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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Planning in the People’s Republic of China : the role of the city in creating a modern socialist society Johnstone, James Carl 1977

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PLANNING  I N THE THE  IN  CREATING  PEOPLE'S ROLE  OF  REPUBLIC  THE  OF  CHINA:  CITY  A MODERN S O C I A L I S T S O C I E T Y  by  JAMES B.A.,  CARL  University  JOHNSTONE  of British  A THESIS SUBMITTED.IN THE  REQUIREMENTS  1970  PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR  MASTER  Columbia,  OF  THE  DEGREE  OF  ARTS  in  THE  FACULTY  School and  We  accept to  THE  OF  of  GRADUATE  Community  Regional  this  OF  James  Carl  as  conforming  standard  B R I T I S H COLUMBIA  December, fc)  Planning  thesis  the required  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES  1977  Johnstone,  1977  OF  In presenting this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library  shall make it  freely  available for  reference and study.  I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this  thesis  for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It  is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writ ten pe rm i ss i on .  Department of A*£/Z*#*~^  C<r»*~>*&^*A~e, a~*<s*-  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V 6 T 1WS  /^^a^nJC /^Zs-rw***^,  ABSTRACT  Urbanization to  a l l nations of the world.  taken  t o determine  related  problems  Chinese  people  the  People's The  review  nature  i n their  Republic  statistical of the  development This  planning  i s being  methodology  The create  how  approached  a modern  colonial  planning  employed  A  philosophy discussed both  Republic  struggle opment  i s one b a s e d  on a  by the society,  literature  materials.  of China  Severely the qualitative  state.  i n China's  port,  exploitation  b y t h e more  has f o s t e r e d  philosophy  outlook  to  an  and i n i t s  i s one o f t h e  one.  i s t h e second  thesis  pertaining objective.  t h r e e , has been  and economic  model  accompanied  political  of the literature  strategies  on a path  The t r a d i t i o n a l  Introducing this  of chapter  has embarked  of the treaty  effects  and r e l a t e d  o f urban  as t h e C h i n e s e  Political  on-going  i n shifting  social  political  ideology,  force  of  ideological  economic  urbanization policies.  and e c o n o m i c  retain  to socialist  the guiding  planning while  has had profound  socialist created  example  i n chapter  urban  their  and d i f f e r e n t  i n f o r m a t i o n has n e c e s s i t a t e d  attitude  review  and  and p r a c t i c e d  and d e s c r i p t i v e  socialist  actions.  objectives  under-  thesis.  People's  anti-urban  concepts  o f a new  the countryside by the c i t i e s ,  recent  r e s e a r c h has been  f o r these  creation  a r e f e a t u r e s common  of China.  of theoretical  limited  of  and economic  development and economic  develA  unique  i s being aspects  from  i i i each is  stage  of their  to analyze  support ment.  Urban  the  statistical  primarily  China's  labour  broad  between  city  and between  have  been  developed  f a c i l i t a t e d t h e outward  Dispersal cities  of industry  on t h e e a s t e r n  seaboard  decentralization  the  creation  of a revolutionary  the  urban  countryside, knowledge  are  network,  a major  largest  urban  showing  organization human  society  city  out through  centres  which  as " h s i a  fang",  of China's  immediate  to  take  traditional  the structural  efforts to control  themselves  are meeting  large  i t i s t h e form that  links  to the  i n fostering while  policies  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , by  of technology  and n o t s i z e ,  settlements.  well-being.  over-concentrated  structure  such  areas  areas.  do n o t a d v o c a t e that  from  and  and  Effective  as r e c e i v e r s  centres  the Chinese  also  size  mental  and r u r a l  and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y  to rural  role  urban  and r u r a l  programs  i n acting  of Chinese  While are  a n d medium  playing  tion the  and t h r o u g h  and s e r v i c e s  Small urban  economically  eliminating  between  i s carried  industrial  area  at  d i f f u s i o n o f growth  and t e c h n o l o g y  lend  i n chapter  and a g r i c u l t u r e .  between  can  develop-  discussed  aimed  and c o u n t r y ,  industry  which  two.  policies,  objectives  objective  and economic  i n chapter  planning  The t h i r d  information  of urbanization  and economic  difference  linkages  of  i s done  reflect  manual  to  available  to a discussion This  four,  ideological struggle.  cities  of social  determines  and  industry,  transforma-  the growth o f with  success.  as such, and  they  political  the success  of  iv  The  two  pation  are  byword  is  Planning sented  there  then  of  Housing  which  we  cannot  a  economic  administrative  possibility  information  link  and  the  are  of  are  from  an  two  to  success  in  freeing  Chinese  and  also  of  the  value  compilation cal  geography.  being the  of  a  of  world.  Its  the  The  the  general  thesis  about  value  can rests  urban  processes  unknown.  that  The  areas  the  that  be  of  learn  towns  rests  relevance  that  The  correction. of  plan-  literature  Chinese  some from  f e e l i n g of  in cities,  literature  prototype  pre-  about  socialism  system.  entirely different culture  their  The  the  the  e f f e c t i v e planning  for  people  more  specific  state  to  the  structure  investigation.  i t is possible  among  control".  and  requires  system,  being  The  made k n o w n .  units  planning  presumptuous and  be  political  learn  partici-  planning.  learning  virtually  extensive  complexity  duplicate  to  mass  r e l a t i o n of  political  them  successful  of  must  information  require  the  and  decentralized  transportation  i t i s not  produced  a  process  that  urban  Despite  the  corresponding  also  and  planning,  be  statistical  and  reveals,  to  planning  to  centralism  urban  through  additional  city  dearth  of  of  five.  is  mechanisms  ning  heart  "centralized  structure  has  the  i n chapter  actual  and  at  principles  functions  If China  basic  in  i n the  security  and  rural  and  in  context  reasons  and  model other  of  the  well-  areas. to  mix  historical  Chinese  duplicated  the  and  exploitation  its ability  planning the  of  While  a politi-  i s not  in  cultures questions  of  V  it  raises  social  and  preclude other  about  the  economic  structure  development  the eventual  nations  of  the  and  adoption world.  relationship  processes. of similar  of  This  the c i t y does  socialist  to  not  models  by  vi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  Chapter  Page  ABSTRACT  i i  LIST  OF  TABLES  LIST  OF  MAPS' AND  1.  x FIGURES  INTRODUCTION Urban  1  China:  Developing  Socialist Purpose  and  Sources URBAN C H I N A  Traditional  and  Foreign  1953  Regional Laws  of  Chapter  Imbalance  Location Outline  3.  POLITICS  .  8 9  IN  PERSPECTIVE  14 14  Census  and  Subsequent  Information  14  Planning Trends  China IN  6  Information  Urbanization Urban  5  of  Demographic Family  1 4  Introduction The  . . .  Countries  Redressing  2.  x i i  and  Contemporary 20  COMMAND  Introduction  18  .  32 32  vii  Chapter  Page  The  Political  Mao  Tse-tung  Theory The  Mass  The  of 32  of C o n t r a d i c t i o n  33  Line  Economism On  Philosophy  34  ..  Correct  38 Handling  Of  Contradictions  . . . . .  39  Ten  Great  Relationships  40  The  Great  Leap  43  Advent  of the Urban  Period The  Commune  45  of Reconstruction  Cultural  Area  Forward  Vs.  47  Revolution  49  Line  Revolutionary  50 Committees  . . . . . . . .  City  o f Ch'ang  Ch'un:  Door  Planning  . . . . . . .  52  Open 53  Summary  4.  URBAN AND  56  ECONOMIC P L A N N I N G  Introduction Efforts and  To  POLICIES  .  Redress Regional  Exploitation  . . . .  57  . . . . . .  57  Imbalance .  57  v i i i  Chapter  Page  Industrial Directing  Decentralization Development  5 9  Inland  60  Newly Developed C e n t r e s Dual  System  Rural  Modifying Walking  70 and  Decentralization City  On Two  Expansion  5.  of Cities  Industrialization  Industrial  65  Growth  74  Rates  77  Legs  79  of Municipal  Boundaries  Advances  Self-Sufficiency  Transfer  of People to the  .  80  Countryside  83  Summary  87  A D M I N I S T R A T I V E PLANNING  STRUCTURE  89  Introduction  89  1  Administrative Urban Structure Urban Street  Structure  89  . . . . . .  96  Districts  96  Committees  Residents*  97  Committees  Neighbourhood  Committees  Residents'  Groups  Socialist  Courtyard  . . . .  97 98  . . . . . .  98 98  ix  Chapter  Page  Planning  In China  Revolution In  .  and I n d u s t r i a l  Organization  China  Devolution  101 of Planning  Neighbourhood Large  Powers  104  Factories  Production  Emergence  107  Facilities  108  o f the Revolutionary-  Committee  108  Significance  to Planning  113  Summary 6.  SUMMARY  100  114  AND  CONCLUSIONS  116  Introduction  116  Political  116  Urban  Ideology  and E c o n o m i c P l a n n i n g  Lessons  To Be L e a r n e d  Investigation  .  Policies  . .  121  and F u r t h e r 127  BIBLIOGRAPHY  129  GLOSSARY  142  X  LIST  OF  TABLES  Table I  Page Urban Of  II  Population  People's  Republic  China  16  Urban-Rural  Population  Ratio  In  China  1949-1970 III  Infant  17  M o r t a l i t y Rates  In  Shanghai  and  Peking IV  I  Number  Of  Urban  Population V  VI  VII  Cities  By  With  1970  Size  Rate  IX  X  Of  Of  Growth  Provincial  Distribution  China  In  .  Of .  By  Output  At  Industrial  Between  (per  .  .  .  21  Urban  Urban  Decentralization  Of  57  20  23  Province  Distribution  Cost  .  26  Percentage  Of  .  Half  The  Of  Administration  Value  A  1953  .  Industrial  Factory  June  1953  Population  Changes  Over  Urban  .  0f  Urban  The  Place:  Population  Population: VIII  Size  And  Populations  Million, And  Places  cent)  9  Inland  Of  1952 Fixed And  (1964-1967)  .  .  27  Of  1957-1959 The  Gross  P r i c e s And Assets  Coastal  At  . . . .  45  Value Gross Original  Areas,  194963  xi  Table  XI  Page  Percentage  Distribution  Construction  XII  Coastal  Areas,  1950-55  (per  Cities  With  Newly  Developed  Newly  Developed  Hsien-Level  Primacy  And In  Number By  XVII  cent) The  Of  With  The  . . . . .  Growth  Of  The  And  . . . . .  Autonomous 69  Urban  Settlements 78  Administrative Divisions  Committees  Of  66  Capital  1953-1972  Composition  66  Status  China Chinese  64  Status  Municipality .  Provinces  In  Size,  Cities  At  And  Prefecture-Level Municipality  Regions  XVI  Industry  Inland  Cities  XV  In  Investment  P r i c e s Between  Of XIV  Basic  Current  Of XIII  Of  Various  . . . . . . . . .  92  Revolutionary I l l  xii  LIST  OF  MAPS AND  FIGURES  Map  Page  I  Gitdes  of China,  1953  II  Cities  of China,  1970  71 . . . . . . . . . .  72  Figure  I  II  III  The  R e l a t i o n Between  And  Industrial  Rural  Decentralization  Administrative-Political  Shensi  Province:  Involved  I n The  Industrialization  Structure  Structural Planning  76  . . .  95  Levels  Process. . .  . .  103  CHAPTER  I  INTRODUCTION Urban  China: For  rural  a nation that  and  agrarian  ingly,  not  people  i s an  years and  Traditional  to  new.  a  foremost  1972,  p.  also  as  experience  concept  of  nodes  as  and  administrative central  places  geographical areas  the  contemporary  most  were  the  centres at  one  the  as  time  small villages.  remained of  overwhelmingly  i n China  were  is  surpris-  f o r the  nearly  and  for their  within  China  being  living  cultural  centres of  throughout  similar  cities  for trade  persevered  Loyang  city  d a t i n g back  "Chinese  political  of  four  Chinese  thousand  established  c e n t r e s " but marketing.  which (Orleans,  the  an  inward  important  interior.  Rhoads  immediate  centuries they  Shanghai, these  as  hinterland  largest  Kwangchow,  the  looking  the  authority  controlled.  hsien* or  Until  county  Such  (1975,  p.  166)  glossary  appears  at  the  end  of  the  important and  capitals,  mid-nineteenth  originally  or  century  accounts  developing writes of  thesis.  and  settlements  Tientsin  country which  settlements Murphey  imperial  " T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e r e was a much" c l o s e r and more s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n c i t y and c o u n t r y s i d e i n C h i n a t h a n i n the West. There was c e r t a i n l y n e v e r t h e same k i n d o f u r b a n and r u r a l s p l i t . T h e two w e r e n o t s e e n e i t h e r as o p p o s i t e s o r as r i v a l s n o r d i d t h e u r b a n * A  first  58)  These served  as  when  Foreign  a history  urban  a n c i e n t one,  time  functioned  has  the  The  and  for in China:  2 based e l i t e scorn, d e n i g r a t e , or attempt to i g n o r e t h e r u r a l w o r l d , b u t saw their function as p r i m a r i l y one o f s e r v i n g and administering the r u r a l sector." The viewed the  Chinese  the  same  cities, take  as  nor  the  through  forced  in  1842  urban  industrial  large  scale  in  the  has  I t was  also  opening  of  West  with  growth  the  is  not  prosperity  and  industrialization  treaty  crowded,  and  must  polluted  Western  ports  eventually  occurring to  the  of  the  1920's  and  cities  China's  largest  "their  own  view  recent the  city  pattern  China.  coastal  factor,  trading  becoming  the  this  to  changed  centres  in  becoming  Chinese  as  1860  financial  moves  ports  after  ports  the  never  "There  between  huge,  treaty  impelled  have  165)  these  and  has.  that  of  particularly  population  former  ments.  p.  educational  rapid  the  agency  (1975,  settlement  economic,  in  Murphey,  world  assumption  the  and  says  Western  as  same  centers."  bases  the  association  The  of  city  place  urban  historically,  the  With  1930's resulted settle-  history,"  which  differently:  "Nearly a l l of the c o u n t r y ' s b i g g e s t cities were p a r t o f the t r e a t y - p o r t system of semicolonial foreign privilege. As s u c h , t h e y w e r e s y m b o l s and a g e n t s o f C h i n a ' s h u m i l i a t i o n . I t was i n t h e s e same c i t i e s , S h a n g h a i , C a n t o n , H a n k o w , T i e n t s i n as W e l l a s i n t h e i r l e s s e r analogues, that the Chinese c o l l a b o r a t o r s lived, making a good t h i n g out o f the f o r e i g n p r e s e n c e and a p i n g W e s t e r n w a y s . The Communist Party's s t r u g g l e f o r p o w e r was crushed i n the cities ( d e s p i t e S o v i e t M a r x i s t d o c t r i n e ) by the Kuomintang. C i t i e s a r e s t i l l s e e n as p o t e n t i a l breeders of bourgeois counter-revolution and must be s h a p e d and c o n t r o l l e d t o i n s u r e that t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n i s p o s i t i v e rather than negative. Under f o r e i g n d o m i n a t i o n the t r e a t y p o r t s came m o r e a n d m o r e t o r e s e m b l e alien  W e s t e r n c i t i e s , r e p l i c a t i n g many o f t h e same p r o b l e m s o f a l i e n a t i o n , e x p l o i t a t i o n , and p h y s i c a l o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation as t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n had already g e n e r a t e d i n E u r o p e and A m e r i c a . " (Murphey, 1975, p. 165)  China's development entity (Ma,  and  p.  of  views as  114)  recent and  contemporary  past  p.  city  "as  In  policy  fact  by  this  traditional an  and  is directed  Western  urban  parasitic and  colonialism."  more  patterns  toward  were  pattern  treaty ports."  overlaid  i n the  (Murphey,  the  form  1975,  166) may  in fact  be  dichotomy  that  approach  industrialization  states more  "the  the  China  to  spatial  system  than  industrial  will  this  development  of  i t does  an  Rather  dual  system  China  discerned  on  the  Considering existing cities  on  remedy  the  and  Nor  of  the  other  map."  this  centers  situation?  how  in  Sen-dou  today late  urbanization of  the  p.  398) a t t i t u d e and  distribution  i s the  of  People's  of  resembles  advanced  pattern  one.inherited developed  Chang  imperial  Third  the  anti-urban  coast  revolutionary  characteristic  centers,  lopsided  cities  nations  from  and  urban  urbanization.  the  (1976,  China's  east  does  China's  different  system  urban  of  Chinese  developing  geographically the  a  and  of  urban  countries. of  imperial  for  administrative  that  a  allow  pattern  resemble  to  for  imperialism  Chinese  essentially  scheme  consuming  foreign  foreign-dominated  It  be  a  a v e h i c l e of  "when  disrupted the  the  revolutionary  World. from  world,  the  already  large  Republic  can  industrial attempting  4 Developing  The  c o l o n i a l era  overseas a  Countries  colonies  for  According  to  nations the  of  that  of  people  In  ex-colonial  wealth. day  has  This  growth  colonial  has  of  growth  ment  of  the  It  is  led  marked  has  been  by  on  China  productive  this  is  gests,  regional  However  a  generated  main  high by  i t are  in  "the  drive  toward  a  been reason  of  significant. for  almost  economic  essential  growth  for  spatial  present  to  exhigh a  areas  moveof  can  and  do  demonstrate  that  to  development  that  If  locational  investment,  will  as  2-29)  will  approach  lead  specific  thesis  imbalance rate  words,  this  socialist  ciency  other  conflicts  China's  sectors.  economic  In  p.  number  regional  i n most  policy  of  have  in  that  in  conflicts  centralized  rapid  to  benefit  therefore,  point case  best  economic  variations  for  developing  pronounced  accentuated  and  various  greatest  need  most  highly  (Logan,  China's  the  is  resources  In  such  can  the  the  former  markets.  s p a t i a l and  a  of  many  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n may  emerge. light  investment and  other  backwardness  b e l i e f of  striving  development."  at  in  as  internal  states,  to  including  based  most  concentrated  the  industrialization.  nations  rate  to  growth  resulted  well  mobilization  both  he  as  economic  s p a t i a l planning,  countries  through  i t is  through  condition  developing  the  economic  also  which  of  opposed  countries,  for  to  China  a l l o c a t i o n of  i f applied  structure  as  (1972)  national  colonialism  legacy  conducive  Logan  particularly  a  overseas  today  rate  left  with  s p a t i a l system  resources  has  then  as  certainly and  regional  the and  effi-  Logan  sug-  increase. demand  overall  national  5  economic  development.  economic  wealth  same  time  growth of  avoiding  rates.  striving  confronts  for  the  (Logan,  p.  services  first  retardation  suggests  increase  can  be  directed  economic in  an  and  growth  equitable  capacities  of  the  foster  society.  Implied  in  this  In  down o f  using  the  formation centres,  of the  other  incentives  China's addition  to  the  facing been  as  These  covering  for a  that  the  banks  activate by  and  the them  economy.  while  the  second  in  the  components that  the  with  socialist  location  of  the  the  flow  since  1949  third  laws  of  230)  trans-  urban  them,  (Logan,  various  p.  structural  links  other  the barriers  (Logan,  are  system.  in  is  institutional  growth."  development  the  and  linking  national  facilitates  similarities by  key  network  through  guided  to  the  third  nongenerative  regions  to  in  schools,  or  the  structural transformation  major  revolutionary  countries, laws  various  capacity  structure  as  equity,  capita."  disperse  economic  transportation  organizational and  nation  per  the  policies  rearrange  suggests,  manner  a  s p a t i a l system a  he  these  structural transformation  "spatial,  society's  to  at  economic  regional  how  the  while  of  a l l o c a t i v e problem  fo  a  of  such  organizationally  attempts  limit  "neither  to  disperse  national  productivity  actually  that  to  imbalance  of  that  problem  i s b a s i c a l l y an  breaking  regional  Spatial planning,  of  structurally The  to  countries  concomitants  i s how  l o c a t i o n a l e f f i c i e n c y or  230)  productive  the  fundamental  system  other  problem  prevent  Logan  spatial  world  and  The  and  of pp. has,  demand 230-231) in  world location.  facilities  the  as  capsulized  by Hamilton  ( p . 85) a r e a s  1)  close  t o the resources  2)  close  t o the markets-they  3)  i n t e r r e g i o n a l l y to develop specialization  follows:  or inputs  they use;  supply; maximum  o f production  regional  where  this i s  optimal; 4)  between  regions  to achieve  self-sufficiency 5)  as e v e n l y or  6)  as p o s s i b l e  locally  assist  this  i n solving  regional  optimal; regionally  resources  regional  fashion  to "create  is  to exploit  underutilized  i n a dispersed side  where  maximum  and t o  scarcities;  throughout  the country-  proletarian bastions  of  socialism"; 7)  p r e f e r e n t i a l l y i n backward, or  underdeveloped  interregional 8)  to eliminate • differences  9)  regions  national  to achieve  minority, greater  equality; cultural,  between  economic,  city  and  as s t r a t e g i c a l l y as p o s s i b l e  and  social  country; t o meet war  eventualities; 10)  t o achieve bloc  However, application only  do t h e y  corporate  optimal  international  d i v i s i o n of labor Hamilton  o f these overlap,  "cultural,  states  laws  and optimum  that  intra-  trade  flows;  t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and  of location  are flexible  b u t i n d i v i d u a l laws economic,  and  f o r not  themselves i n -  military, political,  and  social  motives  conflict  with  The  which each  f o r China's  but  i n the c r i t e r i a  decision-makers offers  other."  importance  and  five  of these  planners  that  economic  systems  laws  rests  attach  at  2) t h e i m p a c t  particular  development themselves Chinese  laws.  Hamilton  decision-making  influencing  and s p e c i f i c a l l y  often  85)  the importance  of spatial  are theoretically  interests  p.  n o t i n t h e laws  i n choosing  among  b u t more  f o r China's  t h a t ..influence  interaction  3)  complement  (Hamilton,  main c o n s t i t u e n t s  behavior  1)  sometimes  i t s urban  decision-makers  China's  socio-  areas: and v e s t e d  large;  of ideology;  the p e r c e p t i o n o f space  and e n v i r o n m e n t  by  decision-makers; 4) t h e r a t i o n a l i t y  of  5) t h e i n t e r a c t i o n  of decision-makers with the  economic  Considering laws  i t i s safe  cation  i s indeed  principles and  most  states process  offer  more  system.  t h e number to say that quite  and g e n e r a l n a t u r e their  flexible.  Chinese  planners  importantly, c r i t e r i a  that  over  a period  in a socialist  decentralized of  decisions;  economy  participants  society c a n be  interpretation These a wide  range  changing  from  and  appli-  location  both  of  through  i n the planning process  criteria  Hamilton  the decision  a command  achieved  these  socialist,  interpretation.  o f time  of  to a the  making  more introduction  at local  and  8  regional  levels  principles more  and  thorough  searching rigorous  and  as  well  their  the  finding  coast.  gional  at  to  the  be  the  nation? nation  of  As  attempting  relative  urban  path  of  of  have  itself."  (Lewis,  Republic  does  cities  The  urban i t has  1971,  have  Chapter  intention  over  p.  definite  an  a  more  cities  remedy and  on  socialist i  attitude. this  re-  i s perceived  ridding urban  socialist' their  population  philosophy? are  not  easily  has  proved  as  scholars  i n the  West.  and  the  answered.  perplexing Chinese  organizational techrole  of  Nevertheless,  policies  planning the  regarding  the  People's position  society.  Outline of of  this  Thesis  thesis  104)  well-being what  bourgeois,  p.  geographi-  strong  Chinese  incentives,  16)  and  industrialized  the  economy to  a  along  questions  principles,  i n i t s new  and  these  differed  managerial  are  anti-urban  China's as  China  exploitive,  suggests  Communists  Purpose  of  to  a  better  anti-urban  wealth  becoming  methods  by  an  Republic  correct  state  guided  location  (Hamilton,  industrial  advocates  directing  type  locations,  criteria.  being  time  the  environment,  large  same  Lewis  niques,  of  to  situations,  i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  which  fostered this  planners  of  of  and  impartial  i s also  T h r o u g h what  has  the  It  attention  in specific  alternative  China  People's  imbalance  while  to  of  philosophy  i s the  "The  of  more  space  lopsided distribution  political  that  relevance  application  east  How  giving  perception of  Revolutionary cally  as  will  be  to  demonstrate  9  to  what  extent  through  both  China  spatial  Logan,  followed  cation  and  role  have  and  been  the  themselves  pertaining  to  will  be  incorporate  from  a July,  This  latter 1)  a  and the  visit  material  specific  can  the  be  city  of  -  visit  -  visits and  general which  standing  what  political, change  centres  development. different  sources. literature  i n China.  The  information  to  the  i n two  Ch'un  People's  second obtained Republic.  parts:  planners  committee  background  in  Peking.  factories,  Tangshan,  in  a better  rural  and  about  "feeling" Chinese  areas  Shenyang,  Peking  information  the  interview.  Fengsheng  developments  f o r what  lo-  information:  Ch'un,  creates  author  specific  housing  Ch'ang 2)  to  urban  two  d i s c u s s i o n at  neighborhood  national  E n g l i s h language  viewed  Ch'ang  and  i n the  s t r u c t u r e and  thesis original  by  by-  in particular  i n the  urbanization  planning  -  what  from  the  explained  Hamilton  and  national  of  as  in this  and  obtained  review  into  1976  this  be  planning  will  played  implemented  complement  first will  o u t l i n e d by  development  transformation  planning  i t s economy  have  necessity  Information The  economic  of  centres  to  i t s structural  criteria  social  by  in  and  development  i t s urban  economic  has,  and  people  Canton. China  underare  attempting.  Chinese lend  itself  planning easily  to  information an  i s such  exhaustive,  that  integrated  i t does  not  discussion  0  10  of  the  pertinent  paucity  of  jointed  nature  that  not  of  the  necessarily Achieving  of  national  and  be  document Chinese  to  stated  As  provided.  Chapter  sources and  with  provide  such  at  This  somewhat  intended, of  the  l e a s t be  policies  and  in  actions  dis-  however,  thesis  pre-  connected  but  l e v e l s of  onomic  regional  and  1949 taken  and  since  the  of  the  setting  date.  in  Chapter  socialist  government  Intricate  government  also  the  problems  for  certain  organization  aspects  review  presented  explain that  of  and  be  l e v e l s of  community planning  to  an  purpose  brief  data,  will  to  the  A  statistical  related  organization,  Marxist-Leninist  discusses  information,  elaboration  i t is essential that  Thought I  require  community  well  between v a r i o u s  government  will  information.  information  beginning  and  of  urban  policies  relationships  mentioned.  foci  policies,  Tse-tung  cities  is  objective  Mao  associated II  chapters  structure.  to  and  It  disjointed  development  introduction  just  integrated. the  government  theory  thesis.  but  various  concern  i s r e f l e c t e d i n the  this  related  in  of  information  these  sented  areas  and  require  be  internon-  that  ec-  discussed,  but  briefly. By social ment  of  definition and  productive  cities.  letter,  Jan.  Chinese  planning  masses;  but  planning  has  urban  1976,  since  planning  aspects  (Canada-China p.  13)  experts the  of  the  with  to  seen  the as  growing  being  emphasis  physical, and  Association  Cultural  Cultural Revolution,  reflected a  the  organization  Friendship  Prior were  deals  on  News-  Revolution,  separate the  develop-  from  approach  wide-scale  to  the  citizen  involvement,  (Discussion  with  referred  Ch'ang  new  political  emphasis  the  urban  rural  and  lationship on  policies  chapter for at  China's hand  since  termine  continuing  tude  of  such  Revolution part  of  the  events  of  isolation.  industrial life  people  political  the  and  and  city  rural  as  well  itself  have  ideal  be  was  the  case.  fluctuated have  design  automatically  i s not  considerably  struggled  follow.  The  Forward  and  to  de-  importance  overstated.  The  the  magni-  Cultural  are  an  struggle  and  changing  integrated  regional  and  economic  although  planning  f o r urban development  time  as  controlled  efforts  a l l been  to  is a  cities  of  focus of  the  the  It is  part  growth,  by,  related  major as  alter  place  urban  city  affected  development.  areas of  taking  industrialization,  intimately  of  the  i s not  consciousness  same  that  areas  political  the  thesis,  outlooks  cities  self-reliance,  changing  are  of  at  goals  political  re-  an  Leap  China's  their  i s that  to  n a t i o n ' s urban  relocation,  i n the  reflect,  the  Policies  self-sufficiency  of  to this.  what  how  outlook.  Planning in  Great  question of  discussed i n  people  cannot  This  be  This  path  planning.  will  c e n t r e s have  the  and  changing  i n 1949.  political  continuing  develop  development  Chinese  as  pertinent  development  revolution  attest  this  political  the  correct  1976)  of  Socialist  urban  as  planners, July, the  as  misconception  Liberation  date  the  urban  common  affecting  door"  should  Effects  overall  with  that  areas  be.  A  Ch'un  "open  reopens  affecting  III.  Policies  of  will  t o now  to  nature and  Chinese changing  essential, of  this  national  12  socio-economic in  chapter It  can  being  easily  be  ubiquitous. municipal  discussed.  and  egalitarian  restructured.  