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Kwere Kwere journeys into strangeness : reimagining inner-city regeneration in Hillbrow, Johannesburg Winkler, Tanja Adele 2006

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KWERE KWERE JOURNEYS INTO STRANGENESS: REIMAGINING INNER-CITY REGENERATION IN HILLBROW, JOHANNESBURG b y Tanja Adele Winkler B . S c . ( T R P ) , T h e U n i v e r s i t y of t h e W i t w a t e r s r a n d , J o h a n n e s b u r g , 1 9 9 4 M a s t e r s in U r b a n D e s i g n , T h e Un i ve rs i t y of the W i t w a t e r s r a n d , J o h a n n e s b u r g , 1 9 9 6 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J a n u a r y 2 0 0 6 © Tanja Adele Winkler, 2006 ABSTRACT As legend has it, Hillbrow is one of the deepest circles of Dante's hell, a chaotic swirl of drug dealers and murderers that any visitor would be lucky to escape. A post-apocalyptic Wild West that leaves hardened police pale with fear. .. .But, alongside this, there is life, a vibrancy and a sense of community that is certainly not found in any of Johannesburg's walled-off northern suburbs and sterile malls. ( N e s s m a n , The Hillbrow Haircut, 2002: 194) There are a number of deba tes currently taking p lace in the 'North ' that sugges t that fa i th-based organisat ions ( F B O s ) are better p laced to address urban poverty and to facilitate grassroots regenerat ion than the state. Accord ing ly , rel igious organisat ions in s t ressed inner-city ne ighbourhoods have ach ieved a certain level of stability and p resence that make them important si tes for organis ing residents, particularly in non-Ang lo , immigrant-r ich communi t ies. Northern scho la rs a l so sugges t that fa i th-based communi ty deve lopment benefi ts f rom ready-made leadership, opportunit ies for new leadership, and the possibi l i ty of building strong col laborat ions with both secu la r and other faith affil iations. Col laborat ion then b e c o m e s key in promoting success fu l communi ty / faith-led regenerat ion projects. In Hil lbrow, Johannesbu rg ' s most demon ized and s t ressed inner-city ne ighbourhood, F B O s have a lso b e c o m e " s p a c e s of hope" for approximately 70 percent of its inhabitants. They enable at least one mechan i sm through which the everyday uncertaint ies and insecurit ies of the S u b - S a h a r a n urban may be navigated. A n d they create, however tenuously, a s e n s e of belonging in this transit ional, port-of-entry, ne ighbourhood. Th is may be said despi te Hil lbrow's diverse, and somet imes compet ing, faith identities which are far from being homogeneous . Stil l , many facil itate soc ia l and wel fare serv ices abandoned by the city counc i l , in addit ion to community wide deve lopment projects. In order to re imagine the Ci ty of Johannesburg ' s exc lus ionary and ' revanchist ' regenerat ion pol ic ies, this study will a rgue for a civil society involved and / or led regenerat ion by embrac ing planning for soc ia l t ransformation theories and pract ices: A s s u c h , in contrast to the mainstream and official understanding of Hil lbrow, si tes of fa i th-based efforts reveal an / Other Hillbrow: an organ ised civil society in which their current initiatives sugges t new possibi l i t ies for urban regenerat ion and human f lourishing. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Tab le of Contents iii Tab le of F igures vi Abbreviat ions viii List of Interviewees xi Acknow ledgemen ts . . . . . xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. A Preamb le : Just i fy ing a S e a r c h for an Alternative Imagining 1 1.2. T h e R e s e a r c h Ques t ion and R e s e a r c h C o n c e r n s 7 1.3. Identifying an Appropr ia te Theoret ical Framework 14 1.4. Defining Urban Regenera t ion for this Study 18 1.5. O n Methods and Interpretations 21 1.6. Overv iew of the Thes i s Structure 28 CHAPTER 2: LEARNING TO READ HILLBROW 33 2.1. Introduction 33 2.2. Hi l lbrow's C o m p l e x and Hardened History/ ies 34 2.3. Phys ica l Degenerat ion 41 2.4. Contemporary Hil lbrow: A Restless Supermarket 45 2.5. Understanding the S u b - S a h a r a n Urban 57 2.6. Hil lbrow as a Transi t ional , Port-of-Entry Ne ighbourhood 61 2.7. Conc lus ion 67 C H A P T E R 3: HILLBROW'S FAITH IDENTITIES .. .72 3.1. Introduction 72 3.2. Chr ist ian Identities 76 3.3. History of South Af r ica 's Dominant Faith identities 79 i i i 3.4. Hil lbrow's 'Main l ine ' Faith Identities 86 3.5. 