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Prestige, power, and the Chinese Erickson, Bonnie H. 1966

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PRESTIGE, POWER, AND THE CHINESE by "": B O N N I E H E A T H E R E R I C K S O N . B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964* A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of. Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1966. In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall, make.it f r e e l y avail able for reference and study. I further agree that permission-for extensive copying of this, thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September 17, 1966. ABSTRACT The extensive l i t e r a t u r e i n the a c t i v e f i e l d of com-munity power s t u d i e s s u f f e r s from a l a c k of comparative work i n areas other than m i d d l e - s i z e d North American c i t i e s , w h i l e the l i t e r a t u r e on overseas Chinese communities l a c k s s o p h i s t -i c a t e d methods o f study and p r e c i s e r e s u l t s . This t h e s i s i s an attempt t o augment the l i t e r a t u r e i n both areas by apply-i n g community power study techniques t o the overseas Chinese community i n Vancouver. An i n t e r v i e w schedule was constructed and i n t e r v i e w s were conducted w i t h t h i r t y - f i v e l e a d i n g Chinese who held at l e a s t one o f f i c e i n a Chinese a s s o c i a t i o n . Information obtained i n c l u d e d the personal background of l e a d e r s , t h e i r o pinions on leaders and a s s o c i a t i o n s , and t h e i r r e p o r t s on var i o u s recent i s s u e s i n the Chinese community. Responses concerning the i n f l u e n c e of l e a d e r s , the i n f l u e n c e o f a s s o c i a t i o n s , and the b a s i s of l e a d e r s h i p were taken as components of i d e o l o g y . Unfortunately, these com-ponents showed l i t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p t o each other or t o the two v a r i a b l e s w i t h which they were expected t o be a s s o c i a t e d : the generation and number o f o f f i c e s o f the e v a l u a t o r . Nominations of g e n e r a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l l eaders were r e l a t e d to nominations of leaders i n the p a r t i c u l a r areas of w e l f a r e , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the community, the Chinese language schools, i i i and b u s i n e s s . Frequently nominated general i n f l u e n t i a l s were a l s o o f t e n named as p a r t i c u l a r l y well-informed about com-munity a f f a i r s . There was a l s o a r e l a t i o n s h i p between general nominations and o f f i c e s h e l d , although the c o r r e l a t i o n was l e s s than had been expected* The general nominations were s l i g h t l y biased because second generation leaders were over-represented i n the sample, made more general nominations than f i r s t generation s u b j e c t s , and more o f t e n nominated leaders of t h e i r own gene r a t i o n . F i f t y - f i v e men were named as general i n f l u e n t i a l s ; t w e n t y - f i v e o f these were nominated by a t l e a s t two men of one gene r a t i o n . Ten were c l a s s e d as f i r s t generation leaders and f i f t e e n as second generation l e a d e r s . The two t o p groups of i n f l u e n t i a l s were d i s t i n c t i n age, occupation, number o f o f f i c e s , and prominence i n school a c t i v i t i e s . Both groups were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the t h i r t y l e s s e r leaders i n the frequency of t h e i r nominations i n the p a r t i c u l a r areas o f i n f l u e n c e , except f o r business i n f l u e n c e . The f i r s t genera-t i o n l e a d e r s were a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a greater number o f o f f i c e s . General nominations o f a s s o c i a t i o n s were a l s o r e l a t e d t o nominations i n the s p e c i f i c areas of w e l f a r e , schools, and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , as w e l l as to the t o t a l general nominations r e c e i v e d by the a s s o c i a t i o n o f f i c e r s and to the number of i v j o i n t - o f f i c e r l i n k s with other associations. F i r s t and second generation respondents made much the same associa-te i o n a l nominations aside from the greater second generation tendency to nominate associations prominent i n welfare. Association nominations were also related to the "distance" between the respondent and the association: h i s own associations and associations d i r e c t l y linked to them were disproportionately named. Four main issues were i s o l a t e d . The number of leaders named f o r an issue was l e s s than that f o r a spec-i f i c issue area, i n turn less than the number of general leaders named. Leaders overlapped l i t t l e from issue to issue. Almost a l l issue leaders were also named as general leaders. Associations were r a r e l y mentioned as i n f l u e n t i a l i n the issues; t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s seem t o be confined to t h e i r own members as a r u l e . General influence was found to be a useful variable f o r both associations and leaders. It was c l o s e l y related to more s p e c i f i c influence and to s t r a t e g i c l o c a t i o n on com-munication channels formed by executive overlaps. Broadly, the thesis indicates that i t i s usefu l and f e a s i b l e to approach Chinese communities with the techniques and findings developed f o r North American towns. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter I. Previous Research 1 Chapter I I . Purpose and Method 44 Chapter I I I . Results .. 58 Chapter IV. Major Conclusions 88 Bibliography .. .. 9 2 LIST OF TABLES Page I Generation and Prestige Nominations 46 II Leader Nominations and Distance 6 l III Association Nominations and Distance 62 IV Positions and Evaluation of Scope of Leader Influence 73 V Positions and Evaluation of Scope of ^ Association Influence 73 VI Positions and Reported Basis of Leadership . . 74 VII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Leader Influence .. 1 75 VIII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Association Influence 75 IX Generation and Reported Basis of Leadership 76 X The Components of Ideology 77 XI Leaders: General and Special Area Influence . . . 7 9 and Business Prominence XII Associations: General and Special Area Influence 82 XIII Generation Leaders: Ages and Occupations .. .. 84 XIV Generation Leaders and Influence Areas 85 XV Generation and Non-Generation Leaders 87 LIST OF TABLES Page I Generation and Prestige Nominations .. .. *. 46 II Leader Nominations and Distance *. .. .. 61 I I I Association Nominations and Distance .. .. , . 6 2 IV Positions and Evaluation of Scope of Leader Influence 73 V Positions and Evaluation of Scope of Association Influence .. .. .. .. 73 VI Positions?ahd Reported Basis of Leadership .. .. .. .. *. .. 74 VII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Leader influence .. 1. .. .. . . . . 75 VIII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Association Influence .. .. .. .. . . 7 5 IX Generation and Reported Basis of Leadership .. .. .. .. . . . . 76 X The Components of Ideology .. .. 77 XI Leaders: General, -find Special Area Influence . .. 79 and Business Pro,micienee-XII Associations: General and Special Area Influence . . . . .. .. .. 82 XIII Generation Leaders: Ages and Occupations .. .-«• 84 XIV Generation Leaders and Influence Areas . .. *. 85 XV Generation and. Non-Generation Leaders •. .. ., 87 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The planning of t h i s t h e s i s drew h e a v i l y on work done i n the summer o f 1965 by Miss Yan-ho So, Kenneth W. Stoddart, W i l l i a m G. B i e r , and Dr. W. E. Will m o t t as w e l l as by the author. These researchers a l l c o l l e c t e d i n t e r -views from s i x t e e n proposed leaders of Chinatown and a l s o gleaned r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n from a l l the iss u e s of Chinatown News since 1961. Dr. Willmott provided the b a s i c frame-work and o r i g i n a l impulse f o r the p r o j e c t , as w e l l as arran g i n g f i n a n c i a l support f o r the students working on i t . The i n t e r v i e w s used i n the t h e s i s as data were c o l l e c t e d w i t h the help of Margaret E r i c k s o n , K. W. Stoddart, Berching Ho, and, above a l l , Madeleine Bronsdon. The author i s deeply indebted to a l l these l o n g - s u f f e r i n g and i n v a l u a b l e h e l p e r s . B.H.E * Vancouver, B. G. September, 1966. CHAPTER .1 PREVIOUS RESEARCH The main purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to grapple w i t h the problems o f st u d y i n g power. Aside from the f a c t t h a t power i s an i n t e r e s t i n g t o p i c i n i t s e l f , i t appears t o be t h e o r e t i c a l l y s t r a t e g i c . I t i s one of the main f a c e t s of s o c i e t y which are d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a l l of the t h e o r i s t s who are attempting t o work toward h i g h - l e v e l theory. The c l e a r e s t example i s Levy, who makes the a l l o c a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y one of the a n a l y t i c aspects of any s o c i e t y . More g e n e r a l l y , power i s one o f the a n a l y t i c aspects of any concrete s t r u c t u r e , t h a t i s , i t i s : both pervasive and important c a u s a l l y . S. F. Nadel goes so f a r as t o argue th a t power i s the o n l y v a r i a b l e t h a t would be s u i t a b l e f o r the framework of a theory of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , s i n c e models of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e should c o n s i s t of r o l e s l i n k e d by some v a r i a b l e which i s an important element o f every r e l a t i o n -s h i p . Models w i t h s e v e r a l l i n k i n g v a r i a b l e s would be pro-h i b i t i v e l y complex and d i f f i c u l t t o compare, while models wit h t r i v i a l l i n k a g e s would be of l i t t l e i n t e r e s t and ex-planatory power. Nadel concludes that s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s are merely s t a t i c p i c t u r e s w i t h l i t t l e or no explanatory u s e f u l -ness at any time, but he does not r e t r a c t h i s a s s e r t i o n t h a t power i t s e l f i s an important aspect of r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . - 2 -Parsons has a l s o s t r e s s e d the p o t e n t i a l of power as a c r u c i a l v a r i a b l e . He has suggested th a t power might be a s o c i o l o g -i c a l e q uivalent of the economist's most u s e f u l t o o l , money, because power i s a k i n d o f u n i t of s o c i a l b a r t e r : i t can be converted i n t o and from other s o c i a l values or resources l i k e w ealth and p r e s t i g e . One d i f f i c u l t y w i t h t h i s suggestion i s t h a t power, u n l i k e money, has so f a r d e f i e d q u a n t i f i c a t i o n ; i t may w e l l not even be p o s s i b l e t o d e f i n e a standard u n i t of power. However, u n q u a n t i f i e d o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of power have been e x t e n s i v e l y explored w i t h much research and debate• Everyone agrees on a very vague d e f i n i t i o n s i m i l a r t o Max Weber's: "Power i s the p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t one a c t o r w i t h i n a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l be i n a p o s i t i o n to c a r r y out h i s own w i l l d e s p i t e r e s i s t a n c e , r e g a r d l e s s of the base on which t h i s p r o b a b i l i t y r e s t s . " (Weber, p. 152.) The d e f i n i t i o n i s f r a n k l y s u b j e c t i v e i n the sense t h a t power i n v o l v e s a b i l i t y t o c a r r y out a purpose o f some k i n d . Purpose could be i n t e r p r e t e d as a goal of a group of people as w e l l as an i n d i v i d u a l ' s g o a l , but purpose of some k i n d i s e s s e n t i a l . I t i s e s s e n t i a l both t o f i t the way i n which the term "power" i s g e n e r a l l y used and t o r e s t r i c t the scope of the term t o something more u s e f u l l y narrow than p o t e n t i a l cause o f any k i n d . B i e r s t e d t suggests t h a t power i s a s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e i n the sense that i s i s an a t t r i b u t e of r o l e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . He d i s t i n g u i s h e s power from i n f l u e n c e , an " i d e o l o g i c a l " or c u l t u r a l v a r i a b l e belonging t o values and ide a s , and from dominance, a " p s y c h o l o g i c a l " v a r i a b l e r e l a t i n g t o personal q u a l i t i e s and to f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n . Influence i n h i s sense i s not power because the objects possessing i n f l u e n c e do not a l s o possess goals or w i l l s ; and dominance i s not power i n s o f a r as i t i n v o l v e s people t r e a t i n g each other as persons r a t h e r than as r o l e p l a y e r s . The d i s t i n c t i o n of i n f l u e n c e from power i s c l e a r enough, but the s e p a r a t i o n of dominance and power i s n o t . Dominance could very e a s i l y be seen as a s p e c i a l case of power i n which the a c t o r s do not set t h e i r goals or c l a i m t h e i r resources c o l l e c t i v e l y . P o s s i b l y t h i s case i s so s p e c i a l t h a t i t r e q u i r e s a d i f f e r e n t theory j u s t as i t t y p i c a l l y leads to d i f f e r e n t r e s e a r c h methods, but t h i s cannot be decided a p r i o r i . How-ever, power and dominance are i n f a c t s t u d i e d i n d i s t i n c t ways by d i s t i n c t brands of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , and I w i l l make no attempt here to u n i t e the two. Even i f the two concepts are not u n i f i a b l e they may w e l l be capable of connection i n the sense t h a t dominance may be i n v o l v e d i n the personal t i e s that seem t o be part o f the communication processes i n v o l v e d i n power, processes which w i l l be b r i e f l y discussed below. So f a r we have decided t h a t power i s some s o c i a l u n i t ' s p o t e n t i a l f o r purposive c o n t r o l of something. At t h i s point agreement stops. Three types o f c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the term "power" have been pursued: e l a b o r a t i o n s based on analogy, f o r m a l i z a t i o n , and refinement of res e a r c h techniques. The commonest analogy i s drawn between power and p o t e n t i a l or a c t u a l cause. For example, "power i s the a b i l i t y t o e x e r c i s e i n f l u e n c e w h i l e cause i s the a c t u a l e x e r c i s e o f i t . " ( R i k e r , p. 347 . ) Or, "the s e t of a l l i n f l u e n c e r e l a t i o n s i s here d e f i n e d to be t h a t subset of a l l c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s such t h a t the behavior of an i n d i v i d u a l appears as the t e r m i n a l point i n the causal l i n k a g e . " ( (March, p. 437 . ) This comparison has not l e d t o anything more i l l u m i n a t i n g than vague statements which are not even c o n s i s t e n t ; f o r example, i n t h e two statements g i v e n above power i s defin e d as a p o t e n t i a l i n one and as an a c t i v e process i n the o t h e r . I t does not seem promising t o pur-sue the analogy, e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the n o t i o n of cause i s j u s t as thorny as the n o t i o n of power. I m p l i c i t ; analogies are a l s o o f t e n made between power and some v a r i a b l e from p h y s i c s : power as p o t e n t i a l can be compared to p o t e n t i a l energy, and power as a c t i v e c o n t r o l can be compared t o f o r c e or t o power i n the mechanical sense of work done per u n i t time. Once again the p a r a l l e l s drawn have not been f r u i t f u l , perhaps because of the s t r i k i n g d i f f e r e n c e i n the p r e c i s i o n of s o c i o l o g i c a l and p h y s i c a l v a r i a b l e s . I f comparison t o cause i s u n p r o f i t a b l y f u z z y , comparison t o mechanics i s u n p r o f i t a b l y premature. - 5 -Prematurity a l s o seems t o b l i g h t the main formal attempts t o define power. Most o f these have been con-v e n i e n t l y summarized i n an a r t i c l e by R i k e r . The simplest v e r s i o n comes from Shapley and Shubik: P ± - m i l l 1 n i where P^ i s t h e power o f t h e i p a r t i c i p a n t i n a v o t i n g body o f n persons, and m(i) i s the number of times the i t n person i s i n the p i v o t a l p o s i t i o n of being the l a s t person needed to form a winning c o a l i t i o n . C l e a r l y t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i s f a r too s p e c i a l i z e d t o be very u s e f u l . March's most recent d e f i n i t i o n i s g i v e n i n terms of a b i l i t y t o r e s t r i c t outcomes: R 1 I R 2 - * ^ l k > ± m ^ 2 k ) where R^ and Rg are r o l e s , I i s the r e l a t i o n "has a t l e a s t as much i n f l u e n c e as," m i s some measure on the set o f p o s s i b l e outcomes, and i s the s e t of p o s s i b l e outcomes given t h a t R n s e l e c t s behavior k. I t would be d i f f i c u l t t o o p e r a t i o n a l i z e t h i s formula. How would the set of p o s s i b l e outcomes be determined? How would one determine the hypo-t h e t i c a l e f f e c t of R*s behaviour on a range of outcomes which do not occur? These p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s are l e s s bothersome than the f a c t t h a t the d e f i n i t i o n simply does not correspond t o the usage of the term "power", since R's 5 a b i l i t y t o r e s t r i c t outcomes i s not n e c e s s a r i l y an a b i l i t y - 6 -t o get the outcomes he wants. R e s t r i c t i o n of outcomes might w e l l be one method of g e t t i n g h i s way, but i t i s not the o n l y one. There i s a s i m i l a r emphasis on c o n t r o l of p o s s i b l e a c t i o n s i n a d e f i n i t i o n g