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The ideology of the Indian reform movement in eighteenth-century Peru Statton, Marian Joyce Elaine 1977

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THE IDEOLOGY OF THE INDIAN REFORM MOVEMENT IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PERU B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966 M.A., Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968 A thesis submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of the requirements f o r the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The Department of Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies We accept t h i s t hesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1977 Marian Joyce Elaine Statton, 1977 Marian Joyce Elaine Statton In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. A Department of J-j \nflt\ft.M< % The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 i i ABSTRACT Spanish c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n created an Indian e l i t e i n Peru by-perpetuating the h i e r a r c h i c a l nature of Indian society. Spain gave a number of p r i v i l e g e s to the pre-Hispanic Indian leaders so that they would a s s i s t i n c o n t r o l l i n g and e x p l o i t i n g the majority Indian population. The intermediary p o s i t i o n of these Indian leaders created a tension between the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and l o y a l t i e s they derived from Spanish s o c i e t y and those they derived from t r a d i t i o n a l Indian society. By the eighteenth century Spanish e x p l o i t a t i o n of Indian s o c i e t y had exacerbated t h i s tension to the point where the Indian e l i t e was often subject to openly c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s . As a r e s u l t they faced the prospect of l o s i n g the s o c i a l and economic advantages which t h e i r intermediary r o l e o f f e r e d . Spanish c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n had also, however, assigned c o l o n i a l ad-m i n i s t r a t o r s a r e l i g i o u s o b l i g a t i o n to f o s t e r the welfare of Indians. Through the p r o t e c t o r a l system t h i s o b l i g a t i o n was incorporated i n t o the administrative bureaucracy. Throughout the eighteenth century the Indian e l i t e attempted to use both t h i s system and the theories on which i t had been founded to regain t h e i r e f f e c t i v e l y p r i v i l e g e d s tatus. From 1708 to 1737 the Indian e l i t e centred i n Lima p e t i t i o n e d both the Viceregal a u t h o r i t i e s and the Spanish Crown to demand the implementation of t h e i r l e g a l p r i v i l e g e s . Based on the theory that the Crown's benevolent intentions towards the Indians as a whole were the source of the p r i v i l e g e s granted the e l i t e , they began to incorporate the defense of common Indians into these p e t i t i o n s . Although the administration i i i responded to these petitions with approval i n theory, they brought l i t t l e i n the way of effective reform. By 1748 these petitions had created a coherent ideology for reform which the Indian e l i t e of Lima presented i n a document c a l l e d the Representaci6n  verdadera. A Franciscan, Fr. C a l i x t o Tupac Inga, played an important role i n urging the Indians to continue t h e i r petitions to the Crown rather than under-take revolt against the Spanish administration. The Representaci6n set out a number of broad reforms i n the c o l o n i a l administration designed to give Indians a more important and responsible position i n the government of Indian society under the Spanish regime. These reforms were expressed wi t h i n the structure of an analogy between the Jews of Babylon and the Indians i n Peru. This analogy was inspired by the writings of early Spanish missionaries and gave the plan f o r reform a Utopian connotation v/hich undermined i t s appeal for Spanish authorities. On the basis of Hispanic missionary ideals, the RepresentaciSn went as f a r as to j u s t i f y r e b e l l i o n as a means of destroying the tyrannical Spanish administration. General apprehensions about the p o s s i b i l i t y of Indian revolt, together with an actual uprising i n 1750 l e d by members of the Lima Indian e l i t e , moved the Viceregal administration to take repressive measures against Indian protest i n general and p a r t i c u l a r l y against Fr. C a l i x t o . This repression e f f e c t i v e l y put an end to the Lima Indian e l i t e ' s role as advocates of the welfare of r u r a l Indian society. The pattern of protest established by the Lima e l i t e and the ideology of reform developed i n the course of t h i s protest provided, however, the basis for Jose Gabriel Tupac i v Amaru, himself a r u r a l cacique, to advocate reform to improve the con d i t i o n of oppressed r u r a l Indians. When these appeals f a i l e d , he adopted the theory of r e b e l l i o n developed i n the Representacion to i n i t i a t e the r e b e l l i o n of 1?80 which now bears h i s name. The formation of Indian reformist thought w i t h i n the framework of Hispanic c o l o n i a l theory precluded i t from developing a r e a l i s t i c assessment of the complex s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s which existed i n c o l o n i a l Peru. As a r e s u l t , the Indian reformist movement, i l l prepared to meet the challenges presented by the changed circumstances of the 1780*3, was destined to die with i t s l a s t and most r a d i c a l exponent, Tupac Amaru I I . V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 NOTES 11 CHAPTER I The Origins of the Indian E l i t e in Spanish Colonial Legisla-tion 16 NOTES '37 CHAPTER II The Subjection of the Indian E l i t e to Spanish Exploitation in the Eighteenth Century kk NOTES 66 CHAPTER III The Origins of Indian Reformist Thought, Radical Religious 1 Ideals and the Spanish Protectoral System 80 NOTES 103 CHAPTER IV The Indian E l i t e as Protectors: 1708-1737 110 NOTES 137 CHAPTER V Radical Reform: The Representaci6n verdadera 14-3 NOTES 173 CHAPTER VI Repression and Rebellion: 1750-1780 185 NOTES 201 BIBLIOGRAPHY 205 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to express my thanks to Pablo Macera who, during h i s short stay i n Vancouver, gave me an appreciation of the p o t e n t i a l which the h i s t o r y of Indian society i n Peru offered f o r innovative research and interpretation. I would also l i k e to thank Roderick Barman for his painstaking comments on the composition of the dissertation as wel l as his patience i n supporting my work through what must have appeared to be often inexcusable delays. A number of people outside the University have contributed i n d i r e c t l y to the completion of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , and I would l i k e to thank two of them as representative of the others. F i r s t l y , my thanks go to Norman Leach as the most outspoken of those who made i t impossible for me to abandon the work. Secondly, I owe a great obligation to the family and friends who so generously relieved me of my domestic r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the l a s t few weeks of preparing the d i s s e r t a t i o n . Amongst these I gratefully acknowledge the outstanding and understanding cooperation of my husband, Brent. 1 INTRODUCTION The dramatic impact which the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru i n 1 ? 8 0 had on the Spanish administration of Peru has tended 'to overshadow 'the significance of the numerous l o c a l revolts and written protests' 'which preceded i t . Most historians interpret Indian participation' i n the r e b e l l i o n of 1780 as the culmination of the dissent' expressed i n both written protests and spontaneous uprisings beginning i n the 1720*s.^ Fev; scholars, however, have attempted to investigate the nature of these early manifestations of Indian discontent from any other than the vantage point of the re b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru. As a r e s u l t , our •histor-i c a l understanding of Indian d i s a f f e c t i o n with the Spanish administration i n the eighteenth century has been colored by the prevailing interpretation of the re b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru as separatist i n nature. While the American authority on t h i s r e b e l l i o n , L i l l i a n E s t e l l e Fisher, considers 2 i t to have been conservative and reformist xn i t s intent, thxs xnterpreta-t i o n has not been widely accepted by Peruvian scholars. On the contrary, the separatist interpretation presented by Daniel Valcarcel and Boleslao Lewin has been re i t e r a t e d and expanded by recent Peruvian studies.^ In the absence of authoritative studies on e a r l i e r manifestations of Indian dissent, t h i s emphasis on the separatist nature of the r e b e l l i o n of 1 7 8 0 2 threatens, by being projected back upon them, to dis t o r t our understanding of both the minor r e v o l t s and the written protests which preceded the re b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru. Our knowledge of e a r l i e r Indian revolts i s s t i l l founded largely on the summary descriptions of them given i n the memoriae of the Peruvian Viceroys and on occasional references scattered through otherwise unrelated documents. The r e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos which broke out i n 17^2 i n the Cerro de l a Sal region on the eastern side of the Andes i s a notable exception to t h i s general r u l e . Both Stefano Varese and Mario Castro Arenas have described t h i s r e b e l l i o n as marginal and messianic i n nature. The f a i l u r e of t h i s r e b e l l i o n to make any attempt to consolidate the foothold i t did gain i n the Andean region of Peru together with the complete d i s -integration of the r e b e l l i o n on the disappearance of i t s charismatic leader make any comparison between the r e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos and that 5 of Tupac Amaru highly debatable. The r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru drew i t s prime strength from the support of the Andean Indian population and con-tinued to threaten the Spanish administration even after the execution of i t s i n s t i g a t o r Jose Gabriel Tupac Amaru. The mestizo uprising i n Cochabamba i n 1750 and the conspiracy of Juan Velez de C6rdova i n Oruro i n 1739» both within the boundaries of present-day B o l i v i a , o f f e r more p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r comparison with the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru. Both occurred w e l l within the geographical area 3 effectively colonized by Spain and reveal at least superficial similarities to the' rebellion of I78O. For instance, the uprising in Co'chabamba was an immediate result of Spanish attempts to oblige mestizos to pay tribute, also a prime factor i n mestizo participation i n the rebellion Of Tupac Amaru. The conspiracy i n Oruro planned to oust the corrupt Spanish ad-ministration and i n s t a l l an Indian as King. There is 'some evidence-lto support the belief that the followers of Tupac Amaru planned to'crown him 7 as the legitimate ruler of Peru. The present lack of a comprehensive evaluation of a l l the factors involved in the uprising of Cochabamba and conspiracy of Oruro makes any conclusions which might be drawn from these apparent similarities with the rebellion of 1?80 highly speculative. Our understanding of the" "abortive Indian conspiracy i n Lima''and subsequent uprising i n Huarochiri i n 1750 i s hampered by a similar 'lack of studies. The leaders of this uprising also planned to i n s t a l l ah Pridian as monarch. An ajaalysis of the conditions which enabled the preddminatit'ly urban Indian leaders of the conspiracy of Lima to mobilize the' more rur a l population of Huarochiri i n an attack on the l o c a l Spanish administration would surely further our understanding of the factors influencing the subsequent participation of various Indian groups in the rebellion of g Tupac Amaru. There i s , however, s t i l l another important source of information on the development of Indian dissent i n the eighteenth century which has perhaps been even more neglected by historians as a result of the i r tendency to direct attention p r i m a r i l y to factors which support the separatist n a t i o n a l i s t interpretation of the r e b e l l i o n of 1780. While the existence of a considerable body of Indian protest l i t e r a t u r e dating from 1720 has been acknowledged for many years, the role which t h i s l i t e r a t u r e may have played i n shaping Indian opposition to the Spanish regime i n eighteenth-century Peru has yet to be evaluated. This dis s e r t a t i o n w i l l study t h i s l i t e r a t u r e not i n the reflected l i g h t of the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru, but rather i n the l i g h t of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l context i n which s p e c i f i c protests emerged and of the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s within which they were formulated. Aside from the overview presented i n Ruben Vargas Ugarte's H i s t o r i a Q general del Peru, only one serious study has attempted to interpret the Indian protest l i t e r a t u r e of the eighteenth century. John Rowe, i n h i s pioneering a r t i c l e " E l movimiento nacional inca del s i g l o XVIII," attempts to demonstrate that t h i s l i t e r a t u r e formed part of an Indian reformist movement which was inspired by a broad r e v i v a l of Inca nationalism and culminated i n the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru. 1 0 Rowe's interpretation presents one major problem. As Rowe himself recognizes, the repeated expressions of f i d e l i t y to the Spanish Crown found throughout the Indian protests as well as the Indian reformists* 5 adoption of Spanish p o l i t i c a l and religious models conflict with the nationalist interpretation. 1 1 Rowe tries to resolve this contradiction by suggesting that the influence of Hispanic domination on Inca culture was formal and superficial rather than substantial. He uses a graphic metaphor to state this contention: "un inca a caballo con un sombrero 12 de tres picos no deja de ser un inca." And, as the following quotation makes clear, Rowe a l s o insists that Inca culture exercised a substantial influence on the formulation of the Indian reformists* plans: "Quisieron constituir un gobierno y una sociedad organizados en beneficio del elemento indigena y guiados por l a tradici6n de los incas, con los cuales les seria posible cultivar su propia lengua y desarrollar su propia 13 cultura sin presiones directas de los europeos." It i s clear from these references to language and culture that Rowe believes that the Indian reformists wanted to perpetuate their Incaic cultural and ling u i s t i c heritage quite independently of i t s existing relationship to the dominant Hispanic culture. However, absolutely no evidence to support this belief can be found i n any of the Indian protest documents. Although Rowe theorizes that the Inca nationalists' use of Hispanic p o l i t i c a l and religious models would be guided by Incaic tradition, this dissertation w i l l demonstrate that the use which the Indian protesters did i n fact make of these models was guided by Spanish colonial ideals and 6 the l e g a l i s t i c practices of the Spanish c o l o n i a l bureaucracy. Since Rowe's interpretation of "Inca nationalism" as the motivating factor behind the Indian reformist movement c o n f l i c t s so dramatically both with the declared intent of the protest l i t e r a t u r e i t s e l f and with the a c t i v i t i e s which the Indian reformists undertook i n order to achieve t h e i r reformist goals, the evidence on which Rowe bases h i s interpretation warrants close examination. Rowe supports h i s theory of the existence of an Inca nationalist movement i n the eighteenth century with evidence both of the su r v i v a l of various elements of Inca culture and of a renewed interest i n Inca t r a d i t i o n i n the eighteenth century. The evidence presented by Rowe, however, does not constitute convincing proof of the significance of these factors as motivating forces behind the Indian Ik reform movement. On the contrary, some of the evidence can be interpreted to equal advantage to show the Indian reformists* adoption of Hispanic values. Rowe's own study demonstrates that the main reason f o r the perpetua-t i o n of some elements of Incaic culture was as a means of obtaining p r i v i l e g e s from the Spanish administration. For instance, according to Rowe, the preservation of genealogical t r a d i t i o n s served primarily to establi s h the individual's right to enjoy s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s granted by Spain to the descendants of the Inca n o b i l i t y or to hold the o f f i c e of 7 cacique which, guaranteed a l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the benefits to be 15 derived from the exploitation of Indian resources. S i m i l a r l y , Rowe interprets the "representaciones dramaticas de 16 episodios de l a h i s t o r i a antigua" as evidence of a r e v i v a l i n Inca n a t i o n a l i s t s p i r i t i n the eighteenth century. Yet thel only dramatization which Rowe s p e c i f i c a l l y mentions was performed i n conjunction with the celebration of an important Spanish event, the coronation of King Ferdinand VI i n 1743. In t h i s context the "representaciones" served two purposes. They symbolized the voluntary submission of Inca rulers to the Spanish Crown and provided a v i s i b l e reminder of the privileged status granted 17 the descendants of the Inca r u l e r s v/ithin the Spanish c o l o n i a l system. Thus these "representaciones" are not of themselves demonstrative of a r e v i v a l i n Inca n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment. Rowe deduces a r e v i v a l i n Inca n a t i o n a l i s t s p i r i t from the fact that p o r t r a i t s of several eighteenth-century Indian nobles depict them wearing Inca a t t i r e while those of the sixteenth-century forbears show them 18 wearing Spanish dress. Yet the vehement protests made by the urban Indian nobles against Spanish decrees pro h i b i t i n g t h e i r wearing s i l k s and fringes, generally considered to be opulent additions to Spanish forms of dress, indicate that these nobles s t i l l considered Spanish a t t i r e to be a 19 sign of prestige. Tupac Amaru, considered by Rowe to be the leader par 8 excellence of the Inca na t i o n a l i s t movement, wore both Inca and Spanish d r e s s . ^ One of the main points of evidence on which Rowe's theory of Inca nationalism rests i s the r e v i v a l of interest shown i n the eighteenth century i n the histo r y of the Incas written by the Inca Garcilaso de l a 21 Vega. Rowe provides convincing evidence of Garcilaso's influence on 22 the Indians' version of sp e c i f i c aspects of Inca history. I t was Garcilaso's powerful writing, i n Rowe's opinion, that induced the Indians to adopt h i s version of Inca histo r y i n spite of i t s incompatibility with the interpretation which Rowe believes they had received through oral t r a d i t i o n : Verdad que l a h i s t o r i a de Garcilaso se apart6 en numerosos puntos de l a t r a d i c i 6 n o r a l todavia conservada, y ha debido haber debates . muy animados entre los nobles sobre estos puntos. Pero quien podia dudar de l a autoridad de un l i b r o famoso e s c r i t o por un pariente con i g u a l acceso a l a t r a d i c i 6 n y s i g l o y medio anterior. Los Tomases concluyeron que l a t r a d i c i f i n misma habia debido corromperse, y se conformaron, poniendose a corregirlo siguiendo l a s indicaciones del h i j o de Chimpu 0 c l l o . 2 3 This speculation could easily be avoided by considering the renewed interest i n Garcilaso as evidence simply of the discovery by the Indian n o b i l i t y of a coherent interpretation of a c u l t u r a l heritage which had otherwise been preserved only i n a limited and selective manner during 9 the c o l o n i a l period. Indeed, the popularity of Garcilaso's v e r s i o n of Inca h i s t o r y may be seen, not as an i n d i c a t i o n of Inca nationalism, but rather as proof of the a c c e p t a b i l i t y to the Indian n o b i l i t y of an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Inca h i s t o r y and culture based l a r g e l y on Hispanic values. Garcilaso's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Inca hi s t o r y was greatly influenced by Renaissance idealism and, as Rowe himself admits, Garcilaso's reputation as an authority on Inca matters was founded l a r g e l y on the acclaim which h i s 25 writings received m Europe. Thus the influence of Ga r c i l a s o Inca on the Indian n o b i l i t y i n the eighteenth century, l i k e other points of evidence used by Rowe to support h i s theory of Inca nationalism, i s e n t i r e l y compatible with an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Indian reform movement as motivated by Hispanic values and dedicated to the continuation of a reformed Spanish c o l o n i a l regime i n Peru. Th i s d i s s e r t a t i o n w i l l support t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with evidence drawn from an an a l y s i s of the s o c i a l and economic p o s i t i o n of the Indian groups which provided the leaders of the Indian reform movement as we l l as from the a c t i v i t i e s of the Indian reformists and the texts of t h e i r w r i t t e n protests. As the fol l o w i n g chapters w i l l show, the Indian reform movement was a product of an Indian e l i t e , descendants of the Incaic n o b i l i t y and hereditary l o c a l c h i e f s . This e l i t e r e l i e d on p r i v i l e g e s 10 granted i t s members early i n the col o n i a l period to maintain a superior s o c i a l and economic position i n r e l a t i o n to the Indian masses. When changed p o l i t i c a l and economic conditions i n the eighteenth century threatened the e l i t e ' s superior status, some of i t s members pro-tested against these changes to the Spanish administration. In these protests they stressed the l e g a l basis for t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l l y privileged p o s i t i o n . The f a i l u r e of these protests to bring effective results caused the reformists to present further and stronger protests incorporating more and more evidence drawn from Spanish colonial l e g i s l a t i o n and Spanish colon-i a l t h e o r i s t s i n support of t h e i r cause. By 1750 these protests had resulted i n the creation of a coherent ideology f o r reform based on Spanish protectoral l e g i s l a t i o n and on the r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s ideals' which had been instrumental i n the formation of that l e g i s l a t i o n . Accordingly, the Indian protests of the eighteenth century were dedicated to establishing not an independent state guided by Inca t r a d i t i o n s , but the idealized c o l o n i a l society which had been the avowed aim of the Spanish regime i n America. 11 NOTES INTRODUCTION 1 Daniel V a l c a r c e l , La rebeli6n de Tupac Amaru (Mexico and Buenos Aires, 194-7) 1 pp. 25-38; Luis Durand FLorez, Independencia _e integra'cl6n  en e l plan p o l i t i c o de Tupac Amaru (Lima, 1973)» pp. 36-39; Boleslao Lewin, La rebeli6n de Tupac Amaru y_ los orlgenes de l a emancipaci'6n  americana (Buenos, A i r e s , 1957)* p. 420; John H. Rowe, " E l movimiento nacional inca del s i g l o XVIII," Revista u n i v e r s i t a r i a , 4-3, No. 107 (Cuzco, 1954-), 17-4-7; and L i l l i a n E s t e l l e Fisher, The Last Inca Revolt, 1780-1783 (Norman, 1966), p. 20. Fisher, pp. 130-139. 3 The separatist interpretation of the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru presented by Val c a r c e l , La rebeli6n de Tupac Amaru and Lev/in, La rebeli6n  de Tupac Amaru has provided the basis for Luis Durand Fl6rez i n Independencia — integraci6n and Juan Jose Vega i n Jos§ Gabriel Tupac Amaru (Lima, 19^9)1 to interpret the r e b e l l i o n of 1780 as a precursor of a state of national independence and integration yet to be established i n Peru. The separatist interpretation has also been reite r a t e d by Valcarcel and other contributors 12 to the F i f t h International Congress of History of America which took place i n Lima i n 1971. John Fisher i n h i s contribution to that Congress registered a note of dissent with t h i s popular interpretation: No obstante l a h o s t i l i d a d c r i o l l a hacia e l levantamiento de Tupac Amaru, y no obstante los liraitados objetivos de su jefe, algunos historiadores nan sido'-tentados de considerar a l a rebeli6n como un intento de lograr l a independencia. [Con e l sesquicentenario de'la i n -dependencia del Peru, l a presi6n para hacer de Tupac Amaru e l primero de los grandes precursores crece aun mas.] See "La rebeli6n de Tupac Amaru y e l programa de l a reforma imperial de Carlos I I I , " Quinto congreso international de h i s t o r i a de America (Lima, 1972),. I I , 4-11. Juan Perez de Tudela y Bueso also supported a l o y a l i s t interpretation of Tupac Amaru. See "Acerca del significado de Tupac Amaru en l a h i s t o r i a p o l i t i c a de l a monarquia indiana," Quinto congreso, pp. 4-18-498. ^ Stefano Varese, La s a l de los cerros (Lima, 1968); Mario Castro Arenas, La rebeli6n de Juan Santos (Lima, 1973); and ed. Francisco A. Loayza, Juan Santos e l invencible (Manuscritos del alio de 1742 a l alio de 1755) (Lima, 1942). 5 The Indians l e d by Juan Santos were i n complete control of Andamarca for three days i n 1752 but did not attempt to extend their influence further, probably because of the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of t h e i r g u e r r i l l a - s t y l e warfare to the barren Andean t e r r a i n . -Castro Arenas, pp. 137-14-2. In spite of the obvious differences between the r e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos and that of Tupac Amaru, the personalities and s o c i a l backgrounds of the two leaders o f f e r some basis for comparison. Castro 13 Arenas, p. 157. ^ See Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Historia general del Peru: Vi'rrexriato (1689-1776) (Lima, 1966), IV, 167-170 for details of the revolt in Cochabamba. n See Vargas, Historia, IV, 207-208 for details of the conspiracy of Oruro and Durand Fl6rez, Independencia, pp. 14/1-146 and Lewin, La r e b e l i 6 n , pp. ^ 25-^28 for the evidence regarding the possible coronation of Tupac Amaru. For a refutation of the validity of this evidence as proof of Tupac Amaru's intention of having himself crowned see Lillian Estelle Fisher, pp. 135-136. g Vargas, Historia, IV, 24-9-251. ^ Vargas, Historia, IV, 24-2-24-9. Rowe, "Movimiento," pp. 28-39. 11 "Movimiento," pp. 28-29. 12 "Movimiento," p. 29. 13 "Movimiento," p. 29. 14-Some of the examples offered by Ro\*e of the preservation of Inca culture relate largely to the Indian masses, and therefore do not provide evidence for the survival of Inca tradition amongst the Indian nobility whom Rowe himself identifies as the leaders of Inca nationalism. He mentions, for instance, the survival of Inca cults amongst the Indian Ik masses, yet asserts that these c u l t s had l i t t l e influence amonst the n o b i l i t y ("Movimiento," p. 2 2 ) . On the other hand, Rowe chooses to ignore the evidence which does exi s t of elements of messianic C h r i s t i a n i t y i n popular rumors of the restoration of the Inca monarchy i n the eighteenth century. Prophecies involving the return of the Inca empire to i t s legitimate rulers were attributed to Santa Rosa and figured i n the Lima conspiracy of 1750 and i n a popular be l i e f i n the imminent coronation of an Inca monarch i n 1 7 7 7 . See Vargas, H i s t o r i a , IV, 24-9, and Valcarcel, La rebeli6n, pp. 3 2 - 3 5 . 1 5 "Movimiento," pp. 2 0 - 2 1 . 1 6 "Movimiento," p. 2k. 1 7 See p. 14-5 of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . 18 "Movimiento," p. 2 3 . These protests are studied i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , pp. 1 2 0 - 1 2 2 . 2 0 Valcarcel, pp. 4-7, 74- and Lewin, p. 3 9 5 . 2 1 Garcilaso de l a Vega, " E l Inca," Primera parte de lo s comentarios reales, que tratan, de e l origen de los Incas, reies que fueron del Peru, de su i d o l a t r i a , l e i e s , y_ govierno, en paz, £ jen guerrat de sus vidas, y_ conquistas; y_ de todo l o que fue aquel imperio, y_ su Republica, antes que los Espanoles pasaran a e l , ed. Nicolas Rodriguez Franco (Madrid, 1 7 2 3 ) . 2 2 "Movimiento," pp. 2 5 - 2 6 . 23 "Movimiento," p. 24-. 15 Rowe himself states "no conocemos ninguna cr6nica de l a h i s t o r i a inca basada en un re g i s t r o directo de l a t r a d i c i 6 n o r a l que fue re~ copilada despu€s de 164-0." ("Movimiento," p. 23.) 25 "Movimiento," pp. 24-, 26; Luis A. Arocena, E l inca Garcilaso y_ e l humanismo renacentista (Buenos Aires, 194-9); and Donald G. Castanien, E l Inca Garcilaso de l a Vega (New York, 1969). 16 CHAPTER I The Origins of the Indian E l i t e i n Spanish Colonial Legislation The eighteenth-century Indian reform movement advocated changes i n the Spanish system of governing the Peruvian Indians as a means of strengthening both the human and material resources of Indian society so that they could once again support the privileged groups which had emerged early i n the colonial period. The existence of the privileged Indian groups which provided the leaders of the reform movement was a direct result of Spanish colonial policy, and particularly of the system used to govern the Indians i n Spanish Peru. This system, consolidated and codified by Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy of Peru from 1569 to I58I, resulted in the creation of an o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned Indian e l i t e which survived un t i l the end of the eighteenth century.^ This Indian e l i t e had i t s origin in Toledo's o f f i c i a l adoption of a 2 practice used in Peru by other administrators and common i n other Spanish colonies, the alliance between Spain and a group of influential Indians. These Indians served as a buffer between the minority Spanish government and the Indian majority. In return for assisting Spain in the consolidation 17 and maintenance of her minority r u l e and i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the colony's resources, these Indians derived power and p r e s t i g e from t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with the r u l i n g s o c i e t y . As intermediaries between the two s o c i e t i e s , they acted both as agents of Spanish s o c i e t y and leaders of Indian society. T h i s r o l e assured them some status, however equivocal, i n both s o c i e t i e s . Spain guaranteed t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status i n Indian s o c i e t y by granting them ex-3 emption from t r i b u t e payment, the head tax which served as the mark of Indian subjugation. This exemption both served as proof of t h e i r favored status i n Spanish eyes, and, since a s i m i l a r exemption had marked members of the r u l i n g hierarchy i n Incaic times, confirmed t h e i r superior status i n k the eyes of the Indian masses. This exemption also endowed them with a considerable advantage over t h e i r fellow Indians, an advantage which they could use to r e i n f o r c e t h e i r p r e s t i g e with the symbols of wealth and status common to Indian and Spanish s o c i e t y . While some elements of the c o l o n i a l Indian e l i t e were drawn from the pre-Hispanic r u l i n g hierarchy, others were created as a r e s u l t of Spain's imposition of Spanish-patterned i n s t i t u t i o n s on Indian s o c i e t y . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , Spain's a l l i a n c e with the e x i s t i n g r u l i n g hierarchy would not only c o n c i l i a t e t h i s i n f l u e n t i a l group, but also provide a means of c o n t r o l l i n g the numerically superior Indian population. Such an a l l i a n c e , however, ran counter to p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l theories which advocated 18 i s o l a t i n g the leaders of conquered peoples from a position of power to avoid the r i s k of r e b e l l i o n , Toledo devised a system designed to minimize t h i s r i s k yet s t i l l take advantage of the authority of the pre-Hispanic Indian leadership. The most powerful element of the Incaic r u l i n g hierarchy, the'iJiemlers of the eleven royal a y l l u s , a l l direct descendants of Inca r u l e r s , was relegated to a purely symbolic r o l e by the Spanish regime which excluded i t from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the d i r e c t control of the Indian population. The members of the royal a y l l u s , who may be termed the higher n o b i l i t y of the Inca regime, were required to demonstrate t h e i r loyalty to the Spanish Crown on ceremonial occasions as evidence of t h e i r voluntary surrender of sovereignty. In exchange for t h i s service, they were recognized as equals 5 of Spanish n o b i l i t y and granted exemption from t r i b u t e . The systematic withdrawal of r e a l power from the Inca higher n o b i l i t y forced them either to accept a purely decorative status or to seek positions of power within the system of government created by Toledo f o r the Indians. Toledo's system of l o c a l government for the Indians combined both Hispanic and Incaic elements under the supervision of a Spanish corregidor  de i n d i o s , e s s e n t i a l l y a l o c a l governor. As f a r as possible, however, Toledo attempted to offset the influence of the pre-Hispanic elements by establishing an alternative l o c a l leadership patterned on purely Hispanic l i n e s . 19 Toledo established a number of new Indian communities through a program of wholesale resettlement i n the 1570*s and 1580's. The govern-ment of these towns was copied d i r e c t l y from the Spanish system with Indians occupying the positions of alcalde and regidores. These o f f i c i a l s 7 were granted exemption from t r i b u t e , a concession which s i g n i f i e d i n Spanish eyes t h e i r equality with the Indian n o b i l i t y . Many of the Ordenanzas regulating the new towns were designed to ensure the o f f i c i a l s * independence by s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o h i b i t i n g the holding of any municipal g o f f i c e by t r a d i t i o n a l Indian leaders. In prac t i c e , however, the Indians* tenacious adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of loy a l t y prevented the emergence of any new leadership group i n the towns. Despite the l e g a l ban, the t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l leaders played a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n these municipal governments, either by holding o f f i c e themselves, or by using 9 t h e i r influence to dominate the elected o f f i c i a l s . In t r a d i t i o n a l Indian communities, Toledo retained the existing leaders as the heads of l o c a l government, ascribing to them an additional role as agents i n Spain's economic and p o l i t i c a l control of the Indian masses. The Spaniards applied the term "cacique", previously used to describe the l o c a l chiefs i n the Caribbean Islands, to these l o c a l leaders, known as "curacas" i n pre-Hispanic times. The caciques' or i g i n s were diverse. Some were descendants of l o c a l c h i e f s , conquered yet retained 20 as agents by the Incas, while others were descendants of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s appointed by the Incas. S t i l l others were members of the Inca higher n o b i l i t y who used t h e i r possession of l o c a l fiefdoms to become caciques and gain the power which t h e i r noble status d i d not give them. Toledo's Ordenanzas, however, at t r i b u t e d to these leaders a number of shared c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which tended to e s t a b l i s h them as a s i n g l e homo-geneous group wi t h i n the Spanish c o l o n i a l system. Although the purely l o c a l nature of the caciques' authority presented l i t t l e threat to Spanish r u l e , Toledo perceived t h e i r power as p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous and attempted to circumscribe i t as much as p o s s i b l e . In s p i t e of t h i s , Toledo s t i l l managed to c o n c i l i a t e t h i s i n f l u e n t i a l s ector of Indian society and maintain t h e i r authority over the Indian masses. 1 0 The caciques i n turn derived an im-portant advantage over the other intermediary groups from t h e i r unique combination of t r a d i t i o n a l Incaic authority and Spanish-delegated economic and p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . This dual authority, coupled with the i s o l a t i o n from power of the higher n o b i l i t y and the reduction to t r i b u t a r y status of the leaders of smaller Indian groups, 1 1 enabled the caciques to e s t a b l i s h themselves as the fulcrum of the Indian e l i t e . Both the duties and status of the caciques under Spanish rule were comparable to those they held under the Incaic regime. Toledo's Ordenanzas, r e f l e c t i n g the precedence of the Crown's economic i n t e r e s t s i n America, defined the caciques' duties as agents of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n i n very 21 s p e c i f i c terras. The caciques were to act as tr i b u t e c o l l e c t o r s and as 12 purveyors both of forced labor, known as the mita, and of paid labor. The mita i t s e l f was an adaptation of the Incaic system of forced labor administered by the caciques, and the caciques' t r i b u t e - c o l l e c t i n g 13 functions were s i m i l a r to those they performed f o r the Inca. These s i m i l a r i t i e s tended to reinforce the caciques' new Spanish authority with the authority they exercised i n the s i m i l a r pre-Hispanic a c t i v i t i e s . In the same way Spain's recognition of the caciques as a pr i v i l e g e d minor-i t y i n Indian society was reinforced by the s i m i l a r i t y of the privileges granted them by Spain to those they enjoyed under Incaic r u l e . By allowing the caciques to have t r i b u t a r i e s work for them in,domestic tasks and to provide food for t h e i r animals and water f o r t h e i r houses, Spanish lav; confirmed the caciques' t r a d i t i o n a l Incaic r i g h t s to Indian labor. I t further enhanced the caciques* t r a d i t i o n a l claims on Indian resources by Ik permitting the caciques to c o l l e c t a salary from the t r i b u t a r i e s . Caciques were a l l o t t e d more land by the Spanish than were the t r i b u t a r i e s , just as they had been under the f a l l e n regime. They also enjoyed luxury goods unavailable to the Indian masses. These luxuries served as symbols 15 of status and prestige both i n pre-Hispanic and Hispanic times. The privileged status of the Indian e l i t e rested e n t i r e l y upon t h e i r l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n as hidalgos or lesser n o b i l i t y . This d e f i n i t i o n i n turn rested upon what the Spanish perceived to have been t h e i r superior and 22 hereditary status under Incaic r u l e . According to one r o y a l order of 1697, . . . hay distinci6n entre l o s Indios y Mestizos, o como descendientes de l o s Indios p r i n c i p a l e s , que se llaman Caciques, o como procedidos de Indios menos p r i n c i p a l e s , que son l o s T r i b u t a r i o s , y que en su ge n t i l i d a d reconocieron v a s a l l a j e : se considera que a l o s primeros y sus descendientes, se l e s deben todas l a s preeminencias y honores . . . que se acostumbra c o n f e r i r a l o s Nobles Hijosdalgo de C a s t i l l a , y pueden p a r t i c i p a r de cualquiera comunidades que por Estatuto pidan Nobleza; pues es constante, que e l l o s en su gentilismo eran Nobles, y a quienes sus i n f e r i o r e s reconocian v a s a l l a j e , cuya especie de nobleza todavia se l e s conserva y considera; guardando-l e s en l o posible sus antiguos Fueros o P r i v i l e g i o s . l 6 Pre-Hispanic n o b i l i t y was, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , both the b a s i s of exemption from t r i b u t e and a prerequisite f o r holding caciqueships. Sol6rzano, the o f f i c i a l commentator on Spanish c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n i n the f i r s t h a l f of the seventeenth century, explains t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , s t a t i n g that exemption from t r i b u t e i s not based on o f f i c e , "govierno 6 j u r i s d i c c i o n (porque eso, n i e l ser uno Senor de Vasallos, no basta . . • ) , " but on n o b i l i t y , "a t i t u l o de ser nobles, y por t a l e s tenidos, reputados entre l o s suyos e l l o s 17 y sus ascendientes desde e l tiempo de su i n f i d e l i d a d . " Although t h i s p r e r e q u i s i t e was designed to perpetuate the e x i s t i n g Incaic pra c t i c e of hereditary caciqueships, i n f a c t , such a p r a c t i c e had only just begun to l8 be adopted i n many areas recently incorporated i n t o the Inca empire. In these cases, rather than r e i n f o r c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of i n h e r i t e d 23 s t a t u s , S p a i n ' s i n s i s t e n c e o n h e r e d i t a r y c a c i q u e s h i p s a c t u a l l y l e d t o t h e c r e a t i o n o f a new I n d i a n n o b i l i t y e n t i t l e d t o p r i v i l e g e s o n the- b a s i s o f a n o f t e n s p u r i o u s h e r e d i t a r y t r a d i t i o n . One o b s e r v e r , t h e A r c h b i s h o p R o d r i g o de L o a i s a , c l a i m e d t h a t e v e n i n 1586 t h e r e were no l o n g e r many 19 c a c i q u e s who h e l d o f f i c e by l e g i t i m a t e s u c c e s s i o n . T h e d u b i o u s n a t u r e o f t h e h e r e d i t a r y c l a i m s t o n o b i l i t y o f many o f t h e new I n d i a n e l i t e i n c r e a s e d t h e i r d e p e n d e n c e o n S p a n i s h g o o d w i l l . S p a i n t o o k s p e c i f i c m e a s u r e s t o r e i n f o r c e t h i s dependence a n d e n s u r e t h a t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e h e r e d i t a r y I n d i a n n o b i l i t y s e r v e d S p a n i s h i n t e r e s t s . The C r o w n i s s u e d t i t l e s c o n f i r m i n g t h e n o b i l i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l I n d i a n s i n a d e l i b e r a t e a t t e m p t t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e i r t i e s t o S p a n i s h s o c i e t y a n d d e m o n s t r a t e t h e i r d e p e n d e n c e o n t h e C r o w n . T o l e d o s t a t e s t h i s a i m i n t h e f o l l o w i n g w o r d s : " . . . d i e r o n s e l e s a t o d o s l o s C a c i q u e s t i t u l o s de s u s c a c i c a z g o s e n nombre de V . M . p o r l o s c u a l e s e n t i e n d e n que h a r i de e s t a r y 20 e s t a h p e n d i e n t e s de V . M . y de v u e s t r o s m i n i s t r o s . " One s i g n i f i c a n t m o d i f i c a t i o n was made i n t h e I n c a i c p a t t e r n o f i n -h e r i t a n c e t o p l a c e s t i l l f u r t h e r e m p h a s i s o n t h e n o b i l i t y ' s dependence o n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o s e r v e S p a n i s h i n t e r e s t s : " . . . que n a n de s e r p r e f e r i d o s en l a sucesi6n de l o s d i c h o s c a c i c a z g o s l o s que f u e r e n de m a y o r c r i s t i a n d a d 21 y v i r t u d , aunque no s e a n l o s h i j o s m a y o r e s . " C a c i q u e s h i p s were t o d e s c e n d , n o t n e c e s s a r i l y t o t h e o l d e s t , b u t t o t h e most C h r i s t i a n , o f t h e c a c i q u e s ' s o n s . T h i s m o d i f i c a t i o n was i n t e n d e d m e r e l y a s a t e m p o r a r y 24 measure u n t i l the hispanization of the caciques and their sons made the observance of unmodified hereditary practices p o l i t i c a l l y advantageous to Spain: " . . . hasta que se vayan acabando los viejos que hay y estan endurecidos en su mala opini6n e idolatria y se hacen y son predicadores de e l l a , y que entren los mozos instruldos y doctrinados en nuestra fe y 22 criados en los colegios que quedaron ordenados." The result of Toledo's legislation was clearly intended to be the formation of a new Indian e l i t e , ostensibly based on pre-Hispanic tradition, but hispanized to the point where this tradition was p o l i t i c a l l y and cul-turally insignificant. The hispanization of the Indian e l i t e was under-taken, not only by the modification of hereditary patterns, but also' by the provision of an Hispanic education for the caciques and their sons as well as for the members of the higher Inca nobility. This education was designed not only to reinforce the elite's alliance with Spain through the sharing of common values, but also to equip i t s members to act as agents of acculturation amongst the Indian masses: " . . . porque tengo por muy sin duda que los que mas fruto han de tener y pueden hacer en los dichos indios son los caciques y curacas que tuvieren, cuyo ejemplo y pasos siguen y seguiran, mandS y ordenS que fundasen dos colegios . . . adonde se criasen 23 y ordenasen los hijos de los caciques." Toledo outlined the caciques* role as agents of hispanization i n the following lines: 2 5 Porque l o s caciques y p r i n c i p a l e s tienen obligacion a dar buen ejemplo a sus sujetos: Mando que se l o d£n con su v i d a y costumbres, viviendo honesta y recogida-mente como c r i s t i a n o s , porque e l l o s como mierabros i m i t i r a n l o que vieren hacer a sus cabezas. Y para que sus h i j o s aprendan doctrina y v i r t u d , para ensenar & l o s demas, cuando lleguen a edad y estado de mandar, lo s pongan desde niiios con sacerdotes que l o s doctrinen, para que s i r v a n y consigan l o susodicho, dandoles l o s alimentos necesarios, hasta que sean de edad de quince aflos para arriba.24-The need f o r the caciques to act as examples or agents of Hispanic culture was based on the assumption that the t r i b u t a r i e s had otherwise very l i m i t e d contact with Spanish society, owing either to p h y s i c a l i s o l a t i o n or c u l t u r a l b a r r i e r s . Changes i n e i t h e r of these conditions would i n e v i t a b l y r e s u l t i n the caciques' l o s i n g importance as a c u l t u r a l intermediary. Thus the caciques had a considerable i n t e r e s t i n maintaining the differences which set the t r i b u t a r y Indians apart from Spanish society. Spain's deliberate perpetuation of many pre-Hispanic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r o f f i c e gave the caciques a ready means of preserving these d i f f e r e n c e s , and with them, t h e i r r o l e as p r i v i l e g e d intermediaries. The s i m i l a r i t y between the caciques' functions and status under the I n c a i c and Spanish regimes d i d serve a u s e f u l purpose by l e g i t i m i z i n g the actions of the new regime i n the minds of the t r i b u t a r i e s and by maintaining the caciques' authority. At the same time, however, i t also tended to perpetuate the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s on which that authority 26 was based. The preservation of the hereditary basis of caciqueships and the insistence of Spain on hereditary nobility rather than on office as the basis for many privileges provided another means by which the caciques could, and indeed i n their own interest were obliged to, preserve pre-Hispanic social patterns. Thus the preservation of pre-Hispanic characteristics of the office of cacique proved to be directly counter-productive to the hispanization of the tributaries, and the caciques* vested interest i n perpetuating pre-Hispanic social patterns was quite at odds with their role as agents of hispanization. The conflicting cultural demands made on the caciques were paralleled in the economic sphere by equally conflicting interests. Spain*s failure to balance her legitimization of the caciques* traditional authority with a perpetuation of their traditional obligations towards the tributaries tended to increase the caciques' real wealth and power. Under the Incaic regime, the caciques were responsible for the arbitration of disputes within the community, the maintenance of native religious r i t e s and the 25 v/ell-being of the weaker, less prosperous members of the community. The caciques' participation in the Spanish system of government gave them an authority unfettered by these obligations, yet the pre-Hispanic basis of the caciques' authority prevented the Spanish from bringing i t effectively within the checks and sanctions of Spanish society i t s e l f . 