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The social construction of salmon farming in British Columbia : power, knowledge, and production Schreiber, Dorothee 2004

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THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF S A L M O N F A R M I N G IN BRITISH C O L U M B I A : POWER, KNOWLEDGE, A N D PRODUCTION by DOROTHEE  SCHREIBER  B . A . , D a r t m o u t h C o l l e g e , 1995 M . S c , University o f British Columbia, 2000 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FORTHEDEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in -THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department o f R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t and E n v i r o n m e n t a l Studies) W e accept this thesis as c o n f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A February 2004 © Dorothee Schreiber, 2004  ABSTRACT M y study deals w i t h the c o n t r o v e r s y o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g as a p r o b l e m i n the s o c i o l o g y o f k n o w l e d g e . I d e m o n s t r a t e the r e a l i t y o f s o c i a l constructs o f s a l m o n farming by locating knowledge within people's everyday, l i v e d experience. B y t h i n k i n g w i t h a n d against o n e another, p e o p l e are able to recreate the c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h s a l m o n f a r m i n g is p o s s i b l e i n the first p l a c e . A t the s a m e t i m e , the interactions t h r o u g h w h i c h these m e a n i n g s about f a r m e d s a l m o n are c o n s t r u c t e d take p l a c e i n h i s t o r i c a l l y u n i q u e a n d c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c contexts. I f i n d that the t h i n g s o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g are c o n t i n u o u s w i t h the patterns o f s o c i a l a c t i o n a n d i n t e r a c t i o n i n w h i c h p e o p l e are e n m e s h e d . I try to u n d e r s t a n d the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n p o w e r a n d k n o w l e d g e b y l o o k i n g to p e o p l e ' s interests a n d a c t i v i t i e s for the basis o f their u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f s a l m o n aquaculture. M y study focuses l a r g e l y o n the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t w o F i r s t N a t i o n s g r o u p s , the N a m g i s a n d the A h o u s a h t , a n d the s a l m o n f a r m i n g c o m p a n i e s o p e r a t i n g i n their territories. I e x a m i n e h o w the c o l o n i a l c o n f l i c t o v e r m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n reappears i n the c o n t r o v e r s y o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g , a n d h o w f a r m e d s a l m o n is c o n s t r u c t e d b y s a l m o n farmers t h r o u g h the e x e r c i s e o f c o l o n i a l p o w e r . I n p a r t i c u l a r , I e x p l a i n the techniques u s e d b y s a l m o n farmers to e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l o v e r n a t u r a l resources a n d o v e r o p p o s i n g e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t a n d N a t i v e forces.  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract Table o f Contents  ii ..iii  List of Figures  iv  Acknowledgements  v  C h a p t e r 1: I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  C h a p t e r 2: M e t h o d s  36  C h a p t e r 3: T h e f r a m i n g o f f a r m e d fish: p r o d u c t , e f f i c i e n c y , a n d t e c h n o l o g y  48  C h a p t e r 4: Identity a n d the L e g g a t t I n q u i r y  74  C h a p t e r 5: O u r w e a l t h sits o n the table: f o o d , s a l m o n f a n n i n g , and resistance  112  C h a p t e r 6: F r o m fish to c o m m o d i t y : s a l m o n f a r m i n g a n d the p r o d u c t i o n o f heritage  137  C h a p t e r 7: N a t u r a l - s o c i a l h y b r i d s i n the fish f a r m i n g i n d u s t r y  161  C h a p t e r 8: S a l m o n f a r m i n g a n d the p r o d u c t i o n o f p l a c e  179  C h a p t e r 9: T h e p r o d u c t i o n o f n u m b e r s : f i g u r i n g , c a l c u l a t i n g , a n d r e c o r d - k e e p i n g as t e c h n i q u e s o f p o w e r  210  C h a p t e r 10: C o n c l u s i o n s  239  Bibliography  250  Figure 1  259  LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1  Page V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d a n d the adjacent m a i n l a n d , d i v i d e d r o u g h l y i n t o a b o r i g i n a l l a n g u a g e groups. T h e t w o study l o c a t i o n s , A h o u s a h t a n d A l e r t B a y , as w e l l as the l o c a t i o n s o f the L e g g a t t I n q u i r y , are indicated.  259  iv  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS T h e s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l w h o h a d the m o s t to d p w i t h this thesis e v e r s e e i n g the l i g h t o f d a y is p r o b a b l y L e s L a v k u l i c h , d i r e c t o r o f the R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t a n d E n v i r o n m e n t a l S t u d i e s graduate p r o g r a m at U B C , a n d f o r the f i n a l 6 m o n t h s o f m y degree, m y s u p e r v i s o r . H e p r o v i d e d u n w a v e r i n g e n c o u r a g e m e n t t h r o u g h o u t a l l the ups a n d d o w n s o f the past three years, a n d a l w a y s h a d t h o u g h t - p r o v o k i n g a n d i n t e r e s t i n g c o m m e n t s - despite the fact that this is not h i s r e s e a r c h area. In a d d i t i o n , D o u g H a r r i s a n d G a s t o n G o r d i l l o g e n e r o u s l y a g r e e d to b e c o m e a part o f m y c o m m i t t e e rather late i n the p r o c e s s . B o t h spent i n n u m e r a b l e h o u r s r e a d i n g a n d r e - r e a d i n g chapters, w e r e always available w h e n I needed help, and p r o v i d e d insightful and useful criticisms and c o m m e n t s that h e l p e d m e t h i n k m o r e c l e a r l y about w h a t I w a s d o i n g . M a r t y W e i n s t e i n , w h o w o r k s f o r the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , a n d a l s o s e r v e d o n m y c o m m i t t e e , h a d a great d e a l o f useful p r a c t i c a l a d v i c e , a n d h e l p e d to c o n s t a n t l y r e m i n d m e o f the r e a l - l i f e c o n t e x t i n w h i c h c o n t r o v e r s i e s o v e r a b o r i g i n a l access to r e s o u r c e s are b e i n g p l a y e d out..  "  T h e N u u - c h a h - n u l t h a n d K w a k w a k a ' w a k w p e o p l e l i v i n g o n the reserves at A h o u s a h t a n d A l e r t B a y w e l c o m e d m e as a v i s i t o r into their c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d p a t i e n t l y a n s w e r e d a l l o f m y q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g their territories a n d their l i v e s . F r o m the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , B r i a n W a d h a m s f r o m the M u s g a m a g w T r i b a l C o u n c i l , a n d R o b e r t M o u n t a i n f r o m the K w a k i u t l T e r r i t o r i a l F i s h e r i e s C o m m i s s i o n ( K T F C ) spent a great d e a l o f t i m e h e l p i n g m e u n d e r s t a n d the issues s u r r o u n d i n g s a l m o n f a r m i n g . T h e i r p a s s i o n a t e v i e w s about the i m p a c t s o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n d u s t r y o n N a t i v e fisheries are the m a i n r e a s o n I b e c a m e so interested i n the a b o r i g i n a l a n d ( p o s t c o l o n i a l c o n t e x t o f this a n d other disputes. T h e d a y s I spent o n the K T F C p a t r o l boat w e r e p r o b a b l y the m o s t i n t e r e s t i n g , fun, a n d i n f o r m a t i v e o f m y entire r e s e a r c h e x p e r i e n c e . J a m e s S w a n , a n d e s p e c i a l l y D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l , h e l p e d m e get p e r m i s s i o n to d o r e s e a r c h i n A h o u s a h t , a n d e a g e r l y s u p p o r t e d m y project. R o d S a m w a s i n v a l u a b l e i n f i n d i n g the p e o p l e I n e e d e d to t a l k to a n d a c c o m p a n y i n g m e o n i n t e r v i e w s . V e r a L i t t l e , w h o runs the guesthouse i n A h o u s a h t , her d a u g h t e r P a t t i , a n d her s o n - i n - l a w R o b , f i l l e d m e i n o n a l l the reserve g o s s i p a n d m a d e m e f e e l at h o m e w h e n e v e r I s t a y e d there. I m u s t also thank the staff at the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , i n p a r t i c u l a r A n i t a P e t e r s o n , for a l l o w i n g m e to s p e n d a w e e k i n their o f f i c e i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r , a n d g i v i n g m e access to m a n y o f their files. B o t h the U B C F a c u l t y o f G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s ( i n the f o r m o f a U n i v e r s i t y G r a d u a t e F e l l o w s h i p a n d the K a t h l e e n a n d C e c i l M o r r o w S c h o l a r s h i p ) , a n d A q u a N e t ( i n the f o r m o f t r a v e l funds a n d a research-assistantship) p r o v i d e d the f u n d i n g that m a d e m y study p o s s i b l e . I r e a l l y a p p r e c i a t e d the e n c o u r a g e m e n t , d i s t r a c t i o n , a n d r e a l i t y - c h e c k s p r o v i d e d b y m y friends and f a m i l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y b y M a r t i n R o b i l l a r d , w h o s u r v i v e d the e x p e r i e n c e o f s h a r i n g 4 0 0 square feet o f l i v i n g space w i t h a v e r y stressed-out v e r s i o n of myself.  v  C H A P T E R 1. I N T R O D U C T I O N  S A L M O N F A R M I N G A N D T H E (POST) C O L O N I A L C O N T E X T S i m o n L u c a s , hereditary c h i e f i n Hesquiaht, co-chair o f the B C A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , former chair o f the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h T r i b a l C o u n c i l , and generally a w e l l k n o w n N a t i v e leader i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a made the f o l l o w i n g statement on September 24, 2 0 0 2 , at the o p e n i n g o f the B C A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ' s F i s h F a r m i n g and Environment Summit: I have been t h i n k i n g for a few days n o w about the conference that's happening now, and t h i n k i n g about i t ' s just a few short years ago that our people saw the greatest change that began i n a place c a l l e d Y u q u o t , where C a p t a i n C o o k landed. A n d the people f r o m there said that f r o m that l a n d i n g they k n e w that change was g o i n g to c o m e , some changes were g o i n g to affect our people, and our people had that v i s i o n about the change that was g o i n g to impact the lives o f great-greatgrandchildren; and here w e are today. A n o t h e r m a n that spent a great deal o f time i n Y u q u o t , k n o w n as F r i e n d l y C o v e , was John Jewitt. A s y o u k n o w , history tells y o u that the M o w a c h a h t people slaughtered o f f the sailboat and its c r e w , and the reason that John Jewitt - the reason his life was spared was that he was to tell w h y his mates were slaughtered...  S o we have seen some s l o w changes and some  extreme changes i n our lifetime. S o w e ' r e here to talk about the future. W h a t is that - h o w are w e g o i n g to handle the future i n our hands a l o n g w i t h the changes that are c o m i n g forth? W h a t S i m o n L u c a s points out very c l e a r l y is that i n order to talk about s a l m o n f a r m i n g at a l l , w e must locate the industry i n both time and space. B y l a u n c h i n g directly into a discussion o f the ways i n w h i c h the past is relevant to the present controversy over fish farming, S i m o n L u c a s seems to a c k n o w l e d g e the continued c o l o n i a l context o f this industry. S i m o n L u c a s ' tribe, Hesquiaht, inhabits the peninsula that forms the southern edge o f N o o t k a S o u n d , where C a p t a i n C o o k landed i n search o f supplies that fateful day i n 1778. S i n c e then, salmon farmers have landed i n the region, and the entire territory represented b y the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h ("all a l o n g the mountains") T r i b a l C o u n c i l o f western  1  V a n c o u v e r Island is dotted w i t h ocean net pen sites. I focus i n this thesis on s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n the A h o u s a h t territory o f northern C l a y o q u o t S o u n d , just south o f the Hesquiahts and M o w a c h a h t s encountered b y C a p t a i n C o o k and his c r e w . D i r e c t l y across the mountains that f o r m the backbone o f V a n c o u v e r Island are the N a m g i s , one o f a group o f K w a k w a l a speaking tribes i n h a b i t i n g the northeastern part o f the Island. T h e N a m g i s , though n o w restricted to a tiny reserve at A l e r t B a y , once h a d c o m m a n d o f the entire N i m p k i s h V a l l e y and part o f Johnstone Strait. In fact, the same N u u - c h a h - n u l t h people w h o directed C a p t a i n C o o k ' s ship to "go around - ' N o o t k a ' " the point to f i n d safe harbor i n the inlet were i n v o l v e d i n a lucrative o v e r l a n d trade w i t h the N a m g i s . T h e E u r o p e a n fur trade was s l o w e r i n c o m i n g to N a m g i s territory than to the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and other people o f the outer coasts o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , but b y 1792, the N a m g i s had obtained muskets and other E u r o p e a n c o m m o d i t i e s b y trading them w i t h the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h for o o l i g a n grease.  1  M a n y such "grease trails" traversed B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ,  sometimes far into the interior. O o l i g a n grease is a valuable o i l rendered f r o m fish that return to spawn i n o n l y a few large rivers o n the m a i n l a n d o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T o d a y , a l l ooligan runs are i n critical c o n d i t i o n , and m a n y members o f the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n blame, i n part, the presence o f fish farms i n and around K n i g h t s and K i n g c o m e Inlets for the c o n t i n u e d decline i n the o o l i g a n fisheries there. T h e N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n is currently e x p e r i e n c i n g the highest concentration o f fish farms anywhere i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , and their ocean territories, and those o f the adjacent tribes o f the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , q u i c k l y became another focus o f this study (see figure 1 for an o v e r v i e w o f reserve and t o w n locations).  2  S a l m o n f a r m i n g appeared i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the early 1970s, but at that time it was restricted to a few s m a l l operations on the Sunshine Coast. P r o b l e m s w i t h t o x i c algal b l o o m s and p o o r water c i r c u l a t i o n p l a g u e d these early attempts at r a i s i n g s a l m o n i n net pens, and b y the m i d 1980's the industry had m o v e d to the northeastern and northwestern coasts o f V a n c o u v e r Island. It was o n l y after A t l a n t i c s a l m o n were introduced into netcage operations that the industry, and a market crash i n 1989, d u r i n g w h i c h m a n y s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies went bankrupt, that the industry began to e x p a n d q u i c k l y and i n earnest. B y 1991, the s a l m o n aquaculture industry h e l d 173 tenures.  2  In the meantime, the  troubled w i l d fishery had been undergoing considerable re-organization, and n e w license l i m i t a t i o n schemes that started w i t h the D a v i s P l a n o f 1968 continued after the recommendations o f the Pearse C o m m i s s i o n i n 1982. T h e f i s h i n g industry was l o s i n g vessels, and b e c o m i n g increasingly capitalized. T h e s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry too had changed, f r o m s m a l l , family-operated netcages to large, capital-intensive, and g l o b a l i z e d operations. T o d a y , over 8 0 % o f fish farms are h e l d b y five corporations, o n l y one o f w h i c h is C a n a d i a n - o w n e d .  3  T h r o u g h o u t the 1990s, environmentalists and other l o c a l people, particularly N a t i v e people, began expressing serious concerns about the impact o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g operations on w i l d fisheries and coastal habitats. A l t h o u g h a brief m o r a t o r i u m on the industry i n 1986 had been lifted f o l l o w i n g D a v i d G i l l e s p i e ' s i n q u i r y i n 1986, n e w environmental concerns over the r a p i d expansion o f the industry l e d to a p r o v i n c i a l m o r a t o r i u m on further netcage aquaculture expansions i n 1995. A 16-month l o n g S a l m o n A q u a c u l t u r e R e v i e w began, and N a t i v e people f r o m throughout the s a l m o n f a r m i n g regions i n N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w territories were i n v i t e d to m a k e submissions. F r o m the b e g i n n i n g ,  3  aboriginal people, l i k e environmentalists, have been suspicious o f this industry and c l a i m s that they w o u l d benefit f r o m it. T h e R e v i e w ' s report r e c o m m e n d e d p r o c e e d i n g " w i t h c a u t i o n , " and w h i l e it d i d not r e c o m m e n d a dramatic change i n s a l m o n aquaculture practices, it d i d not lift the m o r a t o r i u m on permits for new netcage sites either.  