iven by Danzger, so h i s approach w i l l be mentioned here even though i t i s e n t i r e l y v e r b a l . He p r e f e r s t o t h i n k of power as the number of p o s s i b l e and s u i t a b l e l i n e s of a c t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o an a c t o r , w i t h a l i n e being p o s s i b l e o n l y i f the a c t o r says that i t i s and hence sees t h a t i t i s . Obviously there are more problems of o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n here; t o name only one, Danzger h i m s e l f p o i n t s out t h a t one should a l l o w f o r the a c t o r ' s w i l l i n g n e s s t o use l i n e s o f a c t i o n by con-s i d e r i n g the perceived c o s t s o f the l i n e s and the s a l i e n c e o f the goals d e s i r e d . But even i f the number of a v a i l a b l e l i n e s c o u l d be measured and weighted w i t h respect to s a l i e n c e and cost, a problem of c i r c u l a r i t y remains. The c r i t e r i o n of " s u i t a b i l i t y " of l i n e s o f a c t i o n presumably r e f e r s t o t h e i r e f f i c a c y , which i n t u r n i s an aspect of the a c t o r ' s power, which i s t h e r e f o r e undefined except i n terms of i t s e l f : power i s the number of ways i n which an actor can e x e r c i s e power. Dahl has d e f i n e d amount of power as M, where M = P(B,x / A,w) - P(B,x / A,w) That i s , A has power over B's doing x t o the extent t h a t A's - 7 -performance o f some w increases the p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t B w i l l do x. I t i s not at a l l c l e a r what t h i s p r o b a b i l i t y i s or how i t could be measured* Oahl h i m s e l f does not use t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i n h i s r e s e a r c h . For example, i n Who Governs? he t r e a t s A's power as A's c o n t r i b u t i o n t o decision-making. B drops out of the p i c t u r e , and p r o b a b i l i t i e s are a l s o f o r -gotten s i n c e power i s equated w i t h a c t u a l e x e r c i s e s of con-t r o l r a t h e r than w i t h p o t e n t i a l f o r such c o n t r o l . Dahl does c a r r y on part of the s p i r i t of the d e f i n i t i o n by i n s i s t i n g on the importance o f x, that i s , on the f a c t t h a t A's power over d i f f e r e n t d e c i s i o n s ( d i f f e r e n t x's) may vary . In other words, power i s i s s u e - s p e c i f i c . Cartwright gives a d e f i n i t i o n t a i l o r e d f o r the power of one person over another i n a small group, f o r what B i e r s t e d t would c a l l dominance. The d e f i n i t i o n i n e f f e c t i s that A's power over B i s the maximum s t r e n g t h of any a c t A can perform a t a s p e c i f i e d time, where the strength of A's act i s the d i f f e r e n c e between the f o r c e s on B to comply and t o r e s i s t . K a r l s s o n d e f i n e s power as the d i f f e r e n c e i n some u t i l i t y f u n c t i o n of B i f B act s to maximize or minimize t h i s f u n c t i o n . N e i t h e r of these two d e f i n i t i o n s c l a r i f i e s the meaning o f power much s i n c e both i n v o l v e a r e t r e a t t o another even vaguer concept l i k e " f o r c e " or " u t i l i t y " which i s l e f t unoperat i o n a l i z e d . - 8 -R i k e r h i m s e l f throws i n a suggestion t h a t A's power i s greater than B's i f there are more outcomes i n some s p e c i f i e d s e t of outcomes f o r which some a c t i o n on A's p a r t i s necessary. This approach i s once again beset w i t h p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y the f a c t t h a t any person's a c t i o n i s r a r e l y necessary f o r any outcome. Most "necessary" a c t i o n s are probably p a r t of formal power, such as the Governor-General's a c t i o n of s i g n i n g a b i l l which i s an a c t i o n necessary t o the outcome of making the b i l l law. Hence R i k e r ' s d e f i n i t i o n r e l i e s l a r g e l y on formal power, a r e l i a n c e which i s n o t o r i o u s l y m i s l e a d i n g . None of the fo r m a l i z e d d e f i n i t i o n s i s usable or used, which suggests t h a t they are a l l premature. A formal model o f power i s more l i k e l y t o f o l l o w than t o precede a c l a r i f i c a t i o n o f the concept. Nevertheless, comparing these attempts i s h e l p f u l i n b r i n g i n g out a few of the major d i f f e r e n c e s i n approaches t o power. There i s a v a r y i n g emphasis on power as p o t e n t i a l , which has a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d . Most important, R i k e r p o i n t s out tha t Shapley and Shubik and March s t r e s s power over events w h i l e the others s t r e s s power over people w i t h or without respect to events. R i k e r p r e f e r s the former emphasis on two grounds. I t guarantees that t h e r e w i l l always be some power i n a system as long as events occur, that i s , " i t preserves power i - 9 -i n the system;" ( R i k e r , p. 345); and i t i s p a r a l l e l t o cause i n the sense of a necessary and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n , w h i l e power over people i s p a r a l l e l to the more popular n o t i o n of cause as a " r e c i p e " or way of making t h i n g s happen. Both the accuracy and the relevance of these two arguments are open to q u e s t i o n . I t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y good t o pre-serve power i n a system. And there i s r e a l l y l i t t l e d i f f e r -ence i n the power-preservation p r o p e r t i e s of the two approaches when power over events s u r e l y i m p l i e s power over people as w e l l , and v i c e v e r s a . The p a r a l l e l s t o types of cause are not c l e a r ; f o r example, power over people could be seen i n terms of necessary and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s f o r o b t a i n i n g behaviour from them. Even i f the p a r a l l e l s were more co n v i n c i n g , what would they accomplish? Although I am not impressed by.Riker's arguments, I s t i l l support his p o s i t i o n because i t i s c l o s e r to the one which most people d i s c u s s i n g power take at l e a s t i m p l i c i t l y . Power i s the a b i l i t y to o b t a i n a d e s i r e d r e s u l t ; the a b i l i t y t o c o n t r o l some other person or persons i s merely a means to t h i s end, or at most a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d of r e s u l t d e s i r e d by those w i t h a t a s t e f o r dominance. A d i s c u s s i o n of "A's power over B" u s u a l l y turns t o "A's a b i l i t y to get B to do x" and f i n a l l y r e s t s on "A's power over the event x which hap-pens t o a f f e c t B." Dahl's work i s a good example that was - .10 -discussed e a r l i e r . There i s s t i l l some room f o r debate on the type of event t h a t should be considered; Dahl uses d e c i s i o n s , and I w i l l argue f o r i s s u e s . So f a r we have found analogies and f o r m a l i z a t i o n s r a t h e r f r u i t l e s s . The l a t t e r d i d a t l e a s t suggest p o s s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s i n approach, although the d e c i s i o n between a l t e r n -a t i v e l i n e s was not based on formal p r o p e r t i e s but on the a l t e r n a t i v e ' s meaning or o p e r a t i o n a l i z a b i l i t y . From t h i s one would expect the most u s e f u l r e s u l t s i n work attempting to match a meaning w i t h a measure f o r power. This expecta-t i o n i s borne out by a glance a t the mass of methodological s t u d i e s i n t h i s area. The most thoroughly d i s c r e d i t e d and e a s i l y e l i m i n -ated t r a d i t i o n equates power w i t h resources, as i n the equation o f n a t i o n a l s t r e n g t h w i t h m i l i t a r y power or gross n a t i o n a l product. Resources c e r t a i n l y can be converted i n t o power, but they are not power i t s e l f * D i f f e r e n t resources are o f d i f f e r e n t importance as bases of power i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s ; t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to power i s a v a r i a b l e , not a t a u t o l o g y , and can only be determined i f there i s some independent measure of power i t s e l f . The resource approach i s p a r t i c u l a r l y m i s l e a d i n g when i t i n v o l v e s i d e n t i f y i n g power w i t h a s i n g l e resource such as wealth or p r e s t i g e . - 11 -To a c e r t a i n extent the r e p u t a t i o n a l approach f a l l s i n t o t h i s s i n g l e - t r a c k t r a p by a t t r i b u t i o n of power t o those who are described as powerful, t h a t i s t o those who have the resource o f a r e p u t a t i o n f o r power* C l e a r l y t h i s i s a resource, s i n c e people are commonly convinced t h a t i t pays t o defer to the strong and t h e r e f o r e g i v e the r e p u t e d l y strong r e a l s t r e n g t h through deference. I t w i l l a l s o become c l e a r t h a t t h i s power resource i s not power i t s e l f . The pioneering r e p u t a t i o n a l study i s o f course Floyd Hunter's Community Power S t r u c t u r e . Hunter defines power r a t h e r l o o s e l y as "the a c t s of men going about the business of moving other men t o act i n r e l a t i o n to themselves or i n r e l a t i o n t o organic or in o r g a n i c t h i n g s . " (Hunter, p. 2.) He obtained a l i s t of the f o r t y most "powerful" men i n Regional C i t y ( A t l a n t a ) by asking panels o f supposedly w e l l -informed people to name the most i n f l u e n t i a l men i n the community and then t a k i n g the socio m e t r i c l e a d e r s of those nominated. The l i s t i n c l u d e d 23 businessmen, 6 p r o f e s s i o n a l s , 2 union l e a d e r s , 4 government f i g u r e s , and 5 s o c i e t y f i g u r e s . A f t e r i n t e r v i e w i n g 23 of the l e a d e r s , he found t h a t the top 20 formed an in n e r c i r c l e i n the sense t h a t they more o f t e n chose each other as leaders, more o f t e n worked on committees w i t h other l e a d e r s , and more o f t e n knew each other s o c i a l l y . - 12 -"The t e s t f o r a d m i s s i o n t o t h i s c i r c l e o f d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s i s a lmost w h o l l y a man's p o s i t i o n i n the b u s i n e s s community i n R e g i o n a l C i t y . " (Hunter , p . 7 9 . ) A c c o r d i n g t o Hunter , the t o p l e a d e r s make the important p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s and have l e s s e r l e a d e r s l i k e p r o f e s s i o n a l s c a r r y them o u t . " O r g a n i z -a t i o n a l l e a d e r s are prone t o get the p u b l i c i t y ; the upper echelon economic l e a d e r s , t h e power . " (Hunter , p . 87 . ) The main b a s i s o f t h i s power seemed t o be economic f o r c e : "the power s t r u c t u r e holds t h e means o f c o e r c i o n . " (Hunter , p . 193.) He d i d a p a r a l l e l s tudy through i n t e r v i e w s w i t h prominent members o f the Negro s u b c u l t u r e and concluded t h a t " the Negro l e a d e r s tended t o p i c k the same persons w i t h i n t h e i r own com-munity on p o l i c y m a t t e r s , and t h e r e was a h i g h r a t e of committee i n t e r a c t i o n among the t o p l e a d e r s . There was a c l e a r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between t o p o r g a n i z a t i o n s and lower ones on a s c a l e o f c h o i c e s . " (Hunter , p . 115.) T h i s s tudy and o t h e r s i n the same t r a d i t i o n have been t h o r o u g h l y f l a y e d by the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g or p l u r a l i s t s c h o o l l e d by D a h l , P o l s b y , and o t h e r s . The main c r i t i c i s m has been t h a t the r e p u t a t i o n a l technique probab ly does not measure power a t a l l : the i n f o r m a n t s used may w e l l not be a c c u r a t e , the s tandards o f judgment t h e y use are unknown and are as l i k e l y t o r e s t on f a c t o r s l i k e p r e s t i g e as on - 13 -power, the questions asked presuppose that t h e r e are i n f a c t community leaders by a s k i n g respondents t o name them, and the r e s u l t s o f the method are seldom compared t o be-h a v i o r a l d a t a . Hunter assumes but does not prove that there i s a power s t r u c t u r e i n the sense of a s i n g l e perm-anent h i e r a r c h y of general l e a d e r s f o r a l l important i s s u e s ; he discusses few a c t u a l e x e r c i s e s of power, and these are minor i s s u e s which only businessmen a r e l i k e l y t o bother to t r y t o c o n t r o l . He glosses over co n t r a r y evidence such as the nomination of nonbusinessmen l i k e union o f f i c i a l s as l e a d e r s , and such as the e x i s t e n c e of powerful l e a d e r s h i p groups l i k e the Negro leaders outside of h i s neat economic-p o l i t i c a l power s t r u c t u r e . He pays l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to the processes of decision-making and p o l i c y e x e c u t i o n , and bases h i s a s s e r t i o n s on hearsay r a t h e r than on observations or r e p o r t s of power a t work, th a t i s , "the primary assumption of t h e r e p u t a t i o n a l method i s tha t p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e respondents w i l l r e p o r t p o l i t i c a l phenomena c o r r e c t l y " (Wolfinger, p. 842} which i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y dubious assump-t i o n i f these r e p o r t s are supposed t o be complex summaries of i n f l u e n c e over many areas i n s t e a d o f eye-witness r e p o r t s of p a r t i c u l a r a c t i o n s . Perhaps one c o u l d summarize the element of weakness i n Hunter's attempt t o study power - 14 -s t r u c t u r e by p o i n t i n g out that he r e a l l y describes power et h n o s t r u c t u r e . Polsby (1963) has given an i n c i s i v e a t t a c k on s e v e r a l of t h e major r e p u t a t i o n a l s t u d i e s made i n the e a r l i e r days o f the method. He p o i n t s out that they i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y assume axioms l i k e these: the upper s o c i o -economic c l a s s r u l e s , p o l i t i c a l l eaders are subordinate t o the upper c l a s s , a s i n g l e power e l i t e r u l e s , i t r u l e s i n i t s own i n t e r e s t s , and s o c i a l c o n f l i c t occurs on the b a s i s of d i f f e r e n c e s i n the i n t e r e s t s of upper and lower c l a s s e s . I f a l l t h i s i s tr u e , then i t makes sense t o ask "who are the most powerful people here?" But t h i s s ort of question w i l l be very m i s l e a d i n g i f there are s e v e r a l s e t s o f lea d e r s v a r y i n g from problem t o problem and time t o time. The v a l i d i t y of the r e p u t a t i o n a l approach i s open t o some h i g h l y p l a u s i b l e doubts which should be s e t t l e d by com-paring the method w i t h some other one based on more d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n a l data. Before examining the o b s e r v a t i o n a l technique: t h a t Polsby and other p l u r a l i s t s advocate, we should look over some of the more recent work i n the r e p u t a t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n . Many o f the f l a w s i n the e a r l i e r r e s e a r c h have been patched up, and some thought-provoking r e s u l t s have been obtained. The main l i n e of defence has been t o abandon the n o t i o n of - 15 -a s i n g l e permanent h i e r a r c h y , to adjust the method t o all o w f o r other p o s s i b i l i t i e s , and t o make more s p e c i f i c reference t o a c t u a l d e c i s i o n s . As f a r back as 1952, Paul M i l l e r d i d a m a i l study of Northern and Southern small communities i n which he asked the sponsoring groups of h o s p i t a l p r o j e c t s t o report on the way the h o s p i t a l i s s u e was s e t t l e d . He found that the Northern leaders were more c l o s e l y l i n k e d by f r i e n d s h i p , were i n f o r m a l r a t h e r than o f f i c i a l l e a d e r s , were opposed by " o l d f a m i l i e s " r a t h e r than by r i v a l p o l i t i c i a n s , and were r e c r u i t e d by appeals to the o b l i g a t i o n s of t h e i r personal t i e s r a t h e r than the o b l i g a t i o n s of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s ; i n s h o r t , the North had leaders of i n f l u e n c e and the South had lead e r s of a u t h o r i t y . The study i n d i c a t e d t h a t r e p u t a t i o n a l techniques could be combined w i t h an emphasis on s p e c i f i c i s s u e s or d e c i s i o n s , and t h a t a modified technique of t h i s k i n d could uncover v a r i a t i o n s rather merely r e f l e c t i n g s t r u c t u r a l assumptions b u i l t i n t o i t as a method. A better-known study i n t h i s s p i r i t was made by Delbert G. M i l l e r (1958) as a comparison of A t l a n t a with new date gathered from P a c i f i c C i t y ( S e a t t l e ) and an E n g l i s h C i t y , both s i m i l a r t o A t l a n t a i n s i z e and economy. M i l l e r ' s v a r i a n t of the b a s i c technique was to o b t a i n l i s t s o f l e a d e r s from prominent o r g a n i z a t i o n s - 16 -and t o have t e n r a t e r s choose those a c t i v e l y supporting or i n i t i a t i n g important p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . M i l l e r then took random samples of these Top I n f l u e n t i a l s and analyzed t h e i r choices of ten p r e f e r r e d leaders f o r a h y p o t h e t i c a l p r o j e c t ; leaders most o f t e n chosen i n t h i s way became Key I n f l u e n t i a l s . As compared t o Top I n f l u e n t i a l s , Key I n f l u e n t i a l s were b e t t e r known, more a c t i v e i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , more o f t e n on the same committees, and more o f t e n members of o r g a n i z a t i o n s which t h e Top I n f l u e n t i a l s r a t e d important. They were thus d i s t i n -g uishable, but M i l l e r does not make the mistake o f concluding t h a