27 As a result the caciques enjoyed an unprecedented and arbitrary power which they used to consolidate their wealth and prestige. At the same time, the disappearance of their traditional obligations freed the considerable portion of their wealth previously committed to acts of reciprocity. Many caciques used this new source of wealth together with their increased powers to accumulate considerable fortunes. For instance, through their Incaic right to have personal retainers, combined with their Spanish function as purveyors of labor, they were able to rent out their subject Indians as laborers, often at considerable profit. Similarly some caciques used this profit to purchase supplies of labor on the Spanish pattern, effectively hispanizing the caciques' relationship with the tributaries. Other caciques used their profits to reinforce their traditional status by patronage or participation in Inca religious rites. These new fortunes, however accumulated, were passed to the caciques' descendants throughout the colonial period and served to reinforce 26 their hereditary privileged status. The caciques' traditional authority over the Indians facilitated the former's participation in the widely accepted practice of using proprietary office for personal gain. The caciques' unique position as interpreters of Spanish demands and justice to the Indians together with the corruption rampant throughout the judicial system in Peru and the tributaries* ig-norance of Hispanic practices apparently allowed the caciques to exceed 28 generally accepted l i m i t s i n p r o f i t i n g from t h e i r o f f i c e . In adopting t h i s Spanish custom the caciques e f f e c t i v e l y aligned themselves with Spanish colonial society's economic dependence on the exploitation of Indian resources. Because of the nature of Spanish economic a c t i v i t y i n Peru t h i s dependence led to a reduction i n the resources available to Indian society for i t s own subsistence. For instance, the Indian labor supply was severely depleted by dangerous working conditions i n the mines, and the land available to Indian society was reduced both by the imposition of Spanish patterns of land-holding and by the usurpation of Indian lands by Spanish colonists and caciques a l i k e . According to the MarquSs de Montesclaros, Viceroy from 1608 to l6l5, i t was a commonly accepted b e l i e f that Spanish dependence on the exploitation of Indian resources was counter-productive to the welfare of Indian society: ". . . l a conservaci6n de ambas republicas esta encontrada y que por medios que una crece viene a menos l a o t r a . " ^ In view of t h i s basic economic antagonism between Spanish and Indian society, the caciques' role as agents and beneficiaries of Indian ex-p l o i t a t i o n was at odds with t h e i r role as dependants and leaders of Indian society. While the caciques' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Spanish exploitation i n i t i a l l y increased t h e i r wealth and prestige, i n the long run i t undermined 29 the very foundation upon which t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status r e s t e d . On one hand the caciques' e x p l o i t a t i o n contributed to the erosion of the human and n a t u r a l resources of Indian s o c i e t y . On the', other, hand, since the caciques' continued existence as a p r i v i l e g e d group depended primarily on t h e i r a b i l i t y to f u l f i l l Spanish demands f o r labor and t r i b u t e , the caciques were, un l i k e most Spaniards and Creoles, committed to the con-servation of Indian resources. In addition, the caciques were dependent on the existence of Indian resources i n excess of those necessary to f u l -f i l l Spanish demands to further t h e i r own economic ascendancy. Within the Spanish c o l o n i a l framework the tension which resulted from the caciques' dual obligations and i n t e r e s t s could be resolved only by a clear commitment to e i t h e r Spanish or Indian i n t e r e s t s . Such a commitment, however, would e n t a i l the caciques* s a c r i f i c e of the b e n e f i t s they derived from t h e i r a l l i a n c e with the other society. The caciques' overriding l o y a l t y to t h e i r own preservation as a p r i v i l e g e d group d i c t a t e d t h e i r continued e f f o r t s to maintain an equilibrium, however equivocal, between the c o n f l i c t i n g economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s which characterized t h e i r dual status. P o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s had made the caciques' t o t a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Indian i n t e r e s t s not merely disadvantageous but p r a c t i c a l l y impossible. Not only had the caciques w i l l i n g l y exchanged the r e c i p r o c a l Incaic b a s i s 30 of t h e i r authority and privileges f o r a l e g a l i s t i c Hispanic one, but they had i n many cases abused t h e i r pre-Hispanic authority i n the name of t h e i r new-found Spanish legitimacy. An alliance with purely Indian interests would deprive them of t h i s legitimacy and hence t h e i r only r e a l source of power. Furthermore, i t would oblige the caciques to abandon not only t h e i r r o l e as economic intermediaries, but also the benefits they personally derived from t h i s r o l e . These benefits included not only l e g a l p r i v i l e g e s , but economic advantages over the t r i b u t a r i e s . Most importantly, however, a commitment to Indian interests would bring the caciques into open Conf l i c t with t h e i r Spanish r u l e r s . Such c o n f l i c t could only prove disastrous both to the caciques themselves and to the already weakened and fragmented Indian society upon whose depleted resources they would have to r e l y . The caciques' t o t a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Spanish i n t e r e s t s , while t h e o r e t i c a l l y possible, was equally disadvantageous to the 'caciques. The main effect of many of the caciques' Spanish-granted p r i v i l e g e s was simply to give Spanish r a t i f i c a t i o n to the superior status of the caciques over the t r i b u t a r y Indians, and to reinforce the powers derived from t h i s s u p e r i o r i t y . By abdicating t h e i r r o l e as leaders of Indian society, the caciques would have rendered these p r i v i l e g e s useless. In exchange for abandoning t h e i r e l i t e position i n Indian society the caciques had only an i l l u s o r y hope of gaining an i n f l u e n t i a l p o s i t i o n i n Spanish society. 31 In s p i t e of t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l e q u a l i t y to Spanish n o b i l i t y , the caciques 1 attempts to ass i m i l a t e themselves e f f e c t i v e l y to the c o l o n i a l n o b i l i t y were severely l i m i t e d both by popular prejudice and l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . I t was t h i s prejudice and l e g a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , rather than the Crown's o f f i c i a l assurance of Indian e q u a l i t y , which e f f e c t i v e l y determined the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Indian and Spanish s o c i e t y i n c o l o n i a l Peru. Toledo placed numerous s p e c i f i c r e s t r i c t i o n s on the Indian n o b i l i t y ' s exercise of the p r i v i l e g e s to which t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l e q u a l i t y to Spanish hidalgos e n t i t l e d them. Both caciques and nobles were p r o h i b i t e d from 29 t r a v e l i n g to Spain without r o y a l l i c e n c e . T h i s made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r Indian nobles to c u l t i v a t e the s o c i a l and economic l i n k s with the metro-p o l i s which formed at l e a s t one of the v i s i b l e measures of status i n Spanish c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y . Two other r e s t r i c t i o n s not only l i m i t e d the caciques' economic a c t i v i t i e s , but contributed to a v i s i b l e impression of the caciques as i n f e r i o r to Spanish hidalgos i n contradiction to t h e i r l e g a l equality. P r o h i b i t i o n s against the caciques' holding negro or mulatto slaves and against using Indian labor on t h e i r own land, by l i m i t i n g i n theory at l e a s t , the labor supply available to the caciques, c l e a r l y placed them i n a subordinate p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the Spanish and creole c o l o n i s t s . This subordination was accentuated by another p r o h i b i t i o n against caciques' engaging i n business dealings with Spaniards without the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of 32 the corregidor of t h e i r province, a measure o r i g i n a l l y intended to prevent the caciques' p r o f i t i n g from the abuse of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l influence over the t r i b u t a r i e s . The corregidores, however, soon transformed t h i s measure into a means by which they could control the caciques' e x p l o i t a t i o n of the t r i b u t a r i e s and assure themselves the main share i n the p r o f i t s of t h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n . The corregidores' w i l l i n g c o l l u s i o n made i t easy f o r the caciques to circumvent the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on t h e i r use of Indian labor. This c o l l u s i o n also made them economically dependent on the corregidores, a s i t u a t i o n incompatible with the caciques' t h e o r e t i c a l n o b i l i t y . Another p r o v i s i o n of Toledo's Ordenanzas created a s i m i l a r dependency with respect to the caciques* access to the j u d i c i a l system. While caciques were expressly given the r i g h t to have t h e i r cases heard before the Audiencia rather than the l o c a l corregidor, they were at the same time 31 p r o h i b i t e d from going to the Audiencia i n person. This obliged them to re l y on the good w i l l of t h e i r corregidor or the o f f i c i a l Indian protector to ensure that t h e i r case was heard favorably i f at a l l by the higher j u d i c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . This dependence tended to render the caciques' im-munity from the corregidores' l e g a l j u r i s d i c t i o n quite p o i n t l e s s , since the corregidor could very e a s i l y influence the evidence given and any deci s i o n taken by the l o c a l p rotector, and, i f necessary, even by the 33 Audiencia. The caciques, unable to participate personally at the proceed-ings of the Audiencia, clearly had l i t t l e recourse against damaging testimony. In t h i s way, s p e c i f i c provisions of Toledo's Ordenanzas not only undermined the Crown's expressed intent to make the Indian e l i t e equal to Spanish hidalgos, but provided the means f o r the co l o n i a l establishment to perpetuate the subservience and p r a c t i c a l i n f e r i o r i t y of the Indian e l i t e to a l l layers of Spanish society. Under these conditions, assimila-t i o n of the Indian n o b i l i t y to Spanish society was but a chimera, an i l l u s o r y hope based on i d e a l i s t i c theories promulgated by the Crown and a small minority of administrative and r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s , theories negated i n practice by the trend of colo n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n and out of tune with economic and p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s . Within the constraints of the separation which existed between the 32 two "republics," the Indian and Spanish, i n co l o n i a l Peru, the Indian n o b i l i t y attempted to assimilate i t s role i n Indian society as f a r as possible to that of the Spanish n o b i l i t y i n Spanish society. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the case of the higher Indian n o b i l i t y residing i n centres l i k e Cuzco and Lima. Since many of these nobles did not exercise caciqueships they were free from the interests which led the caciques to perpetuate the i r Incaic characteristics. Rather than pattern t h e i r r o l e as nobles along t r a d i t i o n a l Incaic l i n e s , they created o f f i c e s 34 and i n s t i t u t i o n s which paralleled those of the Spanish n o b i l i t y . For example, the Indian cabildo of Lima emulated the Spanish cabildos i n act i v e l y safeguarding and seeking to expand the p r i v i l e g e s , exemptions and influence of the l o c a l n o b i l i t y . At the same time i n d i v i d u a l Indian nobles attempted to pursue the m i l i t a r y and c l e r i c a l careers deemed suitable to noble status. Spanish prejudice, however, tended to prevent them from entering the main stream of these careers. Indian nobles formed a separate battalion i n the l o c a l m i l i t i a i n order to serve i n a m i l i t a r y capacity. O f f i c i a l s of the Church i n Peru, having once been forced to retract a policy which held Indians to be incapable of f u l f i l l i n g responsible positions i n the r e l i g i o u s hierarchy, continued to practice u n o f f i c i a l discrimination which tended to r e s t r i c t Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n 33 to the lowest echelons of both the secular and regular hierarchies. The l i m i t a t i o n s placed either by prejudice or l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s on the Indian n o b i l i t y ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Spanish society and Spanish patterns of economic a c t i v i t y a l i k e , reinforced t h e i r dependence on hereditary wealth or Indian society to sustain t h e i r superior status. While hereditary f o r -tunes suffered rapid depletion as a result of the expense of maintaining the appearance of superior status, the caciques' share of the p r o f i t s from the exploitation of Indian resources offered not only an escape from t h i s deteriorating economic s i t u a t i o n , but an opportunity for further economic 35 gains. More importantly i t offered this opportunity without the necessity of sacrificing power or prestige in Indian society for the subservient status v/hich was a l l that most Indians could aspire to as members of Spanish society. Indeed, the caciques' role as intermediaries enabled them to enjoy the best of both worlds as long as their dual allegiance did not become openly conflicting. Thus the caciques became dedicated to preserving the balance between the loyalties, obligations and interests they experienced as participants in both the dominant Spanish society and the subordinate Indian one. On the one hand the caciques* dual status enabled them to maintain or rein-force their position in one society by virtue of their participation in the other, while on the other hand i t prevented their total commitment to either society. Only their alliance with Spain guaranteed the caciques* continued prestige in Indian society, while their authority in Indian society was a prerequisite to their alliance with Spain. By the same token the caciques' status as Indian nobles was the basis of both their economic ascendancy in Indian society and their participation in Spanish economic patterns which at one and the same time contributed to the economic advancement of the caciques and undermined the resources on which the caciques inevitably depended for their survival as a privileged group. 36 The inconsistencies and apparent contradictions which i n e v i t a b l y arose i n the course of the caciques' attempts to maintain t h e i r own d u a l i t y are merely r e f l e c t i o n s of the dual i n t e r e s t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the intermediary status a t t r i b u t e d to the caciques early i n the c o l o n i a l period. Far from being the signs of deliberate deception and d u p l i c i t y often a t t r i b u t e d to the caciques, these inconsistencies are the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of the caciques' need to serve two often i r r e c o n c i l a b l e masters. Paradoxically, the caciques* d u a l i t y , the sole basis of t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n , and t h e i r only means of preserving i t , posed a grave threat to t h e i r s u r v i v a l as the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d progressed. 37 NOTES CHAPTER I Although many of their specific articles were not observed in detail, or f e l l into disuse as the colonial period progressed, Toledo's Qrdenanzas were generally accepted as a standard by which to elucidate the Crown's often contradictory orders. In the words of the Marques de Montesclaros who became Viceroy of Peru in 1608, "al fin el senor don Francisco de Toledo lo puso en debida forma, y en sus ordenanzas hallara V.E. todo lo que pudiere desear en este genero, pues de aquel maestro todos somos discipulos, yo a lo menos de voluntad confieso." " R e l a c i 6 n del estado en que se hallaba el reino del peru, hecha por el Excmo. Senor don Juan de Mendoza y Luna, Marqu§s de Montesclaros, al Excmo. SeSor Principe de Esquilache, su sucesor" in Coleccion de las memorias £ reiaciones que escribieron los Virreyes del Peru acerca del estado en  que dejaban las cosas generales del reino, ed. Ricardo Beltran y R6zpide (Madrid, 1921), I, 157. See also Francisco de Toledo, Ordenanzas que el Senor Viso Rey Don Francisco de Toledo hizo para el buen gobierno 'de estos Reynos del Peru, ed. Sebastian Lorente (Lima and Madrid, I867); Juan de Sol6rzano, Politica indiana compuesta por el senor don Juan de 38 Sol6rzano y_ Pereyra, Cavallero del orden de Santiago, del Consejo de su Magestad en los Supremos de C a s t i l l a _ e Indias corregida, e ilust r a d a con  notas por e l Licenciado don Francisco Ramiro de Valenzuela (Madrid, 1930), l i b . 2, cap. 27, pt. 16; and Vargas, H i s t o r i a , I I , 270 and IV, 173. 2 Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 27, pt. 1 and 2. ^ R e c o p i l a c i 6 n de leyes de los Reynos de l a s Indias, ed. Consejo de l a Hispanidad (Madrid, 1943), f a-c. of Madrid 1791 ed., I I , l i b . 6, t i t . 5, ley 18; Ordenanzas, I , 186; Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 20, pt. 40 and 4-1. Some Indian groups enjoyed exemption from t r i b u t e f o r reasons other than thei r n o b i l i t y . Artisans, for instance, were exempt by v i r t u e of t h e i r occupation. A s i m i l a r exemption was granted to the yanaconas, Indians generally attached as laborers or domestic servants to Spanish haciendas or households. Any Indian who served the Church i n i t s work of converting the native population enjoyed immunity from t r i b u t e . In addition to the few Indians who were ordained p r i e s t s or entered the regular orders, t h i s class of exempt Indians included translators and v i r t u a l l y any Indian employed to do even the most menial task i n churches. Although these exempt Indians did act, i n varying degrees, as intermediaries between Spanish and Indian society, the i r lack of any r e a l power i n either society limited t h e i r influence. Some few, by combining t r a d i t i o n a l n o b i l i t y with the i r r e l i g i o u s functions, did achieve a po s i t i o n 39 of influence that warrants including thera i n the Indian e l i t e . In general, however, the members of these exempt groups were to form the basis of an hispanized urban Indian class which emerged i n the eighteenth century. John Rowe, "Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest" i n ed. J u l i a n Steward, Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, 1946), I I , 260-265. Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 20, pt. 4 l and 47. 6 Rowe i n "Movimiento," p. 5, states that the highest n o b i l i t y was either replaced by one l o y a l to Spain or reduced to cacique status soon after the conquest. John Hemming i n The Conquest of the Incas (London and Toronto, 1970), relates the v i c i s s i t u d e s of the Incaic n o b i l i t y a f t e r the conquest. For a general view of Toledo's system of government see Hemming, pp. 392-410 and P h i l i p Ainsworth Means, F a l l of the Inca Empire  and the Spanish Rule i n Peru, 1530-1780 (New York, 1932), pp. 392-410. Waldemar Espinoza Soriano i n " E l alcalde mayor indigena en e l virreinato del Peru," Estudios Americanos, 17 ( S e v i l l e , i960), 25, 33 and 36, shows how the position of a l g u a c i l or alcalde mayor, sought as early as the 1560»s by caciques as a means of improving t h e i r status, became even more i n f l u e n t i a l as a re s u l t of Toledo's reduction i n the p r i v i l e g e s of the Indian n o b i l i t y . The position of alcalde mayor brought the privi l e g e of being obeyed and respected by other provincial caciques. 7 R e c o p i l a c i 6 n , I I , l i b . v i , t i t . v, l e y xx, grants exemption f o r the Indian a l c a l d e . Karen Spalding, "Indian Rural Society i n Colonial Peru: The Example of Huarochiri," Diss. Berkeley, 1967, p. 154-, asserts that by l 6 l 8 only the alcalde x^as free from both t r i b u t e and mita o b l i g a -t i o n s . Other o f f i c i a l s were subject to the mita but exempt from t r i b u t e , g Ordenanzas, I, 158, 159. 9 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 154 f f . ; Guillermo Lohmann V i l l e n a , E l corregidor de i n d i o s en e l Peru bajo l o s A u s t r i a s (Madrid, 1957)« P. 3 3 0 . 1 0 Sol6rzano, l i b . 2 , cap. 2 7 , notes that the caciques' criminal and c i v i l j u r i s d i c t i o n was reduced and much of i t transferred to the Spanish corregidores. 11 For more d e t a i l e d information on the changes made by Spam i n the structure of the Incaic r u l i n g hierarchy see: George Kubler, "The Quechua i n the C o l o n i a l World," i n J u l i a n Steward, ed., Handbook, I I , 331-4-10; John Rowe, "The Incas under Spanish C o l o n i a l I n s t i t u t i o n s , " Hispanic American H i s t o r i c a l Review, 37:2 (May 1957)» 155-199; Rowe, "Inca Culture" Carlos Valdez de l a Torre, Evoluci6n de l a s comunidades indigenas (Lima, 1921); and Nathan Wachtel, Sociedad e i d o l o g i a , ensayos de h i s t o r i a y_ antropologia andinas (Lima, 1973) . 12 Ordenanzas, pp. 184, 185, 192. Rowe, "Movimiento," p. 7 . kl Ik Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 27, pt. 5. 1 ^ Spalding, "Huarochiri," pp. 178-185. 16 Real CSdula of 12 March 1697» published i n 1766 and reproduced i n Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Impresos peruanos publicados en e l extranjero, B i b l i o t e c a peruana VI (Lima, 194-9) * p. 127. 17 Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 20, pt. kl, 18 At the time of the conquest a hereditary n o b i l i t y was s t i l l being formed i n Peru. I f l o c a l leaders were l o y a l , the Inca gave them the hereditary position of curaca. I f not, however, the Inca appointed a curaca whose son would inherit the position. Rodrigo de Loaisa, "Memorial de las cosas del Peru tocantes a l o s Indios," Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para l a h i s t o r i a de Espana (Madrid, 1 8 5 2 ) , XCIV, 558; Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 27, pt. 23. 20 Francisco de Toledo, "Memorial que D. Francisco de Toledo di6 a l rey nuestro senor, del estado en que dej6 l a s cosas del Peru, despuSs de haber sido en e l V i r r e y y Capitan General trece anos, que comenzaron en 1569," i n 'Je^-3icard03'^tr^"j'. Kozpide.j.. Colecci6n de Memorias (Madrid, 1921), I , 88. 21 Toledo, "Memorial," p. 88. pp Toledo, "Memorial," p. 87. 23 ^ Toledo, "Memorial," p. 75. 24 Ordenanzas, p. 190. 25 Karen Spalding, De indio a campesino, cambios en l a estructura s o c i a l del Peru c o l o n i a l (Lima, 197*0» p. 36. 26 This discussion of the position of the caciques i n the early col o n i a l period i s based primarily on the analysis of c o l o n i a l Indian society presented by Karen Spalding i n De indio a campesino, pp. '32-87. Wachtel, pp. 81-162, gives more s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s on the changing r e l a t i o n -ships amongst the Indian t r i b u t a r i e s , caciques and Spanish administrators i n the sixteenth century. 27 Loaisa, p. 587» describes the result of the aggrandisement of the caciques' powers i n the following terms: . . y son tan miserables los indios que no osan quejarse n i hablar palabra contra sus caciques . . . antes, con que los caciques los llamen, y l e s den de beber, se satisfacen, y no se acuerdan de trabajo, agravio n i i n j u r i a que les hay an hecho." 28 "Memorial," p. 156. 29 Recopilaci6n, I I , l i b . v i , t i t . v i i , ley x v i i . 30 Ordenanzas, p. 190. 31 Recopilaci6n, I I , l i b . v i , t i t . v i i , ley i and i i ; Ordenanzas, p. 185. 32 y Jos§ Antonio Maravall considers Motolinia to have originated the "two republics" concept which became a common means of describing the relationship between Spanish and Indian society throughout the colonial period. See "La Utopia p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o s a de los franciscanos en Nueva Espana," Estudios Americanos, 1:2 (January 194-9), 205. 33 Rowe notes that the P r o v i n c i a l Council of Lima forbade the ordination of Indians i n 1567. "The Incas," p. 187. CHAPTER I I The Subjection of the Indian E l i t e to Spanish Exploitation i n the Eighteenth Century Both the s t a b i l i t y of Indian society and the ascendancy of the caciques were threatened i n the eighteenth century by innovations i n the Spanish administration of Peru. These innovations formed part of the attempts of the Bourbon monarchy to revive Spain's national strength and international prestige, both of which had suffered severe blows i n the seventeenth century. The changes made i n the colonial administration were designed to serve two s p e c i f i c ends: that of maximizing Crown revenue from American sources''" and that of c e n t r a l i z i n g and simplifying the vast colonial bureaucracy, a bureaucracy dedicated primarily to pre-serving the interests of i t s own o f f i c i a l s and accustomed to e f f e c t i v e l y 2 evading Crown l e g i s l a t i o n . These ends were inextricably linked i n the Peruvian context. The need f o r bureaucratic reform was subordinate to the prime goal of the Bourbon monarchs, the increase of Crown revenue. Reformists i n the eighteenth century v i r t u a l l y equated the Crown's economic prosperity to 3 " e l bien comun" i n terms such as these used by the creole Victorino 45 Montero i n 174-7: " E l zelo que experimentamos en U.E. por e l bien publico, honra y g l o r i a de l a Monarquia, e l empeno en promover los aumentos de l o s If Haberes Reales." Spanish, and creole reformists ali k e agreed that the t r a d i t i o n of autonomy on the part of colonial o f f i c i a l s , together with a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of groups and individuals enjoying effective exemption from the Crown's j u r i s d i c t i o n , were the main factors i n l i m i t i n g the Crown's share of American revenue. Montero described the autonomy of the Peruvian administration, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Viceroys, i n the following terms: . . . no fue e l Real animo de V. Mag. crecer e l despotismo de estos Governadores, ha'sta entender l a r e g a l i a , como una l i b r e voluntad de cada uno; porque para casos irregulares, se l e s concedian los A r b i t r i o s de l a prudencia, y para l o s ordinarios, no se havian de apartar del Alfabeto de las Leyes, como que l a s escritas son l a con-formidad en l a s discordias.5 and the economic ef f e c t s of t h i s s i t u a t i o n : " . . . l a s Rentas, que hoy andan derramadas, y perdidas por todas las partes de e l , donde caminan tan l i b r e s l a s transgressiones."^ Jorge Juan y S a n t a c i l i a and Antonio de U l l o a , who investigated the administration of the Viceroyalty of Peru between 1735 and 1745, described the effects of t h i s autonomy: "Todas estas extorsiones hechas . . . con e l disimulado pretexto de ser celo por e l servicio del Rey y Real Hacienda, no son, en efecto, otra cosa sino acrecentamiento de 7 l a u t i l i d a d propia." Montero expressed the f u t i l i t y of more laws and more intensive exploitation of American resources without a thorough reform of the e x i s t i n g administration: k6 . . . no consisten los aumentos de V. Mag. en tener mas Minas, n i en sacar mas P l a t a , sino en arreglar mejor l a obediencia de sus Vassallos, y d i s c u r r i r medios, y modos de que l a s Leyes erigidas, y por e r i g i r , tengan mas observancia; porque adonde f a l t a este concierto universal de todos los Reynos, lo mismo es m u l t i p l i c a r Leyes, que ampliarles mas facultades a. Virreyes, y Oidores, para que tengan mayor dependencia sobre unos desvalidos Vassallos: esto no es aumentar l o Er a r i o s , sino engrandecer mas a. unos Ministros, que se dilatang en Soberania sobre l a Magestad de l a s riquezas. . . . These reformists saw the American bureaucracy not only as a prime cause of Spain's loss of American revenue but as an eff e c t i v e stumbling block to reform. Juan and Ulloa wrote: . . . s i hay algfln ministro en aquellos palses que se declare por l a j u s t i c i a , hay otros indiferentes a l a iniquidad, y aun muchos que se oponen a l a reforma. Estos niegan los a u x i l i o s necesarios cuando l l e g a l a ocasi6n y aquSllos l o dan con tanta t i b i e z a que infunden animo y confianza en l o s interesados para que hagan oposici6n a l o que no l e s tiene cuenta.9 The Spanish minister JosS de Campillo y Cosio also described the opposition which could be expected from the co l o n i a l establishment i n the case of attempts to introduce broad reforms: "A primera v i s t a parecera cercada de imposibilidades su practica, y creceran aquellas en los dictameries de 10 los que por sus propios intereses abominen de Ssta." These vested interests no doubt played a r o l e i n preventing even the formulation of plans f o r the general reform of the Peruvian administration before 17^2, the year i n which Campillo y Cosio wrote h i s Nuevo sistema de govierno econ6mico para l a America. Even a f t e r that date, Campillo's ideas remained mere theory h? until 1762 when in the form of Bernardo Ward's Proyecto econ6mico they 12 formed the basis for the introduction of the intendant system in America. The Bourbon administration's attempts to solve Spain's internal 13 problems as well as to bolster her beleaguered international position in the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century strained the limits of the nation's human and economic resources. Their f u l l commitment to the solution of these problems also contributed to the Bourbon regime's lack of interest in intensive reform in America. The measures which were taken tended to' be those which produced immediate advantages without the expenditure of scarce ih and valuable human or economic resources. Some of these measures con-flicted severely with the interests of Indian society as well as with the long-range interests of the Spanish Crown as i t was perceived by reformers like Campillo and Juan and Ulloa. An increase in the yield from the Crown's three main revenue sources from Peru—mining, import-export taxes and Indian tribute, a l l of which 15 had declined sharply by the beginning of the eighteenth century —was a sure means of supplementing the Crown's dwindling resources. The most obvious means of increasing revenue from these sources, however, involved additional exactions on the Indian masses already overburdened as tributaries, mita laborers and—through the repartimiento—consumers of Spanish goods. Yet this was the one group the reformists insisted on sparing from any increased burdens. Their opinion was that only by fostering the welfare of the Indian population could Spain expect her American domains to prosper. 48 The Indians v/ere the key resource i n the American economy according to both Juan and Ulloa: " . . . todas cuantas riquezas producen las Indias, y aun 16 su misma subsistencia, se debe a l sudor de sus naturales" and Campillo who described them as " e l gran tesoro de Espana. Ellos son l a mina mas r i c a 17 del mundo, que se debe beneficiar con l a mas escrupulosa economla." Juan and Ulloa described the benefits that reform should bring to Indian society and the beneficial effect they would have for Spain: Con estas disposiciones bien observadas podrla mejorarse e l gobierno de aquellos paises, cuyas resultas serian muy favorables a todos. E l Monarca lo conoceria con e l acrecentamiento de los tributos reales y en el adelanta-miento de las alcabalas, porque a proporcidn que se poblasen mas aquellos paises seria mayor e l consumo de gSneros y crecerian los derechos en las aduanas; los particulares los experimentarian en e l mayor numero de indios para trabajar las minas, para cultivar sus haciendas y para mantener sus manufacturas, y los indios mismos gozarian mas descanso con mejores conveniencias, y cualquiera pensi6n que se hiciese inevitable por l a urgencia de los tiempos, les seria soportable y l a llevarian con gusto.18 Campillo couched his view of the Indians* position under a reformed ad-ministration in the broadest terms: " . . . los infelices Indios; con l a execucion del Nuevo Sistema gozaran de todos los Privilegios que les con-cedi6 l a naturaleza en su libertad, y les ha quitado e l dominio de los i g hombres con su Imperio." This emphasis on the importance of preserving the Indian population was based on a keen awareness, among these and other observers, of the social and economic c r i s i s in Indian society i n the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century. The Crown, i n choosing to pursue short-term ^©Onomic 4 9 gains wherever possible, not only overlooked this c r i s i s , but aggravated the conditions which had given rise to i t . The Crown's measures to increase revenue produced increased pressure on the resources of Indian society as a whole to the point of undermining that society's ability to support i t s privileged groups, and thereby contributing to the dissatisfaction of the Indian e l i t e with the Spanish administration. Far from expanding to meet any new demands, the resources of Indian society were rapidly being eroded by the combined demands of the Spanish Crown, Church and administrators. The total burden of o f f i c i a l and unofficial obligations placed on an individual Peruvian Indian tributary i n the eight-eenth century generally exceeded his resources. A typical Indian could be expected to have an annual income of between twenty-five and forty-five 20 pesos. Of this amount, at least twenty-one pesos were committed to fixed contributions including the personal tribute paid to the Crown, the tithes and other levies paid to the Church and the obligatory purchase of reparti-21 miento merchandise from the corregidor. Whatever income remained after these obligations were f u l f i l l e d con-stituted f a i r game for unofficial and often i l l e g a l , yet nevertheless widely accepted exploitation by powerful Spaniards and the caciques who often served, however unwillingly, as their accomplices. It was accepted, indeed expected practice for o f f i c i a l s at a l l levels i n the administrative hierarchy to exploit more or less freely their o f f i c i a l functions for private profit. The close contact with, and virtually uncontrolled authority 50 over the Indian t r i b u t a r i e s enjoyed by the l o c a l corregidores and Church o f f i c i a l s gave them ample opportunity to practise such exploitation to 22 advantage. Innumerable denunciations of the corregidores by other colonial o f f i c i a l s and reformists of various l o y a l t i e s indicate that these "diptorigos 23 de jueces y mercaderes" carried t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n to lengths quite i n -tolerable even to the most hardened American bureaucrats. The denunciations also provide an ample record of the nature and extent of the devious practices by which the corregidores' profited from t h e i r functions as t r i b u t e 24 c o l l e c t o r s , labor purveyors and monopolistic merchants. Often i n collaboration with caciques the corregidores collected t r i b u t e monies from the Indians i n advance or more frequently than was authorized i n order to provide themselves with working c a p i t a l . The corregidores also 25 p r o f i t e d by c o l l e c t i n g tribute from exempt Indians. O f f i c i a l l y t r i b u t e was payable only by males between twenty and f i f t y years of age i n order to confine the head tax to the productive members of Indian society. Since Indians outside t h i s group had v i r t u a l l y no resources, assessments made on them were often transferred to r e l a t i v e s already i n the tribute-paying 26 sector of Indian society, increasing the t r i b u t e obligations of t h i s group. Not only corregidores, but ind i v i d u a l Spaniards and Creoles as w e l l were able to p r o f i t from t h e i r abuse of the mita system. While t h i s obligatory labor service was t h e o r e t i c a l l y r e s t r i c t e d to s p e c i f i c projects such as mines, o f f i c i a l guide and post service, and other public works, i n practice mitayos provided labor for agriculture and t e x t i l e factories as w e l l . 51 Juan and Ulloa described how landowners by various assessments quickly em-bezzled the mitayos' minimal wage and even left them indebted so as to force the mitayos to continue as employees after the expiration of their 27 obligatory service. The same authors detailed the practices by which the owners of obrajes or textile factories "adquiere . . . un derecho injustamente 28 establecido de esclavizarlos, no s6lo alindio mitayo, mas a todos sus hijos." It was also accepted practice for corregidores and landowners who received Indians as mitayos to realize a profit by renting them out to other individuals 29 m need of labor. The repartimiento, an officially sanctioned practice by which the corregidores forcibly sold merchandise to Indians under their jurisdiction, provided considerable scope for profit at the expense of the Indian tributaries. Abuses in the repartimiento system had become so prevalent by the middle of the eighteenth century that the Viceroy instituted legislation restricting the repartimiento to specific goods deemed necessary or useful to the Indians, regulating the price which could be charged for these goods, and restricting 30 the number of repartimientos which could be undertaken by a single corregxdor. In spite of these restrictions, the abuses which led the Spanish investigators Juan and Ulloa to call the repartimiento "una tirania la mas horrible que se pudiera inventar"^1 apparently continued unabated until i t was finally 32 abolished in I78O. While even legal repartimientos placed a heavy burden on the tributaries' resources, the inflated prices and repeated reparti-mientos imposed by some corregidores left the Indians debt-ridden. 5 2 The Indians' i n a b i l i t y to pay for the repartimiento frequently resulted i n the corregidores' forcing them into debt slavery. The corregidores cleverly manipulated t h e i r authority as tr i b u t e collectors to ensure t h e i r own p r o f i t s from the repartimiento as well as t h e i r access to debt laborers. By d i v e r t i n g sums which had been paid as t r i b u t e to s a t i s f y repartimiento debts, the corregidores kept the Indians indebted to the Crown for t r i b u t e , creating for themselves an undeniable j u s t i f i c a t i o n for continuing to control 3 3 the labor and income of the t r i b u t a r i e s . While the combined effects of abusive exploitation and o f f i c i a l im-positions clearly made the f i n a n c i a l position of the average tributary quite untenable, a serious population decline i n the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century exacerbated the impoverishment of Indian society as a whole. In most parts of Spanish America, the population decline caused by the dra s t i c physical and s o c i a l changes wrought by the Spanish c o l o n i a l i z a t i o n had begun to reverse by the eighteenth century. In Peru, however, a number of factors prevented t h i s recovery from occurring. By 1 7 5 4 both the number of Indian persons and the number of Indian t r i b u t a r i e s i n the Audiencias of Lima and 3 4 Charcas were less than half t h e i r t o t a l s i n 1 5 6 1 . The s i e r r a communities suffered more than other areas from t h i s de-population, both because they l o s t r e l a t i v e l y more of t h e i r population and because t h e i r role as labor purveyors made them more sensitive to the l o s s of human resources. A plague i n 1720 claimed the l i v e s of more than two thirds of the s i e r r a Indians, a loss which was aggravated by voluntary 53 35 migration from the s i e r r a regions. Voluntary migration which had served as a means of escaping exploitation during both the Incaic and early Spanish 36 periods once again became a common occurrence and one of grave concern both 37 to Spanish authorities and Indian leaders. While some Indians simply f l e d to r e l a t i v e l y inaccessible areas, others must have moved to the more prosper-ous urban areas and the coastal and eastern Andean a g r i c u l t u r a l regions, a l l of which showed an increase i n population between 1628 and 175^  when the 38 majority of the Peruvian provinces showed considerable decreases. I t was on t h i s already depressed and depopulated Indian society that the Spanish Crown placed further burdens i n i t s attempt to increase i t s revenue from Peru. The s p e c i f i c measures applied f o r t h i s purpose not only weighed heavily on the Indian masses, the sector of society which could least afford any additional f i n a n c i a l obligations, but also contributed to the gradual erosion of the authority of both the Indian caciques and of the Spanish administration i t s e l f . One such measure, composici6n de t i e r r a s , used repeatedly i n the 39 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a means of r a i s i n g needed funds, c l e a r l y demonstrates the far-reaching and perhaps largely unanticipated effects which the Crown's pursuit of a policy of immediate f i n a n c i a l ad-vantage had on the already overburdened resources of Indian society. The term "composicifin" was usually used to describe a practice by which the Crown offered to l e g a l i z e for a fee existing land holdings. In the case of Peru, the Crown subjected to composici6n the Indian communities' land holdings i n excess of those necessary to provide each t r i b u t a r y with an 54 area calculated to support himself and his dependants.^" This community land, a carry-over from Incaic land-holding patterns, was usually rented or cu l t i v a t e d to provide additional community income and remained available for d i s t r i b u t i o n to individuals i n case of a population increase. The depressed state of Indian society i n the eighteenth century, however, placed composici6n beyond the means of many Indian communities. In these cases the composiclones served as a means by which Spaniards and Creoles could usurp community lands with the Crown's approval. The l a s t compos'ici6n i n the eighteenth century occurred at the lowest point i n the Indian popula-t i o n curve, a time when Indian society was hard pressed to meet even e x i s t i n g obligations. At t h i s time the f a i l u r e of some communities to offer an adequate fee for the composici6n of t h e i r land t i t l e s resulted i n t h e i r lands being sold to the highest bidder. This sale of land had a th e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a -t i o n i n the Bourbon premise that vacant land automatically reverted to' Crown ownership.^ The loss of community lands through composici6n not only caused hard-ship by depriving the communities of the income produced by these lands but also contributed to another problem, the existence of landless Indians. Communities with no excess land had no resources with which to support any increase i n population and the ex i s t i n g resources had proven inadequate to support the Indian population even at i t s lowest ebb. This s i t u a t i o n , the prime cause of migration, not only continued to discourage the return of Indians who had temporarily l e f t t h e i r communities either to serve the mita or to seek a more prosperous existence elsewhere, but also contributed 55 to the continuing migration of the excess population. Since most migrants f l e d e i t h e r to uncolonized regions or to urban areas where they could es-cape t r i b u t e payment, t h i s continued migration represented a serious d r a i n on one of the main sources of Crown revenue. As a r e s u l t , when the; Indian population d i d begin to increase, the Crown attempted to remedy the problem of l a n d l e s s Indians i n two ways. Neither of these, however, furthered the reformists' i d e a l of providing the 45 Indians with enough land to maintain themselves. Campillo advocated that " l a s t i e r r a s se den en propiedad a nuestros Indios, y que por consiguiente 44 se l e s de l a plena y p a c l f i c a posesion de todo e l fruto de su trabajo." The Crown's plan to provide land to a l l Indians, however, a c t u a l l y reduced the s i z e of i n d i v i d u a l allotments by simply r e d i v i d i n g the e x i s t i n g land 45 a v a i l a b l e to the Indians amongst the increased population. In attempts to make s t i l l more land a v a i l a b l e to the i n c r e a s i n g Indian population the Crown undertook to r e d i s t r i b u t e lands held by i n d i v i d u a l Indians i n excess 46 of t h e i r o f f i c i a l allotments. Just as the f i r s t measure decreased the land a v a i l a b l e to the i n d i v i d u a l t r i b u t a r y , t h i s measure reduced the holdings which members of the Indian e l i t e had managed to accumulate through cleve r manipulation of t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status. Only the Indian n o b i l i t y who held 47 lands by s p e c i a l r o y a l concessions remained untouched by t h i s measure. The adverse e f f e c t s of t h i s short-sighted p o l i c y of land r e d i s t r i b u t i o n were f e l t by v i r t u a l l y every segment of Indian society, c u t t i n g across the boundaries that generally separated the i n t e r e s t s of the Indian e l i t e from those of the Indian masses. 56 The need to increase Crov/n revenue from American sources was the key factor i n decisions to continue both the mita and repartimiento against the advice of many c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s . The r o y a l tax or quinta on mine 48 production formed the largest s i n g l e source of Crown revenue from Peru. By 1700 mining production had declined to l e s s than h a l f i t s t o t a l at the beginning of the century and the improvement of t h i s s i t u a t i o n remained a 49 constant concern to reformists throughout the eighteenth century u n t i l f i n a l l y , at the end of the century, a s c i e n t i f i c plan to modernize the 50 Peruvian mining industry was undertaken. The Marques de Castelfuer'te, Viceroy i n the 1730*s, described the mines as " e l p r i n c i p a l bianco de l a atencion de este Govierno, y como e l centro de donde han de s a l i r l a s l i n e a s 51 de l a conservacion de este Reyno." E a r l y e f f o r t s to improve mining revenue generally concentrated on the p r o v i s i o n of increased manpower, p a r t i c u l a r l y through changes i n the ad-52 m i n i s t r a t i o n of the mita system. The mita had always been j u s t i f i e d as the only possible means of providing labor f o r the mines since voluntary labor-ers v/ere scarce and u n w i l l i n g to work f o r meager wages i n the d e b i l i t a t i n g 53 conditions of the mines. The detrimental e f f e c t s of the mita on Indian society l e d to consideration of abolishing i t throughout the eighteenth century. F e l i p e V d i d i n f a c t a b o l i s h the mita f o r Huancavelica owing to the severe e f f e c t s of the 1720 plague on the mitayos but t h i s measure was 54 never f u l l y implemented. In 1728 the Audiencia s e r i o u s l y contemplated but u l t i m a t e l y decided against a b o l i s h i n g the mita. The question remained under a c t i v e consideration and i n 1732 the Council of the Indies recorded a 57 m a j o r i t y v o t e i n f a v o r o f a b o l i s h i n g t h e m i t a . The Crown o v e r r u l e d t h i s v o t e , i n s i s t i n g o n m a i n t a i n i n g t h e m i t a s u b j e c t — a s e v e r — t o t h e p r o v i s i o n s 55 o f t h e O r d e n a n z a s o f T o l e d o a n d t o t h o s e o f t h i r t e e n new o r d e n a n z a s . T h e r e p a r t i m i e n t o , l i k e t h e m i t a , was m a i n t a i n e d i n s p i t e o f c o n t r a r y o p i n i o n s , b e c a u s e o f t h e e c o n o m i c a d v a n t a g e s i t p r o v i d e d t h e C r o w n . M o s t e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y a u t h o r i t i e s condemned t h e s a l e o f o f t e n u n n e c e s s a r y a n d i n f e r i o r goods a t i n f l a t e d p r i c e s t h r o u g h t h e r e p a r t i m i e n t o s y s t e m , y e t j u s t i f i e d t h e c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e o f t h i s s y s t e m on t h e b a s i s o f t h e C r o w n ' s o v e r w h e l m i n g i n t e r e s t i n i t s c o n t i n u a n c e . T h e f o l l o w i n g a r g u m e n t s , t a k e n f r o m Manso de V e l a s c o ' s " M e m o r i a , " a r e t y p i c a l : . . . c o n o c i e n d o que n i l a s p r o v i n c i a s p o d i a n s o s t e n e r s e s i n a l g u n r e p a r t i m i e n t o , n i h a b i a q u i e n a d m i n i s t r a s e j u s t i c i a e n e l l a , s o l o p o r e l h o n o r y c o r t o s u e l d o que e s t a a s i g n a d o a l o s C o r r e g i d o r e s , e r a i n d i s p e n s a b l e o c u r r i r a l a s q u e j a s y c o n d e n a r p o r d e l i n c u e n t e s e s t o s c o m e r c i o s , a l mismo t i e m p o que e r a n o t o r i o que t o d o s l o p r a c t i c a b a n , y que e s t a n e g o c i a c i o n e r a u n i c a m e n t e l a que l o s l l e v a b a a v i v i r e n t r e s i e r r a s a s p e r a s , t e m p e r a m e n t o s d e s p r e c i a b l e s y g e n t e i n c u l t a , y h a c e r s e c a r g o de l a d i f i c i l r e c a u d a c i o n de t r i b u t o s y o t r o s R e a l e s d e r e c h o s , c u y o c u i d a d o l e s o b l i g a b a a e s t a r e n p e r p e t u o m o v i m i e n t o p o r l a s g r a n d e s d i s t a n c i a s que comprehende c a d a p r o v i n c i a , c o n s u m i e n d o e n e s t a s d i l i g e n c i a s mas de l o que i m p o r t a b a e l s a l a r i o . 