New  when  housing  s e r v i c e s have  The  at  home  revolutionary potentially Planning  a l l been  an  exploitive  for  and  provides  the  city  and  be  undertaken  city  of  group  and  task  thereby  preventing  i n c u l c a t e new f o r the  nature  particularly  participation  basic  created  and  are  o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the  structure, relationships  citizen  China's  exploitation  p r o v i s i o n of  a vehicle to  itself,  deliberately  that  and  growth  bourgeois  a  organizations  planned  important and  via  system,  grass-roots  programs  technique  goals,  administrative zation,  will  Alienation  extensively in limiting  and  This  revolutionary context,  combatted  overcrowding. place  a  participatory  are  aiding  be  IV.  is within  designed cities  systems  will  of  the  and  and  s t i l l  city.  i t s planning  to be  once  work  national discussed  and  organiin  chapter  V. Concluding role  i n the  will  be  of  the  to  i n chapter  VI.  i n China,  the  planner  other  citizen  addressed  n a t i o n a l development  found  growth,  comments  China  as  third  a  developing  world  participation  to  of  It  the  areas  concept nation  of  that  the  d e c i s i o n making  be  role  city  i t s planning extensive  their  Republic  controlled  and the  and  People's  i s intended  c o u n t r i e s , and and  urban  relevance  basis  for  specifically  cited. Of in  China  between  natural to  the  interest  i s the  Canadian  planning  differing  nations  relationship  presents  scene.  Any  numerous  of  occurrences  comparison difficulties.  13  In  this  case  comparisons the  the are  pitfalls probably  d i s c u s s i o n to  sense  rather  than  of  cross-cultural  even  planning in direct  greater.  i n Canada  and  The  then,  applicability  cross-political  significance will  to  a  be  in a  given  of generic  situation.  14  CHAPTER URBAN C H I N A  II  IN  PERSPECTIVE  Introduction It  is  intended  English  language  graphic  information  demographic China's that date.  occurred  knowledge  should  and  The  hesitancy  this  about and  in this  D e f i c i e n c i e s of on.  consulting virtually  containing  that  centres  commented  by  sources  knowledge  urban  have  that  chapter  the  size  describe urban  i t possible  in arriving  at  and  will and  other  provide  from  information  1949  of  understand  of  trends  will  presentation  specific  supporting  general  population  to  demo-  distribution  various  statistical  d i s c u s s i o n and  make  urban  a l l major  to  also  this  the  conclusions  be  limited  difficulties  about  China's  population, centres.  The  1953  Census  The China's  new  that  total  Chen,  Problems  of  which  population  pp. The  time.  excluding  582,603,417 the  modern  census  China,  Subsequent  government  first  standard  and  55  &  census, The  People's  setting  results,  Taiwan,  had  505,346,135 were  a  Republic  June  30,  total  persons, as  in  as  1954,  population or  86.7  rural.  .  conducted  1953,  published  classified  admittedly,  existed with and  the  Information  the showed  of  percent  of  (Cheng-Siang  60)  census,  hindrance,  of  Demographic  census  was  not  ideally  t r a i n e d enumerators, takers  recorded  those  carried  geography people  out. was  a  habitually  15  and  legally  resident  counting  the  place  a  what  at the  given  actual  urban  and  State  Council  to  a  the  the  was  urban  as  or  i t i s not  were  November,  known  that  constituted  1955  that  Internal Affairs  a  definition. three  particular  The  criteria  the  attempted following  which  determined  not:  a minimum r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n o f 2,000, a t l e a s t f i f t y percent of which i s nonagricultural;  3)  a r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n o f b e t w e e n 1,000 and 2,000, s e v e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t o f w h i c h i s nonagricultural." ( S e n - d o u C h a n g , 1976, p. 400)  at  the  have  For  only  been  total  77,259,282  (1953)  some s c h o l a r s urban  of  followed  there  was  Chinese  despite  extensive  way  no  Chinese  urban  is actually  population  for  thing  1976,  extent  past  i n the is  or 1953  certain  in carrying  i t is s t i l l i t s kind  population  believed  Chang,  i n the  serious  its failings of  t o what  question  One  were  undertaking  (Sen-dou  knowing either  occupation.  i s the  and  The  i s no  example  that  census  of  there  a l l regarding and  and  ratios  Chang  a  2)  analysis.  by  such  at  to  "seat of a m u n i c i p a l people's committee or p e o p l e ' s c o m m i t t e e a t or above t h e h s i e n (or i t s e q u i v a l e n t ) l e v e l , r e g a r d l e s s of population size;  however,  best  definitions until  opposed  present  importantly,  not  as  1)  present.  out  or  for  Sen-dou  definitions  census  More  actually  M i n i s t r y of  guidelines  place  population)  people  I t was  Unfortunately these  jure  criteria  and  o f f e r e d by  whether  of  time.  rural.  develop  are  number  (de  for  figure  the urban of  to  be  p.  399)  The  various  years  are  in  subsequent  underestimated  many  16  instances  interpolations  Subsequent information and  census  There  spite  quent in  the  been  but this  of the shortcomings  following  Urban People's  that  itself  of city  and C h i n e s e  size  and  subse-  trends are  scholars  avail-  provide  I  Population  Republic of China  %  Total Population  Number Urban  Urban  1935 1973  582,603,417 800,000,000 (approx.)  Source:  1953 i n f o r m a t i o n i s t a k e n f r o m 1953 c e n s u s . 1973 d a t a comes f r o m S e n - d o u C h a n g , " T h e C h a n g i n g System o f C h i n e s e C i t i e s " , 1976.  Note:  t h e above  The a  writings  information. Table  Year  government  of information,  concepts  provinces  as y e t be c o n f i r m e d .  o f t h e census  Analyses by both Western  piecemeal of  and  base-  i n 1964, p r o b a b l y by  cannot  in availability  and g e n e r a l  reports  i n several  undertaken  as a  been  travellers  reports  committees,  urbanization  able.  unchecked  media,  t y p e was  difficulties  t h e 1953 c e n s u s  has e s s e n t i a l l y  from  news  have  o f some  revolutionary In  data  originating  municipalities,  speeches. a  urban  using  steady  first gain  relatively Year  Plan  migration Great  Leap  decade i n urban  successful (1953-57)  77,259,282 130-140,000,000  information  excludes  Taiwan.  o f t h e P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c was population. industrial  This  programs  and t h e u n c o n t r o l l e d  of the early Forward  13.3% 16-17%  stages  years"  reflected  rural  (Sen-dou  by  "both the  of the F i r s t  Five  t o urban  of collectivization  (1958-60).  marked  and t h e  Chang,  1976,  p., 4 0 1 ) annual  Chen-Siang growth  1950-56 12.2  to  period  rate  of  6.43  percent;  of  the  urban  1949  to  (p.  385)  with  Chao  19  rate  from  population to  (1973, urban  p.  68)  reports  population  between  1957  the  i n the  and  1960  average period i t  was  percent. The  K.  be  Chen  1960  has  the  of  Chang,  China's 1976,  put  (refer  citizens  p.  at  to  7.6 of  entire  percent urban  Table  residing  the  by  to  rural  II) with  i n urban  close  areas.  401)  Table Urban-Rural  been  growth during  greatest ratio  o c c u r r i n g i n 1960  percent  (Sen-dou  population  II  Population Ratio  In  China  1949-1970  Ye Year  Urban Population  1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1970  10.6 11.1 11.8 12.5 13.2 13.6 13.5 14.2 14.3 16.2 17.5 18.8 16.8  Rural Population 89.4 88.9 88.2 87.5 86.8 86.4 86.5 85.8 85.7 83.8 82.5 81.2 83.2  Source:  Sen-dou Chang. "The C h a n g i n g S y s t e m o f Chinese C i t i e s . " Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers. V o l . 66, No. 3, S e p t . 1976, pp. 398-415.  Note t  I n f o r m a t i o n i n T a b l e I I has b e e n c o m p i l e d f r o m a number o f d i f f e r e n t sources.  18 Of  China's  approximately the  urban  Despite  portant  s t i l l  fact,  urban role  From  through  annually  probably  more  annual  then,  by  reliable  population  a  large  population  by  corresponding  Plan  (1953-1957)  estimated  to  Five  Plan  25%  Year being  thumbnail  fledged of  million  (1958-1962), by  chronology  gramme  in  effort  i n the  1962,  government  trends  of  for  forget 1970s..."  stresses  the  annually five  proper  and  million,  are 1957  million million.  accompanied group.  First  i n working-age  worried were  family  the  about  4  the  Cheng-  Five  Year  population  during with  the  was  Second  approximately  by  was  years, and  (Orleans,  1975,  spacing  for of  in  advocated.  A  to  cease  resume p.  shows  mount  another an  502)  the  fully-  pro-  intensive Today  planning, and  a  sig-  a l l discussion  initiate  family  births,  and  efforts  able  1957,  i t i n 1966,  need  government  officially  planning  "...China  c o n t r o l campaign  planning  the  20 17  was  im-  and  After  working-age  during  an  f i g u r e s were  than  year  rural  industry.  fluctuations:  family  census.  each  a  development.  Bureau  i t averaged  i n the  c o n t r o l programs  birth  ception,  four  people.  play  nation's  greater  1958  increase  s t i l l  population  1953  that  However,  million  Statistical  increase  reports  population  birth  nificant  be  year-end  increase  the  absorbed  Such 1954  58)  i n the  the  people  i s predominantly  i n c r e a s e was  Such  (p.  130-140  and  and  million  countryside.  for  State  1954  800  development  than  between  Chen  of  China  life  the  while  Siang  and  1958  people  a  that  i n Chinese  1953  i n the  account  planning  reported  the  population  83%-84% l i v e  areas  the  country,  immense  the  contra-  care  of  the  mother's  health.  marriage  until  Young  the  Small  age  to  f o r women  and  to  27  families,  up  to  three  and  abortion is readily  Table  encouraged  23  men.  dramatic  are  of  for  wide-spread  people  available.  improvement  results  children,  Such  in a l l health  in mortality  and  25  to  are  efforts  care  birth  postpone  encouraged  combined  services  rates,  29  have  (refer  with had  to  III) Table Infant in  1948 1949 1959 1972 1973  Peking  f i r s t year births)  of  life  per  Peking C i t y Proper  150.0 117.6 38.9 8.7 11.6  S i d e l , V i c t o r W. & R u t h S i d e l . of H e a l t h Care S e r v i c e s i n the of C h i n a . " World Development. J u l y - A u g u s t 1975, p. 540.  In  1953  nine  of  which  IV)  Communities  51,313,000 lation  and  Rates  Shanghai C i t y Proper  Year  Source:  Mortality  Shanghai  (Deaths i n the thousand l i v e  III  the had  census a of  over  20,000  or  Although  urban  p o p u l a t i o n , even  Chen,  p.  66)  5,568 u r b a n  population of  inhabitants  total.  listed  or  people 8.8  the then,  "The Development People's Republic V o l . 3, N o s . 7 &  percent  one  of  in  million.  more had the  p r o p o r t i o n was was  places  China, (Table  together national  low  significant.  8,  the  popu-  absolute  (Cheng-Siang  20  Table Number  of Urban  Population/by  Places  Size  (population  Size  of  and  of Place:  the Urban June  1953  i n thousands)  urban  number o f urban places  place  1,000,000 o r 500,000 t o 200,000 t o 100,000 t o 50,000 t o 20,000 t o 2,000 t o 1,000 t o Less than  IV  more 999,999 499,999 199,999 99,999 49,999 19,999 1 ,999 1 ,000  number  9 16 28 49 71 247/ 4,228 727 193  Total  population  5,568  per  cent  21,020 11,279 8,492 7,201 5,497  27.2 14.6 11.0 9.3 7.1  23,768  30. 8  77,257  100.0  Source: O r l e a n s , L e o A. Every F i f t h Child: The P o p u l a t i o n of China. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1972, p. 60.  Urbanization  Trends  Reporting million over  44,460,000 China  urban  Cheng-Siang  a million  and  population Chen  population  people, 27.8  and C o n t e m p o r a r y  5.9  percent  says  i n 1970  China  (Table  percent  Urban  had  China  t o be  twenty-one  V) w h i c h  together  of the t o t a l  of the urban  as h i g h  cities  160 of  "totaled  population  population."  as  of  21  Table Cities  With Half  City  V  Populations Million,  A  1970  1936  Shanghai 3,727,000 Peking 1,551,000 Tientsin 1,292,000 Mukden (Shenyang) 527,000 Wuhan 1,379,000 Canton 1,222,000 Chungking 446,000 Nanking 1,019,000 Harbin 465,000 X'Haerhpin) Luta (Dairen, Port Arthur) 445,000 Sian 155,000 Lanchow 106,000 Taiyuan ( '34)139,000 Tsingtao 515,000 Chengtu 516,113 228,744 Changchun Kunming 145,000 Tsinan 442,000 Fushun 118,000 Anshan 166,000 Chengchow (•31) 8 0 , 0 0 0 iHa'ngchpw 589,000 Tangshan 85,000 (•35) 6 7 , 2 0 6 Paotow Tzepo Changsha 507,000 Shihkiachwang 60,000 76,101 Tsitsihar 389,797 Soochow Kir in 143,250 Suchow ('35)160,013 (!?35)359,205 Foochow Nanchang 301,000 Kweiyang 117,000 272,209 Wusih 70,000 Hof e i Hwainan (•41) 9 8 , 2 0 3 Penki (•35) 7 7 , 1 5 9 Loyang 88,900 Nanning (•35) 8 3 , 7 2 2 Huhehot (•46) 5 5 , 5 6 4 S ining Urumchi ('43) 8 0 , 0 0 0  Over  1953  1957  • 1970  6 ,204,417 2 ,768,119 2 ,693,831  6,900,000 4,010,000 3,220,000  7,000,000 5,000,000 3,600,000  2 ,299,900 1 ,427,300 1 ,598,900 1 ,772,500 1 ,091,600  2,411,000 2,146,000 1,840,000 2,121,000 1,419,000  2,800,000 2,560,000 2,500,000 2,400,000 1,750,000  1 ,163,000  1,552,000  1,670,000  766,400 1,508,000* 787,300 1,310,000 397,400 699,000 720,700 1,020,000 916,800 1,121,000 856,700 1,107,000 855,200 975,000 6'9 6 9 8 , 9 0 0 880,000 680,100 862,000 678,600 985,000 548,'900 805,000 594,700 766,000 696,600 784,000 693,300 800,000 149,400 ('58)650,000 184,200 8O6^0O;0* 650,600 703,000 373,400 598,000 344,700 668,000 474,000 633,000 435,400 568,000 373,000 676,000 553,000 616,000 508,000 398,200 270,900 504,000 581,500 613,000 304,000 183,600 286,900 370,000 449,000 171,200 194,600 264,000 314,000 148,400 300,000 93,700 275,000 140,700 :  1,650,000* 1,600,000 1,450,000 1,350,000 1,300,000 1,250,000 1,200,000 1,100,000 1,100,000 1,080,000 1,050,000 1,050,000 960,000 950,000 920,000 850,000* 825,000 800,000 760,000 730,000 720,000 700,000 680,000 675,000 660,000 650,000 630,000 600,000 600,000 580,000 550,000 530,000 500,000 500,000  22  Source: Cheng-Siang Chen. " P o p u l a t i o n Growth and U r b a n i z a t i o n i n C h i n a 1953-1970." G e o g r a p h i c a l Review. V o l . 6 1 , N o . 1, J a n . 1 9 7 3 , p . 6 7 . Note: The f i g u r e s f o r 1936 a r e b a s e d on v a r i o u s prewar sources. T h e f i g u r e s f o r 1953 a r e c e n s u s r e s u l t s , f o r 1957 o f f i c i a l e s t i m a t e s . T h e 1970 e s t i m a t e w a s made b y t h e a u t h o r b a s e d o n n u m e r o u s , i f fragmentary, data. •Increase largely a result of the c i t y limits. Cities  o f 500,000  combined  population  national  total  (Cheng-Siang  o f 59,830,000  highest  Hopei  Tientsin percent has  and K i a n g s u  i n t h e former urbanized.  an urban  percent.  population  of.Chekiang,  Fukien,  gc.eat  i s lacking  tation  networks  growth  of existing  established. new  industrial  the  border  which  above  Chen  exist  build-up  provinces  urban  poulation.  dwellers (30%)  or Manchuria.  i n the latter  the n a t i o n a l average that  moderate  and Kwangtung.  and  o f i n d u s t r y and improvement  cities growth  not only  and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s  most  new  mineral  t o any  southwest. of transpor-  centres  such  resources.  being  pronounced i n  centres  and i n communities  of  i n the continued  b u t i n many new has been  o f 16-17  provinces  Urbanization  i n the northwest  region  degrees  coastal  and  a r e 20  o r autonomous  i n the southeastern  Urban  are tapping  of the  containing Peking  province  adds  has r e s u l t e d  regions  o f urban  and S h a n g h a i  urbanization  The  of the total  province  No o t h e r  Cheng-Siang  extent  43 i n 1 9 7 0 , h a d a  o r 8.0 p e r c e n t  the proportion  i n the northeastern  province  expansion  p . 66)  Geographically is  o r more numbered  a n d 37.4 p e r c e n t  Chen,  of territorial  established i n as  Taching  I t i s i n fact  23  the by  pull  exerted  the push  vization force are  by  from  the countryside  and c o m m u n a l i z a t i o n  promoting  reliable  of peasants  revealed  (see Orleans,  and R a t e  Urban  End o f Year  the dominant  Although  the  1972,  62) t h e  most  p.  o f t h e 1950s i s  o f Growth o f the  Population  541,670 551,960 563,000 574,820 587,960 601,720 614,650 627,800  of  China  Per cent Urban  57,650 61,690 66,320 71,630 77,670 81,550 82,850 89,150  Per c e n t o f I n c r e a s e Over Preceding Year  10.60 11 .1'2 ' 11 .78 12.46 13.21 13 .55 13.48 14.20  7.00 7.50 8.00 8.43 4.99 1 .59 7.60  Source: O r l e a n s , L e o A. E v e r y F i f t h C h i l d : Population o f China. Stanford, California: University P r e s s , 1972, p. 62. Efforts influx"  were  From  b y t h e new quick  1952  directives  t o 1957 v a r i o u s  to control  directives  Republic  implemented  nings  regime  (downward  of the Great  t o contend  but inconsistent  However,  hsia-fang  figures  VI  Total Total Population Population in thousands  1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956  collecti-  VI. Table  Size  during  accompanied  enforced  has been  i n China.  to the c i t i e s  i n Table  initially  through  which  urbanization  not e n t i r e l y  flow  industrialization,  farmers  were  the  "blind  fluctuating.  government departments from  migrating  n o t enough and  the f i r s t  youth  transfer). Leap  and  with  The Stanford  Forward,  to the  i n 1957  rustication  B u t 1958 t o be  marked  the  issued  cities. People's  program the  or  begin-  f a c i l i t a t e d the f o l -  24  lowing of  year  which  severely  migration cation four  by t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e u r b a n  continued.  movement  years.  Revolution movement  (Sen-dou  urban  nations  1976, p. 401)  The  brought  to the  which  The  o f people  the Cultural "China's  ascending middle  1960s."  Cultural policy the  o f moving  lies  Durban  urging with  'young  (Orleans,  1972, p.  Apart known  about  population.  from  of  moved  relatively other  economic  400) cities  hand-in-hand  67)  continued  point i n with  her  growth  during  the  I t was  during  the  proportions  consistent,  of the population  "reflected  Mao's  belief  that  China's  collapse of the b a r r i e r s  and t h e i m p o v e r i s h e d  rural  leaving the c i t i e s  f o r the purpose  sal-  between  masses, to 'integrate  o f 'making r e v o l u t i o n . ' "  68)  the preceding  the geographical According  to  Primarily involving the youth of  intellectuals'  the peasants'  rate  an i n t e n s i v e , and t o d a t e  i n the ultimate  rustication  with  i n 1966, up t o w h i c h  1972, p.  reborn.  madarins'  compared  a continuous  significant  t h e campaign  vation  that  Cultural  revived.  i n and o u t o f C h i n a ' s  showing  was  when  rusti-  approximately  has experienced  1976, p.  population  Revolution  soon  a similar  Chang,  (Orleans,  countryside  China  the  economy,  have  Revolution  urban  a halt  a t t a c k was  particularly  (Sen-dou  flow  the  Chang,  i n 1949 C h i n a  growth  t o implement  both  Urban  for  initially  liberation  program.  i n 1962 and c o n t i n u e d  development.  time  efforts  but the ideological  developing  until  the hsia-fang  Second  began  i n 1966  Since moderate  disrupted  commune,  statements distribution  to Leo Orleans,  n o t much  more i s  of China's  a western  urban  scholar  25  studying the  China's  urban  population  (Orleans, include as  1972,  the  p.  i s as  70)  only  together  was  to  produce  distribution After the  of  spot,  is  information  during  the  of  various  refer  to  in  the  Seven  VIII  eastern provinces  twelve.  The  Autonomous  urban  (see  or  these  Table  are  through  p.  Committees.  71)  VII)  1967  reveal  The  rough  used  announce  com-  provincial  population.  w h i c h was to  smaller 1972,  the  to  not  inhabitants.  i s a v a i l a b l e to  urban even  more  about  for  did  size."  population  Orleans,  (refer  i n 1964  Revolution  urban  its  of  one  figures,  related  to  apparently  the  establishment  (Onoye,  p.  109  and  VIII) indicates that provinces along  four  and  the  thinly  Region,  lowest  Region)  of  total  population,  rationof  urban  to  that  establishment mining  i n the  ranking showed  new  a  of  i n the  highest provinces.  the  top  the  west  Autonomous  Inner in  remarkable  increase  in  This  "indication  began  to  bottom  Region,  (Tibet  four,  industrial  resources  is  western  provinces  Sinkiang  poulation. of  development  a l l rank w i t h i n  populated  Tsinghai,  total  urban  coast  terms  of  Ni  of  population  Autonomous  development  the  estimate  and  Revolutionary  apparently  100,000  information  Mongolia  the  of  distribution  a s c e r t a i n as  information  population. less  to  census  with  E.  obtained  Cultural  Table  Table  years  statistically,  provincial  the  cities  distribution  bright  the  1953  mid-1953  even  geographical  the  a  urban  1957  difficult  s c a t t e r i n g s of  i n subsequent  geographic  distribution  those  munities able  "the  The  provincial  i t listed  Putting  population,  i s an cities  exercise  and  the  the  such  influence  26  Table Provincial Urban  Distribution  Population:  (population  Province NE Heilungkiang Kinn Liaoning  VII of  1953  i n thousands)  Total  Urban Per cent Number of Total  11 ,897 11,290 20,566  3,697 3,274 8,648  31 .1 29.0 42.0  Shansi Hopei Shantung Honan  14,314 43,348 48,877 44,215  1 , 846 10,077 3,356 2,889  12.9 23.2 6.9 6.5  Hupei Hunan Kiangsi  27,790 33,227 16,773  2,388 2,337 1,269  8.6 7.0 7.2  Kiangsu Anhwei Chekiang  47,137 30,663 22,866  13,733 2,046 2,234  29.1 6.7 9.8  SE Fukien Kwangtung Kwangsi  1 3 , 143 36, 740 1 7 , 591  1 ,583 4 ,494 846  12, .0 12, .2 4,. 8  3W Kweichow Yunnan Szechwan  15, 037 17, 473 65, 685  586 1 ,294 6 ,393  3. ,9 7..4 9.,7  JW Sinkiang Tsinghai Inner Mongolia Kansu and N i n g s i a Shensi Tibet  4, 874 1, 6 7 6 7, 3 3 8 12, 928 1 5 , 881 1, 274  526 117 782 1 |108 1 ,572 162  10, , 8 7. ,0 10. , 7 8., 6 9.,9 12. 7  5 8 2 , 603  77 ,257  N  Total  1 3 . ,3  Source: O r l e a n s , L e o A. Every F i f t h Child: The P o p u l a t i o n of China. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1972^ p 71 « #  27  Table Urban  VIII  Population  By  Province  (1964-1967) (ten  Area  thousand  Year-end of 1957  Peking Shanghai Tientsin Heilungkiang Shantung Kweichow Shans i Tsinghai Inner Mongolia Kiangsi Kansu  401 690 322 1,486 5,403 1,689 1,596 205 920 1,861 1 ,461  Honan Hopei Hupeh Kwangtung Kirin Kian'gsu Chekiang Hunan Ningsia Anhwei Shens i Liaoning Szechwan Yunnan Fukien Kwangsi S inkiang Tibet  4,867 4,873 3,079 3,796 1,255 5,213 2,528 3,622  Total  person)  At a C e r t a i n . Period Recently  Ratio of Increase (%)  700^ i ,000;; 400 2,100 5,700 1,700 1,800 200 1,300 2,200 1 ,300 (1,500) 5,000  74.5 44.9 24. 2 41 .3 5,4 0.6 12.7  _  41 .3 18.2 2.6  ?  2.7 10.8 3.9 5.3 35.4 9.3 22.6 4.9  1  s^oo  3,356 1,813 2,409 7,216 1,910 1,465 1 ,939 564 127  3,200 4,000 1,700 5,700 3,100 3,800 200 3,500 2,100 2, 800 7,000 2,300 1 , 700 2,400 800 132  64,653  71,100  1  •  4.2 15.8 16.2 —  20.4 • 16.0 23.7 41 . 8 3.9 9.9  Source: Onoye, E t s u z o . "Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of Urban P o p u l a t i o n i n C h i n a . " D e v e l o p i n g E c o n o m i e s . V o l . 8, M a r c h 1970, P. 111. H o p e i i n c l u d e s P e k i n g and T i e n t s i n : K i a n g s u i n c l u d e s S h a n g h a i (for the purpose of comparison they are i n c l u d e d here, yet t h e y were e x c l u d e d i n the o r i g i n a l d a t a ) . P o p u l a t i o n of above c i t i e s were d o u b l e c o u n t e d a c c o r d i n g l y , ( b u t had b e e n adjusted i n the total) The f i g u r e i n p a r e n t h e s e s f o r Kansu f o r e , i t i s comparable with 1957.  includes  Ningsia.  There-  28  as  to  alter  p.  109)  The  provinces of  the  high  (the  already  fundamental urban  Developmental cularly  during  the  have  years  the  population  patterns,  the  to  terms  of  Thompson  up  Since  since  philosophy  sure  urban  of,  necessary that  and of  and  of  the  virtually  to  Comparison of Peking, are i m p o s s i b l e , owing  the  p.  no  Couple  the  and  by  Chinese  this  (1972,  p.  72)  Communists  S h a n g h a i and T i e n t s i n f o r to the extension of t h e i r  1  with  between of are  distribution  distribution Even  in  demographic,  policies  the  in  596)  self-sufficiency  impossible.  Chinese  con-  unknown"  1975,  determine rate  rural  cities  correlation  which  local  the  when  influencing  released  direct  figures Orleans  analysis  near  Virtually  been  urbanization,  parti-  Cultural Revolution  into  has  attempts  that  (Thompson,  i s no  related to  are  doubt  the  move  and  changed,  significantly  statement.  there  development  Forward  Cultural Revolution.  any  population final  we  (Onoye,  Heilungkiang  further  Leap  i s no  time  industry  population  " i n the  thereby  information  the  industrialization  then  the  and  undoubtedly  information.  that  decentralization  the  regions."  in Kirin  Great  there  in his  urban,  industrialization  of  to  is correct  authorities  making  "but  statistical  particularly  Mao's  stimulated,  expand  mid-1960s.  of  the  centres.  policies  were  of  represents  industrial  industries  tinued  increase  Northeast)  existing  nature  of  lacking  the  believes will  find  two periods boundary.  U n d o u b t e d l y t h e s e a r e f i g u r e s f o r 1965 t o 1967. Revolut i o n a r y Committees were e s t a b l i s h e d i n each p r o v i n c e during t h a t t i m e , n e v e r t h e l e s s , l a t e s t c e n s u s was c a r r i e d out i n 1964 a s we s t u d i e d b e f o r e , i t was p o s s i b l e t o use the data of 1964.  29  it  extremely  the  existing  devoted dustry the  to to  the  result  into of  central  of  developed  cities, It  will  China's and  and  large-scale  industry  through  urban  bringing  rather to  than be  that  will In  continue other  but  longwill  China's  most  to  important)  expand  words,  investment  shifting  this  strategically  in-  the  d e t e r i o r a t i o n of  local  economy  change b a s i c a l l y  of  assumed  (and  direction.  primarily  trend  continue  is also  stagnation  to  some p o s i t i v e e f f o r t s  countryside,  considerable  control  despite general  the  China.  a  impossible)  -  The  in  the  the  since  proportion  patterns  people  in  ( i f not  problem.  the  policy  cities,  the  urban  peasants  range not  difficult  rural  will  under industry  supplement  certainly will  not  replace  it." Although tion  Robin  offers  a  hard  data  Thompson  number  of  i n the reasons  statistical,  why  he  urbanization  and  related  The  following  little 1960s  are  1)  early the  birth  has  at  time  or  believes  the  Cultural  Development  that  city  of  comments  are  China  firmly  which  do  actually exists  (1975)  them  i n contemporary  planning  Revolu-  Journal  i n d i c a t i o n s , some  information  rate  of  l e a s t been  is  average important  demographic model  World  after  in  control.  reflect  what  for  late  the  1970s.  national 2)  lacking  capsulized  statistical and  is  of  32  to  halved  38  per  since  i s presently i n the  policy.  development  annually  the  and  11  1950s  to  12  development  Initial has  thousand  reliance  changed  and  per  of on  a  the  thousand. national  the  China  is  Soviet now  30  following  an  perception  independent  by  Mao  ations  to  attack  cities  developing  urbanization enhancing urban and  growth  the  vulnerability  and  his  anger  at  the  expense  out  at  population  has  remained  liberation empirical faster  1949  a  the  1959  1959  into  the  the  of  rural  areas,  i t s source  i n other  cities.  by  shows  -  5.5  that  This  is  level, city,  million  -  since  countries  primate  cities  develop  average.  cities  o f f of centre  individual  largest  developing  national  this  banning  China's  constant  specific  by  Party-supervised  Shanghai,  levelling  to  Since  of  almost  for  agglomer-  distrust  of  at  contained  local  evidence  statistics dicate  the  while  than  attacked  i s being  the  and  of  life.  family migration  carried  policy,  of  i s being  rural  urban  such  as  population grew  however,  Changsha  visit  s i x urban  from has  Changsha  growth.  From  380,000 t o  grown  by  in-  600,000.  only  70,000  people. Thompson's sign  of  ment  i n the  the as  i t has  worst  wrought  by  i n the  parts  Revolution  virtually  really  centres  c o n s t r u c t i o n beyond  Cultural  "The  not  new  to  big the  has  the  Cultural  efforts inner  i n the  of  system."  Mao  redevelop-  city  Chinese  system  Revolution  at  little  city,  reappraised  a l l aspects  change  formal  of  indicated  of  lies  planning life.  planning in  is willing  motivation, to  31  sacrifice the  immediate  economy  industrial will  not  light the  largest  cities  while  says,  new  an  one  growth  likely  of development  encounters the nation  i n terms  misleading.  have  and  this  as  a t the  72)  policy  be  slowest under  ties  o f what  to  the rate, fifty  rural  i s "urban",  t o accommodate  China an  of  moral  will  i n towns  that  development p.  a  diffused  i n the future  closer  redefined  statement that t o use  are  596-597)  Orleans  occur  i n China  1972,  pp.  rapid  centres  collective,  understanding  t o be  of economic  (Orleans,  on  upon  urban  benefits  increase  would  building  i s following  1975,  should  by  Relying  suggests that  Our  have  that  comments  "should  i n some w a y s  agricultural  position  He  development."  will  nature  when  rapid  which  industrial  preceding  word.  up.  based  (Thompson,  growth  existing  China  development  i n China  t h e most  thousand  he  final  on  mean  society.  of the  offered  based  necessarily  incentives." In  the bottom  growth  throughout "balanced  from  economic  i n the  the  future  i s predominantly  indication could  be  of China's seriously  32  CHAPTER I I I POLITICS  I N COMMAND  Introduction It  i s e s s e n t i a l that  ideological philosophy guiding  The  the  o f Marx,  of Chinese  emphasis  of socialist  liberation  correct  along  a path  path  has been  Tse-tung  society  have  has  strong  which  other  has  been  urban  and  fluctuated  i n their  particularly that  which  endeavoured  to follow  d i f f e r e n t from  Chinese  including  philosophy  as t h e C h i n e s e  socialist  of  at f o r i t i s the p o l i t i c a l  a n d Mao  policies.  