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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Huang Tsun-Hsien’s interpretation of Mieji Japan’s economic development : an early stage of China’s intellectual… Lee, Ching-Man 1975

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HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S INTERPRETATION OF M E I J I JAPAN'S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN EARLY STAGE OF CHINA'S INTELLECTUAL RESPONSE TO MODERN JAPAN i  by LEE  CHING-MAN  B.A., The C h i n e s e U n i v e r s i t y  o f Hong Kong, 1972  THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED AS PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in  t h e Department of HISTORY  We a c c e p t t h i s required  THE  thesis  as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e  standard  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH August  1975  COLUMBIA  In p r e s e n t i n g  this thesis  in partial  f u l f i l m e n t of the -  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y of  British  it  freely available  agree that thesis  Columbia,  I agree t h a t f o r reference  permission  the Library  shall  and s t u d y .  I  f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e  understood  be  further  f o r extensive copying o f t h i s  Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  the  make  that  publication,  copying of t h i s thesis  i n part  permission.  LEE  Department o f H i s t o r y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8 , Canada  o r i n whole, o r  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Columbia,  It is  CHING-MAN  s h a l l not  ABSTRACT  This thesis response  of a Chinese  M e i j i J a p a n and situation  of  It includes,  response  Jih^pen  conscious  t o some a s p e c t s o f t h e  i n the  two  as a t y p i c a l  {Treaties  on  decades of the  first  p l a c e , an  historical  nineteenth  examination  example o f C h i n a ' s  to Japan i n the l a t e  kuo-chih  to analyse the  intellectual—Huang Tsun-hsien—to  i n the l a s t  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  tual  attempt  i t s relation  of China  century.  i s an  intellec-  nineteenth century.  Japan)  was  s t u d y on J a p a n e s e h i s t o r y w h i c h was  used  the  first  His  systematic  as a b l u e p r i n t  for  t h e Hundred Days R e f o r m i n 18 98. Huang was seriously China.  one  of the  precursory  Chinese  who  recommended J a p a n as a m o d e l o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n  An  effort  i s made t o e v a l u a t e h i s  interpretation Jih-pen  of J a p a n - b y a n a l y z i n g t h e r e l e v a n t p o r t i o n s o f t h e Kuo-chih  and  comparing  ment w i t h t h e s i t u a t i o n In p r o p o s a l s , we phere  examining  in the  of h i s time but a l s o  thought,  economic  develop-  reality. implications  o f Huang's  reform  not only r e c o n s t r u c t the i n t e l l e c t u a l  economic c o n c e p t s .  wu  h i s image o f M e i j i  trace  the e v o l u t i o n of  A general contour  i . e . t h e ching-shih  ( s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g ) and  for  of l a t e  (practical Shang-wu  atmos-  Chinese  Ch'ing  economic  statecraft),  ( m e r c a n t i l i s m and  yang-  industrialism)  i s drawn.  reformer  a g a i n s t such  position  he o c c u p i e d The  response for  Huang a s an e c o n o m i c  a b a c k g r o u n d , we i n this  hope t o f i n d  thesis  basically  are:  (1) Huang's  a reflection  of h i s concern  i n d i g e n o u s p r o b l e m s and a p r o j e c t i o n o f h i s  preoccupation w i t h the s e a r c h i n g f o r a workable would*bring a better to  out the  trend.  findings of this  t o J a p a n was  China's  By p l a c i n g  wealth  a n d power t o C h i n a .  understanding  o f the Chinese  J a p a n by p r o b i n g d e e p e r  the Chinese;  into  formula  This thesis intellectuals'  suggests response  the b u i l t - i n perspective of  (2) Huang was a n i n c i s i v e  observer of the  J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t t h o u g h t h e e x p l a n a t i o n he ed was  somewhat  problems.  distorted  His failure  by h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n s w i t h  to analyze  the Japanese model t o China i n borrowing  China  and  demonstrated  (3) Huang was  intellectual  background. to  the a p p l i c a b i l i t y China's  offer-  China's of  difficulties  and a d a p t i n g J a p a n e s e and W e s t e r n ways o f  modernization, ching-shih  that  a shang-wu  thinker with a  commitment and ayang-wu  His significant  c o n t r i b u t i o n was  career i n introducing  the economic e x p e r i e n c e o f the Japanese i n t h e i r  modernization.  iv  TABLE OF  CONTENTS  Chapter  Page  INTRODUCTION I.  HUANG TSUN-SHIEN AND TO JAPAN A. B.  C. D.  II.  .. . THE  Huang T s u n - h s i e n — t i m e s (1848-1905)  CHINESE RESPONSE 9 His Life  and H i s 9  A P r e l i m i n a r y Assessment of Japan — Jih-pen tsa-shih shih (Miscellaneous Poems on J a p a n ) :1878  24  A Revised Assessment of Japan — Jih-pen k u o - c h i h ( T r e a t i s e s on J a p a n ) : 1 8 8 7 . .  26  The C h i n e s e R e s p o n s e Nineteenth Century  34  to Japan i n the  IMAGE AND REALITY: HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S INTERPRETATION AND EARLY M E I J I ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT A.  B.  1  43  The R e a l i t y : The M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n and E a r l y M e i j i E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p ment  43  1.  The Tokugawa L e g a c y  43  2.  Early M e i j i Modernization  46  3.  The M e i j i Government's P r o b l e m s and S o l u t i o n s  54  Financial  The Image: J a p a n e s e E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p ment i n Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s E y e s — An A n a l y s i s o f t h e T r e a t i s e on F o o d and Money, T r e a t i s e on N a t i o n a l P r o d u c t s and T r e a t i s e on C r a f t s and Arts , .  66  V Chapter  Page  C.  III.  1.  Population  70  2.  Taxation  74  3. . N a t i o n a l B u d g e t  80  4.  N a t i o n a l Debt  83  5.  Currency  87  6.  F o r e i g n Trade  90  7.  National Products  94  8.  C r a f t s and A r t s  97  Between Image a n d R e a l i t y : Discrepancies .  HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND REFORM A.  B.  Traditional  112  Chinese  Economic  L a t e Ch'ing Economic Trends  125  3.  FOOTNOTES  LATE CH'ING ECONOMIC  112  2.  IV.  100  Concepts  1.  C.  The  Ching-shih P a i (School of P r a c t i c a l Statemanship) Yang-wu P ' a i (The S e l f Strengtheners)  13 5  Shang-wu P ' a i (The M e r c a n t i l i s t s and I n d u s t r i a l i s t s )  140  1  Huang T s u n - h s i e n as a n E c o n o m i c R e f o r m e r : An A p p r a i s a l  CONCLUSION  127  147 174  185  vi Page BIBLIOGRAPHY  APPENDIX I - A L i s t o f A r t i c l e s fang-hu-chai y u - t i  240  on J a p a n i n t h e H s i a o ts'ung-ch'ao  289  APPENDIX I I - A L i s t o f t h e S t a f f Members o f t h e C h i n e s e D i p l o m a t i c M i s s i o n i n J a p a n , 18771882  292  GLOSSARY  296  ChtneAe. and Japanese,  nameA aXz  QXXKLVI  -in &uzd&tLondJt..ChyLneA<L and Japanese, that  ^ohm,  AJ>, the. ^amiZij name favu>t faotlow&d by  the. peJiAonal  3  name..  Ton. the. chasiacteAA ofa  ChtneAe. and Japanese namzi> and tenmi>, pZe.a6e. fiz^QA to the.  qtohhahij.  1  INTRODUCTION  This response Meiji ical  i s an a t t e m p t  of a Chinese  Japan,  of China  purposes  t o some a s p e c t s o f  i n the  of t h i s  last  study  s t u d y o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n  intellectual  response  to  the  decades o f  rigorously  the a c t u a l  situation  He and  was  histor-  the  He  J a p a n e s e had  was  first  of  all,  example o f  China's  nineteenth century.  first  modern  Chinese  intellectual  who  Unlike h i s predecessors  he v/as p r o f o u n d l y c o n c e r n e d e c o n o m i c and  al'so i n t e r e s t e d  i n how  done i n t h e i r m o d e r n i z a t i o n  lessons of their  first  i n a s u s t a i n e d f a s h i o n , examined  t h e s e c r e t s o f modern m i l i t a r y , Japan.  v/as t h e  the  i n Japan.  h i s contemporaries,  include,  i n the l a t e  b e c a u s e he  o f Japan.  seriously,  in  two  as a t y p i c a l  to Japan  been chosen  interpreter  and  conscious  century.  The  Huang has  to a n a l y s e the  i n t e l l e c t u a l — H u a n g Tsun-hsien,  andvits relation  situation  nineteenth  the  thesis  s u c c e s s and  failure  and  with  political what  the  p r o c e s s and  c o u l d be  power  applied  how  the  to  China. Huang T s u n - h s i e n i n t e l l e c t u a l s who for  China,  was  seriously  and was  the  first  one  o f the  first  modern  recommended J a p a n as a m o d e l to write a s p e c i f i c  systematic  s t u d y o f J a p a n e s e h i s t o r y - - t h e Jih-pen  [Treatises  on  Japan).  Chinese  H i s work i m p r o v e d  and kuo-chih  c o n s i d e r a b l y the  2 s t a t e o f C h i n e s e knowledge of  some i m p o r t a n t  history.  The  themes i n S i n o - J a p a n e s e i n t e r c u l t u r a l  s t u d y o f J a p a n was  t o g e t one's b e a r i n g s Treatises  on  o f J a p a n and t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g  Japan  a difficult  a t Huang's t i m e .  had a tremendous  area  i n which  However, t h e  i m p a c t on t h e r e f o r m  movement a t t h e t u r n o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . used It  i n 1898  also  affected This  of  as a b l u e p r i n t  f o r t h e Hundred  I t was  Days  Reform.  t h e 19 05 Manchu Reform."''  study i s a l s o  C h i n e s e knowledge  concerned with  the development  o f J a p a n , and w i t h t h e p o i n t  i n that  d e v e l o p m e n t a t w h i c h Huang T s u n - h s i e n became t h e m a j o r Chinese i n t e r p r e t e r the M e i j i  of Meiji  Japan, h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f  R e s t o r a t i o n as a w h o l e  development i n p a r t i c u l a r ,  and o f J a p a n ' s  and h i s u n i q u e c o n t r i b u t i o n  Chinese understanding of Japan. s e c t i o n o f h i s book, Shih^huo  chih  economic  By a n a l y z i n g  t h e Treatises  on  Japan,  one  particular  namely  the  ( T r e a t i s e on F o o d and Money, t h e S e c t i o n  E c o n o m i c s ) , and by c o m p a r i n g and c o n t r a s t i n g and t h e r e a l i t y  of early M e i j i  t r a c e both the i n t e l l e c t u a l  h i s image  e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , we  distortion  to  on of can  and t h e a c c u r a c y o f  Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f J a p a n . Although there literature  i s now  a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f  on Huang T s u n - h s i e n ,  relatively  h a s b e e n g i v e n t o Huang's e c o n o m i c w i t h t h e t r e n d o f economic study  i s the r e s u l t  little  attention  t h o u g h t and h i s t i e s  thinking  of a preliminary  at that  time.  investigation  This into  3 this  relatively  give  a total  thesis w i l l  underexplored  title  Instead of t r y i n g  p i c t u r e o f Huang's I n t e l l e c t u a l present a tentative  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s ways and  area.  a n a l y s i s o f economic  e x p e r i e n c e may  from d i f f e r e n t  position,  be  to this  thought.  studied i n several  standpoints.  The  c o n f e r r e d upon Huang i n C h i n e s e  most  history  honorific  i s the  2 " r e v o l u t i o n a r y p i o n e e r o f modern C h i n e s e from he  b e i n g known as an  i s a l s o known as a r e f o r m e r ,  diplomat. of  i n n o v a t i v e and  These t i t l e s  "economist,"  a dubious  nationalistic  a r e more d i s t i n g u i s h e d  Recent  time  works on  such as N o r i k o Kamachi's t h e s i s  D r a f t Biography sive  Kung-tu  and  s u b j e c t a r e a s d e s c r i b e d above. works, t h i s  study  narrow f o c u s — a s life,  focus of t h i s t h e Treatises  Shih-huo  ohih  ( T r e a t i s e on  are  on  ( T r e a t i s e on  as  (1848-  t h e West" and ohuan-kao  Wu (A  a r e r a t h e r comprehen-  Unlike a l l these  facet of h i s  the  existing a rather  intellectual  thought. f o r making economics  Quite a weighty Japan  that  Tsun-hsien,  c a r e e r , f o c u s i n g on  several reasons  study.  Huang  t o l o o k a t Huang t h r o u g h  n a r r o w as one  namely h i s e c o n o m i c There  in  chooses  a minor  have b e e n t a k e n  hsien-sheng 3  o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) ,  s t u d i e s o f Huang's l i f e  poet,  than  "Huang T s u n - h s i e n  1 9 0 5 ) : H i s R e s p o n s e t o M e i j i J a p a n and T ' i e n - j e n ' s book Huang  Apart  a J a p a n e x p e r t , and  which might a t t h a t  compliment.  poetry."  i s on  the  p o r t i o n of the m a t e r i a l  J a p a n e s e economy, i . e . t h e  F o o d and  N a t u r a l P r o d u c t s ) , and  Money), t h e Wu-chan Kung-i  ohih  (Treatise  ohih  4 on  C r a f t s  &  A r t s ) ,  ( T r e a t i s e s ) , A l s o ,  t h a t  Huang  power.  was  He  became  a l l i s ,  together n i n e  d e c l a r e d  f a m o u s — p o e t r y ,  regreted'l  that  out  p r e o c c u p i e d  even  h i s  of  w i t h  out  f o r t y  of  q u e s t i o n s  the  s u b j e c t  not  h i s  major  chih  twelve  (Chapters).  chuan  t h a t  was  r e a l  three  of  w e a l t h  for  and  which  c o n c e r n ,  i n t e r e s t — s t a t e c r a f t ,  he  and  was  not  4 r e c o g n i z e d item  i n  by  the  n e c e s s a r y  Of  a l l  to  have  but  he  was  i n  Japan.  changes M e i j i  i n  w r i t i n g .  and  H i s  e v a l u a t i o n  i s  h i s  i n  t h e r e f o r e  M e i j i  of  by  the  the  time  most  means  an  of  reforms,  and  e f f e c t s  c u l t u r a l a  t h a t  and  l i f e  s t a b i l i t y  Huang  f o u n d a t i o n  o r g a n i z e d  i t  seems  economic  a c h i e v e d  economic  the  Huang  d i r e c t i o n s  had  major  p r o p o s a l s .  Japan,  W e s t e r n i z a t i o n  p o l i c i e s  the  s t a t e c r a f t ,  about  p o s s i b l e  sphere  i s  economic  p o s i t i v e  the  the  economic  Chinese  Huang's  and  about  p o l i t i c a l  was of  c o n s i s t e n t  work.  Huang sense.  by  the  Japan of  impressed  economics  t r a d i t i o n a l  implemented  u n c e r t a i n  p o l i t i c a l  p a r t  of  S i n c e  i n v e s t i g a t e  p o l i c i e s  of  M e i j i  to  been  l a c k i n g  p e o p l e .  p r a c t i c e  i s  the  the  was  Rather  by  he  no  was  more  or  economist  l e s s  i n  t y p i c a l  of  the  modern  the  t r a d i t i o n a l  5 Chinese the  "amateur"  economic  ChiVing  p e r i o d  economists  s i t u a t i o n were  t h e i r  s p e c i a l i z i n g  examining  Huang's  the  development  e a r l y  of  who  economic of  country i n  i d e a s ,  Chinese  t r x e d  t h e i r and  s o l v i n g we  may  economic  by  b e s t  to  the  s e c u r e  l a t e  problems.  be  a b l e  thought,  to  By t r a c e the  5 metamorphosis Japanese p r e s e n t  of  i n f l u e n c e study  economic  the on  w i l l  thought  concept t h i s  of  p r o c e s s .  throw  l i g h t  the  ching-shih  i n  w e a l t h  on  and It  the  power  i s  and  hoped  t h a t  g e r m i n a t i o n  ( P r a c t i c a l  the the  of  modern  S t a t e c r a f t )  t r a d i t i o n . F i n a l l y , v a r i o u s C h i n a ,  trends such  A f f a i r s  of  as  and  I  and  yang-wu  and  shang-wu  i n i t i a l  of  were  a l s o  the  t r y  theory  i n  l i g h t  C h i n a ' s  of  concept  of  "wealth  concept  of  "economic  The the  scope  above  and  of  three  t h a t  economic  development  emergence  of  by  and  i d e a s .  I  and  of  of  emergence  was  a l s o  hope  p r o v i d e d  economics,  some  see  r e p l a c e d  and  e c o n o m i s t s . a s p e c t s  economic how by  t h a t  shang-wu  and  Chinese of  to  ching-shih,  the  Huang's and  (Foreign  thought  modern  the  shang-wu  yang-wu  the  s i t u a t i o n , power"  yang-wu  the  Chinese  of  n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  thought  a n a l y z i n g  the the  of thought  t r a d i t i o n a l modern  m o d e r n i z a t i o n . " the  i n v e s t i g a t i o n  focuses  t h o u g h t :  the  i s ,  the  contour  l a t e  economic  modern  t r a c e  economic  to  of  f o r e r u n n e r s  to  i n  aggregate  i n t e l l e c t u a l s  modern the  the  trends  elements  ching-shih  w i l l  t h a t  g e n e r a l  i d e a l ,  i n d u s t r i a l i s m )  t h e s i s  I  a  thought  ching-shih  the  the  t h i n k e r s  draw  economic  develop  the  to  S e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g )  ( m e r c a n t i l i s m  some  hope  C h i n a ' s and  e a r l y  as  r e l a t e d  response i t s  modern  to  i s , to  Huang  Japan,  a p p l i c a b i l i t y Chinese  t h e r e f o r e ,  T s u n - h s i e n ' s  e a r l y to  economic  l i m i t e d  C h i n a ,  M e i j i and  t h o u g h t .  6 It effort his  i s important to s t r e s s  that  t h i s s t u d y i s an  t o u n d e r s t a n d an i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s mind  r e s p o n s e t o h i s e n v i r o n m e n t and  economic  analysis,  Japanese  economies.  i s n o t p r i n c i p a l l y an  o r a c o m p a r i s o n o f t h e C h i n e s e and Therefore,  economic  approaches  been p u t i n a s u b o r d i n a t e p o s i t i o n , w h i l e problems  have b e e n  unsatisfying adequate  stressed.  by e x p l i c i t  the  o f Huangs's under-  be g r e a t l y  improved  comparison w i t h e x p e r i e n c e s i n Japan.  controversial  an  situation, institutions, policies  t h o u g h t i n C h i n a would  i s f a r beyond  be  to y i e l d  T h e r e a r e u n d o u b t e d l y many a r e a s where  and e c o n o m i c  this  intellectual  t o e c o n o m i s t s , i t i s more l i k e l y  s t a n d i n g o f t h e economic  have  W h i l e t h i s a p p r o a c h may  u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the development  thought.  and  the scope o f t h i s study.  However  Therefore,  problem o f the d i v e r g e n t paths  actually  t a k e n by C h i n a and J a p a n c a n n o t be d e a l t w i t h h e r e . This the  first  study w i l l  chapter w i l l  be o r g a n i z e d  provide the reader w i t h a  u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f Huang's l i f e , of  h i s w o r k s on J a p a n — J i h - p e n  Poems  on  A short writings out  Javan)  a n d Jih-pen  also  as w e l l tsa-shih  kuo-chih  summary o f t h e e a r l i e r on J a p a n w i l l  i n the following  be  shih  economic  second c h a p t e r w i l l  analysis (Miscellaneous  on  Japan).  nineteenth century  Chinese  included  t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Huang's Treatises The  background  as a b r i e f  (Treatises  way:  i n order on  be an a n a l y s i s  t h o u g h t b a s e d on t h e e c o n o m i c  material  to  bring  Japan. o f Huang's i n the  7 Treatises and be  on  the  p r o v i d e d  Chinese  i n of  The  h i s  economic  thought  and w i l l  the be  Huang  C h i n a ' s  C h i n a ' s  economic  between  Huang  l a t e  ing  to  the  p l a c e  the  h i s  a t  h i s i n  l a t e  Huang  theme to  of w i l l  a c c u r a c y  or  Huang  responses  to  t i m e .  a l l  The  Japan,  and  l i n k  h i s  C h i n a ' s  w i l l  as  an  w i l l  of  "wealth  r e f o r m e r s ,  be  used f o r  l i g h t  economic  on  be  t h i n k e r  e v a l u a t e d  h i s  came,  a c c o r d -  above. i s  Huang  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  economic  b r i n g  thought.  c h a p t e r s  r e l a t e d  to  comparison  throw  d e s c r i b e d  he  and  economic  model  b r i e f  between  w h i c h the  a  groups  economic  the  w i l l  economic  three  economic  The  by  as  t r a d i t i o n a l  v a r i o u s  t h e i r  Japan  background of  the  proposed  of  of  concept  same  China  from  group  of  the  T s u n - h s i e n  of  t h e i r  of  C h ' i n g  t h i n k i n g  i n  of  C h ' i n g  between  c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  the  of  l a t e  m o d e r n i z a t i o n .  development,  f e a t u r e s  p o r t r a i t  c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  economic  t i v e  a  the  the  advocacy  response  the  images  development  degree  be  problems  h i s  h i s t o r i c a l b a s i c  h i s  the  p r o g r e s s  n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  A h s i e n :  and  and  F i n a l l y , i n  and  metamorphosis  s i g n i f i c a n t  unique  w i l l  concepts  d i s c u s s e d  i n c l u d i n g  h i s  e v a l u a t e  c h a p t e r  t h i n k e r s ,  f o r  h i s  economic  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p  s o l u t i o n s  out  to  M e i j i  between  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  t h i r d  The  comparison  e a r l y  order  economic  t r e n d s .  power"  A  r e a l i t y . o f  d i s t o r t i o n  of  Japan.  mind and  of and  the  economic s i t u a t i o n .  TsunJapanese the  d i s t i n c t h e o r i s t s The  8 c o n c l u s i o n arguments  attempts of  The  the  of  us  b e n e f i t  the  a l l y , the  i n  a  t h e i r no  i n  the  of  l a s t  mind  w i l l  the  attempt  account a s p e c t s .  of.  to  h i s  and  Japan  decades  of  such  thought  d e s c r i p t i o n  u n i f y  of  i n t o  the  p r i n c i p a l  a  of  Huang  began  the  to  to of  Huang  no  change  c e n t u r y ,  might  f a i l  to  c o u l d  draw  b r i n g i n g  Japanese  t h i s  i n  i t s  t h a t r e a l i z e  upon o r d e r  economy.  Huang  such  d r a s t i c -  time  of  Japan  g i v e s  of  s y s t e m a t i z e M e i j i  had  p e r i o d  o b s e r v e r  the  i n i t i a l  n i n e t e e n t h  s h o r t  c a p a b l e  the  development  o v e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ,  and  d i s c o v e r y  study  economic  Furthermore,  p i t f a l l s  s y n t h e s i z e  h i n d s i g h t .  over  economic  fragmented  of  Japanese  contemporary  i m p o r t a n c e . of  c e n t u r y  China two  and  study.  educated  o c c u r r e d  s e n s i t i v e  system  h i s  and  When  changes  even  h a l f  C h i n e s e  advantages.  summarize  e n t i r e  l a s t  stages  to  to  Keeping  t h e s i s  T s u n - h s i e n ' s economic  9  CHAPTER I  HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND  A.  THE  CHINESE RESPONSE TO  Huang T s u n - h s i e n : H i s L i f e Born  H i s Times  i n 184 8, e i g h t y e a r s a f t e r  Huang T s u n - h s i e n b e l o n g e d from  and  illusions  about  JAPAN  (1848-1905)  t h e Opium War  t o the g e n e r a t i o n t h a t  China's  glorious  p a s t and  from  Men  found  to the shocking  of modernity tainty. and  and  exposed  this  uncer-  turmoil  tragedy.  unprecedented  e r a , the Ch'ing  a t the lowest p o i n t of the d y n a s t i c c y c l e  caught  reality  f a c e d w i t h a f u t u r e o f g l o o m and  t o grow up w i t h C h i n a ' s  dynasty  and  China  between t h e t w i n e v i l s o f e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e  internal  chaos.  The  Western powers, w i t h t h e i r  weapons, i n t r u d e d upon t h e c l o s e d M i d d l e Kingdom revealed  the impotence  t h a t government t o s i g n a s e r i e s  of unequal  (1850-1864).  and  a s u c c e s s i o n of domestic  This uprising  and  forcing  treaties.  h e a v a l s t o o k p l a c e , t h e g r e a t e s t o f w h i c h was Uprising  was  modern  o f t h e C h ' i n g g o v e r n m e n t by  A t the-same t i m e  blissful  generation  They were d e s t i n e d t o w i t n e s s C h i n a ' s  During was  suddenly  (184 0),  awakened  ignorance of the o u t s i d e world. themselves  of t h i s  1  the  affected  upTaiping  Huang i n  2  his  early  life  as h i s w e a l t h y  Hakka f a m i l y  which  resided  3 in  Chia-ying-chou  the T a i p i n g  i n Kwangtung  incursion.  was  impoverished  after  10 The example cycle  history  o f t h e phenomena  typical  grandfather, lender. a  o f Huang's  Jun  His great  member  5  society.  Chi-sheng  (1804-1891)  the  gentry.  gentry, 7  i s an  excellent  mobility  4  and f a m i l y  Huang's  money  g  Hsueh-shih,  became  and h i s g r a n d f a t h e r  remained  Huang's  Huang  an  influential  father,  Huang  life  great-great  began as a pawnbroker and  grandfather,  of the l o c a l  local  of social  i n Chinese Huang  family  Huang  member  Hung-tsao  of  (1828-  g 1891) The  became  a degree-holding  impoverishment  scholar-gentry-official.  of the family after  the Taipings  (1865)  9 signalled  the family  Huang manner.^ and  histories  service the  ladder was  in  writing  from  Tsun-hsien was  was  i n order  him  f o r the  Consequently,  o f success  he  and p r o s e ,  he  took  t o o b t a i n degrees  a  which  were  classics civil to  fashion.  h e was  Although  ten years,  of examinations  essential  climb  n o t so b l e s s e d  For almost  series  traditional  attempted  i n the conventional  " e i g h t - l e g g e d essays.'! t o 1876,  i n a very  immersed i n t h e  to prepare  talented i n poetry  1867  educated  thoroughly  examinations.  he  ing  He  decline.  f o r an  attemptofficial  career. The tried  the p r o v i n c i a l  success. the  results  life  short  of h i s expectations.  examination  Frustration  continuous  immediate  fell  failures outlook.  three  times  and disappointment had a d e c i s i v e He  finally  without  built  effect  obtained  He  on a  up,  and  Huang's ohu-jen  •  degree  i n  but  then  he  abandon l a d d e r  1876  the  r e f u s e d  the of  at  e f f o r t  p r o v i n c i a l  to to  s u c c e s s .  proceed c l i m b  For  up  one  examination  any  f u r t h e r ,  the  h i g h e s t  r e a s o n ,  he  i n  Peking,-1-^  d e c i d i n g rungs  to  of  r e s e n t e d  the  a  system  13 w h i c h he  f a i l e d  had  h i s  to  to  p r e s s u r e s a  of  the  more  than  t a l e n t s .  f o r t y  c o n s t r u c t i v e  p o s i t i o n  from  former  p e o p l e ,  had  the  to  w e a l t h . e f f e c t  p i o n e e r  d e c i s i o n  the  For  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  i t s  f a t e f u l  d e v i a t e d i n  p a r t i a l  h i s  r e c o v e r  s t r a t e g i c  made  r e c o g n i z e  assume  f a m i l y  unable  to  to  a  new  embark  t r a d i t i o n a l  f o r  another,  support  s i n c e  h i s  In  a  of  moving  l i f e  on  a  p a t h — t o  of  f a m i l y  way,  these him  i n t o  p a t t e r n .  c a r e e r  become  was  He  which  an  a p p r e n t i c e  d i p l o m a c y . Huang's  path  now  chosen  a v a i l a b l e  u n s u c c e s s f u l  o f f i c e  not  conform  the  m i d - n i n e t e e n t h  i n t o  to  to  c o n t a c t  the  w i t h  dores  of  c e n t u r y  when  West,  i n t e r p r e t e r s — a l l  China  and  the  through  which  s o c i a l  b e i n g  examination  f a i l u r e s ,  China  the  a r t  West,  of  them  had  i n  been  f o r c e d w i t h  become  a  e x p e r t s ,  middlemen c r e a t e d  Chinese  c o u l d S i n c e  d e a l i n g had  newly  who  system.  yang-wu  were  m o b i l i t y  t r a n s f o r m e d .  of  A f f a i r s )  14 g r a d u a l l y  a l t e r n a t e  i n t e l l e c t u a l s  D i p l o m a t s ,  between  an  e x a m i n a t i o n  (Foreign  knowledge.  and  and  outmoded  the  r e p r e s e n t e d  f r u s t r a t e d  seekers  foreigners--yang-wu k i n d  c a r e e r  s p e c i a l  compra-  r o l e s o c c u p a t i o n s  s o c i e t y  was  Huang's the a  age  i n which  distaste  and  Sung  that He  he  f o r the  d i d not  only  arguments  he  He  between  the  Han  with  the  contemporary  of  Han  the  himself  and  Ch'ing  rejected  Learning.  of  Sung  between  Han  he  believed  teaching.  and  Text  attitude  intellectual  Learning  showed  because  Sung  Old  Han  learning  by  undertaken  the  by  heated  schools,  was  reaction  scholarship, represented  and  Huang  i n v o l v e d i n the  and  Huang's  life,  Confucius's  never  Text  reflected  dispute  both  warfare  was  New  with  also  in his  factional  correspond  Sung  of  Early  academic,  considered  meaningless,  orientation  lived.  Learning."*"^  they  not  intellectual  in  to  or  accord  the  condition  eclectic  synthesis  the  T'ung-chih  16 statesman, in  which  Tseng  Huang  ching-shih to  the  Kuo-fan.  lived  was  (Practical political,  with  tuals  their  to  to  devote  national  adolescence, these  wealth was  by  the  the  ideal  which  was  a  plight  power.  to  a  search  Huang,  of  for  in his  i n f l u e n c e d by  epoch of  response China.  c o n d i t i o n s l e d the  energies  and  of  of  economic  existing  undoubtedly  intellectual  accompanied  and  Zeitgeist  revival  Statecraft)  intellec-  avenues  sensitive  a l l of  trends.  Huang's r e f u s a l was  the  social  Dissatisfaction  The  to  accept  his rejection  academic of  the  orthodoxy  customary  Chinese  17 love  of  the  past  been  suggested  and  that  imitation these  of  antiquity.  attitudes  foreshadow  It  has  those  of  13 K'ang Yu-wei and  T'an  Ssu-t'ung  w h i c h were t o be  vigor-  18 ously  expounded i n t h e  late  Huang's i n t e r e s t began i n t h e y e a r year  1870  1890's.  i n diplomacy  and  when he v/as t w e n t y - t w o .  t h e T i e n t s i n m a s s a c r e o c c u r r e d and  whom Huang i d o l i z e d  foreign  i n h i s youth  Tseng  affairs In t h a t  Kuo-fan,  as t h e e p i t o m e o f  the  s c h o l a r - s t a t e s m a n , was condemned f o r m i s h a n d l i n g t h i s In o r d e r t o f o l l o w t h e c a s e c l o s e l y , Huang r e a d t h e 19  case.  Wan-kuo  time.  He  Kung-pao  a l s o read a l l of the f o r e i g n  Translation  new  diplomatic,  T h e r e a f t e r he  political  and  i n the  same y e a r ,  a l s o made him  f o r e i g n e r s and  in  1874  from  developed  nationalism. extensively  the  These access  followed current especially  first  already a B r i t i s h  into  We  of  can  i n Huang's poems  h i s former  a broader, t o 1877,  especially  t r a v e l s widened h i s v i s i o n  i n China.  colony.  However, d u r i n g h i s  t o 1876  Between 1874 i n China,  Huang made h i s  patriotism 20  period.  China  then  foreign aggression  w r i t t e n around t h i s  patriotism  by  aware o f t h e o m n i p r e s e n c e  t r a c e a s o r t o f xenophobic  North  closely  foreign affairs,  t o Hong Kong w h i c h was  This v i s i t  books t r a n s l a t e d  cases.  Earlier visit  first  s e r v e d as t h e m a j o r m e d i a o f Huang's  ideas.  missionary  f o r the  Bureau of the Kiangnan A r s e n a l .  publications to  (The G l o b e M a g a z i n e )  and  xenophobic  healthier Huang  him  sense  of  travelled  i n the n o r t h .  enabled  travels  His  to get  into  14 contact with career. and  officials  who were v e r y  I n 1874, Huang went t o P e k i n g  stayed  i n Peking  (nung-tsao).  He t h e n  f a t h e r who worked i n T i e n t s i n and t h e n  1875 on  through T i e n t s i n  where h i s f a t h e r was w o r k i n g  Department o f A g r i c u l t u r e his  helpful to h i s future  and 1876.  the coast  C h e f o o was a n i m p o r t a n t  of the wide-spread  a t C h e f o o t h a t he met t h e d i p l o m a t  and . d i s c u s s e d c u r r e n t a f f a i r s  it  first  decision  with  during  centre Here,  degree.  him.  I t was  Yin-huan  T h i s was  probably  t o d i p l o m a c y and  t h a t Chang h a d some i n f l u e n c e on Huang's  t o choose a d i p l o m a t i c At  trading  Chang  t i m e t h a t Huang was i n t r o d u c e d  i s likely  i n Chefoo  influence of foreign  powers was r e i n f o r c e d t o an e v e n g r e a t e r  the  followed  and was e x p o s e d t o W e s t e r n i n f l u e n c e .  Huang's r e a l i z a t i o n  also  i nthe  career.  t h e same t i m e i n C h e f o o , L i Hung-chang was  negotiating  a settlement  was i n t r o d u c e d  t o the Margary A f f a i r .  t o L i t h r o u g h Cheng T s a o - j u  Huang  a n d was  said  21 t o have l e f t providing  a good  impression  on L i .  an example o f h i s c e l e b r a t e d  his handling  o f the Margary A f f a i r ,  L i Hung-chang, statesmanship i n  must a l s o  have  i n f l u e n c e d Huang's d e c i s i o n t o p u r s u e a d i p l o m a t i c career. At attitude  this  t i m e t h e r e was an o b v i o u s c h a n g e i n Huang's  toward t h e o u t s i d e world  began t o c r i t i c i z e  sinocentrism,  and h i s w o r l d especially  the  view.  oh'ing-liu  22 clique's  diplomatic  He  a p p r o a c h and a n t i - f o r e i g n a c t i o n s  such the  as t h e k i l l i n g idea  of equality  consider There  of foreign  different  express  this  between East  nations  a r e two l i n e s  envoys.  He  and West  a s members  advocated and began t o  o f t h e same  i n a poem w r i t t e n  b y Huang  family.  which  idea:  . The tune o f " e x p e l t h e b a r b a r i a n " s h o u l d no l o n g e r be sung . . . The E a s t a n d W e s t come f r o m t h e s a m e f a m i l y A l l c o u n t r i e s a r e now w i t h i n t h e same universe. Do n o t b e e g o t i s t i c a b o u t the M i d d l e Kingdom.23  It  has been suggested  modern come  Chinese  from  that  expression  t h e same  this  i s probably  of the notion  family  o f nations  the  that  first  East  and West  and t h e f i r s t  that  24 is  free  point  of sinocentricism.  that  Kwangtung  Huang's  I t should  be n o t e d  idea  of nationalism  also  provincialism  and xenophobia  t o one o f  at  shifted  this from  cosmo-  plitianism. During associated  with  h i s stay  influencial  from  t h e Kwangtung  Kung  I-t'u,  Ting  Jih-ch'ang,  invited  Huang  was  region,  Chang Y i n - h u a n  The career  i n the north,  who  to join time  was  officials, including  most  Ting  appointed  his staff  came when  widely  o f whom  In  governor  as a p r i v a t e  the opportunity Ho  was  came  Jih-ch'ang,  a n d Ho J u - c h a n g .  then  o p e n e d t o Huang.  Huang  Ju-chang,  fact,  of  Fukien,  secretary. fora  diplomatic  appointed  a  minister  t o Japan  a minister their of  i n 1876,  and  Chen L a n - p i n ,  to the United S t a t e s , both  staff.  Huang a c c e p t e d  the  appointed  invited  former  Huang t o  invitation  his father's preference for his old friend  Ho  join  because  Ju-chang  25 and  because By  diplomacy goal.  of the p r o x i m i t y of Japan this  t i m e , Huang r e c o g n i z e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e  a s a means f o r a c h i e v i n g i n p a r t t h e  In those days i t r e q u i r e d  to  a c t on  of  an o v e r s e a s  that  detrimental  a fair  f o r the  appointment  and  was  low  to a career i n the p o l i t i c a l  needed courage  f a m i l y who  prestige  regarded  field. Volunteer 26  as t r a i t o r s .  to face the disappointment  f r i e n d s and  courage  social  i t was  of  national  amount o f  s o r t of c o n v i c t i o n ,  d i p l o m a t s were l o o k e d upon a l m o s t  teachers,  to China.  of  One  also  one's  p l a c e d on o n e ' s  success  v i a the t r a d i t i o n a l r o u t e . Huang r e s o l u t e l y s t o o d h i s g r o u n d and a c c e p t e d t h e p o s i t i o n o f T s ' a n - t s ' a n ( C o u n c i l l o r ) 27 in  the f i r s t  Chinese  p o s i t i o n proved he for  had  g e n e r a l a t San councillor and  (1877  the f i r s t  t o 1882)  to the  legation  to the l e g a t i o n  1882-September  1885),  i n London  i n Japan  dominated  England  i n Japan Consul  (January  1890-November  (1891-1894).  Huang's t h i n k i n g m a t u r e d a f t e r  i n America,  After  appointed  Consul general i n Singapore  experiences  This diplomatic  o f many f o r Huang.  he was  F r a n c i s c o (March  Although  ences  to Japan.  s e r v e d as the c o u n c i l l o r  f i v e years  1891)  t o be  legation  and  his  Singapore, h i s e x p e r i -  his intellectual  outlook  through-  out  the r e s t  of h i s l i f e .  new  i d e a s : b o t h J a p a n e s e and W e s t e r n i d e a s t h r o u g h  translations. political, it  I n J a p a n Huang was  His overseas  experiences  d i p l o m a t i c and e c o n o m i c i d e a s , w h i c h ,  intellectual  history,  had a s i g n i f i c a n t  been i n f o r c e  a s p e c t was mentation. left  though  Chinese  i n f l u e n c e on L i a n g  28  When Huang went t o J a p a n , had  Japanese  formed h i s  i s not g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d i n the study o f  Ch'i-ch'ao.  exposed t o  still  f o r about  the M e i j i  nine years  r e f o r m movement  (1868-1877).  i n a s t a t e o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and  Every  experi-  The new a t m o s p h e r e o f t h e R e s t o r a t i o n c e r t a i n l y  young Huang w i t h  fresh  impressions.  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Japanese p o l i t i c i a n s , ex-daimyos,scholars  and l i t e r a r y men  young o f f i c - s e e k e r s .  He was  diplomats,  widely retired  and a m b i t i o u s  militant  B u t a l t h o u g h Huang met some o f t h e 29  top o f f i c i a l s ,  g r e a t statesmen  n o t seem t h a t t h e C h i n e s e action with Legation than  them.  and d i p l o m a t s ,  legation  had any c l o s e  I t has b e e n s u g g e s t e d  i n J a p a n was engaged more 30  i t does inter-  t h a t the Chinese  in cultural  activities  i n diplomatic negotiation. • Huang was most f a m i l i a r w i t h s c h o l a r s i n t h e  literary  circles.  t h e J a p a n e s e Kangaku Chinese  were h i g h l y  scholars (Sinologists),  l i t e r a t u r e was  years of the M e i j i a number  The C h i n e s e  still  era.  very popular  r e s p e c t e d by for classical  i n the e a r l y  Huang became a c q u a i n t e d w i t h 31 o f famous s c h o l a r s b u t among a l l t h e l i t e r a t i  18 who  b e f r i e n d e d him,  Huang was  the Mito h i s t o r i a n s ,  Aoyama E n j u and  As p r e v i o u s l y i n J a p a n were l e s s interests less,  diplomats representing  the L i u - C h ' i u the Korea  of a diplomatic  Incident  Case  influenced  Shigeno  the Chinese  t h a n t h e y were c u l t u r a l  (1874) and  by  Yasutsugu.  legation China's  ambassadors.  staff national  Neverthe-  i n diplomacy.  (1971), T a i w a n  His Incident  (1880) were a good e x p r e s s i o n  concern f o r China's n a t i o n a l  interest  at  time. After  arriving  government's e f f o r t s strength. politics, by  noted,  Huang d i d g e t some p r a c t i c e  i d e a s on  the  most g r e a t l y  i n Japan,  Huang o b s e r v e d  to develop m i l i t a r y  and  the  Meiji  economic  A n a l y z i n g the s i t u a t i o n o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l he  c o n c l u d e d t h a t d i p l o m a c y must be  strong m i l i t a r y  and  n a v a l power.  realipolitik,  accompanied  p r o m p t e d him  t o urge  position.  supported  .This r e c o g n i t i o n  by h i s n a t i o n a l i s t  the C h i n g government t o t a k e a s t r o n g  T s u n g l i Yamen i n t h e name o f Ho  Ju-chang,  suzerainty over L i u - c h ' i u  urged  the court  posed  three t a c t i c s .  to adopt  w i t h the Japanese  The  an  iron  fist  insisted  ( t h e Ryukyus) policy.  b e s t t a c t i c was  g o v e r n m e n t and  Huang  the  He  and  pro-  to negotiate  a t t h e same  time  send a w a r s h i p  t o summon L i u - C h ' i u ' s t r i b u t a r y m i s s i o n s  to China.  second  Ch'iu  The  in a fight  of  feelings,  I n memorandum s e n t t o L i Hung-chang and  on r e t a i n i n g  power  b e s t t a c t i c was  a g a i n s t Japan,  to support L i u  w i t h the knowledge  that  19 Japan c o u l d  be e a s i l y  defeated.  The l a s t  apply  i n t e r n a t i o n a l law a n d t o i n v i t e  corps  to settle  the case.  (Especially  the d i p l o m a t i c  Huang p o i n t e d  danger o f l o s i n g L i u - C h ' i u  was  r e s o r t was t o  that other  out that the countries  R u s s i a ) w o u l d f o l l o w J a p a n ' s l e a d and  there  32 w o u l d be more t e r r i t o r x a l It posal  should  o f an " i r o n  o f war w i t h  disputes.  be n o t e d fist"  at this point  policy  Japan, d i f f e r e d  t h a t Huang's  which i n v o l v e d  from t h e m i l i t a r y  the  eh'ing-liu  and  ignorance of the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n .  g r o u p who were b l i n d e d  pro-  the r i s k approach o f  by n a t i o n a l Huang's  pride  suggestion  was b a s e d o n a c a r e f u l e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e f a c t s ,  considered  able  understanding o f Japan's m i l i t a r y  weighing o f the gains as  a last  way,  i.e.  claim  l e d t o an o v e r e s t i m a t i o n  the w i s h f u l  goal  and t h e C h i n e s e l e g a t i o n . f a i l e d  through d i p l o m a t i c  incorporated  negotiations.  The  power.  Huang's  to achieve Japan  crucial  thinking  of Ch'ing m i l i t a r y  However, t h e C h ' i n g g o v e r n m e n t d i d n o t a c c e p t proposal  that  h e r r i g h t s i n an  t h r o u g h i n t e r n a t i o n a l law.  s h o r t c o m i n g o f h i s memorandom was that  and^studied  and l o s s e s and an a w a r e n e s s  r e s o r t China could  acceptable  power,  their  finally  L i u - c h ' i u i n 1879.  In t h e Korea c a s e ,  Huang u r g e d b o t h t h e C h ' i n g  and  Korean governments t o take a s t r o n g  the  Korean m i s s i o n  i n J a p a n , Huang  line.  suggested  Through that  Korea  20 could  get out of this  means  and by m a n i p u l a t i n g  international ment  t o keep  friendly also to a  Huang take  i n regard  annexed  in  controlling  to  the Ch'ing  to  He  (1) s i m p l y  take  a c t as an independent and t o open  vene  actively  i n Korean  so  as t o e n f o r c e  be  noted  that  a l l three  concepts  seemed  t o be aware  both  have  cases  developed  which that  Japan's  (2) e n c o u r a g e  trade;  (3)  and d i p l o m a t i c  touch  of the impossibility  a matter-of-fact attitude  the inter-  problems I t should  Huang  of continuing  i n t h e modern  and Korean)  Korea  upon t h e  and s u z e r a i n t y .  system  as  to negotiate with  alternatives  (The L i u - c h ' i u  interest  alternatives  s u z e r a i n t y i n Korea.  tributary  Huang's  court.  c a n be summarized  political  was  i n 1879, when  several  Korea;  in  government t o  to foreign  of sovereignty  traditional  foresaw  country,  China's  modern  the  over  the country  said  Early  suggested  government which  Huang  f o r t r a d e and  f o r Korea)  the Ch'ing  Huang  establish  States.  i n the Korean  t o Korea.  Korea.  and t o  govern-  a l l h i s suggestions  I t was  debate  Liu-ch'iu,  West  In  court.  encouraged  China  the Korean  the country  p u t down  l e d t o a heated  o f power i n  advised  (Policy  t o the Korean  by d i p l o m a t i c  and t h e U n i t e d  open  Ch'.ao-hsien-tse  action  follows:  Japan  Huang  had a l r e a d y  Japan  with  t h a t Korea  missionaries.  proposal  Huang  a close contact with  suggested  presented  situation  the balance  relations.  relations  booklet  dangerous  Huang from  world. seemed t o h i s diplomatic  experience.  He was  rights.  was  Nor  o f power on be  said  not a f r a i d  he h e s i t a n t  to support  i n m a n i p u l a t i n g the  the i n t e r n a t i o n a l  t o have r e s e m b l e d  of u s i n g might  scene.  balance  Though t h i s  might  the s t r a t e g y of s e t t i n g b a r b a r i a n  a g a i n s t b a r b a r i a n , t h e s e were new  responses to the  new  situation. The ability  to adopt  Wright's with  Tsungli-yamen this  was  kind  o f t e n blamed  of p o l i c y .  r e s e a r c h on t h e a d a p t a b i l i t y  the Korean  " t h i s was  problem  because  as a t e s t  t h e t a s k was  C h i n e s e d i p l o m a c y was  rigid,  for i t s i n -  However, Mary of Ch'ing  diplomacy  case p o i n t e d out  impossible, not  C.  that  because  i n a d a p t a b l e , uninformed, 34  supine or l a c k i n g government t r i e d whether, under  in finesse."  I t appears  Huang's s e c o n d  that  s t r a t e g y and  the  Ch'ing  failed,  but  more f a v o u r a b l e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , h i s p r o p o s a l s  would have y i e l d e d  the d e s i r e d  results,  remains  an  open  question. From 1877  t o 1894,  Huang s p e n t most o f h i s t i m e  o u t s i d e China, except f o r the four years he  s t a y e d home i n m o u r n i n g  energy  to f i n i s h i n g  cross-cultural him  f o r h i s m o t h e r and  t h e Treatises  as a n a t i o n a l i s t J  Francisco  and  on  Japan.  r* '  dimensions.  diplomat, e s p e c i a l l y 35  He  and  enabled  was  known  when he was  i n San  Singapore.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n went b a c k t o C h i n a was  devoted h i s A l l these  e x p e r i e n c e s widened h i s v i s i o n  t o see C h i n a i n d i f f e r e n t  T-,  (1885-1889) when  immediately  thrown i n t o  the t o r r e n t i a l  i n 1894 currents  and of  change i n the a f t e r m a t h H i s Treatises  1895). after  t h e war  and  of the Sino-Japanese  on  Japan  Huang was  shih-wu  (Current A f f a i r s )  reason,  he was  suddenly  regarded  expert.  War  became  as a  popular  far-sighted  Largely for  summoned t o P e k i n g  (1894-  this  to discuss h i s  reform  36 ideas with  t h e Emperor T e - t s u n g  Late  i n 1897,  o f Hunan and sponsorship  Huang was  Acting Judicial  The  he  appointed  had  Commissioner.  into practice  advocated  on  Liang Ch'i-ch'ao  had  impressed  read  by  a few  t h e Treatises  on  on  a rehearsal  and  China  example o f J a p a n .  f o l l o w i n g the  " J a p a n i z a t i o n " was  decided  launched  R e s t o r a t i o n was  to c a r r y out  and  of factionalism, He  still  lived  h i s retirement, keeping c h ' a o who  was  exiled  deeply  few  a Chinese  years  reforms  A campaign  in  of  v e r s i o n of  the  s p o t l i g h t on  s t a g e when t h e H u n d r e d Days R e f o r m a b o r t e d .  place.  Emperor  the  attempted.  Huang r e t r e a t e d f r o m  accused  K'ang  was  the achievements o f Japan i n her He  given  Japan.  h e a d e d by  Japan  the  scale 37  months l a t e r .  of Westernization.  Meiji  Under  in fact,  o f t h e r e f o r m movement i n t h e c a p i t a l  Te-tsung  Intendent  a small  Treatises  i n the  r e f o r m movement i n Hunan was,  Yu-wei and  Salt  o f G o v e r n o r Ch'en P a o - c h e n , Huang was  an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p u t reforms  (Kuang-hsu).  to  and  was  the He  political was  s e n t back t o h i s n a t i v e  a q u i e t but  active  life  during  i n close contact with Liang Ch'i38 Japan.  23 After all  the  frustrations  o f h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s on  himself 1905,  to  soothe  empire.  a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the t h e Treatises:,  on  1898  Japan.  The  Chinese  efforts  political  life  he  only spent  of  J a p a n had  He  in  3  fact,  based  with  1895.  had  was  h i s s u b t l e i n f l u e n c e on  closely  five  years  become one The  It i s clear  tied  up  there.  on not  his  with  two  i t , the A brief  t h e Jih-pen  importance analysis  kuo-chih  Japan, even  i n the  o f men  will  proceed  like  on  Japan),  this  Tsun-hsien. Japan, i . e .  will  give  us  Japan i n g e n e r a l  to h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  economic development i n p a r t i c u l a r .  from  inflated  Huang  o f Huang's w o r k s on  brought  concern  I n t h e wake o f  i d e a o f Huang's o p i n i o n o f M e i j i t h e n we  though  especially  1890's  focus of Chinese  {Treatises  the  H i s u n p a r a l l e l e d knowledge  intrusion  i n the  of  that his  t h e m a r k e t v a l u e o f e x p e r t i s e on J a p a n  and w i t h  stage,  of h i s g r e a t e s t a s s e t s ,  Japanese  shift  the p o l i t i c a l  t h e West t o t h e menace o f J a p a n .  and  r e f o r m was,  d i e d i n 1905  to modernize.  about a d r a s t i c  an  Italy.  unfulfilled.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  shift,  compared  o u t a r e f o r m movement  Reform, w h i c h was  Though a m i n o r f i g u r e on  after  He  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , Huang c o u l d  t o see what h a p p e n e d .  dream  Huang l a y  Liang to Mazzini of  t h e Manchu g o v e r n m e n t c a r r i e d the r e s t l e s s  life,  Liang Ch'i-ch'ao.  t o C a m i l l o d i C a v o u r and  In  wait  o f h i s own  Meiji  24  B.  Miscellaneous  The hsien's during was  a  with  early the  second  collection  year of  kuo-chih  systematically. his  fellow  of  the  outside  his  Chinese  did  read  that and  Chinese  books  set  at by  the  draft  the  books.  on  were  and  comments  ignorance  fact and  of  outline  provincialism  that  Chinese  those  I t was  full  book  i n which  their  Japan,  Japanese Japan  a  This fashion  observations  regretted  f o o t on  be  on Japan)  irritated  He  hoc  1878,  not  who  surprising  misinformation  misinterpretation.^ Huang  and He  and  to  appalled  in  i n Japan. ad  shih  Tsun-  written  i n an  fragmented  tsa-shih  Huang  was  sojourn  {Treatises  world. seldom  not  Japan,  intended  H u a n g was  intellectuals could  his  I t was  together  of  of  of  poems w r i t t e n  commentaries.  pieced  Poems on Japan,  assessment  f o r h i s . Jih-pen he  Jih-pen  A Preliminary Assessment of Japan ( M i s c e l l a n e o u s Poems o n J a p a n ) : 1 8 7 8  to  acquaint  tried  and  decided  to  his  the  gave  clear picture  about  Japan.  ^&da-n+--h,^nrl self  first  was  modern  In  to  Huang ever  and  to  the  spend  a  nhnnf first  his  close to  be  them  his  wao  Tipnn  In  vivid  "Miscellaneous  probably fact,  of  which  information the  Huang  intellectual  period  Japan.  i n China  first-hand  Chinese  Chinese  in his  published  himcolf  meaningful  fellow  neighbour,  considered  provided  fact,—Huang  i-qfnrm.-i-t-i n n  probably  era  book  their  experience  poems.  Poems" a  "re-educate"  them w i t h  convey  informative  to  time  in  himthe  living  in  25 Japan.  I t was  not  until  the  turn of  the  century  that  C h i n e s e w i t h more s u b s t a n t i a l s c h o l a r l y c r e d e n t i a l s began to v i s i t  Japan f o r l e n g t h i e r p e r i o d s ,  as  s t u d e n t s and  as  diplomats.  The  Miscellaneous  published  by  the  under the  Tsungli  reprinted  by  Poems on Japan  T'ung-wen-kuan  (Peking  Yamen) i n 1879,  Wang T'ao  on  the  and  was  first  Translation  was  Bureau  immediately  movable p r e s s  of  the  Hsun41  huan  jih-pao  (Universal C i r c u l a t i n g Herald) i n 42  T h e r e were numerous r e p r i n t s o f the  various  can  trace  Japan.  re-evaluation  a r e s u l t of as  v / e l l as  and  His  new  He  modernization  In  progress  the  of  later in  Meiji  i n s e r t e d some poems on  and  s u c h as  the  new  Miscellaneous  new  tax  female education. status  of  Poems  showed t h a t Huang T s u n - h s i e n was  an  He  Sinology  Japanese a t t i t u d e s toward C o n f u c i a n short,  in  r e v i s e d e d i t i o n demonstrated  h i s statements about the  J a p a n and  we  about M i e j i  evidence of  information  system, p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n modified  comparing  Huang,  came t o have a more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n  institutions  1879  r e v i s e d by  of M e i j i Japan's  the concrete 43  Japan's w e s t e r n i z a t i o n .  in  parts  By  his c r o s s - c u l t u r a l experiences  Japanese development. t h a t he  the  book.  some c h a n g e s i n Huang's o p i n i o n His  came as years,  e d i t i o n s and  this  1880.  on  in  studies. Japan  admirer  published of  Japan's s u c c e s s f u l a d o p t i o n of Western i n s t i t u t i o n s ,  yet  with  some r e s e r v a t i o n s on  of the r e v i s e d impression of  edition  that  maintained  C.  later,  From a r e a d i n g  one  a full  scale.  v a l u e s w h i c h he  toward  Confucian  regarded  the time,  same t i m e  as h a v i n g  kuo-ohih  ambassadors d i d a t  t h a t he began t o p l a n t h e t r e a t i s e Japan,  Japan.  