UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Oda Nobunaga and the Buddhist institutions McMullin, Neil Francis 1977

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1977_A1 M32_6.pdf [ 21.29MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0094163.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0094163-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0094163-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0094163-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0094163-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0094163-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0094163-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0094163-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0094163.ris

Full Text

ODA NOBUNAGA AND THE BUDDHIST INSTITUTIONS  by  N e i l Francis McMullin B.A., Saint Francis Xavier University, 1960 S.T.B., University of Toronto, 1975 Th.M., Harvard University, 1971:  A Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n the Faculty of Graduate Studies ^(Department of Asian Studies)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required  standard  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia September, 1977  N e i l Francis McMullin  In  presenting this  thesis  an advanced degree at the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  f u r t h e r agree  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  the requirements f o r  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,  make i t  freely available  that permission  for  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f  this  that  study. thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s of  this  representatives. thesis  It  is understood that  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l  w r i t ten pe rm i ss i on .  Department  of  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5  Date  Columbia  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  not be allowed without my  ODA NOBUNAGA AND THE BUDDHIST INSTITUTIONS  Abstract In the l a t t e r h a l f of the sixteenth century, Japan, which for almost one hundred years had been fractured into a great number of small domains ruled by daimyo, was i n the process of being u n i f i e d . Three important figures, of whom the f i r s t was Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582), brought about that u n i f i c a t i o n . Gda Nobunaga's role as a u n i f i e r of the Japanese state has been extensively studied by Japanese h i s t o r i a n s , but i n those studies historians have usually misconstrued the nature and purpose of Oda's p o l i c i e s towards Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s by portraying them as merely destructive, and have overlooked the most important effect of those p o l i c i e s . Oda Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s towards Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s were not as sweepingly negative as has been generally asserted, and t h e i r e f f e c t was not the destruction of those i n s t i t u t i o n s but a profound r e d e f i n i t i o n of the place of Buddhism i n Japanese society.  The greatest obstacle that Oda Nobunaga encountered i n his e f f o r t s t o unify the country was the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s which by the sixteenth century had come to possess great power. That power was of three types: many Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s maintained armies of " c l e r i c - s o l d i e r s " (sohei) or "lay followers" (monto) that interfered  i n secular a f f a i r s and  engaged i n m i l i t a r y campaigns; many owned vast stretches of land spread throughout the country; and many enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, i n dependence, and e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . By far the most powerful opposition to the r e a l i z a t i o n of Oda's goal of a unified country was that put forward by the Ishiyama Honganji, the chief temple of the Honganji branch  of True Pure Land Buddhism (Jodo Shinshu). The Ishiyama Honganji was the apex of a huge organization of monto. and i t was a l s o the hub of the anti-Nobunaga league that was made up of a number of Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , daimyo, and eventually the shogun Ashikaga Toshiaki.  In order to unify the country Oda Nobunaga had to reduce the power of the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , and to that end he pursued three p o l i c i e s , each one directed against one of the types of power enjoyed by those i n s t i t u t i o n s : he eradicated the Buddhist armies o f sphel and monto i n a series of campaigns over the years from 1569 to 1582; he reduced the size of the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s ' land holdings by confiscating many of their estates and by i n s t i t u t i n g a new land-ownership policy; and he denied t h e i r right to independence from the central  administration.  The result of Oda Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s was twofold: the power, land-holdings, and independence o f Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s was severely and permanently reduced; and more importantly, there was a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the place that Buddhism was to occupy i n Japanese society i n the centuries following the sixteenth. The c l a s s i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of the role that Buddhism played  i n Japanese society was no longer accepted; Buddhism lost  i t s influence on a f f a i r s of state as society underwent a process of secularization.  Oda Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s were instrumental  i n ushering i n  a secular world.  Oda Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s towards Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s were investigated through an examination of a c o l l e c t i o n of 1461 documents, the vast maj o r i t y of which are considered  to have been issued by Oda between the  years 1549 and 1582. Because the majority of the documents that were i s -  ii  sued by Oda d e a l w i t h Buddhist understanding of h i s p o l i c i e s  i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o g a i n an towards those i n s t i t u t i o n s by a study o f  t h e s e documents. Much i n f o r m a t i o n on Oda's r e l a t i o n s w i t h Buddhist i n stitutions t h a t was  i s a l s o c o n t a i n e d i n a b i o g r a p h y o f Oda,  the Shincho  w r i t t e n by Ota Izumi no Kami G y u i c h i i n 1610,  years a f t e r  Oda's d e a t h .  iii  K5ki.  twenty-eight  Contents  iv  Introduction  1 Part I  Introduction  9  Chapter 1: The Buddhist I n s t i t u t i o n s , the Emperor, and the Shogun  II  Section 1: An Outline History of the Place of Buddhism i n Japanese Society  12,  Section 2: The Buddhist Institutions i n the Sengoku Period  25  Section 3: Shogun and Emperor i n the Sixteenth Century  5g  Chapter 2; Oda Nobunaga  g4  Section 1: Oda Nobunaga's Character: His Attitude Towards Religion  gg  Section 2: Oda Nobunaga's Rise to Power and His A l l i e s  QJ  Section 3: Oda Nobunaga's Relations with the Shogun and the Emperor  95  Part I I Introduction  IQ9  Chapter 3: Oda Nobunaga's F i r s t P o l i c y Towards Buddhist Institutions  H5  Introduction Section 1: Oda Nobunaga and the Honganji  I19  Section 2: Oda Nobunaga and Mount H i e i  ^g  Section 3: The Azuchi Shuron  2.72  Section 4: Other Applications of Oda's F i r s t P o l i c y Towards Buddhist Institutions  179  Section 5: Oda Nobunaga's Buddhist A l l i e s  lg3  Chapter 4: Oda Nobunaga's Second P o l i c y Towards Buddhist Institutions v  1  9  1  5  Chapter 5: Oda Nobunaga's Third P o l i c y Towards Buddhist Institutions  208  Conclusion  225 Part I I I  Chapter 6: An Evaluation of Oda Nobunaga's P o l i c i e s Towards Buddhist I n s t i t u t i o n s and Their E f f e c t s  229  Introduction  230  Section 1: Oda Nobunaga's Relations with the Various Buddhist Schools .  232  Section 2: The Immediate Results of Oda's P o l i c i e s Towards Buddhist I n s t i t u t i o n s  254  Section 3: An Evaluation of Oda's P o l i c i e s Towards Buddhist I n s t i t u t i o n s  264  Chapter 7: The Secularization of Japanese Society  276  Introduction  277  Section 1: The Place of Buddhism i n Japanese Society During the Time of Toyotomi Hideyoshi and the Tokugawa bakufu  279  Section 2: The Rise of "Human-centrism"  289  Section 3: The Secularization of Japanese Society i n the Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods  296  Section 4: Oda Nobunaga's Role i n the Secularization of Japanese Society  311  Section 5: Conclusion  321  Footnotes  333  Bibliography: Notes on Primary Sources  389  L i s t of References  Glossary  403  412  vi  Introduction  2 In the l a t t e r h a l f of the sixteenth century Oda Nobunaga  1  (1534-1582)  redefined the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Church (Buddhist) and State i n Japan. It was Nobunaga's goal to reunify the Japanese state which, f o r almost a century, had been fractured into hundreds of autonomous domains that were under the control of daimyo who had l i t t l e or no l o y a l t y to the c e n t r a l administration. Powerful Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r i l y the I s h i yama Honganji , the center of the Honganji branch of True Pure Land Buddhism (Jodo-shinshu),  represented  the greatest obstacle to Nobunaga's  r e a l i z a t i o n of h i s goal, and therefore i t was necessary for him to r e duce the power of the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s and bring them under the control of the central administration.  P o l i c i e s .pursued by Oda Nobunaga i n h i s e f f o r t s to reunify Japan resulted not simply i n the reduction of the power of the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s but i n a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the role that Buddhism was to play i n Japanese society over the centuries following the sixteenth. Nobunaga removed Buddhism from the center stage p o s i t i o n that i t had occupied  i n Japanese  society f o r one thousand years, and relegated i t to a p o s i t i o n i n the wings. As a r e s u l t of Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s , which were continued  by Toyo-  toml Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu, Japanese society was reunited and r e b u i l t on a new i d e o l o g i c a l base and there was established a strong and stable central administration that lasted for over two hundred and f i f t y years.  The sixteenth century was a time of exceptional upset i n Japanese society. It was the age of gekokujo "when, according to the t r a d i t i o n a l view, m i l i tary upstarts displaced t h e i r legitimate superiors by treachery and t r i c k 3 ery."  It was an upside down world, a world i n which the most lowly  mem-  3  bers of society strove, often s u c c e s s f u l l y , to displace and replace their masters, and when the sudden transfer of allegiance from one master to another could cause the balance of power i n any given area to s h i f t overnight. It was  a time i n which broad economic, p o l i t i c a l , and  social  changes swept over the country.  In the Studies i n the I n s t i t u t i o n a l History of Early Modern Japan, John Whitney: Hall notes that "The p o s s i b i l i t y that the m i l i t a r y confusion of the Sengoku period masked many fundamental and even revolutionary s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l changes has not been ignored completely by h i s t o r i a n s . " ^ And yet, i t appears that the most fundamental and important change that resulted fasom the Sengoku period i s by and large overlooked by h i s t o rians, namely, the profound change that took place i n the r e l i g i o u s dimension of Japanese society.^ The s o c i a l revolutions of the sixteenth century were accompanied by a r a d i c a l change i n the role that Buddhism played i n Japanese society. Indeed, the s o c i a l turmoil of the Sengoku period may  be seen as a manifestation of the important " r e l i g i o u s " change that  was  taking place. Christopher Dawson's maxim that "Social revolution i s  an index of s p i r i t u a l change."^ may well be applied to the Sengoku period. The s p i r i t u a l change that Japanese society was undergoing i n the s i x teenth century has a p a r a l l e l i n the profound transformation  that Euro-  pean s o c i e t i e s were experiencing at about that same time. Both European and Japanese society were involved i n the process commonly indicated by . the term " s e c u l a r i z a t i o n . "  There were only two other periods i n h i s t o r y when Japanese society underwent changes as profound as those experienced i n the late sixteenth cen-  4  tury. These were the s i x t h and seventh centuries, when the Japanese state was  formed out of an a l l i a n c e of loosely knit clans ( u j i ) , and the late  nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth centuries when Japanese society experienced another major transformation as a r e s u l t of i t s meeting with the West. The p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic changes that occurred  during  those other two periods were somewhat more sweeping i n t h e i r scope than were those that f i n a l l y resulted i n the establishment  of the Tokugawa  Shogunate i n the e a r l y seventeenth century. From a number of perspectives, therefore, those other two periods are more important than the sixteenth century, but i n terms of Japanese r e l i g i o u s h i s t o r y the l a t t e r period i s c e r t a i n l y as important as the other  two.  The importance of Oda Nobunaga's period may  be appreciated when one  un-  derstands the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the sweeping changes that were then taking place i n terms of r e l i g i o u s history. The purpose of this d i s s e r t a t i o n i s to indicate the nature and scale of the change that was undergone by the r e l i g i o u s dimension of Japanese society i n the sixteenth century, and examine Oda Nobunaga's r o l e i n hastening  to  the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of that s o c i -  ety. Our i n t e r e s t i s not p r i m a r i l y i n Nobunaga but i n the change that he imposed on the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n the o v e r a l l r e s u l t of his p o l i c i e s towards them. This w i l l be undertaken by means of an examination of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Nobunaga and the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , part i c u l a r l y h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Ishiyama Honganji.  It would require several l i f e t i m e s to incorporate into one's research a l l the sixteenth century materials that make mention of Nobunaga and his a c t i v i t i e s . There are hundreds, and possibly thousands, of l e t t e r s , d i a -  5  r i e s , chronicles, biographies, and assorted l i t e r a r y materials that cont a i n references to him. In the preparation of t h i s work two primary sources were used: 1. A two volume work e n t i t l e d Oda Nobunaga Monjo no Kenkyu.^ This i s a c o l l e c t i o n by Okuno Takahiro, an acknowledged scholar of Japanese h i s t o ry, of some 1461 documents that were issued i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the sixteenth century, the great majority of which (975 documents) are considered to have been issued by Oda Nobunaga between the years 1549, when he was  f i f t e e n years o l d , and 1582 when he died at the age of forty-eight.  2. The Shincho Koki. This i s a biography of Nobunaga that was written early i n the seventeenth century--probably i n 1610--by Ota Izumi no Kami Gyuichi, a former retainer of Oda's who at the age of eighty-four produced a biography of h i s master i n sixteen f o l i o s from notes that he had  Q made while i n Nobunaga's service. While i t cannot be stated that these works contain a l l the relevant, extant information on Nobunaga's relationship with Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , they do provide more than s u f f i c i e n t information for one to come to understand the nature of that relationship. Just over three hundred of the 1461 documents i n Okuno's c o l l e c t i o n are addressed d i r e c t l y to Buddhist i n s t i tutions, and many other documents, approximately another four hundred, deal i n d i r e c t l y with Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s i n that they contain orders and d i r e c t i o n s by Nobunaga to h i s generals i n t h e i r campaigns against such i n s t i t u t i o n s , reports to other daimyo about those campaigns, reports by Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s to t h e i r a l l i e s about Nobunaga's actions, and so on. Thus approximately one h a l f of the collected documents contain mater i a l r e l a t i n g to Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s — t h i s i n i t s e l f demonstrates the  6  importance that Oda attached  to the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r mem-  bers. Throughout t h i s paper the Japanese word "otera" w i l l be l e f t i n the Japanese rather than translated as "temple" or "monastery" as i s usually the case. This i s because neither of those English terms c o r r e c t l y translates the Japanese.  10  A " t e r a " i s a building that houses a statue of the  Buddha and a community of bonzes or nuns who p r a c t i s e the Buddhist way and explain i t s t e a c h i n g s .  11  An otera i s c e r t a i n l y not a temple f o r the  l a t t e r i s an " e d i f i c e or place regarded p r i m a r i l y as the dwelling place or 'house' of a deity or d e i t i e s ; hence, an e d i f i c e devoted to divine 12 worship."  The word temple, therefore, would be more appropriately ap-  p l i e d to a Shinto shrine; a Zen otera c e r t a i n l y cannot be c a l l e d a temp l e . A monastery i s a "place of residence of a community of persons l i v 13 ing secluded  from the world under r e l i g i o u s vows."  While this term may  more a p t l y be used to translate "otera", i t too i s less than accurate. A Buddhist otera, c e r t a i n l y i n the sixteenth century, was not necessarily inhabited by a group—many small r u r a l otera, branches of l a r g e r , more c e n t r a l l y located i n s t i t u t i o n s , had no resident clergy, and many others were looked a f t e r by but one bonze.who was not necessarily r e t i r e d from the world (many were married) and who was not under any vows equivalent to the C h r i s t i a n monastic vows. While there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s between  14 an otera and a monastery, the two i n s t i t u t i o n s are f a r from i d e n t i c a l . In OUT examination of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Oda Nobunaga and the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , and the r e s u l t s of Nobunaga's p o l i c i e s towards them, we s h a l l discuss the following topics:  7  Part I The place of Buddhism i n Japanese society down to the sixteenth century, and the power of the Buddhist institutions i n the sixteenth century. (Chapter 1) Oda Nobunaga's attitude towards religion and towards Buddhism, and his rise to power i n the latter half of the sixteenth century. (Chapter 2) Part II Nobunaga's policies towards the three types of power possessed by the Buddhist institutions. (Chapters 3 , 4 , and 5 ) Part III An evaluation of Nobunaga's three policies. (Chapter 6) The result of Nobunaga's policies. (Chapter 7)  8  Part I  r  Part I  10  Before we can examine the relationship between Oda Nobunaga and the Buddhist institutions i t i s necessary to appreciate the "character" of both of these major contestants i n the power struggle of the latter part of the sixteenth century. In Chapter 1, therefore, we shall outline f i r s t the history of the "place" of Buddhism i n Japanese society prior to the sixteenth century, and the nature of the power possessed by Buddhist institutions i n the sixteenth century. Because there were other powerful figures in society besides Oda Nobunaga and the Buddhist institutions, namely, the dalmyo, the shogun, and the court, we shall briefly note the type of power they possessed, for their power and position seriously i n fluenced the relationship between Oda and the Buddhist institutions. Our interest i n the daimyo, shogun, and court i s confined to theilnfluence they had on that relationship, and they shall be discussed only in so far as an understanding of their condition i s necessary for an appreciation of the power structure in Japan i n Oda's time.  In Chapter 2 we shall f i r s t examine Nobunaga's attitude towards religion in general, and towards Buddhism i n particular, i n order that we may appreciate the personal factors in the Nobunaga-Buddhism relationship. This examination i s confined to those factors relevant to that relationship and is not meant to be a general character analysis of Nobunaga. Chapter 2 w i l l conclude with a brief description of Nobunaga's power, his a l l i e s , his relationship with the shogun, and finally his relations with the court. Having thereby completed an examination of the setting, we can proceed to discuss the details of Nobunaga's relationship with the Buddhist i n s t i l tutions i n Part II.  Part I  Chapter 1 The Buddhist I n s t i t u t i o n s , the Emperor, and the Shog  12  Part I Chapter 1 Section 1 An Outline H i s t o r y of the Place of Buddhism i n Japanese Society  13  By the l a t e sixteenth century Buddhism had already existed i n Japan for over one thousand years. The character of the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the sixteenth century resulted from myriad and complex f a c t o r s . Buddhism was  1  o f f i c i a l l y received l n Japan i n the middle of the s i x t h cen-  tury when i t was  used by the leaders of the newly developing Japanese  state to bring about a degree of s o c i a l unity theretofore unknown i n Japan. Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s were b u i l t to further the s p i r i t u a l and mater i a l welfare of the state and i t s o f f i c i a l s , and to reinforce p o l i t i c a l authority i n a manner p a r a l l e l to that of the t r a d i t i o n a l Shinto but yond the p a r t i c u l a r i s m of the clans ( u j i ) which had the old society. Buddhism was was  be-  formed the basis of  sponsored as the protector of the state and  seen as a means to j u s t i f y and uphold the r u l i n g regime. It was  the  agency to bind together the nation. In reward for t h i s service Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s were given grants of land, and the Buddhist clergy were appointed as government o f f i c i a l s with state s a l a r i e s .  