4  However,  w h e n the B C L i b e r a l s took p o w e r o f the p r o v i n c i a l government i n 2 0 0 1 , the m o r a t o r i u m was lifted, and the application process for new sites and site relocations was streamlined. A s o f this w r i t i n g , there are 121 licensed marine s a l m o n farms i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . M o s t o f the sites are n o w concentrated i n the bays, inlets, and channels between the northeastern coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island and the adjacent m a i n l a n d . T h i s area, between r o u g h l y C a m p b e l l R i v e r i n the south and Port H a r d y i n the north c o i n c i d e s w i t h the traditional territory o f the K w a k w a l a speaking peoples. T h e s i t i n g o f 25 fish farms i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o alone is o f special concern to the N a m g i s First N a t i o n , and the M u s g a m a g w - T s a w a t e i n u k T r i b a l C o u n c i l has been a c t i v e l y w o r k i n g to get fish farms out of that area. T h e N u u - c h a h - n u l t h people have also been h e a v i l y i m p a c t e d b y fish f a r m i n g , and fish f a r m i n g sites extend f r o m the northernmost boundary o f their language area, K y u k u t , to Port R e n f r e w at the southern boundary. T h e A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n , its presentday reserve at A h o u s a h t , and its traditional territory, C l a y o q u o t S o u n d , is located at r o u g h l y the m i d p o i n t o f the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h coastline. O v e r the years, A h o u s a h t has had an ambivalent relationship w i t h the l o c a l fish f a r m i n g industry, and currently there are around 16 sites i n A h o u s a h t territory alone (though not a l l o f them are presently i n operation). T h e appearance o f this n e w industry on the coast o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a cannot be p r o p e r l y understood without c o n s i d e r i n g the changes that began w i t h contact and continue to the present day. A b o r i g i n a l people are often i n v i t e d to g i v e presentations at p u b l i c  4  forums about issues o f c o m m o n concern l i k e forestry, health care, education, and s a l m o n farming. A f t e r w a r d s , they are thanked for their presentations, but it is clear that others i n the audience u s u a l l y do not k n o w what to m a k e o f what they have just heard. W h e n M i c h a e l M a r k e r , for e x a m p l e , t o l d the faculty at W e s t e r n W a s h i n g t o n U n i v e r s i t y that there are m a n y stories t o l d b y L u m m i s and other Indian people about the terrible conditions for N a t i v e people at the s c h o o l i n the 1970s, and that these stories must be considered i n the u n i v e r s i t y ' s attempts to attract more N a t i v e A m e r i c a n s , the dean t o l d h i m "around here, w e d o n ' t spend a lot o f time d w e l l i n g o n the past. W e are more interested i n the present and the future. W e l i k e to think p o s i t i v e . " W h a t this response denies, M a r k e r says, is the fact 5  that from a C o a s t a l S a l i s h perspective, "the past is a l i v i n g a n d resonant part o f the present," or, as his friend from M u s q u e a m said: "that history is more a part o f the present than it ever was i n the past."  6  B o t h the distant and the recent past take on n e w guises i n the present day, and the damage exerted b y c o l o n i a l p o w e r continues to be felt i n the context o f s a l m o n farming. S h a w n A t l e o , a hereditary c h i e f ( h a ' w i i h ) f r o m A h o u s a h t , said at the F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t that his father was always very careful to ensure that I was alert to . . . h o w these changes have occurred to our people, the movements o f c o l o n i z a t i o n . T h e thoughts that were b e g i n n i n g to spring up i n the 1500s i n S p a i n , w h e n reports were b e i n g sent b a c k b y the early explorers about these people, these I n d i a n s . . . H e ' s a l w a y s been v e r y careful that I understand the tremendous force o f c o l o n i z a t i o n , not as it pertains necessarily to A t l a n t i c s [Atlantic salmon], but as it pertains to m y people and the m o v e m e n t across the Americas. H e r e , S h a w n A t l e o is m a k i n g a direct connection, not just between early c o l o n i a l i s m and the present, but also between c o l o n i z a t i o n b y an exotic and p o s s i b l y i n v a s i v e species,  5  A t l a n t i c s a l m o n , into the rivers and streams o f C l a y o q u o t S o u n d , and the m o v e m e n t o f strangers into F i r s t N a t i o n s lands. F o r thousands o f years, N a t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s were f l o u r i s h i n g , S i m o n L u c a s and others point out, but recently, d u r i n g the past 150 or so years o f contact, the abundance o f resources has been interrupted. It is o n l y b y contrast w i t h the past that the present dearth o f resources can be fully understood: In our tribe several years ago w e had an archaeological d i g , and they went d o w n 5,000 years and decided to quit because it was consistent. Seventy-five bones o f different kinds o f fish. A l l the clams there i n the case w i t h the remains o f our people, cedar bark. O n l y thing that they found was a slight hint o f arthritis. E v e r y o n e o f the skeletons had perfect teeth. J o h n Jewitt, as S i m o n L u c a s pointed out, was w e l l aware o f the great abundance o f dried s a l m o n , s m o k e d s a l m o n , herring, and other fish products that were available before Europeans became interested i n these resources:  " I f y o u read John Jewitt's writings, h e ' l l  tell y o u that he l i v e d a m o n g people where there was . . . dried s a l m o n , herring, i n the same place that they were l i v i n g . " In fact, S i m o n L u c a s t o l d me, " w h e n C a p t a i n C o o k v i s i t e d a c h i e f s house i n M o w a c h a h t , he c o u l d n ' t believe the amount o f s m o k e d , d r i e d fish that was i n there."  B y the time J o h n Jewitt was taken captive b y the M o w a c h a h t tribe, the trade for  sea otter pelts was already w e l l established on the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island. T h e first p r o l o n g e d contact w i t h Europeans had c o m e i n 1778, w i t h the a r r i v a l o f C a p t a i n C o o k , and b y 1785, the first trading ship had arrived i n N o o t k a S o u n d .  8  F o r a time, the  M o w a c h a h t became powerful intermediaries between the Europeans and other N a t i v e groups. Nevertheless, there remained the constant threat o f b e i n g taken over b y the n e w c o m e r s . In the account o f his captivity, John Jewitt writes o f one day i n 1803 w h e n gunfire from the N a t i v e s caused two ships that had arrived i n N o o t k a S o u n d to turn around.  6  " O u r C h i e f soon regretted h a v i n g fired u p o n them, for he feared that they w o u l d i n f o r m other vessels and prevent them f r o m c o m i n g to trade w i t h h i m . "  9  B y the 1830s, h o w e v e r , the sea otter populations o f the outer coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island had been m o r e or less c o m p l e t e l y depleted. Trade w i t h Europeans f r o m that point o n largely bypassed the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h people, and shifted to other locations. T h e K w a k i u t l , as they were c a l l e d at the time, n o w k n o w n as the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w , were able to inject themselves as intermediaries i n the new land-based fur-trade. F u r s from the interior were s u p p l i e d to E u r o p e a n traders on the coast through the coastal K w a k w a l a speaking people. T h i s p e r i o d o f relative freedom f r o m c o l o n i a l rule came to an abrupt end i n 1849, w h e n the H u d s o n B a y C o m p a n y became entrusted w i t h the task o f establishing permanent settlements i n the area. In the decades that f o l l o w e d , the c o l o n i a l Indian A d m i n i s t r a t i o n gained a f o o t h o l d throughout B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ,  1 0  and i n 1881, the  K w a w k w e l t h Indian A g e n c y was established i n A l e r t B a y . B y the time Indian agencies were b e i n g established throughout B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the alienation o f lands and fishing locations was already w e l l underway, and government c o m m i s s i o n s and agents began alloting the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w to restricted reserves. T h e N u u - c h a h - n u l t h o f the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island fared no better; they came under the control o f the W e s t Coast A g e n c y i n Port A l b e r n i . C o l e H a r r i s ' m a p o f the area just to the south o f A h o u s a h t show that the reserves l a i d out b y reserve c o m m i s s i o n e r O ' R e i l l y i n 1882 c o n f i n e d the aboriginal people o f the region to t i n y spots o f l a n d scattered along the coast, that were intended as f i s h i n g stations but d i d not secure access to the f i s h i n g grounds.  11  M u c h o f the g o o d l a n d at the head o f the inlets had already been pre-empted b y  settlers, and O ' R e i l l y was u n w i l l i n g to return it to the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h . T h e reserve  7  corarnissioners, w h o w o r k e d on allocating reserves between 1876 and 1890, i n c l u d i n g Sproat, A n d e r s o n , and O ' R e i l l y , nevertheless thought that their w o r k had guaranteed e x c l u s i v e N a t i v e fisheries. B u t w i t h the support o f the p r o v i n c e , and sometimes the D o m i n i o n , cannery owners and l o g g i n g companies were i n c r e a s i n g l y able to use the fisheries laws to justify their e x c l u s i v e use o f the s a l m o n f i s h e r i e s .  12  T h e H u d s o n B a y C o m p a n y ' s settlement o f F o r t Rupert was established i n 1849, near what is today A l e r t B a y , and it q u i c k l y became a regional center o f e c o n o m i c and social activity. T h e establishment o f Fort Rupert reinforced the m i d d l e m a n role o f the K w a k i u t l s , and it p r o v i d e d the incentive for the four extended lineage groups, k n o w n thereafter as the the F o r t Rupert Confederacy, to drive out the previous c o m m u n i t i e s near F o r t Rupert. T h e decades between 1849 and 1921 are often described as the "potlatching years."  D u r i n g this period, N a t i v e people i n the region enjoyed great e c o n o m i c and  cultural prosperity despite the cultural repression and hardship that had to be endured i n order to take advantage o f changed conditions. T h e institution o f the feasting, or potlatch system, is central to all N o r t h w e s t Coast aboriginal societies. N a t i v e people, particularly those l i v i n g i n and around A l e r t B a y , often mention the ban against the potlatch i n connection w i t h their fight against s a l m o n f a r m i n g , and m a n y o f the older people remember when the ban was still i n effect. In fact, one historian has suggested that the struggle over the potlatch illustrates the contact experience i n a m i c r o c o s m .  1 3  T h e particular circumstances o f the F o r t Rupert K w a k w a k a ' w a k w a l l o w e d the potlatch to take on new and extravagant forms. T h e number, frequency, and types o f goods that were g i v e n away increased dramatically. F o r example, the amount o f standard, H u d s o n B a y C o m p a n y w o o l e n blankets distributed at the largest potlatch before 1849 was  8  o n l y 320, but b y 1909, this number had g r o w n to 1 8 , 0 0 0 .  14  T h e variety o f goods expanded  too, and E u r o p e a n c o m m o d i t i e s replaced m a n y o f the traditional potlatch gifts. B o t h l a y and m i s s i o n a r y authorities c o n d e m n e d the potlatch, for it seemed to them to e x e m p l i f y wastefulness, a lack o f understanding o f thrift and finance, and laziness d u r i n g the m a n y days required to attend or give potlatches.  15  A m o n g anthropologists, there has been a great  deal o f disagreement over the m e a n i n g o f the potlatch. S o m e , l i k e D r u c k e r , were c o n v i n c e d that potlatching was the h a l l m a r k o f a h i g h l y ranked and prestige-centric society, others, l i k e C o d e r e , thought that potlatching was a f o r m o f " f i g h t i n g w i t h property," w h i l e still others, l i k e B o a s , b e l i e v e d potlatching to be an interest-bearing investment i n p r o p e r t y .  16  E v e n missionaries and government agents were frequently unclear about what it actually was they were f o r b i d d i n g , and this confusion l e d to legal and practical difficulties i n enforcing the ban against the potlatch. A t the root o f the E u r o - C a n a d i a n complaints over the potlatch seemed to be a discontentment w i t h the seasonal and spatial patterns o f production and c o n s u m p t i o n that went along w i t h the potlatch. O n e m i s s i o n a r y , for e x a m p l e , wrote i n a letter to O t t a w a that "once winter was over and the Indians had squandered their s u m m e r earning, they were ' c o m p e l l e d to leave their homes and r o a m about i n their canoes i n search o f food, and thus neglect c u l t i v a t i n g their lands and sending their c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l . ' "  1 7  S i m i l a r l y , G e o r g e D a w s o n , the geologist and amateur  ethnographer, wrote i n 1885 that the potlatch l e d to a waste o f property, and " s a v i n g but to no g o o d r e s u l t . "  18  P o t l a t c h i n g prevented aboriginal people f r o m b e c o m i n g farmers, and  f r o m abandoning seasonal rounds and engaging fully i n wage labor. H e l e n C o d e r e , an anthropologist w h o w o r k e d extensively a m o n g the K w a k i u t l , said that i n most cases, the missionaries and Indian agents had no real understanding o f the  9  m e a n i n g o f the p o t l a t c h .  19  A c c o r d i n g to C o d e r e , the potlatch a l l o w e d people to maintain  and validate their rights to particular names, and the rights and p r i v i l e g e s that a c c o m p a n y those ranked positions. T h u s an endless series o f a c c u m u l a t i n g , distributing, and r e c e i v i n g property has a l w a y s characterized K w a k i u t l social life, and the capitalist e c o n o m y c o u l d , at least to some extent, be e x p l o i t e d i n support o f long-standing social and e c o n o m i c traditions. H a d the c o l o n i a l administrators at the time understood the close relationship between resources, production, and the potlatch, they m a y have felt even m o r e threatened b y the systems o f governance and p o w e r embedded w i t h i n the institution o f the potlatch. T h e potlatch is evidence o f the great surplus N o r t h w e s t C o a s t people were able to generate through their systems o f production, and anthropologists have tended to c o m m e n t on the ways i n w h i c h the people they encountered on the coast were " l a v i s h l y s u p p l i e d " w i t h 20  resources. F r a n z B o a s identified the n u m a y m , or "house g r o u p " as the basic s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l b o d y o f K w a k w a k a ' w a k w society, as w e l l as the basic unit o f p r o d u c t i o n .  21  F o r nobles,  m e m b e r s h i p i n a n u m a y m indicated descent f r o m a c o m m o n ancestor, but for all others (the c o m m o n e r s and slaves), the house group was not a k i n s h i p unit as such. Instead, m e m b e r s h i p was c o n t r o l l e d through the bestowal o f names that b e l o n g e d to the n u m a y m , and this bestowal took place at potlatches. These names were the basis o f p e o p l e ' s social identities, because they described distinctions o f rank and p r i v i l e g e . T h e highest r a n k i n g i n d i v i d u a l s o f the n u m a y m s , the " c h i e f s " had control over particular resource procurement sites, and over the labor o f l o w e r - r a n k i n g i n d i v i d u a l s . A t potlatches, n u m a y m chiefs materialized the weight o f their name b y g i v i n g out goods, thereby affirming to their challengers their continued right to h o l d that n a m e .  22  Seen f r o m w i t h i n the framework o f  10  "resource management," this system ensured that the owners o f resources were accountable stewards o f the resource, and that long-term sustainability was not sacrificed for short-term personal g a i n .  2 3  W i t h the influx o f E u r o p e a n trade goods, and w i t h access to n e w sources o f wealth that d i d not depend o n a c q u i r i n g h i g h - r a n k i n g names, the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w intensified their potlatch system i n an attempt to accommodate new conditions w h i l e h o l d i n g on to the o l d w a y s . T h e onslaught o f n e w diseases l i k e s m a l l p o x and tuberculosis brought about drastic population decline, and m o r e potlatching positions than ever before became available. E v e n people to w h o m certain positions were formerly inaccessible began to participate i n the potlatching system. A s a result o f this i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n , the o r i g i n a l c o s m o l o g i c a l relationships between chiefs and the a n i m a l w o r l d , w h i c h i n the past had legitimated the authority o f the r u l i n g class, was no longer the basis for e x p l a i n i n g material success.  24  In fact, nine N i s h g a chiefs, w h o felt r o b b e d o f their names and title b y  potlatchers against w h o s e displays o f wealth they c o u l d no longer defend themselves, o p e n l y c o n d e m n e d the potlatch tradition, s a y i n g that it was actually part o f a "system o f unjust corruption b y w h i c h 'our names, fishing streams, and h u n t i n g grounds are taken 25  away from us.'"  A t the same time that the traditional p o w e r o f chiefs over resources and  labor was greatly reduced, however, the potlatching system p r o v i d e d incentives for people to stay and contribute the labor to the n u m a y m . In 1885, the potlatch was outlawed, and remained o u t l a w e d until a revised version of the Indian A c t i n 1951 omitted the clause pertaining to the potlatch. T h i s repression o f the potlatch traditions is often remembered b y N a t i v e people l i v i n g i n A l e r t B a y , w h o for the past several decades have been struggling for access to l a n d and resources and the  11  ability to take control o f their o w n lives. A s A r t D i c k pointed out at the Leggatt Inquiry into salmon farming, and d u r i n g other meetings about salmon f a r m i n g , "it a l l started w i t h the b a n n i n g o f the potlatch - and every N a t i v e i n here better start b e l i e v i n g that because i f we don't, our voices are g o i n g to fall apart." In spite o f the l a w f o r b i d d i n g it, potlatching continued, and i n D e c e m b e r o f 1921, D a n C r a n m e r h e l d a legendary potlatch on V i l l a g e Island - some say it was the "biggest ever." T h e regalia confiscated and s o l d b y Indian A g e n t W . M . H a l l i d a y was repatriated i n the 1980s, and today, the "Potlatch C o l l e c t i o n " is housed i n the U'mista C u l t u r a l Centre, a m u s e u m run b y the N a m g i s First N a t i o n . T h i s c o l l e c t i o n has b e c o m e a s y m b o l o f p o l i t i c a l resistance for people l i v i n g on the reserve i n A l e r t B a y , and it serves as a constant reminder o f the contrast between the rights and territories h e l d i n the past, and the present-day, post-contact realities o f life. O f the forty-nine people c o n v i c t e d o f h a v i n g participated i n D a n C r a n m e r ' s potlatch, twenty-two were sentenced to prison terms. D o n a l d A n g e r m a n n , the l o c a l R C M P sergeant, w h o also handled the prosecution, pressed for severe sentences, and it was o n l y i n exchange for the " v o l u n t a r y " surrender o f potlatch regalia and gifts, and a signature on an agreement to stop potlatching, that most were g i v e n suspended sentences. A l l the others were sent to a prison farm i n V a n c o u v e r for t w o months. H a r r y M o u n t a i n was one o f the 17 people w h o refused to sign the agreement and give up their wealth, and his greatgrandson, B r i a n W a d h a m s , still lives i n A l e r t B a y and carries on his great-grandfather's tradition o f resistance and political a c t i v i s m . In fact, the presence o f fish farms i n N a m g i s territory reminds B r i a n W a d h a m s o f the oppression suffered d u r i n g the potlatch ban: " Y o u k n o w , w h e n I l o o k back at m y grandfather, m y great grandfather, H a r r y M o u n t a i n , I understand the struggles and the fights and w h y he went to p r i s o n to protect the w a y o f life  12  for us that we are witnessing today. A n d for us to g i v e up a l l the struggles they went through, I just d o n ' t k n o w what he w o u l d say to m e t o d a y . "  26  B r i a n W a d h a m s and other members o f the M u s g a m a g w T r i b a l C o u n c i l travel often to V i c t o r i a and O t t a w a to speak to politicians and government bureaucrats, and are preparing to take their grievances to court. B r i a n W a d h a m s frequently visits the fish farms i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , and inspects the sites, asks questions, and carefully monitors the s a l m o n f a r m i n g around his f a m i l y ' s fishing spots and c l a m beaches. H e continues to do this even as the industry is steadily e x p a n d i n g . H a r r y M o u n t a i n and the other K w a k w a k a ' w a k w charged w i t h i l l e g a l l y potlatching spent around $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 o n legal fees, and even though they lost their case, they w o u l d not, as B r i a n W a d h a m s said, " g i v e up all the struggles they went through." In fact, the events o f the winter o f 1921-22 o n l y strengthened the resolve to defy the potlatch ban. A s soon as Herbert M a r t i n came back f r o m p r i s o n , for e x a m p l e , he went directly to the o o l i g a n fishery at K n i g h t ' s Inlet, where he gave a "grease potlatch," at w h i c h he distributed 4,000 gallons o f o o l i g a n o i l , "to cleanse those that were put i n prison w i t h [ h i m ] . "  2 7  Just a few months after b e i n g released from  prison, H a r r y M o u n t a i n and four others f o r m e d a delegation and attended a meeting o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s i n V a n c o u v e r , but q u i c k l y found out that this organization was more interested i n questions o v e r a b o r i g i n a l title than i n dealing w i t h potlatch grievances. H o w e v e r , B r i a n W a d h a m s ' grandfather H a r r y surely c o n t i n u e d potlatching, and i n the A l e r t B a y area, potlatching i n the 1920s and 1930s c o n t i n u e d even more v i g o r o u s l y than 28  ever before.  