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Huang Tsun-Hsien’s interpretation of Mieji Japan’s economic development : an early stage of China’s intellectual… Lee, Ching-Man 1975

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HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S INTERPRETATION OF MEIJI JAPAN'S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN EARLY STAGE OF CHINA'S INTELLECTUAL RESPONSE TO MODERN JAPAN i by LEE CHING-MAN B.A., The Chinese U n i v e r s i t y of Hong Kong, 1972 THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED AS PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of HISTORY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1975 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the -requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t p u b l i c a t i o n , i n p a r t or i n whole, or the copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . LEE CHING-MAN Department of H i s t o r y The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8 , Canada ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s i s an attempt to analyse the conscious response of a Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l — H u a n g T s u n - h s i e n — t o M e i j i Japan and i t s r e l a t i o n to some aspects of the h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n of China i n the l a s t two decades of the n i n e t e e n t h century. I t i n c l u d e s , i n the f i r s t p l a c e , an examination of Huang Tsun-hsien as a t y p i c a l example of China's i n t e l l e c -t u a l response to Japan i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century. H i s Jih^pen kuo-chih {Treaties on Japan) was the f i r s t s y stematic study on Japanese h i s t o r y which was used as a b l u e p r i n t f o r the Hundred Days Reform i n 18 98. Huang was one of the p r e c u r s o r y Chinese who s e r i o u s l y recommended Japan as a model of m o d e r n i z a t i o n f o r China. An e f f o r t i s made to e v a l u a t e h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Japan-by a n a l y z i n g the r e l e v a n t p o r t i o n s of the Jih-pen Kuo-chih and comparing h i s image of M e i j i economic develop-ment w i t h the s i t u a t i o n i n r e a l i t y . In examining the i m p l i c a t i o n s of Huang's reform p r o p o s a l s , we not o n l y r e c o n s t r u c t the i n t e l l e c t u a l atmos-phere of h i s time but a l s o t r a c e the e v o l u t i o n of Chinese economic concepts. A g e n e r a l contour of l a t e Ch'ing economic thought, i . e . the ching-shih ( p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t ) , yang-wu ( s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g ) and Shang-wu (me r c a n t i l i s m and i n d u s t r i a l i s m ) i s drawn. By p l a c i n g Huang as an economic reformer a g a i n s t such a background, we hope to f i n d out the p o s i t i o n he occupied i n t h i s t r e n d . The f i n d i n g s o f t h i s t h e s i s a r e : (1) Huang's response t o Japan was b a s i c a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n o f h i s concern f o r China's indigenous problems and a p r o j e c t i o n of h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the s e a r c h i n g f o r a workable formula t h a t would*bring wealth and power to China. T h i s t h e s i s suggests a b e t t e r understanding of the Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' response to Japan by prob i n g deeper i n t o the b u i l t - i n p e r s p e c t i v e of the Chinese; (2) Huang was an i n c i s i v e observer of the Japanese economic development though the e x p l a n a t i o n he o f f e r -ed was somewhat d i s t o r t e d by h i s preoccupations w i t h China's problems. H i s f a i l u r e to analyze the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the Japanese model to China demonstrated China's d i f f i c u l t i e s i n borrowing and adapting Japanese and Western ways of modernization, and (3) Huang was a shang-wu t h i n k e r w i t h a ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l commitment and ayang-wu c a r e e r background. H i s s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n was i n i n t r o d u c i n g to China the economic experience of the Japanese i n t h e i r m o d ernization. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION . . . 1 I. HUANG TSUN-SHIEN AND THE CHINESE RESPONSE TO JAPAN 9 A. Huang Tsun-hsien — H i s L i f e and His times (1848-1905) 9 B. A P r e l i m i n a r y Assessment of Japan — Ji h - p e n t s a - s h i h s h i h (Miscellaneous Poems on Japan) :1878 24 C. A Revised Assessment of Japan — J i h - p e n  kuo-chih ( T r e a t i s e s on Japan):1887 . . 26 D. The Chinese Response to Japan i n the Nineteenth Century 34 I I . IMAGE AND REALITY: HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S INTERPRETATION AND EARLY MEIJI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 4 3 A. The R e a l i t y : The M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n and E a r l y M e i j i Economic Develop-ment 4 3 1. The Tokugawa Legacy 43 2. E a r l y M e i j i M o d e r n i z a t i o n 46 3. The M e i j i Government's F i n a n c i a l Problems and S o l u t i o n s 54 B. The Image: Japanese Economic Develop-ment i n Huang Tsun-hsien's Eyes — An A n a l y s i s of the T r e a t i s e on Food and Money, T r e a t i s e on N a t i o n a l Products and T r e a t i s e on C r a f t s and A r t s , . 66 V Chapter Page 1. P o p u l a t i o n 7 0 2. T a x a t i o n 74 3. . N a t i o n a l Budget 80 4. N a t i o n a l Debt 83 5. Currency 8 7 6. F o r e i g n Trade 9 0 7. N a t i o n a l Products 9 4 8. C r a f t s and A r t s 9 7 C. Between Image and R e a l i t y : The D i s c r e p a n c i e s . 100 I I I . HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND LATE CH'ING ECONOMIC REFORM 112 A. T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Economic Concepts 112 B. Late Ch'ing Economic Trends 125 1. Ch i n g - s h i h P 1 a i (School of P r a c t i c a l Statemanship) 127 2. Yang-wu P ' a i (The S e l f -Strengtheners) 13 5 3. Shang-wu P ' a i (The M e r c a n t i l i s t s and I n d u s t r i a l i s t s ) 140 C. Huang Tsun-hsien as an Economic Reformer: An A p p r a i s a l 147 IV. CONCLUSION 174 FOOTNOTES 185 v i Page BIBLIOGRAPHY 240 APPENDIX I - A L i s t o f A r t i c l e s on Japan i n the Hsiao-fang-hu-chai y u - t i ts'ung-ch'ao 289 APPENDIX I I - A L i s t of the S t a f f Members of the Chinese Di p l o m a t i c M i s s i o n i n Japan, 1877-1882 292 GLOSSARY 296 ChtneAe. and Japanese, nameA aXz QXXKLVI -in &uzd&tLondJt..ChyLneA<L and Japanese, ^ohm, that AJ>, the. ^amiZij name favu>t3 faotlow&d by the. peJiAonal name.. Ton. the. chasiacteAA ofa ChtneAe. and Japanese namzi> and tenmi>, pZe.a6e. fiz^QA to the. qtohhahij. 1 INTRODUCTION T h i s t h e s i s i s an attempt to analyse the conscious response of a Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l — H u a n g Tsun-hsien, to M e i j i Japan, a n d v i t s r e l a t i o n to some aspects of the h i s t o r -i c a l s i t u a t i o n of China i n the l a s t two decades of the n i n e t e e n t h century. The purposes of t h i s study i n c l u d e , f i r s t of a l l , the study o f Huang Tsun-hsien as a t y p i c a l example of China's i n t e l l e c t u a l response to Japan i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century. Huang has been chosen because he v/as the f i r s t modern Chinese i n t e r p r e t e r of Japan. He was the f i r s t i n t e l l e c t u a l who s e r i o u s l y , r i g o r o u s l y and i n a s u s t a i n e d f a s h i o n , examined the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n i n Japan. U n l i k e h i s predecessors and h i s contemporaries, he v/as p r o f o u n d l y concerned with the s e c r e t s of modern m i l i t a r y , economic and p o l i t i c a l power i n Japan. He was al'so i n t e r e s t e d i n how and what the Japanese had done i n t h e i r m o d e r n i z a t i o n process and how the l e s s o n s o f t h e i r success and f a i l u r e c o u l d be a p p l i e d to China. Huang Tsun-hsien was one o f the f i r s t modern Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s who s e r i o u s l y recommended Japan as a model f o r China, and was the f i r s t t o w r i t e a s p e c i f i c and s y s t e m a t i c study of Japanese h i s t o r y - - t h e Jih-pen kuo-chih [Treatises on Japan). His work improved c o n s i d e r a b l y the 2 s t a t e of Chinese knowledge of Japan and the understanding of some important themes i n Sino-Japanese i n t e r c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y . The study of Japan was a d i f f i c u l t area i n which to get one's bearings a t Huang's time. However, the Treatises on Japan had a tremendous impact on the reform movement a t the t u r n of the n i n e t e e n t h century. I t was used i n 1898 as a b l u e p r i n t f o r the Hundred Days Reform. I t a l s o a f f e c t e d the 19 05 Manchu Reform."'' T h i s study i s a l s o concerned w i t h the development of Chinese knowledge o f Japan, and w i t h the p o i n t i n t h a t development a t which Huang Tsun-hsien became the major Chinese i n t e r p r e t e r of M e i j i Japan, h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n as a whole and of Japan's economic development i n p a r t i c u l a r , and h i s unique c o n t r i b u t i o n to Chinese understanding of Japan. By a n a l y z i n g one p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n of h i s book, the Treatises on Japan, namely the Shih^huo chih ( T r e a t i s e on Food and Money, the S e c t i o n on Economics), and by comparing and c o n t r a s t i n g h i s image of and the r e a l i t y of e a r l y M e i j i economic development, we can t r a c e both the i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s t o r t i o n and the accuracy of Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Japan. Although there i s now a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f l i t e r a t u r e on Huang Tsun-hsien, r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n has been g i v e n t o Huang's economic thought and h i s t i e s w i t h the t r e n d of economic t h i n k i n g a t t h a t time. T h i s study i s the r e s u l t of a p r e l i m i n a r y i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o 3 t h i s r e l a t i v e l y underexplored area. Instead of t r y i n g to g i v e a t o t a l p i c t u r e of Huang's I n t e l l e c t u a l p o s i t i o n , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l p resent a t e n t a t i v e a n a l y s i s of economic thought. Huang Tsun-hsien's experience may be s t u d i e d i n s e v e r a l ways and from d i f f e r e n t s t a n d p o i n t s . The most h o n o r i f i c t i t l e c o n f e r r e d upon Huang i n Chinese h i s t o r y i s the 2 " r e v o l u t i o n a r y p i o n e e r of modern Chinese p o e t r y . " Apart from being known as an i n n o v a t i v e and n a t i o n a l i s t i c poet, he i s a l s o known as a reformer, a Japan expert, and a minor diplomat. These t i t l e s are more d i s t i n g u i s h e d than t h a t of "economist," which might a t t h a t time have been taken as a dubious compliment. Recent works on Huang Tsun-hsien, such as Noriko Kamachi's t h e s i s "Huang Tsun-hsien (1848-1905): His Response to M e i j i Japan and the West" and Wu T ' i e n - j e n ' s book Huang Kung-tu hsien-sheng ohuan-kao (A 3 D r a f t Biography o f Huang Tsu n - h s i e n ) , are r a t h e r comprehen-s i v e s t u d i e s of Huang's l i f e and c a r e e r , f o c u s i n g on the s u b j e c t areas d e s c r i b e d above. U n l i k e a l l these e x i s t i n g works, t h i s study chooses to look a t Huang through a r a t h e r narrow f o c u s — a s narrow as one f a c e t of h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e , namely h i s economic thought. There are s e v e r a l reasons f o r making economics the focus of t h i s study. Quite a weighty p o r t i o n o f the m a t e r i a l i n the Treatises on Japan i s on Japanese economy, i . e . the Shih-huo ohih ( T r e a t i s e on Food and Money), the Wu-chan ohih ( T r e a t i s e on N a t u r a l P r o d u c t s ) , and Kung-i ohih ( T r e a t i s e 4 o n C r a f t s & A r t s ) , a l l t o g e t h e r t h r e e o u t o f t w e l v e chih ( T r e a t i s e s ) , t h a t i s , n i n e o u t o f f o r t y chuan ( C h a p t e r s ) . A l s o , H u a n g w a s p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h q u e s t i o n s o f w e a l t h a n d p o w e r . H e e v e n d e c l a r e d t h a t t h e s u b j e c t f o r w h i c h h e b e c a m e f a m o u s — p o e t r y , w a s n o t h i s m a j o r c o n c e r n , a n d r e g r e t e d ' l t h a t h i s r e a l i n t e r e s t — s t a t e c r a f t , w a s n o t 4 r e c o g n i z e d b y t h e p e o p l e . S i n c e e c o n o m i c s i s t h e m a j o r i t e m i n t h e p r a c t i c e o f t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e s t a t e c r a f t , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o i n v e s t i g a t e H u a n g ' s e c o n o m i c p r o p o s a l s . O f a l l t h e p o l i c i e s i m p l e m e n t e d i n M e i j i J a p a n , H u a n g s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n i m p r e s s e d b y a n d p o s i t i v e a b o u t e c o n o m i c r e f o r m s , b u t h e w a s u n c e r t a i n a b o u t t h e p o s s i b l e d i r e c t i o n s a n d e f f e c t s o f p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e s a n d t h e W e s t e r n i z a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l l i f e i n J a p a n . M e i j i e c o n o m i c p o l i c i e s h a d a c h i e v e d a s t a b i l i t y l a c k i n g i n t h e p o l i t i c a l s p h e r e b y t h e t i m e t h a t H u a n g w a s w r i t i n g . H i s e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m i c f o u n d a t i o n o f M e i j i J a p a n i s t h e r e f o r e t h e m o s t o r g a n i z e d a n d c o n s i s t e n t p a r t o f h i s w o r k . H u a n g w a s b y n o m e a n s a n e c o n o m i s t i n t h e m o d e r n s e n s e . R a t h e r h e w a s m o r e o r l e s s t y p i c a l o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l 5 C h i n e s e " a m a t e u r " e c o n o m i s t s w h o t r x e d t h e i r b e s t t o s e c u r e t h e e c o n o m i c s i t u a t i o n o f t h e i r c o u n t r y a n d b y t h e l a t e C h i V i n g p e r i o d w e r e s p e c i a l i z i n g i n s o l v i n g p r o b l e m s . B y e x a m i n i n g H u a n g ' s e c o n o m i c i d e a s , w e m a y b e a b l e t o t r a c e t h e e a r l y d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h i n e s e e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t , t h e 5 m e t a m o r p h o s i s o f t h e c o n c e p t o f w e a l t h a n d p o w e r a n d t h e J a p a n e s e i n f l u e n c e o n t h i s p r o c e s s . I t i s h o p e d t h a t t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y w i l l t h r o w l i g h t o n t h e g e r m i n a t i o n o f m o d e r n e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t i n t h e ching-shih ( P r a c t i c a l S t a t e c r a f t ) t r a d i t i o n . F i n a l l y , I h o p e t o d r a w a g e n e r a l c o n t o u r o f t h e v a r i o u s t r e n d s o f e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y C h i n a , s u c h a s t h e ching-shih i d e a l , t h e yang-wu ( F o r e i g n A f f a i r s a n d S e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g ) t h o u g h t a n d shang-wu ( m e r c a n t i l i s m a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s m ) i d e a s . I a l s o h o p e t o d e v e l o p t h e t h e s i s t h a t t h e a g g r e g a t e o f t h e ching-shih, yang-wu a n d shang-wu t r e n d s o f e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t p r o v i d e d s o m e i n i t i a l e l e m e n t s o f m o d e r n C h i n e s e e c o n o m i c s , a n d t h a t t h e ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s a n d t h e yang-wu a n d shang-wu t h i n k e r s w e r e t h e f o r e r u n n e r s o f m o d e r n C h i n e s e e c o n o m i s t s . I w i l l a l s o t r y t o t r a c e t h e e m e r g e n c e o f s o m e a s p e c t s o f m o d e r n e c o n o m i c t h e o r y b y a n a l y z i n g H u a n g ' s e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t i n t h e l i g h t o f C h i n a ' s s i t u a t i o n , a n d s e e h o w t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c o n c e p t o f " w e a l t h a n d p o w e r " w a s r e p l a c e d b y t h e m o d e r n c o n c e p t o f " e c o n o m i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n . " T h e s c o p e o f t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s , t h e r e f o r e , l i m i t e d t o t h e a b o v e t h r e e f o c u s e s a s r e l a t e d t o H u a n g T s u n - h s i e n ' s t h o u g h t : t h a t i s , C h i n a ' s r e s p o n s e t o J a p a n , e a r l y M e i j i e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t a n d i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o C h i n a , a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e o f e a r l y m o d e r n C h i n e s e e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t . 6 I t i s important to s t r e s s t h a t t h i s study i s an e f f o r t to understand an i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s mind and h i s response to h i s environment and i s not p r i n c i p a l l y an economic a n a l y s i s , or a comparison of the Chinese and Japanese economies. T h e r e f o r e , economic approaches have been put i n a subordinate p o s i t i o n , w h i l e i n t e l l e c t u a l problems have been s t r e s s e d . While t h i s approach may be u n s a t i s f y i n g to economists, i t i s more l i k e l y to y i e l d an adequate understanding of the development of Huangs's thought. There are undoubtedly many areas where under-standing of the economic s i t u a t i o n , i n s t i t u t i o n s , p o l i c i e s and economic thought i n China would be g r e a t l y improved by e x p l i c i t comparison w i t h experiences i n Japan. However t h i s i s f a r beyond the scope of t h i s study. T h e r e f o r e , the c o n t r o v e r s i a l problem of the d i v e r g e n t paths a c t u a l l y taken by China and Japan cannot be d e a l t w i t h here. T h i s study w i l l be o r g a n i z e d i n the f o l l o w i n g way: the f i r s t chapter w i l l p r o v i d e the reader w i t h a background understanding o f Huang's l i f e , as w e l l as a b r i e f a n a l y s i s of h i s works on J a p a n — J i h - p e n tsa-shih shih (Miscellaneous Poems on Javan) and Jih-pen kuo-chih (Treatises on Japan). A s h o r t summary of the e a r l i e r n i n e t e e n t h century Chinese w r i t i n g s on Japan w i l l a l s o be i n c l u d e d i n order to b r i n g out the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Huang's Treatises on Japan. The second chapter w i l l be an a n a l y s i s of Huang's economic thought based on the economic m a t e r i a l i n the 7 Treatises on Japan. A c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n h i s i m a g e s o f a n d t h e r e a l i t y . o f e a r l y M e i j i e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t w i l l b e p r o v i d e d i n o r d e r t o e v a l u a t e t h e d e g r e e o f a c c u r a c y o r d i s t o r t i o n o f h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . T h e t h i r d c h a p t e r w i l l b e a p o r t r a i t o f t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e e c o n o m i c c o n c e p t s a n d t h e l a t e C h ' i n g e c o n o m i c t r e n d s . T h e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e v a r i o u s g r o u p s o f e c o n o m i c t h i n k e r s , t h e p r o g r e s s o f t h e i r e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t a n d t h e m e t a m o r p h o s i s o f t h e c o n c e p t o f " w e a l t h a n d p o w e r " w i l l b e d i s c u s s e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e . T h e e c o n o m i c s o l u t i o n s f o r C h i n a ' s p r o b l e m s p r o p o s e d b y t h e r e f o r m e r s , i n c l u d i n g H u a n g a n d h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s w i l l b e u s e d t o b r i n g o u t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t a d v o c a c y o f J a p a n a s a m o d e l f o r C h i n a ' s e c o n o m i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n . T h e b r i e f c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n H u a n g a n d h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s w i l l t h r o w l i g h t o n h i s u n i q u e p l a c e i n l a t e C h ' i n g e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t . F i n a l l y , H u a n g T s u n - h s i e n a s a n e c o n o m i c t h i n k e r i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y C h i n a w i l l b e e v a l u a t e d a c c o r d -i n g t o t h e h i s t o r i c a l b a c k g r o u n d d e s c r i b e d a b o v e . A b a s i c t h e m e o f a l l t h r e e c h a p t e r s i s H u a n g T s u n -h s i e n : h i s r e s p o n s e t o J a p a n , h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , t h e l i n k b e t w e e n h i s m i n d a n d t h e t h i n k i n g o f t h e g r o u p f r o m w h i c h h e c a m e , a n d t h e d i s t i n c -t i v e f e a t u r e s o f H u a n g a n d t h e r e l a t e d e c o n o m i c t h e o r i s t s i n t h e i r r e s p o n s e s t o C h i n a ' s e c o n o m i c s i t u a t i o n . T h e 8 c o n c l u s i o n a t t e m p t s t o s u m m a r i z e a n d s y n t h e s i z e t h e p r i n c i p a l a r g u m e n t s o f t h e e n t i r e s t u d y . T h e l a s t h a l f c e n t u r y o f s t u d y i n t o t h e i n i t i a l s t a g e s o f C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t g i v e s u s t h e b e n e f i t o f e d u c a t e d h i n d s i g h t . H u a n g h a d n o s u c h a d v a n t a g e s . W h e n C h i n a a n d J a p a n b e g a n t o c h a n g e d r a s t i c -a l l y , i n t h e l a s t t w o d e c a d e s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e c h a n g e s o c c u r r e d o v e r s u c h a s h o r t p e r i o d o f t i m e t h a t e v e n a s e n s i t i v e c o n t e m p o r a r y o b s e r v e r m i g h t f a i l t o r e a l i z e t h e i r i m p o r t a n c e . F u r t h e r m o r e , H u a n g c o u l d d r a w u p o n n o s y s t e m o f e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t c a p a b l e o f b r i n g i n g o r d e r t o h i s f r a g m e n t e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e J a p a n e s e e c o n o m y . K e e p i n g i n m i n d t h e p i t f a l l s o f o v e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l a t t e m p t t o u n i f y a n d t o s y s t e m a t i z e H u a n g T s u n - h s i e n ' s a c c o u n t o f . h i s d i s c o v e r y o f M e i j i J a p a n i n i t s e c o n o m i c a s p e c t s . 9 CHAPTER I HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND THE CHINESE RESPONSE TO JAPAN A. Huang Tsun-hsien: His L i f e and His Times (1848-1905) 1 Born i n 184 8, e i g h t years a f t e r the Opium War (184 0), Huang Tsun-hsien belonged t o the g e n e r a t i o n t h a t awakened from i l l u s i o n s about China's g l o r i o u s past and from b l i s s f u l ignorance of the o u t s i d e world. Men of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n found themselves suddenly exposed to the shocking r e a l i t y of modernity and faced w i t h a f u t u r e of gloom and uncer-t a i n t y . They were d e s t i n e d to witness China's t u r m o i l and to grow up w i t h China's tragedy. During t h i s unprecedented e r a , the Ch'ing dynasty was a t the lowest p o i n t of the d y n a s t i c c y c l e and China was caught between the twin e v i l s o f e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e and i n t e r n a l chaos. The Western powers, w i t h t h e i r modern weapons, i n t r u d e d upon the c l o s e d Middle Kingdom and r e v e a l e d the impotence of the Ch'ing government by f o r c i n g t h a t government to s i g n a s e r i e s of unequal t r e a t i e s . At the-same time a s u c c e s s i o n of domestic up-heavals took p l a c e , the g r e a t e s t of which was the T a i p i n g U p r i s i n g (1850-1864). T h i s u p r i s i n g a f f e c t e d Huang i n 2 h i s e a r l y l i f e as h i s wealthy Hakka f a m i l y which r e s i d e d 3 i n Chia-ying-chou i n Kwangtung was impoverished a f t e r the T a i p i n g i n c u r s i o n . 10 The h i s t o r y o f Huang's f a m i l y i s an e x c e l l e n t example o f t h e phenomena o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and f a m i l y l i f e 4 c y c l e t y p i c a l i n C h i n e s e s o c i e t y . Huang's g r e a t - g r e a t 5 g r a n d f a t h e r , Huang J u n began as a p a w n b r o k e r and money g l e n d e r . H i s g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r , Huang H s u e h - s h i h , became a member o f t h e l o c a l g e n t r y , and h i s g r a n d f a t h e r Huang 7 C h i - s h e n g (1804-1891) r e m a i n e d an i n f l u e n t i a l member o f t h e l o c a l g e n t r y . Huang's f a t h e r , Huang H u n g - t s a o (1828-g 1891) became a d e g r e e - h o l d i n g s c h o l a r - g e n t r y - o f f i c i a l . The i m p o v e r i s h m e n t o f t h e f a m i l y a f t e r t h e T a i p i n g s (1865) 9 s i g n a l l e d t h e f a m i l y d e c l i n e . Huang T s u n - h s i e n was e d u c a t e d i n a v e r y t r a d i t i o n a l m a n n e r . ^ He was t h o r o u g h l y immersed i n t h e c l a s s i c s and h i s t o r i e s i n o r d e r t o p r e p a r e him f o r t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e e x a m i n a t i o n s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , he a t t e m p t e d t o c l i m b t h e l a d d e r o f s u c c e s s i n t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l f a s h i o n . A l t h o u g h he was t a l e n t e d i n p o e t r y and p r o s e , he was n o t so b l e s s e d i n w r i t i n g " e i g h t - l e g g e d essays.'! F o r a l m o s t t e n y e a r s , f r o m 1867 t o 1876, he t o o k a s e r i e s o f e x a m i n a t i o n s a t t e m p t -i n g t o o b t a i n d e g r e e s w h i c h were e s s e n t i a l f o r an o f f i c i a l c a r e e r . The r e s u l t s f e l l s h o r t o f h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s . He t r i e d t h e p r o v i n c i a l e x a m i n a t i o n t h r e e t i m e s w i t h o u t s u c c e s s . F r u s t r a t i o n and d i s a p p o i n t m e n t b u i l t up, and • t h e c o n t i n u o u s f a i l u r e s had a d e c i s i v e e f f e c t on Huang's i m m e d i a t e l i f e o u t l o o k . He f i n a l l y o b t a i n e d a ohu-jen d e g r e e i n 1 8 7 6 a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l e x a m i n a t i o n i n P e k i n g , - 1 - ^ b u t h e t h e n r e f u s e d t o p r o c e e d a n y f u r t h e r , d e c i d i n g t o a b a n d o n t h e e f f o r t t o c l i m b u p t h e h i g h e s t r u n g s o f t h e l a d d e r o f s u c c e s s . F o r o n e r e a s o n , h e r e s e n t e d a s y s t e m 1 3 w h i c h f a i l e d t o r e c o g n i z e h i s t a l e n t s . F o r a n o t h e r , h e h a d t o a s s u m e p a r t i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s u p p o r t o f h i s f a m i l y o f m o r e t h a n f o r t y p e o p l e , s i n c e h i s f a m i l y w a s u n a b l e t o r e c o v e r i t s f o r m e r w e a l t h . I n a w a y , t h e s e p r e s s u r e s h a d t h e c o n s t r u c t i v e e f f e c t o f m o v i n g h i m i n t o a s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n t o p i o n e e r a n e w l i f e p a t t e r n . H e m a d e t h e f a t e f u l d e c i s i o n t o e m b a r k o n a c a r e e r w h i c h d e v i a t e d f r o m t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p a t h — t o b e c o m e a n a p p r e n t i c e i n d i p l o m a c y . H u a n g ' s c h o s e n c a r e e r r e p r e s e n t e d a n a l t e r n a t e p a t h n o w a v a i l a b l e t o f r u s t r a t e d e x a m i n a t i o n f a i l u r e s , u n s u c c e s s f u l o f f i c e s e e k e r s a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l s w h o c o u l d n o t c o n f o r m t o t h e o u t m o d e d e x a m i n a t i o n s y s t e m . S i n c e t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h e n C h i n a h a d b e e n f o r c e d i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h t h e W e s t , t h e a r t o f d e a l i n g w i t h foreigners--yang-wu ( F o r e i g n A f f a i r s ) h a d b e c o m e a s p e c i a l k i n d o f k n o w l e d g e . D i p l o m a t s , yang-wu e x p e r t s , c o m p r a -d o r e s a n d i n t e r p r e t e r s — a l l o f t h e m m i d d l e m e n r o l e s b e t w e e n C h i n a a n d t h e W e s t , w e r e n e w l y c r e a t e d o c c u p a t i o n s t h r o u g h w h i c h s o c i a l m o b i l i t y i n C h i n e s e s o c i e t y w a s 1 4 g r a d u a l l y b e i n g t r a n s f o r m e d . Huang's i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i e n t a t i o n a l s o r e f l e c t e d t h e age i n w h i c h he l i v e d . E a r l y i n h i s l i f e , Huang showed a d i s t a s t e f o r t h e a c a d e m i c , f a c t i o n a l d i s p u t e between Han and Sung Learning."*"^ He r e j e c t e d b o t h b e c a u s e he b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e y d i d n o t c o r r e s p o n d w i t h C o n f u c i u s ' s t e a c h i n g . He n o t o n l y c o n s i d e r e d t h e w a r f a r e o f Sung and Han l e a r n i n g m e a n i n g l e s s , he h i m s e l f was n e v e r i n v o l v e d i n t h e h e a t e d a r g u m e n t s between t h e New T e x t and O l d T e x t s c h o o l s , o r Sung and Han L e a r n i n g . Huang's a t t i t u d e was i n a c c o r d w i t h t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y i n t e l l e c t u a l r e a c t i o n t o t h e c o n d i t i o n o f C h ' i n g s c h o l a r s h i p , r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e e c l e c t i c s y n t h e s i s o f Han and Sung L e a r n i n g u n d e r t a k e n by t h e T ' u n g - c h i h 16 s t a t e s m a n , T s e n g K u o - f a n . The Zeitgeist o f t h e e p o c h i n w h i c h Huang l i v e d was t h e r e v i v a l o f t h e i d e a l o f ching-shih ( P r a c t i c a l S t a t e c r a f t ) w h i c h was a r e s p o n s e t o t h e p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c p l i g h t o f C h i n a . D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s l e d t h e i n t e l l e c -t u a l s t o d e v o t e t h e i r e n e r g i e s t o a s e a r c h f o r a v e n u e s t o n a t i o n a l w e a l t h and power. Huang, i n h i s s e n s i t i v e a d o l e s c e n c e , was u n d o u b t e d l y i n f l u e n c e d by a l l o f t h e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l t r e n d s . Huang's r e f u s a l t o a c c e p t a c a d e m i c o r t h o d o x y was a c c o m p a n i e d by h i s r e j e c t i o n o f t h e c u s t o m a r y C h i n e s e 17 l o v e o f t h e p a s t and i m i t a t i o n o f a n t i q u i t y . I t has b e en s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e s e a t t i t u d e s f o r e s h a d o w t h o s e o f 13 K'ang Yu-wei and T'an Ssu-t'ung which were to be v i g o r -18 o u s l y expounded i n the l a t e 1890's. Huang's i n t e r e s t i n diplomacy and f o r e i g n a f f a i r s began i n the year 1870 when he v/as twenty-two. In t h a t year the T i e n t s i n massacre o c c u r r e d and Tseng Kuo-fan, whom Huang i d o l i z e d i n h i s youth as the epitome of the scholar-statesman, was condemned f o r m i s h a n d l i n g t h i s case. In order to f o l l o w the case c l o s e l y , Huang read the 19 Wan-kuo Kung-pao (The Globe Magazine) f o r the f i r s t time. He a l s o read a l l o f the f o r e i g n books t r a n s l a t e d by the T r a n s l a t i o n Bureau of the Kiangnan A r s e n a l . These p u b l i c a t i o n s served as the major media of Huang's access to new i d e a s . T h e r e a f t e r he c l o s e l y f o l l o w e d c u r r e n t d i p l o m a t i c , p o l i t i c a l and f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , e s p e c i a l l y m i s s i o n a r y cases. E a r l i e r i n the same year, Huang made h i s f i r s t v i s i t to Hong Kong which was then a l r e a d y a B r i t i s h colony. T h i s v i s i t a l s o made him aware of the omnipresence of f o r e i g n e r s and f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n i n China. We can t r a c e a s o r t of xenophobic p a t r i o t i s m i n Huang's poems 20 w r i t t e n around t h i s p e r i o d . However, d u r i n g h i s t r a v e l s i n North China from 1874 to 1876 h i s former xenophobic p a t r i o t i s m developed i n t o a broader, h e a l t h i e r sense of n a t i o n a l i s m . Between 1874 to 1877, Huang t r a v e l l e d e x t e n s i v e l y i n China, e s p e c i a l l y i n the n o r t h . His t r a v e l s widened h i s v i s i o n and enabled him to get i n t o 14 co n t a c t w i t h o f f i c i a l s who were very h e l p f u l t o h i s f u t u r e c a r e e r . In 1874, Huang went to Peking through T i e n t s i n and stayed i n Peking where h i s f a t h e r was working i n the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e (nung-tsao). He then f o l l o w e d h i s f a t h e r who worked i n T i e n t s i n and then i n Chefoo d u r i n g 1875 and 1876. Chefoo was an important t r a d i n g c e n t r e on the c o a s t and was exposed to Western i n f l u e n c e . Here, Huang's r e a l i z a t i o n of the wide-spread i n f l u e n c e o f f o r e i g n powers was r e i n f o r c e d to an even g r e a t e r degree. I t was a l s o at Chefoo t h a t he met the diplomat Chang Yin-huan and .discussed c u r r e n t a f f a i r s w i t h him. T h i s was probably the f i r s t time t h a t Huang was i n t r o d u c e d to diplomacy and i t i s l i k e l y t h a t Chang had some i n f l u e n c e on Huang's d e c i s i o n to choose a d i p l o m a t i c c a r e e r . At the same time i n Chefoo, L i Hung-chang was n e g o t i a t i n g a settlement to the Margary A f f a i r . Huang was i n t r o d u c e d to L i through Cheng Tsao-ju and was s a i d 21 to have l e f t a good impression on L i . L i Hung-chang, p r o v i d i n g an example of h i s c e l e b r a t e d statesmanship i n h i s h a n d l i n g o f the Margary A f f a i r , must a l s o have i n f l u e n c e d Huang's d e c i s i o n to pursue a d i p l o m a t i c c a r e e r . At t h i s time there was an obvious change i n Huang's a t t i t u d e toward the o u t s i d e world and h i s world view. He began to c r i t i c i z e s i n o c e n t r i s m , e s p e c i a l l y the oh'ing-liu 22 c l i q u e ' s d i p l o m a t i c approach and a n t i - f o r e i g n a c t i o n s s u c h as t h e k i l l i n g o f f o r e i g n e n v o y s . He a d v o c a t e d t h e i d e a o f e q u a l i t y between E a s t and West and began t o c o n s i d e r d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n s a s members o f t h e same f a m i l y . T h e r e a r e two l i n e s i n a poem w r i t t e n by Huang w h i c h e x p r e s s t h i s i d e a : . The t u n e o f " e x p e l t h e b a r b a r i a n " s h o u l d no l o n g e r be sung . . . The E a s t and West come f r o m t h e same f a m i l y A l l c o u n t r i e s a r e now w i t h i n t h e same u n i v e r s e . Do n o t be e g o t i s t i c a b o u t t h e M i d d l e Kingdom.23 I t has b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h i s i s p r o b a b l y t h e f i r s t modern C h i n e s e e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e n o t i o n t h a t E a s t and West come f r o m t h e same f a m i l y o f n a t i o n s and t h e f i r s t t h a t 24 i s f r e e o f s i n o c e n t r i c i s m . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t Huang's i d e a o f n a t i o n a l i s m a l s o s h i f t e d f r o m Kwangtung p r o v i n c i a l i s m and x e n o p h o b i a t o one o f cosmo-p l i t i a n i s m . D u r i n g h i s s t a y i n t h e n o r t h , Huang was w i d e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n f l u e n c i a l o f f i c i a l s , most o f whom came f r o m t h e Kwangtung r e g i o n , i n c l u d i n g T i n g J i h - c h ' a n g , Kung I - t ' u , Chang Y i n - h u a n and Ho J u - c h a n g . I n f a c t , T i n g J i h - c h ' a n g , who was t h e n a p p o i n t e d g o v e r n o r o f F u k i e n , i n v i t e d Huang t o j o i n h i s s t a f f a s a p r i v a t e s e c r e t a r y . The t i m e came when t h e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a d i p l o m a t i c c a r e e r was o p e n e d t o Huang. Ho J u - c h a n g , a p p o i n t e d a m i n i s t e r t o Japan i n 1876, and Chen Lan-pin, appointed a m i n i s t e r to the United S t a t e s , both i n v i t e d Huang to j o i n t h e i r s t a f f . Huang accepted the former i n v i t a t i o n because of h i s f a t h e r ' s p r e f e r e n c e f o r h i s o l d f r i e n d Ho Ju-chang 25 and because of the p r o x i m i t y of Japan to China. By t h i s time, Huang re c o g n i z e d the importance of diplomacy as a means f o r a c h i e v i n g i n p a r t the n a t i o n a l g o a l . In those days i t r e q u i r e d a f a i r amount of courage to a c t on t h a t s o r t of c o n v i c t i o n , f o r the s o c i a l p r e s t i g e of an overseas appointment was low and i t was regarded d e t r i m e n t a l to a c a r e e r i n the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d . V o l u n t e e r 2 6 diplomats were looked upon almost as t r a i t o r s . One a l s o needed courage to face the disappointment of one's te a c h e r s , f r i e n d s and f a m i l y who p l a c e d on one's success v i a the t r a d i t i o n a l r o u t e . Huang r e s o l u t e l y stood h i s ground and accepted the p o s i t i o n of Ts'an-ts'an ( C o u n c i l l o r ) 27 i n the f i r s t Chinese l e g a t i o n to Japan. T h i s d i p l o m a t i c p o s i t i o n proved to be the f i r s t o f many f o r Huang. A f t e r he had served as the c o u n c i l l o r t o the l e g a t i o n i n Japan f o r f i v e years (1877 to 1882) he was appointed Consul g e n e r a l a t San F r a n c i s c o (March 1882-September 1885), c o u n c i l l o r t o the l e g a t i o n i n London (January 1890-November 1891) and Consul g e n e r a l i n Singapore (1891-1894). Although Huang's t h i n k i n g matured a f t e r h i s experiences i n America, England and Singapore, h i s e x p e r i -ences i n Japan dominated h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l o u tlook through-out the r e s t of h i s l i f e . In Japan Huang was exposed to new i d e a s : both Japanese and Western ide a s through Japanese t r a n s l a t i o n s . His overseas experiences formed h i s p o l i t i c a l , d i p l o m a t i c and economic i d e a s , which, though i t i s not g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d i n the study of Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y , had a s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e on Liang Ch'i-ch'ao. 2 8 When Huang went to Japan, the M e i j i reform movement had been i n f o r c e f o r about nine years (1868-1877). Every a s p e c t was s t i l l i n a s t a t e of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and e x p e r i -mentation. The new atmosphere of the R e s t o r a t i o n c e r t a i n l y l e f t young Huang with f r e s h i mpressions. He was wi d e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Japanese p o l i t i c i a n s , d i plomats, r e t i r e d ex-daimyos,scholars and l i t e r a r y men and ambitious m i l i t a n t young o f f i c - s e e k e r s . But although Huang met some of the 29 top o f f i c i a l s , g r e a t statesmen and diplomats, i t does not seem t h a t the Chinese l e g a t i o n had any c l o s e i n t e r -a c t i o n w i t h them. I t has been suggested t h a t the Chinese L e g a t i o n i n Japan was engaged more i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s 30 than i n d i p l o m a t i c n e g o t i a t i o n . • Huang was most f a m i l i a r w i t h s c h o l a r s i n the l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s . The Chinese were h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d by the Japanese Kangaku s c h o l a r s ( S i n o l o g i s t s ) , f o r c l a s s i c a l Chinese l i t e r a t u r e was s t i l l v e ry popular i n the e a r l y years of the M e i j i e r a . Huang became acquainted w i t h 31 a number of famous s c h o l a r s but among a l l the l i t e r a t i 18 who b e f r i e n d e d him, Huang was most g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the Mito h i s t o r i a n s , Aoyama Enju and Shigeno Yasutsugu. As p r e v i o u s l y noted, the Chinese l e g a t i o n s t a f f i n Japan were l e s s diplomats r e p r e s e n t i n g China's n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s than they were c u l t u r a l ambassadors. Neverthe-l e s s , Huang d i d get some p r a c t i c e i n diplomacy. H i s ideas on the L i u - C h ' i u I n c i d e n t (1971), Taiwan I n c i d e n t (1874) and the Korea Case (1880) were a good e x p r e s s i o n of a d i p l o m a t i c concern f o r China's n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t a t the time. A f t e r a r r i v i n g i n Japan, Huang observed the M e i j i government's e f f o r t s to develop m i l i t a r y and economic s t r e n g t h . A n a l y z i n g the s i t u a t i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l power p o l i t i c s , he concluded t h a t diplomacy must be supported by strong m i l i t a r y and n a v a l power. .This r e c o g n i t i o n of realipolitik, accompanied by h i s n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g s , prompted him t o urge the Ching government to take a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n . In memorandum sent to L i Hung-chang and the T s u n g l i Yamen i n the name of Ho Ju-chang, Huang i n s i s t e d on r e t a i n i n g s u z e r a i n t y over L i u - c h ' i u (the Ryukyus) and urged the c o u r t to adopt an i r o n f i s t p o l i c y . He pro-posed t h r e e t a c t i c s . The b e s t t a c t i c was to n e g o t i a t e w i t h the Japanese government and a t the same time send a warship to summon L i u - C h ' i u ' s t r i b u t a r y m i s s i o n s to China. The second best t a c t i c was to support L i u Ch'iu i n a f i g h t a g a i n s t Japan, w i t h the knowledge t h a t 19 Japan c o u l d be e a s i l y d e f e a t e d . The l a s t r e s o r t was to apply i n t e r n a t i o n a l law and to i n v i t e the d i p l o m a t i c corps to s e t t l e the case. Huang p o i n t e d out t h a t the danger of l o s i n g L i u - C h ' i u was t h a t o t h e r c o u n t r i e s ( E s p e c i a l l y Russia) would f o l l o w Japan's l e a d and there 32 would be more t e r r i t o r x a l d i s p u t e s . I t should be noted a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t Huang's p r o -p o s a l of an " i r o n f i s t " p o l i c y which i n v o l v e d the r i s k of war with Japan, d i f f e r e d from the m i l i t a r y approach of the eh'ing-liu group who were b l i n d e d by n a t i o n a l p r i d e and ignorance of the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n . Huang's sugg e s t i o n was based on a c a r e f u l examination of the f a c t s , c o n s i d e r -ed able understanding of Japan's m i l i t a r y power, and^studied weighing of the gains and l o s s e s and an awareness t h a t as a l a s t r e s o r t China c o u l d c l a i m her r i g h t s i n an ac c e p t a b l e way, i . e . through i n t e r n a t i o n a l law. The c r u c i a l shortcoming of h i s memorandom was the w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g t h a t l e d to an o v e r e s t i m a t i o n o f Ch'ing m i l i t a r y power. However, the Ch'ing government d i d not accept Huang's pr o p o s a l and the Chinese l e g a t i o n . f a i l e d to achieve t h e i r g o a l through d i p l o m a t i c n e g o t i a t i o n s . Japan f i n a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d L i u - c h ' i u i n 1879. In the Korea case, Huang urged both the Ch'ing and Korean governments to take a str o n g l i n e . Through the Korean m i s s i o n i n Japan, Huang suggested t h a t Korea 20 c o u l d g e t o u t o f t h i s d a n g e r o u s s i t u a t i o n by d i p l o m a t i c means and by m a n i p u l a t i n g t h e b a l a n c e o f power i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s . Huang a d v i s e d t h e K o r e a n g o v e r n -ment t o keep a c l o s e c o n t a c t w i t h C h i n a and t o e s t a b l i s h f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s w i t h J a p a n and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . Huang a l s o s u g g e s t e d t h a t K o r e a o pen t h e c o u n t r y f o r t r a d e and t o m i s s i o n a r i e s . Huang p u t down a l l h i s s u g g e s t i o n s i n a b o o k l e t Ch'.ao-hsien-tse ( P o l i c y f o r Ko r e a ) w h i c h was p r e s e n t e d t o t h e K o r e a n c o u r t . I t was s a i d t h a t Huang's p r o p o s a l l e d t o a h e a t e d d e b a t e i n t h e K o r e a n c o u r t . Huang had a l r e a d y e n c o u r a g e d t h e C h ' i n g g o vernment t o t a k e a c t i o n i n r e g a r d t o K o r e a . E a r l y i n 1879, when J a p a n annexed L i u - c h ' i u , Huang f o r e s a w J a p a n ' s i n t e r e s t i n c o n t r o l l i n g K o r e a . He s u g g e s t e d s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s t o t h e C h ' i n g g o vernment w h i c h c a n be summarized as f o l l o w s : (1) s i m p l y t a k e o v e r K o r e a ; (2) e n c o u r a g e K o r e a t o a c t as an i n d e p e n d e n t c o u n t r y , t o n e g o t i a t e w i t h t h e West and t o open t h e c o u n t r y t o f o r e i g n t r a d e ; (3) i n t e r -v e n e a c t i v e l y i n K o r e a n p o l i t i c a l and d i p l o m a t i c p r o b l e m s so as t o e n f o r c e C h i n a ' s s u z e r a i n t y i n K o r e a . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t a l l t h r e e a l t e r n a t i v e s t o u c h upon t h e modern c o n c e p t s o f s o v e r e i g n t y and s u z e r a i n t y . Huang seemed t o be aware o f t h e i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f c o n t i n u i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l t r i b u t a r y s y s t e m i n t h e modern w o r l d . I n b o t h c a s e s (The L i u - c h ' i u and Korea n ) Huang seemed t o have d e v e l o p e d a m a t t e r - o f - f a c t a t t i t u d e f r o m h i s d i p l o m a t i c experience. He was not a f r a i d of u s i n g might to support r i g h t s . Nor was he h e s i t a n t i n m a n i p u l a t i n g the balance of power on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l scene. Though t h i s might be s a i d to have resembled the s t r a t e g y of s e t t i n g b a r b a r i a n a g a i n s t b a r b a r i a n , these were new responses to the new s i t u a t i o n . The Tsungli-yamen was o f t e n blamed f o r i t s i n -a b i l i t y to adopt t h i s k i n d of p o l i c y . However, Mary C. Wright's r e s e a r c h on the a d a p t a b i l i t y of Ch'ing diplomacy w i t h the Korean problem as a t e s t case p o i n t e d out t h a t " t h i s was because the task was i m p o s s i b l e , not because Chinese diplomacy was r i g i d , i n a d a p t a b l e , uninformed, 34 supine or l a c k i n g i n f i n e s s e . " I t appears t h a t the Ch'ing government t r i e d Huang's second s t r a t e g y and f a i l e d , but whether, under more f a v o u r a b l e circumstances, h i s p r o p o s a l s would have y i e l d e d the d e s i r e d r e s u l t s , remains an open q u e s t i o n . From 1877 to 1894, Huang spent most of h i s time o u t s i d e China, except f o r the f o u r years (1885-1889) when he stayed home i n mourning f o r h i s mother and devoted h i s energy to f i n i s h i n g the Treatises on Japan. A l l these c r o s s - c u l t u r a l experiences widened h i s v i s i o n and enabled him to see China i n d i f f e r e n t dimensions. He was known as a n a t i o n a l i s t diplomat, e s p e c i a l l y when he was i n San T - , J r* ' 35 F r a n c i s c o and Singapore. Huang Tsun-hsien went back to China i n 1894 and was immediately thrown i n t o the t o r r e n t i a l c u r r e n t s of change i n the aftermath of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). His Treatises on Japan suddenly became popular a f t e r the war and Huang was regarded as a f a r - s i g h t e d shih-wu (Current A f f a i r s ) e x p e r t . L a r g e l y f o r t h i s reason, he was summoned to Peking to d i s c u s s h i s reform 3 6 id e a s w i t h the Emperor Te-tsung (Kuang-hsu). Late i n 1897, Huang was appointed S a l t Intendent of Hunan and A c t i n g J u d i c i a l Commissioner. Under the sponsorship of Governor Ch'en Pao-chen, Huang was g i v e n an o p p o r t u n i t y to put i n t o p r a c t i c e on a s m a l l s c a l e 37 reforms he had advocated i n the Treatises on Japan. The reform movement i n Hunan was, i n f a c t , a r e h e a r s a l of the reform movement i n the c a p i t a l headed by K'ang Yu-wei and L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao a few months l a t e r . Emperor Te-tsung had read the Treatises on Japan and was deeply impressed by the achievements of Japan i n her few years o f W e s t e r n i z a t i o n . He d e c i d e d to c a r r y out reforms i n China f o l l o w i n g the example of Japan. A campaign of " J a p a n i z a t i o n " was launched and a Chinese v e r s i o n of the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n was attempted. Huang r e t r e a t e d from the s p o t l i g h t on the p o l i t i c a l stage when the Hundred Days Reform aborted. He was accused o f f a c t i o n a l i s m , and was sent back to h i s n a t i v e p l a c e . He s t i l l l i v e d a q u i e t but a c t i v e l i f e d u r i n g h i s r e t i r e m e n t , keeping i n c l o s e c o n t a c t w i t h Liang C h ' i -3 8 ch'ao who was e x i l e d to Japan. 23 A f t e r the f r u s t r a t i o n s of h i s own l i f e , Huang l a y a l l of h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s on L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao. He compared 3 h i m s e l f to C a m i l l o d i Cavour and Liang to M a z z i n i of I t a l y . In 1905, the Manchu government c a r r i e d out a reform movement to soothe the r e s t l e s s empire. The reform was, i n f a c t , a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the 1898 Reform, which was based on the Treatises:, on Japan. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , Huang c o u l d not w a i t to see what happened. He d i e d i n 1905 w i t h h i s dream u n f u l f i l l e d . Though a minor f i g u r e on the p o l i t i c a l stage, Huang Tsun-hsien had h i s s u b t l e i n f l u e n c e on two of the Chinese e f f o r t s to modernize. I t i s c l e a r t h a t h i s p o l i t i c a l l i f e was c l o s e l y t i e d up with Japan, even though he o n l y spent f i v e years t h e r e . His u n p a r a l l e l e d knowledge of Japan had become one of h i s g r e a t e s t a s s e t s , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1895. The Japanese i n t r u s i o n i n the 1890's brought about a d r a s t i c s h i f t i n the focus of Chinese concern from the West to the menace of Japan. In the wake of t h i s s h i f t , the market value of e x p e r t i s e on Japan i n f l a t e d and w i t h i t , the importance of men l i k e Huang Tsun-hsien. A b r i e f a n a l y s i s of Huang's works on Japan, i . e . the Jih-pen kuo-chih {Treatises on Japan), w i l l g i v e us an i d e a of Huang's o p i n i o n of M e i j i Japan i n g e n e r a l and then we w i l l proceed to h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of M e i j i economic development i n p a r t i c u l a r . 2 4 B. A P r e l i m i n a r y A s s e s s m e n t o f J a p a n - Jih-pen tsa-shih shih  ( M i s c e l l a n e o u s Poems on J a p a n ) : 1 8 7 8 The Miscellaneous Poems on Japan, Huang T s u n -h s i e n ' s e a r l y a s s e s s m e n t o f J a p a n , was w r i t t e n i n 1878, d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d y e a r o f h i s s o j o u r n i n J a p a n . T h i s book was a c o l l e c t i o n o f poems w r i t t e n i n an ad hoc f a s h i o n w i t h c o m m e n t a r i e s . I t was i n t e n d e d t o be a d r a f t o u t l i n e f o r h i s . Jih-pen kuo-chih {Treatises on Japan) i n w h i c h he p i e c e d t o g e t h e r h i s f r a g m e n t e d o b s e r v a t i o n s and comments s y s t e m a t i c a l l y . Huang was a p p a l l e d a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l i s m o f h i s f e l l o w C h i n e s e and i r r i t a t e d by t h e i r i g n o r a n c e o f t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d . He r e g r e t t e d t h e f a c t t h a t C h i n e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l s s e l d o m s e t f o o t on J a p a n , and t h o s e who d i d c o u l d n o t r e a d J a p a n e s e b o o k s . I t was n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t C h i n e s e b o o k s on J a p a n were f u l l o f m i s i n f o r m a t i o n and m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . ^ Huang d e c i d e d t o " r e - e d u c a t e " h i s f e l l o w C h i n e s e and t o a c q u a i n t them w i t h t h e i r c l o s e n e i g h b o u r , J a p a n . He t r i e d t o c o n v e y h i s e x p e r i e n c e t o them i n h i s v i v i d and i n f o r m a t i v e poems. Huang c o n s i d e r e d h i s " M i s c e l l a n e o u s Poems" t h e f i r s t book e v e r t o be p u b l i s h e d i n C h i n a w h i c h gave a c l e a r p i c t u r e and p r o v i d e d f i r s t - h a n d i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t J a p a n . I n f a c t , — H u a n g h i m c o l f wao p r o b a b l y t h e ^&da-n+--h,^nrl i-qfnrm.