From the time of the Prince Regent Shotoku (572-621), or at any rate those  2 in authority i n the e a r l y seventh century,  through the time of the Taika  Reform (645-701), there developed an understanding of the relationship between Buddhism and the state according a l l y reinforced each other. The  to which those two phenomena mutu-  Imperial, or secular, law  (obo) and  Buddhist, or r e l i g i o u s , law (buppo) were wedded i n such a way  the  that acts  of Buddhist p i e t y were believed to benefit the state, and the proper conduct of the state was was,  thought to bring Buddhist s p i r i t u a l reward. This  therefore, and i n other words, a Church-State philosophy  to which service to the state was  according  rewarded with r e l i g i o u s merit, and  the  14  p r o p e r performance o f r e l i g i o u s  p r a c t i s e s a s s u r e d the p r o s p e r i t y and  u n i t y o f the s t a t e . T h i s p h i l o s o p h y i s  i n d i c a t e d throughout  the e x p r e s s i o n "abo-huppo f o r m u l a " ,, i . e . , I m p e r i a l  t h i s paper by  law-Buddhist  law  for-  - 3 m u l a , o r "6bo-buppo e q u a t i o n " .  Thus the e a r l y r u l i n g c l a s s d e s i g n e d a concept t h a t would h e l p p r e s e r v e t h e i r p o s i t i o n and guarantee the w e l l - b e i n g o f the new o r d e r . In this  applying  formula the l e a d e r s o f the new Japanese s t a t e r e p l a c e d c l a n - s p o n s o r e d  Buddhist  i n s t i t u t i o n s with state-sponsored  ones i n the i n t e r e s t o f ,  and  on the b a s i s o f a b e l i e f i n , a p a c i f i e d and c o n t i n u i n g Japanese p e o p l e .  In many r e s p e c t s t h i s arrangement was most b e n e f i c i a l t o the Buddhist comm u n i t y , but m a i n l y i n economic and p o l i t i c a l terms. The g r e a t d e f e c t o f t h i s arrangement was t h a t i t d i d h o t a l l o w the Buddhist community t o d e velop i t s  own i n t e g r i t y and c o h e r e n c e . In b o t h China and J a p a n , u n l i k e  I n d i a , t h e r e was no room i n s o c i e t y f o r a group t h a t o r d i n a r y " s o c i e t a l norm. In a word, r e l i g i o u s p a l e o f the s e c u l a r  f o l l o w e d an " e x t r a -  d i d not stand o u t s i d e  institutions  o f the c o u r t and the n o b i l i t y  came t o be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the cause  ( k u g e ) , the more t h e y tended t o l o s e  v i t a l i t y — a v i t a l i t y not t o be r e s t o r e d u n t i l Buddhism fused w i t h i s t i c p o p u l a r r e l i g i o n c e n t u r i e s l a t e r . W h i l e the Buddhist  i.e.,  the  authority.  The c l o s e r the Buddhist  tained i t s  in  their shaman-  orthodoxy m a i n -  i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e by emphasizing the c h a r i s m o f  office,  the t r a n s f e r o f a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the Buddhist community by a p p o i n t -  ment t o o f f i c e ,  the s h a m a n i s t i c  B u d d h i s t s were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by p e r s o n a l  c h a r i s m . By t h e i r v e r y n a t u r e , t h e r e f o r e , the s h a m a n i s t i c  Buddhists  o u t s i d e the d e f i n e d norms o f the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d C h u r c h - S t a t e  were  relation-  15  s h i p and they were e v e r under p r e s s u r e from the c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  to  be brought i n t o c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the " R u l e s f o r t h e Conduct o f Bonzes and Nuns" ( i o n i r y o )  t h a t were w r i t t e n i n t o the T a i h o Gode o f the e a r l y  eighth  4 century. The i d e a l o f a m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i v e C h u r c h - S t a t e p a r t n e r s h i p was not t o be r e a l i z e d . The Nara p e r i o d (710-784) w i t n e s s e d the " e c c l e s i a s t i f i c a t i o n " o f Japanese c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y , and the Buddhist by s u p p o r t i n g  i n s t i t u t i o n s which began  the s t a t e became f o r m i d a b l e c o u n t e r - b a l a n c e s t o i t and c r e -  a t e d out o f the i d e a l o f C h u r c h - S t a t e u n i t y a de f a c t o C h u r c h - S t a t e  ten-  sion.  The T a i h o Code s p e c i f i e d t h a t c e r t a i n l a n d s — s h r i n e and those bestowed on i n d i v i d u a l s  lands, otera  lands,  f o r h i g h l y m e r i t o r i o u s s e r v i c e t o the  s t a t e — w e r e o u t s i d e the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the o f f i c i a l s e n t r u s t e d w i t h g o v e r n i n g the p r o v i n c e s kokushi" enter  (kokushi).  (kokushi-funyu)  (funyu)  These lands enjoyed " N o n - e n t r y o f the  s t a t u s f o r the k o k u s h i were not a l l o w e d  to  them o r c o l l e c t taxes on them. As a r e s u l t , and d e s p i t e the  attempted c o n t r o l s , from the e a r l y Nara p e r i o d o t e r a and p o w e r f u l n o b l e s came t o own I m p e r i a l l y - e x e m p t  estates  (shoen) on which t h e c e n t r a l admin-  i s t r a t i o n d i d not c o l l e c t taxes o r e n f o r c e the law. So much land came t o be c o n t r o l l e d by the Buddhist  I n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t i n 741, f o r example, the  Emperor Kanmu had t o withdraw government s u p p o r t o f Buddhism because the n a t i o n a l t r e a s u r y was d e p l e t e d .  In the l a t t e r p a r t o f the e i g h t h c e n t u r y the Hosso bonze Dokyo t r i e d t o e s t a b l i s h d i r e c t e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c o n t r o l o v e r t h e s t a t e , but h i s failed.  In o r d e r t o f l e e the power and i n f l u e n c e o f the Buddhist  scheme institu-  16  tions  the c o u r t l e f t Nara In 784 and moved t o Helan ( K y o t o ) ,  but t o  t l e a v a i l . The H e i a n p e r i o d (794-1185), which began i n p r o t e s t  lit-  against  the e c c l e s i a s t i f i c a t i o n o f c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y , soon developed i t s  own  burdensome c l e r i c a l i s m . Those i n a u t h o r i t y i n b o t h the s e c u l a r and  reli-  g i o u s spheres o f s o c i e t y throughout the Heian p e r i o d came from the same s m a l l group o f n o b l e f a m i l i e s , and the r e l i g i o u s t o h o l d , and even expand, t h e i r numerous e s t a t e s .  institutions  continued  For example, i n the  e a r l y H e i a n p e r i o d the T o d a i j i , c h i e f o t e r a o f the Kegon s c h o o l  5  o f Bud-  dhism and one o f the most p o w e r f u l o f the Nara o t e r a , h e l d some n i n e t y two  shSen spread throughout t w e n t y - t h r e e p r o v i n c e s .  In the n i n t h c e n t u r y the T e n d a i and Shingon s c h o o l s  a r o s e and d e c l a r e d  the support o f the throne and government t o be t h e i r p r i m a r y d u t y , but  in  f a c t t h e y competed w i t h the n o b i l i t y f o r e x t r a - l e g a l b e n e f i t s and s e c u l a r power and they i n t e r f e r e d time and a g a i n i n temporal a f f a i r s . Buddhist  institutions  owned v a s t h o l d i n g s  Because the  they began t o m a i n t a i n  large  6 f o r c e s o f what were c a l l e d " b o n z e - s o l d i e r s "  (sohei).  The s o h e i were, a t  f i r s t , not r e a l l y bonzes. R a t h e r , they were p e t t y w a r r i o r s  c o n s c r i p t e d by -  7  the l a r g e r o t e r a , p a r t i c u l a r i t y by the K o f u k u j i , E n r y a k u j i , and O n j o j i , which d e v e l o p e d the l a r g e s t estates.  bands o f s o h e i , t o p r o t e c t the o t e r a and t h e i r  The c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was u n a b l e t o p r o v i d e such a s e r v i c e .  Before l o n g , however, the o t e r a began t o use t h e i r s o h e i t o a t t a c k o t h e r o t e r a and t h e r e b y expand t h e i r h o l d i n g s ,  and e v e n t u a l l y the s o h e i were  used a g a i n s t the f o r c e s o f the s t a t e . T h i s l e d t o the development o f what was,  i n e f f e c t , a state within a state.  The g r e a t  Buddhist  institutions  had a l l but t o t a l l y escaped government  c o n t r o l : they h e a v i l y f o r t i f i e d t h e i r o t e r a , m a i n t a i n e d p r i v a t e armies  of  17  s o h e i , c o l l e c t e d r e n t s and taxes  from t h e i r e s t a t e s  K y o t o , and t h e y c o u l d , as a r e s u l t , state.  In  and forwarded none t o  impose t h e i r w i l l on the o f f i c e r s  of  1006, f o r example, s o h e i from the K o f u k u j i marched on Kyoto and  p r e s s u r e d Minamoto Y o r i c h i k a i n t o making t h e i r o t e r a l o r d o f Yamato p r o v ince?. The Emperor Shirakawa, whose r e i g n i n the e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y was c o n s t a n t l y piagued w i t h b a t t l e s  a g a i n s t the s o h e i o f the E n r y a k u j i , once  la-  mented t h a t t h e r e were t h r e e t h i n g s o v e r which he had no c o n t r o l : the waters o f the Kamo r i v e r , the r o l l o f the d i c e , and the mountain bonzes. The mountain, o f c o u r s e , was Mt.  Hiei.  From the t e n t h through the t w e l f t h c e n t u r i e s a w a r r i o r v e l o p e d a n d , w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the shogunate,  (bushi) class de* came t o c o n t r o l the  c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . A swing away from the l a r g e r e l i g i o u s  institutions  began i n the e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y w i t h the appearance o f p o p u l a r A m i d i s t t i s m , but the g r e a t  institutions  meshed i n s e c u l a r d i s p u t e s .  pie-  m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r power and remained e n -  They s i d e d w i t h the T a i r a and the  Minamoto,  the most p o w e r f u l b u s h i f a m i l i e s , who rewarded o r punished them a c c o r d i n g l y - - t h e Minamoto c o n t i n u a l l y c a l l e d on the many Buddhist w i t h a n t i - T a i r a sentiments t o support  institutions  them, and the T a i r a s e i z e d the  o f o t e r a t h a t c o n s p i r e d a g a i n s t them. In 1180, f o r example, T a i r a  lands  Shige-  h i r a burned the T o d a i j i and the K o f u k u j i , among the most p o w e r f u l o t e r a of that time, for taking sides  a g a i n s t him. In the e n d , the Minamoto  vic-  t o r y over the T a i r a was due l a r g e l y t o the f a c t t h a t the bonzes were h o s t i l e t o them.  S p i r i t u a l i t y burned low i n the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y . The E n r y a k u j i and the M i l d e r a f r e q u e n t l y used t h e i r s o h e i a g a i n s t one a n o t h e r , and as  f a r away as  18  Kyushu r e l i g i o u s  i n s t i t u t i o n s r e g u l a r l l y r a i d e d one a n o t h e r ' s  estates.  As i f  t o the r e l a t i v e meaninglessness  in  to witness  of positions  religious  l e a d e r s h i p , a non-Shingon bonze was a p p o i n t e d abbot o f the K o n g o b u j i , the c h i e f o t e r a o f the K o g i Branch o f Shingon Buddhism on Mt.  Koya.  8  Over the c e n t u r i e s from the Nara through the Heian p e r i o d s the shoen s t r a tum o f s o c i e t y c o n s i s t e d o f the t r a d i t i o n a l noble f a m i l i e s o f Kyoto and the Buddhist and S h i n t o r e l i g i o u s  i n s t i t u t i o n s . The p r o p e r t i e s t h a t  the  g r e a t o t e r a h e l d i n the l a t e Heian p e r i o d were immense: f o r example, o f the 357 shoen i n Yamato p r o v i n c e the K o f u k u j i owned 267, the T o d a i j i 73, and the T o j i (Shingon) 4. By c o n t r a s t , the Emperor owned 17 shoen and the kuge 15. N i n e t y p e r c e n t o f a l l e s t a t e s  i n Yamato were owned by o t e r a . Of  the 79 shoen i n Yamashiro p r o v i n c e the Emperor h e l d 20, the kuge 26, and o t e r a 22: the K o f u k u j i had 13, the T o d a i j i 5, and the T o j i 4. Otera h e l d o v e r t h i r t y - f i v e p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l . Of the 29 shoen i n Owari p r o v i n c e , mm  *»  t h e T o d a i j i h e l d 7 and the T o j i 1, between them t w e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l .  In Omi p r o v i n c e a l s o the shoen owned by the T o d a i j i , K o f u k u j i ,  and T o j i amounted t o o v e r t w e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l number o f  shoen  o i n that province. The b u s h i c l a s s took o v e r c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l i n the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the Kamakura " t e n t government" p r e s i d e d over by the shogun. (1192-1333)  (bakufu)  In the e a r l y y e a r s o f the Kamakura p e r i o d  the bakufu d e c l a r e d a l l e s t a t e s and p r i v a t e l a n d s t o be s u b -  j e c t t o the g e n e r a l t a x a t i o n . They a p p o i n t e d m i l i t a r y governors o v e r the p r o v i n c e s t o e x e r c i s e p r o v i n c i a l m i l i t a r y and p o l i c e and l a n d stewards  (shugo)  affairs,  ( j i t o ) o v e r a l l p u b l i c lands and shoen i n o r d e r t o  as-  19  s u r e r e g u l a r t a x c o l l e c t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y , many o f the kuge and h i g h f i c e r s o f the H e i a n p e r i o d l o s t  of-  t h e i r h o l d i n g s . A l s o i n e a r l y Kamakura  times the bakufu f r e q u e n t l y d e s p o i l e d o t e r a h o l d i n g s , but many o f the g r e a t o t e r a c o n t i n u e d t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r h o l d i n g s a n d , not i n f r e q u e n t l y , t h e y won f u r t h e r exemptions. The T o d a i j i k e p t i t s e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l o f vast holdings  i n the p r o v i n c e o f B i z e n , the K o f u k u j i c o n t r o l l e d a l l  Yamato p r o v i n c e , the h o l d i n g s  of  o f the N e g o r o j i were v a l u e d a t s e v e r a l h u n -  10 d r e d thousand k o k u ,  and many o t e r a came t o be h e a v i l y p a t r o n i z e d by the  bakufu. In the Kamakura p e r i o d many o t e r a came t o p o s s e s s what was c a l l e d "None n t r y o f the m i l i t a r y g o v e r n o r "  (shugo-funyu)  the m i l i t a r y governor's  (shugoshi-funyu)  agents"  status—or,  "Non-entry of  s t a t u s — w h e r e b y they  were exempt from i n t e r f e r e n c e by the m i l i t a r y governor i n a f f a i r s  on  t h e i r e s t a t e s . O t e r a t h a t enjoyed shugo-funyu s t a t u s had the e x c l u s i v e right  t o c o l l e c t t a x e s and a r r e s t c r i m i n a l s on t h e i r shugo-funyu  lands  ( s h u g o - f u n y u c h i . o r s h u g o s h i - f u n y u c h i ) , and no b u s h i were a l l o w e d t o e n t e r t h o s e lands b e a r i n g arms.  It  was o r d i n a r i l y understood t h a t o t e r a t h a t  enjoyed t h i s exemption would a r r e s t c r i m i n a l s and hand them o v e r t o the a u t h o r i t i e s , but the shugo o f t e n d i d not have the power t o oversee o r e n f o r c e t h i s p r o c e d u r e so t h a t l i t t l e o r n o t h i n g might be done about  it  s h o u l d an o t e r a r e f u s e t o comply. Thus i n the Kamakura p e r i o d the land system was p a r t i a l l y r e s t o r e d t o the way i t had been c e n t u r i e s e a r l i e r when k o k u s h i - f u n y u s t a t u s was enjoyed by many r e l i g i o u s  As a r e s u l t o f the p o s s e s s i o n o f shugo-funyu s t a t u s  institutions.  many o t e r a e n j o y e d ,  i n e f f e c t , a g r e a t degree o f e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Over the c e n t u r i e s the Kongobuji,  f o r example, c o u l d g r a n t s a n c t u a r y , asylum,' t o any and a l l who  20  sought s h e l t e r t h e r e .  People who committed crimes i n some o t h e r p a r t  of  the c o u n t r y c o u l d evade the punishments due them s h o u l d t h e y have been a b l e t o make i t  t o the s a f e t y o f the Kongobuji i n t o whose  territories m  p u r s u i n g p a r t i e s would not f o l l o w . Thus the p o s s e s s i o n o f  shugo-funyu  s t a t u s and the degree o f e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y connected w i t h i t p l a c e d the religious  institutions  o u t s i d e the p a l e o f c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l .  Many o t e r a were i n complete c o n t r o l o f t h e i r l a n d s — n o any r i g h t  o u t s i d e p a r t y had  t o a p o r t i o n t o the y i e l d o f those lands a n d , as we have n o t e d ,  some o f the g r e a t o t e r a even had j u r i d i c a l a u t h o r i t y on t h e i r From m e d i e v a l times the m a j o r i t y o f Buddhist tant positions i e n t f l a t areas  institutions  holdings.  o c c u p i e d impor-  on s c e n i c , and u s u a l l y s t r a t e g i c , mountains, o r i n c o n v e n l i k e r i v e r d e l t a s and f o r d s , and major c r o s s r o a d s .  Many  o t e r a w e r e , i n f a c t , f o r t r e s s e s . f o r they were o f t e n surrounded by an e a r t h e n r a m p a r t , sometimes w i t h a moat b e h i n d o r b e f o r e i t , and they were u s u a l l y on a p i e c e o f e l e v a t e d ground t h a t made them e s p e c i a l l y d i f f i c u l t to  besiege.  From the m i d d l e ages towns c a l l e d "towns b e f o r e the g a t e s "  (monzenmachi)  12 grew up around many o t e r a . dwellings  T h i s was a n a t u r a l development because the  o f the many bonzes who belonged t o the l a r g e r o t e r a were u s u a l -  l y spread out around the e n t r a n c e s t o the o t e r a p r e c i n c t s . These r e a d y made communities a t t r a c t e d many l a i t y who would take up r e s i d e n c e t h e r e and engage i n s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s  i n the newly d e v e l o p i n g towns.  Large  markets grew up i n many monzenmachi, l a r g e l y t o the b e n e f i t o f the o t e r a f o r t h e y u s u a l l y owned the lands  i n the surrounding area. If  an o t e r a p o s -  sessed shugo-funyu s t a t u s so t o o d i d i t s monzenmachi, and t h i s was an a d -  21  ded a t t r a c t i o n t o those who came t o l i v e t h e r e .  The Kamakura p e r i o d i s  i  J  important f o r the appearance o f the g r e a t  reli-  g i o u s r e f o r m e r s Honen, S h i n r a n , Dogen, E i s a i , and N i c h i r e n , who r e s p o n d ed t o the r e l i g i o u s  a p p e t i t e s o f the medieval p o p u l a c e . With them the pomp  and c i r c u m s t a n c e , and t o a g r e a t e x t e n t the ceremony and m y s t e r y , o f the o l d e r s c h o o l s was passed over i n f a v o r o f s i m p l e p i e t y and s p i r i t u a l  ex-  14 ercises. ered that  D o c t r i n e gave way t o p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e , and i t was  discov-  f a i t h c o u l d p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r group c o h e s i o n . On t h i s  t h e r e d e v e l o p e d the new, independent, r e l i g i o u s  organizations  faith  that  char-  a c t e r i z e d Japanese Buddhism from t h a t time o n . The T e n d a l s c h o o l , the m a t r i x o f those new movements, d e c l i n e d t o where i t became an academic * opposed t o a r e l i g i o u s  c e n t e r , and Buddhism changed from the r e l i g i o n o f  the c u l t u r e d e l i t e t o the r e f u g e o f the lower Still  as  classes.  t h e - o l d i d e a l o f obo-buppo u n i t y was never l o s t . The new s c h o o l s  did  not d e v e l o p any concept a c c o r d i n g t o which l o y a l t y t o the Emperor was s e p a r a t e d from l o y a l t y t o the Buddha, and none m a i n t a i n e d t h a t " t h e  state  ought t o be r u l e d by t h o s e who had seen t h e v i s i o n o f t r u t h and know the w i l l o f h i g h e r p o w e r s . " ^ The r e f o r m e r s took p a i n s 1  t e a c h i n g s would b e n e f i t the s t a t e . Eisai  t o show how t h e i r  For example, P e t e r A. Pardue says  that  " f e l t o b l i g e d t o j u s t i f y Zen as c o n d u c i v e t o the n a t i o n a l w e l -  f a r e " , ^ t o w h i c h end he w r o t e h i s P r o p a g a t i o n o f Zen f o r t h e P r o t e c t 1  i o n o f the Country (Kozen-gokoku-ron).  Pardue goes on t o e x p l a i n t h a t  the  " Z e n t e a c h i n g i n g e n e r a l p r o v i d e d a remarkably c r e a t i v e base f o r c o o r d i n a t i o n w i t h the s e c u l a r needs and c u l t u r a l g o a l s o f the  s t a t e . T o  S h i n r a n t h e r e was no doubt t h a t the buppo t r a n s c e n d e d t h e law o f  this  w o r l d , the obo. but he was not p r i m a r i l y i n t e r e s t e d i n t h i s w o r l d . It  was  22  N i c h i r e n who was t r u l y a r a d i c a l f o r he c o n s i d e r e d " e v e r y t h i n g , even the 18 emperor, as s u b o r d i n a t e t o the Buddha o f the Lotus S u t r a . "  And y e t ,  N i c h i r e n assumed t h a t the Emperor was an adherent o f the c o r r e c t b u p p o - he r e a f f i r m e d the type o f dbo-buppo u n i t y t h a t was espoused i n the seventh c e n t u r y , and he looked forward t o the age i n which the 6bo and buppo would p e r f e c t l y f u s e and i n t r o d u c e a g o l d e n age. disassociated  S a l v a t i o n was s t i l l  from p o l i t i c s d e s p i t e the new s t y l e o f  not  Buddhism.  L i k e t h e i r Nara and Heian p r e d e c e s s o r s , who c o n t i n u e d t o r e c e i v e m a t e r i a l rewards f o r s p i r i t u a l s e r v i c e s and whose p o s i t i o n c o n t i n u e d r e l a t i v e l y unchanged i n t o the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the new s c h o o l s a l s o developed vast holdings  and c o n s i d e r a b l e power independent o f the s e c u l a r  i t i e s . Throughout the H e i a n , Kamakura, and Muromachi t h e many f a r - f l u n g r e l i g i o u s o f t e n s e r v e d as o u t p o s t s ices  (1338-1573)  authorperiods  i n s t i t u t i o n s , o f b o t h the o l d and new s c h o o l s ,  o f the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y and p r o v i d e d many s e r v -  f o r the s t a t e : they brought c u l t u r e t o the p r o v i n c e s , h e l p e d m a i n -  t a i n t h e p e a c e , r e p o r t e d t o the c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n about  activities  i n the p r o v i n c e s , and so o n .  