seen as an "active learner", s t r i v i n g to give form to i t s world, inside and outside. The d i r e c t i o n a l rectangle was replaced by the sguare. The teacher-centred classroom became the pupil centred classroom...[furniture]...could be shifted at w i l l according not only to the requirements of the teacher but, even more important, to the needs of the p u p i l . . . s * P r a c t i c a l l y , though, the t r a d i t i o n a l system of the 109 L e f t , Figure 3-32. Lancastrian system Middle, Figure 3-33. School near Zurich Right, Figure 3-34. Trapezoidal furniture d i r e c t i o n a l classroom was s t i l l a powerful image. The wall with the chalk board i s designated the front of the room (many teachers don't recognize that t h i s needn't be the case...The notion that there i s a "front of the c l a s s " and the authoritarian mode of de l i v e r i n g knowledge received from above to students who are below — both go t o g e t h e r . 5 5 See f o r example the architect's rendering of the floorplans for the school near Zurich (Figure 3-33), where square classrooms are furnished rectangularly. The next s h i f t came with the use of different furniture to r e a l i z e the m u l t i d i r e c t i o n a l potential of the square classroom. Tables in such classrooms are trapezoidal and can be arranged to form a polygon (Figure 3-34). The corresponding philosophy sees the c h i l d as a s o c i a l organism, each person in the classroom being a stimulus to 110 every other person. Students now would be learning as much from each other as from the teacher. Thus everybody faced everybody. 5 6 In the open classroom the c h i l d can explore the environment as a problem finding and stimulus seeking organism. The edges of the a c t i v i t y units should not d i r e c t but f a c i l i t a t e exploration. Curtis and Smith, i n t h e i r • Above, Figure 3-35. Mother of God Academy Right, Figure 3-36. Montessori school project for the Mother of God Academy in Stamford, Connecticut (Figure 3-35), have replaced the one l e v e l classroom by a multilevel three-dimensional structure of towers and catwalks enclosed in a c r y l i c . In such a classroom the teacher does not have to function as the "director" of the children and the program but has to establish a d i f f e r e n t role...Math took on a new dimension now that i t could be learned s i t t i n g high up i n a tower or lyi n g f l a t on on a velvety, carpeted catwalk. 5 7 In the " c i t y as a school" there are no i n s t i t u t i o n a l boundaries; the limitations or the richness of the 111 integrated parts i s not derived from i n s t i t u t i o n a l goals but i s more or less i d e n t i c a l with the s o c i a l r e a l i t y . 5 8 The idea i n the open school i s to bring the i n d i v i d u a l together with as many others as possible and to remove edges that might i n h i b i t participants i n t h e i r exploration of a c t i v i t i e s . Openness of the plan can stimulate, but i t can also i n h i b i t by being d i s o r i e n t i n g . "Without features, landmarks or objects, our surroundings became bland, s t e r i l e , unprovocative and unevocative. 1 1 5 9 In the Montessori School, Delft, Holland (see Figure 3-36, page 110) , a concrete block s i t s r i g h t i n the middle of the central h a l l . Hertzberger, the a r c h i t e c t , says that the concrete block i s e s s e n t i a l , as: F l e x i b i l i t y leaves every t h e o r e t i c a l p o s s i b l i t y open, in the sense that nothing i s a p r i o r i excluded but, on the other hand, i t does not i n i t i a t e anything e i t h e r . 6 0 Edges define the places f o r roles which participants are expected to assume. In the t r a d i t i o n a l classroom system and also i n the departmental high school, the roles are set and edges keep a c t i v i t i e s inside the units. In the open-plan school, various roles are t r i e d out by the students. The edges are movable and encourage exploration, but they have to provide a background to orient exploration. Gradually the c h i l d learns, however, to distinguish between stable and mobile objects, and to use the former as a frame of reference for the l a t t e r . The development of the concept of place, and of space as a system of places i s therefore a necessary condition for finding an e x i s t e n t i a l foothold.: 6 1 112 7 Summary The school i s the place where children are assisted in finding s o c i a l and academic footholds. The i n s t i t u t i o n has p o l i c i e s and intentions concerning the conditions which produce more valued r e s u l t s . The building plan sets these intentions i n place. I t often does so by being located i n the middle of the neighbourhood and by keeping i t s boundaries open. In a layout where an integrative orientation i s sp e c i f i e d , places in the plan are designed to bring participants or a c t i v i t i e s together. However, when more s p e c i f i c academic goals are formulated, these determine school layout toward single function subplaces, with l i t t l e space allowed for informal or occasional exchange. According to a focus on s e r i a l integration of c h i l d development, paths are l a i d out to f a c i l i t a t e exploration and orientation. However, more s p e c i f i c academic goals w i l l demand more d e f i n i t e paths in order to regulate flow between classes. The school, especially the elementary school, has increasingly taken on the role of the home and the family s o c i a l i s a t i o n . The more time children spend i n such schools, the more these schools attempt to be a substitute for home. For home. . . . i f I could build a new school, I'd make i t pleasant-like... I'd have us s i t around a table, and maybe we could have cookies. I'd have the teacher be better. She could laugh a l o t , and there wouldn't be a clock up there, making noise 113 every minute t h a t goes by... You know what? I'd l i k e t o be a b l e to take o f f my shoes and r e l a x . The f l o o r i s so c o l d , you can't do t h a t now... [ i n the new school you]... J u s t look up and see the sky and the clouds and the sun...and you'd l i k e i t b e t t e r , being i n s c h o o l . 6 2 114 Notes Henry Sanoff and George Barbour, "An Alternative Strategy for Planning an Alternative School", i n Learning Environments eds. Thomas G. David and Benjamin D. Wright (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 210. Charles E. Bidwell, "The School as a Formal Organisation", i n Handbook of Organisations, ed. James March (Chicago: Rand McNalley, 1965), p. 977. Karl Otto, School Buildincjs Examples and Developments i n Primary and Secondary •School Buildings, english e d i t i o n 7 L°ndon: I l i f f e Books, 19667,"p. 13. Helen Rosenau, Social Purpose i n Architecture: Paris and London Compared 1760-1800 (London: Studio V i s t a , 1970) ,~p. ~99 Otto, op. c i t . , p. 16. See Section 6 on edges James Holt, "Involving the Users i n School Planning", in David and Wright, op. c i t . , p. 184; Otto, op. c i t . , pg. 12. Bidwell, op. c i t . , p. 973. American Association of School Administrators, Open Space Schools (Washington D.C.: American Association of School Administrators, 1971) p.10; hereafter c i t e d as A AS A. Webster's New World Dictionary, pocket size e d i t i o n , ed. David B. Guralnik (Toronto: The New World, 1975), p. 136. Columbia University, School of Architecture, A Comprehensive Study, of Three Urban Elementary Schools for Camden New Jersey (New York: n. p. , 1963), p. 51; hereafter cited as Columbia University. Alfred Roth, The New Schoglhouse, revised e d i t i o n (New York: Praeger, 1966)*7~P- ~8.~ 115 13. I b i d . , p. 14. See a l s o Nicolaus L. Engelhardt, Complete Guide f o r Planning New York Schools (West Nyack, N. ~Y.: Parker,~1970), p. 260. 14. I b i d , p. 18. 15. Giancarlo de C a r l o , "Why/How to B u i l d School B u i l d i n g s " , i n Harvard Educational Review, 39 (1969, No. 4) , p. 13, h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as Harvard Educational Review. 16. Robert Coles, "Those Places They C a l l Schools",. Harvard Educational Review, i b i d , p.123 17. Shadrach Woods, "The Education Bazaar", Harvard Educational Review, op. c i t . , p. 123. 18. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , i b i d . , pp. 10-11. 19. Roger G- Barker and Paul V. Gump, Bicj School, Small School:_ High School S i z e and Student Behaviour (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964). 20. Engelhardt, op. c i t . , pp. 3-20. 21. Roth, op. c i t . , p. 10 22. B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Education, School Planning D i v i s i o n , School B u i l d i n g Manual ( V i c t o r i a : The Queens P r i n t e r , 1962) , p. 28. 23. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , op. c i t . , pp. 11-12. 24. E r i c Pearson, Trends i n School Design (New York: C i t a t i o n Press, 1972) , p. 67. 25. de C a r l o , op. c i t . , p. 27. 26. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record 159, (June 1976), p. 119. 27. Pearson, op. c i t . , p. 57. 28. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , op. c i t . , pp. 18-31. 29. A AS A, op. c i t . , p. 10. 30. Pearson, o p . c i t . , . p. 57. 31. I b i d . , p. 59. 116 32. Otto. op. c i t . , p. 13. 33. . AASA, op. c i t . , p. 95. 34. Herbert R. Kohl, The Open Classroom: A P r a c t i c a l Guide to a New Way of Teaching (New York: New York Review, 1969), p. 39; Bidwell, op. c i t . , p. 976. 35. AASA, op. c i t . , p. 25. 36. John Holt, "Children are Sensitive to Space", in David and Wright, op. c i t . pp. 143-144. 37. Pearson, op. c i t . , p. 30. 38. AASA, op. c i t . , p. 42. 39. de Carlo, op. c i t . , p. 18. 40- Educational F a c i l i t i e s Laboratories, P r o f i l e s of Sig n i f i c a n t Schools: Two Middle Schools:" Saginaw Township, Michigan (New York: Educational F a c i l i t i e s Laboratories, 1960), pp. 5-8. 41. Idem, P r o f i l e s of S i g n i f i c a n t Schools, H i l l s d a l e High School:. C a l i f o r n i a (New York, iducational F a c i l i t i e s Laboratories, 1960) , p. 8. 42. Coles, op. c i t . , p. 49. 43. Columbia University, op. c i t . , p. 10 44. Otto, op. c i t . , p. 22 45. Roth, op. c i t . , pp. 54-60. 46. Pearson, op. c i t . , p. 15. 47. B r i t i s h Columbia: Department of Education, op. c i t . , p. 20. 48. Frank A. Brunetti, "Noise, D i s t r a c t i o n and Privacy in Conventional and Open School Environments", in EDRA 3, ed. William J . M i t c h e l l (Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1972), pp. 12-2-1 to 6. 49. AASA, op. c i t . p. 41. 50. Kurt Vonnegut, J r . , "Harrison Bergeron", in Welcome to the Monkey House (New York: D e l l , 1968), pp. 7-13, writes about a mental handicap unit to enforce average development of children i n a f u t u r i s t i c society. 117 51. Pearson, op. c i t . , p. 13. 52.. Kohl, op. c i t . , pp. 34-47. 53. J . W. Getzels, "Images of the Classroom and Visions of the Learner", in David and Wright, op. c i t . , p.4. 54. Ibid., p. 7. 55. Kohl, op. c i t . , p. 37. 56. Getzels, op. c i t . , p. 7. 57. Paul Curtis and Roger Smith, "A Child's Exploration of Space", i n David and Wright, op. c i t . , pp. 146-147. 58. Kohl, op. c i t . , p. 62. 59. Peter Prangnell, "The Friendly Object", in Harvard Educational Review op. c i t . , p. 39. 60. Herman Hertzberger, "Montessori Primary School in Delft, Holland", in Harvard Educational Review op. c i t . , p. 6 2. 61. Ch r i s t i a n Norberg-Schulz, Existence, Space and Architecture (London: Studio V i s t a , 1971), p. 17. 62. Coles, op. c i t . , pp. 49, 50-51. 118 CHAPTER 4 OFFICES AND THE PRESTIGE VALUE 1 Introduction In the two preceding chapters organisations were categorized i n terms of a general predisposition to control or to integrate. A c t i v i t y was either generally i n h i b i t e d or encouraged. Here i n t h i s chapter the defining orientation i s posited i n terms of prestige hierarchy. A c t i v i t y i s seen as the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between h i e r a r c h i c a l positions. There are many examples of s o c i a l organisations with a pronounced hierarchy f o r regulating organisational processes from input of raw material to the f i n a l delivery of a product. However not a l l organisations r e l y s o l e l y on a hierarchy for control. For example, i n a manufacturing process, the f i n i s h e d product i s partly a r e s u l t of established routines and may be rather independent of the positions of those that produce i t . In an o f f i c e , the fi n i s h e d product — information or service — depends partly on the d i s c r e t i o n and position of the managing o f f i c i a l s . 119 F o r e x a m p l e , i n f o r m a t i o n p a s s e d o u t b y a s e c t i o n s u p e r v i s o r w i l l u s u a l l y h a v e l e s s w e i g h t t h a n t h a t p a s s e d b y a d e p a r t m e n t m a n a g e r , i f o n l y b e c a u s e o f d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e s c o p e o f t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s a n d c o n c e r n s . I n t h e f o l l o w i n g p a g e s I s h a l l d i s c u s s o f f i c e p l a n s i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e h i e r a r c h y o f p r e s t i g e p o s i t i o n s . T h e s e p o s i t i o n s w e r e l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t h e t i m e o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n . C l e r i c a l w o r k w a s c o n s i d e r e d o f l i t t l e i m p o r t a n c e , a s i t d i d n o t r e n d e r a n y d i r e c t p r o f i t s . O f f i c e s w e r e d a r k a n d g l o o m y p l a c e s d i r e c t l y c o n n e c t e d t o f a c t o r i e s o r s e r v i c e c e n t r e s . 1 W i t h t h e g r o w t h o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n a n d v e r t i c a l a n d h o r i z o n t a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f c o r p o r a t i o n s , t h e s i m p l e p r o d u c t i o n o r s e r v i c e c e n t r e b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e r w o v e n w i t h o t h e r c e n t r e s a n d o t h e r p r o c e s s e s i n t h e s o c i a l s y s t e m . T h e f r e e e n t e r p r i s e w a s t i e d b y r e g u l a t i o n s t o t h e s t a t e , b y c a p i t a l t o t h e f i n a n c i e r s , a n d t h r o u g h t h e m a r k e t m e c h a n i s m s t o s u p p l i e r s , b u y e r s , w o r k e r s , s h i p p i n g a g e n t s , e t c . T h i s l e d t o a n i n c r e a s e i n m a n a g e m e n t a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a s k s , w h i c h g r a d u a l l y b e c a m e i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o a n y m a j o r e n t e r p r i s e . 2 O f f i c e t a s k s e v o l v e d a r o u n d t h e r e c e i v i n g , r e c o r d i n g , a r r a n g i n g , g i v i n g a n d s a f e g u a r d i n g o f i n f o r m a t i o n , t r a n s a c t i o n s , p l a n s a n d d i r e c t i v e s . 3 N u m e r o u s i n v e n t i o n s h a v e m a d e d a t a p r o c e s s i n g e a s i e r , s u c h a s t h e t y p e w r i t e r o r e l e c t r o n i c d a t a p r o c e s s i n g m a c h i n e s . T h e w o r k f l o w b e t w e e n t h e v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s i n p a p e r a s s e m b l y - l i n e s h a s b e e n s t u d i e d a n d s t r e a m l i n e d b y e f f i c i e n c y e x p e r t s . 4 120 The population of o f f i c e workers has been ste a d i l y increasing r e l a t i v e to the rest of the workforce. Industry i s increasingly dependent on sophisticated management s k i l l s and on the data and data processing technology which support these s k i l l s . 5 The simple seat-of-the-pants, off-the-top-of-the-head management and accounting technigues of the early i n d u s t r i a l age have turned i n t o sophisticated operations. Today "...the o f f i c e i s the peak of a pyramid of work and money and dec i s i o n . " 6 In present day organisations the functional processing of data i s combined with decision making to d i r e c t the processes of the whole corporate enterprise. Roles, therefore, contain both a functional aspect, refer r i n g to the d i v i s i o n of labour, and a scalar aspect, r e f e r r i n g to super- and subordination. 7 Functional importance i s measured on the basis of s k i l l s and e f f i c i e n c y in performing prescribed a c t i v i t i e s . Scalar importance refers to the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and r i s k involved with discretionary a c t i v i t i e s (see Figure 4-1, page 121). In t h i s chapter I s h a l l focus more on scalar importance, based on the power to delegate tasks to others and to r e t a i n d i s c r e t i o n i n decision making. Scalar importance refe r s to the right to take i n i t i a t i v e and the obligation to report to superiors. 8 As an o f f i c i a l advances up the hierarchy, prescribed a c t i v i t i e s are increasingly replaced by discretionary ones. However, there i s a fundamental difference between the l i n e -121 long range planning • ••••iHBiaiH.mm|t THE COMPANY ORGANIZATION CHART Oxford Filing Supply Company | conTPMHts n s n s cnsToitpi nans ctHToyEns t u r n CCSTOKQIS Dsns cus toms DSCI5 CUSTDHOtS I m c m i u i n s J t sr. tans aa?) hortrang*— . less risk K S H C H « D 1 S I T X C W 1 C 1 L SILKS U t l W ADVERT I SDIc] | 1A1B3 I P [I nmmtp I I nanaii I h BtPOBI | f TICK-RUISIIT ! ASST. TO nit. OOT'T. i»D CHAT* STCBI U U S The influence of time span on risk NUIFMSIT sum, CCB-STSOCTIE*, iXD •AWTDijOICJ PRODUCT BUILD IK 0 DISIOI k OPERATIC* * DKVILORQXT miHTB.JU'Ct 7 7 / M c/mr7 shows lines of authority. It does not attempt to show lines of contact. In the transaction of business, there must necessarily be contacts, by each department or division of the company, with practically all other depart-ments. All departments and individuals must work together as a team. L e f t , Figure 4-1. Decisions and ri s k s Right, Figure 4-2. . Organisation chart executives and the rest of the s t a f f and s t a f f executives, Nobody i n pa r t i c u l a r seems to exercise "the authority", and yet authority i s exercised, and we can i d e n t i f y people who do not part i c i p a t e i n i t s exercise. 9 Line executives are those who supervise a c t i v i t i e s that contribute d i r e c t l y to the p r o f i t s of the company, while s t a f f executives are those who contribute i n d i r e c t l y by providing services or advice to the l i n e o r g a n i s a t i o n . 1 0 With the dotted l i n e i n the organisation chart of the Oxford F i l i n g Supply Company, I have i l l u s t r a t e d t h i s d i f f e r -entiation graphically (see Figure 4-2) . In the following sections I s h a l l discuss the prestige hierarchy i n the o f f i c e . Prestige I s h a l l understand to mean the power "to influence", or "a reputation based on high achievement". 1 1 S p e c i f i c a l l y , persons with high prestige are: 122 1) an object of admiration; 2) an object of deference to which others w i l l y i e l d with courtesy; 3) an object of immitation; 4) a source of suggestion, " i n that the ideas they express are accepted more readily than the same ideas expressed by others", and 5) f i n a l l y they are a centre of at t r a c t i o n as prestige i s contagious. "Those who associate with people of high prestige p a r t i c i p a t e i n that p r e s t i g e . " 1 2 On the basis of these f i v e c h a r a c t e r i s i t c s I s h a l l elaborate on the ef f e c t of prestige, as the power to influence, on concrete o f f i c e plans. It i s one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of physical places to i d e n t i f y prestige i n people. Conversely the occupied place becomes associated with the position of the occupant. For example, the president's o f f i c e conveys a certain prestige, regardless of the presence of the president. The prestige hierarchy i s established according to the breadth of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Plans set t h i s hierarchy i n place, following as clo s e l y as possible the positions as defined i n the organisational chart. In the following sections I w i l l discuss o f f i c e plans with respect to defining places and positions and t h e i r prestige content i n r e l a t i o n to each other. The sections w i l l refer to the same conditions in plans as elaborated on in the chapters on prisons and schools: 123 Section 2. The selection of location responding to prestige concerns; Section 3. The building s h e l l and i t s boundaries; Section 4. The layout of o f f i c e plans and the designation of places to f a c i l i t a t e the delegation of power and execution of tasks; Section 5. The paths f a c i l i t a t i n g the h i e r a r c h i c a l processes; Section 6. The edges defining and embellishing the in d i v i d u a l work-station; Section 7. Summary of this chapter. 2 The Location of the Office In selecting the appropriate geographic location for a new o f f i c e building, two considerations are decisive: the in t e r n a l corporate processes and the external context within which the corporation operates. 1 3 The former predominate, for example, i n the pure i n d u s t r i a l o f f i c e , when o f f i c e location i s predetermined to be close to the manufacturing i plant. A s i m i l a r case i s the o f f i c e of l o c a l sales-representatives, which w i l l properly be located i n the area they attend to. In both cases, prestige considerations have only secondary bearing on geographic s i t e s e l e c t i o n . In contrast i s the loc a t i o n of head o f f i c e s where the external context becomes important. In a head o f f i c e the corporation competes with others for a share of a certain business volume. Not to be at the "right place" means to be 124 l e f t out, when c l i e n t s are c a l l i n g . Therefore there i s a tendency for headoffices to cluster geographically i n a few large c i t i e s . This i s reflected i n the fact that on a national scale i n the United States, a few c i t i e s share a high concentration of o f f i c e employees (see Figure 4-3). Figure 4-3. Office employment in the United States On a metropolitan scale the Central Business D i s t r i c t i s the fa v o r i t e location for o f f i c e buildings, e s p e c i a l l y those of financing, insurance or government organisations. In research on "Reasons for Being in Downtown Vancouver", corporations most frequently mentioned the contact with external organisations, the c e n t r a l i t y of loc a t i o n , the general convenience and the prestige of being downtown1* (see Table 4-1, page 125). E s s e n t i a l l y these reasons underline the wish to be close and to be considered close to the centre of things. The closeness to impressive corporations, the giants, w i l l enhance t h e i r cwn reputation. A central location renders advantages from agglomeration economics; the proximity to metropolitan amenities w i l l be considered as an at t r a c t i o n by s t a f f and 125 REASOHS 6IYEH FOR BE 1116 DOMffOWl: PERCENT A6£ Of FIWS BY STOWED S.I.C. s *f -a Si 8 ll si a I t E Is li | a 11 i H tl 45 - i jL 8 i I 3 "3 1 £ *!