56 The r e p a r t i m i e n t o n o t o n l y e n a b l e d t h e S p a n i s h C r o w n t o p r o v i d e l o c a l 57 g o v e r n o r s i n A m e r i c a a t no c o s t t o i t s e l f b u t a c t u a l l y p r o v i d e d t h e Crovm w i t h a n e x t r a s o u r c e o f r e v e n u e t h r o u g h t h e s a l e o f c o r r e g i m i e n t o s . I t vras t h e r i g h t t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e r e p a r t i m i e n t o t h a t i n d u c e d i n d i v i d u a l s t o p u r c h a s e t h e o f f i c e o f c o r r e g i d o r . F u r t h e r , t h e r e p a r t i m i e n t o p r o v i d e d a c a p t i v e m a r k e t f o r t h e s a l e o f S p a n i s h p r o d u c t s a n d t h e C r o w n a l s o p r o f i t -ed f r o m t h e s a l e t h r o u g h t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f t h e a l c a b a l a o n t h e goods s o l d . 58 This was apparently a decisive factor i n the Viceroy Superunda's decision i n 1751 to maintain the repartimiento despite the contrary opinion of many 58 ministers. The introduction of sales at f i x e d prices into the r e p a r t i -miento system i n 1756, although apparently securing a certain income for the Crown from the corregidores* sales, did l i t t l e to check the many abuses perpetrated on the Indians through the corregimiento system. According to the Viceroy Amat y Junient, "Los Aranzeles formados s6lo sirven para e l cargo de Alcabalas, pero de ningun modo para e l arreglo de sus procedimientos, pues cada Corregidor reparte l o que l e parece y a los precios a que l e induce 59 su mal reglada autoridad y a r b i t r i o . " In keeping with i t s o v e r a l l policy of increasing revenue, the Spanish administration i n Peru implemented i n the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century various measures designed to increase the Crown's tribute revenue. As early as the l680',s the increasing percentage of the Indian population which was exempt from tribute by virtue of holding positions i n l o c a l Indian government had begun to represent a considerable l i m i t a t i o n on tribute revenue. The Viceroy, Duque de l a Palata attempted to remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n either by having minor o f f i c i a l s selected from those over tribute-paying age or by 60 having these o f f i c i a l s pay trib u t e either personally or from community funds. By the end of the f i r s t quarter of the eighteenth century some tribute l i s t s 6 l made no provision f o r the exemption even of alcaldes. Later i n the century the V i s i t o r General Areche attempted to apply a similar p o l i c y to a l l 62 Indian r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s , thereby l i m i t i n g the classes of Indians enjoying exemption by virtue of o f f i c e to the caciques and some alcaldes. 59 This gradual broadening of the tribute base added to the expense of supporting the Indian e l i t e , an expense which already weighed heavily on most Indian communities. At the same time, by removing any personal economic reward f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l government, the inclusion of Indian o f f i c i a l s as tribute payers destroyed not only the prestige of o f f i c e 63 but also the incentive for holding o f f i c e . In spite of t h i s overall trend towards subjecting a greater percentage of the Indian population to t r i b u t e payment, the number of Indians who maintained t h e i r exemption from t r i b u t e by v i r t u e of t h e i r cacique status was s t i l l s i g n i f i c a n t i n 1754, for out of 64 a t o t a l population of 612,780 Indians, 2,078 enjoyed such exemption. Measures to increase tr i b u t e revenue affected not only the Indian e l i t e , but the Indian masses as w e l l . Rather than actually c u r t a i l i n g the i l l e g a l p r o f i t s of Spanish o f f i c i a l s , many of the steps taken to prevent the misappropriation of tribute funds merely transferred the burden of these p r o f i t s from the Crown's t r i b u t e revenue to the resources of Indian society as a whole. In the 1730's the Viceroy Castelfuerte was p a r t i c u l a r l y active i n attempting to increase tribute revenue by eradicating many of the fraudulent practices by which l o c a l o f f i c i a l s embezzled tri b u t e monies r i g h t l y due to the Crown. A p a r t i c u l a r l y common practice was f o r the corregidor to report the existence of an a r t i f i c i a l l y low^number of t r i b u t a r i e s and to pocket the monies c o l -65 lected from the r e a l t r i b u t a r i e s i n excess of t h i s number. The devastating effects of the recent plague on the s i e r r a Indians f a c i l i t a t e d t h i s p a r t i c u l a r -l y l u c r a t i v e fraud. Castelfuerte t r i e d to c u r t a i l t h i s abuse by sending out 60 special enumerators whose e f f o r t s , he claimed, produced an additional 35»868 Indian t r i b u t a r i e s . ^ These t r i b u t a r i e s were not, however, always legitimate additions to the t r i b u t e r o l l s . Since the enumerators were paid according to th e i r 67 success i n finding new t r i b u t a r i e s , i t i s not surprising that many legitimately exempt Indians were threatened with inclusion, or i n fact i n -cluded as t r i b u t a r i e s . Bribery was apparently the only sure way to maintain 68 one's exemption. The inclusion of Indians l e g a l l y exempted from t r i b u t e payment by virtue of t h e i r age, sex or i n f i r m i t i e s i n the tr i b u t e l i s t s i n -creased the tribute burden on the productive members of Indian society who had to raise the t r i b u t e payments for these individuals. In t h i s way the Crown's attempts to increase t r i b u t e revenue contributed to the increasing impoverishment of Indian society. The administration's policy of increasing tribute revenue, therefore, worked to the serious disadvantage of Indian society, adversely affecting both members of the Indian e l i t e and of the tributary population. I t ultimately worked to the disadvantage of the Spanish Crown as well since i t antagonized not only members of the Indian e l i t e but also a large part of the mestizo population. Under Castelfuerte a l l mestizos were included as 69 t r i b u t a r i e s unless they could l e g a l l y establish t h e i r mestizo status. The d i f f i c u l t y and expense of doing t h i s forced many mestizos into the s o c i a l l y degrading p o s i t i o n of t r i b u t a r i e s . The mestizos who had hitherto 70 regarded t h e i r association with Spanish society as i n v i o l a b l e , now found themselves outcasts, subject to the same degrading exploitation as the 61 members of the subordinate Indian society. The mestizos reacted with growing suspicion against further attempts to equate them with the ex-ploited Indians. At the same time the mestizos' new-found identity of interest with the Indian tributaries made the administration wary of offending them further. Manso de Velasco wrote at mid-century that any enumeration was a dangerous undertaking because of the mestizos' fear of the imposition of tribute and mita "que es un servicio que miran como una 71 especie de esclavitud que los altera." Since the caciques were exempt from tribute payment, i t might seem that the Spanish administration's tendency to include as many Indians and even mestizos as possible i n the tribute l i s t s enhanced the position of the caciques. In fact the opposite was the case. The administration's policies increased the impoverishment of the Indian masses and made them less able to support their privileged groups, although the caciques were, to some extent, shielded from this decline by their participation in the corregidores' profits. However, a number of the reforms instituted to prevent the corregidores from defrauding the Crown of tribute revenue had the additional and unanticipated effect of totally undermining the social and economic position of the caciques. Reduced by the tribute system reforms to the status of personal dependants of the corregidores, the caciques found that their privileged status had become purely illusory in practice. In order to thwart the most common means by which the corregidores defrauded the Crown of tribute revenue, o f f i c i a l tribute l i s t s were intro-72 duced, fixing the income expected from each corregimiento. Whereas 62 formerly the corregidores were able to declare to the Crown a smaller number of t r i b u t a r i e s than i n fac t e x i s t e d , they were now obliged to present t r i -bute f o r a f i x e d number of Indians. This meant that the corregidores could only p r o f i t by i l l e g a l l y increasing the amount of the t r i b u t e exactions or by c o l l e c t i n g from exempt Indians. The corregidores' p r a c t i c e of introducing t h i r d or even fourth p a r t i e s — t h e caciques themselves or the corregidores' own subordinates, o f t e n mestizos or m u l a t t o e s — i n t o the process of t r i b u t e c o l l e c t i o n exacerbated t h i s s i t u a t i o n , n e c e s s i t a t i n g s t i l l more intensive e x p l o i t a t i o n to provide the p r o f i t f o r these i n d i v i d u a l s . Lohmann describes the b e n e f i t s the Crown anticipated from the use of f i x e d t r i b u t e l i s t s : " A s l se consideraba que por e l propio interns de l o s arrendatarios no caerian facilmente a l a s propuestas de colusi6n que l e s insinuasen l o s corregidores o los curacas para declarar exentos o f u g i t i v o s a l mayor nuraero posible de con-73 tribuyentes." These o f f i c i a l t r i b u t e l i s t s together with the p r a c t i c e of s e l l i n g them, generally to corregidores, f o r at le a s t the amount of income expected f o r that corregimiento, r e s u l t e d i n a system of tax farming which benefited the Crown by making i t s t r i b u t e revenue t o t a l l y independent of the actual administration of the t r i b u t e c o l l e c t i o n . These favorable r e s u l t s were equalled by the negative r e s u l t s which t h i s independence had on both the Indian t r i b u t a r i e s and the caciques. The Bishop of Cuzco s u c c i n c t l y described the e x p l o i t a t i o n which ; resulted from t h i s system of t r i b u t e c o l l e c t i o n : " . . . valiendose del especioso t i t u l o 74 de Reales Tributos, no ay b i o l e n c i a que no executen." As v/ell as l o s i n g the main basis f o r t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n — t h e i r usefulness to the Crown 63 as intermediaries i n the tribute c o l l e c t i o n — t h e caciques found themselves relegated to the status of personal debt co l l e c t o r s for the corregidores or the i r agents. The autonomy gained by the corregidores through these innovations i n the t r i b u t e c o l l e c t i o n process f a c i l i t a t e d t h e i r further subjugation of the caciques. The corregidores and t h e i r underlings viewed the amount of tr i b u t e they had undertaken to collect as a debt for which the caciques as Indian 75 leaders were personally responsible. Caciques often paid out of thexr own 7 6 pockets the tribute of Indians from whom they could not c o l l e c t and i t was not unknown for caciques to be imprisoned f o r f a i l i n g to pay tributes they 78 77 had been unable to c o l l e c t . By the same token the caciques were held responsible f o r the payment of the repartimiento, often disguised as t r i b u t e . The i n s i g n i f i c a n t role l e f t to the caciques i n the reformed tri b u t e c o l -l e c t i n g system meant that the Spanish government was no longer interested i n maintaining t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status. The caciques, therefore, largely abandoned by the Crown, became helpless victims of the corregidores* arbitrary power. In spite of the fact that the caciqueship was by law a hereditary o f f i c e , the corregidores were now able to go so far as to depose caciques with impunity, simply by making the claim that they held o f f i c e i l l e g a l l y 79 due to t h e i r f a i l u r e to obtain r o y a l confirmation. Many caciques were vulnerable on t h i s basis since the considerable f i n a n c i a l outlay involved 80 i n obtaining confirmation forced them to dispense with i t . The caciques' subjugation to the corregidores e f f e c t i v e l y destroyed both the economic and s o c i a l advantages of o f f i c e . The corregidores' 6k arbitrariness has not only impoverished the caciques but reduced them, in reality, to the status of tribute payers by placing on them the obligations which the tributaries themselves were unable to meet. The exploitation in which the caciques were forced to participate in order to maintain the corregidores' protection had become so abusive as to damage the caciques' acceptance by the Indians as their legitimate leaders. At the same time the caciques* loss of access to the Crown impeded their ability to function as representatives of the Indian community and hence to reinforce their hereditary status through effective leadership. The protector Le6n y Escand6n summed up the caciques' position at the middle of the eighteenth century as "de peor condision que los pleveyos haviendo de hacerse cargo de una obligacion tan graboza que les fueran inuttiles los privilegios y 8 l exempciones que la piedad de su Magd. les tiene concedidas." The caciques' subservient status made them indistinguishable in Spanish eyes from the mass of Indians whose character was generally interpreted in unflattering terms such as these used by the Viceroy Castelfuerte: ". . . el genio de esta nacion, en quien entregarse al ocio es un vicio de naturaleza, y por aquella insensivilidad que con una filosofla de vajeza no se dejan 82 penetrar del interes de la ganancia." Juan and Ulloa described the attitudes of Spaniards to the children of caciques in the eighteenth century as follows: ". . . el desprecio y odio con que los espanoles de su edad los tratarian en las escuelas de alia . . . basta que sean indios para que todos 0-2 tengan a desdoro el ensefiarles, aun los misraos mestizos." 6 5 Many caciques were unwilling to accept without protest t h i s loss of status and prestige and sought ways to counteract the corregidores' power either by s o l i c i t i n g the enforcement of e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n or by attempt-ing to occupy i n f l u e n t i a l positions outside t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l role as 84 caciques. As l a t e r chapters w i l l demonstrate, the caciques' efforts to reestablish a balance between t h e i r by now openly c o n f l i c t i n g interests i n Spanish exploitation and the welfare of Indian society were made primarily i through existing l e g a l channels with the assistance of the urban Indian e l i t e . The nature of these procedures and the Spanish colonial theories on which they were founded proved to be the overriding influence on the ideology of reform developed by the Indian e l i t e i n the eighteenth century. From i t s inception the goals and ideals of the Indian reformist movement were both conceived and expressed within the s t r i c t u r e s of Spanish c o l o n i a l i d e a l s . 66 NOTES CHAPTER I I 1 For a general discussion of eighteenth-century reforms i n Spain's col o n i a l possessions see: David >Brading, Miners and Merchants i n Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810 (Cambridge, England, 1971); John Horace Parry, The Spanish Seaborne Empire (New York, 1966); Clarence Henry Haring, The Spanish Empire i n America (London, 194-7); Guillermo Cespedes del C a s t i l l o , Lima y Buenos Aires. Repuercusiones econSmicas y_ p o l i t i c a s de l a creac'i'6n del V i r r e i n a t o del P l a t a ( S e v i l l e , 194-7); and L i l l i a n E s t e l l e Fisher, The Intendant System, i n the Spanish Americas (Berkeley, 1929). 2 Most studies of reform i n the Spanish administration of Peru i n the eighteenth century dwell on the implementation of the intendant system i n 1784. See John Robert Fisher, Government and Society i n Colonial Peru: The  Intendant System, 1784-l8l4 (London, 1970). Leon G. Campbell, "The Army of Peru and the Tupac Amaru Revolt, I78O-I783," Hispanic American H i s t o r i c a l  Review, 56:1 (Feb. 1976), 31-57, has studied the mili t a r y reorganization i n Peru a f t e r 176l. The concentration of these studies on the l a t t e r part of the eighteenth century i s indicative of the fact that e a r l i e r innovations did not represent a comprehensive reorganization, but rather isolated e f f o r t s designed primarily to increase Crown revenue. John TePaske, "La c r i s i s del si g l o XVIII en e l vi r r e i n a t o del Peru," i n ed. Bernardo Garcia'Martinez, 67 H i s t o r i a y_ sociedad en e l mundo de habla espanola (Mexico, 1970), pp. 263-279» analyzes the extent of reforms made i n the f i r s t half of the eighteenth century i n Peru. These included insistence on compliance with existing laws, the enforcement of residencias, measures designed to subordinate the Church to Viceregal authority, and investigations into existing practices. For a general view of the extent of the autonomy of both l o c a l government and the central judiciary i n eighteenth-century Peru see John Preston Moore, The  Cabildo i n Peru under the Bourbons, 1700-1824 (Durham, 1966); Leon G. Campbell, "A Creole Establishment: Creole Domination of the Audiencia of Lima during the Late Eighteenth Century," Hispanic American H i s t o r i c a l Review, 52:1 (Feb. 1972), 1-25; and Guillermo Lohmann V i l l e n a , Los ministros de l a Audiencia de Lima en  e l reinado de los Borbones ( S e v i l l e , 1974). ^ William James Callahan, Honor, Commerce and Industry i n Eighteenth-century Spain (Boston, 1972), p. 12. Victorino Montero, Estado p o l i t i c o del reyno del Peru, govierno s i n  leyes: ministros relaxados: thesoros con pobreza: f e r t i l i d a d s i n c u l t i v o : sabiduria desestimada: m i l i c i a s i n honor: ciudades s i n amor pat'ricio: l a  j u s t i c i a s i n templo: Hurtos por Comercios: Integridad tenida por locura: Rey, e l Mayor de Ricos Dominios, pobre de Thesoros (Madrid, c. 1747), "dedicatoria." With the exception of writing out i n f u l l abbreviations which might prove d i f f i c u l t f o r the reader I have consistently reproduced the orthography of the books and manuscripts from which quotations are transcribed. Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 2. ^ Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 15. 68 Jorge Juan y S a n t a c i l i a and Antonio de U l l o a , N o t i c i a s Secretas de America, sobre e l est ado naval, m i l i t a r £ p o l i t i c o de l o s Reinos del Peril y_ P r o v i n c i a de Quito, e s c r i t a s fielmente segun l a s instrucciones del Excmo. Sr. Marqugs de l a Ensenada, Primer Secretario de Estado y_ presentadas en informe secreto a D. Fernando VI, sacadas a l u z para e l verdadero conocimiento del gobierno de l o s espanbles en l a America Meridional por D. David Barry (London, 1826), r p t . B i b l i o t e c a Ayacucho 31» 32 (Madrid, 1918), I, 250. g Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 37. 9 Noticias secretas, I, 305. 1 0 Joseph d e l Campillo y Cosio, Nuevo sistema de gobierno ecori6mi'co  para l a America: Con l o s males y_ daiios que l e causa e l que hoy tiene,' "de los que p a r t i c i p a copiosamente Espana: y remedios universales para que l a primera tenga considerables ventajas, y l a segunda mayores intereses (Madrid, 1789), "exordio" p. 13. 1 1 TePaske describes a number of s p e c i f i c reforms beginning i n 1713 designed to reduce the p r i v i l e g e s of various c o l o n i a l groups. While many of them attempted to subordinate the Church to the v i c e r e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s , others aimed to l i m i t the prerogatives of r o y a l o f f i c i a l s from Viceroy to corregidores. Some reforms undermined the p r i v i l e g e s of large sectors of c o l o n i a l society. For example, Lima's commercial i n t e r e s t s were affe c t e d by the a b o l i t i o n i n 172k of the Consulado's p r i v i l e g e of c o l l e c t i n g various taxes as well as by the d e f i n i t i v e i n t r o d u c t i o n i n 17^0 of r e g i s t r o s s ueltos which s i g n i f i e d the end of Lima's trade monopoly. Mining i n t e r e s t s were upset by the p o s s i b i l i t y of having to use only paid labor when the 69 discontinuance of the mita system was considered i n 1720-(pp. 271-275). A new t a x on a l l goods en t e r i n g urban areas, introduced i n 1741 to f i n a n c e defence, a l s o a f f e c t e d urban i n t e r e s t s . Jose Manso de V e l a s c o , Conde de Superunda, "Relaci6n," i n ed. Manuel Atanasio Fuentes,' Memorias de l o s V i r e y e s que nan gobernado e l Peru durante e l tiempo d e l c o l o n i a j e esp'anol (Lima, 1859), IV, 144. 12 Bernardo Ward, Proyecto econ6mico. En que se proponen v a r i a s pro-v i d e n c i a s , d i r i g i d a s k promover l o s i n t e r e s e s de Espafia, con l o s medios £ fondos necesarios p a r a su p l a n t i f i c a c i o n : E s c r i t o en e l ano de 1762 Por D. Bernardo Ward, d e l Consejo de S.M. £ su M i n i s t r o de l a R e a l Junta de  Comercio y_ Moneda. Obra postuma (Madrid, 1787). Campillo's p l a n forms part I I , pp. 225-314 of t h i s work. Campillo was an i n f l u e n t i a l f i g u r e i n Spain i n the f i r s t h a l f of the eighteenth century. Before h i s death i n 1743 he was Home Secretary and f o r a short time i n 1741 Prime M i n i s t e r . Miguel A r t o l a , " C a m p i l l o y l a s reformas de C a r l o s I I I , " R e v i s t a de I n d i a s , 12:50 (Oct.-Dec. 1952), 685-704, g i v e s an account of the i n f l u e n c e of Campillo's ideas on economic reform i n the second h a l f of the eighteenth century. Neither Campillo's ideas concerning the urgency of reform i n Spain's American c o l o n i e s , nor those of Juan and U l l o a whose report \iras a c t u a l l y commissioned by the MarquSs de l a Ensenada, Sec r e t a r y of State f o r the I n d i e s , were g i v e n s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n u n t i l the 1760's. Miguel A r t o l a , "America en e l pensamiento espanol d e l s i g l o X V I I I , " R e v i s t a de I n d i a s , 29:115 (Jan.-Dec. 1969), 51-77» gives an i n t e r e s t i n g account of a number of pro-p o s a l s made by Spaniards throughout the eighteenth century f o r the 70 reorganization of c o l o n i a l commerce and administration. 13 For information on reform i n eighteenth-century Spain see: Callahan; Richard Herr, The Eighteenth Century Revolution i n Spain (Princeton, 1958); Jose Antonio Maravall, "Las tendencias de reforma p o l i t i c a en e l s i g l o XVIII," Revista de Occidente, 18:52 (July 1967), 53-82; Jaime Vicens Vives, An Economic History of Spain (Princeton, 1969); Luis Sanchez Agesta, E l pensamiento p o l i t i c o del despotismo ilustrado (Madrid, 1953); and Ricardo Krebs Wilckens, E l pensamiento h i s t 6 r i c o , p o l i t i c o £ econ6mico del Conde de Campomanes (Santiago, i960). 14 Campillo warned that the problems to be tackled i n reforming the American bureaucracy amounted to "un estrago tan monstruoso, que es menester l a mano poderosa de un Monarca como e l nuestro, para repararle" (Nuevo sistema, "exordio," p. 11) and Montero foresaw the need f o r armed i n t e r -vention to impose reform i n the face of widespread opposition (pp. 14 f f . ) . The fears expressed by these authors were r e a l i z e d i n the 1760*s when the Viceroy Amat's attempts to centralize the administration met with intense opposition on the part of Creoles and Spaniards a l i k e . See Vicente Rodriguez Casado and Florentino Perez Embid, "Estudio preliminar," i n Manuel de Amat y Junient, Memoria de gobierno, ed. Rodriguez Casado and Perez Embid ( S e v i l l e , 1947), P. LTH. Antonio de Ull o a experienced at f i r s t hand the opposition of vested interests to reform when he attempted to enforce ex i s t i n g l e g i s l a -t i o n as Governor of the Huancavelica mercury mine i n 1758. See Henry F. Dobyns and Paul L. Doughty, Peru: A Cultural History (New York, 1976), p. 121. 71 15 Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "Integraci6n y desintegraci6n regional en e l espacio c o l o n i a l , un enfoque hist6rico," Revista Latinoamericana de  Estudios urbano regionales, 11:4 (March 1972), 11-24; Cespedes, p. 75; and Jos§ de Armendariz, Marques de Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n del estado de los reynos del Peru," i n • ed. Manuel Atanasio Fuentes, * Memorias (Lima, 1859), I I I , 199. 16 Noticias secretas, I , 288. 17 Nuevo sistema, p. 54. 18 Noticias secretas, I , 287. 19 Nuevo sistema, "exordio," p. 21. 20 Spalding estimates that a hypothetical Indian could be expected to earn f i f t e e n to t h i r t y pesos i n vrages for working s i x months of the year "and another ten to f i f t e e n pesos per year from the sale of yearlings produced by his c a t t l e . "Huarochiri," p. 59. 21 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 58. 22 While corregidores were subject to an inspection at the end of t h e i r terms, the corruption of the o f f i c i a l s entrusted with administering i t negated i t s effectiveness. The Bishop of Cuzco condemned the residencia i n 1744 as "una mera ceremonia." See l e t t e r transcribed by Michel Colin i n Le Cuzco a l a f i n du XVII 6 et au debut du X V I I I 6 siecle ( P a r i s , 1966), p. 216. The following works indicate that Church o f f i c i a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Indian curates, engaged i n exploitative practices s i m i l a r to those of the corregidores: Nuevo sistema, p. 107; Noticias secretas, I I , 9-30; Amat, Memoria, pp. 188 f f . ; and Representaci6n verdadera [1748] transcribed by 72 Francisco A. Loayza i n Fray C a l i x t o Tupak Inka (Lima, 1948), pp. 9, 10, 13. For d e t a i l s of t h i s document see Chapter V of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . 23 Amat, Memoria, p. 186. 24 Noticias secretas, I, 251-280; Manso de Velasco, "Relaci6n," p. 151; Means, F a l l of the Inca Empire, pp. 190-197. 25 Lohmann, E l corregidor, pp. 266-270. 26 Noticias secretas, I, 256, 257. 27 Noticias secretas, I, 290, 297. 28 Noticias secretas, I, 298-299. 29 One of the most important Indian spokesmen i n the eighteenth century described these abuses: " . . . prosiguen l o s duenos de l a s haciendas en dar, y pr e s t a r dichos Indios [de mita] llevando para s i l o que ajustan de cada uno." "Por l a ordenanza . . . se manda no se repartan Indios a l o s trabajos y obrajes . . . y s i n embargo de e s t a prohibici6n . . . siguiendo su ambicion, y c o d i c i a , mandan a l o s Caciques, que cada Pueblo, que por su cortedad no l e s corresponda dicho repartimiento, l e s den en p l a t a e l importe de Indios, que s i tuviese bastante vecindad se deba r e p a r t i r . " Vicente Morachimo, Manifiesto  de l o s agravios, bexaciones, y_ molestias, que padecen l o s i n d i o s del reyno d e l  Peru. Dedicado a l o s senores de e l r e a l , y_ supremo Consejo, y_ Camara de Indias, por e l procurador y_ diputado general de dichos indios [Madrid, 1732], t r a n s -cribed by Fernando S i l v a Santisteban, "Morachimo, Cacique intercesor de l o s i n d i o s , " Idea (Lima), Nos. 25, 26, 27 (July-Oct. 1955* Jan.-March 1956, Apr.-June 1956), No. 27. 73 ^ A p r i c e l i s t f o r each corregiraiento was o f f i c i a l l y f i x e d i n 1756. Lohraann, E l corregidor, p. 427; Vargas Ugarte, H i s t o r i a , IV, 238. 31 Noticias secretas, I, 2 6 l . 32 Lohmann, E l corregidor, p. 430. 33 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 60; Lohraann, E l corregidor, p. 437. 34 Kubler gives the number of Indian persons as 1,490,137 i n 156l and 612,780 i n 1754, and a s t i l l lower number i n 1796, 608,894. "The Quechua," p. 334. Population f i g u r e s f o r 1754 are based on estimates made i n the eighteenth century, not on actual censuses. 35 This was the estimate of the eighteenth-century s c i e n t i s t Cosme Bueno. Kubler does not question i t , but i t i s possible that Cosme BUeno at-t r i b u t e d to the plague general population decreases r e s u l t i n g from conditions of severe e x p l o i t a t i o n . Kubler, p. 336. 36 This was because before 1732 only i n d i v i d u a l s r e s i d i n g i n the same province where they were born or where t h e i r ascendants had l i v e d were sub-ject to f u l l t r i b u t e and mita payment. Thus u n t i l 1732 an Indian could avoid or decrease these o b l i g a t i o n s by leaving h i s native province. See Rowe, "Incas," p. 189; Kubler, pp. 347, 377; Lohmann, E l corregidor, p. 437; Manuel Vicente V i l l a r a n , Apuntes sobre l a r e a l i d a d de l o s indigents del Peru ante l a s leyes de Indias (Lima, 1964), pp. 158-162; Rodrigo de Loaisa, p. 604. 37 Kubler, p. 339» noted that the population of Chucuito province which provided mitayos f o r Potosi shrank by two t h i r d s between 1628 and 1754. The Estado p o l i t i c o proposed the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of bishoprics and corregimie'ntos as a means of reducing "de l o s Montes, y Desiertos l a s gentes a vida mas 7k urbana; y a l o menos, en Sacraraentos, y Tributos, havia mas exactitud." (p. 25). Campillo echoed t h i s concern i n h i s Nuevo sistema, p. 9, as did the Noticias secretas, p. 283. Indian spokesmen expressed t h e i r concern rather more dramatically: " . . . no teneraos otro consuelo que e l desierto y desamparo en que nos vemos, que acogernos a l o s bosques de los desiertos y montanas, a perecer en las tempestades de l a necesidad." Representaci6n i n C a l i x t o , p. 13. Morachimo wrote "Tenientes generales . . . alquilan Indios a diferentes hacendados Espafioles, para que trabajen en sus haciendas, raz6n por que se despueblan muchos Pueblos, en grave p e r j u i c i o de e l Real Erario, por f a l t a r l o que aquellos huidos contribuian; y muchos se pasan a l a s Montanas a habitar entre i n f i e l e s " and alleged that the ex-tension of the term of a corregidor whose cacique had complained and been imprisoned served as "exemplar que ha causado e l r e t i r a r s e muchos Indios a las Montanas." Manifiesto (Idea, No. 25, p. 65). The MarquSs de Castelfuerte expressed his concern over the problem of voluntary migration as follows: ". . . y es preciso a mas trasladarlos de l a s montanas donde son fie'ras a los lugares donde nan de ser hombres, no s e r i a imposible obligarles a mu'dar l a t r a s l a c i o n a otra qualesquiera parte, pues entonces no pueden tener mas i n c l i n a c i o n a una que a otra: he discurrido hasta aqui de l a despoblacion que han sido y son habituales en e l Reyno. — P e r o haviSndose anadido a l de los otros l a peste que imbadi6 sus provincias en los ultimos afios precedentes a mi govierno, fuS preciso que consumiese mucha parte de sus naturales, y (lo que fue peor para l a republica) que s i r v i e s e de pretexto para l a diminucion de mitas y tributos." "Relaci6n," p. 135. 75 Eleven of f i f t y - o n e provinces increased i n population during t h i s period. Kubler, pp. 337 and 3 3 9 . For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the urban Indian population see Vargas Ugarte, H i s t o r i a , IV, 254; Spalding, De indio a campesino, pp. 177-180. 39 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 127. Much of the fo l l o w i n g discussion of the Indian e l i t e ' s l o s s of status i n the eighteenth century i s based on both s p e c i f i c data and the general a n a l y s i s presented by Spalding i n "Huarochiri." This a n a l y s i s i s presented i n broader terras i n De indio a campesino, pp. 14-7-192. 4-0 Valdez de l a Torre, E v o l u c i 6 n , pp. 6 8 , 6 9 . Sol6rzano, l i b . v i , cap. x i i , p t . 12, wrote: " . . . quando se mandare hacer esta e x h i b i c i o n de t i t u l o s y nueva medida de l a s heredades, no se vaya con animo de despojar y desposeer de e l l a s a sus antiguos poseedores y labradores, sino de o b l i g a r l e s a s i r v a n con alguna honesta coraposicion." 4-1 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 128. 4-? Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 127; Rowe, "Incas," pp. l 8 0 - l 8 2 . 4.3 Noticias secretas, I, 324. 44 Campillo's idea was that t h i s would provide an incentive f o r the Indians to work. Nuevo sistema, p. 86 . 45 Spalding, "Huarochiri, 1* p. 128. 46 This r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of land held by i n d i v i d u a l Indians occurred i n the 1770 's. Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 134. ^ Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 134 48 C a s t e l f u e r t e , " R e l a c i 6 n , " p. 199; Sempat Assadourian, p. 2 1 . 49 Parry, p. 2 8 4 . Sempat Assadourian gives the t r a d i t i o n a l explanation 76 for t h i s decrease: " . . . baja de l a ley, con rendimientos decrecientes y costes crecientes de explotaci6n, l a necesidad de nuevas inversiones para afrontar problemas tecnicos de l a producci6n, l a desacumulaci6n de c a p i t a l i n f l i g i d a a l a colonia por l a p o l i t i c a metropolitana," p. 17. 50 See Arthur Preston Whitaker, The Huancavelica Mercury Mine: A Contribution to the History of the Bourbon Renaissance i n the Spanish Empire (Cambridge, U.S.A., 1941). 5 1 "RelaciSn," p. 145. 52 Castelfuerte 1s "Relaci6n" outlines the problems encountered i n attempting to use voluntary labor, the decision to r e i n s t i t u t e the mita, and the conditions necessary for i t s effective operation. Castelfuerte undertook a new enumeration of Indians subject to the mita of Huancavelica and Potosi and claimed to have effected an increase i n the number of mitayos available on a continuous basis from 447 to 550 (pp. 135» 152-153* 158). 53 The main deterrents to voluntary labor i n the mines were i n fact the poor salary and oppressive working conditions. The customary j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the mita did not, however, r e f l e c t these factors: "Es comun sentir en todos aquellos paises y particularraente en los de l a s i e r r a , e l que s i los indios no se hicieran mita serian perezosos." Noticias secretas, I , 306. See also Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," pp. 152-153; Manso, p. 89; and Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 30. For a graphic description of conditions i n the s i l v e r and mercury mines see Dobyns and Doughty, pp. 102-104, 121-122. 54 Sebastian Lorente, H i s t o r i a del Peru bajo los Borbones: I7OO-I821 (Mexico, 1949), pp. 31, 32, and Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," p. 152. 77 55 ^ Vargas, Historia, IV, 173. 56 "Relaci6n," p. 151. See also Estado politico, pp. 22-23; Representa-ci6n in Calixto, p. 44; Lohmann, El corregidor, pp. 434-437; and Vargas, Historia, IV, 236-238. 57 Juan and Ulloa advocated providing salaries drawn from increased tribute payments to compensate the corregidores. Moticias secretas, I, 284. The corregidor did receive a salary, but this salary was often less than the sum paid by the corregidor to purchase the office. 58 Vargas, Historia, IV, 239. 59 Amat, Memoria, p. 189. 60 Spalding, MHuarochirl," p. 168. 6 l Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 69. 62 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 169. ^ Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 166. 64 Manso, "Relaci6n," Appendix, p. 15. 65 Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," p. 135; letter of Castelfuerte to King, 1728, Archivo•General de Indias, h e r e a f t e r cited, as. AGI (Lima. 542); and Manso, p. 92. 66 Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," pp. 145, 158, 351. 67 Manso, p. 93. 68 Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," p. 28l. 6 9 Castelfuerte, "Relaci6n," p. 136; Manso, p. 79. 7 0 Vargas, Historia, IV, 167-170. 7 1 Manso, p. 79. 72 TePaske, p. 275 and Vargas, Historia, IV, 217. 78 73 Lohmann, E l corregidor, p. 274. Juan and Ulloa describe a v a r i a t i o n of t h i s practice, introduced i n Quito after t h e i r a r r i v a l : 11. . . l a cobranza . . . se saca a preg6n y se remata en un tanto, a l que mas da, en cuyo caso es preferido e l corregidor s i l o quiere tomar en l a misma cantidad en que se ha rematado . . . no tiene mas obligaci6n e l corregidor sino entregar en l a s Cajas Reales l a cantidad en que tomo l a cobranza conforme se van cumpliendo los t e r c i o s , y queda exento de dar Cuentas." Noticias secretas, p. 254. 74 Colin, Le Cuzco, p. 216. 75 r > Colin, p. 77; Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 205. 76 Morachimo, Manifiesto (Idea, No. 25, p. 5). 77 For example, the cacique of Siete Huarangas i n Caxamarca remained prisoner from 1736 to 1744 for f a i l i n g to make good on t r i b u t e he was unable to c o l l e c t . Pedro de Le6n y Escand6n, Protector of the Indians for the Audiencia of Lima and l a t e r a Minister of the Council of the Indies, wrote a lengthy defense of t h i s cacique which can be seen i n AGI (Lima 540). 78 Colin, p. 216. Morachimo protested " e l modo que tienen estos de cobrar e l importe de los generos que repartieron con violencia, y contra todas d i s -posiciones de l o que enteran los Caciques de los Reales t r i b u t o s , dexando estos s i n s a t i s f a c e r , y su obligacion a l olvido; de l o que resu l t a , que l o s Caciques salen alcanzados, y sus haciendas suelen pagar l o que no deben." Manifiesto (Idea, No. 25, p. 5). 79 The Bishop of Cuzco protested that corregidores "despojan a l o s caciques lexitimos, ponen en su lugar mosos de su facci6n, para que estos 79 con mando absoluto cobren sus repartimientos." (Colin, p. 216.) See also Morachimo in Idea, No. 25, p. 5 and Calixto, p. 60. Later in the century the case of Tomas Catari is widely known (Lillian Estelle Fisher, The Last Inca Revolt, pp. 53-79 and Lewin, pp. 347-378).-8o Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 203. 8l L e 6 n y Escand6n. 82 Castelfuerte, "Relaci&n," p. 152; Noticias secretas, p. 306; ". , . son de su naturaleza flojos," Manso, p. 151; . . es una Gente entregada a la ociosidad y embriaguez," "Descripci6n dialogada de todos los pueblos del Peru," anonymous [eighteenth century] in AGI (Indiferente general 1528), p. 6; Juan and Ulloa commented that few Indians were left around Lima and lamented the impoverishment of two caciques reduced to teaching music in Lima. These comments probably reflect the greater Hispanization of urban Indians in relation to their rural counterparts. They also seem to indicate that the authors compared the urban caciques unfavorably with the rural caciques. See Voyage historique de 1'Amerique meridionale, fait par or'dre du roi d'Espagne (Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1752), p. 4-35. 83 Noticias secretas, I, 340. 84 Spalding, "Huarochiri," p. 166. 8 0 CHAPTER III The O r i g i n s of Indian Reformist Thought, Ra d i c a l Religious Ideals and the Spanish P r o t e c t o r a l System The f i r s t step i n the formation of the reformist ideology which reached i t s apogee i n the R e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru was the Indian e l i t e ' s adoption of a p r o t e c t o r a l r o l e towards the Indian masses. While t h i s step can be explain-ed i n s o c i a l terms as a reaction to the i n c r e a s i n g marginalization of the Indian e l i t e i n eighteenth-century Peru, i t s c u l t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l o r i g i n s are rooted i n Spanish c o l o n i a l theories and i n s t i t u t i o n s dating from the d i s -covery i t s e l f . The Indian reformist ideology can only be f u l l y understood i n terms of both the i d e a l s advocated by sixteenth-century missionaries and the pattern of p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n established by them. The eighteenth-century Indian reformists perpetuated the d i a l e c t i c which, i n i t i a t e d by these e a r l y missionaries, served to shape the h i s t o r y of Spanish c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n and i n s t i t u t i o n s . This d i a l e c t i c i s described by Lewis Hanke i n the following terms: " . . . l a s tendencias abusivas y l o s p r i n c i p i o s rigurosos . . . l a doctrina l i b e r a l . , . ;.. ,. La dualidad y l o s encuentros a que dio o r i g e n . " 1 T h i s d i a l e c t i c , l i k e the i n s t i t u t i o n s which embodied i t , the Protector of the Indians and the Crown's missionary agents, had i t s o r i g i n s i n Spain's adoption of a r e l i g i o u s basis f o r her secular authority i n America. Spain j u s t i f i e d her conquest of America by a Papal donation which gave her j u r i s -d i c t i o n over America i n return f o r undertaking the r e l i g i o u s conversion of 81 the American Indians. Although the nature and extent of the j u r i s d i c t i o n authorized by t h i s grant was subject to considerable debate, the Spanish Crown o f f i c i a l l y acknowledged on many occasions that i t s r i g h t to rule i n America was dependent on i t s f u l f i l l m e n t of the o b l i g a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i z i n g 2 the inhabitants of the newly discovered continent. T h i s b e l i e f paved the way f o r the Church to play an i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n the Spanish conquest of America. The nature of that r o l e was shaped by the m i l i t a n t s p i r i t and r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s of many of the early mission-a r i e s . The l a s t years of Spain's reconquest were imbued with a r e l i g i o u s m i litancy exemplified by Ximenez de Cisneros' uncompromising attitude towards 3 the Moorish inhabitants of Granada. The discovery of America, c o i n c i d i n g as i t d i d with the culmination of the C h r i s t i a n reconquest of Spain, provided a new focus f o r t h i s militancy and appeared to many to be a s i g n of d d i v i n e l y -ordered plan f o r Spain to extend her crusades to America as the leader of a world-wide C h r i s t i a n empire. Th i s view was substantiated by a type of B i b l i c a l exegesis popular amongst many of the Spaniards involved i n early expeditions to America. This exegesis drew an analogy between events of the Old Testament' and C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y , an analogy which could be extended to p r e d i c t the course of future h i s t o r y by i n t e r p r e t i n g the Old Testament as prophetic. The o r i g i n a t o r of t h i s analogy, Joachim of F i o r e , had car r i e d i t through only u n t i l 1260 which he placed as the end of the second age of man. He had predicted that the t h i r d and f i n a l age, l i k e the preceding ages, would be i n i t i a t e d by an A n t i c h r i s t , traumas and precursors. This t h i r d age, however, 82 would embrace a l l mankind i n a s p i r i t u a l empire of which the monastery was the prototype and under the leadership of v i r i s p i r i t u a l i of whom monks were 5 the obvxous precursors. Joachim's analogy was incorporated, together with h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the t h i r d age of man, i n t o orthodox B i b l i c a l exegesis through Nicholas of Lyre's b i b l i c a l commentaries. Although written i n the fourteenth century, Nicholas of Lyre's commentaries were considered a u t h o r i -t a t i v e at the end of the f i f t e e n t h century and continued to be i n f l u e n t i a l throughout the seventeenth century. They were included i n numerous ea r l y p r i n t e d editions of the B i b l e , i n c l u d i n g the Polyglot B i b l e prepared under 7 the supervision of Ximenez de Cisneros. T h i s Joachimite exegesis, with i t s concept of reform as a necessary prelude to the establishment of the t h i r d age, was an i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r i n reformist trends w i t h i n the Church throughout the medieval and renaissance periods. One such movement, l e d by Ximenez de Cisneros, himself a member of the Observantine Franciscan Order which had been established by some of the most fervent b e l i e v e r s i n Joachimism, the S p i r i t u a l Franciscans, coincided with the discovery of America. As confessor and p r i n c i p a l advisor to Queen I s a b e l l a , and l a t e r as regent, C a r d i n a l Ximenez combined two Joachimite-influenced trends—reformism and a n a l o g i s t i c B i b l i c a l e x e g e s i s — i n an approach which greatly influenced Spain's i d e a l s of Empire. Ximenez made reforms both within h i s own r e l i g i o u s order and i n the secular clergy i n an attempt to bring t h e i r p r a c t i c e s more into l i n e with the s p i r i t u a l i t y and s i m p l i c i t y of the p r i m i t i v e Church. At the same time Ximenez supported r e l i g i o u s wars against A f r i c a and expeditions to America, the f i r s t steps i n e s t a b l i s h i n g 83 Spain as the head of a s p i r i t u a l empire. T h i s reformism and r e l i g i o u s im-p e r i a l i s m was t r a n s f e r r e d to America by Christopher Columbus and the f r i a r s who accompanied the early expeditions. As members of the Observantine Franciscan Order they shared the r a d i c a l i d e a l s which had i n s p i r e d Ximenez g and found i n America a new opportunity f o r r e a l i z i n g them. Columbus was the f i r s t to apply the prophetic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Old Testament to the discovery of America, equating America with Jerusalem, the Promised Land of the Old Testament. Similar comparisons i n v o l v i n g the Spanish Empire and the Jews of the Old Testament became common i n the sixteenth century. The most elaborate examples of these analogies are found i n the writings of F r . Ger6nimo de Mendieta. Mendieta i d e n t i f i e d the Indians before t h e i r ex-posure to C h r i s t i a n i t y with the Jews i n the Egyptian c a p t i v i t y . According to Mendieta, Cortes had l e d the Indians into the C h r i s t i a n Spanish Empire just as Moses had led the Jews into the Promised Land. However, the corruption of Spanish secular r u l e l e d Mendieta to compare the p l i g h t of the Indians with the Babylonian c a p t i v i t y . A more moderate v e r s i o n of the analogy between Spain's r o l e i n America and the events of the Old Testament saw Spain as the chosen people, destined to e s t a b l i s h the New Jerusalem i n America. This New Jerusalem would be r u l e d by s p i r i t u a l leaders who would repudiate European 9 society as the corrupt kingdom prophesied by the B i b l i c a l Babylon. The missionary orders, seeing themselves as precursors of these s p i r i t u a l leaders, envisioned f o r themselves a r o l e i n America f a r exceeding that o f f i c i a l l y ascribed to them as Spain's missionary agents. They saw t h e i r mission not merely as one of converting Indians, but also of reforming and subordinating 84 secular society to s p i r i t u a l d i r e c t i o n . The essentially medieval reformism of the missionary orders was reinforced by a renaissance idealism which agreed with the former i n repudiating existing European society i n favor of the s i m p l i c i t y of a golden age, represented within C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y by the pr i m i t i v e Church. The following l i n e s by Vasco de Quiroga, the Bishop of Michoacan renowned for h i s experiments i n the peaceful conversion of Indians, demonstrate the s i m i l a r i t y between medieval and renaissance ideals i n the American context: . . . reformar y restaurar y legitimar, s i posible fuese, l a doctrina y vida c r i s t i a n a , y su santa simplicidad, mansedumbre, humilidad, piedad y caridad en esta Renaciente I g l e s i a en esta edad dorada entre estos naturales, que en l a nuestra de hierro l o repugna tanto nuestra casi natural soberbia, codicia, ambici6n y malicia desenfrenadas.