by Wang, who  Poems on  h i s t o r y of France)  (Account  o f t h e F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n War) of China's  strengthened  Treatises  on  i n 1871  relationship  and  t h e P'u-fa  i n 1873.  The  have chih-lueh chan-chi  Wang T'ao's  t o t h e w o r l d must have  Huang's d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o c o m p i l e  Japan.  the  t h e y e a r when  w r i t t e n t h e Fa-kuo  (A b r i e f  vision  Japan.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n m i g h t had  at  Japan.  f o r he f r e q u e n t l y  a c t u a l c o m p i l a t i o n , however, began i n 1879, visited  tra-  been  m a t e r i a l f o r a t r e a t i s e on  t o i t i n t h e Miscellaneous  been i n s p i r e d  from  a d i a r y of h i s experiences i n  as he w r o t e h i s poems on  Wang T'ao  still  norms.  the o t h e r Chinese  Huang c o l l e c t e d  i s probable  referred  as  the  advocate  However, he  A R e v i s e d A s s e s s m e n t o f J a p a n - Jih-pen (Treatises on Japan): 1887  foreign countries,  new  would g e t  become a w h o l e - h e a r t e d  Instead of keeping  It  change.  h i s d i s a p p r o v a l of Japan's departure  d i t i o n a l moral oriented  ten years  Huang had  " J a p a n i z a t i o n " on  cultural  the  27 By he  e a r l y 1882,  probably  rupted  by  had  Not  a rough d r a f t  his duties  work d u r i n g until  when he  these  i n San  three  left  J a p a n f o r San  i n hand.  The  Francisco,  years  left  no  completed  i n 1887,  and  was  on  sent  d i d he  writing.  to the  inter-  pressure  time to  h i s r e t u r n t o Kwangtung i n 1885  cient;: f r e e time to c o n c e n t r a t e  work was  f o r the  him  Francisco,  The  of  write. have  suffi-  book v/as  Fu-wen-chai Press  in 44  .Canton i n 1890.  But  It  i s important  on  Japan  was  F r e n c h War 1895. new  the  the  I t was  twice  widely  i n the year  until  1804-1895.  p u b l i c a t i o n of the crucial  Treatises  circulated 189 8 and  Treatises  i n c i d e n t s : the  S i n o - J a p a n e s e War  tempo o f change gave t h e  of  on  i n the  Sino1894-  Japan  1890's,  became a key  a was  book i n  Hundred Days R e f o r m movement. The  up  published  to note t h a t the  1884-1885 and  meaning.  published  not  c a u g h t between two  of  The  i t was  t o 1880  ional  materials  and  e a r l y 1881.  Chinese gazetteer  were t w e l v e t r e a t i s e s , 1.  Kuo-t'ung the  2.  i n the  chih  and  I t was  chuan  chih  on  Japan  organized  covered  in a  tradit-  d y n a s t i c h i s t o r y form.  altogether  40  ( T r e a t i s e on  i m p e r i a l house),  Lin-chao  Treatises  chuan  ( T r e a t i s e on  There  chuan. the  succession  of  1-3, foreign  relations),  4-8,  3.  T'ien-wen  4.  Ti-li  chih  chih  ( T r e a t i s e on  ( T r e a t i s e on  astronomy),  geography),  chuan  chuan  9,  10-12,  28 5.  Chih-kuan  chih  services), 6.  Shih-huo chuan  7.  ( T r e a t i s e on o f f i c i a l  chuan  -chih  r a n k s and  13-14,  ( T r e a t i s e on f o o d  and  money),  15-20,  Ping-chih  ( T r e a t i s e on m i l i t a r y  force),  chuan  20-26, 8.  Hsing-fa  chih  ( T r e a t i s e on l e g a l  codes),  chuan  27-31, 9.  Hsueh-shu  chih  ( T r e a t i s e on s c h o l a r s h i p ) ,  chuan  32-33, 10.  11.  Li-su  chih  chuan  34-37,  Wu-ch'an chuan  12.  chih  chih  ( T r e a t i s e on c r a f t s  comments.  prefaced  and c o n c l u d e d  H i s comments b e g a n w i t h  modelled a f t e r  t h e s t y l e o f Ssu-ma C h ' i e n ' s  (The f o r e i g n h i s t o r i a n  (Records o f t h e h i s t o r i a n ) ,  (The  comments w i t h  grand h i s t o r i a n According  official  who  arts),  40.  yueh"  own  products),  and  "Wai-shih-shih  his  customs),  ( T r e a t i s e on n a t u r a l  E a c h t r e a t i s e was Huang's  and  38-39,  Kung-i chuan  ( T r e a t i s e on r i t e s  was  with  the phrase says) which Shih-chi  i n w h i c h Ssu-ma C h ' i e n  the phrase  "T' a i - s h i h - k u n g  began  yiieh"  says).  t o Huang,  responsible  the "Wai-shih-shih" f o r compiling  was  gazetteers  an of  was  29 foreign  c o u n t r i e s i n the  Chou-li  (Rites  S i n c e Huang compared h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  of  the  Chou).  to that of  hsing-jen  45 (Minor  Inspector)  modelled it  was  and  Wai-shih-shih  i n the  h i m s e l f upon t h e g r e a t h i s t o r i a n  q u i t e obvious  t h a t he  assigned  Chou-li  Ssu-ma  great  and  Ch'ien,  importance  to h i s book. Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s Treatises-on  Japan  was  motivation  s t a t e d i n the p r e f a c e of the  H i s p i o n e e r i n g work was  t o s e r v e as  Chinese  intellectuals 46  government, the  were i n t e r e s t e d  f a t e of China  the  success  Meiji  and  f o r a t t e n t i o n to the  and  the  comprehensive h i s t o r y h e a v i l y on  first  the reformers  toward  study  of  who  about  determination  Chinese  and  modernization, innovations i n  t h e Nihon Nihon  such  Huang's a c c o u n t  Seiki gaishi  Japanese  (Record  and  was  as Aoyama  Dai  the  Nihon  history shi  a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by 47 Enju.  of Japanese h i s t o r y  the m y t h o l o g i c a l p e r i o d i n the  of  a  sources.  (Unofficial  (1770-1832), t h e  h i s t o r y of great Japan), historians,  s c h o l a r to w r i t e  o f J a p a n b a s e d on  o f J a p a n ) o f R a i San'yo  the Mito  the  the  t h e a d a p t a t i o n o f modern W e s t e r n  J a p a n e s e government) and  (The  book.  institutions.  Huang was  relied  and  Concerned  of the Japanese e f f o r t s  Japan, e s p e c i a l l y  technology  He  alarmed over  the  a reference for  i n current a f f a i r s .  the  Huang c a l l e d  i n compiling  started  pre-Jimmu e r a and  from  continued  30 to the e a r l y M e i j i especially tation  of the M e i j i  Royalist)  f o c u s i n g on c o n t e m p o r a r y  on J a p a n ' s r e s p o n s e t o t h e West.  He e m p h a s i z e d  {sonno  period,  R e s t o r a t i o n was  and t h e m o t i v a t i n g  joi,  His interpre-  slightly  t h e r o l e o f t h e oh'u-shih  oversimplified  (Man o f I n t e g r i t y ,  f o r c e o f tsun-wang  " r e v e r e - t h e emperor  problems,  jang-i  and e x p e l t h e b a r b a r i a n s " ) 48  whxch he a t t r i b u t e d As loyalists  to Confucian teaching.  a patriot,  particularly  Huang f o u n d t h e s t o r i e s o f t h e J a p a n e s e appealing  and he e m o t i o n a l l y  identified  49 with  them.  He a l s o a p p r o v e d J a p a n ' s open  toward W e s t e r n i z a t i o n ,  especially  He a d m i r e d t h e J a p a n e s e e f f o r t s  attitude  i n the realm of diplomacy.  to revise  the unequal  t r e a t i e s w i t h t h e West, t o remove e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y 50 to regain of  tariff  a selective  many r e s p e c t s .  autonomy.  Huang a d v o c a t e d t h e a d o p t i o n  r e f o r m , r e m a i n i n g C o n f u c i a n and C h i n e s e i n He c o u l d  (Substance-Function)  n o t break through the  every thing  o f contemporary  In t h e Jih-pen  materials he was  development  f o r estimating  f o r e i g n , w h i c h was a  Huang  introduced  d a t a on t h e n a t u r a l  o f J a p a n , w h i c h were  call  "quantitative  today, h i s i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f Japanese government p r o v i d e d one o f t h e f i r s t  examples  o f the use o f  a  tre-  endowment  concrete  J a p a n ' s w e a l t h and power.  f a r f r o m what we w o u l d  into  conservatives.  kuo-ohih,  mendous amount o f s t a t i s t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l  t'i-yung  f o r m u l a , t h o u g h he d i d n o t f a l l  the t r a p o f r e j e c t i n g common p i t f a l l  and  Though  analysis" statistics statistics  31 in  economic  Japanese  a n a l y s i s .  made  of  Huang  s t a t i s t i c s  was  and  impressed  by  recommended  i t  the as  use one  the of  51 the  adoptable On  seemed  to  model. was  from  the  He  r e c o g n i z e d  on  ( r u l i n g  by  knowledge).  reforms  were  Chou)  w i t h o u t to  say  c a t i o n  and  he  was  f o r  p r a c t i c e  u s i n g  t h i s  the  It  l a t e  recommended  Chou-li  be  a p p l i e d  (Rites  to  t e a c h i n g s . the  q u i t e  C h ' i n g  to  a  common  j u s t i f y  of  Chinese It  s o c i e t y  i s  hard  Chou-li  or  as  j u s t i f i -  " p s e u d o - a u t h o r i t y "  was  g o v e r n -  emphasized  a l l  the  i n  w h i c h  ( p o s s e s s i n g  i n  b e l i e v e d  Western  d i f f e r e n t  t'ung-ts'ai  C o n f u c i a n  the  of  which  t h a t  Huang  e f f i c i e n c y  b a s i c a l l y  s t a t e d  c o u l d  t r u l y  r e f o r m .  i n  and  Huang  of  a f t e r  s y s t e m i z a t i o n  was  canonized  w i t h  change"  government  Huang  t h e r e f o r e ,  whether  and  of  v i r t u e )  a l r e a d y  i n s t i t u t i o n s ,  importance  i d e a  i d e a l  c o n f l i c t i n g  whether  the  This  g e n e r a l  the  government  s p e c i a l i z a t i o n  C o n f u c i a n  te-chih  of  " i n s t i t u t i o n a l  f u n c t i o n s .  the  methods.  s u b j e c t  advocate  based  mental  Western  and  r e f o r m  l e g i t i m a t e by  a  f o r c e d  52 a s s o c i a t i o n At  any  from and  r a t e ,  most  of  Cheng  d i r e c t l y  the  Western  Hunag*s h i s  i d e a  at  amendments  advocated  p r e s e n t e d  Japan  government  l e a r n i n g of  w i t h  was  one to  as  a  w e l l  such  p o i n t ;  i t  as  t h a t  r e j u v e n a t e  m o d e l l i n g  Chinese  i n s t i t u t i o n a l  c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  K u a n - y i n g  s u g g e s t i n g  He  of  a f t e r  c o n c r e t e o r g a n i z e d  model and  reform  Feng i s ,  the  p r e c e p t s .  the of run  K u e i - f e n  i n s t e a d  o l d  d i f f e r e d  system,  West  and  s u c c e s s .  of he Japan. If  e f f i c i e n t l y ,  then  i t c o u l d b r i n g about changes i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f  infrastructure.^ On t h e s u b j e c t o f p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , inconsistent  and a m b i v a l e n t  i n attitude.  He a l t e r n a t e d  between n e g a t i v e  and p o s i t i v e  He was  a b o u t p o l i t i c a l movements  skeptical  R i g h t s Movement democracy.  w h i c h was  H i s response  o p i n i o n s throughout  induced  until  like  to parliamentarism  1902 t h a t Huang p u b l i c l y  evaluation of parliamentarism,  his life.  the  People's  by t h e W e s t e r n i d e a o f  was n e g a t i v e when he w r o t e t h e Treatises not  Huang was most  and d e m o c r a c y  on Japan.  expressed  I t was  his positive  and recommended  constitutional  54 monarchy f o r C h i n a . Huang's e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e J a p a n e s e a d o p t i o n o f t h e W e s t e r n s y s t e m was r a t h e r p o s i t i v e . formation  He i n t r o d u c e d i n -  a b o u t t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e  J a p a n e s e army and navy t o C h i n a . system i n China ized military  and e m p h a s i z e d  He c r i t i c i z e d  t h e army  the importance o f a  f o r c e w h i c h was e s s e n t i a l  central-  for building  up 55  the n a t i o n ' s  s t r e n g t h and w a r d i n g o f f W e s t e r n  Japan's e f f o r t especially  the criminal  unequal t r e a t i e s impressed legal  i n modernizing  aggression.  her l e g a l  codes, i n order  codes,  to r e v i s e the  and g e t r i d o f e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ,  Huang.  He a l s o r e c o g n i z e d  framework f o r d e v e l o p i n g  industrialization.  greatly  the importance o f a  t r a d e and commerce  He s t r o n g l y a d v o c a t e d 56 W e s t e r n laws a s t h e J a p a n e s e h a d .  and  the adoption of  33 In the was  quite  area  critical  of  academic c o n d i t i o n s  about the  Chinese  studies)  w h i c h was  kangaku  scholars  failed  statesmanship. according and  r e g a r d e d as  Han-hsueh  (seigaku,  Western  t o Huang's u n d e r s t a n d i n g was L i k e most o f  t h a t Western Science  the  (kangaku,  impractical  t o commit t h e m s e l v e s t o  Hsi-hsueh  Christianity.  believed  d e c l i n e of  i n J a p a n , Huang  because  practical  learning)  composed o f  reformers,  originated  science  Huang  from the  works  of  57 Mo-tzu  (479-372 B . C . ) .  maintained  that  than Western On t u r e was  p r a i s e d Western  science,  C o n f u c i a n p r i n c i p l e s were more  but  valuable  religion. education,  very  Huang r e a l i z e d t h a t v e r n a c u l a r  important  to the  general  acular  literature  C h i n a and  He  public. should  i n r a p i d l y making l i t e r a c y He  therefore  be  given  Chinese characters In the  Treatises  on  advocated  official  litera-  accessible  that  sanction 58  vernin  be s i m p l i f i e d . Japan,  Huang d e v o t e d  two  ohuan  t o d i s c u s s i n g f o l k c u l t u r e and d a i l y l i f e i n J a p a n and n o t e d W e s t e r n i n f l u e n c e on t h i s s e c t o r . He was q u i t e open-minded a b o u t c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , t h o u g h he t e n d e d t o a s s o c i a t e 59 some J a p a n e s e c u s t o m s w i t h t h o s e o f a n c i e n t C h i n a .  34 D.  The C h i n e s e R e s p o n s e t o J a p a n Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  the  e f f o r t which  Treatises  open-minded  of  f r o m Wei Yuan's Bai-kuo  on Japan  intellectuals  change t h e C h i n e s e w o r l d v i e w ing  i n the Nineteenth  since  Century  was p a r t o f  had made t o  t h e Opium War.  t'u-ohih  Start-  (Illustrated gazetteer  t h e M a r i t i m e C o u n t r i e s ) and Hsu C h i - y i i ' s  Ying-huan  ohih-  60 lueh  (A s h o r t a c c o u n t o f t h e M a r i t i m e C i r c u i t ) ,  intellectuals and  t r i e d to reshape  t o provoke  states.  amazingly  the Chinese view o f the world  i n t e l l e c t u a l awareness o f o t h e r  B u t most o f t h e i r  investigation  energy  o f Western c o u n t r i e s .  i g n o r a n t about  their  attention  War  (1894-95) t h a t  little  Chinese d y n a s t i c an u n c h a n g i n g subordinate,  The C h i n e s e  closest  the Chinese  s p a c e was d e v o t e d  histories.  neighbour,  Japan.  i n the Sino-  turned  their  fairyland  t o Japan  and p a r a d i s e , o r a s a  a part of the tributary  lun (On Japan)  ignorance o f Japan.  as  The J a p a n e s e 62  t h e " E a s t e r n Dwarves." i n h i s Jih-  t h e r e were two m a j o r r e a s o n s f o r C h i n e s e One was t h e f a c t  f o r the use o f Japanese  Western languages,  in traditional  cultural  system.^"'"  T a i C h i - t ' a o p o i n t e d o u t many y e a r s l a t e r  scope  were  I t was p o r t r a y e d e i t h e r  were l o o k e d down upon a s t h e wo,  pen  to the  t o Japan. Very  As  nation  was d e v o t e d  I t was n o t u n t i l C h i n a was d e f e a t e d by J a p a n Japanese  Chinese  i n China.  language,  t h a t t h e r e was  limited  a s compared t o  The o t h e r stemmed f r o m  Sino-  35 centrism.  Historically,  Japan had been t h e c u l t u r a l  sub-  o r d i n a t e o f C h i n a and t h e C h i n e s e b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e r e was  63 nothing  t o l e a r n from t h e Japanese.  Hence t h e y  retained  a h a b i t u a l d i s d a i n f o r the Japanese. A brief available with of  i n mid-nineteenth century  a general  these  yu-ti  a n a l y s i s o f the materials  about  C h i n a w o u l d p r o v i d e us  p i c t u r e o f t h e C h i n e s e image o f J a p a n .  materials  ts 'ung-eh'ao),(a  a r e found  in  (  c o l l e c t i o n of geographical  published  i n 1891 i n Shanghai) .  articles  on J a p a n i n t h e 1891 e d i t i o n a n d e i g h t  t h e second supplement  (1897) .  Most  Hsiao-fang-hu-ohai  articles  in  Japan  works and  There a r e f o r t y articles  These i n c l u d e t r a n s l a t i o n s  64 o f a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n by w e s t e r n e r s a n d by J a p a n e s e . Most o f t h e a r t i c l e s , Westerners, a r e travelogues. of scenery,  Japan.  They i n c l u d e d e s c r i p t i o n s  c u s t o m s and g e n e r a l  westernization article  e s p e c i a l l y t h e ones by  impressions  o f Japan's  and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s .  provided  little  but tourist  T h i s type o f  information  about  Some a r t i c l e s m e n t i o n t h e modern t e c h n o l o g y  that  J a p a n had a d o p t e d , s u c h a s steam s h i p s and r a i l w a y s , b u t their  treatment i s shallow,  never p e n e t r a t i n g  beyond t h e  n o v e l t y o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. Some a r t i c l e s f a r more v a l u a b l e .  i n this  collection,  however, a r e  They i n c l u d e t h e h i s t o r y and g e o g r a p h y  of Japan, Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s ,  c u r r e n t a f f a i r s and  65 official  diaries.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n s a r t i c l e 1  Jih-pen  36  tsa-shih  (.Miscellaneous  articles  Notes  on Japan)  t h a t made a c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n  knowledge o f  are several  favorite  these Chinese s t u d i e s of Japan. cultural  ties  between t h e two  to a t t r i b u t e  China.  The  the o r i g i n  l e g e n d o f Hsu  Most C h i n e s e w i l l i n g l y  Fu  themes t o be  One  Chinese  girls  nations.  people  i s r e p e a t e d o v e r and t h a t Hsu  i n Japan,  was  and  None o f t h e  of the Japanese  believed  to s e t t l e  found i n  i s the r a c i a l  came f r o m C h i n a d u r i n g t h e C h i n D y n a s t y b o y s and  to  Japan.  There  fails  was one o f t h e  F u , who  authors to  over again. supposedly  with three  thousand  the a n c e s t o r of  the  66 Japanese  imperial  of  which  Liang  o f T ' a i - p o who is  also  family.  says t h a t lived  ship.  Starting  intermittently  f r o m t h e Han  until  and  time.  she p a i d The  China,  was  tribute  relation-  continuing subordinate to  o r so t h e C h i n e s e c l a i m e d . the f r o n t i e r  Japan  of the  was  Chinese  to China over a long p e r i o d  o f K u b l a i Khan t o d e f e a t J a p a n  t h e Yuan d y n a s t y p e r i o d was,  Japan  scholarly  historical  d y n a s t y and  the Ming, Japan  failure  ing point of early on,  i n South  theme o f t h e more  o f t h e s m a l l c o u n t r i e s on  during  History  are the descendents -  i s the Sino-Japanese  the Chinese empire,  of  the Japanese  i n t h e k i n g d o m o f Wu  favorite  accounts o f Japan  empire  legend i n the  mentioned.^ Another  one  Another  Sino-Japanese  began t o l o o k down on  i t was  relations. China.  The  said,  the  turn-  From t h a t  time  relationship  37 between C h i n a  and  u n p l e a s a n t one,  Japan  f o r t h e wo-k'ou  constantly disturbing this,  Chinese  d u r i n g t h e Ming d y n a s t y was (Japanese  the c o a s t a l  intellectuals  part of the t r i b u t a r y  system.  because  sea t r a v e l ,  and  o f t h e ban  Japan  on  came t o a According  period.  to these w r i t e r s ,  Ch'en C h ' i - y u a n ' s  argued  Japan  Despite to  Ch'ing  be  dynasty,  between  China  halt. after  the western  article,  Jih-pen  i n J a p a n ) i s t h e o n l y one  an a w a r e n e s s o f t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e He  relations  t r e a t i e s with China d u r i n g the  (Recent e v e n t s  were  c o n s i d e r e d Japan  In the e a r l y  opened t o t h e West, i t i m i t a t e d negotiating  Pirates)  area of China.  still  an  that China  of t h i s  to  Japan  was  powers i n Tung-chih chin-shih  ohi  demonstrate  Japanese  should take the i n i t i a t i v e  expansion.  and  defeat  b e f o r e she grew s t r o n g enough t o t h r e a t e n C h i n a ' s  national  security.^ Confucianism  among t h e s e w r i t e r s . t h e emperor and  i n Japan The  was  spirit  also a popular  of  "sonno j o i " ( r e v e r e  e x p e l t h e b a r b a r i a n ) , commonly  i n mid-nineteenth., c e n t u r y Japan,  theme  was  expressed  c o n s i d e r e d to- be  a  69 legacy of Confucianism. argued  that  Most o f t h e C h i n e s e  the c u l t of l o y a l t y  awakening o f t h i s  spirit  t o t h e Emperor and  among t h e J a p a n e s e  people  much t o t h e C o n f u c i a n s t u d i e s o f t h e Tokugawa Nobody f a i l e d  to give c r e d i t  Shun-shui  was  who  the Japanese  exiled  Sinologists.  writers  and  heavily  owed  period.  t o the Ming l o y a l i s t  to Japan 70  the  Chu  influenced  38 From t h i s Japan,  i ti s readily  towards of  general account o f Chinese apparent  J a p a n was one o f c u l t u r a l  t h e g r e a t empires  Even  that  though  the Chinese  studies of attitude  superiority.  The memory  o f C h i n a had n o t been c o m p l e t e l y e r a s e d .  some open-minded C h i n e s e ,  s u c h a s Wang T'ao a n d  Huang T s u n - h s i e n were aware o f t h e r i s e o f J a p a n e s e in  the family  spoke  o f n a t i o n s , most C h i n e s e o b s e r v e r s  o f Japan w i t h contempt.  most a d v a n c e d contemporary  Even  status  still  Wang T'ao, one o f t h e  i n t e l l e c t u a l o f h i s t i m e , was c r i t i c i z e d Japanese  o b s e r v e r o f C h i n a Oka S e n j i n  by a  for his  71 attitudes always in  trying  their  chiu  towards  Japan.  to find  Moreover,  evidence o f China's c u l t u r a l  o b s e r v a t i o n s about  ahu yeh  C h i n e s e o b s e r v e r s were  ("Looking  Japan.  supremacy  The i d e a o f Zi sh-ih erh  f o r the l o s t r i t e s i n the country-  72 side") for  limited  their  s i m i l a r i t i e s rather  Japan's  culture  Except ju-chang writers their  than d i f f e r e n c e s :  looking  searching i n o f the Chinese  Chou-li.  f o r Wang T ' a o , a n d o f f i c i a l s  s u c h a s Ho  a n d Huang T s u n - h s i e n , t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e s e h a d no e x t e n s i v e c o n t a c t w i t h J a p a n .  vision  received  They were a l w a y s  f o rtraces of the r e a l i z a t i o n 73  utopianism of the  Even  vision.  from  was f u r t h e r Chinese  limited  i n Japan,  Wang and Huang s h a r e d t h i s  Therefore,  by t h e i n d i r e c t i n f o r m a t i o n most o f whom were limitation  merchants.  i n s o u r c e s t o some  e x t e n t , f o r t h e i r a s s o c i a t e s were p r o b a b l y p r e d o m i n a n t l y 74 echoed t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e tone o f t h e Japanese sinologists. c o n s e r v a t i v e J a p a n e s e S i n o l o g u e s . Most o f t h e t i m e Huang  39 The of M e i j i  Chinese  J a p a n was  attitude  ambivalent:  c o n t e m p t and s k e p t i c i s m . in  towards t h e w e s t e r n i z a t i o n a d m i r a t i o n was m i x e d  Many o f t h e w r i t e r s m e n t i o n e d  p a s s i n g t h e changes i n t a x a t i o n , e d u c a t i o n ,  institutions,  communications  Few o f .them t o u c h e d more, t h e i r evaluations. former  political  and i n t h e armed  the s p i r i t u a l  accounts  with  were f u l l  forces.  r o o t s o f Japan.  o f m o r a l and  Further-  ethical  They were h u m i l i a t e d by t h e s i g h t o f a  cultural  subordinate  t u r n i n g t o t h e West.  Huang c o u l d n o t e s c a p e e n t i r e l y  from  this  Although  attitude,  he  was more o b j e c t i v e t h a n most. Huang's a r t i c l e  Jih-pen  tsa shih  i s a short pre-  75 v i e w o f t h e Treatises institutional special  on Japan.  changes u s u a l l y  I t covers  n e g l e c t e d by o t h e r s ,  e m p h a s i s on t a x a t i o n and e d u c a t i o n .  changes i n t h e c r i m i n a l  law, t h e p o l i c e  Furthermore,  Huang  with notes  s y s t e m and m e d i c a l  c a r e and d i s c u s s e s n e w s p a p e r s , a g r i c u l t u r e industries.  a l l the  and d e v e l o p i n g  h i s observations of  social  phenomena a r e q u i t e p e r c e p t i v e , due t o h i s e x p e r i e n c e o f living the  i n Japan.  impoverished  F o r e x a m p l e , he n o t i c e d t h e p r o b l e m o f 76 samurai.  Although  Huang's  social  commentary c a n by no means be c o n s i d e r e d t h o r o u g h , probably nerve  the only observer  who  touched  o f J a p a n ' s modern h i s t o r i c a l  this  he i s  sensitive  experience.  40 Our strated area  a n a l y s i s of Chinese  that  t h e g e n e r a l s t u d y o f J a p a n was  i n China,  t o say n o t h i n g o f t h e  economic development.  pen  tsa-shih-shih,  were a t t e m p t s  Jih-pen to f i l l  tsa-shih  c e n t u r y Japan.  i n t h i s vacuum.  o b s e r v e r s o f Japan, the midst  on  Jih-  kuo-chih,  of l a t e  nineteenth-  t h e Treatises f o r i t was  had  on  first-hand Chinese  been p r e s e n t i n  of the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n . 1870's, C h i n e s e  officials  were  engaged i n t h e s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement, f o c u s i n g and  m i l i t a r y modernization.  s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement b a n k r u p t e d  so ended t h e m i l i t a r y m o d e r n i z a t i o n .  the  illusion  the growing  of  intellectuals policy  was  " s t u r d y s h i p s and  threats of Russian r a i s e d doubts  effective  e m p h a s i s t h a t had  shifted  self-  Awakened  War,  from  e f f e c t i v e weapons"  and  with  Japanese a g g r e s s i o n s ,  t h a t the  self-strengthening  a s a means o f s e c u r i n g n a t i o n a l b e e n p l a c e d on w e a l t h  t o economic r e f o r m s , Chinese  particularly  and  industry.  for  examples o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . i f C h i n a had  The  i n the Sino-French  and  that  works--the  interpreter  an o b s e r v e r who  "Foreign a f f a i r s "  The  Japanese  of the best-informed  I n t h e 1860's and still  under-explored  At t h i s point,  H i s works, e s p e c i a l l y  p r o v i d e d by one  an  and Jih-pen  were c o n s i d e r e d a u t h o r i t a t i v e ,  material,  J a p a n demon-  study of  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  Huang became t h e m a j o r C h i n e s e  Japan,  w r i t i n g s on  intellectuals  and  on  defence.  power  now  commerce  started looking  M o s t o f them  t o m o d e r n i z e , t h e b e s t way  believed was  to  learn  from  t h e West d i r e c t l y .  i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h had suitable  Some m a i n t a i n e d been a s s i m i l a t e d  to China than p u r e l y Western  Huang's Treatises  on Japan  seemed t o s k i r t  t h e West by way  the  them was  quite a revolutionary  1895,  Chinese  admiration and  borrowed  f o r the M e i j i  from  though at  a late  v a l u e s and  wealth  s i n c e Japan  seemed t o h a v e  t h e West.  Japan  had  combined  at least  the  p a r l i a m e n t a r y government.  b r i d g e between i n d i g e n o u s  surveyed  t u a l s o f Huang's t i m e  technology.  I t was  the a t t i t u d e s  towards Japan,  the r e a l i t y  o f Japanese  immediately  after  be  After  was  institutions in this  popular  t h a t Huang's book  role.^  Having  understand  not  aroused  comer t o m o d e r n i z a t i o n b u t  imported  from  Huang was  were b r i n g i n g  movement t o f o l l o w t h e example o f J a p a n assumed a new  learning  a d e c a d e ' s work t h a t  of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  J a p a n was  notion of  t h a t time.  modern m i l i t a r y methods and  making a s u c c e s s f u l and  I t was  successfully  appearance  The  that  began t o a c q u i r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e  l e a d e r s who  envy, p a r t i c u l a r l y  industrialism,  Meiji  Japanization  intellectuals  power t o J a p a n .  Chinese  r o u t e , one  " E a s t e r n Dwarves" as e q u a l s and  a wholesale  were more  institutions.  o f Japan.  idea,  the Western  by J a p a n  e x p l o r e d a new  treating  advocating  that  of Chinese  l e t us now  intellec-  turn  economic development i n t h e  the M e i j i  Restoration.  I f we  are  to years to  Huang's c o n c e p t i o n o f t h a t d e v e l o p m e n t , we  a b l e t o compare  i t w i t h the r e a l i t i e s  of early  must  Meiji  J a p a n i n s o f a r as we c h a p t e r we  therefore  economic l i f e juxtaposing  can r e c o n s t r u c t begin with  them.  the r e a l i t y  o f t h e e a r l y 18&0's, t h e n  Huang's image o f i t .  In the next of Japanese  follow  that  by  43 CHAPTER I I IMAGE AND  REALITY: HUANG TSUN-HSIEN'S  AND  A.  EARLY M E I J I ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT  The R e a l i t y : The M e i j i Economic Development 1.  The  Tokugawa  I t has modernization" its  to the  and  Early  Meiji  Legacy  i s the  s t o r y of  a  "challenge,"  a miraculous  studies of  the  and  that  Japanese m i r a c l e .  after  r a p i d l y and  emerged as  a modern  r a t e of growth.  "revisionists"  "Japanese  "miracle"—Japan,  t h e West, r e s p o n d e d  state with  the  Restoration  been g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d  encounter with  fully  INTERPRETATION  successnation  Contemporary  have t e n d e d t o  They d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t the  demythicize Japanese  modernization  had  begun l o n g b e f o r e  arrival  of  the  Westerners.''"  The  s e e d s o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t were  2 already  planted.  The  toward m o d e r n i z a t i o n ,  " b a s e l i n e " from which the i n f a c t , was  Tokugawa p e r i o d , o r e v e n In l a y i n g the the M e i j i The  t a k e n by domains.  the  steps late  Iron  established in  the  earlier. ground-work f o r  government b e n e f i t e d  initial  push  from the  in industrialization Tokugawa g o v e r n m e n t  foundries,  industrialization, Tokugawa  had and  spinning m i l l s ,  already some o f mining,  legacy. been its  separate  shipping  and  a  m e r c h a n t m a r i n e , were a l l e s t a b l i s h e d  modest s c a l e . by  the  the  i n 1854,  f a c t o r i e s and  defence.  After  J a p a n was  able  to the  a  a certain  level  re-opening  of  to e s t a b l i s h Western  to produce m i l i t a r y products  Though p r i m i t i v e and  ments were v a l u a b l e The  developed  mid-nineteenth century.  country  style  T e c h n o l o g y had  t h o u g h on  for  national  i s o l a t e d , these e s t a b l i s h -  inheritances  f o r the  M e i j i government's patronage of  M e i j i government.  i n d u s t r i e s was  an 3  extension  of  the  During ity  grew due  and  the  Tokugawa l e g a c y the  to the  spreading  specialized.  of  late  t o new  the  of  industry.  Tokugawa, a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v -  increased  area  technology.  of c u l t i v a t e d land F a r m i n g became more  Improved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  expansion of  fields  urban market.  stimulated  the  Consequently, there  was  a  4  slow t r e n d  toward c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n The  the  foundation  many o f  the  Togukawa g o v e r n m e n t had  not  only  provided  for industrialization,  but  also  encouraged  basic  policies  subsequent growth. p e a s a n t s and nineteenth gradually For paid  S o c i a l and  the  t r a n s f o r m e d on labor  for  attitudes essential for economic a t t i t u d e s  traditional  changed.  rural  of  By  society  more r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c  became i n c r e a s i n g l y an  f o r i n r e a l wages.  prepared  and  m e r c h a n t s were g r a d u a l l y  century,  instance,  in agriculture.  the was  lines.  economic  commodity  P e a s a n t s were p y s c h o l o g i c a l l y 5 industrialization.  45 L i t e r a c y was r a p i d l y period.  expanding during  The S a m u r a i d e v e l o p e d i n t o  w h i l e c i t y merchants literate.  I t was e s t i m a t e d  p e r c e n t among f e m a l e s .  basis  revived.  that  national  the l e v e l  studies.  largely  and f i f t e e n  inquiry  (Dutch l e a r n i n g )  class,  of literacy  among m a l e s  Intellectual  Rankaku  for scientific  a well-educated  and e v e n r i c h p e a s a n t s were  was a s h i g h a s f o r t y - f i v e p e r c e n t  learning  t h e Tokugawa  into  Western  formed a v a l u a b l e  The d e v e l o p m e n t  of a strong  consciousness a l s o prepared the Japanese f o r  modernization.^ The to a monetary  economy was t r a n s f o r m i n g economy, a s e a r l y  An economy o f n a t i o n a l economic  unification merchant economy. Osaka,  was b r e a k i n g  crafts.  7  down.  and d e v e l o p m e n t  c l a s s was c r e a t i n g Urban development  centres  o f t h e economy.  accelerated.  f o r t h e exchange  remained a t about t h i r t y  f o r the  Cities  o f commodities  million  such as  d y n a m i c a l l y as  after  and h a n d i -  increased  p a r t o f t h e Tokugawa e r a , b u t d e c l i n e d  century.  regional  An e x p a n d i n g  a commercial b a s i s  Japan's p o p u l a t i o n h a d s t e a d i l y  g the  century.  Political  p a r t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y due t o n a t u r a l It  economy  and t h e h o s t a g e s y s t e m f a c i l i t a t e d t h e  K y o t o a n d Edo were f u n c t i o n i n g  economic  early  as t h e e i g h t e e n t h  s c o p e was e m e r g i n g w h i l e  self-sufficiency  centralization  from a b a r t e r  in~the  i nthe latter  calamities.  the middle of  46 In the still bulk  186O's and  predominantly a t r a d i t i o n a l of the  labor  cent) remained produced  force  (about  the major p o r t i o n o f  sixty-five percent).  tivity  was  living.  not  outlay.  percent  textiles  national  Generally  speaking,  the  and  rural  food  J a p a n i n t o a modern e c o n o m i c the  n a t i o n was  sector product produc-  standard  of  processing  with  advanced commercial  w i d e s p r e a d , and  per-  mostly r e l a t e d to  g r a d u a l l y e r o d e d , and  an  This  gross  of a l l production),  Feudalism  growth p r o v i d e d transform  the  sector.  enough t o r a i s e  s u c h as  The  seventy-five to eighty  P r i m a r y m a n u f a c t u r i n g was  agriculture, (seventy  high  was  a g r a r i a n economy.  i n .the a g r i c u l t u r a l  (about  was  1870's J a p a n ' s economy  minimal rapid  capital  economic  b a s i s , ready state.  to  Education  psychologically  9  prepared  f o r modernization.  t h a t the M e i j i and  I t was  government b u i l t  upon t h i s  i t s national  foundation  strength  wealth. 2.  Early Meiji The  most i m p o r t a n t  government a f t e r  the M e i j i  building—warding-off tion,  e n t e r i n g the  creating goals  Modernization  internal  task  that confronted  Restoration  (1868) was  f o r e i g n e c o n o m i c and  of e a r l y M e i j i  Essentially,  Japan c o u l d  be  the  represented  new  nation-  military  i n t e r n a t i o n a l f a m i l y o f power, stability.  the  domina-  and  national by  the  47 slogan  fukoku  army") and  kyohei  ("enrich  shokusan  kogyo  the  ("increase  i n d u s t r y , " o r , more a c c u r a t e l y , industrial  enterprises").  d e v e l o p m e n t was  given  modern m i l i t a r y  force.  To  the  the  words,  same p r i o r i t y  as  new  government i n t r o d u c e d  feudal regulations  through  establishing a  the  realized.  First  a number o f  anti-  s u i t a b l e f o r a modern s o c i e t y .  Then  considerable  and  e s t a b l i s h i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h would c r e a t e short,  Meiji  necessary  put  In  promote  economic  a c t i o n s w h i c h were  power were t o be  the  and  "more p r o d u c t i o n  accomplish these n a t i o n a l goals,  n a t i o n a l w e a l t h and  of a l l ,  strengthen  production  In other  government took a s e r i e s o f if  nation,  effort  to c r e a t e  an  i n t o promoting economic  envrionment  favorable  they  activities  to  stability. economic  development.^^ As the  Meiji  a first  step  t o c o n s t r u c t i n g a modern s o c i e t y ,  g o v e r n m e n t removed t h e most s e r i o u s  restrictions,  and  thereby  l i b e r a t e d the  f o r c e s of  F e u d a l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s were a b o l i s h e d . on the  f r e e d o m o f movement and  l o w e r c l a s s e s were removed.  were p e r m i t t e d , Guilds to  occupation  and  and  restrictions  internal  facilitate  Restrictions  formerly  Private land on  cropping  growth.  placed  The  A new  were removed.  government attempted land  t a x was  on  ownership  c u s t o m s b a r r i e r s were a b o l i s h e d  trade.  revenue sources.  feudal  to  instituted  so  as  control to  replace  the to  feudal  dues.  stabilize  and  I t was  inflexibilities and  and  revenue, c a p i t a l i z e the  to monetize  ture  revised  the of  economy.^""'"  the  creation  of  e c o n o m i c g r o w t h and  modernized value of  an  institutional  laid  the  land  Elimination  Tokugawa e c o n o m i c and  in  of  order output,  the  social  struc-  framework.^catalyzed  groundwork f o r f u t u r e  develop-  ment. The  M e i j i government took p o s i t i v e a c t i o n  promote i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . e d u c a t i o n and  technical  trialization,  they  technologists  and  put  f o r t h a great  t r a i n i n g as  imported  A  importance  bases f o r  e f f o r t to  s e r i e s of  They  s u c h as  telegraph  steamship l i n e s ;  enterprises  were  and  the  restrictions.  and  and port  to  increased  the  as  removal of  a result feudal  The  g o v e r n m e n t was  d i r e c t l y involved  s e e d s and  f e r t i l i z e r , and  making b e t t e r  techniques a v a i l a b l e . carried  productivity  c o u n t r y ' s u n i f i c a t i o n and  improving  and  industries."*"^ Agricultural  of  also  established  under government s p o n s o r s h i p w i t h emphasis g i v e n strategic  indus-  establish infrastructures  systems,  of  foreign  f o r e i g n machines.  systems; r a i l w a y . a n d  facilities.  the  the  sent students abroad, h i r e d  modernize communication postal  Recognizing  to  out  i n an  introduce  foreign  farming  A g r i c u l t u r a l experimentation  attempt to  t r a n s f e r Western  c r o p s as  r a p i d l y as  in  was  technology  possible.  Consequently, technology d i v e r s i f i e d q u i c k l y , another v i t a l growth o f The  land  national tax  efficiency and  catalyst contributing productivity  reform  further  budgetary  w h i c h was  and  the  Increased  the  f o r the  system.  as  phenomenal  government  i n r a i s i n g revenue from the  made i t p o s s i b l e  modern  to  acting  revenue.  government's  agricultural  government t o I t created  13  sector  establish  a  financial stability,  e s s e n t i a l f o r growth a t the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century. The dation  was  an  of  g o v e r n m e n t had  problems.  First  initially The  number o f  was  f o u n d e d i n 1880  industrial financial  and  long-term  and  helped  the  of  loans  major  reorganized finance  face  a  larger  scale,  to and  f o r development.  channel  a growth.  e x c h a n g e bank, The  Govern-  number  savings  A postal  system  bonds  facilitate  as  had  new  established  i n 1887.  served  A  government  sizeable  a  system.  banking  foreign  foun-  a l l , they  a g r i c u l t u r a l development banks.  i n s t i t u t i o n s helped  enterprises  the  new  s p e c i a l i z e d banks to  Yokohama S p e c i e Bank,  and  b a s e d on  A  government f u r t h e r  The  ment c r e a t e d  of  to  created.  z/en--was e s t a b l i s h e d .  daimyo.  sizeable  economic  economy w i t h o u t a u n i f i e d m o n e t a r y  introduced, the  new  a stable  a u n i f i e d m o n e t a r y s y s t e m was  currency—the was  The  institutional  to confront 1871,  b u i l d i n g up  enormous.  s e r i e s of  In  task of  of  These to  a source savings  of system  50 helped  t o tap the s a v i n g s from  s m a l l e r s a v e r s , such  as  14 peasants  xn t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . The  of  t h e new  relatively  g o v e r n m e n t made i t p o s s i b l e  purposeful drive maintenance period  homogeneous p o l i t i c a l  towards  of p o l i t i c a l  economic development. stability  national goals with r e l a t i v e  ease.  important  E m p h a s i s was industrial  large enterprises, on  social  military go  and  on  the Japanese  power, t h e M e i j i "unbalanced  s t a t e promotion  concerns,  l o a n s and  and  industrial  investments which 15 purposes.  behind the govern-  growth" control  of  subsidies for  expenditures f o r m i l i t a r y  overhead  transitional  Confronted with  ment c h o s e what i s known t o d a y as an  a  The  d u r i n g the  u r g e n t t a s k o f c r e a t i n g w e a l t h and  and  f o r them t o l e a d  e n a b l e d the government t o e n l i s t  strategy.  leadership  equipment  could  serve both  Though one. need  so f a r as t o a g r e e e i t h Norman's s t a t e m e n t  not  that 1(  Japanese  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n proceeded  the evidence did  indicates  give p r i o r i t i e s The  five  major  clearly  that  to s t r a t e g i c  i n a "reverse order," the M e i j i  industries.  source o f growth i n the f i r s t  y e a r s came f r o m t h e i n d i g e n o u s s e c t o r ,  agriculture;  i t was  and  trade.  domestic  contributed  heavily  government  a l s o due 17  l a d d e r and  from  i n handicrafts  the a g r i c u l t u r a l  t o government revenue,  lowest rung o f the p r i o r i t y  largely  t o improvements  Although  twenty-  sector  i t came a t t h e  received  very  little  government f i n a n c i a l  assistance in return.  " r u t h l e s s " manner i n w h i c h t h e agricultural  sector  i n order  The  government squeezed  to c r e a t e  a strong  the  imperialist 18  s t a t e was  severely c r i t i c i z e d Small-scale  left the  to p r i v a t e small industrialization  positive was  not  capital.  particularly  countryside  in rural  industry  and  good e x p o r t  the  in rural  Small  industry.  investment  Big private  b a n k i n g and  the  credit  lucrative  Landlords  stuck  silk  field to  the  surpluses  were i n v e s t reeling  products  is a striking  economic development. and  However, t h e government's i n 1880.  was  The  in industrialization  industries  expected  w h i c h had  a  market."*"^  economic a c t i v i t i e s .  the  national goal-  private  private capital  i n primary a g r i c u l t u r a l  a leading role  appealing.  but  s a f e and  industries, especially  early Meiji  after  people,  i n the  the  government  early years.  State paternalism  ship  achieve  where a c c u m u l a t i o n s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l  were i n v e s t e d  played  To  p r e f e r r e d to remain i n trade,  of government l o a n s .  of  J a p a n e s e i n d u s t r i e s were  of J a p a n — t h e  p a r t i c i p a t i o n by  operations,  ing  indigeneous  s u b s t a n t i a l i n the  capital  by modern s c h o l a r s .  The  characteristic government  substantially involved  importance o f government indeed  a p p e a r e d t o be  a c t u a l success withdrawl  I t has  been p o i n t e d  out  leader-  very  occurred  from a l l but  in  only  strategic that  the  Japanese case i s a " c l a s s i c of  Japanese economic  historians' small  economic  development  £  This  w  economic  o f government. enterprise  by J a p a n e s e b u s i n e s s m a n , t h e s t e a d y improvement ultural  production, were  In  t h e government  fact,  the keys to t h i s  stage  d i d not play  of  The  initiated in  and t h e r e m a r k a b l e p a t t e r n o f  savings  phase  has been o b s c u r e d by  o v e r e m p h a s i s on t h e r o l e  increments of p r i v a t e  tale."' '  agricprivate  development.  so d o m i n a n t  an  21 economic  role  as has been  supposed.  The q u e s t f o r w e a l t h and power gave p r i o r i t y a  strong national  Therefore  development  and a s t r o n g m i l i t a r y  s o c i a l w e l f a r e gave way  t o economic  and c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e J a p a n e s e p e o p l e had uneven  income  distribution  p e a s a n t had t o s h o u l d e r significant  p o r t i o n went i n t o  Although the land uprisings,  t h e heavy  t a x was  the l a n d l o r d s  of  improved l i v i n g  standards.  military  benefited.  a  expenditures.  The  government's  suppression of their  s t a n d a r d s m i g h t be  industrialization  t o o k p l a c e , t h e r e was 22 on s o c i a l w e l f a r e . Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  development  The  tax burden, of which  justified  the timing of Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  emphasis  with  r e d u c e d as a r e s p o n s e t o p e a s a n t  n e g l e c t o f s o c i a l w e l f a r e and for  posture.  priorities  t o p u t up  and low l i v i n g  to  less  o f Japanese  i s i t s ample s o u r c e o f "human  demand  i n terms  When E a r l y world-wide  economic  capital."  In terms o f  economic development, o v e r p o p u l a t i o n  become a d e t e r r a n t w h i c h t e n d e d capita  income.  competitive, of  the  ing  In Japan's c a s e ,  a b u n d a n t and  country's  of the  to delay  could  increases  however, a  in  per  strongly  w e l l - t r a i n e d l a b o r f o r c e was  main a s s e t s .  The  high  l a b o r f o r c e , however, was  q u a l i t y of  not  achieved  one  train-  until  a  23 later  stage. Foreign  formation. and  loans  ularly the as  new  Japanese l e a d e r s as  so  a means o f  i n the  1870  e a r l y years  task of accumulation  e f f e c t was  after  the  i n London o f  £2,4 00,000, J a p a n r e l i e d  l o a n s was  rejected foreign  o f d e p e n d e n c e on  loan  felt  by  the  o f d e v e l o p m e n t and  foreign loans.  i t s own  independence  Except  1873  partic-  when  for  loan  people f o r the The  capital  T h i s was  Restoration  £ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 and  on  the  the  in  investment  l o s s of n a t i o n a l  of c a p i t a l .  d i r e c t e d by  a minor r o l e  industrialization.  government f e a r e d  a result  the  investment played  of heavy  a p p l i c a t i o n of  J a p a n e s e t h e m s e l v e s and  their  economy i n c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l  i n meeting d i f f i c u l t i e s  these  areas  i n the  balance  24 o f payments.  In R e i s c h a u e r ' s  words,  "Japan  had  to  25 lift  herself  economically  by  her  own  bootstraps.  A l t h o u g h f o r e i g n - c o n t r o l l e d e n t e r p r i s e s were to  a minimal l e v e l ,  J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t and  sought f o r e i g n t e c h n i c a l a i d . experts  were h i r e d , b u t  Foreign  were e x c l u d e d  Japanese  technicians  kept  firms and  from p o s i t i o n s of  54  control,  and  remained employees.  placed  by  It  been suggested  has  M o r e o v e r , t h e y were r e -  f o r e i g n - t r a i n e d J a p a n e s e as that  the  soon as  limits  eurial  f u n c t i o n s were s e t by  intent  upon m o d e r n i z a t i o n c a r r i e d o u t  possible.  to Western  entrepren-  Japanese n a t i o n a l p o l i c y as  f a r as  possible  26 through the  agency of n a t i o n a l e n t e r p r i s e .  industrialization,  in this  "economic n a t i o n a l i s m , "  sense, can  or  be  Japanese  labeled  i n Rostow's t e r m  as  "reactive 27  nationalism," 3.  as  part of  The M e i j i Solutions  the  r e a c t i o n to  Government's F i n a n c i a l P r o b l e m s  Financial difficulties that confronted power. with The of  the M e i j i  From t h e  a triple  very  outset  financial  bakufu  rice  stipends  tion  and  and of  han, the  were one  leaders, the  as  and samurai  s o o n as  Government r e n o v a t i o n  created  daimyo.  increase  and  demands on  revenue,therefore,  the  a great  the  new  the  deal  regime.  the  of  the  became one  formation  costly.  government. of  t h e most  g o v e r n m e n t had  to  solve.  annual  construc-  administration,  28 problems t h a t  old  National  n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e were a l l v e r y  heavy f i n a n c i a l  saddled  expenses, f o r e i g n debts  i n t r o d u c t i o n o f modern i n d u s t r i e s , and system of  problems  t h e y came t o  t h e o b l i g a t i o n t o pay and  and  the major  g o v e r n m e n t was  modernization also required  outlay.  of  burden i n l i q u i d a t i n g  burden c o n s i s t e d of m i l i t a r y the  foreign influences.  capital the of  a  These How urgent  to  55 The M e i j i by u s i n g loans  several  government  fiscal  devices.  By demanding  f r o m t h e r i c h m e r c h a n t s and by i s s u i n g  and d e b a s i n g  t h r o w i n g t h e tokugawa rebellions.  i t s revenues.  t h e g o v e r n m e n t was a b l e future  income.  industries after  the land  to offset i n over-  the samurai  t a x , t h e government  By p r i n t i n g  to enforce  p a p e r money,  s a v i n g s and t o b o r r o w  The s a l e o f g o v e r n m e n t  1881 r e l i e v e d  forced  i t incurred  s h o g u n a t e and q u e l l i n g  By r e f o r m i n g  to s t a b l i z e  against  expenditures  revenue  p a p e r money  t h e c o i n a g e , t h e government t r i e d  the tremendous m i l i t a r y  tried  succeeded i n r a i s i n g  t h e government's  owned financial  burden i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  was s t i l l  Until  1875 a b o u t o n e t h i r d  spent  i n supporting  hereditary regime. dation  rice  t h e daimyo  I n 1876, t h e M i n i s t e r t o t h e government t h a t  o f F i n a n c e made a recommen-  all  t h e form o f government bonds.  the stipends  w i t h the strong  their  disappointment of t h e i r  rebellions  privileges  induced the samurai t o l e a d  R e b e l l i o n o f 1877.  together  and t h e  careers i n  a- s e r i e s o f  The g r e a t e s t o f t h e s e was  29 t h e Satsuma  i n t o bonds,  hopes f o r s u c c e s s f u l  f r o m 1873 t o 1878.  be  Samurai o p p o s i t i o n t o  stipends  fear of losing  should  compulsory compensation  compulsory commutation o f r i c e  government,  and s a m u r a i whose  s t i p e n d s h a d b e e n g u a r a n t e e d by t h e new  t r a n s f o r m e d by a " o n c e - a n d - f o r - a l l " in  o f the n a t i o n a l revenue  Sumurai political  economic  uncertainties constituted  t h r e a t to the s t a b i l i t y  t h e s a m u r a i p r o b l e m was government c a l l e d  essentially  f o r an e c o n o m i c  r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o g r a m - — Shizoku approximately  o f t h e new  solution.  employment f o r t h e e x - s a m u r a i ,  and  a t t h e same t i m e a c c u m u l a t i n g c a p i t a l .  tation policy  and  was  policy,  which  especially  i n the f i e l d s  industrial  1868  to  The  of  find-  rehabili-  had  parts:  not been under  c o l o n i z a t i o n o f Hokkaido.  of emigration s y s t e m and  and c o m m e r c i a l  c o n s i s t e d o f two  hitherto  entirely  samurai  d e v e l o p i n g t h e economy,  land r e c l a m a t i o n , through the banking  program  the  d e l i b e r a t e l y merged w i t h t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s  for agricultural, The  A  Since  one,  1889)—was designed, with the purpose  ing  economic  regime.  an economic  Jusan(from  a  The  loans  enterprises.  t h e o p e n i n g up o f  cultivation  and  land  the  r e s p o n s e , however, was  not  satisfactory."^ I n t h e e a r l y y e a r s , t h e r e was  a constant d e f i c i t , 31  for  t h e e x p e n d i t u r e o f t h e new  B e f o r e 1881,  regime  increased  t h e a n n u a l d e f i c i t s were met  rapidly.  by t h e  extra-  o r d i n a r y r e v e n u e , w h i c h m a i n l y came f r o m b o r r o w i n g and  f o r e i g n ) and  from i s s u i n g  bulk of e x t r a o r d i n a r y revenue  i n c o n v e r t i b l e notes.  