• I si R E A S O N S G i v e n X X Is 1 5 i i§ i si l§ li l i s Contact trttn txtfrnat f lna 1 organfiatloni 67 33 100 s; « 100 100 100 so 67 so 100 67 33 67 so 67 • 13 Contact with (Marital tftpartotfiti 33 • 33 33 • 33 • 6 Contact with p*r««t t atioclat* conpaMti 33 • too 33 1) 33 33 : • so 7 Supply of ttaff • • • • «7 33 33 • • 33 so Tradition • • • 100 U 67 33 so • IS PrtiHga. 33 33 • 100 •• 33 • so 33 so • • • • so 33 SO 13 . ! Cox-tact with- ftderal oovtrnatnt • 33 •• ' ! C&ntact with provincial jovarrmnt 33 4 proji1r.1t)' to hotatt, rtstaurmti, clubs, ttc. • 33 • 6! • 33 • 3] so 7 C*n*r«1 Convinleoc* 13 • • 100 33 • • • • 33 so 67 67 • 67 100 33 so 10 Causality of location 3 3 3 3 • 33 100 33 • 33 • 67 100 33 • 3 3 67 • 33 so 19 Ci'.sml ccrpatiy policy 33 «7 67 • 33' • • C*n«r*jK1p of Cutletiro. 33 • 67 • Ir.trtia 33 • * • * li t r.3 i-eti:n/r.o r,ood reiton t C : - . S I : E R I T E S S L ' . T I A L TO S E oo-.-m:oMi 33 33 too ICO • 100 33 • • 33 100 67 • 33 • so 67 • 19 •o l i f porcaatagoa n l n to lo* ahaoLuta nuabora of firm* (root tba uap lo . Table 4-1. Reasons fo r being downtown c l i e n t s . 1 5 The giant corporations agglomerate i n the business d i s t r i c t , followed by a number of smaller service or supply firms, such as b a r r i s t e r s , consultants, accountants, stockbrokers, data processing firms, printers, messengers, lunchrooms, etc. In the central business d i s t r i c t these services are rea d i l y available. Distance from the agglomeration i s l i k e l y to re s u l t i n delays, higher costs, in-house services, and a weakening of the competitive position and reputation. .The New York Stock Exchange reguires every prospective member to open an o f f i c e in the downtown Manhattan a r e a . 1 6 Prestige requires p a r t i c i p a t i o n , in order to maintain reputation and influence. The downtown location brings the o f f i c e close to public transportation, to commercial and short-time recreational f a c i l i t i e s . This helps to a t t r a c t and keep valuable and l o y a l s t a f f ; i t also provides additional attraction to out-of-town v i s i t o r s . 1 7 126 Figure 4-4. Office and r e t a i l location in downtown Vancouver /////// offices Retailers However a map plotting o f f i c e and r e t a i l o f f i c e s i n downtown Vancouver shows that the two only adjoin. Prestige i s not necessarily enhanced by the hustle and bustle of r e t a i l f a c i l i t i e s (see Figure 4-4). Lately though, r e t a i l outlets are located in the o f f i c e d i s t r i c t , to l i v e n the often desolate streetscape (see Figure 4-33, page 149). The concentration of o f f i c e s within a defined area also f a c i l i t a t e s associations and the sharing of information on the executive l e v e l . Despite the numerous communication media, reputable administrators s t i l l l i k e to meet with peers on a face-to-face l e v e l . 1 8 There i s the need to know another person's a t t i t u d i n a l p o sition on many issues i n order to predict the action he may take in any s i t u a t i o n . 1 9 For some companies i t i s esse n t i a l to be downtown and they are w i l l i n g to pay the high land prices and the re s u l t i n g high rents. Others look for a l t e r n a t i v e s . 2 0 Office parks try to offer one such alternative on the basis of lower land prices and more space to expand the premises i f need b e . 2 1 B a s i c a l l y they are a speculative enterprise and try to create a nucleus for the development of a new 127 p e r i p h e r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t , w i t h p o w e r t o i m p r e s s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f d o w n t o w n . T h e i r s u c c e s s a n d f a i l u r e i s s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by how many i m p o r t a n t c o m p a n i e s w i l l c h o o s e t o l o c a t e i n s u c h o f f i c e p a r k s . F i g u r e 4 - 5 . J o h n D e e r e C o . F i g u r e 4 - 6 . B a r o q u e c a s t l e I n t h e s u b u r b a n o f f i c e , t h e c o r p o r a t i o n d i s p l a y s h i g h a c h i e v e m e n t by o c c u p y i n g a s i t e o f more q u i e t i n g a m e n i t i e s . H e r e p r o s p e r i t y i s n o t t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f p o w e r t o c o m p e t e , b u t p o w e r t o a f f o r d n o t t o c o m p e t e . The i c o n i c message i s n o t t h e p h a l l i c t o w e r d o w n t o w n , b u t t h e p r i n c e l y r e s i d e n c e among c o n s p i c u o u s p r e s t i g i o u s l a w n s , w e l l t e n d e d by g a r d e n e r s 2 2 ( s e e F i g u r e 4-5, t h e J o h n D e e r e Company, M o l i n e , I l l i n o i s ; F i g u r e 4-6, a p r i n c e l y b a r o g u e r e s i d e n c e ) . C o n s i d e r a l s o , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e G e n e r a l C o n n e c t i c u t I n s u r a n c e Company ( F i g u r e 4 - 9 , p a g e 131) o r o t h e r p r e s t i g i o u s c o m p a n i e s s u c h a s t h e G e n e r a l Foods C o r p o r a t i o n H e a d q u a r t e r s i n W h i t e P l a i n s , New Y o r k . 2 3 I n c o n t r a s t , a c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n r e i n f o r c e s t h e company p r e s t i g e t h r o u g h c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h an " i n - g r o u p " , f o r m e d t o g e t h e r w i t h o t h e r p r e s t i g i o u s f i r m s . I n t h i s s e t t i n g , company p r e s t i g e may be a d v a n c e d i n t h e f o r m o f new 128 landmarks, which also usually provide better working f a c i l i t i e s and cheaper operating costs. The e f f e c t s of prestige on this scale are t h r i v i n g business r e l a t i o n s , a sense of urgency, and a high " e s p r i t de corps" creating a well functioning workforce. 3 Boundaries and Size of the Office Building In t h i s section I w i l l discuss the parameters defining the size of the occupied building and i t s boundaries. One has to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the perceived impressive outside boundary pf the building s h e l l and the m u l t i p l i c i t y of the inside boundaries d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g access i n t o various prestige positions. The size of the b u i l t area i s determined by the corporate processes which require a c e r t a i n number of workstations. These are multiplied by the d i f f e r e n t floorspace areas as assigned to various positions in the hierarchy, plus up to 30% for c i r c u l a t i o n and employee f a c i l i t i e s . However, highrise corporate headquarters downtown t y p i c a l l y exceed corporate space requirements. 2 4 This i s partly due to the high cost of land and the p o s s i b i l i t y for r e n t a l return. Yet with an increase in height, construction costs for usable floorspace increase considerably. Therefore an increase in size beyond a certain number of f l o o r s must be j u s t i f i e d on other than economic grounds; fo r example, the height w i l l make the 129 building look more impressive. 2 5 Through i t s height the outside building s h e l l serves as a landmark, demonstrating the prestige of those i t i s allocated t o . 2 6 For example, almost half of the famous Chase Manhattan Bank Building i s sublet to other firms, whose prestige w i l l be i n f l a t e d by associating with the famous bank. 2 7 See also the schematic stacking plan for a highrise o f f i c e building in Figure 4-23, page 140. Downtown highrise corporate headquarters r e f l e c t a recent aspect of conspicuous consumption. 2 8 C a p i t a l invested into an impressive o f f i c e building i s frozen and cannot be used for productive equipment. 2 9 The display of a b i l i t y to afford the large amounts of sunk c a p i t a l for a highrise may reinforce company prestige and thereby enhance i t s borrowing powers. The idea of the landmark also applies to the pure rental o f f i c e building, an impressive outside s h e l l w i l l a t t r a c t potential tenants and thereby serve to increase the p r o f i t s of the owner and landlord. In i t s capacity to impress, the landmark can also be a trademark or a means for business promotion. 3 0 See, for example, the Knights of Columbus Building in New Haven, Connecticut, f o r the organisation of the same name (Figure 4-7, page 1 3 0 ) . In some cases the company name affixed to the occupied building becomes a defining element for the whole community surrounding i t . For example, Leverkusen i n West Germany i s commonly known as Bayer Leverkusen, as i t i s the location of the famous Bayer combine. 3 1 The building s h e l l represents the corporation to the 130 Figure 4-7. Knights Figure 4-8. Chase Manhattan of Columbus Bank, Lobby Plan outside p u b l i c . Except on the ground f l o o r , though, i t i s not a boundary as i t does not separate those i n s i d e from anything but outside a i r . Rather, the boundaries are i n s i d e , t h e i r p e r m e a b i l i t y decreasing with i n c r e a s i n g p r e s t i g e of those behind them. The ground f l o o r entrance to the lobby of the h i g h r i s e i s the f i r s t of those boundaries. There, i n most cases, the s t r u c t u r e i s recessed, making way f o r a semi-public promenade. T h i s , together with the landscaping, f o u n t a i n s and benches "... provides a popular counterpart to the p r e s t i g e e f f e c t of the executive s u i t e s ,.." 3 2 The lobby i s a t e r m i n a l f o r the e l e v a t o r s (see Figure 4-8, the p l a z a l e v e l f l o o r of the Chase Manhattan Bank, New York Ci t y ) . The e l e v a t o r s are v e r t i c a l paths l e a d i n g deeper i n t o the o r g a n i s a t i o n . A guard or r e c e p t i o n i s t u s u a l l y seated i n f r o n t of the e l e v a t o r s makes sure u n o b t r u s i v e l y t h a t everybody knows where they are going and t h a t they are on 131 the premises for legitimate reasons. In contrast, i n the suburban o f f i c e the process of entering s t a r t s long before the lobby. Consider, f o r example, the c i r c u l a r driveway to the executive wing at the General Connecticut Insurance Company, Bloomfield, Connecticut (Figure 4-9) . There the entrances are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . Staff enters from the parking l o t s into the side of the main structure. Executives drive into the underground parking garage of t h e i r separate wing. Left, Figure 4-9. Connecticut Insurance Eight, Figure 4-10. ABC Company To maintain the established prestige d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n inside, outside v i s i t o r s w i l l be received d i f f e r e n t l y according to t h e i r reputation and the importance of t h e i r business. Therefore reception rooms, as an inside boundary, d i f f e r in location and s i z e depending on whom they are to r e c e i v e . 3 3 In the one-company o f f i c e buildings, v i s i t o r s are often received i n the downstairs main lobby. 3* In the multiple tenant building v i s i t o r s w i l l be received on the 132 s p e c i f i c f l o o r of the firm. Layout and size of the reception room, on a given f l o o r w i l l vary with the kind and number of expected v i s i t o r s . I t can be merely a small room with a few chairs, a table and a window to a secretary-cum-receptionist. i n an adjoining room (see Figure 4-10, page 131, the ABC Company). Alt e r n a t i v e l y , i t can be a f u l l size lobby with ample seating and a f u l l - t i m e receptionist attending to c a l l e r s . If she does other tasks as well, the room has to be large enough to move her to a s o c i a l distance of 7 to 12 feet. Otherwise she w i l l be " v i r t u a l l y compelled to converse". 3 5 If there i s only one reception area — as in the small ABC Company — there may be a problem of treating v i s i t o r s according to t h e i r d i f f e r i n g prestige positions. For example, the company may not want a messenger to use the phone f r e e l y , yet a v i s i t i n g executive might f e e l insulted by a pay phone. 3 6 TYPICAL FLOOR fcd fed fed kfS I E 2 i Bo EXECUTIVE FLOOR Figure 4-11. Hoffman-La Eoche At the Hoffman-La Eoche o f f i c e s i n Nutley, New Jersey, reception areas are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d (Figure 4-11). V i s i t o r s are received i n the ground f l o o r lobby and delegated to the various o f f i c i a l s and departments; the most commonly 133 frequented ones are located on the ground f l o o r . The t y p i c a l f l o o r s above also have a separate reception area outside the elevator landing. This area i s bigger on the executive f l o o r ; i n addition there i s the personal reception through the private secretary outside of each executive o f f i c e . A great part of the outside-inside interaction of the o f f i c e happens v i a mail and telephone. Here, too, boundary d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s as to who w i l l attend to a phone c a l l , who w i l l answer a l e t t e r , etc., are made. However, the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s more i n the use of the medium and less in locus and character of the place. Prestige impresses and a t t r a c t s . In the use of multiple boundaries the o f f i c e d i f f e r e n t i a t e s who i s to be attracted and how these people are to be impressed. 4 The Layout of the Plan and the Designation of Places In the following section I s h a l l look at the layout of the o f f i c e plan. F i r s t I s h a l l i l l u s t r a t e how the primary building s h e l l supplies a framework within which prestige positions can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . Secondly, I w i l l discuss the core-places. As the,prestige orientation i s related to power, the core-places often are the locus of power. Thi r d l y , I w i l l describe a u x i l i a r y or support-places. These f a c i l i t a t e the deference to power, both i n terms of communicating decisions and i n terms of maintaining a receptive e s p r i t de corps. In the prison and schools, 134 interaction was regulated c a t e g o r i c a l l y ; i n the o f f i c e , i n t e r a c t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to a h i e r a r c h i c a l graduation. In t o t a l i t a r i a n organisations with an i n f l e x i b l e hierarchy these r e l a t i o n s can be set in place permanently. For example H i t l e r ' s idea of an organisation for the "millenium" was d e f i n i t e l y reflected i n the guarter-mile corridor to his o f f i c e in the c h a n c e l l o r y . 3 7 However, the o f f i c e today i s subject to the fluctuations of the free market economy; the layout of the plan has to accommodate these changes. Therefore s p e c i f i c prestige d i f f e r -entiations are increasingly expressed through the o f f i c e scenery, a f l e x i b l e system of movable p a r t i t i o n s , furniture and a c c e s s o r i e s . 3 8 4. 1 General p r i n c i p l e s When determining the basic structure of a building, the number of workstations and th e i r accommodation i n the plan are of primary importance. 3 9 B a s i c a l l y there are two ways of accommodating workstations and d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g positions: the open plan o f f i c e landscaping or general o f f i c e area and the subdivision of o f f i c e space into d i f f e r e n t size private o f f i c e s . The double zone layout i s common with a subdivision in t o private o f f i c e s . A central corridor divides the floorspace area in the middle and leaves two zones along the windows for i n d i v i d u a l l y defined o f f i c e s . D i f ferent sizes of assigned space w i l l express prestige variations. In t h i s 135 mini; T T j z r i n j j j j i i i n i j j 1 •1 J * * i T T L I * Above, Figure 4-12. Double zone layout Below, Figure 4-13. T r i p l e zone layout Eight, Figure 4-14. Single zone layout type of layout the v e r t i c a l c i r c u l a t i o n i s located on one side of the double-loaded corridor (Figure 4-12). If the building increases i n height, a u x i l i a r y areas for c i r c u l a t i o n and service i n s t a l l a t i o n s require more space. As a r e s u l t , the service core and v e r t i c a l c i r c u l a t i o n move into the centre (Figure 4-13)., The single zone layout, with a single loaded corridor, i s an exception. It i s only j u s t i f i e d i f large separate c i r c u l a t i o n areas are required f o r public v i s i t o r s . Here the plan i s divided into a semi-public corridor and a d i f f e r e n t in-house c i r c u l a t i o n behind the walls i n the general o f f i c e space* 0 (Figure 4-14). The c e l l u l a r layout into private o f f i c e s i s generally more expensive. Manning has found that the larger the corporation, the less space proportionally i s allocated to private o f f i c e s . * 1 Private o f f i c e s give more privacy; since nine tenths of o f f i c e costs are made up by s a l a r i e s t h i s quality may well be worth the extra c o s t . * 2 On the other 136 hand, private o f f i c e s may i n h i b i t the workflow and might even cause feelings of claustrophobia. 4 3 n n V i n l * 0D.[>3,[>[> n . L>n-r>r>rj.r> li [aJBH] T Above, Figure 4-15. Location of building f a c i l i t i e s Below, Figure 4-16. Mile High Center Right, Figure 4-17. Australia Sguare If the layout i s adjusted to accommodate more o f f i c e space the available floorspace changes from l i n e a r to areal. This can be done by moving the v e r t i c a l core to the boundary (see Figure 4-15, A), or by changing the proportions of the whole building from rectangular to square (see the Mile High Center i n Denver, Figure 4-16). The Australia Sguare O f f i c e Center in Sydney (see Figure 4-17) has a c i r c u l a r plan, which offers excellent p o s s i b i l i t i e s for subdivision i n t o smaller r e n t a l o f f i c e s . Here prestige can be evenly 137 distributed 'among tenants; a l l can dispose of a valuable place by the windows with some remaining space for c l e r i c a l s t a f f nearer the c i r c u l a r corridor. Le f t , Figure 4-18. Grids Above Right, Figure 4-19. Open o f f i c e layout Below Right, Figure 4-20. Private o f f i c e layout Duffy i d e n t i f i e s four grids to be considered i n o f f i c e planning: s t r u c t u r a l , constructional, service and planning g r i d s 4 * (see Figure 4-18).The l a t t e r two grids are discussed l a t e r . The st r u c t u r a l grid i s a multiple of the size of the basic workstation — a desk, a f i l i n g cabinet, a chair and access — minimum area of 6 feet by 6-8 f e e t 4 5 (Figure 4-19). This g r i d i s decisive for the placing of the c l e r i c a l s t a f f , e specially i n the general open o f f i c e areas. In private o f f i c e s the constructional g r i d , e s p e c i a l l y the distance between window mullions, can be important. This module pertains especially to the layout of places for 138 higher s t a f f and l i n e o f f i c i a l s (see Figure 4-20, page 137). Prestige i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by the number of windows in the o f f i c e occupied. Thus the str u c t u r a l g r i d applies mere to the functional roles of lower s t a f f , while the constructional grid i s more amenable to grading the scalar position of higher o f f i c i a l s . 4.2 Core places and the locus of power The d i s t r i b u t i o n of power i n the headoffice usually follows a pyramidal organisation (see scheme i n Figure 4-21). A l i t e r a l t ranslation of t h i s hierarchy i s found i n the o f f i c e of the Rechtsschutz A3 i n West Germany (see Figure 4-22). "Kramberg [the president of the company] says he ordered the staircase design to 'encourage ambition and provide a v i s u a l image of our organisation s t r u c t u r e " 1 . 4 6 L e f t , Figure 4-21. Responsibility and hierarchy Right, Figure 4-22. Rechtsschutz AG Within the le v e l s of the pyramid there i s also a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between advisory s t a f f who primarily report and suggest, as contrasted with the line s t a f f , who 139 primarily assign and delegate. A further d i s t i n c t i o n , at any l e v e l of command, l i e s between those who perform primary missions and those who provide mission support. The i n t e r i o r layout of o f f i c e sections of d i f f e r e n t f l o o r s i s l i k e l y to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d accordingly, with advisory s t a f f and support s t a f f having smaller and less prestigious o f f i c e s , yet s t i l l d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the general o f f i c e area, which i s at the base of the pyramid, l i t e r a l l y or f i g u r a t i v e l y . (An occasional exception i s the o f f i c e manager, who o r d i n a r i l y provides an administrative support function. Because he usually controls o f f i c e space all o c a t i o n he sometimes treats himself well.) In the highrise the li n e o f f i c i a l s most often are accommodated on the upper f l o o r s , with the advisory and the c l e r i c a l s t a f f below. Generally upper f l o o r s are more desirable and are leased at higher r a t e s . * 7 At Arthur Andersen and Co., who rent the s i x t h to ninth f l o o r s of the Brunswick Building in Chicago, headquarters are on the ninth f l o o r and l o c a l administration and o f f i c e services i n f l o o r s six through e i g h t . * 8 In Figure 4-23, a schematic stacking plan, the l i n e i s not only separated by one, but by f i v e f l o o r s from the staff below. The f l o o r s i n between are temporarily rented and available f o r expansion on a long term basis. In contrast, the executive f l o o r of the Chase Manhattan Bank i s not on the top, but in the middle of the occupied t h i r t y f l o o r s , on f l o o r number seventeen. 