In  1331 the Emperor Godaigo, w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e  o f Buddhist  institutions,  a t t a c k e d the Kamakura bakufu i n an e f f o r t t o r e s t o r e I m p e r i a l power, but the Ashikaga  f a m i l y succeeded i n g a i n i n g  c o n t r o l and t h e y e s t a b l i s h e d  Muromachi b a k u f u . The A s h i k a g a were wary o f r e l i g i o u s some e f f o r t s were made, e s p e c i a l l y by A s h i k a g a  institutions  Yoshimitsu  the  and  (1358-1408),  c o n t r o l the g r e a t o t e r a but no o v e r a l l p o l i c y r e s u l t e d because t h e i r  ef-  19 f o r t s were d i r e c t e d m a i n l y a g a i n s t the p o w e r f u l Zen Gozan o t e r a . was because the t h r e e hundred o t e r a o f the  to  This  Gozan system were among the  23  principal  l a n d h o l d e r s o f m e d i e v a l Japan. Most o f those o t e r a owned some-  where i n the v i c i n i t y o f from t e n t o twenty shoen. so that  in a l l  several  thousand e s t a t e s were under t h e i r c o n t r o l . For example, i n the f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y the N a n z e n j i o f Kyoto possessed  lands w i t h a y i e l d o f 4000 koku  o f r i c e and i t s b r a n c h o t e r a had lands t h a t c o u l d y i e l d another koku. T e n r y u j i estates  10,000  y i e l d e d 2400 koku and those o f i t s b r a n c h o t e r a  a n o t h e r 6000. By c o m p a r i s o n , the c o u r t ' s income d u r i n g the Kamakura and Muromachi p e r i o d s was, on the a v e r a g e ,  i n the v i c i n i t y o f 4000 koku y e a r -  ly.  It  was not o n l y Zen o t e r a t h a t h e l d v a s t e s t a t e s  i n the Muromachi p e r i o d .  The K o f u k u j i , f o r example, had an average y e a r l y income o f 19,000 k o k u . and i t s  branches brought  i n an a d d i t i o n a l  example o f the p r o p o r t i o n o f Buddhist i n e a r l y Ashikaga  2000. John W. H a l l p r o v i d e s  holdings  i n the p r o v i n c e o f  an  Bizen  t i m e s : o f the one hundred and f i f t y shoen t h a t made up  B i z e n a t t h a t t i m e , t w e n t y - s i x were owned by c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d o t e r a and s h r i n e s . A c c o r d i n g t o these s t a t i s t i c s seventeen p e r c e n t o f the e s t a t e s e l u d e the lands  religious  institutions  i n the p r o v i n c e , and t h i s does not  t h a t were owned by s m a l l r u r a l o t e r a i n B i z e n .  The p e r i o d from the Haaboku  h e l d about  (1336-1392)  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n c r e a s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s  in-  20  through the Muromachi p e r i o d s f o r the Buddhist  Many o t e r a began t o l o s e c o n t r o l o f t h e i r e s t a t e s  was  institutions.  and monzenmachi. and  v i o l e n t campaigns were sometimes d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t the most p o w e r f u l o t e r a . For example, i n 1434 Ashikaga  Y o s h i n o r i a t t a c k e d and suppressed  the sShei  o f the E n r y a k u j i . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the g r e a t o t e r a l i k e Mt. Koya, the K o f u k u j i , and a l s o Mt. H i e i , c o n t i n u e d t o p r o s p e r and shugo -funyu s t a t u s was g r a n t e d t o more and more i n s t i t u t i o n s .  Even as l a t e as 1563 the  Ishl-  24  yama Honganji was g i v e n shugo-funyu s t a t u s zenmachi i n Osaka by the shogun A s h i k a g a  for i t s  r a p i d l y expanding mon-  Yoshiteru.  From the l a t e Muromachi p e r i o d many monzenmachi became the c e n t e r s o f a new and important development, i . e . , the r i s e o f commerce and the merchant c l a s s .  As the burgeoning merchant economy expanded i n the monzen-  machi the o t e r a around which t h e y grew became more w e a l t h y and g a i n e d more power i n p r o v i n c i a l  politics.  W i t h the Onin War o f 1467-1477 Japan e n t e r e d what has become known as  the  21 Sengoku p e r i o d , w h i c h c o n t i n u e d u n t i l the l a s t A s h i k a g a  1573  when Oda Nobunaga  shogun. The p e r i o d from 1573 u n t i l 1600 i s  deposed  commonly  c a l l e d the Azuchi-Momoyama p e r i o d , a f t e r the names o f those p l a c e s where Nobunaga and Toyotomi H i d e y o s h i b u i l t t h e i r m a g n i f i c e n t p a l a c e - f o r t r e s s e s 22 i n 1576 and 1593 r e s p e c t i v e l y . It i s a l s o c a l l e d the Shokuho p e r i o d 23 a f t e r the f a m i l y names o f Oda and T o y o t o m i . v i c t o r y i n the b a t t l e o f Sekigahara  With Tokugawa  Ieyasu's  i n 1600, and h i s a t t a i n m e n t o f the  p o s i t i o n o f shogun i n 1603, Japan e n t e r e d the Tokugawa, o r Edo, p e r i o d which c o n t i n u e d f o r two hundred and s i x t y - f i v e y e a r s t o 1867.  Part  Chapter  I  1  Section 2  The Buddhist  Institutions  i n the Sengoku P e r i o d  26  The Onin-Bunmei p e r i o d (1467-1486) administration;  brought an end t o the shoen system o f  shogunal a u t h o r i t y no l o n g e r p r e v a i l e d , and power passed  from the shugo daimyo t o the Sengoku daimyo who h e l d a u t o c r a t i c  adminis-  t r a t i v e powers w i t h i n t h e i r domains which were known as b u n k o k u . ^ A c c o r d i n g t o John W. H a l l , "By 1560 over two hundred daimyo had made t h e i r appearance, and the major p l a i n s o f Japan had been reduced t o  stable  b l o c k s o f c o n t r o l by the more p o w e r f u l o f these f e u d a l l o r d s .  The Sen-  goku J i n m e i J i t e n c o n t a i n s the names, and s h o r t b i o g r a p h i c s k e t c h e s ,  of  upwards o f two thousand daimyo and important b u s h i , a g r e a t many o f whom 2fi  were d i r e c t l y Involved  i n the campaigns  f o r o r a g a i n s t Oda Nobunaga,  and the names o f hundreds o f b u s h i . r a n g i n g  from lower ranked and unknown  o f f i c e r s through g r e a t and famous daimyo, appear i n Nobunaga*s documents. It  i s not n e c e s s a r y t o our t o p i c f o r us t o i d e n t i f y those hundreds o f  b u s h i . nor i s  it  r e l e v a n t t o us t o examine the r i s e o f the Sengoku and  Shokuho daimyo and the way i n which they h e l d power i n t h e i r bunkoku. In the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y the s i t u a t i o n among the daimyo was one c h a r a c t e r i z e d p r i m a r i l y by d i s u n i t y . Each daimyo h e l d a u t o c r a t i c power i n h i s bunkoku and m a i n t a i n e d c o n t r o l by means o f a h i e r a r c h i c a l system o f a l legiances  i n which m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e s were rewarded w i t h g r a n t s o f  fief.  The daimyo h e l d a c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r t i o n — u s u a l l y around t w e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t - - o f the l a n d s w i t h i n h i s bunkoku as h i s p r i v a t e domain  (chokkatsu-  c h i ) , and the r e s t was e n t r u s t e d t o h i s v a s s a l s who h e l d c o n t r o l o v e r s e c t i o n s o f the bunkoku from f o r t r e s s e s i n t e r s p e r s e d through i t . the bunkoku the h o l d i n g s  Within  o f absentee l a n d l o r d s , n o t a b l y the kuge and o t e r a ,  were u s u a l l y c o n f i s c a t e d by the daimyo, and t h e r e was l i t t l e o r no c o n t a c t between the p r o v i n c e s and Kyoto.  27  The f o r m i n g , b r e a k i n g , and r e f o r m i n g o f a l l i a n c e s w i t h n e i g h b o u r i n g d a i myo went on i n c e s s a n t l y as daimyo attempted t o s e c u r e , and p o s s i b l y  ex-  p a n d , t h e i r h o l d i n g s . A l l daimyo e x i s t e d i n a b a l a n c e o f power s i t u a t i o n i n which t h e i r s t a n d i n g armies were e v e r a t the ready t o defend the b u n koku a g a i n s t the a t t a c k s o f o t h e r daimyo who wished t o expand t h e i r h o l d i n g s , o r t o march a g a i n s t n e i g h b o u r i n g daimyo f o r the same p u r p o s e . For example, Uesugi K e n s h i n o f E c h i g o and Takeda Shlngen o f K a i p r o v i n c e , two o f the most p o w e r f u l daimyo i n the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y , spent most o f their adult lives  f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t each o t h e r e v e r y y e a r , u s u a l l y a t  the  same b a t t l e g r o u n d .  B e s i d e s t h e s e i n t e r - b u n k o k u t e n s i o n s , t h e r e were a l s o complex t e n s i o n s w i t h i n any g i v e n bunkoku f o r a daimyo c o u l d never be c e r t a i n , i n t h a t n o t o r i o u s age o f gekoku.jo, t h a t h i s v a s s a l s would remain l o y a l t o him. A daimyo always had t o be ready t o defend h i m s e l f a g a i n s t h i s own s u b ordinates.  W i t h i n the bunkoku. daimyo-Buddhist r e l a t i o n s v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g t o a number o f c o n d i t i o n s and c i r c u m s t a n c e s : the l o c a l e , the moment, the d a i m y o ' s p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e towards Buddhism, the t e n d e n c i e s and s t r u c t u r e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l Buddhist groups w i t h i n the bunkoku, the number and i n t e n s i t y o f d i s p u t e s between Buddhist groups a t a p a r t i c u l a r t i m e . The most f a c t about s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y Buddhism i s  basic  t h a t the o t e r a c o u l d not a v o i d  coming i n t o c o n t a c t , and sometimes c o n f l i c t , w i t h the daimyo. An o t e r a l o c a t e d i n an a r e a c o n t r o l l e d b y , f o r example, the Rokkaku f a m i l y had t o choose between alignment w i t h the Rokkaku and d e f i a n c e o f them by w i t h an enemy daimyo l i k e Nobunaga. To s i d e w i t h Nobunaga was t o  siding Invite  immediate punishment from the Rokkaku, but t o s i d e w i t h them was t o  invite  28  Oda's wrath s h o u l d h i s  f o r c e s overcome the Rokkaku a t some f u t u r e p o i n t .  There was no s a f e c h o i c e . An o t e r a w i t h wise l e a d e r s would attempt  to  m a i n t a i n a low p r o f i l e and make no e x p l i c i t commitment t o e i t h e r s i d e — a weak o t e r a t h a t h e l d l i t t l e i n terms o f s e c u l a r power and l a n d  might  succeed i n such a p l a n and s i m p l y be passed o v e r by b o t h p a r t i e s o f the c o n f l i c t ; but i f  the o t e r a were o f c o n s i d e r a b l e s i z e e i t h e r i n terms o f  p e r s o n n e l o r land h o l d i n g s ,  o r b o t h as was more l i k e l y the c a s e , i t  could  not but a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n o f the w a r r i n g p a r t i e s , b o t h o f whom would want i t s  a l l e g i a n c e because o f the men and s u p p l i e s  that i t could provide.  As a r u l e , t h e r e f o r e , o t e r a b o t h g r e a t and s m a l l c o u l d not a v o i d sides  taking  i n the s t r u g g l e s o f the Sengoku p e r i o d . In o r d e r t o s u r v i v e ,  most  s m a l l e r o t e r a e n t e r e d i n t o a l l i a n c e s w i t h daimyo, and abbots o f some o f the l a r g e s t  o t e r a themselves tended t o a c t l i k e daimyo.  As we have s e e n , most o t e r a were a b l e t o support themselves Japanese h i s t o r y on the b a s i s o f e s t a t e s names. S u r v i v a l  t h a t t h e y h e l d i n t h e i r own  and p r o s p e r i t y demanded the p o s s e s s i o n  t h a t enjoyed shugo-funyu  status.  myo t r i e d t o reduce the h o l d i n g s  throughout  of vast  estates  In the Sengoku p e r i o d , however, the d a i o f the l a r g e r o t e r a , d e p r i v e them o f  t h e i r c o n t r o l o f the monzenmachi a n d , i n g e n e r a l , e n f o r c e a p o l i c y o f  27 c o n t r o l o v e r the o t e r a w i t h i n t h e i r bunkoku.  V e r y many p r o v i n c i a l  i e s o f Sengoku times were r e a l l y o t e r a c i t i e s .  For example, t h r e e o f the  ten c i t i e s  cit-  i n the p r o v i n c e o f Owari, Oda's home p r o v i n c e , had grown up  around o t e r a ; s i m i l a r i l y , four of eight  f o u r o f the f i f t e e n c i t i e s  i n Yamato, f o u r o f twelve i n Yamashiro,  i n Mino p r o v i n c e , four of fourteen i n  S e t t s u , and s i x o f t w e n t y - t h r e e i n Omi p r o v i n c e , had developed as monzenm a c h i . On the average one t h i r d o f a l l p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s were monzenmachi.  29.  Daimyo c o u l d not c o n t r o l the economy o f t h e i r bunkoku u n l e s s  they gained  f i r m c o n t r o l o v e r those c i t i e s w h i c h , i n the d e v e l o p i n g merchant economy, were sources o f much w e a l t h .  Sengoku daimyo a l s o made e f f o r t s t o move the l o c a l h e a d q u a r t e r s o f Buddhist  schools  the r e l i g i o u s  i n t o t h e i r c a s t l e towns (Jokamachi) where c l o s e s c r u t i n y  of  groups c o u l d be m a i n t a i n e d . Daimyo d e c i d e d where o t e r a c o u l d  be b u i l t and thus the c a s t l e towns became the r e l i g i o u s  c e n t e r s o f the  bunkoku as w e l l as the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t e r s . However, w i t h the Sengoku daimyo t h e r e was no u n i f i e d p o l i c y towards  institutions  through-  out the whole c o u n t r y , and t h e r e was g r e a t v a r i e t y i n i n d i v i d u a l  daimyo's  successes  Buddhist  i n c o n t r o l l i n g the o t e r a . Some o f the g r e a t o t e r a , n o t a b l y  Mt.  H i e i , Mt. Koya, and Negoro, were so p o w e r f u l t h a t t h e y c o u l d c h a l l e n g e i n d i v i d u a l daimyo, and c o u l d be c o n t r o l l e d o n l y by c o n s o r t i a o f daimyo.  Y e t , i t was not the l a r g e a n c i e n t o t e r a t h a t p r e s e n t e d the g r e a t e s t t o the d a i m y o - - i t was., rather;, the power possessed  by the Honganji  o f True Pure Land Buddhism ( J o d o - s h i n s h u , o r s i m p l y S h i n s h u ) . central administration in utter disarray,  threat  Branch  With the  the s u p p o r t e r s o f the buppo.  the o t e r a , e i t h e r had t o l i n k up w i t h I n d i v i d u a l  daimyo who were the de  f a c t o obo i n any g i v e n bunkoku, o r attempt t o f o r m u l a t e a new d e f i n i t i o n o f the obo-buppo f o r m u l a . It was Shinshu t h a t had the p o t e n t i a l t o b r i n g about the l a t t e r , and i t was, t h e r e f o r e , o f s p e c i a l c o n c e r n t o the daimyo and p a r t i c u l a r i l y t o  Nobunaga.  D u r i n g the u p s e t o f the Onin-Bunmei p e r i o d the S h i n s c h o o l d e v e l o p e d a p o w e r f u l o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t spread throughout a number o f p r o v i n c e s  in  c e n t r a l J a p a n , n o t a b l y the p r o v i n c e s o f Kaga, N o t o , E t c h u , E c h i z e n , K i i ,  30  Mikawa,  Ise,  Yamato, Yamashiro, Kawachi, Izumi, and S e t t s u . T h i s phenom-  enon reminds one o f a s i m i l a r development c e n t u r i e s e a r l i e r when the s m a l l l a n d h o l d e r s i n the p r o v i n c e s gathered around the n o b i l i t y , e s p e c i a l l y the Minamoto, took up m a r t i a l s k i l l s ,  and formed the b u s h i c l a s s .  goku p e r i o d newly a r i s e n s m a l l l a n d h o l d e r s  In the S e n -  (myoshu) g a t h e r e d around the  o l d e r myoshu—these were the p e o p l e who c o n s t i t u t e d the p r o v i n c i a l l a n d owning c l a s s ,  i . e . , the l o c a l g e n t r y (dogo o r k o k u 1 i n ) — a n d ,  small l o c a l warriors  (lisamurai)  and peasant  together with  farmers (nomin). were o r g a n -  i z e d by t h e daimyo i n t o v i l l a g e - l i k e autonomous g r o u p i n g s c a l l e d so.  As-  c e n d i n g daimyo would s t r u c t u r e t h e s e so i n t o groups t h a t c e n t e r e d around the d a i m y o ' s c h i e f v a s s a l s and t h e r e b y c r e a t e a s t r o n g  organizational  c h a i n o f command t h a t extended from the daimyo, through h i s v a s s a l s , down t o the v i l l a g e  l e v e l and the farming  class.  W i t h the s p r e a d o f Shinshu from the time o f S h i n r a n i n the t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , many v i l l a g e  l e v e l g e n t r y , s m a l l l a n d h o l d e r s , l o c a l w a r r i o r s , and  farmers were c o n v e r t e d . Converted g e n t r y c u s t o m a r i l y b u i l t s m a l l otera  ( c a l l e d j i i n ) or " p r a c t i s e h a l l s "  ( d o j o ) on t h e i r l a n d s i n and a -  round the s o , and many i n h a b i t a n t s of the shu r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s , o r " p a r i s h e s "  so  30  became members o f the S h i n -  ( k y o d a n ^ t h a t were b e g i n n i n g t o form  29 around the newly c o n s t r u c t e d Shinshu o t e r a . l e d monto.  Shinshu  The Shinshu f a i t h f u l , c a l -  were thus o r g a n i z e d i n t o s t r o n g l y u n i t e d l o c a l groups under  t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f the l o c a l dogo. These l o c a l u n i t s were u n i t e d i n t e r n a l l y , and w i t h one a n o t h e r , by r e l i g i o u s  ties.  31  In an a r e a where t h e r e were many monto the S h i n s c h o o l had much power and c o n s i d e r a b l e autonomy. Even l o c a l g e n t r y who d i d not j o i n the monto were f o r c e d t o a l l y w i t h them i n the event o f a d i s t u r b a n c e i n t h a t a r e a b e -  31  cause such g e n t r y were s i m p l y not s t r o n g enough t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r i n d e pendence.  Towns o f c o n s i d e r a b l e s i z e grew up i n a r e a s where t h e r e were c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f Shinshu monto and these new monzenmachi enjoyed status.  It  was o f t e n the case t h a t  shugo-funyu  farmers who j o i n e d the monto would  l e a v e the l a n d and move t o a monto town where t h e y would become engaged i n merchant, m o n e y - l e n d i n g , and commercial e n t e r p r i s e s , w i t h the  result  t h a t many o f t h o s e towns began t o d e v e l o p i n t o p r o v i n c i a l commercial c e n ters.  P r o v i n c e s i n w h i c h the S h i n s c h o o l had bands o f monto were d o t t e d w i t h .11 i n and d o j o t h a t s e r v e d as the s k e l e t o n o f a p o w e r f u l body.  In  province of K i t ,  Shinshu  f o r example, t h e r e were almose t h r e e hundred  o t e r a and b r a n c h o t e r a , most o f which were d i s t r i b u t e d a l o n g the  the  coast  but a p p r o x i m a t e l y s e v e n t y o f them were c l o s e l y l o c a t e d i n the S a i g a a r e a 32 o f the p r o v i n c e .  T h i s was a most p o w e r f u l monto group because i t  held  the d e l t a o f t h e K i i r i v e r , the o n l y f e r t i l e p l a i n i n the p r o v i n c e .  In  the p r o v i n c e o f Owari, Shinshu o t e r a were f a i r l y n u m e r o u s — t h e r e were  33 p r o b a b l y about  forty in a l l  — b u t not on the s c a l e o f the monto bands  i n p r o v i n c e s l i k e K i i , Kaga, and E c h i z e n . Thus, u n l i k e the o l d e r Buddhist  schools with t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y  insular,  c o n f i n e d , and by and l a r g e c l e r i c a l s t r u c t u r e , the S h i n s c h o o l developed widespread bases o f power among the p e a s a n t r y and l o c a l g e n t r y who were o r g a n i z e d on a l o c a l s c a l e . The b e l i e f t h a t  f a i t h a l o n e saves p r o v i d e d  the monto w i t h a r a t i o n a l e f o r denying b o t h p o l i t i c a l and t r a d i t i o n a l religious  a u t h o r i t y , and the c o n f i d e n c e — o n the b a s i s o f t h e i r f a i t h  in  32  Amida—that  they were i n v i n c i b l e , made them e s p e c i a l l y dangerous. The  sheer numbers o f monto gave t o Shinshu the p o t e n t i a l t o b r i n g about a new type o f s o c i e t y bound t o g e t h e r by r e l i g i o u s  bonds.  The moving f i g u r e and source o f energy behind the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a personal r e l i g i o u s  f a i t h preached by S h i n r a n i n t o a p o w e r f u l  o r g a n i z a t i o n was Rennyo Kenju (1415-1499),  religious  the e i g h t h c h i e f abbot o f the  34 H o n g a n j i branch o f S h i n s h u , and b l o o d descendant o f the g r e a t  Shinran.  U n t i l Rennyo appeared the groups o f monto were not o r g a n i z e d i n t o any h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e w i t h the Honganji a t i t s apex, and Indeed the Hong a n j i was c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s p o w e r f u l than the S e n j u j i , the c h i e f o t e r a o f the Takada branch o f S h i n s h u , which had managed t o impose i t s i t y on many p r o v i n c i a l monto groups.  author-  Through Rennyo's e f f o r t s the major-  i t y o f l o o s e l y connected bands o f monto came t o f o c u s on the Honganji their religious  as  c e n t e r and were absorbed i n t o the f o l d o f monto who took 35  o r d e r s from the abbot o f the H o n g a n j i .  In t h i s way the c h i e f abbot o f  the Honganji became, i n e f f e c t , a daimyo, and indeed h i s power r i v a l e d t h a t o f the g r e a t e s t  Sengoku daimyo. The power o f the Honganji  "Pope"  from the time o f Rennyo was a t t e s t e d t o by the f a c t t h a t he r e c e i v e d the patronage o f the l e a d i n g m i l i t a r y f i g u r e s o f the p e r i o d . In p r o v i n c e s where t h e r e was a h i g h c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f monto an Representative" "Bonze Daimyo"  "Abbot's  ( d a i b o z u ) , who i s a l s o r e f e r r e d t o by h i s t o r i a n s as a (bozu d a i m y o ) . was a p p o i n t e d over a l l monto throughout  the  36 province.  These f i g u r e s were, i n e f f e c t , v a s s a l daimyo o f the Hongan-  j i * 8 daimyo-abbot, and they were, i n t h e i r own r i g h t , p o w e r f u l daimyo. The Honganji was unique both i n terms o f the type o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l  struc-  33  ture that It  developed among the monto. and i n t h a t the type o f power  it  w i e l d e d was not p r i m a r i l y o v e r the land i t s e l f - - a s was the case w i t h the Nara and Heian Buddhist and the v i l l a g e r s  institutions—but  o v e r the workers o f the land  throughout the p r o v i n c e s o f c e n t r a l Honshu. Thus w h i l e  the land i n Kaga, f o r example, may have a c t u a l l y been owned by o t h e r s ,  it  was the Honganji abbot who c o u l d c o n t r o l the p r o v i n c e through t h e monto. Mt. H i e i c o u l d be c r u s h e d , o r a t any r a t e s e v e r e l y r e d u c e d , by the c o n f i s c a t i o n o f i t s e s t a t e s , but t h i s was not the case w i t h t h e H o n g a n j i .  