'Formal ' Conserva t i ve Protestant Identities 98 3.6. ' Informal' Conserva t i ve Protestants 109 3.7. Intermediaries' Perspec t i ves 117 3.8. Conc lus ion 119 CHAPTER 4: COMMUNITY-WIDE DEVELOPMENT P R O G R A M M E S 126 4.1. Introduction 126 4.2. South Afr ica 's Non-Prof i t Sec tor 129 4.3. Hi l lbrow's Col lect ive and Overt Faith For a 133 4.4. F B O Commun i t y -Wide Deve lopment P rog rammes 141 4.5. Hi l lbrow's Metropol i tan Evange l ica l Serv ices ( M E S ) 154 4.6. Identifying a Ro le for Intermediaries ..168 4.7. Conc lus ion 175 CHAPTER 5: BUILDING COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT CAPACITY 183 5.1. Introduction 183 5.2. Ne ighbourhood Organ is ing and C D C s 184 5.3. A Crit ique of the C o m m u n i t y - B a s e d Deve lopment Mode l 190 5.4. Fa i th -Based Commun i t y Deve lopment 192 5.5. Capac i ty N e e d s for Hi l lbrow's F B O s 194 5.6. Conc lus ion 223 CHAPTER 6: THE CITY'S REGENERATION P R O J E C T 228 6.1. Introduction 228 6.2. The Official Regenera t ion Cul ture 229 6.3. The B u s i n e s s P lan 2004—2007 ..238 6.4. Evaluat ing Inner-City Regenera t ion 268 6.5. What ' s Miss ing F rom the Current Strategy? 273 6.6. Col laborat ing with Hi l lbrow's F B O s 278 6.7. Conc lus ion 280 iv CHAPTER 7: REIMAGINING AN/ OTHER HILLBROW .....284 7.1. Introduction 284 7.2. Theoret ical F rameworks for Hil lbrow 285 7.3. Re imagin ing Hi l lbrow's Future: Towards Pol icy Recommenda t i ons 291 7.4. Conc lus ion : Summar i s ing the Recommenda t ions . . . .314 CHAPTER 8: A CONCLUSION - OR A NEW BEGINNING 320 8.1. Reconc i l ing R e s e a r c h F ind ings 320 8.2. Limitations ; . . 324 8.3. Air ing the Debate : R e s e a r c h Contr ibut ions and Ref lect ions 326 8.4. A Conc lus ion - or a N e w Beg inn ing 329 BiBLIOGRAPHY 332 TABLE OF FIGURES CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Figure 1.1: Hi l lbrow and Surroundings 3 Figure 1.2: ' O n his W a y ' 4 Figure 1.3: T h e Ci ty 's 11 Administrat ive Reg ions 8 Figure 1.4: Hil lbrow: Look ing Eas t 13 Figure 1.5: 'Hi l lbrow Storeys ' 31 CHAPTER 2: LEARNING TO READ HILLBROW 33 Figure 2.1: J o h a n n e s b u r g 1886 34 Figure 2.2: Proc la iming and Subdiv id ing Suburbs 35 Figure 2.3: Mapp ing a Wa lk with Lucky A d a m s o n 48 Figure 2.4: Eve ryday S e n s e along Kotze and Pretor ia Streets 49 Figure 2.5: A b e l Street 51 Figure 2.6: A Pol i t ics of Visibi l i ty 52 Figure 2.7: Z i m b a b w e a n F lag 52 Figure 2.8: Quar tz Street 's 'Wooner f 68 Figure 2.9: T h e Ho fman N e w Yorke r and Highpoint Cent re 69 C H A P T E R 3: HILLBROW'S FAITH IDENTITIES 72 Figure 3.1: Hi l lbrow's F B O s 85 Figure 3.2: Main l ine Faith Identities 86 Figure 3.3: T h e Grea t S y n a g o g u e and the Fr iedensk i rche 87 Figure 3.4: 'Fo rma l ' Conserva t ive Protestant Faith Identities 97 Figure 3.5: Char ismat ic Worsh ip 99 Figure 3.6: ' Informal' Conserva t i ve Protestants 108 Figure 3.7: Hi l lbrow's Zionists 111 Figure 3.8: Eas te r Jubi lat ion .116 Figure 3.9: Hil lbrow: Look ing North 120 vi CHAPTER 4: COMMUNITY-WIDE DEVELOPMENT P R O G R A M M E S 126 Figure 4 .1 : P e a c e Fest iva l 2004 140 Figure 4.2: Deve lopment P rog rammes 177 Figure 4.3: Commun i t y -Wide Deve lopment P rog rammes 178 CHAPTER 6: THE CITY'S REGENERATION P R O J E C T .....228 Figure 6.1: Reg ion 8's F ive Pi l lar Regenerat ion Strategy 240 Figure 6.2: Ea rmarked Apar tment B locks for the B B