4 9 Here the impulses generated by the highest o f f i c i a l s t r a v e l i n 140 two dir e c t i o n s , and not only from the top down. In the lowrise o f f i c e building the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s horizontal. On the upper l e v e l of the Noxell O f f i c e Building, Cockeysville, Maryland (Figure 4-24), management occupies the space by the windows while the rest of the s t a f f i s accommodated i n the s k y l i t general o f f i c e space i n the middle. The John Deere o f f i c e s , Moline, I l l i n o i s , accommodate top l i n e o f f i c i a l s in a f i r s t f l o o r , close to the garden (plan b i n Figure 4-25) . Their private o f f i c e s are also located on the outside around a s e c r e t a r i a l pool in the middle. In contrast, on the other f l o o r s , private o f f i c e s of lower management are in the darker inside areas, leaving the amentity of the windows to the general o f f i c e 141 s t a f f (plan a). This contrast serves to i l l u s t r a t e the value of window view and natural l i g h t as an amenity so important that only top executives can be awarded exclusive access to i t . Above, Figure 4-25. John Deere and Company f i r s t (a) and t y p i c a l f l o o r (b) Below, Figure 4-26. Minoru Yamasaki o f f i c e Right, Figure 4-27. Connecticut Insurance The o f f i c e for Minoru Yamasaki separates the owner and executive from the rest of the s t a f f (Figure 4-26). The layout of the General Connecticut Insurance Corporation (Figure 4-27, page 141) i s derived from three cl u s t e r s i d e n t i f i e d by the program. Cluster one compromises the private o f f i c e s of the l i n e and higher advisory s t a f f o f f i c i a l s , which are completely separated into a wing on the 142 northwestern corner of the plan. Cluster two contains the general o f f i c e spaces in the longitudinal wings and cluster three, the places for the data processing eguipment in the transverse wings. 5 0 L e f t , Figure 4-28. Krupp AS, t y p i c a l plan Eight, Figure 4-29. Ford Werke, t y p i c a l plan In o f f i c e landscaping many of those with power are located within the general o f f i c e space but usually adjacent to the fenestrated outside of the building. At Krupp AG, West Germany (Figure 4-28, page 142), for instance, a l l four corners of the plan are given over to higher positions so that occupants can receive natural l i g h t from two sides. Other high o f f i c i a l s cluster near the corners. Prestige i s partly determined, apparently, not just by window space or o f f i c e s i z e , but also by physical proximity to powerful 143 figures — or their o f f i c e s . Even with o f f i c e landscaping there are private o f f i c e s . They are fewer, as the l i n e between top s t a f f and the rest i s drawn further up. At the Ford Werke AG, Cologne, West Germany (Figure 4-29, page 142) , for example, only the director and three subdirectors have a walled private o f f i c e . The director occupies an o f f i c e i n the corner. In t h i s example and i n many others, the highest o f f i c i a l s reside in an o f f i c e at a sheltered yet exclusive l o c a t i o n . Usually they occupy a corner o f f i c e . In other cases, as, f o r example, i n the Noxell Offices (Figure 4-24, page 140) , the largest private o f f i c e s are located i n the middle, opposite the i n t e r i o r courtyard. There they are sheltered from the general o f f i c e area and are close to two outsides. Another physical i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of prestige i s the density of occupied f l o o r 5 1 (see Table 4-2, page 153). Prestige i s contagious and does not thrive i n popular congestion. For example, i n the Hoffman-La Roche o f f i c e s , Nutley, New Jersey (Figure 4-11, page 132), the density of the lower o f f i c e f l o o r s i s f i v e times greater than the density of the executive f l o o r . Prestige i s the power to impress and suggest. Lower grades yi e l d to higher grades with courtesy. In the o f f i c e plan, the locus of power, which i s also the generating force of a c t i v i t i e s , i s c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d . In a l l cases, those with power share more amenities such as view, o f f i c e s i z e , l i g h t and low density. They are often e a s i l y 144 distinguishable from other workers through t h e i r position at prominent points or preferred zones of the plan, be i t at the top, on the outside, at the corner or in a separate building. 4.3 Support places Here I s h a l l discuss the a u x i l i a r y places in the plan, which support the deference of prestige power by communicating decisions and maintaining a receptive e s p r i t de corps. The most important a u x i l i a r y areas are the mechanical and electronic systems running throughout the building structure. The outside delivery of processed information greatly depends on well functioning communication via telephone or written documents. Internal integration i s also f a c i l i t a t e d by the electronic systems of a building, and a well tempered environment via the mechanical systems i s necessary to maintain a receptive and well performing s t a f f . In these senses, these technical systems of the o f f i c e building are t r u l y supportive. The areas allocated to them stretch throughout the structure. These external systems f a c i l i t a t e f l e x i b l e hook-ups, independent of the immediate h i e r a r c h i c a l structure. They are an i n t e g r a l part of the planning process for a new building and usually have t h e i r own g r i d . 5 2 They support the h i e r a r c h i c a l structure by allowing highly s e l e c t i v e private and rapid communication between positions without one functionary having to v i s i t the other. Heating, v e n t i l a t i n g and a i r conditioning (HVAC) 145 systems also support the dignity of o f f i c e power through maintenance of an optimum working climate, permitting formal dress and brisk action. Within the support systems there are d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s r e l a t i n g to the prestige hierarchy, even though they are le s s noticeable than space locations and allotments. For example, workstations along the windows often have i n d i v i d u a l thermostats and occupants can control t h e i r climatic environment more than those i n the i n t e r i o r spaces. 5 3 They can do so even more i f the windows are not sealed. High o f f i c i a l s often have separate telephone l i n e s , giving them the p r i v i l e g e to phone long distance. Often their telephones are coloured. In the plans and sections of buildings, these technical systems show as double f l o o r s or as whole service f l o o r s . This i s reminiscent of the service corridors and subfloors in noble residences of past c e n t u r i e s . 5 * However the s p a t i a l dimensions of the ducts corridors and channels of t o d a y s service systems require much less space and substitute for many of the once lowest positions, such as servants, messenqers or stokers. There i s always need for personal interaction within the o f f i c e organisation. Conference rooms as places separated from s p e c i f i c positions, f a c i l i t a t e d i r e c t communcation; there are d i f f e r e n t types i n d i f f e r e n t locations i n order to maintain the di f f e r e n t prestige l e v e l s of p a r ticipants. The auditorium, for example, i s a place for mass-communication, public r e l a t i o n s events or tr a i n i n g 146 of old and new s t a f f f o r better work performance. Depending on the prevalent use of the auditorium and on the kind of public the company t r i e s to relate to, the auditorium may be located on the executive f l o o r , or close to the public reception area. Conference rooms vary in s i z e and location. Most important for s t a f f morale are s t a f f meeting rooms. Here the impact of the suggestive power from top to bottom i s m^—m rum™ n i a gjL l i f e CD m a q k I? / ? \ L H B I B H H E W Figure 4-30. Krupp AG, plan excerpt informally accelerated, while those at the lower l e v e l s get to participate in the prestige of t h e i r s u p e r i o r s . 5 5 Staff meetings also serve to l e t o f f steam. 5 6 In the t y p i c a l o f f i c e f l o o r of Hoffman-La Roche (Figure 4-11, page ..) , meeting rooms are adjoining the inside service core. In the Krupp AG o f f i c e landscape they are also near the service core, next to the coffee lounges (Figure 4-30, page . . ) . They are furthest away from the windows, while the conference areas of the higher o f f i c i a l s are by the windows. There prestige i s shared more s e l e c t i v e l y between v i s i t i n g c l i e n t s and in-house peers. This arrangement once again 147 demonstrates the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of o f f i c e r o l e s and positions in more or less preferred locations. I t a l s o shows the f o r c e f u l prestige support deriving from exclusive or nearly exclusive access to a window. Private o f f i c e s of l i n e o f f i c i a l s often have a small conference table i n s i d e . (See, for example, the executive f l o o r of the Chase Manhattan Bank Offices, Figure 4-31, page 147, bottom; or the o f f i c e s of the director and subdirectors at the Ford Werke AG, figures 4-29, page 142). The boardroom i s t y p i c a l l y the most prestigious conference place i n a corporate headquarters, designed for the exchange between owners and chief e x e c u t i v e s . 5 7 I t i s usually located on the executive f l o o r close to the president's o f f i c e . L e f t , Figure 4-31. Chase Manhattan Bank, top and seventeenth f l o o r Eight, Figure 4-32. Osram, ground f l o o r Similar d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s are found i n the eating f a c i l i t i e s f or employees. The plan of the Osram o f f i c e s . 148 Munich shows a dining room fo r management (No. 18, Figure 4-32, page 148), three smaller private dining rooms (15) and a large cafeteria (12). Tie top f l o o r of the Chase Manhattan Bank shows a si m i l a r arrangement (upper plan of Figure 4-31). In addition to cafeterias and dining rooms, employee f a c i l i t i e s include f i r s t aid and medical rooms, l i b r a r i e s , coffee lounges, etc. Since World War I I , especially in times of economic expansion, the building f a c i l i t i e s f o r the psychological and physiological well-being of the s t a f f there have been greatly increased. An o f f i c e clerk of the Connecticut General L i f e Insurance Company can, within the new [suburban] company building, order her groceries, have her hair done and her clothes cleaned, buy novelty g i f t s , play bridge or Ping-pong or bowl, obtain complete medical care, relax with a book or music, or meditate i n a sound-proof room. 5 8 Recently downtown o f f i c e s have started to sublet the prestigious ground f l o o r to restaurants and r e t a i l e r s . These are not only added amenities for the employees but also provide a supplementary income i n rent and a means of livening up the downtown area i n general and the ground l e v e l plaza i n p a r t i c u l a r . 5 9 It i s also a means to impart a corporate trademark not only by means of an o f f i c e tower, but also by means of popular a c t i v i t i e s on the tower plaza. The F i r s t National City Bank i n New York has accommodated a church on the plaza of i t s C i t i c o r p Building (Figure 4-33). This i s an interesting i n d i c a t i o n of a s h i f t 149 S3rd STREET Figure 4-33. C i t i c o r p Plaza in values and images. T r a d i t i o n a l l y bank buildings were associated with the image of c l a s s i c temples, with the r e v e r e n t i a l values l i k e those attached to a minor god. 6 0 In the C i t i c o r p case, however, a church associates with the bank which appears in the guise of a noble sponsor. 4.4 Summary of t h i s section Corporate prestige i s h i e r a r c h i c a l . The basic layout of corporate headquarters (whether public or private) f a c i l i t a t e s subdivisions of areas, f l o o r s and wings. These define places of d i f f e r e n t attraction for the various positions in the corporation. From the layout i t i s possible to i d e n t i f y the location i n the hierarchy, of the l i n e o f f i c i a l s who primarily delegate and of advisory and support s t a f f who primarily provide information and services. Organisations w i l l d i f f e r in how high up on the pyramid t h i s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s made and how s t a f f and l i n e are set into r e l a t i o n . Delegation and deference can be more readily maintained 150 when positions are c l e a r l y defined to orient superiors and subordinates. The layout c l e a r l y defines those with power. Corporate prestige i s a t t r a c t i v e . Good care for employees w i l l r e s u l t .in a high morale and employee l o y a l i t y . To be part of a prestigious company i s i n i t s e l f a benefit v i s a v i s outsiders. Prestige i s also s e l e c t i v e . To reduce information overload, service and communication systems substitute for personal i n t e r a c t i o n . Where informal personal i n t e r a c t i o n i s encouraged, the f a c i l i t a t i n g places are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to the prestige of participants. 5 Paths and the Workflow Line Here I s h a l l discuss the di r e c t communication and delegation of tasks i n the o f f i c e along workflow l i n e s . These are procedurally established as the most e f f i c i e n t r e l a t i o n s between various workstations and functional roles. These r e l a t i o n s also indicate the scalar positions of superiors and subordinates. 6 1 The r e l a t i o n between positions i s determined by the proximity p r o f i l e , a conception of how a l l organisational elements should be arranged in terms of proximity to each other, considering the function or purpose of each in r e l a t i o n to the whole. 6 2 Generally the distances between positions should be short, to keep the time spent in c i r c u l a t i o n to a minimum.63 This step by step i n t e r r e l a t i o n in e f f e c t also protects prestige l e v e l s ; these are shared with peers located i n proximity. The proximity p r o f i l e i s 151 established through the segments i n the chain of command. See, for example, the organisational chart of the ABC Corporation and the resulting arrangement of places for positions (Figure 4-34 a and b; levels of command indicated Left , Figure 4-34a. Organisation chart, ABC Corporation Eight, Figure 4-34b. Plan, ABC Corporation by arabic numerals) . The highest o f f i c i a l occupies the lower righthand corner o f f i c e , with the next highest ranks closest and the lower ones further away. The highest rank, occupying the largest and most a t t r a c t i v e place, i s the beginning and end of the workflow l i n e . A l l those below have to report to the next higher positions, and a l l those i n the upper l e f t zones report successively to those in zones to the lower ri g h t . In the two versions for the layout of an insurance claim centre, the older one i l l u s t r a t e s the scalar hierarchy, as those positions important to the p r o f i t of the corporation -- c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and reimbursement — are located i n or i n front of a separated space. C l e a r l y 152 BEFORE AFTER - CHECK a J L ol a |j L a 1_ RECOV I a a 1 D a 1 L D 1 CLAUIFIUTIOH J : D r D H H o u n j u T m MAC HINt o o S 3 , o o HI RATION! i i . INSURANCE r**i In I o a E E • a 3 3 o.o EMUffSEWNT 3 3 • o 3 3 E E ] o o I - C I A W » C A T I O H E E ] Q o o o E E ] ED o o o I AUDIT-ORIUM EXECU-TW QUALITY CONTROL SALES CONF. RM. BUILDING y SERVICES X FILES # STORAGE & PRINTING TESTING RECEPT CONF. A-At left, the torturous path of a typical office process before a simplification program. At right, a highly efficient work flow results from a rearrangement of work steps and stations. Left, Figure 4-35. Claim center, workflow Right, Figure 4-36. Departmental i n t e r r e l a t i o n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n or reimbursement are more important to the balance sheet of the company than f i l i n g of requests or finished cases (Figure 4-35, l e f t plan). In the new layout (Figure 4-35, r i g h t ) , t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between kinds of positions was more equalized; the most e f f i c i e n t r e a l i z a t i o n of the workflow determines the position of workstations. Desks are arranged i n straight l i n e s ; only the s p a t i a l separation of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n section was maintained. Executives are separated into l i n e and s t a f f executives, depending on the i r d i r e c t contribution to the p r o f i t s of the company. A si m i l a r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s indicated between the respective departments these executives preside over. 6* Consider, f or example, the hypothetical i n t e r r e l a t i o n of f i v e departments i n a f i v e f l o o r structure (Figure 4-36, page 152). Here the executives preside over the company on the top together with the purchasing department. Financing follows below and 153 testing i s located in the basement. This p r o f i l e indicates the flow of functional a c t i v i t y between departments but also the scalar importance of each of them. Here, as i n other examples, v e r t i c a l i t y a s s i s t s in the scalar d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of positions. Colin Cave argues that putting the boss on the top and following the hierarchy down to the bottom i s an inadequate design. The i n t e r r e l a t i o n of positions should be established on the basis of s i g n i f i c a n t working r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 6 5 Nevertheless, height of f l o o r i s a very accepted measure to d i f f e r e n t i a t e prestige. An acquaintance and o f f i c e building owner i n Vancouver told me that i t i s guite common for tenants to include a clause i n the lease permitting no other firm of the same type of business to rent space above them. The position of supervisors sometimes i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by having them face those they supervise. Steele mentions that these conditions are not the same everywhere; i n other instances the higher s t a f f s i t i n the back, overlooking the backs of t h e i r subordinates. Thus they can supervise without being controlled themselves. 6 6 At CIT in Manchester, England, the supervisor occupied a raised platform, defined by glass walls, facing the cl e r k s . This asserts the added importance of t h i s p o s i t i o n , both i n terms of the workflow, and i n terms of prestige; here the subordinates l i t e r a l l y look up to the i r superiors. At a l a t e r date the chief clerk's dais was removed. The grades 154 within the o f f i c e organisation were reduced, while at the same time the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between management and s t a f f became more pronounced, as there were fewer positions i n between. 6 7 The idea of the German Quickborner Group, the originators of o f f i c e landscaping, was to substitute an autocratic hierarchy for a democratic organisation. Departments should not be separated, neither should the positions within them. The i n t e r r e l a t i o n of workstations was to be on the basis of f a c i l i t a t i n g communication between a l l members of a team. Teams were to be project-oriented 3 4 5 Figure 4-37. 12 steps to a layout and not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by a h i e r a r c h i c a l s c a l e . 6 8 Yet positions of varied r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and importance established d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g i n t e r r e l a t i o n s . In the twelve steps to a layout, the development of a workstation from a simple c l e r i c a l position to an agglomeration of subordinates around a managerial position i s i l l u s t r a t e d (Figure 4-37, page 155).. The scalar importance of a position i s derived 155 from i t s r e l a t i o n to other positions and p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s ce n t r a l i t y . To have others do work f o r oneself renders one's own position more important. In the less landscaped and more r e c t i l i n e a r organisation of places i n the plan for the Krupp AG O f f i c e s (Figure 4-38, page 156), long l i n e s of small desks usually begin or terminate i n a more secluded position. These f o c a l positions are the sources of direction or the termini of deference. Even when c r i t i c a l path analysis and a proximity p r o f i l e l i m i t the amount of t r a v e l , there has to be a ci r c u l a t i o n system, connecting everybody — at le a s t to the f i r e - e x i t s and elevators. But i t i s also necessary to orient v i s i t o r s and f a c i l i t a t e a c e r t a i n amount of transportation through and between the o f f i c e f l o o r s . The 0 | LP l I CLERICAL I —1 OffiCE ]» < t —V-| CLERICAL 1 omen m <G (G 2 EXEC I —^ arrrcci Ch- in N E X E C [ 1 OFEJCE omcc JUlVXTy AKRJUVOEMEJVT A faulty arrangement of of-fices atony a corridor. The presence' of many doors at one point makes noise transmission likely, and it also causes traffic concentration in these areas LLU < f 1 | 3 EXEC V> Q orncE CLOSED DOOR a un cn 3 CLOSED rxcc ° D O R Tl , I arriCE a n BETTER ARRJUVOEfltErfT The wider corridor covered with an acoustical ceiling isolates the office entrances. Two partitions have been eliminated. Executive offices are better isolated from the outside L e f t , Figure 4-38. Krupp, AG, open o f f i c e plan Eight, Figure 4-39. C e l l u l a r o f f i c e plan 156 black l i n e s in the Krupp AG plan (Figure 4-38) indicate such paths. They tend to bypass those whose positions are fixed by the c r i t i c a l path and point to those who have more discretionary jobs. The paths thread through the i n t e r s t i c e s amongst the numerous c l e r i c a l desks and serve to render prominent the managerial positions. This i s thought necessary as managers receive more v i s i t o r s and have to be able to converse with them c o n f i d e n t i a l l y . Through such a l l o c a t i o n of functions to places, the importance of tasks and t h e i r prestige are expressed i n terms of r e l a t i o n a l differences. It i s noteworthy, for example, that placement of managers near the service core of the building would provide a more convenient path system for v i s i t o r s , but t h i s arrangement would deny them prestigious corners; also the t e n d r i l paths serve to separate one functionary from another on the f l o o r . In a c e l l u l a r o f f i c e layout these differences are less obvious. Transportation and workflow e s s e n t i a l l y take place in a c i r c u l a t i o n system defined by walls and separated from the workspaces behind. However i n a suggested rearrangement of o f f i c e s along a corridor for more privacy the executive o f f i c e s are provided with closed doors. The c l e r i c a l o f f i c e s are open and expose the workers to the t r a f f i c on the widened corridor (see Figure 4-39, page 156). There i s rarely e x p l i c i t double c i r c u l a t i o n . However, paths respond to a s e l e c t i v e i n t e r a c t i o n . Either by means of separate entrances or multiple elevators the o f f i c e 157 c i r c u l a t i o n i s s t r a t i f i e d into d i f f e r e n t sections. Furthermore, the proximity p r o f i l e selects interaction by determining whose ways w i l l cross each other. As decisions and worktasks are communicated along a h i e r a r c h i c a l l i n e , direct physical i n t e r a c t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y limited to adjacent ranks. Indeed the array of positions i n fixed o f f i c e s along a corridor may exc e l l e n t l y r e f l e c t corporate rank structure. 