for current  f u n d s f r o m f o r e i g n and d o m e s t i c b a n k s .  t h e s e d e b t s were r e p a i d p r i m a r i l y 33 agriculture.  The  consisted of loans against  f u t u r e o r d i n a r y r e v e n u e made a v a i l a b l e t u r e s , and  (domestic 32  expendiBoth o f  through the t a x a t i o n  of  Early Meiji and  J a p a n r e m a i n e d an  seventy to eighty  percent  of  the  agrarian  population  economy was  engaged  34 in  agriculture,  therefore  source of revenue. military a  and  l a r g e and  sector.  a g r i c u l t u r e was  In o r d e r  to continue  i n d u s t r i a l modernization,  land  tax  alone  the  provided  major  i t s programs  s t a b l e annual r e t u r n from the  The  the  government  of needed  agricultural  more t h a n 7 0  percent  o f c e n t r a l government revenues d u r i n g the f i r s t decade 35 a f t e r t h e R e s t o r a t i o n o f 1868. S i n c e o t h e r ways o f increasing  r e v e n u e were l i m i t e d , t h e most u r g e n t  confronting from the  the  land  g o v e r n m e n t was  tax.  The  land  to  stabilize  t a x was  the  s e v e r a l phases of l e g a l i z a t i o n of 36 l a n d o w n e r s h i p i n 1872. The b a s i c r e v i s i o n s o f t h e new l a n d a change o f assessed  t a x - b a s e — T a x was  value  for  the  the  land value  not.  of  land  former c o u l d  This  was  held  change h e l p e d  tax  crop  constant  f i x e d , but  the  were:  the yield, once  latter  could  t o r e g u l a r i z e money  income; 2.  a change o f t a x - r a t e - - T a x three  percent  (later  changed t o  without consideration of harvest  i n bad  practice;  years  r a t e was  as  the had  fixed  2.5  at  percent)  f l u c t u a t i o n of been the  1873,  private  b a s e d on  instead of  be  revenue  revised in July  p r e c e d e d by  1.  task  previous  58 3.  a change  i n t e r m s o f p a y m e n t — T a x was c o l l e c t e d  i n money i n s t e a d o f i n k i n d . tarize 4.  T h i s was t o mone-  t h e economy; and  a new d e f i n i t i o n whether  of the tax-paper—The  o r n o t he was t h e c u l t i v a t o r  landowner,  of the  37 l a n d , was t h e l e g a l The two c o n s t a n t s formulated,  tax paper. on w h i c h t h e new l a n d  t a x was  t a x - b a s e and t a x - r a t e , were f i x e d , and t h e r e -  f o r e : n a t i o n a l r e v e n u e was s t a b i l i z e d  to a certain  extent.  One i m p o r t a n t v a r i a b l e w h i c h a f f e c t e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s income  from t h e land  tax—the  price of rice,  real  was n o t u n d e r  38 government  control.  s t r u c t u r e gave  However, t h e c h a n g i n g o f t h e t a x  t h e government  created  the s t a b i l i t y  growth.  I t provided  a certain felxibility.  w h i c h was e s s e n t i a l f o r i n d u s t r i a l a constant  source o f revenue  under a n a t i o n a l c e n t r a l government, financial  t h e new t a x was e a s y t o c o l l e c t  into operation  determined  to the harvest.  i n putting the revised  was t h e e v a l u a t i o n o f t a x a b l e  t h e t a x r a t e , and h e n c e  on t h e s h o u l d e r s  established  step  system.  and d i f f i c u l t t o  not f l u c t u a t e according  The c r i t i c a l  placed  s t a b i l i z e d the  a modern b u d g e t a r y f i n a n c i a l  e v a d e , and i t w o u l d  tax  unified  s i t u a t i o n o f t h e s t a t e , and e n a b l e d t h e g o v e r n -  ment t o i m p l e m e n t Moreover,  It  land  land.  This  the weight o f the burden  of the peasants.  The  a method o f e v a l u a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d  government avoid  a  decline  i n revenue.  I t bypassed  the  v a r i a b l e of  market  evaluation  and  arbitrarily  placed  price  as  the  basis  of  value  on  the  total  taxable  enough t o g u a r a n t e e t h e from t h e , o l d .  land.  same t o t a l  tax  as  and  James Nakamura, e v a l u a t i o n  ing a tax  i n kind  This  As  was  value  return  pointed was  out  high  f o r the by  simply  i n t o a money t a x  was  without  T.C.  a  new  land  Smith  a means o f loss of  commut-  revenue 39  by  a wholly a r b i t r a r y formula designed  This  p u r p o s e was  remained q u i t e  effectively  stable u n t i l  Rural  achieved, the  dissatisfaction  between 1873  and  1877  r a t e of  tax  from 3 percent  the  land  g o v e r n m e n t was  r e f o r m , and The  the  foundation  laid,  and  forced  p r o g r a m was of  purpose.  and  revenue  the  inflationary period. and  the  consistent  f o r the  outbreaks of  violence  government to reduce to  2.5  percent.  i n c a r r y i n g out  finally  completed  t h e modern J a p a n e s e l a n d  the  feudal  restrictions  on  land  The  period  f r o m 187 6 t o  18 85,  the  After  that,  the  land  in  1881.  tax  system  transfer  tax 40  was  dis-  appeared.  t i m e when Huang T s u n - h s i e n of  great  inflation  shocks." f r o m 1876  stayed  J a p a n was to  1881,  i n J a p a n , was  under the and  approximately a  pressure  the  "period of  d e f l a t i o n f r o m 1881  to  41 1885. of  the  The  g o v e r n m e n t ' s demand f o r c o m p u l s o r y  samurai's pensions  Rebellion  of  1877.  The  i n 1876  r e s u l t e d i n the  r e b e l l i o n was  g o v e r n m e n t a t a heavy e c o n o m i c c o s t .  conversion Satsuma  put  down by  the  The  government  was  60 deeply  immersed  income by  i n debts  issuing  and was  borrowing  inconvertible  notes.  against  Money  future  supply 42  increased  rapidly The  and  precipitated  distributionary  a violent inflation.  e f f e c t o f i n f l a t i o n weakened  t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s f i n a n c i a l power. up,  w h i c h meant a d e c l i n e  distortion effect  that  wrong t y p e o f . c o n s u m p t i o n , landowners'  development,  of r i c e  in real 43  shot  terms—a  Another  major  s a v i n g s were c h a n n e l e d  to  the  f o r t h e p r o f i t s were c o n c e n t r a t e d  hands and  consume.luxury goods. of  of revenue  price  o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s income.  o f i n f l a t i o n was  i n a few  The  I t also  f o r money was  t h e y began t o p u r c h a s e  and  distorted  way  invested  the  "proper"  i n t h e wrong  types  44 of  industry. Inflation  was  continued u n t i l  appointed Finance Minister  orthodox  i n 1881.  f i n a n c i a l m e a s u r e s and  the i n f l a t i o n . expenditure,  He  l e v i e d new  ment e n t e r p r i s e s succeeded,  reduced  Matsukata  budgetary  substantially  Masayoshi  He i n t r o d u c e d reform to the  halt  government's  t a x e s , and  got r i d of these govern45 w h i c h were l o s i n g money. This policy  but not without c o s t .  It resulted  i n severe  46 deflation.  However, s t a b i l i t y  was  brought  back  eventually. The benefited  distributionary  t h e government.  government's r e a l  As  e f f e c t of d e f l a t i o n the p r i c e  income r o s e and  of r i c e  peasants'  now declined,  income  decreased.  61 Consequently, t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h changed. was a g r e a t e r as  a c o r o l l a r y , tenancy  were f o r c e d prises  to sell  increased.  their  land  conjunction  ation.  Many s m a l l  and s m a l l  farmers  commercial  enter-  a f t e r 1881,  with the d e f l a t i o n a r y p o l i c y , r e l i e v e d the burden a s s o c i a t e d  with  industrializ-  Most o f t h e e n t e r p r i s e s were l o s i n g money a t t h e  time o f t h e i r eliminate  them.  sale.  The s a l e e n a b l e d  the usual  to recover  annual d e f i c i t s  a small  part  t h e government t o  o f these  of the o r i g i n a l  enterprises investment i n  The s a l e o f g o v e r n m e n t owned i n d u s t r i e s , l a r g e l y  to already  established  concentration financial  industrialists,  cliques  or  zaibatsu. 18 8 0 marked t h e end o f t h e i n i t i a l  phase o f Japanese i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . shifted  from d i r e c t l e a d e r s h i p  manager, t o i n d i r e c t various directly  accelerated the  o f J a p a n ' s e c o n o m i c g r o w t h i n t h e hands o f  Thus t h e y e a r  shift  i n a few hands and  s a l e o f government e n t e r p r i s e s  government's f i n a n c i a l  and  of resources  declined. The  in  concentration  There  involved  a s p r o m o t e r , owner a n d  assistance,  forms o f s u b s i d y . only  of the i n d u s t r i a l  The r o l e o f g o v e r n m e n t  t e c h n i c a l g u i d a n c e and  Thereafter,  i n the munitions burden from  p r i v a t e l y - o w n e d companies n o t o n l y  t h e g o v e r n m e n t was industries.  The  t h e government t o c u t down g o v e r n m e n t  e x p e n s e s , b u t a l s o m a x i m i z e d e c o n o m i c e f f e c i e n c y and u t i l i z ation of national  resources.  62 In  the  1870's,when t h e  the  silk  industry  created  the  p r e v i o u s decade  adverse balance of means t o h a l t  the  because a f i x e d p o s e d on  her.  industries  ended,  f l o o d of  tariff  to  the  European s i l k  Tariff  foreign  rate  o n l y way drive  stimulus  Japan began t o  payments-  The  was  by  artificial  out  was  imports  a  f i v e p e r c e n t had  to  protect  the  goods  of  an  feasible  into  of  foreign  blight  suffer  not  of  the  country,  been  im-  native through  48 competition.  Import  major s t r a t e g i e s t r a d e was securing  substitution  i n Japan's i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  d e v e l o p e d by  the  Japanese p a r t l y  m a c h i n e r y and  raw  materials  trialization.  In o r d e r t o  began t o d e v e l o p an Import  the  export  industries.  p r o d u c t s s u c h as ware were a l s o To  hired  foreign  introduced  silk,  fans, for  Foreign  a means  for  of  indus-  necessary  goods,  s u c h as t e x t i l e s , 49  coupled with  promotion  tea  constituted  and  rice  Traditional paper,  the  handicraft  lacquer  and  bronze  government gave d i r e c t  f i n a n c i a l assistance. m a c h i n e r y was  F o r e i g n e x p e r t were  imported.  in different localities. to  the  exports.  encourage export,  and  up  was  exports.  pottery,  developed  technical and  Raw of  of  dimension.  substitution  major p r o p o r t i o n  were s e t  export  as  needed  a c q u i r e the  some t r a d i t i o n a l d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r i e s ,  of  became one  traditional industries  Model  factories  Mechanization s u c h as  silk  was  and  63 cotton  spinning.  developing  I n s t i t u t i o n s f o r e n c o u r a g i n g and  e x p o r t s were s e t up.  technological  Professional  t r a i n i n g were e s t a b l i s h e d .  B u r e a u was e s t a b l i s h e d  schools f o r  A Commerce  i n 1869 t o s u p e r v i s e  and e n c o u r a g e 50  trade,  and t o o r g a n i z e  industrial exhibitions.  I m p o r t s u b s t i t u t i o n and e x p o r t p r o m o t i o n were the  major p o l i c i e s i n d e v e l o p i n g  reversing trade,  t h e b a l a n c e o f payments d e f i c i e t .  t h e Japanese government's i n d u s t r i a l  a p p e a r e d t o go h a n d - i n - h a n d w i t h  the early  ful  its fiscal  policy.  s t a g e o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , J a p a n was  i n making  s a v i n g s and c a p i t a l a v a i l a b l e  in  i n d u s t r i e s , w h i c h made r a p i d  In  this process,  role  foreign  development. All-in-all  In  Thus,  from t h e v e r y beginning,was s t r a t e g i c t o Japanese  economic  policy  i n d u s t r i e s and i n  i n solving  fiscal  f o r investment  economic growth  p o l i c y palyed  success-  t h e most  possible. important  f i n a n c i a l p r o b l e m s by d i s t r i b u t i n g p u b l i c  bonds among t h e l e a d e r s  of the o l d society,  issuing  n o t e s and i m p o s i n g  the land  foreign  l o a n s and i n d e m n i t i e s c o n s t i t u t e d 51  floating  t a x i n money. part  loans,  Later,  of the  means o f t a c k l i n g f i n a n c i a l p r o b l e m s . The in and of  Meiji fiscal  one a s p e c t , t h a t consolidating t h e G.N.P.  p o l i c y was s u c c e s s f u l p a r t i c u l a r l y  i s , the e f f i c i e n c y o f r a i s i n g revenue  government e x p e n d i t u r e as a major  B u t on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e M e i j i  part  fiscal  policy at  was  h e a v i l y b i a s e d towards m i l i t a r y  the expense o f the f i n a n c i a l  neglect of  By c o n t r a s t i n g t h e h e a v y m i l i t a r y investment  i n agriculture  suggested defense  t h a t t h e government  to  short, the M e i j i  establishing  capable  culties  government  and  industrial  f r o m t h e 1880's  on, was  t o modern e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . skill  and e x p e r i e n c e  of supporting m i l i t a r y  had an o v e r a l l  development.  On  investment  q u i t e ready  the i n i t i a l  I t emerged  as a  country  to suggest  t h a t the M e i j i f o r economic  nothing  like  economy i n t h e e a r l y y e a r s o f t h e J a p a n e s e  e c o n o m i c g r o w t h was  the e a r l y  n o t smooth  a  transition  stage of Japanese  or painless.  phase o f Japanese growth i n the y e a r s was,  diffi-  development.  s y s t e m a t i c program  In f a c t ,  to  and w i t h an economy  t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e r e was  modern g r o w t h .  1884  framework  I t has " a c c u m u l a t e d  to get over  of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . "  government  to  the  development.  The above o u t l i n e ^ s e e m  planned  a  was s u c c e s s f u l  institutional  w i t h r a i l w a y s , s t e a m e r s and f a c t o r i e s , capable  light  Oshima  independence w i t h h a l f  a modern f i n a n c i a l  Japan,  enough  and t h e  c o u l d have m a i n t a i n e d  o f c h a n n e l l i n g s a v i n g s and d i r e c t i n g  military  proceed  expenditure  expenditure.^^ In  in  agriculture.  from t h e government,  adequate f o r n a t i o n a l  military  expenditures,  between  i n I n u k a i and T u s s i n g ' s words,  The  transitional  18 68  and  a "disturbed  65 economy" p h a s e , i l l u s t r a t i n g many o f t h e m a l a d i e of  countries  c u r r e n t l y emerging from  problems  revolutionary 53  institutional T h i s was  c h a n g e s and s e e k i n g modern e c o n o m i c  a period  of turmoil, with i n s t i t u t i o n a l  growth. changes,  and s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s . As e a c h o f t h e s e p r o b l e m s a p p e a r e d , t h e M e i j i l e a d e r s t a c k l e d them w i t h 54 p r a g m a t i c and p i e c e m e a l r e f o r m s . active  i n bringing  The g o v e r n m e n t  about the r e q u i s i t e c o n d i t i o n s  e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , y e t t h e s i t u a t i o n was control. 1881  that  I t was  only  not under  was  f o r modern full  a f t e r the Matsukata d e f l a t i o n i n  t h e government r e c o g n i z e d  t h e need  f o r an o v e r a l l  r e a p p r a i s a l o f development p o l i c y . I t was the  this  "transitional  phase o f growth" i n  1870's t h a t Huang T s u n - h s i e n o b s e r v e d and w r o t e about..  66 B.  The Image: J a p a n e s e E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t i n Huang T s u n h s i e n ' s E y e s — An A n a l y s i s o f t h e Treatise on Pood and  Money, Treatise on National Crafts and Arts  In r e c o n s t r u c t i n g Meiji  Products  and i t i s b e s t  beforehand.  First,  e n c o u n t e r a number o f  t o make t h e s e a s e x p l i c i t  we have t o keep i n mind t h a t  Huang h a d a f l e x i b l e m i n d , he was n e i t h e r thinker  n o r an economic t h e o r i s t .  fact  not to overschematize,  there  i s inconsistency, Another p i t f a l l  "Japan o b s e r v e r s , " Embracing  brotherhood),  Under t h i s of  "similarity"  therefore  was v e r y  own c u l t u r a l  when o b s e r v i n g  successful.  i n Chapter I. i-ohia  (universal  time considered  t h e y were e a s i l y  and r a c i a l  the family.  drawn t o a s p e c t s  Japan, and t h i s associations  perspective and m i s i n -  I t was i n t h e a r e a s o f " s i m i l a r i t y "  Huang h a d t o make an e x t r a thinking  where i n  common among C h i n e s e  discussed  r e s u l t e d i n many f o r c e d  terpretations.  of  n o t t o impose o r d e r  the Chinese a t that  assumption,  systematic  we have t o be e s p e c i a l l y  i d e a o f t'ien-hsia  Japanese as p a r t o f t h e i r  although  even c o n t r a d i c t i o n .  one a l r e a d y  the romantic  a  as p o s s i b l e  In t a l k i n g about h i s  " e c o n o m i c v i e w " o r "economic t h e o r y , " careful  on  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s v i e w o f e a r l y  e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , we s h a l l  pitfalls  and Treatise  effort  that  t o abandon o l d h a b i t s  a n d p r e d i s p o s i t i o n , and he was n o t a l w a y s  As investigate Japan. said  t o the matter  o f a c c u r a c y , we  the source m a t e r i a l s used  first  have t o  f o r t h e Treatises  Hsueh F u - c h ' e n g , i n t h e p r e f a c e t o t h e t h a t Huang drew e x t e n s i v e r e f e r e n c e s f r o m  sources,  including  J a p a n e s e and  Chinese  on  Treatises, two  hundred  materials, o f f i c i a l  55 documents and  private materials.  i n f o r m a t i o n was except  B u t much o f  recorded without  stating  f o r the o c c a s i o n a l o f f i c i a l  sources,  announcement by  Judging  literati,  Huang's k n o w l e d g e o f t h e J a p a n e s e l a n g u a g e quite limited.  that after only  h i s correspondences  In f a c t  a b l e t o use  b i t of Japanese.  the s t a t i s t i c a l  data  Revenues and  publications.  Another  hachi-nen  fuken  bussan  i n his preface  for  as h i s s o u r c e  current value.  these o f f i c i a l  on  Japan  learned  recorded data  and  would from  between  a  Meiji  statistical  show us  government o f the  (prefectual production  figures  was  t h e Breakdown o f 57  Expenditures  f o r the  Japan's major products w i t h  had  random c o m p a r i s o n  example i s Huang's use hyd  was  materials, particularly  as t h e T a b l e s on  t h a t Huang o f t e n f a i t h f u l l y  their  A  i n t h e Treatises  Government r e c o r d s u c h General Account  nature.  Japanese  N e v e r t h e l e s s , he  some J a p a n e s e o f f i c i a l  those of a s t a t i s t i c a l  and  said  s e v e r a l y e a r s o f s o j o u r n i n J a p a n he  a little  1875)  he  with  the  Dajokan.  probably  from  the  the  tables  tables  for their  Meiji  of  production  Modern s c h o l a r s s u g g e s t e d  s t a t i s t i c s were a c c u r a t e i n f o r m a t i o n 58 the e a r l y M e i j i economic s i t u a t i o n .  that about  68 The Treatises ally in  factual  on Japan  d e s c r i p t i o n s and r e c o r d s  are r e l i a b l e  there are f a c t u a l  our l a t e r  e r r o r s , which w i l l  discussions.  Historical  w o u l d be m e a n i n g l e s s w i t h o u t Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n this  section.  Did  that w i l l  he  n o t see?  facts  How  period?  he i d e n t i f y  the  same e c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s t o e a c h o t h e r  Japan's g o a l c o r r e c t l y ?  doing  D i d he r e l a t e i n t h e same way  These a r e t h e q u e s t i o n s  t h a t we  will  t o answer i n t h i s s e c t i o n .  c o n c l u s i o n s and s t a t e m e n t s approximations  only.  certainty.  but certain,  from t h e o u t s e t t h a t a l l  i n Huang's s t u d y  are f i r s t  As an a m a t e u r h i s t o r i a n  t h a t no s t a t e m e n t  absolute  anything  explanations?  I n an e c o n o m i c p e r s p e c t i v e ,  I t must be made c l e a r  with  identify  d i d he v i e w what t h e J a p a n e s e were  the Japanese did?  economic  What d i d he s e e and what d i d  did  realized  Japan's  D i d he  why d i d he v i e w i t t h u s ?  trying  Hence i t i s  be o u r m a i n c o n c e r n i n  and  be  and f i g u r e s  D i d he g i v e r e a s o n a b l e  any s o l u t i o n s ?  Occasion-  be p o i n t e d o u t  How w e l l d i d Huang u n d e r s t a n d  problems?  he o f f e r  extent.  interpretation.  development i n the e a r l y M e i j i the r i g h t  to a certain  i n the  about past Conclusions  especially  history  Huang c o u l d be made  i n h i s studies are  a s J a p a n was i n a  t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d w h i c h was v e r y  confusing to a foreign  observer.  i s an a t t e m p t  In f a c t ,  Huang's s t u d y  a d i s c u s s i o n on s e v e r a l i m p o r t a n t  issues, not to  t o open conclude  69 These a r e go  the  points  t h a t we  should  t h r o u g h Huang's o b s e r v a t i o n  k e e p i n mind when  of Japanese  we  economic  development. Out on  Japan,  of  on  Food  Treatise  on  Crafts  in  t w e l v e chih  Huang d e v o t e d t h r e e  Treatise  This  the  i s the  and  Money,  and  Arts,  the.Treatises  on  the  Japan.  Treatise  on  altogether  In  National  Treatises  the Products  n i n e chuan  longest  and  (chapters).  commentaries  i t Huang gave a d e t a i l e d  economic s i t u a t i o n i n Japan, w i t h  s o n s t o E u r o p e , A m e r i c a and the  the  t o economy, namely,  l a r g e s t s e c t i o n w i t h the  d e s c r i p t i o n of  of  (treatises) of  China.  The  materials  compari-  consisted  following: 1.  Shih-huo  Chih  ( T r e a t i s e on  which i s d i v i d e d  sections:  Hu-k'ou  (b)  tsu-shui"  (On  Taxation  and  Revenue) , chiian  16  (c)  Kuo-yung  (On  National  E x p e n d i t u r e ) , chiian  17  (d)  Kuo-tsai  (On  National  Debt) , chiian  (e)  Huo-pi  (f)  Shang-wu  Wu-chan  (On  Money),  (a)  chiian 2.  into six  F o o d and  (On  Population),  chiian  C u r r e n c y ) , chiian  (On  Commerce and  15  18  19  Foreign  Trade),  20.  Chih  ( T r e a t i s e on  chiian 38-39: m a t e r i a l s  on  National natural  Products), resources,  and 3.  Kung-i 40:  Chih  materials  ( T r e a t i s e on on  C r a f t s and  handicraft  A r t s ) , chiian  industries.  70 These into  a s p e c t s of Japanese  s h a r p f o c u s by Huang T s u n - h s i e n .  the above s i x c a t e g o r i e s tial  "reality"  elements  under  He  shih-huo  o f the Western economic  were  believed  Chih  brought that  were t h e  system which  essen-  was  59 adopted  by J a p a n , Other  relevant  and were where t h e s e c r e t o f w e a l t h l a y .  a s p e c t s , however, were n o t  t o C h i n a as Huang saw  illuminated.  As we  c a t e g o r i e s he c h o s e of  the t r a d i t i o n a l  tuals.  The  Japanese  shall  Chinese  ohing-shih  economic p l i g h t  i n Chapter  intellec-  a reflection  on  the  Huang's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h Meiji  economic  of the r e a l i t y  develop-  o f t h e ..  of China.  t e c h n i q u e s , Huang p r e s e n t e d a c o n c r e t e and of part  scientific  detailed  of the economic development  a n a l y s i s o f t h e above m a t e r i a l w i l l integrated  concerns  (Statecraft)  Though l a c k i n g modern s y s t e m a t i c and  scription  I I I , the s i x  emphasis o f the m a t e r i a l  H i s image o f e a r l y  in fact,  brightly  t o e m p h a s i z e were a l s o m a j o r  economy t h u s r e f l e c t e d  ment was,  i t and were l e s s  see l a t e r  o r g a n i z a t i o n and  n a t i o n a l wealth.  particularly  de-  of Japan.  p r o v i d e us w i t h  p i c t u r e o f Huang's image o f e a r l y M e i j i  An  an economic  development. 1.  Population Huang T s u n - h s i e n o b s e r v e d  one  o f the major economic problems.  that overpopulation i s He  criticized  the  71 traditional saw  a  past,  Chinese  large population i t was  believed  on  a large  of  population  labor  l a t i o n was resulted in any  standard  land  no  that  force.  an  reform,  natural  only  in  the  one  poverty,  resources.  was  one  developing  encouraging  natural  trade,  the  Huang s t r e s s e d  that  Japan. of  resources  of  problem,  pu-ch'.uang  In  overpopulation land  solve  permitted.^"*"  Japan  population  the  industry,  the  problem  ),  by  and  by  sending  Huang b e l i e v e d the  this  Europeans  inevitable that natural  be  of  However,  (e.g. m i n i n g  fact,  area  her  China's. to  d e v e l o p e d , modern t e c h n o l o g y be  Japanese  wan-ju  China, but  be  He  popu-  pressure  solving this  The  s e c r e t of wealth of i t was  created  problem of  attempted  people to c o l o n i z e Hokkaido.  afraid  Overpopulation  merely  a g r i c u l t u r e and  p r e c i s e l y where t h e  the  sore."f  twelveth  J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t had  r u l e r s were  and  Before  to patch a  twenty-fifth that  1870's  the  economic a s s e t .  i n Huang's words, was  off flesh  In  Whereas i n Hunag's t i m e ,  common t o b o t h C h i n a and  is  by  symbol o f p r o s p e r i t y .  n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i v i t y depended  Huang n o t e d t h a t was  b e n e v o l e n t government which  Therefore  decrease. longer  a  i n unemployment and and  ("cutting  as  of  introduced.  s u p p o r t e d h i s argument by  lay.  resources  And  emigration  citing  the  example. Our  earlier  d i s c u s s i o n observed  government's r e h a b i l i t a t i o n  that  program f o r the  the  was  Japanese  declassed  samurai, e s p e c i a l l y the very  successful  o f v i e w , on  the  i n the other  P r o b a b l y Huang was  the  problem.  best  I t was  e a r l y stages.  H o k k a i d o , were  From Huang's  hand, t h e s e were g r e a t  focussing  ment's i n i t i a t i v e . followed  c o l o n i z a t i o n of  possible  the  the  govern-  government  course f o r the  i m p o r t a n t t o him  point  achievements.  h i s a t t e n t i o n on  In h i s o p i n i o n ,  that  not  had  s o l u t i o n of  the  the  attempt  had  i n seeing  changes  in  b e e n made. Huang was population  as  noting  causal  the  quite  a good measurement o f  unemployment.  He  vision  of  e c o n o m i c change and  r e l a t i o n s h i p between o v e r p o p u l a t i o n was  also pertinent  problem of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , his  correct  China.  in attacking  which i s probably  Overpopulation,  and  the  a projection  view, would r e s u l t  low  standard  i n an  of: l i v i n g .  extremely  The  control  of population  would l e a d t o b e t t e r  labor d i s t r i b u t i o n  is  t o economic growth.  Huang was  favourable  demographer nor right  an  v a r i a b l e , he  economist. totally  Though he  missed the  neither  picked  point  out  in his  which a  the explana-  tion. Huang recommended J a p a n ' s p o p u l a t i o n listed the  six tables  classification  d e a t h s , and  the  i n c l u d i n g the of  breakdown o f  the  sensus.  t o t a l population  h o u s e h o l d s by  of  f r o m a modern e c o n o m i c  developmental p o i n t of r a t e o f g r o w t h and  in  of  classes, births  population  by  He  Japan, and  occupation  with  employment f i g u r e s and g e o g r a p h i c a l  distribution.  Most noteworthy i s t h e t a b l e o f t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n agricultural  population  land d i s t r i b u t i o n factual  i n different  areas  of the peasants.  m i s t a k e by s a y i n g  of the  and t h e a v e r a g e  H e r e Huang made one  t h a t the population o f peasants 62  was of  half  o f the t o t a l population,  peasantry  was a c t u a l l y  Huang d i d n o t make f u l l Japan's p o p u l a t i o n situation.  while  70 p e r c e n t  use o f these  growth t r e n d s  the percentage 63  t o 80 p e r c e n t . statistics  to analyze  and t h e employment  He d i d n o t a d v o c a t e a s y s t e m a t i c  census  system  for  t h e purpose o f e s t a b l i s h i n g whether t h e p o p u l a t i o n  was  too large, but only  system.  f o r the taxation  Modern s t u d i e s on C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n  t h e r e was a d e m o g r a p h i c due  to c o l l e c t data  show t h a t  "vacuum" b e t w e e n 1779 a n d 1850,  t o t h e breakdown o f t h e pao-ahia  system which had 64  collected  r e l i a b l e population data.  preoccupied tax, the  with  S i n c e Huang was  s e c u r i n g government revenue  i n land  a n d s i n c e a v a r i a b l e c e n s u s and l a n d r e g i s t r a t i o n administrative foundation  necessarily census.  emphasized  f o r t a x c o l l e c t i o n , he  the importance o f a p o p u l a t i o n  were  74 2.  Taxation In an attempt  t o show t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f p r o p e r  a s s e s s m e n t and u s e s o f t a x e s ,  Huang gave a d e t a i l e d  of Japan's t a x a t i o n  To Huang, one o f t h e s e c r e t s  of Japan's w e a l t h deeply  impressed  efficiency  system.  l a y i n a sound t a x a t i o n  system.  account  He  was  by t h e numerous forms o f t a x a t i o n and  of c o l l e c t i o n . ^  He was amazed a t t h e t o t a l 66  amount o f r e v e n u e s o f a s m a l l  island  country.  In h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f Japanese t a x a t i o n  procedures,  Huang a l s o n o t e d t h o s e o f E u r o p e and A m e r i c a and compared 67 them w i t h C h i n a . saw o n l y great  t h a t European c o u n t r i e s  number o f s h i p s  little out  He r e m a r k e d t h a t  the Chinese  were w e a l t h y and owned a  and g u n s , b u t a l s o t h a t  a t t e n t i o n t o Europe's heavy t a x e s .  that  they  Huang  t h e C h i n e s e g o v e r n m e n t was p a r a l y z e d  funds f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ,  people  due t o l i g h t  paid pointed  by a l a c k o f  taxation.  The  g o v e r n m e n t ' s s o u r c e s o f r e v e n u e and methods o f t a x a t i o n was  n o t b r o a d and i n v e n t i v e .  Another  for  China's  the p r o h i b i t i o n i n changing  the  ancestral  emperor. increase of ies  land and  light land  t a x a t i o n was tax rate,  g o v e r n m e n t r e v e n u e was and t o e x t e n d  reason  f r o z e n by t h e K ' a n g - h s i >  Under t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s ,  taxes,  important  the only  to guarantee  taxation  way t o  collection  t o on o t h e r  commodit-  transportation.^ Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s s t a t e m e n t t h a t  t a x a t i o n was c o m p a r a t i v e l y  light  was  China's  i n accord  with  modern  s t u d i e s on t h e C h i n e s e economy. demonstrated modern t e r m s ,  that Chinese despite  Albert  t a x was  the f a c t  Teuerwerker  relatively  that  i t was  light  in  capriciously  69 administered. (li-ohin, sales  an  tax),^  Other p r a c t i c e s , internal  transit  contributed  s u c h as t h e  tax, p r o d u c t i o n tax or a  to the sources of  However, t h e c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t was 71 c o n t r o l of these sources. o b s e r v a t i o n of the Chinese This accounts  on  efficient  ability  unable  In l i g h t fiscal  f o r h i s enthusiasm  w i l l i n g n e s s and  revenue. to take  of t h i s ,  problem  was  tax a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  should  follow  ohih  t'ien-hsia  key  shih  and u s e i t t o r e g u l a t e chih ts 'ai ohih wu-kuo o u r c o u n t r y and u s e  based  taxation  that  China  example.  concept here  ohih  government's  S i n c e Japan's  engaged g r e a t s u c c e s s , Huang s u g g e s t e d  The  Huang's  t a x e s , w h i c h was  system  full  quite accurate.  f o r the M e i j i  to c o l l e c t  the Japanese  lokm  i s i t'ien-hsia  ohih  (take the w e a l t h from  ts'ai  the w o r l d  a f f a i r s i n t h e w o r l d ) and i wu-kuo ohih shih (take the w e a l t h from  i t t o manage t h e a f f a i r s  i n our  72 country).  In r e p e a t i n g  t h e o f f i c i a l s who for is  the t r a d i t i o n a l one who  minimizes  intellectuals for  tried  imposing  this  s l o g a n , Huang  to get a r e p u t a t i o n  criticized  f o r benevolence,  Chinese concept of a benevolent the burden  would accuse  of the people.  the government o f  t a x e s on a l l c o m m o d i t i e s  and  on  official  Chinese  harshness a l l kinds  76 o f a r t s and s k i l l s  that  the  On t h e o t h e r  Japanese d i d .  imperial  rendered  benevolence of l i g h t  make t h e p e o p l e e x t r e m e l y  i n c o m e , as Huang  said  hand, Huang a r g u e d  t a x a t i o n would  that the  i n turn  i n d i f f e r e n t to the national  73 revenue.  Huang's c r i t i c i s m  minimum t a x a t i o n w i l l  be d i s c u s s e d  with h i s contemporaries sufficient  of the Confucian later  h i s proposal  national  r e v e n u e by a d o p t i n g  taxation  and by e l i m i n a t i n g o f f i c i a l  again  a feature  of h i s plan  In a d v o c a t i n g overstated net.  i n a comparison  i n Chapter Three.  to point out that  ideal of  Here i t i s to  increase  the Western concept o f corruption  i s once  f o r the future o f China.  a h e a v y t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , Huang  t h e coverage o f the Japanese government's t a x  C o n f r o n t e d w i t h a l l t h e economic problems o f the  day--the l i q u i d a t i o n o f the o l d regime, the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of  t h e s a m u r a i , n a t i o n a l d e f e n s e and t h e f i n a n c i n g o f  government i n d u s t r i a l tried  i t s best  enterprises,  to c o l l e c t  as we have s e e n , t h e l a n d 80 p e r c e n t  the Japanese  taxes from v a r i o u s tax accounted  o f n a t i o n a l r e v e n u e as l a t e  t a x e s and e x c i s e  taxes d i d not play  government  sources.  f o r more a s 1882.  But,  than Consumption  any s i g n i f i c a n t  role  74 until  189 3.  I t seems t h a t Huang d i d n o t s e e t h e  relative  f r e e d o m f r o m t a x a t i o n o f J a p a n ' s commerce and  industry  as a stimulus  he  see t h a t  t o i t s development.  Neither d i d  t h e p o l i c y o f heavy t a x a t i o n on Japanese  farmers hindered The  the  development of  d i s i n c e n t i v e e f f e c t of  a n t l y d i d not question did  not  was  know t h a t  going  to  not  using  Huang g a v e an tax  reform  also neglected  taxation  later  accurate  i n 1873.  He  But  he  seem t o  recognize  the  revolutionary  kind  t o a money t a x ,  as  a way  tax  completed  t o maximize n a t i o n a l  b u r d e n was but  was  lightened  correct  un-  M e i j i governsame  way  structure, the  on  the  Meiji  M e i j i govern-  from a g r i c u l t u r e  from a tax  change f r o m a a change o f  in  barter  tax-base  Huang saw  i t only  revenues.  i n saying  a f t e r the  i n c o r r e c t i n saying  He  i t s significance:  government's revenue.  Huang was  more  i n the  maximum t a x  economy t o a m o n e t a r y economy and which s t a b i l i z e d  burden.  thought t h a t the the  change o f  the  factual report  in collecting fully  appar-  on.  ment s u c c e e d e d d i d not  tax  system, f o r the  progressive  base.  system  income d i s t r i b u t i o n w o u l d be  t h a t modern g o v e r n m e n t s d i d  land  He  shoulder the  e q u a l under a heavy t a x a t i o n ment was  agrarian  a heavy t a x a t i o n  o c c u r t o Huang.  o f who  the  tax  that  that  the  actual  rate revision in  the M e i j i land  tax  tax 1877, was  7S lighter  than the  Tokugawa l a n d  pointed  out  the  converting  that the  1873  revenue l o s s or  the  tax  land  I t has  t a x - b a s e was  Tokugawa l a n d  avoiding  tax.  tax  the  been  r e s u l t of  i n t o a money payment 7 fi  taxation rate reduction.  r e v i s i o n i n 1877  was  Though  a c t u a l l y a r e s u l t of  p e a s a n t u p r i s i n g s , Huang t o o k i t as  a benevolent act  of  78 the M e i j i  government.  to t a x a t i o n  i n Japan  he m e n t i o n e d  His impression of a lack of d i d not accord w i t h r e a l i t y .  t h e Tokugawa u p r i s i n g s  Satsuma R e b e l l i o n  opposition  i n 1877,  he  Though  i n 1873-74 and  the  considered a l l these  uprisings  77 as c o n s e r v a t i v e p e a s a n t s t h e r e were some two  resistance  hundred  t o change.  peasant  uprisings  Actually, recorded f o r  78 the f i r s t  decade o f the M e i j i Huang p i c t u r e d  t h e g o v e r n m e n t and  t o pay  t h e g o v e r n m e n t was  In h i s eyes, Japan  was  t h e new  social  good.  s y s t e m was  d i d not approve  for  revolts. spirit  i n Japan  very e f f i c i e n t  reaction  government  taxing  taxes.  system  some r e v o l t  in  occasionally,  Even c o n s e r v a t i v e o f f i c i a l s  of reforms  From t h i s ,  colour—  in collecting  t o t h e new  not shaken.  between  i n a mellow  taxes to support the  Though t h e r e was  who  public  the economic r e l a t i o n s h i p  the people  p e o p l e were w i l l i n g and  period.  d i d n o t blame t h e  Huang saw  o f the Japanese,  government  the p a t r i o t i s m  and  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which  t h o u g h t were t h e d u t y o f p e o p l e  to c u l t i v a t e  and  he  should  79 be was  aroused on  fore,  i n China.  the maximization the s o c i a l  especially invisible  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  focus  o f the government r e v e n u e s ,  aspects of Japanese  agrarian distress, to  major  economic  development,  seems t o h a v e b e e n  largely  him.  Among t h e v a r i o u s t a x e s d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s Huang p a i d  there-  special  attention  connection with foreign  t o t h o s e w h i c h had  countries,  section,  some  s u c h as M a r i t i m e  customs.  79 He  emphasized  the  t h e r o l e o f government  J a p a n e s e government  and d e m o n s t r a t e d  used i n t e r n a t i o n a l  how  law t o r e c o v e r  80 Japanese r i g h t s . strongly was a  a d v o c a t e d the use o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l  a l r e a d y known t o t h e C h i n e s e .  Western  the  From h i s d i p l o m a t i c e x p e r i e n c e ,  He  stressed  unequal t r e a t i e s  the e x p l o i t a t i v e  legal  reform.  t h a t t h e Japanese government  politically necessary  capable of e s t a b l i s h i n g  legal  activities. of  and  the l e g a l  nature of the to revise  Huang t r i e d was  them  t o demon-  ideologically  and  and g u a r a n t e e i n g t h e  framework t o p r o t e c t n a t i v e  The J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t system t o a v o i d  i t was  f o r defense against  and showed J a p a n ' s e f f o r t  through p o l i t i c a l  which  thought that  device of considerable value  West.  strate  He  law,  Huang  commercial  knew how  the e x p l o i t a t i o n  t o make u s e and c o m p e t i t -  81 ion  o f t h e West.  ment o f a l e g a l of  He  t h e r e f o r e advocated the  system which would  extra-territoriality,  permit the  unequal t r e a t i e s  and  establish-  eradication illegal  economic  c o m p e t i t i o n w h i c h were t h e g r e a t e s t b l e m i s h e s on  national  sovereignty.  legal  r e f o r m as a It  revision of  he  considered  quo.  that  Huang d i s c u s s e d  treaty  i n t h e T r e a t i s e on Food and Money u n d e r  taxation.  I t seems t h a t  benefit  he r e c o g n i z e d  treaty  the  unable to produce r e s u l t s  t h e economy.  Actually,  title  revision  weapon, b u t he d i d n o t seem t o r e a l i z e  J a p a n e s e e f f o r t was  would  pro  i s noteworthy  as an e c o n o m i c the  quid  In o t h e r words,  that  which  the attempt of the  80 Meiji  government t o r e v i s e  the  t r e a t i e s was  i n d i c a t i o n o f d i p l o m a t i c v i g o u r , and r e v i s i o n or  avoidance  f r o m t h e West. until  d i d not  of e x p l o i t a t i o n  Japan d i d not  only  and  achieve  an  result  competition  tariff  autonomy  1891.  3.  N a t i o n a l Budget Huang p a i d g r e a t e s t a t t e n t i o n t o J a p a n ' s  s y s t e m and to  f i n a n c i a l management.  He  devoted  d i s c u s s i n g t h e n a t i o n a l b u d g e t and  and  in  currency,  concerns  of  w h i c h he  li-ts'ai  considered  chih  tao  (The  three sections  the n a t u r a l  t o be  the  fiscal  debt  essential  b a s i c way  t o manage  82 finance ). budgetary  He  enthusiastically  s y s t e m w h i c h had  i.e.  final  should  estimate  detailed it  estimate,  list  the  A  t o Huang, c o n s i s t e d o f  two  to the p u b l i c .  of The  balance annual  At the calculate  announce t h e b a l a n c e collecting income and  and  (yosan  ch'ueh-suan  expenditure  The  i n Japanese, government  n a t i o n a l income i n c l u d i n g  end  of revenues, of the  and  fiscal  the expenditures  sheet  spending  i n Japanese, i . e .  {kessan  account).  of various kinds  government s h o u l d and  the  Western  Japan.  m a j o r p a r t s , t h a t i s , t h e yu-suan and  the  b e e n a d o p t e d by  n a t i o n a l budget, a c c o r d i n g  budget estimates)  advocated  the  carefully  the revenues i s very  i n c r e a s e b e y o n d t h e b u d g e t , and  announce  year,  to the people.  are of a f i x e d  a  T h i s method systematic.  amount: t h e r e  theoretically,  no  misuse  i s no  81 of and  revenue. accounts  The g o v e r n m e n t t a k e t a x e s  t o them how t h e money i s u s e d .  of  announcing  to  regulate the c i v a l  trust to  from  The a d v a n t a g e s  t h e n a t i o n a l b u d g e t and b a l a n c e  sheet are  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t o ensure  between t h e r u l i n g  avoid o f f i c i a l  the people,  and t h e r u l e d ,  mutual  and, above a l l ,  g r a f t and e x t o r t i o n .  He went one s t e p  f u r t h e r , m a k i n g a d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e e x p e n d i t u r e o f 83 the  imperial  f a m i l y and t h e government.  Huang's a d v o c a c y  of establishing a  n a t i o n a l b u d g e t was i n a c c o r d a n c e a heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . only i f the people own b e n e f i t ,  with h i s suggestion of  E x t e n s i v e t a x a t i o n was  knew t h e i r  he e m p h a s i z e d .  for their  He t h o u g h t  i t was t h e  Japanese government t o cope w i t h  that  t h a t had e n a b l e d t h e  increased state  diture during the early M e i j i  period.  in  of national  Japanese procedures  possible  t a x e s were u s e d  a d o p t i o n o f Western b u d j e t a r y system  detail  symmetric  expen-  Huang d e s c r i b e d b u d g e t and  b a l a n c e s , and t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e K a i k e i - k e n s a - i n ( I n s p e c t i n g Agency o f P u b l i c six  Finance).  t a b l e s o f the Japanese balance  He f u r t h e r  listed  including  annual  sheet,  income and e x p e n d i t u r e , a n d n a t i o n a l d e b t s fiscal for  form  year to the t h i r t e e n t h year o f M e i j i , . 84 China. Looking back t o C h i n a ,  ment t a x e s were v e r y  lenient,  he s a i d  the f i r s t  a s a n example  that Ch'ing  govern-  b u t s i n c e t h e r e were a l l  kinds of malpractices, the people  d i d not b e n e f i t  from  82 them.  He p o i n t e d o u t t h a t  national and  i f the f i g u r e s o f the annual  income a n d how i t was p u t t o u s e were made  the annual  b a l a n c e was p u b l i s h e d , t h e n  w o u l d be more w i l l i n g  t o pay t a x e s .  public,  the people  Publication  a l s o had  t h e a d v a n t a g e o f p r e v e n t i n g b r i b e r y , w h i c h was s o common 85 in  nineteenth-century  China.  A l b e r t Feuerwerker no  composite  pointed out that  b u d g e t o f income a n d e x p e n d i t u r e  t h e r e was i n nineteenth-  86 century fiscal range  China.  He f u r t h e r  s y s t e m was i n e l a s t i c operations.  suggested  and was o r i e n t e d  The w e i g h t  of traditional  made i t i n c a p a b l e o f r e s p o n d i n g The  Meiji  quickly  China, fiscal  the Chinese to shortpractices  t o emergency n e e d s .  g o v e r n m e n t was a b l e t o i n t r o d u c e a modern b u d g e t  because t h e major revenue s o u r c e s , - - t h e control  that  under a c e n t r a l i z e d  government.  t h e C h ' i n g g o v e r n m e n t was u n a b l e 87 sources of the country.  l a n d t a x was i n Whereas i n to control  a l l the  83 Huang was  incorrect  i n suggesting  b a l a n c e h e r b u d g e t b e c a u s e J a p a n was the M e i j i in  government  the e a r l y  succeed  years.  practising  Not u n t i l  i n balancing  P r o b a b l y Huang was budget  was  1885  so overwhelmed  Japanese government's  failure  the economic  i s simply  rather  4.  He  in detail by i s s u i n g  how  administration,  i s an i n s t r u m e n t o f  kuo-tsai  Huang system. future fiscal  policy.  ( N a t i o n a l Debt)  ( D o m e s t i c Loan) and  i n t h e West w h i c h  degree of  faced  the  t o a c h i e v e a b a l a n c e d budget.  thought t h a t n a t i o n a l  success.  Huang r e c o g n i z e d government  idea of a  Debt  categories: nei-kuo-tsai  common p r a c t i c e  basis.  an e s t i m a t e o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s  Huang c l a s s i f i e d  (Foreign Loan).  system  government  by t h e n o v e l  than the essence of the  National  a certain  d i d the  fact  budget  f u n c t i o n o f a budget  e x p e n d i t u r e and r e v e n u e , and policy  a deficit  In  from c r i t i c i z i n g  I n a d v o c a t i n g a modern f i n a n c i a l  A budget  doing so.  should  t h e b u d g e t on a f i r m m o n e t a r y  s y s t e m t h a t he r e f r a i n e d  overemphasized  that China  wai-kuo-tsai  l o a n was  a  the Japanese adopted w i t h  the f i n a n c i a l  problems  that  the o l d regime.  t h e Japanese government bonds.  two  8 8  in liquidating  government  into  I n 1876,  solved  the He  Meiji  described  the problem  the annual  rice  s t i p e n d s o f t h e s a m u r a i and daimyo were c o n v e r t e d a t a  84 fixed  rate  years.  into  interest-bearing  bonds m a t u r i n g  A p a r t o f t h e huge d o m e s t i c also paid  debt of the  and  han was  i n government bonds.  how  t h e g o v e r n m e n t i s s u e d bonds m a t u r i n g  through the F i f t e e n t h N a t i o n a l expenditures r e s u l t i n g He  a l s o mentioned  in  1870  and  t h e two  foreign  11,713,000 i n 1873.  i n a table  liquidation.  illustrate  listing He  twenty  Bakufu  Huang  described  i n twenty  Bank t o pay  t h e 1877  amounts o f n a t i o n a l d e b t ,  loans, of  and  from  in  years  o f f the  Satsuma  military  Rebellion.  l o a n s o f 4,880,000 y e n He  classified  including  the i n t e r e s t  compiled another  the  domestic r a t e and  two  and the  tables  t h e r a t e o f i n c r e a s e and d e c r e a s e o f  items foreign time  to national 89  d e b t and  t h e a n n u a l payment o f o u t s t a n d i n g d e b t s . Huang t h o u g h t  to  national  practice. the  debt. After  t h e r e were a d v a n t a g e s  F o r Huang, b o r r o w i n g a l l , t h e d e b t s had  n a t i o n a l revenue  and  shoulder the tax burden. not that  be  incurred  i t was  one  military  and  t o cope w i t h i n t e r n a l and  difficulty.,  The  other  desirable  o f f from had  to  debt should  alternatives  government might c o n s i d e r  i n c a s e o f emergency, s u c h a s r a i s i n g  for  famines  t o be p a i d  t h e p e o p l e who  u n l e s s t h e r e were no  drawbacks  not a  Therefore, a national  c o u l d ward o f f d i s a s t e r .  incurring  was  and  expenditure to guard  natural  unrest.  against Or,  money  foreign aggression  i n t h e case.,of  c a l a m i t i e s when t h e p e o p l e were i n  the government might  borrow a g a i n s t  the  future  85 to the  relieve  the c o u n t r y from  Satsuma r e b e l l i o n  i n m i n d , Huang t h o u g h t  g o v e r n m e n t had made f u l l the  reason f o r i n c u r r i n g shih t a - l i initial  (Initial  start  and m i n i n g  a c c o r d i n g t o Huang, a n o t h e r a national  the  necessary c a p i t a l ,  benefit not  it.  legitimate  i n Great P r o f i t ) .  foreseeing and  The  land reclamation  that  to  large  outlay.  generate profits  the p e o p l e would  Investment  only f o r kung-i  Meiji  i s , for ching-  i n c u r a n a t i o n a l debt  i n the f u t u r e ,  from  the  a t r e m e n d o u s amount o f c a p i t a l  government c o u l d  yielded  debt, t h a t  i n r a i l w a y , waterworks,  The  be  that  emergency.^  Investment  required  Keeping  u s e o f t h i s method i n r e l i e v i n g  c o u n t r y from f i n a n c i a l T h e r e was,  imminent d i s a s t e r .  would  greatly  i n such e s t a b l i s h m e n t s  (public b e n e f i t ) ,  but would  was  also  91 facilitate  development  o f t h e economy.  Huang c o n s i d e r e d e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t important Japan's for  cause  foreign  borrowing  l o a n o f 4,880,000 y e n  the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the r a i l w a y  Yokohama was the  f o r domestic  little  was  for military used  t h e most  against  the  future.  contracted i n  between Tokyo But  1870  and  i n China,  the C h ' i n g government c o n t r a c t e d and  indemnity purposes. 92  for industrial  A l t h o u g h t h e r e was stood  t o be  an o b v i o u s example o f t h i s .  f o r e i g n debts which  were m o s t l y  In o t h e r words,  the concept of c a p i t a l  Very  purposes.  no  indication  that  formation or s o c i a l  i n v e s t m e n t s , he n e v e r t h e l e s s was  aware o f t h e  Huang  under-  overhead  relationship  86 between f i n a n c e and  economic development.  Huang  thought  that capital  formation through i n c u r r i n g  could  the people's concern f o r the f u t u r e of  arouse  country.  Domestic  loans a l s o demonstrated  t r u s t between t h e g o v e r n m e n t and consequently noting loan  that  national  a  i n 1898  was  first  i t s people which  attempt  to f l o a t  not s u c c e s s f u l because  their  mutual  t i e them t o g e t h e r f i n a n c i a l l y . China's  debt  would  I t i s worth a public  t h e r e was  domestic  little  93 public  c o n f i d e n c e i n the C h ' i n g government.  attempt  to transfer  the Japanese  Huang's  experience to China  be r e a l i z e d  o n l y i f t h e C h i n e s e g o v e r n m e n t had  credability  as the M e i j i  The Meiji  more s i g n i f i c a n t  c r e a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l debt and  capitalization  function on  bonds had into  fund through  i n b r e a k i n g down t h e f e u d a l  the e f f e c t  utilization  bankers,  and  early  a  The  debt-guarantee revolutionary  l i m i t a t i o n s imposed 94 of c a p i t a l .  of converting landlords  s t o c k h o l d e r s and  means o f f o r c e d  i n the  t h a n Huang i m a g i n e d .  of pensions performed  t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n and  t h e same  government.  meaning o f t h e n a t i o n a l d e b t  p e r i o d was  could  National  and  usurers  thus f u n c t i o n e d  sayings for i n d u s t r i a l  as a 95  investment.  I n t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l d e b t s , Huang was He  particularly argued  that  sensitive  foreign  t o f o r e i g n economic  l o a n s were d a n g e r o u s  being of a country, c i t i n g  Turkey  and  Egypt  control.  to the as  well-  examples.  87 Though i t m i g h t s e c u r e for  the  losing  fortunes  the  concern of a wealthy  of a poorer  one,  the  i t s n a t i o n a l independence.  foreign  l o a n s were h e l p f u l o n l y  country  l a t t e r m i g h t end  Huang b e l i e v e d  i n the  short run  up  by  that  and  that  96 they b e n e f i t e d was  only  the  f o r e i g n e r s i n the  than the p o s s i b l e b e n e f i t of  and  investment.  capital  d e b t s c o u l d be i t was  t h a t was  A l t h o u g h he  u s u a l l y too  a striking  out  the  phenomenon i n M e i j i  and  f o r e i g n i n v e s t m e n t t o a minimum.  