-i-t-i n n n h n n f T i p n n I n f a c t , Huang him-s e l f was p r o b a b l y t h e f i r s t C h i n e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t h e modern e r a t o s p e n d a m e a n i n g f u l p e r i o d o f t i m e l i v i n g i n 25 Japan. I t was not u n t i l the t u r n of the century t h a t Chinese w i t h more s u b s t a n t i a l s c h o l a r l y c r e d e n t i a l s began to v i s i t Japan f o r l e n g t h i e r p e r i o d s , as students and as diplomats. The Miscellaneous Poems on Japan was f i r s t p u b l i s h e d by the T'ung-wen-kuan (Peking T r a n s l a t i o n Bureau under the T s u n g l i Yamen) i n 1879, and was immediately r e p r i n t e d by Wang T'ao on the movable pr e s s o f the Hsun-41 huan jih-pao ( U n i v e r s a l C i r c u l a t i n g Herald) i n 1880. 42 There were numerous r e p r i n t s of t h i s book. By comparing the v a r i o u s e d i t i o n s and the p a r t s r e v i s e d by Huang, we can t r a c e some changes i n Huang's o p i n i o n about M i e j i Japan. His r e - e v a l u a t i o n o f M e i j i Japan's mod e r n i z a t i o n came as a r e s u l t of h i s c r o s s - c u l t u r a l experiences i n l a t e r y e a r s , as v/ell as the c o n c r e t e evidence of progress i n 43 Japanese development. His r e v i s e d e d i t i o n demonstrated t h a t he came to have a more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of M e i j i Japan's w e s t e r n i z a t i o n . He i n s e r t e d some poems on new i n s t i t u t i o n s and new i n f o r m a t i o n such as the new tax system, p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n and female edu c a t i o n . He m o d i f i e d h i s statements about the s t a t u s of S i n o l o g y i n Japan and Japanese a t t i t u d e s toward Confucian s t u d i e s . In s h o r t , the Miscellaneous Poems on Japan p u b l i s h e d i n 1879 showed that Huang Tsun-hsien was an admirer of Japan's s u c c e s s f u l adoption of Western i n s t i t u t i o n s , y e t w i t h some r e s e r v a t i o n s on c u l t u r a l change. From a r e a d i n g of the r e v i s e d e d i t i o n ten years l a t e r , one would get the impression t h a t Huang had become a whole-hearted advocate of " J a p a n i z a t i o n " on a f u l l s c a l e . However, he s t i l l m aintained h i s d i s a p p r o v a l of Japan's departure from t r a -d i t i o n a l moral v a l u e s which he regarded as having been o r i e n t e d toward Confucian norms. C. A Revised Assessment of Japan - Jih-pen kuo-ohih (Treatises on Japan): 1887 Instead of keeping a d i a r y of h i s experiences i n f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , as the o t h e r Chinese ambassadors d i d a t the time, Huang c o l l e c t e d m a t e r i a l f o r a t r e a t i s e on Japan. I t i s probable t h a t he began to p l a n the t r e a t i s e a t the same time as he wrote h i s poems on Japan, f o r he f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to i t i n the Miscellaneous Poems on Japan. The a c t u a l c o m p i l a t i o n , however, began i n 1879, the year when Wang T'ao v i s i t e d Japan. Huang Tsun-hsien might have been i n s p i r e d by Wang, who had w r i t t e n the Fa-kuo chih-lueh (A b r i e f h i s t o r y of France) i n 1871 and the P'u-fa chan-chi (Account of the F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n War) i n 1873. Wang T'ao's new v i s i o n of China's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the world must have strengthened Huang's d e t e r m i n a t i o n to compile the Treatises on Japan. 27 By e a r l y 1882, when he l e f t Japan f o r San F r a n c i s c o , he probably had a rough d r a f t i n hand. The work was i n t e r -rupted by h i s d u t i e s i n San F r a n c i s c o , f o r the p r e s s u r e of work d u r i n g these three years l e f t him no time to w r i t e . Not u n t i l h i s r e t u r n to Kwangtung i n 1885 d i d he have s u f f i -cient;: f r e e time to c o n c e n t r a t e on w r i t i n g . The book v/as completed i n 1887, and was sent to the Fu-wen-chai Press i n 44 .Canton i n 1890. But i t was not p u b l i s h e d u n t i l 1804-1895. I t i s important to note t h a t the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Treatises on Japan was caught between two c r u c i a l i n c i d e n t s : the Sino-French War of 1884-1885 and the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. The tempo of change gave the Treatises on Japan a new meaning. I t was w i d e l y c i r c u l a t e d i n the 1890's, was p u b l i s h e d twice i n the year 189 8 and became a key book i n the Hundred Days Reform movement. The m a t e r i a l s i n the Treatises on Japan covered up to 1880 and e a r l y 1881. I t was o r g a n i z e d i n a t r a d i t -i o n a l Chinese g a z e t t e e r and d y n a s t i c h i s t o r y form. There were twelve t r e a t i s e s , a l t o g e t h e r 4 0 chuan. 1. Kuo-t'ung chih ( T r e a t i s e on the s u c c e s s i o n of the i m p e r i a l house), chuan 1-3, 2. Lin-chao chih ( T r e a t i s e on f o r e i g n r e l a t i o n s ) , chuan 4-8, 3. T'ien-wen chih ( T r e a t i s e on astronomy), chuan 9, 4. T i - l i chih ( T r e a t i s e on geography), chuan 10-12, 28 5. Chih-kuan chih ( T r e a t i s e on o f f i c i a l ranks and s e r v i c e s ) , chuan 13-14, 6. Shih-huo -chih ( T r e a t i s e on food and money), chuan 15-20, 7. Ping-chih ( T r e a t i s e on m i l i t a r y f o r c e ) , chuan 20-26, 8. Hsing-fa chih ( T r e a t i s e on l e g a l codes), chuan 27-31, 9. Hsueh-shu chih ( T r e a t i s e on s c h o l a r s h i p ) , chuan 32-33, 10. Li-su chih ( T r e a t i s e on r i t e s and customs), chuan 34-37, 11. Wu-ch'an chih ( T r e a t i s e on n a t u r a l p r o d u c t s ) , chuan 38-39, 12. Kung-i chih ( T r e a t i s e on c r a f t s and a r t s ) , chuan 40. Each t r e a t i s e was p r e f a c e d and concluded w i t h Huang's comments. His comments began wi t h the phrase "Wai-shih-shih yueh" (The f o r e i g n h i s t o r i a n says) which was modelled a f t e r the s t y l e o f Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Shih-chi (Records of the h i s t o r i a n ) , i n which Ssu-ma Ch'ien began h i s own comments wit h the phrase "T' a i - s h i h - k u n g yiieh" (The grand h i s t o r i a n s a y s ) . A c c o r d i n g to Huang, the "Wai-shih-shih" was an o f f i c i a l who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o m p i l i n g g a z e t t e e r s of 29 f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s i n the Chou-li ( R i t e s of the Chou). Since Huang compared h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o t h a t of hsing-jen 45 (Minor Inspector) and Wai-shih-shih i n the Chou-li and modelled h i m s e l f upon the g r e a t h i s t o r i a n Ssu-ma Ch'ien, i t was q u i t e obvious t h a t he assigned g r e a t importance to h i s book. Huang Tsun-hsien's m o t i v a t i o n i n c o m p i l i n g the Treatises-on Japan was s t a t e d i n the p r e f a c e o f the book. His p i o n e e r i n g work was to serve as a r e f e r e n c e f o r the Chinese government, the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and the reformers who 46 were i n t e r e s t e d i n c u r r e n t a f f a i r s . Concerned about the f a t e of China and alarmed over the d e t e r m i n a t i o n and the success of the Japanese e f f o r t s toward modernization, Huang c a l l e d f o r a t t e n t i o n to the study of i n n o v a t i o n s i n M e i j i Japan, e s p e c i a l l y the a d a p t a t i o n of modern Western technology and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Huang was the f i r s t Chinese s c h o l a r to w r i t e a comprehensive h i s t o r y of Japan based on Japanese sources. He r e l i e d h e a v i l y on the Nihon Seiki (Record of the Japanese government) and Nihon gaishi ( U n o f f i c i a l h i s t o r y of Japan) of Rai San'yo (1770-1832), the Dai Nihon shi (The h i s t o r y of g r e a t Japan), and was a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by 47 the Mito h i s t o r i a n s , such as Aoyama Enju. Huang's account of Japanese h i s t o r y s t a r t e d from the m y t h o l o g i c a l p e r i o d i n the pre-Jimmu e r a and continued 30 to the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d , f o c u s i n g on contemporary problems, e s p e c i a l l y on Japan's response to the West. His i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n of the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n was s l i g h t l y o v e r s i m p l i f i e d He emphasized the r o l e o f the oh'u-shih (Man of I n t e g r i t y , R o y a l i s t ) and the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e of tsun-wang jang-i {sonno joi, " r e v e r e - the emperor and expel the ba r b a r i a n s " ) 48 whxch he a t t r i b u t e d to Confucian t e a c h i n g . As a p a t r i o t , Huang found the s t o r i e s of the Japanese l o y a l i s t s p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p e a l i n g and he e m o t i o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d 49 with them. He a l s o approved Japan's open a t t i t u d e toward W e s t e r n i z a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n the realm of diplomacy. He admired the Japanese e f f o r t s to r e v i s e the unequal t r e a t i e s w i t h the West, to remove e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and 50 to r e g a i n t a r i f f autonomy. Huang advocated the adoption of a s e l e c t i v e reform, remaining Confucian and Chinese i n many r e s p e c t s . He c o u l d not break through the t'i-yung (Substance-Function) formula, though he d i d not f a l l i n t o the t r a p of r e j e c t i n g every t h i n g f o r e i g n , which was a common p i t f a l l o f contemporary c o n s e r v a t i v e s . In the Jih-pen kuo-ohih, Huang i n t r o d u c e d a t r e -mendous amount of s t a t i s t i c a l data on the n a t u r a l endowment and h i s t o r i c a l development of Japan, which were co n c r e t e m a t e r i a l s f o r e s t i m a t i n g Japan's wealth and power. Though he was f a r from what we would c a l l " q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s " today, h i s i n c o r p o r a t i o n of Japanese government s t a t i s t i c s p r o v i d e d one of the f i r s t examples of the use of s t a t i s t i c s 31 i n e c o n o m i c a n a l y s i s . H u a n g w a s i m p r e s s e d b y t h e u s e t h e J a p a n e s e m a d e o f s t a t i s t i c s a n d r e c o m m e n d e d i t a s o n e o f 51 t h e a d o p t a b l e W e s t e r n m e t h o d s . O n t h e s u b j e c t o f g o v e r n m e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s , H u a n g s e e m e d t o a d v o c a t e " i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e " a f t e r t h e W e s t e r n m o d e l . H e r e c o g n i z e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f e f f i c i e n c y w h i c h w a s b a s e d o n s p e c i a l i z a t i o n a n d s y s t e m i z a t i o n o f g o v e r n -m e n t a l f u n c t i o n s . T h i s i d e a w a s b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e C o n f u c i a n i d e a l o f g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h e m p h a s i z e d te-chih ( r u l i n g b y v i r t u e ) a n d t'ung-ts'ai ( p o s s e s s i n g g e n e r a l k n o w l e d g e ) . H u a n g s t a t e d t h a t a l l r e c o m m e n d e d r e f o r m s w e r e a l r e a d y c a n o n i z e d i n t h e Chou-li ( R i t e s o f t h e C h o u ) a n d t h e r e f o r e , c o u l d b e a p p l i e d t o C h i n e s e s o c i e t y w i t h o u t c o n f l i c t i n g w i t h C o n f u c i a n t e a c h i n g s . I t i s h a r d t o s a y w h e t h e r H u a n g t r u l y b e l i e v e d i n t h e Chou-li o r w h e t h e r h e w a s u s i n g t h i s " p s e u d o - a u t h o r i t y " a s j u s t i f i -c a t i o n f o r r e f o r m . I t w a s q u i t e a c o m m o n a n d l e g i t i m a t e p r a c t i c e i n t h e l a t e C h ' i n g t o j u s t i f y r e f o r m b y a f o r c e d 52 a s s o c i a t i o n o f W e s t e r n l e a r n i n g w i t h C h i n e s e p r e c e p t s . A t a n y r a t e , H u n a g * s i d e a o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e f o r m d i f f e r e d f r o m m o s t o f h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s s u c h a s F e n g K u e i - f e n a n d C h e n g K u a n - y i n g a t o n e p o i n t ; t h a t i s , i n s t e a d o f s u g g e s t i n g a m e n d m e n t s t o r e j u v e n a t e t h e o l d s y s t e m , h e d i r e c t l y a d v o c a t e d m o d e l l i n g i t a f t e r t h e W e s t a n d J a p a n . H e p r e s e n t e d J a p a n a s a c o n c r e t e m o d e l o f s u c c e s s . I f t h e g o v e r n m e n t w a s w e l l o r g a n i z e d a n d r u n e f f i c i e n t l y , then i t c o u l d b r i n g about changes i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . ^ On the s u b j e c t of p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , Huang was most i n c o n s i s t e n t and ambivalent i n a t t i t u d e . He a l t e r n a t e d between negative and p o s i t i v e o p i n i o n s throughout h i s l i f e . He was s k e p t i c a l about p o l i t i c a l movements l i k e the People's Rights Movement which was induced by the Western idea of democracy. H i s response to p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m and democracy was ne g a t i v e when he wrote the Treatises on Japan. I t was not u n t i l 1902 t h a t Huang p u b l i c l y expressed h i s p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , and recommended c o n s t i t u t i o n a l 54 monarchy f o r China. Huang's e v a l u a t i o n of the Japanese adoption of the Western system was r a t h e r p o s i t i v e . He i n t r o d u c e d i n -formation about the o r g a n i z a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Japanese army and navy to China. He c r i t i c i z e d the army system i n China and emphasized the importance of a c e n t r a l -i z e d m i l i t a r y f o r c e which was e s s e n t i a l f o r b u i l d i n g up 55 the n a t i o n ' s s t r e n g t h and warding o f f Western a g g r e s s i o n . Japan's e f f o r t i n modernizing her l e g a l codes, e s p e c i a l l y the c r i m i n a l codes, i n order to r e v i s e the unequal t r e a t i e s and get r i d of e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , g r e a t l y impressed Huang. He a l s o r e c o g n i z e d the importance of a l e g a l framework f o r dev e l o p i n g t r a d e and commerce and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . He s t r o n g l y advocated the adoption of 5 6 Western laws as the Japanese had. 33 In the area of academic c o n d i t i o n s i n Japan, Huang was q u i t e c r i t i c a l about the d e c l i n e of Han-hsueh (kangaku, Chinese s t u d i e s ) which was regarded as i m p r a c t i c a l because kangaku s c h o l a r s f a i l e d to commit themselves to p r a c t i c a l statesmanship. Hsi-hsueh (seigaku, Western l e a r n i n g ) a c c o r d i n g to Huang's understanding was composed of s c i e n c e and C h r i s t i a n i t y . L i k e most of the r e formers, Huang b e l i e v e d t h a t Western Science o r i g i n a t e d from the works of 57 Mo-tzu (479-372 B.C.). He p r a i s e d Western s c i e n c e , but maintained t h a t Confucian p r i n c i p l e s were more v a l u a b l e than Western r e l i g i o n . On e d u c a t i o n , Huang r e a l i z e d t h a t v e r n a c u l a r l i t e r a -t u r e was very important i n r a p i d l y making l i t e r a c y a c c e s s i b l e to the g e n e r a l p u b l i c . He t h e r e f o r e advocated t h a t v e r n -a c u l a r l i t e r a t u r e should be g i v e n o f f i c i a l s a n c t i o n i n 5 8 China and Chinese c h a r a c t e r s be s i m p l i f i e d . In the Treatises on Japan, Huang devoted two ohuan to d i s c u s s i n g f o l k c u l t u r e and d a i l y l i f e i n Japan and noted Western i n f l u e n c e on t h i s s e c t o r . He was q u i t e open-minded about c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , though he tended to a s s o c i a t e 59 some Japanese customs with those o f a n c i e n t China. 34 D. The Chinese Response to Japan i n the Nineteenth Century Huang Tsun-hsien's Treatises on Japan was p a r t of the e f f o r t which open-minded i n t e l l e c t u a l s had made to change the Chinese world view s i n c e the Opium War. S t a r t -i n g from Wei Yuan's Bai-kuo t'u-ohih ( I l l u s t r a t e d g a z e t t e e r of the Maritime C o u n t r i e s ) and Hsu C h i - y i i ' s Ying-huan ohih-6 0 lueh (A s h o r t account o f the Maritime C i r c u i t ) , Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s t r i e d to reshape the Chinese view of the world and to provoke i n t e l l e c t u a l awareness of other n a t i o n s t a t e s . But most of t h e i r energy was devoted t o the i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f Western c o u n t r i e s . The Chinese were amazingly i g n o r a n t about t h e i r c l o s e s t neighbour, Japan. I t was not u n t i l China was de f e a t e d by Japan i n the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) t h a t the Chinese turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to Japan. Very l i t t l e space was devoted to Japan i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese d y n a s t i c h i s t o r i e s . I t was p o r t r a y e d e i t h e r as an unchanging f a i r y l a n d and p a r a d i s e , or as a c u l t u r a l s u bordinate, a p a r t o f the t r i b u t a r y system.^"'" The Japanese 6 2 were looked down upon as the wo, the "Eastern Dwarves." As T a i C h i - t ' a o p o i n t e d out many years l a t e r i n h i s Jih-pen lun (On Japan) there were two major reasons f o r Chinese ignorance of Japan. One was the f a c t t h a t t h e r e was l i m i t e d scope f o r the use of Japanese language, as compared to Western languages, i n China. The other stemmed from Sino-35 c e n t r i s m . H i s t o r i c a l l y , Japan had been the c u l t u r a l sub-o r d i n a t e of China and the Chinese b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e r e was 6 3 nothing to l e a r n from the Japanese. Hence they r e t a i n e d a h a b i t u a l d i s d a i n f o r the Japanese. A b r i e f a n a l y s i s o f the m a t e r i a l s about Japan a v a i l a b l e i n mid-nineteenth century China would p r o v i d e us with a g e n e r a l p i c t u r e of the Chinese image of Japan. Most of these m a t e r i a l s are found i n ( Hsiao-fang-hu-ohai yu-ti ts 'ung-eh'ao),(a c o l l e c t i o n of g e o g r a p h i c a l works and a r t i c l e s p u b l i s h e d i n 1891 i n Shanghai) . There are f o r t y a r t i c l e s on Japan i n the 1891 e d i t i o n and e i g h t a r t i c l e s i n the second supplement (1897) . These i n c l u d e t r a n s l a t i o n s 64 o f a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n by westerners and by Japanese. Most of the a r t i c l e s , e s p e c i a l l y the ones by Westerners, are t r a v e l o g u e s . They i n c l u d e d e s c r i p t i o n s of scenery, customs and ge n e r a l impressions o f Japan's w e s t e r n i z a t i o n and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s . T h i s type of a r t i c l e p r o v i d e d l i t t l e but t o u r i s t i n f o r m a t i o n about Japan. Some a r t i c l e s mention the modern technology t h a t Japan had adopted, such as steam s h i p s and r a i l w a y s , but t h e i r treatment i s shallow, never p e n e t r a t i n g beyond the n o v e l t y o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. Some a r t i c l e s i n t h i s c o l l e c t i o n , however, are f a r more v a l u a b l e . They i n c l u d e the h i s t o r y and geography of Japan, Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s , c u r r e n t a f f a i r s and 65 o f f i c i a l d i a r i e s . Huang T s u n - h s i e n 1 s a r t i c l e Jih-pen 36 tsa-shih (.Miscellaneous Notes on Japan) was one of the a r t i c l e s t h a t made a c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n to Chinese knowledge of Japan. There are s e v e r a l f a v o r i t e themes to be found i n these Chinese s t u d i e s of Japan. One i s the r a c i a l and c u l t u r a l t i e s between the two n a t i o n s . None of the authors f a i l s to a t t r i b u t e the o r i g i n of the Japanese people to China. The legend of Hsu Fu i s repeated over and over a g a i n . Most Chinese w i l l i n g l y b e l i e v e d t h a t Hsu Fu, who supposedly came from China d u r i n g the Chin Dynasty w i t h t h r e e thousand boys and g i r l s to s e t t l e i n Japan, was the a n c e s t o r of the 6 6 Japanese i m p e r i a l f a m i l y . Another legend i n the History of Liang which says t h a t the Japanese are the descendents -of T'ai-po who l i v e d i n the kingdom of Wu i n South China, i s a l s o m e n t i o n e d . ^ Another f a v o r i t e theme of the more s c h o l a r l y accounts of Japan i s the Sino-Japanese h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n -s h i p . S t a r t i n g from the Han dynasty and c o n t i n u i n g i n t e r m i t t e n t l y u n t i l the Ming, Japan was subordinate to the Chinese empire, or so the Chinese claimed. Japan was one of the s m a l l c o u n t r i e s on the f r o n t i e r of the Chinese empire and she p a i d t r i b u t e to China over a long p e r i o d of time. The f a i l u r e o f K u b l a i Khan to d e f e a t Japan d u r i n g the Yuan dynasty p e r i o d was, i t was s a i d , the t u r n -i n g p o i n t o f e a r l y Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s . From t h a t time on, Japan began to look down on China. The r e l a t i o n s h i p 37 between China and Japan d u r i n g the Ming dynasty was an unpleasant one, f o r the wo-k'ou (Japanese P i r a t e s ) were c o n s t a n t l y d i s t u r b i n g the c o a s t a l area of China. Despite t h i s , Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s s t i l l c o n s i d e r e d Japan to be p a r t of the t r i b u t a r y system. In the e a r l y Ch'ing dynasty, because of the ban on sea t r a v e l , r e l a t i o n s between China and Japan came to a h a l t . A c c o r d i n g to these w r i t e r s , a f t e r Japan was opened to the West, i t i m i t a t e d the western powers i n n e g o t i a t i n g t r e a t i e s with China d u r i n g the Tung-chih p e r i o d . Ch'en Ch'i-yuan's a r t i c l e , Jih-pen chin-shih ohi (Recent events i n Japan) i s the o n l y one to demonstrate an awareness of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s Japanese expansion. He argued t h a t China should take the i n i t i a t i v e and d e f e a t Japan b e f o r e she grew st r o n g enough to t h r e a t e n China's n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y . ^ Confucianism i n Japan was a l s o a popular theme among these w r i t e r s . The s p i r i t of "sonno j o i " (revere the emperor and expel the b a r b a r i a n ) , commonly expressed i n mid-nineteenth., century Japan, was c o n s i d e r e d to- be a 69 legacy of Confucianism. Most of the Chinese w r i t e r s argued t h a t the c u l t of l o y a l t y to the Emperor and the awakening of t h i s s p i r i t among the Japanese people owed much to the Confucian s t u d i e s of the Tokugawa p e r i o d . Nobody f a i l e d to g i v e c r e d i t to the Ming l o y a l i s t Chu Shun-shui who was e x i l e d to Japan and h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d 70 the Japanese S i n o l o g i s t s . 38 From t h i s g e n e r a l account o f Chinese s t u d i e s of Japan, i t i s r e a d i l y apparent t h a t the Chinese a t t i t u d e towards Japan was one of c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y . The memory of the g r e a t empires of China had not been completely erased. Even though some open-minded Chinese, such as Wang T'ao and Huang Tsun-hsien were aware of the r i s e o f Japanese s t a t u s i n the f a m i l y of n a t i o n s , most Chinese observers s t i l l spoke of Japan w i t h contempt. Even Wang T'ao, one of the most advanced i n t e l l e c t u a l of h i s time, was c r i t i c i z e d by a contemporary Japanese observer of China Oka S e n j i n f o r h i s 71 a t t i t u d e s towards Japan. Moreover, Chinese observers were always t r y i n g to f i n d evidence of China's c u l t u r a l supremacy i n t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s about Japan. The i d e a of Zi sh-ih erh chiu ahu yeh ("Looking f o r the l o s t r i t e s i n the country -72 side") l i m i t e d t h e i r v i s i o n . They were always l o o k i n g f o r s i m i l a r i t i e s r a t h e r than d i f f e r e n c e s : s e a r c h i n g i n Japan's c u l t u r e f o r t r a c e s of the r e a l i z a t i o n of the Chinese 73 utopianism of the Chou-li. Except f o r Wang T'ao, and o f f i c i a l s such as Ho ju-chang and Huang Tsun-hsien, the m a j o r i t y o f these w r i t e r s had no e x t e n s i v e c o n t a c t w i t h Japan. T h e r e f o r e , t h e i r v i s i o n was f u r t h e r l i m i t e d by the i n d i r e c t i n f o r m a t i o n r e c e i v e d from Chinese i n Japan, most of whom were merchants. Even Wang and Huang shared t h i s l i m i t a t i o n i n sources to some extent, f o r t h e i r a s s o c i a t e s were probably predominantly c o n s e r v a t i v e Japanese Sinologues. Most of the time Huang 74 echoed the c o n s e r v a t i v e tone of the Japanese s i n o l o g i s t s . 39 The Chinese a t t i t u d e towards the w e s t e r n i z a t i o n of M e i j i Japan was ambivalent: a d m i r a t i o n was mixed wi t h contempt and s k e p t i c i s m . Many of the w r i t e r s mentioned i n p a s s i n g the changes i n t a x a t i o n , e d u c a t i o n , p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , communications and i n the armed f o r c e s . Few of .them touched the s p i r i t u a l r o o t s of Japan. F u r t h e r -more, t h e i r accounts were f u l l o f moral and e t h i c a l e v a l u a t i o n s . They were h u m i l i a t e d by the s i g h t of a former c u l t u r a l subordinate t u r n i n g to the West. Although Huang c o u l d not escape e n t i r e l y from t h i s a t t i t u d e , he was more o b j e c t i v e than most. Huang's a r t i c l e Jih-pen tsa shih i s a s h o r t pre-75 view of the Treatises on Japan. I t covers a l l the i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes u s u a l l y n e g l e c t e d by o t h e r s , w i t h s p e c i a l emphasis on t a x a t i o n and edu c a t i o n . Huang notes changes i n the c r i m i n a l law, the p o l i c e system and medical care and d i s c u s s e s newspapers, a g r i c u l t u r e and de v e l o p i n g i n d u s t r i e s . Furthermore, h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s of s o c i a l phenomena are q u i t e p e r c e p t i v e , due to h i s experience of l i v i n g i n Japan. For example, he n o t i c e d the problem of 7 6 the impoverished samurai. Although Huang's s o c i a l commentary can by no means be c o n s i d e r e d thorough, he i s probably the o n l y observer who touched t h i s s e n s i t i v e nerve of Japan's modern h i s t o r i c a l experience. 40 Our a n a l y s i s of Chinese w r i t i n g s on Japan demon-s t r a t e d t h a t the g e n e r a l study o f Japan was an under-explored area i n China, to say nothing of the study of Japanese economic development. Huang Tsun-hsien's works--the Jih-pen tsa-shih-shih, Jih-pen tsa-shih and Jih-pen kuo-chih, were attempts to f i l l i n t h i s vacuum. At t h i s p o i n t , Huang became the major Chinese i n t e r p r e t e r of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h -century Japan. His works, e s p e c i a l l y the Treatises on Japan, were c o n s i d e r e d a u t h o r i t a t i v e , f o r i t was f i r s t - h a n d m a t e r i a l , p r o v i d e d by one of the best-informed Chinese observers of Japan, an observer who had been pres e n t i n the midst of the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n . In the 1860's and 1870's, Chinese o f f i c i a l s were s t i l l engaged i n the s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement, f o c u s i n g on " F o r e i g n a f f a i r s " and m i l i t a r y modernization. The s e l f -s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement bankrupted i n the Sino-French War, and so ended the m i l i t a r y m o d e r n i z a t i o n . Awakened from the i l l u s i o n of "sturdy s h i p s and e f f e c t i v e weapons" w i t h the growing t h r e a t s of Russian and Japanese a g g r e s s i o n s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s r a i s e d doubts t h a t the s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g p o l i c y was e f f e c t i v e as a means of s e c u r i n g n a t i o n a l defence. The emphasis t h a t had been p l a c e d on wealth and power now s h i f t e d to economic reforms, p a r t i c u l a r l y on commerce and i n d u s t r y . Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s s t a r t e d l o o k i n g f o r examples of modernization. Most of them b e l i e v e d t h a t i f China had to modernize, the b e s t way was to l e a r n from the West d i r e c t l y . Some maintained t h a t the Western i n s t i t u t i o n s which had been a s s i m i l a t e d by Japan were more s u i t a b l e to China than p u r e l y Western i n s t i t u t i o n s . Huang's Treatises on Japan explored a new r o u t e , one t h a t seemed to s k i r t the West by way of Japan. The n o t i o n of t r e a t i n g the "Eastern Dwarves" as equals and l e a r n i n g from them was q u i t e a r e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a , though Huang was not advocating a wholesale J a p a n i z a t i o n a t t h a t time. A f t e r 1895, Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s began to a c q u i r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e adm i r a t i o n f o r the M e i j i l e a d e r s who were b r i n g i n g wealth and power to Japan. I t was a decade's work t h a t aroused Chinese envy, p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e Japan seemed to have borrowed s u c c e s s f u l l y from the West. Japan had combined i n d u s t r i a l i s m , modern m i l i t a r y methods and a t l e a s t the appearance of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p a r l i a m e n t a r y government. M e i j i Japan was a l a t e comer to modernization but was making a s u c c e s s f u l b r i d g e between indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s and v a l u e s and imported technology. I t was i n t h i s popular movement to f o l l o w the example of Japan t h a t Huang's book assumed a new r o l e . ^ Having surveyed the a t t i t u d e s of Chinese i n t e l l e c -t u a l s of Huang's time towards Japan, l e t us now t u r n to the r e a l i t y o f Japanese economic development i n the years immediately a f t e r the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n . I f we are to understand Huang's co n c e p t i o n of t h a t development, we must be a b l e to compare i t w i t h the r e a l i t i e s of e a r l y M e i j i Japan i n s o f a r as we can r e c o n s t r u c t them. In the next chapter we t h e r e f o r e begin w i t h the r e a l i t y of Japanese economic l i f e of the e a r l y 18&0's, then f o l l o w t h a t by j u x t a p o s i n g Huang's image o f i t . 43 CHAPTER II IMAGE AND REALITY: HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S INTERPRETATION AND EARLY MEIJI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT A. The R e a l i t y : The M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n and E a r l y M e i j i  Economic Development 1. The Tokugawa Legacy I t has been g e n e r a l l y accepted t h a t "Japanese modernization" i s the s t o r y of a " m i r a c l e " — J a p a n , a f t e r i t s encounter w i t h the West, responded r a p i d l y and success-f u l l y to the " c h a l l e n g e , " and emerged as a modern n a t i o n s t a t e w i t h a miraculous r a t e of growth. Contemporary s t u d i e s of the " r e v i s i o n i s t s " have tended to demythicize the Japanese m i r a c l e . They demonstrate t h a t Japanese modernization had begun long b e f o r e the a r r i v a l of the Westerners.''" The seeds of economic development were 2 a l r e a d y p l a n t e d . The " b a s e l i n e " from which the push toward modernization, i n f a c t , was e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Tokugawa p e r i o d , or even e a r l i e r . In l a y i n g the ground-work f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the M e i j i government b e n e f i t e d from the Tokugawa legacy. The i n i t i a l steps i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n had a l r e a d y been taken by the l a t e Tokugawa government and some of i t s separate domains. Iron f o u n d r i e s , s p i n n i n g m i l l s , mining, s h i p p i n g and a merchant marine, were a l l e s t a b l i s h e d though on a modest s c a l e . Technology had developed to a c e r t a i n l e v e l by the mid-nineteenth century. A f t e r the re-opening of the country i n 1854, Japan was able to e s t a b l i s h Western s t y l e f a c t o r i e s and to produce m i l i t a r y products f o r n a t i o n a l defence. Though p r i m i t i v e and i s o l a t e d , these e s t a b l i s h -ments were v a l u a b l e i n h e r i t a n c e s f o r the M e i j i government. The M e i j i government's patronage of i n d u s t r i e s was an 3 e x t e n s i o n of the Tokugawa legac y to new f i e l d s of i n d u s t r y . During the l a t e Tokugawa, a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v -i t y grew due to the i n c r e a s e d area of c u l t i v a t e d l a n d and the spreading of technology. Farming became more s p e c i a l i z e d . Improved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t i m u l a t e d the expansion of the urban market. Consequently, there was a 4 slow t r e n d toward c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e . The Togukawa government had not o n l y p r o v i d e d the f o u n d a t i o n f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , but a l s o encouraged many of the b a s i c p o l i c i e s and a t t i t u d e s e s s e n t i a l f o r subsequent growth. S o c i a l and economic a t t i t u d e s of peasants and merchants were g r a d u a l l y changed. By the n i n e t e e n t h century, the t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l s o c i e t y was g r a d u a l l y transformed on more r a t i o n a l economic l i n e s . For i n s t a n c e , l a b o r became i n c r e a s i n g l y an economic commodity p a i d f o r i n r e a l wages. Peasants were p y s c h o l o g i c a l l y 5 prepared f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . 4 5 L i t e r a c y was r a p i d l y expanding d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d . The Samurai developed i n t o a well-educated c l a s s , w h i le c i t y merchants and even r i c h peasants were l a r g e l y l i t e r a t e . I t was estimated t h a t the l e v e l of l i t e r a c y was as hig h as f o r t y - f i v e p e r c e n t among males and f i f t e e n p e r c e n t among females. I n t e l l e c t u a l i n q u i r y i n t o Western l e a r n i n g r e v i v e d . Rankaku (Dutch l e a r n i n g ) formed a v a l u a b l e b a s i s f o r s c i e n t i f i c s t u d i e s . The development of a str o n g n a t i o n a l consciousness a l s o prepared the Japanese f o r modernization.^ The economy was t r a n s f o r m i n g from a b a r t e r economy to a monetary economy, as e a r l y as the e i g h t e e n t h century. An economy of n a t i o n a l scope was emerging while r e g i o n a l economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y was brea k i n g down. P o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and the hostage system f a c i l i t a t e d the u n i f i c a t i o n and development of the economy. An expanding merchant c l a s s was c r e a t i n g a commercial b a s i s f o r the economy. Urban development a c c e l e r a t e d . C i t i e s such as Osaka, Kyoto and Edo were f u n c t i o n i n g d y n a m i c a l l y as economic c e n t r e s f o r the exchange of commodities and handi-c r a f t s . 7 Japan's p o p u l a t i o n had s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d i n the e a r l y p a r t o f the Tokugawa e r a , but d e c l i n e d i n ~ t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f the e i g h t e e n t h century due to n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s . I t remained a t about t h i r t y m i l l i o n a f t e r the middle of g the century. 46 In the 186O's and 1870's Japan's economy was s t i l l predominantly a t r a d i t i o n a l a g r a r i a n economy. The bulk of the l a b o r f o r c e (about s e v e n t y - f i v e to e i g h t y per-cent) remained i n .the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r . T h i s s e c t o r produced the major p o r t i o n of the gross n a t i o n a l product (about s i x t y - f i v e p e r c e n t ) . G e n e r a l l y speaking, produc-t i v i t y was not h i g h enough to r a i s e the r u r a l standard of l i v i n g . Primary manufacturing was mostly r e l a t e d to a g r i c u l t u r e , such as t e x t i l e s and food p r o c e s s i n g (seventy percent of a l l p r o d u c t i o n ) , w i t h minimal c a p i t a l o u t l a y . Feudalism g r a d u a l l y eroded, and r a p i d economic growth pr o v i d e d an advanced commercial b a s i s , ready to transform Japan i n t o a modern economic s t a t e . E d u c a t i o n was widespread, and the n a t i o n was p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y 9 prepared f o r modernization. I t was upon t h i s f o u n d a t i o n t h a t the M e i j i government b u i l t i t s n a t i o n a l s t r e n g t h and wealth. 2. E a r l y M e i j i M o d e r n i z a t i o n The most important task t h a t c o n f r o n t e d the new government a f t e r the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n (1868) was n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g — w a r d i n g - o f f f o r e i g n economic and m i l i t a r y domina-t i o n , e n t e r i n g the i n t e r n a t i o n a l f a m i l y of power, and c r e a t i n g i n t e r n a l s t a b i l i t y . E s s e n t i a l l y , the n a t i o n a l goals of e a r l y M e i j i Japan c o u l d be represented by the 47 slogan fukoku kyohei ("enrich the n a t i o n , s t r e n g t h e n the army") and shokusan kogyo ("increase p r o d u c t i o n and promote i n d u s t r y , " o r , more a c c u r a t e l y , "more p r o d u c t i o n through i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s " ) . In other words, economic development was g i v e n the same p r i o r i t y as e s t a b l i s h i n g a modern m i l i t a r y f o r c e . To accomplish these n a t i o n a l g o a l s , the M e i j i government took a s e r i e s of a c t i o n s which were necessary i f n a t i o n a l wealth and power were to be r e a l i z e d . F i r s t of a l l , the new government i n t r o d u c e d a number of a n t i -f e u d a l r e g u l a t i o n s s u i t a b l e f o r a modern s o c i e t y . Then they put c o n s i d e r a b l e e f f o r t i n t o promoting economic a c t i v i t i e s and e s t a b l i s h i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s which would c r e a t e s t a b i l i t y . In s h o r t , to c r e a t e an envrionment f a v o r a b l e to economic development.^^ As a f i r s t step to c o n s t r u c t i n g a modern s o c i e t y , the M e i j i government removed the most s e r i o u s f e u d a l r e s t r i c t i o n s , and thereby l i b e r a t e d the f o r c e s of growth. Feudal c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s were a b o l i s h e d . R e s t r i c t i o n s on freedom of movement and o c c u p a t i o n f o r m e r l y p l a c e d on the lower c l a s s e s were removed. P r i v a t e l a n d ownership were p e r m i t t e d , and r e s t r i c t i o n s on cropping were removed. G u i l d s and i n t e r n a l customs b a r r i e r s were a b o l i s h e d so as to f a c i l i t a t e t r a d e . The government attempted to c o n t r o l revenue sources. A new land tax was i n s t i t u t e d to r e p l a c e the f e u d a l dues. I t was r e v i s e d and modernized i n order to s t a b i l i z e revenue, c a p i t a l i z e the v a l u e of land output, and to monetize the economy.^""'" E l i m i n a t i o n of the i n f l e x i b i l i t i e s of the Tokugawa economic and s o c i a l s t r u c -t u r e and c r e a t i o n of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework.^catalyzed economic growth and l a i d the groundwork f o r f u t u r e develop-ment. The M e i j i government took p o s i t i v e a c t i o n to promote i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Recognizing the importance of e ducation and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g as the bases f o r indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n , they sent students abroad, h i r e d f o r e i g n t e c h n o l o g i s t s and imported f o r e i g n machines. They a l s o put f o r t h a g r e a t e f f o r t to e s t a b l i s h i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s and modernize communication systems, such as t e l e g r a p h and p o s t a l systems; railway.and steamship l i n e s ; and p o r t f a c i l i t i e s . A s e r i e s of e n t e r p r i s e s were e s t a b l i s h e d under government sponsorship w i t h emphasis g i v e n to s t r a t e g i c industries."*"^ A g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y i n c r e a s e d as a r e s u l t of the country's u n i f i c a t i o n and the removal of f e u d a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . The government was d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n improving seeds and f e r t i l i z e r , and making b e t t e r farming techniques a v a i l a b l e . A g r i c u l t u r a l experimentation was c a r r i e d out i n an attempt to t r a n s f e r Western technology and i n t r o d u c e f o r e i g n crops as r a p i d l y as p o s s i b l e . Consequently, technology d i v e r s i f i e d q u i c k l y , a c t i n g as another v i t a l c a t a l y s t c o n t r i b u t i n g to the phenomenal 13 growth o f n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i v i t y and government revenue. The land tax reform f u r t h e r Increased the government's e f f i c i e n c y i n r a i s i n g revenue from the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r and made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the government to e s t a b l i s h a modern budgetary system. I t c r e a t e d f i n a n c i a l s t a b i l i t y , which was e s s e n t i a l f o r growth a t the end of the n i n e t e e n t h century. The task of b u i l d i n g up a s t a b l e economic foun-d a t i o n was enormous. The new government had to face a s e r i e s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l problems. F i r s t of a l l , they had t o c o n f r o n t an economy without a u n i f i e d monetary system. In 1871, a u n i f i e d monetary system was c r e a t e d . A new c u r r e n c y — t h e z/en--was e s t a b l i s h e d . A new banking system was i n t r o d u c e d , i n i t i a l l y based on the government bonds of the daimyo. The government f u r t h e r e s t a b l i s h e d a s i z e a b l e number of s p e c i a l i z e d banks to f a c i l i t a t e growth. The Yokohama Specie Bank, the major f o r e i g n exchange bank, was founded i n 1880 and r e o r g a n i z e d i n 1887. The Govern-ment c r e a t e d and helped f i n a n c e a s i z e a b l e number of i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l development banks. These f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s helped to channel savings to e n t e r p r i s e s of l a r g e r s c a l e , and served as a source of long-term loans f o r development. A p o s t a l savings system 50 helped to tap the savings from s m a l l e r s a v e r s , such as 14 peasants xn the c o u n t r y s i d e . The r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p of the new government made i t p o s s i b l e f o r them to l e a d a p u r p o s e f u l d r i v e towards economic development. The maintenance of p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y d u r i n g the t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d enabled the government to e n l i s t the Japanese behind n a t i o n a l g o a l s w i t h r e l a t i v e ease. Confronted w i t h the urgent task of c r e a t i n g wealth and power, the M e i j i govern-ment chose what i s known today as an "unbalanced growth" s t r a t e g y . Emphasis was on s t a t e promotion and c o n t r o l of important i n d u s t r i a l concerns, loans and s u b s i d i e s f o r l a r g e e n t e r p r i s e s , expenditures f o r m i l i t a r y equipment and on s o c i a l overhead investments which c o u l d serve both 15 m i l i t a r y and i n d u s t r i a l purposes. Though one. need not go so f a r as to agree e i t h Norman's statement t h a t 1( Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n proceeded i n a "reverse o r d e r , " the evidence i n d i c a t e s c l e a r l y t h a t the M e i j i government d i d g i v e p r i o r i t i e s to s t r a t e g i c i n d u s t r i e s . The major source of growth i n the f i r s t twenty-f i v e years came from the indigenous s e c t o r , l a r g e l y from a g r i c u l t u r e ; i t was a l s o due to improvements i n h a n d i c r a f t s 17 and domestic t r a d e . Although the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r c o n t r i b u t e d h e a v i l y to government revenue, i t came a t the lowest rung of the p r i o r i t y l a d d e r and r e c e i v e d very l i t t l e government f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i n r e t u r n . The " r u t h l e s s " manner i n which the government squeezed the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r i n order to c r e a t e a strong i m p e r i a l i s t 18 s t a t e was s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d by modern s c h o l a r s . S m a l l - s c a l e indigeneous Japanese i n d u s t r i e s were l e f t t o p r i v a t e s m a l l c a p i t a l . To achieve the n a t i o n a l g o a l -the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of J a p a n — t h e government expected p o s i t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the people, but p r i v a t e investment was not s u b s t a n t i a l i n the e a r l y y e a r s . B i g p r i v a t e c a p i t a l p r e f e r r e d to remain i n t r a d e , banking and c r e d i t o p e r a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the safe and l u c r a t i v e f i e l d of government l o a n s . Small p r i v a t e c a p i t a l stuck to the c o u n t r y s i d e where accumulations of a g r i c u l t u r a l s u r p l u s e s were i n v e s t e d i n r u r a l i n d u s t r y . Landlords were i n v e s t -i n g i n r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y the s i l k r e e l i n g i n d u s t r y and i n primary a g r i c u l t u r a l products which had a good export market."*"^ St a t e p a t e r n a l i s m i s a s t r i k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of e a r l y M e i j i economic development. The government play e d a l e a d i n g r o l e and was s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n v o l v e d i n economic a c t i v i t i e s . The importance of government l e a d e r -s h i p i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n indeed appeared t o be very a p p e a l i n g . However, the a c t u a l success o c c u r r e d o n l y a f t e r the government's withdrawl from a l l but s t r a t e g i c i n d u s t r i e s i n 1880. I t has been p o i n t e d out t h a t the Japanese case i s a " c l a s s i c economic t a l e . " ' £ ' w T h i s phase of Japanese economic development has been obscured by h i s t o r i a n s ' overemphasis on the r o l e of government. The smal l increments of p r i v a t e economic e n t e r p r i s e i n i t i a t e d by Japanese businessman, the steady improvement i n a g r i c -u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , and the remarkable p a t t e r n of p r i v a t e savings were the keys to t h i s stage of development. In f a c t , the government d i d not p l a y so dominant an 21 economic r o l e as has been supposed. The quest f o r wealth and power gave p r i o r i t y to a s t r o n g n a t i o n a l development and a st r o n g m i l i t a r y p o s t u r e . T h e r e f o r e s o c i a l w e l f a r e gave way to economic p r i o r i t i e s and consequently the Japanese people had to put up w i t h uneven income d i s t r i b u t i o n and low l i v i n g standards. The peasant had to shoulder the heavy tax burden, of which a s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n went i n t o m i l i t a r y e x p enditures. Although the lan d tax was reduced as a response to peasant u p r i s i n g s , the l a n d l o r d s b e n e f i t e d . The government's n e g l e c t of s o c i a l w e l f a r e and s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e i r demand f o r improved l i v i n g standards might be j u s t i f i e d i n terms of the t i m i n g of Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . When E a r l y i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n took p l a c e , there was l e s s world-wide 22 emphasis on s o c i a l w e l f a r e . Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f Japanese economic development i s i t s ample source of "human c a p i t a l . " In terms of economic development, o v e r p o p u l a t i o n c o u l d become a d e t e r r a n t which tended to d e l a y i n c r e a s e s i n per c a p i t a income. In Japan's case, however, a s t r o n g l y c o m p e t i t i v e , abundant and w e l l - t r a i n e d l a b o r f o r c e was one of the country's main a s s e t s . The high q u a l i t y of t r a i n -i n g o f the l a b o r f o r c e , however, was not achieved u n t i l a 23 l a t e r stage. F o r e i g n investment p l a y e d a minor r o l e i n c a p i t a l f ormation. Japanese l e a d e r s r e j e c t e d f o r e i g n investment and loans as a means of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . T h i s was p a r t i c -u l a r l y so i n the e a r l y years a f t e r the R e s t o r a t i o n when the new government fe a r e d the l o s s of n a t i o n a l independence as a r e s u l t of dependence on f o r e i g n l o a n s . Except f o r the 1870 l o a n i n London o f £1,000,000 and 1873 l o a n of £2,4 00,000, Japan r e l i e d on i t s own people f o r the heavy task o f accumulation of c a p i t a l . The a p p l i c a t i o n of these loans was d i r e c t e d by the Japanese themselves and t h e i r e f f e c t was f e l t by the economy i n c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l areas of development and i n meeting d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the balance 24 of payments. In Reischauer's words, "Japan had to 2 5 l i f t h e r s e l f economically by her own b o o t s t r a p s . Although f o r e i g n - c o n t r o l l e d e n t e r p r i s e s were kept to a minimal l e v e l , Japanese government and Japanese f i r m s sought f o r e i g n t e c h n i c a l a i d . F o r e i g n t e c h n i c i a n s and experts were h i r e d , but were excluded from p o s i t i o n s of 54 c o n t r o l , and remained employees. Moreover, they were r e -p l a c e d by f o r e i g n - t r a i n e d Japanese as soon as p o s s i b l e . I t has been suggested t h a t the l i m i t s to Western e n t r e p r e n -e u r i a l f u n c t i o n s were s e t by Japanese n a t i o n a l p o l i c y i n t e n t upon modernization c a r r i e d out as f a r as p o s s i b l e 2 6 through the agency of n a t i o n a l e n t e r p r i s e . Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i n t h i s sense, can be l a b e l e d as "economic n a t i o n a l i s m , " or i n Rostow's term " r e a c t i v e 27 n a t i o n a l i s m , " as p a r t of the r e a c t i o n to f o r e i g n i n f l u e n c e s . 3. The M e i j i Government's F i n a n c i a l Problems and  S o l u t i o n s F i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s were one o f the major problems t h a t c o n f r o n t e d the M e i j i l e a d e r s , as soon as they came to power. From the very o u t s e t the government was saddled w i t h a t r i p l e f i n a n c i a l burden i n l i q u i d a t i n g the o l d regime. The burden c o n s i s t e d of m i l i t a r y expenses, f o r e i g n debts of the bakufu and han, and the o b l i g a t i o n to pay the annual r i c e s t i p e n d s of the samurai and daimyo. N a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c -t i o n and m odernization a l s o r e q u i r e d a g r e a t d e a l of c a p i t a l o u t l a y . Government r e n o v a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f modern i n d u s t r i e s , and the formation of a system of n a t i o n a l defence were a l l very c o s t l y . These c r e a t e d heavy f i n a n c i a l demands on the government. How to i n c r e a s e revenue,therefore, became one o f the most urgent 2 8 problems t h a t the new government had to s o l v e . 