6 The Edges of the Individual Workstation The loosely f i t t i n g building s h e l l , discussed i n Section 4, i s furnished and subdivided with " o f f i c e scenery" 6 9 according to the s p e c i f i c requirements for the i n d i v i d u a l workstation. Here more than anywhere else, h i e r a r c h i c a l differences are made clear through the si z e , the d e f i n i t i o n , and the decoration of the i n d i v i d u a l workplaces. As i n the other conditions discussed above, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s are established on the basis of functional roles. The r e l a t i o n of these functional roles to the organisation chart and to the contribution towards corporate prosperity shapes scalar positions or prestige d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s . Differences of size apply to both the c e l l u l a r and the open plan layouts. Table 4-2 shows the assessment of space needs f o r a department. Note d i f f e r e n t sizes of o f f i c e s , d i f f e r e n t density and different e f f i c i e n c y of space use. By quality of t h e i r positions, senior 158 OFFICE WIDTHS-ALL 16' DEEP DESIGNATION N O . OF PEOPLE S I N G l i ROOM OR SHARING N O . OF CASES 8' 12' 16' GENERAL OFFICE MULTIPLES OF 12' • ' PER PERSON EFFECTIVE USE OF SPACE SENIOR MANAGERS 2 SINGLE 2 2 256 1P% MIDDLE MANAGERS 6 SINGLE 6 6 l « 23% JUNIOI MANAGERS 10 SINGLE 10 10 128 3 0 * SENIOI ASSISTANTS IS SHARING 1 IN 11' 9 9 96 30% SENIOR CLERKS 24 SHARING 3 IN 16' B 9 as 56% JUNIOR CLERKS 40 IN GENERAL OFFICE AT 4 IN 12' 10 10 48 100% TOTAL No. OFFICES 10 13 10 10 FEET RUN FACADE ao IB0 160 120 340 m 2 3 0 -27-87 2 5 -2 0 -I S -1 0 -5 -0 -Ejitltlement to individual room 1" 5 3 9 1 it if I !, I» if s n n L i i fin if II II ! i l i i l l I it L e f t , Table 4-2. Space needs * " «*. Right, Figure 4-40. Space standards, IBM managers are e n t i t l e d to 81% more space than a junior c l e r k would require to e f f i c i e n t l y perform h i s function. The excessive space indicates the prestige of the occupying senior manager and demonstrates conspicuous consumption through the a b i l i t y to afford such i n e f f i c i e n c y or "waste". 7 0 See also the pyramidal hierarchy of space standards as applied by the IBM Corporation (Figure 4-40). While the size of the lower positions i s e s s e n t i a l l y derived from the space requirements for functional furniture, the extra space for higher o f f i c i a l s has more prestige significance. The enclosure of the assigned t e r r i t o r y varies from an open desk i n a general o f f i c e space to the fixed walls of a private o f f i c e with antechamber and private secretary. In the open plan layout only the highest, o f f i c i a l s w i l l have an of f i c e defined by four walls. E s s e n t i a l l y f i l i n g cabinets, desks, planters and screens w i l l d i f f e r e n t i a t e and p a r t i a l l y 159 define the workstations. The decoration of the i n d i v i d u a l workstation i s largely determined by the company. Differences i n materials and decoration help add a latent meaning to the quality of the place and i t s atmosphere i n r e l a t i o n to others. Sometimes provision of a pinboard allows the i n d i v i d u a l to decorate the workstation with some personal items. A l l other personal belongings should be l e f t in the wardrobes 7 1 though in fact they often are not. Other decoration of the workplace i s used to d i f f e r e n t i a t e scalar p o s i t i o n s . 7 2 For example, at the Kaiser Center i n Oakland, C a l i f o r n i a , f l o o r s 3 to 26 are decorated in four colours determined by the owner, while the top two executive f l o o r s show in d i v i d u a l furnishings and c o l o u r s . 7 3 With the idea of the o f f i c e landscape and the increasing mechanisation of c l e r i c a l work, use of o f f i c e scenery to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the prestige of positions has been reduced. However, generally the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between management and staff becomes more pronounced as more managerial positions are added. Tabor speaks of a po l a r i z a t i o n of p o s i t i o n s . 7 * On the other hand, s t a f f members increasingly share more e g a l i t a r i a n positions with respect to receiving, recording and processing i n f o r m a t i o n 7 5 and easy informality often i s actually encouraged under current types of management. Contemporary workplace standards i l l u s t r a t e the. h i e r a r c h i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s according to size, d e f i n i t i o n 160 and decoration of workstations. At the lowest l e v e l , the s i z e and material of the desk r e f l e c t the scalar status in the organisational system and the nature of assigned work. Usually the desk w i l l be of metal and i t s width would varies from 50 to 60 inches. Depending further on the kind of work, a f i l i n g cabinet and l e t t e r trays are added. 7 6 If the employee advances to representative functions a chair for a v i s i t o r i s added. If he i s scheduled to hold small on-table conferences h i s desk w i l l have an overhang top. These are the l i m i t s of the general o f f i c e space, the "bull-pen". The space allocated to the employee w i l l vary between 36 and 80 square f e e t . 7 7 At the next step up the hierarchy the employee q u a l i f i e s for more privacy. Here o f f i c e sizes vary from approximately 80 to 150 square feet. Regarding f u r n i t u r e , i n 1958 the employee would have been issued a standard L-shaped desk, one or two f i l e s , a c l e r i c a l posture chair, two sidechairs i n standard colour, a 60 inch bookcase, wastebasket and l e t t e r trays; apart from the l a t t e r a l l would be i n metal. 7 8 In the open o f f i c e layout the employee may be issued a couple of bankscreens, i f the nature of the work requires more privacy. On the next increase in importance the allocated space increases up to 200 square feet. A conference type desk and an executive posture chair are added. Unless the whole o f f i c e area i s carpeted, there i s no carpet on the f l o o r . In one case, a company moved executives into a new building. 161 Supervisory personnel were to move into the old o f f i c e s , which s t i l l had a rugged carpet on the f l o o r . A higher executive hearing of the incident demanded that the carpet be torn out and thrown away at considerable c o s t . 7 9 Only Left, Figure 4-41. Osram, top f l o o r Right, Figure 4-42. Torrington, upper l e v e l plan after moving up into the lower managing and consulting positions w i l l the employee be issued a carpeted o f f i c e and furniture i n wood.8" The f i n a l step i s then up to the executive f l o o r . Here the sizes of o f f i c e s are discretionary. The president of the Osram Company i n Munich enjoys a suite of which h i s o f f i c e alone i s 750 sguare feet (No. 21 i n Figure 4-41, page 161). Furnishings are increasingly made to taste. The president of the Torrington Manufacturing Company, Torrington, Connecticut enjoys the amenity of a f i r e p l a c e in his o f f i c e (No. 4 i n Figure 4-42, page - . ) . I t i s safe to assume that t h i s has nothing to do with the work he i s supposed to perform. Also the l i g h t i n g a l l o t e d to top o f f i c i a l s more l i k e l y w i l l be point source 162 workstation l i g h t i n g supplemented by lowkeyed background l i g h t i n g , both of which are adjustable. Loyalty Figure 4-43. Aphorism , If you work for a man, in Heaven's • name work for him; speak well of him ; and stand by the institution he rep-resents. ; Remember—An ounce of loyalty is ' worth a pound of cleverness. If you must growl, condemn and eternally find fault, why —resign your position : and when you are on the outside, damn to your heart's content—but as ( long as you are a part of the institu-' tion do not condemn it. If you do, i the first high wind that comes along will blow you away and probably you will never know why. —ELBERT HUBBARD Line o f f i c i a l s w i l l have a private secretary, which increases the control of their t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries. In the Torringtbn Company she has her own o f f i c e , through which i s the only entrance to the president's o f f i c e (No. 3 i n figure 4-42, page 16 1). This prestigious and c o n f i d e n t i a l position requires a secretary well-trained i n the code of o f f i c e propriety, who w i l l have to be able to work unobtrusively and to "button up her l i p s " 8 1 (see aphorism in Figure 4-43). Contrary to the guard in the prison — who has to survey the inmates — the secretary i s not supposed to scruti n i z e the a c t i v i t i e s of the executive she i s assigned to. In sum, workstation edges, furnishings and s i z e s , c l o s e l y conform to prestige d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s . Prestige i s impressive. Differences in o f f i c e size indicate 163 the power to influence: d i r e c t l y speaking, the assigned t e r r i t o r y , yet set into the organisational context, also the a c t i v i t i e s i n the o f f i c e . Prestige i s contagious. Differences of d e f i n i t i o n indicate s e l e c t i v i t y ; increasingly interactants have to be selected. Prestige i s a t t r a c t i v e . Differences in decoration render o f f i c e s more or l e s s a t t r a c t i v e . An a t t r a c t i v e o f f i c e introduces i t s occupant more a t t r a c t i v e l y . The bureaulandschaft idea, i n i t s intention, t r i e d to mellow rank d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s ; i n e f f e c t though — also due to a mechanization of basic o f f i c e tasks i t resulted i n a p o l a r i s a t i o n of positions. Recently a pragmatic renaissance has again established the need fo r prestige d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s . 8 2 Ranks of prestige i n American business are just as accepted as differences in s a l a r i e s ; t h i s i s so, as those below someday hope to be the ones on t o p . 8 3 7 Summary The o f f i c e i s an organisation that involves the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of actors on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of competence and importance. Prestige i s a concept that acknowledges certai n positions as more important than others. I have i l l u s t r a t e d how prestige, as the power to influence, causes those who have l e s s prestige to y i e l d with courtesy to the suggestions of those who have more. Prestige further describes the admiration and the a t t r a c t i o n of subordinates for superiors. The concept always has to be seen i n 164 r e l a t i o n a l terms. There i s not any l e v e l of prestige i f there i s nothing to compare i t to. The plans of the o f f i c e can be seen i n t h i s l i g h t . In selecting a geographic location the o f f i c e w i l l s t r i v e to occupy an a t t r a c t i v e s i t e , compared to others. The building s h e l l w i l l impress the public and the employees, and may establish a trademark i d e n t i f y i n g the corporation. The boundary of the building constitutes a loose s h e l l within which the various positions and level s of prestige are set in scene or set i n place. Paths arrange the various positions by function and by status di f f e r e n t a t i o n . Superiors are often above, at the head, at the end of workunits while subordinates are below or behind. F i n a l l y , the edges in the o f f i c e scenery help orient and i d e n t i f y interactants according to the need to delegate and suggest, or to defer. Prestige i s contagious. Real estate agents know that a house of much higher value than i t s neighbouring ones i s a white elephant and w i l l s e l l for less than i t s actual value. Similarly a comparatively cheaper home might p r o f i t from i t s prestigious neighbours. One can see that prestige i s a delicate a f f a i r . Mingling with too many subordinates w i l l diminish i t considerably. Usually peers w i l l tend to stay with each other, using a r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangements to sustain t h e i r segregation. Places help considerably to make prestige more permanent by concretizing r e l a t i o n a l differences. The 165 position of a person — s o c i a l l y and physically — can be readi l y assessed by a l l sharing his r e l a t i o n a l system. The prestige of a position w i l l greatly help to attract those who consider themselves e l i g i b l e for i t and discourage those who have l i t t l e reason to believe themselves equipped to handle i t . 166 No tes P. W. . Daniels, Office Location.! An urban and Regional Study (London: G. B e l l , 1975), p.8. Marvin E. Olsen, The Process of S o c i a l Organisation (New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston, 1968), pp. 298-300; also, Max Weber, "The Theory of So c i a l and Economic Organisation", as c i t e d by Olsen, Ibid., pp. 300-30 1. Furthermore, Sebastien Mercier, in the 18th century, described the increasing bureaucratization as the "development of the white plague"; see Lewis Mumford, The City i n History: Its Origins, Its Transformations * and Its Prospects, (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1961), pp. 373 and 547. Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 4. Laurence H. Bunker, Measuring Office Work (London: Pittman, 1964). Reinhold Hohl, Office Buildings^ An International Survey (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 6. Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 4. Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class c o n f l i c t i n In d u s t r i a l Society (Stanford, C a l i f o r n i a : Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 249. Ibid. , p. 297. Also, Isabel B a l i n , Structure i n Management: A Study of Different Forms and th e i r Effectiveness, National I n s t i t u t e of In d u s t r i a l Psychology, Report #17 (London: National I n s t i t u t e of I n d u s t r i a l Psychology, 1964) , p. 5. Dahrendorf, op. c i t . , p. 297. Ernest Dale and L. C. Michelon, Modern Management Methods, Penguin Library of Business and Management (1966; rpt. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Pelican Books, 1969), pp. 51-52. Websters New World Dictionary, pocket size e d i t i o n , ed. David B. Guralnik (Toronto: The New World, 1975), p. 473. 167 12. Emile Benoit-Smullyan, "Status, Status Types, and Status Interrelations", in American S o c i o l o g i c a l Reyiew, IX (19 44) , pp. 151-1617 13. Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 221. 14. City of Vancouver, Planning Department, Information and S t a t i s t i c s : Office Space Demand i n Downtown Vancouver,1961-1980, F u l l Technical Report #9a (Vancouver: Planning Department, August 1973), pp. 35-37. For a s i m i l a r study i n London, see Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 119. 15. Beryl Robichaud, Selecting, Planning, and Managing Of f i c e Space, Noma Series i n Office Management (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1958, pp. 8-9. 16. Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 123. 17. . Holhl, op. c i t . , p. 6. 18. Stephen Mullin, "Planning Office Space: Some Notes i n an A c t i v i t y " , in Plannincj O f f i c e Space, eds. Frank Duffy, Colin Cave, John Worthington (London: The Architectural Press, 1976), p. 21. Also, Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 122, and P h i l i p Tabor, "Pedestrian C i r c u l a t i o n i n Offices", i n Land Use and Built Form Studies, Working Paper 17, (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 1969), p. 4. 19. Dale, op. c i t . , p. 83. 20. Daniels, op. c i t . , pp. 160-193. 21. Ibid., pp. 200-201. 22. Thorstein Veblen, "Pecuniary Canons of Taste", in Theory, of the Leisure Class (1899; rpt. New York: Modern LibraryJ 1934) ,~pp7 133-135. Veblen describes how the use of lawn for t h r i f t y purposes such as pastureland was considered vulgar by well-to-do people of the turn of the century. 23. See i l l u s t r a t i o n in Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 56. 24. Architectual Record, Of f i c e Buildings (New York, McGraw-Hill, 196 1), p. 27 25. Hohl, op. c i t . , p. 8. A rough l i m i t for height i n terms of an economical structure, HVAC, water supply and elevator sizes, i s 15-20 f l o o r s . 168 Daniels, op. c i t . , p. 22. Hohl, op. c i t . , p. 120. The i n f l a t i o n of the outside appearance of a building i s reminiscent of "Herrenchiemsee" and "Neuschwanstein", two of the h i s t o r i c i s t castles for Ludwig I I , King of Bavaria. Both of these buildings were b u i l t around' two or three major rooms and the idea of an impressive outside--in the one case to copy. V e r s a i l l e s in the other to create a l i v i n g scenery for Wagner's "Tannhauser" and "Lohengrin" operas. Many of the other spaces inside were not panned for any s p e c i f i c use. See Hans Gerhard Evers, Tod, Macht und Raum aIs Bereiche der Architektur (Munchen: n. p., 1939), pp. 253-257, as cited by Norbert Knopp "Gestalt und Sinn der Schlosser Konig Ludwig I I " in ARGO: F e s t s c h r i f t fur Kurt Badt, ed. Martin Gosebruch and Lorenz Dittmann (Cologne: DuMont, 1970), p. 345. go Thorstein Veblen, "Conspicuous Consumption", in Theory of the Leisure Class op. c i t . , pp. 68-101. Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 31. Ibid., p. 43. Also, The Pilkington Research Unit, Office Design:, A Study of Environment, ed. Peter Manning, (Liverpool: University of Liverpool, May 1965), pp. 81-82. Furthermore, Lawrence Lerner, "Projecting the Corporate Image through Of f i c e F a c i l i t i e s " , i n Business Eguipment Manufacturers Association (here-after BEMA) , Developing the Total O f f i c e Environment, (Washington, D. C , Thompson Book Co., 1967), p. 15. Hohl, op. c i t . , p. 8. Ibid., p. 10. Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 286. Colin Cave, "Entrances and Reception Areas", i n Duffy, Cave and Worthington, op. c i t . , p. 153. Edward T. H a l l , The Hidden Dimension, (Garden City, New York, Doubleday, 1969)*, p. 123. Michael Saphier, Office Planning and Design (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968f, p. 85. 169 Fred I. Steele, Physical Settings and Organisational Development (Reading, Massachusets: Addison-Wesley, 1973) , p. 52. Duffy, Cave and Worthington, op. c i t . , pp- 4-6. For a more detailed discussion see Richard Davies, "Office s h e l l s : A Comparison", i n Duffy., Cave and Worthington, Ibid., pp. 45-51. Jurgen Joedicke, Office Buildings (New York: Praeger, 1962), p. 28. Pilkington Research Unit, op. c i t . , p. 31. Gordon Forrest, The Office—Environmental Planning (Ottawa: National Design Council, December 1970), p. 13. Robert H. Adams, "The Concept of the Work Centre f o r Increasing Employee E f f i c i e n c y and Productivity", in BEMA, op. c i t . , p. 60. Frank Duffy, "Grids", in Duffjr, Cave and Worthington, op. c i t . , p. 52. Joedicke, op. c i t . , p. 19; Saphier, op. c i t . , p. 46. . Steele, op. c i t . , p. 49. M. Arthur Gensler and Peter B. Brandt, A Rational Approach to Office Planning, an AHA Management Br i e f i n g (New York: American Management Association, 1978) , p. 19. Warren C e c i l , "The Impact of Managers' Work Habits on Office Eguipment and Furnishings",' in BEMA, op. c i t . , p. 94. Hohl, op. c i t . , p. 120. Robichaud, op., c i t . , p.. 198. Steele, op. c i t . , p. 50. Duffy,.op. c i t . , p. 58. Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Record, op. c i t . , p. 64. 170 54. James Marston Fitch, Architecture and the Esthetics °£ Plenty (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), pp. . 33-36. At Jefferson's home "Honticello", an underground basement service l e v e l , below the piano nobile, connects a l l parts of the building complex. For v e r t i c a l c i r c u l a t i o n there i s one staircase for servants and one for masters. Also, Reyner Banham, The Architecture of the Well-tempered Environment, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 22. In t h e i r plans the Adam brothers provided concealed access for servants. Furthermore, W i l f r i d Blunt, The Dream King: Ludwig II of Bavaria, (London: Hamish Hilton, 1970), p. 145. Dinner for the king was served on a table lowered mechanically through the f l o o r of the dining room. The king did not have to see any of his servants. 55. J. C. Aspley, ed., The Dattnell Office Administration Handbook (Chicago: Dartnell, 1967), p. 2757" 56. Max Boas and Steve Chain, Big Mac,: The Un authorized Story of McDonald's (New York: The New American Library, 1976)7 pp. 86-87. 57. Robichaud, op.. c i t . , pp. 99 and 289. 58. Ibid., p. 106. 59. Hohl, op. c i t . , p. 8. 60. Eugene Raskin, Architecture and People (Englewood C l i f f s , N. J. : Prentice-Hall,~1974), p " 45. 