influence  t o determine  development. i n guiding socialist  China nations  followed. To  the  arrived  planning  Mao's  have  he  Lenin  a l l aspects  economic  since  struggle  an understanding  explain  Chinese  Chinese  people  have  socialist gone  through,  serious  consequences  for cities  several  of the basic  concepts  referred  to with  an emphasis  philosophy  struggles  and economic  of socialist placed  and t h e which  struggles have had  development,  philosophy  on t h e w r i t i n g s  will  be  o f Mao  Tse-tung. The  Political Mao  Tse-tung  theoretician dialectical socialism  Philosophy  o f Mao  Tse-tung  as a M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t  o f t h e new materialism,  and w h i c h  China  has adhered  a concept  maintains  and as t h e  "that  which human  leading  t o the doctrine i s at the heart existence  of of  consists  33  of  many  contradictions  struggle  i s basic  Writing political which of  philosophy,  social  life.  Tse-tung,  it  and  The idea  the central  idea  ofh i s  both  a ubiquitous  and p e r m a n e n t  c o n t r a d i c t i o n would, and communist  feature  he c o n t e n d e d ,  societies.  con-  (Mao  1937)  that  i n analyzing  t o determine  the p r i n c i p a l  a social  t h e most  Secondly  the progressive  that  p. 434)  o f "maodun" o r c o n t r a d i c t i o n ,  contradiction.  with  important  t h e two s i d e s aspect  situation or  i n the conflict  and n o n - p r i n c i p a l  or revolutionary  aspect  being  as-  supported  advanced. The  speech  theory  given  tradictions difference referred  Among  entitled  describing  different.  a r e means  resolved;  I t was  that  that was  "Struggle  a qualitative  espoused.  describing  small  that  groups,  methods  conflicts  i s discus-  as w e l l  non-antagonistic  antagonistic  conflicts  of contradictions are  and c r i t i c i s m " ,  through which  Mao  between the  The s i g n i f i c a n c e i s t h a t  within  o f Con-  contradictions,  developed  the latter  t h e two t y p e s  t o handle  here  i n 1957 i n a  Handling  and n o n - a n t a g o n i s t i c  conflicts  and s e l f - c r i t i c i s m  education  the Correct  of the people,  with  furthered  of contradictions  the people.  to deal  "On  the People".  i n the theory  between  required  sions  b y Mao  and enemies  arising  vastly  o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n was  to antagonistic  former  people  are  necessary  forces.  that  argued  be i d e n t i f i e d ,  pect,  stated  socialist  further  principal  the  Such  (Berry,  On C o n t r a d i c t i o n ,  i s first  must  as being  into both  Mao  to life."  i n 1 9 3 7 , Mao  h e saw  tinue  and c o n t e n d i n g  as r e -  conflicts  i t i s necessary  34  to  "exercise dictatorship". John  Starr  contemporary of  any  based on  the  the  the  or  (Starr,  and  p.  excellent politics"  leading  leader's  degree  people  adds,  Chinese  leader on  i n an  The  method  idea  through  that  requires  leaders  from  them  communicate  which  modified, Mao  then  and wrote  to of  is a  policies  28) to  "conceptualize  states that  "the  their  for determining or  cadres their  synthesize  are  then  i n 1943  the  taken  implemented. of  opinions  and to  and  the  is  second  masses  of  needs." terms,  "mass  implementing  he  line".  policy ,  go  to  the  masses,  learn  ideas  to  the  centre.  The  ideas  and  develop  them  the  people,  explained,  back  The the  is called  and  the  legitimacy in real what  legitimacy  i n Mao's s c h e m a  revolutionary experience  This  will  effort  institution  responsive  i s expressed  centre  p.  t o w h i c h fee i s i n t e g r a t e d w i t h  28)  and  (Starr,  to  process  mass  then  repeats  line:  " I n a l l the p r a c t i c a l work o f our P a r t y , a l l c o r r e c t l e a d e r s h i p i s n e c e s s a r i l y 'from the masses, t o the masses'. T h i s means: take t h e i d e a s o f t h e masses ( s c a t t e r e d and uns y s t e m a t i c i d e a s ) and c o n c e n t r a t e them ( t h r o u g h s t u d y t u r n them i n t o c o n c e n t r a t e d and s y s t e m a t i c i d e a s ) , t h e n go t o t h e m a s s e s and p r o p a g a t e and e x p l a i n t h e s e i d e a s u n t i l t h e m a s s e s e m b r a c e t h e m a s t h e i r own, hold f a s t t o them and t r a n s l a t e them i n t o a c t i o n , and t e s t t h e c o r r e c t n e s s o f t h e s e i d e a s i n such a c t i o n . Then once a g a i n c o n c e n t r a t e i d e a s from t h e masses and o n c e a g a i n go t o the masses so t h a t the i d e a s are p e r s e v e r e d i n and c a r r i e d t h r o u g h . And s o on, o v e r and o v e r a g a i n i n an e n d l e s s s p i r a l , w i t h the i d e a s b e c o m i n g more c o r r e c t , more v i t a l and r i c h e r each time." (Mao T s e - t u n g , S e l e c t e d Works, V o l . I l l , p. 119)  into  itself.  35  The  mass  line,  says  Starr,  "democratic  centralism".  "mass  Lenin's  line"  different Party  relations,  lations p.  i n that  between  Although  concept  Lenin while  owes  much  to the idea  similar  of democratic  i n intent  the Party  has and  a p p l i e d t h e mass society  as  to  centralism i s  applied h i s idea primarily Mao  of  to  line  a whole.  intrato re-  (Starr,  29) The  central tions  mass ideas  and  (1976)  line  i n fact  i n Chinese  the theory  serves  as  ideology:  of democratic  a  link  between  the theory centralism.  the  two  of contradicJohnson  states: " T h e r e a r e two e l e m e n t s i n t h e C h i n e s e theory of organization. The f i r s t i s M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s m as a g e n e r a l t h e o r e t i c a l guide; the second i s the adaptation o f Marxist-Leninism to the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances of China. Mao T s e - t u n g i s t h e t h e o r e t i c i a n of the Chinese Revolution. I t i s Mao who h a s e x t r a c t e d f r o m t h e c o r p u s of M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s m those aspects t h a t are s e e n t o be most r e l e v a n t t o t h e C h i n e s e situation. From c l a s s i c a l M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s m t h e r e d e r i v e two k e y t h e o r e t i c a l c o m p o n e n t s for the Chinese theory of o r g a n i z a t i o n 'the t h e o r y o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s ' and ' t h e theory o f democratic c e n t r a l i s m ' . " (Johnson, p. 33)  The the  theory  b o t t o m up"  amalgam  o f t h e mass as  i t i s sometimes  of the theory  democratic  line,  or  "from  known,  t h e t o p down  is in reality  o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and  the theory  centralism.  "On t h e l o c a l l e v e l , a t t h e p o i n t o f c o n t a c t w i t h t h e broad masses o f t h e population, the cadre i s a key figure in e l i c i t i n g support f o r the general p o l i c i e s o f t h e Communist P a r t y . The  and an of  36  c a d r e s become k e y f i g u r e s i n t h e s t r u c t u r e o f power and a u t h o r i t y t h a t w i l l induce change i n Chinese s o c i e t y . The t h e o r y o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s g i v e a guide to the c h a r a c t e r , b e a r i n g , and a c t i v i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l c a d r e s . The t h e o r y o f d e m o c r a t i c c e n t r a l i s m i n d i - . c a t e s what the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n must be. The t h e o r y o f mass l i n e c l a r i f i e s t h e c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n l e a d e r s h i p and o r g a n i z a t i o n and thereby g i v e s c l e a r d i r e c t i o n a s t o how the two c a n be meshed t o p r o v i d e a s o l u t i o n t o the g e n e r a l problem of e f f e c t i n g change i n society." ( J o h n s o n , p. 34)  Chapter the  V  structure  plemented, China.  through  and  The  mental  d e s c r i b e s the  thereby  planning  principles comrades  the  people",  and  not  This  programs  which  has  resulted  i n one  cities,  line  concept  is  becomes  im-  political  guided  development  Kiangsi  i n the  own  resources  new  programs  of  All  these  people  to  act  i n the  interests  by  in  other  the  funda-  gain  calls  people  possible  to  Thought  the are and  their self  people  and  of  today. from  upon  the  i n planning  much  i t i s now  of  policies  examples  originated  so  these  and  planning  impressive  world  of  interests  personal  generated  most  1930s,  principles  Tse-tung  of  important  b e n e f i t e d a majority of  projects  support  has  which  whenever  State  most  i n the  i n g r a i n e d and  without  the  have  early  and  of  approach  "Self-reliance",  Mao  is also  China's  one  i n the  and  and  mass  planning  process  encourages  advancement.  become  how  the  of  principles.  "Serve  social  which  structure  a  so  that  matter  and  the  of  are  on  use  their  carrying  to  of  out  has do  possible.  Marxism,  subject to  Area  notion  pride  greatest extent based  to  Red  Leninism  continuous  and  37  intensive this  study  political  among and  become  a powerful  reliant  socialist  In one  on  dwellers. in  the  As  in  urban they the  impressed and  China  of  by  social  (1977)  the  within  planning  into  a  by  Chinese  the  has  self-  this  form,  urban  life  exceptionally  activity  states  urban  city  of  and  strong  Chinese  i s very  in their  urban  "apparent  attempts  i n the  neighborhoods".  planning policies  static.  They  have  present  direction  cannot  be  mirror a  political  parallel  much m o r e  at  political (Sawers,  policies  Chinese  the  are  regional  Communists  came  considerable experience  rural  organization  administration, Tse-tung  had  administer cities,  or  but  industrial  a l r e a d y warned  the or  had  industry,  and  have  viewed  and  strongly  from  these by  change  themselve  profound  change  Republic.  More-  interrelated  economic  with  planning.  i n 1949  they  had  in agriculture,  land  reform  little and  knowledge  economic  h i s comrades  commerce  o t h e r w i s e we  and  People's  t o power  years  However,  significant the  the  considerably  day.  isolated  philosophy of  urban  over  changed  to the  China's  gained  big  that  about  i n 1949  When  and  view  urban  remained  over, and  It is  40)  liberation  for  in building  literature  be  Sawers  of  China's  in  context  planning of neighborhoods,  organization  not  people-  nation.  political  Chinese  physical  p.  tool  h e l p but  the  Chinese  ideological  surveying the  cannot  focus  the  shall  to  of  urban  planning. "learn  and  communications  not  know w h a t  to  Mao  how  to  of do  when  38  the  time  comes".  Situation", did  come  that  "we  had  good  from  was  period  need  China,  employment  consolidating  and  political  Although  a  final  the  beginnings  criteria eration  during  expansion economic yUbban local  of  heavy  of  until of  a  later  took  Soviet  era  period  p.  food  minister  foreign  was  incorrect.  98-99)  of  policies  a  war-torn  guided  by  production, at  the  same  time  m a t e r i a l i z e between the  in a  formal over  (1953-57) w i t h  and  break. political the  totally  • ( K i r b y , p. economic  which  Economic consid-  emphasis by  on  centralized  political  i n h e r e n t l y concerned  became  Chinese  local  Five-Year  strategy  accompanied  limited  planning*.'  First  development  industry being  of  the  distinguish  i t was  while  1960  precedence  interaction,  economic  of  o b j e c t i v e s were  regional planning,  spatial  The  years  decision-making  and  process  this  Mao,  planning  rectification  d i d not  Soviets  (economism)  to  i n housing,  split  marked  seven  by  control.  the  result  unable  (Schram,  health care  and  would  from  Soviet  part  the  experts,  copy  Current  When  n a t i o n a l economic  to  Chinese  Plan  of  the  clearly  no  to  part but  basics  had  and  172)  very  were  Political  provide  p.  we  saw  geared  Ill,  had  uncritically".  nation.  to  we  copied  1949-1952  Study  China  greater  to  w h i c h were  clothing,  the  The  "Our  again,  experience,  applied  devastated  stated  having  imported  adopted  Vol.  o u t s i d e r , so  bad.  The  the  an and  correctly It  i t was no  himself  countries,  Tse-tung,  S e l e c t e d Works,  time  was  (Mao  subsumed  power.  with in  the  140)  planning  greatly  39  affected  the location of production  industrial gional  development.  imbalances  influenced centres  first  situation  and  time  would  tions. into  the Chinese "By o v e r a l l  "without  Maoist  tion  always we  i n authority  the e n t i r e un(Kirby,  for i n their  started mean  from  planning  p . 144)  planning  two  assump-  which  1968, p. 112)  and o v e r f a l l  national  (Berger,  has emphasized  and moral  o f growth  outlook  takes  as d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e  people other  plan  i t  is  the i n t e r e s t s  o f 'means social  Secondly, and  (Kirby,  ends,'  organiza-  a r e as e q u a l l y  of production". forced  In  p. 557)  that  felt  emerging i n  those  t h e economy t o s e r v e  i n 1 9 5 6 Mao w a s  development  this  I t was  seen  raised  of the inseparability  and p o l i t i c a l  But  elite  methodology".  people".  mainstream  the level  the People".  strand  (Mao T s e - t u n g ,  t h e whole working  the  about  t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e 600 m i l l i o n  a central  view  of uneasiness  Among  planning  t o organize  their  t o ap-  p. 435)  importance,  have  120  1 9 5 7 d e c l a r a t i o n "On t h e C o r r e c t  of planning  i s o f extreme  impossible  as  Mao's  a subsidiary  our country."  "with  feeling  of i t going  a c o n t r a d i c t i o n between  consideration  words  (Berger,  the Soviet-  approximately  the bulk  the bureaucratic  "pose  problem  This  of  that  the masses,  policies  saw  u r b a n and  to redress r e -  and c o a s t ,  identifying  of Contradictions  resolved  of  strong  came w i t h  Handling  China  18 p l a c e s .  the efforts  interior  although  f o r development,  The  this  between  plan,  proximately  at  Despite  and r e s u l t a n t  p.  important 141)  to characterize  China's  and o n e - s i d e d .  The  Soviet  40  approach been  t o economic  copied  by C h i n a  de-emphasized goods, ing  while  primary  plying  that  His  Five-Year  was  t o heavy  could  allowed  regard  industry  Mao  felt  that  observations  shaped  path  methods.  (Berger,  Synthesizing sequent speech  entitled  larged  meeting  relate  required  through  was  economic  numerous into  "We  must  industriali-  m u s t we  (Mao T s e - t u n g ,  empha1971,  f o r the accomplishment  the agricultural here.  to follow  i n future  policies  on  o f a g r i c u l t u r e a s two  important  of  sector.  They  signal the  years  and e f f e c t i v e  c e n t r a l government  t e n major  "Ten Great  Communist  problems  Relationships" Bureau  and  planning  reports  Mao  and  sub-  delivered his  i n 1956 t o an e n -  of the Central  Committee  Party.  not a l l are of direct  strongly  the thought  agricultural  p. 551)  and on no a c c o u n t  of the P o l i t i c a l  the Chinese  attacked  of  p . 552)  discussions  Although  nation  future  (Berger,  assign-  aspects  rapidly while  the other."  funds  consumer  I n ap-  and a g r i c u l t u r e , s o c i a l i s t  are extremely  that  China's  advance  things,  had t o be a c c u m u l a t e d  and  production.  t o t h e main  transformation  down  had  on a g r i c u l t u r e and  s i t u a t i o n Mao  t o slow.  which had  Plan,  industrial  industrial  and p o l i t i c a l  t h e one and p l a y  406)  of light  a low p r i o r i t y  and i s o l a t e d  different  of  i t sf i r s t  and t h e s o c i a l i s t  separate  both  during  industrialization  zation  p.  development,  of contradictions  economic  account  size  placing emphasis  development no  and urban  the manufacture  the theory  China's  growth  t o economic  significance several  and p o l i t i c a l  policies  do  which i n  41  turn  directly  Berger of  (1975)  China"  will  be  has  drawn  a f f e c t urban development i n "Economic  Planning  commented  these  upon  on  extensively  and  i n the  major  planning. People's  Roland Republic  contradictions  i n analyzing  and  them.  1)  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between heavy i n d u s t r y on t h e one hand and l i g h t i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e on t h e o t h e r : heavy i n d u s t r y was t o c o n t i n u e c l a i m i n g the emphasis i n i n vestment "but the proportion f o r a g r i c u l t u r e and l i g h t i n d u s t r y must be somewhat increased". Mao f e l t t h a t a l t h o u g h h e a v y i n d u s t r y would accumulate c a p i t a l , light i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e would a c c u m u l a t e more and f a s t e r as w e l l as e n s u r i n g the l i v e l i h o o d of the people.  2)  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d u s t r y i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n s and i n d u s t r y i n t h e i n terior: e f f o r t s t o redress the l o c a t i o n a l i m b a l a n c e o f i n d u s t r y w h i c h had become concentrated on t h e e a s t e r n s e a b o a r d during t h e p e r i o d o f f o r e i g n d o m i n a t i o n was n o t incorrect. A s Mao s a i d , "we h a v e n o t made . any major m i s t a k e s on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e two. However, i n r e c e n t years we h a v e u n d e r e s t i m a t e d c o a s t a l i n d u s t r y t o some e x t e n t a n d h a v e n o t g i v e n g r e a t enough a t t e n t i o n t o i t s development." (On T h e T e n M a j o r R e l a t i o n s h i p s , p . 5) In other words t h e p e n d u l u m h a d swung t o o f a r i n i n t r o d u c i n g industry into the i n t e r i o r of China with not enough a t t e n t i o n being p a i d t o China's e x i s t i n g 70% o f development where workers c o u l d be t r a i n e d i n t h e c o a s t a l i n d u s t r y w i t h i t s high technical level, good-quality products and low p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s w h i c h w o u l d a l s o have had a s t i m u l a t i n g e f f e c t on t h e t e c h n i c a l l e v e l and q u a l i t y o f n a t i o n a l industry as a w h o l e . ( B e r g e r , p. 553)  3)  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic construction and d e f e n c e c o n s t r u c t i o n : not s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o urban development but c e r t a i n l y m e r i t i n g comment i n t e r m s o f i t s e c o n o m i c significance. Too h i g h an e x p e n d i t u r e during the F i r s t Five-Year P l a n , Mao a r g u e d , h a d b e e n p l a c e d on m i l i t a r y e x p e n d i t u r e s . "Only w i t h the f a s t e r growth of economic construct i o n c a n t h e r e be more p r o g r e s s i n d e f e n c e  42  construction. One r e l i a b l e way i s to cut m i l i t a r y and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e expenditures down t o a p p r o p r i a t e p r o p o r t i o n s and i n - , crease expenditures on e c o n o m i c c o n s t r u e - tion." (On T h e T e n M a j o r R e l a t i o n s h i p s , p. 7) 4)  T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e s t a t e , -the u n i t s o f p r o d u c t i o n and t h e p r o d u c e r s : as Berger states very important, f o r the r e l a t i o n •' s h i p between these u n i t s "touches d i r e c t l y on t h e p o l i t i c s o f d e m o c r a t i c centralism". ( B e r g e r , p. 553) Speaking about the i n dependence o f f a c t o r i e s under u n i f i e d l e a d e r s h i p Mao s a i d , " i t ' s not r i g h t , I'm a f r a i d , t o p l a c e e v e r y t h i n g i n t h e hands o f t h e c e n t r a l o r t h e p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s without l e a v i n g the f a c t o r i e s a n y p o w e r o f t h e i r own, any room f o r i n d e p e n d e n t a c t i o n , any b e n e f i t s . . . I n p r i n c i p l e , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and independence f o r m i n g a u n i t y o f o p p o s i t e s , t h e r e must be b o t h c e n t r a l i z a t i o n a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e ... I n s h o r t , c o n s i d e r a t i o n must be g i v e n t o b o t h s i d e s , n o t t o j u s t one, w h e t h e r t h e y are t h e s t a t e and t h e f a c . t o r y , t h e s t a t e and t h e w o r k e r , t h e f a c t o r y and t h e w o r k e r , t h e s t a t e and t h e c o - o p e r a t i v e , t h e s t a t e and t h e p e a s a n t , o r t h e c o - o p e r a t i v e and the peasant. To g i v e c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o o n l y one s i d e , w h i c h e v e r i t may b e , i s h a r m f u l to s o c i a l i s m and t o t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f t h e proletariat". (On T h e T e n M a j o r R e l a t i o n s h i p s , pp. 9 and 12)  5)  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s and t h e l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s : as Berger s u m m a r i z e s "Mao h e r e a r g u e s f o r an extension o f r e g i o n a l power w i t h i n a u n i f i e d central plan. H i s p r o p o s a l s a r e on the whole t e n t a t i v e , c e r t a i n l y i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the sweeping d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of l a t e r years". (Berger, p. 553) Mao at t h i s time scorns the scores o f governmental hands t h a t are making t h i n g s difficult for local authorities. "We should," he s a y s , " e n c o u r a g e t h e s t y l e o f w o r k i n which the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s are c o n s u l t e d on t h e m a t t e r s t o be t a k e n up." We w a n t b o t h u n i t y and p a r t i c u l a r i t y . To b u i l d a powerful s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r y i t i s imperative t o have a s t r o n g and u n i f i e d c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p and u n i f i e d p l a n n i n g and d i s c i p l i n e throughout the country; d i s r u p t i o n of t h i s indispensable unity i s impermissible. A t t h e same t i m e , i t i s  43  e s s e n t i a l to b r i n g the i n i t i a t i v e of the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n t o f u l l p l a y and l e t each l o c a l i t y enjoy the particularity suited to i t s l o c a l conditions. "Since the provinces and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s h a v e t h e i r own complaints about the c e n t r a l departments, c a n i t be t h a t t h e p r e f e c t u r e s , counties, d i s t r i c t s and t o w n s h i p s h a v e no complaints about the provinces and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ? The c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s s h o u l d t a k e c a r e to give scope to the i n i t i a t i v e of the provinces and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , and i n t h e i r t u r n t h e l a t t e r . s h o u l d do t h e same f o r t h e p r e f e c t u r e s , c o u n t i e s , d i s t r i c t s and townships; the provinces, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , p r e f e c t u r e s , c o u n t i e s , d i s t r i c t s and towns h i p s s h o u l d a l l e n j o y t h e i r own proper i n d e p e n d e n c e and r i g h t s and s h o u l d fight f o r them." (On T h e T e n M a j o r R e l a t i o n s h i p s , pp. 12-16) Items and  the  (6)  minority  tween p a r t y revolution between China  and and  right  and  Beginning indicated already  a  and  planning  areas in  and  will  1958  (10)  (7)  by  do  political  nationality  relationship  relationship (9)  "The  relate directly  be  dealt  with  here.  the  Great  Leap  Forward  follow  Soviet but  between  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  not  to  be-  relationship  of  model  course  not  Han  although  with  the  "The  "The  "The  the  and  desire  Soviet  erratic  experience  wrong",  strong  the  (8)  countries",  attempted  abandoned somewhat  nationalities",  counter-revolution",  and  subject  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  non-party",  other  development other  "The  a  They  doing  i n development  have  have  urban  importance  the  d i f f e r e n t path  Union. i n so  major  to  Chinese  from  differences.  " T h i s d i v e r g e n c e between the economic or • e c o n o m i s t ' and t h e p o l i t i c a l a p p r o a c h i s no a b s t r a c t or a c a d e m i c i s s u e , nor i s i t j u s t a t h e o r e t i c a l d i s p u t a t i o n between  that  since  followed  reflecting  to  both  a  in-  p e o p l e d o i n g t h e same t h i n g b y d i f f e r e n t methods. P r i n c i p l e s of planning, the c h a r a c t e r o f economic development and, i n d e e d , t h e t o t a l i t y o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i cal progress i n s o c i a l i s t construction a l l d e p e n d upon w h i c h o f t h e two p o l i c i e s i s followed." The or  Great  movement  strategy.  (Eckstein,  2)  into  was  capital  scale  the  being  hoped  i n this  and t h a t  ning,  way  production  objective, and  the  industry",  means! surplus  on p r o d u c t i o n  dualism.  that  labour  labour  could  could  i n the rural  outcomes  expand  economy.  of this  control'."  was  (Kirby,  56)  converted small-  movement  d i d not relinquish "The byword  p.  areas.  to provincial authorities.  decentralized  be  c e n t r a l i z e d system v i r t u a l l y  however,  processes  (Eckstein,  of the c e n t r a l l y controlled  transferred  a planned  reliance  surplus  of the dramatic  Party  development  o f underemployed  on t e c h n o l o g i c a l  80 p e r c e n t  Communist over  two p r i m a r y  greater  existing highly  with  The c e n t r a l  campaign  i n agriculture.  industrial One  a huge  thought-out  of agriculture  through  b y a much based  It  p. 56)  b y mass m o b i l i z a t i o n labor  i n reality  to a well  development  t o be a c h i e v e d 1)  F o r w a r d was  as opposed  "simultaneous was  Leap  was  disappeared  enterprises The  Chinese  i t s control  •centralized p.  that  141)  plan-  45  Table Changes Of  IX  In Decentralization  Industrial  Administration  1957-1959  Central c o n t r o l (percent) Local c o n t r o l (percent)  1957  1958  1959  46.0 54.0  27.0 73.0  26.0 74.0  Source: W h e e l w r i g h t , E . L . and Bruce M c F a r l a n e . The C h i n e s e Road To S o c i a l i s m . New Y o r k : Monthly Review P r e s s , 1970, p. 60. Kirby  suggests  agglomeration, rivalry  were  strategies in  most  seen  The  urban leave  with found  outcome  commune.  themselves  maintain  order  populations  1966,  p. 382)  the urban  from  Implicit out'  the  requiring the  complexities  of population with  toward  L e a p was  at the  faced  b u t how  economic  commune,  workers  at this  (1957)  areas  population  time  the Chinese  of not only  to mobilize  productivity.  a short-lived  of  agricultural  t o urban  the question  the formation  To a c t i v a t e t h e underemployed  1958, t h e u r b a n  make  - a task  the best  and b e i n g  i n the c i t i e s  urban  in  of the Great  faced  directly  Commune  Not wanting  inflow  intersectorial  p . 141)  the countryside  a large  over-  t h e aim o f ' i r o n i n g  consideration of spatial (Kirby,  of  and  as stemming  and c o u n t r y  o f the Urban  Another the  town  cases  increasing production.  w r i t i n g s was  between  level".  Advent  with  Soviet  imbalance  by the Chinese  obsessed  careful  local  to  of interregional  early Marxist  difference  " t h e numerous  productively useful  the vast (Schur.mann,  Peking  idea  how t o  introduced  designed  to  and a t t h e  46  same  time  providing  sense  o f community.  found  itself  and  jurisdictional  street first  fifteen adds  From  base  a number  start  t o economic  inefficiency  1972, p. 65)  administrative  Analyzing  and p o l i t i c s  t o the urban  a new  commune  from  of organization  extensively  the urban  o f problems  (Orleans,  years  and o f f e r i n g p e o p l e  the very  confusion  industries.  Shurmann and  facing  a social  commune  of the  i n China,  experiment  summarizes i t :  " T h e u r b a n communes o f 1 9 5 8 l a c k e d a n a d e q u a t e economic base. The C h i n e s e Communists were aware o f t h i s and sought t o u s e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l m e t h o d s t o make u p f o r m a t e r i a l w e a k n e s s , i n s h o r t , t o u s e human l a b o r as a s u b s t i t u t e for material capital. H o w e v e r , t o make organizationciwork, they f e l t i t had t o be turned i n t o community. The experiment o f t h e u r b a n communes s o u g h t t o c r e a t e community. I t f a i l e d b e c a u s e a n y a t t e m p t t o c r e a t e comm u n i t y b y f o r c e i s doomed.- T h e m o r e a n e x t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l group t r i e s t o impose communal o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e g r e a t e r w i l l b e t h e human r e s i s t a n c e t o i t . " (Shurmann, 1966, p . 402)  Although  t h e urban  thrust  of Chinese  period  has been  urban  commune planning  f o r promotion  action.  s t i l l  neighborhood fluctuating of  the Great  movement  model  since  evolving  as C h i n a ' s Leap  This  of social  policies  Forward  toward  and p o l i t i c a l  altered,  i s discussed  educated briefly  of  inter-  effective  urban  Although  one major  retained  Forward  the design  i n c h a p t e r V..  has been  particularly  abandoned t h e  t h e Great Leap  and a p p a r e n t l y  i s discussed  of people,  countryside.  quickly  continually directed  neighborhoods This  was  and t h a t  youth,  program i sthe  t o the  i n chapter I I .  The more a  severe  failure  which  the  urban  The The  was  t o by  added  Leap  internal  of  coupled  Forward crisis  ensuing  i n a complete  revisions  Sb.hur.mann w r i t e s  commune was  Great  success.  resulted  policies,  of  problem.  