55 The M e i j i government succeeded i n r a i s i n g revenue by using s e v e r a l f i s c a l d e v i c e s . By demanding f o r c e d loans from the r i c h merchants and by i s s u i n g paper money and debasing the coinage, the government t r i e d to o f f s e t the tremendous m i l i t a r y expenditures i t i n c u r r e d i n over-throwing the tokugawa shogunate and q u e l l i n g the samurai r e b e l l i o n s . By reforming the land tax, the government t r i e d to s t a b l i z e i t s revenues. By p r i n t i n g paper money, the government was ab l e to enf o r c e savings and to borrow a g a i n s t f u t u r e income. The s a l e of government owned i n d u s t r i e s a f t e r 1881 r e l i e v e d the government's f i n a n c i a l burden i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . U n t i l 1875 about one t h i r d of the n a t i o n a l revenue was s t i l l spent i n su p p o r t i n g the daimyo and samurai whose h e r e d i t a r y r i c e s t i p e n d s had been guaranteed by the new regime. In 1876, the M i n i s t e r o f Finance made a recommen-d a t i o n to the government t h a t a l l the s t i p e n d s should be transformed by a " o n c e - a n d - f o r - a l l " compulsory compensation i n the form o f government bonds. Samurai o p p o s i t i o n to compulsory commutation of r i c e s t i p e n d s i n t o bonds, together w i t h the strong f e a r of l o s i n g t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s and the disappointment of t h e i r hopes f o r s u c c e s s f u l c a r e e r s i n government, induced the samurai to l e a d a- s e r i e s o f r e b e l l i o n s from 1873 to 1878. The g r e a t e s t of these was 29 the Satsuma R e b e l l i o n of 1877. Sumurai economic u n c e r t a i n t i e s c o n s t i t u t e d a p o l i t i c a l t h r e a t to the s t a b i l i t y o f the new regime. Since the samurai problem was e s s e n t i a l l y an economic one, the government c a l l e d f o r an economic s o l u t i o n . A samurai r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program-— Shizoku Jusan(from 1868 to approximately 1889)—was designed, with the purpose of f i n d -i n g employment f o r the ex-samurai, d e v e l o p i n g the economy, and at the same time accumulating c a p i t a l . The r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n p o l i c y was d e l i b e r a t e l y merged w i t h the government's economic p o l i c y , e s p e c i a l l y i n the f i e l d s of e m i g r a t i o n and land r e c l a m a t i o n , through the banking system and loans f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l , i n d u s t r i a l and commercial e n t e r p r i s e s . The program c o n s i s t e d of two p a r t s : the opening up of lan d which h i t h e r t o had not been under c u l t i v a t i o n and the c o l o n i z a t i o n of Hokkaido. The response, however, was not e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y . " ^ In the e a r l y y e a r s , t h e r e was a constant d e f i c i t , 31 f o r the expenditure of the new regime i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y . Before 1881, the annual d e f i c i t s were met by the e x t r a -o r d i n a r y revenue, which mainly came from borrowing (domestic 32 and f o r e i g n ) and from i s s u i n g i n c o n v e r t i b l e notes. The bulk of e x t r a o r d i n a r y revenue c o n s i s t e d of loans a g a i n s t f u t u r e o r d i n a r y revenue made a v a i l a b l e f o r c u r r e n t expendi-t u r e s , and funds from f o r e i g n and domestic banks. Both of these debts were r e p a i d p r i m a r i l y through the t a x a t i o n of 33 a g r i c u l t u r e . E a r l y M e i j i Japan remained an a g r a r i a n economy and seventy to e i g h t y p e r c e n t of the p o p u l a t i o n was engaged 34 i n a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e r e f o r e a g r i c u l t u r e was the major source of revenue. In order to continue i t s programs o f m i l i t a r y and i n d u s t r i a l m o dernization, the government needed a l a r g e and s t a b l e annual r e t u r n from the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r . The land tax alone p r o v i d e d more than 7 0 p e r c e n t of c e n t r a l government revenues d u r i n g the f i r s t decade 35 a f t e r the R e s t o r a t i o n of 1868. Since other ways of i n c r e a s i n g revenue were l i m i t e d , the most urgent task c o n f r o n t i n g the government was to s t a b i l i z e the revenue from the l a n d tax. The l a n d tax was r e v i s e d i n J u l y 1873, preceded by s e v e r a l phases of l e g a l i z a t i o n of p r i v a t e 3 6 landownership i n 1872. The b a s i c r e v i s i o n s of the new l a n d tax were: 1. a change of t a x - b a s e — T a x was based on the assessed value of l a n d i n s t e a d of crop y i e l d , f o r the former c o u l d be h e l d constant once the l a n d value was f i x e d , but the l a t t e r c o u l d not. T h i s change helped to r e g u l a r i z e money income; 2. a change of tax-rate--Tax r a t e was f i x e d a t t h r e e p e r c e n t ( l a t e r changed to 2.5 percent) without c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the f l u c t u a t i o n of h a r v e s t i n bad years as had been the p r e v i o u s p r a c t i c e ; 58 3. a change i n terms of payment—Tax was c o l l e c t e d i n money i n s t e a d o f i n k i n d . T h i s was to mone-t a r i z e the economy; and 4. a new d e f i n i t i o n of the t a x - p a p e r — T h e landowner, whether or not he was the c u l t i v a t o r of the 37 lan d , was the l e g a l tax paper. The two cons t a n t s on which the new land tax was formulated, tax-base and t a x - r a t e , were f i x e d , and t h e r e -fore: n a t i o n a l revenue was s t a b i l i z e d to a c e r t a i n extent. One important v a r i a b l e which a f f e c t e d the government's r e a l income from the land t a x — t h e p r i c e of r i c e , was not under 3 8 government c o n t r o l . However, the changing o f the tax s t r u c t u r e gave the government a c e r t a i n f e l x i b i l i t y . I t c r e a t e d the s t a b i l i t y which was e s s e n t i a l f o r i n d u s t r i a l growth. I t pr o v i d e d a constant source of revenue u n i f i e d under a n a t i o n a l c e n t r a l government, s t a b i l i z e d the f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n of the s t a t e , and enabled the govern-ment to implement a modern budgetary f i n a n c i a l system. Moreover, the new tax was easy t o c o l l e c t and d i f f i c u l t to evade, and i t would not f l u c t u a t e a c c o r d i n g to the har v e s t . The c r i t i c a l step i n p u t t i n g the r e v i s e d l a n d tax i n t o o p e r a t i o n was the e v a l u a t i o n of t a x a b l e land. T h i s determined the tax r a t e , and hence the weight of the burden p l a c e d on the shoulders o f the peasants. The government e s t a b l i s h e d a method of e v a l u a t i o n which would a v o i d a d e c l i n e i n revenue. I t bypassed the v a r i a b l e of market p r i c e as the b a s i s of e v a l u a t i o n and a r b i t r a r i l y p l a c e d a value on the t o t a l t a x a b l e l a n d . T h i s value was high enough to guarantee the same t o t a l r e t u r n f o r the new land tax as from t h e , o l d . As was p o i n t e d out by T.C. Smith and James Nakamura, e v a l u a t i o n was simply a means of commut-in g a tax i n k i n d i n t o a money tax without l o s s of revenue 39 by a wholly a r b i t r a r y formula designed f o r the purpose. T h i s purpose was e f f e c t i v e l y achieved, and the revenue remained q u i t e s t a b l e u n t i l the i n f l a t i o n a r y p e r i o d . Rural d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and outbreaks of v i o l e n c e between 1873 and 1877 f o r c e d the government to reduce the r a t e of l a n d tax from 3 p e r c e n t to 2.5 p e r c e n t . A f t e r t h a t , the government was c o n s i s t e n t i n c a r r y i n g out the l a n d tax 40 reform, and the program was f i n a l l y completed i n 1881. The f o u n d a t i o n of the modern Japanese lan d tax system was l a i d , and the f e u d a l r e s t r i c t i o n s on l a n d t r a n s f e r d i s -appeared. The p e r i o d from 187 6 to 18 85, approximately the time when Huang Tsun-hsien stayed i n Japan, was a " p e r i o d of g r e a t shocks." Japan was under the p r e s s u r e o f i n f l a t i o n from 1876 to 1881, and d e f l a t i o n from 1881 to 41 1885. The government's demand f o r compulsory c o n v e r s i o n of the samurai's pensions i n 1876 r e s u l t e d i n the Satsuma R e b e l l i o n of 1877. The r e b e l l i o n was put down by the government a t a heavy economic c o s t . The government was 60 deeply immersed i n debts and was borrowing a g a i n s t f u t u r e income by i s s u i n g i n c o n v e r t i b l e notes. Money supply 42 i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y and p r e c i p i t a t e d a v i o l e n t i n f l a t i o n . The d i s t r i b u t i o n a r y e f f e c t of i n f l a t i o n weakened the government's f i n a n c i a l power. The p r i c e of r i c e shot up, which meant a d e c l i n e of revenue i n r e a l t e r m s — a 43 d i s t o r t i o n of the government's income. Another major e f f e c t of i n f l a t i o n was t h a t savings were channeled to the wrong type of.consumption, f o r the p r o f i t s were con c e n t r a t e d i n a few landowners' hands and they began to purchase and consume.luxury goods. I t a l s o d i s t o r t e d the "proper" way of development, f o r money was i n v e s t e d i n the wrong types 44 of i n d u s t r y . I n f l a t i o n continued u n t i l Matsukata Masayoshi was appointed Finance M i n i s t e r i n 1881. He i n t r o d u c e d orthodox f i n a n c i a l measures and budgetary reform to h a l t the i n f l a t i o n . He reduced s u b s t a n t i a l l y the government's expenditure, l e v i e d new taxes, and got r i d of these govern-45 ment e n t e r p r i s e s which were l o s i n g money. T h i s p o l i c y succeeded, but not without c o s t . I t r e s u l t e d i n severe 46 d e f l a t i o n . However, s t a b i l i t y was brought back e v e n t u a l l y . The d i s t r i b u t i o n a r y e f f e c t of d e f l a t i o n now b e n e f i t e d the government. As the p r i c e of r i c e d e c l i n e d , government's r e a l income rose and peasants' income decreased. 61 Consequently, the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth changed. There was a g r e a t e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n of reso u r c e s i n a few hands and as a c o r o l l a r y , tenancy i n c r e a s e d . Many small farmers were f o r c e d t o s e l l t h e i r l a n d and small commercial e n t e r -p r i s e s d e c l i n e d . The s a l e of government e n t e r p r i s e s a f t e r 1881, i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the d e f l a t i o n a r y p o l i c y , r e l i e v e d the government's f i n a n c i a l burden a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z -a t i o n . Most of the e n t e r p r i s e s were l o s i n g money a t the time of t h e i r s a l e . The s a l e enabled the government to e l i m i n a t e the u s u a l annual d e f i c i t s o f these e n t e r p r i s e s and to re c o v e r a smal l p a r t o f the o r i g i n a l investment i n them. The s a l e o f government owned i n d u s t r i e s , l a r g e l y to a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , a c c e l e r a t e d the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f Japan's economic growth i n the hands of f i n a n c i a l c l i q u e s or zaibatsu. Thus the year 18 8 0 marked the end of the i n i t i a l phase of Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The r o l e o f government s h i f t e d from d i r e c t l e a d e r s h i p as promoter, owner and manager, to i n d i r e c t a s s i s t a n c e , t e c h n i c a l guidance and v a r i o u s forms of subsidy. T h e r e a f t e r , the government was d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d o n l y i n the munitions i n d u s t r i e s . The s h i f t of the i n d u s t r i a l burden from the government to privately-owned companies not o n l y cut down government expenses, but a l s o maximized economic e f f e c i e n c y and u t i l i z -a t i o n of n a t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s . 62 In the 1870's,when the a r t i f i c i a l s t imulus of the s i l k i n d u s t r y c r e a t e d by the European s i l k b l i g h t of the p r e v i o u s decade ended, Japan began to s u f f e r an adverse balance of payments- T a r i f f was not a f e a s i b l e means to h a l t the f l o o d of f o r e i g n imports i n t o the country, because a f i x e d t a r i f f r a t e of f i v e percent had been im-posed on her. The o n l y way to p r o t e c t the n a t i v e i n d u s t r i e s was to d r i v e out f o r e i g n goods through 48 c o m p e t i t i o n . Import s u b s t i t u t i o n became one o f the major s t r a t e g i e s i n Japan's i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . F o r e i g n t r a d e was developed by the Japanese p a r t l y as a means of s e c u r i n g machinery and raw m a t e r i a l s needed f o r indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n . In o r d e r to a c q u i r e the necessary goods, some t r a d i t i o n a l domestic i n d u s t r i e s , such as t e x t i l e s , 49 began to develop an export dimension. Import s u b s t i t u t i o n was coupled w i t h promotion of export i n d u s t r i e s . Raw s i l k , t e a and r i c e c o n s t i t u t e d the major p r o p o r t i o n of e x p o r t s . T r a d i t i o n a l h a n d i c r a f t products such as p o t t e r y , fans, paper, lacquer and bronze ware were a l s o developed f o r e x p o r t s . To encourage export, the government gave d i r e c t t e c h n i c a l and f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . F o r e i g n expert were h i r e d and f o r e i g n machinery was imported. Model f a c t o r i e s were s e t up i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i t i e s . M e chanization was i n t r o d u c e d to t r a d i t i o n a l i n d u s t r i e s such as s i l k and 63 c o t t o n s p i n n i n g . I n s t i t u t i o n s f o r encouraging and deve l o p i n g exports were s e t up. P r o f e s s i o n a l s c hools f o r t e c h n o l o g i c a l t r a i n i n g were e s t a b l i s h e d . A Commerce Bureau was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1869 to s u p e r v i s e and encourage 50 t r a d e , and to or g a n i z e i n d u s t r i a l e x h i b i t i o n s . Import s u b s t i t u t i o n and export promotion were the major p o l i c i e s i n d e v e l o p i n g i n d u s t r i e s and i n r e v e r s i n g the balance of payments d e f i c i e t . Thus, f o r e i g n t r a d e , from the very beginning,was s t r a t e g i c to Japanese economic development. A l l - i n - a l l the Japanese government's i n d u s t r i a l p o l i c y appeared to go hand-in-hand with i t s f i s c a l p o l i c y . In the e a r l y stage of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , Japan was success-f u l i n making savings and c a p i t a l a v a i l a b l e f o r investment i n i n d u s t r i e s , which made r a p i d economic growth p o s s i b l e . In t h i s p r o c e s s , f i s c a l p o l i c y palyed the most important r o l e i n s o l v i n g f i n a n c i a l problems by d i s t r i b u t i n g p u b l i c bonds among the l e a d e r s of the o l d s o c i e t y , f l o a t i n g l o a n s , i s s u i n g notes and imposing the land tax i n money. L a t e r , f o r e i g n loans and i n d e m n i t i e s c o n s t i t u t e d p a r t o f the 51 means of t a c k l i n g f i n a n c i a l problems. The M e i j i f i s c a l p o l i c y was s u c c e s s f u l p a r t i c u l a r l y i n one aspect, t h a t i s , the e f f i c i e n c y of r a i s i n g revenue and c o n s o l i d a t i n g government expenditure as a major p a r t of the G.N.P. But on the oth e r hand, the M e i j i f i s c a l p o l i c y was h e a v i l y b i a s e d towards m i l i t a r y e x p e n d i t u r e s , at the expense of the f i n a n c i a l n e g l e c t of a g r i c u l t u r e . By c o n t r a s t i n g the heavy m i l i t a r y expenditure and the l i g h t investment i n a g r i c u l t u r e from the government, Oshima suggested t h a t the government c o u l d have maintained a defense adequate f o r n a t i o n a l independence wi t h h a l f the m i l i t a r y e xpenditure.^^ In s h o r t , the M e i j i government was s u c c e s s f u l i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a modern f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework capable of c h a n n e l l i n g savings and d i r e c t i n g investment to m i l i t a r y and i n d u s t r i a l development. Japan, from the 1880's on, was q u i t e ready t o proceed t o modern economic growth. I t has "accumulated enough s k i l l and experience to get over the i n i t i a l d i f f i -c u l t i e s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . " I t emerged as a country w i t h r a i l w a y s , steamers and f a c t o r i e s , and w i t h an economy capable of s u p p o r t i n g m i l i t a r y development. The above outline^seem to suggest t h a t the M e i j i government had an o v e r a l l s y s t e m a t i c program f o r economic development. On the c o n t r a r y , t h e r e was nothing l i k e a planned economy i n the e a r l y years of the Japanese t r a n s i t i o n to modern growth. In f a c t , the e a r l y stage of Japanese economic growth was not smooth or p a i n l e s s . The t r a n s i t i o n a l phase of Japanese growth i n the years between 18 68 and 1884 was, i n Inukai and Tussing's words, a " d i s t u r b e d 65 economy" phase, i l l u s t r a t i n g many o f the maladie problems of c o u n t r i e s c u r r e n t l y emerging from r e v o l u t i o n a r y 53 i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes and seeking modern economic growth. T h i s was a p e r i o d o f t u r m o i l , w i t h i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes, and s o c i a l and economic problems. As each of these problems appeared, the M e i j i l e a d e r s t a c k l e d them with 54 pragmatic and piecemeal reforms. The government was a c t i v e i n b r i n g i n g about the r e q u i s i t e c o n d i t i o n s f o r modern economic growth, y e t the s i t u a t i o n was not under f u l l c o n t r o l . I t was o n l y a f t e r the Matsukata d e f l a t i o n i n 1881 t h a t the government re c o g n i z e d the need f o r an o v e r a l l r e a p p r a i s a l of development p o l i c y . I t was t h i s " t r a n s i t i o n a l phase o f growth" i n the 1870's t h a t Huang Tsun-hsien observed and wrote about.. 66 B. The Image: Japanese Economic Development i n Huang Tsun-h s i e n ' s Eyes — An A n a l y s i s of the Treatise on Pood and  Money, Treatise on National Products and Treatise on  Crafts and Arts In r e c o n s t r u c t i n g Huang Tsun-hsien's view of e a r l y M e i j i economic development, we s h a l l encounter a number of p i t f a l l s and i t i s bes t to make these as e x p l i c i t as p o s s i b l e beforehand. F i r s t , we have to keep i n mind t h a t although Huang had a f l e x i b l e mind, he was n e i t h e r a syste m a t i c t h i n k e r nor an economic t h e o r i s t . In t a l k i n g about h i s "economic view" or "economic theory," we have to be e s p e c i a l l y c a r e f u l not to overschematize, not to impose order where i n f a c t t h e r e i s i n c o n s i s t e n c y , even c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Another p i t f a l l was very common among Chinese "Japan o b s e r v e r s , " one a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I. Embracing the romantic i d e a of t'ien-hsia i-ohia ( u n i v e r s a l brotherhood), the Chinese a t t h a t time c o n s i d e r e d the Japanese as p a r t o f t h e i r own c u l t u r a l and r a c i a l f a m i l y . Under t h i s assumption, they were e a s i l y drawn to asp e c t s of " s i m i l a r i t y " when o b s e r v i n g Japan, and t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e t h e r e f o r e r e s u l t e d i n many f o r c e d a s s o c i a t i o n s and m i s i n -t e r p r e t a t i o n s . I t was i n the areas of " s i m i l a r i t y " t h a t Huang had to make an e x t r a e f f o r t t o abandon o l d h a b i t s of t h i n k i n g and p r e d i s p o s i t i o n , and he was not always s u c c e s s f u l . As t o the matter of accuracy, we f i r s t have to i n v e s t i g a t e the source m a t e r i a l s used f o r the Treatises on Japan. Hsueh Fu-ch'eng, i n the p r e f a c e to the Treatises, s a i d t h a t Huang drew e x t e n s i v e r e f e r e n c e s from two hundred sources, i n c l u d i n g Japanese and Chinese m a t e r i a l s , o f f i c i a l 55 documents and p r i v a t e m a t e r i a l s . But much of the i n f o r m a t i o n was recorded without s t a t i n g the sources, except f o r the o c c a s i o n a l o f f i c i a l announcement by the Dajokan. Judging from h i s correspondences w i t h Japanese l i t e r a t i , Huang's knowledge of the Japanese language was probably q u i t e l i m i t e d . In f a c t he s a i d i n h i s p r e f a c e t h a t a f t e r s e v e r a l y ears o f s o j o u r n i n Japan he had l e a r n e d o n l y a l i t t l e b i t of Japanese. N e v e r t h e l e s s , he was a b l e to use some Japanese o f f i c i a l m a t e r i a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those of a s t a t i s t i c a l n ature. A random comparison between the s t a t i s t i c a l data i n the Treatises on Japan and a M e i j i Government r e c o r d such as the Tables on the Breakdown of 57 General Account Revenues and Expenditures would show us t h a t Huang o f t e n f a i t h f u l l y r ecorded data from government p u b l i c a t i o n s . Another example i s Huang's use of the Meiji hachi-nen fuken bussan hyd ( p r e f e c t u a l p r o d u c t i o n t a b l e s f o r 1875) as h i s source f o r the s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e s of Japan's major products w i t h f i g u r e s f o r t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n and t h e i r c u r r e n t v a l u e . Modern s c h o l a r s suggested t h a t these o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s were ac c u r a t e i n f o r m a t i o n about 5 8 the e a r l y M e i j i economic s i t u a t i o n . 68 The f a c t u a l d e s c r i p t i o n s and re c o r d s i n the Treatises on Japan are r e l i a b l e to a c e r t a i n extent. Occasion-a l l y t here are f a c t u a l e r r o r s , which w i l l be p o i n t e d out i n our l a t e r d i s c u s s i o n s . H i s t o r i c a l f a c t s and f i g u r e s would be meaningless without i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Hence i t i s Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t h a t w i l l be our main concern i n t h i s s e c t i o n . How w e l l d i d Huang understand Japan's economic development i n the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d ? Did he i d e n t i f y the r i g h t problems? Did he g i v e reasonable e x p l a n a t i o n s ? Did he o f f e r any s o l u t i o n s ? What d i d he see and what d i d he not see? How d i d he view what the Japanese were doing and why d i d he view i t thus? In an economic p e r s p e c t i v e , d i d he i d e n t i f y Japan's g o a l c o r r e c t l y ? Did he r e l a t e the same economic v a r i a b l e s to each other i n the same way the Japanese did? These are the q u e s t i o n s t h a t we w i l l be t r y i n g to answer i n t h i s s e c t i o n . I t must be made c l e a r from the o u t s e t t h a t a l l c o n c l u s i o n s and statements i n Huang's study are f i r s t approximations o n l y . As an amateur h i s t o r i a n Huang r e a l i z e d t h a t no statement about past h i s t o r y c o u l d be made wi t h a b s o l u t e c e r t a i n t y . C o n c l u s i o n s i n h i s s t u d i e s are anything but c e r t a i n , e s p e c i a l l y as Japan was i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d which was very c o n f u s i n g to a f o r e i g n observer. In f a c t , Huang's study i s an attempt to open a d i s c u s s i o n on s e v e r a l important i s s u e s , not to conclude 69 These are the p o i n t s t h a t we should keep i n mind when we go through Huang's o b s e r v a t i o n of Japanese economic development. Out of the twelve chih ( t r e a t i s e s ) of the Treatises on Japan, Huang devoted t h r e e to economy, namely, the Treatise on Food and Money, Treatise on National Products and Treatise on Crafts and Arts, a l t o g e t h e r nine chuan (chapters). T h i s i s the l a r g e s t s e c t i o n w i t h the l o n g e s t commentaries i n t h e . T r e a t i s e s on Japan. In i t Huang gave a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the economic s i t u a t i o n i n Japan, w i t h compari-sons to Europe, America and China. The m a t e r i a l s c o n s i s t e d of the f o l l o w i n g : 1. Shih-huo Chih ( T r e a t i s e on Food and Money), which i s d i v i d e d i n t o s i x s e c t i o n s : (a) Hu-k'ou (On P o p u l a t i o n ) , chiian 15 (b) tsu-shui" (On T a x a t i o n and Revenue) , chiian 16 (c) Kuo-yung (On N a t i o n a l Expenditure) , chiian 17 (d) Kuo-tsai (On N a t i o n a l Debt) , chiian 18 (e) Huo-pi (On Currency) , chiian 19 (f) Shang-wu (On Commerce and F o r e i g n Trade), chiian 20. 2. Wu-chan Chih ( T r e a t i s e on N a t i o n a l P r o d u c t s ) , chiian 38-39: m a t e r i a l s on n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s , and 3. Kung-i Chih ( T r e a t i s e on C r a f t s and A r t s ) , chiian 40: m a t e r i a l s on h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s . 70 These aspects of Japanese " r e a l i t y " were brought i n t o sharp focus by Huang Tsun-hsien. He b e l i e v e d t h a t the above s i x c a t e g o r i e s under shih-huo Chih were the essen-t i a l elements of the Western economic system which was 59 adopted by Japan, and were where the s e c r e t of wealth l a y . Other a s p e c t s , however, were not p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t t o China as Huang saw i t and were l e s s b r i g h t l y i l l u m i n a t e d . As we s h a l l see l a t e r i n Chapter I I I , the s i x c a t e g o r i e s he chose to emphasize were a l s o major concerns of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese ohing-shih ( S t a t e c r a f t ) i n t e l l e c -t u a l s . The o r g a n i z a t i o n and emphasis o f the m a t e r i a l on the Japanese economy thus r e f l e c t e d Huang's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h n a t i o n a l wealth. His image o f e a r l y M e i j i economic develop-ment was, i n f a c t , a r e f l e c t i o n of the r e a l i t y o f the .. economic p l i g h t of China. Though l a c k i n g modern s y s t e m a t i c and s c i e n t i f i c t e chniques, Huang presented a c o n c r e t e and d e t a i l e d de-s c r i p t i o n of p a r t of the economic development of Japan. An a n a l y s i s of the above m a t e r i a l w i l l p r o v i d e us w i t h an i n t e g r a t e d p i c t u r e of Huang's image of e a r l y M e i j i economic development. 1. P o p u l a t i o n Huang Tsun-hsien observed t h a t o v e r p o p u l a t i o n i s one of the major economic problems. He c r i t i c i z e d the 71 t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese standard of benevolent government which saw a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n as a symbol of p r o s p e r i t y . In the past, i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i v i t y depended on a l a r g e l a b o r f o r c e . T h e r e f o r e the r u l e r s were a f r a i d of p o p u l a t i o n decrease. Whereas i n Hunag's time, popu-l a t i o n was no longer an economic a s s e t . O v e r p o p u l a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n unemployment and poverty, and c r e a t e d p r e s s u r e i n l a n d and n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . Before s o l v i n g t h i s problem, any reform, i n Huang's words, was merely wan-ju pu-ch'.uang ( " c u t t i n g o f f f l e s h to patch a s o r e . " f Huang noted t h a t the problem of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n was common to both China and Japan. The land area of Japan i s o n l y one t w e n t y - f i f t h t h a t of China, but her p o p u l a t i o n i n the 1870's was one twelveth of China's. However, the Japanese government had attempted to s o l v e the problem by d e v e l o p i n g n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s (e.g. mining ), by encouraging t r a d e , a g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y , and by sending people to c o l o n i z e Hokkaido. In f a c t , Huang b e l i e v e d t h i s was p r e c i s e l y where the s e c r e t of wealth of the Europeans l a y . Huang s t r e s s e d t h a t i t was i n e v i t a b l e t h a t n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s be developed, modern technology be i n t r o d u c e d . And e m i g r a t i o n be permitted.^"*" He supported h i s argument by c i t i n g the Japanese example. Our e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n observed t h a t the Japanese government's r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program f o r the d e c l a s s e d samurai, e s p e c i a l l y the c o l o n i z a t i o n of Hokkaido, were not very s u c c e s s f u l i n the e a r l y stages. From Huang's p o i n t of view, on the other hand, these were g r e a t achievements. Probably Huang was f o c u s s i n g h i s a t t e n t i o n on the govern-ment's i n i t i a t i v e . In h i s o p i n i o n , the government had f o l l o w e d the b e s t p o s s i b l e course f o r the s o l u t i o n of the problem. I t was important to him t h a t the attempt had been made. Huang was q u i t e c o r r e c t i n s e e i n g changes i n p o p u l a t i o n as a good measurement of economic change and i n n o t i n g the c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between o v e r p o p u l a t i o n and unemployment. He was a l s o p e r t i n e n t i n a t t a c k i n g the problem of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , which i s probably a p r o j e c t i o n of h i s v i s i o n of China. O v e r p o p u l a t i o n , from a modern economic developmental p o i n t of view, would r e s u l t i n an extremely low r a t e of growth and standard of: l i v i n g . The c o n t r o l of p o p u l a t i o n would l e a d to b e t t e r l a b o r d i s t r i b u t i o n which i s f a v o u r a b l e to economic growth. Huang was n e i t h e r a demographer nor an economist. Though he p i c k e d out the r i g h t v a r i a b l e , he t o t a l l y missed the p o i n t i n h i s explana-t i o n . Huang recommended Japan's p o p u l a t i o n sensus. He l i s t e d s i x t a b l e s i n c l u d i n g the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of Japan, the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of households by c l a s s e s , b i r t h s and deaths, and the breakdown of the p o p u l a t i o n by o c c u p a t i o n w i t h employment f i g u r e s and g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . Most noteworthy i s the t a b l e o f the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i n d i f f e r e n t areas and the average land d i s t r i b u t i o n of the peasants. Here Huang made one f a c t u a l mistake by saying t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n of peasants 6 2 was h a l f o f the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e the percentage 6 3 of peasantry was a c t u a l l y 70 per c e n t to 80 p e r c e n t . Huang d i d not make f u l l use of these s t a t i s t i c s to analyze Japan's p o p u l a t i o n growth trends and the employment s i t u a t i o n . He d i d not advocate a systematic census system f o r the purpose of e s t a b l i s h i n g whether the p o p u l a t i o n was too l a r g e , but onl y to c o l l e c t data f o r the t a x a t i o n system. Modern s t u d i e s on Chinese p o p u l a t i o n show t h a t there was a demographic "vacuum" between 1779 and 1850, due to the breakdown o f the pao-ahia system which had 64 c o l l e c t e d r e l i a b l e p o p u l a t i o n data. Since Huang was preoccupied w i t h s e c u r i n g government revenue i n land tax, and s i n c e a v a r i a b l e census and land r e g i s t r a t i o n were the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f o u n d a t i o n f o r tax c o l l e c t i o n , he n e c e s s a r i l y emphasized the importance of a p o p u l a t i o n census. 74 2. Ta x a t i o n In an attempt to show the importance of proper assessment and uses of taxes, Huang gave a d e t a i l e d account of Japan's t a x a t i o n system. To Huang, one of the s e c r e t s of Japan's wealth l a y i n a sound t a x a t i o n system. He was deeply impressed by the numerous forms of t a x a t i o n and e f f i c i e n c y o f c o l l e c t i o n . ^ He was amazed a t the t o t a l 6 6 amount of revenues of a s m a l l i s l a n d country. In h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f Japanese t a x a t i o n procedures, Huang a l s o noted those of Europe and America and compared 6 7 them wi t h China. He remarked t h a t the Chinese people saw onl y t h a t European c o u n t r i e s were wealthy and owned a g r e a t number of ship s and guns, but a l s o t h a t they p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o Europe's heavy taxes. Huang p o i n t e d out t h a t the Chinese government was p a r a l y z e d by a l a c k of funds f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , due to l i g h t t a x a t i o n . The government's sources of revenue and methods of t a x a t i o n was not broad and i n v e n t i v e . Another important reason f o r China's l i g h t t a x a t i o n was the p r o h i b i t i o n i n changing the a n c e s t r a l l a n d tax r a t e , f r o z e n by the K'ang-hsi > emperor. Under these circumstances, the o n l y way to i n c r e a s e government revenue was to guarantee c o l l e c t i o n of l a n d taxes, and to extend t a x a t i o n to on other commodit-i e s and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . ^ Huang Tsun-hsien's statement t h a t China's t a x a t i o n was comparatively l i g h t was i n accor d w i t h modern s t u d i e s on the Chinese economy. A l b e r t Teuerwerker demonstrated t h a t Chinese tax was r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t i n modern terms, d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t i t was c a p r i c i o u s l y 69 a d m i n i s t e r e d . Other p r a c t i c e s , such as the l o k m ( l i - o h i n , an i n t e r n a l t r a n s i t tax, p r o d u c t i o n tax or a s a l e s t a x ) , ^ c o n t r i b u t e d to the sources of revenue. However, the c e n t r a l government was unable to take f u l l 71 c o n t r o l of these sources. In l i g h t of t h i s , Huang's o b s e r v a t i o n of the Chinese f i s c a l problem was q u i t e a c c u r a t e . T h i s accounts f o r h i s enthusiasm f o r the M e i j i government's w i l l i n g n e s s and a b i l i t y to c o l l e c t taxes, which was based on e f f i c i e n t tax a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Since Japan's t a x a t i o n system engaged g r e a t success, Huang suggested t h a t China should f o l l o w the Japanese example. The key concept here i s i t'ien-hsia ohih ts'ai ohih t'ien-hsia ohih shih (take the wealth from the world and use i t to r e g u l a t e a f f a i r s i n the world) and i wu-kuo chih ts 'ai ohih wu-kuo ohih shih (take the wealth from our country and use i t to manage the a f f a i r s i n our 72 c o u n t r y ) . In r e p e a t i n g t h i s s l o g a n , Huang c r i t i c i z e d the o f f i c i a l s who t r i e d to get a r e p u t a t i o n f o r benevolence, f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese concept of a benevolent o f f i c i a l i s one who minimizes the burden of the people. Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s would accuse the government of harshness f o r imposing taxes on a l l commodities and on a l l kinds 76 of a r t s and s k i l l s t h a t rendered income, as Huang s a i d the Japanese d i d . On the other hand, Huang argued t h a t the i m p e r i a l benevolence of l i g h t t a x a t i o n would i n t u r n make the people extremely i n d i f f e r e n t t o the n a t i o n a l 73 revenue. Huang's c r i t i c i s m o f the Confucian i d e a l of minimum t a x a t i o n w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r i n a comparison w i t h h i s contemporaries i n Chapter Three. Here i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to p o i n t out t h a t h i s p r o p o s a l to i n c r e a s e n a t i o n a l revenue by adopting the Western concept o f t a x a t i o n and by e l i m i n a t i n g o f f i c i a l c o r r u p t i o n i s once again a f e a t u r e o f h i s p l a n f o r the f u t u r e o f China. In advocating a heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , Huang o v e r s t a t e d the coverage of the Japanese government's tax net. Confronted w i t h a l l the economic problems of the day--the l i q u i d a t i o n o f the o l d regime, the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the samurai, n a t i o n a l defense and the f i n a n c i n g o f government i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s , the Japanese government t r i e d i t s b e s t to c o l l e c t taxes from v a r i o u s sources. But, as we have seen, the land tax accounted f o r more than 80 per c e n t of n a t i o n a l revenue as l a t e as 1882. Consumption taxes and e x c i s e taxes d i d not p l a y any s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e 74 u n t i l 189 3. I t seems t h a t Huang d i d not see the r e l a t i v e freedom from t a x a t i o n o f Japan's commerce and i n d u s t r y as a stim u l u s to i t s development. N e i t h e r d i d he see t h a t the p o l i c y o f heavy t a x a t i o n on Japanese farmers hindered the development of the a g r a r i a n base. The d i s i n c e n t i v e e f f e c t o f a heavy t a x a t i o n system appar-a n t l y d i d not occur t o Huang. He a l s o n e g l e c t e d the q u e s t i o n of who was going to shoulder the tax burden. He d i d not know t h a t income d i s t r i b u t i o n would be more un-equal under a heavy t a x a t i o n system, f o r the M e i j i govern-ment was not u s i n g p r o g r e s s i v e t a x a t i o n i n the same way t h a t modern governments d i d l a t e r on. Huang gave an a c c u r a t e f a c t u a l r e p o r t on the M e i j i l a n d tax reform i n 1873. He thought t h a t the M e i j i govern-ment succeeded i n c o l l e c t i n g the maximum tax from a g r i c u l t u r e But he d i d not seem t o f u l l y r e c o g n i z e i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e : the r e v o l u t i o n a r y change of tax s t r u c t u r e , from a tax i n k i n d to a money tax, completed the change from a b a r t e r economy to a monetary economy and a change of tax-base which s t a b i l i z e d government's revenue. Huang saw i t o n l y as a way to maximize n a t i o n a l revenues. Huang was c o r r e c t i n saying t h a t the a c t u a l tax burden was l i g h t e n e d a f t e r the tax r a t e r e v i s i o n i n 1877, but was i n c o r r e c t i n saying t h a t the M e i j i land tax was 7 S l i g h t e r than the Tokugawa l a n d tax. I t has been p o i n t e d out t h a t the 1873 tax-base was the r e s u l t of c o n v e r t i n g the Tokugawa land tax i n t o a money payment 7 fi a v o i d i n g revenue l o s s or t a x a t i o n r a t e r e d u c t i o n . Though the l a n d tax r e v i s i o n i n 1877 was a c t u a l l y a r e s u l t of peasant u p r i s i n g s , Huang took i t as a benevolent a c t of 78 the M e i j i government. His impression of a l a c k of o p p o s i t i o n to t a x a t i o n i n Japan d i d not a c c o r d w i t h r e a l i t y . Though he mentioned the Tokugawa u p r i s i n g s i n 1873-74 and the Satsuma R e b e l l i o n i n 1877, he c o n s i d e r e d a l l these u p r i s i n g s 77 as c o n s e r v a t i v e peasants r e s i s t a n c e to change. A c t u a l l y , t h e r e were some two hundred peasant u p r i s i n g s recorded f o r 7 8 the f i r s t decade of the M e i j i p e r i o d . Huang p i c t u r e d the economic r e l a t i o n s h i p between the government and the people i n Japan i n a mellow c o l o u r — people were w i l l i n g to pay taxes to support the government and the government was very e f f i c i e n t i n c o l l e c t i n g taxes. In h i s eyes, s o c i a l r e a c t i o n to the new t a x i n g system i n Japan was good. Though t h e r e was some r e v o l t o c c a s i o n a l l y , the new system was not shaken. Even c o n s e r v a t i v e o f f i c i a l s who d i d not approve of reforms d i d not blame the government f o r r e v o l t s . From t h i s , Huang saw the p a t r i o t i s m and p u b l i c s p i r i t o f the Japanese, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which he thought were the duty of people to c u l t i v a t e and should 79 be aroused i n China. Huang Tsun-hsien's major focus was on the maximization of the government revenues, t h e r e -f o r e , the s o c i a l aspects of Japanese economic development, e s p e c i a l l y a g r a r i a n d i s t r e s s , seems to have been l a r g e l y i n v i s i b l e to him. Among the v a r i o u s taxes d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n , Huang p a i d s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to those which had some con n e c t i o n w i t h f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , such as Maritime customs. 79 He emphasized the r o l e o f government and demonstrated how the Japanese government used i n t e r n a t i o n a l law to r e c o v e r 8 0 Japanese r i g h t s . From h i s d i p l o m a t i c e x p e r i e n c e , Huang s t r o n g l y advocated the use of i n t e r n a t i o n a l law, which was a l r e a d y known to the Chinese. He thought t h a t i t was a Western d e v i c e of c o n s i d e r a b l e v a l u e f o r defense a g a i n s t the West. He s t r e s s e d the e x p l o i t a t i v e nature of the unequal t r e a t i e s and showed Japan's e f f o r t t o r e v i s e them through p o l i t i c a l and l e g a l reform. Huang t r i e d t o demon-s t r a t e t h a t the Japanese government was i d e o l o g i c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y capable of e s t a b l i s h i n g and guaranteeing the necessary l e g a l framework to p r o t e c t n a t i v e commercial a c t i v i t i e s . The Japanese government knew how to make use of the l e g a l system to a v o i d the e x p l o i t a t i o n and competit-81 i o n o f the West. He t h e r e f o r e advocated the e s t a b l i s h -ment of a l e g a l system which would permit the e r a d i c a t i o n of e x t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , unequal t r e a t i e s and i l l e g a l economic c o m p e t i t i o n which were the g r e a t e s t blemishes on n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y . In other words, he c o n s i d e r e d l e g a l reform as a quid pro quo. I t i s noteworthy t h a t Huang d i s c u s s e d t r e a t y r e v i s i o n i n the T r e a t i s e on Food and Money under the t i t l e of t a x a t i o n . I t seems t h a t he r e c o g n i z e d t r e a t y r e v i s i o n as an economic weapon, but he d i d not seem to r e a l i z e t h a t the Japanese e f f o r t was unable to produce r e s u l t s which would b e n e f i t the economy. A c t u a l l y , the attempt of the 80 M e i j i government to r e v i s e the t r e a t i e s was o n l y an i n d i c a t i o n o f d i p l o m a t i c v i g o u r , and d i d not r e s u l t i n r e v i s i o n or avoidance of e x p l o i t a t i o n and c o m p e t i t i o n from the West. Japan d i d not achieve t a r i f f autonomy u n t i l 1891. 3. N a t i o n a l Budget Huang p a i d g r e a t e s t a t t e n t i o n to Japan's f i s c a l system and f i n a n c i a l management. He devoted t h r e e s e c t i o n s to d i s c u s s i n g the n a t i o n a l budget and the n a t u r a l debt and currency, which he c o n s i d e r e d to be the e s s e n t i a l concerns of l i - t s ' a i chih tao (The b a s i c way to manage 8 2 f i n a n c e ) . He e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y advocated the Western budgetary system which had been adopted by Japan. A n a t i o n a l budget, a c c o r d i n g to Huang, c o n s i s t e d of two major p a r t s , t h a t i s , the yu-suan (yosan i n Japanese, i . e . budget estimates) and the ch'ueh-suan {kessan i n Japanese, i . e . f i n a l e s t i m a t e , balance account). The government should estimate the annual n a t i o n a l income i n c l u d i n g a d e t a i l e d l i s t o f v a r i o u s kinds of revenues, and announce i t t o the p u b l i c . At the end of the f i s c a l year, the government should c a l c u l a t e the expenditures c a r e f u l l y and announce the balance sheet to the people. T h i s method of c o l l e c t i n g and spending the revenues i s v e r y s y s t e m a t i c . The income and expenditure are of a f i x e d amount: there i s no i n c r e a s e beyond the budget, and t h e o r e t i c a l l y , no misuse 81 of revenue. The government take taxes from the people, and accounts to them how the money i s used. The advantages of announcing the n a t i o n a l budget and balance sheet are to r e g u l a t e the c i v a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , to ensure mutual t r u s t between the r u l i n g and the r u l e d , and, above a l l , to a v o i d o f f i c i a l g r a f t and e x t o r t i o n . He went one step f u r t h e r , making a d i s t i n c t i o n between the expenditure of 8 3 the i m p e r i a l f a m i l y and the government. Huang's advocacy of e s t a b l i s h i n g a symmetric n a t i o n a l budget was i n accordance w i t h h i s su g g e s t i o n o f a heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . E x t e n s i v e t a x a t i o n was p o s s i b l e o n l y i f the people knew t h e i r taxes were used f o r t h e i r own b e n e f i t , he emphasized. He thought t h a t i t was the adoption of Western b u d j e t a r y system t h a t had enabled the Japanese government to cope wi t h i n c r e a s e d s t a t e expen-d i t u r e d u r i n g the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d . Huang d e s c r i b e d i n d e t a i l Japanese procedures o f n a t i o n a l budget and balances, and the f u n c t i o n o f the K a i k e i - k e n s a - i n ( I n s p e c t i n g Agency of P u b l i c F i n a n c e ) . He f u r t h e r l i s t e d s i x t a b l e s o f the Japanese balance sheet, i n c l u d i n g annual income and expenditure, and n a t i o n a l debts form the f i r s t f i s c a l year to the t h i r t e e n t h year of M e i j i , as an example . 84 f o r China. Looking back to China, he s a i d t h a t Ch'ing govern-ment taxes were very l e n i e n t , but s i n c e there were a l l kinds of m a l p r a c t i c e s , the people d i d not b e n e f i t from 82 them. He p o i n t e d out t h a t i f the f i g u r e s o f the annual n a t i o n a l income and how i t was put to use were made p u b l i c , and the annual balance was p u b l i s h e d , then the people would be more w i l l i n g to pay taxes. P u b l i c a t i o n a l s o had the advantage o f p r e v e n t i n g b r i b e r y , which was so common 8 5 i n n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China. A l b e r t Feuerwerker p o i n t e d out t h a t there was no composite budget of income and expenditure i n n i n e t e e n t h -8 6 century China. He f u r t h e r suggested t h a t the Chinese f i s c a l system was i n e l a s t i c and was o r i e n t e d to s h o r t -range o p e r a t i o n s . The weight o f t r a d i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s made i t i n c a p a b l e o f responding q u i c k l y to emergency needs. The M e i j i government was a b l e to i n t r o d u c e a modern budget because the major revenue sources,--the land tax was i n c o n t r o l under a c e n t r a l i z e d government. Whereas i n China, the Ch'ing government was unable to c o n t r o l a l l the 8 7 f i s c a l sources of the country. 83 Huang was i n c o r r e c t i n suggesting t h a t China should balance her budget because Japan was doing so. In f a c t the M e i j i government was p r a c t i s i n g a d e f i c i t budget system i n the e a r l y y ears. Not u n t i l 1885 d i d the government succeed i n b a l a n c i n g the budget on a f i r m monetary b a s i s . Probably Huang was so overwhelmed by the novel i d e a of a budget system t h a t he r e f r a i n e d from c r i t i c i z i n g the Japanese government's f a i l u r e to achieve a balanced budget. In advocating a modern f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Huang overemphasized the economic f u n c t i o n of a budget system. A budget i s simply an estimate of the government's f u t u r e expenditure and revenue, and i s an instrument of f i s c a l p o l i c y r a t h e r than the essence of the p o l i c y . 4. N a t i o n a l Debt Huang c l a s s i f i e d k u o - t s a i ( N a t i o n a l Debt) i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : n e i - k u o - t s a i (Domestic Loan) and w a i - k u o - t s a i (Foreign Loan). He thought t h a t n a t i o n a l l o a n was a common p r a c t i c e i n the West which the Japanese adopted w i t h a c e r t a i n degree of s u c c e s s . 8 8 Huang r e c o g n i z e d the f i n a n c i a l problems t h a t the M e i j i government faced i n l i q u i d a t i n g the o l d regime. He d e s c r i b e d i n d e t a i l how the Japanese government s o l v e d the problem by i s s u i n g government bonds. In 1876, the annual r i c e s t i p e n d s of the samurai and daimyo were converted a t a 84 f i x e d r a t e i n t o i n t e r e s t - b e a r i n g bonds maturing i n twenty y e a r s . A p a r t o f the huge domestic debt of the Bakufu and han was a l s o p a i d i n government bonds. Huang d e s c r i b e d how the government i s s u e d bonds maturing i n twenty years through the F i f t e e n t h N a t i o n a l Bank to pay o f f the m i l i t a r y expenditures r e s u l t i n g from the 1877 Satsuma R e b e l l i o n . He a l s o mentioned the two f o r e i g n loans o f 4,880,000 yen i n 1870 and 11,713,000 i n 1873. He c l a s s i f i e d the items and amounts of n a t i o n a l debt, i n c l u d i n g domestic and f o r e i g n l o a n s , i n a t a b l e l i s t i n g the i n t e r e s t r a t e and the time of l i q u i d a t i o n . He compiled another two t a b l e s to i l l u s t r a t e the r a t e of i n c r e a s e and decrease of n a t i o n a l 8 9 debt and the annual payment of o u t s t a n d i n g debts. Huang thought there were advantages and drawbacks to n a t i o n a l debt. For Huang, borrowing was not a d e s i r a b l e p r a c t i c e . A f t e r a l l , the debts had to be p a i d o f f from the n a t i o n a l revenue and i t was the people who had to shoulder the tax burden. T h e r e f o r e , a n a t i o n a l debt should not be i n c u r r e d u n l e s s there were no other a l t e r n a t i v e s t h a t c o u l d ward o f f d i s a s t e r . The government might c o n s i d e r i n c u r r i n g one i n case of emergency, such as r a i s i n g money f o r m i l i t a r y expenditure to guard a g a i n s t f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n and to cope w i t h i n t e r n a l u n r e s t . Or, i n the case.,of famines and n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s when the people were i n d i f f i c u l t y . , the government might borrow a g a i n s t the f u t u r e 85 to r e l i e v e the country from imminent d i s a s t e r . Keeping the Satsuma r e b e l l i o n i n mind, Huang thought t h a t the M e i j i government had made f u l l use of t h i s method i n r e l i e v i n g the country from f i n a n c i a l emergency.