P 244 Figure 6.3: G u y Ti l l im's 'Bad Bui ld ings .245 Figure 6,4: T h e J P C ' s B a d Bui ld ings and P O M A Bui ld ings 247 Figure 6.5: T h e City 's R ipp le -Pond Investments 253 Figure 6.6: Const i tut ion Hill and Newtown Cultural Prec inct 254 Figure 6.7: V i e w s f rom the Rampar t 255 Figure 6.8: Setp lan-Dlud la 's proposed R ipp le -Pond Projects 264 Figure 6.9: J D A ' s P rog ress Sco reca rd : 2004 269 Figure 6.10: G u y Ti l l im's 'Bui lding Evict ions and Aftermath' 281 CHAPTER 8: A CONCLUSION - OR A NEW BEGINNING 320 Figure 8.1: G u y Ti l l im's 'Jo 'burg ' 331 ABBREVIATIONS A I C Af r ican Independent Church B B P Better Bui ld ings P rog ramme C B O Commun i t y B a s e d Organisat ions C D C , Commun i t y Deve lopment Corporat ion C D P Commun i t y Deve lopment Partnership C J P Cent ra l Johannesburg Partnership C o J City of Johannesburg C P F Commun i t y Po l ice Forum E D U the City of Johannesburg 's E c o n o m i c Deve lopment Unit F B O Fa i th -Based Organisat ions HBRI Hil lbrow/ Be rea Regenerat ion Initiative H U D the U S federal department of Hous ing and Urban Deve lopment I C C F Inner-City Communi ty Forum ICDA Interfaith Communi ty Deve lopment Assoc ia t i on IDP Integrated Development P lan J D A Johannesbu rg Development A g e n c y J I C M F ' - Johannesbu rg Inner-City Ministr ies Forum J P C Johannesbu rg Property C o m p a n y M E S Metropol i tan Evange l ica l Serv ices M T C Metro Trading C o m p a n y N G K Dutch Reform Church N R C Ne ighborhood Reinvestment Corporat ion N P O non profit organisat ion P O M A Property Owner 's Management Assoc ia t i on R S D F Reg iona l Spat ia l Deve lopment F ramework S A C C South Afr ican Counc i l of C h u r c h e s S A C H E D South Afr ican Commit tee for Higher Educat ion S A P O A South Afr ican Property Owners Assoc ia t ion U A C the C o J ' s Utilities, Agenc ies and Corprat ised entities U D Z urban deve lopment zone U S A I D United States A g e n c y for International Deve lopment Y E N You th Empowerment Network z e e Zion Chr is t ian Church A L I S T O F I N T E R V I E W E E S * • . | ; H I L L B R O W ' S F B O s A N D F B O S P O N S O R E D P R O G R A M M E S 1; i's ... \ . . • % "MAINLINE" ORGANISATIONS,, . g ^ I. Reeva Forrhan, chairperson^ , | : *" •2: -Father-'Petep'Hollday^Romaij€at!idli^ G-athfedralLbf-Christ tfffoKing" 3. Reverend: Detley- Tonsing, Evangelical Lutheran Church: Friedenskirche. «• 4. Reverend George Dalka, ov&raII co-ordinator of theFriedenskirche's-development .programmes" | ' *!.! • ; 5. Linda (Mike) Mkhwananzi, facilitatonoftheFriederiskirche'SiHIaianathi Theatre Project and Steps-AgainsttYioieneetgrpgfamml31"" '• '"• s * s a 6. Thozamar-Theko,' faciiitatoCof Ihe Youth" Empbkerme'n't Network (YEN) and a board member of *' the.-Rahab Centre ' ^ 7. Reverend J/lifce'Sunker, G;hpisfcChufch' .. r - • • S 8.. Sue S,unkeraver3l Mana^ • { 9. -Reverend Johan Krige, O E O o f tbeLMetrdpblitah'Evangelical Services.(MES) 10.. Lucky.Adamsbn,••from Nfg&rlapmariag^ II. Renter Erasmus, overall programme coTordinator and•manage'roLMES' bousing.and' -regeneration programmes- . f2, ThembajPhilaphi, MES" Tswelopele manager; 1"3..Delene van Wyk; .manager-;and- programme'facilltatbr-of MES' Entuthukwenf-skills#aining. programme * 14. Kgomo'tso Mslmango, martagerof'MES'Othandweni --..street-youth - Centre "Rb R M AL^C'QN SE RVATIV E'P ROTEStfANT'O RGANIS ATIONS' | 1 -Reverend Herrny Damons,.co-ordrriator.of-Rljeraa'Ministry's, inner-city programmes': •% 2'. Reverend Eusig'ie*; facilitator of the ie.rea;Baptist,Cburch's "Door of IfloTpe? 3. Reverend-Owen .MfcGrej^ "INFORMAL" CQNSJRVATI^E-'PROTESTANTORGANISATIQNS . ^ 1..-.. Rey.efe^d:--Flls.:N''*»aya and"#vest frem-^e.-DR^, ;vicibry..Gospei.Ministrles: 2: RevereodvincBntjNdebele;pastor of an African independent ©ha'reh (AlGfs Church of-God ^, TotalOeliverance* ' ' 1 S'^ i~ 3, ReverendlFredricik.Sarirr^^rom'MakWi,' p'astdr-of aft-African [ndependenLghurch (AIG-): Revival-Outreach p* C I T Y O F J O H A N N E S B U R G ( C o J ) I" 1. Yakoob-Makda, ; !?