61. Tabor, op. c i t . , pp. 10-13. 62. Walter C. Waddell, "E f f e c t i v e Space U t i l i s a t i o n and i t s Meaning to Employee Morale", in BEMA, op. c i t . , pp. 47-57. 63. Lynn Moseley, "A Rational Design Theory for Planning Buildings Based on the Analysis and Solution of Ci r c u l a t i o n Problems", A r c h i t e c t \ s Journal, 138 (September 1963) , pp. 525-537. 64. Dale, op. c i t . , p. 52. 65. Colin Cave, "Layout in Open-plan Of f i c e s " , i n Duffy, Dave, and Worthington, op. c i t . , p. 84. 171 66. Steele, op., c i t . , p.. 51. 67. John Worthington, "The Custom-Designed O f f i c e Building", op. c i t . , p. 30. Also, Pilkington Research Onit, op. c i t . , p. 82. 68. Bevis F u l l e r , " Burolan dschaft: A Science of Of f i c e Design?", i n Duffy, Cave and Worthinqton, op- c i t . , pp. 61-67 and 72. 69. Duffy, Cave and Worthington, op. c i t . , pp. 4-6. 70. Thorstein Veblen, "Conspicuous Consumption", op. c i t . , pp. 85-87. 71. Donald D. Powell, "Concepts and F a c i l i t i e s for Increasing C l e r i c a l Productivity", i n BEMA, op. c i t . , p. 35. 72. Steele, op. c i t . , p. 48. Also, A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record, op. c i t . , p. 99. 73. Architectural Record, op. c i t . , p. 57. 74. Tabor, op. c i t . , p. 3. 75. Worthington, op. c i t . , p. 30. 76. Robichaud, op. c i t . , pp. 229-232. 77. Ibid., p. 98. Also Saphier, op. c i t . , p. 46. 78. Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 284. 79. Steele, op. c i t . , p. 53. 80. Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 283. 81. Rosalie V. Cameron, Up_ the Elevator to the Executive Suite (Vancouver: Lee Cameron Ltd., 1972), p. 38. 82. Francis Duffy and Colin Cave, "Burolandschaft: An Appraisal", i n Duffy, Cave and Worthinqton, op. c i t . , pp. 66 and 72-73. 83. Robichaud, op. c i t . , p. 266. 172 CHAPTER 5 SHOPPING CENTRES AND THE PROFIT VALUE 1 Introduction This chapter discusses shopping centres and commercial a c t i v i t y based on a p r o f i t orientation; a l l a c t i v i t i e s taking place i n a shopping centre should eventually, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , enhance a pr o f i t a b l e exchange of goods or services. The organisation and the physical plant of a shopping centre focus on and prepare on for a s p e c i f i c performance: the exchange of rights of possession. The role of the trader i s central i n the commercial enterprise. His p r o f i t or reward stems from negotiating different prices with producers and consumers at di f f e r e n t points and times. In p r e i n d u s t r i a l societies goods are produced i n the family clan and exchanged for the purpose of consumption. The t r i p to the market on s p e c i f i c days i s motivated by the w i l l to exchange a surplus of one's own products for others needed. The role of the trader, then, may be i d e n t i c a l with 173 the producer and consumer. Any p r o f i t margin i s consumed with the negotiated item and not accumulated for l a t e r r e s e l l i n g . * Buying larger quantities f o r the purpose of r e s e l l i n g , c a l l e d engrossing, was prohibited during the middle ages. The guilds would only allow the trading of self-produced items. 2 However, many of today's cottage industries in India and other underdeveloped states are mediated by e x p l o i t a t i v e engrossing of the c l a s s i c type. The transformation of a g r i c u l t u r a l economy into urban economy — together with a new technology — saw ...the emergence of the modern d i s t r i b u t i v e industry, namely the application of technology to serve large masses of people separated from t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l base. 3 With an increase i n the d i v i s i o n of labour the merchant emerges as a t h i r d party between the producer and consumer, buying up products and taking them to the market to s e l l . Subsequently the role of the trader changed from a t r a v e l l i n g marketeer or f a c t o r , to a stationary stock-keeper, r e t a i l e r and appraiser of merchandise. More recently the role shifted to that of a marketing expert s p e c i a l l y trained to motivate customers to buy. Customer-oriented commerce today i s essential to the maintenance of the s o c i a l system, e s p e c i a l l y with respect to i t s free market economy. In the shops, money i s exchanged for the use and prestige of r e a l things or services. "Keeping up with the 174 Joneses" keeps the merchants i n business.* In the commercial establishment manufacturers have the opportunity to s e l l t h e i r goods and consumers have the opportunity to buy them. This d i s t r i b u t i v e function of commerce i s es s e n t i a l to integrate the many parts of a highly specialized economy. It i s not surprising that the shopping centres are a community focus. Despite i t s d i s t r i b u t i v e values, the orientation towards returns on investment predominates commercial a c t i v i t y . "Whatever s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , or p o l i t i c a l impact a shopping development might have on i t s community, i t s es s e n t i a l purpose i s economic. 5 Economic p r o f i t a r i s e s out of the mediation between a supply of marketable items and the demand for them. These are the two cornerstones of the free market economy. P r o f i t i s the remaining margin between the resale value of a product and i t s costs to the r e t a i l e r . 6 The i d e a l s i t u a t i o n would be a market with an unlimited demand. The next best would be a shopping centre, where "a person could l i v e out his or her whole l i f e , except f o r being born and being buried." 7 With an increase of competition amongst vendors and spending power amongst customers, the attention of merchants s h i f t s from the s a t i s f a c t i o n to the creation of a demand. A customer i s a person, who i s aware of a need which i s l a t e r s a t i s f i e d . Creating customers therefore means creating an awareness of needs which must be a preliminary to the making of s a l e s . 8 175 C r e a t i n g a l o t of customers by the most r a t i o n a l means i s e f f i c i e n t marketing i f i t i n c r e a s e s demand. T h i s w i l l e i t h e r r e s u l t i n a high turnover of mass produced goods or i n a r i s i n g value, where the supply i s l i m i t e d , such as i n r e a l e s t a t e or i n the a r t market. 9 Therefore the commercial e n t e r p r i s e has two g o a l s : to get as many buyers as p o s s i b l e and to motivate them to buy. I s h a l l focus on these goals when examining the plans of the shopping c e n t r e with regards to the p r o f i t o r i e n t a t i o n . Shopping c e n t r e s are p l a c e d i n h i g h l y t r a f f i c k e d areas. T h i s f a c t r e v e a l s a key s t r a t e g y f o r the c r e a t i o n of demand, namely convenience. Shopping c e n t r e s are planned to s e t the stage on which exchange may take p l a c e . The shopping c e n t r e i s an agglomeration of shops; much of the f o l l o w i n g i s a l s o r e l e v a n t t o the i n d i v i d u a l shop. S p e c i f i c a l l y I s h a l l d i s c u s s the f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s : S e c t i o n 2. The s e l c t i o n of shopping centr e l o c a t i o n as a b a s i s f o r s u c c e s s f u l p r o f i t making; S e c t i o n 3. The a t t r a c t i o n of the shopping c e n t r e to the o u t s i d e and the i n s i d e boundaries where the exchange takes p l a c e ; S e c t i o n 4. The l a y o u t and d e s i g n a t i o n of p l a c e s f o r the performance of the exchange r i t u a l ; S e c t i o n 5. The paths d i r e c t i n g a c t i v i t y towards the exchange performance; Se c t i o n 6. The edges of the i n d i v i d u a l shop r e p e a t i n g the three stages o f the exchange process on a s m a l l e r 176 s c a l e : outside a t t r a c t i o n , i n s i d e capture and exchange of r i g h t s . Section 7. Summary. 2 The Location of the Commercial E n t e r p r i s e , S p e c i f i c a l l y The Shopping centre In t h i s s e c t i o n I w i l l discuss the c r i t e r i a f o r s i t e s e l e c t i o n of commercial e n t e r p r i s e s i n the human settlement, s p e c i f i c a l l y with reference to the shopping centre. The owner and various c o n s u l t a n t s s e l e c t the s i t e of a shopping centre i n terms of gaining the highest p o s s i b l e re t u r n s . A l l t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s r e s t on the d e s i r e t o be at the r i g h t place at the r i g h t time, to a t t r a c t c u s t omers. 1 0 In c o n t r a s t , the pedlar, approaches h i s customers. Not t i e d to a s p e c i f i c p l a c e , he c a r r i e s h i s establishment with him i n t o homes. His place i s i n the s t r e e t s which form a communal c i r c u l a t i o n system. The mail order s t o r e , a more recent e n t e r p r i s e of a s i m i l a r nature, makes use of the p a r c e l post, which i s another communal c i r c u l a t i o n system. At permanent market p l a c e s , both customers and t r a d e r s t r a v e l to meet at p u b l i c l y designated places and times. A g u i d e l i n e f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a market place i s to l o c a t e i t at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of busy roads (see Figure 5-1, page 176 f o r an example from Shana). A f u r t h e r development i s d i v i s i o n of the area of the market according t o the d i f f e r e n t items held f o r s a l e (Figure 5-2, page 176) . 177 WHERE ONE OR MORE BUSY ROADS PASS THROUGH THE VILLAGE - PLACE THE MARKET ON THE SIDE OF THE VILLAGE WHICH HAS THE MOST TRAFFIC aboul IS kxrict ca»c to Ott Barfctt on Otis rooo . D I V I D E THE A R E A I N T O T R A D E S ^ LORRY J CLEAN _ GOODS AT THIS END \Ckj^Cod 4V fdWn W i t . HEAVY GOODS NEAR LORRY PARK • DUSTY AND SMELLY GOODS ON THIS -SIDE. F i g u r e 5-1. M a r k e t l o c a t i o n F i g u r e 5-2. M a r k e t s u b d i v i s i o n M a r k e t p l a c e s p l a y a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n i n c r e a s i n g c o m m u n i t y s i z e a n d a c t i v i t y . A t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e y a r e s u s t a i n e d b y t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y . W i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m m e r c e , h o w e v e r , m a r k e t p l a c e s g r e w u p o u t s i d e o f t h e w a l l s o f t h e c i t i e s s u s t a i n i n g t h e m . C i t i e s e x p a n d e d a n d " t h e d e m o l i t i o n o f t h e i r u r b a n w a l l s w a s b o t h p r a c t i c a l a n d s y m b o l i c . " 1 1 T h e r i g h t t o p l a c e a n d l a n d c h a n g e d f r o m / . f e u d a l l e a s e t o p r i v a t e o w n e r s h i p . " W h e n l a n d b e c a m e a c o m m o d i t y , n o t a s t e w a r d s h i p , i t p a s s e d o u t o f a n y k i n d o f c o m m u n a l c o n t r o l . " 1 2 A s a r e s u l t b u i l d i n g s a n d i n s t a l l a t i o n s , . . . w e r e n o l o n g e r s e e n a s l a s t i n g s o l u t i o n s m a d e p o s s i b l e b y a n o u t l a y o f p e r m a n e n t l y f r o z e n c a p i t a l , b u t a s a n i n v e s t m e n t t h a t c o u l d r e g u l a r l y b e r e d e e m e d , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e o t h e r m e a n s o f p r o d u c t i o n . 1 3 P r i n c i p a l l y s t a n d s i n t h e v a l u e o f c o m m e r c i a l l a n d , t h e n a n d l a t e r , d i r e c t p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e v a l u e o f i t s l o c a t i o n . 178 For example, the price of land for a gas station r e f l e c t s i t s potential for turnover and investment return (See Figure 5-3). At the intersection i l l u s t r a t e d , the cheapest corner i s the one before the t r a f f i c l i g h t (A). The turn-around Figure 5-3. Land value and location corner has more potential to draw in customers and i s therefore more expensive (B). Most expensive and most a t t r a c t i v e , though, i s the corner on the other side of the t r a f f i c l i g h t s (C). 1* The location with the longest exposure to the most motorists i s cle a r l y most valuable. Yet there are l i m i t s to commercial growth, set by the t r a f f i c conditions and the convenience with which customers can be served. At times, some of the most valuable c i t y s i t e s could no longer return an adequate p r o f i t margin, as the average driving speed on in n e r - c i t y streets diminished to eight miles per hour. 1 5 Furthermore, s c a r c i t y of parking spaces and congested pedestrian walkways limited access to downtown stores. In the automobile age, the out of town shopping centre represents a solution to the downtown congestion. As a recent a l t e r n a t i v e , pedestrian zones and malls have brought back customers to the inner c i t y . 179 • A 0=0 A: Wont direction for entering center Hoops 1, 3, 5). B: Worst direction for leaving center (loops 7, 2, 1). 0 Q-place Q B - p l a c e 0 K - p l a c e o A - p l a c e * M-place Boundary of G region . Boundary of B region Boundary of K region Boundary of A region - Boundary of M region Hay dock by Numbtx indicttM Above, Figure 5-4. Shopping centre access Below, Figure 5-5. System of central places Right, Figure 5-6. Location and r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y The s i t e for the shopping centre usually i s selected on the basis of a t r a f f i c study and a market analysis to ascertain the potential returns of the new centre. A location with a l o t of t r a f f i c i s favoured as i t w i l l expose more customers to the centre, thereby increasing demand (Figure 5-4, page . . ) . Through the t r a f f i c study the areas from which customers can be drawn are defined; these are c a l l e d catchment areas. They are established by measuring the t r a v e l times to the centre and pl o t t i n g them i n in t e r v a l s of f i v e minutes. 1 6 180 Market places were located to serve an established need fo r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods. The c l a s s i c a l model for t h i s i s described by the central place theory: each of a hierarchy of market centres serves the demand of a hexagonal region with a s p e c i f i c selection of stock (Figure 5-5, page 179) . 1 7 In contrast, the location of the shopping centre i s determined by the p o s s i b i l i t y of createing demand. The catchment area i s not defined regionally but by the convenience of access measured i n driving time. The s i z e and shape of the catchment area change with the size and guality of the roads and the density of t r a f f i c (Figure 5-6, page 179) . Contrary to the central place theory, the location of the shopping centre i s not determined by a predefined region, but rather a region can become i d e n t i f i e d by the shopping centre as a landmark. 1 8 While t r a f f i c studies reveal customer potential by catchment areas, i t i s also important to know how much money a given customer may be l i k e l y to spend. Market research analyzes family s i z e , age group, number of cars, family income, and e s p e c i a l l y , spending habits of residents i n a catchment area (Table 5-1, page 181). Rough data are supplied by censuses and are updated by a research s u r v e y . 1 9 They are an i n d i c a t i o n of how much turnover can be expected in what kind of merchandise. Sometimes proposed location does not promise enough turnover for the kinds of r e t a i l 181 PATTERNS OF C O N S U M P T I O N BY SOCIAL CLASS ' 1962 Per capita income and expenditure Class of expenditure in a low class family expressed as a percentage of those in a high class family 1 . 1 Convenience goods 87 Durable goods 64 Total retail 77 j Housing (including mortgages ', and fuel) 52 Motor vehicles 52 Services 48 Taxation, insurances and savings 42 Income 61 Table 5-1. Consumption patterns outlets to which a proposed centre i s committed. Accordingly market research not only i s descriptive, but, l i k e t r a f f i c studies, can also be pr e s c r i p t i v e with respect to the s i t i n g of a shopping centre. Thirdly, competition at a prospective s i t e has to be considered. The s i t e must be a t t r a c t i v e enough to establish a c l i e n t e l e even though other centres may be competing for the same motorists i n the v i c i n i t y . Accordingly, i n addition to t r a f i c and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of potential customers, the more aesthetic a s i t e , the more valuable i t i s l i k e l y to be. A fourth determinant of shopping centre s i t e location may be adjacent land which i s valuable for expansion of the centre or. for housing development. (See, for example, the Crossroads Center, Oklahoma City, Figure 5-7, page 182) Through creation of adjacent housing f a c i l i t i e s , a shopping centre consortium can generate i t s own customer pool, to sustain the neighbourhood r e t a i l outlets serving as nuclei i n the centre, such as drugstores and supermarkets. Thus, i n sum, while location of a shopping centre 182 development F Monorail station C Transit interchange H High-rise apartments and A Rapid transit station B Commercial development C Residential development D Hotel E High-rise high-density office tower* Figure 5-7. Crossroads Center depends on c l a s s i c a l market determinants i n two respects — actual and potential t r a f f i c and the purchasing propensities of potential customers — the need to generate and sustain important in s i t e s e l e c t i o n . In a sense — i n terms of door-to-door driving time rather than distances — the automobile has generated hypothetical "central places" removed towards the perimeters of c i t i e s or outside of them. The s i t i n g of shopping centres r e i f i e s these places and reinforces them by nucleation of resources and housing thereabouts. 3 The Outside Perimeter and the Inside Boundary of the Shopping Center There are three stages i n the commercial exchange process: the outside a t t r a c t i o n , the inside capture and the customers also makes s i t e aesthetics and e x p a n s i b i l i t y 183 actual exchange ritual. 2° A l l three are related to physical building conditions. The shopping centre i s a superstructure which attracts v i s i t o r s into i n d i v i d u a l shops. In t h i s section I w i l l discuss the perimeter of the shopping centre and the boundaries separating a front and a backstage i n shops. The shopping centre i s s i t e d close to major t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s or highway crossroads. But unless the interchange provides for f a i r l y easy and safe access from a l l di r e c t i o n s , such a choice could prove disastrous. A customer who gets trapped i n the i n t r i c a t e patter of a modified cloverleaf may not return soon, or e v e r . 2 1 Conseguently the perimeter i s designed to i n v i t e motorists to enter. Upon entering the s i t e through the driveway the motorist i s received by a vast parking area. This i s the f i r s t introduction to the premises, and i t i s important that "parking arrangements should be expressly for the convenience f the shopping centre patron, with the greatest supply of parking spaces most e a s i l y accessible from the heaviest approach d i r e c t i o n . " 2 2 From the t r a f f i c and market analysis the s i z e of the centre and the number of parking spaces are determined. There are approximately s i x to eight parking spaces per one thousand sguare feet of Gross Leaseable Area (GLA). 2 3 The exact number i s determined by the average weekly peak hour freguency. 2* Other organisations might s e t t l e for a medium frequency target for accommodation of cars, but here every 184 customer counts. Upon leaving the car the customer proceeds to the str<uctual entrances which ":..should be designed to conveniently f i t the customer p a r k i n g . " 2 5 I t i s very important that the parking a i s l e s be l a i d out perpendicular to the buildings, so that customers do not have to walk between cars and are led to the entrances. 2 6 See, for example, the Randhurst Shopping Center, I l l i n o i s i n Figure 5-8) In addition to the parking amenities there are graphic signs on the perimeter orienting and att r a c t i n g v i s i t o r s . I t was the sign that directed Ray Kroc to the McDonald's hamburger stand: two radiant arches blazing guietly i n the hot sun. But what struck the Chicago v i s i t o r even more as he drew closer were the people that flocked between them .. . 2 7 Robert Venturi distinguishes between the decoration and the building structure. Decoration can be an i n t e g r a l part of 185 the b u i l t form, or i t may be a second layer i n front of the structure, which defines the building as a "decorated shed"- 2 8 In either case the appearance c a r r i e s a message which i s d i s t i n c t from the arrangement and uses of places. For example, the MacDonald's arches would lose a l o t of t h e i r meaning without the shed and the food outlet they designate. Graphic decoration on the perimeter of the s i t e and on the outside of the building s h e l l a t t r a c t s and orients v i s i t o r s towards entering the shopping centre. Often the building s h e l l may not be more than a structure to accommodate c l u s t e r s of decorated sheds. The entrances i n plan accommodate the a c t i v i t y generated by the decorative signs. The vast parking areas, necessary to accommodate the cars, are usually unattractive. Landscaping i s calculated to humanize the s t e r i l e patterns without consuming much r e a l e s t a t e . 2 9 The the a c t i v i t y i n the area can also be livened up by introducing small r e t a i l and non-retail establishments along the perimeter, l i k e theatres, cinemas or "TBA" (Tire, Battery and Car A c c e s s o r i e s ) . 3 0 As they enter the driveway and park t h e i r cars, customers are oriented towards the central buildings. They are encouraged to penetrate deeper into the structure and closer to the merchandise in i n d i v i d u a l shops. Service personnel so commonly take for granted the right to keep the audience away from the back region that attention i s drawn more to cases where 186 t h i s common strategy cannot be applied than to cases where i t can. For example, the American f i l l i n g s t a t i o n manager has numerous troubles in t h i s regard...when the mechanic makes repairs or adjustments, customers often feel they have the right to watch him as he does his work. I f an i l l u s o r y service i s to be rendered and charged fo r , i t must, therefore, be rendered before the very person who i s to be taken i n by i t . 