^ There was, a c c o r d i n g to Huang, another l e g i t i m a t e reason f o r i n c u r r i n g a n a t i o n a l debt, t h a t i s , f o r c h i n g -s h i h t a - l i ( I n i t i a l Investment i n Great P r o f i t ) . The i n i t i a l s t a r t i n r a i l w a y , waterworks, l a n d r e c l a m a t i o n and mining r e q u i r e d a tremendous amount of c a p i t a l o u t l a y . The government co u l d i n c u r a n a t i o n a l debt to generate the necessary c a p i t a l , f o r e s e e i n g t h a t l a r g e p r o f i t s would be y i e l d e d i n the f u t u r e , and the people would g r e a t l y b e n e f i t from i t . Investment i n such e s t a b l i s h m e n t s was not o n l y f o r kung-i ( p u b l i c b e n e f i t ) , but would a l s o 91 f a c i l i t a t e development of the economy. In o t h e r words, Huang c o n s i d e r e d economic development to be the most important cause f o r domestic borrowing a g a i n s t the f u t u r e . Japan's f o r e i g n l o a n of 4,880,000 yen c o n t r a c t e d i n 1870 f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the r a i l w a y between Tokyo and Yokohama was an obvious example of t h i s . But i n China, the f o r e i g n debts which the Ch'ing government c o n t r a c t e d were mostly f o r m i l i t a r y and indemnity purposes. Very 92 l i t t l e was used f o r i n d u s t r i a l purposes. Although t h e r e was no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t Huang under-stood the concept of c a p i t a l f o r m a t i o n or s o c i a l overhead investments, he n e v e r t h e l e s s was aware of the r e l a t i o n s h i p 86 between f i n a n c e and economic development. Huang thought t h a t c a p i t a l f ormation through i n c u r r i n g n a t i o n a l debt c o u l d arouse the people's concern f o r the f u t u r e of t h e i r country. Domestic loans a l s o demonstrated a mutual t r u s t between the government and i t s people which would consequently t i e them together f i n a n c i a l l y . I t i s worth n o t i n g t h a t China's f i r s t attempt to f l o a t a p u b l i c domestic loa n i n 1898 was not s u c c e s s f u l because t h e r e was l i t t l e 93 p u b l i c c o n f i d e n c e i n the Ch'ing government. Huang's attempt to t r a n s f e r the Japanese experience to China c o u l d be r e a l i z e d o n l y i f the Chinese government had the same c r e d a b i l i t y as the M e i j i government. The meaning of the n a t i o n a l debt i n the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d was more s i g n i f i c a n t than Huang imagined. The c r e a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l debt fund through debt-guarantee and c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of pensions performed a r e v o l u t i o n a r y f u n c t i o n i n b r e a k i n g down the f e u d a l l i m i t a t i o n s imposed 94 on the accumulation and u t i l i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l . N a t i o n a l bonds had the e f f e c t of c o n v e r t i n g l a n d l o r d s and u s u r e r s i n t o s t o c k h o l d e r s and bankers, and thus f u n c t i o n e d as a 95 means of f o r c e d s ayings f o r i n d u s t r i a l investment. In the d i s c u s s i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l debts, Huang was p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e to f o r e i g n economic c o n t r o l . He argued t h a t f o r e i g n loans were dangerous to the w e l l -being of a country, c i t i n g Turkey and Egypt as examples. 87 Though i t might secure the concern of a wealthy country f o r the f o r t u n e s of a poorer one, the l a t t e r might end up by l o s i n g i t s n a t i o n a l independence. Huang b e l i e v e d t h a t f o r e i g n loans were h e l p f u l o n l y i n the s h o r t run and t h a t 96 they b e n e f i t e d o n l y the f o r e i g n e r s i n the long run. He was more concerned about economic dependence and n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y than the p o s s i b l e b e n e f i t of f o r e i g n loans and c a p i t a l investment. Although he f e l t t h a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l debts c o u l d be good under c e r t a i n circumstances, he thought t h a t i t was u s u a l l y too dangerous to take the r i s k . Huang p o i n t e d out the absence of f o r e i g n c a p i t a l t h a t was a s t r i k i n g phenomenon i n M e i j i economic growth. The Japanese government kept the amount of f o r e i g n loans and f o r e i g n investment to a minimum. The l e a d e r s d i d not want the major segments of t h e i r economy c o n t r o l l e d by f o r e i g n e r s . The M e i j i government bared loans as a means of economic development l e s t Japan be turned i n t o an economic colony of the West. Huang was deeply impressed by Japanese "economic n a t i o n a l i s m " and p r a i s e d the M e i j i government f o r l a r g e l y a v o i d i n g f o r e i g n indebtedness. 5 . Currency Huang gave a d e t a i l e d account of the c h a o t i c currency i n f l a t i o n i n Japan. He l i s t e d f o u r t a b l e s i n c l u d -i n g the former p r i c e s of g o l d and s i l v e r c u rrency, the 88 comparison and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f the newly i s s u e d g o l d , s i l v e r and copper currency, the volume of g o l d , s i l v e r and copper cur r e n c y and a t a b l e on the volume of paper money 97 c i r c u l a t i o n . However, th e r e i s no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t he made use of these s t a t i s t i c s f o r q u a n t a t i v e a n a l y s i s . Huang was shocked by the outrageous i n f l a t i o n i n Japan. The problem, as he saw i t , was the e x c e s s i v e issuance o f paper currency. He launched i n t o a v i g o r o u s d i s c u s s i o n of the m e r i t s and e v i l s of paper currency. Paper money made i t p o s s i b l e to m a i n t a i n the new reform programs, suppress the r e b e l l i o n , s trengthen the navy and army, r e g u l a t e the p r o p e r t y o f the samurai a r i s t o c r a c y and i n i t i a t e t e l e g r a p h s , r a i l w a y s and mining i n d u s t r y . On the other hand, the e x c e s s i v e issuance of paper money c r e a t e d f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . I t caused p r i c e i n f l a t i o n , and i n c r e a s e d f o r e i g n imports. The advance balance o f payment would i n c r e a s e the outflo w of s p e c i e which was 98 d e t r i m e n t a l to the n a t i o n a l economic development. In Huang's o p i n i o n , paper money was a convenient d e v i c e , but should be i s s u e d o n l y to the t o t a l v a l u e of g o l d , s i l v e r and copper i n the country. He d e s c r i b e d the c o n f u s i o n of currency and market t r a n s a c t i o n s i n r u r a l Japan and s t r e s s e d t h a t paper money should be backed up by the 99 n a t i o n a l bank. Huang was concerned about the outflow of s p e c i e , which was a l s o a major problem i n China. He 89 maintained t h a t s p e c i e (hard currency) should be p r e s e r v e d as a standard w i t h i n the country, and t h a t i t should not be allowed to leave the country i n f o r e i g n t r a d e . "'"^ Huang's d i s a p p r o v a l o f e x p o r t i n g p r e c i o u s metals and h i s d e s i r e f o r a g o l d and s i l v e r standard probably echoed the o p i n i o n s of Japan's l e a d e r s . The c u r r e n c y s i t u a t i o n i n China was extremely c h a o t i c i n the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y — a b i m e t a l l i c s i l v e r -copper standard cor-existed w i t h m u l t i p l e l o c a l currencies."'" Huang d i d not recommend Japan's e x c e s s i v e i s s u e s of paper money, however, he advocated the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a u n i f i e d c urrency i n China. Huang a l s o advocated the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a 102 n a t i o n a l bank, -but d i s c u s s e d t h i s only b r i e f l y . The q u a s i - o f f i c i a l banking i n s t i t u t i o n s i n M e i j i Japan gave him the i d e a t h a t government should s u p e r v i s e and examine bank management and c o n t r o l the p r o f i t . Japan's "model" banking systems r e i n f o r c e d h i s emphasis of the l e a d i n g r o l e p l a y e d by the government. Though the f u n c t i o n of the banking system i n m o d e r n i z a t i o n — c h a n n e l i n g savings and p r o v i d i n g i n d u s t r i a l f u n d s — w a s not f u l l y understood by Huang, he n e v e r t h e l e s s r e c o g n i z e d i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . The banking system i n n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China was almost 103 e n t i r e l y l i m i t e d t o the n a t i v e banks. In l i g h t of the important r o l e of modern f o r e i g n banks i n f i n a n c i n g i n t e r -ikc± 9 0 I / promote a modern banking system. n a t i o n a l t r a d e , Huang advocated the Chinese government to A 104 6. F o r e i g n Trade In h i s d i s c u s s i o n of f o r e i g n t r a d e , Huang recog-n i z e d the major economic problem of the day--the imbalance between imports and exports and the outfl o w of g o l d and s i l v e r to f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . He regarded the adverse balance of trade as an "economic leak" \»yj which wealth was d r a i n e d away from the country. Huang a t t r u b u t e d Japan's economic weakness to the adverse e f f e c t s o f f o r e i g n t r a d e as i t had developed under the unequal t r e a t y t a r i f f s . With these advantages, the West had come to dominate Japan's domestic market f o r manufactured commodities and had e f f e c t i v e l y undermined t r a d i t i o n a l h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s , as i t was a l l e g e d to have done i n China. Huang's o p i n i o n r e g a r d i n g f o r e i g n t r a de was t h a t imports and exports must be balanced. He d e s c r i b e d import s u b s t i t u t i o n as a t r a d e p o l i c y p r a c t i s e d by the European, t h a t i s , the defense of the economy by producing at home e v e r y t h i n g e s s e n t i a l f o r the n a t i o n . P r o t e c t i o n of home products by i m p o s i t i o n of high import d u t i e s was another t r a d e p o l i c y which was not f e a s i b l e to China, 107 s i n c e China's t a r i f f was f i x e d . Huang e x p l a i n e d the excess of imports as a r e s u l t of the W e s t e r n i z a t i o n of p u b l i c t a s t e s i n Japan, which s t i m u l a t e d the i m p o r t a t i o n of l u x u r y goods. He more s t r o n g l y condemned the absence of t a r i f f autonomy as a major o b s t a c l e to a balance of t r a d e . A l l f o r e i g n goods, i n Huang's eyes, were l u x u r i e s . T h i s was a t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese view. Huang d i d not concede t h a t the import t r a d e , other than machineries, c o u l d p l a y any p o s i t i v e r o l e i n the n a t i o n a l economy. Huang's d e s c r i p t i o n of the d e s t r u c t i v e import of f o r e i g n manufactured goods r e f l e c t e d an awareness of the n e c e s s i t y f o r the M e i j i government t o . r e g a i n domestic markets by e s t a b l i s h i n g v i a b l e manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s to c r e a t e a l t e r n a t i v e s to f o r e i g n goods. Huang p r a i s e d the Japanese government's e f f o r t to counter-balance the excess of f o r e i g n imports by promoting import s u b s t i t u t i o n i n d u s t r i e s and a l s o by promoting exports to balance imports.''" Huang was w e l l aware of the need to e s t a b l s i h f a c i l i t i e s f o r t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g and a system of i n c e n t i v e s f o r the encouragement of i n v e n t i o n . He regarded Japan's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e x p o s i t i o n s as an important undertaking. The 1873 Vienna I n t e r n a t i o n a l E x p o s i t i o n was the f i r s t a d v e r t i s i n g and t r a d e promotion abroad f o r Japanese products. I t gave the Japanese an o p p o r t u n i t y to observe European manufacturers. A f t e r the e x p o s i t i o n , Japanese o f f i c i a l s t r a v e l l e d throughout the c o n t i n e n t to see how Europeans manufactured and marketed t h e i r products. F o l l o w i n g these i n i t i a l m i s s i o n s , s o l d i e r s , businessmen, engineers and students went abroad to a c q u i r e s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge. Huang was a l s o p e r s p i c a c i o u s i n o b s e r v i n g the f a i l u r e of Japanese small businessmen i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h f o r e i g n t r a d e r s i n the e a r l y y e a r s . He c i t e d Ono-gumi and Shimada-gumi as examples among Japanese f i r m s engaged i n f o r e i g n t r ade who faced bankruptcy."*""^ I t has a l r e a d y been p o i n t e d out t h a t the e a r l y mushrooming appearance of new e n t e r p r i s e s was f o l l o w e d by widespread business f a i l u r e s , p a r t l y because of the experience of the Japanese i n b usiness management and p a r t l y because of l a c k of c a p i t a l and s k i l l s f o r the new industries.''"''"''" Japanese merchants were outnumbered by f o r e i g n merchants i n both import and export t r a d e . Although Huang r e c o g n i z e d t h i s f a c t , he s t i l l gave c r e d i t to the e f f o r t s of commercial o r g a n i z a t i o n s 112 i n t r y i n g to compete wit h the f o r e i g n e r s . Huang was deeply impressed w i t h a s s o c i a t i o n s of 113 Japanese merchants d u r i n g h i s s o j o u r n xn Japan. He was a c u t e l y aware of the i n a d a p t i b i l i t y of e i t h e r the Confucian o f f i c i a l or the t r a d i t i o n a l merchant c l a s s i n China to the r i s k - t a k i n g , decision-making, i n n o v a t i n g e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y which was the b a s i c motor of economic development i n Western Europe. T h e r e f o r e , he e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y advocated " c o l l e c t i v e power," by which he meant the u n i t e d f o r c e of the people i n c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h the government. In h i s a p p r a i s a l o f the Japanese government's v i g o r o u s e f f o r t s to compete w i t h the f o r e i g n e r s i n t r a d e , Huang made some i n v o l u n t a r y m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . As a matter of f a c t , the f i r s t commercial companies o r g a n i z e d by the M e i j i government were a f a i l u r e , but Japanese merchants combined s u c c e s s f u l l y to upset f o r e i g n monopolies i n the 1880's. Moreover, Huang d i d not c l a r i f y the mean-ing and f u n c t i o n o f the merchants' g u i l d s . The Shoho Kaigishowhich he mentioned, was or g a n i z e d f o r the purpose of p u t t i n g p r e s s u r e on the government f o r r e v i s i o n o f the , . .. 114 unequal t r e a t i e s . In summary, Huang was preocc u p i e d w i t h h i s concern over the balance of payments i n f o r e i g n t r a d e . He r e a l i z e d t h a t the d i s r u p t i v e wedge of the West i n the East was tr a d e , to which both China and Japan were opened wide by commercial t r e a t i e s t r u s t on them by the Western powers. He r e c o g n i z e d the economic consequences of excess of imports and the outfl o w of s p e c i e , but he n e g l e c t e d the s o c i a l consequences of the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of some peasants' l i v e l i -hood caused by the d e c l i n e o f r u r a l h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s . However, he d i d grapple w i t h some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Japan's f o r e i g n t r a d e . Japan was faced w i t h a s t r u g g l e f o r e x i s t e n c e as an independent power a g a i n s t the menace of f o r e i g n c a p i t a l . I t was a race to overtake the advanced Western n a t i o n s w i t h t h e i r machines, technology and armaments, and Japanese economic and even p o l i t i c a l independence were a t stake. Japan had to enter the race w i t h a handicap of a t a r i f f f i x e d by the unequal t r e a t y system which l a s t e d f o r h a l f a century. 7. N a t i o n a l Products Huang l i s t e d the major n a t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s i n Japan with d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n i n the f i r s t h a l f (chiian 33) of the T r e a t i s e on Products, and broke them down a c c o r d i n g to each p r e f e c t u r e i n the second h a l f (chiian 39) o f the . t r e a t i s e . Instead of l i s t i n g r a r e t r i b u t a r y products as the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese g a z e t t e e r s d i d , Huang l i s t e d a l l 116 items produced and consumed i n the l o c a l i t y . In the d i s c u s s i o n of n a t i o n a l p roducts, Huang focused on those marketable items such as s i l k , t e a , c o t t o n , sugar, r i c e , d r i e d seafood, copper, i r o n , z i n c , and handi-c r a f t p r o d u c t s . Huang was p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned w i t h f o r e i g n t r a d e , so he p a i d s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to s i l k and t e a , which were the most important export items around 1880. The Japanese government's e x t e n s i v e promotion and t e c h n o l o g i c a l improvements i n export i n d u s t r i e s c e r t a i n l y caught Huang's a t t e n t i o n . Huang thought of t r a d e i n terms of the balance of payments r a t h e r than i n terms of the marketing of products and d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods. He c o n s i d e r e d trade a means of e n r i c h i n g the country by i n c r e a s i n g the government's revenue. T h i s i s a t y p i c a l ching-shih way of t h i n k i n g , as we w i l l d i s c u s s l a t e r i n Chapter I I I . Huang d i d not see the f u n c t i o n of trade as the Japanese d i d , i . e . e x p o r t -i n g raw m a t e r i a l s and domestic h a n d i c r a f t s and importing machinery and technology so as to i n c r e a s e the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y of the country. -Again Huang emphasized d i r e c t l e a d e r s h i p from the government i n i n i t i a t i o n , promotion and p r o t e c t i o n . The government a l s o took a c t i o n i n promoting a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s t r y and commerce by e s t a b l i s h i n g s c h o o l s and model 117 f a c t o r i e s . He c i t e d the e s t a b l i s h m e n t by the govern-ment of the Tomioka s i l k r e e l i n g f a c t o r y i n 187 0 w i t h French t e c h n i c a l a i d , and of the Maebashi s i l k r e e l i n g f a c t o r y founded by a former o f f i c i a l of the Maebashi domain wit h the a i d of I t a l i a n technology. He was impressed w i t h the government's encouragement and a s s i s t a n c e to the s i l k i n d u s t r y and the e f f o r t s to improve the q u a l i t y of the product. Huang was a l s o v e r y impressed by the M e i j i govern-ment's e f f o r t i n c a r r y i n g out market r e s e a r c h . The Japanese government appointed c o n s u l a t e s i n Shanghai, T i e n t s i n , Amoy, 96 London, Singapore, M a r s e i l l e s , V l a d i v o s t o c k , New York and San F r a n c i s c o to r e p o r t on commercial a c t i v i t i e s , to sound out f o r e i g n t a s t e s and to adapt p r o d u c t i o n to f o r e i g n A 1 1 9 needs. Huang seemed to agree w i t h Japan's p o l i c y of n a t i o n a l m e r c a n t i l i s m . He thought t h a t f o r e i g n t r a d e i s a war i n which each p a r t y t r i e d to monopolize the source o f p r o f i t . In case of emergency, the government should be ready to back up n a t i o n a l economic c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h 119 power. The success o f Japanese government, as Huang saw i t , was i n c o n t r o l l i n g li-yuan sources of p r o f i t . The "sources o f p r o f i t " i n c l u d e d an i n c r e a s e of p r o d u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s t r y and t r a d e , opening mines to g a i n new resources from underground; i n s h o r t , a l l sources t h a t c o u l d i n c r e a s e n a t i o n a l wealth. Among a l l these "sources of p r o f i t , " Huang regarded f o r e i g n trade to be the most p r o f i t a b l e source, a d d i t i o n a l wealth to the n a t i o n from overseas. E x p o r t a t i o n was the major means to achieve wealth which was the b a s i s of n a t i o n a l s t r e n g t h . The p r o f i t of f o r e i g n t r a d e would i n t u r n h e l p to b u i l d and ma i n t a i n warships and m i l i t a r y power. Huang thought t h a t the M e i j i government had achieved c o n s i d e r a b l e success i n t h a t r e g a r d . 97 8. C r a f t s and A r t s The t r e a t i s e on c r a f t s and a r t s (kung-i chih) i s a l s o a t r a d i t i o n a l category i n Chinese g a z e t t e e r s . The term "kung-i" r e f e r r e d to the a r t s and s k i l l s o f t r a d i t i o n a l h a n d i c r a f t s such as s i l k f a b r i c s , swords, brassware, p o r c e l a i n , lacquerware, papers, fans, s t a t i o n a r y , p a i n t i n g s , jade c a r v i n g and a l l s o r t s of m i s c e l l a n e o u s items. Huang broadened the meaning of t h i s category to i n c l u d e medicine and a g r i c u l t u r e ; i n f a c t he even entered i n t o the d i s c u s s i o n of s c i e n c e and technology. Huang p o i n t e d out the importance of hsing-hsia chih hsueh ("Material Science") i n the West. A c c o r d i n g to h i s o b s e r v a t i o n , widespread technology and s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge were b e n e f i c i a l to the people's l i v e l i h o o d ; the development o f n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s ; m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h ; n a t i o n a l wealth; and d a i l y n e c e s s i t i e s . The s e c r e t o f wealth and power l a y i n s c i e n c e and technology, which were i n the s e r v i c e of i n d u s t r y and government."'"^ Huang assigned the f a u l t o f i n s u f f i c i e n t develop-ment of " m a t e r i a l s c i e n c e " i n China to empty t a l k of the l i t e r a t i and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t a r t i s a n s . He reminded Chinese s c h o l a r s t h a t the Department of Works (Kung-pu) was one of the most important departments i n the Chou dynasty. In l a t e r times, i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n d u l g e d i n m e t a p h y s i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s and regarded the p r a c t i c a l a r t s 98 as base and unworthy. He lamented the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the a n c i e n t " c r a f t s and a r t s " which he thought embodied shih-.hsueh ( " p r a c t i c a l knowledge"). Huang advocated the combination and c o o p e r a t i o n of b r a i n and hand, and a new a t t i t u d e toward technology, t h a t i s , a new hsueh ("study") A and fang("imitation"); p a r t i c u l a r l y the study of Western 12 technology i n a g r i c u l t u r e , mining, i n d u s t r y and commerce. While advocating the development of technology and an open a t t i t u d e toward i t . Huang emphasized t h a t the adoption of Western technology should not i n v o l v e 122 changing human r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the Confucian system. Huang a p p a r e n t l y d i d not observe the s o c i a l consequences of i n d u s t r i a l development i n Japan. He seems, l i k e most s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n e r s i n China, to have t r i e d to apply the t'i-yung formula, assuming technology c o u l d be borrowed and a p p l i e d without much change i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . In h i s d i s c u s s i o n of t e c h n o l o g i c a l improvement of Japan's a g r i c u l t u r e , Huang gave c r e d i t t o the M e i j i government's l e a d e r s h i p . He s a i d t h a t the Japanese peasants were c o n s e r v a t i v e and stuck to the t r a d i t i o n a l customs and methods which were handed down f o r hundreds and even thousands of years. A f t e r the R e s t o r a t i o n , the government s e t up a bureau f o r the promotion of a g r i c u l t u r e , e s t a b l i s h e d b o t a n i c gardens and experimental farms, and announced and spread new methods to the people. 123 Hence the whole scene i n a g r i c u l t u r e changed. 99 From the above d i s c u s s i o n , we can see t h a t Huang on l y o f f e r e d a p a r t i a l a n a l y s i s of Japanese economic de-velopment. Nowhere does Huang's t r e a t i s e d i s c u s s economic development as a whole. For.example, new technology i n the s i l k i n d u s t r y was mentioned merely as an improvement of technique; s h i p y a r d s and a r s e n a l s were mentioned o n l y as p a r t of the m i l i t a r y e s t a b l i s h m e n t ; r a i l w a y s and mining were mentioned as government e n t e r p r i s e s and as appendages of the governmental s t r u c t u r e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , Huang managed to see some major economic problems of the M e i j i govern-ment, and he was ab l e to group together some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Japanese economic development. In h i s p a r t i a l a n a l y s i s of the e a r l y M e i j i economic development, Huang was more or l e s s choosing a problem-approach, and he was very " i s s u e - o r i e n t e d , " i . e . o r i e n t e d towards s p e c i f i c economic i s s u e s and problems. His s e l e c t i o n of t o p i c s a l s o r e f l e c t s h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h government revenue and economic management. Huang was most i n t e r e s t e d i n the f i n a n c i a l aspect of the M e i j i economic development. The d i s c u s s i o n of t a x a t i o n , n a t i o n a l budget and n a t i o n a l debt f a l l s i n t o the category of f i s c a l p o l i c y ; the d i s c u s s i o n of cur r e n c y and banking i s r e l a t e d t o the monetary system; the d i s c u s s i o n of f o r e i g n trade i s p r i m a r i l y con-cerned with the government's t r a d e p o l i c y . Huang p i c k e d up some of the important v a r i a b l e s of economic development 100 but he f a i l e d to see the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them. In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n , we w i l l t r y to p i e c e Huang's ideas together and c o n s t r u c t an i n t e g r a t e d p i c t u r e to compare h i s images with the r e a l i t i e s . C. Between Image and R e a l i t y : The D i s c r e p a n c i e s The economic ideas and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s i n the Treatise on Food and Money, the Treatise on Products and the Treatise in Crafts and Arts are s c a t t e r e d and ambiguous, so t h a t one h e s i t a t e s to g e n e r a l i z e . But when we b r i n g them together, there begins to emerge something very c l o s e to a p i c t u r e of what we would c a l l "economic development." The M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n , i n Huang's eyes, was a r a d i c a l break from the p a s t . The M e i j i government appeared as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y government and M e i j i s o c i e t y e v i n c e d a b u r s t of energy. Huang Tsun-hsien analyzed the economic mode r n i z a t i o n o f Japan as a phenomenon composed of a few p o s i t i v e elements. E s s e n t i a l l y , i n Japan, government and the " u n i t e d f o r c e " of the s o c i e t y had cooperated to achieve the g o a l s o f n a t i o n a l i s m . Hence, f o r China, Huang d e s i r e d a n a t i o n a l economy r e s t i n g on a commercial-i n d u s t r i a l b a s i s capable of c r e a t i n g wealth, and a n a t i o n a l u n i t y which arose from e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d i n g v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . 101 The economic problems of M e i j i Japan, as Huang saw them, were (1) o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , (2) budgetary d e f i c i t s , (3) heavy domestic loa n s , (4) i n f l a t i o n caused by the excess i s s u e of paper currency, and (5) imbalance of t r a d e which r e s u l t e d i n the outflow of s p e c i e . I n f l a t i o n and imbalance of f o r e i g n t r ade were the most s e r i o u s . Huang thought t h a t the government was s o l v i n g a l l these problems by sound f i s c a l p o l i c i e s and e f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l adminis-t r a t i o n . The s o l u t i o n s i n c l u d e d : an a c c u r a t e p o p u l a t i o n census w i t h employment f i g u r e s as the b a s i s of a heavy t a x a t i o n system, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a p u b l i c i z e d n a t i o n a l budget, and the r e g u l a t i o n of the monetary system. The economic problems which Huang i s o l a t e d were the r e s u l t of the l a c k of funds; thus the s o l u t i o n s l a y i n the expansion of government f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s . The government expanded i t s sources of revenue by the encouragement of i n d u s t r i e s , the opening of mines, the c u l t i v a t i o n of waste la n d s , the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l technology, and the encouragement of export t r a d e . Except i n the hand l i n g of the i n f l a t i o n problem, the M e i j i government was very s u c c e s s f u l i n s o l v i n g a l l her f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , and the Japanese economy was on the whole very promising a t t h a t time, a c c o r d i n g to Huang. Among the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Japanese economic development, Huang was quick i n i d e n t i f y i n g the n a t i o n a l 102 goals and p r i o r i t i e s . He was q u i t e c o r r e c t i n e x p l a i n i n g the m o t i v a t i o n o f the M e i j i government, i n terms of n a t i o n a l i s m i n s p i r e d by i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n . He was aware of the urgency of Japanese economic development. He must have shared the Japanese i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s sense of c r i s i s and .awareness of Japan's and China's l a t e s t a r t i n economic development. The M e i j i slogans o f fukoku kyohei (fu-kuo chiang-ping) and shokusan kogyo {chih-oh 'an hsing-yeh) were deeply i m p r i n t e d i n Huang's mind. He s t r o n g l y approved of the p r i o r i t i e s t h a t t h e ' M e i j i government gave to s t r a t e g i c i n d u s t r y and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . But he f a i l e d to see the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l a r g e and small i n d u s t r i e s . As a pragmatic reformer h i m s e l f , Huang was quick to n o t i c e the pragmatic i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m of the M e i j i l e a d e r s h i p and the p o s i t i v e response of the people. But he over-emphasized the homogeneity of the M e i j i l e a d e r s h i p and t h e i r c o h e sion i n a c t i o n . A c t u a l l y Japan's wealth and power d i d not r e s t on a n a t i o n a l u n i t y a r i s i n g from e f f e c -t i v e p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the M e i j i p e r i o d . The process of n a t i o n b u i l d i n g was not as smooth as t h a t o f Huang's image. The l e a d e r s agreed among themselves on the g e n e r a l o b j e c t i v e s o f n a t i o n a l wealth and power but o f t e n d i s a g r e e d on the means to reach them. What seemed to Huang to be an e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was on l y a temporary one patched together piece-meal by the 103 M e i j i reformers. They put o f f i n e s s e n t i a l tasks and coped with the urgent problems a t hand. In t h e i r c o n c e n t r a t i o n on n a t i o n a l power, they gave l i t t l e thought to s o c i a l problems or to the w e l f a r e of the people. Assuming the omniscience of the government and o b s e r v i n g i t s e x t e n s i v e economic f u n c t i o n s , Huang over-emphasized the importance of the M e i j i government's r o l e . In p r a i s i n g the M e i j i government's l e a d e r s h i p i n economic development, Huang n e g l e c t e d the Tokugawa legacy and the i n h e r i t a n c e of the Tokugawa's p o l i c y of p r i m i t i v e indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n . His view of the e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s p i r i t of the Japanese merchants d i d not c o i n c i d e w i t h t h e i r i n a c t i v i t y i n investment i n the e a r l y y e a r s . He f a i l e d to n o t i c e the t r i p l e r o l e i n t r a d e , f i n a n c e , and i n d u s t r y of the f o r e r u n n e r s o f the Zaibatsu, such as the M i t s u b i s h i s h i p p i n g company. The c o n t r i b u t i o n of s m a l l p r i v a t e c a p i t a l investment i n r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s was a l s o n e g l e c t e d . The s a l e of government e n t e r p r i s e i n 1881 was m i s i n t e r p r e t e d by Huang as a b e n e f i c e n t a c t of the government r a t h e r than as an unloading o f a f i n a n c i a l burden. Hence we can see t h a t Huang d i d not f u l l y understand the f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n of the M e i j i government. N e i t h e r d i d Huang f u l l y understand the meaning of the l a n d tax reform i n 1873 and the tax r a t e r e v i s i o n i n 1877. He saw them o n l y as a means of expanding the 104 government's revenue and f a i l e d to n o t i c e the r e v o l u t i o n a r y change i n the tax s t r u c t u r e . His image of v o l u n t a r y t a x -payers w i l l i n g to s a c r i f i c e f o r the n a t i o n d i d not match the r e a l i t y o f r u r a l impoverishment and tax e v a s i o n . Peasant r e v o l t s i n Japan reached a crescendo of v i o l e n c e i n 1873, and d e c l i n e d by 1877-1878, 1 2 4 p r e c i s e l y a t the time when Huang a r r i v e d i n Japan. Huang r e c e i v e d a d i s -t o r t e d impression of the M e i j i a g r a r i a n s e t t l e m e n t , p a r t l y because he missed the climax o f peasant u p r i s i n g s and p a r t l y because of h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the sources o f revenue r a t h e r than the r e a l burden on the tax-payers, namely, the peasants. Huang's omission of the peasant u p r i s i n g s may be a conscious one, stemming from h i s t r a d i t i o n a l o u tlook and h i s Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s contempt f o r the "peasant b a n d i t . " Probably f o r the same reason, Huang f a i l e d to n o t i c e and c r i t i c i z e the f a c t t h a t the l a n d l o r d s were the a c t u a l b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f the lan d tax reform. He e i t h e r took f o r granted t h a t the l a n d l o r d s should be the b e n e f i c i a r i e s or he made no d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between l a n d l o r d and peasant. To Huang, both c l a s s e s were s o c i a l groups be l o n g i n g to r u r a l s o c i e t y . As to the accumulation of c a p i t a l , Huang d i d not f u l l y r e c o g n i z e the important r o l e p l a y e d by a g r i c u l t u r e i n m a i n t a i n i n g the growth of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r . Huang r e a l i z e d t h a t l a n d tax was the b a s i c source of revenue i n an a g r a r i a n economy and he c o n s i d e r e d the lan d tax system 105 as a success of the government's f i s c a l p o l i c y . But he showed no awareness o f the g e n e r a l l y accepted n e c e s s i t y f o r f o r c e d savings i n a g r i c u l t u r e as a b a s i s f o r the i n i t i a l growth of i n d u s t r y . Huang p r a i s e d the M e i j i government f o r p r o v i d i n g s t a t e p r o t e c t i o n and s u b s i d i e s , but he d i d not r e a l i z e t h a t the Tokugawa s e c l u s i o n p o l i c y had c u t Japan o f f from the p r o f i t s of oversea trade f o r two hundred y e a r s , and t h e r e f o r e Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was handicapped by u n d e r c a p i t a l i z a t i o n . The government had no c h o i c e but to take the l e a d i n c a p i t a l f ormation. A l s o , Huang was unaware of the f a c t t h a t c a p i t a l formation i n the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d was s t i m u l a t e d by i n f l a t i o n . Huang observed and approved of the f a c t t h a t f o r e i g n c a p i t a l played a minor r o l e i n Japanese economic development. He was c o r r e c t i n h i s o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t the Japanese i m i t a t e d Western i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and used Western technology and t e c h n i c i a n s without being con-t r o l l e d by the f o r e i g n e r s . His image of an economically n a t i o n a l i s t i c Japan corresponded c l o s e l y w i t h the r e a l i t y . • Among-the s o c i a l consequences of economic development, Huang o n l y p a i d a t t e n t i o n to the problem of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n . Though wi t h a d i f f e r e n t focus (he looked a t i t as an economic problem r a t h e r than a s o c i a l one), n e v e r t h e l e s s he was aware of the p o t e n t i a l o f Japan's human 106 c a p i t a l . He p r a i s e d the M e i j i government's e f f o r t i n t r y i n g to s o l v e the unemployment problem by c u l t i v a t i n g new lan d and promoting i n d u s t r y and commerce. In summary, Huang's image of M e i j i Japan c o r r e s -ponded on l y p a r t i a l l y t o r e a l i t y . Overwhelmed by the Japanese e f f o r t i n economic development, he was h a l f - b l i n d to the p a i n s and t r i b u l a t i o n s t h a t Japan had to go through i n the i n i t i a l stage of economic growth. He o f t e n c o r r e c t l y r e p o r t e d f a c t s and phenomona but he f a i l e d to o f f e r proper i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and e x p l a n a t i o n s . The major reason f o r Huang's m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of many phenomena of M e i j i economic development i s h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the n a t i o n a l goal of wealth and power. In a n a l y z i n g Japan, he i s c o n s t a n t l y l o o k i n g f o r a workable formula f o r c r e a t i n g a r i c h and powerful s t a t e i n China. He was most i n t e r e s t e d i n Japan's a d a p t a t i o n of Westerniz-a t i o n and i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o China w i t h emphasis on e n r i c h i n g the S t a t e and s t r e n g t h e n i n g the army as a primary g o a l of the government. I t i s p r e c i s e l y because o f t h i s t h a t he tended to e x p l a i n a l l the f i s c a l and i n d u s t r i a l p o l i c i e s and every step taken by the M e i j i government and the people i n terms of a c h i e v i n g the n a t i o n a l g o a l of wealth and power. Thus he overemphasizes the b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t of the government's i n i t i a t i v e and of i t s s o l u t i o n s to the economic problems of the day. 107 For the same reason, Huang was too o p t i m i s t i c about the c o o p e r a t i o n between the government and the people. He exaggerated the Japanese people's consciousness of the n a t i o n a l g o a l and t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s to s a c r i f i c e f o r t h i s purpose. He admired the s o - c a l l e d Zien-ho-ti (United Force, Cohesive Response) so much t h a t he overlooked the 125 s o c i a l d i s t u r b a n c e s caused by the government's p o l i c y . His..lack of a t t e n t i o n to the s o c i a l consequences of the land tax r e v i s i o n i s a s t r i k i n g example of h i s naive b e l i e f i n the "u n i t e d f o r c e " of the Japanese people. Huang's m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Japanese economic development, i n most cases, was a p r o j e c t i o n i n t o the Japanese scene o f h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f China's economic d i f f i c u l t i e s . For example, h i s overemphasis on the M e i j i government's omniscience i s probably a p r o j e c t i o n of h i s concern about the government's s i n s of omission i n China. His. misunderstanding might a l s o stem from h i s comparison between China and Japan. For example, compared to the r e l a t i v e l a c k of e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s p i r i t i n China, Japanese businessmen might seem very e n e r g e t i c . Huang always kept China i n mind w h i l e he was o b s e r v i n g Japan. He saw China as i t was, and thought t h a t what the Japanese were doing would have the d e s i r e d r e s u l t s i n China. Hence he p e r c e i v e d Japan i n the l i g h t of China, and attempted most of the time to t r a n s p l a n t Japanese experience i n t o the Chinese s i t u a t i o n . 108 Another d i f f i c u l t y t h a t c o n f r o n t e d Huang was the c o n f u s i o n and the u n c e r t a i n t y o f the e a r l y stage o f Japanese economic development. In the l a t e s e v e n t i e s and e a r l y e i g h t i e s , Japanese economic development was s t i l l d e v e l o p i n g through t r i a l and e r r o r . The M e i j i l e a d e r s d i d not have an o v e r a l l p l a n ; they t r i e d t h e i r best to cope with problems as they came up, o f f e r i n g piece-meal s o l u t i o n s 126 to the economic problems of the day. The Japanese government was a c t i v e i n b r i n g i n g about the r e q u i s i t e c o n d i t i o n s f o r modern economic growth, even though the s i t u a t i o n was not under f u l l c o n t r o l . The s i t u a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y the i n f l a t i o n problem, d u r i n g Huang's sojourn i n Japan was very c o n f u s i n g to him. In the e a r l y 1880' s -the consequences of economic mod e r n i z a t i o n i n Japan were not y e t v i s i b l e . Though there was tremendous enthusiasm f o r s t r e n g t h e n i n g and e n r i c h i n g the country, the Japanese themselves c o u l d not f o r e s e e the r e s u l t s , and i t would have been even more d i f f i c u l t f o r a f o r e i g n observer to make a sound judgement. Among the Japanese themselves, there were many who doubted and c r i t i c i z e d government p r o j e c t s f o r m o dernization. Some c r i t i c i s m s were v o i c e d by c o n s e r v a t i v e o f f i c i a l s , who were w o r r i e d t h a t the l e a d e r s were o v e r e n t h u s i a s t i c and u n r e a l i s t i c about investments i n modern e n t e r p r i s e s . Only i n r e t r o s p e c t can observers e v a l u a t e the developments i n the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d as 109 the s i g n i f i c a n t s t a r t i n g p o i n t i n modernizing the Japanese economy and s o c i e t y as a whole. Contemporaries Japanese had t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the changes i n t h e i r l i v e s . Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the p e r i o d r e f l e c t e d t h e i r views. F i n a l l y , we must take i n t o account t h a t Huang was not a t r a i n e d economist. His l a c k of knowledge of econ-omic theory and p r a c t i c e l i m i t e d h i s understanding of the Japanese economy to a r a t h e r s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l . He p e r c e i v e d Japan's experience i n non-economic terms and most of h i s judgement was based on common sense r a t h e r than on a thorough t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s . But as a n o n - s p e c i a l i s t , Huang's o b s e r v a t i o n s were q u i t e a c c u r a t e . He was a b l e t o grasp some of the important v a r i a b l e s i n economic development, though he f a i l e d to see t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . He managed to p i c k out the important economic problems. A l -though he was unable to i n t e r p r e t them c o r r e c t l y . Huang Tsun-hsien's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Japanese economic development was the f i r s t attempt i n h i s time to p o r t r a y t h i s a spect o f Japan's e v o l u t i o n . For t h i s reason, the Treatises on Japan, however incomplete as a v e r s i o n of what he intended them to be or however d i f f e r e n t from what the r e a l i t y was, have a h i s t o r i c a l v a l u e t h a t m e r i t e d p u b l i c a t i o n , even i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l form. H i s i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n of Japan's experience p o i n t e d to a new d i r e c t i o n i n the development of Chinese knowledge about Japan. A 110 p o s i t i v e and open a t t i t u d e began to r e p l a c e the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e of contempt. At t h i s p o i n t , Huang became, or was q u a l i f i e d t o become, an i n t e r p r e t e r of Japan i n China. Except f o r the currency p o l i c y , Huang seems to have no doubt about Japanese economic development as a model f o r China. I t i s a w e l l known f a c t t h a t the Chinese Hundred Day Reform i n 189 8 was based on the Japanese model of m o d e r n i z a t i o n . Since the Treatises on Japan were the most d e t a i l e d account of the Japanese economic experience, i t was i n e v i t a b l e t h a t the reform program i n 1898 should be based on Huang's i n f o r m a t i o n . Most of the reformers had not been to Japan and some of them had not even gone out of China. I t would have been q u i t e n a t u r a l f o r them to r e l y h e a v i l y on Huang's s t u d i e s . Hence, they probably took Huang's image of Japan as the r e a l i t y . A c c o r d i n g t o Chinese communist h i s t o r i a n s , the Reform Movement was bound to f a i l , because i t was o n l y the concern of a comparatively s m a l l group w i t h i n the compromising gentry and c o u l d not r e l y on a l a r g e , power-f u l popular movement. T h i s c r i t i c i s m i s c e r t a i n l y not without m e r i t , but even w i t h support from the masses and the Empress Dowager, i t i s s t i l l an open q u e s t i o n whether the reform movement would have succeeded, f o r the e n t i r e program was based on a p a r t i a l l y d i s t o r t e d and incomplete i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Japan's experience i n mode r n i z a t i o n . Furthermore, even i f t h a t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n were c o r r e c t , the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the Japanese model to China i s y e t another q u e s t i o n , which has remained a c o n t r o v e r s i a l argument u n t i l now. 112 CHAPTER I I I HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND LATE CH'ING ECONOMIC REFORM A. T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Economic Concepts Huang Tsun-hsien's way of l o o k i n g a t the Japanese economy can on l y be understood by p l a c i n g h i s thought w i t h i n the context of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Chinese economic thought. To do t h i s we need to know something about the Chinese approach to economic s u b j e c t s which, i n some ways, was q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from Western approaches. The t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese concept of economics i s condensed i n the terms kuo-chi and min-sheng, t h a t i s , n a t i o n a l economy and the l i v e l i h o o d of the masses. The former i s f o r the s t a t e and the r u l e r , the l a t t e r f o r the people and the r u l e d , both of which were major concerns of the p o l i t i c a l l y - m i n d e d Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s . The time-honoured Chinese t r a d i t i o n of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the l i t e r a t i i n t o the government bureaucracy c a l l e d on the i n t e l l e c t u a l s to e x e r t t h e i r e n e r g i e s f o r the s e r v i c e of the s t a t e . These i n t e l l e c t u a l s assumed the p o s i t i o n of the r u l e r , the e l i t e , and guardian of the masses. They developed a h a b i t of speaking and t h i n k i n g i n terms of b e n e f i t f o r the s t a t e and government, and u s u a l l y spoke from the govern-ment p o i n t of view. The economic t h i n k e r s and reformers of 113 l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China were no e x c e p t i o n . For t h i s reason, Chinese "economics" i s not economics per se, nor economics i n the Western sense. I t i s mostly c o n c e n t r a t e d on s t a t e f i n a n c e and government f i s c a l p o l i c y , f i n a n c i a l management and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . "The l i v e l i h o o d of the masses" u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d to i (Clothing) , shih (Food), chu (Housing) and hsing ( T r a n s p o r t a t i o n ) of the people, with an emphasis on the f i r s t two, which come from a g r i c u l t u r e , as China b e f o r e the t w e n t i e t h century was b a s i c a l l y an a g r a r i a n country. Before I e x p l o r e the content of the Chinese concept of economics, l e t me f i r s t e x p l a i n some of the g e n e r a l economic p r i n c i p l e s of t r a d i t i o n a l China. Since the n i n e t e e n t h century economic t h i n k e r s were c o n s t a n t l y a p p e a l i n g to the C l a s s i c s , i t seems j u s t i f i e d to o u t l i n e the economic p r i n c i p l e s i n the C l a s s i c s , d i s -r e g a r d i n g t h e i r long-term development. These p r i n c i p l e s were, of course, s u b j e c t to change over the c e n t u r i e s . In most cases t h i s was o n l y "change w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n , " and these p r i n c i p l e s remained the g u i d e l i n e s f o r Chinese economic development. The prominent p r i n c i p l e i s the Confucian i d e a l of ohun ( E q u a l i t y i n the D i s t r i b u t i o n of Wealth), which 2 i s b a s i c a l l y an e t h i c a l , r a t h e r than an economic p r i n c i p l e . Another p r e v a i l i n g i d e a l i s an ( S t a b i l i t y ) , which i s i n l i n e w i t h the Chinese l o v e of a m o r a l i s t i c and o r d e r l y 3 s o c i e t y . C o n f u c i u s ' advocacy of ohih-tsu (Contentment) 114 as a means of a c h i e v i n g s t a b i l i t y and happiness r e s u l t e d i n a comparatively s t a t i c and l e s s c o m p e t i t i v e s o c i e t y than t h a t o f the West. On the ot h e r hand, t h i s concept l i m i t e d the development of Chinese economics and economic thought, f o r i t tended to d i s c o u r a g e p r o f i t - s e e k i n g , which i s one of the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s o f economic development. However, i t was adequate f o r a r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c s o c i e t y . S e l f - s u f f i c -i e n c y , a p r i n c i p l e which hindered economic expansion of both the s t a t e and the people, was a l s o s u i t a b l e f o r such a c l o s e d economy. The major p r i n c i p l e t h a t governed f i n a n c i a l manage-ment and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was ahien ( F r u g a l i t y ) . S e l f -r e s t r a i n t i n terms of m a t e r i a l d e s i r e and expenditure was co n s i d e r e d as the proper e t h i c a l code f o r a l l people. As f o r the government, m i n i m i z a t i o n of expenditure meant l i g h t e n i n g the people's tax burden. T h i s a l s o meant t h a t the government would be s t o r i n g up wealth among the people, who would have more f o r themselves. M i n i m i z a t i o n of expenditure and t a x a t i o n l e d to another important f i n a n c i a l p r i n c i p l e , t h a t i s , l i a n g - j u wei-ch'u (Match Expenditure to Income) t h a t the government should spend a c c o r d i n g t o i t s income, which should be as l i g h t as p o s s i b l e . The i n f l e x i b i l i t y of the tax s t r u c t u r e and the s t a t i c amount of income a v a i l a b l e as expenses rose o f t e n r e s u l t e d i n f i s c a l i n s t a b i l i t y . T h i s i s p a r a d o x i c a l i n l i g h t of the Confucian i d e a l o f s t a b i l i t y and i s a c h i e f element i n the d y n a s t i c c y c l e . 115 The above a n a l y s i s demonstrates t h a t there was a l a c k of adequate m o t i v a t i o n f o r economic development. More-over, e t h i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were g i v e n g r e a t e r weight than economic ones. These p a s s i v e p r i n c i p l e s were s u i t a b l e f o r a s t a t i c and c l o s e d a g r a r i a n economy but were bound to be changed when the economy became more developed and dynamic. The L e g a l i s t : t h e o r i e s of the maximization of p r o f i t and 4 . . p r o d u c t i v i t y , and the advocacy of p o s i t i v e government i n i t i a t i v e , were a stronger m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e f o r dynamic economic development. In the p e r i o d of p r o s p e r i t y when the c e n t r a l t r e a s u r i e s and g r a n a r i e s were o v e r f l o w i n g , the c o n v e n t i o n a l Confucian p r i n c i p l e s p r e v a i l e d ; whereas d u r i n g the downward t r e n d of the d y n a s t i c c y c l e , L e g a l i s t f i n a n c i n g p o l i c i e s were c a r r i e d out to h a l t the f i n a n c i a l d e c l i n e , although these p r a c t i c e s f r e q u e n t l y appeared i n Confucian d i s g u i s e . S u c c e s s f u l f i n a n c e had always been a d e f i n i t e concern of the p r a c t i c a l statesman. The b a l a n c i n g of income and expenditure was a g r e a t accomplishment of conven-t i o n a l s t a t e f i n a n c i e r s , e s p e c i a l l y i n p e r i o d s of f i n a n c i a l d e c l i n e when the urgent problem was f i r s t to wipe out the d e f i c i t and then to meet the i n c r e a s i n g demand f o r funds. Therefore, f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was the core of s t a t e f i n a n c e . The formula f o r s u c c e s s f u l f i n a n c i a l adminis-t r a t i o n was k'ai-yuan a h i e h - l i u 3 t h a t i s , to open up new r e s o u r c e s (So as to Increase the Revenue) and to c u t down 116 government expenditure.