resounding  this of  failure  revision  of  which were  profoundly  the  i n the  cities  itself  which  natural  a  was  not  followed  calamities a l l China's  felt  early  with  economic  i n the  cities  1960s:  " T h e f a i l u r e o f t h e u r b a n communes a n d the e c o n o m i c c r i s i s o f 1960-61 l e f t them ( t h e C h i n e s e ) w i t h t h e same two d i l e m m a s t h e y had f a c e d when t h e y e n t e r e d t h e G r e a t L e a p Forward. S i n c e e a r l y 1961, P e k i n g has shown t h a t i t r e g a r d s t h e e c o n o m i c problem as p r i m a r y ; t o r e s o l v e i t , i t has r e t u r n e d to a p o l i c y of o f f e r i n g m a t e r i a l incentives. I t has a l s o a c c e p t e d the f a c t t h a t living s t a n d a r d s had t o be improved, though the c u l t of a u s t e r i t y s t i l l remains. The C h i n e s e Communist l e a d e r s have r e a l i z e d t h a t e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t i n g e n e r a l , and r e s o l u t i o n of t h e i r urban problem i n part i c u l a r , c a n n o t be a c h i e v e d by politicalo r g a n i z a t i o n a l means a l o n e . They have r e a l i z e d t h a t t h e r e m u s t b e some s e l f motivated p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the producers. To t h i s end, t h e y have a l l o w e d t h e market t o operate a g a i n at the lower l e v e l s of t h e economy." ( S c h u r m a n n , 1966, p. 403)  Schurmann made  i n the  continues  early  1960s  and to  states  change  that  the  few  nature  attempts of  the  "One c a n presume t h a t as o r g a n i z a t i o n a l experiments have d i m i n i s h e d , the c o n t r o l f a c t o r has become i n c r e a s i n g l y important. Bureaucratic administration, including t h e p o l i c e , p l a y s a much g r e a t e r r o l e than i t d i d during the Great Leap Forward. Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , b a s i c - l e v e l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n may s l o w l y b e reassuming the forms o f the e a r l y 1950s...It i s c l e a r t h a t the C h i n e s e Communists have created effective p o l i t i c a l institutions for governing China's c i t i e s . They have  were city:  48  yet t o c r e a t e e f f e c t i v e economic institut i o n s t o r e s o l v e t h e dilemma o f p o p u l a t i o n , and e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s t o r e s o l v e the dilemma o f community. Neither o f t h e s e dilemmas w i l l be r e s o l v e d unless P e k i n g a l l o w s t r u e growth 'from t h e bottom up', as w e l l as g r o w t h ' f r o m t h e t o p down'." (Schurmann, 1966, p. 403) Politically beginning  of  gressive. period and  pay  cians, was also  strong  of moral  incentives  wage  of the early  flavour rather  was  and  dustry  increase and  has  especially  numerous remained  since  calamities. producing  role  agriculture".  Despite culture  i n the  1960  industrialization. agriculture  p.  f o r economic  the beginning  i n turn emphasis  seen  though  i t may  appear  symbolizes  China's development of China's c i t i e s  as  i n in-  agri-  development natural  the basis  their slogan  the  strategy  to  for  importance of  t o be,  to  and  policy,  of the  the  the base  Unassuming  changes  on  as  -  techni-  used  culture  industry  for  c a n be  i s r e f l e c t e d i n the M a o i s t and  mould  142)  the basis  This  policies  forces  i n development  which  coercion  these  i n the market  is s t i l l  the  over production,  t o t h e C h i n e s e p e o p l e and  relationship  "new  changes  and  retro-  1950's,  management,  philosophy as  by  Accompanying  (Kirby,  Agriculture  surpluses  the  was  than physical  a r e t r e n c h m e n t o f c e n t r a l power an  of  t o the  i n the Bukhavinist  commune  overtime bonuses.  1960's  i n 1966  overtaken  incentives  for factory  and  moral  incentives  which promoted extra  period  the C u l t u r a l Revolution  The  economic  this  political "take  leading this and  finance  agri-  sector".  statement stresses  i t s national  the  development.  49  "This of  has  meant  scarce  the  to  of  and  the  role  chief  agriculture was  of  and  China  resolved,  absorbed  Revolution  of  to  profound socialist  to  of  areas 1964,  the of  give  the  the  as  committees  p.  during  as  and  p.  of  of  would  New  policies  new  metro-  have  to  centres.  growth  of  provinces",  to  "redness".  114-115)  This  type  the  year  Cultural  three  to  technocrats,  the  opposed  An  Economic  "the  and  of  317)  dehumanizing.  smaller  the  serving  economically  in population  "expertness"  1976,  construction  known  as  approach.  cities  by  promi-  underlined  developmental  f a c t o r y managers  Party  fore  Soviet  and  agricultural  bases,  corrupting  and  more  and  further  accompaniment  McFarlane,  the  the  are  agriculture  (Murphey,  t i e the  increases  the  to  diversion  of  issue  (1966-1969).  Great  massive  avoid  to  to  and  Cultural The  to  stratum  linked  come  to  1960  to  major  i n China's  cities  rural  witnessed,  also the  from  only  but  the  period  (Wheelwright  The  that  Any  reemergence  to  s t i l l  built  not  by  privileged  the  was  view  areas.  closely  I t has  countryside."  was  countryside,  Policy, a  the  sector  rational,  f e r t i l i z e r s , pumps,  cities,  the  bias  on  The  of  taut  industry  industrial  machinery.  based  be  the  from  further departure  anti-urban  politan  funds  production  equipment  This  somewhat b e l a t e d ,  investment  replanning  nence  the  the  Revolution Proletarian Cultural Revolution  political  assessment goals.  upheaval, of  There  both was  a  period  socialist  of  time  was  which  methodology  i n essence,  a  a struggle  time saw  and between  50  two  f a c t i o n s i n the Chinese  forces  and i d e o l o g y  Chinese  Edgar  represented  Revolution,  managing  Party,  b y Mao,  the latter  between t h e  the creator  and t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  the country,  Snow w r i t e s  Communist  of the  pragmatists  represented  by L i u Shao-Chi.  o f t h e L i u group:  " T h e y t e n d e d t o p u t e c o n o m i c s b e f o r e man, encourage e f f o r t by m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e s f i r s t and z e a l s e c o n d , p u s h p r o d u c t i o n without c l a s s s t r u g g l e , boost technology by r e l y i n g on ' e x p e r t s ' , p u t economics i n command o f p o l i t i c s t o s e r v e t e c h n o l o g y , and f a v o r t h e c i t y over t h e c o u n t r y side." (Snow, p . 16) The to  adherents  destroy  of L i u Shao-Chi's  t h e few s u c c e s s e s  that  i s the economic  been  implemented  the  revolutionary zeal  division and  which  structure, giving  One emerged terms  that  both  t o new  was  a challenge  base  the o l d social  actually  period.  that with  i n t h e 1950's.  t o t h e immemorial  forms  between  Revolution struggle  town  social  thus  the effects  and on t h e  p.  super-  8-9)  of struggle  Revolution, of "area"  between  r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  (Bettelheim,  significant  identified  that  the divisions  on t h e economic  was  had  t o the d i v i s i o n  and p o l i t i c a l  the Cultural  of planning,  Shao-chi  posed  ones."  Forward,  o f China  Proletarian Cultural  o f t h e most during  during  attempting  t o be an o f f e n s i v e t o r e s t o r e  underlies  destroying  rise  changes which  characteristic  an i d e o l o g i c a l  bear  Leap  and, n o t a b l y ,  The Great  represents  was  Revolution  of labor  classes.  of  Revolution  countryside,  o f the Great  i n the countryside  Cultural  Cultural  were  and s o c i a l  The  "The  line  that  particularly i n  versus  "line".  the revisionists,  Liu  that i s  51  Soviet  oriented  portance  of  the  "area"  needs.  ment,  according  "To  "line" The to  generalize,  which  to  who the  over-emphasized  detriment  strategy  Mao  his  and  means  and  the  for  of  the  the sum  the  was  policy of  specific  the  the  or  develop-  area-oriented.  sought  is  specific  needs  im-  regional  national  followers,  that  represent  sectors  had  correct  this  s t r i v e s to  industrial p.  economists  of  one  needs  areas."  of  (Kirby,  142) "Formerly a l l the l a r g e manufacturing e n t e r p r i s e s were d i r e c t l y c o n t r o l l e d by m i n i s t r i e s at the centre. The enterprise received i t s plan of production and i t s a l l o c a t i o n of m a t e r i a l s from the ministry concerned. A t an e a r l y s t a g e , t h i s may have b e e n n e c e s s a r y , b u t as t h e industrial e n t e r p r i s e g a i n e d e x p e r i e n c e , i t became, a g r e a t n u i s a n c e . . . T h i s i s now called the 'tyranny of the l i n e ' . Under the new system, ( s i n c e the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n ) p r o d u c t i o n p l a n s a r e made i n t e r m s o f areas. Each of the e n t e r p r i s e s formerly under c e n t r a l c o n t r o l has been g i v e n to the p r o v i n c e where i t i s s i t u a t e d . T h e i r o u t p u t a n d r e q u i r e m e n t s a r e now included i n t h e l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l p l a n . . . s o m e e n t e r p r i s e s f o r m e r l y i n the province's sphere have been put under d i s t r i c t or county planning..." ( R o b i n s o n , p. 19-20)  Actually exist  bringing  both  "area"  both  into  interesting  aspect  altered  involvement  tion  the  unit.  targets  priate  be  the  of  are  the  types  making  of  the  objective  national  of  line  to  a  given  concept  level  and in  i t  has  produc-  production  discussed  departments  lower  One  i s that  any  When c o n s u l t a t i o n s  transferred  organization  roles.  organization members  through  i t s corresponding  production  dual  primary  intermediaries.  "line"  decision  this  Previously  would  factory,  of  and  by and  the appro-  matters the  of  hier-  52  archy  such  such  as  as  line  units  approach  potentially ing  a  The  true  and  give  area  small  having  a  work.  Moreover,  can  applied to 1974,  the  significant  at  and  cadres.  down t o  into  hoods  of At  were  the  a  in a  could  in  planning,  units  process  with  producer  serv-  decentralization.  political  becomes  concepts  guiding  self-reliance  result a whole  in a  and  large  region  thus  regional transportation netfrom  society other  i n the  came w i t h  composed the  Committees the  formal  line  than  to  area  industry.  economic  made d u r i n g  change  of  the the a  masses,  were  advent  the  cities  as  well  as  of  municipal Revolution. the  "three-in-one" the  army,  and  combirevo-  eventually established  p r e f e c t u r e s , the  communes,  and  Cultural  administrative hierarchy  the  the  such  i n emphasis  not  committees,  of  production  Coupled  representatives of  a l l levels  inces  other  larger  concept  units serving  on  changes  The  lutionary  of  while  383)  networks  revolutionary  area  resulting  approach  of  factors  considered.  produce  smaller  with  shift  areas  easily  to  the  thereby  effect  planning  of  to  area  other  organization i s that  significance  p.  Fundamental  nation  more  region,  production  profound  department,  likely  rise  and  the  of  most  are  regional planning.  number  (Schenk,  city  dual  considered  self-sufficiency  be  a  i s more  practical when  of  larger  can  smaller  apparent  a  or  control  aspect  serving  urban  city  pollution  Another the  a  counties the  from  and  districts  the  prov-  municipalities and  neighbor-  themselves.  factory level  what  this  type  of  change  meant  53  was  that,  vincial from of  bureaus,  the  the  instead of  f a c t o r y managers  consulting with  r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees  factory to  municipal  consult with  or  provincial  were  now  revolutionary  government  and  pro-  sent  committees i t s various  agencies. It  was  during  revolutionary to  conduct  the  set  up  for  this  that  degree  of  at  the  The  crucial  in  role  p.  effect  of  but  grass-roots  taken  There i t was  were  participation  level  has  mutually  over  from  been  and  this  study  period  i n the  political  strengthened  into  supportive  of  undoubtedly  today  neighborhoods  the  small  about  Cultural group  couraged  of  the  "play a  and  a  common  behavior".  Chinese  ever,  before  the  reality.  planning  the  i n planning  were  Planning  often  from  Ch'ang  (Sawers,  said,  the  unpredictable.  the  in  a  effects with  had  people  a  enwere  city.  planners  practice,  Ch'un  place  The  managing the  the  took  they  planning  there,  and  masses.  Revolution  divorced was  and  city  visit  i n general  Mao,  on  of  author's  planners.  Cultural  city  in particular  organization of upon  Revolution  i n the the  Revolution  relied  They  Cultural  During  city  be  doors".  the  noticeable  northeast.  discussion  to  were  residents.  integrating  particularly  China's  of  Many  45) The  was  cities  ;  campaign,  and  street  e s t a b l i s h e d i n the  r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees  outlook  that  criticism r,;meetings.  neighbourhood  continuous.  political  mass  local  during  process  were  Revolution  r e s i d e n t s ' committees  excesses the  Cultural  committees  residential  existing  courses  the  had  How"closed  masses,  "Planning,  and  54  planning,  planning,  they  completed  they  on t h e w a l l s . "  how  Mao  longed  had t o l d t o them  managed become after in  on  experts  i n those  and c l o s e d  t h e masses,  people  that  Revolution  doors  they  Ch'un  had helped  Mao's  line,  design.  had been  were  relying  planners  revolutionary line.  parently  remained  planners, planning vation,  July,  intact.  1976)  wrought  "Closed  The f o r m a l  by the C u l t u r a l  divorced  actually  worked  and gas p i p e planning,  "open  door"  system  Ch'ang  rested  (Wheelwright  lines the  planning, ap-  Ch'un  i n the system  Revolution  system.  Now,  on t h e masses  being  planning  change  be  had  door"  (Discussion with  The r e a l  not i n the formal  by  be-  should  however  To a v o i d  replaced  now  to the people.  t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f b u i l d i n g s , roadways they  they're  recounted  the c i t i e s  Planners  the c i t y .  t h e Ch'ang  When  i n the c i t i e s  cities. their  on paper.  The p l a n n e r s  everything  and managing  revisionist  of  i n moti-  and  McFarlane,  141) The  did  and t h a t  the Cultural  which  p.  the Chinese  by people  planning  from  hang  are drawings  Cultural  most  change  other  aspects  that  sufficient Continued  be  urban  industrial  couraged  which  development.  small  urban  will  City  areas.  as i t dramatic  I t i s now  primarily  rural  industries.  The  self-  countryside.  be accompanied  factories  while  living  and b r o u g h t  the surrounding  i n agriculture  machine-tool  city  a r e becoming  industrialization  t o engage  developing  areas  i n China  o f China's  integrated with  urban  reappraised  of life  i n the development  desired  rural  Revolution  a r e now  by en-  communes a r e significance  55  of  this  almost  development obvious.  strategy  There  will  financial  dependence  narrowing  of the cultural  and  country  and  politicize  as  well,  should  production planning  elite  i s that  theory  preaches.  the of  occur.  The c i t y ,  life  the Chinese Moreover  are being  and t o s e r v e  from  Thus  each  mental  concepts  rather  than  What  community  conforming  the countryside  the concept  what  their  Revopolitical  of industrializing should  guides  planning  adapts  to political and  subjugated  and  n o t be  the city.  t o i n t e g r a t e t h e two.  and b e i n g  i n urban  the Cultural  are practicing  i t s own n e e d s  planning,  has occurred  now d o m i n a t i n g  made  t o meet  city  to socialize  but controlling  i n the countryside  i n t e g r a t i o n i s one t h a t  city.  Some  gap between  structured  administration since  as t h e c o u n t r y s i d e  efforts  on t h e c i t y .  and  c o n s t i t u t e an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and  divorced  generally  and p l a n n i n g i s  of political  and i n t e l l e c t u a l  and t h e c o u n t r y s i d e .  lution  viewed  by t h e c o u n t r y s i d e  no l o n g e r  and urban  improving  be a l e s s e n i n g  i t s own c i t i z e n s  should  bureaucratic  to urbanization  In r e a l i t y The program  i n each and  individual develop-  particularities to a national  norm. China between  city  political policy  has assumed  bureaucratic into is  and c o u n t r y s i d e .  goal  since  h a s meant  that  1957 h a s b e e n industrial  the countryside.  viewed  the task  as a " p r i m a r y  of solving thecontradiction Accepting  a central  to alter  centres  this  as a  concern  the nature  major  of Chinese of the large  and t o i n t e g r a t e t h e c i t i e s  The t e n s i o n  between  city  and  contradiction i n the social  country organi-  56  zation major a  of  the  event  major  people".  i n China's  role  in  intellectuals ganization  the  was  made  fundamental domination  The short  socialist  process  to  take  the  on  aim  a  of  towns".  the  and  social  new  form  has  domination  and  the  p.  been  and  of  urban  or-  with  country  a  played  political  consistent  releasing (Harvey,  has  history  " i n which  challenged  economic of  Cultural Revolution  a  from  the  236-237)  Summary Mao and  the  Tse-tung's Chinese  philosophy their  to  along  states  have  vent  people's  their  willingness  nation  China  contribution  a  own  to  path  ("area")  paths  rural  will  reasserted  will  needs  already logy  disappear. of  established  nomic w e a l t h w i l l  the  before The  discussed  knowledge  of  being  The  ways  the  existence i n chapters  decentralized thus  dispersed  of  one to or  ensuring throughout  and  urban  and  benefits  provide  the  diffused  the  of  two  receive  that  and  placed  multitude and  spatial  Revolution  economic a  pre-  direct  between  Cultural  immediate  to  to  ("line")  that  socialist  Mao  and  agricultural sector  development  centres be  capitalist  by  as  led  other  led  differences  e x i s t i n g nodes  and  larger  as  struggle  socialist  well  has  which  that  urbanization.  centres  to  that  ensure  of  this  errors,  economic  development  small  their  both  balanced rapid  adapt  along  eventually the  from  Political  resorting  development  to  philosophy  p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n , as  d i f f e r e n t from  national  socialist  willingness  learn  followed. from  to  techno-  from  national entire  eco-  nation.  57  CHAPTER I V URBAN AND ECONOMIC P L A N N I N G  POLICIES  Introduction It  i s proposed  described  i n this  that  chapter  national  philosophy  tionship  of the city  the  nation  zation, others  controlled  Republic  city  t o permanently  Policies growth,  complished  city  of industrial  as t h e means  by which  playing  i n r e g i o n a l development  knowledge  of settlements  and  Urban underlying  system  This  decentrali-  i n China's  the  and  People's  will  of cities  one and b y e l a b o r a t i n g upon  types  and t o  and e l i m i n a t i n g  and c o u n t r y s i d e .  various  the rela-  regional self-reliance  by e x p l a i n i n g the dual  i n chapter  alter  policies  of a  countryside  i s e r a d i c a t i n g r e g i o n a l imbalance between  planning  components  t o the surrounding  be p r e s e n t e d  differences  duced  and economic  a r e t h e major  designed  as a whole.  will  urban  be a c -  as  intro-  the role the  system  o f c i t i e s are  and i n t h e d i f f u s i o n o f  technology.  and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g political  philosophy  policies  are guided  described  by the  i n the preceding  chapter. Efforts The  t o Redress Chinese  urbanization of  other  urban  Regional  and  Exploitation  are consciously avoiding  and i n d u s t r i a l  parts  Imbalance  o f the globe;  conglomerations  development that  and t h e i r  the pattern of  so  characteristic  i s , the s w e l l i n g o f massive  attendant  problems  and t h e  58  pattern  of  regional  contemporary  imbalance  policies  forsaking  industrial  decentralization,  controlled  city  ization,  and  agriculture. essentially  growth,  on  i n economic  on  regional  on  this  growth.  process are based  rural  self-reliance describes  on  industrialization,  diversification  Rhoads Murphey  China's  rather  both the  than  on special-  i n industry approach  as  and being  threefold:  "(1) l i m i t the growth of the e x i s t i n g b i g c i t i e s a n d , a t t h e same t i m e , c h a n g e t h e i r n a t u r e by p u r g i n g them o f t h e s e l f i s h e l i t i s m and b o u r g e o i s a t t i t u d e s w h i c h t h e y b r e e d as w e l l as a t t a c k i n g o v e r c r o w d i n g , a l i e n a t i o n , e x p l o i t a t i o n , and e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e g r a d a t i o n t h r o u g h new p l a n n i n g a n d c o n trols, ( 2 ) a l l o c a t e new u r b a n a n d i n d u s t r i a l i n vestment p r i m a r i l y to p r e v i o u s l y neglected or underdeveloped parts o f the country i n c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the actual distrib u t i o n o f p e o p l e and r e s o u r c e s , and (3) f o s t e r r e g i o n a l and l o c a l self-suffic i e n c y s o t h a t u r b a n and i n d u s t r i a l functions n e e d n o t b e s o h e a v i l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n a few g i a n t c e n t e r s , b u t c a n be p e r f o r m e d on a s m a l l e r and l e s s p r o b l e m - g e n e r a t i n g s c a l e by each l o c a l i t y f o r i t s e l f through r e g i o n a l and l o c a l c e n t e r s . " ( M u r p h e y , 1975, p . 166) Partially inadequacies are an  founded urban  text. between the of  and  There city  based  and  in socialist industrial exists and  perceived  practical  national  defence, ideology,  system  a desire  c o u n t r y and  very nature of the  on  existing  root  of  the  necessity;  these p o l i c i e s  in  in a desire  redesign  i n a new  cities  the  problem:  to  con-  change  to r i d Chinese "the  reality  differences  importantly and  to  revolutionary  to minimize most  transportation  tendency  society toward  59  elitism  which  history  of c o l o n i a l i s m , collaborationist!!,  values,  foster".  gests, the  these  t h e much  existing For  cities  i s usually t o achieve  growth  from  concept  a shift  p . 528)  industrialization  i s of  signi-  Rural  planning  to overall  and d e v e l o p m e n t  not only  n a t i o n a l economic  considerably  to rectifying  areas". Efforts  i s carried  economic  cities  made  through  efforts  inland  established  urban  manner. and  First,  and  way  economic  the coast  types  structure.  to direct t o both  conis  strengthen  the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y  existing  from  centres.  social  and c o n t r i b u t e s  the addition of different  a r e under  away  i n the  between  to diversify  and t o i n c r e a s e  to the already  time  graphically ready  base  role  and i t s r e l a t e d  out i n a two-fold  are being  i t s  p. 527)  to decentralize industry  attempts  same  (Sigurdson,  the imbalance  for  development but  countryside  the  industrial centres."  of the Chinese  industries  be  urban  transformation  existing  will  industry  t o secondary  an important  the  ofa l l .  industrial  of future  industry plays  that  of  area  to urban  centration  of  community,  sug-  the nature  difficult  "rural  rural  As Murphey  a metropolitan  contribution because  bourgeois  aim o f an i n d u s t r i a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n  policy  ficance  recent  for transferring  t o any o t h e r  "The c h i e f  and  t h e most  name  their  o f changing  Sigurdson*s  a generic  of a metropolis  (Sigurdson,  goal  i s probably  here  with  1975, p . 166)  sought-after  purposes  utilized.  especially  (Murphey,  decentralization, out  cities,  growth new  of of At  geo-  and a l -  60  Mao's sheds  1956  some  terior  of  light the  dialectical cities both it  to  statement, on  nation.  the  and  p.  Berger  " I f we  technology we  shall  maintain  preceding  industrializing  suggests, the  make  Mao  the i n -  adopted  relationship  full  chapter,  use  a  of  coastal  of  the  capacity  and  develop  of  coastal  industry  have  a l l the  more s t r e n g t h t o  industry  i n the  interior."  in this  statement  (Berger,  553) Implicitly  large-scale but  that  acknowledged  cities  was  cities  was  a  policy  of  than  not  on  a  matter  of  and  plants  was  favorable. In policies ization now.  (Tien,  fact  1973,  during  were  discouraged  grand  under  China's  the  designed  scale The  cities  cities  of  industrial  randomly  New  existing  and  cities  circumstances  1950's  i t appeared  manipulate  the  that  rapid  flow  to prevent  i t , although  this  The  need  to develop  industry  accepted  into  (1953-57) w i t h  medium-sized  development  to  occur  a  rather old  where were  China's  than  channeled  but  70)  rather  Plan  present  congestion  forever.  locational  p.  to  dispersal  p r e v e n t i n g urban  or  that  t o be  dispersed to  negligible  Five-Year  moderate  were  is  necessarily  scattering  precluding large-scale  industry  First  not  ill-advised.  alleviating  industrial  case  were  "construction  circumstances"  be  of  in discussing  interior:  properly, then and  concept As  approach  i n plant  develop  the  d i s c u s s e d i n the  anticipated  cities i n the  was  i n the coastal  of  urban-  i s not by  growth  interior centres.  urban  the the to  and  "The abnormal c o n c e n t r a t i o n of our industry i n a few a r e a s a n d i n t h e c o a s t a l c i t i e s i s i r r a t i o n a l b o t h from the economic p o i n t o f v i e w and i n r e s p e c t t o n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e . The g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of our new i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l c o n s t r u c t i o n must c o n form t o the l o n g - t e r m i n t e r e s t s o f the s t a t e , and t a k e a c c o u n t o f c o n d i t i o n s at d i f f e r e n t s t a g e s of our development. It must f o l l o w t h e p r i n c i p l e o f appropriately d i s t r i b u t i n g our i n d u s t r i a l productive f o r c e s over v a r i o u s p a r t s of the country, l o c a t i n g i n d u s t r i e s close to sources of raw m a t e r i a l s a n d f u e l a n d a r e a s o f c o n s u m p t i o n , and c o m p l y i n g w i t h t h e n e e d t o strengthen n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e , so as t o change g r a d u a l l y the i r r a t i o n a l distrib u t i o n o f i n d u s t r y and d e v e l o p t h e economy o f backward areas. In order t o change the irrational d i s t r i b u t i o n o f i n d u s t r y , we m u s t b u i l d u p new i n d u s t r i a l b a s e s , but the utiliz a t i o n , r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and e x t e n s i o n of e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l bases i s a prereq u i s i t e f o r the establishment of new i n d u s t r i a l bases. W h e t h e r we a r e r e c o n s t r u c t i n g and e x t e n d i n g e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l bases or b u i l d i n g new o n e s , we m u s t a v o i d overconstruction; a suitable distance should s e p a r a t e e n t e r p r i s e s one f r o m t h e other. A p r o p e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s h o u l d a l s o be o b s e r v e d i n t h e b u i l d i n g o f l a r g e , medium and s m a l l enterprises. The F i r s t F i v e - Y e a r P l a n makes t h e f o l l o w i n g b a s i c arrangements f o r the geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of industrial capital construction: 1. The industrial foundation already e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Northeast, i n Shanghai and o t h e r c i t i e s must be r a t i o n a l l y util i z e d a n d f u l l u s e made o f i t i n o r d e r t o a c c e l e r a t e our i n d u s t r i a l construction... 2. T h e b u i l d i n g o f new industrial areas l i k e t h o s e i n N o r t h , N o r t h e a s t and Central C h i n a must be a c t i v e l y p u s h e d a h e a d s o . . t h a t two new i n d u s t r i a l bases centered on the i n t e g r a t e d i r o n and s t e e l w o r k s i n P a o t o w  62  and Wuhan c a n b e e s t a b l i s h e d d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d o f t h e Second F i v e - Y e a r Plan. 3. A s t a r t m u s t b e made w i t h p a r t o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l construction scheduled f o r Southwest China along with a c t i v e preparation of conditions f o r the building o f a new i n d u s t r i a l b a s e t h e r e . ...This w i l l g r e a t l y transform the economic l i f e o f a v a s t a r e a o f o u r c o u n t r y , and s i n c e ' t h i s new g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n d u s t r y i s based on t h e growth o f heavy i n d u s t r y , i tw i l l e v e n t u a l l y t r a n s form t h e whole nature o f t h e o r i g i n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f i n d u s t r y i n China.,' ...The F i r s t F i v e - Y e a r P l a n a l s o makes new a n d m o r e r a t i o n a l a r r a n g e m e n t s f o r t h e l o c a t i o n o f new l i g h t industrial enterprises (mainly t e x t i l e enterprises). T h i s w i l l t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t remedy t h e former c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f l i g h t i n d u s t r y i n t h e c o a s t a l c i t i e s and t r a n s f e r i t t o t h e i n t e r i o r where i t w i l l be n e a r t o s o u r c e s o f raw m a t e r i a l s and a r e a s of consumption. To s a t i s f y t h e needs o f t h e i n t e r i o r , g r a d u a l s t e p s s h o u l d b e t a k e n t o move certain transportable industrial enterp r i s e s from t h e c o a s t a l c i t i e s t o t h e interior." (First Five-Year Plan f o r Development o f t h e N a t i o n a l Economy o f the P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a i n 19531957, pp. 40-42)  L.  