^^ j * 2. Geoffrey Mendelowftzf mafia •3. Sharon Kol Koi , managero fShe Hillbrow Recreat ion CentteT**• . 4. Martin New, the C o J ' s manager fp rJnnerC i ty Reg ene ratio n i l nd the City's Task Force < 5. Li Pemegger, the©oJ 's Programme Ma nager for Hill brow's Economic-Area-'Regeneration 6. Yale Horowitz, project manager, the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) 7. Anonymous interviewee - ™^>,( •* I D E N T I F I E D INTERMEDIARY^ORGANISATIONS; I 1., Nei tFraser, Ex'eculiSe^Dire^tor^ r 'oHhe*Central Jdhan'rte.^3urg :Partnership,the Partnership for . -U rban Regenerat ion and, since"*Mayr20G5',.,UrBan Incorporated 2. Joy-Molniyre, ro-ordinator of :the J p h a n n e s b u ^ Inner-Ci tyMnlst r ieS'Forum (JICMBJ.iand.a Hiljbrow resident- ^ ^ ^ . 3. IshmaeltMkhabela, C E O df a secular noniproftt:organisation: Ihterfaith Community pevetepment 'Assoc iat ion . _„.,, ' . I N - D E P T H I N T E R V I E W S * W I T H R E S I D E N T S -** t • • * *^  - . - • • - . . . . ~- . . . . . . . . . i*. Phii l ipWshabalala, a Hillbrow resident' . . 2. k :dauffrega refugee from thei DemoGSatic RepuBtic o i 'Cdngd i . •' - v . :. % . fi; . ' • . 3. VernottiQperishaw, a.Ideal resident and the;overall co-ordinator-of the Hil lbrow/'Berea Rage rieratipn jlnp|itive (H B R I) , v T, k . . . t, "' • " £5* '• A number of additional 8^Wcbs%'f6Ws were held'with Hillbrow residents and participants of developmentvprogrammes. Respondents,, however, chose not to be ' tb . rma l l / ^ tew lewed.v ia an in-depth andtape-ree-orded' method. Instead, lessons-learned'dudhgithese dis,eussions;were j o t e d in field-work journals' and;are lnc luded in4he text where appropriate. {'-i-"- %* • • • . . . . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I offer much gratitude to the fol lowing individuals who contr ibuted a great dea l to this project: professors Leon ie Sande rcock and John Fr iedmann, my superv isor and mentors who provided both substantial intel lectual and moral support, and who cont inue to inspire crit ical, normative and creative urban thinking. Equal ly , I w ish to thank professors David Ley and A lan Mabin for their invaluable suggest ions and recommendat ions as thesis commit tee members . I a m a lso grateful to all research part icipants for teaching me so much about the complex i t ies of Hil lbrow. T h o z a m a Theko, L inda (Mike) Mkhwananz i , Ve rnon Openshaw , Lucky A d a m s o n and Leah K h o m o you are beacons of light in the ' chaos ' that resembles the S u b - S a h a r a n urban. S o too a m I indebted to my parents for their ongoing encouragement . A n d finally, this project would never have reached fruition without the loving suppor t of my partner and project photographer, M a x Voigt , with whom I share count less ideas arid ways of thinking about 'the world' . Y o u are my life, and this project is dedicated to you . XI CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. A PREAMBLE: JUSTIFYING A SEARCH FOR AN ALTERNATIVE IMAGINING Carefu l ly c h o s e n titles are intended to ent ice readers. "Kwere Kwere Jou rneys into S t rangeness " may however conjure confus ion rather than ent icement without a brief explanat ion. Kwere Kwere is a derogatory term used by South Af r icans to label Other foreign Af r icans. It literally refers to the sound of foreign Af r ican languages now "f looding" our cit ies, and is a term I first c a m e ac ross in Hil lbrow, Johannesbu rg . Wha t b e c o m e s signif icant is how this term instils d isrespect for and a fear of the Other. John Matsh ik iza , a South Afr ican journalist, e laborates: It is true that we have an uncomfortable problem of xenophobia in South Africa. It is a xenophobia that is particularly nasty because it generally seems to be an intolerance exercised toward black people from elsewhere on the