want t h e m a j o r segments o f The  Meiji  their  the  West.  "economic n a t i o n a l i s m " largely 5.  J a p a n be  Huang was  avoiding  and  ing the  capital  growth.  foreign leaders  deeply  loans  turned  loans did  as  not  a means  i n t o an  i m p r e s s e d by  economic  Japanese  government  indebtedness.  Currency  Huang g a v e a d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t o f t h e currency  thought  risk.  foreign  p r a i s e d the M e i j i  foreign  loans  economy c o n t r o l l e d by  government b a r e d  of economic development l e s t of  The  national  he  economic  amount o f  He  that international  the  absence of  Japanese government kept the  colony  felt  dangerous to take  The  foreigners.  foreign  good u n d e r c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s ,  Huang p o i n t e d  for  run.  more c o n c e r n e d a b o u t e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e and  sovereignty  that  long  inflation  i n Japan.  He  f o r m e r p r i c e s o f g o l d and  listed silver  chaotic  four tables i n c l u d currency,  the  88 c o m p a r i s o n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n silver  and c o p p e r c u r r e n c y ,  copper currency  o f t h e newly i s s u e d g o l d ,  t h e volume o f g o l d , s i l v e r and  and a t a b l e on t h e volume o f p a p e r money  97 circulation.  However, t h e r e  made u s e o f t h e s e  statistics  i s no i n d i c a t i o n  f o r quantative  t h a t he  analysis.  Huang was s h o c k e d by t h e o u t r a g e o u s i n f l a t i o n i n Japan.  The p r o b l e m , a s he saw i t , was t h e e x c e s s i v e  i s s u a n c e o f paper c u r r e n c y . discussion of the merits  He l a u n c h e d  and e v i l s  o f paper  P a p e r money made i t p o s s i b l e t o m a i n t a i n programs, suppress  the r e b e l l i o n ,  into  a vigorous  currency.  t h e new  strengthen  reform  t h e navy and  army, r e g u l a t e t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e s a m u r a i a r i s t o c r a c y and initiate  t e l e g r a p h s , r a i l w a y s and mining  the other created and  hand, t h e e x c e s s i v e  financial  payment w o u l d detrimental  I t caused  price  of specie  t o t h e n a t i o n a l economic  w h i c h was 98  development.  I n Huang's o p i n i o n , p a p e r money was a  gold,  silver  be i s s u e d o n l y t o t h e t o t a l  and c o p p e r i n t h e c o u n t r y .  confusion of currency and  inflation,  The a d v a n c e b a l a n c e o f  increase the outflow  device, but should  On  i s s u a n c e o f p a p e r money  difficulties.  increased f o r e i g n imports.  industry.  convenient value of  He d e s c r i b e d t h e  and m a r k e t t r a n s a c t i o n s i n r u r a l  s t r e s s e d t h a t p a p e r money s h o u l d  Japan  be b a c k e d up by t h e  99 national of  bank.  Huang was c o n c e r n e d  about t h e o u t f l o w  s p e c i e , w h i c h was a l s o a m a j o r p r o b l e m i n C h i n a .  He  89 maintained  that specie  (hard c u r r e n c y )  as a s t a n d a r d w i t h i n t h e c o u n t r y , and allowed  to leave the country  should  silver  preserved  that i t should  i n f o r e i g n t r a d e . "'"^  disapproval of exporting precious metals f o r a g o l d and  be  standard  probably  and  not  be  Huang's  his desire  echoed  the  opinions  of Japan's l e a d e r s . The chaotic copper  currency  situation  i n China  i n the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y — a standard  Huang d i d n o t  in  extremely  bimetallic  silver-  c o r - e x i s t e d w i t h m u l t i p l e l o c a l currencies."'"  recommend J a p a n ' s e x c e s s i v e  money, however, he currency  was  advocated  the  issues of  establishment  of a  paper unified  China.  Huang a l s o a d v o c a t e d  the  establishment  of  a  102 national  bank, -but d i s c u s s e d t h i s  q u a s i - o f f i c i a l banking the  institutions  i d e a t h a t government s h o u l d  bank management and banking  control  the p r o f i t .  the  government.  system i n m o d e r n i z a t i o n — c h a n n e l i n g funds—was  Huang, he  nevertheless recognized  not  fully  important  limited  "model"  leading  f u n c t i o n of savings  t o the n a t i v e banks.  China 103  understood  was  the  and by  i t s significance.  system i n n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y  entirely  the  him  examine  Japan's  Though t h e  industrial  The  Japan gave  s u p e r v i s e and  providing  banking  in Meiji  systems r e i n f o r c e d h i s emphasis o f  r o l e p l a y e d by banking  only b r i e f l y .  The  almost  In l i g h t  of  the  r o l e o f modern f o r e i g n b a n k s i n f i n a n c i n g i n t e r -  ikc±  9 0  t r a d e , Huang a d v o c a t e d I t h e C h i n e s e / A p r o m o t e a modern b a n k i n g system. national  6.  Foreign In  nized  104 Trade  h i s discussion of foreign  t h e major economic problem  between i m p o r t s silver balance  government t o  t r a d e , Huang  o f the day--the  recog-  imbalance  and e x p o r t s and t h e o u t f l o w o f g o l d and  to foreign countries.  He r e g a r d e d  o f t r a d e as an "economic l e a k "  was d r a i n e d away f r o m  the adverse  \»yj  which  wealth  the country.  Huang a t t r u b u t e d J a p a n ' s e c o n o m i c weakness t o the adverse  effects of foreign  under t h e unequal  treaty  t r a d e a s i t had  tariffs.  developed  With these  advantages,  t h e West had come t o d o m i n a t e J a p a n ' s d o m e s t i c manufactured traditional  c o m m o d i t i e s and had e f f e c t i v e l y handicraft  industries,  market f o r  undermined  as i t was  alleged to  have done i n C h i n a . Huang's o p i n i o n r e g a r d i n g f o r e i g n that  imports  import  and e x p o r t s must be b a l a n c e d .  substitution  European, t h a t  as a t r a d e p o l i c y  i s , the defense  trade  He d e s c r i b e d  practised  o f t h e economy  at  home e v e r y t h i n g e s s e n t i a l  of  home p r o d u c t s by i m p o s i t i o n o f h i g h i m p o r t  another  f o r the nation.  t r a d e p o l i c y w h i c h was  not f e a s i b l e 107  since China's  tariff  was  fixed.  was  by t h e  by p r o d u c i n g Protection d u t i e s was  to China,  Huang e x p l a i n e d of  the  excess of  W e s t e r n i z a t i o n of p u b l i c  stimulated  the  condemned t h e to  the  importation absence of  a balance of  were l u x u r i e s . Huang d i d  not  trade.  of  luxury  tariff  was  goods.  the  any  He  a  result  which more  strongly  a major  obstacle  g o o d s , i n Huang's e y e s ,  a traditional  concede t h a t play  i n Japan,  autonomy as  A l l foreign  This  machineries, could  tastes  i m p o r t s as  import  Chinese  trade,  positive role  view.  other  i n the  than  national  economy. Huang's d e s c r i p t i o n of the  necessity  create  f o r the  foreign  to  i m p o r t s by and  also  Huang was facilities the  foreign  the  by  first  to  well  import  1873  the  t r a i n i n g and invention.  Vienna  advertising  Japanese products.  and  industries  need t o  a system of He  regarded as  J a p a n e s e an After  imports.''"  establsih  an  incentives Japan's important  Exposition  t r a d e promotion abroad  to observe European manufacturers.  the  excess  to balance  International  I t gave t h e  to  substitution  i n international expositions The  domestic  c o u n t e r - b a l a n c e the  aware o f  of  Huang p r a i s e d  promoting exports  encouragement o f  undertaking.  goods.  promoting  for technical  participation  import  awareness  e s t a b l i s h i n g v i a b l e manufacturing  alternatives  industries  was  destructive  M e i j i government t o . r e g a i n  Japanese government's e f f o r t  for  the  f o r e i g n m a n u f a c t u r e d goods r e f l e c t e d an  m a r k e t s by  of  of  for  opportunity the  exposition,  Japanese o f f i c i a l s see  how  travelled  throughout  Europeans manufactured  Following  these  engineers  and  initial  students  and  missions,  the  continent  marketed t h e i r soldiers,  went a b r o a d  to  products.  businessmen,  to acquire  specialized  knowledge. Huang was  also perspicacious  i n observing  the  failure  of Japanese small businessmen i n c o m p e t i t i o n  foreign  traders  Shimada-gumi as foreign  out  t h a t the  partly  in  business  and  skills  still  followed  management and f o r the  trade.  cited  Ono-gumi  new  I t has  by  widespread  the  experience  partly  industries.''"''"''"  already  of  the  efforts  of  Japanese  lack of  capital  Japanese merchants  f o r e i g n merchants i n both import  to the  in  business  because of  A l t h o u g h Huang r e c o g n i z e d  gave c r e d i t  and  e a r l y mushrooming a p p e a r a n c e  because of  were o u t n u m b e r e d by export  He  f a c e d bankruptcy."*""^  e n t e r p r i s e s was  failures,  early years.  examples among J a p a n e s e f i r m s engaged  t r a d e who  been p o i n t e d new  i n the  with  this  of commercial  fact,  and he  organizations  112 in  trying  t o compete w i t h Huang was  the  deeply  foreigners.  impressed with  a s s o c i a t i o n s of 113  Japanese merchants d u r i n g was  a c u t e l y aware o f t h e  Confucian China  official  to the  or the  h i s sojourn  xn J a p a n .  inadaptibility  of e i t h e r  activity  the  t r a d i t i o n a l merchant c l a s s i n  r i s k - t a k i n g , decision-making,  entrepreneurial  He  w h i c h was  the  innovating  b a s i c motor  of  economic development  i n Western Europe.  T h e r e f o r e , he  enthusiastically  advocated " c o l l e c t i v e  meant t h e u n i t e d  force of the people i n cooperation  the  power," by w h i c h he  government. In h i s a p p r a i s a l o f t h e Japanese  vigorous e f f o r t s  t o compete  government's  with the foreigners  i n trade,  Huang made some i n v o l u n t a r y m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . matter o f f a c t , by t h e M e i j i  the f i r s t  government  m e r c h a n t s combined in  with  t h e 1880's.  ing  commercial companies  were a f a i l u r e ,  successfully  t o upset  of p u t t i n g  organized  but Japanese f o r e i g n monopolies  M o r e o v e r , Huang d i d n o t c l a r i f y  and f u n c t i o n o f t h e m e r c h a n t s ' g u i l d s .  Kaigishowhich  As a  he m e n t i o n e d , was o r g a n i z e d p r e s s u r e on t h e government  t h e mean-  The  Shoho  f o r the purpose  f o r r e v i s i o n of the  , . .. 114 unequal t r e a t i e s . I n summary, Huang was p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h h i s c o n c e r n o v e r t h e b a l a n c e o f payments that  i n foreign  trade.  He  t h e d i s r u p t i v e wedge o f t h e West i n t h e E a s t  trade,  realized was  t o w h i c h b o t h C h i n a and J a p a n were o p e n e d w i d e by  commercial  treaties  He r e c o g n i z e d  t r u s t on them by t h e W e s t e r n  t h e economic  and t h e o u t f l o w o f s p e c i e ,  powers.  consequences o f excess o f imports b u t he n e g l e c t e d  consequences o f the d e t e r i o r a t i o n  the s o c i a l  o f some p e a s a n t s ' l i v e l i -  hood c a u s e d by t h e d e c l i n e o f r u r a l  handicraft  industries.  However, he d i d g r a p p l e w i t h some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  o f Japan's  foreign  trade.  J a p a n was  as an i n d e p e n d e n t capital.  faced with  power a g a i n s t t h e menace o f f o r e i g n  I t was a r a c e t o o v e r t a k e  nations with  Western  and armaments, and  i n d e p e n d e n c e were a t  J a p a n had t o e n t e r t h e r a c e w i t h a h a n d i c a p  tariff half  t h e advanced  t h e i r machines, technology  J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c and e v e n p o l i t i c a l stake.  a struggle f o r existence  fixed  by t h e u n e q u a l  treaty  of a  system which l a s t e d f o r  a century.  7.  National  Products  Huang l i s t e d with d e t a i l e d  the major n a t i o n a l  explanation i n the f i r s t  t h e T r e a t i s e on P r o d u c t s ,  resources  half  half  treatise.  rare tributary  Instead of l i s t i n g Chinese  (chiian 33) o f  and b r o k e them down a c c o r d i n g t o  each p r e f e c t u r e i n the second  the t r a d i t i o n a l  i n Japan  (chiian 39) o f t h e . products  as  g a z e t t e e r s d i d , Huang l i s t e d a l l 116  items  produced  and consumed i n t h e l o c a l i t y .  In t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t s , f o c u s e d on t h o s e m a r k e t a b l e  items  sugar,  copper,  craft  rice,  dried  products.  foreign  seafood,  such  and  iron,  Huang was p a r t i c u l a r l y  t r a d e , s o he p a i d s p e c i a l  zinc,  export  certainly  caught  Huang's  i n export  attention.  and  to s i l k  items  The J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t ' s e x t e n s i v e  t e c h n o l o g i c a l improvements  tea, cotton,  concerned  attention  t e a , w h i c h were t h e most i m p o r t a n t 1880.  as s i l k ,  Huang  handiwith and  around  promotion  industries  Huang t h o u g h t of and  payments r a t h e r t h a n  o f t r a d e i n terms o f the i n terms o f the m a r k e t i n g  d i s t r i b u t i o n o f goods.  enriching  t h e c o u n t r y by  He  This i s a typical  as we  discuss later  of  products  c o n s i d e r e d t r a d e a means o f  increasing  revenue. will  balance  the  government's  ching-shih  i n Chapter  way III.  of  thinking,  Huang d i d n o t  see  t h e f u n c t i o n o f t r a d e as t h e J a p a n e s e d i d , i . e . e x p o r t -  ing  raw  m a t e r i a l s and  m a c h i n e r y and capacity  domestic  technology  h a n d i c r a f t s and  so as t o i n c r e a s e t h e p r o d u c t i v e  of the country.  -  A g a i n Huang e m p h a s i z e d d i r e c t t h e government i n i n i t i a t i o n , The  government a l s o  i n d u s t r y and  importing  promotion  took a c t i o n  commerce by  l e a d e r s h i p from and  protection.  i n promoting  establishing  agriculture,  s c h o o l s and  model  117 factories.  He  cited  t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t by  ment o f t h e T o m i o k a s i l k French  technical  factory  founded  w i t h the a i d of  reeling  a i d , and by  and  technology.  the e f f o r t s  reeling  o f f i c i a l o f t h e M a e b a s h i domain  t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s e n c o u r a g e m e n t and industry  govern-  i n 187 0 w i t h  of the Maebashi s i l k  a former  Italian  factory  the  He  was  impressed  a s s i s t a n c e to the  t o improve the q u a l i t y  of  with silk  the  product. Huang was ment's e f f o r t  also very  i n carrying  impressed  by  the M e i j i  out market r e s e a r c h .  government a p p o i n t e d c o n s u l a t e s i n Shanghai,  The  governJapanese  Tientsin,  Amoy,  96 London, S i n g a p o r e ,  Marseilles,  V l a d i v o s t o c k , New Y o r k and  San  F r a n c i s c o t o r e p o r t on c o m m e r c i a l  out  f o r e i g n t a s t e s and t o a d a p t p r o d u c t i o n A  1  1  activities,  t o sound  to foreign  9  needs. Huang seemed t o a g r e e w i t h J a p a n ' s p o l i c y o f national mercantilism. war  He t h o u g h t  i n which each p a r t y t r i e d  profit. ready  In case  that foreign trade  is a  to monopolize the source o f  o f emergency, t h e g o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d be  t o b a c k up n a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c c o m p e t i t i o n  with  119 power. The it,  success  o f J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t , a s Huang saw  was i n c o n t r o l l i n g  "sources  of profit"  agriculture, resources  li-yuan  i n d u s t r y and t r a d e , o p e n i n g  from underground;  Huang r e g a r d e d  profitable overseas.  of p r o f i t .  source,  mines t o g a i n  i n short, a l l sources Among  a l l these  a d d i t i o n a l wealth  to the nation  o f f o r e i g n t r a d e would warships  the M e i j i  that  from  E x p o r t a t i o n was t h e m a j o r means t o a c h i e v e  profit  in  that could  f o r e i g n t r a d e t o be t h e most  w h i c h was t h e b a s i s o f n a t i o n a l s t r e n g t h .  that  new  "sources o f  wealth  maintain  The  i n c l u d e d an i n c r e a s e o f p r o d u c t i o n i n  increase n a t i o n a l wealth. profit,"  sources  regard.  and m i l i t a r y  The  i n t u r n h e l p t o b u i l d and power.  g o v e r n m e n t had a c h i e v e d  Huang  thought  considerable  success  97 8.  Crafts The  and  treatise  also  a traditional  term  "kung-i"  and of  fabrics, papers,  s c i e n c e and  his  hsueh  in fact  he  k n o w l e d g e were b e n e f i c i a l development o f n a t u r a l n a t i o n a l wealth;  in  skills  swords,  of  The  traditional  brassware,  fans, stationary,  and  importance  paintings, Huang medicine  the  of  i n t h e West.  t e c h n o l o g y and  to the people's  discussion  hsing-hsia According to  specialized livelihood;  daily  necessities.  power l a y i n s c i e n c e and  The  secret  literati  and  government."'"^  s c i e n c e " i n C h i n a t o empty t a l k  discrimination  against artisans.  Chinese  scholars  was  o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t d e p a r t m e n t s  one  dynasty.  that  In l a t e r  t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f Works  times, i n t e l l e c t u a l s  m e t a p h y s i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s and  of  t e c h n o l o g y , w h i c h were  Huang a s s i g n e d t h e f a u l t o f i n s u f f i c i e n t "material  the  resources; m i l i t a r y strength;  t h e s e r v i c e o f i n d u s t r y and  ment o f  is  technology.  ("Material Science")  and  chih)  gazetteers.  even e n t e r e d i n t o  o b s e r v a t i o n , widespread  wealth  (kung-i  category to include  Huang p o i n t e d o u t t h e chih  arts  a l l sorts of miscellaneous items.  t h e meaning o f t h i s  agriculture;  and  t o t h e a r t s and  lacquerware, and  crafts  category i n Chinese  s u c h as s i l k  jade c a r v i n g broadened  on  referred  handicrafts porcelain,  Arts  regarded  He  developof  the  reminded  (Kung-pu)  i n the  Chou  indulged i n  the p r a c t i c a l  arts  98  as b a s e and u n w o r t h y . the ancient shih-.hsueh  "crafts  He l a m e n t e d t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f  and a r t s "  ("practical  w h i c h he t h o u g h t  knowledge").  Huang a d v o c a t e d t h e  c o m b i n a t i o n and c o o p e r a t i o n o f b r a i n attitude and  toward t e c h n o l o g y ,  fang("imitation");  that  embodied  and hand, a n d a new  i s , a new  hsueh ("study") A the study o f Western  particularly  12 technology  i n a g r i c u l t u r e , m i n i n g , i n d u s t r y a n d commerce. While advocating  and an open a t t i t u d e  t h e development o f technology  toward i t .  Huang e m p h a s i z e d  the a d o p t i o n o f Western technology  should  that  not involve 122  c h a n g i n g human r e l a t i o n s h i p s Huang a p p a r e n t l y of  industrial  d i d not observe the s o c i a l  development  self-strengtheners t'i-yung  i n the Confucian  formula,  i n Japan.  i n China,  consequences  He seems, l i k e  t o have t r i e d  i n social  government's  leadership.  Huang gave c r e d i t He s a i d  that  be b o r r o w e d  structure.  In h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l of Japan's a g r i c u l t u r e ,  most  to apply the  assuming t e c h n o l o g y c o u l d  and a p p l i e d w i t h o u t much change  system.  improvement  to the M e i j i  the Japanese  p e a s a n t s were c o n s e r v a t i v e and s t u c k t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c u s t o m s and methods w h i c h were handed and e v e n t h o u s a n d s o f y e a r s . the government agriculture,  After  down f o r h u n d r e d s the Restoration,  s e t up a b u r e a u f o r t h e p r o m o t i o n o f  e s t a b l i s h e d b o t a n i c g a r d e n s and e x p e r i m e n t a l  farms, and announced Hence t h e w h o l e  and s p r e a d new methods t o t h e p e o p l e . 123 scene i n a g r i c u l t u r e changed.  99 From t h e a b o v e d i s c u s s i o n , only  offered  a partial  velopment.  silk  industry  technique;  as  part  was  F o r . e x a m p l e , new  the governmental s t r u c t u r e .  to  s e e some m a j o r  ment, and he was characteristics  was  very  economic  able  to group t o g e t h e r  financial  The d i s c u s s i o n  Huang was  a s p e c t o f the M e i j i economic national  specific topics revenue  development.  b u d g e t and  discussion  of currency  system; the d i s c u s s i o n  he  most i n t e r e s t e d i n  i n t o the category of f i s c a l  up  towards  His s e l e c t i o n of  debt f a l l s  cerned with  development,  h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h government  of taxation,  In h i s  a p r o b l e m - a p p r o a c h , and  i . e . oriented  and p r o b l e m s .  and e c o n o m i c management. the  Huang managed  some o f t h e  o f t h e e a r l y M e i j i economic  "issue-oriented,"  also reflects  appendages  problems of the M e i j i govern-  more o r l e s s c h o o s i n g  issues  and as  Nevertheless,  only  and m i n i n g  o f Japanese economic development.  analysis  Huang was  economic  improvement  railways  enterprises  of  economic  were m e n t i o n e d  of the m i l i t a r y establishment; as government  de-  technology i n  m e n t i o n e d m e r e l y a s an  s h i p y a r d s and a r s e n a l s  were m e n t i o n e d  Huang  a n a l y s i s o f Japanese economic  as a w h o l e .  of  partial  can see t h a t  Nowhere d o e s Huang's t r e a t i s e d i s c u s s  development the  we  national  p o l i c y ; the  and b a n k i n g i s r e l a t e d t o t h e  monetary  of f o r e i g n  con-  the government's  trade  some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t v a r i a b l e s  trade  i s primarily  policy.  Huang  o f economic  picked  development  100 but  he  failed  the  following  together  and  to  see  the  s e c t i o n , we construct  his  images w i t h t h e  C.  Between Image and  The Treatise the so  on  that  one  and  in  Crafts  there  the  desired  a national  industrial unity  goals  basis  compare  Treatise  Arts  are  on  and  and ambiguous,  when we  would c a l l  past.  "economic  bring  The  development."  M e i j i government Meiji society  s o c i e t y had  nationalism.  capable of  appeared  the  economic a  a  few  government  cooperated  Hence, f o r C h i n a ,  economy r e s t i n g on  a  evinced  a phenomenon composed o f  the  close  i n Huang's e y e s , was  E s s e n t i a l l y , i n Japan,  of  the  Products  scattered But  in  b e g i n s t o emerge s o m e t h i n g v e r y  f o r c e " of  the  to  ideas  Discrepancies  to g e n e r a l i z e .  J a p a n as  achieve  picture  Huang T s u n - h s i e n a n a l y z e d  elements. "united  Huang's  interpretations  g o v e r n m e n t and  energy.  modernization of positive  the  and  break from the  of  and  M e i j i Restoration,  a revolutionary  a burst  and  Money,  a p i c t u r e o f what we  radical as  R e a l i t y : The  hesitates  The  t r y to piece  integrated  economic i d e a s  them t o g e t h e r , to  an  will  In  realities.  Food  Treatise  r e l a t i o n s h i p between them.  to Huang  commercial-  c r e a t i n g wealth,  and  a  national  which a r o s e from e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d i n g  voluntary  associations.  101 The saw  economic problems o f M e i j i  them, were  (1) o v e r p o p u l a t i o n ,  (3) h e a v y d o m e s t i c l o a n s , excess  which r e s u l t e d  The  (5) i m b a l a n c e o f  t r a d e were t h e most  t h e government  by sound f i s c a l tration.  and  c a u s e d by t h e  i n the outflow of specie.  imbalance of f o r e i g n thought t h a t  (2) b u d g e t a r y d e f i c i t s ,  (4) i n f l a t i o n  i s s u e of paper currency,  J a p a n , a s Huang  policies solutions  was  solving  and e f f i c i e n t  trade  Inflation serious.  Huang  a l l these financial  i n c l u d e d : an a c c u r a t e  and  problems adminis-  population  c e n s u s w i t h employment f i g u r e s a s t h e b a s i s o f a heavy taxation  system, the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a p u b l i c i z e d  b u d g e t , and t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e m o n e t a r y e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s w h i c h Huang i s o l a t e d the l a c k o f funds; o f government its  thus the s o l u t i o n s  financial  resources.  of export trade.  the i n f l a t i o n  problem, the M e i j i  successful  i n solving  that time, according  of  o f waste  of  expanded  industries, lands,  t e c h n o l o g y , and t h e Except i n the handling government  a l l her f i n a n c i a l  t h e J a p a n e s e economy was  The  l a y i n the expansion The g o v e r n m e n t  the opening o f mines, the c u l t i v a t i o n  encouragement  system.  were t h e r e s u l t  s o u r c e s o f r e v e n u e by t h e e n c o u r a g e m e n t  the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l  national  was  of  very  difficulties,  and  on t h e w h o l e v e r y p r o m i s i n g a t  t o Huang.  Among t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d e v e l o p m e n t , Huang was  quick  of Japanese  in identifying  economic  the n a t i o n a l  102 goals the  and p r i o r i t i e s .  motivation  nationalism  He was q u i t e  correct i n explaining  o f t h e M e i j i government, i n t e r m s o f  i n s p i r e d by i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n .  aware o f t h e u r g e n c y o f J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c  development.  He must have s h a r e d t h e J a p a n e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s crisis  (fu-kuo yeh)  chiang-ping)  were d e e p l y  and shokusan imprinted  kogyo  {chih-oh  i n Huang's m i n d . that  to  s e e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between l a r g e and s m a l l  As  a pragmatic reformer himself,  and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .  pragmatic  and  the p o s i t i v e response o f the people.  of the M e i j i  cohesion  political  i n action.  institutions  process of nation Huang's image. general  B u t he  failed  industries. to notice  leadership B u t he o v e r -  t h e h o m o g e n e i t y o f t h e M e i j i l e a d e r s h i p and A c t u a l l y J a p a n ' s w e a l t h and  power d i d n o t r e s t o n a n a t i o n a l u n i t y  the  strongly  Huang was q u i c k  the  tive  hsing-  t h e ' M e i j i government gave  strategic industry  instrumentalism  kyohei 'an  He  to  emphasized  start i n  The M e i j i s l o g a n s o f fukoku  approved o f the p r i o r i t i e s  their  sense o f  and .awareness o f J a p a n ' s and C h i n a ' s l a t e  economic development.  He was  from e f f e c -  i n the M e i j i period.  The  b u i l d i n g was n o t a s smooth a s t h a t o f  The l e a d e r s  objectives  often disagreed  arising  a g r e e d among t h e m s e l v e s on  o f n a t i o n a l w e a l t h and power b u t  o n t h e means t o r e a c h  them.  What seemed  t o Huang t o be an e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l  organization  only  p i e c e - m e a l by t h e  a t e m p o r a r y one p a t c h e d  together  was  103 Meiji with on  reformers. the urgent  They p u t  p r o b l e m s a t hand.  n a t i o n a l power, t h e y  problems or  off inessential  In t h e i r  gave l i t t l e  to the w e l f a r e  of the  i t s extensive  emphasized the In p r a i s i n g  people.  trialization.  the  H i s view of  of  the  triple  forerunners  the  role  of  the  coincide with early years.  such as  c o n t r i b u t i o n of  i n d u s t r i e s was  by  Huang as a b e n e f i c e n t a c t o f t h e  as  an u n l o a d i n g  of a f i n a n c i a l  situation  of the M e i j i Neither  of  the  in  1877.  fully  He  saw  industry  the M i t s u b i s h i  also was  neglected.  misinterpreted  Hence we  the  can  than see  financial  government.  d i d Huang f u l l y  land tax reform  failed  government r a t h e r  burden.  understand  of  small p r i v a t e  s a l e o f g o v e r n m e n t e n t e r p r i s e i n 1881  t h a t Huang d i d n o t  He  Zaibatsu,  in rural  the  their  f i n a n c e , and  capital  and  of p r i m i t i v e indus-  i n trade,  The  The  role.  entrepreneurial s p i r i t  i n the  s h i p p i n g company. investment  and  over-  government's  Tokugawa l e g a c y  Tokugawa's p o l i c y  i n investment  to n o t i c e the  the government  government's l e a d e r s h i p i n economic  the Japanese merchants d i d not inactivity  of  the M e i j i  d e v e l o p m e n t , Huang n e g l e c t e d i n h e r i t a n c e of the  coped  social  e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n s , Huang  importance of  the M e i j i  and  concentration  thought to  Assuming the omniscience observing  tasks  i n 1873  them o n l y as  and  understand the  tax  a means o f  the  rate  meaning revision  expanding  the  104 g o v e r n m e n t ' s r e v e n u e and f a i l e d change i n t h e t a x s t r u c t u r e . payers w i l l i n g the r e a l i t y Peasant in  to s a c r i f i c e  of rural  revolts  to n o t i c e the r e v o l u t i o n a r y H i s image o f v o l u n t a r y  f o r the n a t i o n d i d not match  impoverishment  i n Japan reached  and t a x e v a s i o n .  a crescendo  1873, and d e c l i n e d by 1 8 7 7 - 1 8 7 8 ,  t i m e when Huang a r r i v e d torted  i n Japan.  impression of the M e i j i  b e c a u s e he m i s s e d  tax-  1 2 4  of violence  precisely  a t the  Huang r e c e i v e d a  agrarian settlement,  the climax o f peasant  uprisings  dispartly  and p a r t l y  because o f h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the sources o f revenue rather  than  peasants. be and  the r e a l  b u r d e n on t h e t a x - p a y e r s , n a m e l y , t h e  Huang's o m i s s i o n o f t h e p e a s a n t  a c o n s c i o u s o n e , stemming f r o m h i s Chinese  bandit."  intellectual's  Probably  uprisings  his traditional  contempt  f o r the  f o r t h e same r e a s o n , Huang  n o t i c e and c r i t i c i z e  the f a c t  that  took  f o r granted  beneficiaries landlord  that  t h e l a n d l o r d s s h o u l d be t h e  c l a s s e s were  to the accumulation  of capital,  r o l e p l a y e d by  i n m a i n t a i n i n g the growth o f the i n d u s t r i a l that  He  l a n d t a x was  social  society.  recognize the important  realized  to  t h e l a n d l o r d s were  To Huang, b o t h  groups b e l o n g i n g t o r u r a l  fully  "peasant  o r he made no d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n b e t w e e n  and p e a s a n t .  As  outlook  failed  the a c t u a l b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f the land tax reform. either  may  the basic  Huang d i d n o t agriculture sector.  Huang  source o f revenue i n  an a g r a r i a n economy and he c o n s i d e r e d t h e l a n d t a x s y s t e m  105 as  a success of  showed no for  the  government's f i s c a l  awareness o f  forced  growth of  savings  the  i n a g r i c u l t u r e as  that the  p r o t e c t i o n and the  therefore  the  he  of oversea trade  lead  in capital  the  period  The  f o r two  cut  fact  was  foreign capital development.  formation.  that c a p i t a l  stimulated  by  played  He  was  by  the  nationalistic  no  Also,  formation  approved of  overpopulation.  nevertheless  His  Huang  and  an  that  economic that  aware o f  used con-  reality.  economic  a t t e n t i o n to the  the  the  economically  Though w i t h a d i f f e r e n t f o c u s  was  to  early  fact  without being  image o f  economic problem r a t h e r he  but was  i n the  the  consequences of  paid  by  choice  Japan corresponded c l o s e l y w i t h the  d e v e l o p m e n t , Huang o n l y  and  inflation.  technicians  foreigners.  from  handicapped  a minor r o l e i n Japanese  • Among-the s o c i a l  an  realize  correct i n his observation  W e s t e r n t e c h n o l o g y and  providing  Japan o f f  Japanese i m i t a t e d Western i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n  i t as  initial  hundred y e a r s ,  g o v e r n m e n t had  Huang o b s e r v e d and  at  f o r the  d i d not  J a p a n e s e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was  unaware o f  trolled  he  necessity  M e i j i government f o r  s u b s i d i e s , but  undercapitalization.  Meiji  a basis  Tokugawa s e c l u s i o n p o l i c y had  profits  take the  accepted  But  industry. Huang p r a i s e d  state  generally  policy.  problem (he  than a s o c i a l  p o t e n t i a l of  of  looked one),  J a p a n ' s human  106 capital. trying new  He p r a i s e d  the M e i j i  government's  t o s o l v e t h e unemployment p r o b l e m by  land  and p r o m o t i n g i n d u s t r y  and  ponded  only p a r t i a l l y  Japanese e f f o r t  to r e a l i t y .  correctly offer  interpretations  t h a t J a p a n had t o go t h r o u g h  and  I n a n a l y z i n g J a p a n , he  ation  for creating  and  enriching  a rich  interested  misinterpretation  looking  and p o w e r f u l  i t s applicability  i n China.  because o f and  and e v e r y s t e p t a k e n by t h e M e i j i  initiative  t o the economic problems o f the day.  this  industrial  government  the n a t i o n a l  Thus he o v e r e m p h a s i z e s t h e  o f t h e government's  on  t h e army as a p r i m a r y  It i s precisely  and t h e p e o p l e i n t e r m s o f a c h i e v i n g  effect  state  t o C h i n a w i t h emphasis  t h e S t a t e and s t r e n g t h e n i n g  w e a l t h and power.  f o r a workable  i n Japan's a d a p t a t i o n o f Westerniz-  he t e n d e d t o e x p l a i n a l l t h e f i s c a l  policies  to  g o a l o f w e a l t h and power.  i s constantly  g o a l o f t h e government. that  often  economic development i s h i s  p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the n a t i o n a l  most  He  explanations.  f o r Huang's  o f many phenomena o f M e i j i  He was  half-blind  f a c t s and phenomona b u t he f a i l e d  The m a j o r r e a s o n  formula  corres-  Overwhelmed by t h e  s t a g e o f economic growth.  reported  proper  of M e i j i Japan  i n e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , he was  t o t h e p a i n s and t r i b u l a t i o n s the i n i t i a l  cultivating  commerce.  I n summary, Huang's image  in  effort in  goal of  beneficial  and o f i t s s o l u t i o n s  107 For  t h e same r e a s o n , Huang was t o o o p t i m i s t i c  about t h e  c o o p e r a t i o n between t h e g o v e r n m e n t and t h e p e o p l e . exaggerated national  t h e Japanese  people's consciousness of the  g o a l and t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s  purpose.  He a d m i r e d  He  the s o - c a l l e d  to s a c r i f i c e Zien-ho-ti  F o r c e , C o h e s i v e Response) so much t h a t  for this  (United  he o v e r l o o k e d t h e 125  social  d i s t u r b a n c e s caused  His..lack o f a t t e n t i o n land  tax r e v i s i o n  belief  by t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s  to the s o c i a l  i s a striking  i n the "united  force"  consequences  Japanese  o f t h e Japanese  i n most c a s e s , was a p r o j e c t i o n  people.  Meiji of  government's o m n i s c i e n c e  h i s concern about  China.  Japanese always  also  might  from h i s  spirit  seem v e r y e n e r g e t i c .  compared  i n China, Huang  k e p t C h i n a i n mind w h i l e he was o b s e r v i n g J a p a n .  He saw C h i n a a s i t was, and t h o u g h t were d o i n g w o u l d have t h e d e s i r e d he p e r c e i v e d J a p a n most o f t h e t i m e the  stem  F o r example,  lack of entrepreneurial  businessmen  on t h e  the government's s i n s o f o m i s s i o n i n  between C h i n a and J a p a n .  the r e l a t i v e  economic  i s probably a projection  His. m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g m i g h t  comparison to  F o r example, h i s o v e r e m p h a s i s  economic  into the  scene o f h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f China's  difficulties.  of the  example o f h i s n a i v e  Huang's m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f J a p a n e s e development,  policy.  Chinese  i n the l i g h t  t h a t what t h e J a p a n e s e  results  Hence  o f C h i n a , and a t t e m p t e d  t o t r a n s p l a n t Japanese  situation.  i n China.  experience  into  108 Another d i f f i c u l t y  t h a t c o n f r o n t e d Huang was t h e  c o n f u s i o n and t h e u n c e r t a i n t y o f t h e e a r l y Japanese economic development. early  eighties,  developing did  stage o f  In the l a t e  s e v e n t i e s and  J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t was  through t r i a l  and e r r o r .  n o t have an o v e r a l l p l a n ;  The M e i j i  they t r i e d  w i t h p r o b l e m s a s t h e y came up, o f f e r i n g  their  still  leaders best  t o cope  piece-meal solutions  126 to  t h e economic problems o f t h e day.  government  was a c t i v e  i n bringing  conditions  f o r modern e c o n o m i c  s i t u a t i o n was n o t u n d e r f u l l especially in  the i n f l a t i o n  The J a p a n e s e  about the r e q u i s i t e  growth, even though the  control.  The s i t u a t i o n ,  p r o b l e m , d u r i n g Huang's  J a p a n was v e r y c o n f u s i n g  t o him.  In the e a r l y  the  consequences o f economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n  not  yet visible.  for  s t r e n g t h e n i n g and e n r i c h i n g  themselves c o u l d  i n J a p a n were  the country,  not foresee the r e s u l t s ,  s o u n d judgement.  the Japanese  and i t would  f o r a foreign observer  Among t h e J a p a n e s e t h e m s e l v e s , t h e r e government  for  were v o i c e d by  modernization.  have  t o make  were many who d o u b t e d a n d c r i t i c i z e d Some c r i t i c i s m s  conservative o f f i c i a l s , were o v e r e n t h u s i a s t i c in  1880' s -  Though t h e r e was tremendous e n t h u s i a s m  b e e n e v e n more d i f f i c u l t a  sojourn  modern e n t e r p r i s e s .  who were w o r r i e d  and u n r e a l i s t i c  that  projects  the leaders  about investments  Only i n r e t r o s p e c t can observers  e v a l u a t e the developments i n the e a r l y M e i j i  p e r i o d as  109 the s i g n i f i c a n t economy and had t h e i r  starting  society  own  not a t r a i n e d  we  of the p e r i o d must t a k e i n t o  economist.  t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e  Japanese Japan's  was  theoretical  account that  superficial  accurate.  some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t v a r i a b l e s he  failed  level.  terms  he was  t o see t h e i r  He was  portray  this  t h e Treatises  Huang  was  He  them  on Japan,  publication, tation in  the development  He  problems.  Al-  correctly.  attempt  evolution.  Japanese  i n h i s time to For t h i s  reason,  however i n c o m p l e t e as a v e r s i o n  have a h i s t o r i c a l  even i n t h e i r  of Japan's  thorough  development,  what he i n t e n d e d them t o be o r however d i f f e r e n t what t h e r e a l i t y was,  perceived  Huang's  interrelationships.  the f i r s t  a s p e c t o f Japan's  econ-  able to grasp  i n economic  unable to i n t e r p r e t  development  views.  t h a n on a  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f economic  lives.  and most o f h i s  managed t o p i c k o u t t h e i m p o r t a n t e c o n o m i c though  their  B u t as a n o n - s p e c i a l i s t ,  o b s e r v a t i o n s were q u i t e  though  reflected  b a s e d on common s e n s e r a t h e r  analysis.  i n their  h i s understanding of the  e x p e r i e n c e i n non-economic  judgement  Japanese  H i s l a c k o f knowledge o f  limited  economy t o a r a t h e r  Japanese  Contemporaries  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the changes  Finally,  omic  i n modernizing the  as a w h o l e .  Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  was  point  traditional  experience pointed  of  from  value that merited form.  t o a new  His  interpre-  direction  o f C h i n e s e knowledge a b o u t J a p a n .  A  110 positive  and open  a t t i t u d e began t o r e p l a c e  a t t i t u d e o f contempt. was  qualified  At t h i s  point,  the  traditional  Huang became, o r  t o become, an i n t e r p r e t e r  o f Japan i n  China. Except f o r the currency p o l i c y ,  Huang seems t o  have no d o u b t a b o u t J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t a s a for  China.  Hundred  I t i s a well  Day  Reform  i n 189 8 was  of modernization. most it  detailed  was  known f a c t  that  the Chinese  based on t h e Japanese  S i n c e t h e Treatises  on Japan  a c c o u n t o f the Japanese economic  inevitable  that  the r e f o r m program  be b a s e d on Huang's i n f o r m a t i o n .  model  model  were t h e experience,  i n 1898  should  Most o f t h e r e f o r m e r s  had n o t b e e n t o J a p a n and some o f them had n o t e v e n gone out of China. to r e l y  I t w o u l d have b e e n q u i t e n a t u r a l  h e a v i l y on Huang's s t u d i e s .  t o o k Huang's image o f J a p a n a s t h e According R e f o r m Movement was  bound  to f a i l ,  c o m p r o m i s i n g g e n t r y and c o u l d p o p u l a r movement.  This  w i t h o u t m e r i t , but even w i t h t h e Empress  p r o g r a m was  s m a l l group w i t h i n  criticism support  Dowager, i t i s s t i l l  the power-  i s certainly  f r o m t h e masses  an open q u e s t i o n  distorted  and  the  only  on a l a r g e ,  succeeded, f o r the  b a s e d on a p a r t i a l l y  probably  historians,  b e c a u s e i t was  not r e l y  t h e r e f o r m movement w o u l d have  they  reality.  t o C h i n e s e communist  the concern o f a comparatively  ful  Hence,  f o r them  not and  whether entire  incomplete  interpretation  of Japan's e x p e r i e n c e  F u r t h e r m o r e , even i f t h a t applicability  i n modernization.  interpretation  o f t h e J a p a n e s e model  were c o r r e c t ,  to China i s yet another  q u e s t i o n , w h i c h has r e m a i n e d a c o n t r o v e r s i a l until  now.  the  argument  112  CHAPTER I I I HUANG TSUN-HSIEN AND  A.  LATE CH'ING ECONOMIC REFORM  T r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e Economic Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s way  economy c a n o n l y the  To do  Chinese approach was  quite  condensed  is and  t h i s we  traditional  economy and  f o r t h e s t a t e and  literati  kuo-chi  Chinese  time-honoured  the e l i t e ,  and  s t a t e and  ment p o i n t  min-sheng,  o f the masses.  the l a t t e r  f o r the  The  Chinese t r a d i t i o n  of  people the  incorporating on  the  energies f o r the s e r v i c e of assumed t h e p o s i t i o n o f  g u a r d i a n o f t h e masses.  The  former  intellectuals.  thinking  g o v e r n m e n t , and  o f view.  is  that i s ,  were m a j o r c o n c e r n s o f  their  o f s p e a k i n g and  the  i n some ways,  i n t o t h e government b u r e a u c r a c y c a l l e d  intellectuals  the  and  the r u l e r ,  state.  a habit  about  approaches.  the l i v e l i h o o d  to exert  ruler,  which,  within  Chinese c o n c e p t o f economics  intellectuals These  Japanese  economic  t o know s o m e t h i n g subjects  the r u l e d , both o f which  politically-minded  the  need  t o economic  i n the terms  The  a t the  nineteenth-century Chinese  d i f f e r e n t from Western The  national  of looking  be u n d e r s t o o d by p l a c i n g h i s t h o u g h t  context of l a t e  thought.  Concepts  i n terms  usually  the developed  of b e n e f i t f o r  spoke  economic t h i n k e r s  They  the  from the and  govern-  reformers of  113 late  nineteenth-century  reason,  Chinese  China  "economics"  were no  i s not  economics i n the Western sense. on  state  f i n a n c e and  exception.  For  economics per  I t i s mostly  government f i s c a l  se,  this nor  concentrated  policy,  financial  management and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . "The to  i  livelihood  ( C l o t h i n g ) , shih  o f t h e masses" u s u a l l y  (Food), chu  (Transportation) of the people, first  two,  w h i c h come f r o m  t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y was Before of  (Housing) with  an  economic p r i n c i p l e s  first  as C h i n a  regarding  the  economic p r i n c i p l e s  their  long-term  were, o f c o u r s e , most c a s e s these  principles  development.  only  general  i t seems  i n the C l a s s i c s ,  development.  These  s u b j e c t t o change over  t h i s was  concept  economic t h i n k e r s  were c o n s t a n t l y a p p e a l i n g t o t h e C l a s s i c s , outline  justified dis-  principles  the c e n t u r i e s .  "change w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n , "  remained the g u i d e l i n e s f o r Chinese  economic  prominent p r i n c i p l e  i s the C o n f u c i a n  (Equality  i n the D i s t r i b u t i o n  of Wealth),  ohun  is  basically  In  and  The  of  the  China.  Since the nineteenth century  to  the  before  of the Chinese  e x p l a i n some o f t h e  of t r a d i t i o n a l  hsing  agrarian country.  I e x p l o r e the content  e c o n o m i c s , l e t me  and  an e m p h a s i s on  agriculture,  basically  referred  ideal  which  2 an  ethical,  Another p r e v a i l i n g l i n e with  ideal  the Chinese  r a t h e r than i s an  an e c o n o m i c  (Stability),  love of a m o r a l i s t i c  principle.  which i s i n and  orderly  3 society.  Confucius'  advocacy of  ohih-tsu  (Contentment)  114 as a means o f a c h i e v i n g in  a comparatively  t h a t o f t h e West.  stability  static  and h a p p i n e s s r e s u l t e d  and l e s s  On t h e o t h e r  competitive  hand,  this  society  than  concept l i m i t e d  t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h i n e s e e c o n o m i c s and e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t , for  i t tended t o d i s c o u r a g e p r o f i t - s e e k i n g ,  the m o t i v a t i n g  f o r c e s o f economic development.  was a d e q u a t e f o r a r e l a t i v e l y iency,  static  a p r i n c i p l e which hindered  also  ment and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was restraint  ahien  as t h e p r o p e r e t h i c a l  t h e government,  lightening  suitable  f o r such a  was  code f o r a l l p e o p l e .  As  t o Income) t h a t  i s , liang-ju  wei-ch'u  t h e government  dynastic  that  Minimization of  should  available  spend a c c o r d i n g t o as p o s s i b l e .  as e x p e n s e s r o s e o f t e n This  i s paradoxical  ideal of s t a b i l i t y cycle.  financial  (Match E x p e n d i t u r e  o f t h e t a x s t r u c t u r e and t h e s t a t i c  instability.  Confucian  a l s o meant  l e d to another important  income, w h i c h s h o u l d be a s l i g h t  income  This  w o u l d be s t o r i n g up w e a l t h among t h e p e o p l e ,  that  inflexibility  Self-  m i n i m i z a t i o n o f e x p e n d i t u r e meant  e x p e n d i t u r e and t a x a t i o n principle,  manage-  and e x p e n d i t u r e  who w o u l d have more f o r t h e m s e l v e s .  fiscal  expansion of  (Frugality).  the people's tax burden.  t h e government  of  Self-suffic-  t h a t governed f i n a n c i a l  i n terms o f m a t e r i a l d e s i r e  considered  its  However, i t  economy. The m a j o r p r i n c i p l e  for  society.  economic  b o t h t h e s t a t e and t h e p e o p l e , was closed  w h i c h i s one o f  The amount  resulted i n in light  and i s a c h i e f  of the  element i n the  115 The lack of over,  above a n a l y s i s  demonstrates that  adequate m o t i v a t i o n  were g i v e n  economic ones.  These p a s s i v e  for  closed  be The  and  c h a n g e d when t h e  economy b u t  the  .  and  the  were a  advocacy of  stronger  economic development. the  the  In  suitable  were bound  of  the  period  granaries  dynastic  p o l i c i e s were c a r r i e d o u t although these p r a c t i c e s  to  dynamic. and  .  force  for  dynamic  of p r o s p e r i t y  when  were o v e r f l o w i n g ,  Confucian p r i n c i p l e s prevailed;  downward t r e n d  than  p o s i t i v e government  motivating the  c e n t r a l t r e a s u r i e s and  conventional  weight  maximization of p r o f i t  4  initiative,  greater  p r i n c i p l e s were  agrarian  of  a More-  economy became more d e v e l o p e d and  Legalist: theories  productivity,  was  f o r economic development.  e t h i c a l considerations  a static  there  whereas  cycle, Legalist  to h a l t the frequently  financial  appeared i n  the during  financing  decline, Confucian  disguise. Successful  finance  concern of  the  income and  e x p e n d i t u r e was  tional  state  and  balancing  t h e n t o meet t h e  finance.  The  formula  k'ai-yuan (So  as  first  increasing  administration  was  for successful ahieh-liu  to Increase  3  the  of  accomplishment of  u r g e n t p r o b l e m was  financial  resources  a great  The  financiers, e s p e c i a l l y i n periods  Therefore,  t r a t i o n was  always been a d e f i n i t e  p r a c t i c a l statesman.  d e c l i n e when t h e deficit  had  that  of  financial  t o wipe out  demand f o r the  conven-  funds.  core of  financial  state  adminis-  i s , t o open up  Revenue) and  the  to cut  new down  116 government e x p e n d i t u r e . ^ restraining of palaces  and  bureaucrats and  the  and  income  suspending  (li-yuan)  reforms,  of  l a n d w h i c h was  increase  g o v e r n m e n t r e v e n u e , and  new  ation entailed replacing conventional  Legalists as  factional  and  operations,  intellectual  by  and  the the  old  sources  source  of  to  of  the  officers  Confucianists,  Confucian-  intensified  c o n f l i c t s w h i c h were controversies.  conservatives  basically  Economic  reforms  as p r o f i t - s e e k i n g  e c o n o m i c r e f o r m e r s were a c c u s e d  of  unscrupulous p r o f i t - s e e k e r s . Taxation  finance. and  and  revitaliz-  Confucian  These economic r e f o r m s o f t e n  Confucian-Legalist  were a t t a c k e d  being  This  new  o r more e c o n o m i c a l l y - m i n d e d L e g a l i s t s d i s g u i s e d  Confucians.  age-old  the  a revitalization  unconventional  life,  s u c h as m i n i n g  system.  of  open up  the major  operations  administrative  f i n a n c i e r s with  To  r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of  initiation  and  number  l u x u r i o u s mode o f  expenses.  income),  of the  construction  u s u a l l y meant e c o n o m i c the  (particularly  efficiency  the  e x p e n s e s , c u t t i n g down t h e  costly military  administrative  e x p e n s e s u s u a l l y meant  restraining their  sources of p r o f i t  of  cut  royal leisure, court  curtailing  To  The  Population  use  was of  another the  important  t e r m hu-pu  demonstrated  that  f o r the  land  c e n s u s were t h e m a j o r c o n c e r n s o f t h e Population  registration  sources of revenue  and  (Land Tax  records, and  item  tax  of  state  Board o f and  Revenue  population  state financiers. on  which the  major  H o u s e h o l d T a x e s ) were  117 based, and t h e e f f i c i e n c y  of the tax c o l l e c t i n g  system,  were t h e most i m p o r t a n t g u a r a n t e e s o f f i n a n c i a l  stability.  When t h e s e two t a s k s  tax evasion  and  c o r r u p t i o n w o u l d be e l i m i n a t e d  Growing on  were p r o p e r l y  financial  disorder  t h e p e a s a n t s were f a t a l Ho-kung  c a r r i e d out, or,  at least,  prevented.  and a n i n c r e a s i n g t a x b u r d e n s symptoms o f d y n a s t i c  (River Conservation),  decline.  was a n o t h e r  significant  e l e m e n t o f n a t i o n a l economy.  Waterworks, i n c l u d i n g  embankments, s l u i c e s ,  canals,  dikes, the  river  engineering  corner-stone  to a g r i c u l t u r a l by  water.  