J . Lau has p r o v i d e d  gross  value  fixed  assets,  inland  of factory  statistical  output,  gross  evidence  value  of  and b a s i c c o n s t r u c t i o n i n v e s t m e n t  and c o a s t a l  areas.  showing t h e  industrial between  63  Table Percentage of  Distribution  F a c t o r y Output  Gross  Value  Original Coastal  of  Areas,  Gross Value of F a c t o r y Output a t 1952 P r i c e s ( l ) 1949 1950 1951. 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 Gross Value of Industrial Fixed Assets at O r i g i n a l Cost (2) 1953 1954 1955  of  the  1952  Industrial  Cost  Year  at  X  Between 1949-57  Gross  Prices  Fixed  Value and  Assets  Inland  and  (per  cent)  at  Total  Inland Areas  Coastal Areas  100.0  22.7  77.3  100.0 100.0 100.OC 100.0 100.0  26.9 27.7 30.1 32.0 32.1  73.1 72.3 69.9 68.0 67.9  100.0  . 52.0  48.0  100.0  57.0  43.0  Source: Lau, Lawrence J . " E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t and Industrialization". China: A Handbook. ed. b y Y u a n - L i Wu. New Y o r k : P r a e g e r P u b l i s h e r s , 1973, p. 566. Note: Coastal areas consist of Peking, T i e n t s i n , Shanghai, Hopei, L i a o n i n g , Shantung, Kiangsu, F u k i e n , K w a n g t u n g , and Chekiang.  64  Table Percentage  XI  Distribution  Investment  i n Industry  Between  Inland  1950-52 1953-55 1950-55  Construction  at Current  and C o a s t a l  1950-55  Period  of Basic  Prices  Areas,  (per cent)  Total  Inland Areas  Coastal Areas  100.0 1-00.0 100.0  50.2 55.2 54.2  49.8 44. 8 45.8.  Source: Lau, Lawrence J . "Economic Development and Industrialization". China: A Handbook. ed. b y Y a u n - l i Wu. New Y o r k : P r a e g e r P u b l i s h e r s , 1973", p . 5 6 7 . The of  tables  industrial  reveal  fixed  only  increased  cent  of the gross  inland, value cent  area  of total serves  inland  areas  offers  reduced  time  assets  than  and  the p r i v i l e g e d the coastal  four  reasons  for this  1949  more  to attack,  and  a number  than  gross  50 p e r  i n industry.  areas."  ( p . 566)  of  dispersal:  lead  population and  western  to technological  when c o n s i d e r i n g  the  consumers. o f new  not  30 p e r  of the  relocation of  rational  output  produced  c o n t r o l of the northern  be  value  p o s i t i o n of the  strategy  d i s p e r s a l would  of resources  was  investment  against  i t would  only  per cent  received  construction  to reveal  50  as  and  Since  although  more  basic  provinces,  location  but that  of factory  owned  i n increased  spin-off,  and v a l u e  investment,  o f f a c t o r y output  vulnerability  resulting border  assets  construction  value  of industrial  "This  Lau  this  over  that  centres  have  been e s -  65  tablished  i n p r e v i o u s l y remote  previously have In  been  most  has or  undeveloped  been  related  o i l or  to  g r o w t h was  urban  system  county  location See  hundred  since  Table  a  "with  rural  hsien-level  have but  of  i n the  three  centres  town;  Chang,  newly  has  been  can  forming municipalities, a n d one  nine be  of  the  as  exemplify  407)  Of  seventy-nine  market created  towns  a  the China".  the  one  were  prior  to  settlements  a l l eighteen  resource  hundred  described  antecedent  p.  coal  ports.  i n contemporary  1976,  twelve  ore, while  (1975)  only  then  cities  iron  treaty  in  centres.  newest as  or  since  untouched  they  cities  for virtually  founding  which  municipalities  historical  new  country  independent  However,  market  been  such  urban.units  no  and  the  lain  municipalities,  centres  nine  their  XIII.  181  (Sen-dou  liberation  centres  sees  i n China £  new  XII.  Only  unevenly  function of  administrative 1949.  had  prefecture-level  or  and  Table  so  which  the  industrial  resources  municipalities.  truly  seat  development  local  of  towns  thriving  prefecture-level  seventy-eight being  to  Chang  seventy-eight  as  the  centred  hsien-level  into  resources  Sen-dou the  provincial  transformed  instances  parts  new  oriented.  See  66  Table Newly Status  Of  City  XII  Developed C i t i e s  The  Prefecture-Level Municipality  Location  Shihtsuishan Karamai Shuahgyashan Hokang Chihsi Ant a Pingtingshan Tuk'ou Maahshan  With  Major  Inner Mongolia Sinkiang Heilungkiang Heilungkiang Heilungkiang Heilungkiang Honan Szechwan Anhwei  Function  C o a l Mine Oil Field Coal Mine Coal Mine Coal Mine Oil Field C o a l Mine I r o n Ore Mine I r o n Ore Mine, I r o n and S t e e l Industry  Source: Sen-dou Chang. "The C h a n g i n g S y s t e m o f Chinese C i t i e s " . Annals o f the A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers. V o l . 6 6 , No. 3, S e p t . 1 9 7 6 , p . 4 0 7 .  Table Newly Status  City  Paotow toward  Developed C i t i e s  Of  With  The  Hsien-Level Municipality  Location  Ich*un Chitaiho Hungchiang Chiaotso Sanmenhsia Erhlien Haipowan Wuta Lengshuichiang Source: Cities". V o l . 66,  XIII  Major  Heilungkiang Heilungkiang Kirin - Honan Honan Inner Mongolia Inner Mongolia -Inner M o n g o l i a Hunan  Function  Lumber I n d u s t r y Coal Mine C o a l Mine Coal Mine• Hydroelectricity Railroad Terminal C o a l Mine C o a l Mine I r o n Ore Mine  Sen-dou Chang. "The C h a n g i n g S y s t e m o f C h i n e s e Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers. No. 3, S e p t . 1 9 7 6 , p . 4 0 7 . i s an  development  e x c e l l e n t example of the i n t e r i o r  o f how  new  are working:  policies  directed  67  " I n 1938 t h e c i t y had o n l y 55,536 p e o p l e a n d was principally a collecting center for livestock products ( e s p e c i a l l y wool) from the p r o v i n c e s of northwest China. P a r t o f the f o o d s t u f f s produced i n the a d j a c e n t i r r i g a t i o n areas were a l s o chann e l e d t h r o u g h i t . Today, Paotow i s a hugh urban center teeming with approximately a m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s and i s t h e third l a r g e s t s t e e l producer i n China, ranking next after-Anshan a n d Wuhan." (Chenge'Siang Chen, p. 69) The and  city  is also  national number  of  an  urban of  area  the  city.  i s the  highways  and  Modern  ment. was  provincial  of all  the  between  the  1.2  i s the  growth  point  for  location  Chen,  p.  by  as  for  a  system Soviet  campaign  has  central  system the  of  administrative  of  a  from actual  administrative result  and  number  area  of  the  transportation.  railways  and  several  of industries  aluminum,  and  lost  for  "economic  chemicals.  when  i t s significance  In  1958  role  traditional  regional  regionalization  and  a strong  cooperative  Revolution  self-reliance levels".  played  a u t h o r i t y of poles"  Cultural  economic  model, for  expanding on  i n the  direct  undoubtedly  "development  after  had  manner  69)  the  previous  today  growth four  has  the  in population  entire is a  similar  effect  highways  million  i n the  in a  the  risen  industrial  transport  replaced  after  Lanchow's  cities The  to  of  and  I t has  million  selection  capital  developed  o i l refineries,,. rubber,  (Cheng-Siang  the  2  converging  including  in  railways  i n 1942  and  coordination It  of  communities.  80,000 p e o p l e  has  e x c e l l e n t example  network  of  Lanchow  developregions"  this  "supra-  patterned i n the  wake  self-sufficiency seven  "economic  at  co-  68  operative three  regions"  or  four  had  been  provinces  "as  ization  to stimulate  promote  self-sufficiency".  The  been on  the creation  province  in  of a  policy  complex iron  agricultural  each cooperative capital  has  a  "better  and  commands  systems". centres  has  primate  i  a  nodality  Effects been  heavy  and  of t h i s  type by  emphasis i n each  o f heavy  replaced  capital  Chang  motor  textiles".  by  city  industry policies  which  construction  and  of development  Sen-dou  403)  has  machinery,  for industrial  to  cities'  an  modern  thus been  and p.  industries  i n both traditional  compiled  cities.  placing  investment to each  infrastructure  1976,  capital  modern s e c t o r  has  regional-  transportation  of  steel,  machinery,  region  Chang,  o f modern  and  concept pf establishing  allocating  of  a recent  "including  vehicles, The  with  containing  development  traditional  t h r o u g h modern  each  economic  economic  (Sen-dou  of the  advantage  coupled  a rational  regional  enhancement  locational  implemented,  modern on  i n an  transport  existing analysis  69  Table XIV Primacy in  and Growth o f t h e C a p i t a l  Provinces  and Autonomous  Regions  Cities i n China Population of Capital C i t y i n 1,000's  Provincial Unit Kansu Chinghai Yunnan Hupei Kwangtung Shensi Ninghsia S inkiang Chekiang Fukien Kiangsi Kweichow Hunan Kiangsu Heilungkiang Shansi Kwangsi Honan Liaoning Kirin Anhwei Shantung Hopei Inner Mongolia Szechwan  Capital City Lanchou Hsining Kiunmung ^ Wuhan Canton S ian Yinchiuan Urumchi Hangchou Fuchou Nanchiang Kweiyang Chiangsha Nanking Harbin Taiyuan Nanning Chengchou Shenyang Ch* a n g c h u n Hofei Chinan Shihchiachuang Huhchot Ch'engtu  Primacy Index i n 1970  1953  1970  19.33 16.67 14.67 12.80 8.33 8.00 6.67 6.67 4.80 3.40 3.35 3 .30 2.75 2.39 2.19 2.08 1 . 83 1 .81 1 .07 1 .06 1 .05 0.85 0.83 0.57 0.50  397 94 699 1 ,427 1 ,599 787 84 141 697 533 398 271 651 1 ,092 1 ,163 721 195 595 2,300 855 184 - 680 373 148 857  1 ,450 500 1,100 2,560 2,500 1 ,600 240 500 960 680 675 660 825 1 ,750 1,670 1,350 550 1 ,050 2,800 1 ,200 630 1 ,100 800 530 1,250  %  Increase 265.24 431.91 57.37 79.40 56.35 103.30 185.71 254.61 37.73 22.97 69.60 143.54 26.73 60.26 43.59 87.24 182.05 76.47 21 .74 40.35 292.39 61 .76 114.47 258.11 45.86  Source: Sen-dou Chang. "The Changing-System o f C h i n e s e C i t i e s " . Annals of"the A s s o c i a t i o n o f American Geographers. V o l . 66, N o . 3, S e p t . 1 9 7 6 , p . 4 0 2 . Note: ferent  Statistics sources.  have been compiled  from  a number  of d i f -  Note: P r i m a c y i n d e x i s d e f i n e d as t h e r a t i o between t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e primate or l a r g e s t c i t y and t h a t o f t h e second l a r g e s t city. A l t h o u ghr.no t that  apparent  i n the economically  i n the table,  well-developed  Sen-dou Chang provinces  notes  primacy has  70  declined  since  provinces. been  able  Regional  unaided.  technology  than  industry of  cally.  (Refer  System As  dual  which  are those  cities,  as t h e s o u r c e  heavy  industry  duced  as a m e a s u r e  capital  movement o f on t h e system cartographi-  prefectural with  from  large  iron  (hsien)  have  cities.  cities,  areas. intermediate  process  these  plants  i n Chekiang, seven  and p r o v i n c i a l  authority  the provincial  prefectural  o f Hangchou,  down  technology  and s t e e l  plants  a r e an  into  has a  and h s i e n  industrial  It i s usually  to bolster  China  the r u r a l  i n the " t r i c k l i n g  i n the three industrial  chapter  the independent  contact  and advanced  out of four  city  growth  represented  p r o v i n c i a l and c o u n t y  capitals".  chemical  i n their  industry  administratively,  and t e c h n o l o g y  located  provincial  maps)  areas,  the greatest  serve  "Three  best  Below  urban  between  vincial  to these  inland  i n the introductory  level  vation  i n the border  Cities  of cities.  Prefectural  probably not  o f c a p i t a l and  government,  the eastward  i s perhaps  indicated  have  developed  s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and s e l f - r e l i a n c e .  to following  of  system  cities  i n t h e form  more i n s t r u m e n t a l  of both  cities  have  capital cities  and e f f o r t s t o d e c e n t r a l i z e  Chinese  Dual  been  e f f o r t s toward effects  large  the central  has probably  The  such  Assistance,  through  i n the less  s e l f - r e l i a n c e programs  t o support  provinces  cities  l i b e r a t i o n but increased  cities  of  inno-  and  centres first  and  pro-  that  been  intro-  hinterland.  i n Honan...are Among four  i n the four  the thirteen  are i n the prefectural  71 Map CIHPB  nf  I  China.  1953  Source: Cheng-Siang Chen. " P o p u l a t i o n Growth i n C h i n a 1953-1970". The G e o g r a p h i c a l Review. J a n . 1973, pp. 66-67.  and U r b a n i z a t i o n V o l . 6 1 , N o . 1,  72 Map I I Cities  o f C h i n a , 1970  POPULATION 5.000.000 2.500.000  ©  500.0U0  o  250.000  •  1.000.000 100  100 0 0 0 50.000  200  3 0 0 4 0 0  200 . 1 0 0  600  5 0 0 80U  Ktlomijitfr:, Changchu  ..  K'tingcliiiling^jQ  J  .Shwa»KliaOy^.  jKU h'un V « " T  n  h  8  •v  .-. / /  r  ®  H u h e h o i »L" "«.:''«\-;;.„h»v.>A\" 'y'' T  X /  '/  _  ,  l  >I'enki (.©Anshan /  .I'twlillK  L  .;"  i.  Tmn j±uil S  _  K  7!^ '  ..-lUnun.-r  .n.iiiii-hih.  O>e ° fo  y  ,'QB'Tsinan Xsinwn,.  ..oyaOK " V *  \ ^  7"l \/ • — * l . S a . . . . ,„i&o /,  \  _/Mi«H|tlio.  _  yBL ' 1  _ / ... o  TninKlU'ini;  N. ,„,f  "  ny  V  ^  *  i  ^  T  ••-4" 3*dSPi,  ^t.if°f^a»^''  •  Wuhan_ x <k -sh.nit\_>?V\ ,  •-. TunilinsT  >«BW!fJ. *"*° J / h  h  JWJ'WV K iukioji!  f  Hanechow/TTo.. - •'  vi  FAST  VyS^!^rKi8> ' * /  S ! u i o h m  n  ' • l!  .% • • •'Si^n  ^htOChowV ^  SOUTH CHINA SKA  Source: C h e n g - S i a n g Chen. " P o p u l a t i o n G r o w t h and U r b a n i z a t i o n i n C h i n a 1953-1970". The G e o g r a p h i c a l Review. V o l . 61, No. 1, J a n . 1973, p p . 70-71. '  73  cities,  and  centres  also  in  the  only  two  account  provinces  engines, Chang,  simple  1976,  down o f  the  and  communes". Below  the  for at  more the  of  the  f o r the  vast  and  each  with  a  20,000 p e o p l e ,  have  had  the  to  the  h s i e n by  Most  the  and  units  nated  as  the  primary  site  of  cities  have  been  (Sen-dou  Chang,  "self-reliance  and  medium  1976,  p.  are  and  ...the  of  introduction  "the  basic  imperial  is well  China  maintained  approximately 5,000  assumed the  and  more  changes Since  local  introduced  that  self-sufficiency hsien city  rural  has  industrial  momentus for  been  industrialization  rejuvenated  scale 410)  hsien  level  the  as  of  Revolution.  territorial  small  after  system  important  of  of  from  and  410)  acted  brigades  level  fusion  top,  administrative responsibilities  promoting  these  trickling  the  p o p u l a t i o n between  Cultural  "con-  the  h s i e n , numbering  event  many o f  (Sen-dou  the  hsien city  empire  the  their  communes  responsibilities.  as  from  p.  i s the  hsien which  i n 1975,  as  economy  significantly  The  decreased  diesel  motors.  processes,  1976,  city  time..."  2,010  produced  tractors,  described  the  Chang,  2,000 y e a r s  present  These  machinery  intermediate technology  Changed  unit  than  farm  electric  been  sector of  i t i s the  administrative  and  technological  prefectural  commune  of  p r o v i d i n g hand  have  (Sen-dou  administration. of  two  over  the  bulk  tools  cities  modern  spilling  as  in hsien cities."  410)  of  the  well  machine  p.  zone  located  f o r the  as  Prefectural vergence  are  through  every  desigand  the  in-  enterprises".  74  Industries the  local  consumer  operating  agricultural goods  activities  at this  level  productivity  f o r t h e needs  at the hsien  and t o s u p p l y  of rural  level  f u n c t i o n t o improve  areas.  usually  simple  Industrial  comprise  three  basic  units: 1)  the five  small  fertilizers, generators are of 2)  repair farm  here  of  units  o f the larger  p l a n t s , cement  2)  Chinese Rural  communities  into  with  units larger  by the hsien.  consumer  produce and  goods.  etc.  processing  plants  brigade  size  (market  Small  centres with  level. rural  has cate-  ranges: t o 20,000  towns). up t o about  have  between  decentralization four  tool  are the responsibility  u p t o 10,000  inhabitants urban  agri-  o r commune w h i l e  to differentiate  and i n d u s t r i a l  communities  while  Smaller  and sometimes  i n h i s analysis  industrialization  1)  the agricultural  These  Simple  e n t e r p r i s e s , machine  factories  a t t h e commune  Sigurdson,  machinery.  agricultural  with  parts.  category.  a r e produced  are operated  implements,  The p r o d u c t i o n  i n this  are repaired.  the l o c a l i t y  majority  developed  gorized  and t o o l s  industry processes  the hsien while  been  by the h s i e n .  o f farm  chemical  and  and s p a r e  be i n c l u d e d  implements  produce  machinery  a r e r u n by the brigade  light  power  operated  implements  provides  and  farm  and m a n u f a c t u r e  complex  The  which  and t r a n s f o r m e r s ,  can also  cultural  3)  cement,  primarily iron  industries  200,000  .  75  inhabitants. 3)  Secondary  urban  centres  with  up  to  about  1,000,000  inhabitants. 4)  Metropolitan  The base  of  the  defines mainly  population  areas.  one in  created or  few  which  smaller  largest  most  trated".  the  (Sigurdson, urban  centres  process  gional  industries.  process  figure 59  of  I.  of  The  this  prises  of  chapter,  i n secondary  200,000 o r  signed  to  provide economic  to  for dual  and  i n the  based  rural  take  agriculture in on  the  demand  areas  are  country,  commerce  are  concen-  decentralized  Sigurdson of  and  has  rural  to  which  termed  re-  decentralization i s revealed  in  build  a  cities,  serve and  page  enter-  population  industrialization  countryside  of  on  industrial  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by rural  the  any  to  move o r  for  i n almost  communities,  particular  system  is  industry  centres  that  activities  decentralization, explained  i s to  Sigurdson  surrounding  and  relationship  economic  the  Industries  resources,  the  existence  Metropolitan  centres  rural  as  feature.  mainly  i n d u s t r i e s which w i l l  employment  China's  or  more, w h e r e a s  create  base  centre.  inhabitants.  whose  other  i s based  528)  industrial of  those  government  The  aim  important  activities,  p.  natural  approximate  centres  population  industry,  mostly  the  urban  1,000,000  f u r n i s h to  countryside  by  only  "as  they  urban  over  most  agro-related  surrounding  food  are  i s the  services  over  with  centres  secondary  precedence the  urban  the  In  marks  community  small on  centres  is  a small  create  a  de-  market,  stronger  locality. being  linked  physically  .i The  Relation and  F  i  a  Between  U  r  e  I  Rural  Industrial  Industrialization  Decentralization  Decentralized industry  Metropolitan industry  Regional industry  Rural industry —  0 Rural community  i  fya-  T  15,000  200,000  [ Small urban centre  Secondary urban centre  1  — 1,000,000  Size of Community  Metropolitan centre  Source: Jon Sigurdson. "Rural I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n China: Approaches and R e s u l t s " . . World Development. V o l . 3, N o s . 7 & 8, J u l y - A u g u s t 1 9 7 5 , p . 5 2 9 .  77  and  functionally  have  formulated  technological "trickled trative growth  with  created  larly  Paotow true  some  costs  been  as s e e n  have  2,000 h s i e n  centres,  so-called  The  area*  From have  occuring  this  half  i s that  have  modern  serious  particularly  was  effective  area'  regions  from  on the  existed  provincial "trick-  o f t h e 1970's extent  the of  this  despite the  of  to  over  "transforming  to a  'political  for a  vast  1976, p. 413) Revolution  limitations  city  on s t a t i s t i c a l  there  on  policies  and on t h e p r e v a i l i n g  strongly modified  demographic,  particu-  technology  i t i s a means  self-sufficiency  also  i n supra-  The s i g n i f i c a n c e  authorities,  i n bringing  cities,  Tientsin,  cooperative  benefited  influence of the Cultural arid  adminis-  industrial  t h e mid-1960's  benefited.  Chang,  have  industrial  i n the nation-building process  (Sen-dou  "anti-urban"  of  Anshan,  Although  economic  'functionally  self-reliance  Despite  as S h e n y a n g ,  by the c e n t r a l  and d i f f i c u l t y  country".  the large  b u t as o f t h e f i r s t  which  as  of the  years  t h e p r e f e c t u r a l and t o a l e s s e r  cities  effective  diffusion  levels  achievement  changing.  process  has been  process  of  between  the seven  overlap,  efficiency...with a better  prefectural cities  down"  hsien  such  of  development  fifteen  and C h u n g k i n g .  when  has s i n c e  ling  the  an "economic  much o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l  Wuhan,  it  the various  articulation"  degree  of hierarchical  The f i r s t  centres  a strong  and economic  through  hierarchy.  provincial  and  a pattern  diffusion  down"  functional  it  and e x p r e s s i n g  i s evidence  growth  rates.  information, that  city  growth  78  rates  i n various  completely Peking over in  reversed.  and S h a n g h a i  the past  of the country I t appears  have  ten years,  the p o p u l a t i o n groups  grow  the fastest  centres p.  parts  414)  from  71  with  remained while  or  the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s  of  stable  50,000  and  77  t o 91.  been  i n their  the period  o f from  population  1953-72  saw  t o 100,000  cities  to  500,000  i n t h e number  (Sen-dou  Chang,  of  1976,  XV.  Table Number  modified  respective increases  t o 105  See Table  that  have  of Chinese By  Size,  XV Urban  Settlements  1953-1972  Number o f Settlements S i z e Group o f Population  1953  1972  More t h a n 5,000,000 3,000,000-5,000,000 2,000,000-3,000,000 1,000,000-2,000,000 500,000-1,000,000 100,000500,000 50,000100,000 10,00050,000  1 1 2 5 16 77 71 n. a.  2 1 4 14 22 91 105 940  Sources Sen-dou Chang. "The C h a n g i n g System of Chinese C i t i e s " . Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers. V o l . 6 6 , No. 3, S e p t . 1 9 7 6 , "p. 4 0 1 . Notes S t a t i s t i c s have different sources. As industry rural  a result must  areas  uniform  been  compiled  of following a philosophy  serve  agriculture  the Chinese  throughout  urban  and  urban  network,  the country,  from  which areas  one w h i c h  is still  based  several  states  that  must  serve  is  fairly  on t h e  tradi-  79  tional  system  pattern  o f urban  centralized since  changes  The  centres  i n development (Sen-dou  i s s t i l l  very  government  with  with  ingenuity  the do  lower this  city  of local  i n small talent  particularly  the Cultural  small  for the nation  problems  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for smaller  and medium-sized  centres  foster  as a  of the central  solving local  The a b i l i t y  and  after  the purvue  planning,  urban  the i n c r e a s i n g l y de-  process  and r e s o u r c e s ,  when  dispersed  1976, p. 414)  much w i t h i n  levels.  This  enterprises"  policy  planning  adaptive  i s improved  established use  Chang,  developmental  local  "parallels  control of industrial  Revolution.  whole  of administrative centres.  more  of  centres  to  industries efficient  resources.  "Among t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h i s t y p e o f d e v e l o p m e n t " w e r e t h e s m a l l amount o f capital required f o r construction, the u s e o f some i n f r a s t r u c t u r e a n d h o u s i n g in the traditional administrative centers, the a b i l i t y t o absorb r u r a l underemployment, t h e u t i l i z a t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s technology, the educational f u n c t i o n of such e n t e r p r i s e s , and t h e c a p a b i l i t y o f r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s t o spur the i n i t i a t i v e of the mass r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . " (Sen-dou Chang, 1976, p. 414) Walking  On Two  The following  i  both  Chinese  policy  an a p p r o a c h  modern  cultural  Legs o f "walking  t o economic  and t r a d i t i o n a l  and i n d u s t r i a l  on two l e g s " ,  development  technologies  which  i n both  s e c t o r s , has f o s t e r e d  that i s ,  the  a dual  utilizes  agrisector  80  economy  and  maintained  throughout  the  development centres,  nation.  and  of  a  advantages  dual  of  e s p e c i a l l y to  system  this  small  cities  approach and  to  medium  1)  support of the e x p a n s i o n o f the modern i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r by a l l o w i n g traditional t e c h n o l o g i e s t o handle the l e s s complex, more l a b o r i n t e n s i v e a s p e c t s o f t h e s e enterprises;  2)  expansion of the a g r a r i a n s e c t o r w i t h the a i d of l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n small c i t i e s to r e l i e v e agricultural b o t t l e n e c k s i n the developmental process;  3)  a l l e v i a t i o n o f the employment problem by the a b s o r p t i o n o f s u r p l u s l a b o r i n t o small scale, labor intensive enterprises a t t h e l e v e l s o f communes a n d hsien;  4)  contributions to both increased production and n a t i o n a l m o r a l e b y t h e l a r g e u n s k i l l e d or s e m i s k i l l e d segments of the population i n the r u r a l areas. (Sen-dou Chang, 1976, p. 415)  cities  linkage  of  are:  has  technology  the  presence  The  planning,  Developmental of  the  three  industry  linked  to  that  policies  agriculture with  traditional Chinese  p o l i c y has  between  a g r i c u l t u r e and  city  between  dual  industry  technology.  urban  contradictions and  r e s u l t i n g i n the  It  and  modern  i s through  aimed and  system  to  alleviate  country,  mental  and  this  between  manual  labour. Expansion An  of  Municipal  important  extensive  area  expansion  of  Boundaries  feature  brought  municipal  of  under  Advances S e l f - S u f f i c i e n c y  Chinese their  boundaries.  municipalities is  jurisdiction The  the  through  enlargement  of  the  81  municipal "as  area  fruits, large  through  suggests  of technology  inclusion  which  i n more under  Hangchou  was  Hsinanchiang China.  than  17,800  while  4,000  a similar  t o 5,800  square  as v e g e t a b l e s food  407)  and r u r a l to the  conditions. large  expansion  nine  and  f o r the  1976, p.  urban  con-  areas  immediate  centre.  hsien  square  Sen-dou  reservoirs  vary  Chang was  of Peking  i n 1958,  ( c o u n t i e s ) and r e -  kilometers i n total The westward  station,  I n 1973, t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  meters,  fuel,  being  expansion  of  apparently to incorporate the  Hydroelectric  i n c r e a s e d from  centre  of municipal boundaries  i t sjurisdiction. undertaken  such  Chang,  of several  annexed  of water,  the s t a p l e  urban  areal  t o make e a c h  and c a p i t a l  according to local  f o r the northward  brought  t o more  the largest territory  than  expansion  11,000  i n south  of  Tientsin  square  kilo-  increased Shanghai's  kilometers.  (Sen-dou  Chang,  ter-  1976,  407-408) One  been  foods  at integrating  f o r the expansion  that  expansion  ritory  i n terms  (Sen-dou  of the developed  considerably  pp.  aimed  the flow  Reasons  was  secondary  population".  also  hinterland  sulted  an e f f o r t  and, i n r e c e n t y e a r s , even  urban  reason  been  as p o s s i b l e  materials,  Expansion  the  largely  self-sufficient  struction  an  has  desired  effect  to accelerate boundaries  of this  territorial  the development  of the respective  of rural  expansion areas  has  within  municipality:  " I n t h e annexed areas o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y of P e k i n g , f o r example, twenty communities, e a c h w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 10,000 o r more  82  had emerged b y 1972. Among t h e s e t w e n t y c o m m u n i t i e s , o n l y f i v e s e r v e as h s i e n c i t i e s ; t h e remainder are production centers o f s m a l l and m e d i u m - s i z e d e n t e r p r i s e s . Communes l o c a t e d w i t h i n l a r g e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s a p p e a r t o b e more p r o s p e r o u s a n d p o p u l o u s , as i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e Red S t a r Sino-Korean F r i e n d s h i p Commune, l o c a t e d t o t h e s o u t h of the o l d walled area of Peking. The commune h a s m o r e t h a n 1 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e w h o s e m e c h a n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e h a s become a show place f o r foreign v i s i t o r s i n recent years." (Sen-dou Chang, 1976, p. 409) Sigurdson  ( p . 531) e s t i m a t e s  administration of  their  whole  of the largerrcities  labour  force  approximately  engaged  i n rural  expansion large  at  minimizing  between  rural  industries.  side  through thereby  cities not  increasing  into  parts  Chang,  particularly  city  of technology  o f the urban  of a large  industries  areas centres  force i s  reason f o r inclusion been  and c o u n t r y  i s actually  agricultural  1976, p. 409)  adjacent  the l o c a l  has undoubtedly  and r u r a l  a s h o r t - d i s t a n c e food primary  labour  aimed and  brought  to the country-  productivity,  industrial  supply  base  provides  but a stimulative  The e x t e n s i o n o f m u n i c i p a l enhanced  as P e k i n g ,  to  For the  within the municipalities.  has'also such  agriculture  and by  processes  labour-intensive enterprises.  the inclusion  only  various dou  o f urban  small, rural,  o r more  f o r t h e n a t i o n as a  the widespread  between  under t h e  agriculture.  the diffusing  sub-contracting the  boundaries  areas  20 p e r c e n t  of the total  within cities  i n d u s t r y and  have  Whatever  the differences  Integration about  5 per cent  areas  rural  i n industry while  of municipal  of  that  the a b i l i t y t o make  of  to (Sen-  authority cities,  long-range  83  plans p.  and  was  urban  vidual  during  life  ficiency.  various  factory  priorities emphasis trative  was for  levels  provinces  to  mid  a  construction projects.  that  more  closely  increasing 1970's  has  thereby  of  (Buck,  and  the  to  Chinese on  (Tien,  1950's  tied  to  industrial been  descriptions  urban and  i t s subsequent national  self-suf-  1960's  the  at  the  on  plans  and  lower  making  and  indirectly  serve  the  needs  urban  Planning  influence of  of  indi-  effects  productivity.  placed  increasing  cities p.  that  emphasis  during  in decision  encouragement  1970's  renewed  production  i n the  regions.  