The economic power o f the Honganji was not founded on v a s t e s t a t e s but on the monto. and t h i s power was g r e a t l y expanded by Rennyo by h i s ment o f a c o n t r i b u t i o n s system whereby each l o c a l monto group sent d o n a t i o n s  establish-  regularily  t o the H o n g a n j i . Those d o n a t i o n s were p a i d d i r e c t l y t o the  H o n g a n j i , r a t h e r than t o the l o c a l o t e r a , and i n t h i s way Rennyo b o t h enhanced the p o s i t i o n o f the Honganji and p r e v e n t e d the bozu-daimyo the p r o v i n c e s  in  from becoming t o o independent. Moreover, because the Hon-  g a n j i monto were m a i n l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n c e n t r a l Honshu, the most e c o n o m i c a l l y advanced a r e a o f the c o u n t r y , a huge amount o f money flowed s t e a d i l y i n t o the Honganji  coffers.  The g r e a t assembly o f monto who made up the Honganji branch o f  Shinshu  came t o be c a l l e d the Ikko monto. and the s c h o o l was p o p u l a r i l y c a l l e d the Ikkoshu. The term " i k k o " means " s i n g l e - m i n d e d " o r " o n e - f o c u s e d " , and came t o be a p p l i e d t o the Honganji monto a t t h i s  it  time because o f t h e i r e x 37  e l u s i v e r e l i a n c e on f a i t h i n Amida Buddha as the agent o f  salvation.  In h i s  (Kyoto) Hon-  l a t e r years  (1496-1497)  Rennyo b u i l t the Yamashina  g a n j i as the new c e n t e r f o r the masses o f monto, and t h i s o t e r a came t o  34  be t h e h e a d q u a r t e r s o f what was, i n e f f e c t , a r e s e r v e army.  Over the y e a r s down from Rennyo's time t h e r e were many u p r i s i n g s  by the  monto throughout most o f the p r o v i n c e s l y i n g between the p r e s e n t Osaka and Tokyo. Those u p r i s i n g s  ( i k k i ) were c a l l e d " I k k o u p r i s i n g s "  (Ikko-  38 ikki).  The causes o f I k k o - i k k i were many and v a r i e d and t h e y i n c l u d e d :  demands f o r " v i r t u o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o r d e r s " ( t o k u s e i r e i ) . i . e . , o r d e r s from the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s whereby p e o p l e ' s d e b t s were c a n c e l e d ; s t r u g g l e s w i t h s e c u l a r enemies o r w i t h the members o f o t h e r  Buddhist  s c h o o l s , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the Hokkeshu monto: attempts t o expand the a r e a under monto c o n t r o l by d r i v i n g o f f the l o c a l d a i m y o ' s v a s s a l s .  It  t o be thought t h a t the I k k o - i k k i were s i m p l y s p o r a d i c o u t b u r s t s  is  not  involving  but a h a n d f u l o f p e o p l e f o r In Nobunaga's time thousands o f monto were m o b i l i z e d , many o f them armed w i t h guns. As Tamamuro T a i j o n o t e s , many o f the monto kyodan had become "combat g r o u p s " (sento-shudan) 39 waging l a r g e - s c a l e and p r o t r a c t e d w a r f a r e .  capable o f  The f i r s t i n d i s p u t a b l e  dence o f monto power was i n 1488 when the monto groups  evi-  i n Kaga p r o v i n c e  u n i t e d t o o u s t the shugo T o g a s h i Masachika and e s t a b l i s h a " l a n d r u n by 40 f a r m e r s " (hyakusho mochi no k u n i ) . Ashikaga  The shugo and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the  shogunate were d r i v e n out o f Kaga w h i c h remained i n monto hands  f o r almost one hundred y e a r s . There i s much debate among h i s t o r i a n s over the n a t u r e o f the I k k o - i k k i and the degree t o w h i c h t h e y were a c t u a l l y " r e l i g i o u s " u p r i s i n g s , as w e l l 41 as o v e r the r o l e p l a y e d by the Honganji i n those u p r i s i n g s . d e n y i n g t h a t t h e r e were p o l i t i c a l and economic reasons Ikko monto and f o r the Ikko u p r i s i n g s , t o g e t h e r the p e a s a n t s ,  W h i l e hot  f o r j o i n i n g the  n e v e r t h e l e s s t h a t w h i c h cemented  l o c a l g e n t r y , and l o c a l w a r r i o r s i n t h e p r o v i n c e s  35  was t h e i r r e l i g i o u s  t i e w i t h the Honganji and w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w monto.  There i s a l s o no doubt t h a t the Honganji c o u l d c a l l f o r and d i r e c t u p risings.  The f a c t t h a t t h e r e were u p r i s i n g s  i n the p r o v i n c e s b o t h b e f o r e  and a f t e r t h e p e r i o d o f Honganji involvement i n them does not negate the r o l e t h a t the Honganji d i d i n f a c t p l a y .  There i s a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l e debate and disagreement about j u s t when the Honganji abbots became r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i n i t i a t i n g I k k o - i k k i . r u l e the H o n g a n j i abbots a b i d e d by S h l n r a n ' s  As a g e n e r a l  d i r e c t i v e s and urged the  monto t o make compromises w i t h the s e c u l a r a u t h o r i t i e s , and i n the S e n goku p e r i o d t h e y d i d t h e i r b e s t t o a v o i d involvements w i t h the daimyo, aware as t h e y were o f the s h i f t i n g - s a n d s  n a t u r e o f the t i m e s . A l t h o u g h  i s g e n e r a l l y acknowledged t h a t Rennyo was not r e s p o n s i b l e f o r u r g i n g Kaga monto t o o u s t t h e shugo. h i s  it  the  f a i l u r e t o d i s c i p l i n e them by excom-  m u n i c a t i n g them, as he c o u l d h a v e , seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t at least he condoned t h e i r b e h a v i o r .  42  . S t i l l , i t was Rennyo*s g e n e r a l p o l i c y t o t r y  t o reduce t e n s i o n s between t h e monto and the s e c u l a r a u t h o r i t i e s by t h r e a t e n i n g t o excommunicate those who became e m b r o i l e d i n s t r u g g l e s and who r e f u s e d t o obey the s e c u l a r a u t h o r i t i e s .  However, the s i t u a t i o n was such i n the Sengoku p e r i o d t h a t the monto were u l t i m a t e l y f o r c e d t o choose between f i g h t i n g  i n t h e i r own d e f e n s e o r b e i n g  c r u s h e d . S h o r t l y a f t e r Rennyo e s t a b l i s h e d a new Shinshu c e n t e r i n Y o s h i z a k i i n E c h i z e n p r o v i n c e — t o w h i c h he moved i n 1471 f o l l o w i n g the d e s t r u c t i o n , i n 1465, o f the O t a n i H o n g a n j i , the s i t e o f S h i n r a n ' s  tomb i n K y o t o ,  by the E n r y a k u j i s o h e i — t e n s i o n s began t o mount between the monto and l o c a l b u s h i . and i n 1473 some b u s h i bands made an a t t a c k on the monto.  36  Rather than passively endure those attacks Rennyo elected to defend his monto and he inspired them to this defense by reminding them that they had nothing to fear, including death, because their salvation was assured. Having successfully defended themselves, however, the Kaga monto groups refused to respect secular authority, a situation that led, i n the end, to the conflict between them and Togashi Masachika from which the monto emerged triumphant. Rennyo's decision to take up arms in defense of the Honganji established a dangerous precedent for i t justified the use of force in defense of religion. Perhaps Rennyo would have reserved the application of this principle i n only the most desperate circumstances, but other monto could invoke the principle to take up arms against any group that they cared to identify as their enemy. When Rennyo died in 1499 he was succeeded by Jitsunyo Koken, the f i f t h of his thirteen sons, who became the ninth chief abbot of the Honganji. During Jitsunyo's time the extent to which the monto openly opposed secular authority expanded. In Article 3 of his last w i l l and testament Jitsunyo told the monto: "You must defend the Obo, and preserve the buppo as i t was in the time of Shinrah."  The problem was, however, that the obo  was i n disarray—the Sengoku daimyo were on the rise and clashes between them and the more powerful monto groups were a l l but inevitable. While most daimyo did their best to suppress, or at least control, the monto i n their bunkoku. i t was not unusual for daimyo to attempt to use the powerful monto to their own ends. Such daimyo would promise to grant favors to the monto on condition that they render certain services. For  37  example, from 1506 t o 1566 the house laws o f the Hojo f a m i l y banned S h i n shu from t h e i r domains, but i n 1566 t h i s ban was l i f t e d by Ho j o U j i t o r a who promised t o r e s t o r e a l l Shinshu o t e r a i n the Kanto a r e a on c o n d i t i o n t h a t the monto agree t o take p a r t i n a Hojo advance a g a i n s t the U e s u g i o f B c h i g o . T h e r e a r e many c a s e s o f t h i s type o f d e a l i n g .  44  F u r t h e r m o r e , the monto tended t o be drawn i n t o c o n f l i c t s i n support  of  c e r t a i n b u s h i who were e s p e c i a l l y f r i e n d l y , o r g e n e r o u s , t o them. One such p e r s o n was Hosokawa Masamoto, Governor G e n e r a l ( k a n r e i )  from 1486 45  t o 1507, who was a c l o s e f r i e n d o f Rennyo and a p a t r o n o f the H o n g a n j i . When Masamoto r e q u e s t e d the a s s i s t a n c e o f S e t t s u and Kawachi monto i n h i s campaigns  a g a i n s t t h e Hatakeyama i n 1506, J i t s u n y o r e p l i e d t h a t the Hon-  g a n j i made a p o i n t o f n e v e r becoming i n v o l v e d i n daimyo d i s p u t e s ,  but  Masamoto i n s i s t e d t h a t he d e s e r v e d monto h e l p by v i r t u e o f h i s p a s t g e n e r o s i t y t o the Honganji* The monto agreed w i t h J i t s u n y o ' s r e f u s a l ,  saying  t h a t t h e y had no weapons and t h a t e v e r s i n c e the time o f S h i n r a n t h e y had s t a y e d out o f such i n v o l v e m e n t s . D e s p i t e those r e f u s a l s Masamoto i n s i s t e d and J i t s u n y o c a u s t i c a l l y asked h i m : "Would you make me do something never 46 done s i n c e t h e time o f our f o u n d e r ? " assistance  In the e n d , Masamoto r e c e i v e d the  o f one thousand monto from Kaga p r o v i n c e .  The c l o s e t i e s between the Honganji and i t s daimyo f r i e n d s on the one h a n d , and the t h r e a t posed t o the monto by i t s daimyo enemies on the o t h e r , u l t i m a t e l y brought the H o n g a n j i i n t o the c o n f l i c t s o f the  Sengoku  period. F o l l o w i n g J i t s u n y o * s d e a t h i n 1525, h i s son Shonyo Kokyo succeeded him as t h e t e n t h c h i e f abbot o f the H o n g a n j i . When the Yamashina Honganji was  38  burned down i n r e l i g i o u s wars i n 1532, Shonyo moved t o the a r e a o f modern Osaka and b u i l t  the immense Ishiyama Honganji which was t o be the c e n t e r  o f the Ikkoshu u n t i l 1580.  The c o n f r o n t a t i o n between Oda Nobunaga and the Ishiyama Honganji was  in-  e v i t a b l e because those a r e a s i n which the monto were most p o w e r f u l were p r e c i s e l y the a r e a s t h a t Nobunaga had t o b r i n g under h i s c o n t r o l i n o r d e r t o u n i f y the c e n t e r o f the c o u n t r y . Honganji monto power extended i n a n a r c h o v e r Oda's home p r o v i n c e o f O w a r i : t o the e a s t o f Owari the monto Mikawa  in  formed one c o r n e r s t o n e o f t h a t a r c h , and t o the west i n Osaka was  the Honganji  i t s e l f and i t s  monto i n the p r o v i n c e s o f K i i , I z u m i , and  t s u , who formed the o t h e r c o r n e r s t o n e . A c r o s s  Set-  the c u r v e o f t h e a r c h from  e a s t t o west were the Ikko f o r c e s i n the p r o v i n c e s o f Mino, H i d a , Kaga, Noto, E c h i z e n , Omi, and I s e .  The k e y s t o n e o f t h i s a r c h was made up o f the  e x c e p t i o n a l l y p o w e r f u l monto o f Kaga and E c h i z e n who were p o i s e d , t o the n o r t h , d i r e c t l y over Owari.  Besides  t h i s a r c h o f power, the monto were d i s t r i b u t e d i n such a way as  t o form a s t r o n g b a r r i e r ? - r u n n i n g  i n a l i n e north-south across  Honshu  from the P a c i f i c Ocean t o the Japan Sea through the p r o v i n c e s o f  Ise,  Omi,  Mino, and E c h i z e n — b e t w e e n Owari and the c a p i t o l . In o r d e r t o b r i n g Honshu under h i s c o n t r o l i t was n e c e s s a r y f o r Oda t o p i e r c e the b a r r i e r , t o p p l e the Ikko a r c h , and d e s t r o y i t s  cornerstone i n  north-south Osaka.  Nobunaga undertook t h i s e f f o r t d u r i n g the ascendancy o f Kennyo Kosa,  elev-  47 e n t h c h i e f abbot o f the H o n g a n j i .  The c o n f l i c t between Oda and Kennyo  spanned the y e a r s between 1570 and 1580, and i s known as the Ishiyama Honganji War  (Ishiyama Honganji  i k k i . or kassen).  T h i s was the major c o n -  39  f l i c t o f the e n t i r e Sengoku p e r i o d .  The power o f the Ikkoshu r e p r e s e n t e d the g r e a t e s t o b s t a c l e t o Oda Nobunaga i n h i s e f f o r t s t o u n i f y the c o u n t r y f o r the f o l l o w i n g  reasons:  1. The Honganji was, as we have e x p l a i n e d , the hub o f a broad based and h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d s t r u c t u r e w h i c h , l i k e an o c t o p u s , spread i t s  tentacles  throughout most o f the p r o v i n c e s between the K a n s a i and Kanto p l a i n s .  In  t h i s r e g a r d i t was unique f o r no o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n , e i t h e r s e c u l a r o r  reli-  g i o u s , commanded such a w i d e - s p r e a d base o f power. The daimyo and the g r e a t o t e r a l i k e Negoro and Koya h e l d a type o f power b u i l t on a r e l a t i v e l y c o n f i n e d g e o g r a p h i c a l b a s e — t h e i r bunkoku i n the case o f the daimyo, and t h e i r shoen i n the case o f the o t e r a — w h i c h s e r v e d as b o t h the source o f s u p p l y f o r t h e i r t r o o p s as w e l l as the l a s t b a s t i o n t o which they c o u l d be pushed back and w h i c h , i f d e s t r o y e d , meant t h e i r e l i m i n a t i o n as powers t o be reckoned w i t h . Prom a next t o impregnable f o r t r e s s i n Ssaka, the Honganji c o u l d d i r e c t movements o f the monto throughout the p r o v i n c e s . Rather t h a n h a v i n g t o d i s p a t c h an army i n t o the f i e l d from Osaka, and t h e r e b y expose the Honganji t o a t t a c k , Kennyo c o u l d command the m o b i l i z a t i o n o f l a r g e l o c a l f o r c e s . Should those f o r c e s s u f f e r a d e f e a t i n one p r o v i n c e , n e i t h e r the Honganji nor the monto groups i n o t h e r p r o v i n c e s , were e s p e c i a l l y endangered. The l o s s o f one t e n t a c l e d i d n o t  gravely  t h r e a t e n the l i f e o f the monto octopus as a w h o l e . T h u s , w i t h o u t e v e r e x p o s i n g h i s base Kennyo c o u l d keep Oda o c c u p i e d on a number o f f r o n t s  at  t h e same time by c a l l i n g on the p r o v i n c i a l monto groups t o r i s e up i n arms. Kennyo was,  i n e f f e c t , a daimyo a t the head o f a c o a l i t i o n o f  vas-  s a l d a i m y o — h i s bonze-daimyo—who headed the major branches o f the I k k o shu i n t h e p r o v i n c e s and who, i n t u r n , had l e s s e r b o n z e - o f f l e e r s under them.  4a  2. The Honganji did not have to maintain a standing army i n the field. No supply lines were stretched from the Honganji to the fighting forces afield. Local monto forces provided their own supplies—they were essentially guerilla fighters who could rise up at the Honganji's c a l l , and who could as easily disperse upon receipt of orders to stand down. They fed, clothed, and housed,themselves, and required no funds from a central treasury as did the sohei and the daimyo's troops. Indeed, i f a flow of goods went i n any direction i t was not from the Honganji but rather to i t from the provincial monto groups that kept the Honganji supplied with men and material. Here again i f one monto group, one arm of the octopus, were-severed, the others could continue to provision the Honganji. 3. A further advantage enjoyed by the Honganji was i t s position on Osaka Bay. Even should a l l tentacles throughout the Kinai be severed, the Honganji could s t i l l be supplied by sea, as indeed i t was by the Mori of Aki province from 1576. The Honganji could face north-east for supplies by land and south-west for supplies by sea, a l l the while enjoying an impregnable position atop a mountain with a steep bluff that prevented i t s being surrounded and stormed. 4. The religious nature of the bond between the Honganji and i t s monto made the easy shifting of allegiances next to impossible. Thus Nobunaga could not make use of the standard daimyo practise of enticing segments of the opposing forces into one's camp and thereby split the enemy's forces. A general might betray his lord, switch sides, and lead his troops over to the enemy's side, but monto leaders were loathe to betray their bond with the Honganji. There i s no evidence that Oda ever succeeded i n luring  41  H o n g a n j i monto i n t o h i s camp. T h i s i s not t o imply t h a t the monto were imbued w i t h a n e x c e p t i o n a l l y a r d e n t and l o y a l type o f f a i t h . Membership i n the monto kyodan was e s p e c i a l l y a t t r a c t i v e t o the s m a l l  landholders  and the peasant c l a s s e s i n the Sengoku p e r i o d because i t enabled them t o e n j o y a degree o f autonomy, power, and s e c u r i t y t h a t was not e a s i l y come by i n the u p s e t o f the t i m e s , and p r o v i n c i a l townsmen were a b l e t o e n j o y a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree o f economic p r o s p e r i t y i n the commercial c e n t e r s t h a t d e v e l o p e d around Ikko o t e r a . The r e l i g i o u s ditional  l i n k between the Honganji and i t s  t i e was a s t r o n g  ad-  monto.  5. Most i m p o r t a n t l y , the Honganji s e r v e d as the r a l l y i n g p o i n t ,  together  w i t h the shogun Ashikaga Y o s h i a k i who was a c t i v e l y and o p e n l y opposed t o Nobunaga from 1573, around w h i c h those p a r t i e s opposed t o Nobunaga might g a t h e r . T h u s , the Honganji was not o n l y the hub o f an a l l i a n c e o f monto. f o r between the y e a r s 1570 and 1580 i t was the c e n t e r o f a league o f d a i myo who attempted t o b l o c k Nobunaga. As e a r l y as 1568 a number o f d a i m y o — n o t a b l y the Asakura o f E c h i z e n , the A s a i o f Omi, the Rokkaku o f 5mi and Yamashiro, and the M i y o s h i o f A w a — j o i n e d w i t h the Honganji t o form the "anti-Nobunaga  l e a g u e " . As Nobunaga overcame each o f these daimyo t h e i r  p l a c e s were t a k e n by o t h e r s , l i k e the U e s u g i o f E c h i g o , the Takeda o f K a i , the M o r i o f A k i , and the Bessho o f Harima. A l t h o u g h the league membership f r e q u e n t l y changed, the Honganji e v e r f i g u r e d l a r g e l y as i t s u n i f y i n g  cen-  t e r . To t h a t end Kennyo took advantage o f the f a c t t h a t the Honganji a b b o t s were a l l o w e d t o marry t o cement r e l a t i o n s w i t h the daimyo. F o r e x ample, i n 1571 Kennyo*s e l d e s t son Kyonyo K o j u m a r r i e d a daughter o f A s a kura Yoshikage,  l o r d o f E c h i z e n p r o v i n c e , and t h e r e b y s t r e n g t h e n e d the  H o n g a n j i - E c h i z e n l i n k , and because Y o s h i k a g e ' s mother was a member o f the  42  famous Takeda f a m i l y the Honganji t h e r e b y a l s o forged a l i n k w i t h the lord of Kai province.  The s p e c i a l danger p r e s e n t e d by the anti-Nobunaga  league was the  fact  t h a t i t s members were l o c a t e d i n such a way as t o l e n d added s t r e n g t h the a r c h o f monto p o i s e d over Gwari p r o v i n c e . The westernmost o f the Ikko a r c h i n Osaka was supported by the M l y o s h i M o r i o f A k i , and the easternmost  to  cornerstone  o f Awa and the  c o r n e r s t o n e was s t r e n g t h e n e d by the  Takeda i n K a i p r o v i n c e . Between those p o i n t s were a number o f daimyo a l l i e s o f the Honganji who l e n t t h e i r support t o the a r c h , e s p e c i a l l y A s a kura Yoshikage  o f E c h i z e n p r o v i n c e whose bunkoku was l o c a t e d near the  keystone o f the a r c h .  T h i s was the power s t r u c t u r e t h a t Nobunaga c o n f r o n t e d . It the foregoing  was because o f  f a c t o r s t h a t the Honganji p r e s e n t e d a s p e c i a l problem t o  Nobunaga, and because o f them t h a t h i s campaign a g a i n s t i t t e n y e a r s . The Honganji was the o n l y r e l i g i o u s  spread over  i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t was power-  f u l enough t o o f f e r an o p t i o n t o the u n i f i c a t i o n o f Japan under a c o a l i t i o n o f bushJL--it was the most u n i f i e d o f a l l o f Nobunaga's enemies, and the g r e a t e r t h e degree o f u n i t y w i t h i n a group the g r e a t e r the d i f f i c u l t y in bringing  i t under c o n t r o l .  Most h i s t o r i a n s  agree t h a t t h e r e was no p o s s i b i l i t y o f the development  of  a " c o u n t r y run by f a r m e r s " w i t h the H o n g a n j i a t the apex o f p o w e r - - t h e m i l i t a r y c l a s s would never have p e r m i t t e d such an unprecedented t u r n o f e v e n t s because b u s h i . u l t i m a t e l y , would not be s u b s e r v i e n t overlord.  Be t h i s as  to a  religious  i t may from the vantage p o i n t o f l a t e r h i s t o r i a n s ,  was not so c l e a r t o Oda t h a t such a p o s s i b i l i t y was not v i a b l e . The Hon-  it  43  g a n j i r e p r e s e n t e d the most p o w e r f u l b l o c a f t e r Oda's a n d , t h e o r e t i c a l l y a t any r a t e , i t c o u l d have forged a new type o f regime. The f a c t  that  t h e r e was no p r e c e d e n t i n Japanese h i s t o r y f o r such an arrangement one may be s u r e , l i t t l e comfort t o  Besides in its  brought,  Nobunaga.  