^ To c u t expenses u s u a l l y meant r e s t r a i n i n g the r o y a l l e i s u r e , suspending the c o n s t r u c t i o n of p a l a c e s and c o u r t expenses, c u t t i n g down the number of bureaucrats and r e s t r a i n i n g t h e i r l u x u r i o u s mode of l i f e , and c u r t a i l i n g c o s t l y m i l i t a r y expenses. To open up new sources of p r o f i t (li-yuan) u s u a l l y meant economic and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e reforms, the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the o l d sources of income ( p a r t i c u l a r l y l a n d which was the major source of income), i n i t i a t i o n of new o p e r a t i o n s such as mining to i n c r e a s e government revenue, and a r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the e f f i c i e n c y of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system. T h i s r e v i t a l i z -a t i o n e n t a i l e d r e p l a c i n g c o n v e n t i o n a l Confucian o f f i c e r s and f i n a n c i e r s w i t h unconventional C o n f u c i a n i s t s , C o n f u c i a n -L e g a l i s t s or more economically-minded L e g a l i s t s d i s g u i s e d as Confucians. These economic reforms o f t e n i n t e n s i f i e d f a c t i o n a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n f l i c t s which were b a s i c a l l y age-old C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t c o n t r o v e r s i e s . Economic reforms were a t t a c k e d by the c o n s e r v a t i v e s as p r o f i t - s e e k i n g o p e r a t i o n s , and the economic reformers were accused of being unscrupulous p r o f i t - s e e k e r s . T a x a t i o n was another important item of s t a t e f i n a n c e . The use of the term hu-pu f o r the Board of Revenue and P o p u l a t i o n demonstrated t h a t l a n d tax and p o p u l a t i o n census were the major concerns of the s t a t e f i n a n c i e r s . P o p u l a t i o n r e g i s t r a t i o n and r e c o r d s , on which the major sources of revenue (Land Tax and Household Taxes) were 117 based, and the e f f i c i e n c y of the tax c o l l e c t i n g system, were the most important guarantees of f i n a n c i a l s t a b i l i t y . When these two tas k s were p r o p e r l y c a r r i e d out, tax eva s i o n and c o r r u p t i o n would be e l i m i n a t e d o r , a t l e a s t , prevented. Growing f i n a n c i a l d i s o r d e r and an i n c r e a s i n g tax burdens on the peasants were f a t a l symptoms of d y n a s t i c d e c l i n e . Ho-kung (River C o n s e r v a t i o n ) , was another s i g n i f i c a n t element o f n a t i o n a l economy. Waterworks, i n c l u d i n g dredging, embankments, s l u i c e s , l e v e e s , c a n a l s , r e s e r v o i r s , w i n d m i l l s , d i k e s , r i v e r e n g i n e e r i n g and i r r i g a t i o n have always been the c o r n e r - s t o n e of an a g a r i a n economy, f o r they are e s s e n t i a l to a g r i c u l t u r a l development and the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of crops by water. The a b i l i t y t o c o n t r o l the r i v e r s , e s p e c i a l l y the hard-to-tame Yellow R i v e r , was a touchstone of the p o l i t i c a l and economic s t a b i l i t y of any Chinese regime. Fl o o d and famine were the c h i e f n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s i n t r a d i t i o n a l China and a major cause o f peasant u p r i s i n g s . When the peasants, always l i v i n g a t the s u b s i s t e n c e l e v e l , r o se to s t r u g g l e f o r t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , the d e l i c a t e p o l i t i c a l and economic balance o f the regime was d i s t u r b e d . In short, ho-oh'u (Rivers and canals) and shih-huo (Food and Money) were the two g r e a t e s t concerns i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese n a t i o n a l economy and are a l s o the two major areas of Chinese economic thought. Another important f u n c t i o n o f s u c c e s s f u l f i n a n c e was the p r o v i s i o n o f m i l i t a r y power and n a t i o n a l defence. 118 Since m i l i t a r y funds, l i k e any other k i n d of expenditure, were b a s i c a l l y d e r i v e d from a g r i c u l t u r e , a g r a r i a n wealth and m i l i t a r y power were c l o s e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese economics. M i l i t a r y p r a c t i c e s such as t'un-t'ien ( M i l i t i a Farming) and yu-ping yu-nung (Quartering Troops Among the P e a s a n t s ) , i n which farmers became pa r t - t i m e s o l d i e r s and s o l d i e r s became p a r t - t i m e farmers, were attempts to t i e farming, m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and defence together. The t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese concept of economics was l i m i t e d to a d i s c u s s i o n of how to apply new techniques to a g r i c u l t u r e and commerce, how to manage f i n a n c e s b e t t e r to promote c e r t a i n f i e l d s o f development, p a r t i c u l a r l y waterworks and a g r i c u l t u r e , and how to secure and manage sources of revenue. A l l of these were based on e t h i c a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . D i s t r i b u t i o n was o v e r s t r e s s e d and p r o d u c t i v i t y underemphasized, hence economic t h e o r i e s were not f u l l y developed, and the g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e was p a s s i v e and n e g a t i v e . T r a d i t i o n a l economics seems to have i m p l i e d a non-expanding economy i n which the important problems were c o n t r o l , government s e r v i c e s , and d i s t r i b u t i o n of a more-or-less constant amount of goods. Underdeveloped though i t was, Chinese economic thought n e v e r t h e l e s s d e a l t w i t h c e r t a i n important economic-e l e m e n t s — p o p u l a t i o n , l a n d , and c a p i t a l . T h e o r i e s about c a p i t a l and trade were inadequate. Except among a few 119 merchants, t h e r e was no dynamic concept of c a p i t a l . Domestic commerce was encouraged o n l y as a means f o r the development of a g r i c u l t u r e , and f o r e i g n trade was e s s e n t i a l l y used f o r d i p l o m a t i c o r m i l i t a r y purposes. Even w i t h i n the Chinese c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e , Chinese economic t h i n k e r s showed a marked tendency to s y n t h e s i z e d i f f e r e n t s c h ools of c l a s s i c a l thought. The p r i n c i p l e s and contents o u t l i n e d above were not p a r t i c u l a r l y r e s t r i c t e d t o one s c h o o l of thought. Rather, they were a s y n c r e t i c mixture o f the pas t and the prese n t w i t h i n the Chinese t r a d i t i o n , though Confucianism was the p e r v a s i v e i n f l u e n c e . L e t us now t u r n t o the n i n e t e e n t h century and see how the concepts of wealth, and power and economics changed. In the n i n e t e e n t h century, the concept of fu-ch'iang (Wealth and Power) became more dynamic and i n c l u s i v e . The term fu (Wealth) i n c l u d e d any k i n d of i n d u s t r y t h a t c o u l d i n c r e a s e the government revenue and stren g t h e n s t a t e c o n t r o l and management of money and other r e s o u r c e s . Besides time-honoured a g r i c u l t u r e , other aspects of the economy such as f o r e i g n t r a d e , domestic commerce, i n d u s t r i e s and mining were r e - e v a l u a t e d and emphasized. A t t e n t i o n was gi v e n to p r o d u c t i o n as w e l l as to the t r a d i t i o n a l e t h i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n of d i s t r i b u t i o n . There are, of course, no modern concepts such as GNP (Gross N a t i o n a l P r o d u c t ) , nor i s t here any c l e a r l y d e f i n e d concept o f n a t i o n a l wealth. 120 The s t a t e t r e a s u r y remained the major concern of the s t a t e f i n a n c i e r s , e s p e c i a l l y a t the Manchu c o u r t . However, there are i n d i c a t i o n s of an awareness of s e v e r a l of the important elements of economics. The meaning of the term ch'iang (Power) was a l s o broadened to i n c l u d e p o l i t i c a l , d i p l o m a t i c , m i l i t a r y and economic power. The t r a d i t i o n a l concept of power p r i m a r i l y r e f e r r e d to m i l i t a r y power which u s u a l l y meant a strong army and m i l i t a r y s t a t e , w i t h the a b i l i t y t o f i g h t , p r o t e c t the country and ward o f f danger. The n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y concept of m i l i t a r y power was c l o s e l y t i e d to diplomacy. The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e of m i l i t a r y power was s t i l l d e f e n s i v e r a t h e r than a g g r e s s i v e , e s p e c i a l l y among the Manchus who simply aimed a t s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n and the s u p p r e s s i o n of domestic r e b e l l i o n s . The l a c k o f a show-case m o t i v a t i o n , l i k e Japan's, and the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese emphasis on moral s u p e r i o r i t y r a t h e r than m i l i t a r y and m a t e r i a l success, were major hindrances to m i l i t a r y m odernization. Power i n the n i n e t e e n t h century a l s o i n c l u d e d d i p l o m a t i c power, t h a t i s , the a b i l i t y to compete w i t h the West on equal terms as the p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r s u r v i v a l and' f o r the a s s e r t i o n of China's i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a t u s i n the f a m i l y of n a t i o n s . The change of the concept of d i p l o m a t i c power began w i t h the m odernization o f the d i p l o m a t i c system which was imposed on them by the f o r e i g n e r s , and w i t h modernization of t r i b u t a r y system to the t r e a t y system 121 and f i n a l l y to modern d i p l o m a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n . The t r a n s -formation of the concept of d i p l o m a t i c power was based on the p r i n c i p l e of n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y and was h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d by the West. In t h i s process of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , we can see t h a t modern n a t i o n a l i s m r e p l a c e d the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l i s m . Economic power meant the a b i l i t y to defend China's economic r i g h t s , and the a b i l i t y t o compete w i t h the West on equal terms. Economic power and m i l i t a r y power would enable the country to be f r e e from f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n and economic p e n e t r a t i o n . Economic power would a l s o p r o v i d e a s o l i d base f o r m i l i t a r y development. P o l i t i c a l power s t i l l r e t a i n e d i t s c o n v e n t i o n a l meaning of a s t r o n g , u n i f i e d and c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e . At the t u r n o f the century, i t emerged wi t h a new Western conno-t a t i o n , t h a t i s , w i t h the idea o f the p a r l i a m e n t a r y movement and the p r a c t i c e o f democracy. Though i t d i d not appeal to the c o n s e r v a t i v e s , the p a r l i a m e n t a r y movement was very 7 popular d u r i n g the l a t e r stage of the reform movement. Parliament was c o n s i d e r e d as the means to achieve n a t i o n a l s t r e n g t h i n a d d i t i o n t o m i l i t a r y , d i p l o m a t i c and economic power. The s t a t e was taken as a u n i t , as opposed t o f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , and the concept of the modern n a t i o n - s t a t e s l o w l y emerged. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the people i n the government was a new element i n p o l i t i c s which, combined with the t r a d i t i o n a l e f f o r t s to reduce the communication 122 gap between the r u l e r s and the r u l e d , appeared i n the form of a new p o l i t i c a l i d e a l . The t r a d i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e of r e o r g a n i z i n g and s t r e n g t h e n i n g the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system was re-emphasized w i t h the new c o n n o t a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l e f f i c i e n c y . There were c l o s e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between wealth and v a r i o u s kinds of power. M i l i t a r y power was based on economic power, and economic power was based on p o l i t i c a l u n i t y and s t a b i l i t y and a modern form of government. The government should p l a y a l e a d i n g r o l e i n the n o u r i s h i n g of wealth and power. The government should-.:protect the people, feed them and make them prosperous and then tax them f o r national,.economic and m i l i t a r y development. The concept of economic development i n the sense of the growth of the n a t i o n a l product and modernization was, of course, not very well-developed. However, as the knowledge of m o d e r n i z a t i o n advanced, i t was a n a t u r a l step f o r the Chinese economic t h i n k e r s to proceed from the advocacy of the manufacture of f o r e i g n arms to the study of the s c i e n t i f i c and engineer-i n g p r i n c i p l e s u n d e r l y i n g t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n , and f u r t h e r t o the study of the k i n d of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l environment t h a t nourished these kinds of development. The t h e o r i e s of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y economic t h i n k e r s were s t i l l marked wi t h the i m p r i n t of the p a s t , as i t w i l l be shown l a t e r i n the d i s c u s s i o n . I t was very d i f f i c u l t f o r people who valued t r a d i t i o n and the C l a s s i c s so much 123 and who had, moreover, been brought up i n a t r a d i t i o n a l C o nfucian way, to get r i d of t h e i r c u l t u r a l baggage. In t h e i r f i g h t w i t h the c o n s e r v a t i v e s , the economic reformers, no matter how i n n o v a t i v e they were, c o n s c i o u s l y or uncon-s c i o u s l y , o f t e n chose t h e i r weapons from the o l d Confucian storehouse. However, d e s p i t e a l l the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l d i s g u i s e s , n i n e t e e n t h century, Chinese economic thought g r a d u a l l y underwent a metamorphosis. The causes of t h i s metamorphosis are many-fold. The need, d i r e c t i o n , sequence, pace and p r i o r i t i e s o f change had o f t e n been d i s c u s s e d . Most i n t e l l e c t u a l s responded r e a l i s t i c a l l y and s e l e c t i v e l y to the urgent problems i n China concerning the impact of the West, and l a t e r , of Japan. The p r i o r i t i e s chosen were wealth and power. The most obvious m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e was "TWe- c k ^ ^ e ' u v C W i ^ s i V w ^ e c{- (herself a^A--^ l o o v t c l n a t i o n a l i s m . China's change of her self-imago and world «knag<3- e v e n t u a l l y l e d to the b r e a k i n g down of the t r a d i t i o n a l concept of t'ien-hsia ( U n i v e r s a l Empire) and her c u l t u r a l g and m o r a l i s t i c r o l e i n the world o r d e r . The n o t i o n of a n a t i o n s t a t e g r a d u a l l y emerged. The L e g a l i s t concept of might and r i g h t i n i n t e r -s t a t e r e l a t i o n s was r e - e v a l u a t e d and a c q u i r e d a new meaning i n the l i g h t of i m p e r i a l i s t i c a g g r e s s i o n . The v a l u e system changed as China's n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s h i f t e d from s e t t i n g a c u l t u r a l and moral example f o r the r e s t of the world to 124 being a b l e to s u r v i v e both p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n . The g r a d u a l change-over from S i n o c e n t r i c i a m and c u l t u r a l i s m t o n a t i o n a l i s m a l s o brought about changes t h a t were a l r e a d y on the i n t e l l e c t u a l scene. The i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s o u t l o o k , a t t i t u d e , mood and approach to m o d e r n i z a t i o n slowly evolved. R e s i s t e n c e to change sl o w l y d i m i n i s h e d . Although the reformers and the open-minded i n t e l l e c t u a l s d i d not win the tug-of-war between themselves and the c o n s e r v a t i v e s , the l a t t e r , faced w i t h f a i l u r e , had come to agree w i t h t h e i r opponents t h a t change i n m i l i t a r y and economic matters was i n e v i t a b l e . The economic concepts we have d i s c u s s e d are those which Huang Tsun-hsien would have been f a m i l i a r w i t h . They form the i n t e l l e c t u a l framework w i t h i n which he thought about economic q u e s t i o n s . We now need to c o n s i d e r more s p e c i f i c a l l y the groups or " s c h o o l s " of economic t h i n k e r s of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China to see i f we can p l a c e Huang i n t o one of these. 125 B. Late Ch'ing Economic Trends The i n t e l l e c t u a l t r e n d o f l a t e Ch'ing, o f which d i v e r s i t y r a t h e r than orthodoxy was the keynote, may be d e s c r i b e d i n terms of the e v o l u t i o n of the id e a of moderniz-a t i o n . Economic as w e l l as m i l i t a r y m o d e r n i z a t i o n was a major source o f the i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s p u t e over government p o l i c y between the modernizers and the c o n s e r v a t i v e s . A b r i e f account of the economic trends w i l l p r ovide us w i t h b e t t e r p e r s p e c t i v e on Huang Tsun-hsien's s i g n i f i -cance. F i r s t of a l l , my main i n t e r e s t i s l e s s i n Huang Tsun-hsien the man than i n what Huang Tsun-hsien t e l l s us about h i s time, h i s circumstances, how he was. i n f l u e n c e d by h i s pre d e c e s s o r s , how he i n t e r a c t e d w i t h h i s contempor-a r i e s and how he i n f l u e n c e d the younger g e n e r a t i o n . Huang Tsun-hsien, i n c e r t a i n r e s p e c t s was a unique f i g u r e . But, i n many other respects—commitment, experience and i d e a s - -there were other people i n l a t e Ch'ing China l i k e him. By s t u d y i n g these people as groups, we might o b t a i n a more v i v i d p i c t u r e of Huang's time and environment, and might a l s o be i n a p o s i t i o n to o f f e r more i n s i g h t s i n t o the man's l i f e and thought. The problem o f c l a s s i f y i n g l a t e Ch'ing economic t h i n k e r s i n t o d i f f e r e n t s c h o o l s or groups l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t t h e i r economic t h i n k i n g i s r e l a t i v e l y u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , 126 showing on l y s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t emphases or v a r y i n g m i n i m a l l y a c c o r d i n g to the t h i n k e r ' s p e r s o n a l experience. I t i s very d i f f i c u l t , i f not i m p o s s i b l e , to d i s t i n g u i s h major d i f f e r -ences i n t h i s r e l a t i v e l y m o n o l i t h i c body of thought. A l l we can do here i s to o u t l i n e the d i f f e r e n t aspects of China's economy which occupied t h e i r a t t e n t i o n . In t h i s r e g a r d , the economic t h i n k e r s who concern us f a l l mostly i n t o three l a r g e c a t e g o r i e s , namely, the ching-shih p'ai (School of P r a c t i c a l Statesmanship), yang-wu p 'ai ( S e l f -s t r e n g t h e n e r s ) , and shang-wu p'ai ( M e r c a n t i l i s t s and I n d u s t r i a l i s t s ) . Ching-shih, yang-wu, shang-wu, and wei-hsin r e p r e -sent d i f f e r e n t stages i n the e v o l u t i o n of the " i d e o l o g y " of m odernization. The i n i t i a l stage i s the r e v i v a l of the s c h o o l of p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t which r e - c r e a t e d the mood and concern f o r s t a t e c r a f t . The r e a l r e c o g n i t i o n of the need f o r modernization comes from the yang-wu group, which corresponded to the s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement. The p r i o r i t y of modernization, i n t h i s stage, i s g i v e n to the b u i l d i n g up of m i l i t a r y power. The shang-wu p'ai c a l l e d f o r government-sponsored economic modernization, and f i n a l l y the wei-hsin ( P o l i t i c a l Reformers) group advocated p o l i t i c a l m o dernization as a l a s t r e s o r t a g a i n s t r e v o l u t i o n . 127 9 1. Ching-shih P'ai (School of P r a c t i c a l Statesmanship) The slogan ching-shih chih-yung or ohing-shih chi-min expresses a t r a d i t i o n a l C o nfucian i d e a l . The l i t e r a l meaning of ching-shih chih-yung i s "to manage the world and to put knowledge i n t o p r a c t i c e . " Immanuel C.Y. Hsu d e s c r i b e s i t as "something l i k e the a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge to p u b l i c a f f a i r s . " " ' " ^ To s i m p l i f y matters, we w i l l f o l l o w the most common t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s term as " p r a c t i c a l statesmanship.""'"^ Ching-shih chi-min i s "to develop the 12 land and succour the d i s t r e s s e d masses." I t i s p r e c i s e l y from t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l phrase ching-shih chi-min t h a t the 13 modern term ching-chi o r i g i n a t e d . The l a t e Ming and e a r l y Ch'ing s c h o l a r s began to use the term ching-chi to d e s c r i b e s t a t e c r a f t which i n c l u d e d government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a g r i c u l t u r e , p u b l i c w e l f a r e , commerce, and even s c h o l a r -14 s h i p . The term i n i t s modern sense i s u s u a l l y e q u i v a l e n t to "economics," and t h i s , a c c o r d i n g to L i Yu-ning, i s a borrowing from Japanese usage i n the l a t e Ch'ing p e r i o d . "*""* The formative s c h o o l of P r a c t i c a l Statesmanship of e a r l y Ch'ing s t u d i e s the C l a s s i c s f o r p r a c t i c a l ends and consequently p r e f e r r e d to d i s c u s s the f o r t u n e s and 16 a f f a i r s of governments. The causes f o r t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l t r e n d of ching-shih chih-yung r e s u l t e d from two major h i s t o r i c a l phenomena. In the f i r s t p l a c e , i t r e p r e s e n t e d a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t the a b s t r a c t , m e t a p h y s i c a l , and m e d i t a t i v e 128 i n t e l l e c t u a l c l i m a t e of the Sung and Ming, and a s h i f t i n emphasis from the i n d i v i d u a l to the p u b l i c , from p h i l o s o -p h i c a l d i s c o u r s e to p r a c t i c a l a c t i o n . As Immanuel C.Y. Hsu put i t , t h i s i s the r e s u l t of "a s t r o n g r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t Neo-Confucianism, . . . to remedy the i n t e l l e c t u a l f a i l u r e 17 of the Chinese s c h o l a r c l a s s . " The second reason f o r the e f f l o r e s c e n c e of the ching-shih s c h o o l was the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the v a r i o u s g r e a t masters of the e a r l y Ch'ing to r e s t o r e the Ming dynasty. These g r e a t masters such as Ku Yen-wu, p l a c e d g r e a t emphasis on the " d o c t r i n e of u t i l i t y " which brought knowledge and 18 s o c i e t y i n t o a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . A glance of Ku Yen-wu's i n t e r e s t s w i l l c l a r i f y what he meant by ching-shih chih-wu (The Task of p r a c t i c a l Statesmanship). In order to b u i l d up a s o l i d base f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of the Ming dynasty, Ku p a i d g r e a t a t t e n t i o n to Chinese h i s t o r y and s t r a t e g i c geography, e s p e c i a l l y concerning the N o r t h - e a s t e r n r e g i o n (Shantung, C h i h l i , Honan, S h a n s i ) . Ku Yen-wu and Fu Shan t r a v e l l e d around the North-eastern r e g i o n s e t t i n g up m i l i t i a farms (t'un-t'ien) i n s t r a t e g i c l o c a t i o n s . They a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d n a t i v e banks and l o c a l c r e d i t unions i n Shansi p r o v i n c e , f o r the t r a n s a c t i o n of funds f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n . Thus n a t i v e 19 banks and c r e d i t unions were o r i g i n a t e d by Ku and Fu. Ku's c o n t r i b u t i o n i s summarized by L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao i n three p o i n t s : t e a c h i n g f o l l o w e r s -- (1) to c h e r i s h 129 c r e a t i v i t y , (2) to seek e x t e n s i v e evidence, (3) to emphas-20 i z e u t i l i t y . H i s . r e s e a r c h methodology was taken over by l a t e r s c h o l a r s who a p p l i e d i t to the a n a l y s i s of the C l a s s i c s , which developed i n t o the orthodox Ch'ing School of Research e m p i r i c a l (k'ao-cheng hsiieh) . L a t e r , l i t e r a r y i n q u i s i t i o n s were launched by the Manchu government, and s c h o l a r s became i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned w i t h s e l f - p r e s e r -v a t i o n and dared not expound any d o c t r i n e t h a t might arouse o f f i c i a l s u s p i c i o n s . S c h o l a r s found refuge i n the C l a s s i c s and so they r e d i r e c t e d t h e i r energy and t a l e n t s i n t o the "exegesis of a n c i e n t aphorisms and exhaustive s e a r c h i n g 21 i n t o the semantics o f t e c h n i c a l terms." A f t e r 1800, as symptoms of d y n a s t i c d e c l i n e appeared, i n t e l l e c t u a l s began t h i n k i n g i n terms of sa v i n g the dynasty. F i n d i n g no s o l u t i o n s i n c u r r e n t trends of thought, they r e v i v e d the ching-shih t r a d i t i o n . When symptoms such as c o r r u p t i o n , r e b e l l i o n , n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s , and f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n became more obvious, r e f l e c t i v e minds again began, as they had d u r i n g the d i s o r d e r o f the Ming-Ch'ing changeover i n the seventeenth century, to blame the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y of the s c h o l a r s and t h e i r a b s o r p t i o n i n dry-as-dust and u s e l e s s b o o k - l e a r n i n g . The w r i t i n g s of Ku Yen-wu, p r o v i d e d one stimulus f o r t h i s re-examination. The slogan ching-shih chih-yung was r e v i v e d and the i n t e l l e c t u a l s s e t themselves to the task o f s t u d y i n g how to m a i n t a i n the 130 economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the empire. These i n t e l l e c t u a l s took i n t e r e s t i n and became i n v o l v e d i n the improvement of p r a c t i c a l government and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century, but d i d riot form a c l e a r l y 22 d e f i n e d movement as such. Kung Tzu-chen (1792-1841) and Wei Yuan (1794-1857), whose c o n t r i b u t i o n to the r i s e of the New Text Movement i s g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d i n Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r i e s , were a l s o c o n s i d e r e d to be the l e a d e r s of t h i s r e v i v a l movement of ching-shih t r a d i t i o n . Kung r e v i v e d the i n t e l l e c -t u a l ' s c r i t i c i s m of government p o l i c i e s and denounced those s c h o l a r s who i n d u l g e d i n l i t e r a r y r e s e a r c h , a r t i s t i c 23 w r i t i n g , c a l l i g r a p h y and empty t a l k . Yet Kung h i m s e l f was more or l e s s a t h e o r i s t , w h i l e Wei Yuan put h i s ideas and b e l i e f s i n t o p r a c t i c e . Wei Yuan became a l e a d i n g advocate o f the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the s c h o l a r ' s t a l e n t s to urgent p r a c t i c a l contemporary problems, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i e l d of government adminis-t r a t i o n and f i n a n c e . He urged "the a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge of the C l a s s i c s to p u b l i c a f f a i r s " (t'ung-ching chih-yung). His s t a t e c r a f t work has been summarized i n t o t h r e e main c a t e g o r i e s : (1) Water works i n c l u d i n g f l o o d c o n t r o l , i r r i g a t i o n , r i v e r dredging, c a n a l r e b u i l d i n g and ocean t r a n s p o r t of g r a i n from c e n t r a l China to Peking, (2) the reform and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the c e n t u r i e s - o l d s a l t monopoly system i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of which Wei took p a r t with 131 24 exemplary r e s u l t s , (3) m i l i t a r y and border a f f a i r s . Wei Yuan's c a r e e r i l l u s t r a t e d the e f f o r t s of the school of p r a c t i c a l statesmanship, as d i d h i s w r i t i n g s . His Hai-kuo t'u-chih ( I l l u s t r a t e d Gazetteer of Maritime c o u n t r i e s ) and Huang-eh'ao ching-shin-wen p'ien (A c o l l e c t i o n o f Essays on S t a t e c r a f t i n the Reigning Dynasty) demonstrated the 25 t r e n d of growing concern w i t h n a t i o n a l defense. With the d e c l i n e of the dominant s c h o o l of e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h , and w i t h domestic u n r e s t and e x t e r n a l i n v a s i o n , t h i s r e v i v e d t r e n d of p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t and a c t i o n gained momentum from Wei Yuan through Tseng Kuo-fan to the end of the dynasty. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the School of p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t c o u l d t h e r e f o r e be summarized as f o l l o w s . Up-h o l d i n g the i d e a l of ching-shih chih-yung, they s t r e s s e d s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge as i n t r i n s i c v a l u e s . The ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s c o n c e n t r a t e d on the contemporary problems of s t a t e and s o c i e t y or pursued s c h o l a r l y i n q u i r y i n t o p r a c t i c a l problems w i t h i n the framework of Chinese s o c i e t y . T h i s new i n t e l l e c -t u a l o r i e n t a t i o n tended to generate a new pragmatic, r e a l i s t i c and u t i l i t a r i a n s p i r i t which gave i n c r e a s i n g a t t e n t i o n to " p r a c t i c a l " r e a l i t i e s . With t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n and s o c i a l commitment, these i n t e l l e c t u a l s p e n e t r a t e d i n t o the world of a c t i o n . Most of the problems they d e a l t with 132 were what might be c a l l e d the " p e r e n n i a l problems of the 2 6 Chinese S t a t e " — f i s c a l and f i n a n c i a l problems such as t a x a t i o n , the s a l t g a b e l l e , g r a i n t r i b u t e , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; a d m i n i s t r a t i v e problems such as the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the s i x boards; problems of n a t i o n a l defense and m i l i t a r y systems such as border a f f a i r s and maritime defense. T h i s was a d i r e c t response to the d e generation and d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the s t a t e — t h e m i l i t a r y weakness, the s t r a i n e d f i n a n c e s o f the government, and the apparent i n c a p a c i t y of the bureaucracy and i n t e l l e c t u a l s t o cope s u c c e s s f u l l y with the s i t u a t i o n . L a t e r , i n the T'ung-chih R e s t o r a t i o n of the 1860's, the a t t e n t i o n of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and s t a t e s -men was e n t i r e l y concerned w i t h "wealth" and "power." The ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' energy was d i r e c t e d toward the u t i l i t a r i a n purpose of fu-kuo ch 'iang-ping ( E n r i c h i n g the State and Strengthening the Army), an o b j e c t i v e t h a t the c o n v e n t i o n a l C o n f u c i a n i s t s g e n e r a l l y opposed as a L e g a l i s t one. T h e i r emphasis upon u t i l i t a r i a n i s m , r e l a t i v i s m , and s t a t e c r a f t a l r e a d y s e t them a p a r t from the c o n v e n t i o n a l Confucians. As Benjamin Schwartz p o i n t s out, " t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese thought o f f e r e d two b a s i c a l t e r n a t i v e s i n the realm of what might be c a l l e d p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c philosophy." One was the orthodox l i n e of Confucianism which emphasized the r o l e of r i t u a l and moral behavior i n the p u r s u i t of peace and harmony and conceived of the economic w e l f a r e 133 of the masses i n terms of the s a t i s f a c t i o n and of t h e i r b a s i c needs. The o t h e r , which c o n s i d e r e d the i n c r e a s e o f wealth and power t o be the m a n i f e s t g o a l o f the s t a t e , was o f t e n i d e n t i f i e d as L e g a l i s t i n p o i n t of o r i g i n , even though i t was supported i n m o d i f i e d form by many who 27 c o n s i d e r e d themselves staunch C o n f u c i a n i s t s . We would suggest t h a t the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s were C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t s . In f a c t , t h e i r i d e a s were not p e c u l i a r to the L e g a l i s t s . Many can be t r a c e d to Lao-tzu, Confucius, Hsiin-tzu and Mencius. The r e s u l t of t h i s C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t amalgam was t h a t autocracy was imbued wi t h moral va l u e s and p l a c e d on a secure p h i l o s o p h i c a l . . . 28 f o o t i n g . The ching-shih s c h o l a r s i n the l a t e Ch'ing used L e g a l i s t techniques w i t h a Confucian m o t i v a t i o n , i . e . with the Confucian conception o f the duty of the s t a t e t o promote the w e l l - b e i n g of the people and to enable them t o pursue the p e r f e c t i o n o f v i r t u e s . However, i n the d e t e r i o r a t i n g Ch'ing empire, they gave much g r e a t e r emphasis to wealth and power than d i d c o n v e n t i o n a l C o n f u c i a n i s t s . T h i s was a compromise,--a combination o f the Confucian i d e a l and L e g a l i s t p r a c t i c e . One obvious departure of the Conf u c i a n -L e g a l i s t s from the c o n v e n t i o n a l Confucians i s t h a t they no longer condemned p r o f i t - s e e k i n g . In a d d i t i o n to upholding the t r a d i t i o n of the search f o r "men of t a l e n t , " the ching-shih s c h o l a r s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d l e g a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l change 134 as pursued i n the Western p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n as a remedy f o r p o l i t i c a l a i l m e n t s . The ching-shih s c h o o l o f thought had no syste m a t i c theory. None of the ching-shih s c h o l a r s were g r e a t t h i n k e r s . T h e i r ideas were, fragmented and n o n - t h e o r e t i c a l . They were on l y seeking e m p i r i c a l s o l u t i o n s to d y n a s t i c problems. They "spent l i t t l e time t h e o r i z i n g about the a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e s of government, but t r i e d to d e a l w i t h c o n c r e t e 29 problems of the time." T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was to some exten t i n h e r i t e d by the i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the younger g e n e r a t i o n who belonged to e i t h e r the yang-wu group or the shang-wu group. Taking Huang Tsun-hsien as an example, we see t h a t he was a man who had no t h e o r e t i c a l framework and only presented s c a t t e r e d thoughts on the s u b j e c t concerned. I t should be s t r e s s e d t h a t the ching-shih s c h o o l was not an o r g a n i z e d f a c t i o n . Rather, t h i s study regards a s e r i e s o f f i g u r e s who were r e c o g n i z e d by t h e i r contem-p o r a r i e s or l a t e r s c h o l a r s as having c e r t a i n t r a i t s i n common. What appears to h i s t o r i a n s t o have been a "system" had o n l y an ad hoc e x i s t e n c e f o r those immediately concerned. In f a c t , the i n t e l l e c t u a l s whom h i s t o r i a n s c l a s s i f i e d as ching-shih s c h o l a r s d i d not have a common f e e l i n g o f group i d e n t i t y . They on l y c r e a t e d new c l i m a t e s of d i s c u s s i o n , and generated an a t t i t u d e , a way of approach to s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems, r a t h e r than a forming a s c h o o l o f thought. They demanded a c t i o n i n s t e a d of 135 o f f e r i n g t h e o r i e s . They a p p l i e d a C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t approach. T h e i r m e n t a l i t y was r e l a t i v e l y dynamic, respon-s i v e , and c o n s t a n t l y on the a l e r t . Under a l l the fragmented ideas ran a c o n s i s t e n t b a s i c t h e m e — p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge to the s o c i e t y . In t h i s way, they e s t a b l i s h e d the i n t e l l e c t u a l s p i r i t of t h e i r epoch. 2. Yang-wu P ' a i (The S e l f - S t r e n g t h e n e r s ) In the 1860"s and 1870s the term yang-wu was g e n e r a l l y a p p l i e d by s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s to mean a l l " f o r e i g n matters." The term r e f e r r e d not o n l y t o d i p l o m a t i c r e l a t i o n s between China and F o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , but i n c l u d e d t h i n g s l i k e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r a i l r o a d s and t e l e g r a p h l i n e s , e s t a b l i s h m e n t of n a v a l academies and language bureaus, opening of mines, sending of students abroad and t r a n s p o r a t i o n of goods by steamboats, e t c . In other words, i t r e f e r r e d to a l l matters i n t r o d u c e d by f o r e i g n e r s as w e l l as maneuvers i n ha n d l i n g f o r e i g n a f f a i r s . We can get a ge n e r a l idea o f the scope of yang-wu from the "Secret Correspondence" of 1867 and 1868 i n which the T s u n g l i Yamen asked a number o f high o f f i c i a l s f o r t h e i r o p i n i o n s on f o r e i g n a f f a i r s . The correspondence was d i v i d e d i n t o s i x s e c t i o n s . The f i r s t s e c t i o n d e a l t w i t h the a d v i s a b i l i t y o f g r a n t i n g f o r e i g n envoys an audience with the emperor. The second d i s c u s s e d the problem of 136 sending permanent envoys abroad. The t h i r d d e a l t w i t h the c o n s t r u c t i o n of r a i l w a y s and t e l e g r a p h l i n e s . The f o u r t h concerned the demand of f o r e i g n e r s f o r p e r m i s s i o n to open warehouses and business o f f i c e s o u t s i d e the t r e a t y p o r t s and to n a v i g a t e i n l a n d waterways w i t h steamships. The f i f t h d e a l t w i t h the r i g h t of f o r e i g n e r s to mine s a l t and 3 c o a l , and the f i n a l s e c t i o n was about m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s . The yang-wu movement, a l s o known as the " S e l f -s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement," was the r e s u l t of a f u l l e r awaken-ing among c e r t a i n Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s and s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s a f t e r China's second d e f e a t (Arrow War 1856-1960) by European c o u n t r i e s w i t h "sturdy s h i p s and s t r o n g guns." They had come to r e a l i z e the inadequacies of t r a d i t i o n a l d i p l o m a t i c techniques and systems and hoped to l e a r n from the West i n t e c h n o l o g i c a l , m i l i t a r y and economic r e s p e c t s . The primary g o a l of t h i s group who advocated yang-wu was shih i ohih oh'ang-ohi i chi i ("Learn the S u p e r i o r Technology of the B a r b a r i a n s i n Order to C o n t r o l 31 Them"). T h i s " s u p e r i o r technology," i n the e a r l i e r stage of the movement, meant onl y "sturdy s h i p s and s t r o n g guns." Except f o r a few f a r - s i g h t e d men l i k e Wang T'ao 32 who saw the:importance of economic modernization, most . of the yang-wu reformers were not g r e a t l y concerned w i t h d e v e l o p i n g t r a d e , commerce and i n d u s t r i e s . The l e a d e r s who promoted and advocated economic p r o j e c t s i n the yang-wu movement were motivated l a r g e l y by non-economic c o n s i d e r a -t i o n s r a t h e r than by a r e a l understanding of economic modernization. The m o t i v a t i o n of the Manchu members of the yang-wu group l i k e P r i n c e Kung (I-hsin) was s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n . D i p l o m a t i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n under the t r e a t y system was to appease the Western aggressors, and m i l i t a r y m o d e r n i z a t i o n was to ward o f f f o r e i g n a t t a c k and suppress domestic r e b e l l i o n . The l e a d i n g Han (Chinese) o f f i c a l s who rose to share power w i t h the Manchus and the c o n s e r v a t i v e s d u r i n g the T a i p i n g U p r i s i n g (1980-1864) were motivated e i t h e r by a d e s i r e to p r e s e r v e the o l d Confucian order and c i v i l i z a t i o n (e.g. Tseng Kuo-fan), or by mixed motives encompassing p e r s o n a l and r e g i o n a l power (e.g. L i Hung-chang) . Hence, the yang-wu group, though i t i n i t i a t e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of modern m i l i t a r y and naval power, aimed at the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the o l d o r d e r . I t s a c t i o n s were d e f e n s i v e i n nature and were o n l y "a c o n s e r v a t i v e compromise 33 a v o i d i n g genuine modernization." Despite the l i m i t e d nature of t h e i r i n n o v a t i o n s and p a s s i v e a t t i t u d e toward modernization, the yang-wu group n e v e r t h e l e s s c r e a t e d a c h a l l e n g i n g f o r c e a g a i n s t Confucian t r a d i t i o n a l i s m by proposing a p r o g r e s s i v e concept of change, p r e s e n t i n g a n a t i o n - s t a t e world view and p u t t i n g f o r t h the i d e a of r e p l a c i n g " s c h o l a r s of l e a r n i n g " w i t h " s p e c i a l i s t s and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . " 138 The t r a d i t i o n a l C onfucian s c h o l a r s tended to b e l i e v e "change" was a "downward flow" and a d e c l i n i n g 34 p r o c e s s , because they saw the a n c i e n t Chinese C l a s s i c s as e t e r n a l p r i n c i p l e s "made ma n i f e s t " and the a n c i e n t "Three d y n a s t i e s " ( s a n - t a i ) as h i s t o r i c a l models to be f o l l o w e d . Though h i s t o r y moved i n a downward flow, the c o n s e r v a t i v e s b e l i e v e d t h a t as long as China d i d not communicate w i t h the o u t s i d e world she c o u l d s t i l l r e t a i n her i d e n t i t y as the " C e n t r a l Nation," and the essence o f her c u l t u r e — t a o - t ' u n g (Orthodox W a y ) — c o u l d continue to be 35 t r a n s m i t t e d through the d y n a s t i c c y c l e s . The yang-wu group presented a d i f f e r e n t view of "change"—a p r o g r e s s i v e and e v o l u t i o n a r y concept which meant t h a t change would l e a d to p r o s p e r i t y and would be e s s e n t i a l to the p u r s u i t o f n a t i o n a l wealth and power. The most notable change which broke away from t r a d i t i o n a l i s m was the yang-wu s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s ' adoption of a world view of kuo-chia (Nation-State) which c o n s i d e r e d China as one of the members of the " f a m i l y of n a t i o n s . " H e r e t o f o r e , the t'ien-hsia ( U n i v e r s a l Empire) concept 3 6 p r e v a i l e d i n the minds of most i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the yang-wu p 'ai was demonstrated by t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward the r e c r u i t m e n t o f jen-ts'ai ("Men of T a l e n t " ) . In c o n v e n t i o n a l v a l u e -judgement, the "man of t a l e n t " meant a Confucian s c h o l a r of g e n e r a l knowledge (t'ung-jen), w h i l e the yang-wu l e a d e r s 139 admired the man of a b i l i t y who was s k i l l f u l i n h a n d l i n g p r a c t i c a l problems. L i Hung-chang s e t a good example. Most of h i s mu-fu (Personal S t a f f ) were p r o f e s s i o n a l s and experts w i t h s p e c i a l knowledge i n v a r i o u s f i e l d s r a t h e r 37 than s c h o l a r s o f philosophy and l i t e r a t u r e . Such men as HsuehFu-ch'eng, Ting Jih-ch'ang, Cheng Kuan-ying, T'ang T'ing-shu, Ma Chien-chung, Yung Wing and Wang t'ao had e i t h e r been l i v i n g i n t r e a t y p o r t s f o r many years or had a c t u a l l y come from a merchant or compradore background. None of them had a t t a i n e d an examination degree higher 3 8 than " c h i i - j e n . " In other words, we can suggest t h a t the yang-wu l e a d e r s took the f i r s t s tep i n the process of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f Chinese o f f i c i a l s from an e l i t e of s c h o l a r s to an e l i t e o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s by p u t t i n g a s i d e the i d e a l of Confucian amateurism or as Feuerwerker c a l l e d 39 i t "Confucian omnicompetence." Although the yang-wu group r e a l i z e d the inade-quacies of Confucian t r a d i t i o n a l i s m and p o i n t e d out the need f o r change modelled on the West, they d i d not under-stand p r e c i s e l y what the West was and which was the tr u e path l e a d i n g to wealth and power. The primary reason f o r t h e i r l i m i t e d knowledge about the West was the l a c k o f books which p r o v i d e d o b j e c t i v e views on the West. R a r e l y had anyone touched on the q u e s t i o n of how and why c e r t a i n Western c o u n t r i e s had become s t r o n g and wealthy. Moreover, 140 only a s m a l l number of Chinese had gone abroad t o make a c l o s e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n of Western s o c i e t y and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Due to the overwhelming m i l i t a r y power d i s p l a y e d by the B r i t i s h d u r i n g the Anglo-Chinese War of 1858-1860, the S e l f - s t r e n g t h e n e r s l i k e Tseng Kuo-fan, L i Hung-chang and Tso Tsung-t'ang tended to i d e n t i f y Western s u p e r i o r i t y w i t h modern weaponry and technology. The t r a d i t i o n a l way of t h i n k i n g , which tended to analyze matters i n such d u a l i s t i c terms as l i (Metaphysical Substance) and ch'i ( P h y s i c a l Substance), nei (Inner) and wai (Outer), pen (Ends) and mo (Means), caused them to p e r c e i v e the mo d e r n i z a t i o n movement i n terms of the famous Chung-t'i hsi-yung ("Chinese 40 Essence, Western A p p l i c a t i o n " ) dichotomy. Although t h i s approach p r o v i d e d r a t i o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r change, i t a l s o caused s e r i o u s d e f e c t s and l i m i t a t i o n s i n moderniz-a t i o n . 3. Shang-wu P ' a i (The M e r c h a n t i l i s t s and I n d u s t r i a l i s t s ) In l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China the term shang-wu g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d to a l l economic a c t i v i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f o r e i g n t r a d e . I t d i d not mean commerce per se, f o r t r a d i t i o n a l domestic commerce was not i n c l u d e d ; n e i t h e r was i t l i m i t e d t o f o r e i g n t r a d e alone, f o r a g r i c u l t u r e , commerce, mining, manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s and f i n a n c i a l management which were r e l a t e d to f o r e i g n t r a d e , were a l s o i n c l u d e d . 141 The shang-wu p 1ai was a group composed of s c h o l a r -o f f i c i a l s , gentry, compradores and merchants who had developed an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n commerce and i n d u s t r i a l i z -a t i o n . They b e l i e v e d t h a t these economic e n t e r p r i s e s were the means to the n a t i o n a l g o a l of wealth and power. Some members of t h i s group were a l s o members of the yang-wu group. In f a c t , shang-wu might be c a t e g o r i z e d as one branch of the yang-wu a t t i t u d e , i n the broad sense of the term. For example, L i Hung-chang, the most prominent yang-wu l e a d e r , i s s i n g l e d out i n a r e c e n t r e s e a r c h a r t i c l e on 41 shang-wu ideas as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f i g u r e . The shang-wu group's ardent concern f o r the n a t i o n a l wealth and s t r e n g t h and t h e i r profound i n t e r e s t i n s t a t e -c r a f t seem q u i t e c l o s e i n s p i r i t t o the ching-shih s c h o o l . As a matter of f a c t , the ching-shih t r a d i t i o n had a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e on these m e r c a n t i l i s t s and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s i n many r e s p e c t s . They o f t e n c i t e d examples and sayings from Wei Yiian, Kung Tzu-chen and o t h e r ching-shih s c h o l a r s of the e a r l y Ch'ing. However, they o f f e r e d more c o n c r e t e p r o p o s a l s f o r s t r e n g t h e n i n g and reforming the country than had the Ching-shih s c h o l a r s . Moreover, they r e f e r r e d more to f o r e i g n examples and p r i n c i p l e s than to the a u t h o r i t i e s o f the Chinese C l a s s i c s . Of the members of t h i s group, perhaps none b e t t e r r e p r e s e n t the movement than Cheng Kuan-ying (1842-1923) and Chang Chien (1853-1926). Cheng's ideas r e p r e s e n t the e a r l i e r stage of the shang-wu movement. He was a compradore-i n t e l l e c t u a l who inaugurated the f i r s t Chinese-owned c o t t o n - m i l l and served as manager of many kuan-tu shang-pan ( O f f i c i a l S u p e r v i s i o n and Merchant Operation) e n t e r p r i s e s 42 under L i Hung-chang. He c a l l e d f o r a shang-chan (Commercial War) a g a i n s t the f o r e i g n e r s and put f o r t h the i d e a of shang-wu ohiu-kuo ( N a t i o n a l S a l v a t i o n by Commerce and 43 Trade). The c e n t r a l i d e a of Chang C h i e n — t h e "mandarin 44 turned manufacturer" was shih-yeh ohiu-kuo ( N a t i o n a l 45 S a l v a t i o n by I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ) . Although prominent statesmen l i k e L i Hung-chang can a l s o be c l a s s i f i e d as members of the shang-wu p 'ai3 the bulk of t h i s group was o u t s i d e the inner c i r c l e ^ o f government l e a d e r s h i p . The r e l a t i v e l y p o p u l i s t c h a r a c t e r of t h i s group i n d i c a t e s t h a t d i s c u s s i o n o f n a t i o n a l economic a f f a i r s was not c o n f i n e d to government c i r c l e s , but, under the l e a d e r s h i p of the yang-wu o f f i c i a l s who sought to implement t h e i r g o als through e s t a b l i s h e d b u r e a u c r a t i c channels, pervaded v a r i o u s s t r a t a o f Chinese s o c i e t y p r i o r to the Sind-Japanese War of 1894-1895. Some of the shang-wu advocates worked l a r g e l y o u t s i d e the o f f i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n system (Such as Cheng Kuan-ying), or simply chose t h e i r own path i n the p r a c t i c a l world to r e a l i z e t h e i r i d e a l s (Such as Chang C h i e n ) . T h i s group t r i e d to generate enough 143 p r e s s u r e from below to i n f l u e n c e government pol i c y - m a k i n g . In essence, they were mostly government and s o c i a l c r i t i c s . Although t h e i r outlook d i f f e r e d from the ch'ing-i (Pure D i s c u s s i o n ) movement, n e v e r t h e l e s s t h e r e was a d i s t a n t t i e between the two.4*' The s a l i e n t f e a t u r e of the shang-wu group i s a strong emphasis on commerce and i n d u s t r y . T h e i r s l o g a n was pao-hu li-eh'uan ( P r o t e c t i o n of N a t i o n a l Rights to P r o f i t ) . The open r e c o g n i t i o n of the importance of l i ( P r o f i t ) , even though i t was b a s i c a l l y subordinate to p o l i t i c a l concerns, c o u n t e r a c t e d the age-old Confucian condemnation o f p r o f i t - s e e k i n g and p o i n t e d i n the d i r e c t i o n of economic modernization. The group's most d i s t i n c t i v e i d e a was the b e l i e f t h a t the b a r r i e r s to a c h i e v i n g n a t i o n a l wealth might be overcome by promoting f o r e i g n t r a d e and i n d u s t r y . The approach they proposedvwas to "cut down imports and i n c r e a s e 47 e x p o r t s . " In f o r e i g n t r a d e and commerce, they saw the means of r e v i v i n g n a t i o n a l f i n a n c i a l l i f e and b u i l d i n g up a s o l i d f o u n d a t i o n f o r the improvement of weaponry, thereby producing a s t r o n g and u n i t e d China. On the government l e v e l , they emphasized the importance of l e a d e r s h i p . They hoped t h a t the government would r e p l a c e i t s t r a d i t i o n a l n e g a t i v i s m toward trade and commerce w i t h a c t i v e concern and e n e r g e t i c promotion. In o t h e r words, the shang-wu i n t e l l e c t u a l s brought out the need f o r fundamental change i n the Chinese a t t i t u d e toward t r a d e and commerce. T h i s movement served as a c h a l l e n g e to Confucian t r a d i t i o n a l i s m i n economic r e s p e c t s as d i d the yang-wu movement i n the realm of diplomacy. The m o t i v a t i o n of the shang-wu group, however, was s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of the yang-wu c l i q u e . They were, i n f a c t , c o n s i d e r a b l y more w i l l i n g to accept the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l consequences of economic change than t h e i r p r e d e c e s s o r s . E a r l y advocates of change, l i k e Feng K u e i -fe n and even L i Hung-chang, had urged economic i n n o v a t i o n s o n l y because they thought them to be an i n e s c a p a b l e means of p r e s e r v i n g the o l d s o c i e t y . On the other hand, the l a t e r shang-wu reformers, were i n t e r e s t e d i n the develop-ment of new economic forms and they were prepared to move away from the o l d t r a d i t i o n to make China "wealthy and s t r o n g . " The shang-wu group, a c t u a l l y , had a deeper under-st a n d i n g of the r o l e of t r a d e and commerce than many other Chinese w r i t e r s a t the t u r n of the c e n t u r y . As they went f u r t h e r i n t o the study of the economic development of the West, they r e a l i z e d t h a t a sound p o l i t i c a l framework was e s s e n t i a l f o r the development of commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y . Hence, the l a t e r reformers s h i f t e d the emphasis to p o l i t i c a l m odernization. Cheng Kuan-ying, Ho C h ' i , T'ang Chen and Ch'en Chih a l l began to advocate the 48 e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a p a r l i a m e n t . With the t i d e of p o l i t i c a l 145 reform mounting a t the t u r n of the c e n t u r y , the l o o s e l y d e f i n e d shang-wu group was transformed i n t o a group advocating p o l i t i c a l reform, i . e . the wei-hsin p'ai (The R e f o r m i s t s ) . The aforementioned t h r e e groups were a c o n t i n u -a t i o n o f the i n t e l l e c t u a l m o d e r n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . As the process a c c e l e r a t e d , the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e of n a t i o n a l i s m (which appeared i n the form of s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n and xenophobia i n the very beginning) i n t e n s i f i e d . The p a t r i o t -ism d i s c e r n i b l e i n t h e i r t h i n k i n g and the common d e s i r e among the reformers to t r a n s f o r m the empire i n t o a wealthy and s t r o n g modern s t a t e were i n d i c a t o r s of an embryonic 49 n a t i o n a l i s m . On the Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l scene, a new " r e l i g i o n " o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n had emerged. The acute academic c o n t r o -v e r s i e s of the p a s t g e n e r a t i o n concerning Han l e a r n i n g and Sung l e a r n i n g , New T e s t and Old T e s t , and academic l e g i t i m a c y had g i v e n way to the problem o f n a t i o n a l s u r v i v a l and modernization. One would l i k e to b e l i e v e t h a t the continuous e f f o r t s and f r u s t r a t i n g experiences of these i n t e l l e c t u a l s were important i n extending the knowledge necessary f o r China's economic modernization. During the gradual d e c l i n e of the Ch'ing dynasty, the orthodox academic s c h o o l ceased t o h o l d an i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t f o r p r a c t i c a l - m i n d e d people because i t had l o s t i t s c u r i o s i t y f o r new i d e a s . F a i l i n g to have an i n t e r e s t 146 i n orthodox i d e a s , p r a g m a t i s t s had t o f i n d an o u t l e t f o r t h e i r e n e r g i e s i n s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m and s o c i a l a c t i o n . T h i s l e d to numerous i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of p r a c t i c a l problems con-f r o n t i n g the country. The r e v i v a l o f the ching-shih s c h o o l c r e a t e d an atmosphere of pragmatism and a c a l l f o r a c t i o n . The yang-wu group and the shang-wu group went a b i g step f u r t h e r by f i r s t i n i t i a t i n g change on the t e c h n o l o g i c a l l e v e l and then proceeding to c a r r y i t out on the i n s t i t u -t i o n a l l e v e l . Although p r i o r i t y g i v e n t o mode r n i z a t i o n might be d i f f e r e n t , they had a theme i n common, t h a t i s , the d e s i r e f o r a wealthy and powerful China. The n a t i o n a l g o a l of "wealth and power" p r o v i d e d both m o t i v a t i o n and s a n c t i o n f o r the acceptance o f Western i n d u s t r i a l i s m . The ching-shih i d e a l of p o l i t i c a l engagement and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , the yang-wu and shang-wu commitment t o m i l i t a r y , i n d u s t r i a l and commercial develop-ment, i n t e r a c t e d w i t h Western and l a t e r Japanese thought. Thus, the t r a d i t i o n a l concept of "wealth and power" g r a d u a l l y began to be r e p l a c e d by the modern concept o f "economic modernization." 