the  placed  Prior  development  and  expand  70) It  of  to  adminiscities  in  the  their  own  31)  "The d e v e l o p m e n t o f i n d u s t r i e s i n r u r a l areas around Shanghai, P e k i n g and Tientsin - w i t h a s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f s u b c o n t r a c t i n g - may i n d i c a t e the long-term prospects f o r r u r a l i n d u s t r y i n the r e s t of the country. The f o r m a t i o n o f t e c h n i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s i s o n l y i n the e a r l y stages of development i n most p a r t s o f r u r a l C h i n a . T h i s and t h e s t i l l low l e v e l o f m e c h a n i z a t i o n e x p l a i n s why the i n d u s t r i a l l e v e l i s s t i l l comparat i v e l y low compared w i t h more f a v o u r e d r u r a l areas around the b i g c i t i e s . " ( S i g u r d s o n , p. 531) Transfer  of  The in  the  rural  person  mitting  to  development  technology to  People  areas  but  the  of  Countryside  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l or  i s dependent  also  contact  the  of  has  people been  on  to  the  relied  d e s i r e d knowledge.  the  production  transfer  not  countryside.  upon  Trained  skills only  of  Person  extensively in transpersonnel  such  as  84  managers,  t e c h n i c i a n s and  journey  to  sent  advanced  to  dwellers side  have  while  years  smaller  reliant  been  moved  of  are  Training  of  rural  City-based,  (b)  Rural new  (2)  citizens  learning. t o work  to  at  Sigurdson  areas  as  Some  i n the  spend  plants  urban  country-  least  two  analyzes  being  are  the  largely  old  to  new,  the  movement  to  to  rural  the  communes  or  the  context  this  the (hsia  (high school)  i n small  rural  transferred  are  allocated  535)  process cities  countryside  countryside  school  of  factories.  p.  of  are  students  d i s c u s s i o n of  total  training  factories.  graduated  a l l components  in a  undertake  t o new  (Sigurdson,  to  workers  personnel  old  Newly to  train  factories.  Technical personnel  (b)  Pertinent  rural  factories  of  from  Not  factories  workers.  Transfer (a)  middle  asked  rural  urban  personnel  recruited  youth  for  countryside.  s k i l l s ' i n the  (a)  Viewed  advanced  upon:  (1)  the  units  permanently  youth  nation's  from  enterprises while  industrial  educated  i n the  formation  rural  engineers  of  can  be  i n China  analyzed however  the  educated  youth.  downward  transfer  of  fang)  students factories.  i s more being It  than  sent  here. is  educated graduated  t o work  is in this  on  move-  85  ment the  o f young  urban  political  educated  philosophy  people  to the countryside  of present  day China  that  i s epitomized.  "A D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 5 R e d F l a g a r t i c l e r e m i n d e d r e a d e r s t h a t t h e DCY (down-to-countryside youth) program i s 'of f a r - r e a c h i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r c o m b a t i n g and p r e v e n t i n g revisionism, f o r consolidating the d i c t a torship of the proletariat, f o r restricting bourgeois r i g h t s , f o r g r a d u a l l y narrowing the t h r e e major d i f f e r e n c e s , f o r s t r e n g t h ening the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the countryside, and f o r p r o m o t i n g the development o f s o c i a l i s t agriculture'. I t further resurrected a q u o t a t i o n f r o m Mao w h i c h p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e o n l y c r i t e r i o n f o r g'udging w h e t h e r a y o u t h i s a r e v o l u t i o n a r y i s 'whether o r n o t he i s w i l l i n g t o i n t e g r a t e h i m s e l f with the broad masses o f w o r k e r s and p e a s a n t s and does s o in practice'." According down  i n 1975  send  youths  and  since  least Vol. to a  12  that  policy  is  ment and  This  exist.  urbanites to primary  specified  The  resulted people.  migration  "Rather,  relocate  by S a l t e r ' s  "the majority  scheme border  regions  area,  of a l l hsia  thereby  movements  (Salter, exist  with  involved, parents,  Innovations  gaining This  with  does  i n t h e program  such  process  fang  the program  alike.  although  which  with  peasants  organized  of r u s t i c a t i o n  Dissatisfaction  a l l parties  Mao  1976,  i n the a g r a r i a n scene."  analysis  to  of at  Feb.  i t i s a migration  intraprovincial".  by  by  has not been  were  felt  i n 1968  Scene,  sent  movement  i n the r u s t i c a t i o n  areas  being  goal  launched  i n any r u r a l  involvement  of youths  large-scale  (Current  the sparsely settled  does  that  has  young  16)  corroborated  shows  t h e number  to 2 million.  date  million  populate  access  came  Scene  t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e was  14, p .  whereby  to Current  p.  97)  resent-  students  have  been  86  attempted. been  generalized  between and  Following  rural  other  units  t h e "Chuchow  i n many p a r t s  communes  they  of students  to  the students  efforts are  being  people  "However,  alter  cities  as  that  hsia  The utilized  through  the  i n the r e a r e made  Additional  even  more  the eastern  even  this  left  palatable  will  seaboard  the city  some  of  i n 'mass  then  sigmakeup  China. are re-  for a different  at i n the undergoing  the e n t i r e  of exciting flows  of the battles  and  struggle' i s  as i n d i v i d u a l s  hardships,  not  of people  numbers a r e n o t l o o k e d  and sense  t h e number  or the s o c i a l  number  rural-to-urban migration  to continue  of China  program  landscapes  revolutionary cohesiveness  (Salter,  fang  considered  fang  on a v i t a l i t y  normal  program  experiment  I f these  but rather  various  attempt its  along  exhausting  significant.  takes  the urban  the fact  relatively  the  role  areas.  population  i n the hsia  t o have w i l l i n g l y  aggregate  Parents,  linkages  factories  preparations  i n the rural  the total  involved  t h e major  ported  establishing  a larger  better  have  made.  nificantly of  while  t o make t h e r u s t i c a t i o n  Considering of  play  policies  and u r b a n  on t h e o t h e r .  belong,  settlement receive  of China  on t h e one hand  organizations  t o which  model",  movement  experimentation are reversed  which  i n the early  gave  i n an  China  1950's."  p . 99") hsia  fang  program  for instilling  population.  By  i s only  one o f t h e mechanisms  r e v o l u t i o n a r y essence  temporarily  moving  the urban  i n the urban literati  away  87  from' t h e living  city  China  pressure s t i l l  and  immersing  will  benefit  somewhat  i n the  progress  in  young  toward  the  the  i n manual  rural  cities,  people  a  them  a  classless  areas,  but  rural  labour ease  most  and  rural  population  importantly  cognizance  and  in-  ensure  society.  Summary China's ship  of  zation on  Mao and  evolving Tse-tung,  economic  urbanization.  via  the  First  centres  than  certainly inland tion  on  the  new  created. was  had  The  control  on  of  ideology  Utilization of  over  of  the  the  success  in  further  and  rural  centres,  receivers  of  Mao  on  has  by  the  local  placed  The  Cultural  and in  national  less  as  emphasis  well  largest  of  settlements  accounted  provincial  performance  as  cities.  particularly  partially  technological  Similarly,  increased  China's  network  of  correc-  Tse-tung.  resulted  of  China,  required  about  knowledge,  development  industrialization. as  rates  and  existing  self-sufficiency  traditional  technology hsien  and  on  communities  and  impact  industry  growth  the  and  acting  brought  significant  prefectural  in  of  effects  initially  benefiting  over-emphasized leadership  more  leader-  industriali-  subsequent  new  Although  s e l f - r e l i a n c e and  modifying  recipients  albeit  the  of  inland,  based  Cultural Revolution  centralized  strongly  their  directed was  under  policies  and  settlements  been  have  policies  Plan,  political  development.  as  development  in political  Revolution  philosophy,  influenced  Development  development  changes  has  Five-Year  have  from  political  of  the for  hinterlands these  d i f f u s i o n and  centres economic  88  development  has  to  the national  of  China  formation  linked  them  economy.  are proving of Chinese  t o be  s t r u c t u r a l l y and  The  t r a d i t i o n a l urban  a key  society.  organizationally settlements  i n the s t r u c t u r a l  trans-  89  CHAPTER ADMINISTRATIVE  V  PLANNING  STRUCTURE  society,  a  Introduction China by  an  a  socialist  increasingly  economy. of  is  more  Such  decentralized  decentralization  participants  regional  levels.  distrustful  of  in  It  society  are  wealth,  exploiters  requires  a  of  the  as  characterized to  the  a  command  introduction  process  society  settlements. viewed  opposed  planning  is also  urban  Chinese  the  as  society  at  local  and  philosophically  Cities  of  pre-1949  areas  of  concentrated  being  countryside  and  internally  alienating. One  of  the  aims  development  policies  development  and  in  these  light  aim  of  this  related designed and  how  tion  of  and  to  other  to  help  they  first  are  involve  political  policies  units  upon  and  is  to  the  urban  political  to  explain  of  national  how  planning  in decision  to  city  process The  c i t i e s 'are ' a  concentrated  the  national  philosophy.  China's  internally  the  affecting  development,  previously  masses  explain  philosophy  structured  prevent  making  structure wealth, exploita-  processes.  Structure  framework  1972,  thesis  elaborate  disperse  established  (Shabad,  this  and  chapter'is  Administrative The  to  of  p.  of by  China's Article  administrative 53  of  the  1954  structure  was  Constitution.  28)  " A r t i c l e 53. The administrative division o f t h e P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a i s as  90  fOllOWS!  (1)  The c o u n t r y i s d i v i d e d i n t o provinces, autonomous r e g i o n s , and c i t i e s directly under the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y ;  (2)  P r o v i n c e s and autonomous r e g i o n s a r e d i v i d e d i n t o autonomous chou, counties, autonomous c o u n t i e s , and c i t i e s ;  (3)  C o u n t i e s and autonomous c o u n t i e s a r e divided into hsiang, nationality hsiang, and towns.  C i t i e s d i r e c t l y under the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y and o t h e r l a r g e c i t i e s a r e d i v i d e d into districts. Autonomous chou a r e d i v i d e d into c o u n t i e s , autonomous c o u n t i e s , and c i t i e s . Autonomous r e g i o n s , autonomous chou and autonomous c o u n t i e s a r e a l l n a t i o n a l autonomous a r e a s . ( J a n , Government o f Communist C h i n a , 1966, p . 630)  Numerous ticularly 1976  21  between  China  directly  c h a n g e s h a v e b e e n made s i n c e  consisted  Republic  and  of China  divisions  within Shabad  explanation  autonomous  autonomous further and  divided  national  autonomous ethnic  gives  i n Peking,  People's  to table  Map  of  XVI)  a  subwhile  detailed  breakdown.  provinces and  Constitution  into  autonomous  cities. hsiang  hsiang.  minority  The  administrative  (refer  par-  municipalities  Government  regions.  Changing  date,  the end  of three  further  structure  o f t h e 1954  divisions  by  o f the Central  lists  i n China's  into  so that  autonomous  Atlas this  hsien,  1958,  administratively  five  of this  Provisions and  and  under the c o n t r o l  provinces,  Theodore  1954  that  (rural  (Shabad, "are areas  groups  Hsien  and  divided chou,  p.  29)  of national  are granted  hsien  autonomous  townships),  1972,  provinces  the right  towns  (counties), hsien  were  (chen),  A l l of the autonomy to  i n which  self-adminis-  91  tration  under  political  the  draft  hsien  (Shabad,  as w e l l  district  the province  into  placement  regional  The  special district  the  need  during  (Shabad, clarity  administrative  to  quite  or  and h s i e n  "area"  directly  under  fication  government.  level  Forward  groups o f The r e division,  also  recognized.  probably  to  "avoid  o f t h e many  The f i r s t - o r d e r  autonomous  subordinate provided  chou,  division  district  and t h o s e  cities  jurisdiction. area  indicator  e i g h t y y c i t i e s that  t o the areas  directly  of the special  particular city  equivalent  divisions  the intermediate-level  o f an urban  i s a sensitive  i n terms o f  Although not e x p l i c i t l y  provincial  that  level  rural  was  implemented  consists  i n 1971),  or advanced  30)  province".  and a r e t h o s e  "the intermediate-level  about  "combines  suggests discussion  forward  population  p.  Leap  adminis-  the introduction of  o f the lowest-level  has been  Shabad  placement  development that  t h e 1954  an i n t e r m e d i a t e  which  subordination.  subprovincial  The  affirmed  within  i n t h e 1954 C o n s t i t u t i o n s  (renamed  by  1972, p. 29)  Ch'u),  the Great  effective  1972, p. 30)  straight  the central  for  assures  for direct provincial administration  hsien".  are  (Chuan  b y t h e commune  hsiang,  that  as r e c o g n i z i n g  patterns  the  For  i n a way  1971 C o n s t i t u t i o n  pattern  special  between  leaders  control".  The trative  local  into  a particular  of the level has reached.  of administration have  economic  of  economic  Thus i s  classi-  i t  represented  reached a s u f f i c i e n t l y development  o r autonomous  chou".  t o be  i s  large  considered  (Shabad,  1972,  92  TABLE ADMINISTRATIVE Province Level ( F i r s t Order)  XVI DIVISIONS  S u b p r o v i n c e Level'' (Intermediate) Auton Chou  Province Anhwe i Chekiang Fukien ^ Heilungkiang Honan Hopeh Hunan Hupeh Kansu Kiangsi Kiangsu Kirin Kwangfungf Kweichow Liaoingd Shansi • Shantung Shensi Szechwan Tsinghai Yunnan Auton. Region Inner Mongolia Kwangsi Chuang Ninasia Hui Sinkiang Uighur Tibet  1 2  1 1 2  3 6 8  Spec. Dist.  9 8 7 6 10 10 9 8 8 6 8 5 7 5 4 5 9 8 12 7  7  d  5  g  8 1 6 5  3  Municipality  6 3 2 8 3 1 2 2 2 2 7 2 1 1 10 3 4 1 3 1 2  2 1 2 2 1  County (Second Municipality  2 4 1 11 8 5 3 2 5 4 7 9 3 1 5 3 5 2  8  2  Municipality Peking Shanghai . Tientsin-^  Level Order) 0  Auton. County  County  70 63 62 64 110 142 84 72 66 80 64 36 94 69 41 96 107 93 181 32 107  74 72 16 73 70  1 ,  2 4 6  2 3 9 2  1  h  3 5 15  3 8 •6 '"  9 10  Total  29  178  79  90  2,057  69  %  T h e c o u n t r y i s d i v i d e d i n t o 29 f i r s t - o r d e r u n i t s - 2 1 provinces ( s h e n g ) , 5 autonomous r e g i o n s ( t z u - c h i h c h o u ) , and 3 m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ( s h i h ) - d i r e c t l y under t h e c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y .  ^  At the subprovince ( i n t e r m e d i a t e ) l e v e l , p r o v i n c e s and a u t o n o mous ^ r e g i o n s a r e d i v i d e d i n t o s p e c i a l d i s t r i c t s (chuan-ch'u)  93  or autonomous chou ( t z u - c h i c h o u ) . A number c i p a l i t i e s also exist at this level.  o f muni-  Counties (hsien) are the basic second-order u n i t . Other s e c o n d - o r d e r u n i t s i n c l u d e autonomous h s i e n ( t z u - c h i h s i e n ) and h s i e n - l e v e l s h i h . The term h s i e n i s n o r m a l l y used instead of i t s English equivalent. S u b p r o v i n c i a l t o t a l s do n o t r e f l e c t changes caused by the presumed r e a p p o r t i o n m e n t and r e a l i g n m e n t o f t h e I n n e r M o n g o l i a n Autonomous Region(lMAR) b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f d a t a . Kwangtung has an a t y p i c a l u n i t - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e district (hsing-cheng ch'u) comprising the i s l a n d o f Hainan. It f u n c t i o n s as t h e t o p a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e island. Includes one town (chen) i n Yunnan second-order hsien level.  that  The s u b p r o v i n c e l e v e l as l e a g u e (meng).  i s officially  Includes IMAR  52 b a n n e r s  autonomous  Hsien  Source: Central of China A t l a s . 1971, p. 32.  order  at  areas  Shabad C.I.A.  and  autonomous  been  at this  level, chou  describes  the  trative  hsien  and a r e n o t as w e l l  o r autonomous  Atlas,  units.  replaced  unit  unit  i s termed  represent level  and as w e l l  i n IMAR.  tzu-chih  ch'i.  which  a  are subordinate  smaller as  cities  to  order. i n  divisions of the hsien  (hsiang)  as s t a t e d ,  b y t h e commune  have  divisions, not included  are further rural  of the second-  industrially  of the intermediate  into  However,  most  usually  developed  third-order  which  hsien  a hsien-level  designated  i n t e l l i g e n c e Agency. People's Republic W a s h i n g t o n , D.C.r U.S. D e p t . o f D o c u m e n t s ,  Cities  the intermediate  i n IMAR  at the  unavailable.  and autonomous  division.  population  (ch'i),  hsien-level  information  Hsien  unit  functions  and u r b a n  adminis-  b y 1958 t h e h s i a n g became  the basic  had  rural  poli-  94  tical  unit  divided to  below  into  Figure  the  hsien  production  II).  The  or  "chen".  A  seat  of  a  thus  farm  market  subordinate nificance a  city  urban  market  than  to  hsien.  the  town  interpreted  to  probably  in  in  the  the  context  of  ministrative  changes  are  an  industrial The  three  to  l e v e l s of  A  more  provincial  city  hsien  level  district).  under  important  level  (under  (under  (Shabad,  municipal  government  takes  centres  represent Chinese  of  even  (refer  became  at  to  a  the  this  promotion  local  level  of of  are  any a  sig-  town  to  can  be  This  is  a  and  the  in  this  1972,  size  than  a  p.  and  p.  can  be  as-  industrial  im-  jurisdiction  city  of  the  at  the and  area  a or  subcity  at  special  33)  planning  of. C h i n a ' s  direct responsibility in Peking  however  will  suba  cities  p r o v i n c i a l governments w h i l e  diagramatically  of  32)  significant' than  authority  "ad-  indicator  structure  government  more  the  Shanghai,  society,  sensitive  provincial authority),  1972, for  more  functions  China  development."  (Shabad,  central  of  m u n i c i p a l i t i e s where  population  is probably  Responsibility  of  further  administrative  structure  and  cities  relative  city  provincial  to  i n the  development".  reflect  portance.  mous  unit  mainly  Towns  was  teams  the  i s owed  economic  towns  the  is usually  administrative  the  with  production  administrative  result  in  the  itself  I n d u s t r i a l development  true  perform  and  industry.  particularly  sumed  commune  "shih".  "Changes  urban  the  its position  rather  would  or  brigades  basic  town  hsien,  while  the i t is  and  the  Tientsin.  structure important  and to  rests  the  central  three  autono-  It  possible  is  administration remember  that  Figure I I Administrative-Political  Structure  CENTRAL GOVERNMENT • AUTONOMOUS REGIONS PREFECTURES  DISTRICTS  DISTRICTS  COUNTY DISTRICTS  DISTRICTS  PEOPLE'S COMMUNES  I NEIGHBOURHOOD COMMITTEES I I Residents' Committees  PRODUCTION BRIGADES I | PRODUCTION TEAMS  residents' groups  COUNTIES  PEOPLE'S COMMUNES  I STREET COMMITTEES I | Neighbourhood Committees  PEOPLE'S COMMUNES  PRODUCTION BRIGADES I | PRODUCTION TEAMS  PRODUCTION BRIGADES PRODUCTION TEAMS  residents' groups  Source:  N. J e f f r e y .  Design.  V o l .49,  "Administrative/Political N o .3, 1 9 7 4 , p . 1 4 4 .  System  I nChina".  Architectural KO  Ul  96  although sented and  the  structure  i n Figure  mass  reveal  II  organs  how  the  of  and  may  i t s implied  appear  be  h i e r a r c h i c a l , the  administration  as  depicted  all-important  power  of  views  have  Similar  Jeffrey,  consideration  and  other  Rifkin, policy in  advises  organizational  in a  slightly  decisions  analyzing  social  and the  Urban  Structure There  is  a  some  of  municipal  administration  entire  but  jurisdiction districts, and  of  encompasses many o f  enterprises of  and  a  which  (refer  covers  districts  well  not  as  144)  Susan  that  More  which  "Chinese and  that  economic,  on  this  administers  mandatory, Moreover, only and  certain  the entire  small  Thus  cities  the  the  sometimes  contain  80-83).  autonomous  as  and  communes  pages  Nick  structure.  themselves  to  259)  voluntary.  adjoining  is  by  "separate  government  city  p r o v i n c i a l and  county  city  local  organizational  counties,  dustrial  of  of  Party  holistic",  cannot p.  adequately  operational,  argues  i t organizational  mass  area  we  (Rifkin,  explanation  hierarchy  cities,  "formal,  prestate  expressed  ( J e f f r e y , p.  Republic  goals".  cannot  Communist  been  d i f f e r e n t context,  remainder  urban  aspects",  People's  following  of  the  implementations... are  political  after  Chinese  and  the  as  to  actually;exercised. who  relationships  in-  under  are  the  urban  institutions  factories. Every  number  of  major  Chinese  districts,  bureaus  and  Smaller  towns  each  containing may  come  town  and  with  i t s own  anywhere under  city  the  from  is divided  into  administration  250,000 t o  jurisdiction  of  a and  500,000 the  people.  rural  97  sector of  and  Ch'ang  divided of  the  become Ch'un,  city)  each  possessing  t o g e t h e r work  City  districts  Shanghai,  mittees)  i s "the to  the  lowest the  imately  60  in  1954.  Also  committees of  city  cities in The  :  committee this  of  fewer  residents'  bourhood  committee,  the  administration  city  Figure  II).  From  from  state  i n the  cities)  and  and was  Jeffrey's  the and  committees  50,000  com-  to  100,000  administration cadre  are  formed  are  ap-  sub-offices  extended  committees  cities  of China.  100,000 p o p u l a t i o n ,  to  from  population."  and  relate  each. China  (street branches  "They  were  optional not  Ruth.  t o the  people  Shanghai:  in  expected  administrative  to the  experience of  as  (Sidel,  responsible  i s the  approx-  to a l l of  established  i n turn  cities  6,000 r e s i d e n t s  were  is directly  uses  The  "mutual a i d " .  t o the  100,000 p o p u l a t i o n ,  which  of  Planning  autonomous  neighbourhood  50,000  committee  fringe  neighbourhood  of  is  planning.  street  at which  cities)  and  than  called  the  city  146)  i n a l l major  50,000  into  Committees  over  of  state  system  with  on  and  of  p.  time  one  leadership  a means  unit  housing blocks  in cities  unified  The  population,  for city  divided  committees  in provincial  between  cities  level  and  Construction  smallest  in provincial  at  urban  a population  (Jeffrey,  government  mandatory  City  Revolutionary  modern  residents'  the  Tientsin  urban  residential  (neighbourhoods  The  i s the  bureaux".  The  and  million  section  further  possessing  This  a  administration.  1.3  p e r s o n n e l as  are  Peking  each  citizens.  pointed  and  of  of  (four  under  the Bureau  materials  commune  area  districts  exchange  of  urban  five  city- through  and  an  of  into  districts  (in  centres  p.  neighlevel  (refer  to  28)  98  " t h e s e were d e s c r i b e d as ' s e l f - g o v e r n i n g mass o r g a n i z a t i o n s u n d e r t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e N e i g h b o u r h o o d RevCom'. In t h i s case, 20 R e s i d e n t s G r o u p s ( o n e f o r . e a c h b l o c k ) w o u l d meet t o g e t h e r on o c c a s i o n and elect t h e i r t h i r d o f t h e e l e c t e d members o f t h e R e s i d e n t i a l Committee. The t a s k s o f t h e R e s i d e n t i a l Committee were s a i d to i n c l u d e : ( i ) implement t a s k s s u c h as h y g i e n i c p r o grammes; ( i i ) t a k e t h e demands o f the p e o p l e t o t h e N e i g h b o u r h o o d RevCom; ( i i i ) o r g a n i z e s o c i a l work v i s i t s ; ( i v ) push p r o p a g a n d a about f a m i l y p l a n n i n g ; (v) recommend t o t h e H o u s i n g B u r e a u o n h o u s i n g for new couples; ( v i ) run old people's places o f s t u d y and r e c r e a t i o n . " ( J e f f r e y , : p. 145)  Following called are  the  neighbourhood  voluntary  retired  groups  workers.  functions  the  role  ranging  some  of  forms  projects  as  the  road  newest  Cultural  his  1976  elaborated committee ubiquitous  by  of  from  a  upon  members  level  2500 t o  group  i n Peking, community  mainly  share  to  They  and  administrative  of  with  i s to  labour Jeffrey  study,  organization,  of  to  purposes  organ  a  imparted  a visit  women  committee,  political  planners  the  are  groups.  a  provide for to  and  such "or-  promote  146)  i s that  of  during  mass and  China  residents  according  p.  organizations  12,000 p e o p l e ,  encourage  of  mass  neighbourhood  (Jeffrey,  to  and  contribute  mass,  are  lacking specific  the  Revolution  visit  Explained  whose  b u i l d i n g , and  broad  the  committees  housing,  self-reliance". The  committee  Although  population  ganize  street  i s to  to  the  the  appearing author  socialist  i n Ch'ang  of  this  organize  during court-yard.  Ch'un,  Fengsheng new  after  and  further  neighbourhood but  a number  not of  at  yet  acti-  99  1)  2)  retired  workers  educate  young  leaders  organize  and  other  people  workers  outside  study  of  help  school  sessions  for  residents 3)  citizens take  part  operas, 4)  perform  in sports  and  supervise exhibit old  art  help  class  of  other  meets,  put  out  to  activities,  learn  wall  enemies.  tendencies  ways  and  Peking  newspapers  People  return  who  to  the  p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y China  are  watched 5)  organize  6)  summon  people  to  do  people  to  by  Ch'ang  physical  express  labour  their  current  thought  As  explained  of  the  to  "contribute  that at  socialist  the  the  this  courtyard  more  unpaid  d i c t a t o r s h i p of  grass  meant  management  roots  about  masses  we  are under  there  970  were  from  were  studying  30  the  the  this per to  that  organized  to  with  eight  and  of  the  thought  In  with  courtyards.  workday" be  mass  organized  courtyard In  with  a  Fengsheng Revolution  courtyards  this  and  organization  Cultural  socialist  of  Mao's  people.  committees.  principles  formation  hour  socialist  since  the  should  level  five  courtyards 60  planners  proletariat  three  told  socialist  of  after  For  residents*  consisting told,  of  Ch'un  i n keeping  households  better  organized are  30  is  the  level.  committee  neighbourhood the  the  have  neighbourhood  residents'committees Time  is  C h a i r m a n Mao  spent,"we and  taking  100  i part  in cultural This  major  urban  cities  come u n d e r  Planning  the  In  other  planning  the  rural It  This  Berger  tive  and  of  an  the  fundamentally location  the  touched  even  between  China  realize  that  of  People's  while  or  so  Republic,  to  the  the  and  political  organization of Charles  work  Bettelheim  planning  Roland  of  the  of  at  industrial  and  administra-  and  i n the  Franz Chinese  cultural  Efforts  to  revochange  i t s management in  be  economic  particularly  the  and  whole.  briefly.  McFarlane  economy.  a  cities  Rlchman  of  as  the  affecting  political  effects  planning,  from  urban  analyses  Barry  The  physical  state  Chinese  detailed  Wheelwright  by  later.  divorced  the  i f done  planning  production  at work  a v a i l a b l e from  is reported  or  i s not  planning  forces  upon  spatial  economic  cities  i t s relationship  Chinese  different  excellent accounting  Socialism discuss on  administrations.  comparisons  d i s c u s s i o n of  i n the  level,  be  from  explained,  (1968).  of  i n China  China's  in a  s t r u c t u r e are  lution  wary  will  i s that  offers  Provincial  To  population  from  separate  process  Schurmann Road  and  (1975)  planning  commune  of  is significantly  n a t i o n a l economic  planning the  be  n a t i o n a l economic  considered  of  centres  to  here  planning  the  smaller  i t is absolutely essential  aspect  i s imperative  that  should  nations  i s not  or  while  jurisdiction  one  note  planning and  towns,  i n China  to  activities.  China  elsewhere. point  recreational  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e encompasses- a l l  and  Although and  and  Cultural  and  101  Revolution  and  State  Industrial  planning  i n China  essentially  political  authorities  indicating  with the  respect  lated  and  706-707)  which and  under  the  itself  concerns  industry  plant  example,  trans-  the State  Planning  organs."  (Richman,  Planning  and  five-year  the c e n t r a l  are determined  years,  Economic  Commission.  development by  this  types,  priorities  in a  sector,  given  and  light  automation  l o c a t i o n s , and  factories,  objectives,  organization.  "the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between development,  plans,  government.  o f t e n t o twenty  industrial  Commission,  and  construction  for product so  and  of  development,  forth."  (Richman,  planning  powers  685) Although  appears  t o be  authorities pendence a  size  the  for  are  of the N a t i o n a l  agricultural  progress,  i n d u s t r i e s and  optimum p.  and  -  preferences  directives  annual  and  and  government  light  China's  policies" with  by  and  of  and  central  by  "formulation  o f heavy  the State  economic  It  activity  These  periods  the  top party  agency,  auspices  and  with  China.  priorities  terms  are r a t i f i e d  strategies,  new  key  in  the development  planning,  general  technical  by  appropriate  prepares-  Long-term  heavy  on  It is this  actually  "China's  their  operating  other  i t s proposals  comes  directives  agriculture.  concrete  Commission p.  emphasis  defense,  into  begins  t o n a t i o n a l economic  relative  industry,  Organization  greater  the  centralization  o f economic  the  situation  provincial  have  maintained  particularly  both  considerable  i n those  self-sufficiency.  