t they formed a Hunter-style power h i e r a r c h y . "Both P a c i f i c C i t y and E n g l i s h C i t y show a f l u i d core of 12-15 key i n f l u e n t i a l s , with up to 150 top i n f l u e n t i a l s . D i f f e r e n t combinations appear w i t h d i f f e r e n t i s s u e s . No one person or group dominates." ( M i l l e r , 195S, p. 306.) The leaders o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e c t o r s were " r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e " and a few Key I n f l u e n t i a l s were i n v o l v e d on most c r u c i a l i s s u e s , but there was a f a r l e s s r i g i d s t r u c t u r e than Hunter claimed t o f i n d , e s p e c i a l l y i n E n g l i s h C i t y . There was a l s o l e s s evidence of business dominance; the p r o p o r t i o n o f business-men among the Key I n f l u e n t i a l s was 67$ i n P a c i f i c C i t y and 25$ i n E n g l i s h C i t y , as opposed to 75% i n A t l a n t a . The study once again shows t h a t the r e p u t a t i o n a l technique i s more f l e x i b l e than i t s opponents are sometimes w i l l i n g t o •> 17 -admit. The main weaknesses of the study are that i t r e l i e s on the accuracy of o n l y t e n informants. On the b a s i s of such s t u d i e s the r e p u t a t i o n a l i s t s are able to o f f e r vigorous defences l i k e t h a t by D'Antonio, E h r l i c h , and E r i c k s o n . They poin t out t h a t t h e i r method can be made i n t o a t o o l capable o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g values of some v a r i a b l e r a t h e r than an assumption-laden instrument g r i n d i n g out b u i l t - i n r e s u l t s . However, they s t i l l have some t r o u b l e i n i d e n t i f y i n g the v a r i a b l e which t h e i r method measures. The most courageous, l i k e E h r l i c h , s t i l l argue that the method taps power i t s e l f ; E h r l i c h even goes on the o f f e n s i v e (a r a r e joy f o r a r e p u t a t i o n a l i s t these days) and claims t h a t h i s approach i s f a r b e t t e r than the r i v a l d e c i s i o n -making one because the powerful may not be d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n d e c i s i o n s . But how can we know whether r e p u t a t i o n s do i n f a c t r e f l e c t i n d i r e c t , hidden power behind the scenes unless we f i n d some way of measuring t h a t power more d i r e c t l y ? And the argument th a t r e p u t a t i o n s r e v e a l backstage power i s somewhat t a r n i s h e d by a s s e r t i o n s i n the same a r t i c l e that r e p u t a t i o n s a l s o measure p o t e n t i a l power and are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to perceptions of power. I t i s q u i t e p l a u s i b l e t h a t the r e p u t a t i o n a l technique y i e l d s r e s u l t s mainly i n f l u e n c e d by c o v e r t l y e x e r c i s e d power, p o t e n t i a l power, and the way power i s seen, but i f i t i s i n f l u e n c e d by a l l three then - 18 -i t i s h a r d l y a v a l i d measure o f any one alone. There seem t o be two paths out o f t h i s t h i c k e t o f p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . One i s to t r e a t the c l a s s i c r e p u t a t i o n a l method as a measure o f no more than i t obvious-l y and t a u t o l o g i c a l l y i s , namely, a t t r i b u t i o n s o f power; p o t e n t i a l power and i t s open or hidden e x e r c i s e are then t r e a t e d as separate v a r i a b l e s whose r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o re p u t a t i o n s i s to be determined by re s e a r c h . Agger d i d a study of t h i s k i n d which i n c o r p o r a t e d many of the improve-ments suggested by the p l u r a l i s t i c c r i t i c i s m s . He overcame the problem o f m y s t e r i o u s l y chosen and h o p e f u l l y r e l i a b l e informants by i n t e r v i e w i n g a 10% sample of a community of 2,000 people and drawing c a r e f u l l y r e s t r i c t e d conclusions from t h e i r responses, conclusions not dependent on the omnipotence of those i n t e r v i e w e d . He overcame the problem of assuming a s i n g l e h i e r a r c h y of g e n e r a l l y powerful leaders by asking about three areas of di s p u t e : schools, l o c a l government, and community w e l f a r e . Along w i t h other r e s u l t s which w i l l be discussed l a t e r , he found that a t t r i b u t i o n s of power were not uniform and t h a t "perceptions of s p e c i a l i z e d i n f l u e n c e seem t o be the general r u l e i n our community w i t h i n the defined p o l i t i c a l arenas." (Agger, p. 324.) This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the r e p u t a t i o n a l method i s cautious and - 19 -sound enough, but i t gi v e s no answer t o the problem o f how power i s t o be d e a l t w i t h . Therefore there i s some appeal i n the other main i n t e r p r e t a t i v e approach, the attempt to make the reputa-t i o n a l method measure power a f t e r a l l . As has already been pointed out, t h i s attempt has many d i f f i c u l t i e s which have been g r a d u a l l y smoothed away. The c r u c i a l r e v i s i o n s have been the r a t i o n a l s p e c i f i e d s e l e c t i o n of respondents and t h e emphasis on involvement i n s p e c i f i c i s s u e s as a c r i t e r i o n of l e a d e r s h i p . However, when the technique i s r e v i s e d t h i s f a r i t becomes e s s e n t i a l l y the same as the decision-making procedure, except t h a t i t may have a greater r e l i a n c e on reported r a t h e r than observed p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d e c i s i o n s . The decision-making approach assumes that power i s the e x e r c i s e o f i n f l u e n c e over important community d e c i s i o n s , and t h a t power should be st u d i e d by c l o s e l y examining how s p e c i f i c d e c i s i o n s are made. Although t h i s emphasis on d i r e c t b e h a v i o r a l data i s an improvement on the e a r l i e r r e p u t a t i o n a l techniques, there are some remaining problems. The best example o f t h e f o r c e and the fl a w s of the method i s s t i l l Dahl's c l a s s i c , Who Governs?. He d i d a c a r e f u l and i n t e n s i v e study of New Haven c i t y p o l i t i c ! , w i t h the ass i s t a n c e of Polsby and Wolfinger. His a n a l y s i s focused - 20 -c h i e f l y on t h r e e i s s u e s chosen because they were seen as important and because "they promised t o cut a c r o s s a wide v a r i e t y o f i n t e r e s t s and p a r t i c i p a n t s . " (Dahl, 1961, p. 333.) The major weakness of h i s study i s the l a c k of a r e a l l y persuasive reason f o r the choice of i s s u e s s t u d i e d . Decision-making exponents are a c u t e l y aware of t h i s problem, e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e t h e i r own a t t a c k s on r e p u t a t i o n a l i s t s have st r e s s e d the v a r i a b i l i t y of power from is s u e t o i s s u e . Polsby (1963) suggests t h a t the b a s i c c r i t e r i o n should be . the importance of an i s s u e . T r i v i a l d e c i s i o n s may have a g r e a t e r aggregate e f f e c t but are too d i f f i c u l t t o study, w h i l e a sample of i s s u e s i s i m p o s s i b l e because t h e universe of i s s u e s cannot be s p e c i f i e d ( s i n c e there i s i n f i n i t e down-ward expansion of l e s s and l e s s important subissues of i s s u e s . ) He admits t h a t the "importance" of an i s s u e could be seen as any one of s e v e r a l t h i n g s such as the number of people a f f e c t e d o r the number and amount of resources a f -f e c t e d , He suggests p l a y i n g i t safe by choosing those issues which are important i n a l l these ways; t h i s i s s t i l l a s l i p - s h o d and makeshift s o l u t i o n . A l l these suggestions share an i m p l i c i t attempt t o f i n d a c r i t e r i o n of the r e a l importance of an issue or of the e f f e c t s o f i t s r e s o l u t i o n . Surely a l e s s ambiguous and more meaningful c r i t e r i o n would - 21 -be importance measured s u b j e c t i v e l y i n terms of the i s s u e s seen as important by the community or a subsection of i t . The power o f a group would then be i t s a b i l i t y t o arouse and s a t i s f a c t o r i l y r e s o l v e i s s u e s important i n i t s own eyes. This s u b j e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n of importance f i t s w i t h a s u b j e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n of power very w e l l . Another advantage of t h i s standard f o r i s s u e s s u i t a b l e f o r research i s t h a t i t avoids an overemphasis on i s s u e s which have reached some p u b l i c arena such as a c i t y c o u n c i l or a School Board. The very a b i l i t y to get an issue onto a p u b l i c agenda i s a part of power which i s overlooked by s t u d i e s l i k e Dahl's , which concentrates on governmental d e c i s i o n s . Bachrach and Baratz (1962) make a s i m i l a r p o i n t : "power may be, and often i s , e x e r c i s e d by c o n f i n i n g the scope of d e c i s i o n -making t o r e l a t i v e l y " s a f e " issues....To the extent t h a t a person of group — c o n s c i o u s l y or unconsciously — creates or r e i n f o r c e s b a r r i e r s t o the p u b l i c a i r i n g o f p o l i c y con-f l i c t s , that person or group has power." (Bachrach and Baratz, p. 948-949.) However, they suggest an iss u e c r i -t e r i o n which i s l e s s u s e f u l than t h a t o f perceived impor-tance: "any challenge t o the predominant values or t o the e s t a b l i s h e d ' r u l e s of the game' would c o n s t i t u t e an 'impor-t a n t ' i s s u e ; a l l e l s e , unimportant." (p. 950. ) I t would be - 22 -i n t e r e s t i n g to see a d e f i n i t i o n of "predominant" or " e s t a b l i s h e d " that d i d not make use o f terms l i k e "power" or "the most powerful group." The o n l y s a t i s f a c t o r y d e f i n i t i o n o f an important i s s u e i s an issue seen as important by members of a community or i t s subgroups; the d e f i n i t i o n s of the subgroups and the re q u i r e d p r o p o r t i o n of members r e p o r t i n g an issue as impor-tant can vary at the researcher's pleasure. Returning t o Who Governs?. Dahl uses a more impres-s i o n i s t i c way of judging importance, and as a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t he s e l e c t s i s s u e s which are bound up w i t h the c i v i c government. Dahl redoubles h i s emphasis on governmental power by h i s c h o i c e of informants who were overwhelmingly p u b l i c l e a d e r s l i k e members of the C i v i c A c t i o n Committee, the School Board, and the upper ranks o f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . These informants named the c r u c i a l d e c i s i o n s i n the issue-areas i n which they were i n v o l v e d themselves; power was then r a t e d i n terms of the number of times a person or group i n i t i a t e d or vetoed a c r u c i a l d e c i s i o n . F i f t y persons o r groups had some power; i t was confined to a s i n g l e i s s u e area f o r a l l but three of the f i f t y . Most of these i n f l u e n t i a l s were p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s , which may be p a r t l y a r e s u l t of the choice of is s u e s and respondents. - 23 -Dahl l a y s great s t r e s s on the laek o f overlap of leaders and subleaders between d i f f e r e n t issue-areas and uses t h i s as support f o r a p l u r a l i s t model of c i v i c p o l i t i c s : d i f f e r e n t , f l u i d c o a l i t i o n s of l e a d e r s a r i s e on i s s u e s of s p e c i a l i n -t e r e s t t o the c o a l i t i o n members, the leader groups then have t o compete f o r broader support, and w i d e l y unpopular p o s i t i o n s are hence d i f f i c u l t t o push through. Apparently a competing set of leaders f u r t h e r s democratic r u l e . The r e p u t a t i o n a l -i s t s are quick t o p o i n t out that mere v a r i e t y o f l e a d e r s , which i s a l l t h a t Dahl found, does not imply a necessary competition of l e a d e r s h i p . " I f a l l of the decision-makers shared the same values, then there would be no p l u r a l i s m at a l l . " (D'Antoni© e t . a l . , p. 854.) Leadership may be p l u r a l without being p l u r a l i s t i c . The p l u r a l i s t s suppose t h a t v a r i o u s c o a l i t i o n s com-pete on the b a s i s of t h e i r (undefined) i n t e r e s t s , where " i n t e r e s t i s t e l f . . . i s d i f f e r e n t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d i n a p a t t e r n which p l u r a l i s t s assume i s r a t i o n a l f o r most a c t o r s most o f the time." (Polsby, 1963, p. 120.) The problem of what " i n t e r e s t s " are could be overcome by t a k i n g the a c t o r ' s word f o r i t ; i f one i n s i s t s that there are r e a l or best i n t e r e s t s then awkward co n s t r u c t s l i k e " f a l s e consciousness" are necessary t o e x p l a i n away behaviour co n t r a r y t o i n t e r e s t . An a c t o r ' s s u b j e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s and issues are n e a r l y - 24 -i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , so the p e r c e i v e d i s s u e once a g a i n p l a y s a c r u c i a l r o l e i n t h e a n a l y s i s of power. Each of the t h r e e measures o f power d i s c u s s e d a-bove depends on a d i f f e r e n t b a s i c f o c u s o f measurement. The r e p u t a t i o n a l approach emphasizes the i n d i v i d u a l l e a d e r and h i s image, t h e p l u r a l i s t approach s t r e s s e s d e c i s i o n s and t h e i r p a r t i c i p a n t s , and the new su g g e s t i o n would make use o f i s s u e s . The b a s i c weakness of t h e f i r s t technique i s t h a t r e p u t a t i o n f o r power i s - n o t power i t s e l f , w h i le the weakness o f the second i s t h a t i t underestimates the amount of power e x e r c i s e d o u t s i d e p u b l i c forums. I f e e l t h a t the t h i r d method would c o r r e c t b o t h these f a u l t s w h ile r e t a i n i n g the s p i r i t o f t h e usage of the concept "power." One might w e l l ask whether a l l t h i s debate about r i v a l t e chniques i s r e a l l y necessary, whether the d i f f e r e n t methods a c t u a l l y y i e l d v ery d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s . In almost a l l s t u d i e s i t i s d i f f i c u l t to answer t h i s q u e s t i o n because o n l y one instrument s e t i s used and t h e r e f o r e any d i f f e r e n c e i n s u b s t a n t i v e f i n d i n g s could be e x p l a i n e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n the communities s t u d i e d . F o r t u n a t e l y t h e r e i s one study which attempts to compare d i f f e r e n t methods i n a s i n g l e community: the r e s e a r c h done by Freeman and ot h e r s i n Syracuse, New York (1963). They s t u d i e d t h i r t y - n i n e i s s u e s i n order t o uncover f o u r kinds o f l e a d e r s : decision-makers, - 25 -leaders i n a s s o c i a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , r e p u t a t i o n a l l e a d e r s , and lea d e r s of major a s s o c i a t i o n s . The f o u r sets of leaders were compared i n terms of the a c t u a l number of agreements as a percentage of the t o t a l p o s s i b l e agreements. Reputation and p o s i t i o n were i n 74$ agreement and other p a i r s ranged i n agreement from 22% to 39%. B r i e f l y , "which •leaders' are uncovered seems i n l a r g e part t o be a f u n c t i o n of the mode of study." (Freeman e t . a l . , p. 797.) •f P l u r a l i s t s have r i g h t l y c r i t i c i z e d d e f i n i t i o n s of power s t r u c t u r e s i n terms o f r i g i d s i n g l e h i e r a r c h i e s of the k i n d Hunter thought he found. There i s overwhelming cont r a r y evidence o f the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and t r a n s i e n c e of the powerful, at l e a s t i n m i d d l e - s i z e American communities. However, i t i s s t i l l meaningful t o speak of power s t r u c t u r e s i n the broader sense of s t r u c t u r e d f e a t u r e s of power pro-cesses, that i s , f a i r l y s t a b l e ways i n which i s s u e s are d e a l t w i t h . The e x i s t e n c e of s t r u c t u r e s (which might o r might not be h i e r a r c h i c a l ) i n t h i s sense appears p l a u s i b l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n the l i g h t o f evidence on l e a d e r s h i p s t a b i l i t y . Sometimes t h i s s t a b i l i t y i s seen as a c o n t i n u i t y of the leaders thesmelves. For example, 0 *Antonio and E r i c k s o n (1962) s t u d i e d E l Paso and G. Juarez i n 1955 and a g a i n i i n 1958, f i n d i n g a s u b s t a n t i a l overlap (about 50%) i n the l e a d e r s h i p l i s t s f o r the two p e r i o d s . They found th a t eqch - 26 -of six major i s s u e s i n the time s t u d i e d i n v o l v e d a partly-d i f f e r e n t s m all subset of the Key I n f l u e n t i a l s w i t h fewer Key I n f l u e n t i a l s on t h e l o s i n g than on the winning s i d e . "In any s i n g l e i s s u e only a few i n f l u e n t i a l s are d i r e c t l y or i m p o r t a n t l y i n v o l v e d i n the d e c i s i o n . But, the t h e s i s that l e a d e r s a r e l imited t o s i n g l e scopes o f i n f l u e n c e i s not supported." (D»Antonio and E r i c k s o n , 1 9 6 2 , p. 373) although there was some tendency f o r p o l i t i c i a n s t o s p e c i a l i z e i n government p r o j e c t s and businessmen t o con-centrate on p r i v a t e p r o j e c t s and c h a r i t i e s . Hence they c l a i m that t h e r e i s a r e a l b a s i s f o r the concept of gen-e r a l i z e d i n f l u e n c e w i t h temporal c o n t i n u i t y . However, they o f f e r data which suggest t h a t t h i s general i n f l u e n c e may be a complex r e s u l t a n t of s p e c i f i c types of i n f l u e n c e : " 4 7 per cent o f the v a r