^ The Crown's designation of the mendicant orders as i t s agents i n the conversion of the American natives assured these proponents of r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s ideals an i n f l u e n t i a l voice i n shaping the Church's role i n America. The o f f i c i a l i n v i t a t i o n to the mendicant orders to send missionaries to America was largely the work of a prominent Franciscan and member of the Council of the Indies, Fr. Juan Bernal Diaz de Luco. The publication of t h i s i n v i t a t i o n i n 1533 together with a manifesto by the f i r s t Bishop of Mexico, 11 Fr. Zumarraga, another Franciscan whose reformist ideals brought him into c o n f l i c t with secular interests, must be taken as an i n d i c a t i o n of Crown support f o r the r a d i c a l ideals represented by t h e i r authors. The Crown supported both i n theory and.in practice the missionaries' commitment to the s p i r i t of p r i m i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y exemplified by Fr. Francisco de los Angeles' designation of twelve missionaries to evangelize 85 Mexico as symbolic of the twelve apostles. As l a t e as I568 the Junta de Indias suggested that even bishops i n America should maintain the poverty of the mendicant orders i n order to preserve the sense of the p r i m i t i v e 12 Church. U n t i l 1583 the Crown's p o l i c y of g i v i n g preference to members of the missionary orders i n appointments to b i s h o p r i c s assured the continuing influence of t h i s i d e a l . Of 1?8 bishops appointed i n Spain's American 13 possessions m the sixteenth century, 123 were members of missionary orders. From 1546 on the Crown through the Council of the Indies undertook the expense of sending missionaries to America, f u l l y h a l f of whom i n the sixteenth Ik century were members of the Franciscan order. The r a d i c a l aims of these Crown-supported missionaries c o n f l i c t e d with the secular i n t e r e s t s e s s e n t i a l to Spain's c o l o n i a l e f f o r t . By a t t r i b u t i n g to the conquered s o c i e t y the o b l i g a t i o n of providing the human and material resources necessary to support the Spanish presence i n r e t u r n f o r the benefits of C h r i s t i a n i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n , Spain's c o l o n i a l theory j u s t i f i e d the control of the indigenous population by i n d i v i d u a l Spaniards. This control was e f f e c t -ed through the encomienda system adopted i n 1503. This system gave i n d i v i d u a l Spaniards the r i g h t to demand goods and s e r v i c e s from the Indians under t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n and the o b l i g a t i o n to oversee the welfare and conversion of those Indians. Despite an a c t i v e and w e l l - p u b l i c i z e d campaign to convince the Crown that the encomienda prejudiced the Indians' conversion, and therefore Spain's t i t l e to America, the missionaries never succeeded i n reversing t h i s concession to s e c u l a r i n t e r e s t s . Neither t h i s f a i l u r e nor the f a i l u r e of t h e i r missionary 8 6 experiments, however, succeeded i n undermining the Crown's o f f i c i a l commitment 1 5 to the missionary cause throughout the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . The prime concern assigned t o the C o u n c i l of the I n d i e s , the highest a u t h o r i t y on the government of the Spanish c o l o n i e s , was: . . . l a conversi6n y d o c t r i n a , y sobre todo se desvelen y ocupen con todas sus f u e r z a s y entendimiento en proveer y poner m i n i s t r o s s u f i c i e n t e s para e l l o , y todos l o s otros medios necesarios y convenientes para que l o s i n d i o s y nat u r a l e s se conviertan y conserven en e l conocimiento de Dios nuestro Sefior, honra y alabanza de su santo nombre, de forma que, cumpliendo Nos con e s t a parte que ta n t o nos o b l i g a y a que tanto deseamos s a t i s f a c e r , l o s d e l dicho Consejo descarguen sus c o n c i e n c i a s , pues con e l l o des-cargamos l a n u e s t r a . 1 6 The a u t h o r i t a t i v e compiler and commentator of Spanish c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , Juan de Sol6rzano, described the theory behind the Crown's o b l i g a t i o n t o pro-t e c t the Indians: Y conociendo e s t a m i s e r i a de l o s I n d i o s , y l o que por razon de e l l a n e c e s i t a n de s e r amparados, no se h a l l a r a cosa que mas r e p i t a n , y encarguen i n f i n i t a s Cedulas, Ordenanzas, y P r o v i s i o n e s Reales, que en todos tiempos para e l l o se han despachado, dandoles todos l o s nombres, 6 e p i t e t o s de desventura que he r e f e r i d o , y ordenando, y mandando apretadamente, que se desvelen l o s V i r r e y e s , A u d i e n c i a s , Governadores, y Prelados en su defensa, y que este sea siempre su p r i n c i p a l e s t u d i o , y cuidado. Sol6rzano quoted as t y p i c a l the f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n to the Co u n c i l of the I n d i e s : . . . provean l o que convenga para l a conversion, -,y buen tratamiento de l o s I n d i o s , de manera que en sus personas y haciendas no se l e s haga mal tra t a m i e n t o , n i daSo alguno, antes en todo sean t r a t a d o s . . . . y favorecidos como v a s a l l o s nuestros, castigando con r i g o r a l o s que a l con-t r a r i o h i c i e r e n , para que con esto l o s dichos I n d i o s entiendan l a merced que l e s deseamos hacer, y conozcan, que h a v e r l o s puesto Nos debaxo de n u e s t r a p r o t e c c i o n , y 87 amparo, ha sido por bien suyo, y para sacarlos de l a tyranla, y servidumbre, en que antiguaraente v i v i a n . ! ? While the constant r e p e t i t i o n of the Crown's benevolent intent towards the Indians i n i n s t r u c t i o n s to v i r t u a l l y a l l c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s and i n l e g i s -l a t i o n designed to co n t r o l s p e c i f i c abuses may have r e l i e v e d the Monarch's conscience, i t d i d l i t t l e to resolve the discrepancy between the damaging e f f e c t s of the c o l o n i a l system on Indian s o c i e t y and the avowed protective intent of that system. On the contrary, by a t t r i b u t i n g p r o t e c t o r a l functions to v i r t u a l l y a l l i t s c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , and incorporating p r o t e c t o r a l measures into the very i n s t i t u t i o n s designed to f a c i l i t a t e c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n , the Crown tr a n s f e r r e d i t s own moral dilemma to every l a y e r of i t s c o l o n i a l bureaucracy. In most cases, the o f f i c i a l s resolved t h i s dilemma according to the Crown's own example, subordinating Indian welfare to t h e i r own personal economic advantage. The p a t e r n a l i s t i c ideas and p o l i c i e s espoused by the Crown could e a s i l y be applied both to j u s t i f y and f a c i l i t a t e a u t h o r i t a r i a n c o n t r o l over the Indians. From the missionaries' point of view the Indians' c h i l d l i k e nature and lack of appreciation f o r European values made i t necessary to shelter them from the damaging e f f e c t s which might r e s u l t from t h e i r ignorant, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Spanish-patterned s o c i a l and l e g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . One of the most r a d i c a l Franciscans, M o t o l i n i a , c a r r i e d t h i s argument to i t s l o g i c a l extreme to ad-vocate the Indians' complete i s o l a t i o n from Roman lav/: " . . . porque toda e l l a es de l o s que non sunt s u i sed a l i e n i j u r i s , y a s i no l e s pueden cuadrar n i convenir l a s disposiciones d e l Derecho, e l cual habla con l o s hombres que 18 son capaces de e l , y l o saben entender y pe d i r . " Consequently the Indians 88 required not only paternal p r o t e c t i o n , but paternal authority to f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y : " . . . por ser esta gente tan misera y baja que s i con e l l o s no se tiene toda autoridad, no se tiene ninguna, y s i 1 9 no l o s tiene muy debajo de l a mano y sujetos, no hay raano para con e l l o s . " These arguments, developed i n i t i a l l y to serve the missionary cause, were generalized to j u s t i f y a u t h o r i t a r i a n control over the Indians not only by the 20 c o l o n i a l administration but by i n d i v i d u a l Spaniards as w e l l . There did, however, exist throughout the entire c o l o n i a l period one i n s t i t u t i o n s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to prevent the transformation of the Crown's benevolent paternalism into t y r a n n i c a l authoritarianism. The o f f i c e of pro-tec t o r of the Indians was assigned the sole task of preventing and r e c t i f y i n g 2 1 abusxve treatment of Indians. The Crown f i r s t conferred the t i t l e of protector of the Indians on r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y bishops, ostensibly to r e i n f o r c e with secular powers the r e l i g i o u s authority they invoked i n t h e i r attempts to prevent unjust treatment of Indians. Ximenez' appointment of Las Casas as Protector general de l o s i n d i o s , responsible d i r e c t l y to the Crown, was t y p i c a l of these e a r l y appointments. A lack of c l e a r l y defined j u r i s d i c t i o n paralyzed the e f f o r t s of these protectors to act within the framework of the secular administration. Obliged to resort to t h e i r moral and r e l i g i o u s suasion to carry out t h e i r Crown-designated o b l i g a t i o n s , these e a r l y protectors r e -kindled the c o l o n i s t s ' resentment.of c l e r i c a l interference i n what they considered to be purely secular matters. Thus the dual authority of the c l e r i c a l protectors, rather than strengthening t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , served only to exacerbate the antagonism between secular and r e l i g i o u s i n t e r e s t s over the 89 treatment of the Indians. The Crown attempted to reduce t h i s animosity by t r a n s f e r r i n g the o f f i c i a l p r o t e c t o r a l function to lay o f f i c i a l s . T h i s measure was, however, f a r from being successful. Some lay pro-t e c t o r s had already been appointed i n order to compensate f o r the l i m i t a t i o n s that time and distance imposed on the c l e r i c s 1 a b i l i t y to f u l f i l l t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Naturally these lay protectors became the objects of the same h o s t i l i t y d i r e c t e d towards t h e i r c l e r i c a l superiors. Nevertheless by I589 the p o s i t i o n of protector of the Indians was d e f i n i t i v e l y established as a f i x t u r e of the Spanish c o l o n i a l administration. As s p e c i f i e d i n the R e c o p i l a c i 6 n de Indias the protectors' a c t i v i t i e s involved the discovery, v e r i f i c a t i o n and presentation to the appropriate a u t h o r i t i e s of cases i n which the powerful abused t h e i r p o s i t i o n to i n f r i n g e upon the r i g h t s of the weak. For minor offences the protectors were empoivered to levy f i n e s or short prison sentences. T h i s was a very l i m i t e d power, however, since corregidores and members of Audiencias were exempt from t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n and accusations i n v o l v i n g them had to be presented to the Audiencia or Viceroy r e s p e c t i v e l y . In Order to ensure the protectors every opportunity of gaining j u s t i c e f o r the Indians, they were guaranteed access to higher a u t h o r i t i e s 22 such as the Audiencia, Council of the Indies and the monarch himself. Both p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s and the s p e c i f i c regulations of the Ordenanzas of Toledo tended to l i m i t the powers of the local/;protectors i n Peru, thereby creating two d i f f e r e n t kinds of protectors w i t h i n the administration. The a c t i v i t i e s of the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s were b a s i c a l l y l i m i t e d to s e t t l i n g minor complaints and authorizing business and l e g a l transactions undertaken by 90 Indians while the protectors attached to the Audiencias handled complaints i n v o l v i n g abuses by Spanish o f f i c i a l s as w e l l as claims to valuable lands or t i t l e s . The Ordenanzas made the authorization of the Audiencia, Viceroy or Council of the Indies an e f f e c t i v e p r e r e q u i s i t e to the imposition of 23 s o l u t i o n s detrimental to Spanish or creole i n t e r e s t s , r e i n f o r c i n g the l i m i t a t i o n s placed on the l o c a l protectors by the corregidores' and oidores' exemption from t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . Given the c o n t r o l l i n g influence which the corregidores had over a l l aspects of Indian e x p l o i t a t i o n i n the eighteenth century, the Ordenanzas' designation of the corregidor as the f i r s t o f f i c i a l to whom the protector should turn f o r the r e c t i f i c a t i o n of abuses s e r i o u s l y i n h i b i t e d the a b i l i t y 24 of the l o c a l protectors to gain redress without recourse to the Audiencia. The Ordenanzas' designation of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s whose lack of good w i l l towards the Indians had been proven time and again, to execute sentences i n favor of the Indians compounded the i n a b i l i t y of the l o c a l protectors to achieve 25 j u s t i c e f o r Indian p l a i n t i f f s . Since the higher courts recognized the p r o t e c t o r a l system as the only means through which common Indians could l e g a l l y present appeals, the in e f f e c t i v e n e s s of i t s l o c a l representatives 26 provided a r e a l b a r r i e r to the Indians' access to the j u d i c i a l system. Thi s i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s no doubt contributed to the l o c a l protectors' abdication of t h e i r r o l e as advocates of Indian welfare i n favor of p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n the l u c r a t i v e conspiracy of i n t e r e s t s dependent on Indian e x p l o i t a t i o n . By the second h a l f of the eighteenth century the l o c a l p r o t e c t o r s ' abdication of t h e i r r o l e as Indian advocates was widely acknowledged and attested to by the Viceroy himself. Amat commented: 91 . . . l o s Yndios no pueden seguir sus demandas por l o s tramites d e l derecho, por no tener Abogados y Pro-curadores que se hagan cargo de sus defensas a v i s t a de l a raiseria en que se h a l l a n constituidos, n i es f a c t i b l e ocurran doscientas or t r e s c i e n t a s leguas por veinte y cinco o t r e i n t a pesos, por l o s que son bejados y oprimidos. . . The i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the l o c a l protectors i n the eighteenth century meant that the protectors attached to the Audiencia, i n i t i a l l y i n s t i t u t e d to receive appeals and resolve serious cases, were l e f t as v i r t u a l l y sole a r b i t e r s of the Croxra's p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n within the c o l o n i a l administra-t i o n . Toledo had established three separate o f f i c i a l s to carry out p r o t e c t o r a l functions at the Audiencia l e v e l . One, the general protector, was responsible f o r preparing cases f o r presentation to the F i s c a l , a Crown attorney, the Audiencia and Viceroy. The F i s c a l , who i n p r a c t i c e either doubled as or served as a superior to the general protector, with the assistance of another lawyer, considered the merits of the various cases and i f necessary forwarded them to higher a u t h o r i t i e s for r e s o l u t i o n . None of these three o f f i c i a l s , however, had any j u d i c i a l powers beyond those l i m i t e d ones a t t r i b u t e d to a l l pr o t e c t o r s . As a r e s u l t t h e i r influence was r e s t r i c t e d to presenting the Indians 1 cases and making recommendations. The F i s c a l was to present the pleas of Indians r e s i d i n g i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Audiencia to that court 29 f o r r e s o l u t i o n , present appeals from l o c a l protectors f o r the Audiencia's judgment, and f i n a l l y to present cases to the Viceroy f o r r e s o l u t i o n or 30 furtherance to the Council of the Indies. The Audiencia was, therefore, the d e c i s i v e judge of Indian cases unless the Viceroy deemed them worthy of consideration by the Council of the Indies. 92 The Audiencia's judgment was prejudiced by i t s members* f a m i l i a l and economic association with the i n d i v i d u a l s implicated i n Indian e x p l o i t a t i o n . Although anyone having vested i n t e r e s t s i n c o l o n i a l society was t h e o r e t i c a l l y excluded from membership i n the Audiencia, i n p r a c t i c e the network of i n t e r e s t s which l i n k e d judges to other c o l o n i a l groups was widely acknov/ledged as the main cause of corruption i n the Peruvian Audiencias i n the eighteenth century. The Viceroy Amat protested to the King that t h i s corruption was of such long standing and so f i r m l y entrenched that only the replacement of the e x i s t i n g judges by new ones chosen p r e c i s e l y f o r t h e i r l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n c o l o n i a l 31 society could hope to r e e s t a b l i s h j u s t i c e . The author of the Estado p o l i t i c o described the Audiencia as the apex of a pyramid of corrupt o f f i c i a l s who, f o r t h e i r own p r o f i t , encouraged l e g a l disputes which were i n e v i t a b l y resolved to the advantage of the party whose resources reached the highest. The corregidores took f u l l advantage of t h i s corruption by maintaining permanent representatives at the Audiencia to ensure that t h e i r influence out-32 weighed that of t h e i r opponents, a p a r t i c u l a r l y easy achievement when these were, l i k e most Indian p l a i n t i f f s , v i r t u a l l y indigent. The Audiencia's control 33 over Indian appeals was r e i n f o r c e d by i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n over repartimientos, one of the main sources of Indian grievances i n the eighteenth century. This j u r i s d i c t i o n made i t impossible f o r the Vicerpy or the protectors to provide redress against abuses i n the repartimiento system without the Audiencia's approval. The subjection of Indian complaints to the inter e s t e d judgment of the Audiencia resulted i n j u s t i c e being beyond the reach of i n d i v i d u a l Indians 93 and enabled the V i c e r e g a l administration to thwart benevolent l e g i s l a t i o n with impunity. For example, the Audiencia of Lima repeatedly refused to post and enforce a r o y a l order guaranteeing the Indians* r i g h t to j o i n 3k r e l i g i o u s orders and be selected f o r p o s i t i o n s i n the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l hierarchy. S i m i l a r l y , the Audiencia a r b i t r a r i l y denied an Indian appeal, supported by the protector and the o f f i c i a l i n charge of the p r o v i s i o n of mita laborers, asking that the o f f i c i a l wage scale f o r these laborers be enforced. Not only d i d the court refuse the Indians* request, but i t attempted to f o r e s t a l l any appeal 35 by ordering them to keep s i l e n t on the matter. In the face of the corrupt judgments of the Audiencia, the Indians and t h e i r protectors had l i t t l e recourse but to undertake expensive and time-consuming appeals to the Council of the Indies. Even these, however, could prove f u t i l e , since the Council's benevolence towards Indian claims was frequently more apparent than r e a l . A l l too o f t e n that court l e f t the implementation of i t s decisions or the determination of the exact nature of the redress granted to 36 the d i s c r e t i o n of the Audiencia with r e s u l t s that were a l l too p r e d i c t a b l e . As Montero suggested: Que remedio puede darse en tan inmensa d i s t a n c i a , que no buelva, a. que informen de l o c i e r t o Virreyes, y Audiencias? S i estos son l o s reos, como embiaran l a confession de sus culpas? Quando lle g u e e l caso, de que V. Mag. sea tocado de Divino impulso, y embie e l remedio, se quexaran l o s Ministros, de que se l e s ha quitado e l Poder,37 In t h i s way even the decisions taken by the Council of the Indies, t h e o r e t i c a l l y the highest court of appeal and second only to the monarch i n i t s a u t hority over Indian matters, were dependent i n p r a c t i c e on the a r b i t r a r i -ness of the Peruvian Audiencias. In the absence of c o r r e c t i v e measures such a 9k s i t u a t i o n could only encourage f u r t h e r independence on the part of c o l o n i a l administrators, f u r t h e r erosion of Spain's legitimate authority, and f u r t h e r transgressions of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n . The Audiencia's e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over even the Council of the Indies' decisions on Indian appeals must have discouraged the making of appeals by a l l but the most i d e a l i s t i c and dedicated advocates of Indian welfare, a d e s c r i p t i o n which was f a r from being u n i v e r s a l l y applicable to Peruvian pro-te c t o r s i n the eighteenth century. In the f i r s t h a l f of that century the protectors attached to the Audiencia of Lima were either concurrently or sub-sequently appointed judges of the Audiencia and, as such, were obviously subject to the same economic and s o c i a l pressures ivhich had l e d to the corruption of the Audiencia as a whole. In Y7kk the caciques of Huarochiri described just how these pressures affected t h e i r e f f o r t s to gain redress against abuses committed by t h e i r corregidor: . . . no emos alcanzado de l o s Oidores, s i q u i e r a e l merecer ser oydos, l o s Procuradores de l o s Naturales .. sobornados d e l corregidor no han querido firmar nuestros e s c r i t o s . . . pues determinaron l o s oidores . . . contra e l parecer d e l F i s c a l B i l b a o se dejasen nuestros c a p i t u l o s para l a r e s i d e n c i a ; r e s o l u c i o n que e l l o s mismos abominan quando governaba e l de l a Moncloa, diciendo que era contra j u s t i c i a y orden de S. Mag. y viendonos s i n amparo n i patroc i n i o de Protector F i s c a l porque Don Juan de P e r a l t a por e l parentesco tan cercano que t i e n e con Don Miguel Nunez y ser este quien favorece mas a l corregidor ha sido en contra de nuestra j u s t i c i a , y e l que oy s i r v e l a plaza de Protector Don Francisco de Rojas es su cunado.39 The protectors' ambition f o r advancement w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l bureaucracy and t h e i r e f f e c t i v e subordination to the corrupt Audiencia rendered the o f f i c i a l p r o t e c t o r a l system (at best) powerless to eradicate abuses p r a c t i s e d i n the 95 i n t e r e s t s of c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . At worst, the p r o t e c t o r a l system became merely one more i n s t i t u t i o n which thri v e d on the very abuses i t was designed kO to prevent. In the context of the dual s e c u l a r - r e l i g i o u s nature of Spanish c o l o n i a l theory, the subordination of the highest echelons of the p r o t e c t o r a l hierarchy to the Audiencias marks the f i n a l step i n the gradual subordination of Spain's r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s to temporal ambitions. The balance and d u a l i t y which Spain had struggled to maintain were i r r e v e r s i b l y shattered as the real).pov;er of the c o l o n i a l administration made a mockery of the Crown's benevolent in t e n t i o n s towards the Indians: " . . . aunque tienen l o s Indios, y V. Mag. Protectores, que l o s defiendan, y F i s c a l e s , que miren e l cumplimiento de l a s Leyes, s i estos, y l o s Supremos Governadores son l o s interessados en l a dessercion, y tienen kl u t i l i d a d en e l l a , qui en avisa a. V. Mag. de l a r u i n a del Reyno?" A r h e t o r i c a l question, but one to which the author himself provided a p a r t i a l answer: "Que P a r t i c u l a r , desnudo de l a J u r i s d i c i o n , y authoridad, sera creido? Que Apostolico Obispo, y Missionero, de l o s que han dado e l k2 g r i t o , han conseguido e l remedio?" Some members of the clergy did make considerable e f f o r t s to advise the monarch of the p l i g h t of the Peruvian Indians. The clergy had a l e g a l as well as a moral o b l i g a t i o n to f o s t e r the k$ well-being of the Indians. In meeting these o b l i g a t i o n s , however, the clergy was hampered by two f a c t o r s — t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a large number of i t s own kk members i n i l l e g a l e x p l o i t a t i o n and the secular administration's tendency to view the Church's support of Indian welfare as a challenge to i t s own a u t h o r i t y . ( 9 6 In Peru resentment of c l e r i c a l sponsorship of Indian r i g h t s was rooted not only i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes i n v o l v i n g early c l e r i c a l protectors, but also i n the missionaries* a l l i a n c e with the Peruvian caciques i n order to d i s c r e d i t the encomienda system. At the height of the debate over the perpetuity of the encomienda system F r . Domingo de Santo Tomas, a close c o l -laborator of Las Casas, had presented to the Crown an o f f e r from the Peruvian caciques of a sum superior to any offered by the encomenderos i f the King would agree to a b o l i s h the encomienda. This c o l l a b o r a t i o n between the clergy and Indians not only set a precedent for future p o l i t i c a l l y - m o t i v i t a t e d a l l i a n c e s , but also r e i n f o r c e d secular suspicion of the clergy*s motives i n forming such a l l i a n c e s . This suspicion continued to influence the administra-tion's r e a c t i o n to c l e r i c a l championship of reformist i d e a l s on behalf of the Indians throughout the eighteenth century. The Church i n Peru remained, throughout the c o l o n i a l period, committed i n theory to p r o t e c t o r a l i d e a l s and a number of c l e r i c s d i d attempt to use t h e i r r e l i g i o u s authority to e f f e c t changes i n the administration of Indian a f f a i r s . The Church's o b l i g a t i o n to censure unjust treatment of Indians was incorporated into the rules f o r confessors drawn up by F r . Jer6nimo de Loaysa and adopted both by the Second P r o v i n c i a l Council of Lima held i n 1 5 6 ? and by the J e s u i t order. These rules were included i n turn i n F r . Alonso de l a PeSa Montenegro's I t i n e r a r i o para parrocos de i n d i o s , available i n several eighteenth-45 century e d i t i o n s . The case of F r . Buenaventura de Salinas y C6rdova demonstrates that the i d e a l s of the early missionaries continued to i n s p i r e the actions of some members of the clergy i n the seventeenth century and that these actions 97 generally had p o l i t i c a l repercussions. F r . Buenaventura made h i s sympathy for the Indians p u b l i c a l l y known i n h i s Memorial de l a s h i s t o r i a s del Nuevo 46 Mundo P i r u . . . i n 1630. In the composition of t h i s work, he drew on o f f i c i a l a r c h i v a l sources as w e l l as on memorials by a protector of the Indians, Domingo de Luna, by another early defender of the Indians, Juan O r t i z de Cervantes, and on the compendious works of Sol6rzano. In short, S a l i n a s 1 t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge of p r o t e c t o r a l i d e a l s was ample. In h i s Memorial F r . Buenaventura described the oppression under which the Indians suffered i n spite of voluminous l e g i s l a t i o n designed to ensure t h e i r freedom. F r . Buenaventura went fart h e r than the predictable condemnation of the ad-ministration's f a i l u r e to enforce t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n and placed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the oppression of the Indians squarely on the shoulders of the Spanish monarch: . . . e l Rey, que duerme, 6 se echa a dormir descuydado con l o s que l e s a s s i s t e n , es sueno tan malo, que l a muerte no l o quiere por hermano, y l e niega e l parentesco; deudo tiene con l a p e r d i c i o n , y e l i n -f i e r n o . Reinar es v e l a r . Quien duerme no Reina (dixo o t r a voz mas v a l i e n t e que l a mia), y Rey que c i e r r a l o s ojos, da l a guarda de..sus ovejas a l o s lobos. Y e l M i n i s t r o , que guarda e l sueno a su Rey, l o e n t i e r r a vivo, no l e s i r v e , porque l o infama; no l e descansa, porque quando l e guarda e l sueno, l e pierde l a honra, y l a conciencia: y estas dos cosas traen apresurada su penitencia, con l a r u i n a , y d e s o l a c i 6 n de l o s Reinos . ^ 7 In 1635 S a l i n a s , following the pattern set by the e a r l y missionaries, attempted to use h i s r e l i g i o u s influence to remedy s p e c i f i c abuses which he claimed to have observed. In a sermon, preached at Cuzco i n the presence of the corregidor and curate, he rebuked them f o r t h e i r treatment of the Indians. In a l a t e r d e s c r i p t i o n of these accusations, F r . Buenaventura c l e a r l y revealed 98 h i s adherence to the i d e a l of the Crown as a representative of p r i m i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y : . . . reprehendi l o que a v i a v i s t o , afeando aquellos tratos por crueles, t i r a n o s , y vedados en l o s Corregidores, y en l o s Curas, no solo por l a Ley de Dios, sino por tantas, y tan justas Cedulas, Instruciones, y Pragmaticas, dadas por tantos Reyes Ca t o l i c o s , y un Real, y Supremo Consejo de l a s Indias, que con e l mismo zelo, que tuvieron C h r i s t o , y l o s Apostoles, no consentian, sino que prohibian (como avemos dicho) con severissimas penas que se vendiesse l a j u s t i c i a , y se t r a t a s s e , y contratasse con l a Doctrina E v a n g e l i c a . ^ F r . Buenaventura's outspoken sermon was attacked by the Bishop of Cuzco. In a protest to the Crown, the Bishop alleged that the sermon undermined the prestige of the Church and accused the Crown of r u l i n g "tyranicamente." The Bishop's immediate concern, however, appeared to be the e f f e c t s of F r . Buenaventura's accusations on the Church's a b i l i t y to r a i s e funds. In view of the Bishop's e a r l i e r praise f o r Salinas' Memorial t h i s may indeed have been the main motivation f o r h i s protest. In s p i t e of the Bishop's h o s t i l i t y F r . Buenaventura's reputation w i t h i n h i s own order was enhanced by h i s uncompromising stance. He received a promo-t i o n which necessitated h i s t r a v e l l i n g to Spain and l a t e r to Rome. In con-junction with these projected t r i p s he v/as appointed by the c i t y of Lima and the Bishop of Lima to represent them i n d i f f e r e n t matters. At the same time, however, the Crown acceded to the Bishop of Cuzco's appeals and ordered Salinas to appear before the Council of the Indies to defend h i s actions. Although F r . Buenaventura won the confidence of i t s ministers and continued to be promoted u n t i l he was f i n a l l y made Comisario general f o r New Spain, h i s p o l i t i c a l r i v a l s s t i l l attempted to use h i s censure of the corregidor and 99 curate to d i s c r e d i t him. They were unable, however, to sway the opinion of the Council which, by granting F r . Buenaventura the permission necessary for him to go to Mexico, once again affirmed i t s patronage of the p r o t e c t o r a l cause. As r o y a l appointees, bishops enjoyed access to both the Council of the Indies and the Crown and some took advantage of t h e i r r i g h t to address these bodies to p u b l i c i z e Indian grievances. In 1695 the Bishop of Cuzco protested p r e c i s e l y the conditions which rendered the o f f i c i a l p r o t e c t o r a l system i n -accessible to r u r a l Indians: Tengo por inexcusable y de mucha importancia l a s v i s i t a s generales de l a T i e r r a , porque muchos vasallos de V. Mag. que se h a l l a n retirados de l a s Reales Audiencias, y son pobres no pueden o c u r r i r pedir j u s t i c i a a Vuestros Virreyes, y Oydores, a s s i por l a d i f i c u l t a d que l e s ofrecen l a s d i s t a n c i a s , como por no tener medios para costear agentes y otros; ministros de semejante e x e r c i c i o que no se mueven s i n i n t e r e s , y l e s sucede de o r d i n a r i o no tener recurso en l o s corregidores, principalmente contra personas poderosas, a quienes estos atienden siempre o por u t i l i d a d , o por respeto, con que a estos pobres l o s tiene condenados su miseria a no lo g r a r a l i v i o alguno en l a s opresiones que padecen por no poderla s o l i c i t a r : y siendo l a Real Voluntad de V. Mag. que sean desagraviados no podra conseguirse, sino en caso de s a l i r un Ministro de Vuestra Real Audiencia a buscarlos a sus pueblos.50 A l a t e r Bishop of Cuzco pointed out t h i s same s i t u a t i o n i n 17kh and stressed that the Indians considered c l e r i c a l i n t ervention the only p o s s i b l e 51 means of bringing t h e i r p l i g h t to the att e n t i o n of benevolent a u t h o r i t i e s . In another l e t t e r of that same year, the Bishop r e i t e r a t e d the point, made so many times by sixteenth-century missionaries, that the clergy's i n a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l secular e x p l o i t a t i o n was detrimental to the conversion of the Indians: 100 . . . y aunque l o s curas y yo quisieramos poner algun remedio son tan absolutos que pasan l o s terminos d e l respeto y atr o p e l l a n hasta l o mas sagrado; y valiendose d e l espacioso t i t u l o de Reales Tributos, no ay b i o l e n c i a que no executen; de que se o r i g i n a no poder l o s curas sugetar sus f i l i g r e s e s a l cumplimiento de l o s preceptos Divinos, porque lo s estan ahuyentando, sabiendo que s i ban a l a y g l e s i a , o a l a entrada o a l a s a l i d a , l o s an de prender y castigar.52 In the eighteenth century the clergy's advocacy of Indian r i g h t s was encouraged to some extent by the antagonism created amongst the clergy by the Bourbon administration's r e g a l i s t p o l i c i e s . Both the secular and regular clergy were a f f e c t e d . Castelfuerte carried out a p a r t i c u l a r l y vigorous and b i t t e r campaign to b r i n g the bishops under c l o s e r V i c e r e g a l control. The administration's consideration of a proposal to replace the regular clergy employed as p r i e s t s i n Indian communities with members of the secular clergy gained the animosity of the r e l i g i o u s orders. The public execution of two Franciscans i n 1731 further inflamed the members of that order against the administration. T h i s antagonism and the mutual suspicion i t engendered once again made the c l e r i c a l advocacy of Indian p r o t e c t i o n a h i g h l y p o l i t i c a l i ssue. For the cl e r g y , the defense of Indian r i g h t s could enhance t h e i r i n -fluence over the Indians as we l l as gain them the t h e o r e t i c a l support of the Council of the Indies i n t h e i r struggles with the secular administration. For the c o l o n i a l administration, on the other hand, the clergy's support of Indian complaints provided a b a s i s f o r accusing i t s members of subversion and cons t i t u t e d another argument f o r increasing secular control over the Church's a c t i v i t i e s . 101 An incident described to the King by the Marques de Castelfuerte provides a clear example of the p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s involved i n the clergy's championship of Indian causes i n the eighteenth century. The incident came to the Viceroy's a t t e n t i o n as a r e s u l t of a complaint by the corregidor of Andahuaylas, Gregorio O r t i z de Landaeta. The curate of San Geronirno, Gaspar de Prado y Hanzanilla had, alleged O r t i z , encouraged the Indians to r e b e l against him i n protest of h i s imprisonment of a cacique, Bernardo Otinaya, f o r f a i l i n g to comply with the mita of Huancavelica. The corregidor complained to the Bishop about the curate's actions. The Bishop, however, f a r from taking c o r r e c t i v e action, proceeded to excommunicate the corregidor and, according to O r t i z , t r i e d to i n c i t e the Indians to further h o s t i l i t i e s against him "con e l ofrezimiento de que i b a a r e d i m i r l o s de l a ob l i g a z i o n de l o s Tributos . . ." As f u r t h e r evidence of h i s s o l i d a r i t y with the curate, the Bishop then named 53 him h i s personal secretary. In the Viceroy Castelfuerte's consideration of t h i s i n c i d e n t , the e s s e n t i a l question of j u s t i c e and the transgression of benevolent l e g i s l a t i o n r a i s e d by the cacique's imprisonment was submerged beneath the overriding struggle f o r power between secular and c l e r i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Nevertheless the i n c i d e n t i s along with other c l e r i c a l p r o t e s t s evidence of the dedication of some members of the clergy to the r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s which i n s p i r e d Spain's c o l o n i a l e f f o r t . I n spite of the f a i l u r e of the o f f i c i a l p r o t e c t o r a l system and the a s s o c i a t i o n of much of the clergy with secular i n t e r e s t s , both the o f f i c i a l p rotectors and the c l e r i c s who championed Indian welfare managed to keep a l i v e 102 the i d e a l s of Las Casas and the early;missionaries. The o f f i c i a l p r o t e c t o r a l system perpetuated the t h e o r e t i c a l connection between the Crown's r i g h t to ru l e i n America, i t s r e l i g i o u s o b l i g a t i o n and i t s l e g a l recognition of the Indians as being f r e e yet p r i v i l e g e d and protected vassals. The Indians' c l e r i c a l supporters, on the other hand, preserved the r a d i c a l missionary i d e a l of the Church as a u t h o r i t a t i v e a r b i t e r of c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y ' s r e l a t i o n -ship with the-native population. The complex of benevolent i d e a l s , theories and laws preserved both through the i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s of the c o l o n i a l administration and through the a g i t a t i o n of dedicated c l e r i c s formed a protect-o r a l t r a d i t i o n which provided a ready-made v e h i c l e through which marginalized caciques could express t h e i r own grievances and those of the Indian t r i b u t a r i e s . 103 NOTES CHAPTER I I I S i l v i o Zavala, "Ideario de Vasco Quiroga" i n Recuerdo de Vasco Quiroga (Mexico, 1965), p. 55. Constantino Bayle, E l protector de i n d i o s ( S e v i l l e , 194-5), p. 11. Even a f t e r 1550 when the Pope's temporal authority was denied by most a u t h o r i t i e s , rendering t h i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n i r r e l e v a n t , Spanish l e g i s l a t i o n continued to r e i t e r a t e i t . See Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle f o r J u s t i c e  i n the Conquest of America (Boston and Toronto, 1965), pp. 26 and 152. The main sources f o r the following argument are widely av a i l a b l e and i n order to avoid r e p e t i t i o u s footnotes f o r f a c t s and in t e r p r e t a t i o n s which are generally accepted as au t h o r i t a t i v e I r e f e r the reader to the following works f o r corrobora-t i o n : Hanke, Spanish Struggle f o r Justice and A r i s t o t l e and the American  I n d i a n s — A Study of Race Prejudice i n the Modern World (London, 1959), and John Leddy Phelan, The M i l l e n i a l Kingdom of the Franciscans i n the New World (Berkeley, 1956). For information on Jim§nez both as a reformist and as an i m p e r i a l i s t see: Reginald Merton, Cardinal Ximenes and the Making of Spain (London, 1934), A.G. Dickens, The Counter Reformation (London, 1968) and P i e r r e J a n e l l e , The  Catholic Reformation (Milwaukee, I963). ^ See Luis Weckmann, "The Middle Ages i n the Conquest of America," Speculum, 26 (Jan. 1951), 130-141 f o r a discussion of the medieval elements i n 104 the Spanish conquest. 5 Henri de Lubac, Exegese m§dievale: Les quatre sens' de 1*ecriture, I I I ( P a r i s , 1964), 344. See the Catholic Encyclopedia f o r a r t i c l e s on Joachim of F i o r e , Nicholas of Lyre, and Ximenez de Cisneros. Nicholas of Lyre, P o s t i l l a e perpetuae i n universa B i b l i a (Rome, 1471-1473). 6 Lubac, I I I , 355. 7 The P o s t i l l a e were included i n the fol l o w i n g early editions of the Bi b l e : Nuremberg, l48l; Venice, 1485 and Lubeck, 1494, and i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s such as Lyon, 1590; Douai, 1617; Anvers, 1634 and Pa r i s , 1660. For evidence of Nicholas of Lyre's a c c e p t a b i l i t y as an orthodox commentator i n Spain see Marcel B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo y Espana (Mexico and Buenos A i r e s , 1950), I, 33, 39 and 460; I I , 41. g Francis Borgia Steck, "Christopher Columbus and the Franciscans," The  Americas, 3 (1946-1947), 319-341, d e t a i l s the influence of Franciscans on Columbus' theories as well as the Franciscan p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n early expeditions, (pp. 326, 327j 328, 332). Weckman notes traces of s p i r i t u a l Franciscariism i n F r . Pedro de Gante (p. 327). ^ Bishop S t a f i l e o at the Council, of Rota i n 1528 drew a s i m i l a r analogy between the corruption of the Roman church and the B i b l i c a l Babylon ( J a n e l l e , p. 47). 10 Quoted by S i l v i o Zavala i n "La Utopia de Tomas Moro en l a Nueva Espana" i n Recuerdo de Vasco Quiroga, p. 34. 1 1 Zavala, "Ideario," p. 125. 12 Francisco Solano, "Algunos aspectos de l a p o l i t i c a d e l Consejo sobre l a o r g a n i z a c i 6 n de l a I g l e s i a indiana en e l s i g l o XVI" i n Demetrio Ramos et a l , 105 E l Consejo de l a s Indias en e l s i g l o XVI ( V a l l a d o l i d , 1970), p. 177. 13 Solano, p. 178; Phelan, p. 51. 14 Pedro Borges, " E l Consejo de Indias y e l paso de misioneros a America durante e l s i g l o XVI" i n E l Consejo, pp. 182-185. Borges estimates the t o t a l number of missionaries sent to America i n the sixteenth century at 5)150 (p. 188) while Solano (p. 178) places the number of Franciscans at 2,559. 15 Bayle, pp. 23-80. A r e a l cedula of 1660 forming a Junta to consider the s i t u a t i o n of the Indians i n Peru i s but one example of the Crown's l e g i s l a -t i o n i n favor of the Indians. T h i s Junta was formed i n response to a presenta-t i o n made by Juan de P a d i l l a , Alcalde de Crimen of Lima, on the abuses suffered by the Indians. Le6n Pinelo at the time protector f o r the Audiencia of Lima, agreed on the general sense of P a d i l l a ' s presentation, but i n s i s t e d that the laws were adequate and t h e i r enforcement at f a u l t , ^he Junta continued to function as an overseer of the enforcement of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n . See Jorge Basadre, E l Conde de Lemos y_ su tiempo (Lima, 1948), pp. 112-113; "Memorial de D. Juan de P a d i l l a , " transcribed by Vargas, H i s t o r i a , I I I , 391-420. 16 Recopilaci6n, l i b . 2, t i t . 2, ley 8. 17 Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 28, pt. 6 and 7. 18 Quoted by Jose Antonio Maravall i n "La utopia," p. 225. 19 Quoted by Maravall i n "La utopia," p. 221. 20 Sol6rzano, l i b . 2, cap. 28, pt. 4. See also Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 30: "Estas Leyes fueron Santas, y l o son, s i se cumplieran como V. Mag. l a s ordena; porque en quanto a l o primero, de obligar a l o s Indios a que trabajen, es una providencia Paternal . . . e l modo es piadosissimo, porque esta mandado, que sean bien tratados . . . pero e l uso no es esto: porque l o que se p r a c t i c a , en 106 agravio de los Indios, y de l a J u s t i c i a natural, es, todo l o contrario, que mandan l a s Leyes." 21 The d e t a i l s of the following description of the early protectoral system are drawn from Constantino Bayle, E l protector de indios. 22 Recopilaci6n, t i t . 5, l i b . 6. See also Bayle, pp. 67-70. Ordenanzas, I , 260, 2 6 l , 241, 246. ^ Ordenanzas, I , 246. 25 Ordenanzas, I , 241. 26 Ordenanzas, I , 237. 27 No study of the a c t i v i t i e s of the protectors of the Audiencia of Lima i n the eighteenth century e x i s t s . Judging from the cases which I have seen i n ^ e Archivo de Indias, some protectors, such as Le6n y Escand6n, appear to have been more active than others. This may, however, have been partly due to the persistence of caciques and c l e r i c s i n urging that appeals be forwarded to the Council of the Indies. One Indian source even treated the furtherance of complaints to Spanish courts as evidence of bad f a i t h on the part of the pro-tector, quite i n contradiction to the bel i e f that i t represented a sincere " " r "effort to achieve j u s t i c e for the Indians: Don Juan de Peralta, protector f i s c a l de los Naturales con su acostumbrada impiedad no solo no nos patrocinio [ s i c ] conforme a su obligacion sino que l e experimentamos contrario en todo hasta pedir que no fuesemos oidos en este reyno, determinando e l v i r r e y llevasemos nuestra causa a l Real Consejo, asegurado de que nuestra pobreza no podia costear l a saca del proceso n i e l e s p i r i t u apagado del Indio tendria valor para l l e v a r l a contienda aun reino tan apartado de este. (Quoted by M. Co l i n , p. 73) Protectoral appointments at the Audiencia l e v e l were certainly subject to i r -r e g u l a r i t i e s . In 1720 a protector, L6pez de Ceyza, was asked to withdraw and 107 return h i s salary. Later Tomas Brun, who f i g u r e s i n other documents as a protector who refused to act on the Indians' behalf, asked to be paid h i s protector's salary i n Spain, but was refused^- (AGI, Lima 438). In contrast to t h i s evidence confirming the l i m i t e d a c t i v i t i e s of Audiencia protectors i n defense of the Indians, documents i n the Archivo de Indias provide l i t t l e information on the a c t i v i t i e s of l o c a l p rotectors. Since some Indian documents mention t h e i r existence and t h e i r f a i l u r e to f u l f i l l t h e i r functions, i t seems l o g i c a l to conclude that they were subject to the same corruption as other l o c a l o f f i c i a l s . A study of documents i n Peruvian archives would undoubtedly shed more l i g h t on the nature and extent of the o f f i c i a l p r o tectors' a c t i v i t i e s throughout the c o l o n i a l period. 28 Amat, Memoria, p. 191; N o t i c i a s secretas, I, 317, 330, 331. The g i s t of v i r t u a l l y a l l Indian complaints seen by the Council of the Indies points'' to the l o c a l protectors' abdication of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s . 29 Ordenanzas, I, 260-261. 30 Ordenanzas, I , 263. 31 Manuel de Amat, " E l V i r r e y Amat da cuenta a l Rey de l o s defectos y v i c i o s de organizacion del V i r r e i n a t o d e l Peru—1762" i n Revista de l a B i b l i o t e c a nacional (Buenos A i r e s ) , 7 (1942), 346-347. 32 Estado p o l i t i c o , pp. 10, lOv and 11. 33 Amat, Memoria, p. 303. 34 See p. 125 of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . 35 . . . y aviendose controvertido con l o s dueRos de l a s haciendas, v i s t o s l o s autos en l a Audiencia de Lima, y l o que sobre [ e l l o s ] dixo e l vuestro F i s c a l , Protector General, e Informe hecho por Don Martin de Zamudio, a cuyo cargo estaba e l repartimiento de l o s Indios (que 108 todo fue tan favorable, como arreglado a j u s t i c i a ) se declare, no aver lugar a l a pretension de l o s Indios, y se l e s impuso perpetuo s i l e n c i o en e s t a causa, mandando no se l e s admitiese mas pedimento: Est a determinacion, Senor, no l a estrafiaron l o s Indios, a v i s t a de que a l -gunos H i n i s t r o s , Corregidores, y parientes de l o s unos, y l o s otros son interesados en l a s Mitas y Reparticiones de Indios para l o s trabajos, en l a s haciendas que tienen, contra l o dispuesto por leyes, y Ordenanzas. (Morachimo, Manifiesto Qldea, No. 2?]) 36 See p. 127 of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . 37 Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 30v. See Lohmann, Los ministros. 39 L e t t e r of caciques of Huarochiri, transcribed by C o l i n , p. 215. 4o The sale of the o f f i c e of protector, i t s small s a l a r y and the short tenure of the p o s i t i o n a l l l e f t i t open to corruption. Bayle, pp. 105-108. 41 Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 30. 42 Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 30. 4-3 Recopilaci6n, l i b . 6, t i t . 6, ley 14. / [ / ; L u i s Merino, Las N o t i c i a s secretas de America; Estudio c r i t i c o de l a s acusasiones de U l l o a sobre general r e l a j a c i S n d e l clero c o l o n i a l (1720-1765) (Washington, 1956), describes the various f a c t o r s involved i n the accusations of corruption amongst the clergy i n eighteenth-century Peru, as well as the administration's attempts to force the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l hierarchy to remedy t h i s corruption. 4-5 Alonso de l a Pena Montenegro, I t i n e r a r i o para parrocos de i n d i o s (Madrid, 1668). Subsequent e d i t i o n s included the following: Lyon, 1678; Amberes, I698, 1726, 1737 and 1754; and Madrid, 1771. See Hanke, A r i s t o t l e , P. 82. 109 46 Fr. Buenaventura de Salinas y C6rdova, Memorial de las historias del Nuevo Mundo Piru: Meritos, y_ excelencias de la ciudad de Lima cabega de sus ricos, y_ estendidos reynos, y_ el estado presente en que se hallan. Para inclinar a...Ia magestad de su Catolico Monarca Don Felipe IV (Madrid, I63O) . The following discussion of Salinas is based on Warren Cook's "Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y C6rdova Su Vida y su Obra," Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima), 24 (1955), 19-48. 47 ' Quoted by Cook, p. 29. 48 Quoted by Cook, p. 31. 49 . . . otras palabras escandalosas y malsionantes y que pudieran conectar los animos de los oyentes en deservicio de Su Majestad, y en particular en tiempo que instado de necesidades en que se hallaba por la defensa de la religi6n cat6lica, esta pidiendo donativos de sus vasallos a los estados eclesiasticos y secular, a cuya ejecuci6n el senor Conde de Chinch6n, virrey destos reinos, acude con el cuidado que es notorio, y Su Sefioria Ilustrisima, de orden suya, actualmente lo esta pidi-endo a los cl§rigos deste obispado. (Quoted by Cook, p. 32.) ^° Letter of Bishop of Cuzco to King, transcribed by Colin, p. 214. 5 1 Letter in AGI (Lima 526), 1744. Cf. Colin,, pp. 76-78. 52 Letter transcribed by Colin, p. 516. 5 3 Letter of Castelfuerte to King, 11 Aug., 1727, AGI (Lima 425). 