these f a c t o r s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d t o the advantage o f the Honganji s t r u g g l e w i t h Nobunaga, t h e r e were o t h e r f a c t o r s t h a t m i l i t a t e d  against i t s  success:  1. There was a c e r t a i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l  f a c t o r t h a t i n h i b i t e d Kennyo: he  does not appear t o have had the stomach f o r a massive c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h Oda. W h i l e Oda had a v i s i o n o f a u n i f i e d Japan, Kennyo had no e q u i v a l e n t v i s i o n . Kennyo wanted t o m a i n t a i n the s t a t u s  quo and he appears t o have  been w i l l i n g t o s e t t l e f o r a p r e c a r i o u s b a l a n c e o f power s i t u a t i o n b e tween the anti-Nobunaga  league and Nobunaga's c o a l i t i o n . He appears  have been more i n t e r e s t e d i n g a i n i n g  a p e a c e , even under l e s s  to  than f a v o r -  a b l e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h a n i n g a i n i n g a d e c i s i v e v i c t o r y o v e r Nobunaga.  Ken-  nyo l a c k e d the d r i v e and a m b i t i o n needed t o b e t t e r Nobunaga.  2. U n l i k e Nobunaga, Kennyo was more l i k e l y t o obey I m p e r i a l  or  shogunal  d e c r e e s even when t h e y t h r e a t e n e d h i s p o s i t i o n . Nobunaga o b l i g e d when he c o n s i d e r e d It  t o h i s advantage.  only  T h i s gave Nobunaga an advantage  o v e r Kennyo b e c a u s e , i n the event t h a t the s i t u a t i o n took a t u r n f o r the worse f o r Oda, he c o u l d p e t i t i o n the c o u r t t o d e c r e e a t r u c e between h i m s e l f and Kennyo c o n f i d e n t t h a t Kennyo would a c c e p t the d e c r e e . Kennyo c o u l d e n j o y no such c o n f i d e n c e . For example, i n 1578, when Oda's g e n e r a l A r a k i Murashige b e t r a y e d Oda and a l l i e d w i t h the anti-Nobunaga  league,  Oda f e l t compelled t o make peace w i t h the Honganji i n o r d e r t o g a i n the time r e q u i r e d t o e l i m i n a t e A r a k i . While peace n e g o t i a t i o n s were b e i n g  44  held, a certain Nakagawa Kiyohide, one of Araki*s leading generals, betrayed his lord Araki and came over to Oda's side. Oda immediately called off the peace negotiations, even though they were being conducted under Imperial decree and through the intercession of Imperial envoys. 3. It i s incorrect to assume that Kennyo had absolute control over the monto. Local monto groups had considerable autonomy and uprisings could, and did, occur with neither the instigation nor the approval of the Honganji. Local conditions could spark an Ikko-ikki, and even though Kennyo could c a l l for a mobilization of the monto there was a possibility that his orders might go unheeded should local conditions require a particular monto group to act i n i t s own best interests. Kennyo*s reasons for urging an uprising invariably involved matters of a national, or at least transprovincial nature, but local monto frequently had less grand although none the less pressing reasons for revolt. Monto local interests militated against their embracing a trans-provincial focus, and they were inclined to obey Honganji commands only when those commands coincided with their own best interests. 4. The Honganji had no powerful field marshal who could direct monto movements on a number of fronts simultaneously—Kennyo himself never personally conducted troops i n the field. Among the Honganji's most able generals were several members of the Shimozuma family, a family whose members had been leaders of the Shinshu monto since the time of Shinran. In Nobunaga's time Shimozuma Raisho (Yoriteru) was the head of the monto in Echizen, and others like Shimozuma Raijun (Yorlzumi), Rairen (Yoriyasu), and Rairyu (Yoritatsu), commanded provincial monto groups, but the lack of an overall, united, command proved c r i t i c a l . Never once did monto  45  f o r c e s move a g a i n s t Nobunaga on a l l  f r o n t s s i m u l t a n e o u l s y . While E c h i z e n  monto might have been m o b i l i z e d , those i n K i i might w e l l have been d o r mant. While t h e r e were s t r o n g v e r t i c a l l i n k s between the Honganji and the monto g r o u p s ,  t h e r e were no s t r o n g h o r i z o n t a l c o n n e c t i o n s between the  monto i n E c h i z e n , f o r example, and those i n K i i , and no f i e l d marshal peared t o f o r g e those l i n k s .  ap-  O c c a s i o n a l l y the monto o f one a r e a would c o -  o p e r a t e w i t h and a s s i s t those o f a n o t h e r a r e a , but t h i s was by way o f e x c e p t i o n rather than e s t a b l i s h e d p r a c t i s e .  Because o f the s h o r t a g e o f competent f i e l d o f f i c e r s , on a t l e a s t one o c c a s i o n Kennyo was f o r c e d t o p l a c e the monto f o r c e s under the d i r e c t command o f non-monto daimyo. In  1572 Kennyo o r d e r e d the monto t o mix i n w i t h  A s a i Nagamasa's t r o o p s and f i g h t under Nagamasa's command. T h i s was not a s a t i s f a c t o r y arrangement, however, because b u s h i and monto had d i f f e r e n t l o y a l t i e s and d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s .  Ironically,  the l a c k o f a c l e a r l y d i s c e r n a b l e o f f i c e r c o r p s was,  i n one  r e s p e c t , an advantage t o the H o n g a n j i : monto o f f i c e r s were more d i s p e n s a b l e t h a n the key g e n e r a l s  i n the case o f a daimyo. Had t h e r e been a  c l e a r l y d i s c e r n a b l e l e a d e r s h i p c o r p s i t s e l i m i n a t i o n might have brought monto f o r c e s i n the f i e l d t o a h a l t much more q u i c k l y than was  actually  the c a s e .  5. W i t h i n the monto ranks t h e r e was some d i s s e n s i o n and d i s u n i t y .  In  1577,  f o r example, a c o n f l i c t broke out between Nanazato Y o r i c h i k a , Kennyo's  ap-  p o i n t e d a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f Kaga p r o v i n c e , and K a b u r a k i Y o r i n o b u , c a s t e l l a n o f Matsutae f o r t r e s s i n t h a t p r o v i n c e . I n t e r n a l d i s p u t e s weakened the monto and d i s s i p a t e d t h e i r power by c a u s i n g s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e  ikki.  46  The H o n g a n j i , t h e n , was i n command o f a r e l a t i v e l y d i s o r g a n i z e d f o r c e under something l e s s t h a n i t s  complete c o n t r o l . Without a r a d i c a l  s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f t h e i r i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the n o n - b u s h i f o r c e s o f t h e H o n g a n j i c o u l d not but  l o s e , i n the e n d , t o Nobunaga's t i g h t and p r o v e n  armies.  F u r t h e r m o r e , the anti-Nobunaga  league had a c r i t i c a l  f l a w : namely, i t had  no p o s i t i v e , u n i f y i n g , cause t h a t a l l members o f t h e league s h a r e d . Each member o f t h e league was i n t e r e s t e d i n p r e v e n t i n g Oda Nobunaga i n g t h e c o u n t r y and t h e r e b y b r i n g i n g a l l  the daimyo i n t o  from u n i f y -  submission.  W h i l e the H o n g a n j i a c t e d as the u n i f y i n g c e n t e r o f the league w i t h t i e s t o each member i n i t , t h e r e were no s t r o n g  strong  l a t e r a l t i e s among the  league members. A l t h o u g h t h e A s a k u r a , f o r example, were members o f t h e league i n t h e e a r l y 1570*8, t h e y had l i t t l e sympathy f o r the cause o f the Kaga and E c h i z e n monto. Asakura Y o s h i k a g e ' s f a t h e r Norikage spent most o f his  l i f e f i g h t i n g t o keep t h e Kaga and E c h i z e n monto from t a k i n g c o n t r o l  o f h i s bunkoku i n E c h i z e n , and Yoshikage a l s o warred w i t h t h e monto u n t i l 1562 when a peace was c o n c l u d e d and monto c o n t r o l was l i m i t e d t o the one p r o v i n c e o f Kaga. The p r o b l e m , t h e r e f o r e , was t h a t t h e r e was no f o c a l p o i n t o f l o y a l t y w i t h i n t h e anti-Nobunaga  league: a l l  t h a t the H o n g a n j i ,  M o r i , and the shogun had i n common was a d e s i r e t o p r e v e n t Nobunaga  from  a c q u i r i n g a h i g h degree o f c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y . I t was a c a s e o f the enemy o f my enemy b e i n g my f r i e n d , and i t Nobunaga  is  thus a p p r o p r i a t e l y termed the " a n t i -  league."  A l t h o u g h the Honganji managed t o b r i n g a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree o f u n i t y t o the anti-Nobunaga  l e a g u e , t h e league never d e v e l o p e d a s i n g l e command  s t r u c t u r e t h a t embraced b o t h monto and b u s h i under a s i n g l e  authority.  47  Each daimyo member o f the league h e l d supreme a u t h o r i t y o v e r h i s  vassals,  and t h i s made i t most d i f f i c u l t t o c o o r d i n a t e a u n i t e d a s s a u l t on Oda. B e s i d e s , r e l a t i o n s between daimyo members o f the anti-Nobunaga  league  were f r a g i l e . Peace p l e d g e s among daimyo were almost i n v a r i a b l y o f no l a s t i n g v a l u e , and one s i m p l y c o u l d not depend on t h e i r b e i n g honored. One o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s o f the peace m i g h t , a l o n e o r i n league w i t h o t h e r s , a t t a c k the o t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t w i t h o u t warning o r p r o v o c a t i o n . A peace agreement was o f t e n n o t h i n g more t h a n a b r e a t h i n g s p e l l between campaigns.  Such agreements u s u a l l y meant n o t h i n g more than t h a t the c o n -  t e s t a n t s were b o t h i n t e r e s t e d i n h a l t i n g h o s t i l i t i e s  f o r an undetermined  l e n g t h o f t i m e , and b o t h would know t h a t the agreement was no l o n g e r e f f e c t when one o r the o t h e r reopened h o s t i l i t i e s .  In  In h i s peace p l e d g e s  Oda Nobunaga was accustomed t o c a l l upon Bonten, T a i s h a k u , Hachiman D a i b o s a t s u , Hakuzan, A t a g o , and a l l the o t h e r (unnamed) Kami and Buddhas, e s p e c i a l l y h i s own " f a m i l y g o d s " ( u j l g a m l ) . dreadful diseases  in this  t o p u n i s h him w i t h the most  l i f e and w i t h e t e r n a l damnation i n the next 48  s h o u l d he b e t r a y h i s p l e d g e .  D e s p i t e the h i g h - f l o w n r h e t o r i c o f  p l e d g e s , t h e y had no r e a l b i n d i n g f o r c e .  such  In the e n d , the a l l i a n c e b e -  tween monto and b u s h i was by n a t u r e r a r e l y a c o m f o r t a b l e o n e - - i t was u s u a l l y a marriage o f convenience. Ironically, single  i t was the Ikko monto t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d , more t h a n any o t h e r  f a c t o r , t o Nobunaga's e v e n t u a l s u c c e s s  i n a t t a i n i n g g r e a t power.  T h i s was because the monto f o r c e s f r e q u e n t l y kept a t bay those daimyo who might w e l l have o t h e r w i s e p r e s e n t e d the most s e r i o u s t h r e a t t o Oda when he was s o l i d i f y i n g h i s c o n t r o l over Owari between 1553 and 1558. The monto were not e s p e c i a l l y p o w e r f u l i n O w a r i , nor i n Mino p r o v i n c e which Oda  48  w r e s t e d from the S a i t o f a m i l y between 1558 and 1564. However, o t h e r daimyo who were f a r more p o w e r f u l than Oda was a t t h a t time were plagued w i t h Ikko u p r i s i n g s  i n t h e i r home p r o v i n c e s . Both t h e Asakura o f E c h i z e n and  t h e Uesugi o f E c h i g o were so p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h c o n t r o l l i n g monto f o r c e s t h a t t h r e a t e n e d t o o v e r r u n t h e i r bunkoku t h a t t h e y had l i t t l e time t o c o n c e r n themselves w i t h Oda's o p e r a t i o n s . Had Nobunaga been plagued by Ikko uprisings  i n h i s e a r l i e r y e a r s he c o u l d n e v e r have g a i n e d power s o  quickly.  A l t h o u g h the Ikko monto were l e s s t h a n p e r f e c t l y o r g a n i z e d , the degree o f o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t t h e y d i d a c h i e v e made them the most f o r m i d a b l e f o r c e i n a w o r l d c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e f r a c t u r i n g o f s o c i e t y i n t o many s m a l l , autonomous u n i t s . Thus i t was the Honganji t h a t p r e s e n t e d t h e g r e a t e s t o b s t a c l e t o Oda Nobunaga.  The Honganji was not t h e o n l y r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t possessed much power i n t h e m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . P a r a l l e l i n g t h e r i s e o f t h e Ikko monto i n the p r o v i n c e s was the spread o f the Hokkeshu, o r N i c h i r e n s h u , among the newly developed "town g r o u p s "  (machishu).  These were groups o f  "townsmen" ( c h o n i n ) - - m e r c h a n t s , a r t i s a n s , m o n e y - l e n d e r s , and warehousemen— t h a t appeared i n t h e l a t e Muromachi p e r i o d and t h a t formed t h e new " b u s i n e s s " c l a s s . W h i l e many o f the new commercial c e n t e r s i n t h e p r o v i n c e s were made up l a r g e l y o f Ikko monto. townsmen i n and around the c a p i t o l , 49 and i n major t r a d i n g c e n t e r s l i k e S a k a i , became N i c h i r e n monto.  In Oda's  time the N i c h i r e n monto a c t u a l l y c o n t r o l l e d Kyoto and S a k a i — K y o t o had become such an important b u s i n e s s its  center that t h i s aspect  overshadowed  t r a d i t i o n a l i d e n t i t y as government c e n t e r and i t came t o be c a l l e d  Kyoto C i t y (Kyoto-machi)  r a t h e r than Miyako.  49  In the e a r l y decades o f the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y , p a r t i c u l a r ! l y i n the e a r l y 1530*8, t h e r e were many "Hokke u p r i s i n g s " various  taxes  (Hokke-ikki)  i n protest  against  t h a t the townsmen-monto were expected t o p a y , and o t h e r s  caused by t e n s i o n s between the Hokke monto and the s o h e i o f Mt.  Hiei.  In  the summer o f 1536 the Hokke monto s u f f e r e d a s e v e r e blow a t the hands the E n r y a k u j i i n the s o - c a l l e d Tenbun Hokke D i s t u r b a n c e Ran) when s i x t y  of  (Tenbun Hokke no  thousand H i e i s o h e i descended on K y o t o , burned down some  twenty-one Hokke o t e r a , and drove the monto out o f the c i t y . T h i s  dis-  t u r b a n c e was sparked when Hokke monto c r i t i c i z e d and rebuked some T e n d a i bonzes who were p r e a c h i n g i n K y o t o . A l t h o u g h the Hokke monto were s e v e r e l y weakened by the E n r y a k u j i a c t i o n , they were s t i l l p o w e r f u l i n Kyoto Nobunaga*8  in  time."*^  The Hokke monto had a p a r t i c u l a r a b i l i t y t o a t t r a c t  the i r e o f many d a i -  myo f o r , as Tamamuro T a i j o e x p l a i n s , many o f them were e x c e s s i v e l y f u l about t h e i r t r a d i t i o n and t h e y had a narrow minded and  boast-  exclusivistic  v i e w o f r e l i g i o n . * The Hokke monto were e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y c o n v i n c e d o f  the  5  pureness o f the Hokke t e a c h i n g — a n d other teachings—which "ahakubuku". "stamping  t h e r e f o r e o f the i m p e r f e c t i o n o f  they attempted t o spread by a t e c h n i q u e c a l l e d  T h i s term r e f e r r e d t o the uncommonly a g g r e s s i v e p r a c t i s e  out e v i l " ,  all  i . e . , o t h e r Buddhist  schools,  and f o r c i n g  of  conversions.  One o f the main ways i n which the shakubuku p r a c t i s e was implemented was by engaging i n p u b l i c r e l i g i o u s  debates  (shuron)  i n which the e r r o r s  t h e opposing  s c h o o l were t o be exposed and t h e i r adherents p u n i s h e d .  surprisingly  such debates  frequently resulted i n v i o l e n t outbursts  tween the members o f the two s c h o o l s t h a t we f i n d many i n s t a n c e s  of Not  be-  i n v o l v e d i n the d e b a t e , sosmuch; s o  o f daimyo banning a l l  religious  debates  in  5Q  t h e i r domains.  For example, one o f the a r t i c l e s o f the house laws o f  t h e Takeda f a m i l y s t a t e d : " T h e r e must be no r e l i g i o u s d i s p u t e s the Pure Land and N i c h i r e n s c h o o l s  i n these domains. Anyone who  between instigates  52 them w i l l be punished t o g e t h e r w i t h the b o n z e s . " commanded the bonzes o f a l l s c h o o l s  Chosokabe house laws  t o c o n c e r n themselves  exclusively  with religious  l e a r n i n g and p r a c t i s e and t o r e f r a i n from d e b a t e s . There 53 a r e many examples o f laws o f t h i s k i n d .  A l t h o u g h the Hokke s c h o o l had a l a r g e e r a l reasons  f o l l o w i n g o f l a y members, f o r  sev-  i t d i d not p r e s e n t a t h r e a t t o Nobunaga on the same s c a l e  as  t h a t p r e s e n t e d by the Honganji monto: 1. The Hokkeshu l a c k e d the c r i t i c a l propelled i t  i n g r e d i e n t t h a t would p o s s i b l y  i n t o the f r o n t ranks o f Oda's enemies i n t h a t  e q u i v a l e n t o f the Honganji " P o p e " (Kennyo). t r a l i z e d focus and s i n g l e  It  have  i t had no  l a c k e d t h e degree o f  cen-  l i n e o f a u t h o r i t y t h a t c o u l d have t i e d t o g e t h e r  a l l monto i n a s i n g l e h i e r a r c h y . The s c h o o l never had a Rennyo.  Hokkeshu  o t e r a were more autonomous than Shinshu o t e r a - - t h e y had a l o c a l  focus,  local  i n t e r e s t s , and l o c a l c o n t r o l . Even though many merchants were Hokke  monto. the focus o f Kyoto merchants was on K y o t o , S a k a i merchants  on  S a k a i , and so o n . L o y a l t y among the Hokke monto appears t o have been more t o the i n d i v i d u a l who c o n v e r t e d them than i t was t o the l o c a l o t e r a o r the s c h o o l i t s e l f ;  to  the i n d i v i d u a l on whom t h e i r p i e t y was founded was the  main f o c a l p o i n t . T h e r e f o r e the Hokke monto d i d not have t h e s t r u c t u r e d l i n e s o f c o n t r o l and the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f  2.  In g e n e r a l i t was i n the d a i m y o ' s b e s t  Shinshu.  i n t e r e s t s t o be on good  w i t h the Hokke monto because t h e i r b u s i n e s s  skills  terms  were needed f o r the  development o f commerce i n the bunkoku. and t o t h a t end the daimyo o f t e n  51  granted exemptions from taxes and gave various incentives to merchant families, many of whom were Hokke monto. Besides, because the Hokkeshu townsmen were prospering in the business world, they were not as inclined to take part i n uprisings and revolts as were those less prosperous. 3. The Hokke monto appear to have had an attitude whereby they tended to identify as their mortal enemy less the daimyo and the secular authori t i e s than the other Buddhist schools which they delighted In besting. Their wild and thoughtless plunge into the Azuchi Religious Debate (Azuchi Shuron), as shall be seen in Chapter 3, points up this fact. The monto were willing to risk defying Nobunaga's orders to disband and refrain from coming to Azuchi in the interest of routing representatives of the Pure Land school in a religious debate. The Zen school too had a broad following but i t presented no threat to Nobunaga for the following reasons: 1. The Zenshu members were not organized into structured kyodan under the central leadership of a Zen "Pope". 2. While the Ikko monto were mainly provincial peasants and local gentry who could easily identify the bushi as their enemy, and while the Hokke monto were mainly townsmen, Zenshu membership was largely from among the bushi class. Thus the Zen bonzes were less likely to see themselves as apart from, or i n opposition to, that class. Tamamuro Taijo explains, in 54 his Nihon Bukkyo-shi.  how many Sengoku daimyo--including the Imagawa,  Takeda, Hojo, Saito, Asakura, and Mori—were on intimate terms with Zen bonzes, and how they were interested in inculcating a certain Zen atmosphere or spirit in their domains. He suggests that the daimyo sought i n  52  Zen a peace o f mind t h a t was d i f f i c u l t t o come by i n the t u r m o i l o f the Sengoku p e r i o d . Another d i m e n s i o n o f the Zenshu-bushi  relationship  is  brought out i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Imagawa Yoshimoto and the R i n z a l Zen bonze T a i g e n Sufu, f o r not o n l y was Yoshimoto on good  "religious"  terms w i t h T a i g e n but the l a t t e r was a l s o an a d v i s e r t o the Imagawa the a r e a o f m i l i t a r y s t r a t e g y .  A r e a s o n commonly suggested f o r the good  r e l a t i o n s between the daimyo and Zenshu i s i n the Zen i n s t i t u t i o n s  In  t h a t the daimyo may have seen  a model o f d i s c i p l i n e t h a t t h e y hoped t o have  t h e i r r e t a i n e r s emulate.  3. A l t h o u g h Zen o t e r a enjoyed shogunal patronage and g r e a t l y p r o s p e r e d d u r i n g the A s h i k a g a p e r i o d , they were e v e r kept on a s h o r t  leash.  Their  v e r y p r o x i m i t y t o the b u s h i kept them from a c q u i r i n g much independence, and by the l a t e  f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y the Zen Gozan i n s t i t u t i o n s were  Im-  p o v e r i s h e d and i n c a p a b l e o f a c q u i r i n g power.  W h i l e the type o f power possessed  by the S h i n and Hokke s c h o o l s  the support o f t h e i r monto. the s c h o o l s  r e s t e d on  o f the Nara and Heian p e r i o d s  depended on v a s t t r a c t s o f l a n d t h a t c o u l d support  l a r g e armies o f  sohei.  Of those a n c i e n t o t e r a the most p o w e r f u l ones i n the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y were the E n r y a k u j i (Mt.  H i e i ) , the Kongobuji  (Mt. K o y a ) , and the N e g o r o j i .  Each o f t h e s e was the c h i e f o t e r a (hon11, o r hpnzan) o f a system o f b r a n c h otera  (matsujJL), most o f which were c l o s e l y grouped around the c h i e f  o t e r a a l t h o u g h some branches were v e r y f a r removed from i t . The N e g o r o j i had as many as 2700 branches d u r i n g the A s h i k a g a p e r i o d , and a t i t s  peak  t h e E n r y a k u j i was the c e n t e r o f a huge network o f branch o t e r a s c a t t e r e d through the v a l l e y s  o f Mt. H i e i f o r a d i s t a n c e o f about e i g h t m i l e s  i n c l u d i n g upwards o f 3800 b u i l d i n g s .  Even i n i t s  and  reduced c o n d i t i o n i n the  53  s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y the E n r y a k u j i had over f o u r hundred b r a n c h o t e r a on Mt.  Hiei.  Each o f those t h r e e g r e a t o t e r a commanded an army o f s o h e i numbering a t least  f i v e thousand men i n Nobunaga's t i m e . The J e s u i t m i s s i o n a r y  Padre  V i l e l a e s t i m a t e d t h a t Negoro k e p t an army o f upwards o f twenty thousand s o h e i i n the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y ,  5 5  and i t  i s u s u a l l y estimated that  Koya had a p p r o x i m a t e l y seven thousand bonzes and a t l e a s t  Mt.  t h a t many s o h e i .  