i a t i o n i n the general i n f l u e n c e index can be a s c r i b e d t o the v a r i a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l and bus-iness indexes." (p. 3 7 1 ) . D'Antonio and E r i c k s o n do not c l a i m to have uncovered a very r i g i d s t r u c t u r e s i n c e t h e i r i n f l u e n t i a l s formed v a r i a b l e and o f t e n opposing c o a l i t i o n s ; they admit t h a t they may have merely developed a l e a d e r s h i p l i s t . The l a l r e a d y weak conclusions of t h i s study are f u r t h e r enfeebled by the f a c t t h a t i t i s l a r g e l y reputa-t i o n a l i n i t s method. - 27 -The s t r i k i n g l y s t a b l e aspect of l e a d e r s h i p i s not the i n d i v i d u a l l e a d e r s themselves but the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of d i f f e r e n t succeeding l e a d e r s . For example, Olmsted r e -ports on leaders named by "experts" i n 1943 and 1949 i n a sm a l l Minnesota c i t y . He found that the carryover of leaders was only 25$, but t h a t the f i r s t s e t and second set o f le a d e r s were s i m i l a r i n the sense t h a t they d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from a sample o f the pop u l a t i o n but not from each other i n education, income, occupation, sex, and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n as measured by the Ghapin s c a l e . This "may be regarded as evidence f o r t h e oper a t i o n i n t h i s community of a supra-personal s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e through which c i v i c l e a d e r -s h i p p o s i t i o n s are f i l l e d and replacements made." (Olmsted, p. 275.) The nature of t h i s s t r u c t u r e and i t s operations remains obscure. As one would expect, r e p u t a t i o n a l i s t s a s s e r t that new lead e r s are r e c r u i t e d by the o l d and are th e r e f o r e chosen on the b a s i s of conformity t o e s t a b l i s h e d ways, w h i l e p l u r a l i s t s a s s e r t t h a t l e a d e r s work t h e i r own way up i n a more democratic f a s h i o n . Neither a s s e r t i o n i s accompanied by much evidence. The l i t t l e data there i s only shows that a s s o c i a t i o n s are somehow i n v o l v e d . Agger, G o l d r i c h , and Swanson (1964) d e f i n e com-munity power s t r u c t u r e i n a s u i t a b l y broad s t y l e as "a re p r e s e n t a t i o n of s e l e c t e d aspects of p o l i t i c a l power C o r -r e l a t i o n s over a s p e c i f i e d time p e r i o d . " (Agger e t . a l . , p. 51.) They use a rough typology f o r comparative study of f o u r American communities: P o l i t i c a l Leadershi] Ideology: D i s t r i b u t i o n o i P o l i t i c a l Power Broad Narrow Convergent Consensual Mass Consensual E l i t e Divergent Competitive Mass Competitive E l i t e The divergence of l e a d e r s h i p ideology r e f e r s t o the extent t o which leaders see each other as enemies r a t h e r than r i v a l s w i t h a l e g i t i m a t e c l a i m t o a share i n power. The authors point out t h a t two of these "power s t r u c t u r e " c a t e g o r i e s are used i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Reputa-t i o n a l i s t s tend t o t h i n k i n terms o f the consensual e l i t e or the r u l e o f a small co-operative c l i q u e , w h i l e p l u r a l i s t s i n s i s t t h a t a more accurate model i s the consensual mass or the r u l e by a great many p a r t i c i p a n t s who are agreed on b a s i c i s s u e s l i k e the worth of democracy and who q u a r r e l amicably over d e t a i l s of p o l i c y . Agger and company argue t h a t the appropriateness of one model or another can only be decided by a comparative study, p r e f e r a b l y d i a c h r o n i c , of - 29 -the k i n d which they c a r r i e d out by studying documents, news-papers, and i n t e r v i e w s . They were able t o f i n d support f o r some i n t e r e s t i n g s t r u c t u r a l hypotheses such as: i f the p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p ideology changes from competitive to consensual, the power d i s t r i b u t i o n changes from mass t o e l i t e . Most of t h e i r hypotheses i n v o l v e broad r e l a t i o n s h i p s between types o f power s t r u c t u r e and types o f regime, regime being "the ' r u l e s of the game' i n p o l i t i c a l decision-making as p o l i t i c a l leaders and other c i t i z e n s i n a p Q l i t y conform t o and i n t e r p r e t them." (Agger e t . a l . , p. #2.) For types of regime they o f f e r another f o u r - p a r t typology based on high or low p r o b a b i l i t i e s of the use o f i l l e g i t i m a t e sanctions t o block attempted s h i f t s i n the scope of government, crossed w i t h high or low sense of e l e c t o r a l potency. R e p u t a t i o n a l -i s t s once tended to f i n d a h i g h p r o b a b i l i t y of i l l e g i t i m a t e s a n c t i o n s ; p l u r a l i s t researchers assume t h a t t h i s proba-b i l i t y i s low. The research done i n t h i s study has most of the elements advocated i n t h i s proposal: a t t e n t i o n t o the pre-d e c i s i o n aspects of i s s u e s , s u b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r the importance of i s s u e s , and so on. M e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y , Agger and h i s co-workers found t h a t they could not create very p r e c i s e operations and much of t h e i r evidence had t o be c l a s s i f i e d by ex post f a c t o judgment. S u b s t a n t i v e l y , t h e i r r e s u l t s are - 30 -not t o o u s e f u l from the present p o i n t of view because they r e v o l v e around government and a t t i t u d e s toward i t s scope. One example i s the d e f i n i t i o n o f the b a s i c concepts l i k e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , which i s " a c t i o n wherein one goa l of t h e a c t o r i s t h e maintenance o f or a s h i f t i n the scope o f government." (p.52.) The r e s u l t s a re a l s o o f l i t t l e use here because t h e y are based on intercommunity comparisons and use the community i t s e l f as the b a s i c u n i t o f a n a l y s i s , w h i l e the present study w i l l be made i n a s i n g l e community. I t has been suggested t h a t making and e f f e c t i n g d e c i s i o n s i s c l o s e l y bound up i n c o n t r o l over i n f o r m a t i o n . R i c h a r d McCleery remarks t h a t "the d i r e c t a p p l i c a t i o n of c o e r c i v e f o r c e has been regarded as the most p r i m i t i v e and fundamental b a s i s o f power i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , and a s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f p o l -i t i c a l t h e o r y and governmental p r a c t i c e i n the past has developed on t h a t b a s i s . In a s t a b l e s o c i a l system, however, a p a t t e r n o f communication appears i n c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n with the power s t r u c t u r e ; and an " a u t h o r i t a -t i v e a l l o c a t i o n o f v a l u e s " i n t h a t s o c i e t y becomes a matter of the c r e a t i o n and c i r c u -l a t i o n of d e f i n i t i o n s r a t h e r than a matter o f the a p p l i c a t i o n of force....communication p a t t e r n s serve as a f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t o f f o r c e . " (McCleery, p. 49.) - 31 -Hence a change i n f o r m a l p a t t e r n s o f power and a u t h o r i t y l e a d s t o a change i n the p a t t e r n s o f communication and v i c e v e r s a . A l s o , " F a i l u r e o f t h e communication p a t t e r n s to c o r -respond t o the requirements of a given system of a u t h o r i t y should r e s u l t i n d i s o r d e r and anarchy." (McCleery, p.49-50.) McCleery f i n d s i l l u s t r a t i v e support f o r these c o n j e c t u r e s i n a h i s t o r i c a l case study o f a Hawaiian p r i s o n . One o f the few other s t u d i e s b e a r i n g on t h i s p o i n t i s Agger's survey of a s m a l l town. His approach i s q u i t e s i m i l a r to t h a t used i n t P e r s o n a l I n f l u e n c e : he asked respondents to name people they thought were i n f l u e n t i a l s or good a d v i s o r s o n ; p o l i t i c s and asked i f t h e informants had ever been asked f o r advice them-s e l v e s . Roughly the same people were named as i n f l u e n t i a l s and as good a d v i s o r s . Agger d i d not attempt t o f o l l o w these responses up by i n t e r v i e w i n g d e s i g n a t e d a d v i s o r s and r e q u e s t -e r s of a d v i c e , which may w e l l be a weakness i n view of the f a c t t h a t Katz and L a z a r s f e l d found t h a t designated i n f l u e n c e s acknowledged t h e i r a l l e g e d search f o r advice o n l y 37$ o f the time i n the sphere of p u b l i c a f f a i r s . Agger, Katz, and L a z a r s f e l d a l l found s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f a d v i s o r s h i p . Katz and L a z a r s f e l d r e p o r t t h a t "the h y p othesis o f a g e n e r a l i z e d l e a d e r r e c e i v e s l i t t l e support i n t h i s study....Each arena, i t seems, has a corps of l e a d e r s of i t s own." (Katz and L a z a r s f e l d , p. 334.) The arenas r e f e r r e d t o a r e f a s h i o n , •= 32 -marketing, and p u b l i c a f f a i r s . Agger found f u r t h e r s p e c i a l -i z a t i o n w i t h i n the p u b l i c a f f a i r s sphere i t s e l f : $2% of those who reported being asked f o r advice named only one area of a d v i s o r s h i p from three issue-areas chosen by Agger: schools, l o c a l government, and community w e l f a r e . These ad v i s o r s t y p i c a l l y were p r o f e s s i o n a l s , managers, p r o p r i e t o r s , or government o f f i c i a l s , and they were a c t i v e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a n t s . Katz and L a z a r s f e l d a l s o found t h a t "gregariousness" or number of reported f r i e n d s h i p s and a s s o c i a t i o n a l memberships, was a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e o f p u b l i c a f f a i r s l e a d e r s , more important than l i f e - c y c l e stage or even s o c i a l c l a s s . Agger f u r t h e r d i s t i n g u i s h e s a c t i v e a d v i s o r s , or a d v i s o r s who r e g u l a r l y discussed p o l i t i c s out-s i d e t h e i r own f a m i l y , and found t h a t they were even more a s s o c i a t i o n a l l y a c t i v e than passive a d v i s o r s . They more f r e q u e n t l y nominated the h i g h e s t - r a t e d i n f l u e n t i a l s as i n -f l u e n t i a l s even a f t e r c o n t r o l s on education, a s s o c i a t i o n a l involvement, and frequency of contacts w i t h o f f i c i a l s (which about h a l f of them had.) Hence he suggests a k i n d of two-step f l o w hypothesis concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p of leaders and l e d : "the data h i n t at the importance of f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s as i n f l u e n c e channels i n the community, as w e l l as the p o s s i b l e import-ance of the r o l e s played by people who r e -semble the top l e a d e r s h i p and who are sought out f o r advice i n the generation or - 33 -maintenance of l e g i t i m a c y , r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the masses and the*top l e a d e r -s h i p . " (Agger, p. 331.) The data do indeed h i n t at the importance of a s s o c i a t i o n s i n many of the s t u d i e s so f a r reviewed. The more powerful, the more p r e s t i g e f u l , the more o f t e n consulted a person i s , the more a s s o c i a t i o n a l l y i n v o l v e d he i s . W i l l i a m Erbe has given a very u s e f u l summary of s t u d i e s r e l a t i n g p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and a s s o c i a t i o n a l involvement as w e l l as s o c i a l c l a s s and a l i e n a t i o n . There are two main explanations f o r the importance of a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the background of the p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e or powerful. F i r s t , a s s o c i a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y provides t r a i n -i n g i n p o l i t i c a l s k i l l s whether o r not the a s s o c i a t i o n s are o r i e n t e d towards p o l i t i c s . Second, many a s s o c i a t i o n s are so o r i e n t e d . They are meeting places f o r i n f l u e n t i a l s who belong t o them, they are channels through which i s s u e s and budding leaders are introduced, they are o f t e n accepted as repre-s e n t a t i v e s of community subgroups or i n t e r e s t groups, and they may even be the e f f e c t i v e l o c u s o f decision-making i t s e l f . Researchers have o f t e n found a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n : the r e p u t a t i o n a l or decision-making le a d e r s tend t o belong t o a sm a l l number o f key o r g a n i z a t i o n s and at the same time t o represent a l l major o r g a n i z a t i o n s among them. Some c o n t r i b u -t o r s have suggested t h a t v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s could even be used a s u n i t s o f a n a l y s i s of communities. For example, - 34 -Young and L a r s o n ranked the groups i n a s m a l l New York community i n terms o f p r e s t i g e judgments made by o f f i c e r s and found t h a t an a s s o c i a t i o n ' s p r e s t i g e was r e l a t e d t o i t s s i z e , age, f o r m a l i t y and e l a b o r a t i o n o f s t r u c t u r e , s p e c i a l -i z a t i o n o f program, r a t e o f i n i t i a t i o n o f i n t e r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h groups o u t s i d e the community, f requency o f i n t r o d u c t i o n of community i n n o v a t i o n s , and t h e f requency o f c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p s between i t s members. Young and Larson d i d not d e a l w i t h p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s but t h e i r f i n d i n g s suggest L i n k s w i t h d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g n o n e t h e l e s s , l i n k s such as the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f i n n o v a t i o n s . Two f i n a l v a r i a b l e s have been suggested as c o r r e l a t e s of power: i d e o l o g i e s concern ing power and p e r c e p t i o n s o f power. Agger , G o l d r i c h , and Swanson (1964) d e f i n e p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s as "ways o f p e r c e i v i n g and r e a c t i n g t o the p o l -i t i c a l s y s t e m , " (Agger e t . a l . , p . 15) as complexes o f f i v e e lements : concept ion o f the community, e . g . , a c o l l e c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s or i n t e r e s t groups o r c l a s s e s ; pre ferences as t o who s h a l l r u l e ; sense of socioeconomic c l a s s , t h a t i s , the r e l a t i v e amount o f p r e s t i g e , w e a l t h , and so on w h i c h people f e e l they are r e c e i v i n g ; sense o f c u l t u r a l c l a s s , o r the r e l a t i v e amount o f r e s p e c t people f e e l t h e i r v a l u e s and ideas are r e c e i v i n g ; a n d , f i n a l l y , a t t i t u d e s toward the l e g i t i m a t e method of a l l o c a t i n g r e s o u r c e s . How important i s i d e o l o g y i n t h i s sense? "The d e c i s i o n a l p r e f e r e n c e s o f - 35 -most c i t i z e n s i n the f o u r communities seemed t o be more i n f l u e n c e d by group and p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s t h a n by i d e o l o g y , " (Agger e t . a l . , p. 17). But i d e o l o g i e s d i f -f e r e n t i a t e d the more enduring a c t i Q n groups and were more than u s u a l l y important i n t h e eyes of r e p u t a t i o n a l l e a d e r s who were spokesmen f o r s t r o n g i n t e r e s t groups. A l s o , i d e o -l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t groups appeared to be a p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r e x t e n s i v e and i n t e n s i v e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . In o t h e r words, even i f i t was a minor t h i n g i n the eyes of most respondents i t s t i l l seemed t o p l a y a c r u c i a l r o l e . Although t h e r e i s a f a i r l y l a r g e body o f l i t e r a t u r e on China and overseas Chinese communities, v e r y l i t t l e o f i t f i t s i n t o t h i s p a r t i c u l a r a r e a o f i n q u i r y . The data a v a i l -a b l e suggest t h a t the same f o c i worked out f o r North American communities would a l s o be u s e f u l i n s t u d y i n g Chinese com-m u n i t i e s . And s t u d y i n g Chinese communities w i t h t h i s frame-work would i n t u r n be u s e f u l because o f the s t r i k i n g l a c k o f comparative work i n the a r e a ; almost a l l "comparative " s t u d i e s i n v o l v e c o n t r a s t i n g such d i s p a r a t e c u l t u r e s as farm-i n g and mining commusities i n Western U.S.A. Perhaps t h e greatest, s i n g l e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l work would be to f o r c i b l y move a t t e n t i o n away from f o r m a l governments, which are a l l t o o e a s i l y accepted as the e n t i r e arena o f p o l i t i c a l behaviour wherever they e x i s t . - 36 -The e x i s t i n g Chinese s t u d i e s bear on subgroups, l e a d e r s h i p t r a i t s , and associations mainly. Most observers i n the U.S.A., Indonesia, Thailand, Peru, the Caribbean, and Canada agree th a t the major s o c i a l cleavages l i e be-tween China-born and native-born Chinese, and between more and l e s s wealthy Chinese (see F r i e d , 1958.) A t y p i c a l r e -port on d i f f e r e n c e s between China-born and native-born i s Skinner's summary concerning Javanese totoks and peranakans. n I n totok s o c i e t y the e l i t e i s composed of wealthy businessmen, who provide l e a d e r s h i p f o r China-oriented o r g a n i z a t i o n s and support f o r the Chinese-language schools; the values s t r e s s e d are wealth, business s k i l l , com-munity s e r v i c e , and (Chinese) p a t r i o t i s m . In peranakan s o c i e t y the e l i t e i s composed of Dutch-educated p r o f e s s i o n a l s , executives i n l a r g e business e n t e r p r i s e s and h i g h -s t a t u s employees: the values s t r e s s e d are e d u c a t i o n a l attainment, f a m i l y standing, and f i n a n c i a l security.'