continent. Tens of thousands of Russians, Bulgarians, Yugoslavs, and other eastern Europeans flocked to South Africa as the socialist regimes that controlled their countries disappeared and the haywire free-market economies that replaced them (not to mention civil wars) put intolerable strains on their lives. .. .Not all of these immigrants are engaged in legal or responsible forms of employment. But you don't hear about xenophobic mob lynchings being carried out against them. Nor are they rounded up in random police sweeps on the streets of Hillbrow and threatened with deportation. Let us be clear from the beginning then: it is not an issue of South Africans against foreigners but a feeling of resentment by some against black Africans who are legal or illegal residents of South Africa. Who can tell how many South Africans feel this way? ... [B]ut the numbers are enough to make life very uncomfortable for many black people from this vast and fascinating continent we are all part of. (Matshik iza, 2004: 494) Kwere Kwere has become synonymous with contemporary Hil lbrow b e c a u s e most S u b -S a h a r a n foreign nat ionals, whether documented or not', first 'establ ish ' themse lves in this inner-city ne ighbourhood. But Hil lbrow doesn ' t only attract foreign nat ionals. M a n y Sou th Af r icans are equal ly in search of Johannesbu rg ' s perce ived employment opportunit ies and 1 accord ingly migrate to the inner-city. Thei r migration is a lso a journey into s t rangeness . T h e use of Kwere Kwere in the title of this thesis then b e c o m e s a metaphor for s t rangeness ; the complexi ty and uncertainty of Hi l lbrow's everyday; journeys of moving to, navigating through, and living in Hil lbrow; and no less my own personal journey into s t rangeness while search ing for new possibi l i t ies for Hi l lbrow's regenerat ion by moving beyond the derogatory and d ismiss ive . To ass is t in this journey, I will draw on many stories about Hil lbrow. But first, I want to introduce you to this complex inner-city ne ighbourhood by way of an excerpt from P h a s w a n e M p e ' s nove l , Welcome to Our Hillbrow. Your own and your cousin's soles hit the pavements of the Hillbrow streets. You cross Twist [Street], walk past the Bible Centre Church. Caroline [Street] makes a curve just after the church and becomes the lane of Edith Cavell Street, which takes you downtown; or, more precisely, to Wolmarans [Street] at the edge of the city. Edith Cavell runs parallel to Twist. Enclosed within the lane that runs from Wolmarans to Clarendon Place (which becomes Louis Botha [Avenue] a few streets on) is a small, almost negligible triangle of a park. On the other side of the park, just across Clarendon Place, is Hillbrow Police Station. Crossing the park, you walk alongside the police station, still in Clarendon Place. A very short distance later, you join Kotze Street. In Kotze you turn right to face the west where you wil l see the Hillbrow Tower. (Mpe, 2000 : 10) M p e offers a navigat ional reading of Hi l lbrow where his protagonist, Re fen tse , h a s to chart a sui table and safe route, for the first t ime, a long these confus ing, st range and colonial named streets, by identifying landmarks such a s the church and pol ice station (both symbol ic landmarks for my own study) in order to join his cous in in their new economic venture. Immediately, we b e c o m e aware of s o m e of Hi l lbrow's major movement and activity corr idors (Twist, Caro l ine , Edith Cave l l , W o l m a r a n s Streets and C la rendon P lace ) , and this ne ighbourhood 's conceptual boundar ies: the edge where Hil lbrow "ends" and the downtown ( C B D ) begins to the south of W o l m a r a n s Street, or where a journey a long Louis Botha A v e n u e may lead you beyond the degenera ted inner-city to the affluent, gated and immaculate ly l andscaped northern suburbs (see Figure 1.1). For many Hil lbrow residents publ ic s p a c e s (parks) may b e c o m e "negligible", un less they serve as informal economic or rel igious gather ing nodes . A n d throughout M p e ' s novel , Hi l lbrow's streets are marked by "incidents of encounters" , where the "unrespectable may happen" and where "danger spots lurk", or where new opportunit ies may promote " receptac les for other routes". In other words, M p e "we lcomes" newcomers and exist ing residents al ike to Hi l lbrow's unpredictable, insecure, ephemera l and seeming ly chaot ic realit ies. Here, it matters not if a navigator, whether foreign or South Af r ican, knows who Edith Cave l l , Caro l ine or W o l m a r a n s were ; but "Hil lbrow Tower" cont inues to symbo l i se engagement possibi l i t ies in the urban economy , whi le maintaining material , emot ional , spiri tual and identity l inks to geograph ies e l sewhere . W e are introduced to Hi l lbrow's role a s a port-of-entry to Johannesburg and its accompany ing transitionality, where 38 percent of its residents are foreign-born, where 68 percent have moved to Hil lbrow in the last five years (Leggett, 2003), and where 90 percent were not living here ten years ago (S imone, 2 0 0 4 : 4 1 1 ) . Your first entry into Hillbrow was the culmination of many converging routes. You do not remember where the first route began. But you know all too well that the stories of migrants had a lot to do with its formation. Figure 1.2. "On his Way": a City of Johannesburg poster by Nkoali Eausibius Nawa (2003), located at Hillbrow's western gateway, representing migration. (Mpe, 2000 : 2) A b o v e al l , M p e ' s novel s p e a k s of migrants ' / residents ' readings of Hil lbrow. Thei r readings are, however , vast ly different f rom the official Ci ty of J o h a n n e s b u r g reading. Ye t , both des i re and imagine Johannesbu rg ' s " N e w Go ld R u s h " (cf. Ch.6) . A n d ironically, the capitulat ion of apartheid has neither led to an inc lus ive cosmopol i tan inner-city re imagining, nor has it c reated a pan-Afr icanist c o n s c i o u s n e s s . Instead, the Ci ty of Johannesbu rg is respond ing to Hi l lbrow's realities by demon iz ing this ne ighbourhood and by implement ing regenerat ion pol ic ies, p rogrammes and projects with the purpose of "c lean ing-up" the inner-city. Despi te the Ci ty 's official response , an unofficial forging of a " S u b - S a h a r a n urban" is taking p lace (cf. Ch .2 ) . In compar ison to other Johannesbu rg inner-city ne ighbourhoods, Hi l lbrow is demon ized by the city counci l , many Johannesbu rg ci t izens and South Af r icans in genera l . Among South Africans, Hillbrow is renowned for two things: immigrants and crime. It is arguably the most feared neighbourhood in the country. .. .Tours with the police reveal that a lot of these people [Sub-Saharan foreign nationals] are in South Africa illegally; although many have some form of 'documentation', much of it has expired, is fraudulently altered, or otherwise suspect. These people often live in buildings that are either not zoned for residential occupancy or which have been officially closed down... and many become involved in criminal activities. Here, immigrants and cr ime are conf lated. In an attempt to "deal with" immigrants (derogatori ly referred to a s " these people" : the Kwere Kwere; the Other) and cr ime, the mun'itipaVity in col laborat ion with immigration officials, the Sou th Af r ican Nat ional Defence Force , the South Afr ican Po l i ce Se rv i ces and the Johannesbu rg Metropol i tan Pol ice (Leggett, 2003 : 25) 4 Department has estab l ished an Inner-City T a s k Force . Its function is to carry out the Ci ty 's " intensive urban management " strategies v ia daily raids in Hil lbrow that resemble : Repressive scenes from the apartheid era's 'liquor and pass raids'. Government officials swoop down on Hillbrow sending many running into the night, as street vendors hastily pack up their wares and flee. Those too