A t K i n g c o m e Inlet, for e x a m p l e , the G i l f o r d Island bands began  o v e r w i n t e r i n g at G w a y i village, several m i l e s up a r i v e r that froze i n winter and was difficult to access i n any case. Surprise was therefore i m p o s s i b l e , and potlatchers were left  13  u n i m p e d e d b y government agents. P o t l a t c h i n g also continued w i t h great enthusiasm at V i l l a g e and T u m o u r Islands, and even i n the m o r e accessible locations, l i k e A l e r t B a y , potlatchers f o u n d clever w a y s o f d i s g u i s i n g their potlatches as " W h i t e " celebrations. B e c a u s e these potlatches depended on i n c o m e f r o m E u r o p e a n sources, the a c c u m u l a t i o n and distribution o f wealth through the potlatch is evidence that N a t i v e people on the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a coast p l a y e d a central role i n the production o f fish and other coastal resources even after contact. T h e c o l o n i a l context enabled N a t i v e people to adjust their o w n forms o f e c o n o m i c and social life to n e w realities, but it also greatly restricted their access to resources and to participate i n their o w n economies. A s the F i r s t N a t i o n s were i n c r e a s i n g l y assimilated into E u r o - C a n a d i a n forms o f production, cultural repression and cultural assimilation became possible, through potlatch bans, residential schools, restrictions on citizenship and movement, and other c o l o n i a l techniques. A s C o l e H a r r i s has pointed out, the surveillance o f N a t i v e people at m i s s i o n s , i n schools, and particularly, on reserves, was directly l i n k e d to c o l o n i a l attempts at constituting N a t i v e people as agrarian producers or wage l a b o r e r s .  29  B u t N a t i v e people also resisted, and continued their  potlatch traditions and seasonal rounds. N a t i v e people's k n o w l e d g e about w h o they are and h o w to m a k e a l i v i n g was, and is, therefore inseparable f r o m their struggles to r e c l a i m their lands and resources. W h e n Europeans first encountered N a t i v e people, and for thousands o f years prior, production on the N o r t h w e s t Coast was o r g a n i z e d i n a seasonal r o u n d . In both K w a k w a k a ' w a k w and N u u - c h a h - n u l t h territories, the arrival o f particular fish species was anticipated at certain times and places. W i n t e r was a sacred time, but as soon as fish began once more to enter into the nearshore environments, people w o u l d disperse f r o m their  14  winter villages to other, less sheltered, v i l l a g e sites. F o r the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h , the appearance o f the herring heralded the arrival o f spring. O n e A h o u s a h t elder, Peter Webster, remembers that B e f o r e the herring was due to arrive, the f a m i l y m o v e d f r o m C l o o t h - P i c h to Y a r k s i s , the v i l l a g e o f the K e l s e m a t on the east coast o f V a r g a s Island. F r o m there, especially i n the S u m m e r , the people m o v e d out to a number o f temporary camps at places such as A h o u s and B l u n d e n Island. In a l l , there were eight places people c o u l d l i v e d u r i n g the S u m m e r and others such as B a r e Island that c o u l d be visited. W h i l e staying i n these places the people hunted seal and c o l l e c t e d sea f o o d such as sea urchins, mussels, and chitons. O n B a r e Island, we c o l l e c t e d sea g u l l eggs and gooseneck c l a m s . A t the end o f s u m m e r the families w o u l d return to Y a r k s i s to gather together for the trip to O - i n - m i - t i s i n September to start the c y c l e over again. 30  A f t e r the herring had spawned, Peter W e b s t e r says, the herring c o u l d be used as bait to troll for spring s a l m o n . B o t h spring s a l m o n and coho c o u l d be caught i n the s u m m e r at either Y a r k s i s or one o f the other V a r g a s Island camps such as A h o u s . C h u m s a l m o n was abundant i n the fall i n B e d w e l l S o u n d , w h e n the Ahousats c a m p e d at O - i n - m i - t i s , B e a r R i v e r . H e r r i n g spawn was also important, and i n M a r c h or early A p r i l , w h e n s p a w n i n g 31  was about to begin, entire trees were submerged to gather the eggs.  In K w a k w a k a ' w a k w  territory, the seasonal r o u n d was s i m i l a r , except that there, the o o l i g a n was the first fish to arrive after the l o n g winter. T h e relative importance o f various f o o d items v a r i e d between and w i t h i n the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w and N u u - c h a h - n u l t h regions. In some areas, halibut seemed to be almost m o r e important than s a l m o n , whereas i n others, it was not pursued at all. T h e A h o u s a h t s i n particular are k n o w n to have been great whalers. T h e particular c o m b i n a t i o n o f seafoods harvested b y any one group appears to have been a function o f abundance, rights o f access to f i s h i n g spots, and the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f s a l m o n . After contact, F i r s t N a t i o n s people on the coast were able to incorporate n e w e c o n o m i c activities into their seasonal rounds. Starting i n the m i d 1870s, cannery w o r k  15  p r o v i d e d a source o f e m p l o y m e n t for both m e n and w o m e n d u r i n g the s u m m e r months. B o t h N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w traveled to several canneries on the Fraser R i v e r , but b y 1880, canneries had also appeared at and around A l e r t B a y . N a t i v e people were able to continue to fish for s a l m o n for their o w n purposes, because c o h o , p i n k , and c h u m were i n l o w d e m a n d b y canneries, and were abundant after the seasonal peak o f sockeye and c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g .  32  H o w e v e r , new regulations had already begun to  severely restrict N a t i v e rights to fish as formerly. T h e o n l y treaties to ever be f o r m a l l y negotiated p r i o r to the alienation o f l a n d were the s o - c a l l e d D o u g l a s treaties. G o v e r n o r James D o u g l a s entered into agreements o v e r l a n d a n d v i l l a g e sites w i t h 14 a b o r i g i n a l groups on V a n c o u v e r Island i n the early 1850s, on behalf o f both the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n L o n d o n . B y s i g n i n g these treaties, D o u g l a s r e c o g n i z e d N a t i v e title as a burden on C r o w n sovereignty, and the w o r d i n g therefore i n c l u d e d a clause guaranteeing aboriginal people the right to "carry on [their fisheries] as f o r m e r l y . " W h e n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a fisheries came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the D o m i n i o n i n 1877, government officials i n i t i a l l y e x e m p t e d N a t i v e fisheries, b y stating that the C r o w n had a legal obligation to protect aboriginal rights to fish. H o w e v e r , i n the years that f o l l o w e d , the D o m i n i o n i n c r e a s i n g l y framed N a t i v e f i s h i n g as a p r i v i l e g e , rather than a right, thereby securing the fishery for the benefit o f the c a n n e r i e s .  33  In addition to cannery w o r k , N a t i v e people w o r k e d i n s a w m i l l s , as loggers, p i c k i n g hops i n W a s h i n g t o n state, and a w i d e variety o f other a c t i v i t i e s .  34  The Nuu-chah-nulth  were i n the business o f selling dogfish o i l to l o g g i n g camps, where it was used on skids to m o v e logs f r o m the forest to the w a t e r .  35  E v e n today, the yearly calendar is interspersed  not orily w i t h the o p e n i n g and c l o s i n g o f various c o m m e r c i a l fishing seasons, but w i t h  16  production for n o n - c o m m e r c i a l re-distribution and domestic c o n s u m p t i o n . O o l i g a n fishing at K i n g c o m e R i v e r and i n K n i g h t s Inlet, the preparation o f o o l i g a n grease, c l a m d i g g i n g , and m a n y other activities continue to the present day. T h e relative prosperity experienced b y the coastal tribes upon first contact w i t h Europeans q u i c k l y came to end. Canneries became more consolidated, larger and larger amounts o f capital investment were needed to fish, and N a t i v e fishermen r e m a i n e d dependent on f i s h i n g companies for access to licenses, gear and c r e d i t .  36  T o m a k e matters  worse, l o c a l Indian agencies c o n t r o l l e d the financial matters o f N a t i v e people, i n c l u d i n g the distribution o f credit, for m u c h o f the 2 0  t h  century.  37  T o d a y , the right to fish is determined  b y the ability to pay for a license, and not b y residence i n a coastal c o m m u n i t y or b y m e m b e r s h i p i n a First N a t i o n s group. B o t h the D a v i s P l a n o f 1968 and the M i f f l i n P l a n o f 1996 shut out smaller-scale fishers, decreased the availability o f cannery rental boats, and a l l o w e d for both the p y r a m i d i n g o f licenses and an increase i n overall c a t c h i n g p o w e r .  38  C h r i s C o o k , w h o is K w a g i u l t h and president o f the N a t i v e B r o t h e r h o o d o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a pointed out that salmon f a r m i n g takes place i n a context o f greatly reduced "financial opportunities i n f i s h i n g : " " A l l the years that I have travelled . . . I have been so p r o u d that w e are the richest tribe i n this w o r l d because o f our fishing opportunities and the ocean. T o d a y , I ' v e never seen so m u c h poverty as I travel up and d o w n the c o a s t . "  39  N a t i v e people became subject to the same regulations as other C a n a d i a n s w i t h regard to f i s h i n g and other types o f natural resource production. T h i s assimilationist approach was based on a definition o f the Indian as a particular type o f person that stood i n direct contrast to E u r o p e a n settlers. Indian status was regulated b y the Indian A c t , and until recently, N a t i v e w o m e n w h o m a r r i e d n o n - N a t i v e m e n lost their legal status as aboriginal.  17  P r i o r to the 1960s, o n l y Indians w h o were considered sufficiently " c i v i l i z e d , " w h o had relinquished any pre-existing rights to land, and w h o had cut ties w i t h their home c o m m u n i t y were granted the right to v o t e .  40  In 1969, the federal government put out a  "Statement o f the Federal G o v e r n m e n t o f C a n a d a on Indian P o l i c y , 1969," w h i c h e n v i s i o n e d cultural assimilation as the ultimate solution to the "Indian p r o b l e m . " T h i s " W h i t e Paper o f 1969," as it is often c a l l e d , was vehemently rejected b y N a t i v e groups throughout C a n a d a , because it c l a i m e d that aboriginal people's problems stemmed f r o m their unique legal and constitutional status. Perhaps the most scathing aboriginal response to the W h i t e Paper can be found i n H a r o l d C a r d i n a l ' s  Unjust Society, i n w h i c h he  points  out that N a t i v e culture cannot be shoved into the past: "the cultural heritage o f Indians is ingrained i n the historic question o f Indian treaties and Indian rights. W i t h o u t this basic recognition, the Indian cultural heritage can never be really appreciated b y the non-Indian Canadian society."  41  A s w i l l b e c o m e evident i n the chapters that f o l l o w , N a t i v e people at A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y are still cut o f f from their resources, and are struggling w i t h h o w best to position themselves p o l i t i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y to regain access to l a n d and fisheries. D a n i e l C l a y t o n has argued that representations o f the l a n d and its inhabitants were r e a l i z e d i n material f o r m d u r i n g the re-settlement o f V a n c o u v e r Island  4 2  T h e emergence o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g  industry i n the same area several hundred years later suggests that resource extraction and production i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is still part o f a c o l o n i a l legacy o f k n o w l e d g e about nature, indigenous people, and natural resources. M y thesis takes a l o o k at h o w farmed s a l m o n is s o c i a l l y constructed i n this c o l o n i a l context. In particular, I show h o w the p h y s i c a l construction o f farmed s a l m o n relies on the participation o f F i r s t N a t i o n s people and l o c a l  18  environmentalists, w h o are w r a p p e d up i n c o m p l e x networks o f p o w e r not entirely o f their own making. I m a k e the connection between power, k n o w l e d g e and p r o d u c t i o n b y suggesting that s a l m o n farmers are at the center o f a w e b o f social relations and are p o s i t i o n e d i n a way that makes them  localizers, rather than people w h o are themselves localized.  f o l l o w s f r o m B r u n o L a t o u r ' s discussion about h o w p o w e r relations are e x h i b i t e d w i t h i n otherwise seamless webs o f interaction s i m p l y b y virtue o f certain people h a v i n g the p o w e r to b r i n g back people, places, things, and events back to the center o f c a l c u l a t i o n , where they are then made c o m b i n a b l e , transferable, and m a n i p u l a t a b l e .  43  The circulation of  k n o w l e d g e about s a l m o n f a r m i n g therefore takes place w i t h i n the material contexts and productive relations i n w h i c h people are i n v o l v e d . T o use the i m a g e r y o f L a t o u r ,  4 4  "going  a w a y , " " c r o s s i n g other people's paths" and " c o m i n g b a c k " again a l l o w s s a l m o n farmers to gain a k i n d o f mastery over a set o f social relations. T h u s , the strategies o f surveillance and techniques o f k n o w l e d g e used b y s a l m o n farmers have to be negotiated w i t h i n the context of resistance and the pre-existing struggles N a t i v e people and environmentalists are involved in. In this thesis, I want to e x a m i n e h o w the c o l o n i a l conflict over modes o f production reappears i n the controversy over s a l m o n f a r m i n g . B y b e i n g specific about the F i r s t N a t i o n s territories w i t h i n w h i c h s a l m o n f a r m i n g takes place, I show that the controversy over s a l m o n f a r m i n g is i n m a n y ways continuous w i t h past struggles over the means and modes o f production. F i s h production, whether b y aquaculture, fish weirs, seines, or otherwise, requires k n o w l e d g e to both enable and legitimate it. L i k e the canneries o f days past, s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies exercise tremendous p o w e r over h o w fish p r o d u c t i o n is to  19  This  be understood. T h i s thesis therefore takes a close l o o k at the techniques s a l m o n farmers use to exercise control over natural resources and over o p p o s i n g environmentalist and N a t i v e forces. B u t A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s people are not m e r e l y reacting to i m p o s e d k n o w l e d g e . L i k e the other participants i n the controversy, they are actively c h e c k i n g , adjusting, and m a n i p u l a t i n g understandings created b y others. T h e social interactions through w h i c h m e a n i n g about farmed s a l m o n are created are o n l y possible because o f the productive activities i n w h i c h people are i n v o l v e d . T h e material conditions o f fish f a r m i n g therefore remain i n the forefront o f m y analysis o f h o w farmed salmon is s o c i a l l y constructed i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . I argue that the continued c o l o n i a l context o f fish f a r m i n g is what is at issue i n m a n y o f the debates over s a l m o n f a r m i n g , and that the p h y s i c a l c o l o n i z a t i o n o f marine resources c o i n c i d e s w i t h the c o l o n i z a t i o n o f people's k n o w l e d g e . In the controversy over s a l m o n f a r m i n g , c o l o n i a l categories o f Indian-ness constantly resurface. C o m m e n t s l i k e those b y K e n B r o o k s , a b i o l o g i c a l consultant for salmon f a r m i n g companies, are c o m m o n : W e are transitioning f r o m buffalo hunting to feeding people u s i n g intensive cultivation. . . . If y o u stand i n the w a y , and think y o u ' r e g o i n g to stop this industry, y o u ' r e just g o i n g to get run over, because i t ' s an evolutionary process and w e are g o i n g - the w o r l d is g o i n g to produce more and m o r e o f its seafood i n intensive systems.  