the  levees,  and i r r i g a t i o n  o f an a g a r i a n  Flood  have a l w a y s  been  economy, f o r t h e y a r e e s s e n t i a l  d e v e l o p m e n t and t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o f c r o p s  The a b i l i t y  to control the rivers, especially  and economic s t a b i l i t y  o f any C h i n e s e  regime.  a n d f a m i n e were t h e c h i e f n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s i n  traditional  C h i n a and a m a j o r cause o f p e a s a n t  When t h e p e a s a n t s , a l w a y s l i v i n g  and  windmills,  h a r d - t o - t a m e Y e l l o w R i v e r , was a t o u c h s t o n e o f t h e  political  rose  reservoirs,  dredging,  to struggle  f o rtheir  uprisings.  a t the subsistence  existence,  the d e l i c a t e  e c o n o m i c b a l a n c e o f t h e r e g i m e was d i s t u r b e d .  ho-oh'u  ( R i v e r s and c a n a l s )  were t h e two g r e a t e s t  and shih-huo  level, political In short,  (Food a n d Money)  concerns i n t r a d i t i o n a l  Chinese  national  economy and a r e a l s o t h e two m a j o r a r e a s o f C h i n e s e  economic  thought. Another  was  important  function of successful  the provision of military  power and n a t i o n a l  finance defence.  118 Since m i l i t a r y  funds,  were b a s i c a l l y  d e r i v e d from  and  military  Chinese  like  economics.  and  yu-ping  and  fields  political  and  productivity fully  p a s s i v e and  traditional  as  t'un-t'ien  (Quartering Troops became p a r t - t i m e  and  defence  concept  t o a p p l y new  and  how  techniques  negative.  p r o b l e m s were c o n t r o l ,  to  particularly  t o s e c u r e and on  manage ethical  D i s t r i b u t i o n was  underemphasized, and  was  t o manage f i n a n c e s b e t t e r  considerations.  of a more-or-less  together.  A l l o f t h e s e were b a s e d  developed,  attempts  of economics  overstressed  hence e c o n o m i c t h e o r i e s  the g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e  Traditional  was  e c o n o m i c s seems t o have  a n o n - e x p a n d i n g economy i n w h i c h t h e government s e r v i c e s ,  important and  distribution  c o n s t a n t amount o f g o o d s .  Underdeveloped  t h o u g h i t was,  Chinese  nevertheless dealt with certain  elements—population, and  in  such  o f development,  agriculture,  and  capital  Chinese  commerce, how  sources of revenue.  thought  yu-nung  t o a d i s c u s s i o n o f how  w a t e r w o r k s and  implied  practices  training  traditional  to promote c e r t a i n  were n o t  a g r a r i a n wealth  s o l d i e r s became p a r t - t i m e f a r m e r s , were  The  agriculture  expenditure,  interrelated  i n which farmers  t i e farming, m i l i t a r y  limited  agriculture,  Military  Among t h e P e a s a n t s ) ,  to  other kind of  power were c l o s e l y  ( M i l i t i a F a r m i n g ) and  soldiers  any  l a n d , and  important  capital.  t r a d e were i n a d e q u a t e .  economic  Except  Theories among a  economicabout few  119 m e r c h a n t s , t h e r e was no dynamic c o n c e p t commerce  was e n c o u r a g e d o n l y  of a g r i c u l t u r e ,  Domestic  a s a means f o r t h e d e v e l o p m e n t  and f o r e i g n t r a d e was  diplomatic or military  of capital.  essentially  used f o r  purposes.  Even w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c u l t u r a l  heritage,  Chinese  e c o n o m i c t h i n k e r s showed a marked t e n d e n c y t o s y n t h e s i z e different contents one  schools of c l a s s i c a l  o f the past  and t h e p r e s e n t  though C o n f u c i a n i s m  L e t u s now  turn t o the nineteenth  of wealth,  restricted  was  w i t h i n the Chinese the pervasive i n f l u e n c e .  century  and s e e how t h e  and power and e c o n o m i c s  In t h e n i n e t e e n t h  century,  changed.  the concept  of  fu-ch'iang  ( W e a l t h and Power) became more d y n a m i c and i n c l u s i v e . t e r m fu increase and  (Wealth) i n c l u d e d any k i n d o f i n d u s t r y t h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t r e v e n u e and s t r e n g t h e n  management  o f money and o t h e r  time-honoured a g r i c u l t u r e ,  other  resources. aspects  The  could  state control Besides  o f t h e economy  s u c h a s f o r e i g n t r a d e , d o m e s t i c commerce,  i n d u s t r i e s and  m i n i n g were r e - e v a l u a t e d  A t t e n t i o n was  given  to production  and e m p h a s i z e d .  as w e l l as t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l  consideration of d i s t r i b u t i o n . modern c o n c e p t s is  s u c h as GNP  t h e r e any c l e a r l y  to  R a t h e r , t h e y were a s y n c r e t i c  tradition,  concepts  The p r i n c i p l e s a n d  o u t l i n e d a b o v e were n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y  school of thought.  mixture  thought.  ethical  There a r e , o f course,  (Gross N a t i o n a l P r o d u c t ) ,  d e f i n e d concept  of national  no nor  wealth.  120 The  state  treasury  financiers, are  remained  the  e s p e c i a l l y a t the  i n d i c a t i o n s of  elements of  an  major c o n c e r n of  Manchu c o u r t .  awareness of  several  meaning of  broadened to i n c l u d e e c o n o m i c power.  However, of  the  the  t e r m ch'iang  political,  The  diplomatic,  traditional  c o n c e p t o f power  army and  m i l i t a r y s t a t e , w i t h the and  ward o f f d a n g e r .  c o n c e p t o f m i l i t a r y power was basic  than aggressive,  simply  aimed a t  superiority  The  the  rather  traditional  power, t h a t  e q u a l t e r m s as  for  a s s e r t i o n of nations.  i s , the  diplomacy.  still  the  defensive  Manchus  who  suppression  material  the  of  motivation, moral  success,  included  t o compete w i t h  prerequisite  China's The  ability  for survival  international status  change o f  the  modernization of  w h i c h was  them by  modernization of  protect  C h i n e s e e m p h a s i s on  power b e g a n w i t h t h e i m p o s e d on  to  nineteenth century also  West on  of  strong  to m i l i t a r y modernization.  Power i n t h e diplomatic  primarily  fight,  a show-case  t h a n m i l i t a r y and  were m a j o r h i n d r a n c e s  family  closely tied  lack of  and  nineteenth-century  s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n and  J a p a n ' s , and  to  e s p e c i a l l y among t h e  domestic r e b e l l i o n s .  the  The  p r i n c i p l e o f m i l i t a r y power was  rather  like  ability  also  military  t o m i l i t a r y power w h i c h u s u a l l y meant a  The  there  important  (Power) was  referred  country  state  economics.  The  the  the  the  concept of the  the  and  treaty  and' the  diplomatic  diplomatic  foreigners,  t r i b u t a r y system to  in  the  system  with system  121 and f i n a l l y  t o modern d i p l o m a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n .  formation of the concept the p r i n c i p l e influenced  The t r a n s -  o f d i p l o m a t i c power was b a s e d on  of national  s o v e r e i g n t y and was h e a v i l y  by t h e West.  In t h i s process  of transformation,  we c a n s e e t h a t modern n a t i o n a l i s m r e p l a c e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l culturalism. E c o n o m i c power meant t h e a b i l i t y economic r i g h t s , on e q u a l enable  and t h e a b i l i t y  terms.  the country  t o be f r e e  solid  base f o r m i l i t a r y Political  meaning  of a strong,unified  that i s , with  power w o u l d  i n v a s i o n and  power w o u l d  also  provide  development.  power s t i l l  turn o f the century, tation,  from f o r e i g n  Economic  China's  t o compete w i t h t h e West  E c o n o m i c power and m i l i t a r y  economic p e n e t r a t i o n . a  t o defend  retained i t sconventional  and c e n t r a l i z e d  state.  i t emerged w i t h a new W e s t e r n  At the conno-  t h e i d e a o f t h e p a r l i a m e n t a r y movement  and t h e p r a c t i c e o f d e m o c r a c y .  Though i t d i d n o t a p p e a l  t o t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e s , t h e p a r l i a m e n t a r y movement was  very 7  popular  during the l a t e r  stage of the reform  movement.  P a r l i a m e n t was c o n s i d e r e d a s t h e means t o a c h i e v e strength power.  i n addition  The s t a t e was t a k e n  countries,  and t h e c o n c e p t  s l o w l y emerged. government with  to military,  d i p l o m a t i c and e c o n o m i c  as a u n i t ,  as opposed t o f o r e i g n  o f t h e modern n a t i o n - s t a t e  The p a r t i c i p a t i o n  of the people  was a new e l e m e n t i n p o l i t i c s  the t r a d i t i o n a l  national  efforts  which,  i n the  combined  to reduce the communication  122 gap  between t h e r u l e r s  form of  o f a new  political  r e o r g a n i z i n g and  was  and  re-emphasized  the r u l e d ,  ideal.  The  appeared  i n the  traditional  practice  s t r e n g t h e n i n g the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system  with  t h e new  connotation of  political  efficiency. T h e r e were c l o s e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  v a r i o u s k i n d s o f power.  Military  e c o n o m i c power, and  e c o n o m i c power was  u n i t y and  and  stability  a modern f o r m  feed  and  power.  them and  The  of  military  economic development i n the  national product well-developed. advanced, thinkers of  and  and  from  of the  principles  the  study of the k i n d of p o l i t i c a l  were s t i l l be for  these  kinds of  marked w i t h  who  The  the  concept  o f the growth of  was,  of course,  not  very  economic  manufacture and  p r o d u c t i o n , and and  the  modernization  scientific  social  engineer-  further  to  environment  development.  t h e o r i e s of nineteenth-century  shown l a t e r people  underlying their  people,  t a x them f o r  t h e knowledge o f  ing  The  then  the advocacy o f the  f o r e i g n arms t o t h e s t u d y  The  i n the n o u r i s h i n g of  and  sense  on  political  a n a t u r a l step f o r the Chinese  to proceed  that nourished  on  development.  modernization  However, a s  i t was  based  based  g o v e r n m e n t should-.:protect t h e  make them p r o s p e r o u s  national,.economic  power was  wealth  o f government.  government s h o u l d p l a y a l e a d i n g r o l e wealth  between  economic t h i n k e r s  i m p r i n t o f the p a s t , as  i n the d i s c u s s i o n .  I t was  valued  the C l a s s i c s  tradition  and  very  i t will  difficult so much  123 and who  had,  m o r e o v e r , b e e n b r o u g h t up  C o n f u c i a n way, their  to get r i d of t h e i r  sciously,  innovative  often  chose  traditional  cultural  f i g h t w i t h the c o n s e r v a t i v e s ,  no m a t t e r how  in a  baggage.  t h e economic  t h e y were, c o n s c i o u s l y  their  weapons f r o m  In  reformers, or  uncon-  the o l d C o n f u c i a n  storehouse. However, d e s p i t e  a l l the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l  n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , C h i n e s e economic underwent a metamorphosis. are  many-fold.  priorities  responded  u r g e n t problems  West, and wealth  later,  and  metamorphosis  sequence,  pace  o f t e n been d i s c u s s e d . realistically  and  and  Most  selectively  to  i n China c o n c e r n i n g the impact o f The  p r i o r i t i e s chosen  the  were  The most o b v i o u s m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e  "TWe-  ck^^e  'uv  CWi^s  C h i n a ' s change o f her  «knag<3- e v e n t u a l l y  gradually  causes of t h i s  direction,  of Japan.  power.  nationalism.  concept of  need,  o f change had  intellectuals the  The  The  thought  disguises,  i V w ^ e  t'ien-hsia  a^A--^  c{- (herself  s e l f - i m a g o and  l e d t o t h e b r e a k i n g down o f t h e ( U n i v e r s a l Empire)  and  her  was  traditional cultural  g and m o r a l i s t i c a nation  in  i n the world o r d e r .  state gradually The  state  role  Legalist  relations  was  concept o f might  re-evaluated  as C h i n a ' s n a t i o n a l  a cultural  and m o r a l  notion  of  emerged.  the l i g h t of i m p e r i a l i s t i c  changed  The  example  and  and  acquired  aggression.  interest  right  shifted  f o r the r e s t  in  a new  The  intermeaning  value  from  loovtcl  world  system  setting  of the world  to  124 being in  able to s u r v i v e both  the  international The  culturalism  evolved.  the reformers  the  latter,  their  the  intellectual  and  was  approach to modernization  t h e open-minded  faced with  intellectuals  failure,  had  the  Although  did  not  conservatives,  come t o a g r e e and  slowly  with  economic  inevitable. economic concepts  intellectual  late nineteenth-century of  have d i s c u s s e d a r e  framework w i t h i n w h i c h he  the groups or  Huang i n t o one  we  those  w o u l d have b e e n f a m i l i a r w i t h .  about economic q u e s t i o n s . specifically  intellectual's  to change s l o w l y d i m i n i s h e d .  w h i c h Huang T s u n - h s i e n form the  The  t u g - o f - w a r between t h e m s e l v e s and  The  of  scene.  o p p o n e n t s t h a t change i n m i l i t a r y  matters  and  t o n a t i o n a l i s m a l s o brought about changes t h a t  Resistence  the  economically  change-over from S i n o c e n t r i c i a m  a t t i t u d e , mood and  win  and  competition.  gradual  were a l r e a d y on outlook,  politically  these.  We  now  They  thought  need t o c o n s i d e r more  " s c h o o l s " o f economic t h i n k e r s China  t o see  i f we  can  place  125 B.  Late Ch'ing Economic The  Trends  intellectual  t r e n d o f l a t e Ch'ing, o f which  diversity  r a t h e r than orthodoxy  described  i n terms o f t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e i d e a o f moderniz-  ation.  was t h e k e y n o t e ,  E c o n o m i c a s w e l l a s m i l i t a r y m o d e r n i z a t i o n was a  major source o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l policy  between t h e m o d e r n i z e r s A brief  account  d i s p u t e over  government  and t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e s .  o f t h e economic t r e n d s w i l l  us w i t h b e t t e r p e r s p e c t i v e on Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s cance.  First  Tsun-hsien about  may be  of a l l ,  my m a i n i n t e r e s t  t h e man t h a n  i s less  provide  signifii n Huang  i n what Huang T s u n - h s i e n  t e l l s us  h i s t i m e , h i s c i r c u m s t a n c e s , how he was. i n f l u e n c e d  by h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s , how he i n t e r a c t e d w i t h h i s c o n t e m p o r aries  and how he i n f l u e n c e d  Tsun-hsien,  i n certain  t h e younger g e n e r a t i o n .  r e s p e c t s was a u n i q u e  i n many o t h e r r e s p e c t s — c o m m i t m e n t , t h e r e were o t h e r p e o p l e By  studying these people  vivid  China  we m i g h t  l i k e him. o b t a i n a more  and e n v i r o n m e n t ,  t o o f f e r more i n s i g h t s  and m i g h t  i n t o t h e man's  and t h o u g h t . The  thinkers that  But,  e x p e r i e n c e and i d e a s - -  Ch'ing  as g r o u p s ,  p i c t u r e o f Huang's t i m e  a l s o be i n a p o s i t i o n life  i n late  figure.  Huang  problem  of classifying  into different  their  late  Ch'ing  s c h o o l s o r groups  economic t h i n k i n g  i s relatively  lies  economic i n the fact  undifferentiated,  126 showing o n l y s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t according  to the t h i n k e r ' s p e r s o n a l experience.  difficult,  i f not  ences i n t h i s we  c a n do  emphases o r v a r y i n g m i n i m a l l y  impossible, to d i s t i n g u i s h  major  differ-  r e l a t i v e l y m o n o l i t h i c body o f t h o u g h t .  here  i s to o u t l i n e  the d i f f e r e n t  China's  economy w h i c h o c c u p i e d  regard,  t h e e c o n o m i c t h i n k e r s who  into  I t i s very  their  attention.  concern  t h r e e l a r g e c a t e g o r i e s , namely, t h e  (School of P r a c t i c a l strengtheners),  and  Statesmanship), shang-wu  p'ai  aspects  us  of  In  fall  All  this  mostly  ching-shih  yang-wu  p 'ai  (Mercantilists  p'ai (Selfand  Industrialists). Ching-shih, sent d i f f e r e n t of  stages  modernization.  school of p r a c t i c a l and  concern  yang-wu, i n the  The  initial  for statecraft.  to the  stage  wei-hsin  "ideology"  i s the r e v i v a l  The  real  r e c o g n i t i o n of  t h e yang-wu  group,  s e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g movement.  of modernization,  building  up  of m i l i t a r y  in this  power.  stage,  t h e wei-hsin  political  The  shang-wu  p'ai  ( P o l i t i c a l Reformers) group  modernization  of  the  as a l a s t  resort  against  the which  The  i s given to  government-sponsored economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n ,  finally  repre-  w h i c h r e - c r e a t e d t h e mood  comes f r o m  priority  for  and  e v o l u t i o n of the  statecraft  need f o r m o d e r n i z a t i o n corresponded  shang-wu,  the  called and advocated revolution.  127 1.  Ching-shih The  min  P'ai  (School of P r a c t i c a l  s l o g a n ching-shih  chih-yung  expresses a t r a d i t i o n a l  m e a n i n g o f ching-shih and  to  affairs.""'"^  public  "something  like  To  literal  Immanuel C.Y.  the a p p l i c a t i o n of  s i m p l i f y m a t t e r s , we  f o l l o w t h e most common t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h i s statesmanship.""'"^  The  chi-  i s " t o manage t h e w o r l d  t o p u t knowledge i n t o p r a c t i c e . " i t as  ohing-shih  Confucian ideal.  chih-yung  describes  or  9 Statesmanship)  Ching-shih  chi-min  Hsu  knowledge  will  t e r m as  "practical  i s "to develop  the  12 land  and  s u c c o u r t h e d i s t r e s s e d masses."  from t h i s  traditional  phrase  ching-shih  It i s precisely chi-min  that  the  13 modern t e r m early  ching-chi  originated.  C h ' i n g s c h o l a r s began t o u s e  describe  s t a t e c r a f t which  agriculture,  included  The  l a t e Ming  the term  ching-chi  government  p u b l i c w e l f a r e , commerce, and  and to  administration,  even  scholar-  14 ship. to  The  "economics,"  borrowing  and  early  and  this,  from Japanese The  of  t e r m i n i t s modern s e n s e  a c c o r d i n g to L i Yu-ning,  usage  trend  Ch'ing studies  the C l a s s i c s  o f governments.  o f ching-shih  historical  i n the l a t e  chih-yung  phenomena.  a reaction against  The  is a  Statesmanship  for practical  to discuss  equivalent  C h ' i n g p e r i o d . "*""*  formative school of P r a c t i c a l  consequently preferred 16  affairs  i s usually  the fortunes  ends and  causes  for this  intellectual  resulted  f r o m two  major  In the f i r s t  place,  i t represented  t h e a b s t r a c t , m e t a p h y s i c a l , and m e d i t a t i v e  128 intellectual  climate of  emphasis from the phical put  discourse  i t , this  the  Sung and  individual  to the  to p r a c t i c a l  i s the  Neo-Confucianism,  result  . . .  M i n g , and  in  p u b l i c , from p h i l o s o -  action.  of  a shift  As  "a s t r o n g  t o remedy t h e  Immanuel C.Y.  reaction  Hsu  against  intellectual  failure  17 of  the  Chinese The  ching-shih  scholar  second reason  s c h o o l was  masters of the  the  the  such as  o f Ku  various  Ku  Yen-wu, p l a c e d  great  dynasty.  great  emphasis  which b r o u g h t knowledge 18  Yen-wu's i n t e r e s t s w i l l  what he meant by  ching-shih  Statesmanship).  In o r d e r  restoration  of  concerning  and  North-eastern strategic  Ku  region  local  Ku  Fu  a solid  unions  geography,  the  especially  (Shantung,  Chihli,  Shan t r a v e l l e d  up m i l i t i a  around  farms  i n Shansi  the  (t'un-t'ien)  province,  restoration.  u n i o n s were o r i g i n a t e d by  teaching  base f o r  paid great attention  c o n t r i b u t i o n i s summarized by  points:  practical  They a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d n a t i v e  funds f o r the  credit Ku's  setting  credit  up  region  Yen-wu and  locations.  t r a n s a c t i o n of banks and  strategic  clarify  (The T a s k o f  to b u i l d  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  Honan, S h a n s i ) .  b a n k s and  chih-wu  the Ming d y n a s t y ,  t o C h i n e s e h i s t o r y and  three  of the  the  into a closer relationship. A glance  in  e f f l o r e s c e n c e of  determination  "doctrine of u t i l i t y "  society  in  f o r the  e a r l y Ch'ing t o r e s t o r e the Ming  These g r e a t masters on  class."  f o l l o w e r s --  (1)  Thus Ku  the  native 19  and  Liang to  for  Fu. Ch'i-ch'ao  cherish  129 creativity,  (2) t o s e e k e x t e n s i v e  evidence,  (3) t o emphas-  20 ize by  utility. later  His.research  scholars  who  applied  C l a s s i c s , which developed of  Research e m p i r i c a l  m e t h o d o l o g y was t a k e n  over  i t to the a n a l y s i s of the  i n t o the orthodox Ch'ing  ( k ' a o - c h e n g hsiieh) .  Later,  School literary  i n q u i s i t i o n s were l a u n c h e d by t h e Manchu g o v e r n m e n t , and scholars vation  and d a r e d n o t expound any d o c t r i n e  official and  became i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h s e l f - p r e s e r -  suspicions.  so t h e y r e d i r e c t e d t h e i r  "exegesis of ancient into  Scholars  intellectuals  began t h i n k i n g  t h e ching-shih  rebellion, natural  of thought,  When symptoms  i n the seventeenth century,  a s - d u s t and u s e l e s s Yen-wu, p r o v i d e d ching-shih  chih-yung  themselves t o the task  such as  t o blame t h e absorption  The w r i t i n g s  for this  was r e v i v e d of studying  again  o f the Ming-Ch'ing  and t h e i r  book-learning.  one s t i m u l u s  they  c a l a m i t i e s , and f o r e i g n  the disorder  of the scholars  appeared,  the dynasty.  became more o b v i o u s , r e f l e c t i v e m i n d s  impracticality  set  trends  tradition.  b e g a n , a s t h e y had d u r i n g  slogan  decline  i n terms o f s a v i n g  revived  changeover  searching  terms."  1800, a s symptoms o f d y n a s t i c  no s o l u t i o n s i n c u r r e n t  aggression  i n the C l a s s i c s  aphorisms and e x h a u s t i v e 21  Finding  corruption,  found refuge  arouse  e n e r g y and t a l e n t s i n t o t h e  the semantics o f t e c h n i c a l After  t h a t might  i ndry-  o f Ku  re-examination.  The  and t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l s how t o m a i n t a i n t h e  130 e c o n o m i c and  political  intellectuals  took i n t e r e s t  improvement o f the  early  i n s t i t u t i o n s of i n and  the  empire.  These  became i n v o l v e d  p r a c t i c a l g o v e r n m e n t and  n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , but  did  in  the  administration  in  riot  form a c l e a r l y  22 defined  movement as  such.  Kung T z u - c h e n whose c o n t r i b u t i o n  to  (1792-1841) and the  r i s e of  generally  recognized  i n Chinese  were a l s o  considered  t o be  movement o f tual's  ching-shih  who  indulged  writing,  calligraphy  and  beliefs into  the  t r a t i o n and  His  the  talents  to  (1)  irrigation, transport r e f o r m and  He  to p u b l i c  s t a t e c r a f t work has  categories:  Yet  Kung  advocate of  those  himself  his  ideas  field  urged  of  "the  affairs"  government  application  from c e n t r a l of  administration  application  the of  adminisof  (t'ung-ching  Water works i n c l u d i n g  grain  the  urgent p r a c t i c a l contemporary  b e e n summarized  administration  system i n the  intellec-  artistic  Yuan p u t  into  China  to  t h r e e main control, and  Peking,  centuries-old w h i c h Wei  knowledge chih-yung).  flood  r i v e r dredging, canal rebuilding  of  the  practice.  finance.  Classics  revival  denounced  research, 23  Yuan became a l e a d i n g  scholar's  this  Kung r e v i v e d  empty t a l k .  problems, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the  of  of  l e s s a t h e o r i s t , w h i l e Wei  Wei of  leaders  in literary and  (1794-1857),  T e x t Movement i s  g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c i e s and  scholars  more o r  New  Yuan  intellectual histories,  tradition.  c r i t i c i s m of  was  the  the  Wei  ocean (2)  salt  took p a r t  the monopoly with  131 exemplary r e s u l t s , Yuan's c a r e e r practical t'u-chih  illustrated  the  s t a t e s m a n s h i p , as (Illustrated  Huang-eh'ao on  (3) m i l i t a r y and  e f f o r t s of  the  p'ien  24  school  did his writings.  Gazetteer of  ching-shin-wen  S t a t e c r a f t i n the  border a f f a i r s .  Wei  of  His  Hai-kuo  Maritime countries)  (A c o l l e c t i o n o f  and  Essays  Reigning Dynasty) demonstrated  the  25 trend  of  growing concern w i t h n a t i o n a l With the  research,  and  this revived  decline  of  the  trend  statecraft  social  of  and  external  p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t and  of  empirical  invasion, action  Yuan t h r o u g h T s e n g K u o - f a n t o  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  could  the  therefore  i d e a l of  k n o w l e d g e as  intrinsic  c o n c e n t r a t e d on  the  be  the  the  School of p r a c t i c a l  summarized as  ching-shih  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and  chih-yung,  the  within  framework o f  The  ching-shih  scholarly inquiry  Chinese s o c i e t y .  attention  to  and  social  the  world of  utilitarian "practical"  spirit  action.  Most o f  stressed of  intellectuals state  This  and  new  intellec-  pragmatic,  which gave  realities.  commitment, t h e s e  Up-  i n t o p r a c t i c a l problems  t u a l o r i e n t a t i o n t e n d e d t o g e n e r a t e a new and  they  contemporary problems of  pursued  realistic  follows.  practical application  values.  s o c i e t y or the  dominant s c h o o l  dynasty.  The  holding  the  with domestic unrest  g a i n e d momentum f r o m Wei end  of  defense.  increasing  With t h e i r  conviction  i n t e l l e c t u a l s penetrated the  problems they d e a l t  into with  132 were what m i g h t be  called  the  "perennial  problems of  the  26 Chinese State" taxation,  the  —fiscal salt  administrative  and  gabelle,  problems  f i n a n c i a l problems such  grain tribute, transportation;  s u c h as  the  administration  s i x b o a r d s ; p r o b l e m s o f n a t i o n a l d e f e n s e and s y s t e m s s u c h as was  border a f f a i r s  a d i r e c t response to the  of  the  state—the  of  the  g o v e r n m e n t , and  and  of  the  military  maritime defense.  d e g e n e r a t i o n and  m i l i t a r y weakness, the the  as  This  deterioration  strained  apparent i n c a p a c i t y of  finances the  b u r e a u c r a c y and  intellectuals  t o cope s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h  the  situation.  Later,  T'ung-chih R e s t o r a t i o n  the  1860's, t h e  a t t e n t i o n of  men  was  entirely  ching-shih  and  the  concerned with  intellectuals'  utilitarian State  i n the  " w e a l t h " and  e n e r g y was  p u r p o s e o f fu-kuo  Strengthening  intellectuals  the  states-  "power."  d i r e c t e d toward  ch 'iang-ping A r m y ) , an  The the  (Enriching  objective  the  Confucianists  one.  e m p h a s i s upon u t i l i t a r i a n i s m , r e l a t i v i s m ,  and  s t a t e c r a f t already  o p p o s e d as  that  the  conventional Their  generally  and  of  s e t them a p a r t  from the  a Legalist  conventional  Confucians. As  Benjamin Schwartz p o i n t s  C h i n e s e t h o u g h t o f f e r e d two r e a l m o f what m i g h t be One  was  the  the  r o l e of  p e a c e and  called  orthodox l i n e ritual  and  harmony and  basic  of  out,  "traditional  alternatives in  political-economic Confucianism which  moral behavior conceived  of  the  i n the  the philosophy."  emphasized  pursuit  economic  of  welfare  133 o f t h e masses i n t e r m s o f t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n b a s i c needs. wealth often  and o f t h e i r  The o t h e r , w h i c h c o n s i d e r e d t h e i n c r e a s e o f  and power t o be t h e m a n i f e s t identified  as L e g a l i s t  t h o u g h i t was s u p p o r t e d  goal of the state,  i n point of o r i g i n ,  i n modified  form  by many  was  even who  27 considered suggest  themselves  that the late  staunch  Confucianists.  nineteenth-century  i n t e l l e c t u a l s were C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t s . i d e a s were n o t p e c u l i a r to Lao-tzu, this  We ching-shih  In f a c t ,  to the L e g a l i s t s .  The r e s u l t o f  C o n f u c i a n - L e g a l i s t amalgam was t h a t a u t o c r a c y  The Legalist  ching-shih  their  Many c a n be t r a c e d  C o n f u c i u s , H s i i n - t z u and M e n c i u s .  imbued w i t h m o r a l v a l u e s . . . 28 footing.  would  and p l a c e d on a s e c u r e scholars i n the late  was  philosophical  Ch'ing  used  techniques with a Confucian motivation, i . e . with  the C o n f u c i a n  conception o f the duty  o f t h e s t a t e t o promote  the w e l l - b e i n g o f the people  and t o e n a b l e  the p e r f e c t i o n o f v i r t u e s .  However, i n t h e d e t e r i o r a t i n g  Ch'ing and  empire,  they  gave much g r e a t e r e m p h a s i s t o w e a l t h  power t h a n d i d c o n v e n t i o n a l C o n f u c i a n i s t s .  compromise,--a c o m b i n a t i o n Legalist Legalists  practice. from  of the Confucian  One o b v i o u s  departure  the conventional Confucians  l o n g e r condemned p r o f i t - s e e k i n g . the t r a d i t i o n shih  them t o p u r s u e  T h i s was a  i d e a l and of the Confuciani s t h a t t h e y no  In addition  to upholding  o f t h e s e a r c h f o r "men o f t a l e n t , "  scholars also  considered  legal  the  and i n s t i t u t i o n a l  chingchange  134 as  pursued  i n the Western p o l i t i c a l  for p o l i t i c a l The theory. Their  ching-shih  s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t had no  i d e a s were, f r a g m e n t e d seeking  They  "spent  principles  a s a remedy  ailments.  None o f t h e ching-shih  only  tradition  s c h o l a r s were g r e a t  and n o n - t h e o r e t i c a l .  empirical solutions to dynastic little  systematic thinkers.  They were  problems.  time t h e o r i z i n g about t h e a b s t r a c t  o f government, b u t t r i e d  to deal with  concrete  29 problems o f t h e time." extent  i n h e r i t e d by t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l s  generation shang-wu see only  i n t h e younger  who b e l o n g e d t o e i t h e r t h e yang-wu  group.  Taking  presented  should  or later  concerned.  be s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e ching-shih faction.  Rather, t h i s  a s e r i e s o f f i g u r e s who were r e c o g n i z e d  common.  framework a n d  s c a t t e r e d t h o u g h t s on t h e s u b j e c t  n o t an o r g a n i z e d  poraries  group o r t h e  Huang T s u n - h s i e n a s a n example, we  t h a t he was a man who h a d no t h e o r e t i c a l  It was  T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was t o some  s c h o l a r s as h a v i n g  school  study  by t h e i r  regards contem-  certain traits i n  What a p p e a r s t o h i s t o r i a n s t o have b e e n a  " s y s t e m " h a d o n l y an ad h o c e x i s t e n c e  f o r those  immediately  concerned.  In f a c t ,  t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l s whom h i s t o r i a n s  classified  a s ching-shih  s c h o l a r s d i d n o t have a common  feeling  o f group i d e n t i t y .  They o n l y  created  new c l i m a t e s  o f d i s c u s s i o n , a n d g e n e r a t e d an a t t i t u d e , a way o f a p p r o a c h to s o c i a l  and p o l i t i c a l  a school o f thought.  problems, r a t h e r  than a  forming  They demanded a c t i o n i n s t e a d o f  135 offering  theories.  approach.  They a p p l i e d  Their mentality  and c o n s t a n t l y  ideas  ran a consistent basic  on t h e a l e r t .  intellectual  2.  Yang-wu P ' a i In  applied The  spirit  construction  epoch.  to diplomatic  countries,  things  lines,  In other  by f o r e i g n e r s  with  o f g o o d s by  as w e l l  a s maneuvers i n h a n d l i n g  affairs.  from t h e " S e c r e t  the  establishment  words, i t r e f e r r e d t o a l l m a t t e r s  We c a n g e t a g e n e r a l  Tsungli  idea o f the scope o f  on f o r e i g n a f f a i r s .  into s i x sections.  advisability t h e emperor.  yang-wu  C o r r e s p o n d e n c e " o f 1867 and 1868 i n w h i c h  Yamen a s k e d a number o f h i g h  opinions  divided  like  a c a d e m i e s and l a n g u a g e b u r e a u s , o p e n i n g o f m i n e s ,  introduced  their  generally  r e l a t i o n s between  but included  o f r a i l r o a d s and t e l e g r a p h  steamboats, e t c .  the  was  t o mean a l l " f o r e i g n m a t t e r s . "  s e n d i n g o f s t u d e n t s abroad and t r a n s p o r a t i o n  foreign  established  Self-Strengtheners)  by s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s  C h i n a and F o r e i g n  of naval  application  t h e 1860"s a n d 1870s t h e t e r m yang-wu  term r e f e r r e d n o t o n l y  respon-  Under a l l t h e f r a g m e n t e d  I n t h i s way, t h e y  of t h e i r  (The  dynamic,  theme—practical  knowledge t o t h e s o c i e t y .  the  Confucian-Legalist  was r e l a t i v e l y  sive,  of  a  of granting  officials for  The c o r r e s p o n d e n c e was  The f i r s t  section dealt  with  f o r e i g n e n v o y s an a u d i e n c e  The s e c o n d d i s c u s s e d  t h e problem o f  136 sending  permanent envoys a b r o a d .  construction of railways concerned  the  demand o f  w a r e h o u s e s and and  business  to navigate  fifth  and  The  telegraph  the  dealt with  lines.  The  offices  outside  right  of  the  the  fourth  foreigners for permission  i n l a n d waterways w i t h  dealt with  third  to  treaty  open  ports  steamships.  The  f o r e i g n e r s t o mine s a l t  and 3  coal,  and  the The  final  s e c t i o n was  yang-wu  strengthening  movement, a l s o known as  movement," was  i n g among c e r t a i n C h i n e s e after  the  European c o u n t r i e s w i t h  diplomatic  techniques  (Arrow War  "sturdy  come t o r e a l i z e  result  the  and  yang-wu  was  Superior  primary goal of t h i s shih  i ohih  oh'ang-ohi  Technology of the  the  "Selfawaken-  scholar-officials  1856-1960) strong  inadequacies  t h e West i n t e c h n o l o g i c a l , m i l i t a r y The  and  s h i p s and  s y s t e m s and  activities.  of a f u l l e r  intellectuals  China's second d e f e a t  They had  about m i s s i o n a r y  of  by guns."  traditional  hoped t o l e a r n  and  economic  g r o u p who i chi  Barbarians  from  respects.  advocated  i  ("Learn  i n Order to  the Control  31 Them"). stage  of  guns." who of  saw the  This  t h e movement, meant o n l y Except f o r a  few  i n the  "sturdy  f a r - s i g h t e d men  earlier  s h i p s and  strong  l i k e Wang 32  T'ao  t h e : i m p o r t a n c e o f economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n , yang-wu  developing who  "superior technology,"  reformers  trade,  p r o m o t e d and  were n o t  commerce and advocated  most .  g r e a t l y concerned  industries.  The  with  leaders  economic p r o j e c t s i n the  yang-wu  movement were m o t i v a t e d t i o n s r a t h e r than  by  l a r g e l y by  a real  non-economic  understanding  of  considera-  economic  modernization. The  motivation  group l i k e  P r i n c e Kung  Diplomatic  modernization  of  t h e Manchu members o f  under the  t o ward o f f f o r e i g n a t t a c k  rebellion. to  share  The  l e a d i n g Han  power w i t h  during  the  either  by  and and  domestic  officals  the  and  i n nature  group,  order  and  motives  ( e . g . L i Hung-  though i t i n i t i a t e d  and  were o n l y  rose  motivated  the o l d Confucian  naval  the o l d o r d e r . and  who  conservatives  r e g i o n a l power  Hence, t h e yang-wu  to  modernization  ( e . g . T s e n g K u o - f a n ) , o r by m i x e d  c o n s o l i d a t i o n of  defensive  suppress  (1980-1864) were  c o n s t r u c t i o n o f modern m i l i t a r y the  military  (Chinese)  a d e s i r e to preserve  encompassing p e r s o n a l chang) .  t r e a t y s y s t e m was  t h e Manchus and  Taiping Uprising  civilization  yang-wu  ( I - h s i n ) was s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n .  appease the Western a g g r e s s o r s , was  the  power, aimed  the at  I t s a c t i o n s were  "a c o n s e r v a t i v e  compromise  33 avoiding genuine Despite and  modernization." the  limited  nature  of  their  p a s s i v e a t t i t u d e toward m o d e r n i z a t i o n ,  group n e v e r t h e l e s s Confucian  the  t r a d i t i o n a l i s m by  idea of  "specialists  the  yang-wu  created a challenging force against proposing  a progressive  of change, p r e s e n t i n g a n a t i o n - s t a t e w o r l d forth  innovations  replacing "scholars of  and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . "  v i e w and  concept putting  learning" with  138 The believe  traditional  "change" was  a  Confucian  s c h o l a r s tended  "downward f l o w "  and  to  a declining  34 process, as  because they  eternal principles  "Three d y n a s t i e s " followed.  saw  the  ancient  "made m a n i f e s t "  ( s a n - t a i ) as  Chinese C l a s s i c s  and  the  h i s t o r i c a l models to  believed that  communicate w i t h  the  long  outside world  as C h i n a d i d she  "Central Nation,"  could  i d e n t i t y as  her  c u l t u r e — t a o - t ' u n g (Orthodox W a y ) — c o u l d 35  transmitted  the  as  her  and  a different  view o f  the  not  still  the  through the d y n a s t i c c y c l e s .  group p r e s e n t e d  lead  be  Though h i s t o r y moved i n a downward f l o w ,  conservatives  and  ancient  retain  essence  of  continue  to  The  "change"—a  be  yang-wu progressive  e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n c e p t w h i c h meant t h a t c h a n g e w o u l d t o p r o s p e r i t y and  w o u l d be  o f n a t i o n a l w e a l t h and The  change w h i c h b r o k e away  t r a d i t i o n a l i s m was  t h e yang-wu  of a world  kuo-chia  C h i n a as  one  Heretofore, prevailed  of the  (Nation-State)  t h e members o f t'ien-hsia  the  their  jen-ts'ai  of T a l e n t " ) .  of general  "man  knowledge  "family of  of  the  yang-wu  a t t i t u d e toward the  of  considered  nations." concept 36  p 'ai  recruitment  In c o n v e n t i o n a l  while  the  was of  value-  t a l e n t " meant a C o n f u c i a n  (t'ung-jen),  adoption  intellectuals.  Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  judgement, t h e  which  ( U n i v e r s a l Empire)  d e m o n s t r a t e d by  from  scholar-officials'  i n t h e m i n d s o f most  ("Men  pursuit  power.  most n o t a b l e  view of  e s s e n t i a l to the  scholar  yang-wu  leaders  139 admired  t h e man o f a b i l i t y  practical  problems.  Most o f h i s mu-fu experts with  who was s k i l l f u l  i n handling  L i Hung-chang s e t a good  (Personal S t a f f )  special  example.  were p r o f e s s i o n a l s and  knowledge i n v a r i o u s f i e l d s  rather  37 than  scholars of philosophy  and l i t e r a t u r e .  as HsuehFu-ch'eng, T i n g J i h - c h ' a n g , T'ang T ' i n g - s h u ,  Cheng  Such men  Kuan-ying,  Ma C h i e n - c h u n g , Yung Wing and Wang t ' a o  had  e i t h e r been l i v i n g  i n treaty  had  actually  a merchant o r compradore  come f r o m  p o r t s f o r many y e a r s o r  None o f them had a t t a i n e d an e x a m i n a t i o n 38 than  "chii-jen."  t h e yang-wu the of  degree  higher  I n o t h e r w o r d s , we c a n s u g g e s t  l e a d e r s took  the f i r s t  transformation o f Chinese  ideal  of Confucian  "Confucian  step i n the process of  officials  from  an e l i t e  quacies  amateurism o r as Feuerwerker 39  t h e yang-wu  of Confucian  stand p r e c i s e l y  limited  the inade-  and p o i n t e d o u t t h e  o n t h e West, t h e y  d i d n o t under-  what t h e West was and w h i c h was t h e t r u e  leading to wealth  their  group r e a l i z e d  traditionalism  n e e d f o r change m o d e l l e d  path  called  omnicompetence."  Although  and power.  The p r i m a r y  reason f o r  k n o w l e d g e a b o u t t h e West was t h e l a c k o f  b o o k s w h i c h p r o v i d e d o b j e c t i v e v i e w s on t h e West. had  that  s c h o l a r s t o an e l i t e o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s by p u t t i n g a s i d e  the it  background.  anyone t o u c h e d  o n t h e q u e s t i o n o f how and why  W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s had become s t r o n g a n d w e a l t h y .  Rarely certain Moreover,  140 o n l y a s m a l l number closer  o f C h i n e s e h a d gone a b r o a d  i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f Western s o c i e t y and i n s t i t u t i o n s .  Due t o t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g British  military  during the Anglo-Chinese  Self-strengtheners Tso  Tsung-t'ang  like  tended  Tseng  t h i n k i n g , which  tended  power d i s p l a y e d  to identify  nei  mo  caused  (Means),  The t r a d i t i o n a l  to analyze matters  ( I n n e r ) and wai  movement i n terms  L i Hung-chang a n d  Western s u p e r i o r i t y  as l i ( M e t a p h y s i c a l Substance)  Substance),  by t h e  War o f 1858-1860, t h e  Kuo-fan,  modern weaponry and t e c h n o l o g y .  terms  t o make a  i n such  a n d ch'i  ( O u t e r ) , pen  with  way o f dualistic  (Physical (Ends) a n d  them t o p e r c e i v e t h e m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f t h e famous Chung-t'i  hsi-yung  ("Chinese  40 Essence, Western A p p l i c a t i o n " ) this it  approach  a l s o caused  dichotomy.  Although  provided rational  justification  serious defects  and l i m i t a t i o n s  f o r change, i n moderniz-  ation.  3.  Shang-wu In l a t e  generally  P ' a i (The M e r c h a n t i l i s t s  n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y China t h e term  referred  with foreign traditional  t o a l l economic a c t i v i t i e s  trade. domestic  was i t l i m i t e d  commerce  to foreign  included.  which  shang-wu  associated  I t d i d n o t mean commerce was n o t i n c l u d e d ;  per se,  for  neither  trade alone, f o r a g r i c u l t u r e ,  commerce, m i n i n g , m a n u f a c t u r i n g management  and I n d u s t r i a l i s t s )  were r e l a t e d  industries  to foreign  and f i n a n c i a l  t r a d e , were  also  141 The officials, developed ation.  shang-wu  p ai  was  1  a group  g e n t r y , compradores an a c t i v e  They  interest  believed  that  composed o f  and m e r c h a n t s  who  i n commerce and t h e s e economic  scholar-  had  industrializ-  enterprises  t h e means t o t h e n a t i o n a l g o a l o f w e a l t h and power. members o f t h i s g r o u p were a l s o members o f t h e group. of  In f a c t ,  t h e yang-wu  F o r example, leader,  shang-wu  attitude,  might  be c a t e g o r i z e d  as one  i n the broad sense of the  out i n a recent  Some  yang-wu  L i Hung-chang, t h e most p r o m i n e n t  i s singled  were  branch  term.  yang-wu  research a r t i c l e  on  41 shang-wu  i d e a s as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e The  w e a l t h and craft  shang-wu  strength  seem q u i t e  group's and  close  As a m a t t e r o f f a c t ,  figure.  ardent concern f o r the  their  profound i n t e r e s t  in spirit  tradition  i n f l u e n c e on t h e s e m e r c a n t i l i s t s  and  many r e s p e c t s .  examples  Wei  They o f t e n  Yiian, Kung T z u - c h e n Ch'ing.  proposals  f o r strengthening  t h e Ching-shih  more t o f o r e i g n  had  a great  and  s a y i n g s from scholars  of  However, t h e y o f f e r e d more c o n c r e t e and r e f o r m i n g t h e c o u n t r y t h a n  scholars. examples  Moreover,  and p r i n c i p l e s  a u t h o r i t i e s o f the Chinese  they  referred  than to the  Classics.  Of t h e members o f t h i s represent  school.  industrialists in  and o t h e r ching-shih  the e a r l y  had  cited  i n state-  t o t h e ching-shih  t h e ching-shih  national  group, perhaps  t h e movement t h a n Cheng K u a n - y i n g  none  better  (1842-1923)  and  Chang C h i e n  earlier  (1853-1926).  s t a g e o f t h e shang-wu  i n t e l l e c t u a l who cotton-mill (Official  inaugurated  and s e r v e d  Supervision  Cheng's i d e a s movement. the f i r s t  represent  the  He was a c o m p r a d o r e Chinese-owned  a s manager o f many  kuan-tu  and M e r c h a n t O p e r a t i o n )  shang-pan  enterprises  42 u n d e r L i Hung-chang. War) a g a i n s t shang-wu  He c a l l e d  the foreigners  ohiu-kuo  f o r a shang-chan  (Commercial  and p u t f o r t h t h e i d e a o f  (National  S a l v a t i o n by Commerce and  43 Trade). turned  The c e n t r a l i d e a o f Chang C h i e n — t h e " m a n d a r i n 44 manufacturer" was shih-yeh ohiu-kuo (National 45  S a l v a t i o n by I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ) . Although prominent can  a l s o be c l a s s i f i e d  the  bulk of t h i s  this  g r o u p was o u t s i d e  leadership  o f t h e yang-wu  populist  goals  officials  character economic  b u t , under  who s o u g h t t o  through e s t a b l i s h e d  bureaucratic  s t r a t a o f Chinese s o c i e t y p r i o r  t h e S i n d - J a p a n e s e War o f 1894-1895.  a d v o c a t e s worked l a r g e l y o u t s i d e  Some o f t h e  the o f f i c i a l  (Such a s Cheng K u a n - y i n g ) , o r s i m p l y  own p a t h i n t h e p r a c t i c a l w o r l d (Such a s Chang C h i e n ) .  3  circle^of  t o government c i r c l e s ,  channels, pervaded various  system  p 'ai  group i n d i c a t e s t h a t d i s c u s s i o n o f n a t i o n a l  implement t h e i r  to  the inner  The r e l a t i v e l y  a f f a i r s was n o t c o n f i n e d the  L i Hung-chang  a s members o f t h e shang-wu  government l e a d e r s h i p . of  statesmen l i k e  This  to r e a l i z e  group t r i e d  shang-wu  administration  chose their  their ideals  to generate  enough  143 pressure  from below t o i n f l u e n c e government  In e s s e n c e , Although  t h e y were m o s t l y  their  outlook  policy-making.  g o v e r n m e n t and  differed  from the  social  ch'ing-i  D i s c u s s i o n ) movement, n e v e r t h e l e s s t h e r e was between the  salient  e m p h a s i s on  pao-hu  li-eh'uan  f e a t u r e of the  commerce and  e v e n t h o u g h i t was  o f p r o f i t - s e e k i n g and modernization.  The  subordinate  the age-old pointed  group  promoting  is a  Their slogan  li to  to  Profit).  political  Confucian  condemnation  i n the d i r e c t i o n  of  economic  i d e a was  to achieving n a t i o n a l wealth f o r e i g n t r a d e and  proposedvwas t o  was  (Profit),  g r o u p ' s most d i s t i n c t i v e  t h a t the b a r r i e r s  approach they  industry.  importance of  basically  counteracted  be o v e r c o m e by  shang-wu  (Protection of National Rights  open r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e  belief  a distant t i e  4  strong  concerns,  (Pure  two. *'  The  The  critics.  might  industry.  " c u t down i m p o r t s  and  the  The increase  47 exports."  I n f o r e i g n t r a d e and  means o f r e v i v i n g a  solid  foundation  producing  national financial f o r the  a s t r o n g and On  united  importance of l e a d e r s h i p .  concern  o t h e r w o r d s , t h e shang-wu  and  the  building  up  thereby  China. they  emphasized  They hoped t h a t t h e  would r e p l a c e i t s t r a d i t i o n a l active  life  saw  improvement o f weaponry,  the government l e v e l ,  commerce w i t h  commerce, t h e y  negativism and  the  government  toward t r a d e  and  e n e r g e t i c promotion.  In  i n t e l l e c t u a l s brought out  need f o r f u n d a m e n t a l change i n t h e C h i n e s e  attitude  the toward  t r a d e and to  commerce.  Confucian  t h e yang-wu  traditionalism movement i n t h e  The slightly  T h i s movement s e r v e d  challenge  i n economic r e s p e c t s as realm  m o t i v a t i o n of the  different  as a  of  diplomacy.  shang-wu  g r o u p , however,  f r o m t h a t o f t h e yang-wu  clique.  c o n s i d e r a b l y more w i l l i n g  socio-cultural  c o n s e q u e n c e s o f e c o n o m i c change t h a n  fen  and  Early  thought  urged  them t o be  p r e s e r v i n g the o l d s o c i e t y .  later  shang-wu  ment o f new  reformers,  to accept  On  economic an  away f r o m t h e o l d t r a d i t i o n  their  they  Kuei-  innovations  i n e s c a p a b l e means  the other  were i n t e r e s t e d  e c o n o m i c f o r m s and  the  o f change, l i k e Feng  e v e n L i Hung-chang, had  o n l y because they of  advocates  was  They  were, i n f a c t ,  predecessors.  did  hand,  i n the  develop-  were p r e p a r e d  t o make C h i n a  the  t o move  "wealthy  and  strong." The  shang-wu  s t a n d i n g of the  group, a c t u a l l y ,  role  o f t r a d e and  Chinese  w r i t e r s a t the  turn of  further  into  of the  West, t h e y essential activity. to  the  study  realized  had  a deeper  commerce t h a n many  the c e n t u r y .  As  framework  f o r t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m m e r c i a l and  political  later  reformers  modernization.  T'ang Chen and  they  economic development o f  t h a t a sound p o l i t i c a l  Hence, t h e  under-  shifted  went the was  industrial  the  Cheng K u a n - y i n g , Ho  Ch'en C h i h a l l b e g a n t o a d v o c a t e  other  emphasis Ch'i,  the  48 establishment  of a parliament.  With the  tide  of  political  145 reform mounting a t the t u r n of the c e n t u r y , the defined  shang-wu  g r o u p was  advocating p o l i t i c a l  transformed  reform,  into a  loosely  group  i . e . t h e wei-hsin  p'ai  (The  Reformists). The  aforementioned  t h r e e g r o u p s were a c o n t i n u -  a t i o n o f the i n t e l l e c t u a l modernization  process.  As  the  process a c c e l e r a t e d , the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e of n a t i o n a l i s m (which a p p e a r e d xenophobia  i n the  of  self-preservation  i n the v e r y beginning)  ism d i s c e r n i b l e  in their  among t h e r e f o r m e r s and  form  thinking  and  intensified.  The  and  desire  t h e common  t o t r a n s f o r m the empire  into  s t r o n g modern s t a t e were i n d i c a t o r s o f an  a  patriot-  wealthy  embryonic  49 nationalism. On  the Chinese  of modernization  had  intellectual  emerged.  The  scene, acute  a new  academic c o n t r o -  v e r s i e s o f t h e p a s t g e n e r a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g Han Sung l e a r n i n g , had  g i v e n way  New  and  One  economic  the orthodox  its  of national  like  to believe  survival that  and  and  the  continuous  intellectuals  t h e knowledge n e c e s s a r y  for  modernization. the gradual d e c l i n e of the Ch'ing  academic s c h o o l ceased  t o h o l d an  f o r p r a c t i c a l - m i n d e d people because  curiosity  learning  academic l e g i t i m a c y  experiences of these  i n extending  During  interest  would  frustrating  were i m p o r t a n t China's  O l d T e s t , and  to the problem  modernization. efforts  T e s t and  "religion"  f o r new  ideas.  Failing  dynasty,  intellectual  i t had  t o have an  lost  interest  146 in  orthodox  their led  energies i n s o c i a l  t o numerous  fronting created The  i d e a s , p r a g m a t i s t s had t o f i n d  group  f u r t h e r by f i r s t  tional might  of p r a c t i c a l  The r e v i v a l  action.  problems  o f t h e ching-shih  an a t m o s p h e r e o f p r a g m a t i s m and a c a l l  yang-wu  level  c r i t i c i s m and s o c i a l  investigations  the country.  an o u t l e t f o r  and t h e shang-wu initiating  Although  be d i f f e r e n t ,  the d e s i r e  school  for action.  went a b i g s t e p  i t o u t on t h e i n s t i t u -  p r i o r i t y given to modernization  t h e y h a d a theme i n common, t h a t i s ,  f o r a wealthy  The  con-  c h a n g e on t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l  and t h e n p r o c e e d i n g t o c a r r y level.  