* ( F r i e d , 1958,p.7.) In p o l i t i c s , the t o t o k s t h i n k i n terms of China w h i l e the peranakans are more i n t e r e s t e d i n Indonesian p a r t i e s . Other observers, i n c l u d i n g another s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i n Indonesia (D. E. W i l l m o t t , I960) have reported s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . There i s a l s o rough agreement on the main c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s o f l e a d e r s , even though the d e f i n i t i o n s of l e a d e r s h i p used are i n c o n s i s t e n t , vague, and crudely r e p u t a t i o n a l . The b a s i c requirements f o r l e a d e r s h i p seem to be wealth, educa-t i o n , and u s e f u l contacts ( e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the l o c a l govern-ment.) Skinner's d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of r e p u t a t i o n a l l e a d e r s - 37 -i n Bangkok discovered s e v e r a l v a r i a b l e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e -l a t e d t o choice as a l e a d e r : wealth, self-madeness, p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n (Kuomintang or pro-Peking) generation i n Thailand, education, e v a l u a t i o n of work, w i f e ' s e t h n i c i t y . The key v a r i a b l e s were wealth and power, where power i s de-f i n e d as the number of other leaders h o l d i n g executive p o s i t i o n s i n those groups of which a given leader was an o f f i c e r . Skinner's c a r e f u l and d e t a i l e d work r e s t s almost e n t i r e l y on p r e s t i g e and a s s o c i a t i o n a l p o s i t i o n , w i t h only a glance at emergency decision-making. Skinner and W. E. Willmott (1964) both r e p o r t t h a t the same lead e r s were revealed.by studying normal organiza-t i o n a l prominence or captaincy i n emergencies or d e l e g a t i o n as an e x t e r n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . However, i t would be prama-t u r e t o conclude that these overlapping types of power are mutually v a l i d a t e d as guides t o the e n t i r e community le a d e r -s h i p . I t i s l i k e l y t h a t d i f f e r e n t men have power over i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l a f f a i r s , w i t h the e x t e r n a l and leaders being chosen from the p r e s t i g e f u l and e x t e r n a l l y acceptable heads of a s s o c i a t i o n s . This p o s s i b i l i t y i s n e i t h e r revealed nor c o n t r a d i c t e d by e x i s t i n g data on the Chinese, but i t does come up i n s t u d i e s of other m i n o r i t y groups i n North America. For example, Thompson r e p o r t s of New Orleans Negroes that "the p a t t e r n s of inter-group l e q d e r s h i p are determined very l a r g e l y by the m a j o r i t y group...each s o c i a l - 3 8 -leader among white men of power w i l l choose a complemen-t a r y type of Negro leader w i t h whom he i s w i l l i n g t o ne g o t i a t e . " (Thompson, p. 119.) Most white o f f i c i a l s are s e g r e g a t i o n i s t s and p r e f e r to work through "Uncle Toms" who have l i t t l e Negro f o l l o w i n g ; hence there i s " l i t t l e e f f e c t i v e communication between accepted leaders o f Negroes and the o f f i c i a l leaders of white people i n New Orleans." (Thompson, p. 119.) Granted there are many d i f f e r e n c e s between Negro and Chinese m i n o r i t y groups, i t i s s t i l l p l a u s i b l e t h a t both might f i n d i t convenient or necessary t o have s p e c i a l leaders f o r e x t e r n a l a f f a i r s because o f s i m i l a r e x t e r n a l problems. S p e c i a l i z a t i o n of type of le a d e r s h i p has o f t e n been noted i n Chinese communities. Skinner o u t l i n e s s e v e r a l p a t t e r n s , each with a d i s t i n c -t i v e blend of wealth, power and p r e s t i g e , and w i t h r e l a -t i v e l y homogeneous s o c i a l background; D. E. Willmott remarks t h a t the once i n t e g r a t e d l e a d e r s h i p of Semarang Chinese now has separated i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , p o l i t i c a l , commercial, and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l e l i t e s ; China-bbrn and native-born groups have o f t e n been observed t o have d i f f e r e n t l e a d e r s . The importance and e l a b o r a t i o n of a s s o c i a t i o n s v a r i e s from community t o community. In p r e r e v o l u t i o n a r y China i t s e l f there were a few equ i v a l e n t s t o v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . F r i e d (1953) p o i n t s out that much of Chinese l i f e i n v o l v e d and demanded r e l a t i o n s h i p s that were based n e i t h e r on k i n s h i p nor on the s t a t e , but he r e p o r t s few instances of e l a b o r a t i o n of such " c i v i l " bonds of mutual t r u s t i n t o v o l u n t a r y organizations. In the s m a l l c i t y he s t u d i e d there were frequent business p a r t n e r s h i p s and a few g u i l d s which operated mainly as N a t i o n a l i s t govern-ment f r o n t s . W. E. W i l l m o t t (1964) argues the l a r g e c i t i e s of China had a s e r i e s o f g u i l d s based on l o c a l i t y of o r i g i n or on the roughly e q u i v a l e n t c r i t e r i a of occupation or r e l i g i o n . These g u i l d s o f f e r e d s e c u r i t y , contacts, w e l f a r e , temples, and a r b i t r a t i o n of d i s p u t e s to strangers i n the c i t y . They were nominally democratic but probably financed and c o n t r o l l e d by wealthy merchants. Apparently the g u i l d s were i n t e r n a l l y s o l i d a r y but mutually at odds. Perhaps the g u i l d s served as models f o r the a s s o c i a -t i o n s which sprung up i n overseas Chinese communities. In any case, v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s are found i n a l l of these groups even though t h e i r r o l e i n them d i f f e r s c o n s i d e r a b l y . A s s o c i a t i o n s may be d i f f u s e , l o c a l i z e d , and unconnected as i n Semarang, or s p e c i a l i z e d and c l o s e l y l i n k e d i n ah elaborate h i e r a r c h y by j o i n t o f f i c e r s h i p s as i n Bangkok and Singapore. W. E. W i l l m o t t has suggested that the complex-i t y of a s s o c i a t i o n a l p a t t e r n depends on the s i z e of the community, the type of m i g r a t i o n ( i s o l a t e d immigrants r e -- 4 0 -q u i r i n g a s s o c i a t i o n a l techniques of s o l i d a r i t y more than immigrants who moved as p a r t of a l i n e a g e ) , the presence or absence of a perceived t h r e a t which would encourage u n i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n a few a s s o c i a t i o n s , and the nature o f the e x t e r n a l r u l e . Besides v a r y i n g i n complexity, a s s o c i a -t i o n s vary i n the extent to which they are used as d e c i s i o n -making forums f o r community problems. This extent appears t o be l e s s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to a s s o c i a t i o n a l complexity than to the range of problems l e f t open by e x t e r n a l powers f o r autonomous Chinese economic or p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . For example, the a s s o c i a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e i n Phnom-Penh i s des-c r i b e d as roughly s i m i l a r to that of Bangkok: "the o v e r a l l p a t t e r n t h a t emerges i s of a c l o s e l y - k n i t network of a s s o c i a -t i o n s , w i t h i n t e r l o c k i n g leaders forming the l i n k s between them and arranging them i n a rough h i e r a r c h y of power." (W. E. W i l l m o t t , p. 341.) However, the Phnom Penh a s s o c i a -t i o n s d e a l mainly w i t h maintaining a sense of being Chinese w h i l e i n Bangkok "the Chamber of Commerce and the seven speech-group a s s o c i a t i o n s are considered t o c o n s t i t u t e the de f a c t o 'government* of the Chinese community, r e c o g n i t i o n being accorded not o n l y t h a t community but by the Thai government as w e l l . " (Skinner, p. 156.) The Bangkok a s s o c i a t i o n a l leaders acted on a wide range of problems i n c l u d i n g w e l f a r e , education, and r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Thai 41 -government, a s i t u a t i o n which the Thai found u s e f u l on the whole s i n c e "the Chinese l e a d e r s a r e o f t e n f o r c e d , by v i r t u e o f t h e i r p e c u l i a r r e l a t i o n t o the Thai government, t o h e l p e n f o r c e Thai government measures which they wholeheartedly d i s a p p r o v e . " (Skinner, p. 157.) But i n Phnom Penh the a s s o c i a t i o n s , though e l a b o r a t e , do not p l a y a s i m i l a r r o l e . "Because o v e r a l l economic power i s not i n the hands of Chinese l e a d e r s , the p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s handled by the a s s o c i -a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e have t o do p r i m a r i l y w i t h the r i t u a l i d e n t i t y o f the Chinese community and w i t h p r e s t i g e . " (¥. E. W i l l m o t t , p. 3.) On the whole the data a v a i l a b l e so f a r a r e not d e t a i l e d enough t o support much more than c o n f i d e n c e t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s w i l l somehow be i n v o l v e d i n whatever d e c i s i o n s are open f o r Chinese d e c i s i o n ; whatever the range o f Chinese c o n t r o l , Chinese a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h a s s o c i a t i o n s should be worth i n v e s t i g a t i n g . The p a t t e r n of a c t i v i t y may a g a i n be p a r a l l e l t o t h a t o f American Negroes. "The v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s f u n c t i o n i n much the same way as the church t o provide the Negro not o n l y with an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r s e l f -e x p r e s s i o n but a l s o w i t h an avenue t o compete f o r p r e s t i g e , t o h o l d o f f i c e , t o e x e r c i s e powerand c o n t r o l , to win applause and a c c l a i m . " (Babchuk and Thompson, p. 654.) Babchuk and Thompson r e p o r t a p a t t e r n of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l - 42 -involvement s i m i l a r t o the o v e r a l l North American one: Negroes are more i n v o l v e d i f they have higher o c c u p a t i o n a l rank, more y e a r s o f ed u c a t i o n , higher income, longer r e s i d -ence i n t h e i r community, more f r i e n d s . One would expect Chinese o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y to depend on t h e same v a r i a b l e s as w e l l as on a d d i t i o n a l ones l i k e a s s i m i l a t i o n (although a s s i m i l a t i o n may a f f e c t the k i n d of a s s o c i a t i o n s j o i n e d r a t h e r than t h e i r number.) A s s i m i l a t i o n i s o f t e n r e f e r r e d to i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e but i t s measures have t y p i c a l l y been weak; e i t h e r i t i s judged i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c a l l y o r i t i s a r b i t r a r i l y equated w i t h l i k e l y - l o o k i n g i n d i c e s . For example, Sk i n n e r r a t e s T h a i - i f i c a t i o n i n terms of p r o p o r t i o n o f l i f e spent i n Th a i l a n d , n a t i o n a l i t y , w i f e ' s e t h n i c i t y , and T h a i r honours or p o s i t i o n s . Such i n d i c e s a r e a t t r a c t i v e l y convenient and f o r t u n a t e l y t h e r e i s a study by Fong o f f e r i n g some v a l i d a -t i o n o f t h e i r use. Fong s t u d i e d 336 Chinese c o l l e g e students i n North America i n terms o f a s s i m i l a t i o n , i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of Western norms, and i n d i c e s o f p r o g r e s s i v e removal from China and Chinese c u l t u r e . A s s i m i l a t i o n was d e f i n e d as one's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a Chinese or as an American and was measured by a t t i t u d e q u e s t i o n s on whether one had more f u n w i t h Chinese, p r e f e r r e d t h e i r company, and so on. I n t e r n a l i z a t i o n o f Western norms was measured by the frequency - 43 -of g i v i n g responses modal f o r a Caucasian North American student sample on qu e s t i o n s r e q u i r i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the emotions expressed by a s e r i e s o f s t i c k f i g u r e s . The i n d i c e s o f removal were g e n e r a t i o n i n America, p a r e n t a l c i t i z e n s h i p s t a t u s , r e s i d e n c e ( t h a t i s , i t s c l o s e n e s s to Chinatown), and the e t h n i c i t y of i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s . A l l o f these were s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e l a t e d t o a s s i m i l a t i o n and i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n . One i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t was th a t the Hong Kong students, who d i d not p l a n t o remain i n North America, had i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n s c o r e s h i g h e r than those o f f o u r t h - g e n e r a t i o n North American Chinese and almost as high as those o f the f i f t h g e n e r a t i o n , w h i l e a l s o having by f a r the lowest a s s i m i l a t i o n s c o r e s . These r e s u l t s bear out the o b s e r v a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y made by Rose Hum Lee and others t h a t Chinese from r a p i d l y modernizing Chinese c i t i e s a re more Western than many Western Chinese who are i n s u l a t e d w i t h i n a Chinese community founded by immigrants from a l e s s Westernized China. CHAPTER I I PURPOSE AND METHOD The aim o f the t h e s i s p r o j e c t was to study p r e s -t i g e , power, and i d e o l g o y i n the Vancouver Chinese Com-munity. At f i r s t i t was hoped t o examine power i n the manner recommended i n Chapter I, t h a t i s , by be g i n n i n g w i t h i s s u e s e l e c t i o n by a random sample of the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y t h i s was not f e a s i b l e because the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n cannot be p r e c i s e l y l o c a t e d or sampled and because t h i s procedurewould have r e q u i r e d more time, money, and i n t e r p r e t e r s than were a v a i l a b l e . T h e r e f o r e the s u b j e c t s were drawn from the ranks o f a s -s o c i a t i o n o f f i c e r s , a group which c o u l d e a s i l y be i d e n t -i f i e d from the pages o f the Chinatown News. In some ways t h i s r e s t r i c t e d p o p u l a t i o n was much more u s e f u l than a more i n c l u s i v e one would have been. O f f i c e r s are t y p -i c a l l y much more co - o p e r a t i v e and w e l l - i n f o r m e d than others and are also more l i k e l y to speak f l u e n t E n g l i s h . The 152 known o f f i c e r s were sampled by means o f a random number t a b l e ( B l a l o c k , i 9 6 0 ) i n such a way as t o s e l e c t a l l of the 12 o f f i c e r s h o l d i n g a t l e a s t t h r e e p o s i t i o n s , h a l f o f t h e 22 o f f i c e r s h o l d i n g two p o s i t i o n s , and one q u a r t e r of t h e 118 o f f i c e r s h o l d i n g one p o s i t i o n . - 45 -This sample proved q u i t e useless s i n c e many of i t s members could not be l o c a t e d and about h a l f of those l o c a t e d were unable or u n w i l l i n g t o give an i n t e r v i e w . Nevertheless, the 35 o f f i c e r s f i n a l l y used as respondents i n c l u d e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of a l l c a t e g o r i e s o f the v a r i a b l e under r e s e a r c h . S l i g h t b i a s was found as a r e s u l t o f the f a c t t h a t second generation leaders were more r e a d i l y interviewed and were probably over-represented. Eighteen o f the t h i r t y -f i v e s u b j e c t s were second generation w h i l e the e n t i r e p o o l of a s s o c i a t i o n o f f i c e r s appears t o be much more than h a l f composed of f i r s t generation men. (No p r e c i s e f i g u r e s are a v a i l a b l e but there i s a consensus among informants on t h i s p o i n t . ) The e f f e c t s o f t h i s o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n do not seem t o be sweeping. The p r e s t i g e v a r i a b l e was examined as a t e s t ease. Subjects o f a given generation do tend t o nominate p r e s t i g e l e a d e r s of t h a t generation (see Table I) and the second generation respondents gave t w i c e as many general nominations (an average of 8.1 t o the f i r s t genera-t i o n ' s 4«4), so t h a t the p r e s t i g e v a r i a b l e i s over-i n f l u e n c e d by second generation o p i n i o n s . - 46 -TABLE I Generation and P r e s t i g e Nominations Generation of Nominator Generation of Nominated i I I I 43 55 I I 30 75 Chi - square - 5*21; df = 1; s i g n i f i c a n t a t p e . 