45  T h i s idea — that s a l m o n f a r m i n g as a m o d e o f production constitutes "progress" — can be heard at virtually any o c c a s i o n at w h i c h s a l m o n fanners are present. H o w e v e r , as w i l l become evident later i n the thesis, both s a l m o n farmers and environmentalists are c o n t i n u a l l y shifting their definitions o f w h o they are relative to aboriginal people. S o m e fish farmers have tried to c o n v e y their concern for the environment to m e b y p o i n t i n g out  20  that W h i t e s a l m o n farmers and F i r s t N a t i o n s fishers are essentially the same: " W e ' r e really not that different. F o r both o f us, the w i l d stock is our biggest c o n c e r n , " one production manager t o l d me. S i m i l a r l y , Otto L a n g e r , the director o f the marine conservation p r o g r a m at the D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n referred at one p u b l i c lecture to a l l people w h o l i v e on the N o r t h w e s t coast, F i r s t N a t i o n s and W h i t e s , as the " s a l m o n people:" " W e are the s a l m o n people." T h e term, " s a l m o n p e o p l e " is used frequently b y N a t i v e people to describe their long-standing cultural relationship to the salmon. A t other times, white environmentalists position themselves i n direct opposition to F i r s t N a t i o n s people: T h e traditional [First Nations] culture means that y o u l o o k after one another, and their leaders, traditional chiefs, hereditary chiefs, were chosen for their ability to be responsible for future generations. T h i s is so contrary to, y o u k n o w , 'pillage the landscape for n o w and m a k e a few people r i c h so they can have a b i g truck.' S o c i a l equity [in E u r o - C a n a d i a n society] is really s k e w e d . 46  T h e constantly shifting terrain o f F i r s t N a t i o n s , s a l m o n farmer, and environmentalist identities is a theme that w i l l continue through m u c h o f the rest o f this thesis, and chapter 4 deals specifically w i t h the identity strategies o f the aboriginal witnesses at the Leggatt Inquiry into s a l m o n f a r m i n g . N o t i o n s o f sameness and difference a l l o w i n d i v i d u a l s to constitute themselves as b e l o n g i n g to particular groups, so that they can engage w i t h fish i n particular ways.  THE CASE OF S A L M O N F A R M I N G IN BRITISH COLUMBIA: INTERVIEWS, OBSERVATIONS, A N DA QUALITATIVE  METHOD  T h i s study is about the particular case o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g around V a n c o u v e r Island, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , a place where there is a large aboriginal population, an active environmentalist c o m m u n i t y , and where resource industries predominate. B u t b e y o n d that,  21  what exactly is it a case of? In other words, where are the l i m i t s o f this case, and h o w can I k n o w what is and is not part o f the case o f fish f a r m i n g i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ? T h i s thesis concerns itself w i t h a n u m b e r o f things that do not appear to have m u c h direct connection to the controversy over s a l m o n farming: F i r s t N a t i o n s identity, the construction o f pharmaceutical m o l e c u l e s injected into farmed fish, F i r s t N a t i o n s ' understandings o f salmon-as-food, and the landscapes o f change i n w h i c h fish f a r m i n g takes place, to n a m e just a few. G i v e n m y focus on the role o f k n o w l e d g e i n activity, it is not surprising that I w o u l d venture far and w i d e w i t h i n the social life surrounding fish f a r m i n g to gather the pieces needed to construct the particular case o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g . B y f o l l o w i n g k n o w l e d g e through to its purposes and consequences, I began to understand farmed fish as the social product o f interaction between employees, production managers, regulators, environmentalist opponents, skeptical F i r s t N a t i o n s fishers, and the n o n - h u m a n "things" they m o b i l i z e i n their activities. In fact, H a c k i n g points out that "one o f the reasons social construction theses are so hard to nail d o w n is that, i n the phrase 'the s o c i a l construction o f X , ' the X m a y i m p l i c i t l y refer to entities o f different types, and the s o c i a l construction m a y i n part i n v o l v e interaction between entitites o f the different t y p e s . "  47  In the end analysis,  s a l m o n f a r m i n g represents a particular type o f production that comes about when a network of people think and act w i t h and against one another. B y getting others to do things - b y e x e r c i s i n g p o w e r — material things change f o r m , value, and location, and are turned into products. T h i s process o f production i n v o l v e s a w e b o f interconnected people, groups, and institutions that I attempt to g i v e some coherence to i n this thesis.  22  I began m y study at an arbitrary point i n this social matrix, b y e x a m i n i n g the most p u b l i c pronouncements, i n newspaper advertisements, press releases, p r o m o t i o n a l brochures, and other materials, both for and against s a l m o n f a r m i n g . T h i s resulted i n chapter 3, w h i c h deals w i t h the framings and counter-framings o f farmed s a l m o n b y proponents and opponents o f the industry. I found that the m e a n i n g o f farmed s a l m o n was to be f o u n d i n relationships between people, rather than i n the thing itself. F r a m e s o f efficiency and production are recreated i n hegemonic w a y s b y an audience that actively adjusts, manipulates, and re-interpretes routine k n o w l e d g e . Furthermore, I d i s c o v e r e d that the landscape i n w h i c h fish f a r m i n g takes place is understood as fragmented and that " h y p e r - r e a l " shifts i n the boundaries between signs and things point to an industry that is entirely e m b e d d e d w i t h i n c o m p l e x and w i d e - r a n g i n g social networks. M o s t importantly, I found that, even w h i l e f o c u s i n g entirely on the things o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g , m y case w o u l d have to be constructed out o f diverse and c o n v o l u t e d social elements. T h i s realization is typical for qualitative research, where, as R a g i n points out, "researchers p r o b a b l y w i l l not k n o w what their cases are until the research, i n c l u d i n g the task o f w r i t i n g up the results is virtually completed. W h a t it is a case o / w i l l coalesce g r a d u a l l y . . . . " T h e Leggatt I n q u i r y into s a l m o n f a r m i n g , h e l d i n O c t o b e r o f 2 0 0 1 , revealed that s a l m o n f a r m i n g is an activity, l i k e a l l activities, that takes place o n l y because people can f i n d " g o o d reasons" for d o i n g so. B y l o o k i n g at these vocabularies o f m o t i v e , I f o u n d that First N a t i o n s ' p e o p l e ' s identities were central to their o p p o s i t i o n to, and i n a few cases their i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h , fish f a r m i n g . M y findings, based on transcripts o f the i n q u i r y , are presented i n Chapter 4. T h e i n q u i r y s h o w e d m e that I must, above a l l , get people to speak i n their o w n words about the context i n w h i c h they experience s a l m o n f a r m i n g and farmed  23  salmon. It was shortly after attending Stuart L e g g a t t ' s i n q u i r y into s a l m o n f a r m i n g that I began c o n d u c t i n g interviews w i t h people o f the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n l i v i n g on the reserve at A l e r t B a y , and representatives f r o m the companies that farm i n their territories. I later expanded m y study to the A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n , environmentalist organizations opposed to s a l m o n f a r m i n g , and other s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies operating i n the area. I requested and r e c e i v e d p e r m i s s i o n f r o m the B e h a v i o r a l Research E t h i c s B o a r d at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to conduct these interviews. B e c a u s e qualitative cases are d e v e l o p e d through research, rather than r e m a i n i n g at all times external to the conduct o f research, the w a y quantitative cases d o ,  4 9  I d e c i d e d to  conduct open-ended interviews. In these interviews, I asked people about s a l m o n f a r m i n g as I understood the case o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g at the time. T h i s meant that I d i d not have a pre-determined list o f questions but rather that I had a list o f topics I wanted to discuss. These topics were constantly e v o l v i n g o v e r the course o f the study and each interview required that I reformulate questions based on what I thought I already k n e w . I tried to f o l l o w i n the tradition o f interpretive interactionism, where research is c o n d u c t e d f r o m the point o f v i e w o f the person e x p e r i e n c i n g the p r o b l e m .  5 0  T h i s approach to research assumes  not o n l y that the language o f ordinary people can be used to e x p l a i n their experiences, but also that careful attention s h o u l d be p a i d to context. In d o i n g so, it replaces the " w h y " question w i t h the " h o w " question: h o w is social experience constructed b y interacting i n d i v i d u a l s ? I wanted those I i n t e r v i e w e d to tell m e what k i n d o f "case" they thought s a l m o n f a r m i n g was, because I b e l i e v e d that their l i v e d experience w o u l d elucidate the m e a n i n g o f s a l m o n and farmed s a l m o n i n t h i c k l y contextualized w a y s .  24  I i n t e r v i e w e d environmentalists f r o m each o f the l o c a l or regional organizations actively o p p o s e d to s a l m o n f a r m i n g as it is currently practiced. In addition to t a l k i n g to production managers and/or biologists w o r k i n g for the s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies headquartered i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r and T o f i n o , I also spent a w e e k o b s e r v i n g and w o r k i n g w i t h s a l m o n farmers at t w o ocean net pen sites. I spoke w i t h w o r k e r s and site managers as they went about their routine, everyday activities on the farm site, and I participated i n simple tasks l i k e grading (sorting) fish and p u l l i n g nets. M y stay i n the office o f the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n ( B C S F A ) gave me insight into the w a y s i n w h i c h the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry and the farmed product are promoted w i t h i n the context o f g r o w i n g environmentalist and aboriginal opposition. I also attended an aquaculture trade show, the A q u a c u l t u r e P a c i f i c E x c h a n g e , h e l d i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r i n 2 0 0 2 . There, I was able to talk w i t h representatives f r o m companies s e l l i n g all sorts o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g equipment, f r o m vaccines and medications to underwater cameras and nets. In the fall o f 2002, the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ( B C A F C ) o r g a n i z e d a large f o r u m that brought prominent industry, environmentalist, and F i r s t N a t i o n s figures together to debate p u b l i c l y the current state o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n the p r o v i n c e . These discussions, as w e l l as the other, smaller p u b l i c forums that took place f r o m time to time, p r o v i d e d me w i t h valuable insights into the patterns o f interaction through w h i c h farmed s a l m o n becomes defined. I focused on the F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people i n the t w o areas w i t h the highest density o f s a l m o n farms i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : (1) the A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n o f C l a y o q u o t S o u n d , on the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island, and (2) the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n o f A l e r t B a y , just o f f o f northern V a n c o u v e r Island. I chose informants haphazardly based o n lists o f i n d i v i d u a l s  25  p r o v i d e d b y the band administration, w h i l e at the same time also seeking out i n d i v i d u a l s that had spent time as workers on the l o c a l s a l m o n farms. O n a n u m b e r o f different occassions, I a c c o m p a n i e d the fisheries guardians from the K w a k i u t l Territorial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n as they inspected f i s h i n g spots, c l a m beaches, m i g r a t i o n routes for particular runs o f s a l m o n , and the plethora o f s a l m o n farms that dot this landscape. T h i s organization is based i n A l e r t B a y , but monitors the bays, inlets, and beaches that m a k e up the traditional territories o f a l l K w a k ' w a l a speaking people. A l t h o u g h there is no comparable institution i n N u u - c h a h - n u l t h territory, some employees o f the A h o u s a h t b a n d administration's fisheries office took m e out on their boat for a first hand l o o k at fish f a r m i n g sites. In September o f 2 0 0 2 , the A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n entered into a " p r o t o c o l agreement" w i t h P a c i f i c N a t i o n a l A q u a c u l t u r e , and they staged an official ceremony, complete w i t h speeches b y A h o u s a h t leaders and c o m p a n y representatives. M y pattern o f s a m p l i n g incidents and events f o l l o w s the advice o f Strauss and C o r b i n , w h o suggest that this k i n d o f theoretical s a m p l i n g (rather than pre-determined, n u m e r i c a l sampling) aims to m a x i m i z e opportunities for the c o m p a r i s o n o f events and concepts as they arise d u r i n g the research.  51  Instead o f s a m p l i n g persons, I made an  attempt to sample happenings that were relevant to the struggle for control o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g places i n the t w o s a l m o n f a r m i n g hotspots I have identified. A l t h o u g h the n u m b e r o f interviews I d i d was i n some w a y s arbitrary, I continued to conduct interviews, and to return for second and t h i r d times to m a n y o f m y interviewees, until I thought I c o u l d create constructs o f fish f a r m i n g as those I have studied l i v e and experience that industry. Chapters 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 try to f o l l o w E l y ' s suggestion that i n d e v e l o p i n g themes, we s h o u l d present i n miniature the essense o f what we have seen and heard o v e r time.  26  A l t h o u g h other chapters c o u l d have been written, I believe that the ones I d i d write present people's experiences as unified and m u l t i - l a y e r e d w h i l e f i r m l y anchoring the analysis i n the first-hands w a y s i n w h i c h those experiences are had. F o r e x a m p l e , chapter 5 deals w i t h the w a y s i n w h i c h understandings o f f o o d enable First N a t i o n s ' people i n A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t to oppose what they understand to be the threats s a l m o n f a r m i n g poses to their land, their people, and their understandings.  In that  chapter, I s h o w h o w for m a n y A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s people, w i l d s a l m o n as " g o o d f o o d " condenses a w h o l e lot o f understandings not directly related to the c o n s u m p t i o n o f food. B y constructing farmed fish, " w h i t e m a n ' s f o o d , " i n opposition to w i l d fish, or "traditional f o o d , " people are able to resist fish f a r m i n g and gain control over the context i n w h i c h fish f a r m i n g is evaluated. H o w e v e r , the farmed-salmon-as-commodity is the place where taken-for-granted meanings meet those meanings designed to sell farmed fish. Chapter 6 therefore explains h o w the p r o v i n c i a l salmon farmers' association appropriates particular versions o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ' experience, o n l y to c o m m o d i f y those meanings and give them a w a y as their o w n . W h a t is desirable about farmed s a l m o n (the product) appears to always be a step b e y o n d what s a l m o n farmers have already captured. T h i s fear o f l o s i n g control, of l o s i n g a connection to reality, also becomes evident i n chapter 7. T h e r e I deal w i t h the w a y s i n w h i c h s a l m o n farmers, w h i l e t r y i n g to r a d i c a l l y separate nature and society, actually create h y b r i d w o r l d s i n w h i c h things l i k e c h e m i c a l s and equations can change their goals and courses o f action. Chapter 8 deals w i t h h o w environmentalists, F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people and members o f the industry act i n and through the p h y s i c a l places i n w h i c h s a l m o n f a r m i n g takes place. I explore the ways i n w h i c h the shifting and transitory forces that shape landscapes are  27  directly understood through experiences o f place and placelessness. A s investment touches d o w n on coastal V a n c o u v e r Island, marine landscapes b e c o m e c o m p l e t e l y revamped, a n d relations o f p o w e r b e c o m e evident through these rearrangements. N u m b e r s , l i k e places and the other "things" o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g , appear themselves to be social actors, i n that they can create a variety o f social outcomes. In chapter 9,1 focus on the measurements and standards that populate the controversy o v e r fish f a r m i n g . Instead o f treating these numbers as objective indicators o f truth, I l o o k to the w a y s i n w h i c h people create, use and replace numbers as ways o f structuring p e o p l e ' s possible fields o f action. In a l l o f m y chapters, I attempt to deal w i t h the p r o b l e m o f h o w controversy over the fish f a r m i n g industry i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a has c o m e about. I try to arrange the results so that they refine an i m a g e o f what k i n d o f t h i n g fish f a r m i n g is and h o w it got that w a y , rather than l o o k i n g to variables and causes. I found that m y chapters a l l o w e d me to understand the i n d i v i d u a l cases o f m y informants and the particular case o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a b y m a k i n g connections between personal troubles and p u b l i c issues, or between history and biography, as r e c o m m e n d e d b y M i l l s and D e n z i n .  5 3  T h e data, as it  was f i r m l y rooted i n p e o p l e ' s first-hand experiences, a l l o w e d m e to use what C l i f f o r d G e e r t z calls "experience-near c a t e g o r i e s . "  54  In this w a y , I constructed a case that was  idiosyncratic yet h a d s o m e t h i n g about it that, l i k e other g o o d cases, transcends the specifics of the i n d i v i d u a l s and events i n v o l v e d . It was m y use o f grounded theory that assisted m e greatly i n the constant b a c k - a n d forth conversations w i t h data that are required before one can understand experience i n s o c i o l o g i c a l terms. G r o u n d e d theory, as d e v e l o p e d b y G l a s e r and Strauss is explorative, i n the sense that even the process o f data c o l l e c t i o n is c o n t r o l l e d b y the e m e r g i n g t h e o r y .  