3 1 A boundary between front and backstage i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t r a d i t i o n a l shops. This boundary may be defined by the l i m i t s of a table, a stack of crates or an elaborate counter desk. This boundary i s e s s e n t i a l ; i t marks a demarcation l i n e between what i s a r e t a i l e r ' s zone and that of the customers. It furthermore establishes the starting positions for an exchange r i t u a l . 3 2 The frontstage i s where the customers explore or express t h e i r wishes; the backstage i s where the r e t a i l e r stores money and merchandise. Conditions for an exchange are negotiated across the boundary between frontstage and backstage (see store i n Ghana, Figure 5-9, page 187). The consumer negotiates the market price of goods, while the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n costs are known only behind the boundary. The difference, the p r o f i t , l i e s between the backstage cost and the frontstage price. In a s e l f - s e r v i c e layout the boundary moves towards the e x i t . A major part of the merchandise i s displayed i n areas open to the customer. The boundary i s separated into a check-out counter at the exit and a storage area behind the shelf and display area (see supermarket in Figure 5-10) . In 187 F i g u r e 5-9. Service l a yout Figure 5-10. S e l f - s e r v i c e l ayout both cases — t r a d i t i o n a l shop and s e l f - s e r v i c e market — a boundary serves t o define r i g h t s of possessions and f a c i l i t a t e s the exchange r i t u a l . The way t o t h i s boundary, from the driveway entrance to the centre and i n t o the shops, i s made as a t t r a c t i v e as p o s s i b l e . To a i d customer convenience, s e r v i c e and customer entrances of the modern shopping centre are separated. I f p o s s i b l e , the shops i n s i d e a l s o maintain separate entrances. I f t h i s i s not p o s s i b l e , then time of use i s s t r a t i f i e d ; d e l i v e r y of goods and d i s p o s a l of waste w i l l take place before o r ' a f t e r opening h o u r s . 3 3 During shopping hours, the shopping centre i s h i g h l y permeable, with very l i t t l e or no v i s i b l e space on the s a l e s f l o o r s a l l o c a t e d to e x c l u s i v e use by s t a f f . In t h i s way v i s i b l e b a r r i e r s to customer access to goods are minimized and made n e g l i g i b l e . At the same time b a r r i e r s t o backstage spaces f o r storage and employee f a c i l i t i e s are made h i g h l y 188 impenetrable through the use of small obscure doors i n back walls or by use of large doors so massive that they look l i k e walls. This i s the key c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of modern stores in shopping centres: their lack of doors (so often the mall i s weathertight), t h e i r extreme openness and a c c e s s i b i l i t y and the impenetrable backstage spaces, i f they have any. 4 The Layout of the Shopping Center and the Designation of Places The shopping centre plan i s l a i d out to get the v i s i t o r to move closer to the inside shops and to remain i n t h e i r v i c i n i t y . E s s e n t i a l l y i t i s a privately-owned substitute for the communal marketplace. In the following section I s h a l l discuss the layout of the shopping centre structure, of the department store units connecting customer corridors as the core-areas, and the supporting areas serving the tenants and creating a persuasive shopping atmosphere, 4. 1 Shop mix and arrangement The data from the market research w i l l t e l l the developer the quantity and s e l e c t i o n of goods l i k e l y to s e l l in the given catchment area. From these data, the p a r t i c i p a t i n g merchants of the centre are selected; they form the shopping of the centre. It i s i n the inte r e s t of the landlord that tenants have a maximum of sales. Therefore competition within the centre i s reduced to a minimum; tenants should not compete with but rather complement each other. A p r o f i t a b l e merchant layout 189 i s determined with the "Nelson Formula". I t bases i t s recommendations on a relationship between inte n t i o n a l and inc i d e n t a l purchases. Shops are compatible neighbours i f 10-20% of t h e i r customers v i s i t both; they are not compatible i f less than one percent of customers patronize both stores. General food and hardware — appliances, radio, household goods — are compatible i n most locations; shoe and clothing stores, however, should be near a major r e t a i l outlet. Service shops can be located i n sidemalls, as they would do business anyway; that i s , demand for t h e i r services i s r e l a t i v e l y i n e l a s t i c . 3 * Restaurants and drug stores need outside frontage because they may be open late a f t e r a shopping centre i s locked up. 3 5 N A T I O N A L FLOOR SPACE REQUIREMENTS BASED ON 1961 CENSUS OF D ISTRIBUTION Sales per'head - Sales per square Gross floor space of population foot \ requirements (£ per year) (£ per year) (square feet per head) Food 81-4 36 2-26 Confectionery/tobacco 12 0 24 0-50 Clothing 27 2 21 1 29 Hardware 16-4 14 1-10 Books/stationery 4 6 16 0 29 Chemists 5 1 29 0-18 Furniture 7-8 19 0-41 Jewellery and leather 1-7 15 0 11 Catering 26-2 16 1 58 Motor vehicles 18-5 116 0-17 -- Total 7 89 -Table 5-2. Space budget Table 5-2 (page 190) gives rough estimates for a space budget, that i s the amount of floorspace reguired to s a t i s f y the anticipated demands i n 1960 i n the United Kingdom; these w i l l , of course, vary by date, country and concerns of those in a given catchment area. As part of the landlord's r e n t a l returns accrue from sales of his tenants, c a p i t a l layouts 190 (in terms of space and shop-frontage allowances) are adjusted to the anticipated sales. The standard width of a shopping centre i s 350-400 feet, which leaves a possible 150 feet depth of'tenant space on both sides of a c o r r i d o r . 3 6 Table 5-3 (page 190) shows i n 1963 dimensions recommended dimensions for frontage and of various types of shops i n B r i t i s h shopping centres. A food store, for example, reguires a frontage 20% of i t s depth, while a f u r n i t u r e store benefits from proportionally twice as much.37 RECOMMENDED D IMENSIONS FOR DIFFERENT TENANT UNITS 1 9 6 3 ' Unit type Frontage Depth Remarks (feet) (feet) Traditional food shop 25 min. 80 Off-licence 16-20 100 On main routes 16-20 40 On secondary routes 18-20 20-30 Plus additional storage Shoe shops 18 70 For population under 25.000 plus first, floor storage space 22 100 For population over 25.000 33 100 On main routes 20 80 Plus first floor storage space Shoe repairs 13-18 24 Plus same area for stock and workrooms Men's wear 18-20 60-80 20 80 Plus first floor Women's wear, woollens 18 ' 60 and accessories 18 20 30-36 80 Plus first floor 20 40-60 Plus first floor Newsagents, booksellers 26 60-70 Plus first floor storage Chemist, hardware 18 50 For smaller tenants • 40 100 For major tenants Furniture 40 100 For ground floor, plus 8.000-10,000 on floors Table 5-3. Unit dimensions 4.2 Magnets The most important mission assigned to the shopping centre superstructure — corridors and adjoining spaces — i s to get customers to go close to the inside of shops and to remain i n t h e i r v i c i n i t y . This i s a prerequisite for sales and therefore supportive of the p r o f i t of tenants. On the other hand, for the landlord, i t i s the most central function i s to keep the centre in operation and to get a 191 return on h i s investments. In th i s sense, spaces for key-tenants or magnets and the connecting corridor past smaller tenants — often a central spine — are core-places. The f i r s t shopping centres of the late nineteen f i f t i e s were modelled after the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e sguare or mainstreet s t r i p . There were shops on both sides of an open mall or around a carpark sguare, . Progressively, thereafter, malls were covered both to create a more comfortable and seductive environment and also to focus customer attention on the attractions inside. "North American regional centres are l i t e r a l l y b u i l t around t h e i r department store elements." 3 8 The l a t t e r are also referred to as "magnets", which generate movment down the centre, "past shops of lower a t t r a c t i o n and thus maximizing turnover for a l l t e n a n t s . " 3 9 Conseguently most shops i n a shopping mall are anchored around the corridors leading to one or more connecting department stores (see Figure 5-11). In the one-magnet centre, small shops are grouped around a department store i n the middle, as i n the Exton 192 Square Center, Pennsylvania (Figure 5-12). The magnet draws the customers through several entrances and f i l t e r s them through smaller stores. The two magnet centre usually Figure 5-12. Exton Square Figure 5-13. "The Esplanade" follows a dumb-bell layout. Department stores on both ends of a mall draw the customers through the corridor past the other tenants (see, for example , "The Esplanade", Oxnard, C a l i f o r n i a i n Figure 5-13). Experience shows that the drawing power of the magnets i s limited to about 300-400 feet per department s t o r e . * 0 I f the distance i s longer v i s i t o r s w i l l not walk through the whole length of the corridor and thus miss exposure to shops...or i f they do walk the distance, become fatigued by doing so, and leave the scene. Thus with a d d i t i o n a l malls or buyers, more magnets have to be added. Three magnets may be used to form an L-shaped plan, or a T-shaped plan. Four department stores seems to be the maximum number of magnets, 193 as the catchment areas required to support them become so large as to generate substantial congestion. The p r i n c i p l e of using magnets to create customers has long been i n use by supermarkets. L C p l L Z l m M A I N FLOOR PLAN A R E A K E Y FIGURES IN SQUARE FEET SALES NON-SALES GROCERY | 7 0 9 6 | 2 2 3 8 ^ TO'AL - 9 3 3 4 SALES NQNSALE5 PRODUCE [ 2 2 8 0 ) 2672 TOTAL • 4 9 5 2 SALES NON SALES MEATS E ^ 0 5 v . T I ^ 2 8 2 6 ' TOTAL - 4531 SALES DAIRY SALES SERVICE | 4 6 0 7 TOTAL - 9 9 7 2 COUNTER STATISTICS TOTAL COUNTER AREA M % OF TOTAL BLDG. AREA Figure 5-14. Supermarket DEPT. LINEAR DATA AREA DATA UN rf E F I Of TOTAl SO. FEtT I OF TOTAl r*r«'":j 1112 72 IIS 14 170 11 DAIRY 43 3 TOTAL j 1540 100% 100X One of the reasons why i t i s so important to get exposure of a l l items to a l l customers i s that two-thirds of the items that the average shopper takes out of the market are bought "on impulse". Unseen, therefore, i s unsold. 4 1 In the supermarket the four essentials of the da i l y diet — meat, vegetables, bread and dairy products — are located around the perimeter (see Figure 5-14). As "customers tend to move l i k e mice scurrying along the w a l l s " 4 2 , they w i l l at least move once around the store. This exposes them to a l l the items facing the walls and the end i s l e displays. Usually these items are those with the biggest markup per unit sale: drugs and cosmetics, 36-39%; household supplies, 25% and more; beverages, candy, paper products, frozen goods, tea, 20-25%. 4 3 The department stores in a shopping centre serve the 194 same c i r c u l a t i o n function; they also a t t r a c t people into the mall i n the f i r s t place. Through national advertising and through national d i s t r i b u t i o n of branches, they st r i v e to keep and increase t h e i r share of the market. Therefore the biggest department stores press for representation i n a catchment area, e s p e c i a l l y when t h e i r competitors are already present. When, for example, the new shopping centre "Landmark" was constructed near S p r i n g f i e l d , V i r g i n i a , i t was s t i l l considered worthwhile to develop another one four miles down the road; the department stores not represented in the f i r s t centre pressed into the second to share the auto-based consumer t r a f f i c generated by the f i r s t . 4 4 In t h i s respect department stores not only generate a c t i v i t y in the centre and to the centre, but are also a major force i n generating a consumer flow that other centres may tap. La P u e n t e s h o p p i n g c e n t r e . C a l i f o r n i a . U S A A r c h i t e c t s : G r u e n A s s o c i a t e s Key : ' ~ ~ 1 D r u g s to re I 2 P e n n e y ' s d e p a r t m e n t s tore [ 3 Cent ra l C o u r t 4 U p p e r - l e v e r ma l l ' 5 Escala tors 6 Res tau ran t | 7 S h o p u n i t s I 8 R o b i n s o n ' s d e p a r t m e n t s to re | Figure 5-15. La Puente Shopping Center Usually, major department stores contribute substantially to the financing of a new centre, because i t 195 serves them as a t r a f f i c generator. Since they plan and pay for t h e i r occupied parts i n a centre, they pay lower rents. In some instances they completely finance t h e i r own stores, leaving to the developer only the financing of the mall and the smaller tenant spaces. 4 5 See, for example, the plan for La Puente Shopping Center, C a l i f o r n i a (Figure 5-15, page 19 4), which i s a central building with open ended co r r i d o r s allowing for up to four magnets, each to be b u i l t and planned independently by prospective tenants. 4.3 Support and delivery areas The r e t a i l e r e s s e n t i a l l y supplies space for the display of goods. Therefore r e t a i l e r s w i l l s t r i v e to have most of t h e i r stock out front, where i t can be sold and a p r o f i t made. One modern means for cutting down storage space i s computerized recording cash r e g i s t e r s ; any item sold can be immediately reordered for prompt delivery. Generally, stored goods must be held within the leased area. As space i s scarce and expensive, storage spaces, l i k e s t a f f t o i l e t s , o f f i c e s and lounges, are reduced to a minimum.*6 Present marketing technigues cut down backstage areas in order to use most of the available space for the display and turnover of merchandise. The r e t a i l e r i n the shopping centre, s i m i l a r to the t r a v e l l i n g trader, t r i e s to keep his stockage at low l e v e l s , by deferring selection of goods to customers and by relying.on high speed wholesale or r e t a i l d i s t r i b u t i o n . In ordinary r e t a i l i n g , streets and a l l e y s i n front and 196 back of a shop support other than commercial a c t i v i t y . In contrast, the shopping centre as a private i n s t a l l a t i o n i s designed primarily to do business and to make a p r o f i t ; i t s "str e e t s " and "lanes" can be manipulated to t h i s end. Yet some of the non-commercial amentities of the c i t y environment are brought also into the shopping centre. Shopping centres are now trying to establish a new image, playing down the purely commercial aspects of t h e i r existence and substituting the picture of a community-minded organisation, providing a place where people can convene s o c i a l l y . * 7 The mall, for example, i s broken up by courtyards, which create small squares as foc a l magnets. These courtyards can also be pr o f i t a b l y used for promotional a c t i v i t i e s . * 8 Playgrounds for children i n the centre w i l l " r i d mothers or parents of children — hopefully long enough to extend the adults' buying p o t e n t i a l . " * 9 Community rooms add other non-retail uses — such as weddings, lectures, assemblies — and they assert the centre's important position i n the socal and c u l t u r a l community l i f e . Besides, these rooms require no frontage and can be located i n places that would be hard to lease anyway5" (see Figure 5-16, page 197) . Customer f a c i l i t i e s are financed and b u i l t to a t t r a c t customers and to create an atmosphere conducive to for higher turnovers. For example, with regards to seating arrangements i n the mall, 197 It has been shown, however, that in some centres, older people gather on the benches and spend a good part of the day there. There are subtle methods to discourage unlimited use of the seating f a c i l i t i e s . The simplest way i s not to make the seats too comfortable. Benches can be constructed with s l a t seats, which become t i r i n g a f t e r a while; they can be b u i l t without backrests and spaced away from w a l l s . 5 1 A = Communi ty center B = Mechanical rooms C = Health studio D = Cleaners E = Restaurant F = Drugstore Figure 5-16. Location of Stores Development of such amenties i s , of course, not a l t r u i s t i c . I t i s aimed at gaining more customers and encouraging them to spend more by staying longer in a pleasant place. Thus l i t t l e or no space or resources are allocated to persons or groups • who are not customers or to amenties which support management and s t a f f rather than customers. Thus, for example, employee parking "should be separated from the public areas, or confined to the outermost spaces." 5 2 This i s a measure impossible to imagine, for example, i n an university, where i t i s the other way around. 4.4 Administration of the shopping center Economic power was defined e a r l i e r as the ri g h t of ownership; the right to adjust the terms of the exchange of ownership l i e s i n the hands of the i n d i v i d u a l r e t a i l e r and not i n the hands of the shopping centre administration. The Rear of center Front of center 198 l a t t e r serves tenants i n maintaining the building f a c i l i t i e s and in surveying the centre for pot e n t i a l and actual disruptions, such as s h o p l i f t i n g or demonstrations. 5 3 A small administration o f f i c e i s located away from the sales f l o o r s — preferably on the top overlooking the mall. The minimal spaces for the maintenance s t a f f are i n the basement or near the docking f a c i l i t i e s , and out of sight of pedestrians. s* The manager's o f f i c e and s t a f f rooms most l i k e l y are only accessible by backstairs or private elevators, which underlines the unpretentious role of administraton in the shopping centre. 4.5 Summary of t h i s section The layout of the shopping centre i s c a r e f u l l y adjusted to the p r o f i t motive. Each planning measure, from the s i z e of spaces and t h e i r designation to the form of seating arrangements, i s weighed against an improvement of turnover. The landlord of the centre is mostly concerned with at t r a c t i n g customers and consequently tenants. The power to s e l l and therefore the primary p r o f i t l i e s i n the hands of the i n d i v i d u a l r e t a i l e r . The landlord w i l l make his p r o f i t from the p r o f i t of tenants. 5 Paths and the Direction of A c t i v i t y In t h i s section I w i l l discuss paths i n a shopping centre as a means to direct and generate pedestrian movement. Customers are created by exposing a l l tenants to a 199 steady flow of v i s i t o r s . Through the layout of the parking a i s l e s , v i s i t o r s are lead into a central corridor or mall. By adjusting the length and width of t h i s corridor, v i s i t o r s are persuaded to c i r c u l a t e past a l l shops. The optimum length r e s u l t s from the magnetic draw of department stores; 300-400 feet per department store. Smaller distances w i l l hardly occur, as the landlords t r y to accommodate a maximum of tenants. Longer distances w i l l reduce complete c i r c u l a t i o n and thus exposure of a l l shops. A dumb-bell, a central T or X-shaped plan w i l l make most e f f e c t i v e use of t h i s draw. The L-shaped plan divides the main corridor into two sections and reduces exposure of tenants i n both of them. See, for example, the North Park shopping centre, Texas (Figure 5-17, page 200). Here, there i s a problem of distance, as each arm of the main corridor measures more than 600 f e e t . 5 5 To encourage spending i t i s also important to control speed of motion and exposure time of each store. If v i s i t o r s move too f a s t , impulse purchases decrease as customers spend too l i t t l e time i n front of each shop. If they move too slowly, customers may spend a l l the i r money before getting through the mall. The width of the mall i s decisive i n c o n t r o l l i n g speed. To allow for impulse shopping, a mall should be narrow, possibly 25 feet wide to be most e f f e c t i v e , but t h i s would destroy amenity and cause congestion, for which 80 feet might be a desirable width. 5 6 Most shopping centers s e t t l e for a compromise: 40 feet, plus 200 or minus the width of occasional niches and k i o s k s . 5 However, in the s p l i t l e v e l plan upstairs g a l l e r i e s cover only part of the main mall width. (See, for example, the dark areas in the plan of the Woodfield Mall, Schaumburg, I l l i n o i s , Figure 5-18) there the contrast in density and the exciting glimpses between levels w i l l i n v i t e v i s i t o r s to use b o t h . 5 8 In the nin.eteen f i f t i e s double l e v e l malls were abandoned, ...since i t had been found that the secondary l e v e l , not being a part of the main pedestrian flow, was is o l a t e d and therefore unable to support rental l e v e l s appropriate to the covered centres. 5 9 201 This deficiency was overcome by the strategic location of t r a f f i c generators and by the s p l i t l e v e l mall, where v i s u a l and aural contact between levels i s constantly maintained. Psychological and physical fatigue of the "tunnel e f f e c t " can reduce turnovers severely. One solution i s to make the mall shorter by making use of a s p l i t l e v e l . A solution to psychological fatigue i s a staggered layout of the corridor, which breaks i t midway. This way, shoppers w i l l be able to see both ends only from a small area i n the middle of the m a l l 6 0 (see, for example, "The Esplanade", Figure 5-13, page 192). Also courtyards i n the mall w i l l break the monotony of a straight c e l i n g l e v e l and focus customer attention on the surrounding a r e a 6 1 (Figure 5-19, page 201) . 