group  This  national  and p o w e r f u l  g o a l o f "wealth  China. and power" p r o v i d e d  b o t h m o t i v a t i o n and s a n c t i o n f o r t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f W e s t e r n industrialism. and  social  commitment ment,  The ching-shih  responsibility, to military,  ideal  of p o l i t i c a l  t h e yang-wu  industrial  and  Thus, t h e t r a d i t i o n a l  concept  shang-wu  and c o m m e r c i a l  i n t e r a c t e d w i t h W e s t e r n and l a t e r o f "wealth  engagement  Japanese  developthought.  and power"  gradually  b e g a n t o be r e p l a c e d b y t h e modern c o n c e p t o f " e c o n o m i c modernization."  147 C.  Huang T s u h - H s i e n as an E c o n o m i c R e f o r m e r : An  Appraisal  What p o s i t i o n d i d Huang T s u n - h s i e n o c c u p y trends  o f economic t h i n k i n g  development i n l a t e  and t h e c o u r s e o f e c o n o m i c  C h ' i n g , and what makes t h a t p o s i t i o n  u n i q u e among h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s ?  A c o m p a r i s o n o f Huang  with h i s contemporaries w i l l  give  not  questions.  precise  answers t o such  some g e n e r a l  Huang T s u n - h s i e n " s i n t e l l e c t u a l f r o m a n e a r l y age he was o r i e n t e d that  is,:.the i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s  participation. that  he was one o f t h e yang-wu  affairs.  life  commitment  career  the  showed  that ideal,  and  political  seems t o s u g g e s t  p ai whose members were 1  i n a position to deal with  foreign  H i s t h i n k i n g , however, d e m o n s t r a t e s a h e a v y  e m p h a s i s on e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s , p a r t i c u l a r l y trade  ideas i f  t o t h e ching-shih  social  His diplomatic  mostly o f f i c i a l s  i n the  w h i c h was  shang-wu Our  t h e most p o p u l a r  subject  on f o r e i g n  discussed  among  group. a n a l y s i s o f t h e Treatises  on Japan  demonstrated  t h a t Huang p a i d most a t t e n t i o n t o r e v e n u e , e s p e c i a l l y l a n d tax, and shih of  foreign trade tsu-shui)  was  and commerce.  tic  and f o r e i g n t r a d e  (t'ien-fu  was t h e m a j o r  g r o u p , i t seems j u s t i f i a b l e  huang as a shang-wu outlook,  revenue  t h e main c o n c e r n o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l  intellectuals, t h e shang-wu  Since  career  background.  made him d i f f e r e n t f r o m o t h e r  theme  to c l a s s i f y  r e f o r m e r w i t h a ching-shih  a n d a yang-wu  ching-  This  intellectual characteris-  r e f o r m e r s , who were more  148 or  l e s s drawn t o r e f o r m  concern.  ideas  Compared t o o t h e r  f r o m a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s and have d i s c u s s e d shang-wu tural (Ho  p'ai  earlier  o r had  industrial  enterprises.  concerned with  of  vested  r e f o r m was  his  follow  the  s i t u a t i o n as  of  the  or  His  realm of  despised  the  economic a f f a i r s  was  as  be  a means  economic  concerned  ching-shih He  ching-shih  did  scholars,  problems i n the saw  the  t o o k up  by  Chinese  e n a b l e d him  was  the  area  Classics  contemporary  He  other  about  to  crisis.  experience abroad  not  industry.  of  knowledge  b e c a u s e he  of unprecedented  w h i c h was  was  Kung T z u - c h e n . ^  s o l u t i o n s to current  one  career  h i s time.  that  he  t h a t Huang  i n h e r i t e d from  path of  and  state.  to apply  Yuan and  traditional  seeking  Ch'i  primarily  i n trade  commitment—to  Chinese h i s t o r i e s c h i e f l y  yang-wu  was  personally  power f o r t h e  p e o p l e , and  l i k e Wei  intellec-  commerce-related  demonstrates  ching-shih the  intellectuals  and  yet  economic e n t e r p r i s e s  p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s — w h i c h he  of  Ho  m a j o r r e a s o n f o r Huang's a d v o c a c y  s t a t e and  that  in  and  we  the  treaty-port  Huang's c a r e e r  w e a l t h and  As  members o f  i n t e r e s t e d i n "economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n "  The  not  Huang came  background.  chapter,  involved  career  i n t e r e s t s i n f o r e i g n trade  i t seems t o me,  achieving  the  in this  foreign affairs,  i n any  genuinely  thinkers,  educational  were d i r e c t l y  activities  fact,  shang-wu  Cheng K u a n - y i n g , Wang T'ao,  K a i ) , who  This  a c l a s s i n t e r e s t or  were m o s t l y c o m p r a d o r e and  s u c h as  involved  by  to  a  scholars perceive  i n which  the  world's  strongest  nations  d i f f e r e d most v i s i b l y J a p a n and  the  United  States,  the  ization.  only  economic s e c t o r  as  England  from China.  a l s o demonstrated I t was  (e.g.  w i t h w h i c h Huang was  natural  commerce and  of  departure.  power and  1890's he  to  "Japanization"  became more e x p l i c i t  e c o n o m i c power was  the  best  was and  way  but  there  was  the  prior  are  assumption t h a t  establishment  the  cited  shang-wu  goals  not  eh'iang  an  China.  The  (power) was  W h i l e most shang-wu  example o f  the  the  benefits of  view t h a t  Islanders"  that  J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t had  activities, at every  c u t t i n g i n t o the  juncture.  By  was  the  turn, was  the  to  being  the  i n her  the  out  passive  economic  West's p r o f i t - s e e k i n g  p o i n t i n g out  and  Huang p o i n t e d  ceased  begun t a k i n g more i n i t i a t i v e  He  positively  for inspiration.  fu  feature  trade  trade  f o r f u r t h e r development.  "Eastern  the  that  "wealth" which i n  turned  One  reformers  foundation  i n t e l l e c t u a l who  idea  a typical  laid  had  that  systematic,  f o r Japan's  and  the  power.  ingredient  the  in  openly recognized  decisive  Chinese  wealth  a p o w e r f u l C h i n a d e p e n d e d on  m a n u f a c t u r e , Huang e x p r e s s e d  first  of  but  to n a t i o n a l  of a wealthy  view.  E n g l a n d as  the  this  c e r t a i n themes t h a t a p p e a r r e c u r r e n t l y .  ( H e a l t h ) came b e f o r e of  familiar,  Huang's p r o g r e s s  gradual,  Huang's e c o n o m i c t h i n k i n g was  like  industrial-  f o r Huang t o t a k e  t o w a r d a w h o l e - h e a r t e d commitment t o t h e and  France)  Moreover, c o u n t r i e s  b e n e f i t s of  his point  and  success of  capacity Japan,  150 in  fact,  he was u r g i n g C h i n a  economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n .  support  t h e same p a t h o f  H i s advocacy  before the Sino-Japanese vigorous  to follow  War  of a "Japanization"  o f 1894-1895 d i d n o t g e t  s i n c e most o f t h e C h i n e s e  e v e n t h e shang-wu  reformers,  at that  time,  l o o k e d down upon J a p a n and d i d  not c o n s i d e r her experience o f modernization v a l u a b l e t o China  i n the course of Westernization. Huang  Tsun-hsien  t h e p a t t e r n o f shang-wu  r e p r e s e n t a t e d something  thought.  Although  r e f o r m e r s a t h i s t i m e were p r o p o s i n g capacity  to substantiate t h e i r  strictly  limited.  Huang's  other p a r t s of the world e x a m p l e s and s u g g e s t i o n s . materials  injected  a new  e c o n o m i c and i n t e l l e c t u a l century China. reform  a r g u m e n t was,  living  enabled  their  i n general,  experience  i n J a p a n and  him t o g i v e more c o n c r e t e  dimension  of complexity  transition of late  to the  nineteenth-  s u c h a s T'ang Chen's Wei-Yen  Cheng K u a n - Y i n g ' s Sheng-shih  t'ing  ideas,  H i s i n t r o d u c t i o n o f Japanese  W a r n i n g s t o an A g e o f p r o s p e r i t y , Chih-p'ing  similar  shang-wu  In c o n t r a s t w i t h contemporary works on  i n thel890's  Warning),  the  new i n  £  Wei-yen  1 8 9 3 ) , Ch'en  (Words o f (Words o f Ch'iu's  (Comprehensive P r o p o s a l s f o r M a i n t a i n Tke  ing  the peace,  1893) and Ch'en C h i h ' s  lung-shu  the s p e c i f i c  example o f J a p a n .  movement had s u c c e s s f u l l y Japan i n t o  a powerful  supported  He d e s c r i b e d how  transformed  and p r o s p e r o u s  A-  (Trito  Sayings., c a . 1 8 9 4 ) , Huang's r e f o r m p r o p o s a l s were by  book  a reform  a s m a l l and d e f e n s e l e s s nation.  151 I n o r d e r t o e v a l u a t e Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s e c o n o m i c r e f o r m p r o p e r l y , we appropriate context, that economic thought Japan his of  was  i s , among t h e o t h e r  o f h i s time.^"*"  chiefly  China.  His  i n the advanced  Huang's r e s p o n s e  a p r o j e c t i o n of h i s view  r e f o r m p r o p o s a l s were b a s i c a l l y  Japanese  "economic v i e w s "  of China,  geared  and  to t h i s  Huang and  h i s contemporaries  to the  Meiji and  needs  his interpretations  Chinese  context. will  A brief  comparison  s e t t h e s t a g e and  some o f t h e m a i n e c o n o m i c i s s u e s o f h i s t i m e .  reconstructing  the economic thoughts  contemporaries  we  an: i n t e g r a t e d  are severely  theoretical  i s more d e s c r i p t i v e  and  into  the  The  o f Huang and  of  restricted  speculative  t h a n modern  and we  run the r i s k  point  about  economic development concerned  system,  h i s courage  In  lack  of  product  economists  of r e a d i n g too  i n China.  i n mentioning  his observation the  T h i s r e c o m m e n d a t i o n was of l i g h t  and  law o f f i x e d  a g a i n s t t h e Manchus' a n c e s t r a l  Huang's a d v o c a c y unique  taxation  the d e s i r a b i l i t y  the Confucian benevolent p r i n c i p l e  relatively  bring  material.  most s i g n i f i c a n t  heavy t a x a t i o n  their  Thus t h e f i n a l  of Japanese and  by  of  his  system.  would n o r m a l l y t o l e r a t e , deeply  to  economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n a r e i m p o r t a n t o n l y i n  reference  out  have t o p l a c e him  ideas of  of a maximizing  against  taxation,  taxation policy  among t h e l a t e C h ' i n g  of  land  tax.  was  economic r e f o r m e r s .  Let  us  K u a n - y i n g , as critical  an example.  the  as a h i n d r a n c e  and  t h e a d v a n c e d shang-wu  of the Ch'ing  particularly  trade.  take  He  a c o m p r a d o r e , he was  very  g o v e r n m e n t ' s h e a v y t a x a t i o n on  likin  levy.  He  an  commerce,  c o n s i d e r e d heavy t a x a t i o n  t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f commerce and  vigorously  suggested  As  t h i n k e r , Cheng  advocated  foreign  the a b o l i t i o n of  the  i n c r e a s e i n t h e r a t e o f d u t i e s on  likin  impor-  52 tation  of  f o r e i g n m e r c h a n d i s e as an Wang T'ao,  that  the l i k i n  merchants. it  had  He  and  a treaty-port intellectual, other miscellaneous  advocated  also believed  taxes hindered  the a b o l i t i o n of the  likin,  the for  been i n t r o d u c e d as a t e m p o r a r y d e v i c e t o c o p e  the f i n a n c i a l  crisis  o f the mid-century  t h e enormous m i l i t a r y the  alternative.  expenditure  years f o l l o w i n g  f o r the  suppression  53 Taipmgs. Ch'en C h i h , a r e f o r m - m i n d e d m i n o r o f f i c i a l ,  a shang-wu  t h i n k e r , condemned t h e  e x p l o i t a t i o n of the people.  He  likin  with  as  of  also  excessive  t h e r e f o r e advocated  that  54 the  likin  s h o u l d be  abolished w i t h i n ten  Hsueh F u - c h ' e n g , a h i g h - r a n k e d  years. official  and  diplomat,  a d v i s e d g r a d u a l a b o l i t i o n of the l i k i n i n h i s 55 m e m o r i a l o f 1875. The a b o v e a r g u m e n t s f o r m i n i m i z i n g t a x a t i o n were combined w i t h p r o p o s a l s  for elimination of sinecures i n 56  t h e g o v e r n m e n t and  reduction of  the  s i z e of the  army.  153 As we have d i s c u s s e d a b o v e , l i g h t traditional  C o n f u c i a n economic c o n c e p t  with maintaining frugal  state  t a x a t i o n was a  t h a t was i n a c c o r d a n c e  e x p e n d i t u r e , l e a v i n g maximum  s u r p l u s p r o d u c t i n t h e hands o f t h e p e o p l e . d i c t u m was s t i l l period.  s h a r e d by t h e r e f o r m e r s  In comparison  Huang's a d v o c a c y appeared  with h i s contemporaries,  revolutionary.  lun-i  by a n y  Ho C h i a n d Hu L i - y u a n p r e s e n t e d financial  management i n t h e  ( D i s c u s s i o n on Reform o f Government,  F i r s t P u b l i s h e d i n 1895). siderable  Ch'ing  however,  H i s i d e a was n o t e c h o e d  i d e a s on governmental  Hsin-oheng  i n the late  o f a g o v e r n m e n t w i t h ample t a x f u n d s  other reformers u n t i l their  This Confucian  T h e i r argument was t h a t  a con-  amount o f t a x a t i o n was n e c e s s a r y i n o r d e r t o 57  finance  state  expenditure.  t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e Wealth Completed  of Nations  i n 1900) e x p r e s s e d Recent  (Began i n 1897 a n d  • • , a similar  • ^ idea.  r e s e a r c h on t h e i m p o r t a n t  tax p l a y e d i n Japanese taxation  L a t e r , Yen F u , i n h i s  system  reveals  Huang's i n s i g h t s  r o l e which  t h e momentous i m p l i c a t i o n s o f  e v e n more so t h a n he was aware o f .  s t u d y o f Wang Y e h - c h i e n  on l a n d  Ch'ing  Dynasty  t h e Japanese  greater  points out that  on l a n d v a l u e e n j o y e d  flexibility,  disadvantage  land  e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and t h e C h ' i n g  recent  w h i c h was b a s e d  58  while the Chinese  of i n f l e x i b i l i t y  taxation  i n the  land-tax  t h e advantage suffered  o f both p r i c e s  The  system  of  from t h e  a n d income  154 elasticity  despite  increase  i n yield  under a l a n d t a x 59  s y s t e m w h i c h was b a s e d o n l a n d  area.  D i d Huang  hsien  s u g g e s t a change o f t h e t a x b a s e  value  and y i e l d  ( i . e . using  a s a t a x b a s e as d i d t h e M e i j i  when he a d v o c a t e d  a heavy l a n d - t a x  Tsunland  government),  p o l i c y s i m i l a r to  Japan's t o s t a b i l i z e  government revenue?  by  D i d he s u g g e s t t h e i n c r e a s e o f t h e  heavy t a x a t i o n ?  What d i d he mean  t a x b a s e , o r , d i d he s u g g e s t t h e i n c r e a s e Was he r e a l l y tax? land  his  aware o f t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e M e i j i  I f he was f u l l y  indication  of the implications of h i s  then h i s recommendations superceded  contemporaries.  Unfortunately  of h i s farsigktedness  Whether o r n o t Huang u n d e r s t o o d the  s e l e c t i o n of land  certain policy  of  i n t h e Treatises the f i s c a l  i n the tax rate rather he r e c o g n i z e d  the unresponsiveness, of the Ch'ing  h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s were c o m p l a i n i n g development o f trade  on  Japan.  significance of but i t i s taxation  By h e a v y t a x a t i o n he  W h i l e Huang was a d v o c a t i n g  the  those of a l l  i s no c l e a r  t h e Japanese heavy  t r a n s f e r a b l e t o China.  t a x base; n e v e r t h e l e s s  i.e.  there  t a x base i s not e v i d e n t ,  t h a t he c o n s i d e r e d  meant t h e i n c r e a s e  land  aware o f t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e  t a x and was c o n s c i o u s  suggestions  of the tax rate?  probably  than t h e change  the f i s c a l  weakness,  taxation policy.  a heavy t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , a b o u t t h e harm done t o  t h e government t a x a t i o n p o l i c y .  Were t h e y c o n t r a d i c t i n g e a c h o t h e r ?  A c l o s e look  at the  155 Ch'ing  taxation  contradictory  situation will  viewpoints are  reveal  that  really  two  that  there  their  seemingly  sides of  the  same  coin. Wang Y e h - c h i e n n o t e d structure  i n C h ' i n g government f i n a n c e ,  existence  of  a s t a t u t o r y or  or  non-statutory  to  sources of  rents  and  tax  formal  system.  The  i n t e r e s t , and  Ch'ing dynasty.  surcharges  profits  The  imposed on  administrative  a  that  s y s t e m and  statutory  from p u b l i c  the  land  tax  refers  contributions,  enterprises. of  time  of  financial  Boxer i n d e m n i t y  institutional  necessity  rigidity  of  and the  to  for local  and  the  complexity  system. at  the  needs  and  They a l s o end  of  the  the  increased D y n a s t y , as  in  the  tax  the  of  the  surcreated  the  structure.  under v a r i o u s  irregularity  names,  Ch'ing  increased  fiscal  burden, e s p e c i a l l y  government's  financial  increased. What happened was  aries  compensate f o r fiscal  who  suggested the  terms o f  that  Huang and  reduction  of  his  contempor-  t a x e s were  d i f f e r e n t means o f d e v e l o p i n g  for  welfare,  ( a f t e r 1901)  Ch'ing  These s u r c h a r g e s , which e x i s t e d  in  t a x e s were m o s t l y  c h a r g e s f o r m o d e r n i z a t i o n n e e d s , a l l o f w h i c h were out  informal  including surcharges  expenses, surcharges  surcharges f o r the  co-  an  tax  over a period  non-statutory  dualistic  i s the  p u b l i c revenue i n c l u d i n g taxes,  T h e s e were a c t u a l l y d e c r e a s i n g the  tax  was  the  speaking  economy.  156 What Huang a c t u a l l y or  p r o p o s e d was p r o b a b l y t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n  the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n  into  the f i s c a l  variety  land  system which would  and t h e r e f o r e  revenues.  of the non-statutory surcharges then increase the  the p h y s i c a l  quantity  of  government  A t t h e same t i m e he s u g g e s t e d t h e i n c r e a s e o f  t a x i n view o f Japan's  success.  On t h e o t h e r  hand,  Huang's c o n t e m p o r a r i e s were p r o p o s i n g t h e a b o l i t i o n o f a l l the  s u r c h a r g e s and m i s c e l l a n e o u s t a x e s ,  which would  lighten  encourage economic  s u c h as t h e l i k i n ,  the burden o f merchants  and hence  and c o m m e r c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t .  In f a c t ,  t h o u g h b o t h s i d e s were f o c u s e d on t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e f o r m of  the f i s c a l  s y s t e m , t h e y were c o m p l e m e n t a r y  contradictory  i n their  rather  than  approaches.  B o t h Huang T s u n - h s i e n and h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s favored  t h e i n c r e a s e o f government  development,  but t h e i r  S i n c e Huang's m a j o r an a c t i v e  role  merchants,  to the public  sector  economy.  thinkers,  of the tax load  how-  on t h e  the reduction o f miscellaneous  t a x e s and t h e a b o l i t i o n o f t h e l i k i n .  development  he a s s i g n e d  and a r g u e d f o r h e a v y  The p u r e shang-wu  the lightening  t a x a t i o n p o l i c y would  merchants, b u t that  different.  c o n c e r n was t h e government,  especially  that a l i g h t  f o r economic  a p p r o a c h e s were q u i t e  taxation of a l l kinds. ever, p r e f e r r e d  revenue  i t would  also  not only b e n e f i t the favor  and t h e r e f o r e be h e a l t h y  I n o t h e r words,  They m a i n t a i n e d  domestic  commercial  for. t h e n a t i o n a l  t h e shang-wu  r e f o r m e r s were  arguing  f o r more p r i v a t e  They a s s i g n e d of  remain without  argued  t o a c h i e v e t h e same  a more i m p o r t a n t r o l e  t h e economy.  ment s h o u l d  savings  They p r o p o s e d  that  a light  and  domestic commercial development.  export t a r i f f - - t o  more s i g n i f i c a n t  i n h i s proposal  case,  ing  the e s t a b l i s h e d  Since  tariff industries  treaty  revision  actions.  realized  was  and t h e r e f o r m  was more t h a n he i n t e n d e d .  In  I r e m a i n i m p r e s s e d by Huang's c o u r a g e i n c h a l l e n g regulations  and t h e C o n f u c i a n  principle  taxation. Under-registration  of  import  They  Huang's i d e a o f h e a v y t a x a t i o n  t h a n he h i m s e l f  any  light  should  autonomy, t h e y a l l u r g e d  government t o take t h e n e c e s s a r y In r e t r o s p e c t  high  encourage export  was t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r t a r i f f  of  tax  impose h e a v y t a x e s on f o r e i g n t r a d e .  f o r a "protective t a r i f f " — a  implied  the land  sector  s u r c h a r g e s and a t t h e saem t i m e t h e g o v e r n -  and  the  to the p r i v a t e  goal.  a national cadastral  r e s u l t e d from t h e absence  s u r v e y o f l a n d , was t h e g r e a t e s t 61  weakness o f C h ' i n g  land  advocacy o f a p o p u l a t i o n i n this  tax administration. census as t h e b a s i s  tration,  viewed  Kuei-fen  p r o p o s e d t h e same i d e a  Huang was p r o b a b l y  light,  the f i r s t  i s very  of land  significant. 62  i n the s i x t i e s ,  to introduct  system i n support o f h i s theory.  Huang's regisFeng  but  the Japanese  158 T h e r e a r e some c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t i o n o f t h e J a p a n e s e economy.  i n Huang's o b s e r v a -  F o r e x a m p l e , he s e n s e d  the  importance of land  the  Japanese government used t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l revenue f o r  m o d e r n i z a t i o n and how the  t a x b u t seemed t o be unaware o f how  i t was  importance o f l i b e r a t i n g  administered. commerce  He  emphasized  and was e x c i t e d by  what he saw i n J a p a n , b u t t h e p i c t u r e o f commerce  he  paints  a  i n t h e Treatises  diction  between l i g h t l y  cultivation. sector  on Japan  t a x e d commerce  t h o u g h he r e c o g n i z e d  Japanese  the importance o f land  land  t a x , and He was t o o  reform to the Chinese case.  I t seems  that  t h e e x t e n t and d i v e r s i t y  China. Like  t h e o t h e r r e f o r m e r s , Huang was v e r y c o n c e r n e d  about f i n a n c i a l  administration.  a d v o c a t e t h e usage o f t h e Western strate  He was  the e a r l i e s t to  budget  i t s f u n c t i o n by i n d i c a t i n g J a p a n ' s  s y s t e m and demonsuccess.  that,  t h e a d o p t i o n o f a modern p u b l i c b u d g e t  quite  a popular idea.  63 system.  After  system  Cheng K u a n - y i n g , Ho C h ' i , Hu  and Chang C h i e n a l s o recommended a  sector,  and o p t i m i s t i c a b o u t t h e a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f  he d i d n o t t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n of  the a g r i c u l t u r a l  and c o m m e r c i a l  the importance o f f o r e i g n trade.  unrealistic  contra-  and h e a v i l y t a x e d  He was a l s o unaware o f how  r e l a t e d to the i n d u s t r i a l  stressed  seems t o c o n t a i n  that China adopt  became Li-yuan  such  159 The for  s u b j e c t o f n a t i o n a l l o a n s was  t h e economic r e f o r m e r s .  reformers  (Preceding  a major  concern  Huang was one o f t h e e a r l i e s t  T'ang Shou-ch.'.ien, Cheng K u a n - y i n g , 64  Ho C h ' i and Hu L i - y u a n national  national  of  d i s c u s s i o n of a standard  banking  to.discuss  currency  s y s t e m became q u i t e p o p u l a r  period, according this  t h e 1890's)  l o a n s and n a t i o n a l b o n d s . The  hsu  during  t o Chao F e n g - t ' i e n .  s u b j e c t was one o f t h e e a r l i e s t  and a  i n t h e Kuang-  Huang's d i s c u s s i o n  detailed  treatments.  However, s i n c e Huang was  s h o c k e d by t h e harm done by t h e  abuse o f p a p e r c u r r e n c y , 65  he c o u l d n o t p o s i t i v e l y  the  recommend  system f o r China. L i k e a l l t h e shang-wu  reformers,  Huang  stressed  t h e dynamic r o l e o f f o r e i g n t r a d e and  commerce  and i n d u s t r y .  nationalism  Motivated  domestic  by t h e i d e a o f m e r c a n t i l e 66  a d v a n c e d by Cheng K u a n - y i n g ,  o b s e r v a t i o n o f t h e J a p a n e s e economy, damental f u n c t i o n t o f o r e i g n t r a d e  forcefully  a n d by h i s  he a t t r i b u t e d  a fun-  i n creating capital  and  hence c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e b u i l d - u p o f n a t i o n a l w e a l t h . and  the other  shang-wu  t h i n k e r s were i n s t i l l e d  traditional  economic concept  was  despite.increases i n productivity;  limited  a d d i t i o n a l wealth Apart  from opening  t r a d e was  that wealth  h a d t o be r a i s e d native resources  t h e most i m p o r t a n t  from  from o t h e r  Huang  with the agriculture therefore sources.  l i k e mining,  foreign  means t o . m o b i l i z e p r o f i t  from  160 new  sources.  trade by  Huang's b e l i e f  i n bringing,  nations  p o t e n t i a l of  importance of  i n a d d i t i o n a l w e a l t h was  h i s overseas experience,  trading  i n the  like  reinforced  his observation  England  and  foreign  of  his estimate  the of  world's  the  Japan.  Another reason f o r s t r e s s i n g f o r e i g n trade that China a t that  t i m e , as was  the  f r o m an  a d v e r s e b a l a n c e o f payments.  and  commercial p e n e t r a t i o n  the  deteroriating  C h i n e s e economy.  contemporaries c l o s e d by  suggested  i n c r e a s i n g the  silk  and  tea.  that  the  exportation  means o f  of  this  case with The  outflow  Huang and  most o f  "economic l e a k "  suffered  of  silver  of  raw  silk  was  the  his  should  be  materials  1860's, F e n g K u e i - f e n  o f t e a and  g a i n i n g w e a l t h and  Japan,  t h e West a g g r a v a t e d  exportation  E a r l y i n the  was  t h e most  like  stated important  that national wealth could  be  67 increased  by  o p e n i n g new  mines.  Fu-ch'eng advocated t h a t the the  exportation  of  t e a and  importance of naval the  resources  to b u i l d  and  E a r l y i n 1875  government s h o u l d  silk.  He  maintain  a l s o emphasized  from merchant s h i p p i n g would 68  the He  the  silk  industry  i n Japan.  i m p o r t a n c e o f q u a l i t y c o n t r o l and advocated holding  the  and  that  help  warships.  Huang p a i d c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n t o t h e improvement o f  encourage  p r o t e c t i o n f o r merchant s h i p s  gained  Hsiieh  national contests  technological He  emphasized  government to  assistance.  improve q u a l i t y  161 by  competition—an  i n h i s Sheng-shih  i d e a a l s o p r o m o t e d by wei-yen  (Warning  Cheng  Kuan-ying  to a Prosperous  Age,  69 First  Edition  to support  1893).  foreign  power i n t h e w o r l d  A l l t h e s e a c t i o n s were  t r a d e , and  telegraph.  the r o l e of technology  productivity,  e q u i p m e n t as a r t i l l e r y transportation  to i n c r e a s e China's  and  i n manufacturing  and m a g a z i n e r i f l e s  communications,  H i s argument was  s u c h as  backed  up  example o f J a p a n ' s a d o p t i o n o f W e s t e r n He was intellectual  highly  critical  from p r a c t i c a l  inquiry.  the He  i n J a p a n and  toward  that  improving  concrete  began t o g a i n a new Chinese  ideas  f u r n i s h e d a new  could  judge  state.  By  of  i n economic  q u i t e aware o f i n China.  His exposure  the to  and problems foreign  from which  Chinese  a  values  comparison  ideological position  His  gave him  p e r s p e c t i v e on  the adequacy of t r a d i t i o n a l  and  the l a c k  institutions,  examination.  Chinese  intellectuals  other p a r t s of the world  to c l o s e r  the t r a d i t i o n a l  factor  modernization  attitudes  and  technology.  he was  and  of  the  p o i n t e d out that  freedom to s u b j e c t t r a d i t i o n a l  he  in  military  steamships  s e p a r a t i o n of  new  contrast,  such  of the c o n v e n t i o n a l  a crucial  This indicates  lack of incentive  sojourn  and  f o r t e c h n o l o g y was  stagnation. the  by  and  in increas-  m e n t a l i t y — t h e contempt f o r merchants  mercantile a c t i v i t i e s ,  respect  competitive  market.  Huang e m p h a s i z e d ing agricultural  necessary  he  values.  162 Huang's e f f o r t s and  attitudes,  m e r c h a n t s and contributed  to t r a n s f o r m the such  as a s s i g n i n g an  entrepreneurs  Similar  social  important  instead  to the p r o v i s i o n  modernization.  traditional  role  values to  the  o f d e s p i s i n g them,  of a motivating force f o r  i d e a s had  a l r e a d y been p o i n t e d  out  70 by  L i Hung-chang, Hsueh f u - c h ' e n g In l i g h t  in  Chinese  it  may  of the importance  economic thought  seem s t r a n g e t h a t  Tsun-hsien  and  and  prior  Cheng  Kuan-ying.  assigned to  agriculture  to the twentieth century,  the economic t h i n k i n g  h i s c o n t e m p o r a r y r e f o r m e r s was  of  Huang  preoccupied  with n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l m a t t e r s — t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , mining, manufacturing The  reasons  and,  above a l l ,  commerce and  f o r t h i s were many.  t a n c e o f a g r i c u l t u r e was  taken  First  in this  r e a l m was  Moreover, the o v e r r i d i n g t h e 18 60's China. to  on,  was  demonstrated  nations  The necessity  that  involvement  had  seemed 7]  i t was  from  power o f  more  reasonable  manufacture—  Furthermore,  the  t r a d e and i n d u s t r y  s t r o n g e s t and w e a l t h i e s t  France).  modern C h i n e s e  of the  through  the world's  and  t r a d e and  l o n g been n e g l e c t e d .  ( E n g l a n d and  impor-  s i n c e China  only thing  to i n c r e a s e the wealth  by  the  g o a l o f economic t h i n k i n g  success of achieving wealth  trade.  some i n c r e a s e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y .  the b e n e f i t s of f o r e i g n  a r e a s w h i c h had  was  The  Under t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s ,  stress  of a l l ,  f o r granted  l o n g b e e n an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . necessary  foreign  experience demonstrates of i n t e l l e c t u a l s  i n the  the  activities ever,  and p r o b l e m s  i n the l a t e  like  Huang who  t h a t would position had  o f t h e s t a t e and  Ch'ing p e r i o d ,  committed  to c a r r y out t h e i r  the courage  unrealistic  of t h e i r  and  do  in  C h i n a m o d e r n i z e r s were o f t e n  things rather  The  action.  The  assume t h a t mission.  t h o s e who  translate  change.  sensitive.  them  into in  and r e f o r m e r s t o had  a great  subjected  implied  I n a c o u n t r y where an a l i e n  unusually  those  falsely  national  to pressure  limitations.  development  of p o l i t i c s ,  advisory  r o l e of the educated e l i t e  the i n t e l l e c t u a l s  sense of t h e i r  them, w h e r e a s  c o o p e r a t i o n between  They were i n c r e a s i n g l y no  able  modernization requires  t h e y were i m p o r t a n t and  Economic  had  and  and  traditional  encouraged  control  only  dangerous.  i n a powerless  t a s k o f economic  give directions  had  not  also  than p h i l o s o p h i z e about  considerable virtuousity  and  they  t h e m o d e r n i z e r s were i n a p o s i t i o n o f b e i n g  position.  China  changes  though  I t was  t o be an i n n o v a t o r b u t i t was  to  reformers  s t r o n g were i n no  convictions.  Japan  and  to promoting  p r o p o s a l s , even  In  who  intellectuals  themselves  make C h i n a w e a l t h y  t h e m a s s e s . How-  economic  political ruling  and  g r o u p was  i s s u e s were bound t o  T h e r e f o r e , t h e Han  t o u s e t h e Manchu o f f i c i a l s  Chinese  as a k i n d o f  social in  be officials  self-protective  72 amulet.  The m o d e r n i z e r s a l l l o o k e d t o w a r d  ment f o r l e a d e r s h i p .  the  govern-  They t e n d e d t o be more c o o p e r a t i v e  164  with rather  than opposed to the government.  were s e v e r e c r i t i c s tunity to  o f the government, i f g i v e n the  o f government s e r v i c e ,  launch t h e i r  tended  they oppor-  t h e y w o u l d a c c e p t i t and t r y  i d e a s o f development from w i t h i n .  t o compromise w i t h t h e  d e p e n d e n t on  Though  They  " e s t a b l i s h m e n t " and  were  the b i g bureaucrats f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n  of  73 their  ideals.  the Ch'ing  Like other reformers i n Chinese  r e f o r m e r s ' c o n c e r n s were a l w a y s  history,  f o c u s e d on  the  government. Since put t h e i r ones o f  t h e r e f o r m e r s were n o t  ideas into  "pure  effect,  their  theory," lacking ehing-shih  any  in a position  i d e a s remained practical  primarily  application.  Although  the  undertaken  t o e l a b o r a t e a body o f k n o w l e d g e t h a t c o u l d  have p r a c t i c a l tional  application,  In f a c t ,  failed  had  to develop  opera-  e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s t o be i n more f r u i t f u l  perhaps  more e n t h u s i a s t i c  were so e a g e r  t o be  that  ways.  The  and  These  development  "economists"  t h a t t h e y saw  common f a l l a c y  t h e y were a l l a n x i o u s  the g o a l of wealth  able to d i r e c t  were  t h a n t h e y were p r a c t i c a l .  successful  immediate advantages.  economic  t h e y d i d n o t have enough k n o w l e d g e  efforts  was  they  thinkers  economic t h e o r i e s which d e a l t w i t h s p e c i f i c  activities. about  economic  to  to f i n d  power, and  only  of the  They  the reformers  a shortcut to reach  d i d not r e c o g n i z e t h a t  e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t i s a long, t e r m  process.  They d i d n o t  1  165 question  t h e r e l e v a n c e o f t h e W e s t e r n and  whose c i r c u m s t a n c e s were so d i f f e r e n t t h e b a s i s o f what has be  said  guided this  that Chinese and  intellectual China's  development  reflected  encountered  the Chinese C l a s s i c s t o s e e him in  has  caused  to b e l i e v e and  i d e a s and  His  s c i e n c e and  as an e x c e l l e n t  of China's  belief  technology  cultural  example o f J o s e p h  of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l  intellectuals  to f e e l  inferior  o f t h e new  chauvinist.  famous t h e s i s  way  time.  as e v i d e n c e o f h i s " e m o t i o n a l  i n the u n i v e r s a l i t y  i s cited  elementary  some r e a d e r s o f h i s work  as a C h i n e s e c u l t u r a l  a l s o been suggested  the  Rather,  i n Japan w i t h the o l d i d e a s i n  the Chinese o r i g i n s of Western  has  On  effectively  of China at that  Huang's f r e q u e n t a s s o c i a t i o n he  from China's.  economic e v o l u t i o n .  economic t h i n k i n g  s t a g e o f economic development  practices  models  been d i s c u s s e d so f a r , i t c a n n o t  anticipated  primitive  Japanese  need  need  heritage,"  Levenson's  o f modern  Chinese  t h a t t h e C h i n e s e h e r i t a g e was  i n no  t o t h e modern W e s t e r n i d e a s t h a t C h i n a  had  74 t o borrow. Ch'i-ch'ao,  One  might  even  assert  Huang T s u n - h s i e n was  from h i s Chinese  t r a d i t i o n but  that,  like  Liang  "intellectually  still  alienated  emotionally tied  75 to  it."  and  Levenson's  "Chinese-Western"  by h i s t o r i a n s who  dichotomies of "traditional-modern" approach  approach  have b e e n s e v e r e l y  the i n t e l l e c t u a l  problems 76  late  Ch'ing with a "China-as-China" approach.  all,  i t has b e e n p o i n t e d o u t by  Chang Hao  criticized  that  of  First this  of  166 a s s e r t i o n was t o o s i m p l i s t i c . the  inner  and  demonstrated  lithic  c o m p l e x i t y .of t h e C h i n e s e c u l t u r a l  entity.  certain  Cheng has f u r t h e r  that  analysed  heritage  t h e C h i n e s e t r a d i t i o n was n o t a mono-  Therefore,  i n t e l l e c t u a l s might  reject  aspects o f t r a d i t i o n a l thought, b u t remain 77  intellectually suggested  committed  to others.  t h a t when a C h i n e s e  P h i l i p Huang h a s  intellectual identified  e l e m e n t s o f t h e C h i n e s e t r a d i t i o n w i t h h i s newly Western concepts  ( I n Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s C a s e ,  Japanese Concepts),  acquired  including  i t was b e c a u s e he t h o u g h t t h e y  were  78 identifiable. I would Western s c i e n c e a natural It  like  t o argue t h a t  a n d t e c h n o l o g y w i t h C h i n e s e o r i g i n s was  process i n the a s s i m i l a t i o n of foreign  i s n o t uncommon  i d e a s we u s u a l l y  that  learn  when we f i r s t  f o r increasing  This  ideas  new  them w i t h  p r a c t i c e may a l s o  t h e a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f new  M o r e o v e r , t h e r e may have b e e n some p o i n t s between t h e new i d e a s  ideas.  come a c r o s s  them b y a s s o c i a t i n g  w i t h w h i c h we a r e f a m i l i a r . strategy  the association of  ideas be a  ideas.  o f agreement  i n J a p a n and t h e West and t h e o l d  i n the Chinese C l a s s i c s which the reformers  found  79 useful.  However, s u c h a n a p p r o a c h had i t s  paradoxical  weaknesses.  I t i s also  possible  inherent that  Huang  had  a d i s t o r t e d or l i m i t e d understanding o f the C l a s s i c s  and  actually believed  t h e i d e a s were  there.  167 As we thinking  have m e n t i o n e d , t r a d i t i o n a l  has a l w a y s b e e n s y n c r e t i c  Chinese  i n nature,  were a d e q u a t e c h o i c e s w i t h i n t h e t r a d i t i o n . century  Chinese  i n t o a new selected  economic thought  syncretic  direction.  i d e a s from China's  economic  f o r there Nineteenth  began t o e v o l v e v e r y I t was  cultural  early  a synthesis of  tradition  and t h e  modern West, s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d and d i s t o r t e d  by  importations  syncretism  accounted  from Japan.  This characteristic  f o r the c o n t i n u i t y o f Chinese  particularly  culture,  i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n t r o d u c i n g new  ideological  and was  ideas  which  80 were n o t a c c e p t a b l e reason,  Confucian  t o Chinese  conservatives.  ideas i n p a r t i c u l a r ,  t o what m i g h t b e c a l l e d  "the i n f l a t i o n  For this  were o f t e n  subgect  of historical  81 concepts," a concept  that i s , the t r a c i n g to the preceding  back o f t h e o r i g i n o f  centuries.  Since  Ch'ing  s c h o l a r s were v e r y  c a p a b l e i n d i g g i n g up t h e h i s t o r i c a l  r o o t s o f any g i v e n  i d e a o r phenomenon,  t h a t what we c o n s i d e r a s "modern  i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g  (or Western) economic  concepts"  i n r e t r o s p e c t , were t r a c e d a s f a r b a c k a s t h e  beginning  of the Confucian  from a genuine b e l i e f to  i n t r o d u c e new  terminology intellectual  era.  Whether t h i s  i n t h e p a s t , o r was  concepts  i n the guise of  i s an i n t r i c a t e  h i s t o r y w h i c h r e q u i r e s more  i s his specialized  simply  a device  traditional  and w i d e r p r o b l e m i n C h i n e s e  One o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s butions  resulted  study  investigation.  most i m p o r t a n t  contri-  o f modern J a p a n and h i s  168 introduction  o f J a p a n as a n a l t e r n a t i v e  model o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . Treatises  on Japan  According  t o t h e Western  to T a i Chi-t'ao, the  r e m a i n e d one o f t h e few s y s t e m a t i c 82  investigations  of Japan f o r another  Huang's a n a l y s i s traditional an  distorted  a picture  decades.  c l e a r e d away, a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , Chinese  quite different  fairyland.  from  He  the popular  c o n c e p t i o n o f J a p a n as b a c k w a r d a n d s u b o r d i n a t e All  the d i v e r s e c u r r e n t s i n Japan's h i s t o r y  is  most o f h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s .  to China.  during the  i n T o k y o , Hu J u - c h a n g , who Huang, b u t who o f h i s new and  A convenient  the I m p e r i a l Commissioner o f t h e f i r s t  temporaries  h a r d l y responded  environment.  conscious  stayed  effort  Chinese  barely example Legation  i n Japan as l o n g as  a t a l l to the challenge  Huang made a more  than h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s  t o understand  preChinese  t u r b u l e n t y e a r s o f Huang's s o j o u r n i n t h a t c o u n t r y touched  the  i m p r e s s i o n o f Japan and p u t  end t o t h e myth o f a n u n c h a n g i n g  sented  three  determined and h i s c o n -  J a p a n and t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f  modernization. Huang was among t h e e a r l i e s t who went t o J a p a n .  first-hand  observers  H i s book was w r i t t e n b e f o r e t h e S i n o -  J a p a n e s e War o f 1894-1895 w h i c h d r a m a t i c a l l y c h a n g e d t h e Sino-Japanese  relationship.  The outcome o f t h a t war and  s u b s e q u e n t J a p a n e s e p o l i c i e s made J a p a n b o t h China before  and a t h r e a t t o h e r s e c u r i t y . 1894, he was  free  from  a model f o r  S i n c e Huang  the ambivalent  view  wrote towards  169 t h e J a p a n e s e s h a r e d by l a t e r  g e n e r a t i o n s o f C h i n e s e who  s u f f e r e d under Japanese m i l i t a r y He was f r e e  t o be q u i t e r e c e p t i v e  and economic  oppression..  t o b o t h t h e new  w h i c h he e n c o u n t e r e d i n J a p a n and t o t h e f r e s h on o l d ones d e r i v e d the c l e a r e s t  modernization be a t h r e a t  and n a i v e  martial  to China.  interest  have a d i r e c t  of China.  military  power.  military  development  status nor that i m p a c t on t h e  He e v e n p r a i s e d  Japanese  i t a necessary factor f o r  His positive differed  e v a l u a t i o n o f Japanese from t h a t  o f C h i n e s e i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were f u l l y  of later  generations  aware o f i t s  danger. The a b o v e c o m p a r i s o n d o e s n o t s u g g e s t t h a t  was immune  In f a c t ,  no means f r e e  from b i a s .  Huang's Treatises  on Japan  A l t h o u g h he may n o t have  c o n s c i o u s o f h i s unexamined historian,  Huang  t o p r e j u d i c e s o r was c o m p l e t e l y o b j e c t i v e i n  h i s approach.  use.  would  He d i d n o t s e e t h e i m m e d i a t e  z e a l and c o n s i d e r e d  potential  attitude  i n t h e form o f o v e r s e a s e x p a n s i o n t h a t  f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n would  national  Indeed,  t o see the n e g a t i v e a s p e c t s o f Japan's  i m p o r t a n c e o f J a p a n ' s new i n t e r n a t i o n a l its  perspectives  from h i s Japanese e x p e r i e n c e .  e v i d e n c e o f Huang's open  was h i s f a i l u r e  ideas  i s by been  a s s u m p t i o n s , Huang, a s a n  had t o s e l e c t what d a t a and what c o n c e p t s t o  Through  he n e c e s s a r i l y  this process o f selection p r o j e c t e d p e r s o n a l views  and o r g a n i z a t i o n , i n h i s work.  170 Consequently, of  what emerged  i s a product  h i s generation, of h i s time,  general.  M o r e o v e r , he was  involvement  deeply  w i t h J a p a n and was  personal experience.  He  felt  o f the c u l t u r a l  inevitably  culture  bound by  spirit  country  o f Western  e x t e n s i v e a p p r e c i a t i o n of the Japanese p r a c t i c e  cultural appraisal conclude  v a l u e of the Chinese  background  severely restricted  t h a t h i s own  to o b j e c t i v e l y  Despite  continued  to  His  T h e r e f o r e , we  analyze  of stress Chinese  the h o r i z o n of h i s  personal experience  robbed  Japan i n the  must him  of  light  of  history. Huang i s c h a r g e d  colonialism.  He  the o r i g i n a l i t y of  he  contribution.  of Japanese achievement.  the a b i l i t y Japanese  other c i v i l i z a t i o n s ,  yet  science  his  the unique  of adaptation.  was  and  learning  from  cultural  He  and  borrowing  t h e J a p a n e s e way  his  Chinese  c o l o u r e d h i s work.  the  in  by h i s p e r s o n a l  h i s own  h e r i t a g e o f h i s own  t h e need f o r a b s o r b i n g by  of Chinese  affected  wrote from  p e r s p e c t i v e , which i n v a r i a b l y proud  and  o f Huang's m i n d ,  i s said and  with  s i n o c e n t r i c i s m and  t o have f a i l e d  the c r e a t i v i t y  W e s t e r n c u l t u r e and  to  recognize  o f the Japanese  t o have b e e n e x c e s s i v e l y  w i t h W e s t e r n s c i e n c e and  cultural  technology  r a t h e r than  adaptation  concerned Japanese  83 achievement i n modernization. sinocentric  assumption  m i g h t be  Huang's  unconscious  t r u e , however,  I would  a r g u e a g a i n s t K a m a c h i ' s i d e a o f Huang's i n a b i l i t y the Japanese experience  through  a focused  lens.  to  see  Despite  171 his  sinocentricism,  Japanese wished  development  he was  trying  t o converge  experience into  t o study the Japanese  ability  the t o t a l  a single point. t o adopt  He  Western  s c i e n c e and t e c h n o l o g y i n o r d e r t o s e e i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o China; first  t o s e e w h e t h e r t h a t J a p a n e s e way ^ b o r r o w i n g ^ o f j t a l e n t - from C h i n a , l a t e r  by C h i n a . tricism develop.  t h a t would Treatises  be a p p l i c a b l e on Japan,  Chinese r a t h e r  in  desire  situations  Chinese morale  I n s h o r t , he was w r i t i n g  p r e s e n t h i s work o n J a p a n e s e  i n the  speaking to  r e a d e r s and he i n China.  unfailingly  He a l w a y s and was  kept interested  and c o m p e t i t i v e s p i r i t .  a history  than f o r the Japanese.  usually  experience  In f a c t ,  Huang was c o n s t a n t l y  ethnocen-  country  to look f o r Japanese to China.  adopted  "oneupsmanship,"  i n mind w h i l e he was o b s e r v i n g J a p a n  stimulating  rather  from h i s c u l t u r a l  than t o Japanese  to s i m i l a r  be  from  that people i n a closed  However, a p a r t  he had a g e n u i n e  China  the West--could  Huang, o f c o u r s e , was n o t f r e e  of the sort  referred  from  o f Japan  f o r the Chinese  N e i t h e r d i d he i n t e n d t o history  a s an  academic  s u b j e c t and t h e r e f o r e d i d n o t d e t a c h h i m s e l f e m o t i o n a l l y from h i s s u b j e c t . It  i s f o r t h e s e r e a s o n s t h a t Huang d i d n o t i n t e r -  p r e t Japanese distortion, inevitable  history  i n Japanese  terms.  and i n c o r r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n f o r an o u t s i d e r  t o Japanese  Misunderstanding,  i s , perhaps, society.  Huang  c o u l d not escape  from f a l l i n g  into  Chinese observer o f Japan: t h a t society  t h e common e r r o r o f t h e  i s , looking  i n t h e C h i n e s e mind" o r a  for a  "Japanese  "Chinese s o c i e t y  i n Japan,  84  instead  of observing  because  he s t u d i e d J a p a n w i t h a p r i m a r y f o c u s on C h i n a . As  might  to the o f f e n c e of c u l t u r a l  n o t be p a r d o n e d ,  by p o i n t i n g shift  the r e a l Japanese  b u t we  out h i s r e l a t i v e  of a t t i t u d e  society.  colonialism,  can m i t i g a t e  It  i s true  t h a t he  tried  t h a t he s t a r t e d  Westernization  i n Japan,  to Japan  t o a more p o s i t i v e  the a d v i s a b i l i t y  bias.  h i s sojourns i n  Huang's a t t i t u d e evaluation,  and  advocacy o f " J a p a n i z a t i o n . "  o f Western s o c i e t y ,  choice  a t t h e ways o f  however, a f t e r  from doubt  about  o u t o f h i s own  out looking  S t a t e s and B r i t a i n ,  critical  subordinate, but  to transcend the Chinese  the United  whole-hearted  criticism  Many C h i n e s e o f Huang's  t i m e l o o k e d down on J a p a n as a c u l t u r a l  demonstrates  such  Huang  o p e n m i n d e d n e s s and h i s l a t e r  toward Japan.  Huang's d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o go  This i s  or at least  shifted  finally  He was less  to a  quite  optimistic  of promoting Westernization i n  China. It Japan,  seems t h a t Huang's w i l l i n g n e s s  t o t a k e J a p a n as a m o d e l - - i n d e e d  to learn  t o t a k e any  c o u n t r y as a m o d e l — , i s q u i t e a s t e p b e y o n d t h e sinocentricism. China's problems,  I f he was that  surprising  foreign  usual  preoccupied with China  i s hardly  from  and  since h i s  173 m a j o r c o n c e r n was in  the  f a t e o f h i s own  t h e J a p a n e s e m o d e l was  importance fact  that  really fully  important  reflect  Japanese c u l t u r e  o f h i s book and  how  have had  can  draw, i s t h a t by  unable  sophisticated  of the c u l t u r a l  face a similar  understanding  together this  i n Japan.  achieved i t ,  of  might  problems i n v o l v e d i n a d a p t i n g  and  I f the Chinese  Japanese p r a c t i c e s  S i n c e Huang was  type of treatment  not  reformers  as t h e y  a d v a n t a g e t o have a f u l l  Western p r a c t i c e s  in  indigenous  task of adaptation i t c e r t a i n l y  have b e e n t o t h e i r how  and  to g i v e Chinese  Western i d e a s t o a non-Western s o c i e t y . to  But  together, i n a l l the s u b t l e t y  t h a t p r o c e s s , Huang was a sufficiently  The  i t s u s e f u l n e s s , the  Western borrowings  filled  of  appreciate indigenous  his sinocentricism.  c o n c l u s i o n one  understanding  but  interest  i t s usefulness to China.  Huang d i d n o t a d e q u a t e l y  terms o f the importance  His  not out of c u r i o s i t y ,  o n l y i n terms of  J a p a n e s e c u l t u r e may  country.  was  he  however, C h i n a ' s  and  a d a p t a t i o n w o u l d have b e e n much  would  treatment  of  fitted  n o t an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ,  inevitably  Had  were  beyond h i s task of  easier.  scope.  borrowing  174  CHAPTER  IV  CONCLUSION  Before the n i n e t e e n t h century, Chinese on J a p a n were v e r y s k e t c h y , and and  superficial  since direct  rare.  environment,  the Chinese lacked  evaluating Japan  Japan  i n terms  Remaining  in a relatively  by  Chinese  closed their  l i m i t a t i o n s when  t h e y were l i a b l e  "normal"  tenuous  a s t i m u l u s t o change  Unaware o f t h e i r  i n t h i s way,  of the  conclusions  c o n t a c t w i t h Japan  s c h o l a r s was  conceptual prejudices.  their  studies  historical  to  explain  experience of  China. Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s Treatises in  1887,  to  Japan.  was  a turning point I t was  the f i r s t  of  Chinese attempt  w h i c h was the  history  t h e need  experience t i m e on,  a l s o changed.  t o understand Japan  i n m o d e r n i z a t i o n was  the Chinese tended  on  the Sino-Japanese overwhelming  to Chinese p r i d e ,  Sino-Japanese r e l a t i o n s h i p .  Japanese and  so g a l l i n g  Japan's  response  t o .understand  W h i l e t h e Treatises  i n the process of p u b l i c a t i o n , 1894-1895 b r o k e o u t .  completed  i n the age-old Chinese  J a p a n on an o b j e c t i v e b a s i s . was  on Japan,  The  and  changed  Chinese view  of  of a t t i t u d e occurred  t o borrow from  urgently  to e x p l a i n  War  victory,  radically  A shift  Japan  felt.  the  From  Japanese  her that  175 experience  i n terms o f t h e h i s t o r i c a l  European i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . t h e C h i n e s e t o change  this  p a t t e r n o f Western-  I t was e v e n more d i f f i c u l t f o r conceptual prejudice  century o f Sino-Japanese h o s t i l i t y which see t h e Japanese e x p e r i e n c e  i n the half  followed  i n i t s own t e r m s .  