55  I  28  found that open-ended interviews w i t h constantly c h a n g i n g sets o f questions best a l l o w e d m e to verify m y findings throughout the course o f m y research. B y sensitizing m y s e l f to the data through questions and comparisons, I tried to create " c o n d i t i o n a l matrices" that describe the conditions under w h i c h meaningful social action takes place. In this w a y , I wanted to eliminate the distinction between p e o p l e ' s " m i c r o " realities o f fishing, fish f a r m i n g , w o r k , identity, food, or a sense o f place, and their " m a c r o " realities o f the m o v e m e n t o f capital, c h a n g i n g access to resources, taken-for-granted k n o w l e d g e , c o l o n i a l i s m , and other relations o f p o w e r . In grounded theory, every negative case presents an opportunity to refine the explanation (or the p r o b l e m ) to m a k e it m o r e consistent w i t h a l l the data. V e r i f i c a t i o n o f theory is part o f its d i s c o v e r y , and this approach towards verification puts grounded theory i n line w i t h other interpretive approaches. If others do not accept the adequacy o f our interpretation, we can o n l y appeal to further interpretation - further attempts to m a k e coherence out o f i n c o h e r e n c e .  56  After all, I have not d r a w n a " s a m p l e " o f  environmentalists, First N a t i o n s people, and s a l m o n farmers, w h o s e understandings I c l a i m are representative o f these groups as wholes. In fact, interpretive, qualitative research tends to reject this concept o f v a l i d i t y because it relies on a s i m p l e cause-and-effect universe that is burdened w i t h the assumptions o f positivistic context independence. T h i s study is about the relationships between meanings, their expressions, relations to other meanings, and the contexts i n w h i c h those meanings arise. K i n c h e l o e and M c L a r e n suggest a concept o f v a l i d i t y i n w h i c h c o m p a r i n g the cases o f different researchers a l l o w s us to reconfigure what w e k n o w i n new c o n t e x t s .  57  T h e traditionalist concept o f external validity, they say,  assumes a k i n d o f transferability that is inconsistent w i t h the w a y s i n w h i c h understandings  29  are reached i n real life. I have therefore tried to e x p l a i n h o w the controversy over s a l m o n f a r m i n g has c o m e about, not i n probabilistic terms, but b y i n c o r p o r a t i n g a l l that I observed and heard m y informants say and do. T h i s was achieved not b y t h r o w i n g out testimonies that d i d not fit, but rather b y constantly redefining what k i n d o f "case" the interactions o f these people represents. In the last chapter, I argue that what the preceding chapters have i n c o m m o n is the problematic o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g as production and farmed salmon as a product. I trace the attempts o f s a l m o n farmers to " b l a c k - b o x " farmed s a l m o n — to turn farmed s a l m o n into a c o m m o d i t y that people take for granted - through to the h u m a n and n o n - h u m a n entities they must enroll and negotiate w i t h i n order to do so. P r o d u c t i o n and c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n appear to be the central d y n a m i c s i n h o w k n o w l e d g e about farmed s a l m o n gets created, distributed, and used. T h e focus on salmon-as-product is i n some sense inevitable, because the things o f the p r o d u c t i o n process and the methods e m p l o y e d i n s a l m o n f a r m i n g are not mere context: w e can speak o f net pens, feeding machines, f i s h i n g places, f o o d and so on as social constructs because through their use and m a n i p u l a t i o n , these things entrain people i n diverse activities. I suggest that, through production, the fish farm industry physically produces value b y t h i n k i n g w i t h and against F i r s t N a t i o n s and environmentalists. T h i s is because places and objects are m o b i l i z e d i n activities through w h i c h s a l m o n f a r m i n g is both promoted and resisted. Just as the pigments fed to farmed fish can create consumer preferences, fish farms can, i n certain contexts, destroy former places, r e b u i l d n e w ones, and i n the process, render people placeless. S a l m o n f a r m i n g takes place i n particular kinds o f places, very different f r o m those same places as they are inhabited and understood b y F i r s t N a t i o n s  30  people o r l o c a l environmentalists. F a r m e d fish are not ideas but material things — products through w h i c h people interact. S a l m o n a n d the production o f s a l m o n as f o o d create identities a n d opportunities for resistance for m a n y F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people, but those same meanings can be appropriated b y s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies w h o w i s h to market a n d sell "heritage" fish. F a r m e d s a l m o n is maintained as real because o f the ways i n w h i c h it and other meaningful objects are turned into products a n d techniques o f production.  H e l e n C o d e r e , " K w a k i u t l : T r a d i t i o n a l C u l t u r e , " i n Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, ed. W a y n e P . Suttles a n d W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant ( W a s h i n g t o n : S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, 1978), 359-377, p. 3 6 0 - 3 6 1 . 2  T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , Net Loss: The Salmon Netcage Industry in British Columbia ( V a n c o u v e r , B C : T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , 1996), p . 7. 3  T h i s is a c c o r d i n g to the Coastal A l l i a n c e for A q u a c u l t u r e R e f o r m . See http://www.farmedanddangerous.org/farm_history.htm, accessed N o v e m b e r 19, 2003.  4  B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , E n v i r o n m e n t a l Assessment O f f i c e , Salmon Aquaculture Review ( V i c t o r i a , B C : P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1997).  5  M i c h a e l M a r k e r , ' " T h a t history is more a part o f the present than it ever w a s i n the past,'" History of Education Review 28/1(1999): 17-29, p . 27.  6  M a r k e r , p . 17.  T h i s quote is taken f r o m an interview w i t h S i m o n L u c a s , a n d not f r o m the transcript o f the F i s h F a r m i n g a n d E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t .  E u g e n e A r i m a a n d J o h n D e w h i r s t , " N o o t k a n s o f V a n c o u v e r Island," i n Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, ed. W a y n e P . Suttles a n d W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant ( W a s h i n g t o n : S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, 1990), 3 9 1 - 4 1 1 , p. 4 0 7 .  9  J o h n Jewitt, A Journal Kept at Nootka Sound ( N e w Y o r k : G a r l a n d P u b l i s h i n g Inc., 1976, p.5.  31  1 0  n  W i l s o n D u f f , The Indian History of British Columbia, V o l u m e 1 ( V i c t o r i a B C : P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1964), p . 60-69.  C o l e H a r r i s , Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 2002), p. 207-208.  12 D o u g l a s C . H a r r i s , Fish, Law and Colonialism: The Legal Capture of Salmon in British Columbia (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o Press, 2001). 1 3  14  T i n a L o o , " D a n C r a n m e r ' s potlatch: l a w as c o e r c i o n , s y m b o l , a n d rhetoric i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1 8 8 4 - 1 9 5 1 , " Canadian Historical Review 23/2 (1992): 125-165, p. 128.  H e l e n C o d e r e , Fighting with Property (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n Press, 1966), p. 94.  1 5  D o u g l a s C o l e , " T h e history o f the K w a k i u t l potlatch," i n Chiefly Feasts: The Enduring Kwakiutl Potlatch ( N e w Y o r k : A m e r i c a n M u s e u m o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , 1991), 135-176.  1 6  See the accounts c o m p i l e d i n : T o m M c F e a t , editor, Indians of the North Pacific (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n Press, 1997).  1 7  R e v . D o n c k e l e , quoted i n D o u g l a s C o l e a n d Ira C h a k i n , An Iron Hand Upon the People: The Law Against the Potlatch on the Northwest Coast (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n Press, 1990), p . 20.  Coast  *  1 8  C o l e a n d C h a k i n , p. 2 1 .  1 9  See note 11 above.  2 0  C o l e , p. 19.  21 F r a n z B o a s , Kwakiutl Ethnography ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o Press, 1966), pp. 37-76. 22 E r i c W o l f , " T h e K w a k i u t l , " i n Envisioning Power: Ideologies of Dominance and Crisis ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1999), 6 9 - 1 3 1 , p. 119.  2 3  24  M a r t i n W e i n s t e i n a n d M i k e M o r r e l l , Need Is Not a Number ( C a m p b e l l R i v e r , B . C . K w a k i u t l T e r r i t o r i a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , 1994), p . 36.  W o l f , p.95.  32  2 5  C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 48.  2 6  F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , September 25, 2002.  2 7  Herbert M a r t i n , quoted i n C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 122.  2 8  C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 139-143.  29  C o l e H a r r i s , Making Native Space: Colonialism, ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 2002).  Columbia 30  31  Resistance, and Reserves in British  Peter Webster, As Far As I Know: Reminiscences of an Ahousat B . C . : C a m p b e l l R i v e r M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , 1983), p.33-34. P h i l i p D r u c k e r , The Northern and Central G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g Office, 1951), p.41.  Nootkan Tribes  Elder ( C a m p b e l l  River,  ( W a s h i n g t o n : U n i t e d States  J . E . M i c h a e l K e w , " H i s t o r y o f Coastal B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " i n Handbook of North ed. W a y n e P . Suttles and W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant (Washington: S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, 1990), 159-179, p.163.  American Indians, Volume 7,  3 3  D o u g l a s C . H a r r i s , Fish, Law and Colonialism: The Legal Capture of Salmon in British Columbia (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o Press, 2001), p. 3 9 - 6 1 .  Indians at Work ( V a n c o u v e r :  3 4  R o l f Knight,  3 5  Webster, p. 32.  3 6  K n i g h t , p. 83.  37  3 8  3 9  N e w s t a r B o o k s , 1978).  H e l e n C o d e r e , " K w a k i u t l , " i n Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change, ed. E d w a r d H . S p i c e r ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o Press, 1961), 4 3 1 - 5 1 6 , p.489-490. G o r d o n G i s l a s o n , E d n a L a m , and M a r i l y n M o h a n , Fishing for Answers: Coastal Communities and the BC Salmon Fisheries ( B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a J o b Protection C o m m i s s i o n / A R A C o n s u l t i n g G r o u p , Inc., 1996); W e i n s t e i n and M o r r e l l , Need Is Not a Number.  Leggatt Inquiry, A l e r t B a y , O c t o b e r 4, 2 0 0 1 .  33  4 0  4 1  42  4 3  Duff.p.48. H a r o l d C a r d i n a l , The Unjust Society: M . G . H u r t i g L t d . , 1969), p. 143.  The Tragedy of Canada's Indians ( E d m o n t o n :  D a n i e l C l a y t o n , Islands of Truth: The ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 2000), p. 14-16.  Bruno Latour, 215-257.  Imperial Fashioning of Vancouver Island  Science in Action ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1987), p.  4 4  L a t o u r , p. 220.  4 5  F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t , September 25, 2002.  4 6  4 7  Interview w i t h L e s l i e H i l l , environmentalist w i t h the B C C o n s e r v a t i o n Society. In this thesis, all names associated w i t h interview material have been c h a n g e d ( i n c l u d i n g the names o f companies, societies, or other organizations w h i c h the i n t e r v i e w e d i n d i v i d u a l s represented). H o w e v e r , w h e n quotations were part o f the p u b l i c record, as they were at inquiries and other public meetings, I identified^people using their real names. Ian H a c k i n g , The Social Construction U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999), p. 27.  of What? ( C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts: H a r v a r d  Charles C . R a g i n , "Introduction: cases o f 'what is a c a s e ? ' " i n  What Is A Case?  Exploring the Foundation of Social Inquiry (Cambridge: C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000), 1-17, p. 6. 4 9  See note 48, above.  5 0  Norman Denzin, 1989).  5 1  52  5 3  Interpretive Interactionism ( N e w b u r y Park, C a l i f . : Sage Publications,  A n s e l m Strauss and Juliet C o r b i n , Publications, 1998).  M a r g o t E l y , Doing 1991).  Basics of Qualitative Research ( T h o u s a n d O a k s : Sage  Qualitative Research: Circles Within Circles ( L o n d o n : F a l m e r Press,  See note 50, above and: C . W r i g h t M i l l s , U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000 [1959]).  The Sociological Imagination ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d  34  C l i f f o r d Geertz, " F r o m the native's point o f v i e w : on the nature o f anthropological understanding," i n Interpretive Social Science: A Reader, ed. P a u l R a b i n o w and W i l l i a m M . S u l l i v a n (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1979), 2 2 5 - 2 4 1 , p.226.  B a r n e y G . G l a s e r and A n s e l m L . Strauss, A l d i n e P u b . C o . , 1967).  The Discovery of Grounded Theory  (Chicago:  Charles T a y l o r , "Interpretation and the sciences o f m a n , " in-Interpretive Social Science: ed. P a u l R a b i n o w and W i l l i a m M . S u l l i v a n ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1987), 33-81.  A Second Look,  Joe L . K i n c h e l o e and Peter L . M c L a r e n , " R e t h i n k i n g critical theory and qualitative research," i n Handbook of Qualitative Research, ed. N . K . D e n z i n and Y . S . L i n c o l n ( L o n d o n : Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1994), 138-157.  35  C H A P T E R 2: M E T H O D S  T o say that this thesis is about the social construction o f farmed s a l m o n is not terribly informative. T h i s became evident early o n , w h e n I tried to e x p l a i n the real purpose of m y study to those I was i n t e r v i e w i n g . W h a t was I h o p i n g to achieve, they wanted to k n o w ? W h y was I g o i n g around w i t h a tape recorder a s k i n g easy questions and getting people to talk c a s u a l l y about salmon? M y answer w o u l d i n e v i t a b l y i n c l u d e the words " s o c i a l " and "understandings." " O h , I see, y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at p e o p l e ' s attitudes and beliefs!" " N o t e x a c t l y , " I w o u l d say, but it was already too late. T h e y were c o n v i n c e d that I had been sent to separate fact from fiction, k n o w l e d g e from beliefs, and attitudes f r o m truth; as far as they were concerned, I was either (a) g o i n g to help them, b y p r o v i n g once and for all that their opponents have "perceptions" w h i l e they themselves have "facts" or (b) that I was g o i n g to h a r m them b y c o n c o c t i n g an explanation i n w h i c h their k n o w l e d g e is " s o c i a l " and has no truth value. M u c h o f the confusion demonstrated b y m y informants is m i r r o r e d i n the academic literature about social constructionism. In recent years, the term " s o c i a l construction" has c o m e under heavy fire f r o m critics i n the natural and social sciences alike. S o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s m has been t r i c k y terrain ever since 1996, w h e n the p h y s i c i s t A l a n S o k a l p u b l i s h e d a jargon-laden spoof i n w h i c h he argued that gravity is a social and linguistic construct. T o say that something is s o c i a l l y constructed, be it farmed fish, nuclear waste or climate change is not b y any means to deny its reality. C r i t i c s o f social c o n s t r u c t i o n i s m l i k e B r i c m o n t and S o k a l are q u i c k to accuse social constructionists o f a disinterest and 1  disregard for the concrete and surely k n o w n w o r l d i n w h i c h w e l i v e . T h i s is a c r i t c i s m o f w h i c h social constructionists are k e e n l y aware. W i l l i a m s , for e x a m p l e , is d i s m a y e d that  36  m a n y s o c i o l o g i c a l formulations o f environmental problems b e c o m e m i r e d i n r e l a t i v i s m (any c l a i m to reality is as g o o d as any other) w h e n the purpose o f those analyses is to e x p a n d environmental consciousness and liberate it f r o m constraining social b o n d s . w a y to a v o i d the pitfalls o f r e l a t i v i s m , W i l l i a m s says, is to focus on the role o f  2  One  power i n  the  construction o f environmental problems. That is what I have attempted to do i n this thesis. T h e thesis is therefore about h o w people understand s a l m o n aquaculture and h o w their beliefs about fish and the production o f fish exist as a system o f interaction that is continuous w i t h other parts o f social life. Instead o f t r y i n g to f i n d the beliefs that "cause" certain behaviors, I trace out the step-by-step process through w h i c h subjective meanings lead to particular courses o f action. B e l i e f s about farmed fish and fish f a r m i n g are p u b l i c meanings that exist o n l y i n interaction between s a l m o n farmers, the N a m g i s , the A h o u s a h t , and the l o c a l environmentalists. M e a n i n g s are constructed  socially,  and not i n d i v i d u a l l y ,  and are therefore necessarily e m b u e d w i t h p o w e r relationships. O n e o f the i n d i v i d u a l s w h o has perhaps done the most to encourage sociologists to be more clear about their use o f the term " s o c i a l construction" is Ian H a c k i n g , author o f  The Social Construction of What!  F o r H a c k i n g , to say that something is s o c i a l l y  constructed is to speak against its i n e v i t a b i l i t y and against the ability o f p o w e r f u l interests to control people's understandings about a thing, X : S o c i a l construction w o r k is critical o f the status quo. S o c i a l constructionists about X tend to h o l d that: (1) X need not have existed, or need not be at all as it is. X , or X as it is at present, is not determined b y the nature o f things; it is not inevitable. V e r y often, they go further and argue that: (2) X is quite b a d as it is. (3) W e w o u l d be m u c h better o f f i f X were done a w a y w i t h , or at least r a d i c a l l y transformed.  