110 CHAPTER IV The Indian E l i t e as Protectors: 1708-1737 Documents i n the Archivo General de Indias allow us to trace the development of a coherent and u n i f i e d l i n e of protest on the part of the Indian e l i t e from 1708 through the 1730's. I n i t i a l l y , t h i s protest consisted of appeals from the Indian e l i t e of Lima f o r measures to f o r e s t a l l the l o s s of p r e s t i g e and status which threatened to make the e l i t e i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from the mass of urban Indians. In the 1720's, however, t h i s type of appeal was combined with the advocacy of the welfare of oppressed r u r a l Indians. Through these protests the Indian e l i t e , by; 1'voicing the resentment and f r u s t r a -t i o n of both urban and r u r a l Indians, aimed to achieve reforms which would both improve the welfare of Indian s o c i e t y as a whole and r e e s t a b l i s h the e l i t e ' s p o s i t i o n as p r i v i l e g e d leaders. By expressing these aims through Hispanic l e g a l channels and with i n the context of e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n the e l i t e ensured t h e i r own p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n any b e n e f i t s to be reaped from t h e i r reformist a g i t a t i o n . By invoking Hispanic sources to j u s t i f y t h e i r proposals they gradually created a coherent ideology of reform based on p r o t e c t o r a l i d e a l s . The caciques and Indian nobles r e s i d i n g i n the v i c i n i t y of Lima enjoyed a r e l a t i v e l y advantageous s o c i a l p o s i t i o n i n comparison to the oppressed con-d i t i o n of r u r a l Indians. Although our knowledge of urban Indian society i n the eighteenth century i s s t i l l fragmentary, there i s some evidence to support the view that i t d i f f e r e d considerably from i t s r u r a l counterpart.''" A large I l l p roportion of the Indian population of Lima was composed e i t h e r of a r t i s a n s who, by v i r t u e of t h e i r occupation, enjoyed exemption from the t r i b u t e and mita exactions l e v i e d on r u r a l Indians or of immigrants from outlying areas, who were subject only to reduced exactions. As a r e s u l t , the conditions which contributed to the caciques* influence i n r u r a l areas d i d not e x i s t i n Lima. Neither, of course, did the conditions which f a c i l i t a t e d the corregidores* subjugation of both the t r i b u t a r i e s and caciques i n r u r a l areas. The Indians of Lima had easier access to j u d i c i a l channels of redress. As residents of the c a p i t a l they could exercise t h e i r prerogatives of appeal to the Audiencia without the expense e n t a i l e d i n t r a v e l l i n g or sending representatives long distances. S i m i l a r l y , l e g a l cases i n v o l v i n g Indians resident i n Lima were dealt v/ith d i r e c t l y by the protector, foregoing the expense and f u t i l i t y of i n i t i a t i n g l e g a l procedures with l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . S t i l l more s i g n i f i c a n t , however, was the greater Hispanization of urban Indian society. The Indian population of Lima, centered mainly i n an area known as E l Cercado, had constant contact with Spaniards, l a r g e l y through t h e i r employment i n trades and as vendors i n the public plazas of Lima. The Cercado i t s e l f had an active Indian government patterned a f t e r Spanish municipal government. Indians occupied not only posts i n t h i s c i v i c administration but also p o s i t i o n s as n o t a r i e s working cl o s e l y with the protector of the Indians i n approving business and l e g a l contracts entered into by Indians. The Indian n o b i l i t y formed i t s own m i l i t a r y regiment and played an ostentatious r o l e i n Spanish ceremonial occasions. The a r t i s a n population was organized i n Spanish-patterned guilds, and there i s growing evidence that urban Indians enjoyed i n 112 p r a c t i c e a number of p r i v i l e g e s t h e o r e t i c a l l y reserved f o r the Indian n o b i l i t y and Spaniards. Slaves, horses, Spanish dress, and land holdings beyond the o f f i c i a l allotments were common accoutrements of the r e l a t i v e l y prosperous Indian population of Lima. The Indian e l i t e of Lima were i n a good p o s i t i o n to appreciate the s i t u a -t i o n of t h e i r r u r a l counterparts. The Cercado was an obligatory stopping point f o r r u r a l Indians heading f o r the Spanish c i t y of Lima and p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r caciques coming to present t h e i r cases to V i c e r e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Awareness of the p l i g h t of r u r a l Indians was i n t e n s i f i e d during the 1720's and 30's by the imprisonment of a number of caciques i n Lima, as a r e s u l t of t h e i r attempts to 2 gain redress agaxnst abusive corregidores, and by an i n f l u x of r u r a l Indians f l e e i n g from the depressed conditions of t h e i r native areas. The Hispanization of the Indian e l i t e of Lima, combined with t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y easy access t o l e g a l channels, and awareness of the widespread nature of Indian oppression a l l placed them i n an excellent p o s i t i o n to assume the leadership of a reform movement i n the interests'.'/of Indian society as a whole. The e l i t e ' s i n t e r e s t i n sponsoring such a movement was l a r g e l y determined by t h e i r own gradual l o s s of s t a t u s . The urban Indian e l i t e no longer enjoyed a status e a s i l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d as superior i n wealth and p r i v i l e g e to that of the a r t i s a n population. On the contrary, the gap which separated the e l i t e from the a r t i s a n population was narrowed as the luxuries t h e o r e t i c a l l y reserved f o r the n o b i l i t y became av a i l a b l e to many members of urban Indian s o c i e t y . This development, a l s o p a r t i a l l y a r e s u l t of the increasing impoverishment of the Indian n o b i l i t y , threatened to e f f e c t i v e l y submerge the l e g a l l y p r i v i l e g e d 113 e l i t e i n t o the growing ranks of the urban Indian masses. She a b i l i t y of the Indian e l i t e to maintain a superior economic p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the Indian masses was l i m i t e d i n the f i r s t h a l f of the eighteenth century by the economic c r i s i s which affected Peruvian s o c i e t y as a whole. When neither t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between caciques and nobles and Indian t r i b u t a r i e s nor Spanish-patterned economic a c t i v i t y proved adequate to h a l t the gradual erosion of the urban e l i t e ' s prestige, they began to explore other means of r e a s s e r t i n g t h e i r ascendancy over the Indian masses. By taking an act i v e r o l e i n the defense of the i n t e r e s t s of Indians of a l l ranks, the e l i t e attempted to regain t h e i r p r e s t i g e within Indian society and to win Spanish support f o r the reestablishment of the h i e r a r c h i c a l structure of Indian s o c i e t y postulated by c o l o n i a l laws. Between 1708 and 1727 a t o t a l of twenty-eight members of the Indian e l i t e put t h e i r signatures to one or more of four appeals di r e c t e d either to the Crovm or to Vi c e r e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s . ^ Five of these i n d i v i d u a l s signed two of these appeals and one man, Francisco Saba Capac Inga, signed three, i n d i c a t i n g some con t i n u i t y i n leadership. T h i s conclusion i s supported by the common ob-je c t i v e of a l l these appeals: to r e e s t a b l i s h the prestige of the Indian e l i t e through the implementation of the p r i v i l e g e s granted the Indian n o b i l i t y by Spanish lav/ and secure the enforcement of measures designed to benefit the Indian masses. In 1708 nine Indians p e t i t i o n e d the Crovm i n the name of "Los Naturales k de este Eeyno," demanding that V i c e r e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s be forced to pub l i s h a decree of 1697 issued i n favor of the Indian n o b i l i t y . T h i s decree stressed 114 the e q u a l i t y of the Indian and Spanish n o b i l i t y and expressly confirmed the Indian n o b i l i t y ' s r i g h t to hold p o s i t i o n s reserved to the n o b i l i t y . The ca r d i n a l importance of the decree i n providing a l e g a l basis f o r the Indian e l i t e ' s claims warrants i t s d e t a i l e d consideration here: . . . puedan ascender l o s Indios a l o s puestos E c l e s i a s t i c o s , o Seculares, Gubernativos, P o l i t i c o s y de Guerra, que todos piden limpieza de sangre y por Estatuto calidad de Nobles, hay d i s t i n c i 6 n entre l o s Indios y Mestizos, o como descendi-entes de l o s Indios p r i n c i p a l e s , que se llaman Caciques, o como procedidos de Indios menos p r i n c i p a l e s , que son l o s T r i b u t a r i e s , y que en su g e n t i l i d a d reconocieron v a s a l l a j e ; se considera que a l o s primeros y sus descendientes, se l e s deben todas l a s preeminencias y honores, a s i en l o E c l e s i -a s t i c o como en l o secular, que se acostumbra c o n f e r i r a l o s Nobles Hijosdalgo de C a s t i l l a , y pueden p a r t i c i p a r de cual-quiera comunidades que por Estatuto pidan Nobleza; pues es constante, que e l l o s en su gentilismo eran Nobles, y a quienes sus i n f e r i o r e s reconoclan v a s a l l a j e , y tributaban, cuya especie de nobleza todavia se l e s conserva y considera; guardandoles en l o pos i b l e sus antiguos Fueros o P r i v i l e g i o s . . . y s i como l o s Indios menos p r i n c i p a l e s , o descendientes de e l l o s , y en quienes concurre puridad de sangre, como descendientes de l a G e n t i l i d a d , s i n mezcla de i n f e c c i 6 n , u ot r a secta reprobada: a estos tambien se l e s debe c o n t r i b u i r con todas l a s prerrogativas y Dignidades y Honras, que gozan en EspaHa l o s limpios de sangre, que llaman Estado general.5 By providing a common j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the p r i v i l e g e s of the Indian n o b i l i t y and the fr e e status of the Indian commoners t h i s decree gave the Indian e l i t e a t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r ass o c i a t i n g t h e i r oxm i n t e r e s t s with the defense of oppressed Indians. As a r e s u l t , demands f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the charter of p r i v i l e g e s became c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Indian protest movement. At the same time, the decree of 1697 c l e a r l y established a t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k between the Indians' freedom and the subordination of Spain's c o l o n i a l endeavour to a r e l i g i o u s goal: 115 • • • declarando de nuevo que atender§ y premiarS, siempre a los descendientes de Indios Gentiles de unos y otros Reinos de l a s Indias, consolandolos con mi Real amparo y patrocinio por medio de los Prelados Eclesiasticos y demas Ministros del Santo Evangelio, Virreyes, Audiencias y demas Gobernadores de todas las Ciudades, V i l l a s y Lugares de aquellos Reynos, para que l o s aconsejan, gobiernen y encaminen a l bien p r i n c i p a l del conocimiento de nuestra Santa Fe Cat6lica, su observancia y Vida P o l i t i c a y a que se apliquen a emplearse en mi s e r v i c i o y gozar l a remuneraci6n que en § 1 correspondiere a l mlrito y calidad de cada uno, segun y como l o s demas vasallos mios, en mis dilatados dominios de l a Europa, con quienes han de ser iguales en e l todo los de una y otra America. Thus the charter of p r i v i l e g e s presented the l e g a l rights of the Indian n o b i l i t y and the freedom of the t r i b u t a r i e s as marks of royal' protection of the Indians. This interpretation provided the theoretical framework f o r the Indian reformist ideology, confining i t within the boundaries of Spanish, protectoral theory. The p e t i t i o n of "Los Naturales de este Reyno" of 1708 set a precedent for the protestors' use of certain s p e c i f i c protectoral concepts to t h e i r own ends. For instance, by adopting the characterization of the Indians as i n -herently malleable and therefore e a s i l y abused as an argument for the implementation of protectoral l e g i s l a t i o n the Indian e l i t e followed the pattern of protest established by sixteenth-century reformists. They blamed the miserable state of the Indians, not on t h e i r own docile character, but rather on the Spaniards' self-interested abuse of that character: . . . l a s miserias que padecen por l a i n f e l i z i d a d de su estado a que los a. reduzido l a V i o l e n c i a y codicia de algunos que inconcideradamente atropellando los fueros dela racon abusan de l a mansedumbre, y rendimiento genial delos Yndios naturales de este Reyno. 116 The submission of t h i s p e t i t i o n to the Crown by Indians c l e a r l y i n v a l i d a t e d t h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . Nevertheless, they continued to use i t as the early missionaries had, to support t h e i r proposals f o r the Crown's benevolent i n t e r v e n t i o n to c o n t r o l the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Indian and Spanish s o c i e t y . In 1711 t h i r t e e n caciques headed by Francisco Saba Capac Inga p e t i t i o n e d the Viceroy both f o r the implementation of the charter of p r i v i l e g e s and f o r general reforms i n the inte r e s t of Indian welfare. In support of t h e i r appeal, the authors c i t e d the Crown's temporal i n t e r e s t s as well as i t s p r o t e c t o r a l i n t e n t . Stressing the services and l o y a l t y rendered by the Indian e l i t e to the Crown, the p e t i t i o n asked that the charter be proclaimed by public c r i e r i n order to combat the di s c r i m i n a t i o n which kept the Indian e l i t e from obtaining the just reward for these se r v i c e s . In order to b o l s t e r the e f f e c t s of t h i s proclamation, the Indians also c a l l e d f o r the education of the Indian e l i t e as provided f o r i n the charter. The education of the Indian e l i t e , the p e t i t i o n argued, would serve not only to make Indians e l i g i b l e f o r of f i c e - h o l d i n g , a pr e r e q u i s i t e of which was the a b i l i t y to speak Spanish, but also to combat the popular Spanish b e l i e f that Indians were incapable of understanding and dealing with European s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l concepts. The Indian p e t i t i o n urged that the Peruvian administration emulate the example ;of Mexico where they claimed that many Indians had, through education, been able to enter the clergy: ". . s e experimentara mucha a c t i t u d e idoniedad en los Sugetos para todos cargos concediendoseles l o s estudios." In conjunction with t h e i r advocacy of these s p e c i f i c measures designed to b e n e f i t the Indian e l i t e , the p e t i t i o n of 1711 c a l l e d f o r the implementation 117 of the Crovm 1s benevolent intentions towards the t r i b u t a r y Indians. On the basis of the l i n k established i n the charter of p r i v i l e g e s between the Indian n o b i l i t y ' s p r i v i l e g e d status and the t r i b u t a r i e s ' freedom, the p e t i t i o n likened the services rendered to the Crown by the Indian masses to those performed by the Indian n o b i l i t y , suggesting that the Crown's protection of the t r i b u t a r i e s was the corresponding reward f o r these s e r v i c e s : . . . igualmente contribuyen a Su Majestad en sus Tributos, y en sus tandas personales uno de l o s mas u t i l e s s e r v i c i o s a su corona, pues a. l a continuacion de su trabajo y obediencia conque se actuan en sus mitas, se trabajan l a s Minas, se labran l o s thesoros que este Reino f r u c t i f i c a , se c u l t i v a n l o s sembrados y son en todo para todo l o que mas sirven, razon y trabajo tan atendido que no ay tan repetido encargo como e l d e l a l i b i o que l o s muchos y reales despachos manifiestan. The p e t i t i o n e r s were sw i f t , however, to q u a l i f y t h i s apparently worldly con-ception of the Crown's p r o t e c t o r a l r o l e as simply a function of economic u t i l i t y by subordinating i t to the overriding r e l i g i o u s considerations ex-pressed i n a l e t t e r written by F e l i p e IV i n 1628. This l e t t e r echoed the r a d i c a l view that l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n the welfare of the Indians was not merely a f a i l u r e of administration, but a s i n against God and a threat to Spain's r i g h t to r u l e i n America: . . . l o tengo de remediar, y mandaros hazer cargo de l a s mas lebes omiciones en esto; por ser contra Dios, y contra mi, y en t o t a l destruccion y ruina de essos Reynos, cuyos Naturales estimo y quiero sean tratados como l o merecen Vassallos que tanto s i r v e n a. l a „ Monarchla y tanto l a han engrandecido e i l u s t r a d o . The l e t t e r of F e l i p e IV, l i k e the charter of p r i v i l e g e s , became a touchstone f o r Indian protest documents throughout the eighteenth century, serving to f i x the t h e o r e t i c a l basis of the Indian reformist movement f i r m l y i n Spanish 118 p r o t e c t o r a l theory and r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s . The p e t i t i o n of 1711 i s important on a number of counts. I t provided the basic t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n which a l l future protests were to follows I t a l s o provided the outline of a s p e c i f i c program of reform which l a t e r protests followed and embellished. The p e t i t i o n ' s concern f o r the welfare of the Indian masses reaffirmed the Indian e l i t e ' s use of protest i n the name of the masses as a means of e f f e c t i v e l y reassuming i t s t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e as leaders of Indian society. The favorable opinion that the protector of the Indians rendered on the g p e t i t i o n of 1711 encouraged the Indians' determination to seek reform through the p r o t e c t o r a l system. Although the protectors, i n keeping with t h e i r assigned r o l e as advocates f o r the abused Indians, always supported the Indian appeals on paper, s e t t i n g out the l e g a l points on which they were based and often adding f u r t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the Indians' p o s i t i o n , t h i s support seldom r e s u l t e d i n e f f e c t i v e a c t i o n . The recommendation of the protector, I s i d r o de Eceiza, that the charter of p r i v i l e g e s be published as the Indians had requested, remained l i k e most p r o t e c t o r a l opinions, a matter of record and l i t t l e more. The response of the Crown i t s e l f to the p e t i t i o n s followed a s i m i l a r pattern, maintaining the Indians' f a i t h i n the ultimate j u s t i c e of Spain's p r o t e c t o r a l system by responding to t h e i r p e t i t i o n s with dramatic orders f o r the implementation of p r o t e c t o r a l measures. One such order was issued i n 9 1722 i n response to some further p e t i t i o n s organized by Saba Capac. These p e t i t i o n s combined the i n t e r e s t s of urban and r u r a l Indians, asking f o r 119 redress against s p e c i f i c grievances such as abusive repartimientos, i l l e g a l charges l e v i e d on the Indians who d i d business i n the p l a z a of Lima, and the administration's f a i l u r e to pay Indian s o l d i e r s for t h e i r s e r v i c e s . The Crovm ordered that these complaints be s e t t l e d to the Indians' advantage and i n s i s t e d on the enforcement of the many laws which had been established to prevent such grievances: . . . para embarazar estas y l a s demas extorsiones que padecian aquellos miserables Indios, oprimidos por l o s Governadores y demas Mi n i s t r o s a s s i E c l e s i a s t i c o s , como Seculares se establesieron diferentes Leyes, y ordenanzas, con e l f i n de e l buen tratamiento que se debe hazer a aquellos Naturales dejandolos en su entera l i b e r t a d prohibiendo l a opresion de e l l o s , e imponiendo a l o s Governadores, y Corregidores l a pena de pri v a s i o n de o f i c i o , y otras que previenen l a s Leyes. . . . para contener l a s Vejaciones que l e s podian ocasionar l o s Governadores, y Corregidores, sucediendo l o mismo enquanto a l o s Religiosos Doctrineros. The Crovm's order adopted a severe stand i n respect to the abuse of Indians by c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , ordering the Viceroy and the protector to give preference to the settlement of the Indians' s p e c i f i c grievances over and above any other consideration. Although the order placed the main responsi-b i l i t y f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of the Indians on the protector i t charged the two F i s c a l e s with f u l f i l l i n g the protector's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n case of h i s f a i l u r e or i n c a p a c i t y : . . . l a tomen a su cargo paraque sese qualquier motivo de d i l a c i o n , como s i literalmente hablasse con e l l o s este Despacho previniendo a l o s unos, y a l o s otros den quenta en todas l a s ocasiones que se ofrezcan de l o que se executare, y adelantare en estas materias estando advertidos se queda muy a l a mira de esta Claze de dependencias para tomar l a mas severa resolucion contra l o s que agraviaren a. l o s Indios, 6 no l e s guardaren J u s t i c i a en con-formidad de l o dispuesto por l a s Reales Leyes. 120 I n addition to encouraging the Indians' b e l i e f i n the Crown's bene-volence as contrasted to the e x p l o i t a t i v e a t t i t u d e of the c o l o n i a l 1 administration, t h i s order and others of a s i m i l a r kind enlarged''-^heViblp'dy of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n upon which the Indians based t h e i r appeals. In 1724 Francisco Saba Capac Inga and s i x t e e n other members of the Indian e l i t e again p e t i t i o n e d the Viceroy f o r the implementation of the decree of 1697. 1 0 The s i g n a t o r i e s of t h i s appeal included caciques, mainly from the area around Lima, one p r i n c i p a l from Cuzco, a number of o f f i c e r s of the Indian regiment, and four i n d i v i d u a l s of u n s p e c i f i e d status. I t i s c l e a r that the motive of the p e t i t i o n e r s i n advocating the p u b l i c a t i o n of the decree was not so much one of f u r t h e r i n g t h e i r s o c i a l ambitions as of c u r t a i l i n g the d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n t h e i r prestige and status. The appeal of 1724 was submitted i n r e a c t i o n to a s p e c i f i c i n c i d e n t , which threatened the Indians' status as free vassals of the Spanish Crown: the p u b l i c a t i o n on 14 March 1724 of a V i c e r e g a l proclamation p r o h i b i t i n g the wearing of s i l k s and f r i n g e s by Indians, mestizos, negroes, mulattoes and samboes. The obvious adverse e f f e c t of t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n on the Indian e l i t e ' s a b i l i t y to dress l i k e Spaniards was i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n comparison to i t s other r a m i f i c a t i o n s which f a r exceeded those of any mere sumptuary l e g i s l a t i o n . By applying to Indians and mestizos regulations designed f o r the enslaved castas the proclamation set a precedent f o r dealing with Indians and mestizos not on the same basi s as free Spaniards, but as members of a subservient group ber e f t of even the basic human freedoms. The implications of t h i s precedent were immediately recognized and challenged by the Indian e l i t e . 121 In the p e t i t i o n i t s representatives pointed d i r e c t l y to the charter of p r i v i l e g e s as proof of t h e i r e q u a l i t y to Spaniards as vassals of the Spanish Crovm, . . . s i n estender Su V a s s a l l a j e a l tratamiento de siervos, y esclavos, sino arreglandolo a l conque se goviernan y atienden a l o s Espanoles en que solo l o s d i f e r e n c i a e l color, como l o mando e l Senor Rey Don Carlos Segundo . . . en l a Real Cedula despachada en Madrid en doze de Marzo de mil s e i s c i e n t o s y noventa y s i e t e . The Indian e l i t e perceived the proclamation as evidence of the gradual d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n t h e i r own status and wealth as well as of the 'transformation of Indian society as a whole i n t o a s e r v i l e c l a s s : . . . aunque e l agravio del'itiempo con l a s calami-dades comunes y estado miserable en que ha puesto l a pobreza a nuestra Nacion, ha dejado solo esta r e a l memoria para e l agradecimiento, y para recuerdo d e l dolor, pues l a s cadenas conque honra con l a s Reales Armas, muchas de l a s casas de l o s P r i n c i p a l e s Indios se conservan en e l Real P r i v i l e g i o que guardan l o s interezados; y fuera cosa disonate e l que personas tan recomendables quedassen expuestas a l atropellamiento de qualquie i n f e r i o r M i n i s t r o de J u s t i c i a , solo por su moderada descencia, aun no con e l l u s t r e correspondiente a sus obligaciones y calidades, igualandolos l a generalidad con l o s s i e r v o s , y esclavos, o l o s l i b e r t i n o s descendientes de e l l o s , debiendo solo ser comprehendidos con l o s Espanoles, y l o s Indios Nobles y Cavalleros, con l o s Espanoles Cavalleros y Nobles, por ser este e l Real animo como l o determina l a dicha Real Cedula en cuya Razon hablan l o s T i t u l o s enteros de l a nueba Recopilacion d i s t i n t a s , y varias Cedulas Reales, y todos l o s Autores Regnicolas. The Indian e l i t e considered the administration's r e f u s a l to observe the p r i v i l e g e s of the Indian n o b i l i t y as a contributing factor to a s p i r a l e f f e c t by which the i n c r e a s i n g subordination of Indian society to Spaniards rendered Indians even more incapable of a s s e r t i n g t h e i r r i g h t s and consequently more 122 easily subject to further subjugation. The only effective means of stopping t h i s s p i r a l was, i n the opinion of the Indian e l i t e , the intervention' of the most powerful c o l o n i a l authorities. By gaining the support of the Viceroy, Council of the Indies and the Crown i t s e l f , the Indian reformers believed they could reestablish Indian society as an equal and p a r a l l e l counterpart. to Spanish society i n Peru. In keeping with t h i s b e l i e f , t h e i r pleas f o r the r e t r a c t i o n of the proclamation of 1724 were aimed at interrupting the doivnward s p i r a l through the intervention of Viceregal au t h o r i t i e s . Again the protector and even the Viceroy gave the o r e t i c a l support to the e l i t e ' s demands.11 The protector recommended that the proclamation be retracted as far as i t applied to Indians, and that the charter of p r i v i l e g e s be published. On 9 May 1724 a Viceregal decree ordered that the proclamation be applied to Indians only i n so f a r as i t was to Spaniards and that the pro-visions of the numerous decrees granted for the Indians' benefit be upheld. i The f a i l u r e of t h i s decree to order the publication of the charter served, however, to offset t h i s apparent victory f o r the Indians' cause. The administration's f a i l u r e to implement the Viceregal decree further undermined th i s v i c t o r y , and caused the Indian e l i t e to address the Viceroy again i n 1724. In response to t h i s second appeal, the Viceroy not only reiterated h i s order as to the proclamation's l i m i t a t i o n but adopted a proposal, made by the F i s c a l , to ensure that the Indians could e f f e c t i v e l y exercise t h e i r r i g h t s 13 and p r i v i l e g e s . Under t h i s proposal, the Viceroy would send information as to the Indians' r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s to the Indian Cabildos, or town councils, and request them to present an annual report on the state of Indian 123 s o c i e t y , with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the enforcement of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a -t i o n . On t h i s occasion, the Indians* appeals achieved much more than the custom-ary "support i n p r i n c i p l e from the.Viceregal a u t h o r i t i e s . The appeals e l i c i t e d from the Spanish a measure which a c t u a l l y encouraged and f a c i l i t a t e d the making of representations concerning Indian grievances by a l l sectors of Indian s o c i e t y . T h i s one, s l i g h t success gave some j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the Indian e l i t e ' s persistence i n b e l i e v i n g , despite a l l evidence to the contrary, i n the administration's protestations of benevolence. An unshakeable and absolute f a i t h i n the ultimate j u s t i c e of the Spanish regime characterized the Indian reformist ideology from i t s i n c e p t i o n u n t i l i t s death throes i n the r e b e l l i o n of Tupac Amaru. In the 1720's, such a f a i t h had perhaps more p l a u s i b i l i t y than at any other time since not only did the p e t i t i o n s of 1724 secure one r e a l a l b e i t s l i g h t concession from the Viceroy, but the Indian e l i t e acquired i t s own representative at the Spanish Court and could thus p e t i t i o n the Council of the Indies and the Crown d i r e c t l y . The name of t h i s persistent and able representative was Vicente Morachimo, "cazique de l o s quatro Pueblos de Indios, Santiago, Chocope, Cao, y San Estevan del V a l l e de Chicama, j u r i s d i c i o n de l a Ciudad de T r u x i l l o . " His career as an advocate of Indian i n t e r e s t s had begun some time before 1715. Like the group of Indian p e t i t i o n e r s headed by Saba Capac i n 1711, he had f i r s t sought to gain redress from the Audiencia of Lima f o r the usurpation of 14 Indian lands i n h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n by intruding Spaniards. When the protector refused to present the case, Morachimo, ac t i n g as agent f o r the Indians of 124 Chicama, then spent seven years i n f u t i l e e f f o r t s to wring concessions from 15 the Audiencia. F i n a l l y , having secured an appointment as procurador de  los naturales. from the Viceroy Santo Buono, Morachimo was able to go to Spain i n 1721 to present the case to the Court i n person. 1^ He must have been an able and persistent advocate, since the Council of the Indies took a favorable view of the s p e c i f i c complaints he presented and, i n 1722, ordered the Audiencia to proceed to t h e i r "desagravio," s t a t i n g that " l a primera d i l i g e n c i a avia deser ponerlos en posesion de l a s t i e r r a s de que 17 18 se l e s hubiese despojado." Repetitions of t h i s order i n 1724 and 1725 i n d i c a t e that i t had brought l i t t l e i n the way of e f f e c t i v e change, despite 19 threats to take "una severlssima resoluci6n" against the protector involved. However, the very f a c t that the order was repeated i n d i c a t e s how e f f e c t i v e Morachimo was i n gaining the ear of the Council, Morachimo's importance transcended h i s success i n h i s own cases. He was a l i v i n g example of and gave v a l i d i t y to the claim, made frequently.on paper, of the i d e n t i t y of the i n t e r e s t s of the Indian e l i t e and the Indian masses. In the course of h i s advocacy of the r i g h t s of the Indians under h i s j u r i s -20 d i c t i o n Morachimo gained a considerable reputation i n Peru as a leader, serving as an example to other caciques and members of the Indian' e l i t e of how they too, by t a k i n g an a c t i v e r o l e i n defense of the' Indian masses, could regain t h e i r prestige within Indian society. Morachimo's continued residence i n Madrid, where he l i v e d u n t i l 1737, provided the Indian e l i t e ' with an agent whose proven good w i l l and influence served to further t h e i r cases before the Council of the Indies. 125 In December, 1724, f o r example, a group of p e t i t i o n e r s , headed by Francisco Saba, e n l i s t e d Morachimo's services i n order to present to the 21 Crown the complaints made to V i c e r e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n that same year; The as s o c i a t i o n of Indians and negroes i n the proclamation of 14 March, i l l e g a l assessments made on Indian merchants, and the administration's f a i l u r e to publi s h the charter of p r i v i l e g e s . Among se v e r a l documents supporting these claims Morachimo presented to the Crown the 1708 p e t i t i o n of "Los Naturales de este Reyno" which, he claimed, had been withheld by the i n d i v i d u a l to whom i t had been entrusted: . . . aviendo hallado en esta Corte unos Memoriales firmados de algunos Indios P r i n c i p a l e s que avian remitido a VMgd, s o l i c i t a n d o que l a s honras con que l a c a t h o l i c a piedad de todos l o s Sefiores Reyes, y de VMgd. tengan e l cumplimiento que se debe dar alo cOn-tenido enlas Rs.Zedulas, que hasta aora se han arrimado a l olvid o , por ser solamente en favor de aquellos Miserables V a s a l l o s de VMgd.; Y teniendo e l sobre encargo de otrSs Yndios sobre este p a r t i c u l a r , presenta a. VMgd e l dho memorial que ha mas de 16 anos que ha estado guardado sinque l a Persona que se en-cargo de pressentarlo l o aya hecho en tanto tiempo.22 Morachimo's e f f o r t s reaped b e n e f i t s f o r the Indian e l i t e i n the dispatch of a decree dated 28 January 1725 ordering the p u b l i c a t i o n and implementation of 23 the charter of p r i v i l e g e s . 24 In a printed memorial presented to the Crovm i n 1724, Morachimo demonstrated h i s commitment to the i n t e r e s t s of various groups within Indian s o c i e t y . This memorial integrated i n t o a s i n g l e complaint the various strands of Indian protest represented i n Indian appeals made up to that time. By com-bining complaints over the V i c e r e g a l administration's r e f u s a l to s e t t l e the land claims of the Indians of Chicama and over the abusive mita demands i n the 126 province of Loxa with demands f o r the implementation of the privileges of the Indian n o b i l i t y and of the r i g h t s of the urban Indians, t h i s Memorial created a precedent f o r the Indian e l i t e ' s advocacy of the welfare of every sector of Indian society: r u r a l or urban, noble or common. Morachimo's printed memorial of 1724 i s of equal importance for i t s discussion of the th e o r e t i c a l basis of the protection of Indian rights within the Spanish system. Morachimo d e f i n i t i v e l y l i n k e d the question of Indian wel-fare with the r a d i c a l view of protectoral i d e a l s . He also i d e n t i f i e d the pro-t e c t o r a l system i t s e l f as the prime vehicle through which the Indian reformists should work to improve the condition of Indian society. The following assertion by Morachimo could e a s i l y have come from the pen of any of the more r a d i c a l sixteenth-century missionaries: "Es tan p e r j u d i c i a l a los pobres Indios l a 25 dicha vecindad de Espanoles." Morachimo attributed t h i s damage s p e c i f i c a l l y to a lack of protectors. He i d e n t i f i e d the ideal"protector as a r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l with secular power to control the relationship between Spaniards and Indians, as exemplified by the Jesuit curates. This conception of the protector was, of course, i d e n t i c a l to the one which had, p r i o r to the secularization of the o f f i c e of protector, guided the a c t i v i t i e s of the e a r l i e s t r e l i g i o u s protectors. The fact that t h i s concept of the protector as an o f f i c i a l endowed with dual authority had been abandoned because i t generated c o n f l i c t s which under-mined the Crown's c o l o n i a l interests apparently went unrecognized by the Indian e l i t e . In f a c t , Morachimo's description of the J e s u i t s , the only contemporary practitioners of t h i s otherwise obsolete dual authority, indicates 127 that, on the contrary, the Indian e l i t e perceived such dual authority as being i n the Crovm's best i n t e r e s t : . . . cada uno de aquellos curas atiende a l a con-servacion de sus F i l i g r e s s e s , procurando en l o s enteros de Mitas . . . que l o s Indios, que van nuraerados, se entreguen con l a condicion, de que han de bolver precisaraente con sus h i j o s , y mujer, dando s a t i s f a c c i o n e l Azoguero, y Minero s i f a l l e c e algun Indio, . . . y faltando esta c i r c u n s t a n c i a , no se l e s da. otro en lugar d e l que no buelve a. su casa, y con este buen regimen se h a l l a V. Mag. bien servido, y e l Pueblo mas a l i v i a d o , y s i n e l menoscabo de t r i -b utaries. 26 The emphasis placed by Morachimo on the p r o t e c t o r a l system was to be a decisive influence i n the d r a f t i n g of the next general appeal presented by the Indian e l i t e to the Crovm i n 1726. Morachimo's pr i n t e d memorial of 1724, together v/ith the decrees of 1725, had been forwarded to the Indian p e t i t i o n e r s . The protesters i n turn presented these documents to the Viceroy but, i n May, 1726, advised Morachimo of t h e i r f a i l u r e to secure the implementation of 27 the orders. Talcing t h e i r cue from Morachimo's memorial of 1724 t h e i r l e t t e r to him placed a large part of the blame f o r t h i s f a i l u r e on the protector's lack of i n t e r e s t : Don Santiago Barrientos, a nada saca l a cara por mucho que del nos ernes Valido Solo s i r v e de responder en l a s Vi s t a s y eso Con mucha T i b i e s a y contemplacion como l o hiso enla Zedula de honores esto es teniendo en supoder l a R l Cedula que habla con e l enque s o l i s i t e e l des-agravio de l o s Indios. In a s i m i l a r v e i n , i d e n t i f y i n g themselves as "Los Indios Casiques y P r i n c i p a l e s delos Contornos de est a Giudad de Lima Corte de l o s Dilatados Reynos d e l Peru," and wr i t i n g on behalf of Indian society as a whole, "nuestra Pobre humilde y Miserable Nacion," the Indian e l i t e formally addressed the 128 Crown in the petition of 1726 mentioned above. Adopting a collective voice, they identified the interests of a l l Indians with those most oppressed: . . . se hace Impossible, e l poder r e f e r i r los [agravibs] que padecemos corporal y espiritualmente padece e l Guerpo Sr, Las Continuas Tareas aque nos dedican, y s i es'tas' no Cumplimos como Deseamos somos Cprimidos con carseles y asbtes con Argollas y Cadenas enlos Sbrajes y minas sin Distintibo de l a Noblesa y Plebe de los yhdios . . . y lo que mas siente e l Alma es lo poco que se Cuida de los medios para su Salbacion. Like Morachimo, these authors attributed the sorry plight of Indian society primarily to a lack of dedicated protectors: "Contihuamente teraimos Biendonqs sin Protector ni persona que se Dedique como se deve y Vuestra 'Magd. lo tiene Mandado, y dispuesto para atencion de Nras Causas." According to the petitioners, the ineffectiveness of the existing protectors had created a situa-tion i n which the Crown's benevolent legislation served primarily as a pretext for the oppression of Indian society: Siempre nos Vemos abatidos y Mantenidos el estado que l a malicia, desde los primeros Descrubrimientos de las Yndias, Nos procuro Constituir, privandonos dela Educasion P o l i t i c a , y C i b i l , para Mantenernos en miserable servidumbre de esta, l a Rl. munificensia de V. Mag. Accordingly, the Indian elite perceived the Indians' current condition i n terms of the sixteenth-century polemic between religious and secular interests over the treatment of the Indians. Their view of the state of Indian subjugation in the eighteenth century as f u l f i l l i n g the iirorst fears expressed by the early missionaries i s a common one i n Indian protest, often conveyed by the image of a world i n reverse, where everything serves a purpose opposite" to that which was intended. 129 The Indian p e t i t i o n e r s of the 1720's gave very high p r i o r i t y to the e f f i c i e n t functioning of the o f f i c e of protector since they saw i t s e f f e c t -iveness as the key to the reestablishment of Indian society as a free and equal partner i n the tv/o " r e p u b l i c s " which constituted c o l o n i a l 1 Peru. This emphasis on the p r o t e c t o r a l o f f i c e l e d the Indian e l i t e to request i n the 1730's that the o f f i c e of protector be held by Indians. The Indian p r o t e s t s d i r e c t e d to the Crown i n the 1720's a l l stressed the f a i l u r e of the' e x i s t i n g protectors to f u l f i l l t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s and Morachimo 1s advocacy of Indian welfare lent c r e d i b i l i t y to proposals i n the 1730 ,s that Indians act as p r o t e c t o r s . The obvious grasp of Hispanic values and l e g a l theory shown i n the Indians' protests negated what was the main reason f o r reserving the o f f i c e of protector to Spaniards: the Indians' i n a b i l i t y to recognize and pursue t h e i r own best i n t e r e s t s . The impact of Morachimo's advocacy of the welfare of Indian, s o c i e t y , continued i n 1732 i n h i s Manifiesto de los 1 agravios,' bexacibnes, y_ molestias 29 que padecen l o s i n d i o s d e l reyno d e l Peru, was strengthened by the a r r i v a l i n Spain of another representative of the Peruvian Indians, Pedro Nieto de Vargas, a former Al c a l d e del Crimen of the Audiencia of Lima. Although not himself an Indian, Nieto had served as a representative of Indians i n Lima 3 throughout the 1720's, often forwarding t h e i r cases to the Crovm v i a Morachimo. In Spain as "Diputado de l o s Indios del Reyno de l Peru" between 1732 and 1734 Pedro Nieto wrote a memorial to the Crovm des c r i b i n g with the most c a l c u l a t e d understatement he could manage the Indians' f e a r that the benevolent decrees issued at Morachimo's behest had suffered the same fate as e a r l i e r r o y a l orders: 130 . . . l e s d i c t a l a experiencia un justo rezelo de l a duracion de sus agravios, peligrando e l Real j u s t i f i c a d o intento de V. Mag. en tan inmensas di s t a n c i a s , de tanto pielago, que hacen mitigar en los executores, e l ardor fervoroso de l a s Reales determinaciones de V. Mag. ya porque forzandolas l a necessidad a passar por tan varios, y estranos conductos para su execucion, pierden l a pureza de su dichoso origen; ya por padecer n a t u r a l -mente l a s cosas no pequeno v i c i o , quando no es f a c i l acordar, y u n i r l a i n f l u e n c i a a l a produccion. No es este nuevo pensamiento d e l Suplicante, quando l o tiene executoriado e l tiempo, por medio de repetidas demostraciones.31 This point, however, i s merely the introduction to Nieto's main argument: the necessity of Indians acting as t h e i r own protectors. Nieto pointed out that the Indians had begun appointing u n o f f i c i a l defenders from amongst t h e i r own ranks as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of Morachimo's success. He f u r t h e r argued that the Indians' w i l l i n g n e s s to occupy the o f f i c e of protector, coupled with the considerable a b i l i t i e s and education of many noble Indians, made the continued employment of Spanish protectors unnecessary: Oy, Senor, se hal l a n aquellos Naturales reducidos a vida p o l i t i c a , y sociable, cuyo defecto, por l a s ya dichas Ordenanzas del ano passado de 1575 (tiempo en que aun duraban aquellas conquistas) se l e s pudo haver negado este consuelo; pues como personas rudas, y barbaras, d i f i c i l e s de reducir a l a sociedad de l a s gentes, tenian l a i n e p t i t u d bastante para darles Curadores, y Defensores; cuya razon enteramente, f a l t a en l o s tiempo presente, en que de aquellos Naturales ay sugetos aplicados a l a Jurisprudencia, y demas facultades, y ciencias, e instruidos en sus leyes municipales, costumbres, y practicas de aquellos Juzgados. Nieto's arguments were r e f e r r e d f o r an opinion to the F i s c a l of the Council of the Indies who reported that Indians were indeed e l i g i b l e f o r appointment as "defensores p a r t i c u l a r e s de l a s ciudades, v i l l a s y lugares de aquel Reyno," but not as general protectors at the Audiencia l e v e l . T h i s 131 opinion was evidently communicated i n some way to the Indians i n Peru, f o r i t formed the basis of at least one Indian's request f o r appointment to the p o s i t i o n of protector. This request was made i n a p e t i t i o n presented by Morachimo i n 1737 on 34 behalf of H i l a r i o G a r c i a L l a g l l a . The p e t i t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the way i n which i t h i g h l i g h t s the Indian e l i t e ' s view of the p r o t e c t o r a l r o l e as a means of regaining the prestige due to them as nobles. Garcia, who claimed to be a descendant of Thopa Inga Yupanqui and Huaynacapac, appears to have been the epitome of the dispossessed Indian noble. The p e t i t i o n made i t quite c l e a r that the o f f i c e of protector was the very l e a s t reward due to Garcia L l a g l l a i n view of the n o b i l i t y and s e r v i c e s of h i s ancestors. By f i r s t s e t t i n g out Garcia L l a g l l a ' s r i g h t to a mayorazgo and a caciqueship, the p e t i t i o n presented the granting of the p o s i t i o n of protector as a minor concession or gesture through which the Crown could demonstrate i t s gratitude f o r s e r v i c e s rendered. Garcia L l a g l l a claimed that i l l treatment by Spaniards had forced h i s ancestors to abandon a mayorazgo granted to them i n Cuzco by Charles V. In spite of t h i s misfortune h i s family, having f l e d to Chucuito, had managed to obtain a caciqueship which h i s father exercised at the time of the p e t i t i o n . The p e t i t i o n c l e a r l y demonstrates, however, that G a r c i a L l a g l l a ' s a s p i r a t i o n s to the o f f i c e of protector were determined, to some extent at l e a s t , by the salary i t c a r r i e d . The p e t i t i o n boasted that Garcia L l a g l l a ' s ' father was "exerciendo e l cargo de Cazique Governador y Alcalde Ordiriario . . . s i n mas galardon n i s a l a r i o que su a p l i c a z i o n por solo fomentar patrocinar y rhan-tener a l o s Indios." Such al t r u i s m may not, however, have been altogether 132 voluntary and the p e t i t i o n , by requesting that Garcia L l a g l l a be given the post of "Protector de l o s naturales de dicha p r o v i h c i a con' el' s a l a r i o que otros Protectores han tenido," c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d that he had no i n t e n t i o n of f o l l o w i n g i n h i s father's footsteps i n t h i s regard. Since t h i s p e t i t i o n c l e a r l y f e l l within the bounds of the' F i s c a l ' s opinion sanctioning the appointment of Indians as protectors on a l o c a l l e v e l , the Council of the Indies r e f e r r e d i t to the Audiencia of Lima f o r r e s o l u t i o n . The f a c t that most r e f e r r a l s of t h i s sort r e s u l t e d i n l i t t l e benefit to the Indian appellants, together with l a t e r Indian references to the Audiencia's f a i l u r e to implement the recommendation that Indians be appointed protectors, in d i c a t e that, not only was Garcia L l a g l l a probably denied the opportunity of serving as protector, but that the F i s c a l ' s recommendation i n favor of Indians serving as protectors was never put into p r a c t i c e . Garcia's p e t i t i o n does, however, provide proof that at l e a s t some members of the Indian e l i t e d i d attempt to improve t h e i r s o c i a l standing by serving i n p o s i t i o n s such as that of protector. Nieto de Vargas' memorial, quite apart from the c o n t r i b u t i o n i t made to the Indians' attempts to take a more active part i n t h e i r own protection, served to strengthen the Indian reform movement's reliance i n i t s abstract argument upon sixteenth-century p r o t e c t o r a l theories. Nieto's arguments r e -i t e r a t e d not only the e l i t e ' s dependence on the charter of p r i v i l e g e s as evidence of the Crown's benevolent intent toward the Indian n o b i l i t y but also t h e i r claim that the misapplication of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n constituted a prime cause of the depressed state of Indian s o c i e t y . At the same time Nieto 133 c a r r i e d the a s s o c i a t i o n between Indian reform and r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s f u r t h e r than any e a r l i e r appeal had done. Nieto a t t r i b u t e d the negative e f f e c t s of the Crown's pr o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a -t i o n to the temporal i n t e r e s t s of the c o l o n i a l administration. In so doing he set up a clear d i s t i n c t i o n between the advocates and abusers of p r o t e c t o r a l l e g i s l a t i o n , contrasting the r e l i g i o u s idealism of the former to the i r r e l i g i o u s s e l f - i n t e r e s t of the l a t t e r : . . . pues no ay clausula en sus Reales determinaciones, que no r e s p i r e amor, compassion, y piedad, y que no l e s iraponga en nuevo vassallage, passando a es c l a v i t u d su reconocimiento; pero l o s Ministros, que son l o s conductos por donde se d i r i g e n l a s piedades de V. Mag. se convierten en arcaduces, que v i c i a n sus Reales intentos; pues no ay Decreto que mire a l a conservacion de l o s Naturales; que no sea motivo para su:,mayor ruina, convirtiendo l o sagrado en l o s a c r i l e g o de sus i n j u s t a s operaciones: proviniendo esta i n j u r i a de l a l u z d e l oro, que deslumbra l a s i n t e n -ciones mas justas. 