0 5 . The Table i s based on a l l nominations f o r which the nominated*s generation i s known; the generation of fourt e e n nominees was unknown. However, the generations made s i m i l a r g e n e r a l nominations o v e r a l l ( r - .73, 55 " 60, s i g n i f i c a n t a t p * .001) so that the b i a s introduced i s not overwhelming. F i n a l l y , whatever the sample l o s e s i n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of the universe of a s s o c i a t i o n o f f i c e r s i t gains i n representa-t i v e n e s s of the a s s o c i a t i o n a l leaders of both of the two major subgroups formed by the generations. The responses obtained were comparable s i n c e they were e l i c i t e d mostly on the b a s i s of a s i n g l e i n t e r v i e w schedule. Some questions had t o be discarded because most - %7 -s u b j e c t s r e f u s e d t o answer or showed c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s -comfort when answering. The most troublesome q u e s t i o n was Number 11, "Aside from your w i f e and c h i l d r e n , do you have any r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n Canada? (Get names, p l a c e s . ) " R e l a t i v e s are a s e n s i t i v e t o p i c f o r many Chinese because o f t h e frequency of i l l e g a l i mmigration. The other most re s e n t e d q u e s t i o n s concerned the e t h n i c i t y of i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s and the names of f r i e n d s seen o f t e n s o c i a l l y . Respondents o f t e n found these q u e r i e s impertinent or r e -p l i e d t h a t t h e y had no i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s and l i t t l e " s o c i a l l i f e . " Almost a l l respondents were w i l l i n g t o i n d i c a t e the p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e i r f r i e n d s i n g e n e r a l who were Chinese. O c c a s i o n a l l y q u e s t i o n s had to be reworded, e s p e c i a l l y f o r s u b j e c t s w i t h l e s s t h a n p e r f e c t E n g l i s h , but these changes d i d not a f f e c t the meaning of the s t i m u l i and seemed t o evoke the same type of responses. In s h o r t , the r e s e a r c h procedure was t o gather comparable data from a g e n e r a l l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , though not random, s e l e c t i o n o f a s s o c i a -t i o n o f f i c e r s . Although r e s t r i c t e d , t h i s focus on o f f i c e s i s h i g h l y u s e f u l f o r the study o f power f o r two main re a s o n s . F i r s t , t h e a s s o c i a t i o n s i n any community can be thought of as a c o n c r e t e s t r u c t u r e w i t h a c o r r e s p o n d i n g a n a l y t i c power s t r u c t u r e , i n other words, the a s s o c i a t i o n s are a s u i t a b l e - 48 -j focus f o r t h e s t u d y of power i n g e n e r a l even i f they are not a s u f f i c i e n t l y complete arena f o r the f u l l study of community power. Second, knowledge about a s s o c i a t i o n s i s i n d i r e c t l y u s e f u l f o r community s t u d i e s because p r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h has made i t obvious t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s p l a y some r o l e , o f t e n a major r o l e , i n community power. Most o f t h e f o l l o w i n g hypotheses are used i m p l i c i t l y i n a t l e a s t some of t h e power s t u d i e s d i s c u s s e d i n t h e o r i g i n a l p r o p o s a l , and few of them have r e c e i v e d even a s i n g l e rough d i r e c t t e s t . Hence t h e i r importance i s obvious d e s p i t e t h e i r s t r i k i n g l a c k o f s u r p r i s e v a l u e . S e v e r a l hypotheses were s e t out b e f o r e r e s e a r c h began. The p r e d i c t i o n s emphasized two gross hypotheses: 1) Communication i s a base o f power and of p r e s t i g e . 2) Ideology v a r i e s with r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the community and w i t h r e l a t i o n s h i p t o channels o f communication. More s p e c i f i c p r o p o s i t i o n s were made w i t h t h e h e l p o f a few o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s . Leader: a p o s i t i o n a l l e a d e r , anyone h o l d i n g a t l e a s t one e x e c u t i v e p o s i t i o n i n an a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f Chinese members who c o n s i d e r the o r g a n i z a t i o n to be p r i m a r i l y Chinese. This d e f i n i t i o n i n c l u d e s o f f i c e r s - 49 -of Chinatown branches of f r a t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( E l k s and Lions) which l e s s a s s i m i l a t e d Chinese d i s m i s s as not r e a l l y Chinese at a l l . Communication channels; communication channels between a s s o c i a t i o n s are shared o f f i c e r s , and communica-t i o n channels between o f f i c e r s are shared e x e c u t i v e s . This d e f i n i t i o n i s based on the p l a u s i b l e (and frequent) assumption that men h o l d i n g o f f i c e i n s e v e r a l groups w i l l pass news and opinions from one t o another, and on the p a r a l l e l assumption that men meeting on the same executives w i l l pass i n f o r m a t i o n to each other. This passage c e r t a i n -l y could be made i n many other ways, e s p e c i a l l y through other r e g u l a r connections of the l e a d e r s such as the l i n k s found u s e f u l i n p r i o r r e s e a r c h : k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p , and business p a r t n e r s h i p or dependency. This p o s s i b i l i t y was not expected to be important. For one t h i n g , these l i n k s do not seem to be very numerous i n Vancouver's Chinese l e a d e r s h i p . A n a l y s i s of club r e p o r t s and g o s s i p columns i n the Chinatown News r e v e a l s 152 current leaders w i t h o n l y f o u r business l i n k s and f o u r k i n s h i p l i n k s between a hand-f u l of them. A l s o , p r i o r r e s e a r c h suggests t h a t p o l i t i c a l communication does not f l o w through a l l p o s s i b l e channels of communication; probably i t flows through p o l i t i c a l - 50 -o r g a n i z a t i o n s and only r a r e l y s p i l l s over i n t o f r i e n d s h i p , k i n s h i p , or business s i t u a t i o n s t o which i t i s f a r l e s s r e l e v a n t . Hence the f i r s t hypothesis: HI: the accuracy of hypotheses i n v o l v i n g communica-t i o n channels w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t l y improved by adding f r i e n d s h i p , k i n s h i p , and business l i n k s to a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i n k s i n the r e c k o n i n g of communication channels. Communication channels f o r c u r r e n t o f f i c e r s were c a l c u l a t e d and charted from i n f o r m a t i o n i n the Chinatown  Mews. One main block of inter-connected a s s o c i a t i o n s , s e v e r a l small b l o c k s , and a few i s o l a t e d groups were r e -vea l e d . Since these groups l a c k communication channels of a p o s i t i o n a l k i n d w i t h the main b l o c k , and since t h i s block i s l a r g e enough that i t i s probably important and i n t e r e s t -i n g to other groups, these groups may seek i n f o r m a t i o n a-bout the main block and are most l i k e l y t o do so through the k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p , and business l i n k s introduced above. Hence: H2: i f HI must be r e j e c t e d , the p r e d i c t i v e improve-ment produced by u s i n g n o n p o s i t i o n a l as w e l l as p o s i t i o n a l l i n k s as channels w i l l be greater f o r s m a l l b l o c k s and i s o l a t e s than f o r the main b l o c k . «. 51 -P r e s t i g e ; r e p u t a t i o n f o r power, or the frequency w i t h which a group o r person i s nominated as important; a l s o r e f e r r e d t o as " g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e . " H3: the more o f f i c e s , or channels t o other l e a d e r s a leader has, the more p r e s t i g e he h a s . H4: the more channels t o other a s s o c i a t i o n s an ass o c -i a t i o n has, the more p r e s t i g e i t has. H5: the s t r o n g e r the communication channels between two e x e c u t i v e s , the more f r e q u e n t l y the e x e c u t i v e members w i l l name each o t h e r ' s a s s o c i a t i o n s and o f f i c e r s a s important, i . e . , the st r o n g e r the communication the g r e a t e r the a s c r i b e d p r e s t i g e . Power: the frequency w i t h which a l e a d e r or a s s o c i a -t i o n i s r e p o r t e d to have i n i t i a t e d , c a r r i e d through, o r vetoed an i s s u e thought t o a f f e c t t h e Chinese community. H6: the more channels t o other l e a d e r s a l e a d e r has, the more power he has. R7: the more channels t o o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s an asso -c i a t i o n has, t h e more power i t has. I f both p r e s t i g e and power are r e l a t e d t o communica-t i o n channels, then t h e y s h o u l d a l s o be r e l a t e d t o each o t h e r . P r e s t i g e should a l s o be r e l a t e d t o power on the grounds t h a t the communications f o s t e r i n g a r e p u t a t i o n f o r power should be - 52 -concerned w i t h the e x e r c i s e of power or possession of poten-t i a l power, other s u b j e c t s being l e s s r e l e v a n t . Hence: H8: The more power a leader has, the more p r e s t i g e he has. H9: The more power an a s s o c i a t i o n has, the more p r e s t i g e i t has. Ideology: perception and e v a l u a t i o n o f power i n the community. This complex v a r i a b l e i s r e l a t e d t o Agger e t . a l . * s concept at a very general l e v e l , but the s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s i n -volved are d i f f e r e n t . Agger e t . a l . d e a l t w i t h p a r t i c u l a r s such as a t t i t u d e toward governmental scope which were more s u i t a b l e t o t h e i r s m a l l American c i t i e s than they would be t o Vancouver Chinese. This p r o j e c t used a d i f f e r e n t opera-t i o n a l i z a t i o n based on the remarkably and conveniently small range o f c a t e g o r i e s that t he s i x t e e n respondents used i n the p r e l i m i n a r y i n t e r v i e w s i n response t o very vague questions. Leadership scope: respondents asserted t h a t l e a d e r s h i p i n Chinatown was e i t h e r nonexistent, confined t o p a r t i c u l a r subgroups, or at l e a s t i n part r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the whole community. In other words, the Chinese are j u s t as d i v i d e d as p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s on the question of the g e n e r a l i t y of i n f l u e n c e . - 53 -A s s o c i a t i o n a l scope: s i m i l a r l y , respondents claime d t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s had no importance, importance o n l y i n p a r t i c u l a r subgroups, or g e n e r a l importance i n the case of one o r two o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( g e n e r a l l y the C.B.A.) Pe r c e i v e d base o f power: l e a d e r s h i p was s a i d t o r e s t on some community s e r v i c e , a c t i v i t y , or on some a t t r i b u t e such as wealth, c l a n s h i p , o r ed u c a t i o n . The p r e l i m i n a r y i n t e r v i e w s were t o o few and too incomplete t o p r o v i d e a c l e a r p a t t e r n o f r e l a t i o n s h i p between i d e o l o g y and other v a r i a b l e s , but they d i d h i n t at some i n t e r e s t i n g hypotheses. H10:the more c o n t a c t s w i t h o t h e r l e a d e r s a l e a d e r has, the more he i s l i k e l y to a s s e r t the e x i s t e n c e o f broad l e a d e r s h i p and a s s o c i a t i o n a l scope wi t h s e r v i c e as t h e b a s i s o f l e a d e r s h i p . (These v a r i a b l e s are no doubt i n t e r a c t i n g . Men wit h a low o p i n i o n of the importance of the power s t r u c t u r e do nbt bother t o p l a y an a c t i v e r o l e i n - i t , and men without a very a c t i v e r o l e do not hear much about l e a d e r s h i p and a s s o c i a -t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s or a s s o c i a t e much wit h more more a c t i v e men who have a h i g h o p i n i o n o f the - 54 -Importance o f these a c t i v i t i e s . ) H l l : t h e more a s s i m i l a t e d a l e a d e r i s , the l e s s he i s l i k e l y t o a s s e r t the e x i s t e n c e o f broad l e a d e r -s h i p and a s s o c i a t i o n a l scope w i t h s e r v i c e as t h e b a s i s o f l e a d e r s h i p . More a s s i m i l a t e d l e a d e r s are more l i k e l y to be i n t e r e s t e d and informed about non-Chinese groups, a c t i v i t i e s , and power, and t h e r e f o r e t o be l e s s i n t e r e s t e d and impressed by Chinese a f f a i r s . A s s i m i l a t i o n ; p r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h i n d i c a t e d t h e use-f u l n e s s o f w i f e ' s g e n e r a t i o n p l u s Fong's i n d i c e s o f removal -ge n e r a t i o n , r e s i d e n c e , and e t h n i c i t y of i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s . As noted above, the l a s t f a c t o r had t o be r e p l a c e d by e t h n i c -i t y o f f r i e n d s i n g e n e r a l . The data c o l l e c t e d showed a rough s c a l e o f a s s i m i l a t i o n . The twelve men who d i s p l a y e d one or two non-Chinese f a c t o r s a l l r e p o r t e d these as a Canadian-born w i f e and/or r e s i d e n c e o u t s i d e of Chinatown or the p r e -dominantly Chinese area near i t . Except f o r one man w i t h a China V a l l e y home, none of the men r e p o r t i n g t h r e e or f o u r non-Chinese f a c t o r s had a China-born w i f e or Chinese a r e a home. A l l of the n i n e men r e p o r t i n g three non-Chinese elements named Canadian b i r t h as one; the remaining Chinese element was the r e p o r t i n g o f most or a l l of t h e i r f r i e n d s - 55 -as Chinese i n e i g h t cases and the r e p o r t o f a Chinese home i n the n i n t h . The process o f a s s i m i l a t i o n c l e a r l y i n -v o l v e s choosing a Canadian w i f e or home f o r f i r s t - g e n e r a -t i o n men; second g e n e r a t i o n men take Canadian wives and homes and may a l s o a s s i m i l a t e t o the h i g h e s t degree by choosing o r g a i n i n g Canadian f r i e n d s . S i n c e t h e r e i s a n a t u r a l d i v i s i o n between the ge n e r a t i o n s i n extent o f a s s i m i l a t i o n , s i n c e g e n e r a t i o n i s f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d t o as an important v a r i a b l e by the Chinese themselves, and s i n c e t h e l e a d e r sample i s d i v i d e d i n h a l f between Canadian-born and China-born, the a s s i m i l a t i o n v a r i a b l e was con-densed i n t o a g e n e r a t i o n a l dichotomy. A l l the hypotheses so f a r d i s c u s s e d have r e f e r r e d t o g e n e r a l p r e s t i g e or power. However, as was p o i n t e d out i n Chapter I , power and p r e s t i g e v a r y from i s s u e t o i s s u e i n North American communities s t u d i e d and presumably a l s o v a r y i n Chinese communities. Cn any gi v e n i s s u e o n l y some l e a d e r s w i l l be i n t e r e s t e d and q u a l i f i e d enough t o become i n v o l v e d , and few l e a d e r s w i l l have the time o r i n c l i n a -t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e i n s e v e r a l i s s u e s a t once. H12: the l e a d e r s named f o r any i s s u e w i l l be a m i n o r i t y o f those nominated as g e n e r a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l . - 56 -H13: At most a m i n o r i t y o f t h e l e a d e r s named f o r any i s s u e w i l l a l s o be l e a d e r s f o r another i s s u e . P l u r a l i s t s o f t e n argue t h a t t h e i s s u e - s p e c i f i c i t y of power render s nominations o f g e n e r a l i n f l u e n t i a l s meaningless, w h i l e r e p u t a t i o n a l i s t s r e p l y t h a t a r e p u t a -t i o n f o r g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e i s a convenient and meaningful index of p a s t and present e x e r c i s e s of power on many i s s u e s . I f t h e l a t t e r p o s i t i o n i s c o r r e c t then general i n f l u e n c e r e p u t a t i o n should be r e l a t e d t o more s p e c i f i c r e p o r t s o f i n f l u e n c e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p d e c l i n i n g i n s t r e n g t h as the r e p o r t s become more s p e c i f i c and hence l e s s comprehensive. At any g i v e n s t a g e o f s p e c i f i c i t y the g e n e r a l nominations should be more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o a l l areas r e p o r t e d than t o any one o f them a l o n e . In order t o t e s t these p r e d i c -t i o n s the s u b j e c t s were asked t o name the most i n f l u e n t i a l l e a d e r s and a s s o c i a t i o n s i n s p e c i a l areas as w e l l as gene r a l l e a d e r s and s p e c i f i c i s s u e l e a d e r s . The areas chosen were Welfare, R e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f theCommunity, and Language S c h o o l s . Because o f the l o n g - s t a n d i n g i n t e r e s t i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of bu s i n e s s t o power, busi n e s s l e a d e r nominations were a l s o requested even though b u s i n e s s prom-inence should not be v e r y c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o i n f l u e n c e i f i n f l u e n c e i s indeed based on communication; bus i n e s s suc-cess i s a power base which must be a c t i v a t e d b e f o r e i t s - 57 -p o s s e s s o r gains i n f l u e n c e . H14: General p r e s t i g e i s r e l a t e d t o nominations i n Welfare, R e p r e s e n t a t i o n , and Schools, and i s more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e sum o f nomina-t i o n s i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s . H15: P r e s t i g e i s more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the sum of nominations i n the t h r e e areas than i t i s t o power as measured from s p e c i f i c i s s u e s . H16: P r e s t i g e and power w i l l not be c l o s e l y r e -l a t e d t o b u s i n e s s prominence. One f i n a l s p e c u l a t i v e hypothesis drew on the c l o s -i n g q u e s t i o n n a i r e item, "Could you p l e a s e recommend two or t h r e e people who u s u a l l y know what i s g o i n g on among the Chinese?" These i n f o r m a t i o n l e a d e r s s h o u l d be i n f l u e n c e l e a d e r s as w e l l i f communication p l a y s t h e prominent r o l e expected. General l e a d e r s a r e most l i k e l y t o be c o n s i d e r e d at t h e hub o f e v e n t s . H17: I n f o r m a t i o n nominations are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e nominations. Information i s examined wi t h r e s p e c t t o p r e s t i g e r a t h e r than power because i t i s i t s e l f measured through g e n e r a l r e p u t a t i o n . Power c o u l d be p r o f i t a b l y compared t o r e p o r t e d knowledge of s p e c i f i c i s s u e s , a v a r i a b l e which was n e g l e c t e d . CHAPTER III RESULTS HI No addit i o n a l kinship or business l i n k s were found. Only a few respondents were w i l l i n g to name the people they saw most often s o c i a l l y or the people with whom they most often discussed Chinese a f f a i r s , so l i t t l e can be said about f r i e n d -ship as a communication channel. The data available indicate that friendship may be a news medium, at least among the second generation respondents (who were somewhat less reserved about discussing personal questions.) Occasionally, a subject would give some information and add that he had heard i t from "my fr i e n d X," or give a l i s t of leaders and refe r to some of them as fri e n d s . The term " f r i e n d " seemed to apply to any-thing from a close confidante to someone to whom the respondent did not wish to appear h o s t i l e , someone such as a prominent p o l i t i c a l opponent. In summary, HI holds f o r kinship and business l i n k s and i s not testable for friendship l i n k s . H2 This hypothesis i s not applicable for kinship and business l i n k s . It may or may not be applicable f o r -59 ~ friendship l i n k s and i s not testable for them with the data obtained. 