3  37  In this thesis, I ask specifically about the social construction o f farmed s a l m o n and s a l m o n farming, and not about the social construction o f k n o w l e d g e , per se. Instead o f l o o k i n g for instances o f p o w e r i n the places to w h i c h it is u s u a l l y relegated — attitudes and " i d e o l o g i e s " - 1 l o o k for p o w e r i n the very things that are s o c i a l l y constructed a s objective entities. I consider k n o w l e d g e , therefore, as something that is a p r e - c o n d i t i o n for the material things o f salmon f a r m i n g and the p r o d u c t i o n , circulation, and c o n s u m p t i o n o f those things. T h i s approach is i n line w i t h the v i e w o f H a c k i n g , w h o wrote the f o l l o w i n g precondition for statement (1) above: (0) In the present state o f affairs, X is taken for granted; X appears to be i n e v i t a b l e .  4  S a l m o n f a r m i n g and farmed s a l m o n , as activities and things, are taken for granted b y a l l parties i n v o l v e d i n the controversy o v e r the industry, whether they be the p r o d u c t i o n managers o f ocean f a r m sites or the protestors w h o slice open net pens. F a r m e d s a l m o n are real: y o u can l o o k at them, count them, medicate them, boycott them, and oppose them. T h i s f o r m u l a t i o n o f reality, however, c o m p l e t e l y ignores the fact that farmed salmon also have a social life. In the current debate about whether the f a r m i n g o f A t l a n t i c s a l m o n s h o u l d continue on the coast o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , and whether it damages the w i l d fish stocks, environmentalists, First N a t i o n s people, and salmon f a r m i n g c o m p a n i e s seek to u n v e i l the farmed s a l m o n , to expose it as it " r e a l l y i s . " F o r at least the past five years, s a l m o n f a r m i n g opponents and proponents alike have struggled to c o l l e c t evidence for their position, w h i l e p a y i n g little overt attention to the p o w e r d y n a m i c s w h i c h both shape that struggle and i n f o r m its outcome. A study o f the social construction o f farmed salmon inevitably deals w i t h issues o f power, because the point o f social c o n s t r u c t i o n i s m is less to describe than to change h o w w e see things, i n this case, farmed s a l m o n . 5  38  TELE I M P O R T A N C E O F A C T I V I T Y S o c i a l constructions o f farmed salmon can be f o u n d i n the midst o f the activities that surround s a l m o n farming: the actual raising and p r o m o t i o n o f farmed fish, people's engagement i n the nearby "traditional" w i l d fisheries, and the vehement opposition to the industry on the part o f environmentalists and m a n y N a t i v e people. A n o t h e r w a y o f formulating what this thesis is about is therefore to say that it asks h o w k n o w l e d g e o f farmed s a l m o n and s a l m o n f a r m i n g gets people to "do things", to m o b i l i z e h u m a n and n o n h u m a n entities i n pursuit o f particular ends. H o w do social constructions o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g get people to g r o w fish, develop net pen sites, buy, oppose, advertise for or against farmed fish, or choose w i l d fish as food? H o w does what people k n o w about farmed fish create the w o r l d s i n w h i c h F i r s t N a t i o n s , environmentalists, and s a l m o n farmers l i v e ? T h e idea that k n o w l e d g e is always oriented towards activity is not new. T h e sociologist o f k n o w l e d g e B a r r y Barnes urges us to reject the popular " c o n t e m p l a t i v e " m o d e l o f k n o w l e d g e , i n w h i c h k n o w l e d g e is the product o f isolated i n d i v i d u a l s w h o see reality i n v a r y i n g degrees o f c l a r i t y . Instead, Barnes suggests, all k n o w l e d g e has a role i n activity 6  and is d e v e l o p e d and m o d i f i e d i n response to the need for m a n i p u l a t i o n , prediction, or control. B e c a u s e k n o w l e d g e is used b y particular people to achieve certain ends, an analysis o f the social construction o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g can unmask the connection between k n o w l e d g e , purposes, and the means to achieve those purposes. A c t i v i t y i m p l i e s a social matrix, a social context w i t h i n w h i c h meanings and the actions and interactions i m p l i e d b y those meanings exist. S o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s m speaks against i n e v i t a b i l i t y , and it does so because "the matrix o f rules, practices and material infrastructure i n w h i c h [a construction] is embedded are not inevitable at a l l . "  7  W h e n we  39  talk about the social construction o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g and farmed s a l m o n , w e are t a l k i n g about the idea o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g as it is manifest i n siting criteria, vaccines, feeding machines, aboriginal fisheries guardian patrols, boycotts, protocol agreements, and so o n . In other words, it is the  context o f  s a l m o n f a r m i n g that constructs farmed s a l m o n as w e  k n o w it. T h e " i d e a " o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g has no existence outside the sheer materiality o f this industry and the people w h o w o r k i n it and oppose it. A t the same time, the matrix can construct farmed s a l m o n as a certain type o f fish, and salmon farmers, environmentalists, and F i r s t N a t i o n s people as certain types o f people. In this w a y , the social matrix is not a passive b a c k g r o u n d to farmed s a l m o n , but interacts w i t h and shapes farmed fish and the fish f a r m i n g industry. T h e p o w e r to engage i n s a l m o n f a r m i n g , and the p o w e r used to oppose the industry, is therefore diffuse and sometimes difficult to recognize. K n o w l e d g e appears i n unexpected places: i n l o g b o o k s f i l l e d w i t h numbers, at net-pen sites, and even i n the fish themselves (as for e x a m p l e i n a farmed s a l m o n prepared " N a t i v e style" b y the s a l m o n farmers' association). A l t h o u g h m y study is indeed about the social construction o f farmed s a l m o n , it is also about place, food, identity, f i s h i n g , numbers, and other things and relations that m a k e up the social context i n w h i c h s a l m o n f a r m i n g takes place. M y analysis treats these elements o f the social matrix as real, active entities that do not m e r e l y sit passively i n the b a c k g r o u n d . I try to demonstrate that p o w e r w o r k s through the networks o f k n o w l e d g e that constitute the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry, and its opponents and supporters. T h i s study l o o k s at h o w constructions o f farmed s a l m o n a l l o w people to "act w i t h and against one another i n diversely organized groups, and w h i l e d o i n g so . . . [to] think w i t h and against one another."  Q  T h i s does not mean that there is a "group m i n d , " but rather  40  that s a l m o n f a r m i n g and o p p o s i t i o n to s a l m o n f a r m i n g takes place because i n d i v i d u a l s l i v e in an intersubjective w o r l d . It is a w o r l d they share w i t h others - a l i f e w o r l d - w h i c h , f o l l o w i n g A l f r e d Shutz, is not just a w o r l d g i v e n to i n d i v i d u a l s b y social circumstances, but a w o r l d actively interpreted and manipulated b y t h e m .  9  T h e social constructions that arise  through the controversy o v e r salmon f a r m i n g can o n l y be accessed through the words and actions o f i n d i v i d u a l s , and yet, those constructions are socially, and not individually constructed. A s W e b e r points out, "it is a monstrous misunderstanding to think that an ' i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ' method s h o u l d i n v o l v e what is i n any c o n c e i v a b l e sense an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c system o f values."  10  I wanted to k n o w about belief i n terms o f what H a m m e r s l e y calls "courses o f action."  1 1  F o r C . W r i g h t M i l l s , this k i n d o f s o c i o l o g y can be a c h i e v e d neither through the  non-comparative, a-historical, and p s y c h o l o g i c s t i c tendencies o f p u b l i c - o p i n i o n research, 12  nor through the development o f grand theories r e m o v e d f r o m any concrete experience. H i s alternative, the s o c i o l o g i c a l i m a g i n a t i o n , exists at the boundary between i n d i v i d u a l s and their social structures. B e c a u s e this f o r m o f s o c i o l o g y examines the relationships between private troubles and p u b l i c issues, it has a supremely liberating function. A s M i l l s points out, a person "can k n o w his o w n chances i n life o n l y b y b e c o m i n g aware o f those o f all i n d i v i d u a l s i n his c i r c u m s t a n c e s . "  13  I d e c i d e d that o n a practical l e v e l , a focus o n the  " l i f e - w o r l d " o f salmon farmers, local First N a t i o n s people, and people i n environmental organizations opposed to fish f a r m i n g w o u l d a l l o w m e access to this nebulous r e a l m between people and society. I wanted to k n o w h o w people experience s a l m o n f a r m i n g through the everyday, common-sense reality i n w h i c h they exist. I f o u n d that the  41  m e t h o d o l o g y o f M a x W e b e r , particularly as it has been e x p l i c a t e d b y A l f r e d Shutz, and the methods o f the s y m b o l i c interactionists, p r o v i d e d me w i t h the means to do so. I d i d not i n c l u d e an analysis o f the behavior o f the government employees w h o deal w i t h the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry. E v e r since the Department o f Fisheries and Oceans granted p e r m i s s i o n i n 1984 to t w o aquaculture companies to i m p o r t A t l a n t i c salmon eggs, government agencies have been active i n p r o m o t i n g s a l m o n aquaculture i n the P r o v i n c e .  1 4  T o d a y , site leases are allocated b y L a n d and W a t e r B C , and even the federal government is h e a v i l y i n v o l v e d i n p r o m o t i n g salmon aquaculture i n the f o r m o f subsidies and regulatory support. O n e entire branch o f the Department o f Fisheries and Oceans, the O f f i c e o f Sustainable A q u a c u l t u r e , is responsible for h e l p i n g to streamline technology transfer, training and development, and regulation, and is a self-professed "enabler" o f the industry.  15  T h e p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e , F o o d and Fisheries has recently a l l o w e d  fish farms to be essentially self-regulating under n e w "performance-based standards" that are h e a v i l y geared towards the k i n d o f conditions k n o w n to be g o o d for s a l m o n f a r m i n g (see the discussion i n chapter 9 on this). A l t h o u g h the role o f the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments is undoubtedly important, I leave aside questions o f bureaucratic p o w e r and the role o f government institutions i n facilitating large-scale capitalist production l i k e s a l m o n f a r m i n g . T h i s w o u l d have required an examination o f the bureaucracy o f both the federal and p r o v i n c i a l fisheries departments, and a l o o k at the l i n k s between investors and those bureaucracies. In this thesis, I a m more interested i n the mundane and u n e x a m i n e d sources o f p o w e r that s a l m o n farmers have accumulated i n unexpected places throughout the social network.  42  P H E N O M E N O L O G Y A N D T H EM E A N I N G O F F A R M E D FISH S o far, I have e m p h a s i z e d the importance o f understanding social constructions o f farmed s a l m o n i n terms o f their role i n activity, whether that activity be fish f a r m i n g , attempting to fish as traditionally i n the areas around fish farms, or w o r k i n g towards an environmental awareness o f the fish f a r m i n g industry. T h e idea o f " a c t i o n " is central i n W e b e r ' s s o c i o l o g y o f understanding: "In ' a c t i o n ' is i n c l u d e d a l l h u m a n b e h a v i o r w h e n and i n so far as the acting i n d i v i d u a l attaches a subjective m e a n i n g to it. . . . A c t i o n is social insofar as, b y virtue o f the subjective m e a n i n g attached to it b y the acting i n d i v i d u a l (or i n d i v i d u a l ) , it takes account o f the behavior o f others and is thereby oriented i n its course."  16  F a r m e d s a l m o n can be g r o w n , eaten, opposed, c u l l e d , and marketed because  people share a w o r l d o f m e a n i n g i n w h i c h they can w o r k w i t h and against one another. In this sense, meanings can never s i m p l y be the product o f p e o p l e ' s i n d i v i d u a l m i n d s , but rather the result o f continuous interaction. P h e n o m e n o l o g y is a system o f interpretation that attempts to get access to the l i f e w o r l d o f i n d i v i d u a l s , that social, interactive w o r l d through w h i c h meanings and understandings are created. A l t h o u g h p h e n o m e n o l o g y originated i n p h i l o s o p h y , i n the 17  work of Husserl  and others, its application to s o c i o l o g y has been extensive. T h e pioneer  of p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l s o c i o l o g y , A l f r e d S c h u t z , f o u n d a w a y to use the m e t h o d o l o g y o f M a x W e b e r and the search for social actors' subjective m e a n i n g . M o s t importantly, the p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l approach does a w a y w i t h any apparent contradictions between the " r e a l " w o r l d o f things or actions (anchors, fishing, or m o v i n g net pens) and the experienced w o r l d o f i n d i v i d u a l s (meanings and understandings o f identity, fish or w o r k ) . T h i s is because i n order for things to be real i n any sense o f the w o r d , they must first present  43  themselves to our experience. P h e n o m e n o l o g y is concerned w i t h the outside w o r l d , but it 1R  gains access to the outer w o r l d from the inside o f human experience. If i n d i v i d u a l experiences are the fundamental b u i l d i n g b l o c k s o f social life, then what prevents each person from r e m a i n i n g sealed w i t h i n their o w n i n d i v i d u a l experience? T h r o u g h his concept o f the " l i f e - w o r l d " , Schutz provides us w i t h a solution to this p r o b l e m . T h e l i f e - w o r l d is a social w o r l d , one that is prestructured for the i n d i v i d u a l , but not one that is i n any w a y deterministic. Ideas, meanings, and understandings exist o n l y w h e n they are actively interpreted, manipulated, and put to use b y the i n d i v i d u a l s that m a k e up social life. T h i s type o f intersubjectivity is central to p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l thought. R e a l i t y is possible because it is buttressed b y i n v o l v e m e n t s other than our o w n . M e m b e r s o f a F i r s t N a t i o n can agree o n the "places" o f their fishing grounds; this intersubjective understanding a l l o w s them to fish, to oppose or engage i n fish f a r m i n g , and to plan for the future o f their bays and inlets. S i m i l a r l y , we can speculate that on the most basic l e v e l , a group o f s a l m o n farmers has a c o m m o n understanding o f their fish as a b i o m a s s - a c c u m u l a t i n g investment, and that this enables them to engage c o l l e c t i v e l y i n salmon f a r m i n g . S o c i a l interaction is made possible b y the "experience o f the w e . "  1 9  In the " w e -  situation," environmentalists, s a l m o n farmers, and First N a t i o n s people can engage i n debate o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n the first place because they experience the e x p e r i e n c i n g o f the situation b y the other. T h i s does not m e a n that an environmentalist's and a s a l m o n farmer's experience w i t h the fish f a r m i n g industry correspond, but rather that things are said and actions are taken because o f the i m a g i n e d , pre-constructed reaction o f the other. In this w a y , social interaction o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g evolves because o f a continual renegotiation o f places, e c o l o g y , and e c o n o m y i n w h i c h this industry takes place. These  44  negotiations i n v o l v e relationships o f power, and the production o f farmed s a l m o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a represents a f i e l d o f intense conflict and social struggle. W h i l e the various participants-experience this industry very differently, they are e m b e d d e d i n networks o f p o w e r that m a k e even acts o f resistance dependent on the k n o w l e d g e o f their opponents. W e b e r ' s s o c i o l o g y o f understanding gives us a w a y o f getting at the material w o r l d of farmed s a l m o n through the experiences o f i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e c r u c i a l l i n k between experience and reality is the actor's intended m e a n i n g . O u r understanding s h o u l d therefore be explanatory, i n the sense that it must be more than s i m p l e , direct, observational understanding o f social acts. E x p l a n a t o r y understanding o f the actions o f s a l m o n farmers, environmentalists, and F i r s t N a t i o n s people i n v o l v e s " p l a c i n g the act i n an i n t e l l i g i b l e and more i n c l u s i v e context o f m e a n i n g "  2 0  than we w o u l d have been able to achieve through  direct observation. T h i s can be a c c o m p l i s h e d , W e b e r suggests, b y f o c u s i n g o n m o t i v e , " a c o m p l e x o f subjective m e a n i n g w h i c h seems to the actor h i m s e l f or to the observer an adequate g r o u n d for the conduct i n q u e s t i o n . "  21  Proponents and opponents o f salmon  f a r m i n g alike must navigate the social w o r l d o f structures, groups, and organizations so that others can understand their reasons for acting as they do. S o c i a l constructionism guards against the reification o f s o c i e t y ' s functional units. F o r B e r g e r and L u c k m a n , a l l meanings originate i n the prototypical face-to-face 22 interaction.  T h r o u g h typifications, social actors can create a c o m m o n sense about reality.  Just because these typifications become progressively anonymous, and further from the face-to-face situation, does not mean that they do not remain anchored w i t h i n interaction. T h e environmentalist framing o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n an advertisement, or the p o l l u t i o n regulations for s a l m o n farms, to name just t w o examples, are based on recurrent patterns o f  45  interaction through w h i c h the entities l i k e "space," "waste," " r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " and " w i l d e r n e s s " become real. W h i l e a s a l m o n farmer m a y be capable o f p r i v a t e l y doubting the reality o f ocean tenures or regulations, he or she must suspend such doubt i n order to exist i n everyday life. S a m p l i n g l o g b o o k s , reports, and licenses are m a i n t a i n e d as real b y the actions and thoughts o f this and other salmon farmers. B e c a u s e m e a n i n g i m p l i e s participation, the " d i s t i n c t i o n between ' p h y s i c a l ' and ' p s y c h i c ' p h e n o m e n a . . . is entirely foreign to the d i s i c i p l i n e s concerned w i t h h u m a n a c t i o n . "  23  T h i s unity o f m e a n i n g and  action, must not, Schutz says, lead us to believe that subjective understanding i n v o l v e s either sympathetic introspection or grasping the c o m p l e x i t i e s o f another's total personality. Instead, we must gain an understanding o f the other's  motives, and it is this that I  have  attempted to do for the s a l m o n farmers, F i r s t N a t i o n s people, and environmentalists I encountered.  