Negoro s o h e i were equipped w i t h the most up t o d a t e weapons o f the day because the N e g o r o j i was one o f the f i r s t p r o d u c e r s o f f i r e a r m s which had been  i n t r o d u c e d by the Portuguese i n 1543. A group o f Negoro  sohei  formed a famous " r i f l e c o r p s " ( t e p p o t a i ) . and t h e r e i s a p o s s i b i l i t y  that  t h e y a l s o made use o f rudimentary canons.  The Negoro s o h e i were so p o w e r f u l t h a t t h e y c o u l d even dare t o d e f y Imper i a l commands t o cease f i g h t i n g , as indeed t h e y d i d i n the e a r l y  1560's  when they h i r e d themselves out as m e r c e n a r i e s t o Hatakeyama Takamasa, l o r d o f Kawachi p r o v i n c e , and took p a r t i n h i s campaigns  a g a i n s t the  M i y o s h i o f Awa. The c h i e f abbots o f those t h r e e o t e r a were daimyo  in  t h e i r own r i g h t , and t h e y c o u l d , and d i d , n e g o t i a t e w i t h and e n t e r i n t o a l l i a n c e s w i t h the daimyo. The E n r y a k u j i enjoyed e s p e c i a l l y good  relations  w i t h t h e daimyo i n n e i g h b o u r i n g a r e a s because i t was customary f o r daimyo l i k e the A s a i , G o t o , Kuroda, and Rokkaku, t o send t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o be educated on Mt.  Hiei.  Because o f t h e i r power those g r e a t o t e r a were a b l e t o s u s t a i n the e n j o y ment o f shugo-funyu s t a t u s  and keep most o f t h e i r e s t a t e s even i n the  u p s e t o f the Sengoku p e r i o d . T h e i r r h e t o r i c defended t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d c o n d i t i o n w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o a n c i e n t p r e c e d e n t , but i n f a c t t h e i r d e f e n s e  54  r e s t e d on t h e i r a b i l i t y t o r e s i s t e x t e r n a l t h r e a t s t o t h e i r s e c u r i t y .  D e s p i t e t h e i r power those o t e r a shared a grave weakness r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d power b l o c s w i t h no l a r g e  foilowings  i n t h a t they were from among the  masses, no monto t o lend them support d u r i n g a c r i s i s . Mt. Koya had as part o f i t s membership—in a d d i t i o n to Its and "laymgn"  "scholar bonzes"  (gakuryo)^^  ( g y o n i n ) , ^ many o f whom were s o h e i — a group c a l l e d  These were p i l g r i m bonzes who wandered a l o n e o r i n s m a l l groups  hijiri.^ throughout  the c o u n t r y s i d e p r e a c h i n g Buddhist s a l v a t i o n , but they d i d not d e v e l o p kyodan i n those a r e a s through w h i c h t h e y t r a v e l l e d . A l t h o u g h many throughout the p r o v i n c e s looked upon h i j i r i as t h e i r r e l i g i o u s  laity  masters,  t h e y were more l i k e p e r s o n a l d i s c i p l e s o f the r a t h e r c h a r i s m a t i c  hijiri  than members o f a s t r u c t u r e d o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h Mt. Koya a t the apex. sides,  it  is  suspected t h a t many o f the h i j i r i were l e s s r e l i g i o u s  Be-  figures  t h a n wandering merchants and a r t i s a n s who spread not Buddhist s a l v a t i o n merchant s k i l l s  i n the p r o v i n c e s through which  but  t h e y wandered. G i v e n t h i s  type o f s t r u c t u r e , i t was, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , a r e l a t i v e l y s i m p l e t h i n g f o r a daimyo t o e r a d i c a t e any o f those g r e a t o t e r a i n a s i n g l e  campaign--it  was  s i m p l y a matter o f s u r r o u n d i n g the base o f the mountain on which the o t e r a stood and o r d e r i n g h i s  t r o o p s t o advance up the mountain. T h i s was not the  c a s e w i t h the Honganji monto.  F i n a l l y , the a n c i e n t Nara o t e r a had v e r y l i t t l e power i n the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . S e v e r a l o f them, n o t a b l y the K o f u k u j i and the T O d a i j i , had bands o f s o h e i but they had been s e v e r e l y reduced e a r l i e r i n the c e n t u r y as a r e s u l t o f c o n f l i c t s w i t h daimyo and o t h e r r e l i g i o u s  institutions.  For e x -  ample, the K o f u k u j i was b a d l y burned d u r i n g an I k k o - i k k i i n 1533, and the T o d a i j i was s e t a f i r e , and the h a l l t h a t s h e l t e r e d the famous d a i b u t s u was  55  c o m p l e t e l y d e s t r o y e d , d u r i n g a b a t t l e between Matsunaga H i s a h i d e , Kawachi and Yamato p r o v i n c e s , and h i s i n 1567. A l s o ,  former masters  lord of  the M i y o s h i o f Awa,  the Nara o t e r a l o s t many o f t h e i r e s t a t e s because they  c o u l d not p r e v e n t t h e i r c o n f i s c a t i o n by the daimyo. Thus, r e l a t i v e l y weak and w i t h no o r g a n i z a t i o n s  o f l a y members, the Nara o t e r a d i d not  l a r g e l y i n Nobunaga's campaigns  a g a i n s t the Buddhist  That which p r e v e n t e d the Buddhist  institutions  figure  institutions.  from o f f e r i n g a  possibly  i n d o m i t a b l e r e s i s t a n c e t o any and a l l who might have attempted t o  sup-  p r e s s t h e i r power o r c o n f i s c a t e t h e i r lands was t h e i r t o t a l l a c k o f T h i s was t r u e not o n l y i n the case o f r e l a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t but even w i t h i n each s c h o o l . Most o t e r a were i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e i r own h o l d i n g s  and r i g h t s ,  unity.  schools  maintaining  o f t e n i n opposition to other otera that  c l a i m e d some p o r t i o n o f them. The Buddhist  institutions  had so  little  sense o f common cause t h a t on o c c a s i o n o t e r a would a l l y w i t h daimyo t o campaign a g a i n s t o t h e r o t e r a , even a g a i n s t o t e r a o f t h e i r own s c h o o l . g i o u s bonds between o t e r a were most o f t e n s i m p l y n o n - e x i s t e n t .  Religion  was a house d i v i d e d a g a i n s t i t s e l f , w i t h no p o s s i b i l i t y o f u n i t y and less,  Reli-  still  therefore, of ultimate v i c t o r y .  Evidence of t h i s  lack of unity i s p l e n t i f u l :  The o l d e r Buddhist  s c h o o l s u s u a l l y t r i e d t o p r e v e n t the spread o f newer  o n e s , e s p e c i a l l y S h i n s h u , among the i n h a b i t a n t s ample, i n 1575 the a d m i n i s t r a t o r s  of t h e i r estates.  of Kofukuji estates  i n Yamato  For e x -  fought  a g a i n s t the monto t o p r e v e n t t h e i r spread i n t h a t a r e a f o r i t was  usually  t h e c a s e t h a t Honganji monto r e f u s e d t o pay the r e q u i r e d takes t o the e s t a t e owner—landowners v i r t u a l l y l o s t i n t o them.  t h e i r e s t a t e s when the monto moved  56  The spread o f the Honganji monto was opposed not o n l y by non-Shinshu  Bud-  d h i s t s c h o o l s , but by o t e r a t h a t belonged t o o t h e r branches o f Shinshu well.  For example, monto o f the Takada and Sanmonto branches o f  as  Shinshu  i n the p r o v i n c e o f E c h i z e n were opposed t o the Honganji monto and were even w i l l i n g  t o c o o p e r a t e w i t h Nobunaga  i n h i s campaigns  a g a i n s t them.  Negoro and Koya had a h i s t o r y o f mutual h o s t i l i t y g o i n g back t o the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y . In the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y they fought a g a i n s t one another i n t o the m i d - 1 5 7 0 ' s  f o r c o n t r o l o f U c h i county i n Yamato p r o v i n c e which  l a y immediately t o the e a s t o f them. Negoro and Koya were e v e r t r y i n g expand t h e i r h o l d i n g s ,  to  and i t was n a t u r a l f o r them t o l o o k t o the east  for  e x p a n s i o n because t o the west was the S a i g a a r e a o f K i i p r o v i n c e where t h e r e was an e s p e c i a l l y s t r o n g alone.  Ikko monto o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t was best  left  In o r d e r t o d e a l a blow t o t h e i r Shinshu enemies, Negoro and Koya  l e a d e r s were w i l l i n g campaigning  t o a l l y w i t h one a n o t h e r , o r w i t h daimyo who were  a g a i n s t the S a i g a monto. The w i l l i n g n e s s  a l l y w i t h daimyo a g a i n s t t h e i r c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s nature of  o f those o t e r a t o  witnesses  t o the f r a c t u r e d  Buddhism.  R i v a l r y between the two main branches o f T e n d a i i s  legendary.  e a r l y as the e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y the E n r y a k u j i and the M i i d e r a b i t t e r and v i o l e n t r i v a l s :  From as  ( O n j o j i ) were  i n 1081 E n r y a k u j i s o h e i a t t a c k e d and burned  down the M i i d e r a , and r e p e a t e d t h i s  a c t i n 1121, 1162, 1214, 1264, and  1317.  In the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y the E n r y a k u j i had an ongoing d i s p u t e w i t h the Toji  ( S h i n g o n ) : from 1555 t o 1576 they q u a r r e l e d over who was a l l o w e d  wear a s p e c i a l type o f Buddhist  r o b e . The Shingon bonzes had t a k e n i t  to upon  57  themselves t o wear a vestment t h a t had been f o r the e x c l u s i v e use o f E n r y a k u j i bonzes s i n c e the t e n t h c e n t u r y when i t was bestowed on them by the Emperor Murakami. The d i s p u t e was n o t , a c t u a l l y , over r e l i g i o u s  garb  but over which s c h o o l would a c q u i r e supremacy i n the Kanto a r e a .  Finally,  i n Nara t h e r e were d i s p u t e s among the v a r i o u s  o t e r a and among  the branches o f e a c h . F o r example, between 1574 and 1579 t h e r e was  inter-  n a l b i c k e r i n g between the E a s t e r n and Western branches o f the H o r y u j i .  Because o f the u t t e r l a c k o f u n i t y among the Buddhist dhist  institutions  schools,  the Bud-  as a whole never p r e s e n t e d a u n i t e d f r o n t a g a i n s t  one who was determined t o c u r t a i l t h e i r power. Had t h e r e appeared a  anyreli-  g i o u s e q u i v a l e n t o f Oda Nobunaga, had a new type o f Rennyo appeared, J a pan might have become r u l e d by a Buddhist s p e c u l a t i o n because the f a c t i s  " P o p e . " But t h i s  is  just  t h a t t h e r e was no u n i f i e r o f the  w o r l d , and indeed l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y  of h i s  r e a l i z i n g success  idle  Buddhist  should he  have appeared. Nobunaga c o u l d b r i n g the o t h e r daimyo i n t o l i n e w i t h the sword, but r e l i g i o u s  u n i t y c o u l d not be brought about  i n t h a t way.  Thus,  when Nobunaga appeared on the n a t i o n a l scene i n the l a t e 1560's he had t o contend w i t h the p o w e r f u l but d i s u n i t e d Buddhist  institutions.  Part I Chapter 1 Section 3 Shogun and Emperor in the Sixteenth Century  59  It  is  n e c e s s a r y t o b r i e f l y note the power o f the shogun and the c o u r t  the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y because they p l a y e d a p a r t tween Nobunaga and the Buddhist  i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e -  institutions.  In the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y the a c t u a l power s t i l l  i n the hands o f the  shogun was m i n i m a l . A l t h o u g h t h e r e was a c o n t i n u a l s u c c e s s i o n o f who h e l d the t i t l e Shogun. Y e t , the A s h i k a g a  in  Ashikaga  they were a t the mercy o f the Sengoku daimyo.  had a s p e c i a l type o f power: they c o u l d dangle b e f o r e  the eyes o f the daimyo the p o s s i b i l i t y o f b e i n g chosen as p a t r o n o f the Ashikaga  c a u s e , and a daimyo so chosen would t h e r e b y become the power b e -  h i n d the shogunate.  T h i s was a most a t t r a c t i v e l u r e - - i t c o u l d i n s p i r e d a i -  myo t o take t o the f i e l d on b e h a l f o f an A s h i k a g a w i t h a s t r o n g c l a i m t o the  shogunate.  In 1545, a t the age o f t e n , Y o s h i t e r u . became t h e t h i r t e e n t h A s h i k a g a  sho-  gun. Y o s h i t e r u was supported by the p o w e r f u l S a s a k i (Rokkaku) f a m i l y , the S a s a k i had s t i l l more p o w e r f u l enemies i n the persons o f the and t h e i r v a s s a l  Matsunaga H i s a h i d e .  In  but  Miyoshi  1550 the M i y o s h i e n t e r e d Kyoto  and p l a c e d i t under the a u t h o r i t y o f Matsunaga who became master o f the p r o v i n c e s o f Kawachi and Yamato. H i s a h i d e was a n o t o r i o u s l y a m b i t i o u s  man:  when h i s master M i y o s h i  son  and d e c l a r e d h i s  Chokei d i e d i n 1564, H i s a h i d e k i l l e d C h o k e i ' s  independence. The next y e a r he appealed t o Y o s h i t e r u t o  a p p o i n t him Governor G e n e r a l ( k a n r e i ) , a p o s t  f o r m e r l y h e l d by C h o k e i ,  and when the shogun r e f u s e d H i s a h i d e a t t a c k e d h i s p a l a c e . Y o s h i t e r u  cal-  l e d upon Uesugi K e n s h i n and M o r i M o t o n a r i t o come t o h i s a i d and when they d e c l i n e d he k i l l e d  himself.  H i s a h i d e , newly a l l i e d w i t h M i y o s h i Y o s h i t s u g u ,  the nephew and adopted  son  60  of Chokei, chose the three year old Yoshihide, grandson of the tenth shogun Yoshitane, to succeed Yoshiteru. Although investiture was refused bes cause of his young age, Yoshihide i s nevertheless counted as the fourteenth shogun.  On the death of Yoshiteru i n 1565, the bonze Gakkei of the I c h i j o - i n , a branch of the Kofukuji, had designs on becoming shogun?-he was a younger brother of Yoshiteru and son of the twelfth shogun Yoshiharu. Gakkei l e f t the I c h i j o - i n and, fleeing a p l o t against h i s l i f e by Hisahide, took r e fuge i n Omi province with the Sasaki, and there he took the name Yoshiaki. Yoshiaki was powerless so he appealed to Sasaki Yoshikata t o sponsor h i s claim to the shogunate. When Yoshikata declined that d i f f i c u l t task, Yoshiaki appealed to the Takeda and then t o the Asakura but they too r e fused. F i n a l l y , i n 1567, Yoshiaki sought, and received, the assistance of Oda Nobunaga who took up Yoshiaki's cause. One year l a t e r , on November 6, 1568, Nobunaga succeeded i n entering Kyoto with Yoshiaki who thus became 59 the f i f t e e n t h Ashikaga shogun and l a s t of the l i n e . The court was i n an e s p e c i a l l y impoverished condition during the s i x teenth century. Indeed, i t was so impoverished that the enthronement of the 106th  Emperor Ogimachi  (1558-1586) had to be delayed three years be-  cause of lack of funds. Although many land holdings were s t i l l i n i t s name, the court no longer received taxes from those lands because they had been confiscated by the daimyo who controlled the provinces i n which they lay. The Emperor possessed, however, a type o f power by v i r t u e o f h i s e l i t e status: he could i n v i t e a daimyo to "restore the terika". i . e . , unify the country,**® and thereby give to that daimyo a degree o f status and j u s t i -  61  fication for his actions that was otherwise unattainable. It is d i f f i c u l t to assess the real power of those invitations; they were quite meaningless were a daimyo not actually powerful enough to bring about reunification, but i t is generally acknowledged that an Imperial invitation did give one an added advantage. In Nobunaga'8 time the Emperor had a role in most peace negotiations between powerful warring parties. The Emperor served as an irreproachable third party in whose name the warring parties could address peace overtures to one another, and Imperial envoys, usually kuge, acted as mediators between them. The Emperor contributed to such negotiations not the a b i l i t y to force warring parties to make peace or to abide by the articles of the peace pledge, but rather an air of respectability and confidence that the negotiations would not have otherwise had. Besides, the Emperor's involvement made the acceptance of a peace proposal an honorable act. Between Nobunaga and Kennyo, for example, i t would have been one thing for Kennyo to flatly acknowledge his submission to Nobunaga, but another thing to submit to the wishes of the Emperor. The latter course was far less embarrassing, and i t allowed the parties to feel somewhat more secure ln the pact even though both were aware that they were in reality dealing directly with each other. It was customary to open a peace pledge with a notice to the effect that the person making the pledge was doing so in accordance with the wishes of the Emperor. Also, to f a i l to abide by the agreed upon stipulations was to f a i l to heed the Imperial dictum, and the degree of culpability borne by an offender would be greater than had the pact been but a simple arrangement between two contestants. This does not mean that either party was firmly bound to abide by the pact, but i t meant  62  that one would probably give extra consideration to thoughts of breaking i t . Besides, when one party requested peace through the Emperor, the other party was under more pressure to grant the request than i f i t had come directly from his opponent. The Emperor's presence raised the degree of gravity of peace negotiations and pledges, but he was not in a position to dictate the articles of peace or punish any who disregarded Imperial injunctions. The Emperor could send down orders that a certain policy be followed, but the extent to which those orders were followed depended more on the willingness of the recipient than on the elite status of the sender.  63  Having seen the a r r a y o f f o r c e s t h a t c o n f r o n t e d any daimyo who might  at-  tempt t o u n i f y the c o u n t r y , we s h a l l now t u r n our a t t e n t i o n t o the d a i myo who made, and l a r g e l y succeeded i n , t h a t a t t e m p t : Oda  Nobunaga.  Part  65  In this chapter we w i l l examine those factors that are important for an understanding of how and why Oda Nobunaga related to Buddhist institutions in the way he did: Section 1. Nobunaga's attitude towards religion, i n so far as this can be determined, and towards tradition in general. Section 2. Nobunaga'8 rise to power, and his a l l i e s . Section 3. Nobunaga*s relationship with the shogun and the court.*  66  Part I Chapter 2 Section 1 Oda Nobunaga's Character: His Attitude Towards Religion  67  Speculative probing into Nobunaga's character i s often i n t e r e s t i n g and challenging, and a great deal has been done by Japanese h i s t o r i a n s * — e v e n  2 Nobunaga's sexual mores have been probed.  While i t i s not our purpose to 3  provide a broad, d e t a i l e d , character sketch of Nobunaga,  an  examination  of his attitudes towards r e l i g i o n and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i s necessary i n order to d i s p e l a general notion that h i s actions against the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s r e f l e c t e d a demented mind. Unless Nobunaga's attitudes towards r e l i g i o n and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s aire understood,  the significance  of the changes that were taking place i n the r e l i g i o u s sphere of Japanese society i n the sixteenth century, and Nobunaga's role i n helping to bring about those changes, w i l l be overlooked or misunderstood. Oda Nobunaga has not fared well at the hands of h i s t o r i a n s , both Japanese and foreign. He i s painted i n broad strokes as savage and heartless, with not the s l i g h t e s t trace of humanity. In Oda Nobunaga. Harada Tomohiko says  4 that Nobunaga had no j i n (human-ness, benevolence, c h a r i t y ) .  George San-  som does not grant Nobunaga a single redeeming q u a l i t y — h e portrays him as savage and barbaric: a "crude and callous brute" who  "never showed a  sign of compassion..." Sansom supported t h i s opinion of Nobunaga's char5  acter by asserting that "a modern h i s t o r i a n , the learned and T s u j i Zennosuke, has t r i e d with but l i t t l e success to find aspects of Nobunaga."** Even James Murdoch, who  kind-hearted  favourable  o r d i n a r i l y looked upon  Oda, Toyotomi, and Tokugawa, as great heroes, asserted i n h i s e a r l y twentieth century h i s t o r y of Japan that while Hideyoshi was a genius, Nobunaga was  "at bottom and e s s e n t i a l l y merely a magnificent savage."^  Such evaluations of Nobunaga*s character may be found i n scores of works that deal with the Sengoku and Shokuho periods and, l i k e most sweeping  68  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , they a r e s i m p l i s t i c and i n a c c u r a t e . It to assert  i s simply  false  t h a t Nobunaga was t h o r o u g h l y inhumane o r t h a t he never showed a  s i g n o f compassion.  It  i s a l s o u n t r u e t h a t T s u j i Zennosuke h e l d as low an  o p i n i o n o f Nobunaga as Sansom i m p l i e s , f o r as T s u j i h i m s e l f s a i d : i n g reduced the power o f the g r e a t  religious  "...hav-  i n s t i t u t i o n s , and h a v i n g  opened the way f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n o f o r d e r i n s o c i e t y , we cannot but g s t a t e t h a t Nobunaga t o o was g r e a t . "  It  i s a l l the more remarkable t h a t  T s u j i made t h i s statement i n h i s grand work on the h i s t o r y o f Japanese Buddhism, h i s Nihon B u k k y o - s h i . a c o n t e x t i n which i t he would have been sympathetic t o the p e r s o n o f It  i s not l i k e l y that  Nobunaga.  i s a phenomenon o f Japanese h i s t o r y t h a t most o f the g r e a t  figures  of  t h e Sengoku p e r i o d a r e remembered i n somewhat s i m p l i s t i c extremes. Takeda Shingen,  f o r example, i s u s u a l l y p o r t r a y e d as a g r e a t man and a f i n e  u r e o f a daimyo, y e t t h i s  same Shingen g a i n e d power i n the f i r s t  fig-  instance  by o u s t i n g h i s own f a t h e r , N o b u t o r a , who l i v e d out h i s y e a r s under v i r t u a l house a r r e s t . The s t e r e o t y p e o f Nobunaga as savage, H i d e y o s h i as  genius,  and Ieyasu as w i s e , has r o o t e d i t s e l f d e e p l y i n the minds o f Japanese h i s t o r i a n s . A l l Japanese s c h o o l c h i l d r e n know the d i t t y t h a t says  Nobunaga  ground the wheat, H i d e y o s h i baked the c a k e , and Ieyasu a t e i t . Another p o p u l a r e x p r e s s i o n o f t h i s type t e l l s us t h a t Nobunaga was the k i n d o f p e r s o n who  on f i n d i n g a cuckoo t h a t would not s i n g would k i l l  y o s h i would make i t s i n g , and Ieyasu would w a i t f o r i t  to sing.  it,  Hide-  Expres-  s i o n s l i k e t h e s e a r e dangerous because t h e y b l u r the t r u e r o l e o f Nobunaga i n Japanese h i s t o r y — h e Is  p o r t r a y e d as w i t h o u t purpose o t h e r t h a n  t o d e s t r o y a l l t h a t p r e v e n t e d h i s r e u n i f i c a t i o n o f the c o u n t r y .  