147 C. Huang Tsuh-Hsien as an Economic Reformer: An A p p r a i s a l What p o s i t i o n d i d Huang Tsun-hsien occupy i n the trends o f economic t h i n k i n g and the course of economic development i n l a t e Ch'ing, and what makes t h a t p o s i t i o n unique among h i s contemporaries? A comparison of Huang wit h h i s contemporaries w i l l g i v e some g e n e r a l ideas i f not p r e c i s e answers to such q u e s t i o n s . Huang Tsun-hsien"s i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e showed t h a t from an e a r l y age he was o r i e n t e d t o the ching-shih i d e a l , t h a t is,:.the i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s s o c i a l commitment and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . H i s d i p l o m a t i c c a r e e r seems to suggest t h a t he was one of the yang-wu p 1 ai whose members were mostly o f f i c i a l s i n a p o s i t i o n to d e a l w i t h f o r e i g n a f f a i r s . H is t h i n k i n g , however, demonstrates a heavy emphasis on economic problems, p a r t i c u l a r l y on f o r e i g n trade which was the most popular s u b j e c t d i s c u s s e d among the shang-wu group. Our a n a l y s i s of the Treatises on Japan demonstrated t h a t Huang p a i d most a t t e n t i o n to revenue, e s p e c i a l l y l a n d tax, f o r e i g n t r a d e and commerce. Since revenue (t'ien-fu and tsu-shui) was the main concern of the t r a d i t i o n a l ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and f o r e i g n t r a d e was the major theme of the shang-wu group, i t seems j u s t i f i a b l e to c l a s s i f y huang as a shang-wu reformer w i t h a ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l o u t l o o k , and a yang-wu c a r e e r background. T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c made him d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r r e formers, who were more 148 or l e s s drawn to reform ideas by a c l a s s i n t e r e s t or c a r e e r concern. Compared to other shang-wu t h i n k e r s , Huang came from a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s and e d u c a t i o n a l background. As we have d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, members of the shang-wu p'ai were mostly compradore and t r e a t y - p o r t i n t e l l e c -t u r a l such as Cheng Kuan-ying, Wang T'ao, and Ho C h ' i (Ho K a i ) , who were d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n commerce-related a c t i v i t i e s or had vested i n t e r e s t s i n f o r e i g n trade and i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . Huang's c a r e e r was p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , y e t p e r s o n a l l y he was not i n v o l v e d i n any economic e n t e r p r i s e s i n t r a d e or i n d u s t r y . T h i s f a c t , i t seems to me, demonstrates t h a t Huang was genuinely i n t e r e s t e d i n "economic modernization" as a means of a c h i e v i n g wealth and power f o r the s t a t e . The major reason f o r Huang's advocacy of economic reform was h i s ching-shih commitment—to be concerned about the s t a t e and the people, and to apply knowledge to p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s — w h i c h he i n h e r i t e d from ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s l i k e Wei Yuan and Kung T z u - c h e n . ^ He d i d not f o l l o w the t r a d i t i o n a l path o f the ching-shih s c h o l a r s , t h a t of seeking s o l u t i o n s to c u r r e n t problems i n the C l a s s i c s and Chinese h i s t o r i e s c h i e f l y because he saw the contemporary s i t u a t i o n as one of unprecedented c r i s i s . He took up a yang-wu c a r e e r which was d e s p i s e d by o t h e r Chinese s c h o l a r s of h i s time. His experience abroad enabled him to p e r c e i v e t h a t the realm o f economic a f f a i r s was the area i n which the world's s t r o n g e s t n a t i o n s (e.g. England and France) d i f f e r e d most v i s i b l y from China. Moreover, c o u n t r i e s l i k e Japan and the United S t a t e s , w i t h which Huang was f a m i l i a r , a l s o demonstrated the b e n e f i t s of commerce and i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n . I t was o n l y n a t u r a l f o r Huang to take t h i s economic s e c t o r as h i s p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e . Huang's progress toward a whole-hearted commitment to the g o a l s of wealth and power and to " J a p a n i z a t i o n " was g r a d u a l , but i n the 1890's he became more e x p l i c i t and openly r e c o g n i z e d t h a t economic power was the b e s t way to n a t i o n a l power. Huang's economic t h i n k i n g was not s y s t e m a t i c , but there are c e r t a i n themes t h a t appear r e c u r r e n t l y . One was the assumption t h a t a powerful China depended on the p r i o r e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a wealthy China. The i d e a t h a t fu (Health) came be f o r e eh'iang (power) was a t y p i c a l f e a t u r e of the shang-wu view. While most shang-wu reformers c i t e d England as an example of the b e n e f i t s o f t r a d e and manufacture, Huang expressed the view t h a t t r a d e was the d e c i s i v e i n g r e d i e n t f o r Japan's "wealth" which i n t u r n , l a i d the f o u n d a t i o n f o r f u r t h e r development. He was the f i r s t Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l who turned p o s i t i v e l y to the "Eastern I s l a n d e r s " f o r i n s p i r a t i o n . Huang p o i n t e d out t h a t the Japanese government had ceased being p a s s i v e and had begun t a k i n g more i n i t i a t i v e i n her economic a c t i v i t i e s , c u t t i n g i n t o the West's p r o f i t - s e e k i n g c a p a c i t y a t every j u n c t u r e . By p o i n t i n g out the success of Japan, 150 i n f a c t , he was u r g i n g China to f o l l o w the same path of economic modernization. His advocacy o f a " J a p a n i z a t i o n " b e f o r e the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 d i d not get vigo r o u s support s i n c e most of the Chinese a t t h a t time, even the shang-wu reformers, looked down upon Japan and d i d not c o n s i d e r her experience o f mode r n i z a t i o n v a l u a b l e t o China i n the course of W e s t e r n i z a t i o n . Huang Tsun-hsien r e p r e s e n t a t e d something new i n the p a t t e r n of shang-wu thought. Although the shang-wu reformers a t h i s time were proposing s i m i l a r i d e a s , t h e i r c a p a c i t y to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h e i r argument was, i n g e n e r a l , s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d . Huang's l i v i n g experience i n Japan and oth e r p a r t s of the world enabled him t o g i v e more co n c r e t e examples and suggestions. His i n t r o d u c t i o n of Japanese m a t e r i a l s i n j e c t e d a new dimension of complexity to the economic and i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a n s i t i o n o f l a t e n i n e t e e n t h -century China. In c o n t r a s t w i t h contemporary works on reform i n t h e l 8 9 0 ' s such as T'ang Chen's Wei-Yen (Words of Warning), Cheng Kuan-Ying's Sheng-shih Wei-yen (Words of Warnings to an Age of p r o s p e r i t y , 1893), Ch'en Ch'iu's Chih-p'ing t'ing £ (Comprehensive P r o p o s a l s f o r M a i n t a i n -T k e book A-i n g the peace, 1893) and Ch'en Chih's lung-shu ( T r i t o Sayings., ca. 1894), Huang's reform p r o p o s a l s were supported by the s p e c i f i c example of Japan. He d e s c r i b e d how a reform movement had s u c c e s s f u l l y transformed a sma l l and d e f e n s e l e s s Japan i n t o a powerful and prosperous n a t i o n . 151 In o r d e r t o e v a l u a t e Huang Tsun-hsien's i d e a s o f economic reform p r o p e r l y , we have to p l a c e him i n the a p p r o p r i a t e c o n t e x t , t h a t i s , among the other advanced economic thought of h i s time.^"*" Huang's response to M e i j i Japan was c h i e f l y a p r o j e c t i o n of h i s view o f China, and h i s reform p r o p o s a l s were b a s i c a l l y geared to the needs of China. His "economic views" and h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Japanese economic modernization are important o n l y i n r e f e r e n c e to t h i s Chinese context. A b r i e f comparison of Huang and h i s contemporaries w i l l s e t the stage and b r i n g out some of the main economic i s s u e s of h i s time. In r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the economic thoughts of Huang and h i s contemporaries we are s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d by t h e i r l a c k of an: i n t e g r a t e d t h e o r e t i c a l system. Thus the f i n a l product i s more d e s c r i p t i v e and s p e c u l a t i v e than modern economists would normally t o l e r a t e , and we run the r i s k of r e a d i n g too deeply i n t o the m a t e r i a l . The most s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t about h i s o b s e r v a t i o n of Japanese economic development concerned the t a x a t i o n system, and h i s courage i n mentioning the d e s i r a b i l i t y of heavy t a x a t i o n i n China. T h i s recommendation was a g a i n s t the Confucian benevolent p r i n c i p l e of l i g h t t a x a t i o n , and a g a i n s t the Manchus' a n c e s t r a l law of f i x e d l a n d tax. Huang's advocacy o f a maximizing t a x a t i o n p o l i c y was r e l a t i v e l y unique among the l a t e Ch'ing economic reformers. L e t us take the advanced shang-wu t h i n k e r , Cheng Kuan-ying, as an example. As a compradore, he was very c r i t i c a l of the Ch'ing government's heavy t a x a t i o n on commerce, p a r t i c u l a r l y the l i k i n l e v y . He c o n s i d e r e d heavy t a x a t i o n as a hindrance to the development of commerce and f o r e i g n t r a d e . He v i g o r o u s l y advocated the a b o l i t i o n of the l i k i n and suggested an i n c r e a s e i n the r a t e of d u t i e s on impor-52 t a t i o n of f o r e i g n merchandise as an a l t e r n a t i v e . Wang T'ao, a t r e a t y - p o r t i n t e l l e c t u a l , a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t the l i k i n and o t h e r m i s c e l l a n e o u s taxes hindered the merchants. He advocated the a b o l i t i o n of the l i k i n , f o r i t had been i n t r o d u c e d as a temporary d e v i c e to cope with the f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s o f the mid-century years f o l l o w i n g the enormous m i l i t a r y expenditure f o r the s u p p r e s s i o n of 53 the T a i p m g s . Ch'en Chih, a reform-minded minor o f f i c i a l , a l s o a shang-wu t h i n k e r , condemned the l i k i n as e x c e s s i v e e x p l o i t a t i o n of the people. He t h e r e f o r e advocated t h a t 54 the l i k i n should be a b o l i s h e d w i t h i n ten y e a r s . Hsueh Fu-ch'eng, a high-ranked o f f i c i a l and diplomat, a d v i s e d g r a d u a l a b o l i t i o n of the l i k i n i n h i s 55 memorial of 1875. The above arguments f o r m i n i m i z i n g t a x a t i o n were combined w i t h p r o p o s a l s f o r e l i m i n a t i o n of s i n e c u r e s i n 56 the government and r e d u c t i o n of the s i z e of the army. 153 As we have d i s c u s s e d above, l i g h t t a x a t i o n was a t r a d i t i o n a l Confucian economic concept t h a t was i n accordance w i t h m a i n t a i n i n g f r u g a l s t a t e expenditure, l e a v i n g maximum s u r p l u s product i n the hands of the people. T h i s Confucian dictum was s t i l l shared by the reformers i n the l a t e Ch'ing p e r i o d . In comparison with h i s contemporaries, however, Huang's advocacy o f a government w i t h ample tax funds appeared r e v o l u t i o n a r y . His id e a was not echoed by any other reformers u n t i l Ho C h i and Hu Li-yuan presented t h e i r ideas on governmental f i n a n c i a l management i n the Hsin-oheng lun-i ( D i s c u s s i o n on Reform of Government, F i r s t P u b l i s h e d i n 1895). T h e i r argument was t h a t a con-s i d e r a b l e amount of t a x a t i o n was necessary i n order t o 57 f i n a n c e s t a t e expenditure. L a t e r , Yen Fu, i n h i s t r a n s l a t i o n o f the Wealth of Nations (Began i n 1897 and • • , • ^  58 Completed i n 1900) expressed a s i m i l a r i d e a . Recent r e s e a r c h on the important r o l e which land tax p l a y e d i n Japanese economic development and the Ch'ing t a x a t i o n system r e v e a l s the momentous i m p l i c a t i o n s o f Huang's i n s i g h t s even more so than he was aware o f . The r e c e n t study o f Wang Yeh-chien on land t a x a t i o n i n the Ch'ing Dynasty p o i n t s out t h a t the Japanese land-tax system which was based on land v a l u e enjoyed the advantage of g r e a t e r f l e x i b i l i t y , while the Chinese s u f f e r e d from the disadvantage of i n f l e x i b i l i t y o f both p r i c e s and income 154 e l a s t i c i t y d e s p i t e i n c r e a s e i n y i e l d under a l a n d tax 59 system which was based on land area. Did Huang Tsun-h s i e n suggest a change of the tax base ( i . e . u s i n g l a n d v a l u e and y i e l d as a tax base as d i d the M e i j i government), when he advocated a heavy land-tax p o l i c y s i m i l a r to Japan's to s t a b i l i z e government revenue? What d i d he mean by heavy t a x a t i o n ? Did he suggest the i n c r e a s e o f the tax base, o r , d i d he suggest the i n c r e a s e of the tax r a t e ? Was he r e a l l y aware of the advantages of the M e i j i l a n d tax? I f he was f u l l y aware of the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the land tax and was conscious o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f h i s suggestions then h i s recommendations superceded those of a l l h i s contemporaries. U n f o r t u n a t e l y t h e r e i s no c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of h i s f a r s i g k t e d n e s s i n the Treatises on Japan. Whether or not Huang understood the f i s c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the s e l e c t i o n of land tax base i s not e v i d e n t , but i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t he co n s i d e r e d the Japanese heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y t r a n s f e r a b l e t o China. By heavy t a x a t i o n he probably meant the i n c r e a s e i n the tax r a t e r a t h e r than the change of tax base; n e v e r t h e l e s s he r e c o g n i z e d the f i s c a l weakness, i . e . the unresponsiveness, of the Ch'ing t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . While Huang was advocating a heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , h i s contemporaries were complaining about the harm done t o the development of trade the government t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . Were they c o n t r a d i c t i n g each other? A c l o s e look a t the 155 Ch'ing t a x a t i o n s i t u a t i o n w i l l r e v e a l t h a t t h e i r seemingly c o n t r a d i c t o r y viewpoints are r e a l l y two s i d e s of the same c o i n . Wang Yeh-chien noted t h a t t h e r e was a d u a l i s t i c s t r u c t u r e i n Ch'ing government f i n a n c e , t h a t i s the co-e x i s t e n c e of a s t a t u t o r y or formal tax system and an i n f o r m a l or n o n - s t a t u t o r y tax system. The s t a t u t o r y tax r e f e r s to sources o f p u b l i c revenue i n c l u d i n g taxes, c o n t r i b u t i o n s , r e n t s and i n t e r e s t , and p r o f i t s from p u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e s . These were a c t u a l l y d e c r e a s i n g over a p e r i o d of time i n the Ch'ing dynasty. The n o n - s t a t u t o r y taxes were mostly surcharges imposed on the l a n d tax i n c l u d i n g surcharges f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e expenses, surcharges f o r l o c a l w e l f a r e , surcharges f o r the Boxer indemnity ( a f t e r 1901) and sur-charges f o r m odernization needs, a l l of which were c r e a t e d out of f i n a n c i a l n e c e s s i t y and to compensate f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g i d i t y of the Ch'ing f i s c a l s t r u c t u r e . These surcharges, which e x i s t e d under v a r i o u s names, i n c r e a s e d the complexity and the i r r e g u l a r i t y of the Ch'ing f i s c a l system. They a l s o i n c r e a s e d the tax burden, e s p e c i a l l y a t the end of the Dynasty, as the government's f i n a n c i a l needs i n c r e a s e d . What happened was t h a t Huang and h i s contempor-a r i e s who suggested the r e d u c t i o n of taxes were speaking i n terms of d i f f e r e n t means of d e v e l o p i n g the economy. 156 What Huang a c t u a l l y proposed was probably the i n c o r p o r a t i o n or the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the n o n - s t a t u t o r y surcharges i n t o the f i s c a l system which would then i n c r e a s e the v a r i e t y and t h e r e f o r e the p h y s i c a l q u a n t i t y of government revenues. At the same time he suggested the i n c r e a s e o f land tax i n view of Japan's success. On the other hand, Huang's contemporaries were proposing the a b o l i t i o n of a l l the surcharges and m i s c e l l a n e o u s taxes, such as the l i k i n , which would l i g h t e n the burden of merchants and hence encourage economic and commercial development. In f a c t , though both s i d e s were focused on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform of the f i s c a l system, they were complementary r a t h e r than c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n t h e i r approaches. Both Huang Tsun-hsien and h i s contemporaries favored the i n c r e a s e o f government revenue f o r economic development, but t h e i r approaches were q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . Since Huang's major concern was the government, he assig n e d an a c t i v e r o l e to the p u b l i c s e c t o r and argued f o r heavy t a x a t i o n o f a l l k i n d s . The pure shang-wu t h i n k e r s , how-ever, p r e f e r r e d the l i g h t e n i n g o f the tax l o a d on the merchants, e s p e c i a l l y the r e d u c t i o n o f m i s c e l l a n e o u s taxes and the a b o l i t i o n o f the l i k i n . They maintained t h a t a l i g h t t a x a t i o n p o l i c y would not onl y b e n e f i t the merchants, but t h a t i t would a l s o f a v o r domestic commercial development and t h e r e f o r e be h e a l t h y for. the n a t i o n a l economy. In other words, the shang-wu reformers were arguing f o r more p r i v a t e savings t o achieve the same g o a l . They assig n e d a more important r o l e to the p r i v a t e s e c t o r of the economy. They proposed t h a t the land tax should remain without surcharges and a t the saem time the govern-ment should impose heavy taxes on f o r e i g n t r a d e . They argued f o r a " p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f " — a high import t a r i f f and a l i g h t export t a r i f f - - t o encourage export i n d u s t r i e s and domestic commercial development. Since t r e a t y r e v i s i o n was the p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r t a r i f f autonomy, they a l l urged the government to take the necessary a c t i o n s . In r e t r o s p e c t Huang's i d e a o f heavy t a x a t i o n was more s i g n i f i c a n t than he h i m s e l f r e a l i z e d and the reform i m p l i e d i n h i s p r o p o s a l was more than he intended. In any case, I remain impressed by Huang's courage i n c h a l l e n g -i n g the e s t a b l i s h e d r e g u l a t i o n s and the Confucian p r i n c i p l e of l i g h t t a x a t i o n . U n d e r - r e g i s t r a t i o n r e s u l t e d from the absence of a n a t i o n a l c a d a s t r a l survey of land, was the g r e a t e s t 61 weakness of Ch'ing l a n d tax a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Huang's advocacy of a p o p u l a t i o n census as the b a s i s of land r e g i s -t r a t i o n , viewed i n t h i s l i g h t , i s very s i g n i f i c a n t . Feng 6 2 K u e i - f e n proposed the same i d e a i n the s i x t i e s , but Huang was probably the f i r s t to i n t r o d u c t the Japanese system i n support of h i s theory. 158 There are some c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n Huang's observa-t i o n of the Japanese economy. For example, he sensed the importance of land tax but seemed to be unaware of how the Japanese government used the a g r i c u l t u r a l revenue f o r moder n i z a t i o n and how i t was ad m i n i s t e r e d . He emphasized the importance of l i b e r a t i n g commerce and was e x c i t e d by what he saw i n Japan, but the p i c t u r e o f commerce he p a i n t s i n the Treatises on Japan seems to c o n t a i n a c o n t r a -d i c t i o n between l i g h t l y taxed commerce and h e a v i l y taxed c u l t i v a t i o n . He was a l s o unaware of how the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r r e l a t e d to the i n d u s t r i a l and commercial s e c t o r , though he r e c o g n i z e d the importance of land tax, and s t r e s s e d the importance of f o r e i g n t r a d e . He was too u n r e a l i s t i c and o p t i m i s t i c about the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of Japanese land reform t o the Chinese case. I t seems t h a t he d i d not take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the extent and d i v e r s i t y of China. L i k e the other reformers, Huang was very concerned about f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . He was the e a r l i e s t to advocate the usage of the Western budget system and demon-s t r a t e i t s f u n c t i o n by i n d i c a t i n g Japan's success. A f t e r t h a t , the adoption of a modern p u b l i c budget system became q u i t e a popular i d e a . Cheng Kuan-ying, Ho C h ' i , Hu Li-yu a n and Chang Chien a l s o recommended t h a t China adopt such 63 a system. 159 The s u b j e c t of n a t i o n a l loans was a major concern f o r the economic reformers. Huang was one of the e a r l i e s t reformers (Preceding T'ang Shou-ch.'.ien, Cheng Kuan-ying, 64 Ho Ch'i and Hu Li-yuan d u r i n g the 1890's) t o . d i s c u s s n a t i o n a l loans and n a t i o n a l bonds. The d i s c u s s i o n of a standard currency and a n a t i o n a l banking system became q u i t e popular i n the Kuang-hsu p e r i o d , a c c o r d i n g to Chao F e n g - t ' i e n . Huang's d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s s u b j e c t was one o f the e a r l i e s t d e t a i l e d treatments. However, s i n c e Huang was shocked by the harm done by the abuse of paper currency, he c o u l d not p o s i t i v e l y recommend 65 the system f o r China. L i k e a l l the shang-wu reformers, Huang f o r c e f u l l y s t r e s s e d the dynamic r o l e of f o r e i g n trade and domestic commerce and i n d u s t r y . Motivated by the i d e a of m e r c a n t i l e 6 6 n a t i o n a l i s m advanced by Cheng Kuan-ying, and by h i s o b s e r v a t i o n of the Japanese economy, he a t t r i b u t e d a f u n -damental f u n c t i o n t o f o r e i g n t r a d e i n c r e a t i n g c a p i t a l and hence c o n t r i b u t i n g to the b u i l d - u p of n a t i o n a l wealth. Huang and the other shang-wu t h i n k e r s were i n s t i l l e d w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l economic concept t h a t wealth from a g r i c u l t u r e was l i m i t e d d e s p i t e . i n c r e a s e s i n p r o d u c t i v i t y ; t h e r e f o r e a d d i t i o n a l wealth had to be r a i s e d from o t h e r sources. Apart from opening n a t i v e r e s o u r c e s l i k e mining, f o r e i g n t r a d e was the most important means to .mobilize p r o f i t from 160 new sources. Huang's b e l i e f i n the importance of f o r e i g n trade i n b r i n g i n g , i n a d d i t i o n a l wealth was r e i n f o r c e d by h i s overseas experience, h i s o b s e r v a t i o n of the world's t r a d i n g n a t i o n s l i k e England and h i s estimate of the p o t e n t i a l o f Japan. Another reason f o r s t r e s s i n g f o r e i g n t r a d e was t h a t China a t t h a t time, as was the case w i t h Japan, s u f f e r e d from an adverse balance of payments. The outflow of s i l v e r and the commercial p e n e t r a t i o n o f the West aggravated the d e t e r o r i a t i n g Chinese economy. Huang and most of h i s contemporaries suggested t h i s "economic l e a k " should be c l o s e d by i n c r e a s i n g the e x p o r t a t i o n of raw m a t e r i a l s l i k e s i l k and t e a . E a r l y i n the 1860's, Feng K u e i - f e n s t a t e d t h a t the e x p o r t a t i o n of t e a and s i l k was the most important means of g a i n i n g wealth and t h a t n a t i o n a l wealth c o u l d be 6 7 i n c r e a s e d by opening new mines. E a r l y i n 1875 Hsiieh Fu-ch'eng advocated t h a t the government should encourage the e x p o r t a t i o n of tea and s i l k . He a l s o emphasized the importance of n a v a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r merchant s h i p s and t h a t the r e s o u r c e s gained from merchant s h i p p i n g would h e l p 6 8 to b u i l d and m a i n t a i n warships. Huang p a i d c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to the t e c h n o l o g i c a l improvement o f the s i l k i n d u s t r y i n Japan. He emphasized the importance of q u a l i t y c o n t r o l and government a s s i s t a n c e . He advocated h o l d i n g n a t i o n a l c o n t e s t s to improve q u a l i t y 161 by c o m p e t i t i o n — a n i d e a a l s o promoted by Cheng Kuan-ying i n h i s Sheng-shih wei-yen (Warning to a Prosperous Age, 69 F i r s t E d i t i o n 1893). A l l these a c t i o n s were necessary to support f o r e i g n t r a d e , and to i n c r e a s e China's c o m p e t i t i v e power i n the world market. Huang emphasized the r o l e of technology i n i n c r e a s -i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y , i n manufacturing such m i l i t a r y equipment as a r t i l l e r y and magazine r i f l e s and i n improving t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communications, such as steamships and t e l e g r a p h . His argument was backed up by the c o n c r e t e example of Japan's adoption of Western technology. He was h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the c o n v e n t i o n a l Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l m e n t a l i t y — t h e contempt f o r merchants and m e r c a n t i l e a c t i v i t i e s , and the s e p a r a t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s from p r a c t i c a l i n q u i r y . He p o i n t e d out t h a t the l a c k of r e s p e c t f o r technology was a c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n economic s t a g n a t i o n . T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t he was q u i t e aware o f the l a c k of i n c e n t i v e toward m o d e r n i z a t i o n i n China. His sojourn i n Japan and other p a r t s of the world gave him a new freedom to s u b j e c t t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , v a l u e s and a t t i t u d e s to c l o s e r examination. By comparison and c o n t r a s t , he began to g a i n a new p e r s p e c t i v e on the problems of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s t a t e . His exposure to f o r e i g n ideas f u r n i s h e d a new i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n from which he c o u l d judge the adequacy of t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese v a l u e s . 162 Huang's e f f o r t s to t r a n s f o r m the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l v a l u e s and a t t i t u d e s , such as a s s i g n i n g an important r o l e to the merchants and entrepreneurs i n s t e a d of d e s p i s i n g them, c o n t r i b u t e d t o the p r o v i s i o n of a m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e f o r m o d e r n i z a t i o n . S i m i l a r ideas had a l r e a d y been p o i n t e d out 70 by L i Hung-chang, Hsueh fu-ch'eng and Cheng Kuan-ying. In l i g h t o f the importance assigned to a g r i c u l t u r e i n Chinese economic thought p r i o r t o the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , i t may seem strange t h a t the economic t h i n k i n g of Huang Tsun-hsien and h i s contemporary reformers was preoccupied w i t h n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l m a t t e r s — t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , mining, manufacturing and, above a l l , commerce and f o r e i g n t r a d e . The reasons f o r t h i s were many. F i r s t o f a l l , the impor-tance of a g r i c u l t u r e was taken f o r granted s i n c e China had long been an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . The o n l y t h i n g t h a t seemed 7] necessary i n t h i s realm was some i n c r e a s e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y . Moreover, the o v e r r i d i n g g o a l of economic t h i n k i n g from the 18 60's on, was to i n c r e a s e the wealth and power of China. Under these circumstances, i t was more reasonable to s t r e s s the b e n e f i t s of f o r e i g n t r a de and m a n u f a c t u r e — areas which had long been n e g l e c t e d . Furthermore, the success of a c h i e v i n g wealth through trade and i n d u s t r y was demonstrated by the world's s t r o n g e s t and w e a l t h i e s t n a t i o n s (England and F r a n c e ) . The modern Chinese experience demonstrates the n e c e s s i t y of the involvement of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the a c t i v i t i e s and problems of the s t a t e and the masses. How-ever, i n the l a t e Ch'ing p e r i o d , i n t e l l e c t u a l s and reformers l i k e Huang who committed themselves to promoting changes t h a t would make China wealthy and s t r o n g were i n no p o s i t i o n to c a r r y out t h e i r p r o p o s a l s , even though they had the courage of t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n s . I t was not o n l y u n r e a l i s t i c to be an i n n o v a t o r but i t was a l s o dangerous. In Japan the modernizers were i n a p o s i t i o n of being able to do t h i n g s r a t h e r than p h i l o s o p h i z e about them, whereas i n China modernizers were o f t e n i n a powerless a d v i s o r y p o s i t i o n . The task o f economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n r e q u i r e s c o n s i d e r a b l e v i r t u o u s i t y and c o o p e r a t i o n between those who g i v e d i r e c t i o n s and those who t r a n s l a t e them i n t o a c t i o n . The t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e of the educated e l i t e i n China encouraged the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and reformers t o f a l s e l y assume t h a t they were important and had a g r e a t n a t i o n a l m i s s i o n . They were i n c r e a s i n g l y s u b j e c t e d to p r e s s u r e and had no sense of t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s . Economic development i m p l i e d p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l change. In a country where an a l i e n r u l i n g group was i n c o n t r o l of p o l i t i c s , economic i s s u e s were bound to be u n u s u a l l y s e n s i t i v e . T h e r e f o r e , the Han Chinese o f f i c i a l s had to use the Manchu o f f i c i a l s as a k i n d of s e l f - p r o t e c t i v e 72 amulet. The modernizers a l l looked toward the govern-ment f o r l e a d e r s h i p . They tended to be more c o o p e r a t i v e 164 w i t h r a t h e r than opposed to the government. Though they were severe c r i t i c s o f the government, i f g i v e n the oppor-t u n i t y of government s e r v i c e , they would accept i t and t r y to launch t h e i r ideas of development from w i t h i n . They tended to compromise wi t h the "establishment" and were dependent on the b i g bureaucrats f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of 73 t h e i r i d e a l s . L i k e other reformers i n Chinese h i s t o r y , the Ch'ing reformers' concerns were always focused on the government. Since the reformers were not i n a p o s i t i o n to put t h e i r ideas i n t o e f f e c t , t h e i r ideas remained p r i m a r i l y ones of "pure theory," l a c k i n g any p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n . Although the ehing-shih economic t h i n k e r s had undertaken to e l a b o r a t e a body of knowledge t h a t c o u l d have p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n , they f a i l e d to develop opera-t i o n a l economic t h e o r i e s which d e a l t w i t h s p e c i f i c economic a c t i v i t i e s . In f a c t , they d i d not have enough knowledge about economic problems to be a b l e to d i r e c t development e f f o r t s i n more f r u i t f u l ways. These "economists" were perhaps more e n t h u s i a s t i c than they were p r a c t i c a l . They were so eager to be s u c c e s s f u l t h a t they saw o n l y the immediate advantages. The common f a l l a c y of the reformers was t h a t they were a l l anxious to f i n d a s h o r t c u t t o reach the g o a l of wealth and power, and d i d not r e c o g n i z e t h a t economic development i s a long, term p r o c e s s . They d i d not 1 165 q u e s t i o n the r e l e v a n c e of the Western and Japanese models whose circumstances were so d i f f e r e n t from China's. On the b a s i s of what has been d i s c u s s e d so f a r , i t cannot be s a i d t h a t Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l development e f f e c t i v e l y guided and a n t i c i p a t e d China's economic e v o l u t i o n . Rather, t h i s p r i m i t i v e economic t h i n k i n g r e f l e c t e d the elementary stage o f economic development of China a t t h a t time. Huang's fr e q u e n t a s s o c i a t i o n of the new ideas and p r a c t i c e s he encountered i n Japan w i t h the o l d ideas i n the Chinese C l a s s i c s has caused some readers of h i s work to see him as a Chinese c u l t u r a l c h a u v i n i s t . His b e l i e f i n the Chinese o r i g i n s of Western s c i e n c e and technology has a l s o been suggested as evidence of h i s "emotional need to b e l i e v e i n the u n i v e r s a l i t y of China's c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e , " and i s c i t e d as an e x c e l l e n t example of Joseph Levenson's famous t h e s i s of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l need of modern Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s to f e e l t h a t the Chinese h e r i t a g e was i n no way i n f e r i o r t o the modern Western ideas t h a t China had 74 to borrow. One might even a s s e r t t h a t , l i k e L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, Huang Tsun-hsien was " i n t e l l e c t u a l l y a l i e n a t e d from h i s Chinese t r a d i t i o n but s t i l l e m o t i o n a l l y t i e d 75 to i t . " Levenson's dichotomies of " t r a d i t i o n a l - m o d e r n " and "Chinese-Western" approach have been s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d by h i s t o r i a n s who approach the i n t e l l e c t u a l problems of 7 6 l a t e Ch'ing w i t h a "China-as-China" approach. F i r s t of a l l , i t has been p o i n t e d out by Chang Hao t h a t t h i s 166 a s s e r t i o n was too s i m p l i s t i c . Cheng has f u r t h e r analysed the i n n e r complexity .of the Chinese c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e and demonstrated t h a t the Chinese t r a d i t i o n was not a mono-l i t h i c e n t i t y . T h e r e f o r e , i n t e l l e c t u a l s might r e j e c t c e r t a i n aspects o f t r a d i t i o n a l thought, but remain 77 i n t e l l e c t u a l l y committed t o o t h e r s . P h i l i p Huang has suggested t h a t when a Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l i d e n t i f i e d elements of the Chinese t r a d i t i o n w i t h h i s newly a c q u i r e d Western concepts (In Huang Tsun-hsien's Case, i n c l u d i n g Japanese Concepts), i t was because he thought they were 7 8 i d e n t i f i a b l e . I would l i k e to argue t h a t the a s s o c i a t i o n of Western s c i e n c e and technology w i t h Chinese o r i g i n s was a n a t u r a l process i n the a s s i m i l a t i o n of f o r e i g n i d e a s . I t i s not uncommon t h a t when we f i r s t come across new ideas we u s u a l l y l e a r n them by a s s o c i a t i n g them with ideas with which we are f a m i l i a r . T h i s p r a c t i c e may a l s o be a s t r a t e g y f o r i n c r e a s i n g the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of new i d e a s . Moreover, there may have been some p o i n t s of agreement between the new ideas i n Japan and the West and the o l d ideas i n the Chinese C l a s s i c s which the reformers found 79 u s e f u l . However, such an approach had i t s i n h e r e n t p a r a d o x i c a l weaknesses. I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t Huang had a d i s t o r t e d o r l i m i t e d understanding o f the C l a s s i c s and a c t u a l l y b e l i e v e d the idea s were t h e r e . 167 As we have mentioned, t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese economic t h i n k i n g has always been s y n c r e t i c i n nature, f o r there were adequate c h o i c e s w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n . Nineteenth century Chinese economic thought began to evolve very e a r l y i n t o a new s y n c r e t i c d i r e c t i o n . I t was a s y n t h e s i s of s e l e c t e d i d e a s from China's c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n and the modern West, s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d and d i s t o r t e d by i d e o l o g i c a l i m p o r t a t i o n s from Japan. T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s y n c r e t i s m accounted f o r the c o n t i n u i t y of Chinese c u l t u r e , and was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n t r o d u c i n g new idea s which 8 0 were not a c c e p t a b l e t o Chinese c o n s e r v a t i v e s . For t h i s reason, Confucian ideas i n p a r t i c u l a r , were o f t e n subgect to what might be c a l l e d "the i n f l a t i o n o f h i s t o r i c a l 81 concepts," t h a t i s , the t r a c i n g back of the o r i g i n of a concept to the p r e c e d i n g c e n t u r i e s . Since Ch'ing s c h o l a r s were very capable i n d i g g i n g up the h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s of any g i v e n i d e a or phenomenon, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t what we c o n s i d e r as "modern (or Western) economic concepts" i n r e t r o s p e c t , were t r a c e d as f a r back as the beginning of the Confucian e r a . Whether t h i s r e s u l t e d from a genuine b e l i e f i n the past , or was simply a d e v i c e to i n t r o d u c e new concepts i n the g u i s e of t r a d i t i o n a l terminology i s an i n t r i c a t e and wider problem i n Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y which r e q u i r e s more i n v e s t i g a t i o n . One o f Huang Tsun-hsien's most important c o n t r i -b u t i o n s i s h i s s p e c i a l i z e d study of modern Japan and h i s 168 i n t r o d u c t i o n of Japan as an a l t e r n a t i v e to the Western model of modernization. A c c o r d i n g to T a i C h i - t ' a o , the Treatises on Japan remained one of the few sy s t e m a t i c 8 2 i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of Japan f o r another three decades. Huang's a n a l y s i s c l e a r e d away, a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t o r t e d Chinese impression of Japan and put an end to the myth of an unchanging f a i r y l a n d . He pre-sented a p i c t u r e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the popular Chinese c o n c e p t i o n of Japan as backward and subordinate to China. A l l the d i v e r s e c u r r e n t s i n Japan's h i s t o r y d u r i n g the t u r b u l e n t years of Huang's s o j o u r n i n t h a t country b a r e l y touched most of h i s contemporaries. A convenient example i s the Imperial Commissioner of the f i r s t Chinese L e g a t i o n i n Tokyo, Hu Ju-chang, who stayed i n Japan as long as Huang, but who h a r d l y responded a t a l l to the c h a l l e n g e of h i s new environment. Huang made a more determined and conscious e f f o r t than h i s predecessors and h i s con-temporaries t o understand Japan and the p r i n c i p l e s o f modernization. Huang was among the e a r l i e s t f i r s t - h a n d observers who went to Japan. His book was w r i t t e n b e f o r e the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 which d r a m a t i c a l l y changed the Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s h i p . The outcome of t h a t war and subsequent Japanese p o l i c i e s made Japan both a model f o r China and a t h r e a t to her s e c u r i t y . Since Huang wrote bef o r e 1894, he was f r e e from the ambivalent view towards 169 the Japanese shared by l a t e r g e n e r a t i o n s o f Chinese who s u f f e r e d under Japanese m i l i t a r y and economic oppression.. He was f r e e to be q u i t e r e c e p t i v e to both the new ideas which he encountered i n Japan and to the f r e s h p e r s p e c t i v e s on o l d ones d e r i v e d from h i s Japanese experience. Indeed, the c l e a r e s t evidence of Huang's open and naive a t t i t u d e was h i s f a i l u r e t o see the ne g a t i v e aspects of Japan's mode r n i z a t i o n i n the form of overseas expansion t h a t would be a t h r e a t to China. He d i d not see the immediate importance of Japan's new i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a t u s nor t h a t i t s f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n would have a d i r e c t impact on the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t of China. He even p r a i s e d Japanese m a r t i a l z e a l and c o n s i d e r e d i t a necessary f a c t o r f o r m i l i t a r y power. His p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of Japanese m i l i t a r y development d i f f e r e d from t h a t of l a t e r g e n e r a t i o n s of Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were f u l l y aware of i t s p o t e n t i a l danger. The above comparison does not suggest t h a t Huang was immune to p r e j u d i c e s or was completely o b j e c t i v e i n h i s approach. In f a c t , Huang's Treatises on Japan i s by no means f r e e from b i a s . Although he may not have been conscious of h i s unexamined assumptions, Huang, as an h i s t o r i a n , had to s e l e c t what data and what concepts to use. Through t h i s p rocess o f s e l e c t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n , he n e c e s s a r i l y p r o j e c t e d p e r s o n a l views i n h i s work. 170 Consequently, what emerged i s a product of Huang's mind, of h i s g e n e r a t i o n , of h i s time, and of Chinese c u l t u r e i n g e n e r a l . Moreover, he was deeply a f f e c t e d by h i s p e r s o n a l involvement w i t h Japan and was i n e v i t a b l y bound by h i s p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e . He wrote from h i s own Chinese c u l t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e , which i n v a r i a b l y c o l o u r e d h i s work. He was proud o f the c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e of h i s own country and y e t f e l t the need f o r absorbing the s p i r i t o f Western s c i e n c e and l e a r n i n g by the Japanese way of a d a p t a t i o n . Despite h i s e x t e n s i v e a p p r e c i a t i o n of the Japanese p r a c t i c e of borrowing from other c i v i l i z a t i o n s , he continued to s t r e s s the unique v a l u e of the Chinese c o n t r i b u t i o n . His Chinese c u l t u r a l background s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d the h o r i z o n of h i s a p p r a i s a l of Japanese achievement. T h e r e f o r e , we must conclude t h a t h i s own p e r s o n a l experience robbed him of the a b i l i t y to o b j e c t i v e l y analyze Japan i n the l i g h t of Japanese h i s t o r y . Huang i s charged w i t h s i n o c e n t r i c i s m and c u l t u r a l c o l o n i a l i s m . He i s s a i d to have f a i l e d t o r e c o g n i z e the o r i g i n a l i t y and the c r e a t i v i t y o f the Japanese a d a p t a t i o n of Western c u l t u r e and to have been e x c e s s i v e l y concerned w i t h Western s c i e n c e and technology r a t h e r than Japanese 8 3 achievement i n modernization. Huang's unconscious s i n o c e n t r i c assumption might be t r u e , however, I would argue a g a i n s t Kamachi's i d e a of Huang's i n a b i l i t y t o see the Japanese experience through a focused l e n s . D e s p i t e 171 h i s s i n o c e n t r i c i s m , he was t r y i n g to converge the t o t a l Japanese development experience i n t o a s i n g l e p o i n t . He wished t o study the Japanese a b i l i t y to adopt Western s c i e n c e and technology i n o r d e r to see i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y to China; to see whether t h a t Japanese way ^ b o r r o w i n g ^ o f j t a l e n t - -f i r s t from China, l a t e r from the West--could be adopted by China. Huang, o f course, was not f r e e from ethnocen-t r i c i s m of the s o r t t h a t people i n a c l o s e d country u s u a l l y develop. However, a p a r t from h i s c u l t u r a l "oneupsmanship," he had a genuine d e s i r e to look f o r Japanese experience t h a t would be a p p l i c a b l e to China. In f a c t , i n the Treatises on Japan, Huang was c o n s t a n t l y speaking to Chinese r a t h e r than to Japanese r e a d e r s and he u n f a i l i n g l y r e f e r r e d to s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s i n China. He always kept China i n mind w h i l e he was o b s e r v i n g Japan and was i n t e r e s t e d i n s t i m u l a t i n g Chinese morale and c o m p e t i t i v e s p i r i t . In s h o r t , he was w r i t i n g a h i s t o r y of Japan f o r the Chinese r a t h e r than f o r the Japanese. N e i t h e r d i d he i n t e n d t o p r e s e n t h i s work on Japanese h i s t o r y as an academic s u b j e c t and t h e r e f o r e d i d not detach h i m s e l f e m o t i o n a l l y from h i s s u b j e c t . I t i s f o r these reasons t h a t Huang d i d not i n t e r -p r e t Japanese h i s t o r y i n Japanese terms. Misunderstanding, d i s t o r t i o n , and i n c o r r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n i s , perhaps, i n e v i t a b l e f o r an o u t s i d e r to Japanese s o c i e t y . Huang c o u l d not escape from f a l l i n g i n t o the common e r r o r o f the Chinese observer o f Japan: t h a t i s , l o o k i n g f o r a "Japanese s o c i e t y i n the Chinese mind" or a "Chinese s o c i e t y i n Japan, 8 4 i n s t e a d of o b s e r v i n g the r e a l Japanese s o c i e t y . T h i s i s because he s t u d i e d Japan with a primary focus on China. As to the o f f e n c e of c u l t u r a l c o l o n i a l i s m , Huang might not be pardoned, but we can m i t i g a t e such c r i t i c i s m by p o i n t i n g out h i s r e l a t i v e openmindedness and h i s l a t e r s h i f t of a t t i t u d e toward Japan. Many Chinese of Huang's time looked down on Japan as a c u l t u r a l s u b o rdinate, but Huang's d e t e r m i n a t i o n to go to Japan out of h i s own c h o i c e demonstrates t h a t he t r i e d to transcend the Chinese b i a s . I t i s t r u e t h a t he s t a r t e d out l o o k i n g a t the ways of W e s t e r n i z a t i o n i n Japan, however, a f t e r h i s sojourns i n the United S t a t e s and B r i t a i n , Huang's a t t i t u d e s h i f t e d from doubt to a more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n , and f i n a l l y to a whole-hearted advocacy of " J a p a n i z a t i o n . " He was q u i t e c r i t i c a l o f Western s o c i e t y , or a t l e a s t l e s s o p t i m i s t i c about the a d v i s a b i l i t y of promoting W e s t e r n i z a t i o n i n China. I t seems t h a t Huang's w i l l i n g n e s s to l e a r n from Japan, to take Japan as a model--indeed to take any f o r e i g n country as a m o d e l — , i s q u i t e a step beyond the u s u a l s i n o c e n t r i c i s m . I f he was p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h China and China's problems, t h a t i s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g s i n c e h i s 173 major concern was the f a t e of h i s own country. His i n t e r e s t i n the Japanese model was not out of c u r i o s i t y , but of importance only i n terms of i t s u s e f u l n e s s to China. The f a c t t h a t Huang d i d not adequately a p p r e c i a t e indigenous Japanese c u l t u r e may r e f l e c t h i s s i n o c e n t r i c i s m . But i n terms o f the importance of h i s book and i t s u s e f u l n e s s , the r e a l l y important c o n c l u s i o n one can draw, i s t h a t by not f u l l y understanding how Western borrowings and indigenous Japanese c u l t u r e f i l l e d t o g e t h e r , i n a l l the s u b t l e t y of t h a t p r o c e s s , Huang was unable to g i v e Chinese reformers a s u f f i c i e n t l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d understanding as they might have had of the c u l t u r a l problems i n v o l v e d i n a d a p t i n g Western ideas to a non-Western s o c i e t y . I f the Chinese were to f a c e a s i m i l a r task of a d a p t a t i o n i t c e r t a i n l y would have been to t h e i r advantage to have a f u l l treatment of how Western p r a c t i c e s and Japanese p r a c t i c e s f i t t e d t o g ether i n Japan. Since Huang was not an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , t h i s type of treatment was i n e v i t a b l y beyond h i s scope. Had he achieved i t , however, China's task of borrowing and a d a p t a t i o n would have been much e a s i e r . 