areas  I t would  and  municipal  a u t h o r i t y and  of the nation appear,  inde-  demonstrating  according  to  102  Richman,  that  provinces  and  power  over  Shensi  of  year  are  cities  Province  at  year  the  sent  are  divided  visional next  raw  and  targets level  -  the  559)  the  i s worked  example  out  several  for  of  each  knowledge  for  planning  or  October  the  Commission  following  to  the  the  are  the  regions. and  for  of  leadership  the  for  units  reviews pro-  at  the  any  towns  province",  of  administrative the  provinces,  the  (Chart  f a c t o r i e s under  trans-  province  Shensi the  develop-  and  regionaand of  year,  559)  divide the  on  construction  same  The  "then  each  based  "industrial  services'.' (p.  here  first  current  communications  administrative  direct  his  September  main c a p i t a l  social  followed  considerable  annual  of  smoothly,  administration.  from  targets  finance;  and  retain  the  categories:  into plans  (p.  and  main  considerations  f a c t o r i e s under  towns  In  run  provisional targets,  autonomous  and  plan  of  three-quarters  materials;  future  In  example  Planning  development;  wages  to  to  industrial  part  These  first  procedures  lower  State  into nine  commerce;  and  and  explain  continue  allowed  following  I).  the  municipalities past  the  agricultural  The  been  controls  to  (Table  r e s u l t s of  port;  have  provincial level.  by  the  projects;  operations  p r o v i s i o n a l economic  order'level  ment;  as  o f f e r s the  process each  long  financial  Berger of  as  II). a p r o v i s i o n a l  leadership  regions, of  the  province. Each the then  administrative  provisional targets decides  on  an  region  below  i n terms  appropriate  of  the  province  i t s own  division  reviews  situation  i n t o plans  for  and each  103  of  the counties,  towns  and f a c t o r i e s  leadership.  Counties  from  t o 750,000 w i t h  400,000  thirteen of out  counties  counties  vary  to each  i n each  under  significantly an average,  i t sr e g i o n a l  i n population i n Shensi,  administrative region.  administrative region  size  of  The  number  also varies  through-  China.  Figure III Shensi Structural In  SHENSI  Province  Levels  The P l a n n i n g  PROVINCE  Involved Process  ( p o p u l a t i o n 21  3 c i t i e s under direct leadership of Province (Sian, Tungchan, Paoki)  million)  (Sheng)  7 administrative ( Z h u a n Qu)  93 2 c o u n t y towns under the l e a d e r s h i p o f administrative regions (Yenan, Sienyang)  counties  2,500 (Gong  regions  (Xian)  communes She)  30,000 (Sheng  production brigades Chan D Dui)  I  a  140,000 p r o d u c t i o n teams (Sheng Chan X i a o D u i ) Source: Roland Berger. "Economic Planning i n the People's Republic of China." World Development. V o l . 3, N u m b e r s 7 & 8, J u l y - A u g u s t 1 9 7 5 , p . 5 5 9 . It that  i s a t t h e lower  the concept  levels,  o f t h e "mass  t h e commune  line"  comes  and t h e f a c t o r y ,  into  full  play.  Goals  104  proposed whole "the  from  and  above  a l s o by  targets  are  each  qualities;  etc.;  of  (p. it  560)  A  i s these  concepts bottom  up"  At  grass  of  the  the to  at  stage  the  from  the  mous  regions  21  but  are  combined  been  through  then  these  It  so  into:  output;  the  the  power  costs,  productivity",  communes.  important  from  the  the  "top  However,  i n making down  of  i s up  are  Planning  and  from  to  from plan,  the  the  the  not  the both  is  passed  only  throughout  be  the  various  Planning into  each  one  made year.  modifications and  five  and  autonoCom-  centralized.  geographical  perhaps  involving  occurred  Central Planning  the  from  has  plan  co-ordinated  "areas"  industrial Commission plan.  ministo  Once  this  further modified,  goes  level.  Powers  several significant  consider  the  suggested  to  are  proposals  process  before  municipalities  they  the  exchange  on-going  their  three  proposals  same  levels  forwarded  accomplished  Chinese  states  and  s t r u c t u r e an  proposals  "lines".  There  and  on  a  Berger  M o d i f i c a t i o n s may  with  where  the  Devolution  the  above.  with  co-ordinate  lower  provinces,  point  has  and  plans  At  or  labour  are  d i s c u s s i o n s are  i n Peking  tries  in this  level  mission  are  line"  divided  f a c t o r y as  materials, fuels,  occurs  roots which  stage  Provisional  this  are  profit;  process  "mass  upper  upward any  raw  the  work.  every  between  major  by  workshop.  factories  production;  similar  fully  individual  f o r major  varieties, cost  discussed  that  this  points  method  of  to  make h e r e .  First,  "devolution of  powers"  105  allows  for  the  for  most  plan  and  "the  structural  deriving portant  reconciliation  from  (p.  entire  powers" which  planning  as  p.  Chinese about is  602)  readily of  an  centralization The his  for  at  one  policy  incorporated  thing,  the  i s another  one  is a  of  the  accounts, the  urban  a v a i l a b l e but  major  according  certain  to  common and  purpose  more  im-  level.  Detailed  illustrations  planning  the  comes  city  of  "devolution  to  of  from  Robin  Thompson  distinguishing features  administrative/political  visit  the  Secondly,  planning  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between v a r i o u s  of  into  a l l levels.  d i s t i n g u i s h e s Chinese  f o l l o w i n g account  1974  occur  be  561)  i t and  at  actual  existence  of  know  planning  the  not  we  of  to  s t r u c t u r e expresses  planning  (1975,  to  understanding  this  ideas  r e l a t i o n s h i p s are  feature".  What  valuable  can  of  information government attest  hierarchy  to  and  levels the  to  a  de-  powers.  from  Robin  Thompson  as  a  Changsha:  "The M a - Y i - H s i n g N e i g h b o u r h o o d i s an o l d q u a r t e r of Changsha, w i t h poor housing and crampediindustries. Redevelopment i s gradually taking place. I n i t i a t i v e s have mainly come f r o m t h e N e i g h b o u r h o o d C o m m i t t e e , w h i c h .has, f o r i n s t a n c e , superintended the e r e c t i o n o f t h r e e new b l o c k s o f f l a t s . The i d e a emanated l o c a l l y ; t h e Committee d e c i d e d w h i c h slums most u r g e n t l y w a r r a n t e d c l e a r a n c e a n d who needed new accommodation; t h e f l a t s were b u i l t by r e s i d e n t s ' l a b o u r w i t h t h e h e l p o f t h e i r two full-time builders. However, t h e s e p r o j e c t s are s u b j e c t t o d i s c u s s i o n and c o n t r o l w i t h h i g h e r t i e r s . Urban D i s t r i c t and S t r e e t C o m m i t t e e s w i l l u s u a l l y h a v e o n e member r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p l a n n i n g matters who w o u l d a d v i s e a n d l i a i s e a t N e i g h b o u r h o o d level. In our Changsha example, p l a n n i n g perm i s s i o n was r e q u i r e d from the C i t y Planning Bureau, which operates a development c o n t r o l machinery reminiscent of B r i t a i n ' s . However,  result  106  c r i t e r i a used i n e v a l u a t i n g a p p l i c a t i o n s i n clude not only t e c h n i c a l standards of design and d e n s i t y , b u t a l s o c o n t r i b u t i o n t o p r o d u c t i o n , m i n i m i z i n g o f j o u r n e y s t o work, e l i m i n a t i o n o f ' w a s t e s ' , and l i n k a g e s w i t h r e l a t e d activities. The C h a n g s h a B u r e a u had c o n s u l t e d t h e C i t y H o u s i n g and I n d u s t r y B u r e a u x a t i t s own m u n i c i p a l l e v e l t o c h e c k t h a t t h e r e s o u r c e s n e e d e d f o r t h e M a - Y i - H s i n g p r o j e c t s w e r e comp a t i b l e with general quotas. T h i s c a s e demons t r a t e s how d e v o l u t i o n o f p l a n n i n g m e s h e s w i t h an a s p a t i a l , i n c r e m e n t a l m e t h o d o l o g y . " (Thompson, 1975, p. 602) There  is  jurisdiction Jeffrey  less than  offers  known other  his  own  about  the  counties  under  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e organs. limited  experience  of  municipal  Once  this  again  relation-  ship:  "The C o u n t y D i s t r i c t s o f P r o v i n c i a l C i t i e s we had no f o r m a l e x p e r i e n c e o f , a s i d e f r o m t h e two p r o v i n c i a l f a c t o r i e s w h i c h a r e i n Wuhan a n d Changsha county d i s t r i c t s . T h e Wuhan c o u n t y d i s t r i c t s c o v e r 1300 s q . km. ( c f . 190 s q . km. of u r b a n d i s t r i c t s ) , a n d c o n t a i n 26 People's Communes a n d o n e s t a t e f a r m o f o v e r 5 0 0 s q . km. p r o v i d i n g d i r e c t l y f o r the heavy i n d u s t r y there. In Changsha, the f i v e urban d i s t r i c t s cover 40 s q . km., and t h e c o u n t y d i s t r i c t s 4000 s q . km., w i t h 15 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . C o u n t y d i s t r i c t s , as i n S h a n g h a i , s e r v e two functions: to provide specialized agricultural s e r v i c e s t o t h e c i t i e s and f a c t o r i e s ; and to p r o v i d e an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e / p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e f o r c o n t r o l l e d u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t and dispersal. I n C h a n g s h a i t was e m p h a s i z e d t h a t p l a n n i n g was t o f a c i l i t a t e the i n t e g r a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y , and o f t h e r u r a l and t h e u r b a n . " ( J e f f r e y , 1974, p. 146)  Urban local or  planning  economic  location  plans city meant  and  of  planning.  out  Placing  however,  that  through an  the  subordinate  Decisions  i n d u s t r y must  carried  level.  is in reality  be  related  to  to  the  integrated into  the  emphasis initiative  numerous on  state  expansion  economic  bureaus  at  "self-reliance" for production  and  the  has  expansion  107  usually that  comes  from  i s planning  levels.  (Buck,  Two  p.  of  factory  illustration  factory,  municipal  itself  at either  and  not  from  above;  the n a t i o n a l  or  local  27)  factories  example  factory  authorities  illustrations  bourhood  brief  the  explain  to the  the  overall  relationship structure.  expansion i n Shanghai; of  the  relationship  bureaus  and  the  of  The  the  first,  second,  between  state  neighan  a  neighbourhood  government.  " . . . i n S h a n g h a i C h ' e n Y u - j u i , a member o f t h e T ' i e n - s h a n D i s t r i c t R e v o l u t i o n a r y Comm i t t e e t o l d u s a b o u t how f u r t h e r e x p a n s i o n of such a neighborhood f a c t o r y would p r o ceed . He e x p l a i n e d that the d e c i s i o n f o r e x p a n s i o n o r d i n a r i l y w o u l d come f r o m t h e factory itself. N a t u r a l l y , the expanded l i n e s would match l i n e s d e s i r e d i n the n a t i o n a l and S h a n g h a i e c o n o m i c plans. A f t e r r e c e i v i n g the a p p r o v a l from the f a c t o r y s t a f f and management, s u c h a p r o j e c t w o u l d be r e v i e w e d and a p p r o v e d b y t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d and d i s t r i c t r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees. F i n a l l y , the departments of the Shanghai m u n i c i p a l government would a l l o c a t e the l a n d , s t r u c t u r e s and c a p i t a l g o o d s r e q u i r e d and the f a c t o r y would pay f o r t h i s e x p a n s i o n out o f " a c c u m u l a t i o n " , o r w h a t we w o u l d call retained earnings. Ch'en s t r e s s e d t h a t t h i s a p p r o a c h was a n e x a m p l e o f t h e way i n w h i c h s e l f - r e l i a n c e works i n an u r b a n p r o d u c t i o n context." ( B u c k , p . 27) In  1966,  housewives  i n Shenyang,  established  waste  materials  tools  and  panded  rebuilding  over  individuals. machinery  from  at the neighbourhood  a metallurgical  slag  heaps.  the years t o eventually The  became  production so  of  factory  Creating  outdated machinery  the  employ  spare parts  important that  the  level,  nine  utilizing  their  own  operation close  to  hand ex200  for agricultural  factory  i s now  in-  108  corporated under  the  levels A the  into  are  two  are  plan  as  well  as  planning  and  largest  truck  produces  unified  the  plant  various this  tegrated  nical  industrial  The  that  the  large to  the  enterprises, structure  state  component In  facilities  in  Ch'ang  the  urban  Ch'un  the and  employs  20,000 w o r k e r s  annually.  The  itself  of  the  the  city  while  industrial  bureaus.  The  production.  four  a l l attached  to  day  middle  study) and  managed  to  a  new  care  by  out  with of  type  activities  a  locate  characteristic  are  of  in-  facilities,  schools,  and  under  worked  i t represents  Clinics,  and  a r e a s was  liberation;  is  decisions  important  i s that  since  plant  in  national  i n China  time  a  middle  foreign workers  a tech-  language at  this  facility.  i s not  political  something  These  process.  (for spare  Emergence  It  units  s i x primary  are  the  and  production  important  enterprise  school  college  of  an  established  hospital,  plants.  Wage  Bureau.  large  intricate  design  with  are  functions  machinery.  cities,  part  leadership  of  community  of,  and  Labour  relate  being  municipal  agricultural  themselves,  factory  and  type  proud  scheme  Municipal  administrative  60,000  the  are  of  many C h i n e s e  industrial  They  planning  the  of  very  communities  ways.  by  feature  heavy  virtual  bureau  determined  major  as  national  municipal  people  such  the  Qf  The  the  structure preceding  Revolutionary  purpose of  of  China.  this  Committees  thesis  However,  administrative  to  i t is  explain  the  conceivable  d e s c r i p t i o n may  be  deceiving.  109  At  every  level  corresponding intimately At  many  of  the  administrative structure there  political  linked  levels  with  this  unit  operating  at  i t s corresponding  Communist  Party  the  same  is  a  time  and  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e body.  organ  i s the  Revolutionary  Committee. Revolutionary Revolution. power  are  for geographic  tions. of  They  committees  "There  political  organs areas,  i s now  power,  a  at  cal  city  enterprises person place  and  i n China  are  level p.  the  of  tionary  Committee  those  a workers' of  who  Cultural  and  The  the  political  for  instituas  the  provinces  basic units  (Robinson, by  are  place  this  retired  organ and  represented of  p.  15)  of  by  residence.  the  politiof  Every  usually those  organ  to  r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees  f a m i l y are their  from  14)  i s represented  members  p.  factories  neighbourhoods.  o f work but  the  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and  for  every  (Robinson,  i n the  of  during  r e v o l u t i o n a r y committee,  neighbourhood." power  emerged  who  the  at  the  are Revolu-  (Jeffrey,  144)  "The w o r k e r s l i v i n g i n a p a r t i c u l a r n e i g h bourhood are concerned w i t h t h e i r factories. The n e i g h b o u r h o o d r e p r e s e n t s m a i n l y h o u s e w i v e s and r e t i r e d p e o p l e . S t r e e t committees e l e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and t h e s e a r e r e p r e s e n t e d on t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d c o m m i t t e e a l o n g w i t h c a d r e s and t h e PLA ( t h o u g h t h e PLA r e p r e s e n t a t i o n seems t o be v e s t i g i a l ) . The cadres at the neighbourhood l e v e l are p a i d s a l a r i e s by the c i t y . I t i s their business n o t o n l y t o b r i n g down s u g g e s t i o n s from above but a l s o t o c a r r y the views of the p e o p l e up. For instance, they c o l l e c t the customers' v i e w s a b o u t t h e q u a l i t y and variety of goods t o the l o c a l shops. When some s p e c i a l t a s k comes up, s a y a c a m p a i g n t o improve s a n i t a t i o n b e f o r e the hot weather b e g i n s ,  110  m e e t i n g s and d i s c u s s i o n s a r e h e l d . The meetings may d i v i d e i n t o groups under s t r e e t committees. P l a n s c a n be m o d i f i e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e v i e w s that get support." ( R o b i n s o n , p. 16)  There for each  every  excutiVe  committee  Parallel  Committees  to  (Robinson,  p.  lutionary  charged 14)  committee  The of  from  a  committee while has  a  civil  level  the  P a r t y . . . i s concerned are  provided  each  representing  committees  Joan  an  revolutionary  standing  ficials.  "The  is  Party  with  with  in  at  higher  service the  members  carrying  out  following  is  an  the  city  or  i n each the the  levels of  are  of-  Party  organization.  revolutionary Party's  account of  committee  staff  structure  p o l i c y and  large  standing  of  Shanghai  policy."  the as  revotold  by  Robinson:  " I was g i v e n some d e t a i l s o f t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o m m i t t e e o f S h a n g h a i , w h i c h r a n k s as a p r o v i n c e . O t h e r s a r e o n t h e same p a t t e r n . There are 150 m e m b e r s , o f whom r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e m a s s e s a r e 105, c a d r e s 21, and PLA r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s 24. The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e masses c o n s i s t o f 43 w o r k e r s , 21 p e a s a n t s ( f r o m t h e counties surrounding t h e c i t y ) , 8 R e d G u a r d s (now at m i d d l e s c h o o l , no l o n g e r u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s ) , 16 i n t e l l e c t u a l s , c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e a r t s a n d c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , a n d 17 c o m m e r c i a l w o r k e r s . The c o m m i t t e e as a w h o l e meets g e n e r a l l y t w i c e a y e a r , t o h e a r a r e p o r t on t h e year's w o r k and t o d i s c u s s t h e a n n u a l p l a n . It is r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a p p o i n t i n g t h e s t a n d i n g comm i t t e e w h i c h c a r r i e s out the d u t i e s o f the o l d p r o v i n c i a l government. The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the p r o v i n c e i s c a r r i e d out t h r o u g h bureaux c o n c e r n e d w i t h p l a n n i n g , commerce, f i n a n c e , education a n d h e a l t h , a n d s o f o r t h , and there are corresponding departments at the lower_ levels." ( R o b i n s o n , p. 15)  Jeffrey vides  the  writes  following  of  the  table:  revolutionary  committee  and  pro-  Table Composition Rev  Cadre  Tech  Workers  of Various Com  XVII Revolutionary  Committees  Members  Peas' t s  Total  Worn  PLA  Total  %  %  Worn  Party  Employed  %  %  Number  Worn  Party  68,000  18  _many  6,000  20  12.5  3,000  13  many  •  Indus t r i a l Steelworks  40-  Machine Factory  14  F  Docks District Porcelain Factory  40+ 6  22  1  12  9 15  83  5  43 21  17  7  44  16  Rural  1,826  18  Pop.  Shen Deh County Sing Chiang  70  13 5  P.C.  within: 1 teacher  39 '  4  56  14  . 2 militia  15  20  Source: N. J e f f r e y . "Administrative/Political V o l . 4 9 , N o . 3, 1 9 7 4 , p . 1 4 8 .  System  i n China."  720  th  20.5  th  Architectural  Design.  The units  revolutionary  of  p r o l e t a r i a t power'  providing and  the  sponsible  to  Members.  The  the  the  often. Rev  Com  executive Both  (they  cadre).  mass  latter At  is for  a  relative  Hunan  Party  authors  and  (they  Rev  porcelain  Party  the  disappearance  members  and  PLA  meets  told  and  that  an  147)  "considerable"  Revolutionary  the  re-  Standing  ( J e f f r e y , p. of  as  political  organization,  and  of  and  Committee which  existence  Committees  'basic  f a c t o r y we-were  Committee."  mention  included  Members)  Standing  as  workers),  Corns h a v e  (Responsible a  described  included  p r o v i s i o n a l power  the  between  The  make u p  the  overlap the  "were  'unified leadership'  administrative  more  committees  from  Committees  the  Revolutionary  Committees. The for  s i g n i f i c a n c e of  c e r t a i n geographic  institutions thus for as  take  being  II.  The  to  each  power  the  of  industry  committees  is  and  factories  and  that  place  this  consider  into and  the  state  organs in  the  i t as  committee of  the  a  structure  can  exists  horizontal  component  also  be  Party  at  and  structure viewed of  each  level  complementary  appearing  committees  indicates  i n China's  that  administration  Communist  revolutionary  finance  of  administrative  committee  administrative of  for  the  leadership  incorporation  institutions  revolutionary  revolutionary  Considering  to  are  respective  of  is possible  areas  bodies  The  part  component  and  their  planning.  China. it  these  the  in  for  figure factories  indirectly  planning  the  structure.  113  Significance  The  To  administrative political  significant goals  of  behind  to  planning  as  urban  planning  and  the  Most notably lated  overall  those  to  are  Chinese  and  deal  part  with  opposed  structure. the  two  One  vertical  and  ship'  policy  of  planning  of  'two-way*  flow  of  siderable  'leeway'  The  system  since of  to  be  enjoying  is  different,  participation  a as  the  i n the  a  (the  a  latter  "that  of  above  in proposals".  Cultural the  healthy i s the  top  life. role  is different  of  and  to  and  the  addebate)  experts.  Chinese  planning  the  which  taken is  both  'unified  leader-  Revolutionary  are  subject  below, p.  to  with  have  been  bottom  The  Chinese  the  planner,  a con-  147)  technical experts,  and  here.  struggle  decisions  and  Revolution, down  discussed  the  (Jeffrey,  and  Political  of  relation being  powers re-  d i s c u s s i o n and  hands  decisions  from  policies  questions  political  made a n d  Party,  ultimate  planning  ability  through  "policies  bureaucracies  "from  through  characteristics  proposals  the  amazing  administration through  Secondly,  ticularly  allocation,  an  (solution  horizontal  essence,  of  s t r u c t u r e not  problems  Committees)".  In  shown  i s that  and  devolution  resource  is  state.  party  main  leadership  the  the  political  the  framework  offers  the  and  technical decisions.  have  leaving  planning of  presented  many o f  and  planning  to  the  been  to  of  people  ministrative  under  related  utilization,  The  Jeffrey  has  s t r u c t u r e as  i t reflects  development  noteworthy  decisions  as  Planning  limited.  up"  method  par-  appears of  because  practised extensively.  planning public The  114  The  sources  makers of  comes  from  advice  a number  planning  economic while  of China's  or production  production  flects  efforts  cities  planning The  to achieve  balanced  agriculture  and  countryside.  decision  The  complexity  to that.  i s not divorced  for the nation  planning.  and  of other  areas.  can attest  planning  p h y s i c a l or s p a t i a l  and t h a t  of different  the administrative process The  and  of the planners  from  as a whole,  i s subservient  t o economic  administrative structure redevelopment  between  industry  and t o e l i m i n a t e t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between  city  Summary  All  levels  process, local and  a process  level  urban  planning  philosophy  changes  by  i n the developing  central  authorities  The  Chinese  people  and  notably  as a r e s u l t  implemented  planning  a t t h e most  of both  economic  are centralization  a n d mass  the d i s c u s s i o n o f  political  s o c i e t y may  Numerous  frameworks  the  i n the  par-  three.  as Chinese  structure.  planning  i s being  policies  i n chapter  a rigid  society participate  The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s  as r e f l e c t e d  Structured  urban  which  possible.  ticipation,  not  of Chinese  have  through  alterations  accompanied  political  have  appear  t o be,  i n economic  Neither  say i n a l l  t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f Mao  o f the C u l t u r a l  and  corresponding  philosophy.  complete  i ti s  Revolution  do  matters. Tse-tung have  thwarted  overcentralization. Several  things  are certain  about  the structure of the  115  nations manner serve  cities.' as  the  to  cease  masses;  countryside  the  on  are  the and  being  to  the  to  planning  of  decades  achieve ..  to  people  capitalist  and  elites;  to  China  and how  briefly,  political is a  nation  in  which w i l l  Undoubtedly  along  the  tendencies  organs  to  and  i t is significant  the  when  will  way  need  such  as  trans-  remnants  of  to  the  require  surface.  relation  the  are  organs  goals  bourgeois  the  technology.  to  structure described  The  of so-  political  retain  control  understood. Unfortunately,  little  is actually  processes  or  the  of  the  city  of  the  various  of  details  with  to  of  the  urban  gap  this  about  of  ties  urban  that  of  i s scant  reflects,  of  urban  day  about  s t r u c t u r e one mass  day the  to  This  China's  cities  where  process  present  is quite  that  workings relationship  the  other,  organizations  units.  At  is  planning  to  Party  i n knowledge.  planning  details  s t a t e or  Communist  planning  thesis  s t r u c t u r e and  Knowledge  levels  the  what  known  itself.  significant the  and  internal  corresponding  related  of  bourgeois-minded  s t r u c t u r e of  cietal  is  a  matter  committed  1  i n such  industry  r e v o l u t i o n a r y committees. a  of  internally  integrate administratively with  d i s c u s s , no  formation;  designed  breeding  for dispersal  Important effects  They  our  i s one there  have aspect  is  a  understanding  superficial.  or  116  CHAPTER  SUMMARY  AND  VI  CONCLUSIONS  Introduction It  i s a difficult  knowledge, in  concrete  the People's  nature  of this  task  conclusions  Republic thesis  will  That  discussion  of the People's  generic  sense  situations or  other  mation of  or i n terms  foreign  presented  certain  Political  What program will  lend  planning  only  general  raised  from  the qualitative  be o f s i g n i f i c a n c e i n specific  statistical  to the stronger  infor-  indications  society.  Ideology  i s certain  to create  i s that  a society and t h a t  the Chinese where  this  by a s t i l l - e v o l v i n g ,  have  embarked  distinctions  primary  strong,  goal  among  i s based  socialist  on a  t h e masses on and  political  philo-  s ophy.  CONCLUSION:  POLITICAL CHINA'S  Mao  in  a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o Canada  The o c c a s i o n a l  i n Chinese  con-  the previous  importance  credence  centres  qualitative  to their  direct  limited  and u r b a n  By n e c e s s i t y ,  will  societies. does  the existing  Republic  of their  accomplishments  be a b o l i s h e d  guided  allow  i s t o say, issues  as opposed  from  about  of China.  clusions.  a  t o draw  Tse-tung  IDEOLOGY  URBAN AND  has warned  I S THE G U I D I N G ECONOMIC  that  FORCE  OF  PLANNING.  centralized  governing  of  people  and  planning of  of  such  an  result of  material an  will  industrialized  i n both  an  "necessity  this  eking also  out  accomplished  and  group  material  comforts,  and  to  must  living  and  integrative  that  the  creation  society will  be  finding  the  masses  characterized  needs.  of  inequality  not the  only means  succumb  to  technicians  shape  from of  technology".  will  by  also  an  freed  imperatives  d i r e c t o r s who  technological  the  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and Man  the  then  rulers, a  workers  a  from  of  the  a  who  and  new supply  responses  (Wheelwright  If  of  McFarlane,  216-217) Mao  has  suggested  needs  of  and  a  "meaningful  the  present  and  government.  factory  Chinese  by  strong  classes  over  urban They  dustrial  political  commune  group  of  an  Mao the  i n the  life".  ever  the  and  maintain  1952-1957  increasing to  life  They  have  the  need  "imperatives  concentration  of  be  will  meet  material  property  accomplished  p.  of  the  in  industry  217)  like  pre-1949  1962-1964 were government of  char-  apparatus  the  higher  consistently  warned  is hierarchically structured.  and  the  and  also  society,  and  of  e s t a b l i s h ascendancy  concentration  the  to  that  powerful  the  "enemies",  is  McFarlane,  of  two  which  creation  This  Tse-tung  lower.  economic  order  hierarchical organization  years  tendency  warn  new  (Wheelwright  society,  acterized a  and  a  necessarily  Followers  that  society  i n e q u a l i t y of  of  but  i s not  group  through  industrialized, technological  subsistence,  and  about  participation in decisions.  the  pp.  come  power  of of in  of  the  power, masses  produced to  technology the  hands  of  combat  and  by  in-  i t .  The  industrialism,  those  who  promote  118  them"  must  expansion from  be  struggled  become  of  themselves  deprived  (Wheelwright  continuing  planned  and  cities  From  of  general  i n The  security;  shown The  By  1959,  in  the  for  Soviet  China's  geographical In  that  and  proper  m o d e l had  resources  the  industry  of  acquire  other  and  of  (4)  government  i n the  this  China  are  (3)  (l)  realities  by  the  to  of  raw  national  and  estabof  these  socialist  lo-  theoretical  economy.  leaders  industrial  demonstrated  the  within  comparison of  small  regional  proximity  laws"  and  analyzed  closely with  Soviet  between  a  to  obviously  period  b e t w e e n new  analysis  a  path  medium  considerations  Chinese  balance  the  by  socialist  l o c a t i o n as  coincide  the  find  freedom".  During  "objective  they  kept  masses w i l l  i f they  correct  balance  Wu's  the  for  development  the  the  Communist  markets;  developed Mao  the  is  'self-evident  characterized  interregional trade;  bases.  demonstrate  of  "politics  intraregional self-sufficiency  principles with  propositions  that  and  economic  been  industrial  f u e l s , and (5)  has  mid-1950's, heavy  economic  216)  underlying  of  mate-rials,  p.  provinces.  broad  cation  on  even  interior  (2)  general  to  then  and  and  conditions  determine  early  specialization;  lished  to  S p a t i a l Economy  framework  freedom  society  and  imperatives  material  concentrate  factors  inner  true  Chinese  China's  technological  i n themselves  McFarlane,  the  If  development",  of  struggle  to  the  Marxian  Post-1949  follow.  with  industrial  "indispensable  Wu  objectives  interfering  success'  with.  bases new  that  were  concern  and  not a  be  centres.  