11 ' The number of association o f f i c e s which a leader had was i n f a c t correlated p o s i t i v e l y with the number of nominations he received as a general i n f l u e n t i a l : r = .47, ^L,64 = 50, s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .01. The correlation i s not as large as expected; of f i c e - h o l d i n g only accounts f o r about a quarter of the v a r i a t i o n i n prestige ( r^ = .2209). Either communication channels are only a p a r t i a l base of power reputation or o f f i c e s are not the m ost important communication channel, or both. The l a t t e r suggestion i s strengthened by the possible communication role of f r i e n d -ship noted above,eand the former suggestion i s borne out by data given below which indicate that issue a c t i v i t i e s are also related to prestige nominations. For associations, there was a much closer r e l a t i o n -ship between general influence nominations and the number of other associations to which an association was linked by at - 6 © -l e a s t one j o i n t o f f i c e r : r = . 7 0 , F]_ 24 = 2 3 , s i g n i f i c a n t at p = . 0 1 . In t h i s case communication channels account for h a l f ( r 2 = .49) of the v a r i a t i o n i n prestige. This' increased effectiveness may occur because the information passed along executive i n t e r l o c k channels tends to be association news, which i s highly relevant to the formation of opinions of associations. It i s also doubtless relevant to formation of opinions of leaders, but many other kinds of news (such as reports of current projects or i n d i v i d u a l actions) would also be involved. Since leader and association prestige scores are both related to d i f f e r e n t aspects of o f f i c e - h o l d i n g , i t i s plausible to expect that they are related i n turn. In f a c t , the number of general influence nominations received by an association i s correlated with the t o t a l of a l l such nominations received by the members of the executive: -i r = . 7 2 , Fj_ 21+ ~ 2^> s i g n i f i c a n t at p = . 0 1 . Probably a group and i t s leadership acquire influence reputation from each other. Both have influence bases which are i n a sense independent: the group gains influence from the size of i t s membership and the extent of i t s property (owned i n the associatiofl&s name), while the leaders pursue a c t i v i t i e s and have wealth or other attributes of t h e i r own. - 61 -M i Table I I shows that leaders do tend to d i s p r o p o r t i o n -a t e l y give general i n f l u e n c e nominations to leaders on t h e i r own executives or leaders on executives sharing at l e a s t one o f f i c e r w i t h t h e i r own; Table I I I shows that they a l s o tend to over-nominate t h e i r own a s s o c i a t i o n s or groups l i n k e d to them by i n t e r l o c k i n g o f f i c e s . TABLE I I Leader Nominations and Distance T o t a l Number Nominated Leaders on the respondent's own executives 228 30 Leaders on l i n k e d executives 630 41 Leaders on other executives and any nominated leaders not on an executive 2992 94 Chi - square =52.7; df = 2; s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .001 - 6 2 -TABLE III Association Nominations and Distance Total Number Nominated Respondents' associations 59 23 Associations linked to his 208 34 Other associations 1029 38 Chi - square = 131.7; df = 2; s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .001 Before proceeding *o a test of H6, i t i s neces§ary to give a detailed report of findings relevant to the power variable. When asked, "During the l a s t year, have there been, any issues, disagreements, or major projects among the Chinese? f i f t e e n of the t h i r t y - f i v e Subjects r e p l i e d "None". Never-theless most of the f i f t e e n were able to give information about s p e c i f i c issues when these were suggested. A l l suggested issues had been named spontaneously by at least one respondent. Only seven men have no information at a l l , and f i v e of these were not probed about example issues. The reports obtained seem quite r e l i a b l e since they varied i n subject, d e t a i l , or - 63 -opinion but only contain one contradiction on a minor matter of fact and since they were i n agreement with newspaper reports of issues wherever these were ava i l a b l e . The readiness and consistency of responses about s p e c i f i c issues indicates that these issues are well-known. It should be noted that many or most of the hotly contested issues i n Chinatown may have been overlooked because of the issue l e v e l set f o r t h i s project, the l e v e l of issues concerning the Chinese community as a whole rather than issues i n which the community i t s e l f i s a protagonist or issues confined to p a r t i c u l a r groups within the community. Intra-association c o n f l i c t s were frequently mentioned as a normal part of community l i f e . These are irre l e v a n t to a lim i t e d study of community power but might well repay l a t e r study. The dominant theme of the following reports on issues i s "nothing r e a l l y came of i t " . As a r u l e , something was proposed by some interest group, was discussed, for a while, and was allowed to die out. Power i n Chinatown seems confined to the i s s u e - r a i s i n g phase of decision-making. The respondents themselves often pointed t h i s out, always regret-f u l l y , and attributed i t to Chinese "individualism" or "selfishness". The Chinese, according to the Chinese leaders, - 64 -always work f o r them s e l v e s o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s and do not c o - o p e r a t e f o r the common good. At t h e same time i n f o r m a n t s a l s o d e c l a r e d t h a t t h e a s s o c i a t i o n s were once v e r y i m p o r t a n t as t h e forum o f community government and community e f f o r t i n th e e a r l y y e a r s o f t h e Chinese g h e t t o e s . In o t h e r words, t h e Chinese have c o - o p e r a t e d when t h i s seemed n e c e s s a r y and f e a s i b l e . The c u r r e n t l a c k o f l a r g e - s c a l e p r o j e c t s i s p r o b a b l y a r e s u l t o f s p e c i f i c r a t h e r than g e n e r a l c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , t he most s t r i k i n g elements b e i n g i n t r a - C h i n e s e d i v i s i o n s o f v i e w p o i n t and the gro w i n g l a c k o f i n t e r e s t i n m a i n t a i n i n g a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Chinese community. I n f r e q u e n t l y Mentioned I s s u e s 1) L i o n s ' home f o r t h e aged. Two re s p o n d e n t s s a i d t h a t an ad hoc L i o n s committee has been formed t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f a home f o r e l d e r l y Chinese w i t h o u t f a m i l i e s o r money. T h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n has not y e t been pushed o u t s i d e the c l u b but may l a t e r d e v e l o p i n t o an i s s u e . 2) Red F e a t h e r campaign o f 1965. A c c o r d i n g t o a p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l - i n f o r m e d s o u r c e , t h e young l a w y e r who l e a d t h e 1965 campaign bypassed t h e o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n ' s a s s o c i a t i o n s and asked f o r c a n v a s s e r s from t h e second g e n e r a t i o n groups. O l d e r Chinese c r i t i c i z e d him f o r b y p a s s i n g t h e C . B.A., t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z e r o f community w e l f a r e . The o n l y e f f e c t o f t h i s d i sagreement was t o u n d e r l i n e the d i v i s i o n between - 65 -older and younger Chinese. 3) C.B.A. r e v i s i o n . A few of the younger respondents c r i t i c i z e d the C.B.A. as i n e f f e c t u a l and unrepresentative. They hinted that they would l i k e to see a younger leaders' coup to r e v i t a l i z e Chinese a c t i v i t i e s . Like (1), t h i s i s a pote n t i a l issue area worth watching. 4) Immigration. Vague references were made to disagreements on the content of b r i e f s submitted to the government on behalf of the Chinese, and some c r i t i c i s m s of Chinese spokesmen were made. Frequently Mentioned Issues 1) Chinese New Year. Unfortunately, no probing was done for t h i s issue. Five subjects named i t spontaneously as an important event that always aroused t a l k . The New Year F e s t i v a l i s usually organized by the C.B.A. and financed by the Chinese restaurants, with other associations making contributions such as Lion Dances. This year the celebrations were not held because the restaurants had some disagreement with the other associations involved and there was not enough money. This incident i s the only available example of "big business" control of a dec i s i o n a l outcome, though wealthy groups may have exercised control by r e f u s a l to finance over e a r l i e r stages of other issues which have not come to a decision. - 66 -2) Redevelopment. Twenty-four respondents commented on some phase of t h i s issue. In 1963 the Central Mortgage and Housing Company asked for bids for the redevelopment of part of the Chinese r e s i d e n t i a l area. Many of the older residents were upset because they did not want to leave China Valley, while most of the younger Chinese were i n favor of improving the area and hastening a s s i m i l a t i o n . Of the eight men named as leaders i n favor of redevelopment, s i x were second generation Chinese. A l l but two were i n some l i n e of business other than r e a l estate, and the two r e a l estate men were second generation people strongly i n favor of assim i l a t i o n . The four men named as opponents of renewal were r e a l estate business-men who were uniformly described as aertive i n the hope of f i n a n c i a l gain. The most nominated opponent presented a plan fo r a housing project with an Oriental flavour. The plan aroused considerable discussion, most of i t c r i t i c a l , u n t i l i t was rejected i n 1964 as not conforming to C.M.H.C. building standards. Since then the issue has died away; seven respondents dismissed i t as a thing of the past and only one asserted that i t was s t i l l an open question since the C.B.A. continues to r a i s e the matter and send delegations to City H a l l . The only f a c t u a l disagreement i n the reports concerns whether or not associations property was involved, with one subject remarking that some was and one asserting none was. No-one - 6 7 -claimed that the associations played an active role i n the issue. External governments and i n t e r n a l r e a l estate men were both i s s u e - r a i s e r s ; the external authorities set the issue decision; second-generation businessmen were involved as leading opponents i n the issue discussion. 3) Chinese Community Center. Fourteen subjects i discussed t h i s perennial suggestion which gained more force two years ago when the young men active i n the sports associations took i t up. Although the sports groups only became active about f i v e years ago, they were soon very popular with young immigrants and t h e i r games overflowed available f a c i l i t i e s at the Gibbs Boys Club. The head of the Chinese Basketball League and a second generation leader set up a community center committee to which a l l associations were i n v i t e d to send delegates. At f i r s t , youth groups or t h e i r senior organization sponsors were most active. Then the Lions became the most interested (They received as many mentions as the youth groups themselves); three active Lions were reported as involved i n the issue. Douglas Jung was also named as an exponent of the proposal. No i n d i v i d u a l youth leaders were named except by the Basketball League head himself. Last year the three Chinese language news-papers came out i n favor of i t . A l l respondents agreed that a center would be a good thing, e s p e c i a l l y for the young - 68 -people, and none could think of any opposition to i t . Despite these favorable factors, the issue has not been pushed to a conclusion. Half the reporting subjects commented that the center was not o f f the ground, because of the lack of a concrete plan or of money or of both. At present the committee on behalf of a center i s composed large l y of non-Chinese s o c i a l workers and the center w i l l probably never be b u i l t unless a non-Chinese government provides the d e t a i l s and the financing. In summary, the youth group leaders acted as issue-raisers but prominence i n issue-discussion soon passed to second-generation business and professional men and t h e i r associations. No Chinese leader or group has acted as an issue decision-maker or i s l i k e l y to do so. 4) Chinese p o l i t i c s . Six respondents commented on t h i s . "Chinese p o l i t i c s " refers to the a c t i v i t i e s of the Chinese Nationalist Party, or Kuomintang (K.M.T.) and i t s two opponents: the supporters of the People's Republic of China, and the Chinese Freemasons. The former group were described as a small set of young men with more r a c i a l or national pride than Marxism, who pursue harmless a c t i v i t i e s i n two small but active associations. The three subjects who commented on the r e l a t i v e strength of these groups agreed that most Chinese i n Canada d i s l i k e d the Communists, but only a small minority give more than nominal support to the K.M.T. Probably the most popular group, and c e r t a i n l y the largest, i s the Freemasons, - 69 -a widespread group with a long hi s t o r y of opposition to the K . M.T. However, the p o l i t i c a l aspect of the Freemasons seems to be lo s i n g prominence as i t s leaders argue that a Canadian Chinese association should ignore Chinese problems i n favor of increased attention to the welfare of i t s own members. One of t h e i r leaders i s also a leader of the other anti-K . M.T, group. The leaders of a l l three groups are well known and consistently named, although several respondents refused to name leading supporters of mainland China because they " r e a l l y shouldn't say about something l i k e that." Apparently t h i s p o l i t i c a l area contains some prominent issue debaters, but no decisions or decision makers since the three p o t e n t i a l combatants never come head to head. None of them appear to have sought influence over a community issue other than p o l i t i c a l debate. 