174 CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION Before the n i n e t e e n t h century, Chinese s t u d i e s on Japan were very sketchy, and t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n s tenuous and s u p e r f i c i a l s i n c e d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h Japan by Chinese s c h o l a r s was r a r e . Remaining i n a r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e d environment, the Chinese l a c k e d a stimulus to change t h e i r c o nceptual p r e j u d i c e s . Unaware of t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s when e v a l u a t i n g Japan i n t h i s way, they were l i a b l e to e x p l a i n Japan i n terms of the "normal" h i s t o r i c a l experience of China. Huang Tsun-hsien's Treatises on Japan, completed i n 1887, was a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the age-old Chinese response to Japan. I t was the f i r s t Chinese attempt to .understand Japan on an o b j e c t i v e b a s i s . While the Treatises on Japan was i n the process of p u b l i c a t i o n , the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 broke out. Japan's overwhelming v i c t o r y , which was so g a l l i n g to Chinese p r i d e , r a d i c a l l y changed the Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s h i p . The Chinese view of Japanese h i s t o r y a l s o changed. A s h i f t of a t t i t u d e o c c u r r e d and the need to understand Japan and to borrow from her experience i n modernization was u r g e n t l y f e l t . From t h a t time on, the Chinese tended to e x p l a i n the Japanese 175 experience i n terms of the h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n of Western-European i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I t was even more d i f f i c u l t f o r the Chinese t o change t h i s c onceptual p r e j u d i c e i n the h a l f century of Sino-Japanese h o s t i l i t y which f o l l o w e d and to see the Japanese experience i n i t s own terms. The a n a l y s i s of Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of e a r l y M e i j i economic development suggests t h a t f o r a b e t t e r under-standing of the Chinese view of Japan, we must understand the b u i l t - i n p e r s p e c t i v e of the Chinese, which we have d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I. When we t u r n to the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f the Japanese model to China, i t seems t h a t t h e r e were three l i m i t a t i o n s to e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the t r a n s f e r of Japanese ide a s t o China d u r i n g Huang's p e r i o d : (1) the l i m i t a t i o n s of Chinese understanding of the Japanese experience, as i l l u s t r a t e d by the l i m i t a t i o n s o f the understanding o f the most knowledgable Chinese "Japan expert," Huang Tsun-hsien; (2) the l i m i t a t i o n s i n the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f the Japanese experience, o r Japanese techniques (e.g. c u l t u r a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s and a l s o Chinese a t t i t u d e s towards borrowing, and towards Japan); (3) the p o l i t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s o f people l i k e Huang who lac k e d the power to put t h e i r i d e a s i n t o e f f e c t . As to the accuracy of the Chinese knowledge of f o r e i g n i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y to China, i t has been p o i n t e d out t h a t many Chinese who had over-seas experience and chances to observe f o r e i g n economic 176 systems were not very a c c u r a t e i n t h e i r a n a l y s i s o f the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of these systems to China.''" Huang Tsun-h s i e n ' s experience i s a c o n f i r m a t i o n of t h i s statement. I t seems t h a t Huang doubted n e i t h e r the d e s i r a b i l i t y nor the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f the Japanese model of economic development. He assumed t h a t the success of any other c o u n t r i e s , i n -c l u d i n g Japan, c o u l d be t r a n s f e r r e d to China, but never c o n s i d e r e d how the Japanese p r a c t i c e s c o u l d take r o o t i n China. The 1898 Reform—the Chinese v e r s i o n of the M e i j i 2 R e s t o r a t i o n , d i d not l a s t more than one hundred days, and thus Huang's p r o p o s a l s i n the Treatises on Japan were never adequately put to the t e s t . Our d i s c u s s i o n of Huang u n d e r l i n e s many of the d i f f i c u l t i e s o f adapting f o r e i g n (Japanese) economic concepts or p r a c t i c e s to China, a s o c i e t y w i t h a d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e towards modernization, a d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l experience, a d i f f e r e n t degree of f o r e i g n p e n e t r a t i o n and a d i v e r s i t y o f r e a c t i o n s to i t , a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s s t r u c t u r e and i d e o -l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , and d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and 3 economic i n s t i t u t i o n s . Moreover, experimentation w i t h f o r e i g n ideas i n China was conducted under an u n f a v o r a b l e combination of circumstances. T h i s i s not to say t h a t the t r a n s f e r e n c e of the experiences of economic development from one country to another i s i m p o s s i b l e . However, gi v e n the economic s i t u a t i o n of the l a t e Ch'ing p e r i o d , i t i s 177 very u n l i k e l y t h a t China c o u l d have matched the accomplish-ments of Japan. A l b e r t Feuerwerker, Frank King, T.K. Wu, C T . S t a n l e y , Lo Yii-tung and other modern economic h i s t o r i a n s have i l l u s t r a t e d the f i n a n c i a l i n a b i l i t y o f the Ch'ing government to impose the Japanese model. But i n Huang T s u n - h s i e n 1 s preconceived o p i n i o n , the w i l l i n g n e s s to reform was as important as the a b i l i t y t o do so. Economic reform as an o b j e c t i v e f a c t was confused w i t h commitment to reform, which i s s u b j e c t i v e and i n d i c a t e s a v a l u e p r e f e r e n c e . In comparison w i t h the v o l i t i o n of the M e i j i government to modernize t h e i r country, the r e l u c t a n c e of the Ch'ing govern-ment to reform was n e g a t i v e l y r e i n f o r c e d . What i r r i t a t e d Huang and the other reformers was t h a t the Manchu government d i d not even make the attempt. E x c i t e d by Japan's success i n a c h i e v i n g n a t i o n a l wealth and power, Huang perhaps not o n l y overestimated the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the M e i j i p a t t e r n to China, he a l s o u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y o v e r r a t e d the Ch'ing government's c a p a c i t y to c a r r y out the task of modernization. In r e s t r o s p e c t , the Ch'ing government's development of the Chinese economy may have come c l o s e to the l i m i t s of what was p o s s i b l e i n China i n the l a s t two decades of the n i n e t e e n t h century. T h i s q u e s t i o n , however, i s beyond the scope of the p r e s e n t i n q u i r y . T h i s b r i e f account of Huang Tsun-hsien's i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n of e a r l y M e i j i economic development i s , of course, f a r from the complete s t o r y of Huang as a reformer. However, 178 i t should be s u f f i c i e n t to demonstrate t h a t t h e r e was a type of pragmatic i n t e l l e c t u a l i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China who committed h i m s e l f t o the m i s s i o n of seeking s o l u t i o n s to China's economic problems, and whose continuous e f f o r t s r e p r e s e n t one aspect of the Chinese response to t h e i r indigenous problems and the o u t s i d e world. Huang Tsun-hsien t y p i f i e s the a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s and go a l s of the average pragmatic i n t e l l e c t u a l . He was a shang-wu t h i n k e r with a ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l o u tlook and s o c i a l commitment. He shared i n common w i t h the other reformers the ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i e n t a t i o n , namely: a sense of involvement, of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , o f s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a commitment to the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge and a pragmatic, r e a l i s t i c and a t t i t u d e which c a l l e d f o r a c t i o n to r e a l i z e i d e a l s . Ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l s were n e i t h e r planners nor t h e o r i s t s . They d i d not formulate a s y s t e m a t i c body of modernization theory. Rather, they sought piecemeal e m p i r i c a l s o l u t i o n s to co n c r e t e problems. They s e t examples of a c t i o n r a t h e r than p r e c e p t s . The p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n d i d not al l o w them to e x e r c i s e them-s e l v e s f r e e l y i n the realm of a c t i o n , and p a r a d o x i c a l l y , most of t h e i r p r o p o s a l s remained c o n f i n e d to the realm of i d e a s . Huang Tsun-hsien a l s o e x e m p l i f i e s the common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the shang-wu e x p e r t s . They were 179 " m e r c a n t i l i s t s " who s t r o n g l y advocated the development of f o r e i g n t r a d e , commerce and i n d u s t r y as the means of a c h i e v i n g wealth and power. They emphasized the r o l e of government l e a d e r s h i p i n economic development, e s p e c i a l l y i n promoting and p r o t e c t i n g f o r e i g n t r ade and the n a t i o n ' s economic r i g h t s . L i k e the yang-wu p o l i t i c i a n s , they were b e l i e v e r s i n vealpolitik, and hence they shared w i t h the yang-wu p o l i t i c i a n s a f e e l i n g o f d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h the Manchu government which had n e i t h e r the w i l l nor the s t r e n g t h to c a r r y out t h e i r proposed reforms. The shang-wu group were e n e r g e t i c a c t i v i s t s who were i n v o l v e d i n reform a c t i v i t i e s (e.g. Huang Tsun-hsien) and i n economic p r o j e c t s (e.g. Cheng Kuan-ying and Chang C h i e n ) . They d i d not have an o v e r a l l p l a n of economic development i n mind, l i k e our modern economic p l a n n e r s , nor d i d they have any p r o f e s s i o n a l economic t r a i n i n g . D e s p i t e t h i s , they r e c o g n i z e d some of the important f a c t o r s i n economic development. I t i s t h i s group of amateur shang-wu experts w i t h ching-shih i n t e l l e c t u a l commitment, which i s i n my o p i n i o n the fo r e r u n n e r of the p r o f e s s i o n a l , modern Chinese economists. At the pres e n t stage of r e s e a r c h , we cannot go very f a r i n making g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the ching-shih, yang-wu and shang-wu groups as f o r e r u n n e r s of modern Chinese economists s i n c e t h e r e i s no comprehensive h i s t o r y of modern Chinese economic thought t h a t would demonstrate a c o n n e c t i o n between these groups and show how the 180 development of t h i s t r e n d o f thought proceeded from one to the o t h e r . I t i s i m p o s s i b l e to embody the r e s e a r c h f o r such a h i s t o r y w i t h i n t h i s t h e s i s . A l l t h a t we can . . t e n t a t i v e l y suggest i s t h a t the ching-shih, yang-wu and shang-wu t h i n k e r s went beyond p r e v i o u s t h i n k e r s on economic s u b j e c t s i n the sense t h a t they were concerned w i t h some 4 problems not p r e v i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d . Moreover, they shed new l i g h t on o l d problems and t h e i r approaches were more or l e s s "modern. T h i s t h e s i s demonstrates t h a t t h e r e i s a need f o r a h i s t o r y of the development of modern Chinese economic thought to see i f these people were indeed f o r e r u n n e r s of the modern d i s c i p l i n e of economics i n China. Huang Tsun-hsien was a f a i r l y a c c u r a t e o b s e r v e r , although he was sometimes unable to comprehend the cause of c e r t a i n changes i n Japan. As an i n t e r p r e t e r of f o r e i g n ideas he d i d , of course, o c c a s i o n a l l y d i s t o r t and m i s i n -t e r p r e t concepts, as we have shown i n the a n a l y s i s o f h i s view of e a r l y M e i j i economic development and the comparison of images and r e a l i t y . Huang's shortcomings i n t h i s r e s p e c t i l l u s t r a t e some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of importing f o r e i g n ideas so conspicuous i n modern Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . The id e a o f Meij i economic development, l i k e any other new i d e a , reached China i n somewhat d i s t o r t e d form as i t had passed 181 through the hands of numerous t r a n s l a t o r s and i n t e r p r e t e r s . What the Chinese r e c e i v e d was a d i s t o r t e d v e r s i o n of M e i j i economic modernization, and a double d i s t o r t i o n o f "Western economic modernization," which had a l r e a d y passed through Japanese hands. The Japanese had adopted the Western model of development i n t h e i r own way and thereby imparted something o f themselves to the ideas they t r a n s m i t t e d . I t i s not a t a l l c l e a r t h a t Huang made any independent c o n t r i b u t i o n to e i t h e r Chinese or Japanese economic a n a l y s i s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of Huang's c o n t r i -b u t i o n l i e s p a r t l y i n what he s e l e c t e d t o i n t r o d u c e from Japan t o China, and i n h i s p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of Japanese economic development, though he remained ambivalent about Japanese p o l i t i c a l reforms. Huang's p r o p o s a l s f o r China c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d both " r a d i c a l " and " c o n s e r v a t i v e . " In h i s l a t e r years Huang s t a t e d t h a t he avoided the word " r e v o l u t i o n " (ko-ming) U>ei- K S L * . d e l i b e r a t e l y and would r a t h e r speak of "reform" • (uoi hoi en). Is he then a r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n d i s g u i s e , or i s he a l u k e -warm g r a d u a l i s t reformer? I am r e l u c t a n t to p l a c e Huang i n a g e n e r a l category such as c o n s e r v a t i v e or r a d i c a l . As was t r u e of most Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s of h i s day, Huang had accepted new concepts which f a v o r a b l y impressed him and were c o n s i d e r e d to be u s e f u l t o China. He then m o d i f i e d or superimposed them on a Chinese base. In some 182 ways, Huang was very r a d i c a l (e.g. h i s suggestion of heavy ta x a t i o n ) , and i n other ways very c o n s e r v a t i v e (e.g. h i s d i s a p p r o v a l of Japanese reform of the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e ) . In the t w e n t i e t h century, Huang's p r o p o s a l s would not be c o n s i d e r e d r a d i c a l and would be regarded simply as p i e c e -meal remedies f o r an outmoded system, n e v e r t h e l e s s they were r a d i c a l i n terms of Ch'ing government p r a c t i c e . L i k e most of the reformers, Huang had l i t t l e chance to put h i s ideas i n t o p r a c t i c e . Only through power-f u l patronage c o u l d reformers of t h i s age even attempt to r e a l i z e t h e i r i d e a s . Thus, the p o s s i b i l i t y of t r y i n g out one's ideas depended on the person and the circumstances r a t h e r than on the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the p r o p o s a l s . In the face of powerful c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e s a t c o u r t , the p a t r o n -age a v a i l a b l e t o reformers a t t h i s time was not s u f f i c i e n t l y s t r o n g . However, Huang had the o p p o r t u n i t y of seeing the ideas proposed i n the Treatises on Japan become the b l u e p r i n t of K'ang Yu-wei's reform program. T h i s i s , of course, f a r more to be s a i d on the Hundred Days Reform, and Huang's r o l e i n t h i s event remains to be e x p l o r e d , n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s study has attempted to show how Huang Tsun-hsien's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Japan's economic reforms evolved, i n the hope t h a t some of the i d e a s which i n s p i r e d the Chinese Reform w i l l be b e t t e r understood. 183 ABBREVIATIONS IN THE FOOTNOTES P e r i o d i c a l s EDCC Economic Development and C u l t u r a l  Change JAS J o u r n a l of A s i a n S t u d i e s Books HFHCYTTC Hsiao-fang-hu-chai y i i - t i ts'ung-ch'ao ( C o l l e c t i o n of Geographical Works from the Hsiao-fang-hu Studio) JCLCWS J e n - c h i n g - l u c h i - w a i s h i h c h i (Poems of Huang Tsun-hsien not i n c l u d e d i n the J e n - c h i n g - l u s h i h - t s ' a o ) JCLST J e n - c h i n g - l u s h i h - t s ' a o chien-chu ( C o l l e c t e d Poems o f Huang Tsun-hsien, an Annotation) 184 J i h - p e n kuo-chih ( T r e a t i s e s on Japan) J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h s h i h (Miscellaneous Poems on Japan) The S t a t e and Economic E n t e r p r i s e i n  Japan: Essays i n the P o l i t i c a l Economy of Growth 185 FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION ~*"There are undoubtedly many areas where under-standing of the impact of Huang's T r e a t i s e s of Japan would be g r e a t l y improved by e x p l i c i t comparison w i t h the 1898 reform e d i c t s and K'ang Yu-wei's reform p r o p o s a l s . A l s o , a comparison w i t h the e d i c t s o f the -Manchu Reforms i n 19 05 would g i v e us a g e n e r a l i d e a of what s o r t o f ideas t h a t o r i g i n a t e d w i t h Huang were s e l e c t e d to implement by the crumbling Manchu dynasty i n i t s l a s t e f f o r t to rescue i t s e l f . See J o c e l y n V. M i l n e r , "The Reform Ideas of Huang Tsun-h s i e n ' s H i s t o r y o f Japan and I t s I n f l u e n c e on the Hundred Days' Reform", Nan-yang hsiieh-pao, V o l . 17, (1963), pp. 63-67, 79-93. See a l s o f o o t n o t e s 3 and 4. 2 Huang was c a l l e d " s h i h - c h i e h ko-mmg c h i h tao-s h i h " ^1 ^ J ^ - v ^ i ^fc'fc (The Forerunner o f the Chinese Poetry Revolution) by Hu Shih. See Hu Shih, "Chung-kuo wu-shih-nien c h i h wen-hsueh," (Chinese L i t e r a t u r e i n the L a s t F i f t y Y e a r s ) , i n Wan-Ch'ing wu-shih-nien l a i c h i h  Chung-kuo (The L a s t F i f t y Years of Late Ch'ing China), p. 53. Another t i t l e " c h i n - s h i h s h i h - c h i a san c h i e h " \jf J^Z ^ % ~~ ( ° n e o f t n e Three Outstanding F i g u r e s i n Modern Chinese Poetry) was c o n f e r r e d upon Huang by L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao. (The other two being H s i a S h u i - c h i n g j [ 4 ^ a n c ^ Chiang Kuan-yiin 4^ ^' X i n ~ P : ' - n g ~ s n i n shih-hua (Liang's Essays on P o e t r y ) . See Y i n - p i n g - s h i h h o - c h i (Complete Works of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao), i n Ch'ien O-sun, J e n - c h i n g - l u s h i h - t s ' a o  chien-chu ( C o l l e c t e d Poems of Huang Tsun-hsien: An An n o t a t i o n , H e r e a f t e r C i t e d as JCLST), (Shanghai, 1957), "shih-hua" (Poetry T a l k s ) , 1: 391-411. Kao Yii fQ<*& l i k e n e d Huang to 186 "Ko-lun-pu" ( C h r i s t o p h e r Columbus) f o r h i s c r e a t i v e and adventurous s p i r i t i n modern Chinese p o e t r y , i n Yuan-the Yiian-wu-chin S t u d i o ) , c i t e d i n Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-t u hsien-sheng chuan-kao (A D r a f t Biography of Huang Tsun-h s i e n , h e r e a f t e r C i t e d as Huang Kung-tu), (Hong Kong, 1972), p. 386. For Huang's c o n t r i b u t i o n to Chinese p o e t r y and other a p p r a i s a l s of Huang's l i t e r a r y achievements, see Ch'en Yen, S h i h - i - s h i h shih-hua (Ch'en Yen's Essays on P o e t r y ) , JCLST's annotations^ and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, C h ' i n g - t a i hsueh-shu k a i - l u n ( I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , and Cheng Chen-to, Wen-hsueh ta-kang (An O u t l i n e on Chinese L i t e r a t u r e ) . His Response to M e i j i Japan and the West," unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s , (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , 1972). Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-tu hsien-sheng chuan-kao (A D r a f t Biography of Huang Tsun-hsien), (Hong Kong: The Chinese U n i v e r s i t y of Hong Kong P r e s s , 1972). These are the most re c e n t and d e t a i l e d accounts on t h i s s u b j e c t . E a r l i e r s t u d i e s o f Huang i n c l u d e J o c e l y n V. M i l n e r ' s a r t i c l e s "The Role of Huang Tsun-hsien i n the Reform Movement of the Nineteenth Century" (M.A..Theses, U n i v e r s i t y of Hong Kong, 1962) and "The Reform Ideas of Huang Tsun-hsien's H i s t o r y of Japan and i t s I n f l u e n c e on the Hundred Days' Reform" Nan-yang hsueh-pao, 17: 49-94, (1963) and Cheng Tzu-yii, Saneto Keishu and others?! essays i n J e n - c h i n g - l u  ts'ung-k'ao (Studies on Huang Tsun-hsien, Singapore, 1957). These s t u d i e s d e a l mainly w i t h the l i f e and c a r e e r of Huang i n g e n e r a l , or h i s reform ideas and achievements i n Chinese poetry r a t h e r than h i s economic thought. (Essays on Poetry from 3 Noriko Kamachi, "Huang Tsun-hsien (1848-1905): 1 4 See Huang T s u n - h s i e n 1 s l e t t e r to h i s b r o t h e r Tsun-chieh b e f o r e h i s death i n 1905, i n which he s a i d , "During a l l my l i f e t i m e I have accomplished nothing but mastered the techniques i n w r i t i n g c l a s s i c a l and modern poems. Yet t h i s i s a u s e l e s s s u p e r f l u i t y and I am now r e a l l y d i s a p p o i n t e d [with myself] ." Chien O-sun, "nien-pu 1 p. 79. Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-tu, p. 72. For Huang's i n t e r e s t i n c h i n g - s h i h ( S t a t e c r a f t ) , see Chang P ' i n g - l i n ' s l e t t e r to Teng Shih o^jjj ^  , i n T'ai-yen wen-lu ch'u- p ' i e n (A F i r s t C o l l e c t i o n of Chang P ' i n g - l i n ' s W r i t i n g s ) , chiian 2, p. 26. L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, " C h i a - y i n g Huang hsien-sheng mu-chih-ming" ~^J%^ ^ ^ j f : (Epitaph of Huang Tsun-hsien), i n JCLST, p. 13. 5 Joseph^Levensonc .explained the dominance of the i d e a l of '^amateurism" over " p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m " by the c o l l e c t i o n of evidence from p a i n t i n g i n Ming and e a r l y ch'ing dynasty. See Joseph R. Levenson, Confucian China  and I t s Modern Fate, A T r i l o g y , (Berkeley: 1968), V o l . I, pp. 15-43. See a l s o V o l . I, p. 52; V o l . I I , pp. 33, 34, 48, 56, 57, 59, 62, 63, 67, 111, 115, 126, 127; V o l . I l l , pp. 81, 109. 188 FOOTNOTES CHAPTER I ^"Since there i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of l i t e r a t u r e on Huang's biography, t h i s chapter w i l l o n l y p r o v i d e a sketchy o u t l i n e of Huang's l i f e and h i s l i v i n g environment. T h i s summary of Huang's l i f e i s based on the f o l l o w i n g sources: (a) Ch'ien O-sun, Huang Kung-tu hsien-sheng nien-p'u (A C h r o n o l o g i c a l Biography of Huang Tsun-hsien, l a t e r c i t e d as nien-p'u), (b) Huang Tsun-hsien, P'an-kuei-fang Huang-shih chia-p'u ^li^^Lkl%\% ( T h e Genealogy of the Huangs' Family a t P'an-kuei-fang), .(c) Huang Tsun-hsien Shu-tsa ch'ao-kao j|~v<t J "f ^ (Manuscripts of Huang's L e t t e r s ) , (d) J e n - c h i n g - l u s h i h - t s a o (JCLST), (e) J e n - c h i n g - l u c h i - w a i s h i h - c h i (JCLCWSC), (f) Huang Tsun-hsien yii J i h - p e n yu-jen p i - t ' a n i-kao (Records of W r i t t e n Conversations between Huang Tsun-h s i e n and His Japanese F r i e n d s ) , (g) Liang Ch'-ch'ao, C h i a - y i n g Huang hsien-sheng mu-chih- ming (Epitaph of Huang Tsun-hsien), (h) C h ' i n g - s h i h l i e h - c h u a n (Biographies of Ch'ing O f f i c i a l s ) , (i) Huang Tsun-chieh, Hsien-hsiung Kung-tu hsien-sheng  s h i h - s h i h shu-lueh ^ £ ^ ^ ^ ^ (An Account of the L i f e o f my Brother Huang Tsun-hsien), 189 (j) Cheng Tzu-yii, J e n - c h i n g - l u ts'ung-k'ao (Studies on Huang Tsun-hsien), (k) Cheng-hsien, "Wu-hsu w e i - h s i n l i n g - h s i u Huang Kung-tu" (Huang Tsun-hsien, Leader o f the Reform of 1898), (1) Ting Wen-chiang, Liang Jen-kung nien-p'u ch'ang-p'ien ch'u-kao (A F i r s t D r a f t of the C h r o n o l o g i c a l Biography of L i ang Ch'i-ch'ao), (m) Lo H s i a n g - l i n , Hu Hsiao-ch'en nien-p'u (A C h r o n o l o g i c a l Biography of Hu Hsiao-ch'en), (n) Mai Jo-p'eng, Huang Tsun-hsien chuan, (o) Niu Jang-shan, Huang Tsun-hsien, Hakka (k'o-chia 4_ or k'o-jen J^J^ ), l i t e r a l l y means "guests" as opposed to p u n t i ( p g n - t i ^-ty*. ) , the " n a t i v e ( r e s i d e n t s ) " . The term Hakka r e f e r s to the descen-dants of the migrants from North China s e t t l i n g down i n the South. For a more d e t a i l e d treatment of t h i s s u b j e c t , see Lo H s i a n g - l i n , K'o-chia yen-chiu t a o - l u n ( I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Study of Hakka i n i t s E t h n i c , H i s t o r i c a l and C u l t u r a l A s p e c t s ) , Canton, 1933. For a b r i e f h i s t o r y of the Hakkas see C h i a - y i n g  chou-chih, p r e f a c e by L i I-chung i pp. 1-6. -Chia-ying-chou was renamed Mei - h s i e n i n the Republican e r a . The bulk of the p o p u l a t i o n i n Chia-ying^ chou i s Hakkas. A c c o r d i n g t o Huang Tsun-hsien, of the r e s i d e n t s there "nine out of ten are Hakkas. Most of them came from the Yellow R i v e r b a s i n through Fukien to Kwangtung and Kwangsi." c i t e d i n Lo H s i a n g - l i n , p. 5; pp. 230-231. Th i s summary of Huang's f a m i l y h i s t o r y i s based on the f o l l o w i n g sources: 190 (a) Huang Tsun-hsien, P'an-kuei-fang Huang s h i h c h i a - p ' u , (b) Huang Tsun-chieh, Hsien-hsiung Kung-tu hsien-sheng s h i -sh i h shu-lueh, (c) Ch'ien 0-sun, nien-p'u, and (d) Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Tsun-hsien. For s o c i a l m o b i l i t y see Ho Ping T i . Wu's b i o g r a p h i c a l study of Huang c o n t a i n s many v a l u a b l e m a t e r i a l s s u p p l i e d by Huang's son Chi-wei ^ t/J^ an& Huang's c o u s i n Yu-p'u / which have not been p u b l i s h e d b e f o r e . 5Huang Jun (tzu P'u-ch'uan ^ " f ' | , ): Huang Tsun-h s i e n ' s g r e a t - g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r , a pawnbroker and money lender i n h i s e a r l y age. He was a self-made man and e s t a b l i s h e d the foun d a t i o n f o r the Huang f a m i l y . For more i n f o r m a t i o n about Huang Jun,,see Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Tsun-h s i e n , p. 14, Ch'ien 0-sun, nien-p'u, p. 15. 5Huang Hsiieh-shih ^ ^ f f ' (tzu Tz'u-hai I d ) : t h e s i x t h son of Huang Jun, the g r e a t grandfather of Huang Tsun-h s i e n . He was one of the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n who enjoyed the b l e s s i n g s l e f t by h i s f a t h e r . He made h i s f u t u r e i n business and became a member of the l o c a l gentry. Mai Jo-p'eng, Huang Tsun-hsien 'chuan (Biography of Huang Tsun-hsien), Shanghai, 1957, pp. 2-3. Huang Hsiieh-shih was posthumously granted an honorary t i t l e "Jung-lu t a - f u " f o r the m e r i t of h i s grandson Huang Tsun-hsien. See Wen Chung-ho, comp., Kuang-hsii Chia-ying-chou c h i h (Gazetteer o f the C h i a - y i n g _ chore) , chiian 22. Huang Hsiieh-shih' s w i f e , L i Pin-k'u " j -$4^ >K£ ( L i t a i - f u - j e n & £ ^ ) was from a s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l f a m i l y (Descendant of the h a n l i n s c h o l a r L i Hsiang-yuan ^ %, %j ) • T h i s marriage shows the changing c h a r a c t e r o f a merchant f a m i l y , how i t obtained the s o c i a l s t a t u s of t h e • o f f i c i a l - g e n t r y by i n t e r m a r r i a g e r e l a t i o n s . Huang Chi-sheng (tzu Yiin-ch'u ^ J ^ 9 , 1804 1891): the s i x t h son of Huang .Hsiieh-shih. I t was s a i d t h a t he was v e r y i n t e l l i g e n t and good a t w r i t i n g . But he gave up h i s study and helped h i s f a t h e r run the b u s i n e s s a f t e r the death of h i s second b r o t h e r . L a t e r he became an i n f l u e n t i a l l o c a l s c h o l a r - g e n t r y who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the management of the l o c a l p u b l i c granary. See JCLST, chuan 5, pp. 153-157. Huang Hung-tsao "ClCVi)!^ (tzu Y e n-pin j?|L \ , hao I-nung ^ ^ , 1828-1981): Huang Tsun-hsien's f a t h e r . He was well-educated and was the f i r s t one i n the f a m i l y who succeeded i n c l i m b i n g up the l a d d e r o f success. He got h i s ch i i - j e n degree i n 1856, l a t e r served as a minor o f f i c i a l i n the Board of Revenue (hu-pu), then was appointed m a g i s t r a t e s u p p l i e d p r o v i s i o n s f o r the i m p e r i a l troops f i g h t i n g a g a i n s t the French d u r i n g the Sino-French War of 1884-1885. See Chia-ying-chou c h i h , chiian 23, p. 83b, and JCLST, p. 32. 9 A band of T a i p i n g s (about f i f t y to s i x t y thousand i n number) a t t a c k e d C h i a - y i n g c i t y i n 1859 and again i n 1865. The former a t t a c k was l e d by Shih Chen-chi under the command of Shih Ta-k'ai ^ \% j V J . The l a t t e r a s s a u l t wa by remnants of the T a i p i n g s , l e d by Wang Hai-yang ylV^iV^, . The i m p e r i a l troops under the l e a d e r s h i p o f Tso Tsung-t'ang came t o rescue the c i t y and r e c o v e r e d the t e r r i t o r y i n two months' time. For d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the b a t t l e , see Tso Tsung-t'ang, Tso Wen-hsiang kung ch.' i i a n - c h i (Complete works of Tso Tsung-t' ang) , "Tsou-kao" Jp^frj / c h i i a n 16, p. 49. A l s o see Chia-ying-chou c h i h , chiian 31, pp. 31-37. The f o l l o w i n g are poems about the T a i p i n g s w r i t t e n by Huang Tsun-hsien: 192 (a) "I-chou s h i h - i yiieh p i - l u a n Ta-pu San-ho-hsu" (_1 ~& ^ fcL&V^Ztf-t/fet (Eleventh Month of 1865, Taking Refuge a t San-ho-hsu of Ta-pu D i s t r i c t ) , JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 4-6. (b) "Pa t z u t s e i chung shu so wen" (What I Overheard from the B a n d i t s ' Conversations a f t e r my Escape), JCLST, chiian. 1, p. 6. (c) "Ch'ao-chou h s i n g " -^j-f ~ (On My Way to Ch'ao-chou), JCLST, chiian 1, p. 7. (d) "Hsi wen Chueh-ch!ing-po Tso-kung c h i h kuan-chiin shou-f u C h i a - y i n g t s e i c h i n mieh" ^{%\^%\ \\& f? Q \ < D e l i c ? h t e d t o H e a r t h a t a t t h e A r r i v a l of Tsung-t'ang, the Government Troops Recovered C h i a - y i n g and Conquered the B a n d i t s ) , JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 7-8. From these poems we know t h a t Huang d i d not have a hi g h o p i n i o n of the T a i p i n g s . He r e f e r r e d t o them as t s e i ( B a n d i t s ) . Yet i t i s worth n o t i n g t h a t Huang's o p i n i o n about the T a i p i n g s changed l a t e r on when h i s knowledge about the s i t u a t i o n o f the country i n c r e a s e d and h i s v i s i o n was broadened by h i s overseas e x p e r i e n c e s . In h i s o l d age, he even denounced Tseng Kuo-fan as a " b r u t a l suppressor of the T a i p i n g s . " See Huang's l e t t e r to L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao (10th Month, 1902), i n Hsin-min ts'ung-pao ^h^C^^fl^ (New C i t i z e n ) , No. 24, (Jan., 1903), pp. 33-35. Huang's f a m i l y p r o p e r t y was l o o t e d and a l l i t s f o r t u n e s l o s t d u r i n g the T a i p i n g a t t a c k s . The s i t u a t i o n i s d e s c r i b e d i n Huang Tsun-hsien's poems: (a) "Luan-hou k u e i - c h i a " ^ f ] l t ! l (Returning Home a f t e r the T u r m o i l ) , JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 8-10. (b) "Sung n i i - t i " ^ ^ (F a r e w e l l to My Younger S i s t e r ) , JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 10-12. 193 " ^ L i k e other g r e a t poets i n China, Huang Tsun-hsien i s s a i d to have shown s i g n s of c h i l d h o o d p r e c o c i t y , demonstrating h i s t a l e n t s i n the w r i t i n g of poetry a t the age of nine and deeply impressing h i s teacher. The poem i s quoted i n Ch'ien O-sun, nien-p'u, pp. 17-18. Huang's poems f o r h i s g r e a t grandmother, i n JCLST, chiian 5, pp. 153-156. K'ang Yu-wei d e s c r i b e d Huang Tsun-hsien as an unconventional and i n n o v a t i v e person. He was very fond of l e a r n i n g and was p a r t i c u l a r l y good a t w r i t i n g poems and prose. Huang was very c o n f i d e n t o f h i s c a p a c i t y and knowledge. He would not bow and scrape. When he was h o l d i n g c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h people, he always r a i s e d h i s head and c r o s s e d h i s l e g s ; see JCLST, P r e f a c e , pp. 1-3. "^In the S p r i n g of 1867, Huang entered the chou-hsiieh - ^ - ^ f * ( D i s t r i c t Academy) a f t e r p a s s i n g the yiian-shih ( L o c a l Academy Examination) . In order to get a higher degree, he had to take the p r o v i n c i a l examination which was h e l d every three years a t the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l , Canton. He t r i e d i n the F a l l o f 1867, 1870 and 1873, but each time f a i l e d . D espite these f a i l u r e s , he remained an o u t s t a n d i n g student i n the academy and was very much a p p r e c i a t e d by the hsiieh-cheng / ^ J ^ ( P r o v i n c i a l D i r e c t o r of E d u c a t i o n ) , Ho T'ing h s i e n • I n 1871 he was awarded the s t a t u s of ling-shan-sheng ~yp / f ' i f - ^ ( S a l a r i e d Student of the F i r s t Degree, h s i u - t s ' a i ^ j ) and i n 1873, he a c q u i r e d the kung-sheng (Senior L i c e n t i a t e ) t i t l e . 12 H s i u - t s ' a i ( C u l t i v a t e d Talent) w i t h the t i t l e of kung-sheng or chien-sheng ^ (Student of the I m p e r i a l Academy), c o u l d take the "Shun-t'ien f u - s h i h " M| |j ^ -y^y 194 ( P r o v i n c i a l Examination a t S h u n - t 1 i e n - f u , i . e . Peking). Mai Jo-p'eng, Huang Tsun-hsien chiian, p. 19. A c c o r d i n g to Shang Y e n - l i u , kung-sheng were s e l e c t e d from among the s a l a r i e d students and the quota was per d i s t r i c t or county. They were e n t i t l e d to take the t ' i n g - s h i h (Court Examin-at i o n ) g i v e n by the Board of R i t e s ( l i - p u ) . Those who passed the t ' i n g - s h i h were q u a l i f i e d f o r minor posts i n the c e n t r a l or l o c a l government. Shang Y e n - l i u , C h ' i n g - t a i  k'o-chu k'ao-shih s h u - l u . (An Account of the C i v i l S e r v i c e Examination of the Ch'ing), (Peking: 1958),pp. 28-30. 13 Huang's f r u s t r a t i o n and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the examination system were expressed i n many of h i s poems. For example, "Yu Feng-hu" <JU \ yH^ (A T r i p to the Lake Feng), JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 12-14. T h i s poem was w r i t t e n i n 1867 a f t e r h i s f i r s t f a i l u r e of the p r o v i n c i a l examination a t Canton. A l s o "Chiang-ying t ' i n g - s h i h kan-huai" \^ i i\ )5^f jfc (NOW I am About to Take the Court Examination), i n JCLST, chiian 2, pp. 43-44. 14 See Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West, (Mass.: 1964), pp. 25-26, p. 32. 15 Ch'ien O-sun, "nien-p'u", JCLST, p. 19; JCLST, chuan 1, "Kan huai", pp. 1-4; a l s o see Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Tsun-hsien, p. 24. 16 For d e t a i l s of Tseng Kuo-fan's thought, see Shen Chen Han-yin, "Tseng Kuo-fan i n Peking, 1840-1852: His Ideas on S t a t e c r a f t and Reform," JAS, 27.1: 61-80, (Nov. 1967). 195 Huang's non-conforming ideas were expressed i n a poem "Tsa-kan" - ^ f j (Impromptu) which was probably w r i t t e n i n 1868. See JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 14-18. 18 Noriko K a m a c h i p . 24. 1 Q Ch'ien O-sun, "nien-p'u", under the e n t r y o f the year 1870, i t s t a t e s t h a t Huang began to read the Wan-kuo kung-pao (The Globe Magazine, Review of the Times), a magazine e d i t e d by an American m i s s i o n a r y , Young J . A l l e n (Lim L o - c h i h ) , and p u b l i s h e d by the S o c i e t y f o r the D i f f u s i o n o f C h r i s t i a n and General Knowledge among the Chinese (Kuang-hsiieh h u i )%,^  IF J C L S T ' P* 2 1 • However, Ch'ien must have made a mistake here because the f i r s t i s s u e of Wan-kuo kung-pao appeared i n 1875. B e f o r e ' t h a t Young J . A l l e n a l s o e d i t e d another magazine Chiao-hui hsin-pao (The Church News) —3* -¥—[>— p u b l i s h e d by Lin-hua shu yuan, (the Lin-hua Academy) and the name of t h i s magazine was changed to Wan-kuo kung-pao i n 1875. Huang had probably read the Chiao- h u i hsin-pao about the case of T i e n t s i n Massacre of 1870. In the l a t e 1870's, Huang and h i s contemporaries l i k e K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao who had a profound i n t e r e s t i n Western l e a r n i n g , a l l read the Wan-kuo kung-pao and o t h e r books p u b l i s h e d by Kuang-hsiieh h u i . Wu T ' i e n - j e n has made the same mistake as Ch'ien d i d . Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang kung-tu, p. 26. ^""See Huang Tsun-hsien's poem "Hsiang-kang kan-huai shih-shou" $\ i f | | ^if ( T e n Verses of Lamentation over Hong Kong) , i n JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 22-2 6. A l s o i n "Yang-ch'eng kan-fu l i u - s h o u " j^r?\( j ^ ^ ^ ^ % ( s i x Verses on Southern Kwangtung), Huang expressed h i s f e e l i n g toward 196 the t r o u b l e s caused by f o r e i g n e r s i n h i s n a t i v e p r o v i n c e , JCLST, chiian 1, pp. 36-39. 2"*"In h i s poem " L i Su-i-hou wan-shih ssu-shou" ~^ ^{ ^1\ \ ^ " / f (Four Verses i n Memory of L i Hung-chang), i t was s a i d t h a t L i thought Huang was a " p a - t s ' a i " i . e . an o u t s t a n d i n g man of t a l e n t , JCLST, chiian 11, pp. 379-381. A l s o i n Ch'ien 0-sun,"nien p'u" p. 23. 22 The C h ' i n g - l i u Tang was a group of young o f f i c i a l s who l i k e d to c r i t i c i z e c u r r e n t a f f a i r s and impeached hi g h o f f i c i a l s . Members of t h i s group i n c l u d e d Chang Chih-tung, Chang P ' e i - l u n , Teng Ch'eng-hsiu, Ch'en Pao-chen and o t h e r s . They h e l d a b e l l i c o s e a t t i t u d e toward f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . For a d e t a i l treatment of the " C ' h i n g - l i u " c l i q u e , see Hao Yen-p'ing, "A Study of the C h ' i n g - l i u Tang: The ' D i s i n t e r -e s t e d ' S c h o l a r - O f f i c i a l Group (1875-1884)," Papers on China, 16: 40-65, (1962). 23 N ""^  "Ta-yii ssu-shou" ^T^VlCcP)^ (Four Verses on the Margary A f f a i r ) , i n JCLST, chiian 2, pp. 67-69. 24 Shimada Kumiko's Ko Jun ken (Huang Tsun-hsien) i s an example of t h i s s u ggestion. Quoted i n Noriko Kamachi, pp. 32-33. 25 Ch'ien 0-sun,"nien-p'uV p. 24. 2^Kuo Sung-t'ao , the f i r s t Chinese M i n i s t e r to England, i s a t y p i c a l example. He was looked upon as a t r a i t o r by the s c h o l a r s and o f f i c i a l s of h i s time and was l i k e n e d t o Ch'in Kuei ^ -jfijj? . , the most n o t a b l e appeaser i n 197 Chinese h i s t o r y . See Immanuel C.Y. Hsu, China's Entrance  i n t o the Family of Nations, (Mass.: 1962), p. 181; pp. 201-202. 27 Huang Tsun-hsien's d e c i s i o n to j o i n the Chinese l e g a t i o n to Japan was a g r e a t blow to those people who were expe c t i n g him to a t t a i n high o f f i c i a l d o m through the examination channel, e s p e c i a l l y to Ho T ' i n g - h s i e n , the P r o v i n c i a l D i r e c t o r of Ed u c a t i o n o f Kwangtung, who s e l e c t e d Huang as a s a l a r i e d student and then s e n i o r l i c e n t i a t e o f the f i r s t degree (kung-sheng). See Ch'ien O-sun,"nien p'u" pp. 23-24. 2 8 For Huang Tsun-hsien's i n f l u e n c e on L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, see the f o l l o w i n g a r t i c l e s : Wang Teh-ch'ao, "Huang Tsun-h s i e n yii Liang Ch'i-ch'ao" (Huang Tsun-hsien and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao), Hsin-ya shu-yuan hsiieh-shu nien-k'an (New A s i a C o l l e g e Academic Annual), 11: 1-31, (1969), and Chang P'eng~ yuan, "Huang Tsun-hsien t i cheng-chih ssu-hsiang c h i c h ' i t u i L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao t i y i n - h s i a n g " (The P o l i t i c a l Thought of Huang Tsun-hsien and i t s i n f l u e n c e on L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao), Chung-yang yen-chiu yuan c h i n - t a i - s h i h yen-chiu-so c h i - k ' a n ( B u l l e t i n of the I n s t i t u t e of Modern H i s t o r y , Academia S i n i c a ) I: 217-237, (Aug. 1969); see a l s o P h i l i p C. Huang, Liang Ch'i-chao and Modern Chinese L i b e r a l i s m ( S e a t t l e : 1972), p. 46. 29 These top o f f i c i a l s i n c l u d e d I t o Hirobumi, Okuma Shigenobu, Okubo T o s h i m i c h i , Soejima Taneomi and Miyamoto S h o i c h i , e t c . For d e t a i l s of Huang's Japanese f r i e n d s , see Noriko Kamachi, pp. 48-64. 3 0 I b i d . , pp. 48-64. 198 31 These Japanese s i n o l o g i s t s (kangaku s c h o l a r s ) who were acquainted w i t h Huang are Arima Sumichi, Matsudaira Yoshinaga, Aoyama Enju, Shigeno Yasutsugu, Miyajima S e i i c h i r o , Oka S e n j i n , Gamo S h i g e a k i , Ishikawa E i . See Noriko Kamachi, pp. 4 8-64. 32 Ho Ju-chang's l e t t e r to T s u n g l i Yamen concerning the L i u - c h ' i u i n c i d e n t was c o l l e c t e d i n Wen T ' i n g - c h i n g , comp. Chia-yang san-chia wen-ch'ao (A C o l l e c t i o n of W r i t i n g s of the Three Men from Chia-yang), chiian 2. An e x t r a c t i s i n Ch'ien O-sun,"nien-p 1u" pp. 27-28. 33 Ch'ien O-sun,"nien-p'u" p. 30. A l s o Huang's own commentary on h i s poem "Hsu wai-jen s h i h " ^ " f f ^  |[ (In Memory of a F r i e n d , Continued), JCLST, chiian 7, p. 210. 34 Mary C. Wright, "The A d a p t a b i l i t y o f Ch'ing Diplomacy: The Case of Korea", JAS, 17:3, (May, 1958), p. 363. 35 Michael R. Godley, "The Late Ch'ing C o u r t s h i p of the Chinese i n Southeast Asia", JAS, 34.2, (Feb. 1975), pp. 368-369. 3 6 Ch'ien O-sun, "nien-pu," p. 60. Weng Tung-ho recorded t h i s event t h i s i n h i s d i a r y . See Weng Wen-kung  j i h - c h i , (Diary of Weng Tung-ho), Chin L i a n g , C h i n - s h i h Jen-wu c h i , p. 341. 37 Ch'ien O-sun, "nien-pu," pp. 56-59. Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-tu, pp. 151-221. 199 3 8 Huang Tsun-hsien's l e t t e r s to Liang C h i Ch'ao were p u b l i s h e d i n Hsin-min ts'ung-pao, (New C i t i z e n ) under the f o l l o w i n g pen-names: Tung-hai-kung ^ 9 ^ ^ F a - s h i h -shang-jen-chai chu-jen y'^^^ { % ^ j, 7-^  Shui-ts'ang-yen-hung-kuan chu-jen ^"jf(| ^•'iJi% j. ^  P u - t a i ho-shang ^ ^jt^ Kung-chitHt 1 o ^ *<! . For a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of these l e t t e r s , see Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-tu, pp. 235-283. Ch'ien O-sun, "nien-pu," pp. 66-79. 39 Chien O-sun, "nien-pu," p. 74, 40 Huang mentioned i n h i s the p r e f a c e of h i s " M i s c e l l a n -eous Poems" t h a t n i n e t y percent of the i n f o r m a t i o n i n the d y n a s t i c h i s t o r i e s was i n c o r r e c t . JPTSS, p r e f a c e to 1885 e d i t i o n , i n Saneto Keishu and Toyata Minoru, t r . , Nihon Z a t s u j i s h i , (Miscellaneous Poems on Japan), pp. 3-4. JPTSS had been p u b l i s h e d i n the f o l l o w i n g e d i t i o n s : 1879 T'ung-wen-kuan (under T s u h g l i Yamen), f i r s t e d i t i o n ; 1880 p u b l i s h e d by Wang T'ao i n Hsiin-huan j i h - p a o , ( U n i v e r s a l C i r c u l a t i n g H e r a l d ) ; 1880 a Japanese e d i t i o n based on Wang Tao's e d i t i o n , punctuated by Ijima Yunen of T o c h i g i p r e f e c t u r e ; (Reprints o f t h i s book by o t h e r p u b l i s h e r s i n Tokyo and Kyoto, and the Chung-hua Press i n China were mostly based on t h i s e d i t i o n . See JPTSS, Huang's p o s t f a c e to 1898 e d i t i o n ) ; 1885 another e d i t i o n based on the T'ung-wen-kuan e d i t i o n , r e p r i n t e d by Huang's f a t h e r who was then s e r v i n g a t the l i k i n bureau a t Wu-chou i n Kwangsi; 200 1898 r e v i s e d e d i t i o n . The t e x t was r e v i s e d i n 1890 and with a new p r e f a c e added when Huang was working with the Chinese L e g a t i o n i n London. I t was p u b l i s h e d i n 1898 with a p o s t s c r i p t i n d i c a t i n g t h a t t h i s was the f i n a l e d i t i o n . I t i s a l s o r e p r i n t e d i n Li a n g Ch'i-ch'ao ed., Hsi-cheng ts'ung-shu, (Compendium of Western Government and I n s t i t u t i o n s ) , V o l . 25, 1896. By 1899, a t l e a s t nine r e p r i n t e d i t i o n s of JPTSS were p u b l i s h e d i n China and Japan, a l l of them based on the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n . 43 Huang confessed t h a t he had made mistakes i n the e a r l y JPTSS, and he was u n c e r t a i n of the d i r e c t i o n and value of " w e s t e r n i z a t i o n " when he p u b l i s h e d h i s f i r s t e d i t i o n . Moreover, h i s s o c i a l c o n t a c t w i t h c o n s e r v a t i v e Confucian Japanese s c h o l a r s a l s o l i m i t e d h i s v i s i o n . See JPTSS, p r e f a c e t o 1898 e d i t i o n . 44 J i h - p e n kuo-chih was p u b l i s h e d twice i n 1898. The second e d i t i o n was p u b l i s h e d by Chekiang O f f i c i a l P r e s s . The t h i r d e d i t i o n was p u b l i s h e d i n Shanghai. Wu T ' i e n -j e n , Huang Kung-tu, pp.. 366-367. T h i s study i s based on the 1898 Shanghai e d i t i o n . 45 2 JPKC, p r e f a c e , 3b Huang Tsun-hsien "cons i d e r h i s post to be the h s i a o - h s i n g - j en - J J ^  °f a n c i e n t times and t h a t h i s f u n c t i o n i s t h a t o f the envoy the C h o u - l i S p r i n g O f f i c i a l ) . He who holds the s e a l s of a u t h o r i t y and r e p r e s e n t s the emperor i s extremely busy and has no l e i s u r e f o r w r i t i n g t r i v i a l t h i n g s . I f the sub-o r d i n a t e o f f i c i a l s do not make i t t h e i r business to i n q u i r e i n t o customs, how can they a s s i s t the government to get good a d v i c e ? " A c c o r d i n g to C h o u - l i , the h s i a o - h s i n g - j e n 201 (Minor Inspector) and the t a - h s i n g - j e n (Major Diplomat) are supplementary o f f i c e s . The l a t t e r i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r d i p l o m a t i c a f f a i r s , the former's duty i s to a c q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n about the customs o f the f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s and to w r i t e a r e p o r t f o r the c o u r t . 4 6' JPKC, p r e f a c e , p. 2. 47 Rai San'yo was q u i t e popular among the Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s a t t h a t time. Huang s a i d t h a t there was no one i n China who d i d not know Rai San'yo's poems and prose. A l s o , Ho Ju-chang mentioned t h a t he had seen Rai San'yo's book before he went to Japan. See Ho Ju-chang , "Shih-tung sh u - l i i e h " , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, pp. 274-280. JPKC, 1: 3, 3: 9b. 4 9 Huang wrote a long poem about the f o r t y - s e v e n samurai, comparing them to the f a i t h f u l and brave r e t a i n e r s i n a n c i e n t China d e s c r i b e d i n the S h i h - c h i , (Records of the H i s t o r i a n ) . A l s o , he wrote a poem i n p r a i s e of Chu Shun-sh u i (1600-1682), the Ming l o y a l i s t who l e f t China d u r i n g the Manchu takeover. Huang's p a t r i o t i c poems served as a c o n t i n u i n g i n s p i r a t i o n to Chinese reformers and r e v o l u t i o n -a r i e s . K'ang Yu-wei, Liang c h ' i - c h 1 a o , T'an Ssu-t'ung and T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang were i n f l u e n c e d by Huang's l o y a l i s t s p i r i t . For example, i n h i s speech to the Pao-kuo-hui ^ ^ l ^ J ^ (Preserve-the-Nation S o c i e t y ) i n 1898, K'ang r e f e r r e d t o the s t o r i e s of the Japanese l o y a l i s t s i n Huang's book. 202 50 See Lin-chao c h i h ( T r e a t i s e on F o r e i g n R e l a t i o n s ) Huang's commentary on Japan's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the West. JPKC, 7: 18b-19. 51 .. JPKC, T i - l i c h i h ( T r e a t i s e of Geography), chuan 10-12, pp. 1-54. For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of the sc h o o l of thought t h a t Western s c i e n c e s were of Chinese o r i g i n , see Ch'uan Han-sheng, Ch'ing-mo t i hsi-hsueh yuan chu Chung-kuo shuo" (An Account of the Idea t h a t Western Learning was of Chinese O r i g i n d u r i n g the Late Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , i n L i T i n g - i et_ a l . eds., Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i - s h i h lun-ts'ung, Ser. 1, V o l . 5, pp. 216-258. 53 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t Huang gave s t a t i s t i c s f o r the government and p r i v a t e mines, r a i l r o a d s , t e l e g r a p h and newspapers, . . . e t c . i n the Chih-kuan c h i h ( T r e a t i s e on O f f i c i a l Ranks and S e r v i c e s , JPKC, chuan 13-14) i n s t e a d of T r e a t i s e on Food and Money. I t i n d i c a t e d t h a t Huang regarded these economic est a b l i s h m e n t s as government e n t e r p r i s e s . JPKC ,14; 23b-32. 54 Huang was a mind-changer on t h i s matter. In h i s l e t t e r to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao between 1902 and 1904, he confessed t h a t he changed h i s mind th r e e times. When he f i r s t came ac r o s s the i d e a , he was s k e p t i c a l but then s h i f t e d t o a more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e a f t e r he read the w r i t i n g s of Rousseau and Montesquieu between 1880 and 1991. His o p i n i o n of democracy was pushed to the negative extreme when he witnessed the d i s h o n e s t y and c o r r u p t i o n of the 203 p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and labour unions d u r i n g h i s s o j o u r n i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . The T r e a t i s e s on Japan was w r i t t e n p r e c i s e l y a f t e r he came back from the U.S., t h e r e f o r e , presented h i s extremely n e g a t i v e comments. Between 1890 and 1891, when he was working w i t h the Chinese l e g a t i o n i n England, he gave a more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n a f t e r w i t n e s s i n g the success of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system i n England. For the a f f i l i a t i o n of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y movement i n Japan and the a d v o c a t i o n of p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m i n • C h i n a d u r i n g the 1890's, see L l o y d Eastman, " P o l i t i c a l Reformism i n China Before the Sino-Japanese War," JAS, 27.4: 695-710, (Aug. 1968). 55 JPKC, Ping Chih, ( T r e a t i s e on M i l i t a r y F o r c e ) , chuan 21-26 5 6 J P K C , H s i n g - f a c h i h , ( T r e a t i s e i n L e g a l Codes) , chiian 27-31, 57 •• For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n , see JPKC, Hsueh-shu c h i h ( T r e a t i s e on S c h o l a r s h i p ) , chiian 32-33. c p JPKC, 33: 3, 56-7; JPTSS, I; 29b. 5 9 JPKC, L i - s u c h i h , ( T r e a t i s e on R i t e s and Customs), chiian 34-37. 6 0 For a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of Wei Yuan's Hai-kuo t ' u - c h i h ( I l l u s t r a t e d G azetteer of the Maritime C o u n t r i e s ) and Hsu C h i - y i i ' s Ying-huan c h i h - l i i e l v (A Short Account of the Maritime C i r c u i t ) , see Chang Hs i - t ' u n g , "The E a r l i e s t Phase of the I n t r o d u c t i o n of Western P o l i t i c a l Science i n t o China", The Yenching J o u r n a l of S o c i a l S t u d i e s , 5.1, ( J u l y , 1950), pp. 17, 21, 22. 204 6 X The most d e t a i l e d account on t h i s s u b j e c t i n E n g l i s h language i s Ryusaku Tsunoda, t r . , Japan i n the Chinese  Dynastic H i s t o r i e s : L a t e r Han through Ming Dy n a s t i e s , e d i t e d by C a r r i n t o n L. Goodrich, (South Pasadena: 1951). 6 2 For a d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n o f the term wo, see I b i d . , pp. 4-5/ f o o t n o t e s 2 and 11. 