Jean B r i c m o n t and A l a n S o k a l , " S c i e n c e and s o c i o l o g y o f science: b e y o n d w a r and peace" i n ed. Jay. A . L a b i n g e r and H a r r y C o l l i n s ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o Press, 2001), 27-47.  The One Culture? A Conversation about Science,  Jerry W i l l i a m s , " K n o w l e d g e , consequences, and experience: the social construction o f environmental problems" 3  Ian H a c k i n g ,  Sociological Inquiry 68/4  The Social Construction of What?  (1998): 4 7 6 - 9 7 . "  ( C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts: H a r v a r d  U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999), p. 6. 4  H a c k i n g , p. 12.  5  H a c k i n g , p. 6.  6  B a r r y Barnes,  7  H a c k i n g , p. 12.  Interests and the Growth of Knowledge  ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1977).  46  K a r l M a n n h e i m , Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, trans. L . W i r t h and E . S h i l s ( N e w Y o r k : Harcourt, B r a c e & W o r l d , Inc, 1936 [1929]), p. 4.  A l f r e d Schutz, On Phenomenology and Social Relations ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o Press, 1970). 9  M a x W e b e r , The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A . M . H e n d e r s o n and T . Parsons ( G l e n c o e , I l l i n o i s : T h e Free Press, 1947 [1922]), p. 107. 11  M a r t y n H a m m e r s l e y , The Dilemma of Qualitative Method: Herbert Blumer and the Chicago Tradition ( L o n d o n : Routledge, 1989) p. 46.  1 2  C . W r i g h t M i l l s , The Sociological Imagination ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000 [1959]).  1 3  M i l l s , p.5.  1 4  T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d t i o n , Net Loss: The Salmon Netcage Industry in British Columbia ( V a n c o u v e r , B C : T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , 1996), p. 188.  1 5  See www.dfo-mpo.gc.ca/aquaculture/role_e.htm, accessed N o v e m b e r 19, 2 0 0 3 .  1 6  W e b e r , p.88.  E d m u n d H u s s e r l , Phenomenology and the Foundations of the Sciences, trans. T e d E . K l e i n and W i l l i a m E . P o h l (Hague: M . N i j h o f f Publishers, 1980). 18 H e l m u t R . W a g n e r , Phenomenology of Consciousness and Sociology of the Life-world: An Introductory Study ( E d m o n t o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f A l b e r t a Press, 1983). 1 9  See note 9, above.  2 0  W e b e r , p. 9 5 .  2 1  W e b e r , p. 98.  22 Peter L . B e r g e r and T h o m a s L u c k m a n n , The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden C i t y , N Y : D o u b l e d a y , 1967). 2 3  W e b e r , p. 108.  47  C H A P T E R 3: T H E F R A M I N G O F F A R M E D F I S H : P R O D U C T , E F F I C I E N C Y , A N D TECHNOLOGY  INTRODUCTION T h i s chapter analyzes the framings o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g as social constructions rather than as objective w a y s o f interpreting the controversy around this industry. In this controversy, s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a has been e m b r o i l e d i n a p u b l i c relations battle for the past several decades. E n v i r o n m e n t a l and industry groups v i e for influence over the social construction o f fish f a r m i n g b y creating and disseminating c o m p e t i n g frames. F r a m e s define situations by m a k i n g them meaningful. T h e y tell us what is g o i n g on, b y p l a c i n g an event or issue into a s o c i a l l y understood context. In an effort to c o m m u n i c a t e meanings to w o u l d - b e supporters, both salmon farmers and environmentalists engage a c t i v e l y i n the f r a m i n g o f the industry through advertisements, brochures, and press releases. " F r a m i n g , " as d e v e l o p e d b y G o f f m a n n , is a type o f social m e a n i n g - g i v i n g activity that occurs across a w i d e range o f phenomena, f r o m everyday talk to news occurrences, ceremonies, and make-believe events. B e n f o r d and S n o w d e v e l o p e d the f r a m i n g 1  perspective through their concepts o f "frame alignment," i n w h i c h they argue that certain pre-existing values and beliefs are invigorated for a particular f r a m i n g purpose.  2  Indeed,  there exists a n o w r i c h literature on the frame analysis o f p u b l i c discourses that examines how meanings c o m e about and become s o c i a l l y distributed. T o name just a few examples, G a m s o n and M o d i g l i a n i e x a m i n e d nuclear p o w e r i n relation to the c u l t u r a l l y available meanings used i n constructing frames ; C o y and W o e h r l e used frames i n their discussion o f 3  48  the Persian G u l f W a r , and D o y l e f o u n d the B G Forest. A l l i a n c e was able to "greenwash" 4  the practices o f forestry companies b y f r a m i n g the industry i n terms o f environmentalist values.  5  R e c e n t l y , h o w e v e r , B e n f o r d has c r i t i q u e d the framing perspective as l e a d i n g a l l too often to the treatment o f frames as "things," rather than as d y n a m i c processes o f m e a n i n g construction and transformation. In an attempt to focus on meaning, I e x a m i n e the social 6  processes that are i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t i n the f r a m i n g activities surrounding the B C s a l m o n aquaculture industry. M u c h l i k e C l i f f o r d G e e r t z ' s "natives," opponents and proponents o f aquaculture "use concepts spontaneously, unselfconsciously, as it were, c o l l o q u i a l l y ; they do not, except fleetingly on o c c a s i o n , recognize that there are any 'concepts' i n v o l v e d at all."  In other words, I l o o k for the s y m b o l s and meanings b y means o f w h i c h people  create the common-sense context they use to understand s a l m o n f a r m i n g . In d e s c r i b i n g the framings o f aquaculture by these different actors, I don't c l a i m to k n o w what it means to " b e " them, but I am able to get a handle on the s y m b o l i c forms - written words and printed images - through w h i c h they perceive fish f a r m i n g and attempt to c o n v e y such frames to a broader p u b l i c . Furthermore, m y analysis attempts to stay as close as possible to the w a y s that environmentalists a n d salmon f a r m i n g proponents actually understand s a l m o n and s a l m o n aquaculture, b y b u i l d i n g m y interpretations around quotes taken directly from advertisements and brochures.  o F o l l o w i n g G o f f m a n , I e x a m i n e "strips" o f activity, or slices, taken arbitrarily f r o m the stream o f advertising about fish f a r m i n g , that constitute the starting points for our frame analysis o f s a l m o n aquaculture. T h i s chapter does not deal w i t h the transformation o f frames through time i n response to c h a n g i n g meanings or e v o l v i n g frames. N o r does it  49  tackle the question o f h o w people actually react to or understand the framings o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g that are presented to them. H o w e v e r , it does offer some ideas on h o w fish f a r m i n g frames i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a are actively and socially constructed i n newspaper advertisements and p r o m o t i o n a l literature b y the most p u b l i c proponents and opponents o f aquaculture. I d o not separate these i n d i v i d u a l s ' o w n constructions f r o m those they create to persuade others. F o l l o w i n g C . W r i g h t M i l l s , I treat p e o p l e ' s justifications as "vocabularies o f m o t i v e " - answers to anticipated questions about c o n d u c t . M o v e m e n t 9  actors' " m o t i v e s " therefore are the meanings I a m t r y i n g to discern. B y c r i t i c a l l y questioning and c o m p a r i n g advertisements, brochures, and press releases, I f o u n d that three m a i n categories o f m e a n i n g emerged: product, efficiency, and technology. These categories, their properties and d i m e n s i o n s , are detailed i n the analysis that f o l l o w s .  F A R M E D FISH AS PRODUCTS A t l a n t i c s a l m o n are framed b y the industry as a product. T h e c o g n i t i v e transformations that go along w i t h this shift from " a n i m a l " to "product" extend a pattern o f control o v e r nature already established through other sorts o f interactions w i t h the environment. In m a n y w a y s , farmed salmon have ceased to be fish, both p h y s i c a l l y and conceptually. D u r i n g the process o f b e c o m i n g more l i k e a c o m m o d i t y , s a l m o n are p h y s i c a l l y changed f r o m a s w i m m i n g a n i m a l to one that is advertised, packaged, and sold. In fact, one B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a S a l m o n Farmers A s s o c i a t i o n ( B C S F A ) p u b l i c a t i o n describes the process o f "processing and p a c k a g i n g the product." It declares: " l i v e s a l m o n is d e l i v e r e d to the plant where it is dressed, washed, graded, c h i l l e d , and b o x e d for the p r e m i u m fresh market." ( N e t W o r k Information Sheet #3). A s products, fish become generic and interchangeable, to the point where a w i l d and a farmed filet are equivalent:  50  In 1995, for example, B C and A l a s k a faced a major crisis due to d w i n d l i n g stocks of w i l d c h i n o o k . B y c o m p a r i s o n , B C s a l m o n farms p r o d u c e d four times m o r e c h i n o o k than the c o m m e r c i a l fishery, and one s m a l l s a l m o n farm raises more fish than the t w o nations were arguing over. ( B C S F A , N e t W o r k Information Sheet #4) In the traditional capture fisheries, s a l m o n b e c o m e products o n l y once they are dressed and sold, but s a l m o n born i n stock-enhancement hatcheries are created specifically for the purposes o f i m p r o v i n g w i l d catches. A q u a c u l t u r e goes one step b e y o n d stock enhancement b y tightening our grip on the distribution and growth o f fish even further. W i l d salmon, hatchery-raised salmon, and farmed s a l m o n represent three stages i n a process through w h i c h fish are increasingly constructed as products. T h e B C S F A makes this l i n k to hatchery s a l m o n e x p l i c i t i n an apparent effort to point out the n o r m a l i t y o f aquaculture: "In fish f a r m i n g , s a l m o n are retained for their w h o l e life c y c l e , w h i l e i n w i l d stock enhancement programs, they are released for a portion o f their life c y c l e . " ( N e t W o r k Information Sheet #2). T h i s f r a m i n g inverts the assumption o f w i l d n e s s b y n a t u r a l i z i n g the fish's captured state. T h e assumption throughout these framings o f farmed fish as "products" is that w e can exercise control i n order to i m p r o v e u p o n the products that nature has already made. R e c e n t l y , Scarce found that i n hatcheries, s a l m o n are turned into products that research and "enhance" t h e m s e l v e s .  10  H e identified the " t o o l i n g " o f s a l m o n i n  hatcheries and research as a s y m p t o m o f rationality: a desire to m e t h o d i c a l l y control our environment. W i t h i n this framework, actions on nature are not o n l y v i e w e d as means to an end, but their consequences can be anticipated and carefully taken into account. F a r m e d s a l m o n is not o n l y a product i n terms o f the e n d result — neatly cleaned, dressed, and b o x e d fillets — but also i n terms o f the very process that creates those products. O n e advertisement p r o c l a i m s that s a l m o n farmers "produce a p r e m i u m f o o d product for an i n c r e a s i n g l y c o m p e t i t i v e w o r l d market" ( B C S F A advertisement,  Vancouver  51  Sun, A u g u s t 24, 1996, A 7 ) . H e r e , s a l m o n is a very different sort o f product. A l t h o u g h it is still a seafood, it is n o w also a product o f trade and production decisions. A q u a c u l t u r e products are not o n l y products i n the strict, edible, sense o f the term, but also i n terms o f their role i n " f e e d i n g " the e c o n o m y . In fact, s a l m o n aquaculture is j u s t i f i e d o n the grounds that "more than 2,400 workers depend on the sustainable management o f this renewable resource." E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s , too, use the concept o f "product" as a point o f departure for their framings o f the aquaculture industry. O n e G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e p u b l i c a t i o n highlights the metaphorical change that occurs w h e n fish are turned f r o m animals into products. U n d e r the heading " m e s s i n g w i t h mother nature," fish f a r m i n g is p l a c e d i n stark contrast to w i l d s a l m o n w h i c h are "one o f N a t u r e ' s miracles": " n o one really understands the h o m i n g instinct that brings them f r o m thousands o f m i l e s a w a y back to the exact river, stream or creek where they were b o r n " ( F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #1). A s soon as fish are accepted as b e i n g mysterious and miraculous, we can no longer easily turn them into the carefully crafted, b o x e d , and marketed products that farmed s a l m o n become i n the frames e m p l o y e d b y the industry. In fact, s a l m o n f a r m i n g is rejected on the grounds that it invades and circumvents nature's o w n processes for g r o w i n g fish: " l i k e factory-raised c h i c k e n s , farmed s a l m o n are f o o l e d into fattening faster. S o m e farms use bright lights to confuse them into t h i n k i n g all day — and night — is feeding t i m e . " ( G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #3). F a r m e d s a l m o n are c o m p a r e d to farmed c h i c k e n that spend their "short, miserable l i v e s " i n "cruel conditions"; "that's w h y m a n y consumers spend a little extra m o n e y to b u y free-range eggs" ( G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #3). In place o f salmon as a product, the environmentalists here create and attempt to have  52  us respond to nature as a l i v i n g , organic w h o l e . It is this organic solidarity w h i c h is presented as an alternative to the more mechanistic solidarity o f the aquaculture industry's 'product' frame. T h e G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e , however, describes a coastal environment f i l l e d w i t h products. It sees orcas, sea lions, seals and otters, as w e l l as bears and birds as h a v i n g once abounded at the sites on w h i c h s a l m o n farms are n o w located (Fish F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #2). T h e factsheets are f i l l e d w i t h images o f clambeds, blue herons and k i l l e r whales, and o f native P a c i f i c s a l m o n together w i t h their predators: grizzlies and eagles ( F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheets 1 and 2). A l l these charismatic organisms are part o f a phantasmagoria that represents B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s coastal ocean. A l t h o u g h m e r e l y a s i m u l a t i o n , this imagineered nature organizes people's thoughts and activities around aquaculture. S i m i l a r l y , L u k e , i n his study o f the A r i z o n a - S o n o r a Desert M u s e u m , noted that the m u s e u m ' s depiction o f the desert environment is entirely hyper-real, i n the sense that it has created a d i s p l a y that is a drastic departure from anything someone m i g h t actually encounter i n the Sonoran desert. H e e x p l a i n e d that "reality just l o o k s too dry, dead, and deserted to w o r k . B u t , at man-made sites, l i k e the Desert M u s e u m , the Sonoran Desert can be artificially imagineered, l i k e D i s n e y l a n d or D i s n e y w o r l d , b y concentrating real dirt, fake rock, real a n i m a l groups, fake plant c o m m u n i t i e s on 12 acres o f artificial caves, trails, cages and habitats."  11  Just as most visitors to the m u s e u m assume that the desert they  experience there is real, readers o f Georgia-Strait A l l i a n c e factsheets are d r a w n into the simulated reality o f the ocean. T h i s use o f s i m u l a t i o n is possible because w e generally l i v e i n a w o r l d f i l l e d w i t h copies o f real things.  12  53  In some w a y s , this understanding o f nature is u n i q u e l y B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n . T h e industrial landscapes o f the p r o v i n c e are not so m u c h characterized b y factories and smokestacks, as they are b y degraded " w i l d e r n e s s " settings, l i k e vast clear-cuts, l o g b o o m s , open pit mines, and fish farms. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s are everywhere " h e m m e d i n b y mountains and forest," and the intermediate f a r m i n g landscapes that elsewhere mediate between " w i l d e r n e s s " and " c i v i l i z a t i o n " are absent i n most o f the p r o v i n c e .  