3 i i Section S-S Mall courts. Higher ceilings in the mall courts break the monotony of a long mall and permit the introduction of special decor features. Figure 5-19. Hall courts Effect of escalators on adjoining stores. Stores marked X may lose cus-tomers when there is a large crowd trying to get on the escalators. Figure 5-20. Escalators E s s e n t i a l l y the physical conditions of the mall should encourage complete c i r c u l a t i o n . A very straightforward example for achieving complete c i r c u l a t i o n i n a very d i f f e r e n t type of plan was set by the Star Market Corporation supermarket in Newtonville, Massachusetts. In 20 2 t h i s store a one-way c i r c u l a t i o n system makes sure that customers, once they are i n , go through the whole s t o r e . 6 2 Shopping centres achieve s i m i l a r e f f e c t s , though with l e s s obtrusive means. Any permanent elements in the mall are problematic with regards to i n h i b i t i n g pedestrian flow. Escalators i n a two l e v e l mall have to be c l e a r l y v i s i b l e and e a s i l y accessible. On the other hand they should not obstruct the view of adjoining storefronts (Figure 5-20) . Furthermore, unless the mall widens, t r a f f i c congestion around l i f t s w i l l complicate access to neighbouring stores and reduce t h e i r turnover. 6 3 Similar problems are encountered with temporary kiosks i n a mall. While they render an add i t i o n a l income to the landlord, they can also bs a vi s u a l and a t r a f f i c obstruction. Therefore the upper parts of their elevation should be open or f u l l y transparent. In the case of a snack bar, l i t t e r i n g can repel customers away from adjoining stores, and therefore trash removal must be handled c a r e f u l l y , e.g., by frequent cleanup. 6 4 Carpeting in the mall i s a means to control speed of motion; the softer the material, the slower the movement.65 On the other hand customers may be discouraged by carpet stains from cigarette burns or carpets s o i l e d with chewing gum.66 Natural l i g h t i n g i n the centre i s li m i t e d in order to maintain a constant contrast between the mall i l l u m i n a t i o n and the highlighted shopfronts. In some cases natural 203 l i g h t i n g may even be unwanted, as glare from the sun could d i s t r a c t customers. Therefore eastern exposure of the centre i s strongly recommended. "Usually by the time the centre opens for business, the sun i s not shining d i r e c t l y i n . " 6 7 Back and frontstage paths should be separated. Delivering vehicles and garbage trucks should be directed on dif f e r e n t routes from the customer driveways. 6 8 An e f f e c t i v e layout provides more than one loading f a c i l i t y at the centre i n order to cut down the handling distances of goods to the i n d i v i d u a l s t o r e s 6 9 (See, for example, the Sandwell Center, West Bromwich, Figure 5-21). Figure 5-21. Sandwell Figure 5-22. Trucking Center tunnels Open mall shopping centres sometimes make use of underground trucking tunnels (see Figure 5-22, page 203) . In the covered mall i t i s the shoppers who are tunnelled, while trucks can drive up behind a landscaped area and deliver t h e i r goods or pick up r e f u s e . 7 0 Once the goods are inside the centre, delivery to the i n d i v i d u a l shops should be hidden from customers' view. 20 4 Tenants may have direct backstage access to service areas or a service corridor (see Figure 5-21, page 203). Otherwise d e l i v e r i e s have to be conducted i n an "operation moondrop" outside the normal shopping hours. 7 1 This of course i s the regular procedure i n t r a d i t i o n a l open markets. The p r o f i t orientation seeks exposure to customers. To increase p r o f i t s for landlords and tenants a maximum exposure i s achieved through complete and controlled c i r c u l a t i o n . Furthermore, to maintain the r e t a i l e r ' s p o s i t i o n between consumer and producer, t h e i r paths have to be separated. This w i l l support a posi t i v e insight into the inevitable exchange r i t u a l and maintain i t s fascinating mystery. 6 The Edges of Shops and the Exchange Process In the following examples I s h a l l i l l u s t r a t e how some shops respond to the requirements for creating customers. The v i s i t o r s in the mall have to be attracted to stop and enter into the shop. This i s the function of the edge between the mall and the shop i n t e r i o r . To stop passers-by, storefronts are sometimes arranged in a sawtooth fashion. This way windows face somewhat more towards the t r a f f i c flew so as to attr a c t the shopper's eye. Also, the more angles on the edge of a path of a mall, the more l i k e l y i t may be that a v i s i t o r w i l l decelerate, stop and e n t e r . 7 2 Eventually t h i s leads to a sort of cave or grotto plan seen in recent shopping c e n t r e s . 7 3 See, f o r example, the 205 Eastridge shopping centre, in San Jose, C a l i f o r n i a (Figure 5-23). Key. 1 Sears department store (3 levels) 2 Macy's department store (3 levels) 3 Penney's department store (2 levels) 4 Ice rink ! 5 Liberty House depar tment store (3 levels) 6 Upper- level park ing 7 Lower- level park ing 8 Mall 9 Shops ELEMENTS IN STORE FRONT STRUCTURE H ore ihaded.) i — L ... ...-ii a. CIRCA I 0 50 Figure 5-23. Eastridge shopping center Figure 5-24. Store-fronts E s s e n t i a l l y , the sawtooth edge i s related to the recessed entrance developed in the f i f t i e s 7 * (Figure 5-24). A recessed front entrance and a show window at an angle to the street are proven to at t r a c t pedestrians. They slow down and may step into the bay which brings them clo s e r to the store entrance. They are l i k e l y to proceed further down the mall, i f the depth of the bay i s bigger than i t s width, so that the bay has a r e s t r i c t i v e or c l o s e t - l i k e q u a l i t y . Furthermore the door often may be placed asymmetrically, so as to reduce formality of entering, which "would reduce the subconsciously growing tendency to buy. 1 1 7 5 Getting customers inside the shop i s a major step towards a sale. Consequently the storefront edge i s formed to lead customers in side. 206 Figure 5-25. Children's Figure 5-26. Airport Place Boutique A clever example i s given by "The Childrens Place" i n the Willowbrook Mall, New Jersey (Figure 5-25). There a maze occupies half of the storefront. In p l a y f u l exploration children — and hopefully also their parents — are drawn i n t o the shop inside and the merchandise displayed. A v i r t u a l image often i s transposed over a simple entry to a shop. The form of the entrance to the Airport Boutique, Main Place Mall, Buffalo, New York, represents a cloud (Figure 5-26, page 206). In plan i t i s a place to enter. The form i s an icon, resembling a cloud; the a c t i v i t y i t accommodates i s an index, not for f l y i n g or r a i n , but for entering a clothes store. Differences in l i g h t i n g a t t r a c t customers into shops and closer to merchandise. Freguently l i g h t i n g contrasts complete substitutes f o r material edges. Bright spots draw people's attention. Therefore the mall i s lighted with not less than 20 footcandles; yet the shopfronts are illuminated 207 to 300 footcandles. 7 6 Once inside the shops, customers are led close to the merchandise to motivate them to buy. Then the i l l u m i n a t i o n l e v e l inside should drop to 60 footcandles, to allow "accent l i g h t i n g of much higher l e v e l s for s p e c i a l d i s p l a y s . " 7 7 In the "Paraphernalia" boutique. New York C i t y , by Dlrich Franzen, outside at t r a c t i o n and inside capture are combined. A b i l l b o a r d of flashing projections at the back of the store i s the p r i n c i p a l display, sales, and design element, v i s i b l e through the glass wall from the outside as well as from the' i n s i d e . "The rest of the shop ... [ i s ] near to being a non-object." 7 8 Yet there i s a door through which the customers are drawn i n and a number of dressing booths bringing them very close to the merchandise. F i n a l l y Left, Figure 5-27.. Paraphernalia Boutique Middle, Figure 5-28. Elna sewing machine shop Bight, Figure 5-29. Jewellers shop. there i s a sales counter by the door where customers pay. These elements are simple compared to the glamorous 208 b i l l b o a r d yet they are v i t a l for the exchange process (Figure 5-27, page 208). The layout of the shop i n t e r i o r depends partly on the kind of merchandise i t features. The stage w i l l be set d i f f e r e n t l y i n a sewing machine shop from a jeweller's. In the former the usefulness of the item, in the l a t t e r i t s s i n g u l a r i t y , w i l l be stressed. The Elna sewing machine shop in Vienna devotes four desks to the demonstration and customer try-out of t h e i r product (lower l e f t hand corner i n Figure 5-28) . In a jewellers shop, for example, in Mannheim (Figure 5-29), a few cases i n front s u f f i c e for l i m i t e d display of merchandise. At a place behind the screen for i n d i v i d u a l consultation the interested customer may be i n v i t e d to examine a s e l e c t i o n . In "The Children's Place" (Figure 5-25, page ..) 20% of the s e l l i n g area i s designated as play area. The policy i s to l e t children play and to l e t them convince their parents about the d e s i r a b i l i t y of certain t o y s . 7 9 At the "Very Very Terry Jerry" shop i n the Cannery, San Francisco, "...the windows r e a l l y become show windows — not f o r s t a t i c display of mannequins and merchandise but for the much more int e r e s t i n g ' l i v e ' show" 8 0 (see Figure 5-30, page 209). Customers try i n g on clothes can enjoy t h e i r e f f e c t on a public presented to them as the audience outside on the corridor and walkway. A shop plan in a covered mall should set favourable conditions for outside a t t r a c t i o n and inside capture of consumers as well as some boundary across which the exchange 209 Figure 5-30. "Very Very Terry Jerry" boutigue takes place. In the t r a d i t i o n a l shop layout a boundary before the stored merchandise keeps i t out of the reach of customers. The sales clerk selects and presents goods according to customer reguests. The claim to ownership of goods i s refined by th e i r being behind the sales boundary. This system presupposes that the customers are able to verbally express t h e i r intentions, which i n drugstores used to lead to occasional embarrassment. This i s not necessary in the s e l f service shop. Here the stocks are opened to the customers' inspection and to refreshen t h e i r minds or twig their fancy. Drawing customers close to the merchandise, while at the same time protecting the right to s e l l , are now the major concerns of the salesman. The locus of the f i n a l transaction — the sale — moves to the e x i t where the customer i s required to pay. P r i n c i p a l l y , consumption — the use and using up of negotiated items — comes after the exchange. Inside 210 capture only goes as f a r as to motivate the customer to buy. (In some cases, though, the customer consumes inside as, for example, in a cinema.) In r e t a i l stores the stages of the shopping process proceed from outside attracton to inside capture and f i n a l l y to the exchange of goods f o r money. The change i n the locus of sale from the service counter to the s e l f - s e r v i c e layout is i l l u s t r a t e d by two different versions f o r sales areas in Gait Toyshops. In the service layout the cash system and Left, Figure 5-31. Gait Toyshop, service layout Middle, Figure 5-32. Gait Toyshop, s e l f - s e r v i c e layout Right, Figure 5-33. "Just Looking Boutigue" the counter are before the door to the stockroom (extreme right of plan, Figure 5-31, page 211) ; in the s e l f - s e r v i c e layout the cash i s in front of the exit (Figure 5-32, page 211). In a small shop l i k e t h i s the cashier w i l l be able to welcome entering customers as well as screen those leaving through the same door. In larger enterprises, entrances and exits may be separated; the customer i s free to enter 211 through a one-way door or a t u r n s t i l e , but has to pass through a checkpoint on his way out as, for example, in a supermarket (see Figure 5-14, page 193). In the s i x t i e s a trend towards more casual sales settings emerged. Shops f o r young people, also c a l l e d boutiques, t r i e d to create a relaxed atmosphere; the accent there was more on exhibiting goods, as in a gal l e r y , rather than putting them up for sale. For example, the name of the "Just Looking Boutigue" i n London — one of the f i r s t of i t s kind — stands for the intentions of the owner and the a r c h i t e c t . 8 1 Here the cash i s unobtrusively positioned between the stocks and clothes racks. (Figure 5-33, page 211). With this kind of arrangement i t becomes d i f f i c u l t to protect the ownership of goods and to enforce payment. To avoid this problem shop l i f t i n g controls may be i n s t a l l e d , for example, a s e n s i t i z e d tag or wafer may be attached to a l l items. 8 2 After the exchange has taken place i t i s customary to pack or wrap goods at packing tables close to the cash register. See for example the plan for "Paraphernalia" (Figure 5-27, page . . ) . The wrapping protects the p r i s t i n e nature of the purchase; i t also symbolizes the r e t a i l e r relinquishing h is previous rights and guaranteeing no previous use. I t i s further a popular means of advertising the store's name and i t s merchandise. The edges of shops set favourable conditions for 212 outside a t t r a c t i o n , inside capture and exchange of ri g h t s . The market trader t r a d i t i o n a l l y had to f i l l the roles of advertiser, negotiator and cashier in person; i n the shop permanent building conditions diminish the formality of roles between the customer and r e t a i l e r and encourage impulse purchasing. 7 Summary For p r o f i t based on buying at wholesale and s e l l i n g at r e t a i l , i t i s e s s e n t i a l to have access to a market. The role of the trader emerges as a t h i r d party between consumer and producer. His p r o f i t can be seen as reimbursement for the services of appraising q u a l i t y and d i s t r i b u t i n g goods to s a t i s f y established needs. The rights to a s t a l l i n a market place were at f i r s t a temporary concession; subseguently r e t a i l e r s acquired s i t e s for permanent establishment. Near the entry to a t r a d i t i o n a l store a boundary protects the stock, the r e t a i l e r ' s accounts and his position as neqotiator. "The market" for goods was taken fo r granted. With the development of s e l f - s e r v i c e and supermarkets i n the twenties and t h i r t i e s 8 3 i t became useful and necessary to create and develop markets through advertising, display and merchandising. The shopping centre i s planned to create a market. Through i t s strategic location, i t creates a market near major roadways. The outside perimeter i s designed to draw in motorists; this creates customers forming a potential 213 market. The layout, core-areas and support-areas of the shopping centre set conditions to hold and capture the potential market:, pedestrians on the premises. Through paths to vendors, pedestrians are distributed i n the centre. Through highly v i s i b l e and a t t r a c t i v e places i n the shopping centre, potential customers are induced to leave the highway, park and leave t h e i r cars and walk along the a i s l e s , enter the complex and c i r c u l a t e between vendors. Shopping centres i n many ways appear to be modelled after t r a d i t i o n a l market places. Yet t h e i r plans are ca r e f u l l y examined and adjusted to avoid d i s t r a c t i o n s from shopping and the congestion of downtown. Planning measures and physical plan conditions focus on one s p e c i f i c i n t e n t i o n : s e l l i n g i n guest of p r o f i t . 214 Notes 1. James D. Hooney, The Pr i n c i p l e s of Organisation (New York: Harper, 1939) , p7 ~ 157. 2. Ibid., p. 158; David Gosling and Barry Maitland, Design and Planning of R e t a i l Systems (London: The Architectural Press, 1976)", p. 6. 3. Ibid., p.7. 4. Thorstain Veblen, "Conspicuous Consumption", i n The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899; rpt. New York: Modern Library, 1934f,~pp7~ 84-87. 5. Louis G. Redstone, New Dimensions i n Shopping Centres and Stores (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1973) , •p.u. 6. Websterns New World Dictionary, pocket size e d i t i o n , ed. David B. Guralnik (Toronto: The New World, 1975), p. 4 77; Thorstein Veblen, Absentee Ownership and Business Enterprise i n Recent Times: The case of America (New York: B. ~W. Huebsch, 1923), p. 59. 7. Edgar Lion, Shopping Centers: Planning, Development, and Administration (New York: John Wiley, 1976), p. 4. 8. Richard Graves and Allen Campbell, Creating Customers (London: George Allen and Dnwin, 1968), p. 2. 9. James Brough, Auction! (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merill Co., 1963), pp." 11-20. 10. Eugene Raskin, Architecture and People (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974)7 P- 45. 11. Lewis Mumford, The City i n History:. I t s Origins, I t s Transformations, and I t s Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 196^), p. 410. 12. Ibid., p. 416. 13. Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, vol. I (Cambridge, Massachusets: The MIT. Press, 1977), pp. 4-5; also August Heckscher, "Mercantilism", c i t e d by John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (New YorkT Harcourt, 19 35) ,~pp7 341-342. 215 R. James Claus and Walter G. Hardwick, The Mobile Consumer: Automobile-Oriented R e t a i l i n g and S i t e -Selection (Don M i l l s , Ontario: Collier-Macmillan, 1972) r~p. 64. Colin S. Jones, Regional Shopping Centres: Their Location, Planning and Design (London: Business Books,~1969),~p. 197 Ibid., p. 49. Keith S.O. Beavon, Central Place Theory: A le±Siej:pj:eta t^on (London: Longman, 1977) , p. 19, . Gosling, op.cit., p. 20. Redstone, op.cit., p.5. Karl Kasper, International Shop Desicjn^ Ladenbautefl-i n t ej:nationa.l (Stuttgart: Gerd Hatje, 1967) , pp. .8-9. Lion, op.cit., p. 13. Redstone, op.ci t . , p. 8. Jones, op.cit., p. 47; also. Gosling, op.cit., p. 37. Jones, o p . c i t . , p. 133. Redstone, op.cit., p. 8. Ibid., p. 9. Max Boas and Steve Chain, Bi<j Mac: The Unauthorized Story of McDqnalcl's (New York: The New American Library, 1976)", ~p. 11. Robert Venturi et a l . . Learning from Las Vegas.: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectura1 Form (Cambridge, Mass.:~The MIT Press, 1977), pp. 17, 347 87. Venturi distinguishes between "duck" and "decorated sheds". In the f i r s t case the building i t s e l f serves as a sign, as in the duckling-shaped restaurant "The Long Island Duckling"; in the other case a sign i n front of an unpretentious building, or "shed", conveys a "message". Also, Clive Darlow, Enclosed Shopping Centres (London: Ar c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1972) , pp. 66-68. 216 29. Lion, op. c i t . , p.. 74; also Redstone, op.cit., pp. 19,29. 30. Gosling, op.cit., p. 45. 31. Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self i n Everyday L i f e , (Garden City, N. Y. , Doubleday, 1959), p. 115. 32. Ibid., p. 67 (the mystification of contact). 33. Ibid., p. 127-128. 34. Jones, o p . c i t . r pp. 112-113. 35. Lion, op;, c i t . , p. 24.; also Gosling, op. c i t . , p. 29. 36. Ibid., p. 33. 37. Jones, op.cit., pp. 114-116; also Darlow, op. c i t . , p. 19. 38. Gosling, op.c i t . , p. 30. 39. Ibid., p. 28. See also, Jones, op.ci t . , p. 86 and Darlow, op. c i t . , p. 15. 40. Gosling, op.cit., p. . 33 and Darlow, op.cit., p.. 53. 41. M.M. Zimmerman, The Super Market: A Revolution in Distribution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1955)", p. 183. 42. Ibid., p. 183. 43. Ibid., pp. 215-216, 241; the c i t e d figures refer to markups i n 1953. 44. Gosling, op. c i t . , pp.. 30-31. 45. Lion, op. c i t . , p. 10.. 46. Darlow, op, c i t . , p. 96-97. 47. Lion, op. c i t . , p. 65. 48. William W. Callahan, Shopping Center Promotions (n. p. : International Council of Shopping Centres, 1972); also, Redstone, op. c i t . , p. 51. 217 49. Lion, op. c i t . , p. 63. 50. Ibid., p. 65. 51. Ibid., p. 39. 52. Jones, op. c i t . , p. 137. 53. Redstone, op. c i t . , pp. 115-117. 54. Darlow, op. c i t . , p. 189.. 55. Gosling, op. c i t . , pp.. 33. 56. Jones, op. c i t . , p. 113. 57. Redstone, op. c i t . , p. 69 and Lion, op. c i t . , p. 177. 58. Redstone, op.cit., p. 68. 59. Gosling, op. c i t . , pp. 33 and Lion, op. c i t . , p. 20. 60. Redstone, op. c i t . , p. 68. 61. Lion, op. c i t . , p. 42. 62. Zimmerman, op.cit., p. 184. 63. Lion, o p . c i t . , p. 70. 64. Ibid., p. 42 and Redstone, op.cit., p. 69. 65. Ossama Ahmed E l g a l a l i , "Design Factors Influencing Pedestrian Movement Patterns i n Enclosed Shopping Malls" (Masters Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978), p. 74. 66. Lion, op.cit., p. 38. 67. Ibid., p. 38. 68. Jones, op. c i t - , p. 129. 69. Darlow, op. c i t . , p. 101-102. 70. Redstone, op. c i t . , p. 39 and Lion, op. c i t . , p. 71. 218 71. Darlow, op. c i t . , p. 101. 72. E l g a l a l i , op.cit., pp. 74, 76. 73. Gosling, op.cit., p. 43. 74. John R. Andersen, Low-Cost Store Front Modernization, Bureau of Business Management (Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s , 1971) , pp. 23-25. 75. Kaspar, op. c i t . , p. 8. 76. Redstone, op.cit., p. 73 77. Ibid., p. 234 78. C. Ray Smith, Super manner ismj_ New Attitudes i n Post-Modern Architecture INew York: E. P. Dutton, 1977), p. 2067 79. Redstone, op. c i t . , p. 247. 80. Ibid., p. 283. 81. Gosling, op.cit., p. 138. 82. Redstone, op. c i t . , pp. 95-97. 83. Zimmerman, op. c i t . , pp. 16-17. 219 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS 1 Introduction The major objective of t h i s study was to show the influence of values motivating a s o c i a l organisation on the physical organisation of i t s plans. In reviewing the achievements of t h i s objective I s h a l l f i r s t r e f l e c t on the nature of the four organisational values considered previously. Then I w i l l summarize the varying organisatons of f a c i l i t i e s i n plans as these respond to a value predisposition. Thereafter the discussion deals with the implementations of t h i s study for the arch i t e c t , f i r s t i n terms of deducing plan organisation from a value predisposition and secondly, in terms of using the material to induce a value predisposition from a given plan. A b r i e f suggestion for using t h i s material as a basis f o r further investigations forms the end of t h i s chapter. 220 2 Achievement of Objectives 2. 