The a n a l y s i s o f Huang's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n Meiji  economic  development  and t o  suggests that  of early  f o ra better  under-  s t a n d i n g o f t h e C h i n e s e v i e w o f J a p a n , we must u n d e r s t a n d the b u i l t - i n discussed  p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e C h i n e s e , w h i c h we  i n Chapter I. When we t u r n t o t h e a p p l i c a b i l i t y  model t o C h i n a , i t seems t h a t  d u r i n g Huang's p e r i o d :  o f t h e Japanese  t h e r e were t h r e e  to e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the t r a n s f e r  limitations  o f Japanese ideas t o China  (1) t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f C h i n e s e  understanding o f the Japanese experience,  a s i l l u s t r a t e d by  t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e most Chinese  have  knowledgable  " J a p a n e x p e r t , " Huang T s u n - h s i e n ; (2) t h e l i m i t a t i o n s  in the a p p l i c a b i l i t y techniques  o f t h e Japanese experience, o r Japanese  (e.g. c u l t u r a l  and g e o g r a p h i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s a n d  a l s o C h i n e s e a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s b o r r o w i n g , and t o w a r d s J a p a n ) ; (3) t h e p o l i t i c a l lacked  limitations  t h e power t o p u t t h e i r  o f people l i k e ideas  into  Huang who  effect.  As t o t h e a c c u r a c y o f t h e C h i n e s e knowledge o f foreign it  institutions  and t h e i r  applicability  to China,  h a s been p o i n t e d o u t t h a t many C h i n e s e who had o v e r -  s e a s e x p e r i e n c e and c h a n c e s t o o b s e r v e f o r e i g n  economic  176 s y s t e m s were n o t v e r y a c c u r a t e applicability  of these  hsien's experience  in their  a n a l y s i s of the  s y s t e m s t o China.''"  Huang  i s a confirmation of this  statement.  seems t h a t Huang d o u b t e d n e i t h e r t h e d e s i r a b i l i t y applicability  o f t h e Japanese model o f economic  He assumed t h a t t h e s u c c e s s cluding  China.  how  It  nor the  development.  o f any o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , i n -  J a p a n , c o u l d be t r a n s f e r r e d  considered  Tsun-  to China,  the Japanese p r a c t i c e s  The 1898 R e f o r m — t h e  Chinese  but never  could take r o o t i n v e r s i o n of the M e i j i  2 Restoration, and  thus  never  d i d n o t l a s t more t h a n one h u n d r e d  Huang's p r o p o s a l s  adequately Our  or  to China,  towards m o d e r n i z a t i o n ,  of  foreign  economic foreign  (Japanese)  a society with a different  orientation,  experience,  of circumstances.  one c o u n t r y  diversity  s t r u c t u r e and i d e o -  political,  i d e a s i n C h i n a was c o n d u c t e d  t o another  concepts  attitude  social  Moreover, e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n  and with  u n d e r an u n f a v o r a b l e  T h i s i s not t o say t h a t  the t r a n s f e r e n c e of the experiences from  a different  historical  class  and d i f f e r e n t 3  institutions.  combination  economic  d e g r e e o f f o r e i g n p e n e t r a t i o n and a  reactions to i t , a d i f f e r e n t  logical  were  d i s c u s s i o n o f Huang u n d e r l i n e s many o f t h e of adapting  a different  on Japan  put t o the t e s t .  difficulties practices  i n t h e Treatises  days,  o f economic  i s impossible.  the economic s i t u a t i o n o f t h e l a t e  Ch'ing  development  However,  given  period, i t i s  177 very u n l i k e l y  t h a t C h i n a c o u l d have m a t c h e d  ments o f J a p a n . CT.  Albert  Feuerwerker,  S t a n l e y , Lo Y i i - t u n g and  have i l l u s t r a t e d  the  Frank  1  was  as  as an o b j e c t i v e  financial  inability  as the a b i l i t y f a c t was  which i s s u b j e c t i v e  of the  in  and  t o do  indicates  t h e o t h e r r e f o r m e r s was  overestimated he  also  In r e s t r o s p e c t ,  was  possible  and  that  unrealistically  the Ch'ing  economy may i n China  of the present This brief  tation far  of e a r l y M e i j i  from  reform  reform reform,  government  In to  What  the complete  irritated  by  Japan's  success  power, Huang p e r h a p s  o v e r r a t e d the  have come c l o s e last  two  not  of the M e i j i p a t t e r n Ch'ing modernization.  government's development  i n the  govern-  t h e Manchu g o v e r n m e n t  Excited  the a p p l i c a b i l i t y  nineteenth century. scope  to  a value preference.  government's c a p a c i t y t o c a r r y out the t a s k o f  the Chinese  i n Huang  Economic  negatively reinforced.  achieving n a t i o n a l wealth  to China,  so.  of the M e i j i  n o t e v e n make t h e a t t e m p t .  only  Ch'ing  country, the r e l u c t a n c e of the Ch'ing  ment t o r e f o r m was  did  But  Wu,  historians  c o n f u s e d w i t h commitment t o  w i t h the v o l i t i o n  modernize t h e i r  Huang and  K i n g , T.K.  preconceived o p i n i o n , the w i l l i n g n e s s  important  comparison  accomplish-  o t h e r modern e c o n o m i c  g o v e r n m e n t t o impose t h e J a p a n e s e m o d e l . Tsun-hsien s  the  of  to the l i m i t s  decades of  o f what  the  T h i s q u e s t i o n , however, i s b e y o n d  the  inquiry. account  o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  economic development i s , o f  interprecourse,  s t o r y o f Huang a s a r e f o r m e r .  However,  178 it  s h o u l d be s u f f i c i e n t t o d e m o n s t r a t e  type o f pragmatic  intellectual i n late  C h i n a who c o m m i t t e d solutions efforts their  represent  economic problems,  typifies  the attitudes,  pragmatic  commitment.  shang-wu  realistic ideals.  responsibility,  and a t t i t u d e which c a l l e d f o r Ching-shih  intellectuals  situation  freely  most o f t h e i r of  were  They d i d n o t f o r m u l a t e theory.  solutions  Rather,  to concrete  They s e t e x a m p l e s o f a c t i o n r a t h e r t h a n p r e c e p t s . political  sense  a p p l i c a t i o n o f knowledge  a s y s t e m a t i c body o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n empirical  reformers  namely: a  of social  neither planners nor t h e o r i s t s .  piecemeal  and g o a l s o f  i n common w i t h t h e o t h e r  to the p r a c t i c a l  to realize  Huang  i n t e l l e c t u a l o u t l o o k and s o c i a l  of participation,  a pragmatic,  selves  continuous  response t o  He was a  intellectual orientation,  involvement,  a commitment  beliefs  intellectual.  He s h a r e d  t h e ching-shih  sought  and whose  one a s p e c t o f t h e C h i n e s e  t h i n k e r w i t h a ching-shih  action  nineteenth-century  i n d i g e n o u s p r o b l e m s and t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d .  the average  and  t h e r e was a  himself t o the mission of seeking  t o China's  Tsun-hsien  of  that  they  problems. The  d i d n o t a l l o w them t o e x e r c i s e them-  i n the realm of a c t i o n , p r o p o s a l s remained  and p a r a d o x i c a l l y ,  confined to the realm  ideas. Huang T s u n - h s i e n  characteristics  also  o f t h e shang-wu  e x e m p l i f i e s t h e common experts.  They were  179 "mercantilists" foreign trade,  who  strongly  advocated the development o f  commerce and i n d u s t r y  a c h i e v i n g w e a l t h and power. government  leadership  They e m p h a s i z e d t h e r o l e o f  i n economic development,  i n p r o m o t i n g and p r o t e c t i n g economic r i g h t s . believers yang-wu  Like  foreign  t h e yang-wu  i n vealpolitik,  politicians  politicians,  projects  n o t have an o v e r a l l like  the w i l l  the  with nor the  The  shang-  were i n v o l v e d i n  ( e . g . Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) and  ( e . g . Cheng  were  shared with  proposed reforms.  wu g r o u p were e n e r g e t i c a c t i v i s t s who reform a c t i v i t i e s  they  of disillusionment  w h i c h had n e i t h e r  strength to carry out t h e i r  especially  t r a d e and t h e n a t i o n ' s  and hence t h e y  a feeling  t h e Manchu g o v e r n m e n t  a s t h e means o f  K u a n - y i n g and Chang  i n economic  Chien).  p l a n o f economic development  They d i d i n mind,  o u r modern e c o n o m i c p l a n n e r s , n o r d i d t h e y have  professional recognized  training.  Despite t h i s ,  some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t  development. w i t h ching-shih opinion  economic  factors  I t i s t h i s g r o u p o f amateur intellectual  A t the present  go v e r y  f a r i n making  yang-wu  and shang-wu  shang-wu  experts  commitment, w h i c h i s i n my modern C h i n e s e  s t a g e o f r e s e a r c h , we  generalizations  about the  cannot ching-shih,  g r o u p s a s f o r e r u n n e r s o f modern  Chinese economists since there o f modern C h i n e s e economic a c o n n e c t i o n between  they  i n economic  the forerunner of the p r o f e s s i o n a l ,  economists.  any  i s no c o m p r e h e n s i v e  history  t h o u g h t t h a t would demonstrate  t h e s e g r o u p s and  show how  the  180 development  of this  to the other.  trend o f thought  I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o embody  such a h i s t o r y w i t h i n tentatively  proceeded  suggest  this  thesis.  from  one  the research f o r  A l l t h a t we c a n . .  i s t h a t t h e ching-shih,  yang-wu  and  shang-wu  t h i n k e r s went b e y o n d p r e v i o u s t h i n k e r s o n e c o n o m i c  subjects  i n t h e sense  that  t h e y were c o n c e r n e d w i t h some 4  problems  not previously  s h e d new  light  more o r l e s s  considered.  on o l d p r o b l e m s  and t h e i r  a history  thought  o f t h e development  that  there i s a  o f modern C h i n e s e  o f economics  were  need economic  i n China.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n was a f a i r l y a l t h o u g h he was  sometimes u n a b l e  o f c e r t a i n changes i n Japan.  As an i n t e r p r e t e r  c o n c e p t s , a s we have shown  view o f e a r l y M e i j i images and  distort  of foreign  and m i s i n -  i n the a n a l y s i s o f h i s  economic development  and t h e c o m p a r i s o n  reality.  Huang's s h o r t c o m i n g s some o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s conspicuous  accurate observer,  t o comprehend t h e c a u s e  i d e a s he d i d , o f c o u r s e , o c c a s i o n a l l y  of  approaches  t o s e e i f t h e s e p e o p l e were i n d e e d f o r e r u n n e r s  o f t h e modern d i s c i p l i n e  terpret  they  "modern.  This t h e s i s demonstrates for  Moreover,  i n this respect  of importing foreign  i n modern C h i n e s e  intellectual  i d e a o f M e i j i economic development, r e a c h e d C h i n a i n somewhat d i s t o r t e d  like  illustrate i d e a s so  history.  The  any o t h e r new  form as i t had  idea,  passed  181 through  t h e hands o f numerous t r a n s l a t o r s  What t h e C h i n e s e r e c e i v e d was  and  a distorted  interpreters.  version of M e i j i  e c o n o m i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n , and a d o u b l e d i s t o r t i o n  o f "Western  economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n , " which  had a l r e a d y p a s s e d  Japanese  had a d o p t e d  hands.  The J a p a n e s e  model o f development something  i n their  o f themselves It  independent  contribution  Japan  lies  partly  that  to either  Japanese  political  "radical"  evaluation  he r e m a i n e d  and " c o n s e r v a t i v e . "  deliberately  and w o u l d r a t h e r  in  he t h e n a r e v o l u t i o n a r y reformer?  speak  "revolution" (ko-ming) U>ei- K S L * .  i n disguise,  o r i s he a  I am r e l u c t a n t  t r u e o f most C h i n e s e  intellectuals  and were c o n s i d e r e d t o be u s e f u l  modified  o r superimposed  years  o f " r e f o r m " • (uoi hoi  Huang h a d a c c e p t e d new c o n c e p t s w h i c h him  about  be c o n s i d e r e d  en).  luke-  t o p l a c e Huang  a g e n e r a l c a t e g o r y such as c o n s e r v a t i v e o r  As was  Japanese  ambivalent  In h i s l a t e r  t h a t he a v o i d e d t h e word  warm g r a d u a l i s t  of  reforms.  Huang s t a t e d  Is  contri-  t o i n t r o d u c e from  Huang's p r o p o s a l s f o r C h i n a c o u l d both  Japanese  o f Huang's  i n what he s e l e c t e d  though  transmitted.  Chinese or  t o C h i n a , and i n h i s p o s i t i v e  imparted  Huang made any  The s i g n i f i c a n c e  economic development,  the Western  and t h e r e b y  to the ideas they  i s not a t a l l c l e a r  economic a n a l y s i s . bution  own way  through  radical.  o f h i s day,  favorably to China.  them on a C h i n e s e b a s e .  impressed He  then I n some  182 ways, Huang was t a x a t i o n ) , and  very  radical  (e.g. h i s s u g g e s t i o n  i n o t h e r ways  very  d i s a p p r o v a l of Japanese reform In the  twentieth century,  considered  radical  and  w o u l d be  L i k e most o f t h e  ful  out  than  ideas.  on  the  face of powerful age  available  strong. the  and  the  i n the  f a r more t o be  Tsun-hsien's  Only age  they  little  through  and  of  the  in this  this  study  on  event has  interpretation  Reform w i l l  be  was  not  the o p p o r t u n i t y of  Treatises  said  time  on  power-  even attempt  Japan  program.  to  trying circumstances  of the p r o p o s a l s .  at t h i s  In  the  patron-  sufficiently seeing  become  the  This i s , of  t h e Hundred Days Reform, r e m a i n s t o be  attempted  explored,  t o show how  o f Japan's economic  i n t h e hope t h a t some o f  Chinese  Huang had  the person  o f K'ang Y u - w e i ' s r e f o r m  nevertheless,  evolved,  of t h i s  applicability  to reformers  Huang's r o l e  piece-  c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e s a t c o u r t , the  ideas proposed  course,  as  be  practice.  Thus, the p o s s i b i l i t y  However, Huang had  blueprint  simply  government  reformers,  o n e ' s i d e a s d e p e n d e d on  rather  regarded  h i s ideas into p r a c t i c e .  their  structure).  system, n e v e r t h e l e s s  patronage could reformers  realize  (e.g. h i s  of the p o l i t i c a l  i n terms of Ch'ing  chance to put  heavy  Huang's p r o p o s a l s w o u l d n o t  m e a l r e m e d i e s f o r an outmoded were r a d i c a l  conservative  of  better  the  reforms  i d e a s which  understood.  Huang  inspired  183  ABBREVIATIONS  IN THE FOOTNOTES  Periodicals  EDCC  E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t and  Cultural  Change  JAS  Journal of Asian Studies  Books  HFHCYTTC  Hsiao-fang-hu-chai  yii-ti  ts'ung-ch'ao  ( C o l l e c t i o n o f G e o g r a p h i c a l Works the Hsiao-fang-hu  JCLCWS  Studio)  Jen-ching-lu chi-wai shih c h i (Poems o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n in  JCLST  from  the Jen-ching-lu shih-ts'ao)  Jen-ching-lu (Collected an  not included  shih-ts'ao chien-chu  Poems o f Huang  Annotation)  Tsun-hsien,  184 Jih-pen  kuo-chih  ( T r e a t i s e s on  Jih-pen  Japan)  tsa-shih shih  (Miscellaneous  Poems on  Japan)  The S t a t e and E c o n o m i c E n t e r p r i s e i n Japan: Essays of  Growth  i n the P o l i t i c a l  Economy  185  FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION  ~*"There a r e u n d o u b t e d l y many a r e a s standing be  o f t h e i m p a c t o f Huang's T r e a t i s e s o f J a p a n w o u l d  g r e a t l y i m p r o v e d by e x p l i c i t  reform  comparison with  e d i c t s and K'ang Y u - w e i ' s r e f o r m  a comparison with originated with crumbling  t h e 1898  proposals.  Also,  t h e e d i c t s o f t h e -Manchu R e f o r m s i n 19 05  w o u l d g i v e us a g e n e r a l  See  where u n d e r -  i d e a o f what s o r t o f i d e a s  that  Huang were s e l e c t e d t o i m p l e m e n t by t h e  Manchu d y n a s t y  J o c e l y n V. M i l n e r ,  i n i t slast  effort  to rescue  "The R e f o r m I d e a s o f Huang  itself.  Tsun-  h s i e n ' s H i s t o r y o f J a p a n and I t s I n f l u e n c e on t h e Hundred D a y s ' Reform", Nan-yang h s i i e h - p a o , V o l . 17, 63-67, 79-93.  See a l s o f o o t n o t e s  (1963), pp.  3 and 4.  2 Huang was c a l l e d  ^1 ^ J ^ - v ^ i  shih" Poetry  Revolution)  ^fc'fc  " s h i h - c h i e h ko-mmg (The F o r e r u n n e r  by Hu S h i h .  w u - s h i h - n i e n c h i h wen-hsueh," Last F i f t y Chung-kuo 53. ^%  Years),  ~~  (°  Chinese Poetry) (The  other  n e o  Years o f Late  Ch'ing  China),  t  n  Three Outstanding  e  Figures  ^'  Hsia X  i n  Shui-ching  ~P '- g~ :  n  s n  i  n  shih-hua  See Y i n - p i n g - s h i h h o - c h i  Ch'i-ch'ao),  i n Ch'ien  j [ 4 ^  a  n  Ch'i-ch'ao.  ^  Chiang Essays  (Complete Works o f  O-sun, J e n - c h i n g - l u  ( C o l l e c t e d Poems o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n :  Hereafter  C i t e d as J C L S T ) ,  (Shanghai,  \jf J^Z  (Liang's  chien-chu  ( P o e t r y T a l k s ) , 1: 391-411.  c  p.  i n Modern  was c o n f e r r e d upon Huang by L i a n g  Kuan-yiin 4^ Liang  L i t e r a t u r e i n the  " c h i n - s h i h s h i h - c h i a san c h i e h " f  two b e i n g  on P o e t r y ) .  "Chung-kuo  i n Wan-Ch'ing w u - s h i h - n i e n l a i c h i h  (The L a s t F i f t y  Another t i t l e  of the Chinese  See Hu S h i h , (Chinese  chih tao-  1957),  shih-ts'ao An  Annotation,  "shih-hua"  Kao Yii fQ<*& l i k e n e d Huang t o  186 "Ko-lun-pu" and  ( C h r i s t o p h e r Columbus)  adventurous  spirit  for his creative  i n modern C h i n e s e p o e t r y , i n Yuan( E s s a y s on P o e t r y  the Yiian-wu-chin S t u d i o ) , t u h s i e n - s h e n g chuan-kao hsien, p.  hereafter  386.  i n Wu  Ch'en Yen,  as  Huang K u n g - t u ) ,  shih-hua  a n n o t a t i o n s ^ and  shu k a i - l u n  Cheng C h e n - t o ,  (Ch'en  Wen-hsueh t a - k a n g  Tsun-  (Hong Kong,  achievements,  1972),  and  see  Yen's E s s a y s on  Liang Ch'i-ch'ao,  ( I n t e l l e c t u a l Trends  o f Huang  to Chinese poetry  o f Huang's l i t e r a r y  Shih-i-shih  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang Kung-  (A D r a f t B i o g r a p h y  F o r Huang's c o n t r i b u t i o n  other appraisals JCLST's  Cited  cited  from  Ch'ing-tai  Poetry),  hsueh-  i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , (An O u t l i n e on  and  Chinese  Literature).  3  N o r i k o Kamachi,  H i s Response t o M e i j i Ph.D. Wu  Thesis,  "Huang T s u n - h s i e n  Japan  (Cambridge,  and  (1848-1905):  t h e West," u n p u b l i s h e d  Mass.: H a r v a r d  University,  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang K u n g - t u h s i e n - s h e n g c h u a n - k a o  B i o g r a p h y o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) ,  (Hong Kong: The  U n i v e r s i t y o f Hong Kong P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) . recent  and d e t a i l e d  a c c o u n t s on t h i s  s t u d i e s o f Huang i n c l u d e J o c e l y n V. "The  subject.  (A D r a f t  Chinese  a r e t h e most Earlier  Milner's articles  R o l e o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n i n t h e R e f o r m Movement o f  the Nineteenth Century" Kong, 1962) History  and  "The  o f Japan  and  (M.A..Theses, U n i v e r s i t y  R e f o r m I d e a s o f Huang i t s I n f l u e n c e on  R e f o r m " Nan-yang h s u e h - p a o , 17: Tzu-yii,  Saneto  ts'ung-k'ao These  These  1972).  o f Hong  Tsun-hsien's  t h e Hundred  Days'  (1963) and  Cheng  49-94,  K e i s h u and others?! e s s a y s  i n Jen-ching-lu  ( S t u d i e s on Huang T s u n - h s i e n , S i n g a p o r e ,  s t u d i e s d e a l mainly w i t h the l i f e  and  Huang i n g e n e r a l , o r h i s r e f o r m i d e a s and Chinese poetry rather  than h i s economic  1957).  career of  achievements  thought.  in  1 4 Tsun-chieh "During poems.  h i s death  lifetime  interest letter  superfluity  [with m y s e l f ] ."  (A F i r s t p.  (Statecraft),  o^jjj ^  Collection  26.  but  modern  I am  O-sun,  now "nien-pu  For  Huang's  Chang P ' i n g - l i n ' s wen-lu  ch'u-  ^  "Chia-ying  ^ jf:  Huang h s i e n -  (Epitaph of  Huang  13.  5 Joseph^Levensonc . e x p l a i n e d t h e dominance o f ideal  of  '^amateurism" o v e r  collection ch'ing  of evidence  dynasty.  See  " p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m " by  J o s e p h R.  I t s Modern F a t e , A T r i l o g y ,  pp.  15-43.  48,  56,  pp.  81,  57, 109.  59,  a l s o V o l . I , p. 62,  63,  67,  early  Levenson, Confucian  111,  (Berkeley: 52; 115,  China  1968), V o l .  V o l . I I , pp. 126,  the  the  f r o m p a i n t i n g i n M i n g and  and  See  1  o f Chang P ' i n g - l i n ' s W r i t i n g s ) ,  Liang Ch'i-ch'ao,  i n J C L S T , p.  and  72.  , i n T'ai-yen  sheng m u - c h i h - m i n g " ~^J%^ Tsun-hsien),  see  said,  nothing and  Chien  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang K u n g - t u , p.  i n ching-shih  brother  i n w h i c h he  in writing classical  i s a useless  t o Teng S h i h  chiian 2,  i n 1905,  to h i s  I have a c c o m p l i s h e d  techniques this  Wu  letter  1  disappointed  79.  p'ien  the Yet  really  Huang T s u n - h s i e n s  before  a l l my  mastered  p.  See  127;  33,  Vol.  I, 34,  Ill,  188  FOOTNOTES CHAPTER I  ^"Since t h e r e i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f on  Huang's b i o g r a p h y ,  sketchy This  outline  this  chapter w i l l  o f Huang's l i f e  summary o f Huang's l i f e  only provide a  and h i s l i v i n g  i s based  literature  environment.  on t h e f o l l o w i n g  sources: (a)  Ch'ien  O-sun, Huang K u n g - t u h s i e n - s h e n g  C h r o n o l o g i c a l Biography cited (b)  o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ,  Huang T s u n - h s i e n , Family  at  later  P'an-kuei-fang (  T  h  e  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  chia-p'u  G e n e a l o g y o f t h e Huangs'  Shu-tsa  o f Huang's  j|~v<t J  ch'ao-kao  Jen-ching-lu shih-tsao  (e)  Jen-ching-lu chi-wai shih-chi  (f)  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  (JCLCWSC),  of Written Conversations  i-kao  between Huang  ( E p i t a p h o f Huang  (h)  Ch'ing-shih  (i)  Huang T s u n - c h i e h , shih-shih  lieh-chuan  shu-lueh  mu-chih-  Tsun-hsien), (Biographies of Ch'ing  Hsien-hsiung ^  Tsun-  Friends),  L i a n g Ch'-ch'ao, C h i a - y i n g Huang h s i e n - s h e n g ming  ^  (JCLST),  yii J i h - p e n yu-jen p i - t ' a n  h s i e n and H i s J a p a n e s e  "f  Letters),  (d)  (Records  Huang-shih  P'an-kuei-fang),  (Manuscripts  (g)  (A  as n i e n - p ' u ) ,  ^li^^Lkl%\% .(c)  nien-p'u  £ ^ ^  (An A c c o u n t o f t h e L i f e o f my  Kung-tu  ^  Officials),  hsien-sheng  ^  Brother  Huang  Tsun-hsien),  189 (j)  Cheng T z u - y i i , J e n - c h i n g - l u t s ' u n g - k ' a o  ( S t u d i e s on  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) , (k)  Cheng-hsien,  "Wu-hsu w e i - h s i n l i n g - h s i u Huang  (Huang T s u n - h s i e n , (1)  Leader  o f the Reform o f  T i n g Wen-chiang, L i a n g Jen-kung n i e n - p ' u ch'u-kao  (A F i r s t  Kung-tu"  1898),  ch'ang-p'ien  D r a f t of the C h r o n o l o g i c a l Biography  of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao), (m)  Lo H s i a n g - l i n , Biography  o f Hu  (n)  Mai  Jo-p'eng,  (o)  Niu Jang-shan,  Hakka  Hu  Hsiao-ch'en  Huang T s u n - h s i e n Huang  dants o f the migrants  Study  The  ^-ty*.  from N o r t h China  literally ) , the  to the  settling  treatment of t h i s  descen-  down i n t h e s u b j e c t , see  K'o-chia y e n - c h i u t a o - l u n ( I n t r o d u c t i o n  1933.  For a b r i e f  c h o u - c h i h , p r e f a c e by  the Republican e r a .  chou i s Hakkas.  Historical  history  was The  and  to  the  Cultural Aspects),  o f t h e Hakkas s e e C h i a - y i n g  i pp. 1-6. -  L i I-chung  Chia-ying-chou in  (pgn-ti  ),  t e r m Hakka r e f e r s  o f Hakka i n i t s E t h n i c ,  Canton,  J^J^  or k'o-jen  F o r a more d e t a i l e d  Lo H s i a n g - l i n ,  chuan,  Tsun-hsien,  4_  (k'o-chia  (residents)".  South.  (A C h r o n o l o g i c a l  Hsiao-ch'en),  means " g u e s t s " a s o p p o s e d t o p u n t i "native  nien-p'u  renamed M e i - h s i e n  bulk of the p o p u l a t i o n i n Chia-ying^  A c c o r d i n g t o Huang T s u n - h s i e n , o f  the  residents  t h e r e " n i n e o u t o f t e n a r e Hakkas.  came f r o m  t h e Y e l l o w R i v e r b a s i n t h r o u g h F u k i e n t o Kwangtung  and  Kwangsi." c i t e d  This  i n Lo  Hsiang-lin,  p.  5; pp.  summary o f Huang's f a m i l y h i s t o r y  the f o l l o w i n g  sources:  M o s t o f them 230-231.  i s based  on  190 (a)  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ,  P'an-kuei-fang  (b)  Huang T s u n - c h i e h ,  H s i e n - h s i u n g Kung-tu h s i e n - s h e n g s h i -  shih  chia-p'u,  shu-lueh,  (c)  C h ' i e n 0-sun, n i e n - p ' u ,  (d)  Wu  For  Huang s h i h  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang  social mobility  and  Tsun-hsien.  s e e Ho P i n g T i .  Wu's  biographical  s t u d y o f Huang c o n t a i n s many v a l u a b l e m a t e r i a l s s u p p l i e d ^ t/J^  Huang's s o n C h i - w e i  &  by  Huang's c o u s i n Yu-p'u  an  / w h i c h have n o t b e e n p u b l i s h e d b e f o r e .  5  Huang Jun  ( t z u P'u-ch'uan ^ " f ' | ,  ) : Huang  Tsun-  h s i e n ' s g r e a t - g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r , a p a w n b r o k e r and money lender  i n his early  established  age.  He was a s e l f - m a d e  t h e f o u n d a t i o n f o r t h e Huang f a m i l y .  i n f o r m a t i o n about  Huang J u n , , s e e  Wu  sixth  Huang H s i i e h - s h i h  ^^ff'  p. 15.  (tzu Tz'u-hai I d  He was one o f t h e f i r s t  blessings  left  by h i s f a t h e r .  g e n e r a t i o n who  p'eng, Huang T s u n - h s i e n 'chuan Shanghai, granted  1957, p p . 2-3.  an h o n o r a r y  title  the m e r i t o f h i s grandson  :  " j -$4^ >K£  a scholar-official Hsiang-yuan  ^ %, %j  )•  Tsun-  posthumously for  Huang T s u n - h s i e n . chih & £  Chung-  (Gazetteer o f  how  ^  ) was  of the h a n l i n  This marriage  c h a r a c t e r o f a merchant f a m i l y ,  See Wen  Huang H s i i e h - s h i h ' s w i f e ,  (Descendant  status of the•official-gentry  e  Mai J o -  "Jung-lu t a - f u "  (Litai-fu-jen  family  h  enjoyed the  gentry.  Huang H s i i e h - s h i h was  comp., Kuang-hsii C h i a - y i n g - c h o u Pin-k'u  t  ( B i o g r a p h y o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) ,  t h e C h i a - y i n g _ c h o r e ) , chiian 22.  Li  )  He made h i s f u t u r e i n  b u s i n e s s and became a member o f t h e l o c a l  Li  Tsun-  s o n o f Huang J u n , t h e g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r o f Huang  hsien.  ho,  F o r more  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang  h s i e n , p. 14, C h ' i e n 0-sun, n i e n - p ' u ,  5  man and  from  scholar  shows t h e c h a n g i n g  i t obtained the s o c i a l  by i n t e r m a r r i a g e r e l a t i o n s .  Huang 1891): the  Chi-sheng sixth  t h a t he was g a v e up after  son o f Huang . H s i i e h - s h i h .  very  intelligent  h i s study  the death  influential  and  local  brother.  public  said  good a t w r i t i n g .  s c h o l a r - g e n t r y who local  , 1804  I t was  helped h i s f a t h e r run the  But  business  L a t e r he  became  participated  granary.  See  he an  i n the  JCLST, chuan  5,  153-157.  "ClCVi)!^  Huang H u n g - t s a o I-nung was  and  o f h i s second  management o f t h e pp.  Yiin-ch'u ^ J ^ 9  (tzu  ^  ^  , 1828-1981): Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  well-educated  succeeded  and  was  i n c l i m b i n g up  c h i i - j e n d e g r e e i n 1856, the Board  supplied  o f Revenue  the the  chih,  ,  hao  father.  He  i n the f a m i l y success.  He  who  got h i s  s e r v e d as a m i n o r o f f i c i a l t h e n was  imperial  d u r i n g the Sino-French  Chia-ying-chou  one  ladder of  (hu-pu),  p r o v i s i o n s f o r the  the French  first  later  \  Y e n - p i n j?|L  (tzu  chiian 23,  p.  appointed  troops  War  magistrate  fighting  against  o f 1884-1885.  83b,  and  in  See  J C L S T , p.  32.  9 A band o f T a i p i n g s  (about  number) a t t a c k e d C h i a - y i n g c i t y The  former  a t t a c k was  l e d by  t h e command o f S h i h T a - k ' a i  fifty  to s i x t y  i n 1859  and  thousand  again  in  Shih Chen-chi ^  \% j V J .  The  imperial  t r o o p s under the  came t o r e s c u e months' t i m e . see  Tso  The  49.  and  For d e t a i l e d  Tsung-t'ang,  works o f Tso p.  the c i t y  latter  l e a d e r s h i p o f Tso  recovered  assault  ylV^iV^, in  chih,  Jp^frj chiian 31,  two  (Complete / c h i i a n  pp.  f o l l o w i n g a r e poems a b o u t t h e T a i p i n g s w r i t t e n by  Tsun-hsien:  .  battle,  Tso W e n - h s i a n g kung ch.' i i a n - c h i  A l s o see C h i a - y i n g - c h o u  wa  Tsung-t'ang  the t e r r i t o r y  d e s c r i p t i o n of the  T s u n g - t ' ang) , " T s o u - k a o "  1865. under  by r e m n a n t s o f t h e T a i p i n g s , l e d by Wang H a i - y a n g The  in  31-37. Huang  16,  192 (a)  "I-chou s h i h - i ^ Taking  yiieh p i - l u a n T a - p u  fcL&V^Ztf-t/fet  (b)  ( E l e v e n t h Month o f  Refuge a t San-ho-hsu  J C L S T , chiian 1, pp.  "Pa t z u t s e i  chung  San-ho-hsu"  o f Ta-pu  (c)  Escape),  "Ch'ao-chou  s h u so  (d)  " H s i wen fu  hsing"  tsei  pp. From  poems we  D  e  l  i  c  c h i h kuan-chiin  ^{%\^%\  ?  h  t  e  d  t  o  H  e  a  shou-  \\& f? Q  r  t  h  a  t  a  t  \ t  h  situation  b r o a d e n e d by  the B a n d i t s ) , JCLST,  chiian  changed  a  r e f e r r e d t o them a s  Yet i t i s worth noting later  tsei  t h a t Huang's  increased  and h i s v i s i o n  See Huang's l e t t e r  about was  of  ^h^C^^fl^  No.  24,  (Jan.,  Huang's f a m i l y p r o p e r t y  was  l o o t e d and a l l i t s f o r t u n e s  (a)  the Taiping attacks.  1 9 0 3 ) , pp.  situation  33-35. lost  i s described  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s poems: "Luan-hou the  (b)  The  he  to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao  i n Hsin-min ts'ung-pao  Citizen),  opinion  In h i s o l d age,  Tseng Kuo-fan as a " b r u t a l s u p p r e s s o r  ( 1 0 t h Month, 1 9 0 2 ) ,  in  1,  high  on when h i s k n o w l e d g e  h i s overseas experiences.  Taipings."  (New  He  o f the country  even denounced  during  e  Troops Recovered  know t h a t Huang d i d n o t have  of the T a i p i n g s .  about the T a i p i n g s  the  Tso-kung  c h i n mieh"  and C o n q u e r e d  (Bandits).  the  t o Ch'ao-chou),  7-8.  these  opinion  Way  o f T s u n g - t ' a n g , t h e Government  Chia-ying  after  7.  <  Arrival  Conversations  6.  -^j-f ~ (On My  Chueh-ch!ing-po  Chia-ying  District),  wen"  J C L S T , chiian. 1, p .  J C L S T , c h i i a n 1, p .  1865,  4-6.  (What I O v e r h e a r d f r o m t h e B a n d i t s ' my  (_1 ~&  k u e i - c h i a " ^f]lt!l  Turmoil),  "Sung JCLST,  nii-ti"  J C L S T , chiian 1, pp. ^  ^  chiian 1, pp.  (Returning 8-10.  ( F a r e w e l l t o My 10-12.  Home a f t e r  Younger  Sister),  193  "^Like other great poets is  said  for  his talents  o f n i n e and  quoted  deeply  i n Ch'ien  i n the w r i t i n g  impressing  O-sun, n i e n - p ' u ,  h i s g r e a t grandmother,  pp.  was  particularly  was  v e r y c o n f i d e n t o f h i s c a p a c i t y and and  people,  he  -^-^f*  very  always r a i s e d  higher degree,  he  was  three years  i n the F a l l  failed.  Despite  student  would  legs;  the chou-hsiieh  In o r d e r  the p r o v i n c i a l 1870  was • ~yp  Degree, h s i u - t s ' a i  and he  1873,  yiian-shih to get  a  examination  Canton.  but each  time  r e m a i n e d an  outstanding the  Director of Education), I  1871  n  /f'if-^ ^  the kung-sheng  which  capital,  v e r y much a p p r e c i a t e d by  (Provincial  status of ling-shan-sheng acquired  He  crossed his  p a s s i n g the  failures,  T'ing hsien  the F i r s t  and Huang  knowledge.  at the p r o v i n c i a l  o f 1867,  i n t h e academy and  hsiieh-cheng / ^ J ^  prose.  Huang e n t e r e d  to take  these  unconventional  1-3.  ( L o c a l Academy E x a m i n a t i o n ) .  tried  153-156.  holding conversation with  ( D i s t r i c t Academy) a f t e r  held every  poem i s  fond of l e a r n i n g  h i s h e a d and  t h e S p r i n g o f 1867,  had  the  Huang's poems  as an  poems and  When he was  s e e J C L S T , P r e f a c e , pp.  "^In  was  good a t w r i t i n g  scrape.  The  i n J C L S T , c h i i a n 5, pp.  innovative person.  n o t bow  He  of poetry at  17-18.  and  Ho  Tsun-hsien  h i s teacher.  K'ang Yu-wei d e s c r i b e d Huang T s u n - h s i e n  He  Huang  t o have shown s i g n s o f c h i l d h o o d p r e c o c i t y ,  demonstrating age  i n China,  j  he was  awarded  (Salaried ) and  the  Student  i n 1873,  (Senior L i c e n t i a t e )  of  he title.  12 Hsiu-ts'ai  (Cultivated  kung-sheng o r c h i e n - s h e n g Academy), c o u l d t a k e  the  Talent) with ^  the t i t l e  (Student o f the  "Shun-t'ien  fu-shih"  of  Imperial  M| |j ^  -y^y  194 (Provincial Jo-p'eng, Yen-liu,  Examination  at Shun-t ien-fu, i . e . Peking).  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  chiian,  p.  k u n g - s h e n g were s e l e c t e d  s t u d e n t s and  t h e q u o t a was  19.  from  A c c o r d i n g t o Shang  among t h e  per d i s t r i c t  ation)  g i v e n by  the Board  of R i t e s  passed  t h e t ' i n g - s h i h were q u a l i f i e d o r l o c a l government.  They  (Court Examin-  (li-pu).  Those  who  f o r minor p o s t s i n the  Shang Y e n - l i u ,  k'o-chu k ' a o - s h i h s h u - l u .  (An A c c o u n t  Examination  (Peking:  of the Ch'ing),  salaried  or county.  were e n t i t l e d t o t a k e t h e t ' i n g - s h i h  central  Mai  1  Ch'ing-tai  of the C i v i l  1958),pp.  Service  28-30.  13 Huang's f r u s t r a t i o n examination For  system  example,  "Yu  his first  Canton. \^  Feng-hu"  <JU \  12-14.  i n J C L S T , chiian  yH^ (A T r i p  f a i l u r e of the p r o v i n c i a l  (NOW I am 2, pp.  the  i n many o f h i s poems.  T h i s poem was  A l s o "Chiang-ying  i i\ )5^f jfc  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with  were e x p r e s s e d  J C L S T , chiian 1, pp. after  and  t'ing-shih  t o t h e Lake written  in  examination  Feng),  1867 at  kan-huai"  A b o u t t o Take t h e C o u r t  Examination),  43-44.  14 See Yen  F u and  Benjamin Schwartz, t h e West,  In Search o f Wealth  (Mass.: 1 9 6 4 ) ,  pp.  25-26, p.  and  Power:  32.  15 C h ' i e n O-sun, " n i e n - p ' u " , "Kan p.  h u a i " , pp.  1-4;  also  s e e Wu  J C L S T , p.  19;  JCLST, c h u a n  T ' i e n - j e n , Huang  Tsun-hsien,  24. 16 For  d e t a i l s o f Tseng  Chen H a n - y i n , I d e a s on 1967).  "Tseng  Statecraft  Kuo-fan and  Kuo-fan's thought, i n Peking,  R e f o r m , " JAS,  see  Shen  1840-1852: H i s  27.1:  61-80,  1,  (Nov.  195 Huang's n o n - c o n f o r m i n g poem " T s a - k a n " written  -^fj  i n 1868.  i d e a s were e x p r e s s e d  ina  (Impromptu) w h i c h was p r o b a b l y  See J C L S T , chiian 1, pp. 14-18.  18 Noriko K a m a c h i p . 1  Q  C h ' i e n O-sun, 1870,  24.  i t states  (The G l o b e  "nien-p'u", under t h e e n t r y o f t h e year  t h a t Huang began t o r e a d t h e Wan-kuo kung-pao  M a g a z i n e , Review o f t h e T i m e s ) ,  by a n A m e r i c a n  m i s s i o n a r y , Young J . A l l e n  and  p u b l i s h e d by t h e S o c i e t y  and  G e n e r a l Knowledge among t h e C h i n e s e  )%,^  IF  J  C  made a m i s t a k e pao  appeared  edited  L  S  T  '  P*  2 1  i n 1875.  edited  (Lim L o - c h i h ) ,  f o r the D i f f u s i o n of C h r i s t i a n  •  here because  a magazine  (Kuang-hsiieh h u i  However, C h ' i e n must have the f i r s t  i s s u e o f Wan-kuo k u n g -  B e f o r e ' t h a t Young J . A l l e n  another magazine C h i a o - h u i hsin-pao  also  (The C h u r c h  News)  —3* -¥—[>— p u b l i s h e d by L i n - h u a  shu yuan,  (the Lin-hua  Academy) and t h e name o f t h i s m a g a z i n e was c h a n g e d t o Wan-kuo kung-pao  i n 1875.  hsin-pao the l a t e  about  Huang h a d p r o b a b l y r e a d t h e C h i a o - h u i  the case o f T i e n t s i n Massacre  1870's, Huang and h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  Yu-wei and L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o Western l e a r n i n g ,  like  who had a p r o f o u n d  In  K'ang  interest i n  a l l r e a d t h e Wan-kuo kung-pao a n d o t h e r  b o o k s p u b l i s h e d by Kuang-hsiieh h u i . t h e same m i s t a k e  o f 1870.  as Ch'ien d i d .  Wu T ' i e n - j e n h a s made  Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang  kung-tu,  p. 26. ^""See Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s shih-shou"  $\  i f | | ^if  poem " H s i a n g - k a n g (  T e n  Verses o f Lamentation  o v e r Hong Kong) , i n J C L S T , c h i i a n 1, p p . 22-2 6. "Yang-ch'eng k a n - f u on  Southern  liu-shou"  kan-huai  j^r?\( j ^ ^ ^ ^ %  Kwangtung), Huang e x p r e s s e d  Also i n (  s i x  his feeling  Verses toward  196 t h e t r o u b l e s c a u s e d by f o r e i g n e r s J C L S T , chiian 1, pp.  i n his native  province,  36-39.  "*"In h i s poem " L i S u - i - h o u w a n - s h i h s s u - s h o u "  2  ^1\ it  \ ^"/f  was  said  (Four V e r s e s i n Memory o f L i H u n g - c h a n g ) ,  t h a t L i t h o u g h t Huang was  i.e.  ~^ ^ {  an o u t s t a n d i n g man  pp. 379-381.  Also  a  "pa-ts'ai"  o f t a l e n t , J C L S T , chiian 11,  i n C h ' i e n 0 - s u n , " n i e n p ' u " p.  23.  22 The C h ' i n g - l i u Tang was who  liked  to c r i t i c i z e  officials.  For a d e t a i l Yen-p'ing,  and i m p e a c h e d  g r o u p i n c l u d e d Chang  attitude  toward f o r e i g n  Chih-tung,  treatment of the " C ' h i n g - l i u " c l i q u e ,  Scholar-Official  Group  high others.  countries.  "A S t u d y o f t h e C h ' i n g - l i u T a n g : The  16: 40-65,  officials  Teng C h ' e n g - h s i u , Ch'en P a o - c h e n and  They h e l d a b e l l i c o s e  ested'  current a f f a i r s  Members o f t h i s  Chang P ' e i - l u n ,  a g r o u p o f young  s e e Hao  'Disinter-  (1875-1884)," P a p e r s on  China,  (1962).  23  ""^ ^T^VlCcP)^ N  "Ta-yii ssu-shou" Margary A f f a i r ) ,  (Four V e r s e s on t h e  i n J C L S T , chiian 2, pp.  67-69.  24 Shimada Kumiko's an example o f t h i s pp.  Ko J u n k e n  suggestion.  32-33. 25 C h ' i e n 0-sun,"nien-p'uV 2  ^Kuo Sung-t'ao  to England, a traitor likened  (Huang T s u n - h s i e n ) i s  Quoted i n N o r i k o  p.  24.  , the f i r s t  i s a typical  example.  He was  by t h e s c h o l a r s and o f f i c i a l s  to Ch'in Kuei  Kamachi,  Chinese  Minister  l o o k e d upon a s  o f h i s t i m e and  was  ^ -jfijj? . , t h e most n o t a b l e a p p e a s e r i n  197 Chinese h i s t o r y . into  See Immanuel C.Y. H s u , C h i n a ' s  the Family of Nations,  (Mass.:  1962),  Entrance  p. 181; p p . 201-  202. 27 Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s d e c i s i o n to Japan him  to join  the Chinese  was a g r e a t blow t o t h o s e p e o p l e who were e x p e c t i n g  to attain  high o f f i c i a l d o m  through the examination  channel,  especially  Director  o f E d u c a t i o n o f Kwangtung, who s e l e c t e d  salaried  s t u d e n t and t h e n s e n i o r  degree  legation  (kung-sheng).  t o Ho T ' i n g - h s i e n , t h e P r o v i n c i a l Huang a s a  l i c e n t i a t e o f the f i r s t  See C h ' i e n O - s u n , " n i e n  p ' u " pp. 23-24.  28 F o r Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s see t h e f o l l o w i n g  articles:  h s i e n yii L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o "  i n f l u e n c e on L i a n g  Wang T e h - c h ' a o ,  Ch'i-ch'ao,  "Huang  Tsun-  (Huang T s u n - h s i e n a n d L i a n g  C h ' i - c h ' a o ) , H s i n - y a shu-yuan hsiieh-shu n i e n - k ' a n  (New A s i a  C o l l e g e A c a d e m i c A n n u a l ) , 11: 1-31, (1969), a n d Chang P'eng~ yuan, tui  "Huang T s u n - h s i e n t i c h e n g - c h i h  Liang Ch'i-ch'ao  t i yin-hsiang"  ssu-hsiang c h i c h ' i  (The P o l i t i c a l  Thought  o f Huang T s u n - h s i e n a n d i t s i n f l u e n c e on L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o ) , Chung-yang y e n - c h i u y u a n c h i n - t a i - s h i h (Bulletin Sinica)  of the I n s t i t u t e  I : 217-237,  Liang Ch'i-chao 1972),  yen-chiu-so chi-k'an  o f Modern H i s t o r y ,  (Aug. 1969);  see a l s o  Academia  Philip  a n d Modern C h i n e s e L i b e r a l i s m  C. Huang,  (Seattle:  p . 46.  29 These Shigenobu, Shoichi,  top o f f i c i a l s  included  Okubo T o s h i m i c h i , S o e j i m a  etc.  Ibid.,  p p . 48-64.  Okuma  Taneomi a n d Miyamoto  F o r d e t a i l s o f Huang's J a p a n e s e  s e e N o r i k o Kamachi, p p . 48-64. 3 0  I t o Hirobumi,  friends,  198 31 who  These Japanese s i n o l o g i s t s  (kangaku s c h o l a r s )  were a c q u a i n t e d w i t h Huang a r e A r i m a S u m i c h i ,  Yoshinaga,  Aoyama E n j u , S h i g e n o  Seiichiro,  Oka S e n j i n ,  Noriko  Yasutsugu,  Matsudaira  Miyajima  Gamo S h i g e a k i , I s h i k a w a  Ei.  See  K a m a c h i , p p . 4 8-64.  32 Ho J u - c h a n g ' s l e t t e r Liu-ch'iu  i n c i d e n t was  Chia-yang  s a n - c h i a wen-ch'ao  the Three  Men  from  t o T s u n g l i Yamen c o n c e r n i n g t h e  collected  C h ' i e n O - s u n , " n i e n - p u " pp.  T ' i n g - c h i n g , comp.  (A C o l l e c t i o n  Chia-yang), 1  i n Wen  chiian 2.  of Writings of An e x t r a c t  isin  A l s o Huang's  own  27-28.  33 C h ' i e n O - s u n , " n i e n - p ' u " p. 30. commentary  o n h i s poem "Hsu w a i - j e n  (In Memory o f a F r i e n d , C o n t i n u e d ) ,  shih"  ^ " f f ^ |[  J C L S T , chiian 7, p . 210.  34 Mary C. W r i g h t , The C a s e o f K o r e a " ,  "The A d a p t a b i l i t y  JAS, 17:3,  o f Ch'ing  Diplomacy:  (May, 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 363.  35 M i c h a e l R. G o d l e y , the Chinese pp.  i n Southeast  "The L a t e C h ' i n g Asia",  J A S , 34.2,  Courtship of (Feb. 1 9 7 5 ) ,  368-369. 36 C h ' i e n O-sun, event  "nien-pu," this  p . 60.  i n his diary.  Weng  Tung-ho  recorded  this  See Weng Wen-kung  jih-chi,  ( D i a r y o f Weng T u n g - h o ) , C h i n L i a n g , C h i n - s h i h  Jen-wu c h i , p . 341. 37 C h ' i e n O-sun, Huang K u n g - t u , pp.  "nien-pu,"  151-221.  pp. 56-59.  Wu T ' i e n - j e n ,  199 38  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ' s  letters  were p u b l i s h e d i n H s i n - m i n the f o l l o w i n g  pen-names:  shang-jen-chai chu-jen  of  (New C i t i z e n )  Tung-hai-kung  ^ 9 ^ ^  y'^^^{% ^  j, 7-^  ^ *<!  1  these l e t t e r s ,  .  under  Fa-shih-  Shui-ts'ang-yen-  P u - t a i ho-shang  i  Kung-chitHt o  283.  ts'ung-pao,  ^"jf(| ^•' Ji% j. ^  hung-kuan c h u - j e n ^jt^  t o L i a n g C h i Ch'ao  For a detailed  ^  analysis  s e e Wu T ' i e n - j e n , Huang K u n g - t u , p p . 235-  C h ' i e n O-sun,  "nien-pu,"  p p . 66-79.  "nien-pu,"  p . 74,  39 C h i e n O-sun, 40 Huang m e n t i o n e d  i n h i s the preface of h i s "Miscellan-  eous Poems" t h a t n i n e t y p e r c e n t o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h e dynastic  histories  was  incorrect.  J P T S S , p r e f a c e t o 1885 e d i t i o n , and  Toyata Minoru,  t r . , Nihon  Zatsuji  i n Saneto  Keishu  s h i , (Miscellaneous  Poems o n J a p a n ) , pp. 3-4.  JPTSS h a d b e e n p u b l i s h e d i n t h e f o l l o w i n g 1879  T'ung-wen-kuan  (under  1880  p u b l i s h e d by Wang T'ao i n Hsiin-huan  editions:  T s u h g l i Yamen), f i r s t  edition;  jih-pao,  (Universal C i r c u l a t i n g Herald); 1880  a Japanese  edition  based  on Wang T a o ' s  punctuated  by I j i m a Yunen o f T o c h i g i  edition,  prefecture;  ( R e p r i n t s o f t h i s book by o t h e r p u b l i s h e r s and  Kyoto,  mostly  based  postface 1885  another  a n d t h e Chung-hua P r e s s on t h i s  edition.  i n China  i n Tokyo were  See J P T S S , Huang's  t o 1898 e d i t i o n ) ; edition  based  o n t h e T'ung-wen-kuan  reprinted  by Huang's f a t h e r who was t h e n  the l i k i n  bureau  a t Wu-chou i n K w a n g s i ;  edition,  serving at  200 1898  revised edition.  The t e x t was r e v i s e d i n 1890 and  with  a new p r e f a c e  with  the Chinese Legation  in  1898 w i t h  the  final  added when Huang was w o r k i n g i n London.  a postscript indicating  edition.  I t was  that this  ts'ung-shu,  W e s t e r n Government and I n s t i t u t i o n s ) , 1899, a t l e a s t  published original  nine  was  I t i s also reprinted i n Liang  Ch'i-ch'ao ed., Hsi-cheng  By  published  reprint  (Compendium o f Vol.  25, 1896.  e d i t i o n s o f JPTSS were  i n C h i n a and J a p a n , a l l o f them b a s e d o n t h e edition.  43 Huang c o n f e s s e d early of  t h a t he had made m i s t a k e s  J P T S S , and he was u n c e r t a i n  of the d i r e c t i o n  " w e s t e r n i z a t i o n " when he p u b l i s h e d  Moreover, h i s s o c i a l  contact  with  Japanese s c h o l a r s a l s o l i m i t e d preface  i nthe  hisfirst  edition.  conservative  hisvision.  and v a l u e  Confucian  See J P T S S ,  t o 1898 e d i t i o n .  44 Jih-pen  k u o - c h i h was p u b l i s h e d  s e c o n d e d i t i o n was p u b l i s h e d The jen, the  third  i n 1898.  by Chekiang O f f i c i a l  e d i t i o n was p u b l i s h e d  i n Shanghai.  Huang K u n g - t u , pp.. 366-367. 1898 S h a n g h a i  twice  This  Press.  Wu  study  The  T'ien-  i s b a s e d on  edition.  45 2 JPKC, p r e f a c e , post  3b  Huang T s u n - h s i e n  t o be t h e h s i a o - h s i n g - j en - J  J^  °f a n c i e n t  and  t h a t h i s f u n c t i o n i s t h a t o f t h e envoy  the  Chou-li  authority has  Spring  and r e p r e s e n t s  no l e i s u r e  t h e emperor  According  assist  times  the seals of  i s e x t r e m e l y busy and  things.  do n o t make i t t h e i r  c u s t o m s , how c a n t h e y  good a d v i c e ? "  He who h o l d s  f o rwriting t r i v i a l  ordinate o f f i c i a l s into  Official).  "consider h i s  I f t h e sub-  business  to inquire  t h e government t o g e t  to Chou-li, the hsiao-hsing-jen  201 (Minor I n s p e c t o r ) are  the  supplementary o f f i c e s .  diplomatic  affairs,  information and  and the  about the  to w r i t e  a report  4 6' JPKC, p r e f a c e ,  ta-hsing-jen The  latter  former's duty  customs o f f o r the  p.  the  (Major  Diplomat)  i s responsible i s to  for  acquire  foreign  countries  among t h e  Chinese  court.  2.  47 R a i San'yo was intellectuals one  at that time.  i n C h i n a who  A l s o , Ho  quite popular  d i d not  Huang s a i d  know R a i  San'yo's poems and  J u - c h a n g m e n t i o n e d t h a t he  book b e f o r e  he went t o J a p a n .  s h u - l i i e h " , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10,  JPKC, 1:  3,  3:  t h a t t h e r e was  See pp.  had Ho  seen Rai  no prose.  San'yo's  Ju-chang ,  "Shih-tung  274-280.  9b.  49 Huang w r o t e a l o n g poem a b o u t t h e c o m p a r i n g them t o t h e  faithful  ancient China described Historian). shui  A l s o , he  i n the  and  continuing aries.  inspiration  Shih-chi,  spirit. ^^l^J  For ^  referred  to Chinese reformers c h ' i - c h a o , T'an 1  Huang's book.  China  s t o r i e s of the  and  Shunduring  Society)  as  a  revolution-  Ssu-t'ung  Huang's  i n h i s speech to the  (Preserve-the-Nation to the  left  the  Huang's p a t r i o t i c poems s e r v e d  were i n f l u e n c e d by  example,  (Records of  w r o t e a poem i n p r a i s e o f Chu  K'ang Y u - w e i , L i a n g  T'ang T s ' a i - c h ' a n g  samurai,  brave r e t a i n e r s i n  (1600-1682), t h e M i n g l o y a l i s t who  t h e Manchu t a k e o v e r .  forty-seven  and  loyalist  Pao-kuo-hui  i n 1898,  Japanese l o y a l i s t s  K'ang in  202 50  See L i n - c h a o c h i h  ( T r e a t i s e on F o r e i g n  Relations)  Huang's commentary on J a p a n ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e West. JPKC,  7:  18b-19.  51 JPKC, T i - l i 10-12, pp. 1-54.  For  chih  a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of the school  t h a t Western Han-sheng,  sciences  were o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n ,  eds., pp.  of thought s e e Ch'uan  Ch'ing-mo t i h s i - h s u e h y u a n c h u Chung-kuo  (An A c c o u n t o f t h e I d e a t h a t W e s t e r n L e a r n i n g Origin  .. chuan  ( T r e a t i s e of Geography),  during  the Late Ch'ing P e r i o d ) ,  was  shuo"  of Chinese  i n L i T i n g - i et_ a l .  Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i - s h i h l u n - t s ' u n g ,  S e r . 1, V o l . 5,  216-258.  53 It  i s interesting that  government  . . . e t c . i n the Chih-kuan c h i h  Ranks and S e r v i c e s ,  T r e a t i s e on F o o d and Money. t h e s e economic e s t a b l i s h m e n t s JPKC ,14;  statistics  and p r i v a t e m i n e s , r a i l r o a d s , t e l e g r a p h  newspapers, Official  Huang gave  JPKC,  f o r the and  ( T r e a t i s e on  c h u a n 13-14) i n s t e a d o f  I t indicated that as g o v e r n m e n t  Huang  regarded  enterprises.  23b-32.  54 Huang was letter  to Liang  confessed first  writings  on t h i s m a t t e r .  C h ' i - c h ' a o between  t h a t he c h a n g e d h i s mind  came a c r o s s  shifted His  a mind-changer  the idea,  he was  1902 three  In h i s  and 1904, times.  When he  s k e p t i c a l but  then  t o a more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e a f t e r he r e a d o f R o u s s e a u and M o n t e s q u i e u between  opinion  o f d e m o c r a c y was  when he w i t n e s s e d  he  1880  the and  pushed t o t h e n e g a t i v e  the dishonesty  and c o r r u p t i o n  1991.  extreme  of the  203 political  parties  the U n i t e d  and  States.  The  precisely  after  presented  h i s extremely  and  when he was  1891,  England,  he  labour  unions  during h i s sojourn i n  T r e a t i s e s on  came b a c k  J a p a n was  from the  negative  U.S.,  therefore,  comments.  working with  written  Between  the Chinese  legation  he  gave a more p o s i t i v e  evaluation after  the  success  of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y  system i n England.  the  affiliation  the  advocation  see  L l o y d Eastman,  the  S i n o - J a p a n e s e War,"  of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y of parliamentarism "Political JAS,  in  witnessing For  movement i n J a p a n  i n • C h i n a d u r i n g the  Reformism 27.4:  1890  i n China  695-710,  and 1890's,  Before  (Aug.  1968).  55 JPKC, P i n g C h i h ,  ( T r e a t i s e on M i l i t a r y  F o r c e ) , chuan  21-26  5 6  JPKC, Hsing-fa  chih,  (Treatise  i n L e g a l Codes) , chiian  27-31, 57  •• F o r a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n , see JPKC, H s u e h - s h u c h i h ( T r e a t i s e on S c h o l a r s h i p ) , chiian 32-33.  cp JPKC, 33:  3,  56-7;  JPTSS, I ;  29b.  59 JPKC, L i - s u chiian  chih,  ( T r e a t i s e on  R i t e s and  Customs),  34-37. 60 For  a brief  (Illustrated  d i s c u s s i o n o f Wei  Gazetteer  of the Maritime  Chi-yii's Ying-huan chih-liielv Maritime of  the  Circuit),  see  Yuan's H a i - k u o Countries)  and  (A S h o r t A c c o u n t o f  the  Chang H s i - t ' u n g ,  I n t r o d u c t i o n of Western P o l i t i c a l  The  Yenching  pp.  17,  21,  Journal of S o c i a l 22.  t'u-chih  "The  Earliest  Science  S t u d i e s , 5.1,  into  (July,  Hsu Phase China",  1950),  204 6X  The  language  most d e t a i l e d  i s Ryusaku T s u n o d a , t r . , J a p a n  Dynastic H i s t o r i e s : edited  a c c o u n t on t h i s  subject  i n English  i n the Chinese  L a t e r Han t h r o u g h M i n g D y n a s t i e s ,  by C a r r i n t o n L . G o o d r i c h ,  (South Pasadena:  1951).  62 For a d e t a i l e d pp.  e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e t e r m wo, s e e I b i d . ,  4-5/ f o o t n o t e s 2 and 11. 63 Tai  C h i - t ' a o , J i h - p e n l u n , i n Ko-ming  hsien-chin  hsien-lieh  s h i h - w e n h s u a n - c h i , V o l . 4, p . 325.  64 Hsiao-fang hu-chai y u - t i  ts'ung-ch'ao  (Collection of  G e o g r a p h i c a l Works f r o m t h e H s i a o - f a n g - h u  Studio),  Wang H s i - c h ' i  a s HFHCYTTC).  The  i n 1891.  supplementary  (Hereafter c i t e d  c o l l e c t i o n was p u b l i s h e d i n 1894  as HFHCYTTC, pu-p ' i e n "^$)&{&} ) , and a n o t h e r c o l l e c t i o n was added t o i t i n 1897 ( c i t e d tsai  pu-p' i e n jji^fy^kfc)  )•  Photo  copy  Kuang-wen s h u - c h u ,  HFHCYTTC, 12 V o l s . ,  and  12 V o l s . , 1964.  