36 In these l i n e s Nieto suggests an apocalyptic image of the world i n reverse which i s quite i n tune with the r a d i c a l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f that se'cular society represented the f u l f i l l m e n t of the disasters prophesied through the B i b l i c a l Babylon. Nieto emphasized that Spain's missionary r o l e provided the t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r the Indians' voluntary submission to the Spanish Crown. He r e f e r r e d to h i s t o r y as witness to the f a c t that Spain's r u l e i n Peru f e l l f a r short of f u l f i l l i n g the o b l i g a t i o n s entrusted to the Spanish Crown: " . . . h a l l a r a V. Mag. en sus Chronicas, que no tuvieron leve motivo l a s Plumas estrangeras, para afear en nuestra Nacion una de l a s facciones mas f l o r i o s a s , que aclama e l 37 universo entre sus .rdescubrimientos.'1 Furthermore he invoked the testimony of e a r l y missionaries and p r o t e c t o r a l advocates to support t h i s accusation: 134 . . merecio l a lastima de l o s mas doctos, sabios, y piadosos E s c r i t o r e s , que tocaron con l a misma experiencia, y mas inmediacion l a s expresadas •zO vexaciones, y agravios." In t h i s way Nieto drew an analogy between the sixteenth-century polemic over Indian welfare and the eighteenth-century Indian reform movement, an analogy which was supported not only by a s i m i l a r conception of the p r o t e c t o r a l system, but also by increasingly s i m i l a r t h e o r e t i c a l arguments. Nieto argued f o r reform i n the administration of the Indians as a necessary measure to f u l f i l l Spain's d i v i n e l y appointed mission i n America, describing that mission i n terms reminiscent of the prophetic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Spain as the chosen nation of the New Testament: Y aun fue notable observacion de mas erudita Pluma, que l a g l o r i a de esta hazana* fue p a r t i c u l a r cuidado de l a Diyina Providencia, r e s e r v a r l a a l o s augustos predecessores de V. Mag. y a l a Nacion Espanola; porque s i aquel d'es-cubrimiento l o emprendiera otra Nacion, estaba expuesto a pe l i g r o s a s , y mayores contingencias; b l a execution, por l a remission de l o s Conquistadores, 6 l a Fe, por l o s errores de sus Sectas; y para que esto se obrasse por Nacion igualmente valerpsa, que Ca t h o l i c a , era necessario fuesse por l a Espanola, que en l a s sinceridades l a de Relig i o n conserva su pureza. De l a s otras Naciones, Unas por remissas, y de menos ardimiento, y otras por menos puras en l a Fe, se pudiera temer e l efecto, que D'ios pretendia en esta conquista: Espana juntaba e l v a l o r , y l a constancia con l a pureza de sus Dogmas; que mucho que fuesse l a escogida?39 Nieto's a l l u s i o n s to the p u r i t y of Spain's r e l i g i o n b r i n g to mind the reformist o r i e n t a t i o n of the ea r l y missionaries. This a s s o c i a t i o n i s reinfo r c e d by the writer's use of the image of Columbus seeking support f o r h i s s p i r i t u a l v i s i o n of the New World and f i n d i n g i t only i n Spain: Para cuyo pensamiento, Senor, nos da. no se s i superior, o mysterioso motivo l o s mismos intentos del successo: 135 pues consta, que C h r i s t o v a l Colon anduvo peregrinando por tantas, y tan v a r i a s Naciones, y Reynos buscando quien l e ayudasse . • ••• y s o l a Espana! pudo cooperar a e l l a . 4 0 By employing these associations to support h i s arguments f o r administrative reform, Nieto seems to be assigning to Spain the dual r e l i g i o u s role envisioned f o r her by the r a d i c a l missionaries: the conversion of the American natives and the establishment of a p r i s t i n e form of C h r i s t i a n i t y as the r u l i n g p r i n c i p l e of c o l o n i a l society. The various Indian protests presented to the Crown throughWie'ente Morachimo and Nieto de Vargas l a i d the t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r the development of the Indian reformist ideology throughout the 1740's. The dependence of these e a r l y protests on the charter of p r i v i l e g e s as a b a s i s f o r both^the freedom of the Indian masses and the p r i v i l e g e d status of the Indian e l i t e committed the Indian protesters to a l o y a l i s t p o s i t i o n towards the Spanish Monarchy. This l o y a l i s m was maintained through the e l i t e ' s continuing use of the p r o t e c t o r a l system as a means of e l i c i t i n g reformist measures. The p r o t e c t o r a l system was, however, a paradoxical v e h i c l e f o r the e l i t e ' s sponsorship of Indian welfare. Since t h e i r very e f f o r t s to defend t h e i r f e l l o w Indians against abuses of power d i r e c t l y negated the l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n of Indians as minors, incapable of recognizing and pursuing t h e i r own best i n t e r e s t s , the e l i t e ' s advocacy of Indian welfare s i g n a l l e d the obsolescence of the whole ' j.protectoral system based on t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . The e l i t e ' s dedication to working through the p r o t e c t o r a l system can only be explained as one of s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n . Through the continuation of the p r o t e c t o r a l system, the Indian e l i t e could ensure the perpetuation o f Indian 136 society as separate and p a r a l l e l to Spanish society i n Peru and, within t h i s separate s o c i e t y , the perpetuation of the h i e r a r c h i c a l structure r a t i f i e d by Spanish law. This structure assured the e l i t e ' s monopoly of the' p r i v i l e g e s and influence which could be derived through t h e i r occupation of the r o l e of intermediary between the two s o c i e t i e s . 1 The e l i t e was attempting to r e e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f i n that r o l e during the 1720's and 1730's by claiming to represent and express the i n t e r e s t s of Indian society as a whole. 137 NOTES CHAPTER TV There i s no adequate study of urban Indian society and the fol l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n i s based l a r g e l y on inferences made from Indian protest documents and from the information presented by Emilio Harth-terre i n Negros e_ i n d i o s — un estamento s o c i a l ignorado d e l Peru c o l o n i a l (Lima, 1973), as well as on the comments made by Karen Spalding i n De i n d i o a campesino (Lima: I n s t i t u t o de Estudios peruanos, 1974), pp. 173-l83» and Vargas Ugarte,"'Historia general del Peru, IV, 253-256. 2 According to a l e t t e r to the Viceroy forwarded tb-. the Crown by Nieto de Vargas, f i v e caciques, including the author, Jose Choquihuanca, found them-selves imprisoned i n Lima as a r e s u l t of having attempted to gain redress against excessive repartimientos. L e t t e r of Jos§ Choquihuanca to Viceroy, 6 Sept. 1727, AGI (Lima 495). "Los Casiques P r i n c i p a l e s y Governadores delos Terminos de esta Ciudad, por s i y en Nombre del comun de Indios existentes en e l l a " noted " l a f a c i l i d a d que se prienden a. l o s yndios que Vayan a pedir J u s t i c i a , de l o s agravios y Extorciones que padecen de Correxidores y de sus Thenientes, y estas p r i c i o n e s se executan por medio de agentes y apoderados de dhos Corregidores." Signed copy, dated 6 September 1727 ,/bf p e t i t i o n o r i g i n a l l y directed to the Viceroy on 23 December 1726, AGI (Lima 495). ^ P e t i t i o n to Crovm [1708], AGI (Lima 438). Her'e'after c i t e d as p e t i t i o n of 1708, the si g n a t o r i e s of t h i s p e t i t i o n were Francisco Esteban Montero, 138 C r i s t o b a l Asmare, Pablo de l a Cruz, Pedro V a l e n t i n , Francisco Chuqui paucar Atauchi Ynga, F e l i p e Ysidoro Colquiruna, Juan B a u t i s t a Cinchigu'aman [Lorenzo?] Avendano,. Copy of p e t i t i o n to Viceroy [October, 1711]» AGI (Lima 495). Hereafter c i t e d as p e t i t i o n of 1711, i t s si g n a t o r i e s were: Domingo Chayguac, Francisco P a u l l i Chumbi Saba Capac Inga, Lazaro Poma Inga, Juan Carlos Acasio, Bartholome Rodriguez Apoalaya, Francisco Chuqui paucar, Salvador Puycon, Juan Navarro, Joseph Anastacio Pacheco, Juan Poma Inga, Nicolas Galindo, Juan Gonzales Cargua Paucar, Antonio Gomes V i l c a Guaman. Copy of p e t i t i o n to Viceroy [between 15 March and 1 A p r i l 1724], AGI (Lima 495). Hereafter c i t e d as p e t i t i o n of 1724, i t s s i g n a t o r i e s were Francisco Saba Capac Inga, Juan Ucho Inga T i t o Yupanqui, Joseph de l a Cueva T i t o Guascar Inga, Ventura Songo CasiGualpa, Pasqual Casaamusa y S a n t i l l a n , Pedro Panta Chumbe, Sebastian de l o s Reyes, Salvador Puycon, Lorenzo de Abendafio, Carlos Acasio, Joseph de Castro, Jazinto Chumbi, B i a s Calderon, Rodrigo Gago, Alcmzo Condor Poma, Ramon de l a Rosa. P e t i t i o n to Crown, 13 May 1726, AGI (Lima 495). Hereafter c i t e d as p e t i t i o n of 1726, i t was signed by Joseph T i b u r s i o P a r r a l Chimo Capac Ligua Geoquel, Francisco Atun Apo Cuismango Saba Capac Ynga, Lorenzo de Avendano, Domingo Chayguac, Andres del Peso Carbajal Caxa Paica, Salvador Puicon. ^ P e t i t i o n of 1708. ^ I am quoting from the f i r s t printed e d i t i o n of t h i s decree (I766) r e p r i n t e d i n Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Impresos peruanos publicados en e l extranjero, B i b l i o t e c a peruana, VI (Lima, 1949), 127. 139 The o r i g i n a l version "Real Cedula que se considere a l o s descendientes de caciques como nobles en su raza," Madrid, 26 March 1697, can be found i n ed. Richard Konetzke, , Colecci6n de document os para l a h i s t o r i a de l a formaci6n s o c i a l de Hispanoamerica (1493-1810) (Madrid, 1953), I I I , 67. 6 P e t i t i o n of 1711. 7 Quoted i n p e t i t i o n of 1711. g Copy of opinion of protector Ezeiza, rendered i n Lima, 26 October 1711, AGI (Lima 4-95). 9 Copy of r e a l cedula of 31 March 1722, AGI (Lima 495). Since I have been unable to i d e n t i f y p r e c i s e l y the appeals to which t h i s decree r e f e r s , my d e s c r i p t i o n of them i s based on the references i n the decree i t s e l f . I n P e t i t i o n of 1724. I I Copy of opinion of the protector, Barrientos, rendered i n Lima 27 A p r i l 1724, AGI (Lima 495). 12 Copy of memorial to Viceroy, 27 June 1724, AGI (Lima 495). 13 Copy of V i c e r e g a l decree, 17 July 1724. Copy of opinion of F i s c a l rendered i n Lima 3 J u l y 1724, AGI (Lima 495). 14 Vicente Morachimo, Seflor, Don Vicente Morachimo, Cazique de l o s quatro  pueblos de Indios, Santiago, Chocope, Cao, y_ San Estevan d e l V a l l e de Chicama, j u r i s d i c i o n de l a Ciudad de T r u x i l l o , Reyno d e l Peru, por s i , y_ por l o s  r e f e r i d o s quatro Pueblos, de que fue nombrado Procurador por e l V i r r e y , puesto a l o s Reales pies de V. Mag, dice: Que viene quatro mil leguas de aqui, no  tanto por su proprio i n t e r e s , quanto por hacer presente a V. Mag, e l desamparo  t o t a l de l o s miserables Indios, y_ l a t y r a n i a con que generalmente son tratados  de todos l o s Ministros Espafloles, y_ en e s p e c i a l de l o s V i s i t a d o r e s [Madrid, 1722], 140 5pp., AGI (Lima 437), hereafter c i t e d as Morachimo, 1722. 15 J Morachimo, 1722, p. 5. l 6 Morachimo, 1722, p. 1. 17 Copy of i n s t r u c t i o n s to the Audiencia of Lima f o r the redress of grievances over the usurpation of Indian lands, 1722, AGI (Lima 437). 18 Instructions "Para Despachar un memorial de Dn. Vizente Morachimo" [1724], AGI (Lima 438). Copy of r e a l cedula issued 27 January 1725, AGI (Lima 495). 19 Copy of r e a l cedula, 27 January 1725. 20 For instance Bias Caxiamarca Condor Guanca wrote to Morachimo on 7 March 1757, saying that he had seen many l e t t e r s written by Morachimo to h i s r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s i n Peru and had decided to take advantage of Morachimo's influence to present h i s own case. Letter i n AGI (Lima 495). There are numerous s i m i l a r l e t t e r s by Indians to Morachimo i n t h i s l o c a t i o n . 21 L e t t e r to Morachimo, 12 May 1726, AGI (Lima 495), signed by Francisco Atun Apo Saba Capac Ynga, Joseph T i b u r s i o Chimo Capac Geoquel, Lorenzo de Avendaflo, Salvador Puicon, [indecipherable] Guaraca. 22 Lette r from Morachimo to Crovm, AGI (Lima 438). [January 1725]. 23 Copy of r e a l cSdula issued 28 January 1725, AGI (Lima 495). 24 Vicente Morachimo, Senor, Don Vicente Mora Chimo Capac, Cacique  p r i n c i p a l de l o s Pueblos de Indios Santiago, San Pedro, y_ San Pablo de Chocope, Santa Maria Magdalena de Cao, y San Estevan, en e l V a l l e de Chicama, San Salvado de Manciche, y_ Puerto de Guanchaco, todos de l a J u r i s d i c i o n de l a Ciudad de  T r u x i l l o , y_ Procurador General de sus Naturales, por nombramiento del Govierno  superior d e l Reyno d e l Peru, usando de l a f a c u l t a d de este t i t u l o , por s i , y_ en 141 nombre de dichos Indios, se pone a los Reynos e l afLo de 1721, a pedir  j u s t i c i a contra Don Pedro de Alsamora, Vi s i t a d o r de Tierras [Madrid, 1724], 6 pp., hereafter c i t e d as Morachimo, 1724, 2 ^ Morachimo, 1724, p, 4v. 26 Morachimo, 1724, p. 4v. 27 ' Letter to Morachimo, 12 May 1726, AGI (Lima 495). 2 8 P e t i t i o n of 1726. 29 Vicente Mora Chimo Capac, Manifiesto de los agravios, bexaciones y_ molestias que padecen los indios del reyno del Peru, dedicado a los seflores  de e l r e a l , y_ supremo consejo y_ camara de Indias. Por e l procurador, y_ diputado general de dichos indios [Madrid, 1752], 30 Morachimo, 1724, p. 1. ^ Pedro Nieto de Vargas, SeSor. Don Pedro Nieto de Vargas, Diputado de  los Indios del Reyno del Peru, en v i r t u d de sus Poderes Generales, felizmente  exaltado baxo de l o s Reales pies de V. Mag, dice; Que por e l ago passado de  1732. expuso a l a docta, y_ j u s t i f i c a d a censura de los Ministros de V. Mag, en  su Real Consejo de l a s Indias, un breve resumen de los agravios, que padecian  los Indios de aquellas Provincias [Madrid, 1734], p. 1. As i t s t i t l e indicates t h i s document was printed as a follov/-up to the presentation made by Nieto de Vargas to the Consejo de Indias i n 1732. This f a c t , together with other internal evidence, indicates that the printed memorial contains the same arguments as Nieto made to the Consejo i n 1732. J Nieto, p. 4v. ^ F i s c a l ' s opinion rendered i n Madrid, 3 November 1732, AGI (Lima 440). ^ P e t i t i o n of H i l a r i o Garcia L l a g l l a , AGI (Lima 441). 142 35 "Representaci6n" i n C a l i x t o , p. 21; Nieto, p. 1. ^ Nieto, p. 2. 37 Nieto, p. l v , 38 J Nieto, p. 2v. 39 Nieto, p. l v . 40 Nieto, p. l v . 143 CHAPTER V Radical Reform: The Representaci6n verdadera While the 1 7 3 0 's saw the development of an Indian protest movement i n which the Indian e l i t e took a leading r o l e , p e t i t i o n i n g the Spanish Crown i n res t r a i n e d and supplicant tones, the 1740's witnessed a number of new develop-ments i n the reform movement. While i t retained the same goals, i t developed a more coherent plan f o r achieving i t s aims. The movement adopted a more r a d i c a l tone and language to express i t s i n c r e a s i n g discontent with the e x i s t i n g administration. At the same time the movement gained a new leader, F r . C a l i x t o Tupac Inga. F r , Calixto was destined to play, i n the protest movement of the 1740»s, much the same r o l e as Morachimo had played i n the 1720"s and 1730*s. A mestizo, F r . C a l i x t o claimed to be a d i r e c t descendant of Tupac Inga Yupanqui and he was accepted as such by the caciques as well as by Spaniards and Creoles. He had come to Lima as ea r l y as 1727 when he was admitted to the Franciscan Order i n the low rank of a "donate." From 1736 onwards, he t r a v e l l e d extensively i n Peru as a missionary. This experience gave him ample opportunity to evaluate at f i r s t hand the p l i g h t of r u r a l Indians throughout Peru. 1 He also had personal experience of the di s c r i m i n a t i o n which prevented the Indian e l i t e from e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r noble prerogatives. Although the charter of p r i v i l e g e s s p e c i f i c a l l y stated that noble Indians should be allovred to enter the clergy and be ordained as p r i e s t s , the Franciscan Order refused to promote F r . C a l i x t o beyond the rank of donate, a p o s i t i o n which prohib i t e d him from serving as 2 a p r i e s t . These circumstances placed F r . C a l i x t o i n an excellent p o s i t i o n to represent both the i n t e r e s t s of the Indian masses and those of the Indian e l i t e and h i s a c t i v i t i e s demonstrate that he was an able and dedicated advocate of reform. F r . C a l i x t o 1 s career as an Indian representative began almost by chance. In 17^4 the Franciscan Order i n Peru selected him to accompany F r . Jose G i l Mufioz, Commissary of the missions of Cerro de l a S a l , on h i s journey to Spain i n order to plead f o r greater support f o r the missions threatened by the r e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos. The Indian Cabildo of Lima saw i n the appointment of these envoys the opportunity to have Indian i n t e r e s t s represented i n Spain by i n d i v i d u a l s whose status as missionaries guaranteed them a hearing by the Council of the Indies. The Indian Cabildo gave o f f i c i a l authority to both F r . C a l i x t o and F r . Jose G i l to present on i t s behalf yet another p e t i t i o n f or If the p u b l i c a t i o n of the charter of p r i v i l e g e s . As i t happened an unfortunate error i n navigation and the subsequent i l l h e a l t h of F r . Jose G i l forced the two f r i a r s to remain in'Guatemala and they never managed to present the p e t i t i o n . On h i s return to Peru, F r . C a l i x t o renewed h i s contact with the Indian Cabildo of Lima and continued to maintain t h i s contact e i t h e r personally or, when h i s work took him away from Lima, through h i s fellow Franciscan, F r . Juan de San Antonio.^ F r . Calixto was i n Lima i n 1748 during the f e s t i v i t i e s i n honor of the coronation of Ferdinand VI. The coronation of a new Monarch would i n e v i t a b l y b r i n g about thoughts of innovation and reform and two s p e c i f i c events prompted the Indian e l i t e of Lima to give serious consideration to the p o s s i b i l i t y of renewing t h e i r appeals to the Crown. 145 On one hand the Indians had played a prominent part i n the celebrations i n Lima of the coronation and the display which the Indian nobles had made i n the ceremonial procession evidently renewed t h e i r pride i n t h e i r dependence on the Crown: Serlor, esta l e a l t a d se prob6, segunda vez, en e l afio de 1748, en l a s p l a u s i b l e s f i e s t a s que en l a Ciudad de l o s Reyes, Corte d e l Peru, h i c i e r o n vuestros indios, en l o s dias 21 y 22 de Febrero . . . se l l e v a r o n e l primer lugar en l a p u b l i c a aclamaci6n no vulgar y popular s6lo, sino muy c i e r t a , d i s c r e t a y c r i t i c a ; de que . . . fueron l o s mas p l a u s i b l e s , l u c i d a s , alegres, grandes, majestuosas, augustas, r e a l e s , pomposas, heroicas suntuosas y magn-i f i c a s que se han v i s t o en estos dos s i g l o s ; y que quedaron atrasadas no s6lo .las pasadas y presente que vuestros v a s a l l o s l o s espaiioles han hecho, y n i aun en lo s antiguos tiempos romanos, y de todas l a s naciones.7 On the other hand an incident occurring j u s t f i f t e e n days a f t e r these celebrations provided the Indian e l i t e with a poignant reminder of the i n -j u s t i c e s to which they were subjected by the Spanish administration i n complete disregard f o r t h e i r l e g a l p r i v i l e g e s : Pues, SeSor, no hablan pasado quince dias del l e a l , r e a l rendido y gl o r i o s o obsequio, que en vuestro aplauso y a l -b r i c i a s de vuestra coronaci6n habian celebrado vuestros indios, cuando ya tuvieron l a s a l b r i c i a s que acostumbran l o s espaiioles r e p a r t i r a l o s indios; porque un al c a l d e espafiol, publicamente, por l a s c a l l e s y plazas sac6 y puso a l a verguenza, por un motivo muy leve y r i d l c u l o , a una i n d i a p r i n c i p a l , y que habia hecho uno de.los p r i n c i p a l e s papeles en l a funci6n de l a f i e s t a de vuestra coronaci6n. (p. 20) Thus the events surrounding the celebrations i n Lima provided the Indian e l i t e with both a v i s i b l e representation of t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l n o b i l i t y and a sharp reminder of the disparagement of t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s by the Spanish administration. These circumstances l e d the Indian Cabildo and groups of Indian nobles to hold a serie s of discussions and meetings i n which they reevaluated t h e i r 146 p o s i t i o n within c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y . Some of the nobles revealed themselves to be u t t e r l y d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the e x i s t i n g s i t u a t i o n and with the f e a s i b i l i t y of achieving change by peaceful means. These nobles were evidently overruled by others who i n s i s t e d on at l e a s t one more attempt to persuade the Crown to implement reforms that would upgrade the status of the Indian e l i t e . F r . 8 C a l i x t o was a determined advocate of t h i s course of act i o n . The outcome of these meetings r e f l e c t e d the d i v i s i o n which existed within the Indian e l i t e as to the most e f f i c a c i o u s way of bringing about the changes which they a l l agreed were necessary i n the Spanish administration of Peru. The Cabildo decided on one hand to make another e f f o r t to have the p e t i t i o n of 1744 regarding the charter of p r i v i l e g e s presented to the Crown. This decision represented the w i l l of the most conservative elements w i t h i n the Indian e l i t e . On the other hand, the*; concerns of the r a d i c a l elements of the Indian e l i t e were to be expressed i n another p e t i t i o n of broader scope. The p e t i t i o n which was d r a f t e d f o r t h i s purpose i s probably the most important document of the entire Indian protest l i t e r a t u r e i n eighteenth-century Peru, the Representaci6n verdadera y_ exclamaci6n rendida y_ lamentable que toda l a naci6n indiana hace a l a Majestad d e l Sefior Rey de l a s Espafias y_ Emperador de l a s Indias, e l Sefior don Fernando VI, pidiendo l o s atienda y_ remedie, sacandolos d e l afrentoso v i t u -9 perio y_ oprobio en que estan mas de doscientos anos. The Representaci6n, as i t w i l l henceforth be c a l l e d , was the culminating and most developed expression of the Indian reformist ideology. The circum-stances surrounding t h i s document's composition and presentation to the Crown, i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the ideology of the protest movement, and i t s contents 147 therefore warrant d e t a i l e d examination. This document, which, as the t i t l e i n d i c a t e s , was anonymous and purported to speak i n the name of the e n t i r e Indian nation, depicted the Spanish administration i n Peru i n the blackest possible terms and c a l l e d on the Crovm to implement the Indian e l i t e ' s plan f o r reforming the government of the Indians i n Peru. This plan, as presented i n the Representacifin, although based on the reforms suggested i n e a r l i e r Indian protests, went much furth e r than these i n advocating the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indians i n t h e i r own government. The d r a s t i c nature of the reforms demanded by the Representaci6n was r e i n f o r c e d by the v i v i d and uncompromising terms i n which they were expressed. The document based i t s appeal on the Crovm's avowed r e l i g i o u s o b l i g a t i o n to protect and convert the American natives and presented the Indians' demands i n the dramatic tone and language of the early missionary advocates of Indian welfare. Who a c t u a l l y wrote the Representaci6n cannot be established on the basis of the evidence a v a i l a b l e . " ^ The point i s not, however, of great importance since the document d i d incorporate, i n a r a d i c a l form, the aims of the Indian e l i t e as a whole, ^he Indian Cabildo of Lima c e r t a i n l y had some hand i n e i t h e r the d r a f t i n g of the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Representaci6n. I t was probably written i n the immediate aftermath of the Lima meetings of early 1748 and p r i n t e d i l l e g a l l y i n Lima, some time between August and November of that same year.'1'''" In spite of the f a c t that the Representaci6n expressed the reformist i d e a l s h e l d by a majority of the Indian e l i t e , i t s aggressive tone evidently led the conservative elements of the Indian Cabildo to h e s i t a t e i n authorizing i t s presentation to the Crovm. F r . C a l i x t o , continuing h i s e f f o r t s to assuage the most d i s s a t i s f i e d members of the Indian e l i t e , o ffered i n the middle of 148 1748 to go to Spain himself in order to present both the petition for the publication of the charter of privileges and the Representaci6n. The Cabildo, however, refused to give him formal authority as i t s agent. It may be that the failure of Fr. Calixto's previous mission to Spain on behalf of the 12 Cabildo made them wary of underwriting another journey for him. Certainly Fr. Calixto's position as a Franciscan gave cause for the Cabildo to doubt that his superiors would grant him permission to go to Spain to present such an inflammatory document as the Representaci6n. On the other hand, Fr. Calixto's proposal may have been simply premature, made before the Cabildo had been willing to commit i t s e l f to authorizing the presentation of the Representaci6n. The Cabildo did ultimately choose as i t s agent an Indian called Francisco de Zeballos. The delegation of Zeballos demonstrates that the Indian Cabildo was f i n a l l y convinced to adopt slightly more drastic measures than the routine petitioning i t had hitherto authorized. Hot only was Zeballos entrusted with the Representaci6n, but he was sent without the viceregal permission necessary for an Indian to travel legally to Spain. In fact, the Cabildo made absolutely no attempt to gain such permission. Unlike the Indian e l i t e i n the 1720's and 1730's who had depended on representatives l i k e Morachimo and Nieto de Vargas o f f i c i a l l y appointed or authorized by the Viceroy, to further their cause, the Indian e l i t e in 1748 had despaired of obtaining any such authorization and pinned their hopes solely on the ultimate benevolence of the Monarch himself. Francisco de Zeballos did not, however, prove to be the enterprising man that the Cabildo had imagined him to be and, discouraged by the d i f f i c u l t i e s he encountered in attempting to make his clandestine journey, he abandoned his 149 mission i n Buenos A i r e s and returned to Peru. In view of the f a i l u r e of Zeballos to go to Spain the Cabildo evidently-abandoned the plan to present the Representaci6n through an Indian emissary and concentrated i t s immediate e f f o r t s on winning the long-sought p u b l i c a t i o n of the charter of p r i v i l e g e s . The Cabildo appointed two agents already i n Madrid to present the p e t i t i o n regarding the decree of 1697. These advocates, F r . PSrez Martin and Ladr6n de Guevara, however, pocketed t h e i r fee without 13 doing anything to advance the Indians' cause. Meanwhile, F r . C a l i x t o had l e f t Lima, probably s h o r t l y before Zeballos was appointed to go to Spain. The Cabildo, by giving the Franciscan copies of both the p e t i t i o n regarding the charter of p r i v i l e g e s and the Representaci6n, 14 had i m p l i c i t l y encouraged him to continue h i s advocacy of the Indian cause. This t a c i t support coupled with h i s apparent ignorance of Zeballos' appointment no doubt l e d F r . C a l i x t o to hope that he might yet persuade the Cabildo to 15 sponsor h i s journey to Spain. In any case, taking advantage of h i s acknow-ledged, although u n o f f i c i a l , status as a representative of the Indian Cabildo of Lima, F r . C a l i x t o presented the Representaci6n to the Indian Cabildo of Cuzco i n the hope that i t s members might underwrite h i s journey to Spain: . . . l o s fervorosos deseos que siempre he tenido de a l i v i a r a mis amados hermanos y parientes, como l o expres§ en var i a s ocasiones, y principalmente en todas l a s juntas y consultas que tuvimos despues de l a s f i -estas r e a l e s de l a coronacifin de nuestro Rey y Senor Don Fernando Sexto. . . . Con ese animo o empeiio pase a l v a l l e de Jauja a mediados de Agosto d e l anb de 1748; y e l mismo ano, a p r i n c i p i o s de Noviembre, pase a l a gran ciudad d e l Cuzco, con e l manifiesto o "Exclamaci:6h!*j para manifestarla a nuestros parientes, caciques y nobles de dicha Ciudad y sus provincias, a f i n de conmover sus animos, para que ayudasen a tan importante obra con a l -guna limosna; mas fue en vano todo mi trabajo y afan, porque ninguno quiso c o n c u r r i r . ^ 1 5 0 The Indian Cabildo of Cuzco, however, beset by fear of r e p r i s a l s from Spanish a u t h o r i t i e s , declined to support F r . C a l i x t o ' s plan to present the document to the Crown. This r e f u s a l dashed F r . C a l i x t o ' s l a s t hope of gaining any formal authority from the Peruvian Indian e l i t e as a whole f o r h i s mission to Spain. With undiminished z e a l , F r . C a l i x t o next attempted to secure formal authorization from the o f f i c i a l s of h i s own and of the J e s u i t Order to present the manifesto to the Crown. L i k e the Indian Cabildo these o f f i c i a l s , while approving the ideas of the Representaci6n i n theory, refused to play any part i n i t s presentation to the Crown. They did, however, unwittingly i n s p i r e F r . C a l i x t o to take the matter i n t o h i s own hands by t h e i r disparaging remarks about the Indians' character: . . . personas doctas . . . convinieron en que era muy importante e l que l a dicha Exclamaci6n se pusiese en l a s manos d e l Rey, nuestro Senor, mas d i f i c u l t a b a n e l modo de que esto se ejecutase. Y d i j e r o n mas l o s con-sultores, encareciendo grandemente, que s i e l l o s fuesen indios, hablan de s a l t a r por sobre tejados, que aunque tuvieran que venir nadando sobre l a s aguas y comiendo yerbas, hablan de venir a dar a saber a Su Majestad de l o que padecian; pero que l o s indios no l o harlan a s l , por no haber hombres entre e l l o s , y sobre todo que eran timidos, y otras i n f i n i t a s cosas d i j e r o n , apocandonos . 17 I t was only n a t u r a l that F r . C a l i x t o found these remarks by r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s not only repugnant but personally i n s u l t i n g . Throughout i t s development the Indian reform movement had repudiated, as a mere pretext to j u s t i f y the subordination of the Indians, the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of Indians as being weak and incompetent. The reformers p a r t i c u l a r l y objected to the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n to the Indian e l i t e . Being anything but 151 timid and determined to prove i t not only to the Indian Cabildos which had 1 g mistrusted him"" but to h i s r e l i g i o u s superiors as well, F r . C a l i x t o set out f o r Spain with the sole support of a fellow Franciscan, F r . Isidoro de Cala y Ortega, who agreed to accompany him. The p a i r l e f t Cuzco on 25 September 174-9 and, t r a v e l l i n g by way of Buenos A i r e s , Rio de Janeiro and Lisbon, 19 a r r i v e d i n Madrid on 22 August 1750. A f t e r discovering the d i f f i c u l t i e s and delays involved i n the formal presentation of a p e t i t i o n to the King, F r . C a l i x t o decided to circumvent these o f f i c i a l procedures. In a f e a t of remarkable daring he approached the King's hunting party, broke through the ranks of s o l d i e r s guarding the r o y a l carriage and handed the Representaci6n to the Monarch i n person: . . . aunque nos hablan ponderado mucho l a mucha d i f i c u l t a d que habla en ver a l Rey y poderle hablar; no obstante, a costa de riesgos y p e l i g r o s , aun de l a propia v i d a , l e salimos a l encuentro, metiendonos por entre l a chusma de soldados, y l e entregamos a Su Majestad.--Ces de advert.ir-que no par6 l a carroza de Su Majestad, s61o sac6 l a cabeza por dos veces) nuestro e s c r i t o , dicho d l a 23.20 The document was passed on to the Council of the Indies where i t was the subject of considerable a t t e n t i o n . F r . Isidoro de Cala appeared twice 21 before members of the Council to present h i s version of the Indians' case. The Council recognized the Indians' r i g h t s to enter r e l i g i o u s orders and receive e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d i g n i t i e s on the same basi s as Spaniards. This con-cession proved personally advantageous to F r . C a l i x t o who was f i n a l l y , i n 22 September 1751, promoted to the status of legate i n the Franciscan Order. A l l the other proposals made i n the Representaci6n were, however, systematically and completely r e j e c t e d as being u n j u s t i f i e d and dangerous: 152 Siendo no apreciables otras i n s t a n c i a s , que se hacen, y que deven ser rep e l i d a s , como l a de que se quiten l o s Corregidores, y l a s mitas, y que se e x i j a un t r i b u n a l , que conozca de l a s causas de l o s Indios privativamente . . . se deven repeler l a s tres r e f e r i d a s como impracticables, y que contienen nove-dad que pudiera causar a l t e r a c i 6 n en e l govierno establecido, y otras perniciosas consequencias .23 The Representaci6n was considered s u f f i c i e n t l y subversive f o r the Council of the Indies to order the c o n f i s c a t i o n of whatever copies of the i l l e g a l l y printed e d i t i o n a quiet i n v e s t i g a t i o n could uncover. This order y i e l d e d , however, only the two copies that F r . C a l i x t o and F r . Isidoro had 2k taken to Spain. The remaining copies c i r c u l a t i n g i n Peru must have made stimulating and i n s t r u c t i v e reading f o r Spaniards and Creoles as well as f o r l i t e r a t e Indians. The Representaci6n, as the c o l l e c t i v e voice of the Indians, presented to the pub l i c as a f a i t accompli the s o l i d a r i t y between the i n t e r e s t s of the Indian e l i t e and those of the Indian masses, an a l l i a n c e hitherto known only to those bureaucrats who dealt d i r e c t l y with e a r l i e r Indian appeals. At the same time the s p e c i f i c demands of the Representaci6n constituted a coherent program through which the Indian e l i t e could exercise the p r i v i l e g e s of t h e i r n o b i l i t y to the advantage of a l l sectors of Indian s o c i e t y . The Indian e l i t e perceived i t s e l f as f u l f i l l i n g , through i t s reformist a g i t a t i o n , the o b l i g a t i o n s inherent i n the noble status of i t s members. F r . Ca l i x t o wrote that h i s main motivation i n undertaking "empresa tan grande" 25 was "haber nacido con obligaciones." The Indian Cabildo of Lima described i t s c o l l e c t i v e duty i n the fo l l o w i n g terms: . . . por Nosotros proprios, y en nombre de Dichos Cavildos . . . y de todo e l comun de Yndios . . . como cabeza que es de todas l a s demas comunidades 153 • • • y provincias de este Eeino como l a C a p i t a l que es esta Ciudad de, l o s Reyes y que prevalece y hace Cabeza en todos l o s d i s t r i t o s de e l . 2b" The program f o r reform advocated i n the Representaci6n was based on and incorporated i n the s p e c i f i c reforms demanded by e a r l i e r Indian appeals. Echoing e a r l i e r p r o t e s t s against the equation of Indians with the s e r v i l e classes, the document compared the Indians' status to that of slaves: iHay mayor oprobio que e l nuestro? £Que una generaci6n adusta, extrafia y s e r v i l sea de mejor condicion que l a de l o s Indios? iQue e l negro esclavo se pueda l i b e r t a r , y quede l i b r e para i r s e donde q u i s i e r e , y pueda pasar a Espana; y e l Indio, aun e l noble, sea t r i b u t a r i o y mitayo de vuestros s i e r v o s , y no tenga albedrio para libremente v i v i r donde l e duere conveniente, y no tenga modo de pasar a Espana a ver a su Rey, y mostrarle sus heridas? I Que e l mulato y zambo, nacido de l o s negros, sea l i b r e y no pague t r i b u t o ; y e l i n d i o pagandolo siempre jamas.._se l i b e r t e de su abatimiento; y mestizo, h i j o del espafiol sea e n v i l e c i d o por l o que tiene de indio? (p. 12) In order to r e c t i f y t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the Representaci6n c a l l e d f o r the same reforms as demanded i n e a r l i e r protests: the implementation of the charter of p r i v i l e g e s , and the education of Indians i n colegios r e a l e s and seminaries as w e l l as i n s p e c i a l schools to be established f or Indians i n a l l towns and c i t i e s . To f a c i l i t a t e the achievement of r e a l e q u a lity with the Spanish n o b i l i t y , the Representaci6n advocated g i v i n g the Indian n o b i l i t y permission to t r a v e l 27 f r e e l y between Peru and Spain. This proposal was made i n the s p i r i t , shared by e a r l i e r protesters, of absolute f a i t h i n the ultimate j u s t i c e of the Spanish Crown: Y que l o s i n d i o s nobles y p r i n c i p a l e s puedan l i b r e -mente . . . pasar a vuestra Corte y presencia r e a l , como los espaiioles l o hacen, cuando necesitan pasar 154 a E s p a f i a ; d e r o g a n d o l a s l e y e s que v e d a n n u e s t r o l i b r e t r a n s i t o a l o s R e i n o s de E s p a n a ; p u e s de e l l a s se s i g u e e l u n i v e r s a l daiio que padecemos y e l no r e m e d i a r s e n a d a , no s a b i e n d o n u e s t r o s r e y e s , c l a r a y v e r b a l m e n t e l o s m a l e s n u e s t r o s . ( p . 26) T h e R e p r e s e n t a ci6n p r o p o s e d more d r a s t i c m e a s u r e s t h a n any e a r l i e r p r o t e s t t o c u r b t h e a b u s e s o f t h e m i t a a n d c o r r e g i m i e n t o s y s t e m s . E m p l o y i n g p r e c i s e l y t h e r e a s o n i n g u s u a l l y i n v o k e d t o j u s t i f y t h e 1 m i t a s y s t e m — t h e n e c e s s i t y o f f o r c e d l a b o r b e c a u s e o f t h e I n d i a n s ' d i s i n c l i n a t i o n t o o f f e r v o l u n t a r y l a b o r — t h e Representaci6n a r g u e d f o r t h e a b o l i t i o n o f t h e m i t a s i n c e i t a f f e c t e d o n l y I n d i a n s : . . . p u e s h a b i e n d o e n e l R e i n o t a n t a g e n t e l i b r e y o c i o s a , como muchos que se d i c e n s e r e s p a n o l e s , p e r o m a l n a c i d o s y o c i o s o s , n e g r o s l i b r e s , m u l a t o s y zambos , de que se compone t a n t a p a r t e d e l R e i n o ; no es r a z S n que s5lo e l I n d i o s e a f o r z a d o a s e r m i t a y o , y p o r eso s6lo e s t e n i d o p o r b a j o , e s c l a v o y de condici6n s e r v i l ; y l o s demas, s i e n d o t a n p l e b e y o s y de condici6n t a n b a j a , s e a n r e p u t a d o s p o r de m e j o r c a l i d a d que l o s i n d i o s ; y d e b i e n d o s e r t e m i d o s l o s n e g r o s l i b r e s , m u l a t o s , zambos y demas g e n t e f e r o z y v o l u n t a r i a , l a t e m i d a s o l o e s l a g e n t e i n d i a , s i e n d o t a n mansa y h u m i l d e , t a n d e b i l e i n d e f e n s a ; s e r a q u i z a s , p o r q u e l a c o n o c e n t e n e r raz6n. ( p . 43) The u s e by t h e I n d i a n r e f o r m i s t s o f t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f I n d i a n s a s weak and d e f e n c e l e s s a s a n argument i n s u p p o r t o f t h e i r r a d i c a l demands i n v o l v e d a n u n d e r l y i n g p a r a d o x w h i c h i s a l s o a p p a r e n t i n t h e i r employment o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e m i t a a s a n argument f o r i t s a b o l i t i o n . R e f o r m i s t i d e a l s w h i c h demanded t h e s u b s t a n t i a l d i s m a n t l i n g o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s y s t e m o f r u l e were f o r m u l a t e d a n d e x p r e s s e d w i t h i n t h e t e r m s o f t h e v e r y p r o t e c t o r a l t h e o r i e s w h i c h h a d s e r v e d t o j u s t i f y t h a t s y s t e m . 155 T h i s same b a s i c paradox underlay the Representaci6n's i n s i s t e n c e , i n apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o the r e f o r m i s t s ' g o a l of ending the Indians' l e g a l s t a t u s as minors, on the continuance of the p r o t e c t o r a l system: " . . . que l o s dejen poseer libremente sus bienes, t r a t a r y comerciar con e l l o s , como e l espanol maneja l o s suyos; y a s i tambien sean e l l o s l o s que administren l o s bienes, haciendas y casas de sus h o s p i t a l e s , c o f r a d i a s y comunidades." (p. hi) Any l o g i c a l weakness of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n was, however, i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n comparison to the very r e a l advantages which the Indian e l i t e could d e r i v e from the continuance of the p r o t e c t o r a l system i f i t v/ere reformed i n accord-ance w i t h Nieto de Vargas' p r o p o s a l , presented i n 1732, t h a t Indians be appointed as p r o t e c t o r s . The intermediary nature of the o f f i c e of p r o t e c t o r v/ould place i t s Indian incumbents i n an e x c e l l e n t p o s i t i o n to monitor the r e l a t i o n s h i p between I n d i a n and Spanish s o c i e t y , w h i l e the p r o t e c t o r s ' d i r e c t access t o and f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the Spanish j u d i c i a l system would enable them to act as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s i n the I n d i a n s ' u t i l i z a t i o n of that system. Since by Spanish law only Indians of noble s t a t u s could h o l d the o f f i c e of p r o t e c t o r , t h i s o f f i c e could serve as a means by which the I n d i a n e l i t e c o u l d demonstrate e f f e c t i v e l e a d e r s h i p i n order to r e i n f o r c e the h i e r a r c h i c a l nature of I n d i a n s o c i e t y which i n t u r n guaranteed the p r i v i l e g e d s t a t u s of the I n d i a n n o b i l i t y . As w i t h the Spanish p r o t e c t o r a l system, so the I n d i a n r e f o r m i s t s adapted the Spanish corregimiento system to serve t h e i r own ends. The Represent ac i6n a t t r i b u t e d the wid e l y acknowledged abuses of the corregimiento system to the c o r r u p t i o n of the Spaniards who h e l d the o f f i c e of c o r r e g i d o r r a t h e r than to the system i t s e l f : 156 . . . siendo los Corregidores espanoles los que mas dano nan hecho y hacen a l Reino, en especial a los Indios, con sus exorbitantes extorsiones y continuos agravios, con que por cerca de doscientos alios l o s tienen hostilizados, consumidos y peores que esclavos, sean quitados absoluta y totalmente; y se pongan jueces o corregidores indios, para los indios, quienes los gobiernen como es raz6n, y esten los indios como vasallos de Su Majestad; sujetos s61o a l Rey y a lo s Virreyes en l o temporal, y a los Obispos en l o e s p i r i t u a l . (p. 45) This proposal that Spanish corregidores be replaced by Indians implied the continuation of the corregimiento as a means by which the Spanish Crown could continue to control and p r o f i t from the exploitation of Indian resources. Indeed, the Representaci6n s p e c i f i c a l l y predicted an increase i n Crown revenue as a dir e c t result of the more moderate demands which the Indian corregidores would make on Indian resources i n comparison to the i n f l a t e d demands of Spanish o f f i c i a l s : Daran l o s Indios para Su Majestad l o s tributos muy puntuales, y ademas podra Su Majestad coger parte de las rentas que da a los corregidores espafioles; pues si§ndolo lo s Indios en sus propias t i e r r a s , y como mas moderados y menos vanos en sus gastos, no l e seran tan costosos a Su Majestad, quien con esto abrira e l camino, para que se puedan salvar los corregidores, y para que todos los indios gentiles se conviertan, y salgan de l a i d o l a t r i a , en que los detiene e l horror y miedo que tienen a los corregidores. Con esto se salvaran todos, se aumentaran e l Reino y los vasallos; y todos, a s i espanoles como indios, tendran paz, gobernando espanoles a l o s espafioles, indios a l o s indios. (p. 45) Thus the Representaci6n advocated, on both temporal and r e l i g i o u s grounds, reforms i n the corregimiento system. While the reformists spelled out the benefits to be derived by the Crown and the Indian t r i b u t a r i e s from these reforms, the benefits which would accrue 157 to the Indian e l i t e were never d i r e c t l y mentioned and so must be i n f e r r e d . The Representaci6n c e r t a i n l y l e f t room f o r the Indian corregidores to p r o f i t f i n a n c i a l l y from t h e i r o f f i c e . The Indian corregidores, l i k e the Indian protectors, would enjoy the p r i v i l e g e s of an intermediary r o l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y through t h e i r e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o l l e c t i o n of t r i b u t e revenue. I f the changes advocated by the manifesto had i n fa c t been implemented, the newly introduced Indian o f f i c i a l s might have derived other benefits as w e l l . For instance, the b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t which the removal of the Spanish corregidor-es might have had on Indian welfare might have redounded to the credit of the new Indian appointees, l e g i t i m i z i n g not only t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Spanish administrative system, but also t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status i n the h i e r a r c h i c a l structure of Indian society. These s p e c i f i c proposals were part of an o v e r a l l plan f o r reform i n the government of the Peruvian Indians. This reform was envisioned by the Rep-r e s e n t a c i 6 n as a r e s t o r a t i o n of the p a r a l l e l Indian and Spanish s o c i e t i e s alleged to have e x i s t e d i n Peru. This p a r a l l e l i s m , achieved by the separation of the government of the two s o c i e t i e s , g i v i n g the members of each r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r ovm administration, would accentuate the importance of any intermediary r o l e s . By adopting the Spanish c r i t e r i o n of noble status as a prerequisite to holding o f f i c e s such as protector and corregidor which d i d function as i n t e r -mediaries between Spanish and Indian society, the Indian e l i t e could assure i t s monopoly over these important p o s i t i o n s . In turn, the e f f e c t i v e leader-ship which the e l i t e could demonstrate through these p o s i t i o n s would serve to enhance i t s prestige i n both Spanish and Indian eyes. T h i s prestige would be 158 consolidated by the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of some members of the Indian e l i t e i n the highest l e v e l s of the c o l o n i a l administration, f o r the Representaci6n pro-posed that the Spanish and Indian administrations be integrated at the l e v e l of the Audiencia. Indians would serve alongside Spaniards as bishops and judges: ". . . se l e s confieran l o s obispados y canongias, e l ser c a l i f i c a -dores, consultores y ministros d e l Santo T r i b u n a l y l a s garnachas en l a s audiencias." (p. 4 3 ) By the l a t e 1 7 4 0 ' s , as the Representaci6n makes c l e a r , the Indian' e l i t e had f i n a l l y l o s t a l l f a i t h i n the l o c a l Spanish administration and i d e n t i f i e d i t as the prime agent responsible f o r sabotaging the implementation of reforms ordered by the Crovm i n response to e a r l i e r Indian appeals: . . . y con mandar que sean favorecidos, a l i v i a d o s y atendidos, por t a l > cual queja que e l l o s han hecho por mano y boca de algunos Reverendos Obispos o personas r e l i g i o s a s , y por t a l o cual indio que, en mas de dos s i g l o s , ha pasado entre rail p e l i g r o s y riesgos a Espana; pero no saben s i son obedecidos, y s i l o han s o l i c i t a d o , han sido enganados por sus Ministros, quienes representan, a l a s Majestades, imposibles en l a p r a c t i c a de sus Reales Cedulas; porque l a p r a c t i c a es co n t r a r i a a sus logros y conveniencias temporales; y aunque penda l a fama, l a honra, l a v i d a , e l a l i v i o y salvaci6n d e l Indio de l a ejecuci6n de l a voluntad d e l Rey, esta no se hace en levantar a l caido indio, sanar a l enfermo i n d i o , s a l v a r a l perdido i n d i o , s i esta de por medio e l dafio leve y temporal d e l espaSol, cuya conveni-encia prepondera mas que l a vida, fama, honra y salvaci6n d e l i n d i o . (p. 5 0 ) The Representaci6n therefore proposed the formation of a new and independ-ent t r i b u n a l to implement reforms i n favor of the Indians. This proposal resembled i n many ways the missionary proposals, made i n the early c o l o n i a l period, that r e l i g i o u s control over the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Spaniards and Indians was the only remedy f o r the oppressed state of Indian society. 