slow to get away [are] nabbed by soldiers; their modest merchandise (boiled eggs, chips, sweets) scattered and kicked aside. {Mail and Guardian, 18 Sep tembe r 2003) Accord ing to Metropol i tan Po l i ce spokespe rson , W a y n e Minnaar , these raids are "part of a m a s s i v e new effort to rid the a rea of cr iminals and i l legal foreigners" (ibid.). In a simi lar report, journalist Peter Honey interviews O s w a l d Reddy , the Johannesbu rg A r e a Po l i ce Comm i ss i one r (previously the Hil lbrow Commiss ioner ) : The only way to stop the mayhem is to tackle the criminals head-on with military-style raids on crime-ridden buildings in Hillbrow. It's neither pretty nor easy, and it sparks mayhem of its own. Often innocent people's rights get trampled, or they are trapped in crossfire when criminals fight back. ... [T]here is no other way to save the city from sliding irrevocably into the abyss I don't want to see us living in a police state, but crime is already harming our freedom and democracy. We have to crack down to protect our freedom. When we have returned to normalcy we won't need to crack down anymore. (Reddy, cited in the Financial Mail, 10 Oc tober 2003) A n d another med ia account by David Bul lard, informs readers: If we are serious about tackling illegal immigration and resuscitating Hillbrow, then the press should offer those doing something about the situation their full support... [I]t is only a matter of time before the same fate awaits Killarney and Braamfontein. At the moment there is a clear line which rings Hillbrow: the cancer has been contained. {Sunday Times, 19 Oc tober 2003) T h e s e texts d isc lose the dominant economic and political realit ies at play in Hil lbrow, to the exc lus ion of any other reading. T h e y buy into the prevai l ing percept ion of c h a o s . "[Once] w e return to normalcy we won't need to crack down anymore" R e d d y informs us. How, by w h o m , and for w h o m "normal is ing" is def ined, and who has the power to dec ide what is "normal" , needs to be quest ioned. On ly a partial reference is made to the majority of Hil lbrow residents 5 who are not involved in "criminal activit ies", yet, their daily l ives are continual ly disrupted by these act ions, whi le being p laced in situations of fear and anxiety. "Innocent people 's rights get t rampled, or they are t rapped in the crossf ire", R e d d y fleetingly comments , but this recognit ion d o e s not s e e m to be the Ci ty 's real concern . Rather, the Counc i l is preoccup ied with "containing the cancer" , preventing it from spreading to Ki l larney or Braamfonte in, and with creat ing a more "desi rable" context for future private sector deve lopers . Med ia reports highlight the City of Johannesbu rg ' s current regenerat ion culture where a resident devoid "five Pi l lar Strategy" is currently being implemented to ultimately promote private sector- led regenerat ion and gentrif ication ou tcomes (Inner-City Regenera t ion Strategy, 2004—2007). Th is strategy is perce ived, by local pol i t icians and munic ipal officials, as the only means towards achiev ing a "World C l a s s City" status. The Council's vision is to promote reinvestment in the inner-city by creating the necessary preconditions and remedial priorities through the adoption of a zero-tolerance policy, in order to turn Johannesburg into a great WORLD CLASS CITY by 2030. (Jo'burg 2030 V is ion , emphas i s in original) F rom this perspect ive, Hil lbrow, "where the populat ion has soared from 30,000 to a lmost 100,000 [residents] in the last twenty years" (Constitut ion Hil l, 2003 : 3), is s e e n a s a threat to the City in ach iev ing its des i red world c lass status: hence , its call for "precondit ions" and "remedial priorities". N e c e s s a r y precondi t ions involve facilitating public-private partnerships through City Improvement Districts (CIDs), whi le remedial priorities e n c o m p a s s a policy of