Most h i s t o r i a n s a r e so overwhelmed by Nobunaga's savage a t t a c k s on the  6.9.  Buddhist  i n s t i t u t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r i t y by h i s destruction of Mt. H i e i , that  he i s ever thought of i n a most negative way  and h i s negative character-  i s t i c s are g r e a t l y exaggerated. To portray Nobunaga's character i n such broad, negative strokes i s to f a i l to take into consideration the complexi t y of the man  and the nature of h i s times. But far more c r i t i c a l l y , i t  causes us to f a i l to appreciate the nature of the p o l i c i e s that Nobunaga pursued. To dismiss him as a brute i s to assume that h i s s t r i k e s against the Buddhist  i n s t i t u t i o n s were but the wild f l a i l i n g s  of a madman. It i s  our contention that Oda had very c l e a r l y defined p o l i c i e s towards the Buddhist  i n s t i t u t i o n s , p o l i c i e s that cannot be dismissed outright as 9  flatly  negative.  A calm h i s t o r i c a l evaluation of Nobunaga's role v i s - a - v i s the i n s t i t u t i o n s i s made d i f f i c u l t by the fact that he was callous person. On occasion, as s h a l l be seen, he was  Buddhist  such a c r u e l and capable of perform-  ing acts of kindness, but h i s dominant pattern was a harsh one. The  char-  a c t e r i s t i c of Nobunaga most frequently noted by h i s t o r i a n s i s h i s c r u e l ty. There i s no doubt that Nobunaga committed many c r u e l a c t s , the most f a m i l i a r ones being his slaughter of men,  women, and c h i l d r e n , on Mt.  Hiei  i n 1571, and h i s execution of the h i j i r i of Mt. Koya ten years l a t e r . A number of other actions witness to Nobunaga's c r u e l t y , for example: Oda's behavior on the occasion of the defeat of Asai Nagamasa and Asakura Yoshlkage i n 1573  i s a c l a s s i c of depravity: he commanded that t h e i r de-  capitated heads be cleaned of flesh and the s k u l l s lacquered i n s i l v e r and gold and placed on a serving tray so that he could use them as sake 10 cups. The Jesuit missionary Luis Frois recounts the story of how when Oda  was  70  i n s p e c t i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Y o s h i a k i ' s  N i j o p a l a c e i n 1569 he e s p i e d  a s o l d i e r who had f o r a moment taken a break from h i s d u t y and was f u l l y attempting t o l i f t  the v e i l  from a young woman's  play-  face i n order to  e n j o y a b e t t e r l o o k a t h e r . Oda s t r o d e o v e r t o the man a n d , w i t h o u t a word, drew h i s his  saying  sword and c u t o f f the man's head w i t h one s t r o k e . * *  Nihon B u n k a - s h i .  Supplement  III,  T s u j i Zennosuke l i s t s  In  a number o f  Oda'8 r e l a t i v e s who were put t o d e a t h by Oda d u r i n g h i s e f f o r t s  to bring  12 the p r o v i n c e o f Owari under h i s  control.  Such a c t i o n s have moved many t o c o n s i d e r Oda i n s a n e .  Okada A k i o says  that  13 it  is  haps,  r e c o r d e d t h a t Nobunaga  seemed, on o c c a s i o n , t o have gone mad.  s u g g e s t s Okada, t h e r e i s  Per-  a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r degree o f madness  in  any d e s p o t , but i n Nobunaga's case t h e r e appears t o have been something abnormal i n h i s  c h a r a c t e r . Sansom went so f a r as t o suggest t h a t 14  must have been an e v i l  s t r e a k i n the Oda f a m i l y . . . "  s u g g e s t s t h a t a type o f madness possessed  Nobunaga.*  "there  , and Sugiyama 5  It  is  often sug-  g e s t e d t h a t the many y e a r s o f u n c e a s i n g w a r f a r e caused Oda t o go Oda spent most o f h i s  l i f e i n the s a d d l e moving from one b l o o d y  t o the n e x t , and throughout h i s months r e s p i t e from b a t t l e .  It  Jiro  insane. campaign  l i f e t i m e he never enjoyed more than a few is  a l s o suggested  t h a t Oda's  c h a r a c t e r was  warped as a r e s u l t o f h i s h a v i n g been b e t r a y e d on a number o f by some o f h i s most t r u s t e d v a s s a l s . F o r such reasons  Oda i s  become v i c i o u s , c r u e l , and e x c e s s i v e t o the p o i n t o f i n s a n i t y  occasions said in  t o have his  campaigns. To c o n c l u d e from Oda's a c t s o f c r u e l t y t h a t he was i n s a n e i s judgment t h a t cannot be s u p p o r t e d by f a c t . available—it  It  t o make a  begs p r o o f , and none  is  i s e s s e n t i a l l y a p r e j u d i c e d c o n c l u s i o n . Oda c e r t a i n l y does  71  not appear insane i n h i s  l e t t e r s . To the end o f h i s  life  Oda demonstrated  the a b i l i t y t o make keen and l o g i c a l d e c i s i o n s c l e a r l y i n keeping w i t h h i s o v e r a l l a m b i t i o n . He made ho e r r a t i c o r f a n a t i c d e c i s i o n s  that could lead  us t o judge him t o have been i n s a n e .  When we acknowledge, as we must, t h a t Oda was c r u e l , we must r e a l i z e t h a t the term c r u e l t y i s r e l a t i v e , and t h a t war i s always c r u e l . The Sengoku p e r i o d was p o s s i b l y  the c r u e l e s t i n Japanese h i s t o r y — i t was a time when  the t a k i n g o f s c o r e s o f heads on the b a t t l e f i e l d was a s t a n d a r d p r a c t i s e , and when women, and even c h i l d r e n , were accustomed t o a p p l y makeup t o the f r e s h l y severed heads o f the f a l l e n w i t h o u t a qualm. F i r e and were the two main weapons o f Sengoku p e r i o d b a t t l e s .  starvation  In the f i e l d both  arrows and b u l l e t s were u s e d , but i n the e n d , more o f t e n t h a n n o t , the outcome was determined by the s i z e o f the s t o c k p i l e o f s u p p l i e s on which the b e s i e g e d were s i t t i n g .  One can imagine the wretchedness o f the s i t u -  a t i o n when the s u p p l i e s r a n out f o r the b e s e i g e d and they were reduced t o e a t i n g the l e a t h e r o f t h e i r h o r s e s '  s a d d l e s a n d , i n the e n d , one a n o t h e r .  T h i s h o r r o r i s brought out i n Document 464 i n which Oda informed h i s e r a l Akechi Mitsuhide of h i s progress  a g a i n s t the Ikko monto i n Ise  genprov-  i n c e i n 1574: Oda t o l d A k e c h i t h a t because monto s u p p l i e s had r u n low i n two o f the f o r t r e s s e s under s e i g e  i t would be but a matter o f days b e -  f o r e the f o r t s c o l l a p s e d , and a l r e a d y r e p o r t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t l a r g e  numbers  o f p e o p l e , b o t h men and women, had s t a r v e d t o death i n the b e s e i g e d  forts.  From a p r e s e n t day p e r s p e c t i v e t h e r e i s not one Sengoku daimyo who c o u l d be spared the a c c u s a t i o n o f c r u e l t y — e v e n i f  i t c o u l d be e s t a b l i s h e d  Nobunaga's treatment o f h i s enemies was more c r u e l t h a n t h a t o f h i s  that con-  t e m p o r a r i e s , we have no r e a s o n t o t h i n k him e s s e n t i a l l y u n l i k e o t h e r d a i -  72  myo. In terms of savagery and cruelty there was l i t t l e difference between Nobunaga and Hideyoshi, Nobunaga and Takeda Shingen, Nobunaga and the other daimyo—the others were not markedly more humane than Nobunaga, so i f any can be c a l l e d savage they a l l can. Even i f Nobunaga was more cruel than other daimyo the difference was quantitative, and not by much, rather than q u a l i t a t i v e . Indeed, although the Jesuit missionaries condemned Nobunaga's behavior, i t was they who, when the Dutch (Protestant) ship Liefde was towed, c r i p p l e d , into a Bungo (Kyushu) port i n 1600, urged that i t s crew be put to death at once.  While i t i s easy to find evidence of Nobunaga's c r u e l t y , there i s also material that provides us with a glimpse of a better side of h i s character. This material i s usually overlooked. Although we are often told that Nobunaga k i l l e d h i s younger brother Nobuyuki i n 1557, i t i s rarely mentioned that but one year e a r l i e r Nobunaga forgave him for having r i s e n against him. When Nobuyuki took up arms against Nobunaga the second time, he was k i l l e d . In 1556 Nobunaga*s h a l f brother Tsuda Nobuhiro plotted with Saito Yoshitatsu, lord of Mino province, and attacked Oda. When Oda defeated them he did not execute Nobuhiro but treated him warmly, and from that year Nobuhiro became a l o y a l subordinate of Oda. In Document 14 we 17 have more evidence of Nobunaga's a b i l i t y to show compassion.  In that  document Nobunaga forgave the Yamaguchi family which had been punished by his  father and brought to ruin--he instructed that t h e i r holdings be re-  stored and that the family's re-establishment be carried out according to 18 the wishes of Yamaguchi's widow. In Document 311  Nobunaga ordered the  "foreign r e l i g i o n ' s doctors" (gaikyS kusushi). that i s , Jesuit Padres who knew medicine, to come at once to Azuchi from the Kannonji i n Omi where  73  t h e y were s t a y i n g , "Imperial  t o t r e a t M a t s u i Yukan, Oda's p a r t - t i m e s e c r e t a r y and  Household M i n i s t e r "  (kunaikyo K o i n ) , who was s i c k w i t h a tumor.  The J e s u i t s had a b e t t e r knowledge o f medicine than the t r a d i t i o n a l J a p a n ese d o c t o r s , so Nobunaga appealed t o them when M a t s u i became i l l . T h i s was i n 1572, one o f Nobunaga's most d i f f i c u l t y e a r s , and h i s i n t e r v e n t i o n on b e h a l f o f M a t s u i a t such a c r i t i c a l l y to h i s concern for h i s  loyal  personal  time w i t n e s s e s  strong-  retainers.  T s u j i Zennosuke t e l l s us about Oda's k i n d n e s s  t o one o f h i s  foot  soldiers  who had fought i n a b a t t l e i n 1573. A f t e r the b a t t l e , when Oda n o t i c e d t h a t the s o l d i e r was marching a l o n g i n bare f e e t t h a t were c o v e r e d w i t h b l o o d , he took from h i s w a i s t a p a i r o f s a n d a l s t h a t he was  accustomed  from h i s youth t o c a r r y i n t o b a t t l e w i t h him as a good l u c k charm, and gave them t o the  soldier.  19  By f a r the most i n t e r e s t i n g e v i d e n c e t h a t we have o f Nobunaga's human side is  found i n a l e t t e r t h a t he wrote t o H i d e y o s h i ' s w i f e whom he a d -  d r e s s e d as " M r s .  20 T o k i c h i r o " ( T o k i c h i r o Onnadomo). This l e t t e r is  d a t e d but i t was p r o b a b l y w r i t t e n i n 1576 o r 1577 because i t  refers  not to  a meeting between Oda and H i d e y o s h i ' s w i f e t h a t a p p a r e n t l y took p l a c e when Oda was on an i n s p e c t i o n t o u r o f h i s new c a s t l e a t A z u c h i t h a t was under c o n s t r u c t i o n . During t h e i r meeting H i d e y o s h i ' s w i f e gave  then  Nobunaga  some g i f t s a n d , i n the c o u r s e o f t h e i r c o n v e r s a t i o n , she complained about her s i t u a t i o n w i t h Hideyoshi.  In the l e t t e r t h a t Oda s u b s e q u e n t l y sent  h e r he thanked h e r f o r the g i f t s and s a i d : You looked even b e t t e r than you d i d the l a s t time I saw y o u . I compliment you on your beauty and g r a c e . It i s a most d i s g r a c e f u l s t a t e o f a f f a i r s t h a t T o k i c h i r S s h o u l d sometimes c o m p l a i n about a w i f e such as you. No matter how he might s e a r c h , t h a t b a l d r a t  to  74  could never again find a wife the equal of you. Therefore, be of good cheer from now on. Like a proper wife always behave i n a d i g n i f i e d manner and do not, even for a moment, give i n to feelings of jealousy. Such i s the duty of a wife: r e f r a i n from speaking too much, and be sure to take good care of Tokichiro. I want you to show t h i s l e t t e r to Hashiba. This l e t t e r i s , as Kuwata Tadachika notes, the greatest of a l l of Nobunaga' 8 l e t t e r s for i n i t we find a display of much kindness by the legendary "demon-like warrior whose very name i n s t i l l e d fear" (naku-ko mo 99  damaru k i s h i n no gotoki busho). * In t h i s l e t t e r Nobunaga expressed sympathy for Hideyoshi's (Tokichiro's) wife, t r i e d to cheer her up by complimenting her beauty and grace and by assuring her that she was most deserving of Hideyoshi's attention, and he admonished H i d e y o s h i  (Hashiba)  by i n s t r u c t i n g h i s wife to show the l e t t e r to him. Nobunaga*s continual involvement i n m i l i t a r y s t r i f e d i d not allow t h i s side of h i s character to show through very often, but i t i s evident from t h i s l e t t e r that there was a human side to him. The main reason why  there are but a few displays of kindness i n Nobunaga's  l e t t e r s i s that we do not have a c o l l e c t i o n of h i s personal l e t t e r s . A l though a few personal l e t t e r s , l i k e the one to Hideyoshi's wife and another one i n which Nobunaga thanked a c e r t a i n "Fumoshi" for her l e t t e r 23 and the g i f t of two l i g h t summer kimono (katabira),  are extant, Okuno's  c o l l e c t i o n consists mainly of o f f i c i a l documents i n which i t i s rather too much to expect displays of personal a f f e c t i o n . A great number of Hideyoshi's l e t t e r s to h i s wife, concubines, and friends are extant, and  from  them one can come to know Hideyoshi's h e a r t . ^ Nobunaga's l e t t e r s allow us to see h i s mind and w i l l . To adopt the extreme p o s i t i o n that Nobunaga lacked humanity i s to overlook the few opposing pieces of evidence we have.  75  Nobunaga'8 a t t i t u d e towards r e l i g i o n i n general appears to have been at h e i s t i c . In the description of Oda Luis Frois said of him:  "He  that he sent to h i s Jesuit superiors,  scorns the kami and Buddhas and t h e i r images,  and he believes nothing of paganism or of such things as d i v i n a t i o n . A l though he i s nominally a member of the Hokke school, he states unequivo c a l l y that there i s no Creator, no immortality of the soul, and  that  25 nothing e x i s t s a f t e r death."  It i s evident  from h i s actions that  Oda  cared nothing about those places that were t r a d i t i o n a l l y venerated i n Japan. For example, i n Harada Toshihara's Sohei to Bushi we  find a c l e a r  contrast between Oda's opinion of Mt. H i e i and that of Takeda Shingen: on hearing of Nobunaga's destruction of Mt. H i e i , Shingen said of him, 26 "He has destroyed the buppo-obo. He i s the ghost of the d e v i l ! " Oda, on the other hand, said of the famous mountain: "In Japan i t considers 27  i t s e l f to be a l i v i n g kami or Buddha. Rocks and trees are not kami." Hirata a l s o t e l l s us that Oda made a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y irreverent response to Shingen's lament by signing a l e t t e r with the signature "Nobu28 naga, Anti-Buddhist Demon" (Dairokuten no Mao Nobunaga) Aida Y u j i , i n Oda  Nobunaga, says f l a t l y that Nobunaga hated r e l i g i o n , but  elsewhere i n the same work Sugiyama J i r o says that i t was  not simply a 29  case of hating Buddhism because Oda had some bonze friends. Oda appears to have enjoyed offending the s e n s i b i l i t i e s of the bonzes. Frois paints a picture of Nobunaga's sacriligeous acts against a number  30 of otera i n Kyoto i n 1569 when he was  constructing the Nijo palace.  Materials for that palace were gathered from the Kyoto otera by Oda simply confiscated t h e i r most valuable works of a r t and  force—  precious  treasures, and used the sacred stone statues of the Buddha for building  76  b l o c k s . F r o i s r e l a t e d how some s t a t u e s were p l a c e d on c a r t s i n o r d e r t o be t r a n s p o r t e d t o the s i t e o f the N i j o p a l a c e , and how o t h e r s , when c a r t s were i n s h o r t s u p p l y o r the s t a t u e s t o o l a r g e , were dragged a l o n g  through  t h e s t r e e t s o f Kyoto by ropes t i e d around t h e i r n e c k s . F r o i s added, n e e d lessly,  t h a t the bonzes and a l l the r e s i d e n t s o f Kyoto were t e r r i f i e d  of  Nobunaga. -  -  The Shlncho K o k i  31 t e l l s how Oda used b u i l d i n g stones and o t h e r m a t e r i a l s  t h a t were t a k e n from a number o f o t e r a i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h i s a c e - f o r t r e s s i n A z u c h i i n 1576. S i m i l a r i l y ,  pal-  i n t h a t same y e a r Oda s i m p l y  commandeered from the Nara o t e r a the s u p p l i e s and p e r s o n n e l needed f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f s e v e r a l f o r t r e s s e s  i n the v i c i n i t y o f the H o n g a n j i .  In 1580 Oda's g e n e r a l T s u t s u i J u n k e i , h i m s e l f a former b o n z e , c o n f i s c a t e d bells  from s e v e r a l o f the Nara o t e r a so they c o u l d be melted down and  t u r n e d i n t o cannons. Oda's contempt f o r the monto appears i n s e v e r a l documents: i n Document 283 ^32 he r e f e r r e d t o the Ikko monto as the "gang o f r e b e l s " ( i k k i no y a k a r a ) , 33 i n Document 461 he r e f e r r e d t o them as " r e b e l s " ( i k k i - d o m o ) . and i n Document 831 he c a l l e d the Hokke monto " n u i s a n c e s " , o r " p e s t s "  (itazura-  34 mono). his  Oda's contemptuous a t t i t u d e appears t o have g o t t e n the b e t t e r o f  judgment on a t l e a s t one o c c a s i o n : ' i n Document 512, i s s u e d i n 1575,  Oda boasted t o h i s g e n e r a l Nagaoka F u j i t a k a t h a t , h a v i n g overcome the monto i n the p r o v i n c e s o f K a i , Shinano, Suruga, and Mikawa, he had but one " s m a l l h i l l "  (Osaka)  t o c o n q u e r . - * Oda made a pun on the name Osaka, 3  the Honganji c i t a d e l , by s u b s t i t u t i n g  f o r the f i r s t c h a r a c t e r o f the Osaka  name compound, which i s pronounced " o " (long vowel) and means " g r e a t " " l a r g e " , a c h a r a c t e r t h a t i s pronounced " o " ( s h o r t vowel) and means  or  "small"  77  or " t r i v i a l " . Thus Osaka, which translates as "Great H i l l " and the nuance of hill".  Honganji greatness, was  contained  changed to "osaka", meaning "small  It required another f i v e years a f t e r t h i s boast for Oda to gain  v i c t o r y over the Honganji. In this context, i t also appears that Oda was  loath  to admit defeat at  the hands of the monto. In Document 278, a response to a l e t t e r of condolence that Oda received from several bakufu o f f i c i a l s when he suffered a defeat by the monto of Ise province i n 1571,  Oda did not acknowledge  defeat even though h i s reply was written on the very day on which he 36  cut h i s losses and withdrew from Ise. just at the point when he was  On the contrary, he explained that  about to rout the monto they begged his f o r 37  giveness and he (magnanimously) acquiesced. Oda  S i m i l a r i l y , i n Document 414  l i e d to Kobayakawa Takakage, son of Mori Motonari of Aki province,  about how he punished the Echizen monto rebels i n the f a l l of 1573 when 38 i n fact he had just suffered a setback on t h e i r account. There i s much speculation and disagreement about what Buddhist school  Oda  may have belonged to, even though Oda himself scorned r e l i g i o n . Luis 39  F r o i s , as quoted above, Frois may  said that Oda was nominally of the Hokke school.  have thought this because Oda had a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with the 40  Hokke bonze H i c h i j o Chozan,  and because Oda was accustomed to stay at  Hokke otera during h i s v i s i t s to Kyoto. During those v i s i t s Oda usually stayed at the Honnoji, a Hokke otera and the s i t e of his death i n  1582,  and i n the f i r s t a r t i c l e of Document 267 he declared that the Honnoji was 41 his reserved lodging and that no others were to stay there. Tamamuro T a i j o says that although Nobunaga hated Buddhism, the active and  78  a g g r e s s i v e c h a r a c t e r o f the Hokke s c h o o l was v e r y c o m p a t i b l e w i t h h i s c h a r a c t e r , and t h a t he seems t o have had a s p e c i a l f e e l i n g f o r i t  own  at  42 first.  It  w i l l be seen t h a t Oda had no major c o n f l i c t s w i t h the Hokke  monto u n t i l 1579. C o n t r a r y t o the f o r e g o i n g o p i n i o n s about Nobunaga*s r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , 43 Iki Iki,  J u i c h i says t h a t Oda was a member o f the Zen s c h o o l . t h i s was because Oda's Buddhist  According to  " c o n v e r s i o n " was r e c e i v e d by Takugen  Shuon, a R l n z a i Zen bonze o f t h e M y o s h i n j i i n K y o t o , w i t h whom Oda was on 44 i n t i m a t e terms. Okuno T a k a h i r o , however, says t h a t Oda's c o n v e r s i o n was r e c e i v e d by the T o d a i j i (Kegonshu) bonze Shogoku who was abbot o f the 45 A m i d a j i i n Yamashirp p r o v i n c e .  Nobunaga a l s o had a s p e c i a l c o n n e c t i o n  w i t h the K u d a r a d e r a , a T e n d a i o t e r a i n Omi p r o v i n c e , and w i t h t h e K o m a t s u j i , a Shingon o t e r a i n O w a r i , i n t h a t he r e c o g n i z e d them as h i s 46 ( k i g a n l i . or kigansho).  "patron o t e r a "  B e s i d e s t h o s e a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h Buddhist s c h o o l s and o t e r a , Oda had o t h e r c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h Buddhist b o n z e s : he o f t e n used b o n z e s — s u c h as the T e n d a i abbot S h o r e n ' i n  47  _ and the a f o r e m e n t i o n e d N i c h i j o C h o z a n — a s  and m e d i a t o r s i n h i s d e a l i n g s w i t h o t h e r daimyo, the c o u r t , and institutions;  messengers religious  some o f Oda's' h i g h - r a n k i n g o f f i c e r s were e x - b o n z e s - - s u c h as  Cho T s u r a t a t s u and T s u t s u i J u n k e i ^ — a n d s e v e r a l members o f Oda's 8  family,  such as h i s younger b r o t h e r Nagamasu and h i s two sons S h i n k i c h i and Nobu49 h i d e , were a l s o b o n z e s . One cannot c o n c l u d e from the f o r e g o i n g  i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t Nobunaga had any  kind of personal f a i t h or d e v o t i o n . While i t o f Nobunaga'8. p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e ,  is  i m p o s s i b l e t o be c e r t a i n  t h a t p h i l o s o p h y i s p o s s i b l y b e s t summed  79  up  i n the s h o r t v e r s e  Oda  i s s a i d t o have sung on the eve  o f Okehazama when h i s s m a l l 25,000 man  f o r c e o f some 1800  men  army o f Imagawa Yoshimoto i n 1560.  