1 The nature of values The exemplary plans considered i n the preceding chapters appear to r e l a t e to the value orientations of the four i n s t i t u t i o n s . The l i n k between value and physical plan i s the behaviour desired, to respond to the organisational goals stated i n program requirements. Thus behavioural organisation produces appropriate behavioural settings or a c t i v i t y s i t e s . The current study i s li m i t e d to four value orientations in four types of s o c i a l organisations considered as i d e a l types. In r e a l i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s and s o c i a l organisatons have to deal with several values supplementing or contradicting each other. However, each of the four organisations considered has a predominant value orientation. The prison predominantly deals with the v i o l a t i o n of value standards under the predisposition to co n t r o l ; the school with the s o c i a l i s a t i o n under the predisposition to integrate parts and participants; the o f f i c e with the problem of prestige through maintaining a scalar hierarchy; and the shopping centre with the exchange of economic power, rewarded by a p r o f i t margin. The f i r s t two values are a s c r i p t i v e ; they separate or integrate according to categories ( i . e . , classes or statuses) ascribed to persons. The l a s t two are achievement oriented; they d i f f e r e n t i a t e or single out preferred performances. The four values are predispositions to create 221 conditions for what i s considered purposeful behaviour. These values are i n turn reinforced by the created conditions. In defining places for roles and positions within a physical plan, users react according to some value predisposition. Conceptual meaning becomes habitual experience. This i s more true with respect to the two a s c r i p t i v e values which are more diffuse and general i n nature than s p e c i f i c achievements producing prestige and p r o f i t . 2.2 The generic conditions The generic conditions are the constant framework for the examination of plans. They include: 1) outside reference (location) 2) outside-inside interaction (boundary) 3) inside subdivision and creation of positions (layout) 4) inside orientation (paths) 5) d e f i n i t i o n and l i m i t a t i o n of positions (edges) . 2.2.1 General remarks: The areas f a c i l i t a t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n — movement of people and exchange of things — are commonly c a l l e d c i r c u l a t i o n areas. On occasion, t h e i r q u a l i t a t i v e purpose of orienting and regulating movement and exchange between people has been neglected. In the preceding chapters I have t r i e d to draw attention to the variations in the f i v e generic conditions throughout four d i f f e r e n t organisational value predispositions (see summarizing drawings i n Figure 6-1, page . . ) . Design elements l i k e access roads, entry ways. 222 corridors doors, walls and adjoining places, when in t e r r e l a t e d can form diverse systems with d i s t i n c t g u a l i t i e s for human in t e r a c t i o n . For example, c i r c u l a t i o n under a control orientation predominantly separates participants, while i n schools the c i r c u l a t i o n brings them together. In the prestige orientation, a c t i v i t y s i t e s (work places) are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by status, while the p r o f i t orientation conduces to physical plans which d i r e c t and motivate participants towards exchanging money for goods. Organisational roles are established through the s o c i a l i s a t i o n process and function through an understanding shared by a l l members of a so c i o - c u l t u r a l system. Furthermore, the location of elements i n the physical settings are part of the habitual orientation; we expect to fi n d the elements we look f o r within organisational contexts. This i s as well, as otherwise we constantly would have to relearn place meanings i n each new building. When buildings v i o l a t e i n s t i t u t i o n a l syntaxes and conditions of the elements' conventional locations, they may be said tc partly f a i l . However the varying conditions of the c i r c u l a t i o n system are not always ic o n i c . Their physical forms do not necessarily represent t h e i r habitual use. There need be no formal resemblance between conceptual value and physical form. Prestige, for example, does not look l i k e a big o f f i c e ; a big o f f i c e , however, together with other conditions, can be an indication or symbol of prestige. 223 On the other hand, the c o n d i t i o n s are not always symbolic. They do not n e c e s s a r i l y require an i n t e r p r e t i v e act of the user. k s o l i d w a l l , or a door without hardware, f o r example, are an unmistakeable sign f o r "no access or no egress", independent from the i n t e r p r e t i v e a b i l i t i e s of an i n d i v i d u a l . rWSoN SCHOOL OFFICE SHoFF. z o Q • a o o a a a o a a a n a a • a a a a BL u p o 5 [ 5 D Figure 6-1. Graphic summary Li •0 I % O o[oj 224 2.2.2 Summary and comparison: Now I s h a l l s p e c i f i c a l l y compare each of the generic conditions within the four value predispositions (see Figure 6- 1 , page 223) . a) Location refers to the large scale regional plan. Prisons adhere to the control orientation by selecting t h e i r s i t e far away from major settlements, thereby removing community resources from the persons to be processed. Schools apply the opposite c r i t e r i o n ; schoolgrounds are preferably located inside the neighbourhood to bring students and other parts of the community together. Both schools and prisons respond c a t e g o r i c a l l y to certain g u a l i t i e s ascribed to those processed, by keeping them separated or by bringing them together. Offices and shopping centres tend to be more concerned with display or g r a t i f i c a t o n of achievement. The location of an o f f i c e can indicate the prestige of a company i n r e l a t i o n to others. One locates a shopping centre according to how many customers can be attracted and persuaded to buy. In a l l cases the selected location establishes a point of reference to the outside public and orients c l i e n t s or the processed towards the premises. b) Boundaries refer to a smaller scale, the s i t e plan. Prisons s t r i c t l y control a l l outside-inside i n t e r a c t i o n , to maintain an undisturbed i n t e r i o r state of order and to keep 225 inmates securely inside. A boundary circumscribing the whole t e r r i t o r y separates those inside from those outside. In the school these boundaries often are so highly permeable as to become almost symbolic. To d i f f e r e n t i a t e positions and access to them, outside-inside i n t e r a c t i o n in the o f f i c e i s s e l e c t i v e . Several inside boundaries select interactants according to the importance of t h e i r business. In the shopping centre there are almost no peripheral boundaries (perimeter); access i s limited mainly by shop walls. According to the p r o f i t orientation, a boundary around a store protects the right to s e l l i t s products i n an exchange r i t u a l . In some cases, only the products pass over the boundary; i n others, the customers pass through i t in t o a shop i n t e r i o r . Boundaries regulate outside-inside i n t e r a c t i o n . They give access categorically to a l l or none, or s e l e c t i v e l y to certain people for certain purposes. c) General layout concerns, core-places, support-places and l o c i of power. The remarks i n t h i s section referred to the scale of a keyplan of a building. Security measures i n the prison divide the keyplan into security zones. The r e s u l t i n g conditions interlock a c t i v i t y units with security buffer zones, which are voids separating people. The control centre insi d e the boundary perimeter i s often separated from the administrative-cum-representative centre, which may be located outside the t e r r i t o r y , away from 226 inmates. The core areas, severely controlled, are i s o l a t e d from the other units. The support areas, necessary to maintain the autonomy and separation of the prison from the outside world, are linked to the inner security zones. In contrast, recent school plans have t r i e d to divide the t e r r i t o r y as l i t t l e as possible. The places between a c t i v i t y units are not voids to separate, but open places to encourage exchange and int e r a c t i o n . The administrative centre of power l i e s proximate to the c i r c u l a t o r y areas, exposed as a point of reference for students and v i s i t o r s from outside. With increasing goal s p e c i f i c i t y i n a school, i t s keyplan i s dichotomized according to a focus on the integration of people or the integration of subjects. Most schools, however, try to maintain a f l e x i b l e use of the available areas by, at least p a r t i a l l y , integrating both people and subjects. The o f f i c e keyplan shows modules for workstations within a general subdivision into preferred and general zones, as well as a h i e r a r c h i a l i n t e r r e l a t i o n according to corporate processes. In the prison there i s a hierarchy of c e l l s in di f f e r e n t zones, separated by voids. In the o f f i c e d ifferent positions are adjoined i n the same areas, according to the corporate processes. Core areas where top decisions are made are often separated from the rest of the area. Other stations more oriented to the work processes are located i n preferred zones at the o r i g i n or terminus of a workline. Various conference areas i n central locations 227 support the communication of information between stations. Othr places, such as lounges, support a working e s p r i t de corps. Workunits are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n terms of prestige by proximity to preferred locations. The plan of the shopping centre i s organized around the department stores, serving as "magnets". These anchor the ends of a central spine or "mall" along which a l l other units are arranged according to complementary ways for coexistence.. Supporting areas along the mall prepare customers for the exchange r i t u a l which i s the raison d'etre of the centre. Other such areas support the creation of a pool of customers by providing customer attractions i n them a l l . The locus of power, i . e . , the r i g h t to offer goods f o r sale, i s i n the i n d i v i d u a l shops. The plan of the shopping centre i s an agglomeration of independent units organized through a common in t e r e s t around a central spine. Positions are defined through the preferred subdivision of the keyplan, especially positions and places d i r e c t l y r e l a t i n g to the r e a l i z a t i o n of organisational goals, or those e s s e n t i a l to support other a c t i v i t i e s f o r goal achievement. d) Paths refer to the orientation of movement within an organised plan. The choice of paths i n the prison i s severely l i m i t e d . The greater the control, the more interaction i s i n h i b i t e d . In contrast, the corridors and paths i n many schools are opened up i n order to encourage 228 p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In the open plan they completely disappear. In the o f f i c e paths are often open, yet interaction or movement i n them i s geared to the paper assembly l i n e , a step-by-step progression of ranks, tasks and positions. In the shopping centre the corridor or mall i s sharply defined. In contrast to the narrow spine of a "telephone pole" prison, movement i n a shopping centre i s encouraged through the spaciousness of i t s mall, even though limited to a preferred pace. Movement i n the prison i s ce n t r i f u g a l and away from control centres; in the shopping centre i t i s cen t r i p e t a l and focussing on department stores as magnets. Double tracking occurs when two people are able to move simultaneously between two points without encountering each other. It i s a means of l i m i t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n to certain designated meeting points. Some maximum control prisons show double tracking to allow surveillance without exposing the guards to the inmates. Shops in shopping centres may also use double tracking with one corridor for goods and st a f f and another for customers. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , customers and goods may move along the same paths at di f f e r e n t times-Here backstage movement of goods sets the stage f o r the exchange r i t u a l . In schools separation i s unwanted. A l l participants should be able to meet each other informally, although sometimes long distances f o r e s t a l l that noble aim. In o f f i c e s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s are maintained through the step-by-step movement i n the processing of people, paper. 229 information and decisions. e) Edges define and l i m i t i n d i v i d u a l rooms, h a l l s and areas in a small scale plan. Edges defining the c e l l of the inmate may be doubled up to increase c o n t r o l . To keep inmates apart, separate spaces are assigned to each; t h i s subdivision of available space into i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s and small areas means less t o t a l space i s accessible to an i n d i v i d u a l . The edges defining the a c t i v i t y units of the school are more permeable. In some cases t h e i r absence may even be disorienting, as then positions remain undefined. In the o f f i c e the position and siz e of assigned places varies with the importance of roles connected in a hierarchy. Very high positions are awarded high privacy. Here control i s oriented not from outside into the unit, but from the inside out. Also, the size of assigned space increases with r i s i n g prestige, while t h i s r e l a t i o n i s reversed i n the prison. The edges defining a shop i n a mall are highly permeable and attra c t the potential customer inside. However t h e i r permeability should be only one way — inwards so that no salable items leave the premises without payment. Through the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of these generic conditions location, boundary, layout, paths, edges — behavioural settings are created. 230 3 Implicatons and Remarks I have t r i e d to reconstruct the synthesis of four i n s t i t u t i o n a l plans from a value predisposition. The c i r c u l a t i o n system i s seen as a unifying element mediating through a l l four types. In this sense i t i s a design-determining element. Through manipulation of the generic conditions and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n in the c i r c u l a t i o n system, the e s s e n t i a l character of a behavioural setting i s determined. I f c o n t r o l , integration, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n or d i r e c t i o n of i n t e r a c t i o n i s desired then the c i r c u l a t i o n system must provide the conditions to orient users into respective positions. In t h i s study the judgement of plans i s based on the r e a l i s a t i o n of i n t e r a c t i v e and organisational values. The i n t e r a c t i v e and s o c i a l values as implemented in the c i r c u l a t i o n system are judgements for the value of architecture and of buildings. This kind of c r i t i c i s m would not be based on formal taste, but on s o c i a l a t t i t u d e . I have t r i e d to show that the variations of a c i r c u l a t i o n system are based in the value predisposition of an organisation. In t h i s sense, program requirements are paradigm solutions, or "ways we choose or want to act". To separate the reguirements from the value orientation can mean to turn preferred paradigms into r i g i d s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . This would reduce the c a p a b i l i t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of an architect to an embellisher of program functions. On the other hand, accepting the r e l a t i v i t y of paradigm functions 231 and given an understanding of behaviour i n designed spaces, the a r c h i t e c t can conjecture locations, boundaries, gateways, plans, paths, etc., appropriate to the value orientation of the c l i e n t organisation. 1 In t h i s sense he can create functions for places as well as places for functions. To . a certain extent the material of t h i s study can be used to induce an unknown value predisposition from a given plan. Yet the physical environment does not demand behaviour 2; i t can only be permissive, supportive or r e s t r i c t i v e . For example, other measures than the physical environment f a c i l i t a t e organisational goals: a mail order store may lack physical sales premises or control i n the shopping centre i s maintained s o l e l y with e l e c t r o n i c devices. Also, some organisations may demand physical conditions s i m i l a r to those i n a prison, for example to control sound i n a studio. Unless one knows organisational goals and intentions, plans can only be partly analyzed towards separating, integrating, d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g or directing places and pathways i n a c i r c u l a t i o n system. Values change over time and with these change the ideas of what are the i d e a l physical conditions to support a given organisation. Plans are modified also through use and uses are modified by the available conditions in plans. In reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e I found several complaints about outdated plans i n h i b i t i n g the realisaton of new organisational goals. Other, though fewer, reports indicate 232 that new organisations can be very well accommodated in old plans, often o r i g i n a l l y l a i d out according to d i f f e r e n t intentions. This may indicate that a tight physical r e a l i z a t i o n a l of present organisational intentions can i n h i b i t l a t e r growth and change. A plan of loose f i t can s u i t many purposes. A plan f i t t i n g the organisation l i k e a glove might have to be discarded i f the organisation changes. Tight f i t or loose f i t i s part of the a r c h i t e c t ' s decision when implementing valued intentions. Increasingly, more people spend more time i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l environments l i k e those considered in t h i s essay; yet the planning and organisation of such places i s done without the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of most people. Instead the architect and others necessarily interpret t h e i r behavioural needs or the needs of the owners according to a value predisposition. In the s o c i a l i s a t i o n process we acquire an e x i s t e n t i a l habitat of which the b u i l t environment i s an e s s e n t i a l part. Existence i s s p a t i a l . You cannot divorce man and space. Space i s neither an external object nor an i n t e r n a l experience. We don't have man and space besides... 1 It i s the architect who lays out the scenery within which we learn to seek and r e a l i z e our motivations. S t r i c t r e a l i z a t i o n of narrowly construed functional intentions eventually r e s u l t s in mechanical orientation and in t e r a c t i o n . On the other hand, complete openness can r e s u l t i n d i s o r i e n t a t i o n . 233 The implications of t h i s study then stress the architect's role as an agent i n orienting people with respect to places for positions. Regardless of the roles attached to positions, a c i r c u l a t i o n system i s needed to orient users. Orientation in space e n t a i l s locomotion according to an habitual understanding of the physical environment; t h i s understanding includes cognitive maps. Understanding of the pragmatic meaning of the designed physical environment develops through s o c i a l i s a t i o n i n a common so c i o - c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . As d i f f e r e n t organisational values guide our actions according to different r o l e s , cognitive maps and pragmatic orientation relate to respective behavioural settings i n and around buildings. The architect plays a major role i n producing such behavioural settings. Yet he too i s part of the socio-c u l t u r a l • system. Values evolvs within a s o c i a l system and change within i t . Architects are involved i n these changes. It would be wrong, however, to believe s o c i a l systems could be changed by buildings alone. Plans and t h e i r uses modify, but always within the accepted interpretation of values. And i t takes more than a few buildings to change these values. 234 4 Recommendations I see the value of this study more i n i t s r e f l e c t i v e nature, trying to establish an a f f i n i t y between commonly accepted values and the way we f i n d them re a l i z e d inside the building environments. In this study I compared d i f f e r e n t values and respective building types. I t may be worthwhile to follow the development of each of these types, e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n systems, according to changing interpretations of values within an h i s t o r i c a l context. Alt e r n a t i v e l y , one might compare d i f f e r e n t existing s o c i a l systems i n t h e i r varying interpretations of organisational values and t h e i r r e a l i z a t i o n in plans. Furthermore, I limited my concern to f i v e generic conditions in a plan. Other conditions l i k e materials or the shape of three-dimensional enclosures are also part of behavioural settings and a c t i v i t y s i t e s . They can add a symbolic interpretation of i n s t i t u t i o n a l statements to the pragmatic orientation discussed here. Investigation of t h e i r effect on the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of positions and orientation of interaction could be a further way to expand and test the hypothesis of this study. 235 B i l l H i l l i e r , John Musgrove, and Pat 0'Sullivan, "Knowledge and Design", i n EDRA 3, ed., William J. Mitch e l l (Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1972), p. 29-3-1,13. They argue that the designer's knowledge can be b u i l t on theory-based descriptions of the basic elements i n design. Walter H. Moleski, "Environmental Programming for Offices Based on Behavioural Considerations", in Architecture for Human Behaviour:. Collected Papers from a Mini-conference, ed. 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