5) Canadian p o l i t i c s . Fifteen respondents discussed t h i s . Younger Chinese have become interested i n Canadian p o l i t i c s i n recent years. The older people are p a r t i a l l y cut o f f by the language b a r r i e r , although the Chinese Times publicized the Canadian party viewpoints. About h a l f the respondents commented i n some way on the pragmatism of Chinese interest i n p o l i t i c s . Federal elections rouse concern because the federal government controls immigration; but p r o v i n c i a l governments control nothing of special importance to the - 7 0 -to the Chinese, so the p r o v i n c i a l election which occurred shortly a f t e r the interviewing period, passed unnoticed. Debate i s slack unless an e l e c t i o n i s near, since there are no votes to gain. Votes themselves are cast f o r the most promising p o l i c i e s rather than f o r p r i n c i p l e s : Douglas Jung was supported because he was Chinese, and was rejected i n favor of Jack Nicholson when the l a t t e r proved more attentive to Chinese problems. Nevertheless some men are known as consistent p o l i t i c a l leaders i n and out of election periods. Twelve p o l i t i c a l leaders were named, six f o r the dominant Liberals and two each for the Conservatives, New Democratic Party, and S o c i a l Credit. At least seven of them are young businessmen or professionals. These p o l i t i c a l leaders also tend to be participants i n Chinese p o l i t i c s : two are active supporters of the K.M.T., two are the leading supporters of mainland China, and f i v e are prominent Freemasons. There was no suggestion that the three Chinese parties themselves take a hand i n Canadian p o l i t i c s . Two associations were named as p o l i t i c a l l y active, one a second generation group and the other Douglas Jung's l o c a l i t y group. H6 This hypothesis must be rejected. The number of o f f i c e s a leader holds has v i r t u a l l y no s t a t i s t i c a l association - 71 -w i t h t h e number o f ti m e s he i s named as i n v o l v e d i n the s p e c i f i c i s s u e s : r = .0057, F l 44 = .00003, not s i g n i f i c a n t a t p = .05. S i n c e o f f i c e - h o l d i n g i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r e s t i g e but n o t w i t h power, i t may acco u n t f o r much o f the v a r i a t i o n i n p r e s t i g e n o t e x p l a i n a b l e by v a r i a t i o n i n power. The c o r r e l a t i o n between g e n e r a l n o m i n a t i o n s and the sum o f i s s u e n o m i n a t i o n s and o f f i c e s h e l d i s r = .49, F-^  = 18.94, s i g n i f i c a n t a t p = .01. However, t h i s i s not much b e t t e r t h a n the c o r r e l a t i o n o f r = .47 r e p o r t e d above between g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e and o f f i c e s a l o n e , and i t i s much worse t h a n the c o r r e l a t i o n , r e p o r t e d below, o f r = .76 between g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e and power above. The d i s c r e p a n c y between p r e s t i g e and power i s not y e t e x p l a i n e d . HZ T h i s h y p o t h e s i s must a l s o be r e j e c t e d . The c o r r e l a t i o n between an a s s o c i a t i o n ' s i s s u e n o m i n a t i o n s and the number o f o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s t o which i t i s l i n k e d i s o n l y r = .0$4, F i tj.g = .0128, not s i g n i f i c a n t a t p = .05-H8 A l t h o u g h power f o r l e a d e r s i s not r e l a t e d t o communications c h a n n e l s , i t i s r e l a t e d t o p r e s t i g e as - 7 2 -predicted: r = .76, $1^5 = 89.76, s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .01. H9 The re l a t i o n s h i p between power and prestige also holds f o r groups, although not so clo s e l y as for leaders. Even though only eight associations were named as participants i n the four main issues, there was a co r r e l a t i o n between issue nominations and prestige nominations for organizations of r = .59, F]_ 21 = 11*31, s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .01. H10 This hypothesis must be rejected since no r e l a t i o n -ship could be found between of f i c e - h o l d i n g and any component of evaluation. This can be seen from Tables IV, V and VI below. In Tables IV and V "a" represents the response "they are not i n f l u e n t i a l " or "there are no Chinese with influence*" "b" represents responses i n d i c a t i n g r e s t r i c t e d spheres of influence, and "c" represents the response "some of them are i n f l u e n t i a l i n the Chinese community as a whole." - 73 -TABLE IV P o s i t i o n s and E v a l u a t i o n o f Scope o f Leader I n f l u e n c e Leader Scope One P o s i t i o n More Than One a,b 11 14 c 4 5 C h i - square ( c o r r e c t e d ) = .00058; d f = 1; not s i g n i f i c a n t a t p = .05-TABLE V P o s i t i o n s and E v a l u a t i o n o f Scope o f A s s o c i a t i o n I n f l u e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n Scope One P o s i t i o n More Than One a,b 12 15 c 3 3 C h i - square ( c o r r e c t e d ) = . 0 3 3 ; d f = 1; not s i g n i f i c a n t a t p = . 0 5 . - 74 -T^BLE VI P o s i t i o n s and Reported Basis of Leadership Basis One P o s i t i o n More Than One A c t i v i t y 8 11 Other 5 6 Chi - square = .0234; df = 1; not s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .05 H l l This hypothesis must be r e j e c t e d since Tables V I I , V I I I and IX show no r e l a t i o n s h i p between generation and ideology. - 7 5 -TABLE VII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Leader Influence Evaluation of Leader Scope F i r s t Generation Second Generation a,b 11 14 c 5 2 Chi - square (corrected for continuity) = 0.731; df = 1, not s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .05. TABLE VIII Generation and Evaluation of Scope of Association Influence Evaluation of Association Scope F i r s t Generation Second Generation a,b 12 15 c 5 2 Chi - square (corrected for continuity) = 0.719, df = 1, not s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .05. - 7 f e -TABLE IX Generation and Reported Basis of Leadership Basis F i r s t Generation Second Generation A c t i v i t y - 11 8 Other 3 8' Chi - square (cor r e c t e d f o r c o n t i n u i t y ) = 1.477; df = 1, not s i g n i f i c a n t at p = .05. The r e j e c t i o n of H10 and H l l does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply that ideology i s a useless v a r i a b l e . Since ideology has been p r o f i t a b l y used i n previous s t u d i e s i t i s more p l a u s i b l e to conclude t h a t t h i s v a r i a b l e has not been s t r a t e g i c a l l y o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . This view i s given some support by the f a c t that the components of ideology are them-selves not r e l a t e d , as can be seen from Table X. Further e x p l o r a t i o n might r e v e a l some s c a l a b l e components f o r a new o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the d a t a c o l l e c t e d f o r t h i s p r o j e c t do not o f f e r any obvious l e a d s . - 77 -TABLE X The Components of Ideology Scope Leadership Base A c t i v i t y Other a,a; a,b; b,a 2 2 b,b 9 8 c, c; c, b; b, c 8 1 Chi - square ( c o r r e c t e d ) = 1.979; df = 2, not s i g n i f i c a n t at p =.05. H12 The men nominated as p a r t i c i p a n t s i n any s i n g l e i s s u e are indeed a m i n o r i t y o f a l l those nominated as p o s s e s s i n g g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e . The l a r g e s t number o f men nominated was twelve, f o r Canadian p o l i t i c s , which i s about 22% o f the t o t a l o f f i f t y - f i v e nominated as g e n e r a l i n f l u e n t i a l s . - 78 -The number of men named i n each s p e c i a l area of influence was also less than f i f t y - f i v e though not always a minority: thirty-one in.Welfare, twenty-six i n Representation, and twenty-two i n Schools. H13 A minority of the nominated participants f o r any one issue were also nominated for any other issue, as predicted. The highest proportion of overlap was i n the community center issue. 40% (two out of f i v e ) of i t s leaders were also p o l i t i c a l nominees. H14 For Leaders As can be seen from Table XI, general influence has the expected relationships to s p e c i a l area influence and to the sum of nominations i n sp e c i a l areas. When nominations for a l l three areas are taken together, they account for more than two-thirds of the va r i a t i o n i n general influence nominations ( r ^ = .71). It seems l i k e l y that even more of the v a r i a t i o n could have been explained i f more than .three areas of influence had been tapped. - 79 -TABLE XI Leaders: General and Special Area Influence and BusinessoProminence Types of Influence Related r F N-2 Significance Level General; Welfare .51 21 61 .01 General; Represent-ation . .66 46 59 .01 General; Schools .39 10 60 .01 General; Sum of Welfare, Represent-ation and Schools .84 201 83 .01 General; Business .27 5 67 .05 General; Sum of the Special Areas and Business .83 176 83 .01 For each co r r e l a t i o n , "N" was taken as the number of men receiving at least one nomination on one of the. variables involved. - 80 -H15 For Leaders As expected, there i s a closer rel a t i o n s h i p between general influence and the sum of special influences than between general influence and power, r being .84 i n the former case and .76 i n the l a t t e r . Another i n t e r e s t i n g feature of s p e c i a l area influence i s the connection between power i n the sphere of Canadian p o l i t i c s and influence nominations i n the area of Represent-ation: r = .42 , F]_ 26 = 5 .707 , s i g n i f i c a n t at p = . 0 5 . This i s consistant with the observation, made by several subjects that the role of representation of the Chinese i s passing from the C.B.A. to the p o l i t i c a l leaders who have personal contacts with the government through the L i b e r a l Party. No other attempt was made to r e l a t e power and sp e c i a l area prestige. Presumably such a rel a t i o n s h i p exists f o r the same reasons that power i s related to general influence reputation, but i t would be proper to test t h i s with power and influence reports from the same sp e c i a l areas. H16 Referring once more to Table XI, i t i s clear that general influence i s less c l o s e l y related to nominations for - 81 -business importance than to nominations i n any of the s p e c i a l areas. The c o r r e l a t i o n , r = .27, i s s i g n i f i c a n t but i n d i c a t e s an explanation of only a small f r a c t i o n of the v a r i a t i o n ( r ^ = .0629). Most of the a s s o c i a t i o n between p r e s t i g e and business prominence i s rooted i n the high p r e s t i g e possessed by a few h e a v i l y nominated, h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l businessmen who have;,at one time been moderately a c t i v e i n the community but who are r e t i r e d or r e t i r i n g now. I f business nominations are added to the s p e c i a l area nominations then the a s s o c i a t i o n with p r e s t i g e i s a c t u a l l y weakened s l i g h t l y ( r = .83 compared to r = .84). This does not mean that business success i n t e r f e r e s with p o l i t i c a l success, however. A c e r t a i n amount of wealth i s very u s e f u l i n a c q u i r i n g a good r e p u t a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n Welfare and Schools. But t h i s s o r t of e f f e c t i s not brought out by adding business scores to s p e c i a l area scores since the same in f l u e n c e i s simply counted twice. Business prominence i s an asset i n a c q u i r i n g s p e c i a l i n f l u e n c e ( and thus general i n f l u e n c e ) r a t h e r than being a s p e c i a l area of i n f l u e n c e i t s e l f . H14 For A s s o c i a t i o n s Once again general p r e s t i g e nominations are r e l a t e d to s p e c i a l area nominations, more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the sum - 82 -of sp e c i a l influences than to any one of them taken separately. (See Table XII). TABLE XII Associations: General and Special Area Influence Types of Influence Related r F N-2 Significance Level General; Welfare . 4 9 7 . 6 24 .05 General; Represent-ation .44 5 . 6 24 .05 General; Schools • 70 2 3 . 1 24 . 0 1 General; Sum of Welfare, Represent-ation and Schools .89 9 0 . 3 24 . 0 1 H15 For Associations General influence i s more closely related to the sum of spe c i a l area influences than to power, r = .89 as. opposed to r = . 5 9 . - 83 -H17 The hypothesis i s supported since general prestige nominations and nominations as well-informed are clos e l y r e l a t e d : r = . 8 3 , ^1,55 = 126, s i g n i f i c a n t at p = . 0 1 . This r e l a t i o n s h i p i s about the same as that between general influence and the sum of special influences. This concludes the tes t i n g of the formal predictions set out before research began. Some additional ex post facto r e s u l t s were worked out i n order to obtain a more detailed picture of the Chinese leaders i n Vancouver. This part of the analysis was not e n t i r e l y a piece of hit-or-miss exploratory research since i t was inspired by the expectation that two such consistently distinguished actors' categories as the two generations should have separate and d i s t i n c t i v e sets of leaders. No more precise hypotheses were set out. It was i n fact possible to distinguish d i f f e r e n t leaders recognized by the d i f f e r e n t groups. Of the f i f t y -f i v e leaders named as generally i n f l u e n t i a l , twenty-five were named at least twice by the second generation respondents or at least twice by the f i r s t generation respondents. Fifteen of these i n turn received at least two-thirds of th e i r nominations from second generation respondents and they are therefore classed as leaders of the second generation. - 84 -The two-thirds cutting point was set i n order to divide the twenty-five leaders roughly i n h a l f and i n order to counter-balance the effect of over-representation of second generation votes. The remaining ten leaders are classed as leaders of the f i r s t generation. Leaders of a given generation did not always belong to that generation. The data available for the ages and occupations of leaders are incomplete and sometimes vague, but they s t i l l present a s t r i k i n g contrast between the ageing businessmen leading the f i r s t generation and the younger professionals and managerial employees leading the second. (See Table XIII). In other words, the leaders of each generation epitomize the success image or t y p i c a l success pattern of that generation. TABLE XIII Generation Leaders: Ages and Occupations Leaders of the F i r s t Generation (N«10) Leaders of the Second Generation (N=15) Professionals and Managers 0 10 Business Owners 6 2 Over 50 years old 9 3 - 85 -Some further differences are displayed i n Table XIV. Leaders of the f i r s t generation have s i g n i f i c a n t l y more o f f i c e s and more nominations f o r influence i n Schools. They also tend to have more nominations i n Business and Welfare, although the differences are not very s i g n i f i c a n t . TABLE XIV Generation Leaders and Influence Areas F i r s t : Mean Score Second: Mean Score t df Significance Level Welfare 3 . 2 1.3 1.66 11 .10 Represent-ation 2.9 4 . 0 .613 25 -Schools 3.5 .06 3.78 9 .005 Business 6.1 1.4 1.55 9 .10 O f f i c e s 2.7 1.1 2.37 13 .005 A one-tailed test was used. d f T s were estimated by the formula found i n Blalock (I960, p. 176). - 86 -Of course leaders of either generation also d i f f e r e d from the remaining t h i r t y leaders who received general influence nominations. Since both groups of leaders of the generations had more t o t a l prestige on the whole, i t i s not surprising that they both also had s i g n i f i c a n t l y more nominations i n a l l of the sp e c i a l areas than leaders of neither generation received, given H14« The d e t a i l s are not presented. From Table XV i t can be seen that the leaders of the f i r s t generation d i f f e r more sharply from non-generation leaders than leaders of the second generation do, so f a r as Business nominations and off i c e - h o l d i n g goes. These r e s u l t s re-emphasize the greater importance of business prominence and off i c e - h o l d i n g for leadership of the f i r s t generation, a difference already indicated by Table XIV. - 87 -TABLE XV Generation and Non-Generation Leaders Mean Score Non-Generation Leader: Mean Score t df S i g n i f i c a n c e Level Business Leaders of F i r s t 6.1 1.33 1.56 10 .10 Leaders of Second 1.4 1.33 .106 45 -O f f i c e s Leaders of F i r s t 2.7 0.93 2.70 12 .005 Leaders of Second 1.1 0.93 1.53 33 .10 One f i n a l g e n e r a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e may be observed wi t h respect to power. Of the twenty-one men named as a p a r t i c i p a n t i n some i s s u e s , eleven were second generation, s i x were f i r s t generation, and the generation of four i s not known. 30% of the leaders o f the f i r s t generation were named as i s s u e p a r t i c i p a n t s while 70% of the leaders of the second generation were so named. - 88 -In summary, the two generations do have d i s t i n g -uishable- sets of leaders with d i f f e r e n t personal character-i s t i c s and d i f f e r e n t patterns of a c t i v i t y . Leaders of the f i r s t generation are older, more l i k e l y to be owners of th e i r own businesses more prominent i n Schools and Welfare, more active i n offi c e - h o l d i n g , and less active i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n issues. CHAPTER IV . MAJOR CONCLUSIONS Seventeen hypotheses were examined on the basis of interviews with t h i r t y - f i v e o f f i c e r s of Chinese associations. Hypotheses r e l a t i n g ideology to generation and o f f i c e -holding had to be rejected. Possibly another operational d e f i n i t i o n of ideology would prove more useful, although the data provide no s t r i k i n g clues to a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Hypotheses r e l a t i n g power to communication channels also had to be rejected. On the other hand, the predicted r e l a t i o n held between communication channels and prestige and between power and prestige. This suggests that commun- , i c a t i o n channels may be e f f e c t i v e i n t r a n s l a t i n g the exercise of power into the reputation for power. Nominations fo r general influence were related to nominations f o r influence i n s p e c i a l areas and more closely related to the sum of s p e c i a l area nomihations; the c o r r e l a t i o n of prestige with power was less than that of prestige with t o t a l s p e c i a l influence. Prestige i s related to more s p e c i f i c reports of influence, ^the r e l a t i o n s h i p weakening as the s p e c i f i c i t y of the reports increases and strengthening as the scope of the reports broadens. This i s consistent with the view that prestige i s at least p a r t i a l l y an o v e r a l l - 90 -measure of power exercise. As measured by general influence nominations, leadership i s related to o f f i c e - h o l d i n g or possession of communication channels as one would expect from the e a r l i e r studies of Chinese communities i n which associations played an important p o l i t i c a l r o l e . However, associations may not be the most important factor; in leadership, which i s more closely related to t o t a l s p e c i a l area influence or to power than to o f f i c e - h o l d i n g . Probably t h i s represents a s h i f t away from reliance on associations. Minority communities under external pressure are l i k e l y to need strong organ-izations for self-help and s e l f defence, while the external society i s l i k e l y to encourage t h i s trend by working through associations and thus enhancing t h e i r power. As the external pressures relax the associations w i l l serve fewer purposes so that power and prestige w i l l d r i f t more into the hands of issue p a r t i c i p a n t s , although associations w i l l continue to have importance because of t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y f o r a wealth of p o l i t i c a l purposes. This interpretation of the apparent difference i n association roles i n various Chinese communities i s supported by some of the data found i n the present project. 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