suited  shift  out  should  existing  i t was  resulting in  pointing  of  to strategy  119  designed placing  to an  accelerate emphasis  the  on  overall rate  labour,  and  of  economic  reducing  growth,  agricultural bottle-  necks . The by  a  huge  side  drive  resulted  between new  relative  to  1961  on  gave  siderable  return  1965.  the  stratification.  or  This  marked  greater  revolutionary The  same  were  s t i l l  aimed  but  through  that  instilling  incentives Although reduced army  and  not and  broken  CONCLUSION;  a  new  spirit  remuneration  disappearing barriers  of  or and  a  wage  considerable  as  and  of  left  that  the  was these  basic  means.  in  changes  and  class  allocative society  I t was reduce  with  hoped material  Maoist  differentials  function  con-  Cultural  i n Chinese  these  industry.  "capitalist  There  e t h i c would  replace  and  allocative  differentiation  differing work  from  ideals.  were  the  government  HAD  PROFOUND  and  down.  MAOIST IN  IDEOLOGICAL  SHIFTING  STRUGGLE  greatest  HAS  ECONOMIC D E V E L O P M E N T S T R A T E G I E S  RELATED URBANIZATION  Of  to  part,  which  objectives  entirely rank  Mao's  country-  economy  agriculture  beginning  period  intact.  by  referred  income  the  priorities  at  from  "revisionism". on  the  i n emphasis  Apart  in both  particularly to  was  to  accompanied  spatial  characterized  Chinese  lead  Forward  i n the  shift  centres.  "economism"  eventually  a  main  Leap  population  changes  incentives  what  concern,  Revolution,  The  Great  urban  1960's were  to  and  the  the  industrial  material  rise  of  significant  early  tendencies"  would  in and  the  reliance This  to  existing  changes  failure  importance  EFFECTS AND  POLICIES.  in analyzing  the  consequences  of  120  changes is  not  i n urban the  actual  priorities, of  the  or  crafts  shifts of  implementing  during  the  irrigation,  flood  extents.  Thus  despite  there  been  continuity.  has  tension  persuasion  from  CONCLUSION:  A  First  between  Five-Year  material  liberation  Forward  ASPECTS  present  had  and and  Each  lasting  handilabour-  considerable have  shifts  been  retained  in strategies  There  has  incentives  also  and  and  been  ideological  on.  U N I Q U E S O C I A L I S T MODEL OF  C R E A T E D AS  the  has  industry  Plan,  the  to  programs.  time  c o n t r o l , of  to  perpetual  economic  Leap  during  priorities  the  Great  1949  s t r a t e g i e s , economic  s t r a t e g i e s over  importance varying  from  industries, small-scale  introduced mass  policies  i n development  development  Rural  intensive  economic  methods  various  effects.  and  CHINA RETAINS  FROM E A C H S T A G E  DEVELOPMENT  SOCIAL OF  ITS  AND  IS  BEING  ECONOMIC  IDEOLOGICAL  STRUGGLE.  In society been  their  efforts  Chinese  faced  with  a  growth,  policies  tated ment  a whole  and  investment  principles  strategies.  etc.  s e r i e s of  Of  willingness  a  questions  industrial  assuring  distribution  materials,  and  both  high  rates  and  investments, of the  rate  goods  consumer  of  in reality  true  s i g n i f i c a n c e then  Chinese  been  leaders,  formulated has  cadres  been and  modern have  conflicts rates  of  economic  improving  advancement  goods  additional questions.  a  leaders  growth while  Similarly and  and  other  regarding  have  of  socialist  policy-makers  s e r i e s of  agricultural  raw  create  planners,  between  income  to  among  have  necessi-  Economic  develop-  i n very the the  broad  flexibility population  to  innovate, is  experiment  certain  about  not  been  and  of great  that  i t has been  of  system  urban  sion  Urban  and Economic  Urban broad city  objective  and c o u n t r y .  community city  been  thesis  19.50's o n  of location I ) .  that i s  Interaction  at large;  as s t r o n g l y  many  the  impact  with the  influencing  economic  of information precludes  discus-  Policies  at eliminating policies  interest  reflect  China's  the difference  have  tended  between  to establish  and c o o p e r a t i o n between  t h e same way  o f community  city  planning  a  peasant i s designed  and b e l o n g i n g w i t h i n  the  urban  themselves. From  these  Chinese  rounding  even  policies  cities  merely  it.can  On t h e o t h e r  suggest  that  be s a f e l y  consumer  countryside of i t s  attributes. to  i t has  decision-  of decision-makers  planning policies  i n much  a sense  laws  thing  influences.  These  of mutual dweller  foster  areas  are  aimed  Chinese  interests  Lack  Planning  and economic  have  the early  i n Chapter  identified  suggested  from  socialist  and v e s t e d  decision-making.  of other  One  i s that  Changes  influencing  to Hamilton  c a n be  mistakes-  and t h a t  society.  i d e o l o g y ; and t h e i n t e r a c t i o n  and  to  China  shifted  particular  decision-makers  economic  and  have  the c r i t e r i a  (refer  their  I t i s the contention of this  policies  i n choosing  important  among  post-liberation  importance.  as China's  most  from  a conformist stagnant  that  makers  and l e a r n  entities  capital,  hand  stated  labour  i t would  the differences  that  draining and  city  the  longer sur-  entrepreneurial  be t o t a l l y  between  no  erroneous and c o u n t r y s i d e  have are  been  completely  s t i l l  established  production have  confined  industrialized,  of industry,  education  solely  provided  a doubt  But i n d u s t r i a l  t o them.  Rural  i n most  EFFECTIVE  almost  L I N K A G E S HAVE  URBAN AND RURAL  AREAS  the cities  centres.  cases  and i n a d d i t i o n equipped  s e r v i c e s which were  CONCLUSION:  f o r beyond  as t h e p r o d u c t i o n  i s no l o n g e r  been  types  eradicated,  with  with  unheard  areas  specific  h e a l t h and  of i n years  BEEN DEVELOPED  TO F A C I L I T A T E  past.  BETWEEN  T H E OUTWARD  D I F F U S I O N OF GROWTH AND W E L L - B E I N G .  As ing  Logan  country  without  states,  without  He  developing  result  and  there  will  nation  i n methods  o f improved  CONCLUSION:  outward".  when  economic  MECHANISMS  EXIST.  THEY ARE:  POLICIES  2)  structural  than  issue  a  dis-  f o r any  the growth  development a higher  f o r t h e removal  STRONG  RURAL  o f d i f f u s i o n and  The d i f f u s i o n  communications,  forces working  1)  whereby  develop-  growth.proceeds".  A central  " i s t h e mechanism  stronger  stronger  further.  i na  urban-rural  as n a t i o n a l economic  i sdiffused  occurs  be a c o n t r a c t i o n r a t h e r  h i s arguments  the city  apparently a  an improvement  o f development  develops  in  dominance  the deliberate building of strong  relationships, persion  " i fbig-city  generated  outward i s '  i s high; level  this  being  of education  of obstacles.  FOR D I S P E R S I N G GROWTH  OUTWARD  OF I N D U S T R I A L D E C E N T R A L I Z A T I O N AND  INDUSTRIALIZATION.  C R E A T I O N OF A R E V O L U T I O N A R Y  CITY  STRUCTURE  WHICH L I N K S THE URBAN AREA A D M I N I S T R A T I V E L Y AND 3)  ECONOMICALLY  PROGRAMS,  SUCH  T O THE IMMEDIATE  AS " H S I A  KNOWLEDGE AND S E R V I C E S  FANG", TO RURAL  COUNTRYSIDE.  TO T A K E AREAS.  Logan nations tional  postulates  to  improve  l i n k a g e s .between u r b a n be  desirable to  sizes  to  foster  generated By  and  rural,  the  By  utilizing  ip-©'!i<c)i<es (have small  allowed  and them  industrial Policies  structural standards are  not  economic lished of  medium to  and  and  of  the  sized  pp.  policies  and  organiza-  of  then  i t  particular impulses  240-241)  which  are  aimed  d i f f e r e n c e s between labour,  centres  dispersed  has to  and  between  required  serve  urban  urban in-  industry  rural  areas.  structure  such  d istr ibution  cities the  developing  developmental  ideology  urban  for  areas  towns  (Logan,  manual  Chinese  parallel  throughout  increasingly  the  country  decentralized  and control  enterprises. for  d i s p e r s i n g growth i n Chinese areas  being  growth.  This  S M A L L AND  IN  not  help  foster  ensuring  that  improved  cosmetic,  nongenerative growth  multitude  of  small  urban  CENTRES  URBAN NETWORK ARE  RECEIVERS  SOCIETY.  that  these  areas  concomitants i s being and  medium  of  accompsize  network.  MEDIUM S I Z E  F O S T E R I N G THE  CHINESE  s o c i e t y by  will  of  TRADITIONAL AS  outward  allocation  the  traditional  ROLE,  are  allocated  by.utilizing  CONCLUSION:  of  rural  jpe&efidfiaFeedt]^^  in rural  China's  "spread  economic  traditional  change  just  possible  and  differences:  mental  agriculture the  a  center".  and  three  agriculture  serve  places  articulation  urban  between  and  create  largest  adopting  to  of  the  i n the  minimizing  dustry  of  i f i t i s not  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , communication  would  at  that  OF  OF  CHINA'S  PLAYING A  T E C H N O L O G Y AND  STRUCTURAL  MAJOR  INDUSTRY,  TRANSFORMATION  OF  centres  124  Although of  much  the central  quickened, panied  this  growth  city  important that  declared city  period  programs  sufficiency, An  government  particularly  from  improved  of economic  must  war  growth  from  medium  China's  fluctuating economic forces  modified.  concept  of controlled  city  away w i t h  urban  to control  areas  becoming  CITIES.  Such  them  altogether.  excessively  a strong a policy  of the previous  and s o c i a l  society,  undertaken  ITS  con-  development; i n  framework,  time  small  WITH  i s i n reality  and i n p a r t i c u l a r t h e change has been  into  IS MEETING  THE GROWTH OF  takes  of  and b y d i r e c t i n g  CHINA  political  past.  the nature  industries,  a nation  i t seconomic  played  by changing  R E P U B L I C OF  LARGEST  through  they  and e s t a b l i s h e d  I N CONTROLLING  that  from  within  SUCCESS  a t work  have n o t  are not attempting  the r o l e  and l i f e  PEOPLE'S  one.  the Chinese  accomplished  THE  momentum  philosophy  significantly  i n years  centres.  case,  self-  playing  growth  and g u i d i n g  s e l f - r e l i a n c e and  been  cities  controlling urbanization  trolling  and  They a r e  sized  CONCLUSION:  By  o f doing  anti-urbanism  Accom-  alienating characteristics.  i s being  new  have  They  i s to prevent  existing cities  grvow'th, b o t h and  and r e g i o n a l  realized i s that  i n the sense  objective  their  increased  of this  and d e v e l o p i n g  o f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n has  on by  aspect  large  i n t h e hands  the C u l t u r a l Revolution.  rates  be  i s s t i l l  since  on t h e c i t i e s .  them  process  growth  objective  This  this  of urban  Their  preventing  planning  albeit  t o implement.  a The  the demographic in political  a l l require  significant  125  time  for  their  effects  Therefore That  i s to  there  are  before  cess, has  say, more  now  that  Chinese  living  history.  compared i s the  a  to  nine  1953,  approximately  China  now  ten  Cultural  appears and  years.  into  small  living  between  from  such by  communities  Urban velopment  back  and  to  the  Within  city  the  that  planning, a  downtown  series does  changed  and  given  nation the  that of  not  being  the  two  Chinese  have  communities or  the where  i s at  1960s,  over  the the  directed  population 1949,  and  es-  of  varying p.  414)  regional  de-  economic  are  inseparable.  s t r e s s e d community metropolitan a  least  past  satellite  1976,  in reality  physically  exist  Chang,  in  comfortable  into  since  urban,  metropolitan  made m o r e  The  pro-  to  cities  largest  political  a  despite  strongly parallels the  as  early  newer  either  little  "million  i t i s being  into  The  (Sen-dou  25  urbanized  occurred  but  ever  particularly  i n the  countryside.  i n China  itself so  are  then  areas  percent  has  and  population  million.  planning of  resembles  6  planning  philosophy  their  Shanghai  rural  urbanized  is continuing  redirecting  or  13  percent  cities  today  curtailed,  urbanized  c o a s t a l areas.  as  from  growth which  size  r e p o r t e d l y has 5.5  16-17  growth  medium  away  communities  be  people)  Urbanization  Being  percent  industrial  and  tablished  Shanghai  to  Urban  been  contained.  approximately  people  Revolution. 19  are  been  million  areas  i n 1953.  of  not  (120-140  i n urban  f o r a l l i n t e n s i v e purposes  economic  s t a t e has  There  movement  the  or  felt-  i n a c t u a l numbers  since  for  be  u r b a n i z a t i o n as  i n China's  cities"  to  in  centre  large central de-emphasized.  core To  foster where  this  possible  facilities and  sense  as  of  to  structure  well  political  community  as  a  services.  traditionally  other  societies, particularly on  the  Chinese However, with  there  most  levels  local  of  the  Chinese  and  over-all national  the  economy  byword  structure  control.  that  In  involvement  the  the  investment  and  policy. From  in  central  planning,  p.  and  place  world,  and  social  theory,  in  whereas  in  the  focus  i t would  a  power be  In  that  be  without  a l l the  and  central  to  develop  above  has  The  control.  and  that  The  decentralized means  economic  required  in  con-  life  of  that  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of  firmly established  factors  a  neighbourhood  social  and  planning  people.  reflects  Chinese  the  their  impossible  city  activity,  institutions  decentralized  political,  organized.  Centralizing  planning.  assumption  in  well  economic  organization.  Achieving  national  Chinese  143)  preceding  government  statements has  developmental control  planning.  extensive  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of  for  Chinese  production  significant  adaptive  the  political  (Kirby, the  the  work  Western  i n t e r e s t s of  living  neighbourhood. of  have  autonomy  plan  of  fact,  devolution  the  serve  the  structured  i n economic  from  of  production  large.  i s c e n t r a l i z e d planning,  internal  stant  start  on  attempted  around  propaganda  remarkable  community  certainly exist  to  at  a  have  creation  the  is well  is s t i l l  considerable  various  focused  community  society  the  Communist  has  been  Chinese  neighbourhood  through  fact,  has  the  i t can  control  planning, over  over but  their  own  be  concluded  national  local  economic  areas  affairs  that  or  and  institutions problems,  127  CONCLUSION:  THE  TWO  MASS AND  One great that to  of  see  and  fuse city  look as  the  planner.  into  i n d u s t r y and and  to  URBAN  not  been  nonetheless The  discussed  be  people  are  society divided  see  planning,  is  not  willing  into  bureau-  particularly  at  and  mental  at  mentioned,  agriculture,  manual  the  and  labour,  countryside. Revolution  and  resulted  in  " t e c h n i c i a n " or technical  the  "bottom  up"  The  and  as  "expert"  and  certainly  important  experts  life.  framework  H E A R T OF  AND  complexities  Cultural  struggle  CENTRALISM  consideration local  The  healthy  THE  has  socialist  They want take  and  to  should  for a  parts.  that  which  of  OF  PLANNING.  planning  but  role  level,  thus  of  planning  cratic local  the  PRINCIPLES  P A R T I C I P A T I O N ARE ECONOMIC  aspect  lengths,  BASIC  have  "top  deal  opposed  with to  changes  played. been  i n the  In  people planning  have  role  essence  limited  down" p r o c e s s  Chinese  strengthened  or  the  out-  planner  bureaucracies  de-emphasized  i s enjoying shown  problems  leaving planning  this  an  a  very  amazing  through  i n the  while  a  ability  political  hands  of  the  experts.  Lessons  To  The  Be  Learned  relevance  prototype  of  urban  licated  i n other  World.  Its value  raises  about  the  of  And  Further  Investigation  the  Chinese  model  and  economic  nations, rests  development  whether  i n the  s t r u c t u r e and  i s not  i n being  that  can  they  be  developed  context  of  the  relationship  of  be or  questions the  city  a dupThird i t to  128  social  and e c o n o m i c  obviously to  be  n o t a p e r f e c t e d one.  so.  But i t i s a design  alternative countries study  development  approach  and l e a r n  CONCLUSION;  from  IN  In the it. of  I f this  i s t o be  promise  as an  the quality  of life  i n many  questioned.  SOME  PLANNING  ARE  GENERIC IN  P E O P L E S AN A L T E R N A T I V E S O C I E T Y  discussion  t h e onus  the Chinese  a possibility  made  have  already  the c i t i e s  themselves.  to  the corresponding  then  much  t o b e made  between  the l i t e r a t u r e . also  these  placed  and l e a r n more known  units  planning  The s p e c i f i c  require extensive  lightly  of housing  of  process structure  and t h e p r o c e s s e s  areas  from  t o us.  o f the urban  organizations i s only  on  knowledge  to serious limitations  The r e l a t i o n  political  has been  experience  i n f o r m a t i o n and t o t h e a c t u a l  transportation  I t i s up t o us t o  experience.  ECONOMIC  Republic w i l l  in  mechanisms  great  OFFERED.  has been  statistical  -in  FOR  t o study  the People's  Reference  i s being  URBAN AND  the preceding  individual  do n o t p r o f e s s i t  offers  model i s  TO B E LEARNED" FROM C H I N A ' S E X P E R I E N C E  NATURE. 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Snow, E d g a r . 1971.  The Long  Revolution.  New  York:  Random  House,  S t a r r , John Bryan. I d e o l o g y And C u l t u r e : An I n t r o d u c t i o n Tp The D i a l e c t i c Of Contemporary C h i n e s e P o l i t i c s . New York: H a r p e r a n d Row, 1 9 7 3 . S t e i n e r , H. A r t h u r . "Communist C h i n e s e U r b a n P o l i c y " . American P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review. V o l . 4 4 , N o . 1, M a r c h 1950, p p . 4 7 - 6 3 . Tannebaum, G e r a l d . " S h a n g h a i S c e n e s - The P a s t And The Present". Eastern Horizon. V o l . 5, N o . 3, M a r c h 1 9 6 6 , pp. 48-54.  139  Tannebaum, G e r a l d . Present". Eastern pp. 35-42. Terrill, Monthly.  China. 1975.  Ross. Vol.  "Shanghai Scenes H o r i z o n . . V o l . 5,  - T h e P a s t And The No. 4, A p r i l 1966,  "Peking: H e a r t Of A s i a " . 2 3 6 , No. 3, S e p t e m b e r 1 9 7 5 ,  The pp.  Atlantic 68-78.  . F l o w e r s On A n I r o n T r e e : F i v e C i t i e s Of B o s t o n and T o r o n t o : L i t t l e , Brown and Company,  Thorn, B i n g . " A r c h i t e c t u r e And P l a n n i n g R e f l e c t S o c i a l Values I n O l d A n d New China". Canada-China F r i e n d s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n Newsletter. V o l . 6, No. 2, J u l y 1 9 7 5 , pp. 15-20. Thompson, R o b i n . Design. V o l . 49,  Vol.  3,  Nos.  " C o n t a i n i n g The C i t y " . Architectural No. 3, 1 9 7 4 , pp. 150-153.  . " C i t y Planning In China". World & 8, J u l y - A u g u s t 1 9 7 5 , pp. 595-605.  7  Development.  T i e n , H. Y u a n . China's Population Struggle. Demographic D e c i s i o n s Of The P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c , 1949-1969. Columbus, U.S.A.: Ohio State U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1973. . "Fertility In C h i n a " . Modern China. pp. 447-462.  D e c l i n e V i a M a r i t a l Postponement V o l . 1, No. 4, O c t o b e r 1975,  Towers, Graham. "City Planning R o y a l Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e . pp. 125-127.  Vol.  158,  Vol.  3,  No.  No.  .. "China Today". 5 1 , D e c e m b e r 19 &  _. 10,  "The C h i n e s e O c t o b e r 1974,  In China". J o u r n a l Of V o l . 5 9 , No. 3, M a r c h  The 1973,  The A r c h i t e c t s J o u r n a l . 26, 1973, pp. 1514-1543.  Experience". pp. 526-529.  Built.Environment.  T r e w a r t h a , G. T. "Chinese C i t i e s : Numbers And Distribution". A n n a l s Of The A s s o c i a t i o n Of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s . V o l . 41, 1951, pp. 331-347. • . A n n a l s Of 1952, pp.  . "Chinese C i t i e s : O r i g i n s And F u n c t i o n s " . The A s s o c i a t i o n Of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s . V o l . 42, 69-93.  U l l m a n , M o r r i s B. C i t i e s Of M a i n l a n d C h i n a : 1953 A n d I n t e r n a t i o n a l P o p u l a t i o n R e p o r t s , S e r i e s P-95, No. 59. Washington, D.C: U.S. B u r e a u Of The C e n s u s , 1961.  1958.  140  V o g e l , E z r a F. C a n t o n U n d e r Communism: P r o g r a m s And P o l i t i c s I n A P r o v i n c i a l C a p i t a l , 1949-1968. Cambridge, Massachusetts: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969. W a g n e r , W. F . "A R e p o r t On L i f e - A n d A r c h i t e c t u r e - I n China". A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record. V o l . 156, No. 4 ( 9 ) , September 1974, pp. 111-124. Webb, Sam. " C h i n a , T h e R o a d T o W i s d o m H a s No E n d . . . " A r c h i t e c t u r a l Design. V o l . 4 9 , N o . 4, 1 9 7 4 , p p . 2 1 8 - 2 2 2 . Wei C h i n . "Sian: A n c i e n t A n d New". China V o l . 2 3 , N o . 6, J u n e 1 9 7 4 , p p . 2 8 - 3 5 .  Reconstructs.  W e r t h e i m , W. F . a n d L . C h . S c h e n k - S a n d b e r g e n . P o l a r i t y And E q u a l i t y In China. V o o r p u b l i k a t i e N r . 7, A f d e l i n g Zuid-en Z u i d o o s t A z i e , A n t h r o p o l o g i s c h - S o c i o l o g i s e h Centrum, U n i v e r s i t e i t V a n Amsterdam, 1973. W h e e l w r i g h t , E . L . and B r u c e M c F a r l a n e . The C h i n e s e Road To ' S o c i a l i s m . New Y o r k a n d L o n d o n : Monthly Review Press, 1970. W h i t e , L y n n T. "Leadership I n Shanghai, 1955-69". In Elites I n The P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c Of C h i n a . E d i t e d b y R o b e r t A. Scalapino. Seattle? U n i v e r s i t y Of W a s h i n g t o n P r e s s , 1972. W i e n s , H. J . "The H i s t o r i c a l and G e o g r a p h i c a l R o l e o f Urumchi, C a p i t a l o f C h i n e s e C e n t r a l A s i a " . ' Annals Of The A s s o c i a t i o n Of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s . V o l . 53, 1963, p. 456. i W i l l m o t t , W. E . "The C h i n e s e C i t y And The C h i n e s e R e v o l u t i o n " . A review a r t i c l e i n P a c i f i c A f f a i r s . V o l . 4 9 , No]. 2, Summer 1976, pp. 325-330. W i l s h e r , P e t e r and Rosemary R i g h t e r . " T h e Two S h a n g h a i s " . I n c h a p t e r 16 o f T h e E x p l o d i n g C i t i e s . New Y o r k : Quadrangle/ T h e New Y o r k T i m e s B o o k C o . , 1 9 7 5 . Wu, Y u a n - L i . " P r i n c i p a l I n d u s t r i a l C i t i e s I n Communist China: R e g i o n a l D i s t r i b u t i o n And R a n k i n g " . Contemporary C h i n a 1961-1962. E d i t e d by E. .Stuart K i r b y . Hong Kong: Hong Kpng U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 3 .  York:  . T h e S p a t i a l Economy Of Communist F r e d e r i c k A. P r a e g e r , P u b l i s h e r s , 1 9 6 7 .  China.  Yang, G l a d y s . "Parks And P l e a s u r e Grounds Of P e k i n g " . Eastern Horizon. V o l . 3, N o . 6, J u n e 1 9 6 4 , p p . 4 1 - 4 5 .  New  141  Ying-Mao Kau. "The U r b a n B u r e a u c r a t i c E l i t e I n Communist China: A C a s e S t u d y O f Wuhan, 1 9 4 9 - 6 5 " . In Chinese Communist P o l i t i c s I n A c t i o n . E d i t e d b y A. D. B a r n e t t . Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y Of W a s h i n g t o n P r e s s , 1969. . " U r b a n And R u r a l S t r a t e g i e s I n T h e C h i n e s e Communist R e v o l u t i o n " . P e a s a n t R e b e l l i o n And Communist Revolution In Asia. E d i t e d by John Wilson Lewis. Stanford, California: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974.  142  GLOSSARY  Cadre  Used i n r e f e r e n c e to a f u l l - t i m e f u n c t i o n a r y of the P a r t y or the government. A l s o used to designate a n y o n e e x e r c i s i n g l e a d e r s h i p i n an o r d i n a r y p o l i t i c a l o r working s i t u a t i o n . Centre Great  Party Leap  and  state  agencies  in  Peking.  Forward  I n i t i a t e d b y Mao i n 1958 - a plan to u t i l i z e C h i n a ' s v a s t manpower t o e f f e c t improvement i n i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e w i t h o u t foreign help. C o o p e r a t i v e s were merged i n t o p e o p l e ' s communes. A l l a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s w e r e m o b i l i z e d , a n d new techniques s u c h as e a r l y p l a n t i n g were e m p l o y e d . I n d u s t r y was largely d e c e n t r a l i z e d , and s m a l l - s c a l e p r o d u c t i o n a t t h e f a m i l y and v i l l a g e l e v e l was encouraged. N a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s and serious c r o p f a i l u r e s i n 1959, 1960, a n d 1961 l e d to the f a i l u r e of t h e G r e a t L e a p and a t e m p o r a r y l e s s e n i n g o f Mao's d i r e c t leadership. Hsiafanq  Periodical down f r o m y e a r a l a r g e number s i d e upon g r a d u a t i o n a s one o f t h e means and r u r a l l a b o u r on t h e o t h e r a r e t o be Hsianq became  l y l a r g e numbers o f w o r k e r s a r e s e n t the c i t i e s t o the c o u n t r y s i d e . Each of urban youth are sent t o the countryfrom middle s c h o o l . Hsiafang serves through which the b a r r i e r s between urban t h e one hand and m e n t a l and m a n u a l on removed.  Lowest-level rural c i v i l division, replaced during t h e G r e a t L e a p F o r w a r d b y t h e commune. The commune the b a s i c r u r a l p o l i t i c a l u n i t below the h s i e n .  Hsien  H s i e n - l e v e l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are the lowest l e v e l of o f f i c i a l c i t i e s and a r e u n d e r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f p r e f e c t u r a l a u t h o r i t i e s with a s t a t u s e q u i v a l e n t to a county. T h e y a r e t h e c o n t a c t c e n t r e s o f m o d e r n t e c h n o l o g y and intertechnology, and s e r v e as t h e c a t a l y s t f o r modernization and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s . A non-urban h s i e n is a county-size rural unit.  Mass  Line  T h i s term d e s i g n a t e s t h e type o f l e a d e r s h i p exp e c t e d o f c a d r e s d a t i n g back t o the 1930s. They a r e t o i n q u i r e among t h e m a s s e s f o r t h e i r i d e a s a n d d e s i r e s , t r a n s l a t e t h e s e i n t o s p e c i f i c p o l i c y p r o p o s a l s and take t h o s e b a c k t o t h e p e o p l e t o be p u t i n t o p r a c t i c e , and to be i m p r o v e d upon d e p e n d i n g upon t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e practice. T h e p r i n c i p l e i s summed u p i n t h e s l o g a n " F r o m t h e masses, t o the masses". Neighbourhood  Committee  Largely  voluntary  organizations  143  c o m p o s e d o f l o c a l p e o p l e n u m b e r i n g b e t w e e n 2 , 5 0 0 and 12,000 population. I t has no s p e c i f i e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n . The c o m m i t t e e ' s t a s k s a r e t o o r g a n i z e p e o p l e f o r s t u d y , to conduct e d u c a t i o n a l propaganda, t o o r g a n i z e work i n the home, t o o r g a n i z e t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o n q u e s t i o n s o f h y g i e n e and t o o r g a n i z e l o c a l c u l t u r a l productions. Prefecture  P r e f e c t u r e - l e v e l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are under the c o n t r o l of p r o v i n c e s or autonomous r e g i o n s . They s e r v e as the r e g i o n a l c o r e s o f a d e c e n t r a l i z e d u r b a n s y s t e m and a r e a g g r e g a t e s o f m o d e r n s e c t o r s o f t h e n a t i o n a l economy. They have the s t a t u s of a p r e f e c t u r e . Prefectures a r e an i n t e r m e d i a t e l e v e l o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n b e t w e e n p r o v i n c e s and h s i e n and i n c l u d e s e v e r a l h s i e n u n d e r t h e i r s u p e r v i s i o n . Revolutionary  A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body of workers o r members o f a p a r t i c u l a r organiz a t i o n t h a t a r o s e d u r i n g t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n as i t s leading policy-making and s u p e r v i s o r y b o d y . They are c u r r e n t l y "the l e a d e r s h i p b o d i e s o f a l l s o c i a l u n i t s o f C h i n e s e s o c i e t y f r o m communes t o p r o v i n c e s .  Shih  Committee  Or m u n i c i p a l i t y , d e f i n e d as l a t i o n o f 100,000 or more.  Socialist  a  settlement  with  a  popu-  Courtyard  A new lower l e v e l of urban government s t i l l i n the experimental stage. The " s o c i a l i s t c o u r t y a r d " o r " m u l t i - s t o r y b u i l d i n g management c o m m i t t e e " , w h i c h e n c o m p a s s e s b e t w e e n 100 a n d 200 people, undertakes a c t i v i t i e s to organize courtyard residents for s t u d y and c r i t i c i s m , p r o m o t e e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r e d u c a t i o n f o r y o u t h s and t e e n a g e r s , improve environmental hygiene a n d e s t a b l i s h new s o c i a l i s t i d e a s and c u l t u r e .  Street  Committee  The s m a l l e s t u n i t o f s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , e n c o m p a s s i n g b e t w e e n 50,000 and 100,000 people. I t o v e r s e e s f a c t o r i e s , c l i n i c s , s t u d y g r o u p s and schools. I t also handles inter-personal disputes. It is r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c a r r y i n g out the p o l i c i e s of the government . Treaty  Ports  A f t e r t h e O p i u m War o f 183 8-42, five cities were d e s i g n a t e d t r e a t y p o r t s , where the Western p o w e r s w e r e a l l o w e d t o s e t up t r a d i n g p o s t s and l i v e u n d e r the p r o v i s i o n s of the Nanking t r e a t y , which p r o v i d e d immunity from C h i n e s e law. As W e s t e r n p r e s s u r e i n c r e a s e d , t h e number o f these p o r t s expanded i n t o the s c o r e s . At the l a r g e r ones, s u c h as S h a n g h a i , T i e n t s i n , and Hankow, t h e p o w e r s w e r e granted t e r r i t o r i a l c o n c e s s i o n s , which, i n e f f e c t , were s m a l l c o l o n i e s t o t a l l y under the r u l e of the v a r i o u s Western n a t i o n s .  

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