6 3 T a i C h i - t ' a o , J i h - p e n l u n , i n Ko-ming h s i e n - l i e h  h s i e n - c h i n shih-wen hsuan-chi, V o l . 4, p. 325. 64 Hsiao-fang hu-chai y u - t i ts'ung-ch'ao ( C o l l e c t i o n of Geographical Works from the Hsiao-fang-hu S t u d i o ) , comp. by Wang H s i - c h ' i i n 1891. (Her e a f t e r c i t e d as HFHCYTTC). The supplementary c o l l e c t i o n was p u b l i s h e d i n 1894 ( c i t e d as HFHCYTTC, pu-p ' i e n "^ $)&{&} ) , and another supplementary c o l l e c t i o n was added to i t i n 1897 ( c i t e d as HFHCTTTC, t s a i pu-p' i e n jji^fy^kfc) )• Photo copy r e p r i n t e d by T a i p e i : Kuang-wen shu-chu, HFHCYTTC, 12 V o l s . , HFHCYTTC, pu-p'ien and t s a i pu-p'ien, 12 V o l s . , 1964. ^ F o r t i t l e s and authors of these a r t i c l e s , see Appendix I. 6 6 Wang T'ao, Huang Tsun-hsien and Ch'en Lun-chiung a l l mentioned the legend o f Hsu Fu. See Wang T'ao, Jih- p e n t'ung Chung-kuo k'ao (An I n q u i r y i n t o the Si n o -Japanese R e l a t i o n s ) , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p. 268; Ch'en Lun-chiung, Tung-yang c h i ^.y ^ X ^ i account on Japan), HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, 260; Huang Tsun-hsien, J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h (Miscellaneous Things about Japan), HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, pp. 265-266; p. 283b. 205 6 7 See Huang Tsun-hsien, J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p. 283b. 6 8 Ch'en Ch'i-yiian, J i h - p e n c h i n - s h i h c h i (Recent Events i n Japan), HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, pp. 265-266. 69 Huang Tsun-hsien, J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p. 291. 70 Huang Tsun-hsien, J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p. 291. 71 - -Oka S e n j i n , Kuan-kuang chi- y u , (Kanko k i y u , Records of my T r a v e l s i n China), (Tokyo: 1886), 4:7, 1: 4b-5b, 7:4, 7:9b-10, 3:6b. C i t e d by Chou Tso-jen to c r i t i c i z e Wang T'ao. See Chou Tso-jen, K'u-chu t s a - c h i , (Hong Kong: 1972), pp. 25-29. 72 The meaning of t h i s phrase i s : when the customs of e t i q u e t t e , the moral standards or p r a c t i c e s of s o c i e t y , o r , the manners of s o c i e t y , have f a l l e n out of use, you may look f o r them i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . 73 For example, Ho Ju-chang's a r t i c l e , Shih tung shu-l i e h , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p. 276b. 74 For d e t a i l s about Huang and h i s Japanese f r i e n d s . See Chapter I, "Huang Tsun-hsien: His L i f e and His Time." 75 Huang Tsun-hsien, J i h - p e n t s a - s h i h , i n HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, pp. 283-301, (published i n 1891). ^ I b i d . , p. 286 . 206 FOOTNOTES CHAPTER I I ^"Robert E. Ward t r a c e d the beginning o f Japanese p o l i t i c a l m o dernization as f o l l o w s : "While the complete modern p o l i t i c a l s y n t h e s i s may date only from the 1860's and 1870's, b a s i c elements of t h a t s y n t h e s i s . . . have h i s t o r i e s t h a t go back from one-and-a-half to f i v e or s i x c e n t u r i e s beyond t h a t . T h i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r s the t r a d i t i o n a l time p e r s p e c t i v e on the p o l i t i c a l m o dernization of Japan. I t i s seen i n these terms not as a process t h a t has taken p l a c e i n the s i n g l e century t h a t has i n t e r v e n e d s i n c e the R e s t o r a t i o n but as a cumulative product of two-and-a-half to s i x or seven c e n t u r i e s of g r a d u a l p r e p a r a t i o n , the l a s t century o f which was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d pace and scope of p o l i t i c a l change." See the "Epilogue" i n Robert E. Ward, ed., P o l i t i c a l Development  i n Modern Japan, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1968), p. 580. Another " r e v i s i o n i s t " who c h a l l e n g e s the t r a d i t i o n a l view of Japanese economic development i s James Nakamura. He r e -examines the sources of government s t a t i s t i c s and recon-s t r u c t s a more r e l i a b l e s e r i e s of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n f i g u r e s . He.then r e v i s e d the growth r a t e of a g r i c u l t u r e i n the e a r l y p e r i o d as approximately around 1.0 p e r c e n t per year, i n s t e a d of 2.4 p e r c e n t per year as p r e v i o u s l y b e l i e v e d and thereby demythicized Japan's miraculous r a t e of growth. James Nakamura, A g r i c u l t u r a l P r o d u c t i o n and  the Economic Development of Japan 1873-1972, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1966) . 207 2 For d e t a i l , see E. Sydney Crawcour, "The Tokugawa H e r i t a g e , " i n W.W. Lockwood ed., The S t a t e and Economic  E n t e r p r i s e i n Japan, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1965), pp. 17-44. Here-a f t e r c i t e d as SEEJ. A l s o see John W. H a l l and R i c h a r d K. Beardsley eds., Twelve Doors to Japan, (New York: 1955). 3 Thomas C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan: Government E n t e r p r i s e , 1868-1880, (Stanford: 1955), p. 12. 4 T.C. Smith, The A g r a r i a n O r i g i n s of Modern  Japan, (Stanford: 1959), pp. 101-104. 5 I b i d . , p. 212. Edwin 0. Reischauer, Japan: The S t o r y of A  Nation, (New York: 1970), pp. 102-103. . 7 I b i d . , pp. 99-100. 8 R. I s h i i , P o p u l a t i o n Pressure and Economic L i f e  i n Japan, (London: 1937), pp. 13-15. T.C. Smith estimated t h a t p o p u l a t i o n grew from about 18 m i l l i o n to about 26 m i l l i o n between 1600 and 1725. T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l  Change and I n d u s t r i a l Development i n Japan, pp. 13-14. H a l l and Beardsley estimate t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n remained a t about t h i r t y m i l l i o n . They questioned the accuracy o f t h i s p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s because of the l a c k of u n i f o r m i t y of method and date, t h e r e f o r e the f i g u r e s d i d not serve as an i n d i c a t o r of economic s t a g n a t i o n , nor f o r the judgement of the extent of u n b a n i z a t i o n . H a l l and Beardsley, Twelve Doors to Japan, p. 549. 208 9 For a g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n , see H a l l and B e a r d s l e y , Twelve Doors to Japan, p. 549. E.O. Reischauer, Japan: The S t o r y of a Nation, p. 111. ^ F o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the g e n e r a l economic changes and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , see G.C. A l l e n , A Short Economic  H i s t o r y of Modern Japan, (London: 1962), pp. 30-39. "*" 1Ibid. , p. 31. W.W. Lockwood, The Economic  Development of Japan: Growth and S t r u c t u r a l Change 1868-1938, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1954), pp. 9-12. 12 I b i d . , pp. 42-53, pp. 17-18, 13 Lockwood, The Economic Development of Japan, 14 G.C. A l l e n , A Short Economic H i s t o r y of Modern Japan, pp. 50-54, 15 I c h i r o Inukai and A r l o n T u s s i n g , "Kogyo Iken: Japan's Ten-Year P l a n , 1884" EDCC, 16.1, (Oct. 1967), p. 52. 16 Norman suggested t h a t the normal order of t r a n s i t i o n from l i g h t to heavy i n d u s t r y was r e v e r s e d i n Japan. See Herbert Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern  S t a t e : P o l i t i c a l and Economic Problems of the M e i j i  R e s t o r a t i o n , (New York: 1940), p. 126. 209 17 Lockwood, The Economic Development of Japan, 25. 18 James Nakamura, "Growth of Japanese A g r i c u l t u r e , 1875-1920", i n SEEJ, p. 259. Harry Oshima, " M e i j i F i s c a l P o l i c y and Economic Progress", SEEJ, p. 380. "'"'T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, pp. 36-41. 2 0 R e i s c h a u e r , Japan:.The Story of A N a t i o n , p. 134. 2 1 H a l l and Be a r d s l e y , Twelve Doors to Japan, p. 551. 2 2 I b i d . , pp. 575-576. 2 3 I b i d . , p. 576. 2 4G.C. A l l e n , A Short Economic H i s t o r y of Modern  Japan, p. 41. Reischauer, Japan: The S t o r y o f A Nation, p. 130. 210 2 6 G.C. A l l e n and Audrey G. Donnithorne, Western  E n t e r p r i s e i n Far E a s t e r n Economic Development - China and Japan, London and New York, 19 54, p. 2 24. 27 W.W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth, (Cambridge: 1960), p. 38. 2 8 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development, pp. 67-85. 29 Acco r d i n g t o T.C. Smith, these t h r e e areas of expenditure took n e a r l y h a l f of the government's o r d i n a r y revenue from 1868 to 1876. See Table X I I I , "Largest Items of Government Expenditure," I b i d . , pp. 70-71. 30 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n , see Harry Harootunian, "The Economic R e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the Samurai i n the E a r l y M e i j i P e r i o d " , JAS, 19.4, (August, 1960), pp. 433-444. 31 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, p. 74. 32 I b i d . , p. 75. I b i d . , p. 76. Smith, 1955, p. 76. Table XVII showed the p r i n c i p a l o u t s t a n d i n g on F o r e i g n and Domestic loa n s , 18 80-97, and the percentage of o r d i n a r y revenue from lan d tax. 211 34 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l Development i n Japan, pp. 74-7 5. 35 Gastav Ranis, "The F i n a n c i n g of Japanese Economic Development", i n Ohkawa, Johnston and Kaneda, eds., A g r i c u l t u r e and Economic Growth: Japan's Experience, (Tokyo: 1969), p. 42. 36 C e r t i f i c a t e s o f landownership, known as chiken, were d i s t r i b u t e d i n January, February and J u l y of 1872, T h i s system of chiken served as an wedge i n the d r i v e to uproot the o l d f e u d a l land system and to g a i n r e c o g n i t i o n f o r the concept o f p r i v a t e ownership of la n d , w h i l e a t the same time i t p r o v i d e d the b a s i s f o r an assessment of the l a n d a c c o r d i n g to i t s s a l e v a l u e , before the land survey (1875-81). Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern S t a t e , pp. 138-140. 37 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, p. 79. 3 8 I b i d . , pp. 80-81, 39 I b i d . , p. 79. For f u r t h e r d e t a i l about the formula, see James Nakamura, A g r i c u l t u r a l P r o d u c t i o n and the  Economic Development of Japan 1873-1922, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1966). 40 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, pp. 82-85. 41 Ohkawa and Rosovsky, "A Century of Japanese Economic Growth," i n SEEJ, pp. 53-59. 212 42 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, p. 81. 4 3 I b i d . , pp. 78, 81. 44 Acco r d i n g to Ohkawa and Rosovsky, the number of n a t i o n a l banks allowed to i s s u e bank notes rose from about 4 to 148 between 1876 and 1880. In 1880, t h e i r note issuance reached 34 m i l l i o n yen, the l e g a l maximum. They p o i n t e d out t h a t t h i s i n f l a t i o n l e d to d i s t o r t i o n i n the economy which e f f e c t e d the government most a d v e r s e l y i n terms of i t s p r e p a r a t i o n f o r modern economic growth. Ohkawa and Rosovsky, "A Century of Japanese Economic Growth," i n SEEJ, pp. 53-59. 45 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, pp. 92-100. 4 6 I b i d . , 96-100 4 7 I b i d . , pp. 99, 4 8 I b i d . , p, 49 G.C. A l l e n , A Short Economic H i s t o r y of Japan, pp. 32, 35, 37-39. Lockwood, The Economic Development of Japan, p. 21. 50 I b i d . , p. 32, Japan a c q u i r e d a huge idemnity as a r e s u l t of the Sino-Japanese War. T h i s s u p p l i e d the necessary funds 213 to e s t a b l i s h a s t a b l e monetary system on a go l d standard i n s t e a d o f s i l v e r standard and hence to s t a b i l i z e the f o r e i g n exchange. 52 Harry Oshima, " M e i j i F i s c a l P o l i c y and Economic Progress," SEEJ, p. 380. 53 I c h i r o n Inukai and A r l o n T u s s i n g , "Kogyo Iken" Japan's Ten Year P l a n , 1884," EDCC, 16.1, (Oct. 1967), p. 54. 54 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and Economic  Development, p. 34. 55 JPKC, p r e f a c e , p. l b . 56 JPKC, p r e f a c e , p. 2, 57 Hundred Year S t a t i s t i c s of the Japanese Economy, comp. S t a t i s t i c s Department, (Tokyo: 1966), pp. 130-131. See a l s o , JPKC, ;6: 17-22. 5 8 These o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s were based on r e p o r t s made by p r e f e c t u r a l c h i e f s , and con t a i n e d the amount and the value o f the v a r i o u s kinds o f a g r i c u l t u r a l , manufactured, f i s h i n g and mining products of d i f f e r e n t p r e f e c t u r s . Yamade Kazuo, who c a r e f u l l y s t u d i e d the s t a t i s t i c s of the 1874 s e r i e s , s a i d t h a t t h i s k i n d of nationwide r e p o r t was compiled i n 1873, 1874 and 1875. I t has never been estab-l i s h e d t h a t the t a b l e s f o r 1873 and 1875 were p u b l i s h e d ; however, those f o r 1874 were and are now i n a r a r e book i n Japan. These t a b l e s have been s t a t e d by P r o f e s s o r s Ohkawa 214 and Rosovsky to be the b e s t source of i n f o r m a t i o n on the economic s i t u a t i o n of e a r l y M e i j i Japan. Noriko Kamachi , p , u s . OkKa^c^ ) \ o s o v s k V ) f\ C e V t a ^ o f T ^ P ^ - e s e E c ^ r u vk i c 59 JPKC, 15:1. There was a s h o r t d i s c u s s i o n of the importance of a g r i c u l t u r e , mixed up w i t h the d i s c u s s i o n of p o p u l a t i o n i n the s e c t i o n "On P o p u l a t i o n . " T h i s i s oneof the numerous examples t h a t show t h a t Huang was unsystem-a t i c i n a r r a n g i n g m a t e r i a l s . JPKC, 15: 10. 6 0 J P K C , 15: 10. 6 1 J P K C , 15: 10. 6 2JPKC, 15: 2. 6 3 T . C . Smith, pp. 74-75. 64 Ho P i n g - t i , S t u d i e s i n the P o p u l a t i o n of China, 1368-1953, (Mass.: 1959), p. 97. 6 5 Huang l i s t e d the v a r i e t i e s of taxes, the t o t a l amounts of d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t taxes, n a t i o n a l revenue and l o c a l taxes i n the s e c t i o n "On T a x a t i o n . " A c c o r d i n g to him, n a t u r a l revenue i n c l u d e d t h a t from maritime customs and t a x i n g of mines, taxes on government o f f i c i a l s ' s a l a r i e s , products of Hokkaido, wine, tobacco, revenue stamps, postage stamps, c o u r t f e e s , l i c e n c e s f o r s h i p s and v e h i c l e s , business l i c e n c e s , hunting, p r o d u c t i o n taxes, and l i c e n c e s f o r s e l l i n g drugs, c o p y r i g h t , and a c q u i s i t i o n of p a s s p o r t s , . . . e t c . L o c a l taxes i n c l u d e d l a n d r e n t , household taxes, 215 management and commercial taxes and m i s c e l l a n e o u s items. He l i s t e d Japan's n a t i o n a l revenues i n f i s c a l years i n two t a b l e s and the average of households and taxes i n another t a b l e . JPKC, 16: 10b-22. 6 6 . JPKC, 16: 22, i n which Huang s a i d , "Japan i s o n l y an i s l a n d country. Her annual n a t i o n a l revenue reaches 50 to 60 m i l l i o n yen (about t h i r t y - f i v e to forty-two m i l l i o n t a e l s ) ; l o c a l taxes of p r e f e c t u r e s and d i s t r i c t s reach s e v e r a l m i l l i o n s . Needless to say, the n a t i o n a l tax i s very heavy. As to the l o c a l taxes, minor t h i n g s such as e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g , a r t and i n d u s t r y , are being taxed. T h i s i s what the a n c i e n t people c a l l e d involvement of every s m a l l d e t a i l . Where does the n a t i o n a l income come from except from the people? I have observed t h a t the Europeans govern t h e i r c o u n t r i e s i n t h i s way. Those who govern the country are a f r a i d of the outflow of money ( s p e c i e ) . As to the n a t i o n a l expenditure, they estimate the annual expenditure and tax t h e i r people a c c o r d i n g l y . They t h i n k t h a t i t i s not harmful to take the wealth of the whole country to manage the a f f a i r s of the whole country and spend the money on the people so as to implement the order and p o l i c y of the government. T h i s a l s o has the advantages of t a k i n g the wealth from the r i c h to b e n e f i t the poor and to even o f f the abundance and s c a r c i t y . " 6 7 He compared the amount of t a x a t i o n i n European c o u n t r i e s . N a t i o n a l taxes amounted to 71 m i l l i o n pounds i n England, 66 m i l l i o n pounds i n R u s s i a , 72 m i l l i o n pounds i n France, 78 m i l l i o n pounds i n Germany and 30 m i l l i o n pounds i n America. JPKC, 16: 23. JPKC, 16: 23b. 216 69 A l b e r t Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy, ca. 1870-1911, (Michigan: 1969), p. 61. 7 0 l i k i n ( l i - c h i n ) was " f i r s t l e v i e d i n 1853 i n Kiangsu as an i n t e r n a l t r a n s i t tax on g r a i n p a s s i n g through the Grand Canal. By 1862 i t had been a p p l i e d to n e a r l y a l l commodities and had been adopted by n e a r l y every p r o v i n c e . In some cases l i k i n was c o l l e c t e d not o n l y along the route of t r a n s i t but a l s o as a p r o d u c t i o n tax a t the p o i n t of o r i g i n o r as a s a l e s tax a t the d e s t i n a t i o n . The r a t e v a r i e d w i d e l y , from one to ten percent ad valorem, w i t h the most common r a t e about two percent a t each tax b a r r i e r of the l i k i n c o l l e c t i o n s on merchandise r e p o r t e d a n n u a l l y by the p r o v i n c e s to the Hu-pu ( M i n i s t r y of Revenue), o n l y about 20 per c e n t was disposed o f by the c e n t r a l government, the balance remaining under the de f a c t o c o n t r o l of the p r o v i n c e s . The unreported c o l l e c t i o n of unknown s i z e , was a l s o < of course r e t a i n e d l o c a l l y . " I b i d . , pp. 64-65. For f u r t h e r d e t a i l s , see Lo Yii-tung, Chung-kuo l i -c h i n - s h i h , (This H i s t o r y of l i k i n i n China), (Shanghai: 1936). 7 1 I b i d . , pp. 64-68. 7 2 J P K C , 15: 1, 16: 23. The concept of " i t ' i e n -h s i a c h i h t s ' a i c h i h t ' i e n - h s i a c h i h s h i h ' V A z ^ >'/z £ f •* (Take the wealth from the world and use i t to r e g u l a t e a f f a i r s i n the wo r l d ) , i s a reminiscence of Wang An-shih's i d e a o f f i n a n c i a l management. 7 3 J P K C , 16: 22b-23. 74 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l Development i n Japan, pp. 72-77, 99. 7 5 J P K C , 16: 12, 76 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan: Government E n t e r p r i s e , 1868-1880, (Stanford: 1955), p. 82. Smith p o i n t e d out t h a t the a c t u a l t a x a t i o n r a t e i n the p e r i o d 1873-85 never exceeded the 1873 r a t e , and t h a t i n the years 1877-81 i t was s u b s t a n t i a l l y l e s s . He f u r t h e r c i t e d the estimate of P r o f e s s o r T s u c h i y a , the lan d tax took an average of 34 percent of the e n t i r e produce of a g r i c u l t u r e i n t h i s p e r i o d (1973-85). It. i s obvious t h a t the land tax a l r e a d y p l a c e d an e x c e s s i v e burden on the peasantry and c o u l d not have been s a f e l y i n c r e a s e d . 7 7JPKC, 16: 12. 7 8 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l  Development i n Japan, p. 84. 7 9 J P K C , 16: 23b. 8 0 In h i s explanatory notes on maritime customs, he d i s c u s s e d the use of i n t e r n a t i o n a l law and the concept of p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f . See JPKC, 16: L2b. JPKC, 16: 16. E x p l a n a t o r y notes on duty f o r t r a v e l p e r m i t s . 218 8 2 J P K C , 17: 11. 8 3 J P K C , 17: 11-12. 84 JPKC, 17: 1-11. 8 5 J P K C , 17: 11-12, 8 6 A. Ferrerwerker, The Chinese Economy ca. 1870-1911, p. 65. 87 I b i d . , p. 67. Q Q J P K C , 18: 17b-18, o q JPKC, 18: 13-17. 90 * UJPKC, 18: 18. 9 1 J P K C , 18: 18, 92 A l b e r t Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy ca. 1870-1911, p. 69. For a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n o f the loa n s i t u a t i o n i n China, see pp. 96-72. 9 3 I b i d . , p. 70. 94 Herbert Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern  S t a t e : P o l i t i c a l and Economic Problems of the M e i j i P e r i o d , (New York: 1940), p. 100. 95 Gustav Ranis, "The F i n a n c i n g of Japanese Economic Development," i n Ohkawa, Johnston and Kaneda, eds., A g r i c u l -t u r e and Economic Growth: Japan's Experience, ( P r i n c e t o n : 1970), p. 51. 96 JPKC, 18: 18. 9 7 J P K C , 19: 21. 98 *°JPKC, 19: 22, 9 9 JPKC, 19: 25. Examples of the r u l e s which the Japanese made can be found i n T.F.M. Adams, A F i n a n c i a l  H i s t o r y of Modern Japan, (Tokyo: 1964), pp. 11-13. 1 0 0 J P K C , 19: 25b-26. 10"'"A Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy ca. 1870-1911, p. 47. 102 A n a t i o n a l bank was e s t a b l i s h e d i n Japan i n 1882. See T.F.M. Adams, A F i n a n c i a l H i s t o r y of Modern  Japan, pp. 14-15. T h i s was not d i s c u s s e d i n JPKC. 103 A. Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy ca. 1870-1911, pp. 60-61. The term Shang-wu as used i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century China, was an i n c l u s i v e term f o r commerce, i n d u s t r y manufacture, mining, t r a n s p o r t and t r a d e . In f a c t , i t was 220 an ambiguous term f o r e v e r y t h i n g r e l a t e d to m o d e r n i z a t i o n . The concept of Shang-wu w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I I I w i t h i n the Chinese framework. ^^JPKC, 15: l b . In d i s c u s s i n g the reasons f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g t r a d e , Huang s a i d , "Imports and exports go through the p o r t s ; p r o f i t and l o s s flow through the markets. I f the l e a k i s not stopped, the [economic] s i t u a t i o n [of China] w i l l d e t e r i o r a t e . Although some may be content w i t h t h i s [ d e t e r i o r a t i o n ] , what w i l l save the s i t u a t i o n ? T h i s r e q u i r e s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t r a d e . " 106 The t h e s i s of the n e g a t i v e e f f e c t of f o r e i g n t r a de and Western i n d u s t r i e s on n a t i v e Chinese h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s i s e l a b o r a t e d by F e i H s i a o - f u n g . See F e i Hsiao-tung, China's Gentry (Chicago: 1953), "Rural L i v e l i h o o d : A g r i c u l t u r e and H a n d i c r a f t , " pp. 108-126. 107 T h i s was d i s c u s s e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to the " T r e a t i s e s on Food and Money." JPKC, 15: l b . I t i s another example o f Huang's unsystematic t h i n k i n g . 1 0 8 J P K C , 20: 47, 109 Here Huang a l s o mentioned Japan's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the C e n t e n n i a l E x h i b i t i o n i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s and the E x h i b i t i o n i n P a r i s , France. The l e a d e r s of the Japanese d e l e g a t i o n to the E x h i b i t i o n i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , was Saigo Tsugumichi v-!sb ( O r i g i n a l l y Appointed Okubo To s h i m i c h i >• I t o Hirobumi \f k^if^ w a s the l e a d e r of the second group. Huang was impressed by the f a c t t h a t the Japanese d e l e g a t i o n s were l e d by the most important government o f f i c i a l s . See JPKC, 20: 27b. 221 Ono-gumi and Shimada-gumi \£) X were two l e a d i n g Japanese f i r m s engaged i n f o r e i g n trade i n the e a r l y M e i j i p e r i o d . They were bankrupted i n 1874. JPKC, 20: 2 6b. ^'*" 1Ichiro Inukai and A r l o n T u s s i n g , "Kogyo Iken: Japan's Ten-Year P l a n , 1884y" EDCC, 16.1, (Oct. 1967), pp. 51-71. 112 See JPKC, 20: 26b. D i s c u s s i o n on g u i l d s , 1 1 3 J P K C , 20: 20b-27. 114 Noriko Kamachi, p. 167, 115 Herbert Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern S t a t e , p. 109, 1 1 6 J P K C , 38: 1-19, 39: 19b-36, 1 1 7 J P K C , 38: l b . 1 1 8 J P K C , 38: 2. 119 JPKC, 38: l b . 120 x UJPKC, 40: 1, 121 JPKC, 40: 1, 222 1 2 2 J P K C , 40: l b . 1 2 3 J P K C , 40: 4b. 124 Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern State. Norman s t a t e d t h a t 1877 i s a d i v i d i n g l i n e i n peasant r e v o l t s . 125 JPKC, 37: 34. Commentary to l i - s h u - c h i h , ( T r e a t i s e on R i t e s and Customs). Huang s a i d t h a t l i e n - h o - l i ^\ $ ("United F o r c e " , " C o l l e c t i v e Power") ^ i s the g r e a t e s t and e v e r l a s t i n g f o r c e i n the world. T h i s i d e a probably had some i n f l u e n c e on the f ormation of Liang . Chi-chao's concept of ch' tin and hsin-mia J j U f ("New C i t i z e n s h i p " ) . For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n see Chang Hao, L i a ng Chi-chao and I n t e l l e c t u a l T r a n s i t i o n i n China, 1890-1907, (Mass.: 1971), pp. 30, 151-156. See a l s o P h i l i p C. Huang, Liang Chi-chao and Modern Chinese L i b e r a l i s m , ( S e a t t l e : 1972), pp. 64-65. 126 T.C. Smith, P o l i t i c a l Change and I n d u s t r i a l Development, p. 34. 223 FOOTNOTES CHAPTER THREE ''"Albert Feuerwerker, The Chinese Economy, ca. 187 0- 1911, p. 1. 2 The famous Confucian s a y i n g on q u a l i t y i n the d i s t r i -b u t i o n of wealth i s "pu huan k'ua erh huan pu chiin J^/Jt~'%-CXT) *%r- ^ ^X) ' m e a n i n g t h a t the concern of the s t a t e i s not r a r i t y or poverty (k'ua) but uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n (pu chiin) . See James Legge, t r . The Chinese C l a s s i c s , V o l . 1, "Confucian A n a l e c t s " , Book XVI: Ke She, p. 308. The an ^ and c h i h - t s u j f r i ^ ; p h i l o s o p h y of l i f e can be w e l l expressed i n C o n f u c i u s ' saving " c h i h - t s u che p ' i n i l o , pu c h i h - t u s che f u i yu" %.$Jtf h fci % (These who are contented are happy even i f they are poor, those who are d i s c o n t e n t e d are unhappy though they are wealthy," and "pu huan p ' i n erh huan pu an" 4 ^ %^ ^ (not t r o u b l e d w i t h poverty but t r o u b l e d w i t h i n s t a b i l i t y ) . C o n f u c i u s ' o r i g i n a l purpose i n advocating contentment to curb a g g r e s s i v e m a t e r i a l i s t i c d e s i r e was probably designed f o r the achievement of p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y i n the c h a o t i c S p r i n g and Autumn p e r i o d . In l a t e r d y n a s t i e s when p o p u l a t i o n grew and too many people were l i v i n g on too l i t t l e l a n d , t h i s p r i n c i p l e was adopted as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n and a p h i l o s o p h y of l i f e f o r the people so as to m a i n t a i n the s t a b i l i t y o f s o c i e t y . 4 £ - 7 Kuan-tzu 'I <j- (d. 645 B.C.) was u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r e d the founding f a t h e r of the L e g a l i s t School. He s t r e s s e d the importance of l i - ^ ( ^ ( " p r o f i t " f o r the people and "wealth" f o r the s t a t e ) . He s a i d , "Only when the g r a n a r i e s are f u l l do the people know the r i t u a l s ; o n l y when c l o t h e s and food are s u f f i c i e n t do the people know about honour and h u m i l i a t i o n . " jj? ^  | ,j -£te £ f fV> ^ L ^ ^ M ^ \ (Kuan-tzu: "Mu-min"). His emphasis on l _ i , opposed to t h a t of the Confucians', i . e . i ( r i g h t e o u s n e s s ) , made him a heteordox f i g u r e i n the h i s t o r y o f thought which was dominated by Confucianism. The other L e g a l i s t s l i k e Shang Yang f f \ j j t ^ (d. 338 B.C.), L i Ssu (d. 208 B.C.) and H a n - f e i - t z u J ^ | t ^- a l s o s t r e s s e d l i as a go a l i n s t a t e -c r a f t . They p a i d a t t e n t i o n to economic problems and encouraged p r o f i t - s e e k i n g . For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f the economic t h e o r i e s of these L e g a l i s t s , see T'ang Ching-tseng, Chung-kuo c h i n g - c h i s s u - h s i a n g - s h i h , (A H i s t o r y o f Chinese Economic Thought), (Taiwan: 1960), pp. 199-296. The l i t e r a l meaning of k' a i - y i i a n c h i e h - l i u i s to open the f o u n t a i n s and r e s t r i c t the outflow. k ' a i means to open; yuan here r e f e r s to the source o f p r o f i t and new r e s o u r c e s ; c h i e h means to l i m i t , t o keep under c o n t r o l , to economize; l i u means the o u t f l o w (of money, s i l v e r , g o l d or other p r e c i o u s m e t a l s ) . Taken together i t means to open new reso u r c e s o f p r o f i t and to l i m i t e x p e nditures. ^The word hu J means a door, an i n d i v i d u a l , a f a m i l y and p o p u l a t i o n . Hu-pu j %/^> t h e r e f o r e , l i t e r a l l y means the Board o f p o p u l a t i o n . P o p u l a t i o n census i s ve r y important i n Chinese economy, f o r the hu-ts' e j (The r e g i s t e r o f p o p u l a t i o n ) and hu-chi y (The Records of the Population) are the f o u n d a t i o n of t a x a t i o n (Land Taxes and Household Taxes) and the c o n s c r i p t i o n of the army. (hu-ting^/J"f : a C o n s c r i p t ) . Chang Y i i - f a ' s book. C h ' i n g - c h i t i l i - h s i e n t u a n - t i (The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s i n the Late Ch'ing) p r o v i d e s d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n s and m a t e r i a l s on the s u b j e c t , T a i p e i , 1972. For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of t ' i e n - h s i a j£ k and ..kuo-chia ^ , see John K. Fairbank, ed. , The Chinese World Order, e s p e c i a l l y a r t i c l e s c o n t r i b u t e d by M a n c a l l , Wang Gungwu, Fairbank and Schwartz. A l s o see Joseph Levenson, " T ' i e n - h s i a and kuo and the T r a n s v a l u a t i o n of V a l u e s , " The Far E a s t e r n Q u a r t e r l y , 11.4: 447-451, (August, 1952). For r e c e n t r e s e a r c h see J.L. Cranmer-Byng 1s a r t i c l e , "The Chinese A t t i t u d e Towards E x t e r n a l R e l a t i o n s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l (Toronto), 21.1: 57-77, (1965). Liang Sou-ming, a Chinese p h i l o s o p h e r famous i n the 1920's and 1930's, s a i d t h a t i n the p a s t the Chinese o n l y had the concept of t 1 i e n - h s i a (The Universe) i n s t e a d of kuo-chia (Nation State) ; t ' i e n h s i a t ' a i - p ' i n g ^ (x i \ --f ( U n i v e r s a l Peace) was t h e i r c onstant d e s i r e , but they had never thought of kuo-chia f u - c h ' i a n g '^ y, " J ^ ( A Strong and Wealthy S t a t e ) . Liang Sou-ming, Chung-kuo wen-hua y a o - i (Essence of Chinese C i v i l i z a t i o n ) , (Taiwan, 1967), p. 19. I n t e l l e c t u a l trends i n the Ch'ing dynasty are out-l i n e d by Liang Ch'i-ch'ao i n h i s book C h ' i n g - t a i hsiieh-shu  k a i - l u n ( I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends of the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) . Liang's d i s c u s s i o n i s supplemented by a l a t e r study of Ch'ien Mu i n h i s Chung-kuo c h i n - s a n - p a i - n i e n hsueh-shu s h i h (A H i s t o r y of Chinese s c h o l a r s h i p i n the L a s t Three Hundred Y e a r s ) . A r e c e n t study by Chang Hao, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and  I n t e l l e c t u a l T r a n s i t i o n i n China, 1390-1907, (Mass.: 1971) (see e s p e c i a l l y pp. 7-34 on I n t e l l e c t u a l S e t t i n g and pp. 26-31 on c h i n g - s h i h ) , supplemented e a r l i e r work wit h d e t a i l s and p r o v i d e s new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . •^Immanuel C.Y. Hsu, t r . I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d , (Cambridge, Mass.: 1959), p. 4. i n t h i s c o n t e x t means to manage or to r e g u l a t e , which i s (as a noun) a cognate meaning d e r i v e d from the r o o t meaning of "warp of a f a b r i c " . Shih means the world or the l a n d or the age; c h i h i n t h i s c o n t e x t means to extend t o , to apply t o ; yung means to use, to apply, to put something i n t o p r a c t i c e . As a noun, i t means u t i l i t y . Taken together, the phrase means a p p l y i n g knowledge to the p r a c t i c a l manage-ment of the world. J.K. Leonard s p e c i f i e d the "world" as " p o l i t i c a l world." I p r e f e r to e x p l a i n the word "world" as the p r a c t i c a l world, although i n most cases, e s p e c i a l l y f o r the i n t e l l e c t u a l - s t a t e s m e n , i t means the p o l i t i c a l world. The reason f o r my d e f i n i t i o n of the "world" as p r a c t i c a l world i s t h a t the term " s h i h " i n i t s o r i g i n a l form i s a vague and g e n e r a l term; " p r a c t i c a l " a c t u a l l y means " u s e f u l to people's l i v e l i h o o d " , (see Chiang Fang-chen's Forward t o L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, C h ' i n g - t a i hsueh-shu k a i - l u n , Hsu, p. 11). By " p r a c t i c a l world" a l l the problems t h a t concern the statesmen and the l i v e l i h o o d of the people are i n c l u d e d — i . e . p o l i t i c a l matters, economic and s o c i a l problems. In J.K. Leonard's study, the term " c h i n g - s h i h " The l i t e r a r y meaning of the component elements o f - s h i h chih-yung j ^ H ^ ^  (SI i s as f o l l o w s : c h i n g ( S t a t e c r a f t ) was used t o " d e s c r i b e an i n t e r e s t and i n v o l v e -ment i n the improvement of p r a c t i c a l government and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century." I would suggest t h a t the s u b j e c t matter of t h i s " s t a t e c r a f t " i s a p o l i t i c a l , economic and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e problem i n a p o l i t i c a l and economic sphere, r a t h e r than p o l i t i c a l i t s e l f . 12 " t In the term chi-min YH (K > c n i means "to a i d or to r e l i e v e " ; c h i - s h i h y'^-^t means "to b e n e f i t the age or the world"; min i s "people", "masses", Chi-min means "to r e l i e v e the d i s t r e s s e d masses". "*"3The c o n t r a c t i o n c h i n g - c h i o f the term c h i n g -s h i h - c h i - m i n , means a c a p a c i t y to r u l e , i . e . to govern the country and to r e l i e v e the people. By e x t e n s i o n i t means " p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s " . For example, the dictum of the famous statesman Chang Chii-cheng i n the l a t e Ming i s " l e a r n i n g which does not examine nature (hsing 4^ ) and d e s t i n y (ming ^tp") , cannot be c a l l e d l e a r n i n g . I f p r i n c i p l e s are not combined wi t h p r a c t i c a l matters (ch i n g - c h i ) they cannot be p r o f i t a b l y a p p l i e d . " Crawford's t r a n s l a t i o n , see Wm. Theodore de Bary, ed., S e l f and S o c i e t y i n Ming Thought, (New York: 1970), p. 398. For example, when the l a t e Ming s c h o l a r Feng C h ' i compiled the C h i n g - c h i l e i - p i e n . He i n c l u d e d e v e r y t h i n g l i k e government•services, r e l i g i o n s , l i t e r a t u r e and r i t u a l s . See Feng C h ' i , C h i n g - c h i l e i - p i e n (A C o l l e c t i o n of M a t e r i a l on S t a t e c r a f t ) , (1604). 15 L i Yu-ning, The I n t r o d u c t i o n o f S o c i a l i s m i n t o China, (New York: 1971), p. 77. 228 16 Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, C h i n g - t a i hsiieh-shu k a i - l u n , p. 8. Immanuel Hsu, t r . , I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d , p. 23. 17 Immanuel Hsu, t r . , I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends i n the Ch'ing  P e r i o d , p. 4. 18 Li a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, C h ' i n g - t a i hsiieh-shu k a i - l u n , p. 48. Hsu's t r a n s l a t i o n , p. 47. 19 See Hsu T'an, Chung-kuo c h i n g - c h i s h i h , (Economic H i s t o r y of China), p. 192. Hsiao I-shan, C h ' i n g - t a i t'ung-s h i h , (A Comprehensive H i s t o r y of the Ch'ing), p. 1595. 20 Li a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, C h ' i n g - t a i hsiieh-shu k a i - l u n , pp. 20-23. 21 I b i d . , p. 48, Hsu's t r a n s l a t i o n , p. 47 22 J.K. Leonard, "Chinese O v e r l o r d s h i p and Western P e n e t r a t i o n i n Maritime A s i a : A Late Ch'ing R e a p p r a i s a l of Chinese Maritime R e l a t i o n s , " Modern A s i a n S t u d i e s , 6.2, ( A p r i l , 1972), p. 152. 2 3 For Kung Tzu-chen's c o n t r i b u t i o n to the r e v i v a l movement o f the c h i n g - s h i h t r a d i t i o n , see Ch'ien Mu, Chung-kuo c h i n s a n - p a i - n i e n hsueh-shu s h i h (A H i s t o r y of Chinese S c h o l a r s h i p During the Past Three Hundred Y e a r s ) , V o l . 2, pp. 532-54. A l s o , Chu Chieh-ch'in's a r t i c l e , "Kung Ting-an c h i h s h i h - t i hsiieh" (The H i s t o r i c a l and Geographical Works of Kung Tzu-chen) i l l u s t r a t e s some aspects of Kung 1s ching-shih- i d e a s ; i n L i T i n g - i e t a l . eds., Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i - s h i h lun-ts'ung (A C o l l e c t i o n of A r t i c l e s on Modern Chinese H i s t o r y ) , sec. s e r . V o l . 8, pp. 39-80. 24 J.K. Leonard, p. 154. 25 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n on Wei Yuan's c a r e e r , see C h ' i Ssu-ho, "Wei Yuan yii wan-Ch'ing hsueh-feng" (Wei Yuan and Late Ch'ing S c h o l a r s h i p ) , Yen-ching J o u r n a l of Chinese  S t u d i e s , 39: 188-194, (Dec. 1950), and Peter M i t c h e l l , "The L i m i t s of Reformism: Wei Yuan's Reaction to Western I n t r u s i o n , " Modern A s i a n S t u d i e s , 6.2: 175-204, ( A p r i l , 1972). 2 6 Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power, 2 7 I b i d . , p. 10, 2 8 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n on the C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t amalgam, see Hsiao Kung-ch'iian, "Legalism and Autocracy i n T r a d i t i o n a l China," Tsing-hua J o u r n a l of Chinese S t u d i e s , 4.2: 108-22, (Feb. 1964). 29 Shen Ch'en Han-yin, "Tseng Kuo-fen i n Peking," JAS, 27.1, (1967), p. 67. 30 See Knight B i g g e r s t a f f , "The S e c r e t Correspondence of 1867-1868: Views of Leading Chinese Statesmen Regarding the F u r t h e r Opening o f China to Western I n f l u e n c e , " The  J o u r n a l of Modern H i s t o r y , 22.2: 122-36, (June, 1950). 230 31 •• The slogan was f i r s t put f o r t h by Wei Yuan i n h i s Hai-kuo t ' u - c h i h , ( I l l u s t r a t e d G azetteer of Maritime Countries)., P r e f a c e , p. 1. L a t e r the yang-wu t h e o r i s t Feng.Kuei-fen e l a b o r a t e d t h i s i d e a and advocated the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Western l e a r n i n g i n the C h i a o - p i n - l u k'ang-i, (Reform Essays of the C h i a o - p i n S t u d i o ) , " T s ' a i hsi-hsueh i " (On the I n t r o d u c t i o n of Western L e a r n i n g ) , pp. 67-70. 32 Wang T'ao was one among the few f a r - s i g h t e d i n t e l l e c -t u a l s i n the 1860's who advocated economic reform. For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n on h i s ideas of economic modernization, see Paul A. Cohen, Between T r a d i t i o n and Modernity: Wang  T'ao and Reform i n Late Ch'ing China, (Mass.: 1974), Chapter 7, pp. 185-208. 33 J.K. Fairbank, E.O. Reischauer, and A.M. C r a i g , E a s t A s i a : The Modern Transformation, (Boston: 1965), p. 404. 34 Paul A. Cohen, Between T r a d i t i o n and Modernity, p. 110, 35 T h i s i d e a was w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by the Confucian s c h o l a r Yu Yueh's a r t i c l e "My Three F e a r s , " i n which he argued t h a t a p o l i c y of s e c l u s i o n would help China t o preserve her tao-t'ung, while the l e t t i n g i n of f o r e i g n ideas would r e s u l t i n undermining and e v e n t u a l l y d e s t r o y -i n g the harmony and wholeness of Chinese c u l t u r e . See L i Dun-jen ed., China i n T r a n s i t i o n , 1517-1911, p. 164. See Joseph Levenson, " T ' i e n - h s i a and Kuo and the T r a n s v a l u a t i o n of Values, " The Far E a s t e r n Q u a r t e r l y , 11.4: 447-451, (August 1952). 231 37 S t a n l e y Spector has made a l i s t of L i Hung-chang 1s p e r s o n a l s t a f f g i v i n g b r i e f data to show t h e i r backgrounds, c a r e e r s and f u n c t i o n s . From t h i s we can get a g e n e r a l i d e a of how L i Hung-chang r e c r u i t e d h i s mu-fu. See S t a n l e y Spector, L i Hung-chang and the Huai Army: A Study i n  Nineteenth-Century Chinese Regionalism, ( S e a t t l e : 1964), Table 17, pp. 288-96. 3 8 I b i d . A l s o see Kenneth Folsom, F r i e n d s , Guests, and  C o l l e a g u e s : The Mu-fu System i n the Late Ch'ing P e r i o d , (Berkeley: 1968), pp. 137-38. 39 Kenneth Folsom, F r i e n d s , Guests and C o l l e a g u e s , pp. 150-1. 4 0 T h i s slogun i s a condensed form of Chang C h i h - t u n g 1 s famous motto—chung-hsiieh w e i - t ' i hsi-hsueh wei-yung (Chinese l e a r n i n g as substance and Western l e a r n i n g f o r f u n c t i o n ) , i n Ch'iian-hsueh p i e n , ( E x h o r t a t i o n to Learning) . 41 See Wu Chang-ch'iian, "Yang-wu yun-tung chung t i shang-wu - s s u - h s i a n g " (The shang-wu Idea d u r i n g the W e s t e r n i z a t i o n Movement), i n L i En-han e t a l . , C h i n - t a i Chung-kuo: c h i h -s h i h f e n - t z u yu c h i h - c h ' i a n g yun-tung, (Modern China: The I n t e l l e c t u a l s and the S e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g Movement), ( T a i p e i : 1972), pp. 39-88. 42 For Cheng Kuan-ying's biography and c a r e e r , see L i u Kwang-ching, "Cheng Kuan-ying: I-yen—Kuang hsii ch'u-nien c h i h p i e n - f a ssu-hsiang" (Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen: Reform Pr o p o s a l s of the E a r l y Kuang-hsii Period) , Tsing-hua J o u r n a l of Chinese S t u d i e s , new s e r . , 8.1-2: 373-416, (Aug. 1970). 232 A l s o Hao Yen-p'ing, "Cheng Kuan-ying, The Comprador as Reformer," JAS, 29.1: 15-22, (Nov. 1969). Cheng Kuan-ying, Sheng-shih wei-yen, (Warnings to a Prosperous Age), hou-p'ien i n which Cheng s a i d t h a t i n h i s e a r l y years he l e a r n e d "shang-chan" from f o r e i g n e r s and l a t e r he launched a "shang-chan" a g a i n s t f o r e i g n e r s , sheng-s h i h wei-yen 3: 43-47b chiian 8. For a d e t a i l e d i d e a of. Cheng's •" shang-wu" -concepts , see Sheng-shih wei-yen,"shang-wu" , (1-5), chiian 3: 1-18. 44 The phrase i s used by Davy M c C a l l f o r the t i t l e of h i s seminar paper. See M c C a l l , "Chang C h i e n — M a n d a r i n Turned Manufacturer," Papers on China, 2: 93-102, (1948). 45 L i u Hou-sheng, Chang Chien chuan c h i , (Biography of Chang C h i e n ) , (Hong Kong, 1965), p. 73. 4 6 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n on " c h i n g - i " , see L l o y d Eastman, " C h ' i n g - i and Chinese P o l i c y Formation d u r i n g the Nineteenth Century," JAS, 24.4: 595-611. Ma Chien-chung, S h i h - k ' o - c h a i c h i - y e n , (Essays of Ma Chien-chung) , chiian 1. 48 Before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, th e r e were s e v e r a l Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s , most of whom belonged to the shang-wu group, who began to r e a l i z e the need of a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l government. In T'ang Chen's Wei-yen, (Words of Warning), Ch'en Chih's Yung-shu, (Book of U t i l i t y ) , Cheng Kuan-ying's Sheng-shih wei-yen, (Warnings to a Prosperous Age) and o t h e r t r e a t i s e s of t h a t time, p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m was one of the important themes. See L l o y d Eastman, " P o l i t i c a l 233 Reformism i n China b e f o r e the Sino-Japanese War," JAS, 27.4: 695-710, (August, 1968). A l s o Chou Fu-ch'eng's a r t i c l e s on Ch'en Chih and Cheng Kuan-ying i n Feng Yu-lan e t a l . , Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i s s u - h s i a n g - s h i h lun-wen c h i , (A C o l l e c t i o n of Essays on Modern Chinese Thought), (Shanghai: 1958), pp. 92-109. 49 R i c h a r d Howard, " I n t r o d u c t i o n to 'The Chinese Reform Movement of the 1890*s: A Symposium'", JAS, 29.1, (Nov. 1969), p. 8. "^Huang Tsun-hsien was undoubtedly i n f l u e n c e d by the e a r l y c h i n g - s h i h i n t e l l e c t u a l l i k e Wei Yuan and Kung Tzu-chen. We c o u l d t r a c e t h i s s u b t l e i n f l u e n c e i n Huang's poems. Lia n g Ch'i-ah'ao suggested t h a t Huang's c h i - h a i t s a - s h i h <Ei ^6 %\X w a s s i m i l a r to Kung Tsu-chen's t h r e e hundred and s i x t y poems w i t h the same t i t l e . L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao, Y i n - p i n g - s h i h shih-hua, i n JCLST, "shih-hua", p. 405. For the poems, see JCLST, pp. 286-303. "^The best account on the s u b j e c t of l a t e Ch'ing economic thought i s Chao F e n g - t i e n , Wan-Ch'ing wu-shih- n i e n c h i n g - c h i ssu-hsiang s h i h , (Studies of Economic Thought i n the L a s t F i f t y Years of the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) . -Feuerwerker c r i t i c i z e d Chao 1s book f o r l i m i t i n g h i s d i s c u s s i o n s to advanced ideas and f o r n e g l e c t i n g the m a j o r i t y o p i n i o n s h e l d by the c o n s e r v a t i v e s and the e n t r e -preneurs. However, f o r the d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h i n t h i s t h e s i s , Chao's work i s q u i t e s u f f i c i e n t . 52 Cheng Kuan-ying, Sheng-shih wei-yen, 3: 9-13b. See a l s o L i u Kuang-ching, "Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen: Reform pr o p o s a l s of the E a r l y Kuang-hsii p e r i o d , " Ch'ing-hua hsueh-pao, 8: 1-2, (August 1970). 234 53 Wang T'ao, T'ao-yuan wen-lu wai-pien, 2:13, "ch ' u - p i " ( E l i m i n a t e Abuses). 5 4 C h ' e n Chih, Yung Shu, 1: 34-35, 55 .. Hsueh Fu-ch'eng, Yung-an wen-pien, 1:6; See a l s o Chao F e n g - t ' i e n , p. 191. 5 6 C h a o F e n g - t ' i e n , pp. 216-243, 57 Ho C h ' i was an En g l i s h - e d u c a t e d p h y s i c i a n i n Hong Kong who founded the A l i c e Memorial H o s p i t a l where Sun Yat-sen s t u d i e d from 1887 to 1892. He wrote the book H s i n - cheng l u n - i i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n with Hu Li-yuan. Chao Feng-t ' i e n , pp. 270-271. 58 I b i d . , p. 271; Yen Fu, Yuan f u , i n Yen i ming-ch'u  ts'ung-k'an (Shanghai, 1931), pp. 834-931; Schwartz, In  Search of Wealth and Power, pp. 114-115, 117, 122. 59 Wang Yeh-chien, Land T a x a t i o n i n Imp e r i a l China: 1750-1911, (Mass.: 1973), pp. 52-53. 6 0 For a d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n of the sources o f p u b l i c revenue o f the Ching government, see, I b i d . , pp. 8-12. For lan d tax surcharges see pp. 49-66. 6 1 I b i d . , pp. 20-48, ^^Feng K u e i - f e n , C h i a o - p i n - l u k'ang-i, 1:1, 235 fi 3 Chao Feng-t'en, p. 294. 6 4 I b i d . , pp. 279-281. 6 5 I b i d . , pp. 243-244, Hao Yen-p'ing, "Cheng Kuan-ying: The Comprador as Reformer", JAS, 29.1, (Nov. 1969), p. 20. 6 7 Feng K u e i - f e n , C h i a o - p i n - l u k ' a n g f i , 2: 2b-. 6 8 Hsiieh Fu-ch'eng, i n h i s memorial "Ying-chao ch'en-yen shu", (A Memorial Responding to the E d i c t , 1875), proposed to i n c r e a s e revenue by l e v e l i n g an e x t r a tax on t e a and by s e c r e t l y m a n i p u l a t i n g the l o c a l p r i c e . He assumed t h a t tea was i n d i s p e n s a b l e to the h e a l t h of the Westerners. T h e r e f o r e tea e x p o r t a t i o n would not be a f f e c t e d even w i t h high p r i c e s . He r e a l i z e d t h a t t h i s method would not work by the time he wrote Ch'ou-yang t s o u - i around 1879. Yung-an wen-pien, 1:.14. 69 Cheng Kuan-ying, Sheng-shih wei-yen, chuan 7: Chao F e n g - t ' i e n , p. 107. L i Hung-chang's memorial i n Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo TC 25: 92. Hsiieh Fu-ch'eng, "Ying-chao ch'en-yen shu", i n Yung-an wen-pien, 1: 13B, and "Chen p a i kung-shuo" ( D i s c u s s i o n f o r Development of V a r i o u s I n d u s t r i e s ) i n Yung-an hai-wai wen-pien, 3: 16b-17b. 236 71 For the g e n e r a l comments on a g r i c u l t u r e of Huang's contemporaries such as Cheng Kuan-ying, Ch'en Chih, K'ang Yu-wei and Chang Chih-tung, see Chao F e n g - t ' i e n , pp. 19-41. 72 Chang I - l i n , H s i n - t a i - p i n g - s h i h c h i ( C o l l e c t e d Essays of Chang I - l u n ) , ( T a i p e i : 1966 r e p r i n t ) , p. 443. 7 3 Fan Wen-Ian, Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i s h i h (A H i s t o r y of Modern China), (Peking: 1962), V o l . 1, p. 191. 74 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of Levenson's dichotomy, see J.R. Levenson, " ' H i s t o r y ' and 'Value': The Tensions of I n t e l l e c t u a l Choice i n Modern C h i n a " , i n A r t h u r Wright, ed., S t u d i e s i n Chinese Thought, (Chicago: 1953), pp. 146-194. For Kamachi's argument,, see Noriko Kamachi, pp. 321-22. 75For a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n see J.R. Levenson, L i a n g C h ' i -ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, (Mass.: 1953), pp. 1-11. V 6 Levenson i s s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d by P h i l l i p Huang f o r the shortcoming of h i s approach to modern Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n , see P h i l i p Huang, L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao and Modern Chinese L i b e r a l i s m , pp. 203-204. 77 Chang Hao, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and I n t e l l e c t u a l T r a n s i t i o n i n China, 1890-1907, pp. 112-115. 7 8 P h i l i p C. Huang, L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao and Modern Chinese L i b e r a l i s m , p. 34. 237 79 Michael G a s s t e r , Chinese I n t e l l e c t u a l s and the  R e v o l u t i o n of 1911, ( S e a t t l e : 1969), p. 233. Mary C. Wright, The L a s t Stand o f Chinese Conservatism, pp. 224ff. See a l s o Mary C. Wright, "A Review A r t i c l e : The Pre-R e v o l u t i o n a r y I n t e l l e c t u a l s of China and R u s s i a " , The China  Q u a r t e r l y , No. 6, ( A p r i l - J u n e , 1961), p. 179. 8 0 T a i C h i - t ' a o , J i h - p e n l u n , i n Ko-ming h s i e n - l i e h h s i e n - c h i n shih-wen hsuan-chi, V o l . 4, p. 330. 81 D i s c u s s i n g s y n c r e t i c i d e o l o g y o f d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s , G o t t f r i e d - K a r l Kindermann p o i n t e d out t h a t "the l a r g e s t group of development i d e o l o g i e s i s s y n c r e t i c i n i t s endeavor to c o n t i n u e , i n one way or another, c e r t a i n b a s i c v a l u e s of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e w i t h s e l e c t e d ideas and i n s t i t u t i o n s c o p i e d from the West" . G o t t f r i e d - K a r l Kindermann, "'Sun Yat-senism' as a Model f o r S y n c r e t i s t i c Ideology of Developing C o u n t r i e s " , i n Richard Lowenthal, ed., Issues i n the Future of A s i a , (New York: 1969), p. 150. 8 2 H u i z i n g a , quoted i n Alexander Gerchenkron, Economic  Backwardness i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , (Mass.: 1962), p. 36. 8 3 Noriko Kamachi, pp. 324-326, 84 T a i C h i - t ' a o , J i h - p e n l u n , i n Ko-ming h s i e n - l i e h h s i e n - c h i n shih-wen hsuan-chi, V o l . 4, p. 385. 238 FOOTNOTES CONCULSION "*"Frank H.H. King, Money and Monetary P o l i c y i n China, 1845-1895, (Cambridge: 1965), p. 7. 2 Hou Wai-lu ed., Chung-kuo che-hsueh s h i h - l u e h , (Peking: 1958), p. 51. 3 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of these d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s i n China and Japan, see Edwin 0. Reischauer, "Modernization i n Nineteenth Century China and Japan", N i c h i b e i Forum, (Ju l y 1963). 4 For example, they p a i d a l o t of a t t e n t i o n to the problem of the balance of trade and commerce which had so long been n e g l e c t e d by t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese economists. 5 For i n s t a n c e , i n s t i t u t i o n a l change, which had been an age-old i s s u e among Chinese reformers, assumed a new s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the l i g h t of economic s t r u c t u r a l change. 239 6 In h i s l e t t e r to Liang Ch'i-Ch'ao, Huang s a i d t h a t he would c a r r y out co n c r e t e r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i o n s r a t h e r than speaking of r e v o l u t i o n i n name. See Ting Wen-chiang, comp., L i a n g Jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-p'ien  ch'u-kao, ( T a i p e i : 1959), chiian 13, pp. 202-203. I t has been suggested t h a t Huang's i d e a had a d e c i s i v e e f f e c t on Liang Ch'i-ch'ao. F o r . d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n see Wang Teh-chao, "Huang Tsun-hsien yii L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao", Hsin-ya shu- yiian hsiieh-shu nien-k'an, V o l . 11, (1969), pp. 14-21. See a l s o Chang P'eng-yiian, "Liang Ch'i-ch'ao t i cheng-chih ssu-hsiang c h i c h ' i t u i L i a n g Ch'i-ch'ao t i ying-hsiang", Chung-yang yen-chiu-yiian c h i n - t a i - s h i h yen-chiu-so c h i -k'an, V o l . 1, (August, 1969), pp. 226-230. In h i s l e t t e r to Yen Fu d i s c u s s i n g about l i t e r a t u r e , Huang s a i d t h a t there (Reform). Wu T i e n - j e n , Huang Tsun-hsien, pp. 283, 609. 240 BIBLIOGRAPHY Western Languages Adams, T.F.M. A F i n a n c i a l H i s t o r y of Modern Japan. Tokyo: Research (Japan). L t d . , 1964. A l l e n , George C. A Short Economic H i s t o r y of Modern Japan,  1867-1937. London: George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1962. A l l e n , G.C. and Donnithorne, A.G. 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