conta inment and law-enforcement (Beal l et al, 2002 ; Peyroux , 2005). T o this end , publ ic pol icy c la ims that "strategic interventions, by way of zero- to lerance, will normal ise Hil lbrow to restore private sector conf idence in the a rea" ( R S D F , 2003 : 75). In addit ion, the City of Johannesbu rg has officially rel inquished its responsibi l i ty for providing "certain soc ia l and welfare funct ions" in ne ighbourhoods like Hil lbrow. Th is rel inquishment is explicit ly stated in the legislated Regional Spatial Development Framework tor Region 8, the administrat ive region (also referred to as the "inner-city") in which Hil lbrow is located (see Figure 1.3). Within the marginalised, formal townships of the City, levels of service provision may need to be improved, economic activity stimulated and a variety of other spatial and non-spatial interventions [may be] required. [However,] it is important to note that these interventions may not all be within the mandate of the City, specifically with regard to certain social and welfare functions. ( R S D F for Reg ion 8, 2003 : 103, my emphas is ) Yet , many Hil lbrow residents require a c c e s s to soc ia l and wel fare facil it ies in order to survive in this transit ional and S u b - S a h a r a n ne ighbourhood. Hardsh ip , poverty, unemployment , h o m e l e s s n e s s , HIV/ A ids , insecurity, v io lence, sex i sm and xenophob ia are everyday Hil lbrow realit ies. Obse rve rs are left wonder ing, who shou ld be respons ib le for facilitating much needed soc ia l and welfare serv ices abandoned by the C i ty? In this regard, pol icy guidel ines remain vague . Instead, munic ipal pol ic ies and p rogrammes are stepping away from, rather than amel iorat ing, everyday hardships. Th is preamble sugges ts the need for a different regenerat ion approach by arguing that the City of Johannesbu rg ' s current pol ic ies not only ignore residents ' acute needs but a lso bypass residents ' multiple readings and lived Hil lbrow exper iences . T h e sea rch for a different, more socia l ly just approach , informs the main research quest ion. 1.2. THE RESEARCH QUESTION AND RESEARCH CONCERNS M y major research quest ion a s k s : Can a different kind of regeneration for Hillbrow be imagined? And if so, who may facilitate such an alternative approach towards a more just and resident inclusive outcome? Striving towards soc ia l just ice and resident inclusion in publ ic dec is ion making p rocesses requires investigating a role for potential transformation agents . In Hil lbrow, where a signif icant number of residents are constant ly on the move (as C h . 2 and 3 will show), I, nonethe less , turned to residents for gu idance . F rom their l ived expe r iences , I learned that a lack of commitment to Hil lbrow and a focus on surviving everyday hardsh ips has resulted in limited resident mobi l izat ion to counter exc lus ionary polit ical p rocesses . T h e only except ion is the Inner-City Commun i ty Forum (cf. Ch .6 ) . S i n c e its inception in 1997, however , act ive part icipation has dwindled to 27 members , and b e c a u s e this Fo rum is v iewed by the Ci ty Counc i l a s a react ionary and minority organisat ion their vo ice cont inues to be supp ressed during publ ic meet ings (interview with P h o n e y D ibakoane , a F o r u m m e m b e r and Hil lbrow resident, 2005). 8 Stil l , initial d i scuss ions with residents did reveal an unexpec ted , but potential, local t ransformat ion agent. In this ephemera l and insecure ne ighbourhood a lmost 70 percent of residents turn to fa i th-based organisat ions ( F B O s ) for ass i s tance , a s e n s e of hope, self-empowerment , survival networks, a s e n s e of be longing, and a s e n s e of continuity between 'home' and living in Hil lbrow (cf. C h . 2 , 3, 4 ) . " T h e s e civil society organisat ions thus provide at least one mechan ism through which urban insecuri t ies, everyday hardsh