tsai  pu-p'ien,  ^For Appendix  titles  comp. by (cited  supplementary  a s HFHCTTTC,  reprinted  by T a i p e i :  HFHCYTTC, p u - p ' i e n  and a u t h o r s o f these a r t i c l e s , see  I.  66 Wang T'ao, Huang T s u n - h s i e n and Ch'en  Lun-chiung  all  See Wang T'ao,  Jih-pen Japanese  mentioned  t'ung  Chung-kuo k'ao  Relations),  Lun-chiung,  t h e l e g e n d o f Hsu F u . (An I n q u i r y  into  the Sino-  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p . 268;  Tung-yang c h i  ^.y^X^i  a c c o u n t on J a p a n ) ,  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, 260; Huang T s u n - h s i e n , J i h - p e n ( M i s c e l l a n e o u s Things about 265-266; p . 283b.  Ch'en tsa-shih  J a p a n ) , HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, pp.  205 67 See Vol.  Huang  Tsun-hsien,  Jih-pen tsa-shih,  HFHCYTTC,  10, p . 283b. 68 Ch'en C h ' i - y i i a n , J i h - p e n c h i n - s h i h  Events  i n Japan),  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p p .  chi  (Recent  265-266.  69 p.  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ,  Jih-pen tsa-shih,  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10,  Huang T s u n - h s i e n ,  Jih-pen tsa-shih,  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10,  291. 70  p.  291. 71  Oka S e n j i n ,  o f my  Kuan-kuang c h i - y u ,  Travels i n China),  7:9b-10, T'ao.  3:6b.  Cited  (Tokyo:  -  (Kanko k i y u ,  1 8 8 6 ) , 4:7,  1: 4b-5b,  by Chou T s o - j e n t o c r i t i c i z e  See Chou T s o - j e n ,  K'u-chu t s a - c h i ,  Records 7:4,  Wang  (Hong Kong:  1 9 7 2 ) , pp. 25-29. 72 The meaning o f t h i s p h r a s e etiquette,  the moral standards or p r a c t i c e s  t h e manners o f s o c i e t y , look  i s : when t h e c u s t o m s o f  have f a l l e n  of society, or,  o u t o f use, you  may  f o r them i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . 73 For  lieh,  example, Ho J u - c h a n g ' s a r t i c l e ,  HFHCYTTC, V o l . 10, p.  S h i h t u n g shu-  276b.  74 F o r d e t a i l s a b o u t Huang See  Chapter  I , "Huang  and h i s J a p a n e s e  Tsun-hsien:  His Life  friends.  and H i s Time."  75 Huang Vol.  Tsun-hsien,  10, pp. 283-301, ^ I b i d . , p . 286 .  Jih-pen tsa-shih,  ( p u b l i s h e d i n 1891).  i n HFHCYTTC,  206  FOOTNOTES CHAPTER  II  ^"Robert E . Ward t r a c e d political  m o d e r n i z a t i o n as  modern p o l i t i c a l and  may  t h a t go  centuries  beyond t h a t .  that  This  of Japan.  I t i s seen i n these  since  the  Restoration  and-a-half the  last  i n the  to  s i x or  century  increased  on  as  the  terms not  "revisionist"  who  that of  political  (Princeton: challenges  as  five  or the  a process  gradual  the  by  Political  that  intervened two-  preparation, a  greatly  change."  1 9 6 8 ) , p.  six  modernization  has  characterized  i n R o b e r t E. Ward, e d . ,  i n Modern J a p a n ,  . . . have  political  seven c e n t u r i e s  scope of  1860's  a cumulative product of  o f w h i c h was  p a c e and  "Epilogue"  synthesis  s i n g l e century but  complete  substantially alters  time p e r s p e c t i v e  taken place  Japanese  from the  back from o n e - a n d - a - h a l f t o  traditional has  "While the  date only  elements of  histories  beginning of  follows:  synthesis  1870's, b a s i c  the  See  the  Development  580.  Another  traditional  view  of  J a p a n e s e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t i s James Nakamura.  He  examines the  recon-  structs  a more r e l i a b l e  figures. in per  the  s e r i e s of  He.then r e v i s e d  early period  year,  believed  instead and  of growth. the  s o u r c e s o f government s t a t i s t i c s  of  as  the  agricultural  growth r a t e of  approximately  2.4  percent  per  around y e a r as  production agriculture  1.0  percent  previously  thereby d e m y t h i c i z e d Japan's m i r a c u l o u s James Nakamura, A g r i c u l t u r a l P r o d u c t i o n  E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t o f J a p a n 1873-1972,  1966) .  and  re-  rate and  (Princeton:  207 2  For d e t a i l ,  Heritage,"  i n W.W.  Enterprise  i n Japan,  after  cited  Beardsley  s e e E. Sydney  Lockwood e d . , The  Crawcour,  "The  State  Economic  and  ( P r i n c e t o n : 1 9 6 5 ) , pp.  as S E E J .  Also  eds., Twelve  s e e J o h n W.  Doors  17-44.  Hall  to Japan,  Tokugawa Here-  and R i c h a r d  (New  York:  K.  1955).  3 Thomas C. S m i t h , P o l i t i c a l Development  Change and  Industrial  i n J a p a n : Government E n t e r p r i s e , 1868-1880,  (Stanford:  1 9 5 5 ) , p.  12.  4 T.C. Japan,  S m i t h , The A g r a r i a n O r i g i n s o f Modern  ( S t a n f o r d : 1 9 5 9 ) , pp. 5  Ibid.,  Edwin Nation,  (New  .  7  p.  0.  212.  Reischauer,  Y o r k : 1 9 7 0 ) , pp.  Ibid.,  101-104.  pp.  J a p a n : The  Story of A  102-103.  99-100.  8 R. i n Japan,  Ishii,  Population  (London: 1 9 3 7 ) , pp.  Pressure  13-15.  and E c o n o m i c  T.C.  t h a t p o p u l a t i o n grew f r o m a b o u t 18 m i l l i o n million  between 1600  Change and Hall  Industrial  and B e a r d s l e y  and  1725.  Development  estimate  a t about t h i r t y m i l l i o n . this  population serve  the  judgement  Beardsley,  statistics  as an i n d i c a t o r Doors  26  Political  i n J a p a n , pp.  13-14. remained  the accuracy  of  because of the l a c k of t h e r e f o r e the f i g u r e s d i d  o f economic  of the extent  Twelve  Smith,  They q u e s t i o n e d  estimated  to about  t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n  u n i f o r m i t y o f method and d a t e , not  T.C.  Smith  Life  s t a g n a t i o n , nor f o r  of unbanization.  t o J a p a n , p.  549.  Hall  and  208 9 Twelve The  For  Doors  a general discussion,  t o Japan, p.  549.  S t o r y o f a N a t i o n , p.  111.  ^For  s e e G.C.  o f Modern J a p a n ,  "*" Ibid. , p. 1  Development 1938,  and  Beardsley,  Reischauer, Japan:  a d i s c u s s i o n o f the g e n e r a l economic  and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , History  E.O.  see H a l l  31.  Allen,  (London:  W.W.  1 9 5 4 ) , pp.  Economic  1 9 6 2 ) , pp.  30-39.  Lockwood, The  o f J a p a n : Growth and  (Princeton:  A Short  Structural  changes  Economic  Change  1868-  9-12.  12 Ibid.,  pp.  42-53,  13 Lockwood, The E c o n o m i c pp.  Development  of  Japan,  17-18, 14  J a p a n , pp.  G.C. A l l e n , A S h o r t E c o n o m i c 50-54,  History  o f Modern  15 Ichiro Japan's Ten-Year  I n u k a i and A r l o n T u s s i n g ,  Plan,  1884"  EDCC, 16.1,  "Kogyo I k e n :  (Oct. 1967),  p.  52. 16 Norman s u g g e s t e d t h a t transition Japan.  from l i g h t  t o heavy  the normal o r d e r  i n d u s t r y was  of  reversed i n  See H e r b e r t Norman, J a p a n ' s Emergence a s a Modern  State: P o l i t i c a l Restoration,  (New  and E c o n o m i c  Problems  Y o r k : 1 9 4 0 ) , p.  126.  of the  Meiji  209 17  Lockwood,  The E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t  of Japan,  25. 18 James Nakamura, 1875-1920", Policy  "Growth  i n S E E J , p. 259.  and E c o n o m i c P r o g r e s s " ,  H a r r y Oshima, S E E J , p.  "'"'T.C. S m i t h , P o l i t i c a l Development  2 0  p.  p.  i n J a p a n , pp. Reischauer,  of Japanese  Change  "Meiji  Fiscal  380.  and  Industrial  36-41.  Japan:.The S t o r y o f A  Nation,  134.  2 1  Hall  and B e a r d s l e y ,  2 2  Ibid.,  2 3  I b i d . , p.  Twelve Doors t o Japan,  551.  2 4  Japan, p.  pp.  575-576.  576.  G.C. A l l e n ,  A S h o r t Economic H i s t o r y  130.  of  Modern  41.  R e i s c h a u e r , J a p a n : The S t o r y o f A p.  Agriculture,  Nation,  210 26 G.C. Enterprise Japan,  Allen  and A u d r e y  i n F a r E a s t e r n Economic  London and New  York,  19 54,  G.  Donnithorne,  Western  Development - C h i n a p.  and  2 24.  27 (Cambridge:  W.W. Rostow, The 1 9 6 0 ) , p . 38.  Stages o f Economic  Growth,  28 T.C.  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  D e v e l o p m e n t , pp.  Change and  Industrial  67-85.  29 According expenditure revenue of  t o T.C.  took n e a r l y h a l f  f r o m 1868  t o 1876.  Smith,  these three areas of  of the government's See  Table XIII,  Government E x p e n d i t u r e , " I b i d . , pp.  ordinary  " L a r g e s t Items  70-71.  30 For "The  Economic  Meiji  Period",  a detailed  discussion,  see H a r r y H a r o o t u n i a n ,  R e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f t h e Samurai JAS,  19.4,  ( A u g u s t , 1960),  i n the  pp.  Early  433-444.  31 T.C.  Smith,  Development i n Japan,  Political  p.  Change and  Industrial  74.  32 Ibid.,  p.  75.  Ibid.,  p.  76.  showed t h e p r i n c i p a l loans,  18 80-97, and  from l a n d  tax.  Smith,  1955,  p.  76.  o u t s t a n d i n g on F o r e i g n and the percentage of o r d i n a r y  Table  XVII  Domestic revenue  211 34  T.C.  Development  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n J a p a n , pp.  Change and  Industrial  74-7 5.  35 G a s t a v R a n i s , "The Development", Agriculture 1 9 6 9 ) , p.  F i n a n c i n g o f Japanese  i n Ohkawa, J o h n s t o n and Kaneda,  and E c o n o m i c  Growth:  Japan's  Economic  eds.,  E x p e r i e n c e , (Tokyo:  42. 36 Certificates  were d i s t r i b u t e d This  i n J a n u a r y , F e b r u a r y and J u l y  system o f c h i k e n  served  uproot the o l d feudal for  land  of  chiken,  1872,  as an wedge i n t h e d r i v e  s y s t e m and  to gain  to  recognition  the concept o f p r i v a t e ownership of land, w h i l e a t the  same t i m e i t p r o v i d e d land according (1875-81). pp.  o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p , known as  the b a s i s  f o r an a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e  to i t s sale value,  before  the land  survey  Norman, J a p a n ' s Emergence a s a Modern  State,  138-140. 37 T.C.  Development  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n Japan, p.  Change and  Industrial  79.  38 Ibid.,  pp.  Ibid.,  p.  80-81,  39 79.  For further d e t a i l  formula,  see James Nakamura, A g r i c u l t u r a l  Economic  Development  o f J a p a n 1873-1922,  about  the  P r o d u c t i o n and (Princeton:  1966).  40 T.C. Development  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n J a p a n , pp.  Change and  Industrial  82-85.  41 Ohkawa and R o s o v s k y , Economic  Growth,"  i n S E E J , pp.  "A C e n t u r y o f  53-59.  the  Japanese  212 42 Development  T.C.  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n J a p a n , p.  4 3  Ibid.,  pp.  Change and  Industrial  81.  78,  81.  44 According  t o Ohkawa and  Rosovsky,  t h e number o f  n a t i o n a l b a n k s a l l o w e d t o i s s u e bank n o t e s r o s e f r o m 4 t o 148  between 1876  and  1880.  I n 1880,  i s s u a n c e r e a c h e d 34 m i l l i o n y e n , pointed out that t h i s economy w h i c h  inflation  effected  in  S E E J , pp.  note  t h e l e g a l maximum.  They  l e d to d i s t o r t i o n i n the  t h e g o v e r n m e n t most a d v e r s e l y i n  terms o f i t s p r e p a r a t i o n Ohkawa and R o s o v s k y ,  their  about  f o r modern e c o n o m i c  "A C e n t u r y o f J a p a n e s e  growth. Economic  Growth,"  53-59.  45 T.C. Development  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n J a p a n , pp.  4 6  Ibid.,  96-100  4 7  Ibid.,  pp.  4 8  Ibid.,  p,  Change and  Industrial  92-100.  99,  49 G.C. pp.  32,  35,  J a p a n , p.  Allen,  37-39.  A S h o r t Economic  Lockwood, The  History of  Economic  Japan,  Development  of  21. 50 Ibid.,  p.  32,  Japan a c q u i r e d the  S i n o - J a p a n e s e War.  This  a huge i d e m n i t y as a r e s u l t supplied  of  the n e c e s s a r y funds  213 to e s t a b l i s h  a s t a b l e monetary  instead of s i l v e r foreign  standard  s y s t e m on a g o l d  standard  and h e n c e t o s t a b i l i z e t h e  exchange.  52 H a r r y Oshima, Progress,"  "Meiji Fiscal  Policy  and E c o n o m i c  S E E J , p . 380. 53 Ichiron  I n u k a i and A r l o n T u s s i n g ,  Japan's Ten Year P l a n ,  1884,"  "Kogyo  Iken"  EDCC, 16.1, ( O c t . 1 9 6 7 ) ,  p . 54. 54 T.C. Development,  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  Change  and E c o n o m i c  p. 34.  55 JPKC,  p r e f a c e , p. l b .  56 JPKC, p r e f a c e , p . 2, 57 Hundred Y e a r S t a t i s t i c s comp. S t a t i s t i c s See a l s o ,  JPKC,  Department,  o f t h e J a p a n e s e Economy,  (Tokyo: 1 9 6 6 ) , pp.  130-131.  ; 6 : 17-22.  58 These o f f i c i a l made by p r e f e c t u r a l  chiefs,  statistics  were b a s e d on r e p o r t s  and c o n t a i n e d  t h e amount and  the value o f the v a r i o u s kinds o f a g r i c u l t u r a l , manufactured, fishing  and m i n i n g p r o d u c t s o f d i f f e r e n t  prefecturs.  Yamade Kazuo, who c a r e f u l l y  studied  1874  kind of nationwide report  series,  compiled lished Japan.  that  this  i n 1873, 1874 and 1875.  that  however,  said  the tables  those  the s t a t i s t i c s  I t has n e v e r b e e n  f o r 1873 and 1875 were  of the was  estab-  published;  f o r 1874 were and a r e now i n a r a r e book i n  T h e s e t a b l e s have b e e n s t a t e d  by P r o f e s s o r s  Ohkawa  214 and  R o s o v s k y t o be  the b e s t  source  economic s i t u a t i o n o f e a r l y M e i j i p  ,  OkKa^c^  us.  )\osovsk  of  i n f o r m a t i o n on  Japan.  f\  V )  Noriko  CeVta^  of  the  Kamachi , T^P^-ese  Ec^ruvkic  59 JPKC, 15:1. the  T h e r e was  importance of a g r i c u l t u r e ,  of population oneof the atic  i n the  a short d i s c u s s i o n of  m i x e d up  s e c t i o n "On  with  the d i s c u s s i o n  Population."  This i s  numerous examples t h a t show t h a t Huang was  i n arranging materials.  6 0  JPKC,  15:  10.  6 1  JPKC,  15:  10.  6 2  JPKC,  15:  2.  6 3  T.C.  S m i t h , pp.  JPKC, 15:  unsystem-  10.  74-75.  64 Ho 1368-1953,  Ping-ti,  Studies  (Mass.: 1 9 5 9 ) , p.  i n the P o p u l a t i o n  of  China,  97.  65 Huang l i s t e d amounts o f d i r e c t local him, and  taxes  i n the  indirect  s e c t i o n "On  taxes,  of taxes,  t a x i n g o f mines, taxes  Taxation."  licences,  drugs,  production  c o p y r i g h t , and  L o c a l taxes  taxes,  and  and  to  customs salaries,  r e v e n u e stamps,  f e e s , l i c e n c e s f o r s h i p s and  hunting,  total  According  government o f f i c i a l s '  o f Hokkaido, wine, tobacco,  stamps, c o u r t selling  on  the  n a t i o n a l revenue  n a t u r a l revenue i n c l u d e d t h a t from m a r i t i m e  products  etc.  and  the v a r i e t i e s  vehicles,  postage business  licences for  a c q u i s i t i o n of passports,  included land rent, household  taxes,  . . .  215 management and He  listed  tables  t a x e s and m i s c e l l a n e o u s  Japan's n a t i o n a l  and  table.  commercial  the average  JPKC, 16:  revenues  in fiscal  of households  and  items.  years  taxes  in  two  i n another  10b-22.  66 . JPKC, 16: o n l y an 50  island  country.  t o 60 m i l l i o n y e n  taels);  local  and  As  (about  from  a r t and  national  not harmful  people  to take  manage t h e a f f a i r s on  called  the people  to forty-two  million  districts  the n a t i o n a l  from  tax i s very as e a t i n g  that  govern  (specie).  the r i c h  except  the As  the annual  govern  country  to  the  expenditure  They t h i n k t h a t  i t is  o f the whole c o u n t r y  o f t h e w h o l e c o u n t r y and has  small  the Europeans  T h o s e who  accordingly. the wealth  This i s  income come f r o m  they estimate  This also  t h e abundance and  reach  of every  to  spend t h e money  so a s t o i m p l e m e n t t h e o r d e r and  the government. the wealth  reaches  involvement  I have o b s e r v e d  expenditure,  revenue  i n d u s t r y , are being taxed.  o f t h e o u t f l o w o f money  tax t h e i r  national  "Japan i s  t a x e s , minor t h i n g s such  c o u n t r i e s i n t h i s way.  are a f r a i d and  t o say,  Where does t h e n a t i o n a l  the people?  their  annual  thirty-five  Needless  what t h e a n c i e n t p e o p l e detail.  Her  to the l o c a l  drinking,  i n w h i c h Huang s a i d ,  t a x e s o f p r e f e c t u r e s and  several millions. heavy.  22,  policy  of  the advantages of t a k i n g  to b e n e f i t  the poor  and  t o even o f f  scarcity."  67 He countries. England, France,  compared t h e amount o f t a x a t i o n  i n European  N a t i o n a l t a x e s amounted t o 71 m i l l i o n  66 m i l l i o n pounds i n R u s s i a , 72 m i l l i o n 78 m i l l i o n  i n America.  pounds i n Germany and  JPKC, 16:  23.  JPKC, 16:  23b.  pounds i n pounds i n  30 m i l l i o n  pounds  216 69 1911,  (Michigan:  7  in  Kiangsu  through nearly  F e u e r w e r k e r , The C h i n e s e  (li-chin)  t h e Grand C a n a l . I n some c a s e s  likin  but also  varied widely,  with  t h e most common r a t e  annually  from  was a l s o  64-65.  was c o l l e c t e d n o t o n l y  along  tax a t the destination.  one t o t e n p e r c e n t a b o u t two p e r c e n t  ad  The  valorem,  a t each t a x reported  ( M i n i s t r y o f Revenue),  20 p e r c e n t was d i s p o s e d o f by t h e c e n t r a l  the provinces.  size,  every  c o l l e c t i o n s on m e r c h a n d i s e  government, t h e b a l a n c e of  by n e a r l y  by t h e p r o v i n c e s t o t h e Hu-pu  about  passing  as a p r o d u c t i o n t a x a t t h e  o f o r i g i n o r as a s a l e s  of the l i k i n  l e v i e d i n 1853  t a x on g r a i n  a l l c o m m o d i t i e s and h a d b e e n a d o p t e d  barrier  1870-  By 1862 i t h a d b e e n a p p l i e d t o  rate  only  was " f i r s t  a s an i n t e r n a l t r a n s i t  route of t r a n s i t  point  Economy, c a .  1 9 6 9 ) , p . 61.  likin  0  province. the  Albert  remaining  The u n r e p o r t e d  <of  course  (This H i s t o r y  control  c o l l e c t i o n o f unknown  retained  For further details,  chin-shih,  u n d e r t h e de f a c t o locally."  I b i d . , pp.  s e e Lo Y i i - t u n g , Chung-kuo l i -  of l i k i n  i n China),  (Shanghai:  The c o n c e p t  of " i t'ien-  1936).  hsia (Take  chih  7 1  Ibid.,  7 2  JPKC,  ts'ai  15: 1, 16: 23.  chih  the wealth  affairs  pp. 64-68.  t'ien-hsia chih  from  i n the world),  the world  management.  JPKC,  16: 22b-23.  z ^>'/z £ f •*  and u s e i t t o r e g u l a t e  i s a reminiscence  idea o f f i n a n c i a l  7 3  shih'VA  o f Wang  An-shih's  74 Development  T.C.  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n J a p a n , pp.  7 5  JPKC,  16:  72-77,  Change and  Industrial  99.  12,  76 T.C. Development (Stanford: actual the  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  Change and  Industrial  i n J a p a n : Government E n t e r p r i s e ,  1868-1880,  1955), p.  82.  taxation rate  1873  rate,  substantially Professor  i n the p e r i o d  less.  He  further  T s u c h i y a , the land  (1973-85).  an e x c e s s i v e b u r d e n  7 7  1873-85 n e v e r  the exceeded  cited  the estimate of  t a x t o o k an a v e r a g e o f  produce of a g r i c u l t u r e  It. i s obvious t h a t  safely  out that  and t h a t i n t h e y e a r s 1877-81 i t was  percent of the e n t i r e  been  Smith p o i n t e d  the land  in this  tax already  on t h e p e a s a n t r y and c o u l d  34 period placed  n o t have  increased. JPKC,  16:  12.  78 T.C. Development 7 9  Smith, P o l i t i c a l  i n Japan, p. JPKC,  16:  Change and  Industrial  84.  23b.  80 In he d i s c u s s e d of  h i s e x p l a n a t o r y n o t e s on m a r i t i m e  t h e use o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l  protective  tariff.  JPKC, 16: for  travel permits.  See JPKC, 16: 16.  law and  customs,  the concept  L2b.  E x p l a n a t o r y n o t e s on  duty  218 8 2  JPKC,  17: 11.  8 3  JPKC,  17:  11-12.  84 JPKC, 17:  8 5  JPKC,  1-11.  17:  11-12,  86 A. F e r r e r w e r k e r , The C h i n e s e Economy 1911, p. 65. 87  Ibid.,  p . 67.  JPKC,  18:  c a . 1870-  QQ  17b-18,  oq JPKC, 18:  13-17.  90 * JPKC, U  18: 18.  JPKC,  18: 18,  9 1  92 Albert 1911, p. 69. in  For a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n o f the loan  C h i n a , s e e pp. 9 3  F e u e r w e r k e r , The C h i n e s e Economy  c a . 1870situation  96-72.  Ibid.,  p. 70.  94 H e r b e r t Norman, J a p a n ' s Emergence as a Modern State: P o l i t i c a l  and E c o n o m i c  (New Y o r k : 1 9 4 0 ) , p.  100.  Problems  of the M e i j i  Period,  95  G u s t a v R a n i s , "The  Development," ture  i n Ohkawa, J o h n s t o n and  and E c o n o m i c  1970),  p.  Financing  Growth: J a p a n ' s  o f Japanese  Economic  Kaneda, e d s . , A g r i c u l -  Experience,  (Princeton:  51. 96 JPKC, 18:  18.  JPKC,  19:  21.  98 *°JPKC,  19:  22,  JPKC, 19:  25.  9 7  99 J a p a n e s e made c a n be History  JPKC,  19:  (Tokyo: 1 9 6 4 ) ,  "'"A F e u e r w e r k e r ,  p.  the  pp.  11-13.  25b-26.  10  1911,  of the r u l e s which  f o u n d i n T.F.M. Adams, A F i n a n c i a l  o f Modern J a p a n , 1 0 0  Examples  The  C h i n e s e Economy c a .  1870-  47. 102 A n a t i o n a l bank was  1882.  See  J a p a n , pp.  established  i n Japan i n  T.F.M. Adams, A F i n a n c i a l H i s t o r y 14-15.  T h i s was  not discussed  o f Modern  i n JPKC.  103 A. F e u e r w e r k e r , 1911,  pp.  C h i n e s e Economy c a .  1870-  60-61. The  century  The  t e r m Shang-wu as u s e d  C h i n a , was  in late  nineteenth  an i n c l u s i v e t e r m f o r commerce,  manufacture, mining, t r a n s p o r t  and  trade.  In f a c t ,  industry i t was  220 an ambiguous t e r m The  for everything related  c o n c e p t o f Shang-wu w i l l  within  the Chinese  ^^JPKC, investigating through If  15:  lb.  In d i s c u s s i n g  t r a d e , Huang s a i d ,  the p o r t s ;  this  will  d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter  profit  and  deteriorate.  "Imports  loss  the  the reasons f o r and  Although  exports  flow through  [economic]  [ d e t e r i o r a t i o n ] , what w i l l  r e q u i r e s an  III  framework.  the leak i s not stopped,  China]  be  to modernization.  markets.  situation  some may  save  the  be  go [of  content with  the s i t u a t i o n ?  This  i n v e s t i g a t i o n of trade."  106 The  t h e s i s of the negative e f f e c t  t r a d e and W e s t e r n i n d u s t r i e s on industries tung,  n a t i v e Chinese  i s e l a b o r a t e d by F e i H s i a o - f u n g .  China's  Agriculture  Gentry  and  ( C h i c a g o : 1953),  H a n d i c r a f t , " pp.  "Rural  of  foreign  handicraft See  F e i Hsiao-  Livelihood:  108-126.  107 T h i s was " T r e a t i s e s on  d i s c u s s e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n  F o o d and  Money."  JPKC, 15:  example o f Huang's u n s y s t e m a t i c 1 0 8  JPKC,  20:  lb.  to  the  I t i s another  thinking.  47,  109 Here Huang a l s o m e n t i o n e d in  the C e n t e n n i a l E x h i b i t i o n  Exhibition  i n Paris,  delegation  to the E x h i b i t i o n  Tsugumichi  v  fact  >•  l e a d e r of the second that  the Japanese  The  l e a d e r s of the  the  Japanese  i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , was ( O r i g i n a l l y Appointed  Toshimichi the  participation  i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and  France.  -!sb  Japan's  I  t  group.  o  Hirobumi Huang was  i m p o r t a n t government o f f i c i a l s .  See  Okubo  \f k^if^ impressed  d e l e g a t i o n s were l e d by JPKC, 20:  Saigo  w  by  t h e most 27b.  a  s  the  221 Ono-gumi  and Shimada-gumi  were two l e a d i n g J a p a n e s e  firms  the  They were b a n k r u p t e d  early Meiji period.  \£) X  engaged i n f o r e i g n t r a d e i n i n 1874.  JPKC, 20: 2 6b.  ^'*" Ichiro I n u k a i 1  Japan's Ten-Year P l a n ,  and A r l o n  Tussing,  1884y" EDCC, 16.1,  "Kogyo  Iken:  (Oct. 1967),  pp.  51-71. 112 See JPKC,  1 1 3  JPKC,  20:  20: 26b.  Discussion  on g u i l d s ,  20b-27.  114 N o r i k o K a m a c h i , p . 167, 115 State,  Herbert p. 109,  Norman, J a p a n ' s Emergence as a Modern  1 1 6  JPKC,  38: 1-19,  1 1 7  JPKC,  38: l b .  1 1 8  JPKC,  38: 2.  119 JPKC, 120 JPKC, x  U  121  38: l b .  40: 1,  JPKC, 40: 1,  39:  19b-36,  222  1 2 2  JPKC,  40:  lb.  1 2 3  JPKC,  40:  4b.  124 Norman, J a p a n ' s Emergence as Norman s t a t e d  that  1877  is a dividing  a Modern  line  State.  i n peasant  revolts. 125 JPKC, 37: (Treatise  on  Rites  lien-ho-li ^ i s the idea  and  ^\ $  greatest  and  p r o b a b l y had  34.  Customs).  everlasting  Hao,  Citizenship").  For  L i a n g C h i - c h a o and  1890-1907, Philip  C.  (Seattle:  force  some i n f l u e n c e ch'  1 9 7 2 ) , pp.  on  tin  and  that  "Collective i n the  the  a detailed 30,  This  formation of  hsin-mia  See  Liang .  JjUf  discussion  151-156.  C h i - c h a o and  Power")  world.  Intellectual Transition  (Mass.: 1 9 7 1 ) , pp. Huang, L i a n g  li-shu-chih,  Huang s a i d  ("United F o r c e " ,  Chi-chao's concept of ("New  Commentary t o  see in  Chang  China,  also  Modern C h i n e s e  Liberalism,  64-65.  126 T.C. D e v e l o p m e n t , p.  Smith, P o l i t i c a l 34.  Change and  Industrial  223  FOOTNOTES  CHAPTER THREE  ''"Albert F e u e r w e r k e r , The 1911,  p.  Chinese  Economy, c a .  187 0-  1.  2 The  famous C o n f u c i a n  bution of wealth CXT)*%r-^ is  not  ^X)  1,  pu  huan k'ua e  a  or poverty See  an  n  i  n  g  (k'ua) b u t  uneven The  i n Confucius'  c h i h - t u s che who  f u i yu"  are contented  Chinese Ke  She,  Classics, p.  " c h i h - t s u che  %.$Jtf  and  "pu  huan p ' i n e r h huan pu  (not t r o u b l e d w i t h p o v e r t y Confucius' o r i g i n a l  stability later  designed i n the  as  on  a justification  so as  aggressive m a t e r i a l i s t i c  c h a o t i c S p r i n g and  to maintain  little and the  a philosophy stability  of  are  4^  i n advocating desire  was  political  Autumn p e r i o d .  land, this  poor,  troubled with  purpose  f o r the achievement of  too  an"  but  d y n a s t i e s when p o p u l a t i o n grew and  were l i v i n g  be  p'in i lo,  a r e happy e v e n i f t h e y a r e  wealthy,"  probably  can  h fci %  d i s c o n t e n t e d a r e unhappy t h o u g h t h e y  contentment to curb  308.  philosophy of l i f e  saving  state  distribution  are  instability).  J^/Jt~'%-  of the  t h o s e who  %^ ^  distri-  chiin  t h a t the c o n c e r n  chih-tsujfri^;  and  i n the  e r h huan pu  James L e g g e , t r .  ^  expressed  (These  m  quality  " C o n f u c i a n A n a l e c t s " , Book XVI:  The well  '  rarity  (pu chiin) . Vol.  i s "pu  s a y i n g on  t o o many  In people  p r i n c i p l e was of l i f e  society.  f o r the  adopted people  4  £ - 7  K u a n - t z u 'I <j- (d. 645 B.C.) was u s u a l l y the  founding  father of the L e g a l i s t  the  importance o f l i  -^(^ ("profit"  "wealth"  f o r the state).  are  full  do t h e p e o p l e  and  food are s u f f i c i e n t  and  humiliation."  (Kuan-tzu: of  the Confucians',  | ,j -£  te  and  " O n l y when t h e g r a n a r i e s  do t h e p e o p l e  jj? ^  He s t r e s s e d  f o r the people  know t h e r i t u a l s ;  "Mu-min").  heteordox f i g u r e  He s a i d ,  School.  considered  o n l y when c l o t h e s  know a b o u t  £ f f  V>  honour  ^L^^M  ^  \  H i s e m p h a s i s on l _ i , o p p o s e d t o t h a t  i.e. i  ( r i g h t e o u s n e s s ) , made him a  i n the h i s t o r y  o f t h o u g h t w h i c h was  d o m i n a t e d by C o n f u c i a n i s m . The o t h e r L e g a l i s t s l i k e Shang Yang f f \ j j t ^ (d. 338 B . C . ) , L i S s u ( d . 208 B.C.) a n d Han-fei-tzu craft.  J^|t  ^- a l s o s t r e s s e d l i as a g o a l  They p a i d a t t e n t i o n t o e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s and  encouraged p r o f i t - s e e k i n g . the  For a detailed  economic t h e o r i e s o f these  tseng,  The  literal  s e e T'ang  control, silver,  Ching-  (A H i s t o r y o f  meaning o f k' a i - y i i a n c h i e h - l i u  t o open t h e f o u n t a i n s and r e s t r i c t new r e s o u r c e s ;  discussion of  ( T a i w a n : 1 9 6 0 ) , p p . 199-296.  means t o open; y u a n h e r e r e f e r s and  Legalists,  Chung-kuo c h i n g - c h i s s u - h s i a n g - s h i h ,  Chinese Economic Thought),  is  i n state-  chieh  t o the source  means t o l i m i t ,  t o economize; l i u gold or other  the outflow.  means t o o p e n new r e s o u r c e s  of profit  profit  t o keep  means t h e o u t f l o w  precious metals).  of  k'ai under  ( o f money,  Taken t o g e t h e r i t  and t o l i m i t  expenditures.  ^The and  word hu J means a d o o r , a n i n d i v i d u a l ,  population.  Hu-pu j %/^> t h e r e f o r e , l i t e r a l l y  the Board o f p o p u l a t i o n . in  Population  C h i n e s e economy, f o r t h e h u - t s ' e j  census  a family means  i s very  important  (The r e g i s t e r o f  population) are  the  and  hu-chi y  foundation  T a x e s ) and  the  of  (The  taxation  Records of  (Land  c o n s c r i p t i o n of the  the  T a x e s and  army.  Population) Household  (hu-ting^/J"f :  a Conscript) .  Chang Y i i - f a ' s book. (The  Ch'ing-chi  Constitutional Organizations  provides  detailed  Taipei,  1972.  For  and ..kuo-chia  ^  , see  Wang Gungwu, F a i r b a n k  J o h n K.  articles  and  " T ' i e n - h s i a and For  recent research  article,  "The  c o n t r i b u t e d by  and  the  Eastern Quarterly, see  Journal  11.4:  J.L.  (Toronto),  Sou-ming, a C h i n e s e p h i l o s o p h e r t h a t i n the p a s t  t i e n - h s i a (The was  their  never thought of kuo-chia Wealthy S t a t e ) .  Liang's  Joseph  447-451,  57-77,  famous i n t h e  the  of  (August,  Liang  trends  Ch'i-ch'ao  (Intellectual  1920's had  instead of ^  (  x  Liang and  the  kuo-chia  i \ --f  d e s i r e , but  they  '^y, " J ^  (  fu-ch'iang  Liang  (1965).  Chinese only  constant  A  had Strong  Sou-ming, Chung-kuo wen-hua y a o - i  of Chinese C i v i l i z a t i o n ) ,  Intellectual kai-lun  Mancall,  Cranmer-Byng s  21.1:  Universe)  1  ( U n i v e r s a l Peace)  by  see  Chinese  1  (Nation State) ; t ' i e n h s i a t ' a i - p ' i n g  lined  e d . , The  C h i n e s e A t t i t u d e Towards E x t e r n a l R e l a t i o n s , "  International  (Essence  k  Transvaluation  1952).  and  j£  subject,  kuo  Far  of  the  Also  The  concept  Ch'ing)  t'ien-hsia Fairbank,  tuan-ti  Schwartz.  Values,"  1930's, s a i d  Late  m a t e r i a l s on  d i s c u s s i o n of  World Order, e s p e c i a l l y Levenson,  i n the  d i s c u s s i o n s and  a detailed  t i li-hsien  (Taiwan, 1 9 6 7 ) , p.  i n the Ch'ing  dynasty  are  19.  out-  i n h i s book C h ' i n g - t a i h s i i e h - s h u  Trends of the  d i s c u s s i o n i s s u p p l e m e n t e d by  Ch'ing  Period).  a later  study  of  C h ' i e n Mu i n h i s Chung-kuo c h i n - s a n - p a i - n i e n h s u e h - s h u (A H i s t o r y Years).  o f Chinese  Transition  especially p r o v i d e s new  i n China,  supplemented  earlier  Period,  The -shih in  this  (as  (Cambridge,  literary  (Mass.: 1971)  Setting  and pp. 26-  work w i t h  details  Intellectual  M a s s . : 1959),  Trends  i n the  p . 4.  meaning o f t h e component e l e m e n t s o f  chih-yung  (SI  j ^ H ^ ^  i s as f o l l o w s :  ching  c o n t e x t means t o manage o r t o r e g u l a t e , w h i c h i s  a noun) a c o g n a t e  of  "warp o f a f a b r i c " .  or  t h e age; c h i h  apply  Hundred  interpretations.  •^Immanuel C.Y. Hsu, t r . Ch'ing  1390-1907,  pp. 7-34 o n I n t e l l e c t u a l  31 on c h i n g - s h i h ) , and  i n t h e L a s t Three  A r e c e n t s t u d y by Chang Hao, L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o a n d  Intellectual (see  scholarship  meaning d e r i v e d from Shih  i n this  the root  means t h e w o r l d  meaning  or the land  c o n t e x t means t o e x t e n d  t o ; yung means t o u s e , t o a p p l y , t o p u t  into practice.  to, to  something  As a noun, i t means u t i l i t y .  Taken t o g e t h e r ,  t h e p h r a s e means a p p l y i n g k n o w l e d g e t o t h e p r a c t i c a l ment o f t h e w o r l d .  J.K. L e o n a r d  "political  I prefer  world."  as t h e p r a c t i c a l for  world,  The r e a s o n  p r a c t i c a l world  t h e term  to people's  livelihood",  Forward  t o Liang Ch'i-ch'ao,  are  included—i.e.  problems.  (see Chiang  I n J.K. L e o n a r d ' s  actually  means  Fang-chen's  C h ' i n g - t a i hsueh-shu  kai-lun,  a l l t h e problems  and t h e l i v e l i h o o d  political  especially  in i t s original  "practical"  By " p r a c t i c a l w o r l d "  concern the statesmen  "world"  o f t h e " w o r l d " as  "shih"  i s a v a g u e and g e n e r a l t e r m ;  p. 1 1 ) .  t h e word  i t means t h e p o l i t i c a l  f o r my d e f i n i t i o n  i s that  manage-  t h e " w o r l d " as  a l t h o u g h i n most c a s e s ,  "useful Hsu,  specified  to explain  the intellectual-statesmen,  world. form  shih  that  of the people  m a t t e r s , e c o n o m i c and s o c i a l study, t h e term " c h i n g - s h i h "  ( S t a t e c r a f t ) was u s e d t o " d e s c r i b e  an i n t e r e s t and i n v o l v e -  ment i n t h e improvement o f p r a c t i c a l administration suggest that political, political  g o v e r n m e n t and  i n the e a r l y nineteenth  the subject  century."  matter o f t h i s  e c o n o m i c and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  I would  "statecraft" i s a problem i n a  and e c o n o m i c s p h e r e , r a t h e r  than  political  itself. 12 In  t h e term c h i - m i n  relieve";  c h i - s h i h y'^-^t  w o r l d " ; min relieve  "  t  YH  (K  >  c  n  i  means " t o a i d o r t o  means " t o b e n e f i t t h e age o r t h e  i s "people",  "masses",  C h i - m i n means " t o  t h e d i s t r e s s e d masses".  "*" The c o n t r a c t i o n 3  shih-chi-min,  ching-chi  means a c a p a c i t y  o f t h e term  t o r u l e , i . e . to govern the  c o u n t r y and t o r e l i e v e t h e p e o p l e . "practical matters".  applied."  t h e d i c t u m o f t h e famous  (hsing 4^  learning.  combined w i t h p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s profitably  i t means  i n t h e l a t e Ming i s " l e a r n i n g  w h i c h does n o t examine n a t u r e ^tp") , c a n n o t be c a l l e d  By e x t e n s i o n  F o r example,  s t a t e s m a n Chang Chii-cheng  ching-  ) and d e s t i n y  (ming  I f p r i n c i p l e s are not (ching-chi)  t h e y c a n n o t be  Crawford's t r a n s l a t i o n , see  T h e o d o r e de B a r y , e d . , S e l f and S o c i e t y  i n Ming  Wm.  Thought,  (New Y o r k : 1 9 7 0 ) , p . 398.  For compiled like See on  example, when t h e l a t e M i n g s c h o l a r  the Ching-chi  lei-pien.  He i n c l u d e d  government•services, r e l i g i o n s , Feng C h ' i ,  Ching-chi  Statecraft),  lei-pien  Feng C h ' i everything  literature  and r i t u a l s .  (A C o l l e c t i o n o f M a t e r i a l  (1604).  15 Li  Y u - n i n g , The I n t r o d u c t i o n  (New Y o r k : 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 77.  of Socialism  into  China,  228 16  Liang  Immanuel p.  C h ' i - c h ' a o , C h i n g - t a i h s i i e h - s h u k a i - l u n , p.  Hsu, t r . , I n t e l l e c t u a l  Trends i n the Ch'ing  8.  Period,  23.  17 Immanuel Period,  Hsu, t r . , I n t e l l e c t u a l  Trends i n the Ch'ing  p . 4.  18 Liang p.  48.  Ch'i-ch'ao, C h ' i n g - t a i hsiieh-shu  kai-lun,  Hsu's t r a n s l a t i o n , p. 47.  19 See History shih,  Hsu T'an, Chung-kuo c h i n g - c h i  of China),  p. 192.  Hsiao  shih,  (Economic  I-shan, C h ' i n g - t a i  (A C o m p r e h e n s i v e H i s t o r y o f t h e C h ' i n g ) ,  t'ung-  p . 1595.  20 Liang pp.  Ch'i-ch'ao, Ch'ing-tai  hsiieh-shu  kai-lun,  20-23. 21 Ibid.,  p . 48, Hsu's t r a n s l a t i o n , p. 47  22 J.K. L e o n a r d , Penetration  "Chinese O v e r l o r d s h i p  i n Maritime A s i a : A Late  Chinese Maritime R e l a t i o n s , "  and W e s t e r n  Ch'ing Reappraisal  Modern A s i a n  Studies,  of  6.2,  ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 152. 23 For  Kung T z u - c h e n ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e r e v i v a l  movement o f t h e c h i n g - s h i h Chung-kuo c h i n  san-pai-nien  Chinese Scholarship Vol.  2, pp. 532-54.  "Kung T i n g - a n c h i h Geographical  During Also, shih-ti  tradition,  see Ch'ien  hsueh-shu s h i h the Past  (A H i s t o r y o f  T h r e e Hundred  Chu C h i e h - c h ' i n ' s hsiieh"  Mu, Years),  article,  (The H i s t o r i c a l  Works o f Kung T z u - c h e n ) i l l u s t r a t e s  and  some  aspects of Kung s ching-shih- ideas; 1  e d s . , Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i - s h i h of A r t i c l e s pp.  in L i Ting-i  lun-ts'ung  on Modern C h i n e s e H i s t o r y ) ,  (A  et a l .  Collection  s e c . s e r . V o l . 8,  39-80. 24 J.K.  L e o n a r d , p.  154.  25 For a d e t a i l e d Ch'i and  Ssu-ho,  "Wei  d i s c u s s i o n on Wei  Yuan y i i wan-Ch'ing h s u e h - f e n g "  Late Ch'ing S c h o l a r s h i p ) ,  Studies, "The  39:  Yuan's c a r e e r ,  188-194,  (Dec.  L i m i t s o f Reformism:  Yen-ching 1950),  Wei  (Wei  Journal of  and  6.2:  Yuan  Chinese  Peter M i t c h e l l ,  Yuan's R e a c t i o n t o  I n t r u s i o n , " Modern A s i a n S t u d i e s ,  see  Western  175-204,  (April,  1972). 26 Benjamin  2 7  Ibid.,  p.  Schwartz,  In Search o f Wealth  and  Power,  10,  28 For a d e t a i l e d  d i s c u s s i o n on t h e  Confucian-Legalist  amalgam, s e e H s i a o K u n g - c h ' i i a n , " L e g a l i s m and A u t o c r a c y i n Traditional 4.2:  108-22,  China," Tsing-hua Journal of Chinese (Feb.  Studies,  1964).  29 Shen Ch'en H a n - y i n , 27.1,  (1967), p.  "Tseng  Kuo-fen  i n Peking,"  JAS,  67.  30 See K n i g h t B i g g e r s t a f f , of  "The  Secret  Correspondence  1867-1868: V i e w s o f L e a d i n g C h i n e s e S t a t e s m e n  the F u r t h e r Opening  o f China to Western  J o u r n a l o f Modern H i s t o r y ,  22.2:  122-36,  Regarding  Influence," (June,  The  1950).  230 31  •• The  s l o g a n was f i r s t  put forth  Hai-kuo t ' u - c h i h , ( I l l u s t r a t e d  by Wei Yuan i n h i s  G a z e t t e e r o f Maritime Countries).,  P r e f a c e , p . 1.  L a t e r t h e yang-wu t h e o r i s t  elaborated  i d e a and a d v o c a t e d  this  Western l e a r n i n g Essays the  Feng.Kuei-fen  the introduction of  i n the Chiao-pin-lu k'ang-i,  (Reform  of the Chiao-pin Studio), "Ts'ai hsi-hsueh  i "  (On  I n t r o d u c t i o n o f W e s t e r n L e a r n i n g ) , p p . 67-70. 32 Wang T'ao was one among t h e few f a r - s i g h t e d  tuals  i n t h e 1860's who a d v o c a t e d  detailed  economic r e f o r m .  d i s c u s s i o n on h i s i d e a s o f e c o n o m i c  see P a u l A. Cohen, Between T r a d i t i o n T'ao pp.  and Reform i n L a t e C h ' i n g  intellec-  modernization,  and M o d e r n i t y :  China,  For a Wang  (Mass.: 1 9 7 4 ) , C h a p t e r  7,  185-208. 33 J.K.  Asia:  F a i r b a n k , E.O. R e i s c h a u e r ,  The Modern T r a n s f o r m a t i o n ,  a n d A.M. C r a i g ,  East  ( B o s t o n : 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 404.  34 P a u l A. Cohen, Between T r a d i t i o n  and M o d e r n i t y ,  p . 110,  35 This  i d e a was w e l l  illustrated  by t h e C o n f u c i a n  s c h o l a r Yu Yueh's  article  he  o f s e c l u s i o n would h e l p China t o  argued  that a policy  "My T h r e e  preserve her tao-t'ung, while the l e t t i n g i d e a s would r e s u l t ing  i n undermining  See  Joseph  i n Transition, Levenson,  Transvaluation of Values," 447-451,  (August  1952).  i n of foreign  and e v e n t u a l l y d e s t r o y -  t h e harmony a n d w h o l e n e s s o f C h i n e s e  Dun-jen ed., China  Fears," i n which  culture.  See L i  1517-1911, p . 164.  " T ' i e n - h s i a and Kuo and t h e The F a r E a s t e r n Q u a r t e r l y , 11.4:  231 37  Stanley  personal careers  S p e c t o r has made a l i s t  staff and  giving  brief  functions.  i d e a o f how  of L i Hung-chang s 1  d a t a t o show t h e i r  From t h i s we  L i Hung-chang r e c r u i t e d  backgrounds,  can g e t a g e n e r a l  h i s mu-fu.  See  S p e c t o r , L i Hung-chang and  t h e H u a i Army: A S t u d y  Nineteenth-Century  Regionalism,  Table  17,  pp.  Chinese  Stanley  in  (Seattle:  1964),  288-96.  38 Ibid.  A l s o see Kenneth Folsom,  C o l l e a g u e s : The (Berkeley:  F r i e n d s , Guests,  and  Mu-fu System i n t h e L a t e C h ' i n g P e r i o d ,  1968),  pp.  137-38.  39 Kenneth Folsom, pp.  F r i e n d s , Guests  and  Colleagues,  150-1. 40 This  s l o g u n i s a condensed  famous m o t t o — c h u n g - h s i i e h (Chinese l e a r n i n g  f o r m o f Chang  wei-t'i  as s u b s t a n c e  1  h s i - h s u e h wei-yung  and  f u n c t i o n ) , i n Ch'iian-hsueh p i e n ,  Chih-tung s  Western l e a r n i n g f o r  (Exhortation to Learning) .  41 See wu  Wu  Chang-ch'iian,  -ssu-hsiang"  (The  "Yang-wu y u n - t u n g  C h i n - t a i Chung-kuo:  f e n - t z u yu c h i h - c h ' i a n g yun-tung,  Intellectuals 1972),  pp.  and  shang-  shang-wu I d e a d u r i n g t h e W e s t e r n i z a t i o n  Movement), i n L i En-han e t a l . , shih  chung t i  chih-  (Modern C h i n a :  t h e S e l f - s t r e n g t h e n i n g Movement),  The  (Taipei:  39-88.  42 F o r Cheng K u a n - y i n g ' s  biography  Kwang-ching,  "Cheng K u a n - y i n g :  chih pien-fa  ssu-hsiang"  P r o p o s a l s of the E a r l y of  Chinese  S t u d i e s , new  and  c a r e e r , see L i u  I - y e n — K u a n g hsii  (Cheng K u a n - y i n g ' s  ch'u-nien  I-yen:  Kuang-hsii P e r i o d ) , T s i n g - h u a s e r . , 8.1-2: 373-416,  (Aug.  Reform Journal 1970).  232 A l s o Hao Y e n - p ' i n g , Reformer,"  "Cheng K u a n - y i n g ,  JAS, 29.1: 15-22,  Cheng K u a n - y i n g ,  later  i n w h i c h Cheng  "shang-chan"  he l a u n c h e d a " s h a n g - c h a n "  s h i h wei-yen  3: 43-47b chiian 8.  as  1969).  Sheng-shih wei-yen,  Prosperous Age), hou-p'ien e a r l y y e a r s he l e a r n e d  (Nov.  The Comprador  (Warnings  said  that  from f o r e i g n e r s  against  foreigners,  For a d e t a i l e d  to a  in his and sheng-  i d e a o f . Cheng's  •" shang-wu" - c o n c e p t s , s e e S h e n g - s h i h w e i - y e n , " s h a n g - w u " , chiian 3:  (1-5),  1-18.  44 The p h r a s e i s u s e d by Davy M c C a l l f o r t h e t i t l e his  seminar paper.  See M c C a l l ,  "Chang  of  Chien—Mandarin  T u r n e d M a n u f a c t u r e r , " P a p e r s on C h i n a , 2: 93-102,  (1948).  45 Liu  Hou-sheng, Chang C h i e n c h u a n  Chang C h i e n ) ,  (Hong Kong,  1965),  c h i , (Biography of  p. 73.  46 For Eastman,  a detailed "Ch'ing-i  d i s c u s s i o n on " c h i n g - i " ,  and C h i n e s e P o l i c y  N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , " JAS, 24.4: Ma C h i e n - c h u n g ,  see L l o y d  Formation during the  595-611.  Shih-k'o-chai chi-yen,  ( E s s a y s o f Ma  C h i e n - c h u n g ) , chiian 1. 48 Before were to  t h e S i n o - J a p a n e s e War  several Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s ,  t h e shang-wu g r o u p , who  constitutional of  Warning),  Kuan-ying's  t h e need  of a  I n T'ang Chen's W e i - y e n ,  Ch'en C h i h ' s Yung-shu, Sheng-shih wei-yen, of that  one o f t h e i m p o r t a n t themes.  there  most o f whom b e l o n g e d  began t o r e a l i z e  government.  Age) and o t h e r t r e a t i s e s  o f 1894-1895,  (Book o f U t i l i t y ) ,  (Warnings  (Words Cheng  to a Prosperous  t i m e , p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m was  See L l o y d  Eastman,  "Political  233 Reformism i n China b e f o r e 695-710, on  (August,  Ch'en C h i h  1968).  and  pp.  S i n o - J a p a n e s e War,"  Also  JAS,  Chou F u - c h ' e n g ' s  Cheng K u a n - y i n g  Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i o f E s s a y s on  the  27.4:  articles  i n Feng Y u - l a n e t a l . ,  ssu-hsiang-shih  lun-wen c h i ,  Modern C h i n e s e T h o u g h t ) ,  (A  (Shanghai:  Collection  1958),  92-109. 49 Richard  Movement o f 1 9 6 9 ) , p.  Howard, " I n t r o d u c t i o n t o  the  1890*s: A Symposium'", JAS,  ching-shih  chen.  We  Liang  could  the  sixty  (Nov.  "^The  a  s  s  i  shih-hua,  best  m  i l  like  Wei  a  r  the  J C L S T , pp.  a c c o u n t on  same t i t l e .  the  subject of  ssu-hsiang  shih,  Thought i n the  Last F i f t y  Years of  ideas the  However, f o r t h e  Chao's work i s q u i t e  three  p.  late  Ch'i-ch'ao,  405.  Ch'ing  Wan-Ch'ing w u - s h i h -  (Studies of the  Economic  Ch'ing P e r i o d ) .  and  for neglecting  conservatives  and  -  his  1  h e l d by  Tzu-  tsa-shih  C h a o s book f o r l i m i t i n g  d i s c u s s i o n s t o advanced  the  286-303.  nien ching-chi  preneurs.  Kung  Liang  "shih-hua",  e c o n o m i c t h o u g h t i s Chao F e n g - t i e n ,  opinions  Yuan and  t o Kung T s u - c h e n ' s  i n JCLST,  Feuerwerker c r i t i c i z e d  i n f l u e n c e d by  t h a t Huang's c h i - h a i  poems w i t h  poems, see  majority  29.1,  Reform  s u b t l e i n f l u e n c e i n Huang's poems.  suggested w  Yin-ping-shih For  trace this  %\X  h u n d r e d and  undoubtedly  intellectual  Ch'i-ah'ao  <Ei ^6  Chinese  8.  "^Huang T s u n - h s i e n was early  'The  the the  entre-  discussions within this  thesis,  sufficient.  52 Cheng K u a n - y i n g , a l s o L i u Kuang-ching, proposals pao,  8:  of  1-2,  the  Sheng-shih wei-yen,  "Cheng K u a n - y i n g ' s I - y e n :  E a r l y Kuang-hsii  (August  3:  1970).  9-13b.  See  Reform  p e r i o d , " Ch'ing-hua  hsueh-  234 53  Wang T'ao, T ' a o - y u a n w e n - l u w a i - p i e n , (Eliminate  5 4  2:13,  "ch'u-pi"  Abuses).  C h ' e n C h i h , Yung Shu, 1: 34-35,  55  .. Hsueh F u - c h ' e n g , Yung-an w e n - p i e n , 1:6; Chao F e n g - t ' i e n , p . 191.  5 6  Chao  See a l s o  F e n g - t ' i e n , pp. 216-243,  57 Ho C h ' i was an E n g l i s h - e d u c a t e d p h y s i c i a n  i n Hong  Kong who f o u n d e d t h e A l i c e M e m o r i a l H o s p i t a l where Sun Yatsen s t u d i e d  f r o m 1887 t o 1892.  cheng  i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h Hu L i - y u a n .  lun-i  t'ien,  He w r o t e t h e book  Hsin-  Chao F e n g -  pp. 270-271.  58 Ibid., ts'ung-k'an  p . 271; Yen F u , Yuan f u , i n Yen i m i n g - c h ' u  ( S h a n g h a i , 1 9 3 1 ) , p p . 834-931; S c h w a r t z , I n  S e a r c h o f W e a l t h a n d Power, p p . 114-115, 117, 122. 59 Wang Y e h - c h i e n , L a n d T a x a t i o n 1750-1911,  i n Imperial  China:  (Mass.: 1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 52-53.  60 For a d e t a i l e d  explanation of the sources o f p u b l i c  revenue o f t h e Ching government, s e e , I b i d . , For  land 6 1  p p . 8-12.  t a x s u r c h a r g e s s e e pp. 49-66.  Ibid.,  pp. 20-48,  ^^Feng K u e i - f e n ,  C h i a o - p i n - l u k ' a n g - i , 1:1,  235 fi 3  Chao F e n g - t ' e n , p.  6 4  Ibid.,  pp.  279-281.  6 5  Ibid.,  pp.  243-244,  Hao  294.  Y e n - p ' i n g , "Cheng K u a n - y i n g : The Comprador  Reformer",  JAS,  29.1,  (Nov.  67 Feng K u e i - f e n ,  1969), p.  Chiao-pin-lu  as  20.  k ' a n g f i , 2: 2b-.  68 Hsiieh F u - c h ' e n g , yen shu", proposed  i n h i s memorial  "Ying-chao ch'en-  (A M e m o r i a l R e s p o n d i n g t o t h e E d i c t , 1 8 7 5 ) , t o i n c r e a s e r e v e n u e by l e v e l i n g  t e a and by s e c r e t l y m a n i p u l a t i n g assumed t h a t t e a was Westerners. affected  even w i t h  method w o u l d  the l o c a l  indispensable  Therefore high  an e x t r a t a x on price.  to the h e a l t h of the  t e a e x p o r t a t i o n would prices.  He  He  n o t be  realized  that  this  n o t work by t h e t i m e he w r o t e Ch'ou-yang  a r o u n d 1879.  Yung-an w e n - p i e n ,  tsou-i  1:.14.  69 Cheng K u a n - y i n g , S h e n g - s h i h w e i - y e n , c h u a n Feng-t'ien, Li TC 25:  p.  107.  Hung-chang's m e m o r i a l  92.  Hsiieh F u - c h ' e n g ,  i n Yung-an w e n - p i e n , (Discussion hai-wai  7: Chao  1: 13B,  f o r Development  wen-pien,  3:  i n Ch'ou-pan i-wu  "Ying-chao ch'en-yen  and  "Chen p a i  of Various  16b-17b.  shih-mo shu",  kung-shuo"  Industries)  i n Yung-an  236 71  For  t h e g e n e r a l comments on a g r i c u l t u r e  contemporaries  s u c h a s Cheng K u a n - y i n g ,  Yu-wei and Chang C h i h - t u n g ,  o f Huang's  Ch'en C h i h ,  K'ang  s e e Chao F e n g - t ' i e n , pp. 19-  41. 72 Chang I - l i n , of  Chang I - l u n ) ,  Hsin-tai-ping-shih c h i (Collected  (Taipei:  1966 r e p r i n t ) ,  Essays  p. 443.  73 F a n Wen-Ian, Chung-kuo Modern C h i n a ) ,  ( P e k i n g : 1962),  chin-tai  shih  (A H i s t o r y o f  V o l . 1, p. 191.  74 For  a detailed  s e e J.R. L e v e n s o n , of  Intellectual  ed.,  d i s c u s s i o n o f Levenson's  "'History'  Choice  Studies i n Chinese  194.  and  ' V a l u e ' : The  dichotomy, Tensions  i n Modern C h i n a " , i n A r t h u r T h o u g h t , ( C h i c a g o : 1953),  Wright, pp. 146-  F o r K a m a c h i ' s argument,, s e e N o r i k o K a m a c h i , pp. 75For  a brief  discussion  s e e J.R. L e v e n s o n ,  c h ' a o and t h e M i n d o f Modern C h i n a ,  321-22.  Liang C h ' i -  (Mass.: 1 9 5 3 ) ,  pp.  1-11.  V6 Levenson for  the shortcoming  intellectual Philip pp.  i s severely  criticized  o f h i s approach  history.  t o modern  For a detailed  Huang, L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o  by P h i l l i p  Huang  Chinese  discussion,  and Modern C h i n e s e  see Liberalism,  203-204. 77 Chang Hao, L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o  Transition  i n C h i n a , 1890-1907, pp.  and  Intellectual  112-115.  78 Philip  C. Huang, L i a n g C h ' i - c h ' a o  L i b e r a l i s m , p . 34.  and Modern  Chinese  237 79  Michael  Revolution  of  W r i g h t , The See  Gasster, 1911,  Chinese  (Seattle:  Intellectuals  1 9 6 9 ) , p.  and  233.  Mary  L a s t Stand of Chinese Conservatism,  a l s o Mary C.  Revolutionary  Wright,  "A  Review A r t i c l e :  Intellectuals  Q u a r t e r l y , No.  6,  of China  and  the C.  pp.  The  224ff.  Pre-  R u s s i a " , The  ( A p r i l - J u n e , 1 9 6 1 ) , p.  China  179.  80 Tai hsien-chin  Chi-t'ao,  Jih-pen  l u n , i n Ko-ming  shih-wen h s u a n - c h i ,  V o l . 4,  p.  hsien-lieh  330.  81 Discussing Gottfried-Karl  syncretic ideology of developing  Kindermann p o i n t e d  out  that  "the  countries,  largest  group o f development i d e o l o g i e s i s s y n c r e t i c i n i t s endeavor to continue, the  i n one  traditional  institutions Kindermann, Ideology ed.,  way  cultural  copied "'Sun  certain basic values  heritage with  f r o m t h e West" .  Yat-senism'  of Developing  Issues  or another,  as  selected ideas  a Model f o r  of Asia,  and  Gottfried-Karl Syncretistic  Countries", i n Richard  i n the Future  of  (New  Lowenthal,  York: 1969),  p.  150. 82 Huizinga,  quoted  i n Alexander Gerchenkron,  Backwardness i n H i s t o r i c a l  Perspective,  Economic  (Mass.: 1 9 6 2 ) ,  36. 83 Noriko  Kamachi, pp.  324-326,  84 Tai hsien-chin  Chi-t'ao,  Jih-pen  l u n , i n Ko-ming  shih-wen h s u a n - c h i ,  V o l . 4,  p.  hsien-lieh  385.  p.  238  FOOTNOTES CONCULSION  "*"Frank H.H. 1845-1895,  K i n g , Money and  (Cambridge:  1965),  Monetary P o l i c y  p.  i n China,  7.  2 Hou  Wai-lu  (Peking: 1958),  ed., p.  Chung-kuo c h e - h s u e h s h i h - l u e h ,  51.  3 For a d e t a i l e d i n C h i n a and  Japan,  d i s c u s s i o n of these d i f f e r e n t s e e Edwin 0.  i n Nineteenth Century (July  C h i n a and  Reischauer, Japan",  factors  "Modernization  Nichibei  Forum,  1963). 4 F o r example, t h e y p a i d  problem long  a l o t of a t t e n t i o n  o f t h e b a l a n c e o f t r a d e and  been n e g l e c t e d by  traditional  to  the  commerce w h i c h had Chinese  so  economists.  5 For  instance, institutional  an a g e - o l d i s s u e among C h i n e s e significance  i n the l i g h t  c h a n g e , w h i c h had  r e f o r m e r s , assumed a  o f economic  structural  been new  change.  239 6  In  his letter  t o L i a n g Ch'i-Ch'ao,  Huang s a i d  he w o u l d c a r r y o u t c o n c r e t e r e v o l u t i o n a r y than speaking o f r e v o l u t i o n  i n name.  actions  See T i n g  comp., L i a n g J e n - k u n g h s i e n - s h e n g n i e n - p ' u ch'u-kao,  (Taipei:  been s u g g e s t e d  ch'ang-p'ien  chiian 13, p p . 202-203.  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