w h i l e Oda  The  was  o f the B a t t l e  about t o f a c e  Shincho K o k i says t h a t  performed a dance c a l l e d the a t s u m o r i he sang: "When we  s i d e r man's f i f t y y e a r s i n t h i s w o r l d , they are  the  l i k e a passing  con-  dream.  50 We all  have l i f e but that there  divinity  once...how p e r i s h a b l e we  are."  To Oda,  this l i f e  i s . I t i s sometimes s u g g e s t e d , however, t h a t Oda  is  claimed  f o r h i m s e l f . Kashiwahara Yusen, f o r example, t e l l s us t h a t when  Oda  b u i l t A z u c h i c a s t l e he  was  engraved Oda's own  installed  name, and  i n i t an image o f a kami on which  t o w h i c h a l l had  t h i s same v e i n , L u i s F r o i s ' l e t t e r o f 1583 t h e r e was  no g r e a t e r  l o r d t h a n he,  to o f f e r worship.^*  s t a t e d t h a t Oda  "fancied  not merely i n the w o r l d but  In  that  i n Heaven  52 itself..."  However he may  p e a r s t h a t Oda  h i m s e l f was  have r a t i o n a l i z e d o r p h i l o s o p h i z e d the h i g h e s t  being  no a u t h o r i t y , on e a r t h o r i n heaven, was  i n h i s own  higher  Towards r e l i g i o n , r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and general, spect  Oda  nobility  f o r whom he had  but  and  own.  the Japanese t r a d i t i o n i n  as F r o i s r e p o r t e d , he  nothing  pantheon,  than h i s  appears t o have been an i c o n o c l a s t . He had  f o r r e l i g i o n and,  i t , i t ap-  l i t t l e o r no  t a l k e d down t o the 53  contempt.  Japanese  Sugiyama J i r o suggests  t h a t a type o f madness drove Nobunaga t o t e a r out a l l the a n c i e n t T h i s was,  taboos."^  says Sugiyama, a type o f madness t h a t m a n i f e s t e d i t s e l f i n r a -  t i o n a l a c t i o n s — O d a c o l d l y and One  re-  l o g i c a l l y implemented h i s mad  can a c c e p t Sugiyama's s u g g e s t i o n  t h a t Nobunaga was  taboos w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o agree t h a t t h a t was i n d e e d , i t was  a s i g n o f g e n i u s . The  schemes.  against  the  ancient  a s i g n o f i n s a n i t y . Perhaps,  problem w i t h t h i s type o f g e n e r a l i z a -  t i o n about Oda's a n t i - t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e i s t h a t i t g i v e s the  impression  80  t h a t Oda s t r u c k i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a t any and a l l  t a b o o s , but t h a t was  the c a s e . Had Nobunaga d e a l t h a r s h l y w i t h the Emperor and the c o u r t , yama would have a s t r o n g a r g u m e n t — b u t the I m p e r i a l o f madness i f  Oda r e s t o r e d , a t l e a s t  not Sugi-  financially,  h o u s e , so he must have had a s e l e c t i v e , d i s c r i m i n a t i n g ,  form  indeed he was mad a t a l l . Oda was i c o n o c l a s t i c , not mad.  In o r d e r t o understand Nobunaga's i c o n o c l a s t i c a t t i t u d e i t  is  necessary  t o c o n s i d e r one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the newly a r i s e n daimyo o f the p e r i o d . That i s ,  Sengoku  t h e i r i n t e n s e i n t e r e s t i n c l o s e r e l a t i o n s w i t h the c o u r t  and the a r i s t o c r a c y . Many new daimyo had a f e e l i n g o f i n f e r i o r i t y towards t h e c e n t e r o f c u l t u r e and the way o f l i f e o f the upper c l a s s i n Kyoto; t h e y were i n awe o f t r a d i t i o n a n d , suggests Suzuki R y o i c h i , they a t tempted t o s t a n d as c l o s e as p o s s i b l e ity.  5 5  t o the f o n t o f t r a d i t i o n a l  author-  They wanted t o bask i n the borrowed g l o r y o f the a n c i e n t c o u r t and  t o i n s u r e t h e i r own s a f e t y .  Suzuki f u r t h e r e x p l a i n s t h a t the term gekoku-  j o . which d e s c r i b e s a s i t u a t i o n i n which v a s s a l s attempt t o overthrow and r e p l a c e t h e i r m a s t e r s , and which i s u s u a l l y used t o d e s c r i b e the  situation  i n Nobunaga's t i m e , does not r e f l e c t a n e g a t i o n o f " j o " ( s u p e r i o r , or i n this  c o n t e x t , upper c l a s s ) ,  upper,  but r a t h e r i t means t h a t the b u s h i ,  t i v a t e d by the c o u r t , t r i e d t o become " j o " . * * They wanted o f f i c i a l 5  and t i t l e s , a c o u r t - g r a n t e d name, and the r i g h t  cap-  ranks  t o use a s p e c i a l s e a l  or  r i d e i n a l a c q u e r e d p a l a n q u i n ; they a l s o wanted economic and commercial r e l a t i o n s w i t h the K i n a i d i s t r i c t . Emperor and shogun,  devoid  In t h i s c l i m a t e i t was p o s s i b l e  of a c t u a l m i l i t a r y might,  to wield  f o r the  consider-  a b l e power.  Oda Nobuhide, Nobunaga's f a t h e r , had g a i n e d somewhat o f a name f o r a t the c o u r t by d o n a t i o n s o f money t o i t on two o c c a s i o n s :  himself  i n 1540 he c o n -  81  tributed to the construction of a temporary outer shrine building at the Great Shrine i n Ise, and i n 1543 he donated a large sum of money toward the repair of the Imperial palace. In return for the former, Nobuhide was granted the t i t l e "Lord of Bingo" (Bingo no Kami)—by which t i t l e he i s referred to i n the Shincho Koki —and 57  for the latter he was sent a letter  from the Emperor Gonara and a copy of the f i r s t part of the Kokin Wakashu. Shortly afterwards Nobuhide fought with Saito Dosan of Mino and barely escaped with his l i f e ; he attributed his fortunate escape to the court and requested i t to make another request that he donate money to i t i n the event of a battle at some future date. Like many of his contemporaries, Nobuhide perceived the court i n almost magical terms. Nobunaga, however, harboured no such affection for Kyoto. On the contrary, i t appears that he reacted against what he considered to be the excessive attachment of his father and his peers to the court. From a very early age Oda demonstrated such a strong degree of independence, iconoclasm, and eccentricity, that he was given the nicknames "Big Fool" and "Idiot" (outsuke and tawakemono). Many stories describe Oda's strange behavior which his dress and appearance reflected: "He wore a short-sleeved shirt and a bag of flints hung from his waist. His hair was done i n the chasen style, tied up with red and green cords, and a long sword in a red lacquered sheath hung from his belt. He strode around town laden with chestnuts, 58 persimmons, and melons, and with his mouth stuffed with rice cakes." It is commonly suggested that Nobunaga deliberately chose to play the fool as a ploy for survival in the time of upset following his father's death. Nobuhide died i n 1551 when Nobunaga was but sixteen years old, and the only way he could survive was to appear a fool who offered no threat to  82  the older and more powerful members of the Oda family who were competing for power l n Owari. While there may be some truth to this suggestion, i t does not completely explain Oda's behavior. The fact i s that from very e a r l y a f t e r Nobuhide's death Nobunaga was involved i n any number of skirmishes with h i s r e l a t i v e s who t r i e d to take control of Nobuhide's bunkoku.  Besides, Nobunaga's behavior was somewhat unorthodox even be-  fore h i s father's death, and i t continued  to be so well a f t e r i t . For  example, Padre Frois supplied the following d e s c r i p t i o n of Nobunaga's dress when he met him i n 1569 at the Nijo palace: "When he went to s i t down, Nobunaga wrapped a t i g e r skin around h i s hips. He wore extremely rough clothing and i n imitation of him a l l present put on animal skins. No one dared appear before him wearing the robes of the c o u r t . F r o i s also stated that Nobunaga hated the circumlocutions the speech of the nobility.**  Although i t i s impossible  that characterized  1  to judge motivation,  i t seems that Nobunaga's  eccentric behavior reflected a conscious p o l i c y on h i s p a r t — h e was acting, from an e a r l y age, against what he considered  to be an excessive a f f e c t i o n  for the court, and was d e l i b e r a t e l y r e j e c t i n g the standards and mores of the court and o f t r a d i t i o n i n general. Oda appears t o have harbored high ambitions from a young age. According to T s u j i Zennosuke, as early as 1549 when Oda was but fourteen or f i f t e e n 62  years o l d , he used the name Taira i n his signature.  In f a c t , two of Oda's go  documents i n Okuno's c o l l e c t i o n are signed "Taira Nobunaga".  T s u j i sug-  gests that because the Ashikaga shogunal l i n e was descended from the Minamoto family, the Seiwa Genlji, Nobunaga's use of the name Taira was a way to serve notice on the Ashikaga that i t was time for them to transfer t h e i r  83  power t o a descendant o f the T a i r a f a m i l y a c c o r d i n g t o the p r a c t i s e o f t u r n about between the T a i r a and Minamoto f a m i l i e s which had been e s t a b 64 lished centuries e a r l i e r . Oda d e c l a r e d h i s  By c l a i m i n g t o be descended from the T a i r a ,  l e g i t i m a c y as s u c c e s s o r t o the A s h i k a g a .  S i n c e Oda was  o n l y f i f t e e n y e a r s o l d when he f i r s t used the T a i r a name, i t would seem t h a t he had v e r y h i g h a m b i t i o n s  from t h a t e a r l y age.  B e s i d e s the name T a i r a , he a l s o used the a n c i e n t and n o b l e name F u j i w a r a , 65 as e v i d e n c e d i n Document 1 i n which he s i g n e d h i m s e l f F u j i w a r a Nobunaga. The r e a s o n why Oda used t h i s s i g n a t u r e  i s not c l e a r , and Kuwata Tadachika  urges c a u t i o n i n drawing any c o n c l u s i o n s on the b a s i s o f i t s usage 66  in  Document 1 because i t appears i n no o t h e r documents. . Document 1 was t o the famous S h i n t o A t s u t a D a i j i n g u i n Owari p r o v i n c e , and i t t h a t Oda may have t r i e d t o g i v e h i m s e l f some s p e c i a l s t a t u s  is  sent  possible  i n correspond-  i n g w i t h t h a t s h r i n e by a s s e r t i n g a t r a d i t i o n a l c l a i m o f h i s  family  that  i t had descended from a f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y kuge named F u j i w a r a Nobumasa. B e s i d e s t h e s e e x c e p t i o n a l uses o f the T a i r a and F u j i w a r a names, Oda sometimes s i g n e d documents w i t h h i s o f f i c i a l t i t l e s .  In a number o f documents  i s s u e d i n 1568, f o r example, Oda used the s i g n a t u r e Danjo no j o ^ , and  in 68  o t h e r documents he s i g n e d h i m s e l f Oda Owari no Kami, i . e . , Lord o f Owari. From 1568 Oda almost  i n v a r i a b l y used s i m p l y h i s  signature or his  which was i n s c r i b e d h i s name o r h i s motto. In some o f h i s  s e a l on  l e t t e r s — f o r ex-  ample, the famous one t o H i d e y o s h i ' s w i f e — O d a used the v e r y i n f o r m a l  sig-  n a t u r e "Nobu". T h i s p r a c t i s e o f not u s i n g t i t l e s was c o n s i s t e n t w i t h h i s lack of respect for t r a d i t i o n a l values. A l t h o u g h throughout the Shincho K o k i t h e r e i s a s c a t t e r i n g o f  information  84  on the v a r i o u s c o u r t ranks t h a t Oda r e c e i v e d over the y e a r s , i n May o f 1577 he r e s i g n e d a l l and t i t l e s .  Imperial  In Document 707,  o f f i c e s and d i v e s t e d h i m s e l f o f c o u r t  ranks  which was i s s u e d l a t e i n A p r i l , o f 1577,  Oda t o l d the kuge Hino Terusuke t h a t i t would not be time f o r him t o h o l d c o u r t ranks u n t i l a l l the p r o v i n c e s were p a c i f i e d and the " f o u r ( s h i k a i ) were under c o n t r o l . ® Nobunaga's r e s i g n a t i o n o f c o u r t 7  witnesses  to his  seas" titles  i c o n o c l a s t i c a t t i t u d e . He wanted t o demonstrate h i s  depencence from the a n c i e n t symbols o f a u t h o r i t y which he h e l d i n  in-  little  esteem.  B r e e d i n g and p r o p e r b l o o d l i n e s meant n o t h i n g t o Nobunaga. such p a t r i c i a n s as Niwa Nagahide and Hosokawa  Together w i t h  F u j i t a k a , he added t o  his  i n n e r c i r c l e such low b o r n p e o p l e as Toyotomi H i d e y o s h i and A k e c h i M i t s u h i d e . Oda promoted p e o p l e on the b a s i s o f t h e i r a b i l i t y , and demoted t h o s e - - n o matter what t h e i r b r e e d i n g — w h o  f a i l e d t o meet h i s  expectations.  A good example o f the l a t t e r was Nobunaga's punishment o f Sakuma a p e r s o n o f n o b l e f a m i l y and one o f Oda's tOp r a n k i n g g e n e r a l s ,  Nobumori, for  his  poor performance d u r i n g the s e i g e o f the Honganji c i t a d e l from 1575 t o 1580.  7 1  P e r s o n s , whether they were b o n z e s , kuge. o r p e a s a n t s , who showed  l o y a l t y t o Oda were rewarded, and those who opposed him were d e s t r o y e d .  Even Nobunaga's hobbies r e f l e c t e d h i s  i c o n o c l a s m : he enjoyed the common  s p o r t s o f sumo and hawking.  Nobunaga*s c h a r a c t e r i s p r o b a b l y b e s t  summed up i n the motto t h a t the Zen  bonze Takugen Shuon recommended t o him i n 1567, and which he used c o n t i n u a l l y from December o f t h a t y e a r . Oda's motto read " t e n k a f u b u " and meant, l i t e r a l l y , " t o o v e r s p r e a d w i t h power" (fubu)  it  " a l l under h e a v e n "  85.  (tenka), i.e., the nation.'* Thus the motto may be translated "Rule the nation by f o r c e " .  73  From 1568 until his death in 1582 Oda frequently made appeals to other daimyo to join his cause "for the good of the tenka" (tenka no tame) or for Oda's own good (Oda no tame), and to Oda's mind the good of the tenka and Oda'8 own good were one and the same. In Document 233 Oda appealed for the loyalty of the Endo family of Mino province, telling them that a forthcoming battle was of c r i t i c a l importance "to the tenka. to Nobu74 naga" (tenka no tame, Nobunaga tame).  In Document 378 Oda explained to  Mori Terumoto of Aki province that he took steps against the shogun Yoshiaki because he had "discarded the tenka" (tenka o suteokaruru).  75  This  meant that Yoshiaki had failed to act i n keeping with Nobunaga's plans for the tenka. Oda identified what was good for him as good for the state, and he f e l t , like Louis XIV of France and Napoleon Bonaparte, "L'etat c'est moi." Nobunaga has been called many things: insane, a "lucky adventurer" (fuunko) *>, « f £ 7  among the lawless" (muho daiichi no s h u ) , a "mad 77  rst  a l i s t " (kySki gorishugisha)  ration-  78 , an  atheist, and a magnificent savage. He  was neither irrational nor insane. Rather, says Okada Akio, he was a quick-tempered  and autocratic person with a violent nature, someone who  knew his purpose and paid no heed to the opinions of others in pursuing 79 it.  Nobunaga had a vision of a unified Japan, with himself at the apex  of power and with a l l other segments of society f i l l i n g roles assigned by him, and he struck violently at any and a l l who stood in the way of the realization of that vision. Oda would brook no opposition--neither the kami, nor Buddhas, nor respected traditions deterred him. Whatever else  86  Oda Nobunaga was, he was f i r s t and foremost a Sengoku daimyo and one e s p e c i a l l y equipped t o deal w i t h the Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s .  Part I Chapter 2 Section 2 Oda Nobunaga'8 Rise to Power and his Allies  88  Oda Nobunaga's g o a l was t o u n i f y the t e n k a . T h i s g o a l was g i v e n o f f i c i a l s a n c t i o n by b o t h the Emperor Ogimachi and the shogun A s h i k a g a  By 1564 Nobunaga had brought  Yoshiaki.  the p r o v i n c e o f Owari under h i s c o n t r o l and 8C  e n t e r e d the ranks o f those daimyo who h e l d sway over fan' e n t i r e p r o v i n c e . The c o u r t r e c o g n i z e d Nobunaga*s power i n October o f t h a t y e a r when i t s e n t the kuge T a c h i i r i Munetsugu t o Owari w i t h a s e c r e t message t h a t thought holdings  t o have been an i n v i t a t i o n t o Nobunaga t o t h e i r p r o p e r owner. It  t o r e s t o r e the  is  Imperial  i s p o s s i b l e , however, t h a t t h i s  was  s i m p l y a r e q u e s t f o r Oda t o c o n t r i b u t e t o the r e p a i r and upkeep o f the Imperial  p a l a c e as h i s  In 1567 A s h i k a g a by the S a s a k i ,  f a t h e r had done twenty-one y e a r s e a r l i e r .  Y o s h i a k i , h a v i n g had h i s  requests  for assistance  Takeda, and A s a k u r a , t u r n e d t o Nobunaga t o support  c l a i m t o the shogunate,  and Nobunaga  denied his  c o n s e n t e d . Oda t h e r e f o r e p r e s s e d  his  e f f o r t s t o expand the a r e a under h i s c o n t r o l p r i o r t o a t t e m p t i n g an a d vance on K y o t o .  In 1567 he took c o n t r o l o f Mino p r o v i n c e from S a i t o  T a t s u o k i and absorbed the n o r t h e r n c o u n t i e s o f Ise koku. With two p r o v i n c e s  province into his  bun-  f i r m l y under h i s c o n t r o l , Nobunaga had become one  o f the most p o w e r f u l Sengoku daimyo.  On December 9 o f t h a t y e a r the Emperor Ogimachi sent Nobunaga a second Imperial  o r d e r i n which he p r a i s e d Oda's s u c c e s s e s  i n " p a c i f y i n g " two  p r o v i n c e s , and c a l l e d h i s accomplishment one o f u n p a r a l l e l e d m i l i t a r y 81 prowess.  Ogimachi commanded Oda t o p a c i f y a l l the p r o v i n c e s , i . e . ,  u n i f y the t e n k a , and t o r e s t o r e the I m p e r i a l owners. Thus armed w i t h I m p e r i a l  and shogunal  holdings  to t h e i r  invitations,  to  rightful  and w i t h a p r o -  f e s s i o n a l army, Oda was ready t o b e g i n h i s work o f r e u n i f y i n g the c o u n t r y .  89  Nobunaga was not the f i r s t daimyo to make this attempt. From the 1530's there began to appear efforts on the part of the more powerful daimyo to establish hegemony over a l l the provinces. Early i n 1560, not long before Oda began his attempt, Imagawa Yoshimoto assembled an army of some 25,000 warriors from Suruga, Totomi, and Mikawa provinces and began a march on Kyoto. On the morning of June 12, 1560, Oda's force of 1800  men,  against incredible odds, routed the Imagawa force at the Battle of Okehazama when they entered Owari province. It is remarkable that Oda Nobunaga, who was not a powerful daimyo until well into the 1560's, rose above such daimyo as the Rokkaku, Miyoshi, Takeda, and Uesugi, whose power was great and long established. Oda's position just east of Kyoto gave him a certain advantage over the Takeda and Uesugi, whose bunkoku were far removed from the Kinai, but not over those other daimyo whose bunkoku bordered on Kyoto. It seems that the primary advantage that Oda enjoyed was not economic, military, or geographic, but rather one of vision. Oda dared when the others balked. The Takeda, Asakura, and Rokkaku, were every b i t as capable of taking up Yoshiaki's cause as was Oda, but they refused. They appear to have lacked the daring vision of Nobunaga; perhaps Imagawa had i t , but Oda stopped him. Takeda Shingen and Uesugi Kenshin also realized that i t might be possible for them to seize central control, but too late. They came to that realization only after i t had become apparent from Oda's success that i t was indeed possible. While i t i s not our purpose to examine the many factors that contributed to the successful rise of Nobunaga, i t i s necessary to be acquainted with some of the more important figures who contributed to Oda's successes and  90  whose names appear time and again i n Nobunaga's documents.  oz  Nobunaga was  fortunate to have among h i s vassals a number of great generals—many of whom were themselves daimyo when they joined Oda, and many others who  be-  came daimyo during t h e i r years of service with him—who performed outstanding service for him. The most important of these were: Toyotomi Hideyoshi: Hideyoshi was named Taemon who  lowly born—he was  the son of a farmer  had become a foot sOldler (ashlgaru) i n the service of  Oda's f a t h e r — a n d he entered Oda's service i n 1554 at the age of seventeen as Nobunaga's "sandal bearer" ( z o r i - t o r i ) . Hideyoshi rose to be one of Nobunaga's leading and most g i f t e d generals who  led many of Nobunaga's  campaigns, e s p e c i a l l y the one i n the south against the Mori from  1577  u n t i l Oda's death. Shibata Katsuie: member of an Owari daimyo family that was vassal to the Oda, Katsuie joined Nobunaga i n 1557 and, together with Hideyoshi, l e d the greatest number of Nobunaga's campaigns. In 1576 he was made lord of Echizen province where he was  to protect Nobunaga*s northern flank by  keeping the monto under control and by preventing the Uesugi and Takeda from flooding down on Kyoto from the north. Tokugawa Ieyasu: although he i s not mentioned i n Oda's documents as fre« > quently as Hideyoshi and Katsuie, Ieyasu was  one of Nobunaga's most impor-  tant vassal daimyo. Ieyasu a l l i e d with Nobunaga i n 1562 at the age of nineteen and Oda entrusted him with the province of Mikawa where, for almost two decades, he provided the invaluable service of acting as a bulwark against the Takeda of Kai and the Hojo of Sagami province, and thus secured Nobunaga's eastern flank. This allowed Nobunaga to concen83 t r a t e bhsKyoto, the K i n a i , and the Honganji. Hosokawa (Nagaoka) Fujitaka: member of a daimyo family descended from the  91  ancient Hosokawa family, Fujitaka allied with Ashikaga Yoshiaki as early as 1565 and was instrumental i n having Nobunaga take up Yoshiaki's cause. In 1573 Fujitaka switched his allegiance to Nobunaga and thereafter led many of his campaigns. Akechi Mitsuhide: son of an ancient daimyo family from Mino province, Akechi f i r s t served the Saito, the Asakura, and the Hosokawa before joining Oda i n 1566. From 1575 he was charged with leading the campaigns in Tamba and the provinces to the southwest along the Japan Sea coast. Sakuma Nobumori: a member of an ancient daimyo family from Owari, Nobumori served Nobunaga from the early 1560's. He was one of the generals in charge of the campaign against the Honganji from 1575 to 1580, and because of his incompetence during that campaign Oda exiled him to Mt. Koya in 1580. Niwa Nagahide: son of a daimyo family descended from the Fujiwara, Nagahide also served Oda from the early 1560's. One of Nagahide's major tasks was supervising the construction of Azuchi castle, fo