159 Obviously, the c r e a t i o n of such a t r i b u n a l would meet with p r e c i s e l y the same opposition from the secular administration as the early missionary protectors had encountered. Such a t r i b u n a l , . . . excepto, inhibido y absoluto, que inmediatamente estuviese sujeto a Su Majestad, que se compusiese de uno, dos, o mas obispos y otras personas nobles que hay en e l Reino: e c l e s i a s t i c o s , seculares y r e l i g i o s o s , muy temerosos de % o s y muy servidores de Su Majestad . . . (p. 46) would imply the Crown's complete repudiation of i t s own administration and i t s absolute i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the i n t e r e s t s of Indian s o c i e t y . The Indian e l i t e based t h e i r b e l i e f i n the existence of t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n on the Crown's con-tinuing acknowledgement of i t s dedication to the missionary cause and to Indian welfare. This b e l i e f , although quite incompatible with p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y , d i d enable the Indian reformers to present t h e i r plans i n the terms of the Spanish protect-o r a l i d e a l s and to support t h e i r arguments by appeals to t r a d i t i o n . Moreover, the pattern of thought displayed by the Indian reformists was one commonly used by oppressed groups when formulating t h e i r demands f o r change. By claiming to act w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a l s and by a t t r i b u t i n g the highest i d e a l s to the Monarch, the reformers are able to cloak i n f l a t t e r y the most daring reprimands. The Monarch, given h i s unassailable authority and honorable intentions, i s never accused of any r e a l wrongdoing, but i s portrayed as himself being abused and deceived by the very elements responsible f o r the abuse of the masses. The Monarch i s g u i l t y only of ignorance, and that excusable, since h i s advisers are a l l corrupt and have conspired to'keep the t r u t h from him. This premise had become a t r a d i t i o n a l feature of reform movements i n Spain i t s e l f marked by the 160 common r a l l y i n g cry "Viva e l rey y muera e l mal gobierno." Th i s argument also provides the reforming group with the means of r e c o n c i l i n g t h e i r a s s e r t i o n of the Crown's benevolent intentions with "the f a i l u r e of t h e i r protests to achieve b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s . The e x i s t i n g oppression i s viewed as a creation of the Crown's administrators who de l i b e r a t e -l y disregard the Crown's high intentions and true i n t e r e s t s and who govern only to promote t h e i r own corrupt ends. In the words of the Representaci6n: . . . practicamente l o que experimentamos es un gobierno v i o l e n t o , duro, c r u e l y t i r a n o que l o s ministros d e l Rey han inventado, d i s t i n t o de todo l o que se ha practicado en todos l o s reinos c a t f i l i c o s , y muy otro de l a sana intenci6n d e l Rey. (p. 23) In view of the Monarch's benevolence and omnipotence a l l that i s required to persuade him to dismiss h i s corrupt administrators i s f o r him to be enlightened about the true c o n d i t i o n of h i s oppressed subjects. Thus neither the laws nor the Monarch are to blame f o r h i s subjects* oppression. On the contrary, the reestablishment of the Monarch*s e f f e c t i v e authority over h i s corrupt administra-t i o n and the implementation of the Crown's benevolent l e g i s l a t i o n and int e n t are seen as the means by which the welfare of the oppressed subjects can best be served. What made t h i s pattern of thought p a r t i c u l a r l y apt as a vehicle f o r present-ing Indian reformist demands was i t s s i m i l a r i t y both to the approach of the early missionaries f o r demanding reform i n the American colonies and to the formula adopted by contemporary Spaniards to urge reform of the Imperial system. The early missionaries i n whose works the Indian reformists found both i n s p i r a t i o n and t h e o r e t i c a l guidance had f i r s t applied t h i s pattern of reform to America by envisioning themselves as c a l l e d upon to r e e s t a b l i s h the Pr i m i t i v e 161 Church i n America. Subsequent reformist thought regarding Spanish America tended to follow t h i s precedent by expressing i d e a l s i n terms of a return to 29 the past. S i m i l a r l y Spanish t h e o r i s t s i n the eighteenth century a t t r i b u t e d t h e i r nation's decadent condition to i t s disregard f o r the t r a d i t i o n s and id e a l s which had formed the basis of i t s golden age and advocated a r e t u r n to these t r a d i t i o n a l values as a means of regaining Spain's former greatness. In a broader context s t i l l , u n t i l the French Revolution reformers i n v a r i a b l y placed t h e i r i d e a l society i n the past rather than i n the future, presenting themselves as r e s t o r e r s of ancient v i r t u e s and not as innovators. T h i s tendency to think i n the terms of the past i s exemplified, i n respect to the reform of the American colonies, by the writings of the Spanish reformer Campillo y Cossio. Like the Indian reformers, Campillo considered the e x i s t i n g laws to be eminently wise and j u s t , needing only to be implemented i n order to bring about a b e n e f i c i a l change i n the state of Indian s o c i e t y : La inobservancia de algunas excelentes Leyes ha sido l a fuente de que dimanan l o s males, que aniquilaron a aquellos Naturales, o i n u t i l i z a r o n a Espana un mundo entero l l e n o de riquezas.30 Campillo and the Representacifin agree i n portraying the e a r l i e r Spanish Monarchs as exemplars. Campillo p a r t i c u l a r l y c a l l e d f o r measures to support the laws of Charles V and P h i l i p I I while the Representaci6n implored Ferdinand VI to emulate h i s namesake Ferdinand I so that " e l c a t f i l i c o , e l piadoso, e l deseado, vuestro nombre se e s c u l p i r a en e l bronce de l a eternidad, haciendo esta j u s t a r e s t i t u c i 6 n que os suplicamos en l a generaci6n de l o s i n d i o s , declarando y mandando l o que est a mandado por vuestros progenitores" (p. 25). S i m i l a r l y both the Spaniard, Campillo, and the anonymous author of the Representaci6n 162 called for the r e i n s t i t u t i o n and rev i s i o n of ex i s t i n g laws. The Representaci6n asked "que se revuelvan y registren todas l a s leyes . . . ref6rmense y haganse otras segun e l tiempo presente" (p. 30), while Campillo planned to " r e s t i t u i r . . , l a p o l l t i c a de su primitivo i n s t i t u t o en l o s mas de l o s puntos, quitando los abusos, que ha introducido e l tiempo, y proporcionando nuestro sistema a l 31 estado presente de l a s cosas, segun e l tiempo en que vivimos." The s i m i l a r i t y i n ideas and conceptual approach between the Spanish reformist writers and the Representaci6n i s patent but t h i s s i m i l a r i t y i s minimal when compared to the profound debt that t h i s compelling appeal owes to the theories and language of the early..missionary writers. The view of Spain's rights and obligations i n America presented by the Representaci6n r e f l e c t e d the missionary interpretation of the r e l i g i o u s basis of Spain's j u r i s d i c t i o n i n America: ". . . l a Santa Madre I g l e s i a C a t 6 l i c a Romana . . . os ha encomendado l a I g l e s i a Americana, y constituldo su Padre y Patr6n" (p. 31). Because of t h i s essentially r e l i g i o u s basis for Spain's j u r i s d i c t i o n i n America, the Representaci6n portrayed the Crown's secular and rel i g i o u s roles as inseparable: "Siendo Vos, Sefior, Rey c r i s t i a n o y c a t 6 l i c o , o Monarca del Mundo, imagen del Principe de l a s alturas, C r i s t o ; y e l puso en sus hombros su principado y carg6 l a s iniquidades de todos, y vos tambien deb§is hacer l o mismo" (p. 11). Consequently the Representaci6n i d e n t i f i e d two grounds on which the Crown had a r e l i g i o u s obligation to undertake reform: to remove the impediments which abusive administration had placed i n the way of the Indians' conversion and to remove the impediments placed i n the way of the Monarch's own salvation by h i s complicity with t h i s abusive administration: 16? Y a s l descargando vuestra conciencia, descargando este pesadisimo e insoportable yugo que teneraos, no en ser vuestros v a s a l l o s y subditos, sino en no ser tratados como raciona l e s y hombres c r i s t i a n o s , sino como brutos y f i e r a s de l a s s e l v a s . (p. 11) The Represent ac i6n a t t r i b u t e d the r e f u s a l of some Indians to accept C h r i s t i a n i t y d i r e c t l y to the oppressive p o l i c i e s of the Spanish c o l o n i s t s by a s s e r t i n g that the Indians "jamas han puesto embarazo a l a Ley C r i s t i a n a ; y se supone no esta l a culpa de su idiotismo, r u s t i c i d a d e ignorancia, sino de los espanoles que desde e l p r i n c i p i o l o s han tratado peores que a burros, y mas abatidos que los mismos perros" (p. 36). In support of t h i s argument the RepresentaciSn c i t e d Garcilaso de l a Vega's as s e r t i o n that an Incaic prophecy concerning the coming of a new and better r e l i g i o n made the Indians h i g h l y receptive to conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y : . . . pues tambien es t r a d i c i 6 n que l o s Indios e Incas supieron t r e s c i e n t o s anos antes, que vendria o t r a ley mejor que l a que l e dieron sus Reyes, como l o afirma Garcilaso en l o s "Comentarios"; y a s i l a abrazaron con tanta f a c i l i d a d y s i n repugnancia, pues es c i e r t o que e l l o s jamas han puesto embarazo a l a Ley C r i s t i a n a . (p. 36) The Representaci6n not only adopted t h i s view that the Indians were eager to receive Spaniards as missionaries, but ac t u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d unconverted Indians with expressing the missionary theory which l i m i t e d Spain's r i g h t to impose temporal authority against the w i l l of the Indians: . . . por f i n se re p i t e l o que e l Maestro Mel§ndez dice de l a g e n t i l i d a d de l a s montafias de este Peru, que estan l o s i n d i o s s i n convertirse, aun conociendo ser. santa y necesaria para salvarse l a l e y de Nuestro Senor J e s u c r i s t o , y que un Rey de l a Montana l e d i j o a su Emperador: "Aseguranos l o h , Reyl de que l o s de esta Kaci6n (esto es los espanoles soldados), de este Padre, no pasaran a nosotros, que l o demas esta hecho, por mi voto y e l de todos." Esto es que r e c i b i r l a n l a Ley C r i s t i a n a , con t a l que l o s espafioles no l o s avasallasen, para a f r e n t a r l o s , deshonrarlos, c a u t i v a r l o s y consumirlos. (p. 35) 164 By p l a c i n g t h i s argument devised by sixteenth-century Spanish missionaries i n the mouths of a group of admittedly unhispanized Indians the Representaci6n creates a lapse i n c r e d i b i l i t y which can only be a t t r i b u t e d to i t s dedication to missionary i d e a l s and i t s perhaps overzealous use of missionary arguments f o r r h e t o r i c a l e f f e c t . A s i m i l a r lapse i n l o g i c i s the u n c r i t i c a l r e p e t i t i o n of Las Casas' a s s e r t i o n that the Indians possessed vast amounts of hidden wealth, the l o c a t i o n of which, the Representaci6n a l l e g e d , the Indians might r e v e a l i f assured of a f a i r share of the treasure: . . . por este gobierno discorde se detiene e l des-cubrimiento de muchas e innumerables riquezas de grandes tesoros, a s l de minas de oro y p l a t a , que estan ocultas por l o s antiguos, como de inmensas cantidades de oro, p l a t a y piedras preciosas que tenian sacadas, y l a s escondieron; y sus descendientes pue'den saber donde estan, y se pierden, como l o afirma e l I l u s t r i s i m o Obispo Casas ( f o l . 43), porque ven y conocen l o s Indios que no l o han de l o g r a r , y que es para mayor trabajo y a f r e n t a de e l l o s e l descubrirlos, como le s sucedi6 en l a Conquista, que mientras mas oro daban a l o s espaiioles, mas se desaforaban en matarlos y d e s t r u i r l o s . (p. 35) The most p l a u s i b l e explanation f o r dragging i n t h i s reference to Las Casas i s a desire to invoke d i r e c t l y the authority of the Spanish missionary writers i n support of the Indians' cause. Surely i f the prime i n t e n t i o n had been to appeal to the Crown's c u p i d i t y the i n s i d e knowledge of the Indian e l i t e would have provided more convincing evidence of the existence of hidden treasure than a r h e t o r i c a l mention i n Las Casas. Thus Hispanic missionary i d e a l s influenced not only the d e f i n i t i o n and expression of the goals pursued by the Indian reformists, but also the con-ceptual framework i n which these reformers thought and the r h e t o r i c i n which 165 they expressed t h e i r own championship of Indian welfare. The Representaci6n described the ro l e of the Indian reform movement not i n terms of a t t a i n i n g a new and untried i d e a l , but as the belated f u l f i l l m e n t of the goals set by the missionaries f o r Spanish colonialism i n the sixteenth century: Poned este timbre nuevo mas en vuestros blasones, y ser a i s proclamado nuevo Conquistador y nuevo Monarca de l a s Indias, amplificando a s i muchisimo mas vuestro Imperio y e l de C r i s t o . Y se d i r a de vos, gloriOsisima-mente, que habeis acabado l a empresa, que dejaron p r i n c i p i a d a ocho glo r i o s o s Reyes de Espafia y de l a s Indias, de quienes descenders. Y que vos, Senor, s o i s nuevamente e l c a t 6 l i c o Don Fernando, en cuyo tiempo se di6 a vuestra corona este nuevo mundo. (p. 32) The dr a s t i c reforms advocated by the Representaci6n, i t s uncompromising repudiation of the l o c a l Spanish administration and i t s i d e a l i z a t i o n of the benevolent Monarch and the s p i r i t and laws of the early Spanish regime i n America are a l l manifestations of the r a d i c a l , Utopian s p i r i t which increasingly characterized the thought of the Indian reformers i n the l a t e 1740's. In part a product of the Indian e l i t e ' s worsening p o s i t i o n and of t h e i r deepening despair over the f a i l u r e of t h e i r protests to achieve r e s u l t s , t h i s s p i r i t was also a consequence of the reform movement's close i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the early Spanish missionaries. As the Representaci6n bears witness, the Indian reformers used arguments and language that c l o s e l y echoed those used by these early advocates of Indian welfare. As a consequence the Indian reformers' perception of the world was shaped i n the image of that of these missionaries. Influenced by the prophetic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the events of the Old Testament, the ea r l y missionaries expressed t h e i r r a d i c a l i d e a l s by means of analogies between episodes i n the B i b l e and incidents i n the discovery and conquest of America: analogies between, f o r example, the Indians and the ten 166 l o s t t r i b e s of I s r a e l , between America and the Promised Land of the Old Testament, between the Spanish State i n America and the Jews of the Old Testament as the Chosen People, and between the oppression of the Indians 32 under Spanish rule and the p l i g h t of the Jews i n c a p t i v i t y . So deeply was the Representaci6n influenced by the e a r l y missionaries' method of arguing by analogy from the Old Testament that i t s very structure incorporated the analogy between the oppression of the Peruvian Indians and the p l i g h t of the Jews i n t h e i r Babylonian c a p t i v i t y by means of presenting i t s demands f o r reform i n the form of a commentary on the Lamentations of Jeremiah. Throughout the greater part of the Representaci6n each section forms an elaboration on a s p e c i f i c verse of Jeremiah as an analogy f o r the s i t u a t i o n of the Peruvian Indians. The a p p l i c a t i o n of the lament of Jeremiah to the American context had o r i g i n a l l y been suggested by F r . Ger6nimo de Mendieta, that most r a d i c a l of early missionary w r i t e r s . Mendieta compared the f a l l of the C h r i s t i a n Church i n America, caused by the corruption of secular elements, to the f a l l of Jerusalem: . . . se venia muy a pelo asentarme con Jeremlas sobre nuestra Indiana I g l e s i a , y con lagrimas, sospiros y voces que l l e g a r a n a l c i e l o (como e l hacia sobre l a destruida ciudad de Jerusalem), lamentarla y p l a n i r l a , recontando su miserable caida y gran desventura, y aun para e l l o s no poco me pudiera aprovechar de l a s palabras y sentencias del mismo profeta.33 Indeed, as the phrase from i t s t i t l e i n d i c a t e s , Exclamaci6n de l o s indios americanos, usando para e l l a de l a misma que hizo e l profeta Jeremlas, t h i s i s p r e c i s e l y what the Representaci6n did: r e l a t e i n the very words of Jeremiah the f a l l of the Peruvian Indians from t h e i r golden age, i d e n t i f i e d by the 167 Indian reformers not with the Inca period but with the u n f u l f i l l e d C h r i s t i a n utopia proposed by the early missionaries and thwarted by secular i n t e r e s t s . The eighteenth-century document, l i k e the early missionary writings, i d e n t i f i e d the p r a c t i c e s of the P r i m i t i v e Church as models to be followed by the Church i n America. The Eepresentaci6n invoked these p r a c t i c e s as precedents f o r the s p e c i f i c reforms advocated by the Indian e l i t e : Haced, Senor, que se ejecute en e l l a , l o que en e l p r i n c i p i o de l a I g l e s i a se raand6 y practic6, que fug: e l que e l hombre c r i s t i a n o , cat6lico, apto e id6neo para e l sagradoiministerio d e l obispado, sacerdocio, dignidad e c l e s i a s t i c a y de l a s r e l i g i o n e s , aunque fuesen nuevamente convertidos del Gentilisrao (saliendo de- l o s diez alios, que e l tiempo de ser ne6fitos) fuese admitido a l a s Ordenes e c l e s i a s t i c a s y r e l i g i o s a s . (p. 3D In r e f e r r i n g d i r e c t l y to the precedent of the P r i m i t i v e Church, the Representaci6n incorporated i n t o the ideology of the Indian protest movement a r e l i g i o u s argument f o r a reform which they had advocated on l e g a l grounds to no a v a i l f o r f o r t y years. By adopting t h i s analogy with the P r i m i t i v e Church the Representaci6n i m p l i c i t l y placed the Indian reformist aims i n a:new and broader context. These aims nov; had s i g n i f i c a n c e not only as a means of be t t e r i n g the condition of Indian society, but also as a means of r e a l i z i n g a C h r i s t i a n utopia. S i m i l a r l y , the document's use of b i b l i c a l analogy to depict the oppression of the Indians under Spanish administration gave the Indians' p l i g h t a s i g n i f i c a n c e beyond that which the simple r e c i t a t i o n of s p e c i f i c grievances could p o s s i b l y have. While the Representaci6n portrayed i n Utopian terms the reformed society i t envisioned i t portrayed the e x i s t i n g s i t u a t i o n i n apocalyptic terms. 168 The very analogy between the C h r i s t i a n Spanish regime and the corrupt and eventually doomed s o c i e t i e s by which the Jews were oppressed implied an uncompromising condemnation of Spanish rule i n America. The terms i n which t h i s analogy was elaborated served only to make the Representaci6n ,s depiction of the Spanish regime s t i l l blacker: Bebemos nuestra agua, con e l dinero; compramos nuestra lei i a , con e l precio. Porque en l a s Indias, SeSor, l o s indios vuestros v a s a l l o s y vuestros h i j o s , bebemos nuestras lagrimas que son nuestra agua continua, com-prandola con l a paga; pues pagamos para que nos maltraten, y para que l l o r a r nos hagan. Compramos o l o s lenos en que nos c r u c i f i q u e n , o l a lena con que nos quemen y consuman. Pagamos nuestra agua, pues pagamos a l o s curas y pastores de nuestras almas, para que nos administren l a s aguas puras de l a Gracia; y llevandose copiosisimas cantidades de nuestro sudor, lagrimas y trabajos, estamos a secas y sedientos d e l Saber, entre l o s cienos y lodazales inmundos de l a Ignorancia. Parece, Sefior . . . que nos dominan egipcios y no espaiioles; que nos sujetan Faraones y no Reyes c a t 6 l i c o s ; Nabucos y no reyes c r i s t i a n o s ; pues aun el;.pan que debiamos comer . . . de nuestro sudor y trabajo, s i l e comemos se nos vuelve i n piedras ponzonosas, que nos matan; y de nuestro trabajo y sudor, sacando e l espanol ganancia y honra, l o que cogemos es hartura de oprobios y afrentas, que son nuestro cotidiano pan. (p. 10)34 Yet t h i s harsh condemnation of Spanish r u l e i n America as one of apocalyptic corruption and confusion, extreme though i t may seem, derived a c e r t a i n legitimacy from being based on i n f l u e n t i a l missionary a u t h o r i t i e s . Las Casas, f o r example, had characterized the oppression s u f f e r e d by the Indians i n America as f a r worse than that of the Jews i n Egypt: " . . . l a t i r a n i c a governaci6n, mucho mas i n j u s t a y mas c r u e l que l a con que Fara6n 35 oprimi6 en Egipto a l o s judios." The Representaci6n elaborated on t h i s comparison by s t a t i n g that the destruction of Indian society i n America "no 1 6 9 tiene comparaci6n con cautiverio alguno, que han padecido l a s gentes sub-yugadas por otras naciones," (p. kO) since the Indians, w i l l i n g converts to C h r i s t i a n i t y , were being subjugated unnecessarily, w i l l f u l l y and h y p o c r i t i c a l -l y i n the name of C h r i s t i a n i t y . S imilar condemnations by the early Indian advocates such as Las Casas had been given r a t i f i c a t i o n by the Spanish Crown through such concessions as the New Laws of 1542. Indeed i t was p r e c i s e l y t h i s r a t i f i c a t i o n , together with the Representaci6n >s adoption of the f i c t i o n of the benevolent Monarch, that enabled the Indian e l i t e to use t h i s b i b l i c a l analogy to v i l i f y the Spanish administration with impunity. Furthermore the extension of t h i s analogy ch a r a c t e r i z i n g the Spanish regime as being worse than any imposed on the Jews allowed the Indian reformists to ponder the punishment which God might deem suitable to such heinous tyranny. Early missionary sources provided precedents f o r just speculations. Mendieta, f o r example, i d e n t i f i e d Spain's punishment with the troubles prophesied i n the 36 Apocalypse. Las Casas, on the other hand, considered the economic reper-cussions on Spain of the diminution" of the Indian population as a just 37 punishment f o r Spanish tyranny i n America. The Representaci6n expressed t h i s same view: "iNo se esta viendo, Senor, la'poderosa mano de Dios que insensiblemente c a s t i g a este d e l i t o ; pues cada d i a hay menos indios, s i n ser e l monjio y l a f r a i l i a quienes l o s aminoran, sino e l sumo trabajo y mal t r a t a -miento de l o s obrajes, rainas y mitas que l o s consumen" (p. Ik). The RepresentaciSn expressed i n s t i l l more general terms the b e l i e f that Spain was destined to s u f f e r some even more devastating c a s t i g a t i o n f o r i t s tyranny i n America: 1 7 0 Y c6mo tambien Dios, recto y justo juez, l o s castigara aqui, fuera de laxpena que en l a otra vida, precisamente, l e s espera, por d e l i t o tan atroz y crimen tan inhumano; que es l a i n j u r i a tan grave y tan general a toda una naci6n, tan limpia, tan noble, tan di l a t a d a , tan numerosa, tan humilde, tan desinteresada, anticuada por mas de doscientos anos. (p. 39) In daring terms the Representaci6n went on to suggest the nature of t h i s punishment. Since Spanish tyranny had l e d to the destruction of the peace and prosperity of Indian s o c i e t y the Representaci6n suggested that a s i m i l a r f a t e would b e f a l l Spain as a punishment b e f i t t i n g her crimes: Los v a s a l l o s son e l cimiento del Reino, estando firme e l cimiento, l o esta e l e d i f i c i o , se asegura e l Reino y goza de paz y sosiego. Por eso se ha procurado per-suadir en este papel, e l asegurar l o s vasallos, cimentandolos en l a firmeza de l a Paz, l a cual, s i n duda, se perpetuara muy fuerte, s i se destruye l a di s c o r d i a , que se entabl6 desde e l p r i n c i p i o entre l o s espanoles e in d i o s . Estos viven s i n sosiego por l a continua persecuci6n y maltrato, que de l o s espaiioles reciben. Los espaiioles estan, entre s i mismos, s i n paz y en continua zozobra, que parece su conciencia acusadora l e s d i c t a , aun cuando estan mas seguros; porque conocen que cuanto con e l Indio hacen, es s i n raz6n; por esto no hay movimiento del Indio que no l e de cuidado, aun estando mas descuidado e l Indio, y s i n jamas pensar l o que e l espanol l e acumula. E l mismo espanol con su t i r a n i a para con e l i n d i o , se pone„el espantajo que l e amedrenta. Podiase d e c i r a l espanol, l o que San Pablo dice . . . "Quieres no temer? Obra bien". Por esto se proponen estos e f i c a c e s remedios. (p. hO) In using these terms, the Representaci6n provided a precedent of great importance f o r the Indian protest movement. The arguments of the Representaci6n provided a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r r e b e l l i o n both on a secular and r e l i g i o u s b a s i s , suggesting that r e b e l l i o n was not only the i n e v i t a b l e and legitimate response to tyranny, but was also the d i v i n e l y ordained punishment most suitable to the crime of tyranny. 171 In providing a det a i l e d j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r r e b e l l i o n against a t y r a n n i c a l administration, the Representaci6n was not breaking new ground. Similar r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s had not only been accepted by the early missionaries but were i n f a c t being applied by reformers and missionaries a l i k e to Indian r e b e l l i o n s i n the eighteenth century. The Franciscan missionaries a t t r i b u t e d the r e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos l a r g e l y to the imprudent and abusive a t t i t u d e of 38 secular Spaniards towards the newly converted Indians. S i m i l a r l y , the Estado  p o l i t i c o suggested that the u p r i s i n g s of 1730 i n Paraguay, l i k e the conspiracy of Juan Velez de C6rdova i n 1739, and the R e b e l l i o n of Juan Santos i n the 1740's may indeed have constituted d i v i n e sanctions against the t y r a n n i c a l Spanish regime: Todos estos rumores, bien pueden ser disposiciones de Dios, quien t r a n s f i e r e l o s Reynos de unas en otras Naciones; pero s i quando l o hace, es quando govierna l a t y r a n i a , y f a l t a l a J u s t i c i a , l o s Ministros de V.M. son l o s tyranos, rompen l o s estatutos Catholicos, y Reales; y s i V.M. no l o s sostiene, es e l Real Catholico animo de V.M. e l innocente, que padecera e l estrago.39 By t h i s same reasoning the Representaci6n assigned the c u l p a b i l i t y f o r Indian r e b e l l i o n to the Spaniards rather than the Indians: Cie r t o es, Senor, que en l a sublevaciSn que en estos aiios hizo un indio o mestizo . . . no conocido por nosotros, en l a s montaiias d e l Cerro de l a Sal y Conversiones d e l Orden de San Francisco, siendo quienes causaron estos ruidos, l o s mismos espanoles corregidores y soldados, con sus exorbitantes molestias y f a l t a s de caridad d i s c r e t a , para portarse con unos barbaros i n c u l t o s y reci'Sn convertidos, con ponderada prudencia. (p. 17) Thus the Representaci6n presented a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r r e b e l l i o n which was acceptable not only i n terms of t r a d i t i o n a l Hispanic r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s but also i n terms of eighteenth-century reformist ideas. 1 7 2 On one hand, the d r a s t i c nature of the reforms suggested by the Representaci6n made i t a p l a u s i b l e s o l u t i o n to the desperate p l i g h t of Indian s o c i e t y . On the other hand, the d e t a i l s of these reforms protected the p o s i t i o n which the Indian e l i t e had established f o r i t s e l f as spokesman and coordinator of the ambitions and demands of a l l sectors of Indian s o c i e t y . The Representaci6n's use of b i b l i c a l analogy not only f a c i l i t a t e d the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of Indian reformist demands by p l a c i n g them i n an otherworldly context, but also by providing the basis f o r a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of r e b e l l i o n against the t y r a n n i c a l administration. This j u s t i f i c a t i o n enabled the Indian reform movement to continue to represent the most d i s i l l u s i o n e d members of the Indian e l i t e as w e l l as the d i s s a t i s f i e d Indian masses who were inc r e a s i n g l y giving vent to t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s i n spontaneous uprisings. As early as 1748 then the Indian reform movement had provided a t h e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r r e b e l l i o n as a means of serving the i n t e r e s t s of both the Crown and the Indians by removing the corrupt administration. 173 NOTES CHAPTER V 1 L e t t e r of F r . Calixto de San Jose Tupac Inca to the King (Madrid, n.d.); F r . Isidoro de Cala y Ortega; C e r t i f i c a t e of i d e n t i t y of F r . C a l i x t o de San Jose (Madrid, 7 May 1751)5 and F r . Juan de San Antonio, C e r t i f i c a t e of i d e n t i t y of F r . C a l i x t o de San Jose (Cadiz, 17 May 1751). These documents, the o r i g i n a l s of which are i n AGI (Lima 988) are transcribed i n F.A. Loayza, ed., C a l i x t o , pp. 66, 69 and 72-74. 2 Le t t e r of F r . C a l i x t o de San Jose Tupac Inca to the King transcribed i n C a l i x t o , p. 79. ^ F r . Juan de San Antonio, C e r t i f i c a t e of i d e n t i t y of F r . C a l i x t o i n C a l i x t o , p. 69, and l e t t e r of F r . Jose G i l Mufioz to the King (12 Sept. 1745), o r i g i n a l i n AGI (Lima 5 4 l ) , quoted i n C a l i x t o , p. 75. "Nos Los Cavildos, J u s t i c i a s y Regimientos de l o s Naturales de esta Ciudad, y del Pueblo de Santiago del Cercado," "poder" given to F r . C a l i x t o de San Jos§ Tupac Inca, Lima, 30 Oct. 1756, i n AGI (Lima 988). This document re f e r s to the o r i g i n a l "poder" given to F r . C a l i x t o and F r . J o s ! G i l i n 1744. Le t t e r of F r . JosS G i l Mufioz to the King, quoted i n C a l i x t o , p. 73. g F r . Juan de San Antonio, C e r t i f i c a t e i n C a l i x t o , p. 74. 7 Representaci6n verdadera y_ exclamaci6n rendida y_ lamentable que toda l a naci6n indiana hace a l a Majestad del Sefior Rey de l a s Espahas y_ Emperador  de l a s Indias, e l Sefior don Fernando VI, pidiendo l o s atijenda y remedie. 174 sacandolos del afrentoso v i t u p e r i o y_ oprobio en que estan mas de doscientos anos, transcribed i n C a l i x t o , p. 19. Subsequent references to t h i s document w i l l appear as page numbers f o l l o w i n g the relevant c i t a t i o n . The authorship of t h i s document i s considered i n note 10. g No direct evidence e x i s t s as to the nature of these meetings of the Indian Cabildo and e l i t e i n 1748, The i n d i r e c t evidence o f f e r s two apparently-c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the proceedings of these meetings. The Viceroy Superunda i n two l e t t e r s to the King, dated 24 September 1750 and 15 January 1757 denounced these meetings as having i n i t i a t e d the planning f o r the abortive Lima conspiracy of 1750 and the subsequent Huarochiri r e v o l t . Superunda also alleged that the Indians involved i n the meetings had a manifesto of t h e i r grievances published and designated an Indian to present i t to the King i n Spain. These l e t t e r s of Superunda have both been printed, the f i r s t as document 4 i n Castro Arenas, La r e b e l i 6 n , pp. xxi-xxiv, and the second i n C a l i x t o , pp. 84-91. Letters written by F r . C a l i x t o to the King and to the Indian Cabildo of Lima as well as a deposition presented by F r . I s i d o r o de Cala y Ortega to the Council of the Indies i n 1750 present a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . They i n d i c a t e that there were some members of the Indian e l i t e and Cabildo who advocated outright r e b e l l i o n , but that these i n d i v i d u a l s were dissuaded temporarily from t h i s course of action by F r . Calixto and others. According to Cala: . . h a llegado e l caso, que e l afio pasado de 48 por e l mes de marzo fue tan fuerte que sino fuera por haverlos contenido l o s Indios P r i n c i p a l e s , huvieran subcedido, muchas muertes y desgracias, por haverles ofrezido estos, harian Informe haziendole presente a VM dela I n j u r i a s y agravios que padezian; y como VM es fuente de l a J u s t i c i a , y que l o podra remediar." F r . C a l i x t o ' s l e t t e r s are 175 transcribed i n C a l i x t o , pp. 49-61 and p. 65, while Cala's deposition i s i n AGI (Lima 5 4 l ) . The assumption that there were within the Indian Cabildo and e l i t e advocates of r e b e l l i o n and of protest i s a>:logical explanation f o r the apparent contradiction between Superunda's accusation that the Lima meetings of 1748 spawned the r e v o l t of 1750 and F r . C a l i x t o and F r . Isidoro's assertions that the advocates of r e b e l l i o n were convinced to wait at l e a s t u n t i l the out-come of one p e t i t i o n to the new Monarch had been determined. Indeed the f a i l u r e of t h i s p e t i t i o n could have l e d the advocates of r e b e l l i o n to act i n 1750 as Superunda alleges. T h i s i s the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that i s presented i n the d i s -s e r t a t i o n . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the meetings of 1748 to the r e b e l l i o n of 1750 i s considered i n Chapter VI. 9 As mentioned i n the t e x t , the Representaci6n was p r i n t e d i l l i c i t l y i n Lima, according to T o r i b i o Medina some time between August and November 1748 ( I I I , p. 554). I have unfortunately been unable to consult a copy of t h i s i l l e g a l e d i t i o n , the d e t a i l s of which can be found i n Jose T o r i b i o Medina, La  imprenta en Lima (1584-1824) (Santiago, 1904-07), I I I , 545 f f . The Representa-ci6n i s transcribed i n Loayza, C a l i x t o , pp. 5-48 from the manuscript copy i n AGI (Lima 988). For the reader 1s convenience, the quotations from the Representaci6n i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n are taken from the t r a n s c r i p t i o n i n C a l i x t o . 1 0 Jose T o r i b i o Medina (La imprenta en Lima, I I I , 554) considered F r . C a l i x t o to be the author of the Representaci6n. This i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s based, however, not on any d i r e c t evidence, but on the r o l e which F r . Calixto played i n presenting the document to the Crown. F.A. Loayza apparently considered F r . C a l i x t o to have been one of the " r e l i g i o s o s Franciscanos" who wrote the Representaci6n ( C a l i x t o , p. 4). Vargas Ugarte thought e i t h e r Garro or Cala 176 y Ortega could have written i t ( H i s t o r i a , IV, 244). The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Garro as the author of the Representaci6n i s based on a reference made by Superunda to Garro as " r e l i g i o s o sacerdote de su Orden y autor del manifiesto que tanto influy6 en l a conmoci6n de l o s i n d i o s , l e hablan severamente cor-regido siis prelados, poniendole en estrechas reclusiones, privandole de l a comunicaci6n con i n d i o s , con precepto de que no tomase pluma n i se l e d'ejase aparato de e s c r i b i r . " (Letter to the King, 15 January 1757, i n C a l i x t o , p. 88.) Garro d i d write a protest on behalf of the Indians to the Pope, This protest, however, the Planetus indorum (see note 33 f o r a more d e t a i l e d description) v/as i n L a t i n and therefore i s u n l i k e l y to be the one r e f e r r e d to by Superunda. Indeed i n t e r n a l evidence places the writing of the Planctus a f t e r the u p r i s i n g of Huarochiri to which Superunda i s r e f e r r i n g (see note 33). The theory that Superunda's reference to Garro's authorship of an incendiary document applie s to the Representaci6n i s supported by other i n d i r e c t evidence. A reference to F r . Antonio i n F r . C a l i x t o ' s l e t t e r to the Indian Cabildo of Lima ( i n C a l i x t o , p. 58) as well as a reference to the Indian delegate Zeballos i n the Planctus (p. 42) substantiate Superunda's accusations that Garro was c l o s e l y involved with the Indian protest movement. S i m i l a r i t i e s i n the texts of the Planctus and Representaci6n are so numerous as to i n d i c a t e that i f F r . Antonio de Garro, the author of the Planctus, v/as not also the author of the Representaci6n, he c e r t a i n l y played a major r o l e i n d r a f t i n g i t . 11 The Representaci6n was c e r t a i n l y composed before F r . Calixto l e f t Lima i n August 1748 but i t may not have been published u n t i l l a t e r that year. F r . C a l i x t o ' s references to the Representaci6n tend to i n d i c a t e that i t was p r i n t e d some time between August and November of 1748. On one occasion F r . 177 C a l i x t o mentioned having gone to Cuzco with the document ( l e t t e r to Indian Cabildo, i n C a l i x t o , p. 4-9), while on another he mentioned the Cabildo having sent him a copy i n Cuzco ( l e t t e r to the King, i n C a l i x t o , p. 6 6 ) . 12 F r . C a l i x t o himself a t t r i b u t e d h i s f a i l u r e to receive the C a b i l d o 1 s support to i t s unwarranted mistrust of h i s promises: . . . l o s mismos de nuestra Naci6n, quienes han d i s -currido que yo l e s engafiaba, por cuyo motivo no han querido c o n c u r r i r con.dinero alguno para f a c i l i t a r nuestra pretensi6n. Tambien vivo muy quejoso de vuestras mercedes, por no haber querido creer l a palabra que l e s d i , de que en l a primera ocasidn que pudiera pasar a Espafia, l o habia de ejecutar; mas vuestras mercedes no l o creyeron, y por eso no quisieron enviarme sus poderes (muy confiados en Don Francisco Ceballos, mas Dios vuelve por mi). L e t t e r to Indian Cabildo transcribed i n C a l i x t o , p. 54. 13 The Viceroy Superunda, i n h i s l e t t e r of 15 January 1757 ( C a l i x t o , p. 8 5 ) , F r . C a l i x t o himself, i n h i s l e t t e r to the Indian Cabildo of 14 November 1750 ( C a l i x t o , p. 5 4 ) and F r . Antonio Garro i n the Planetus indorum (p. k2) a l l agreed that Zeballos was appointed to take the Representaci6n to Spain. P r e c i s e l y when i n 174-9 the appointment was made i s not c l e a r . Hoitrever, F r . C a l i x t o who i n l a t e September 174-9 l e f t Cuzco f o r Buenos A i r e s on h i s way to Madrid, met, at Santiago de Cotagaita i n southern B o l i v i a , Zeballos who was already returning home from Buenos A i r e s . In view of the distances t r a v e l l e d , i t f o llows that Zeballos must have been appointed before September 1 7 4 9 , and probably not l a t e r than the middle of that year. See l e t t e r of F r . C a l i x t o to the Indian Cabildo i n C a l i x t o , p. 5 7 f o r the d e t a i l s of Perez Martin and Ladr6n de Guevara's appointment. 14 The Indian Cabildo of Lima i t s e l f recognized i t s own encouragement of F r . C a l i x t o i n a "poder" of 1 7 5 6 : 178 . . . proporcionandose ocasion e l ano passado de m i l l settecientos quarenta y nueve de que e l dicho f r a i Calixto de San Joseph hubiese emprendido nuevo viage a los dichos Reinos de Espana, le volvimos a recomendar este negocio, entregandole a este senor l a dicha representacion [petition for the implementation of the cSdula de honores] con mas otro manifiesto impreso [Representaci6n] de los agravios que padecen los Indios. See "poder" given to Fr. Calixto Tupac Inca by the Indian Cabildo of Lima (30 October 1756) i n AGI (Lima 988). 15 ^ I f , as deduced in note 13, Francisco de Zeballos was not appointed before the middle of 174-9 and i f , as appears l i k e l y , Fr. Calixto did not return to Lima after leaving there i n August 174-8, i t i s quite reasonable to assume that he did not learn of Zeballos* o f f i c i a l appointment by the Indian Cabildo of Lima u n t i l he met with Zeballos at Santiago de Cotagaita i n late 1749. This assumption would explain what otherwise would be the unnecessary duplication by Fr. Calixto of the task assigned to Zeballos. More importantly, however, i t explains why Fr. Calixto appears to have retained hopes of securing an o f f i c i a l appointment from the Cabildo up to the time of his departure for Spain. He did not learn of the appointment of Perez Martin and Ladr6n de Guevara u n t i l he was actually i n Spain. See letter of Fr. Calixto to the Indian Cabildo in Calixto, p. 57. Letter to Indian Cabildo i n Calixto, p. 49. See also p. 59: Senores, para dar cumplimiento de lo que yo les ofreel de ser su mensajero o embajador, en nombre de toda l a Naci6n, dl principio de mi viaje desde esa Ciudad . . . con l a esperanza de que los caciques, y en particular los parientes del Cuzco me hablan, f a c i l i t a r con plata; mas no sucedi6 asl. Eso es fiarse de hombres, y mas de parientes. Fr. Calixto, letter to Indian Cabildo i n Calixto, p. 60. 179 l 8 F r . C a l i x t o described h i s motivation i n the f o l l o w i n g terms: " E l fundaraento que yo tuve, para l o s gastos que se han hecho, es porque vuestras mercedes no dijesen de ml que por no tener animo n i c r e d i t o , habia dejado perder una ocasi6n tan buena." L e t t e r to Indian Cabildo i n C a l i x t o , p. 57. 19 F r . C a l i x t o ' s l e t t e r to the Indian Cabildo d e t a i l e d the d i f f i c u l t i e s the p a i r encountered, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r need to borrow money at every turn i n order to complete t h e i r voyage (C a l i x t o , pp. 49-52). 20 Let t e r to Indian Cabildo i n C a l i x t o , p. 53. 21 " . . . l o s Sefiores Consejeros h i c i e r o n llamar a l dicho Reverendo Padre mi compaSero para que declarase l o s agravios que haclan l o s espafioles a l o s de nuestra Nacion." (Fr. C a l i x t o , l e t t e r to Indian Cabildo, C a l i x t o , p. 54.) F r . Isidoro's two declarations, the one without date and the other dated 9 January 1751 i are i n AGI (Lima 5 4 l ) . In t h i s l o c a t i o n as well as i n AGI (Lima 988) are to be found a number of l e t t e r s exchanged between Franciscan o f f i c i a l s and o f f i c i a l s of the Council of the Indies. These l e t t e r s , which run from 23 September 1750 to 11 May 1751) are concerned with the Council's attempts to track down the various protests presented by F r . C a l i x t o and F r . I s i d o r e The Council's d e l i b e r a t i o n s over the Representaci6n were most intense i n May, 1751, undoubtedly as a r e s u l t of Superunda's l e t t e r of 24 September 1750 i m p l i c a t i n g the Representaci6n i n the Lima conspiracy of that same year. See Chapter VI f o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s . 22 In response to i n s t r u c t i o n s from the F i s c a l of the Council of the Indies, Joaquin Joseph Vazquez y Morales, that F r . C a l i x t o ' s Indian ancestry v/as no impediment to h i s f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r e l i g i o u s orders, F r . Matias de Velasco, Comisario general de Indias, complied r e l u c t a n t l y with the order 180 i n the following terms: " . . . para que, en i n t e l l i g e n c i a de todo, y s i n embargo de l a constituci6n de mi orden, que l o prohibe, pueda admitir a e l l a , y a l a profesion de su i n s t i t u t o a l hermano Calixto Tupac." See l e t t e r to Vazquez y Morales, 31 J u l y 1751, AGI (Lima 5 4 1 ) . The Ministro General of the Franciscan Order formally ordered on 21 September 1751 that F r . C a l i x t o be given the Franciscan habit and allowed to take vows ( l e t t e r i n C a l i x t o , p. 7 5 ) . 2 ^ Opinion of the F i s c a l of the Council of the Indies i n AGI (Lima 5 4 l ) . 24 The Council appreciated, as i t s F i s c a l noted when reporting on h i s search f o r the p r i n t e d copies of the Representaci6n, . . . l o s inconvenientes, que podia ocasionar, se divulgase por medio de l a impresion, principalmente en l a America, su contexto; se me di6 domission verbal, y reservada, para que averiguase con mafia de l o s r e f e r i d o s , que numero de e l l o s tenian, y l o s procurase sacar de su poder, y recoger todos con e l pretexto mas disimulado . . . y haviendome asegurado ambos, que se havia dado a l a Estampa en Indias, y solo se l e s havian entregado a l i a , para segui aqui esta dependencia, e l exemplar presentado, y otro maltratado vastantemente y con algo e s c r i t o de pluma a sus margenes, que havia traido y r e t e n i a en s i e l otro Hermano y estaban prontos igualmente a exhi b i r ; se me previno que a s s i l o dejase. Report of Vazquez y Morales.to Marques de l a Ensenada, 10 May 1751, i n AGI (Lima 9 8 8 ) . 2 ^ Le t t e r to Indian Cabildo of Lima, C a l i x t o , p. 57 . 2 6 "Poder," 30 October 1756. 2 ^ A separate p e t i t i o n requesting t h i s permission was presented to the Crown through Juan de Bustamante Carlos Inca, a member of the Indian n o b i l i t y who r e s i d e d at Court i n the capacity of "Gentilhombre de boca" to the King, F r . C a l i x t o praised Juan de Bustamante i n the l e t t e r to the Indian Cabildo ( C a l i x t o , p. 6 1 ) . However, a r o y a l decree issued on 19 January 1751 refused 181 to grant t h i s permission although i t i n s i s t e d that the Viceroy should authorize caciques and Indian nobles to t r a v e l to Spain i f they could demonstrate "justo motivo." (Real cSdula i n C a l i x t o , p. 63.) 28 See Zavala, Recuerdo de Vasco Quiroga, pp. 14, 34 and 61; Phelan, The M i l l e n i a l Kingdom; and Maravall, "La utopia," p. 205. Las Casas wrote: ". . . este es e l tiempo de l a s misericordias, escondido en l o s s i g i o s pasados, como dice e l Ap6stol, e venido oportuno agora para nuevo v i v i r de todos estos pueblos, i p o r que se convierte este tiempo en tiempo de tribulaci6n,.-„. ,. .?" and i n s i s t e d that C h r i s t ' s ovm example of peaceful conversion should be followed i n America: " . . . esta es l a puerta de s a l i r l a doctrina de C r i s t o e su sacro Evangelio a convertir l o s extrafios de su fe y de su I g l e s i a . Pues s i esta es l a puerta senores,;y e l camino de convertir estas gentes que tenuis a vuestro cargo, <Lpor que en lugar de enviar ovejas . . . e n v i a i s lobos. . . ?" See BartolomS de l a s Casas, "Carta a l Consejo de Indias (20-1-1531)" i n 'ed. Juan Perez de Tudela.Bueso, Opusculos, cartas y_ memoriales, Obras esco'gidas  de Fray BartolomS de l a s Casas V, B i b l i o t e c a de autores espafioles desde l a formaci6n del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias, V. 110 (Madrid, 1958), pp. 48 and 49. See Joyce Statton, "The Influence of Sixteenth-Century Missionary Thought on Eighteenth-Century Indian Reformists i n Peru," Harold Livermore, ed., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Hispanic Studies (London, 1974), pp. 33-37 f o r an e a r l i e r version of the arguments developed i n the following pages. 2 9 Maravall, "La utopia," p. 207. ^ Nuevo sistema, p. 38. ^ Nuevo sistema, p. 4. 182 See Phelan, pp. 21-31 and p. 69. This type of analogy i s p a r t i c u l a r l y frequent i n Las Casas, Apologgtica h i s t o r i a sumaria cuanto a l a s cualidades, disposici6n, descripci6n, c i e l o y_ suelo destas t i e r r a s , y_ condiciones naturales, p o l i c i a s , republicas, maneras de v i v i r _ e costumbres de l a s gentes destas Indias occidentales y_ meridionales, cuyo imperio soberano pertenece a lo s r'eyes de C a s t i l l a , Obras escogidas. I I I and IV, B i b l i o t e c a de autores, V. 105 and 106. See f o r example I, 68; I I , 108. See also Las Casas, "Entre l o s remedi'os que don f r a y Bartolome de l a s Casas, obispo de .la Ciudad Real de Chiapa, r e f i r i 6 por mandado de l ^mperador rey" i n ed. Juan Perez de Tudela Bueso, Tratados de Fray Bartolome de l a s Casas, I I (Mexico and Buenos Ai r e s , 1965). Las Casas draws an analogy between God's r e f u s a l to give the true r e l i g i o n to the Jews u n t i l they had escaped the tyranny of Pharoah and the i n a b i l i t y of the Indians to receive C h r i s t i a n i t y u n t i l the tyranny of the Spaniards i s removed: Dio l a , erapero, cuando concurrieron ambas a dos disposiciones, pueblo e l i b e r t a d juntamente. Y esto nunca fue hasta que Dios, con mano v a l i d a y rigurosa, l o s l i b e r t 6 y sac6 del poderio t i r a n i c o de Fara6n. . . . Sobre todas l a s leyes . . . nunca o t r a hobo n i habra que as! requiera l a s dichas dos disposiciones como l a l e y evangelica de J e s u c r i s t o . (p. 665) S i m i l a r l y , he considered that the Spanish tyranny i n America was worse than any s u f f e r e d by the Jews because i t did not a f f e c t "una gente sola, como persuadia Aman a l rey Asuero, que matase e l pueblo de l o s judios; pero de i n f i n i t o s reinos, pueblos y gentes" (p. 841). See also, Las Casas, "Este es un tratado que e l obispo de l a ciudad r e a l de Chiapa, don f r a y Bartolome de las Casas o Casaus, compuso, por comisi6n d e l Consejo Real de l a s Indias, sobre l a materia de l o s indios que se han hecho en e l l a s esclavos" i n Tratados, I, 508-509. The comparison between the Jews and the Indians must have been a 183 very common one f o r F r . Diego de Landa noted that Spaniards often used to j u s t i f y t h e i r abusive treatment of the Indians: "Que l o s espafioles se des-culpan con dezir que siendo e l l o s pocos no podian sugetar tanta gente" s i n ponerles miedo con castigos t e r r i b l e s , y traen exemplos de h i s t o r i a s , y de l a passada de los Hebreos a l a t i e r r a de promission con grandes crueldades por mandado de Dios." See "Relaci6n de l a s cosas de Yucatan sacada de l a que e s c r i b i 6 e l Padre Fray Diego de Landa," Colecci6n de documentos i n e d i t o s r'elativos a l descubrimiento, 2nd s e r i e s , XIII (Madrid, 1900), p. 304. 33 Ger6nimo de Mendieta, H i s t o r i a e c l e s i a s t i c a Indiana (Mexico, 194-5), I I , 122. Another appeal, written i n L a t i n and directed to the Pope, e n t i t l e d Planctus ihdorum christianorum i n America Peruntina: SeuVae Lacrimabile, Lamentabilis Luctus, atque u l u l a t u s , multus que Ploratus abimo corde, used t h i s same analogy; "Ad Matrem Suam Sanctam Ecleciam, f i c u s Natio Indorum clamat verbis Jeremiae plangentis" (p. 8). Although not written by an Indian, the Planctus and the author to whom i t i s generally a t t r i b u t e d are lin k e d both i n theory and i n p r a c t i c e to the Indian reform movement. Although the Planctus was published without an i n d i c a t i o n of place or date, i n t e r n a l evidence places i t s w r i t i n g some time i n 1750 (p. 4-2). I t was att r i b u t e d i n the early nine-teenth century to F r . Antonio Garro, a Lector de idioma i n d i c o i n the Convento de Jesus i n Lima, an a t t r i b u t i o n which i s supported both by Spanish and Indian sources. F r . Antonio was evidently i n close touch with the Indian reformists f o r F r . C a l i x t o mentioned i n h i s l e t t e r to the Indian Cabildo - of Lima having forwarded a copy of a p e t i t i o n to Garro ( C a l i x t o , p. 58). The Planctus i t s e l f r e l a t e d the return of the Indian emmissary Zeballos from Buenos Aires (p. 42). The Planctus drew d i r e c t l y on many of the missionary authors whose theories 184 were expressed i n the Representaci6n, as well as on the B i b l i c a l commentaries of Nicholas of Lyre v/hich had formed the basis of the early missionaries' own prophetic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the events of the Old Testament (pp. 40, 4 l , 86 and passim). For discussions of the authorship of the Planctus see Jose T o r i b i o Polo, "Un l i b r o raro," R e vista Peruana, 1 ( l 8 ? 9 ) i 624-634, and Vargas Ugarte, H i s t o r i a , IV, 244, 245. 34 J Cf, Planctus, p. 99: Sic l i c e t habeant aquam suam, p r e t i o comparatam, non habent p e i o r i fortuna, Hebreis c a p t i v i s a. Nabuco, nam tunc, teste Ieremia, aquam suam p r e t i o bibebant, aquam  nostram p r e t i o bibimus. Sed i n hac Babilonia, Americae Indi Naturales, & Domini, Isuae regiones, nec aquam suam, bibunt sua pecunia, nec l i g n a sua comparant p r e t i o . 35 Bartolome de l a s Casas, "Memorial a l Consejo de Indias," 'Obras escogidas, V, 537. 5 6 Phelan, p. 102. 37 ". . . estos reinos de Espana, de que Vuestra Majestad es rey natural y senor, estan en muy gran p e l i g r o de ser perdidos, y destruidos, y robados, opresos y asolados. . . . La raz6n desto es porque Dios, que es justisimo . . . esta muy indignado, enojado y ofendido de grandes ofensas y pecados que l o s de Espafia han cometido y obrado en todas l a s Indias, a f l i g i e n d o y oprimiendo, tiranizando, y robando, y matando tantas y t a l e s gentes s i n raz6n y j u s t i c i a alguna, y en tan poquitos anos despoblando tantas y t a l e s t i e r r a s . " (Las Casas, "Entre l o s Remedios," p. 8 l l . ) ^8 ^ F r . Joseph de San Antonio, l e t t e r to King, 27 December 1752, i n AGI (Lima 5 4 l ) . 39 Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 25v. 185 CHAPTER VI Repression and Rebellion 1750-1780 On 21 June 1750, the Spanish administration discovered within the Indian e l i t e of Lima a conspiracy aimed at overthrowing the Spanish administra-t i o n . An o f f i c i a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o t h i s conspiracy revealed that i t s leaders had planned to occupy the Vi c e r e g a l Palace and the munitions depot, k i l l the Spanish ministers and eventually i n s t a l l an Indian as King, They planned to win the support of negro slaves by l i b e r a t i n g them and that of r u r a l Indians by exempting them from mita and t r i b u t e payment. 1 The Viceroy Superunda did not take t h i s conspiracy l i g h t l y . On the con-t r a r y , eleven Indians were apprehended and s i x executed on 22 July 1750 f o r t h e i r part i n the p l o t . The remaining f i v e were granted a pardon, but before they were released, two of them escaped. These two, Pedro Santos and Francisco Garcia Jimenez, also known as Francisco Inga, f l e d to the province of Huarochiri where they i n s t i g a t e d an u p r i s i n g against the l o c a l Spanish administration. News of t h i s r e v o l t reached Lima at the end of July 1750, and led the Viceroy to keep the remaining conspirators of Lima i n pris o n . Because of the r e l a t i v e l y sparse Spanish population of Huarochiri and the province's d i f f i c u l t y of access the r e b e l s rapidly consolidated a hold on the region. The Viceroy sent troops, some of the leaders of which were Indian nobles, from Lima to pacify the r e v o l t . These troops with the support of the inhabitants of one l o y a l town, Langa, 186 turned the tide against the r e b e l s . Pedro Santos and Francisco Inga were both executed and a number of other p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the u p r i s i n g were e x i l e d to the Juan Fernandez Islands. This r e v o l t , l i k e the conspiracy of Lima, occurring at a time when the Rebellion of Juan Santos i n the montana region s t i l l raged i n spite of the administration's e f f o r t s to suppress i t , confirmed the worst fears of many c o l o n i a l s that widespread Indian r e b e l l i o n could break out at any time. Spaniards and Creoles a l i k e expressed the opinion that only a catalyst v/as necessary to move the oppressed Indian population to open confrontation with the administration. Juan and U l l o a considered that t h i s anxiety over the threat of Indian revolt was a decisive f a c t o r i n the opposition of Creoles and Spaniards to proposals designed to give the Indians a l a r g e r role i n t h e i r own administra-t i o n : . . . pretextar que con l a demasiada autoridad que se l e s daba a con l a grande proteccion que tenian l o s indios, s a l d r i a n de su encogimiento y se sublevarian, haciendo un rey de su naci6n. Esta es l a fantasma con que atemorizan.2 S i m i l a r l y , the Estado p o l i t i c o revealed a concern that a f o r e i g n nation could e a s i l y induce the Indians to r e b e l : . . . quan arriesgado t i e n e este Reyno . . . de f a l t a r e l cont'rapeso r e s u l t a estar s i n f i e l l a balanza, y pr6ximo e l p e l i g r o de un Reyno distante . . ... porque estando en l o s mayores l a culpa, pudieron estos, armando a l o s raenores, hacer d e l ultimo d e l i t o un baluarte, que l o s defendiesse del castigo.3 The Viceroy evidently shared these apprehensions as he i n d i c a t e d i n a' l a t e r d e s c r i p t i o n of the f a c t o r s which had l e d to the revolt of Huarochiri: 1 1. . . e n medio d e l humilde abatimiento que parece l e s es connatural a l o s indios, tienen 187 pronta disposici6n a dejarse arrebatar, en habiendo malignidad que l o s i h f l u y a . " As a r e s u l t of these fears, Superunda investigated whether the conspirators of Lima might have been i n contact with Juan Santos or with the Indians of any other province. Although he pronounced himself s a t i s f i e d that they had not, h i s f e a r of Indian r e v o l t was s t i l l f a r from a l l a y e d . He i n i t i a t e d precautionary 5 measures to thwart the outbreak of any furth e r Indian r e v o l t . Superunda believed that both the Representaci6n i t s e l f and the i n d i v i d u a l s responsible f o r i t s d r a f t i n g and presentation to the Crown were implicated i n the conspiracy of Lima. He traced the planning of the conspiracy to the meetings i n Lima i n 1748 and asserted that the document drafted as a r e s u l t of those meet-ings i n s p i r e d the Indians to r e v o l t . This document v/as, as we established i n Chapter V, the Representaci6n. C e r t a i n l y by j u s t i f y i n g r e b e l l i o n within the framework of Spanish c o l o n i a l theory the Representaci6n could have r e i n f o r c e d the opinion already h e l d by some members of the Indian e l i t e that r e v o l t v/as a p r a c t i c a l and legitimate s o l u t i o n to t h e i r p l i g h t . Thus there i s some basis f o r the Viceroy's s u s p i c i o n of the Representaci6n. Although the inten t i o n of the Representaci6n was, as we have ind i c a t e d , to achieve broad reforms which would ameliorate the co n d i t i o n of Indians of a l l ranks, i t i s quite f e a s i b l e that i t s graphic d e s c r i p t i o n of Indian oppression d i d i n fac t serve to i n t e n s i f y Indian unrest. The Viceroy considered F r . C a l i x t o , because of h i s a s s o c i a t i o n v/ith the meetings of 1748 and the Representaci6n, to be a dangerous influence on the Indians. F r . C a l i x t o , however, had indicated that h i s sponsorship of the Representaci6n was determined p r e c i s e l y by h i s i n t e r e s t i n preventing r e b e l l i o n . F r . I s i d o r o de Cala y Ortega corroborated that t h i s was indeed F r . C a l i x t o ' s 188 main purpose. A detailed analysis of the sequence of events involved i n the production of the Representaci6n, the appointment of Zeballos as the Cabildo 1s agent, and the conspiracy in Lima indicates that there was no concrete basis for Superunda's suspicion of Fr. Calixto. Zeballos, remember, and not Fr. Calixto, was o f f i c i a l l y delegated to take the Representaci6n to Spain. Zeballos' return to Lima some time i n late 174-9 without having completed his mission can only have deepened the Indians' despair over their i n a b i l i t y to gain even a hearing by the Crown. Although the Lima Indian elite would probably have learned through Zeballos of Fr. Calixto's attempt to go to Spain, this information would do l i t t l e to mitigate their despair. According to Fr. Calixto the Indian Cabildo already had serious doubts about his r e l i a b i l i t y , and Zeballos, in view of his own failure to reach Spain, would no doubt have reinforced these doubts by painting a very black picture of the f r i a r ' s chances of carrying out his plan. Thus having every reason to believe that the decision taken i n 1748 to present a new petition to the Crown had been founded on false hopes, the conspirators of Lima must have abandoned their commitment to that decision and initiated plans to use violence to over-throw the administration as they had advocated i n 1748. Since Fr. Calixto had l e f t Peru before the Indians of Lima became aware of the failure of Zeballos' mission, he obviously could have played no part in those plans. His correspondence with the Indian Cabildo? of Lima in November, 1750, five months after the plot was revealed, gives no indication that he was even aware of i t s existence. The gist of this letter supports the assumption that Fr. Calixto, although conscious of the lack of faith which some members of the Indian elite had i n the efficacy of petitioning the Croxm, 189 believed that even these i n d i v i d u a l s remained committed to the decision made i n 1748 to foreswear violence u n t i l the outcome of the Representaci6n was known. Superunda's suspicion of F r . C a l i x t o stemmed, then, not from any concrete evidence, but from the Viceroy's well-founded apprehensions regarding the out-break of Indian r e v o l t . As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the Lima conspiracy, Superunda adopted a p o l i c y of keeping a close watch on any new manifestations of Indian discontent. I t was to an atmosphere of fear and s u s p i c i o n created by Superunda's precautionary measures towards Indian protest that F r . C a l i x t o returned i n 1753. The f r i a r , no doubt f l u s h with the v i c t o r y of h i s promotion and of the r o y a l p r o t e c t i o n he had been given f o r h i s return journey, was,anxious to resume h i s championship of Indian welfare. Although he had won no concessions f o r Indian society as a whole while i n Spain, h i s personal successes gave him a good basis for arguing that now, i f he could win the Indian Cabildo's authorization, he could r e a l l y advance t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . As h i s e a r l i e r a c t i v i t i e s demonstrated, F r . C a l i x t o was both astute and determined, and he f i n a l l y convinced the Indian Cabildo to give him the o f f i c i a l authorization which he f e l t would enable him to present t h e i r case e f f e c t i v e l y to the Crown. In October 1756 the Indian Cabildo of Lima authorized F r . C a l i x t o to present the p e t i t i o n o r i g i n a l l y en-trusted to him i n 1744 as well as other p e t i t i o n s at h i s own or the Cabildo's d i s c r e t i o n . ^ The meetings v/hich F r . C a l i x t o held with Indian nobles and the Indian Cabildo at t h i s time were betrayed by an Indian o f f i c i a l to the corregidor of q the Cercado. In view of Superunda's p o l i c y of nipping any new manifestations 1 9 0 of Indian discontent i n the bud, he launched an i n v e s t i g a t i o n to determine the aims of the secret meetings. In the context of Superunda's repressive p o l i c y secrecy would be e s s e n t i a l i f , as F r . C a l i x t o had asserted before, h i s aim continued to be the representation of even the most r a d i c a l elements of Indian society i n protests to the Crown. A d e t a i l e d examination of the evidence gathered by the i n v e s t i g a t i o n entrusted to a judge of the Audiencia of Lima reveals nothing to i n d i c a t e that F r . C a l i x t o or h i s cohorts were plan-ning anything more d r a s t i c than f u r t h e r p e t i t i o n s to the Crown. The judge, a s s i s t e d by F r . C a l i x t o ' s superiors, entered h i s c e l l and took a l l the papers he could f i n d . According to Superunda these papers turned up only three documents of i n t e r e s t . One was the Cabildo's appointment of F r . C a l i x t o as t h e i r agent. The second was the l e t t e r written by F r . C a l i x t o to the Indian Cabildo when he v/as i n Spain, a l e t t e r which, i n Superunda's opinion, demonstrated "toda l a animosidad de este sujeto." This d e s c r i p t i o n was t a i l o r e d to f i t the Viceroy's preconceived image of F r . C a l i x t o . In f a c t the l e t t e r i n question was written i n an attempt to convince the members of the Indian Cabildo to appoint F r . C a l i x t o as t h e i r o f f i c i a l representative. Although i t d e t a i l e d the circumstances of h i s journey to Spain the only animosity i t revealed was dir e c t e d towards the Indian Cabildo f o r having refused to appoint him i n the f i r s t place. The t h i r d document was a l e t t e r written from Madrid to the Indian Cabildo of Lima by a Peruvian Indian noble, F e l i p e T a c u r i Mena. 1 0 Superunda described the tone of t h i s l e t t e r as malevolent and there i s some b a s i s f o r t h i s impression. F e l i p e T a c u r i expressed h i s b i t t e r disappointment at the f a i l u r e of a Peruvian Indian noble v/ho r e s i d e d i n Mexico, J u l i a n S i r i l o y C a s t i l l a , to v/in the support 191 of the Crown and C o u n c i l of the Indies f o r a plan to e s t a b l i s h a school f o r Indians, ^ h i s school was intended to be run s t r i c t l y by Indians. F e l i p e Tacuri placed the blame f o r the f a i l u r e of t h i s plan on the Indian Cabildo of Lima i t s e l f . He accused the Indian Cabildo of only making enemies by pre-senting wide-ranging indictments of the Spanish administration to the Crown and argued that i f only the Cabildo would r e s t r i c t i t s p e t i t i o n s to s p e c i f i c 11 demands they might be met. I f t h i s l e t t e r had any e f f e c t on the Indian e l i t e of Lima i t would probably have been as a moderating i n f l u e n c e . I t may i n f a c t have sirayed the Cabildo to authorize once again the presentation of the p e t i -t i o n regarding the charter of p r i v i l e g e s since Tacuri Mena s p e c i f i c a l l y noted 12 that he expected favorable r e s u l t s from j u s t such a p e t i t i o n . Although Superunda e x p l i c i t l y stated that none of the evidence produced by the i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the Indian meetings of 1756 constituted proof of any subversive plans, he nevertheless clung to h i s p o l i c y of severe r e p r i s a l s against Indians involved i n any sort of protest. F r . C a l i x t o , whom Superunda quite r i g h t l y i d e n t i f i e d as the i n s t i g a t o r of the meetings, bore the brunt of these r e p r i s a l s . F r . C a l i x t o was imprisoned i n h i s c e l l and p r o h i b i t e d from having any contact with Indians. In November 1757 the Viceroy ordered him e x i l e d to Spain where he was confined to the Franciscan monastery i n Adamuz and s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d from returning to America. 1"^ Not only d i d the e x i l e of F r . Calixto put an end to h i s career as an Indian representative, but i t also marked the end of the culminating phase of the Indian reform movement. While Superunda's repressive p o l i c i e s towards manifestations of Indian discontent amongst the Indian e l i t e of Lima e f f e c t i v e -l y s t i f l e d Indian protests i n the short term, i t d i d so at great expense i n 192 t h e l o n g r u n . F r . C a l i x t o h a d p l a y e d a n i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n c o n c i l i a t i n g t h e a d v o c a t e s o f v i o l e n c e t o a p o l i c y o f p e a c e f u l a g i t a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , t h e I n d i a n e l i t e o f L i m a , b y c h a n n e l i n g t h e d i s c o n t e n t o f r u r a l c a c i q u e s i n t o t h e I n d i a n r e f o r m movement, h a d p r o v i d e d t h e s e I n d i a n l e a d e r s w i t h some hope o f a l l e v i a t i n g t h e i r o p p r e s s e d c o n d i t i o n . T h e f a i l u r e o f t h e R e p r e s e n t a ' c i 6 n t o b r i n g b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s d e s t r o y e d t h e f a i t h o f a l l b u t t h e - m o s t r a b i d H i s p a n o p h i l e s w i t h i n t h e L i m a I n d i a n e l i t e i n c o n t i n u e d p r o t e s t . V i c e r o y S u p e r u n d a ' s e f f e c t i v e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f I n d i a n g r i e v a n c e s Ik t h r o u g h a n y c h a n n e l s b u t t h o s e s u b j e c t t o V i c e r e g a l c o n t r o l compounded t h i s l o s s o f f a i t h . I n f a c t , S u p e r u n d a ' s p o l i c y e f f e c t i v e l y s u p p r e s s e d I n d i a n p r o t e s t i n L i m a u n t i l a f t e r h i s r e i g n . Some t i m e i n t h e 1 7 6 0 ' s , h o w e v e r , t h e L i m a C a b i l d o must have p r e s e n t e d y e t a n o t h e r a p p e a l f o r t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e c h a r t e r o f p r i v i l e g e s ' 'and i n I766 t h e document v/as f i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n Lima."*'" ' T h e f a c t t h a t t h e I n d i a n e l i t e c o u l d now a t t e m p t t o u p g r a d e t h e i r s t a t u s t h r o u g h e d u c a t i o n a n d employment i n c a r e e r s s u i t a b l e t o t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l n o b i l i t y may e x p l a i n t o a l a r g e e x t e n t why t h e L i m a C a b i l d o abandoned i t s a d v o c a c y o f t h e w e l f a r e o f I n d i a n s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . The i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e c h a r t e r o f p r i v i l e g e s w o u l d have o p e n e d u p a w h o l e new avenue o f u p w a r d m o b i l i t y t o t h e u r b a n I n d i a n s a n d h e n c e r e d u c e d t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n t h e w e l f a r e o f t h e i r r u r a l c o m p a t r i o t s . B y t h i s t i m e t h e u n r e s t w h i c h a c c o r d i n g t o many o b s e r v e r s h a d b e e n s e e t h i n g w i t h i n P e r u v i a n I n d i a n s o c i e t y f o r some t i m e was g a i n i n g e x p r e s s i o n i n a n i n -c r e a s i n g number o f s p o n t a n e o u s u p r i s i n g s . F o r i n s t a n c e , i n t h e p r o v i n c e o f S i c a s i c a t h e f r u s t r a t i o n s v e n t e d b y t h e I n d i a n s i n 1770 i n t h e murder o f a n o f f i c i a l i n v o l v e d i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e r e p a r t i m i e n t o e r u p t e d a g a i n i n 193 1771 i n a mutiny by three thousand Indians against the corregidor. S i m i l a r l y i n 1774 the Indians of Pataz imprisoned two corregidores whom they released a f t e r being guaranteed a pardon by the imprisoned o f f i c i a l s . The Audiencia of La P l a t a conducted an i n v e s t i g a t i o n into that u p r i s i n g and concluded that abusive repartimientos had been i t s main cause. The gravity of t h i s outbreak moved the Audiencia to assert that i t dared not attempt to apprehend i t s i n -s t i g a t o r f o r fear of grave consequences. 1^ These uprisings a l l had common features. They were dire c t e d against corregidores and they were e i t h e r l e d by caciques or i n i t i a t e d i n support of the r i g h t s of abused caciques. T h i s l a t t e r f a c t indicates that the r u r a l caciques were recognized by the t r i b u t a r i e s as leaders and spokesmen. These caciques were therefore i n a p o s i t i o n to d i r e c t the resentment of r u r a l Indians against the Spanish administration. The in e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the p r o t e c t o r a l system and the abdication of the Lima Indian e l i t e of t h e i r r o l e as advocates of oppressed r u r a l Indians l e f t violence as the only possible means by which these Indians could hope to put an end to t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n by c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s . The Lima Indian e l i t e ' s abdication of i t s r o l e as advocates of the wel-fare of a l l groups of Indian s o c i e t y together with the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of r u r a l Indian uprisings i n the 1770's provide the background f o r us to present an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Rebellion of Tupac Amaru i n the 1780's consistent both with Jose Gabriel's declared reformist, l o y a l i s t p o s i t i o n and with h i s adoption of r e b e l l i o n as a means of achieving reformist aims. Both Tupac Amaru's a c t i v i t i e s before and a f t e r he i n i t i a t e d r e b e l l i o n and the theories presented i n h i s w r i t i n g s substantiate our theory that Tupac Amaru adapted 19k the Indian reformist ideology to the changed conditions of the 1770's.J"f Although a rural cacique, JosS Gabriel Tupac Amaru was a wealthy and privileged one. He had been educated in the Jesuit college of San Francisco de Borja i n Cuzco where he v/as made aware of the legal and religious basis of Spain's protectoral policy towards the Peruvian Indians. As his subsequent act i v i t i e s and writings reveal Jose Gabriel was under the i l l u s i o n that this policy could i n fact play a decisive role i n the actions of the colonial administration and the Crovm. His repeated declarations of adhesion to the Spanish Monarchy were but one reflection of his belief i n the ultimate justice of the Spanish regime. As early as 1770, Tupac Amaru attempted, just as the Indian reformists had done, to take f u l l advantage of the legal privileges to which he v/as en-t i t l e d as an Indian noble. Kis education i n the reality of the Spanish regime v/as about to begin. He travelled to Lima i n order to lay claim to the marquisate of Oropesa. Although his claim to this t i t l e v/as tenuous, i t was approved in theory by the Audiencia. Tupac Amaru's victory, however, was short-lived, for the o f f i c i a l recognition of his claim v/as withheld from publication. Like earlier reformists such as Morachimo and Fr. Calixto whose achievement of support i n theory from the Council of the Indies had proven to bring no effect-ive action on the part of the colonial administration, JosS Gabriel must have been somewhat disillusioned by the inconclusive outcome of his claims to the marquisate. In 1777 he v/as threatened with the possibility of losing his caciqueship to a usurper, Diego Felipe Betancour. This threat came not from the conditions which enabled individuals willing to cooperate with corregidores to usurp 195 r i g h t f u l but impoverished caciques, but rather from the widely acknowledged corruption of the Audiencia of Lima. Betancour had i n i t i a t e d l e g a l proceedings to prove h i s claim to the caciqueship held by Jose G a b r i e l . The inconclusive r e s u l t s of t h i s l i t i g a t i o n gave Tupac Amaru an ever greater personal stake i n the reform of the Spanish administration. While i n Lima to rebut Betancour 1s claims, Jose G a b r i e l adopted p r e c i s e l y the t a c t i c which had characterized the attempts of the Lima Indian e l i t e to win the implementation of t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l p r i v i l e g e s . He attempted to r e i n f o r c e h i s t h e o r e t i c a l r i g h t to the caciqueship with e f f e c t i v e leadership of the Indians of h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n . Indeed he pre-sented a p e t i t i o n against the mita of Potosi not only on behalf of the Indians of h i s own j u r i s d i c t i o n , but also on behalf of those of other caciqueships. Again, however, h i s experience repeated that of the Indian reformists of Morachimo's time. Jos§ Gabriel's p e t i t i o n was rebuffed f o r lack of evidence. This disappointment must have l e d him at l e a s t to consider the conclusion reached by some members of the Lima Indian e l i t e by 1748—that i t was f u t i l e to attempt to gain concessions f o r any segment of Indian societ y through the e x i s t i n g c o l o n i a l bureaucracy. There i s some evidence to support the b e l i e f that at t h i s time Jose Ga b r i e l attempted to present h i s case to the Spanish Crown through the i n t e r -18 vention of an uncle, Bias Tupac Amaru. By 1780, however, there was ample evidence that Indians throughout the V i c e r o y a l t y were prepared to rebel against 19 t h e i r corregidores. At the same time, the Crown's appointment of the V i s i t o r Jose Antonio de Areche to i n i t i a t e reforms i n the Peruvian administration as a foundation f o r the implementation of the intendant system gave cause f o r Jose G a b r i e l to hope that at l a s t the Monarch had taken d e f i n i t i v e action to rout 196 the corrupt administration. Much as Areolae's actions b e l i e d i t , h i s i n s t r u c t i o n s were predicated not only on a desire to modernize the c o l o n i a l economy and ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n , but on a desire to do so i n a way which would e f f e c t i v e l y ameliorate the conditions of the Indians. I t was the Indian population which t h e o r i s t s such as Campillo on whose plan the proposed reforms were based i d e n t i -f i e d as the Crown's greatest treasures i n America. A prime fa c t o r i n the plan to integrate Indians into a productive c o l o n i a l economy was the a b o l i t i o n of the o f f i c e of corregidor and i t s s u b s t i t u t i o n by intendants. In view of t h i s plan, Tupac Amaru's d e c i s i o n to i n i t i a t e an Indian r e v o l t by murdering a corregidor could be interpreted as an attempt to demonstrate the cacique's aim of hastening 20 reforms already approved by the Crown. By harnessing the Indian r e v o l t s already occurring i n various parts of Peru and d i r e c t i n g them to serve the aims of the Crown, Jos§ G a b r i e l , l i k e F r . C a l i x t o e a r l i e r , may i n f a c t have been making a l a s t - d i t c h e f f o r t to preserve the Spanish Monarchy i n Peru i n the b e l i e f that the Crovm was indeed on the verge of f i n a l l y implementing the p r o t e c t o r a l p o l i c i e s i t had so long espoused. The writings of Tupac Amaru confirm t h i s theory. Both at the beginning and the end of h i s leadership of the Indian r e b e l l i o n Tupac Amaru described himself as a continuer of a long t r a d i t i o n of protest emanating from both Indian and Spanish sources. In November 1780, addressing himself to the Creoles, he a t t r i b u t e d h i s advocacy of the Indians' cause to the same motive which had insp i r e d e a r l i e r appeals by members of the Indian n o b i l i t y — an o b l i g a t i o n inherent i n the p r i v i l e g e d status of the n o b i l i t y : Como los repetidos clamores de l o s naturales de estas Provincias . . . aunque habian producido varias Justas quejas, a todos l o s Tribunales, no hallaban remedio oportuno para contenerlos, y que pues yo como e l mas Distinguido debia mirarlos con aquella lastima que l a misma naturaleza exige, y mas con estos i n f e l i c e s . ^ l 197 In March 1 7 8 l , Tupac Amaru explained the failure of earlier appeals to achieve effective reform in terms characteristic of the Indian protest movement—the Monarch's ignorance of the true plight of the Peruvian Indians: Publico y notorio es lo que contra ellos han informado al Real Consejo los SS. Arzobispos, Obispos, Cabildos, Pre-lados y Religiones, Curas y otras personas constituldas en dignidad y letras, pidiendo remedio a favor de este Reyno: causa de ellos, como al presente ha sucedido y esta sucediendo, y ha sido tan grande nuestro infortunio para que no sean atendidos en los Reales Consejos: sera la causa porque no han llegado a los reales oldos.^ Jos£ Gabriel Tupac Amaru held the Indian reformists' view that the Spanish Monarch's benevolence towards his Indian subjects was thv/arted by the deliberate and malevolent intervention of his own administrators. Jos§ Gabriel defined the Crown's legislation as an indication of the Monarch's real commitment to the protection of Indian welfare in terms similar to those of earlier Indian protests. Compare for example the following lines from the Representaci6n: . . . pues no hay otra cosa en los archivos y leyes y cedulas, con que nos han favorecido, tan inmensa y copiosamente, vuestros gloriosisimos progenitores . . . si por lo que se experimenta practicado todo es en contra de lo que esta. raandado; por eso lloramos y gemimos. (p. 8) with these words of Tupac Amaru: No tengo voces para explicar su real grandeza, que como es nuestro amparo, protecci6n y escudo, es el pafio de lagrimas nuestras; que como es nuestro Padre y Sefior, es nuestro refugio y consuelo: no halla voces nuestro re-conocimiento, amor y fidelidad, para del todo explicar y decir, que cosa es el Rey mi Sefior: publiquen su real grandeza, expliquen la fragua de su amor las Recopiladas de Indias, las ordenanzas y cedulas reales, las provisiones, encargos, ruegos y demas prevenciones, dirijidas a los SS. Vireyes, Presidentes . . . que juzgo en todo lo referido no hay punto, apice ni coma que no sea a favor de sus pobres indios ne6fitos . . . es pues de sentir que siendo tan ex-cesivo el favor y amor de nuestros soberanos, que nos amparan y protejen, sea mayor la fragua de nuestro tormento y cautiverio.23 198 Tupac Amaru's description of the plight of Indian society as one of c a p t i v i t y i s reminiscent of the terms i n which the Representaci6n expressed the Indians' despair over t h e i r subjugation. In f a c t , Tupac Amaru used the same analogy as the Representaci6n, the comparison between the ca p t i v i t y of the Jews and that of the Christian Indians. More importantly, he used t h i s analogy i n essen t i a l l y the same way to depict the Indians' pligh t as f a r worse than that of the Jews i n c a p t i v i t y : Por providencia divina, libertaron a l i n f e l i z pueblo de I s r a e l del poder de Goliat y Fara6n: fue l a raz6n porque la s lagrimas de estos pobres cautivos dieron tales voces de compasi6n, pidiendo j u s t i c i a a l c i e l o , que en cortos anos salieron de su martirio y tormento para l a t i e r r a de promisi6n: mas lay! que a l f i n lograron su deseo, aunque con tanto l l a n t o y lagrimas. Mas nosotros, i n f e l i c e s indios, con mas suspiros y lagrimas que, e l l o s , en tantos siglos no hemos podido conseguir ningun a l i v i o . ' ^ S i m i l a r l y , JosS Gabriel followed the pattern set by the Representaci6n i n a t t r i b u t i n g the tyranny suffered by the Indians not to the Spanish Monarch but to the corrupt Spanish administration. The c o l l e c t i v e nature of t h i s tyranny was expressed i n terms of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of Pharaohs. Jos§ Gabriel wrote " e l Fara6n que nos persigue, maltrata y h o s t i l i z a , no es uno solo, sino muchos, tan inicuos y de corazones tan depravados" Jand the Representaci6n stated parece que nos dominan egipcios y no espanoles; que nos sujetan Faraones y no Reyes cat6licos" (p. 10). Both Tupac Amaru and the Representaci6n gave an i d e n t i c a l explanation for the greater severity of the Indians' oppression i n r e l a t i o n to that of other societies throughout history. Compare the Representaci6n's "eran los egipcios id61atras y cat6licas los judios; pero aca. los espanoles son cristianos y cr i s t i a n o s son los indios. S i fueron cautivados por Nabuco Donosor, por Necao, 199 Alejandro, Antioco y l o s Romanes, hubo l a disparidad de ser unos i n f i e l e s , y f i e l e s l o s otros" (p. kO) with Tupac Amaru's " l o s Nerones y A t i l a s , de quienes l a h i s t o r i a r e f i e r e sus iniquidades, y de s61o o i r se estremecen los cuerpos y ': l l o r a n l o s corazones. En estos hay disculpa porque a l f i n fueron i n f i e l e s ; pero l o s c o r r e j i d o r e s , siendo bautizados, desdicen del cristianismo con sus obras, y mas parecen Ate i s t a s , C a l v i n i s t a s y Luteranos, porque son enemigos de Dios y de l o s hombres, i d 6 l a t r a s d e l oro y l a p l a t a . " In keeping with h i s accusation that the Spanish administrators were i d o l a t e r s , Jose G a b r i e l invoked the missionary argument that such corrupt of-f i c i a l s were destined f o r divine punishment f o r t h e i r oppression of the Indians: " . . . saben que hay Dios, y no l o creen remunerador y j u s t i c i e r o , y sus' obras nos l o manifiestan . . . e l l o s nunca se confiesan, porque estan con e l robo en 27 l a mano, y no h a l l a n sacerdote que l o s absuelva." Just as the Representaci6n had used such a consideration as a b a s i s f o r suggesting that r e b e l l i o n would be a suitable c a s t i g a t i o n f o r tyranny, Jos§ Gabriel Tupac Amaru accused the Spanish administration of i l l e g i t i m a c y both on r e l i g i o u s grounds as "ap6statas de l a f e " and on secular grounds as " t r a i d o r e s 28 a l Rey." Therefore, he concluded that the destruction of t h i s t y r a n n i c a l administration would be a great s e r v i c e to the Crown: " . . . luego e l l o s deben ser destruidos a fuego y sangre en e l instante; luego matando nosotros a l o s correjidores y sus secuaces, hacemos grandes s e r v i c i o s a su Majestad, y somos 29 dignos de preraio y correspondencia." Jose Gabriel's adherence to the b e l i e f that by r e b e l l i n g against the administration, he could serve the j o i n t interests' of the Indians and of the Crown v/as based on the same unwarranted f a i t h i n the Crown's avowed devotion 2 0 0 to p r o t e c t o r a l i d e a l s that had permeated the Indian reform movement from i t s i n c e p t i o n . This f a i t h had been maintained over two centuries by the Spanish Crown's l i p - s e r v i c e to p r o t e c t o r a l i d e a l s i n contradiction to the e x p l o i t a t i v e p o l i c i e s pursued by i t s c o l o n i a l administration. The designation of a s p e c i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n , the p r o t e c t o r a l system, to execute the Crovm's benevolent i n -tentions had not only perpetuated the f i c t i o n of i t s benevolence, but also provided a vehicle through which Indians could formulate t h e i r complaints against the Spanish administration within the framework of Spanish c o l o n i a l theory. The existence of a ready-made explanation f o r the cause of the Indians' oppression as well as a ready-made panacea f o r that oppression proved to be a l i m i t i n g f a c t o r on the development of Indian reformist thought i n eighteenth-century Peru. The reformists' adoption of l e g i s l a t i o n based on sixteenth-century r a d i c a l missionary i d e a l s as a panacea for the detrimental e f f e c t s which the Spanish c o l o n i a l regime had had on Indian s o c i e t y prevented them from developing a r e a l i s t i c awareness of the complex s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s which existed amongst the various sectors of c o l o n i a l society. As a r e s u l t , the Indian reformist ideology was i l l prepared to meet the challenge of e f f e c t i n g a p r a c t i c a l a l l i a n c e with non-Indian groups such as the clergy and the Creoles whose support could have spelled the success of the r e b e l l i o n of 1 ? 8 0 . 2 0 1 NOTES CHAPTER VI The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the conspiracy of Lima i n 1 7 5 0 and the subsequent u p r i s i n g i n H u a r o c h i r i i s based on d e s c r i p t i o n s of the events given by the V i c e r o y , Superunda, i n l e t t e r s t o the King. The f i r s t of these was v / r i t t e n on 2 4 September 1 7 5 0 and has been t r a n s c r i b e d by Castro Arenas, pp. x x i - x x i v . The second was dated 1 5 January 1 7 5 7 and has been t r a n s c r i b e d i n C a l i x t o , pp. 84 - 9 1 . Since the main concern i n t h i s chapter i s the i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of the events described i n these l e t t e r s , I w i l l simply r e f e r the reader t o these sources f o r c o r r o b o r a t i o n of the f a c t s . A number of a d d i t i o n a l d e t a i l s on the r e b e l l i o n i n H u a r o c h i r i , presented i n Vargas, H i s t o r i a , IV, 248-2 5 3 , a l s o serve as a b a s i s f o r our d e s c r i p t i o n of the events of 1 7 5 0 . 2 N o t i c i a s s e c r e t a s , I , 3 3 1 . Estado p o l i t i c o , p. 8. Superunda, 1 7 5 6 i n C a l i x t o , p. 86. 5 "He tornado todas l a s medidas, para que este v e c i n d a r i o no v i v a en des-cuido e imprudente confianza y e v i t e con l a precauci6n e l p e l i g r o a que pueden exponserlo en e l despecho y l a barbaridad de una naci6n siempre mal contenta y f a c i l m e n t e movible y que segun a c r e d i t a l a e x p e r i e n c i a de l o s tiempos pasados, no depone e l pensamiento de romper l a obediencia." See Superunda, 1 7 5 1 i n Castro Arenas, p. x x i i i . 2 0 2 6 Q In h i s l e t t e r of 1750 °uperunda described the proponents of the Representaci6n as " r e l i g i o s o s de cortos talentos y que haciendo capricho su pa t r o c i n i o no advierten l a s raalas consecuencias de a l e n t a r l e s unos pensaraientos tan f u e r a de toda prudencia de gobierno." (In Castro Arenas, p. x x i i . ) 7 . . . losi raismos de nuestra Naci6n . . . han d i s c u r r i d o que yo l e s engaSaba, por cuyo motivo no han querido concurrir con dinero alguno para f a c i l i t a r nuestra pre-tensifin. Tambien vivo muy quejoso de vuestras mercedes, por no haber querido creer l a palabra que l e s d l , de que en l a primera ocasi6n que pudiera pasar a Espafia, l o habla de ejecutar. See F r . C a l i x t o , l e t t e r to Indian Cabildo i n C a l i x t o , p. 5 4 . o "Poder" of 3 0 October 1 7 5 6 . See note 4 , Chapter V. 9 Superunda, 1 7 5 7 , i n C a l i x t o , p. 8 7 . 1 0 L e t t e r of F e l i p e Tacuri Mena to the Indian Cabildo of Lima (Madrid, 3 0 J u l y 1755) transcribed i n C a l i x t o , pp. 8O-83. 1 1 ". , . todos l o s Seriores estan a mi favor por di r i g i r m e mi memorial s6lo a mi pretensi6n, s i n dar quejas de.nadie, porque e l dar quejas de todos es l o que nos pierde, y no hacemos adeptos." See Tacuri Mena i n C a l i x t o , p. 8 2 . 12 "Tengo presentado un memorial a l Consejo, en que pido se me de un decreto, en que mande a todas l a s Religiones generalmente reciban a todos l o s ind i o s , concurriendo en e l l o s l a s condiciones necesarias . . . y . . . todos los Senores estan a mi favor." See Tacuri Mena i n C a l i x t o , p. 8 2 . Superunda, 1 7 5 7 , i n C a l i x t o , p. 90 and Fray Antonio Juan de Molina, Comisario General, l e t t e r to "Padre Guardian de nuestro Convento de San Francisco del Monte," (Madrid, 12 December I 7 6 O ) transcribed i n C a l i x t o , pp. 9 3 - 9 4 . 203 14 . . . he hecho advertir a l o s mas racionales y menos sospechosos se abstengan de semejantes juntas y con-currencias secretas, que l a s puertas d e l Palacio estan siempre abiertas para o i r l e s en j u s t i c i a , que no se dejen l l e v a r de sugestiones interesadas, y cualesquiera recursos e instancias que quieran hacer a Vuestra Majestad, l a s practiquen por medio de sus protectores y ministros que tienen senalados para que l o s favorezcan. Superunda, 1757» i n C a l i x t o , p. 90. 15 Reprinted i n Vargas, Impresos peruanos, VI, 127 f f . l 6 These u p r i s i n g s are described i n Amat, Memoria, pp. 292-298. 17 Since the main i n t e r e s t i n the following d e s c r i p t i o n of Tupac Amaru's a c t i v i t i e s i s i n providing a b a s i s f o r comparison with the a c t i v i t i e s of e a r l i e r •Indian reformists, I r e f e r the reader to the standard a u t h o r i t i e s , L. F i s h e r , The Last Inca Revolt; Daniel V a r c a r c e l , La r e b e l i 6 n de Tupac Amaru and B. Lewin, La r e b e l i 6 n de Tupac Amaru f o r corroboration of the f a c t s . l 8 See Lewin, p. 337 and Rowe, "Movimiento," p. 36 f o r evidence on t h i s possible appeal to the Crown. 1 9 See Lewin, pp. 132-196, 335-378 and L. Fisher, pp. 20, 53-79. 20 For a discussion of Areche's innovations and t h e i r contribution to the climate of dissent v/hich preceded the outbreak of the r e b e l l i o n of 1780 see L. F i s h e r , The Last Inca Revolt, pp. 18-21; B. Lewin, La r e b e l i 6 n , pp. 307-313; Vicente Palacio Atard, Areche Y G u i r i o r , Observaciones sobre e l fracaso de una  v i s i t a a l Peru ( S e v i l l e , 1946); and J . F i s h e r , "La rebeli6n de Tupac Amaru." The preceding a s s o c i a t i o n between the Crown's in t e n t i o n of abolishing the corregidores and the Spanish Monarchy's t r a d i t i o n a l p r o t e c t o r a l ideals and t h e i r possible influence on Tupac Amaru's murder of the corregidor i s based on the argument presented by Juan Perez de Tudela y Bueso, "Acerca d e l s i g n i f i c a d o de 204 Tupac Amaru en l a h i s t o r i a p o l l t i c a de l a Monarquia Indiana" i n Quinto congreso, pp. 454-455. Jose G a b r i e l Tupac Amaru, Edicto (1? November I78O), i n Lewin, p. 421. 22 JosS G a b r i e l Tupac Amaru, "Carta a Jose Antonio Areche" i n Manuel de Odriozola, ed., Documentos h i s t 6 r i c o s del Peru (Lima, 1863), I, 146. Hereafter c i t e d as "Carta a Areche." 2 ^ "Carta a Areche," p. 146. ?4 "Carta a Areche," p. 146. 2 ^ "Carta a Areche," p. 146. "Carta a Areche," p. 146. 2 7 "Carta a Areche," p. 150. "Carta a Areche," p. 151. 2 9 "Carta a Areche," p. 151. 205 BIBLIOGRAPHY I ARCHIVAL SOURCES ARCHIVO GENERAL DE INDIAS A. P e t i t i o n s of I n d i v i d u a l Indian Advocates L i s t e d Chronologically Senor, Don Vicente Morachimo, Cazique de l o s quatro pueblos de Indios, Santiago, Chocope, Cao, v_ San Estevan d e l V a l l e de Chicama, j u r i s d i c i o n  de l a Ciudad de T r u x i l l o , Reyno del Peru, por s i , y_ por l o s r e f e r i d o s  quatro Pueblos, de que fue nombrado Procurador por e l V i r r e y , puesto a l o s Reales p i e s de V. Mag, dice; Que viene quatro m i l leguas de aqui, no tanto por su propio i n t e r e s , quanto por hacer presente a V. Mag, e l  desamparo t o t a l de l o s miserables Indios, y_ l a t y r a n i a con que general-mente son tratados de todos l o s Ministros Espanoles, y_ en especial de de l o s V i s i t a d o r e s . [Madrid, 1722] (Lima 437). Sehor, Don Vicente Mora Chimo Capac, Cacique p r i n c i p a l de l o s Pueblos de Indios Santiago, San Pedro, y_ San Pablo de Chocope, Santa Mafia Magdalena de Cao, y_ San Estevan, en e l V a l l e de Chicama, San Salvador de Ma'nciche, y_ Puerto de Guanchaco, todos de l a J u r i s d i c i o n de l a Ciudad de T r u x i l l o , Z R^ocurador General de sus Naturales, por nombramiento del Govierno  superior del Reyno del Peru, usando de l a facultad de este t i t u l o , por  s i , y_ en nombre de dichos Indios, se pone a. l o s Re'ales pies de V. Mag. y_ di c e : Que aviendo passado a estos Reynos e l ano de 1721, a pedir j u s t i c i a  contra Don Pedro de Alsamora, V i s i t a d o r de T i e r r a s . [Madrid, 1724] (Lima 43o7. Morachimo, Vicente de. Letter to the King. January, 1725. (Lima 438). Choquihuanca, Jos§. L e t t e r to Viceroy C a s t e l f u e r t e . 6 September 1727. (Lima 495). Sefior. Don Pedro Nieto de Vargas, Diputado de l o s Indios d e l Reyno d e l Peru, en v i r t u d de sus Poderes Generales, felizmente exaltado baxo de l o s  Reales pies de V. Mag, dice; Que por e l afio passado de 1732, expuso a l a docta, y_ j u s t i f i c a d a censura de l o s Ministros de V. Mag, en su Real  Consejo de l a s Indias, un breve resumen de l o s agravios, que padecian  l o s Indios de aquellas Provincials! [Madrid, 1734] (Lima 440). 206 G a r c i a L l a g l l a , H i l a r i o . P e t i t i o n t o the Crown. [ 1737 ] (Lima 441). Caxiamarca Condor Guanca, B i a s . L e t t e r to Morachimo. 7 March 1737. (Lima 495). Le6n y Escand6n, Pedro de. Defense of the Cacique of S i e t e Huarangas. [1744] (Lima 540). C a l a y Ortega, F r . I s i d o r o de. Dep o s i t i o n to the Cou n c i l of the I n d i e s . N.d. (Lima 5 4 l ) . . D e p o s i t i o n to the Council of the I n d i e s . 9 January 1751. (Lima 5 4 l ) . B. C o l l e c t i v e I n d i a n P e t i t i o n s L i s t e d C h r o n o l o g i c a l l y P e t i t i o n to the Crown signed by F r a n c i s c o Esteban Montero, C r i s t o b a l Asmare, Pablo de l a Cruz, Pedro V a l e n t i n , F r a n c i s c o Chuqui paucar Atauchi Inga, F e l i p e I s i d o r o Colquiruna, Juan B a u t i s t a Cinchiguaman, [Lorenzo?] Avendano. Lima [1708] (Lima 438). Copy of p e t i t i o n to the Viceroy signed by Domingo.Chaiguac, Fr a n c i s c o P a u l l i Chumbi Saba Capac Inga, Lazaro Poma Inga, Juan C a r l o s Acasio, Bartholome Rodriguez Apoalaya, F r a n c i s c o Chuqui paucar, Salvador Puycon, Juan Navarro, Joseph Anastacio Pacheco, Juan Poma Inga, N i c o l a s Galindo, Juan Gonzalez Cargua Paucar, Antonio Gomes V i l c a Guaman. [October, 1711] (Lima 495). Copy of p e t i t i o n t o the Viceroy signed by F r a n c i s c o Saba Capac Inga, Juan Ucho Inga T i t o Yupanqui, Joseph de l a Cueva T i t o Guascar Inga, Ventura Songo C u s i Gualpa, Pasqual Cassamusa y S a n t i l l a n , Pedro Panta Chumbe, Sebastian de l o s Reyes, Salvador Puycon, Lorenzo de Abendano, C a r l o s A c a s i o , Joseph de Castro, J a z i n t o Chumbi, B i a s Calderon, Rodrigo Gago, Alonzo Condor Poma, Ramon de l a Rosa. [Between 15 March and 1 A p r i l 1724] (Lima 495). Copy of memorial to the Viceroy. 27 June 1724. (Lima 495). L e t t e r to Vicente de Morachimo signed by F r a n c i s c o Atun Apo Saba Capac T.nga, Joseph T i b u r s i o Chimo Capac Geoquel, Lorenzo de Avendano, Salvador Puicon, [ i n d e c i p h e r a b l e ] Guaraca. 12 May 1726. (Lima 495). P e t i t i o n to the Crown signed by Joseph T i b u r s i o P a r r a l Chimo Capac L i g u a Geoquel, F r a n c i s c o Atun Apo Cuismango Saba Capac Ynga, Lorenzo de Avendano, Domingo Chayguac, Andres d e l Peso C a r b a j a l Caxa P a i c a , Salvador Puicon. 13 May 1726. (Lima 495). 207 Signed copy of p e t i t i o n o r i g i n a l l y directed to the Viceroy on 23 December 1726. Francisco Saba Capac Inga, Joseph Chimo Capac P a r r a l Ligua, Jacinto Chumbi, Marcos Paucar Copacondori, Domingo Chaiguac, Alfonzo Poma Condori Mango Inca. 6 September 1727. (Lima 495). Sefior. Los Caciques y_ Comun de Indios de Payta y_ Colan, Repartimiento de l a Ciudad de P i u r a , en e l Reyno del Peru de V. Mag, dicen; Que siendo  tantas y_ tan repetidas l a s vexaciones que experiment an en l a exaccion de l o s Tributos, l e s han puesto y_ ponen en l a mayor, y_ mas lamentable  r u i n a de verse precisados a ausentarse de aquel P a i s , a l no darse por V. Mag, l a s providencias que contenga, reformen,.. y refrenen los excessos y ambiciones con que se procede a l a exaccion, en e l modo, y_ en l a quota. 11736] (Lima W). Representaci6n verdadera y_ exclamaci6n rendida y_ lamentable que toda l a naci6n  indiana hace a l a Majestad d e l Senor Rey de l a s Espaflas y_ Emperador de  l a s Indias, e l Sefior don Fernando VI, pidiendo l o s atienda y r erne di e , sacandolos d e l afrentoso v i t u p e r i o y oprobio en que estan mas de dos-cientos afios. [Copy made i n 174-9] (Lima 988). "Nos Los Cavildos, J u s t i c i a s y Regimientos de l o s Naturales de esta Ciudad, y de l Pueblo de Santiago d e l Cercado." "Poder" given to F r . C a l i x t o de San JosS Tupac Inca. Lima, 30 October 1756. (Lima 988). C. C o l o n i a l Administration: Documents L i s t e d Chronologically Copy of r e a l cedula of 31 March 1722. (Lima 495). Copy of i n s t r u c t i o n s to the Audiencia of Lima f o r redress of Indian grievances. 1722. 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