13  The  imagineered nature o f the G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e c o u l d therefore w o r k to m a k e more accessible and manageable the vast wilderness city dwellers m a y b e l i e v e they have at their doorstep. People, l i k e animals, can be framed as imagineered products. F o r a p e r i o d o f time i n the late 1990s, the B C S a l m o n Farmers A s s o c i a t i o n ran a newspaper advertisement that featured a photograph o f a m a n , w i t h the headline: " S a l m o n f a r m i n g is a sustainable, h i g h tech industry that a l l o w s me to l i v e and w o r k i n a coastal c o m m u n i t y " (Vancouver Sun, A u g u s t 24, 1996, A 7 ) . T h e caption indicates that the m a n is i n fact " J a m i e B r i d g e , B i o l o g i s t , S a l m o n F a r m T e c h n i c i a n , N a n a i m o , B C . " M o s t l i k e l y , this is a real person, w i t h a real j o b , i n the real c o m m u n i t y o f N a n a i m o . A l t h o u g h this person is pictured, the photograph hides the fact that it has become almost i m p o s s i b l e to isolate one instance o f the s a l m o n farmer. J a m i e B r i d g e is a fish farm technician, yet his w o r k seems to be superseded b y the i n d u s t r y ' s g r o w t h potential, o f w h i c h he is cited as a mere example. T h e advertisement describes finfish f a r m w o r k e r s ' careers as built up around, and defined by, the " i n c r e a s i n g l y competitive w o r l d market:" "today we e m p l o y s k i l l e d workers and advanced aquaculture technology to produce a p r e m i u m f o o d product." It therefore becomes difficult to determine, i n t y p i c a l post-modern style, whether a human-being is at  54  the center o f what it means to be a s a l m o n farm worker, or whether it is instead " p r o d u c t i v i t y , " "competitiveness" and " e x p a n s i o n " that are the models o f w h i c h actual people are the instances: " S u s t a i n i n g the health and p r o d u c t i v i t y o f our farms is one o f the reasons B C s a l m o n farmers need more farm sites.... I ' m p r o u d to be a s a l m o n farmer." A w h o l e w o r l d o f simulated m e a n i n g closes i n on the m e a n i n g o f farmed s a l m o n . Subject and periphery are no longer distinguishable; whenever they try to locate one e x a m p l e o f a fish farmer, the s a l m o n f a r m i n g proponents are already on the other side i n their talk about the nameless and faceless forces o f efficiency and c o n t r o l . T h e c o m m o n - s e n s i c a l concepts surrounding fish as products b e c o m e d i s s o l v e d i n a set o f simulated people and activities that are themselves turned into products. In this w a y , as I w i l l be e x p l a i n later, c o m m o n - s e n s i c a l and hyper-real framings can b u i l d upon and depend upon one another. EFFICIENCY A N D F A R M E D  SALMON  A t l a n t i c s a l m o n are further framed i n terms o f the process that creates them. B e c a u s e it efficiently i m p r o v e s on the w o r k i n g s o f nature, fish f a r m i n g is presented as more natural than nature itself. E f f i c i e n c y highlights the supposed n o r m a l i t y o f the process through w h i c h farmed s a l m o n are turned into products. A l l the costs and benefits that accrue through the process o f p r o d u c i n g a particular crop o f s a l m o n are k n o w n and carefully taken into account. S a l m o n f a r m i n g is agriculture i n a wilderness setting: it brings control to the frontier o f a w i l d and otherwise unmanageable nature. T h e separation o f adults w o r t h y o f b e c o m i n g broodstock f r o m those that are not is seen not as an end i n itself, but as the means to an end: "Veterinarians must ensure o p t i m a l health standards at every stage o f the s a l m o n ' s life c y c l e . T h i s requires extensive health testing o f prospective  55  parents, eggs, j u v e n i l e , and mature, market-ready s a l m o n " ( B C S F A  advertisement,  Vancouver Sun, A u g u s t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . Instead o f letting nature choose w h i c h fish get to reproduce, w e intervene. E f f i c i e n c y depends upon h u m a n selection acting o n the fish at particular times and places. E f f i c i e n c y seems to have been equated w i t h natural selection, or at the very least, an extension o f natural selection. T o c o m e back to a quotation presented earlier i n the context of "products," s a l m o n farmers need to "produce a p r e m i u m f o o d product for an increasingly competitive w o r l d market." T h e fact that farmed s a l m o n are profitable is presented as evidence that the fish is a quality product: " F a r m e d s a l m o n is a relatively n e w k i d o n the aquaculture b l o c k , one w h i c h has g r o w n to become the leading product i n the industry" ( B C S F A N e t W o r k Information Sheet #4). H e r e , " l e a d i n g " seems to refer not as m u c h to the p h y s i c a l product, as it does to the rate and price at w h i c h that product is s o l d . In this construction, farmed fish are valuable first and foremost not as fish, but as contributors to the e c o n o m i c process that again turns those fish into products. Intervention into the life c y c l e o f the salmon is carefully p l a n n e d so as to m a x i m i z e the p r o b a b i l i t y that the product w i l l fetch a g o o d price. S a l m o n f a r m i n g is framed as an efficient, instrumentally rational activity. A s o r i g i n a l l y formulated b y M a x W e b e r to describe the use o f conscious c h o i c e and calculation as the means to achieve certain goals, rationality is a powerful structuring force i n our s o c i e t y .  14  It appears to have a particularly  strong presence i n the case o f our relationship w i t h the natural environment. M u r p h y  1 5  suggests that almost all o f contemporary thought w i t h regard to nature is g u i d e d b y the p r i n c i p l e o f rationality; indeed this tendency towards the objectification o f nature began w h e n nature and humanity became conceptually separated f r o m one a n o t h e r .  16  56  T h e use o f antibiotics, for example, is efficient i n this w a y . A l t h o u g h antibiotics can be used to get fish through life i n c l o s e l y c r o w d e d pens, they must not end up i n the final product. T o this end, s a l m o n farmers c l a i m that veterinarians are s p e c i a l l y h i r e d to assure that " m e d i c a t i o n is not present i n farmed salmon destined for market" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, A u g u s t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . T h e selection that occurs i n w i l d and h u m a n - i n d u c e d selection becomes fused into one. S a l m o n farmers respond to environmentalist concerns that escaped, farmed, A t l a n t i c s a l m o n w i l l take over the s p a w n i n g habitat o f w i l d P a c i f i c species b y p o i n t i n g to failed, early 20th century attempts at establishing w i l d runs o f A t l a n t i c s a l m o n on the B C coast. S a l m o n farmers consider A t l a n t i c s a l m o n to be p o o r competitors i n nature because our own efforts at establishing them have been unsuccessful: " E x p e r i e n c e has s h o w n that A t l a n t i c s a l m o n are extremely p o o r competitors. In fact, all attempts to establish sea-run A t l a n t i c s a l m o n have f a i l e d " ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, J u l y 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . H e r e , the artificial selection that occurred w h e n sport fishers i n the early twentieth century attempted to create w i l d runs o f A t l a n t i c s a l m o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is directly equated w i t h natural selection. L i k e s a l m o n farmers, environmentalists tend to b l a m e " i n e f f i c i e n c y " w h e n efforts at control fail. T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n laments i n a newspaper advertisement that: " N o r w e g i a n taxpayers had to shell out $ 1 0 0 m i l l i o n to halt one e p i d e m i c . C a g e d salmon i n N e w B r u n s w i c k were slaughtered to prevent the spread o f infectious s a l m o n a n e m i a - at a cost to taxpayers o f $10 m i l l i o n "  (Times-Colonist, O c t o b e r 13, 1999, B l l ) . In this framing,  s a l m o n f a r m i n g is inefficient w h e n it detaches the actual cost o f the industry f r o m a production process that is supposed to evaluate all farm site management decisions relative to the end product. F o r this reason, fish f a r m i n g is at times framed not as a pollutant to the  57  environment, but as hazardous to "the e c o n o m y . " A c c o r d i n g to the G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e , for example, "fish f a r m i n g is a net loss to the p r o v i n c i a l e c o n o m y because it undermines industries l i k e t o u r i s m and the c o m m e r c i a l fishery" ( F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #4). F r o m an environmentalist perspective, farmed fish is deemed u n w o r t h y because it interferes w i t h the larger process o f e c o n o m i c efficiency o f w h i c h it is supposed to be a part. A l t h o u g h farm-raised s a l m o n are bred, fed, vaccinated, and created o n actual farm sites, the fish are not framed as active players i n their o w n production. Instead, they are considered s i m p l y as cogs i n an efficient, e c o n o m i c machine whose efficiency is dependent on the design and operation o f that machine. T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n justifies environmental protection i n terms o f its contribution to the e c o n o m i c process: " W e can have j o b creation that results i n e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y safe technology and protection o f our waters and marine resources. It makes no sense, e c o n o m i c a l l y or e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y , to continue to operate w i t h these outmoded cages that a l l o w escapes, p o l l u t i o n , and disease transfer" ( J i m F u l t o n , D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , N e w s Release, A p r i l 6, 1999). In these environmentalist constructions, farmed fish facilitate the m o v e m e n t o f money, products, and w o r k , rather than the m o v e m e n t o f nutrients and energy through trophic levels. It is this context w h i c h makes the crafting o f s a l m o n as a product  understandable.  A B C S F A advertisement that features a photograph o f the s a l m o n farmer s c o o p i n g fish out o f a net (Vancouver Sun, J u l y 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) is a hyper-real s i m u l a t i o n o f efficiency. D e s p i t e its headline — " h o w s a l m o n f a r m i n g puts f o o d on the table i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a " — the advertisement does not make the argument that farm s a l m o n a l l o w s people to eat, or to feed themselves and their families. Instead, the m o d e l o f eating — the " e c o n o m y " — comes first, and serves to make the experience o f eating real: " W o r l d  58  c o n s u m p t i o n o f f a n n e d s a l m o n is expected to overtake w i l d s a l m o n b y the year 2000. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is i n an excellent position to benefit f r o m this b u r g e o n i n g d e m a n d . " In this w a y , w e n o longer eat, but w e satisfy w o r l d e c o n o m i c appetites, a far cry f r o m a c o o k e d s a l m o n m e a l o n a plate. N e x t to a picture o f a dinner plate is the statement: " F r e s h farmed s a l m o n from B . C . waters is n o w the p r o v i n c e ' s leading agricultural f o o d export." W h e n presented i n isolation, the related signs o f w o r l d c o n s u m p t i o n , demand, and industry growth seem distant from farmed salmon. H o w e v e r , i n the context o f an advertisement such as this one, these signs become simulations w i t h i n w h i c h the real s a l m o n — caught, cleaned, c o o k e d and c o n s u m e d b y actual i n d i v i d u a l s - becomes d i s s o l v e d . H o w e v e r , this focus o n the efficient operation o f the e c o n o m i c m a c h i n e is questioned at some times b y environmentalist framers. T h e G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e turns its readers' attention to F i r s t N a t i o n s groups, w h o they say " l i v e d i n h a r m o n y w i t h c y c l e o f N a t u r e " for "thousands o f years" ( G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #4). H e r e , it is "nature," rather than the e c o n o m y , that is g u i d i n g the production o f fish. A t one l e v e l , nature makes its o w n efficient decisions: "one o f the benefits o f polyculture is that it creates v i r t u a l l y n o waste, because the waste o f one fish becomes f o o d for another," ( G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #5). H o w e v e r , i n this framing o f nature, s a l m o n is reconstructed as an active player i n its o w n efficiency. In the f o l l o w i n g description o f antibiotic use, efficiency i n the creation o f market-ready, disease-free fish is c r i t i c i z e d because it is the result o f d o i n g things to fish, rather than acting with fish: "hundreds o f thousands o f farm s a l m o n o n the B C coast are b e i n g b o m b a r d e d w i t h powerful antibiotics to prevent disease outbreaks" ( D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n advertisement, T h e P r o v i n c e , J u l y 30, 1997, A l 1).  59  T h e process o f efficiency therefore brings about fundamental changes i n s a l m o n that are r e c o g n i z e d and disputed b y at least some environmentalists at particular moments. Just as r e l i g i o n extends o v e r an ever d i m i n i s h i n g slice o f social l i f e ,  1 7  nature is no longer sacred,  and aquaculture seems, i n these framings, to be m o v i n g towards the profane - that is, towards an arena i n w h i c h efficient, e c o l o g i c a l forces have freer reign. E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s resist this tendency to see nature as w i t h d r a w i n g from the f u n c t i o n i n g o f the environment. T h u s , i n some environmentalists' c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , m o d e r n A t l a n t i c s a l m o n culture is contrasted w i t h ancient C h i n e s e aquaculture, where "the p o n d becomes a perfectly balanced ecosystem just l i k e nature herself, w i t h different types o f fish feeding on different parts o f the p o n d " ( F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #5). F i s h are framed, not as pawns i n their creation as a product, but as active contributors to their o w n m e a n i n g . A n advertisement d e c r y i n g the presence o f aquaculture i n coastal waters is headlined: " 3 2 , 7 0 0 escape B C f a r m , " and includes a picture o f a herd o f cattle stampeding d o w n a residential street (Times-Colonist, O c t o b e r 13, 1999, B l l ) . T h i s s i m u l a t i o n appears to point to an instance o f the p r o d u c t i o n m a c h i n e gone awry. H e r e , efficiency, or rationalized p r o d u c t i o n , is rejected as a proper frame for the s a l m o n aquaculture industry. In this construction, the inputs and outputs o f the production process are clearly out o f place, and nature is inamenable to the types o f rationalized h u m a n control needed to produce farmed s a l m o n . E f f i c i e n c y can also be rejected on the grounds that it fails to recognize that the boundaries o f the efficient system are open to negotiation. In this sense, the scope o f the efficiency frame, rather than the efficiency frame itself, is what is contested b y environmentalists. S a l m o n farmers appear to confidently k n o w the opportunities and constraints that nature imposes o n the production process. T h i s k n o w l e d g e a l l o w s growers  60  to change w i l d breeding into carefully planned broodstock selection, and w i l d growth into m e t i c u l o u s l y planned feeding regimes, all w i t h reference to the creation o f a m u c h soughtafter product. H o w e v e r , some opponents o f the industry have raised questions about whether "larger and m o r e efficiently m a n a g e d " fish farms, capable o f " s a v i n g costs at each level o f p r o d u c t i o n " ( B C S F A N e t W o r k information sheet #2) are able to account for all externalities. T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n wonders, i n one o f its advertisements: " w i l l the hatchlings [from escaped and s p a w n i n g A t l a n t i c salmon] displace sockeye, c o h o , and other native species?... again, n o b o d y k n o w s — any more than people k n e w zebra mussels w o u l d run rampant i n L a k e O n t a r i o " (Times-Colonist, O c t o b e r 13, 1999, B l l ) . H e r e , it is i m p l i e d , nature cannot be k n o w n i n its entirety, and certainly not w e l l enough to be able to control and predict the effects o f the f a r m i n g process. That is, it is argued that w h e n the frame o f reference for efficiency is the c o m m o d i t y , we m a y fail to recognize those effects o f the production process that are external to the c o m m o d i t y . T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n seems to be d e a l i n g w i t h a nature that cannot be broken up into parts, either conceptually, in terms o f f a r m i n g processes that are separate f r o m the rest o f the e c o l o g y , or p h y s i c a l l y , in terms o f net cages: "the outbreak o f disease c o m m o n to B C s a l m o n farms are something no net can c o n t a i n " ( D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n advertisement, Vancouver Sun, J u l y 16, 1998, A 1 0 ) . E v e n the s a l m o n f a r m i n g association sometimes backs away f r o m the concept o f efficiency. Instead, the f r a m i n g becomes almost "value r a t i o n a l , "  18  i n that there is a b e l i e f  i n the intrinsic value o f s a l m o n farming. These frames are oriented not towards a set o f (efficient) means used to achieve a goal (salmon production), but rather towards a set o f values. M e a n i n g s are abstracted f r o m the rest o f the activity, and are c o n s c i o u s l y regarded  61  as values. F o r example, one advertisement s h o w e d a picture o f an underwater photograph o f a s c h o o l o f s a l m o n and a silhouette o f a fish farmer standing above, gently s c o o p i n g them up w i t h a large net (Vancouver Sun, J u l y 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . T h e scene is harmonious and peaceful, the scoopnet appears to be s l o w l y drifting through the water, and the fish are c i r c l i n g the net, but not fleeing it. A s i m i l a r i m a g e reappears i n the B C S F A " Q u e s t i o n and A n s w e r " brochure, and i n both cases seems to e v o k e nostalgia for s i m p l e harvesting (scoop nets) and l i v i n g off o f the sea as a lifestyle. N o pen structures or netting are v i s i b l e , and s a l m o n are seen to be acrobatically and leisurely s w i m m i n g at l o w densities. S u c h framing o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g is p o w e r f u l because it embodies a nostalgia for rural life, o f humans i n h a r m o n y w i t h nature, and o f people r e l y i n g o n nature for its bounty. A nostaglia for a rural life was also prevalent i n the early c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . T h i s movement, k n o w n as A r c a d i a n i s m , sought to escape the r i g i d rationality and m o r a l decay of industrial society, through a renewed interest i n country homes, aesthetically pleasing agrarian landscapes, and the m o r a l virtues o f the countryside. A s D a v i d D e m e r i t ! has pointed out, agriculture i n the p r o v i n c e was a l w a y s somewhat m a r g i n a l , and so this ideal was difficult to achieve; however, the discourses around A r c a d i a n i s m a l l o w e d for certain truths about agriculture i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to be sustained. Perhaps this agrarian ideal continues i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and w o r k s to frame the p r o v i n c e ' s production o f r a w , unprocessed c o m m o d i t i e s , l i k e trees and fish, i n a more favorable l i g h t .  19  T h i s f r a m i n g , though it appears i n m a n y ways to be a rejection o f efficiency, actually packages these sentimental obstacles as items that can be neatly and efficiently handled. T h e B C S F A has tended to create an abstracted, s y m b o l i c c o m m u n i t y , and b y d o i n g so, it shifted the target o f concern about the social i m p l i c a t i o n s o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g  62  not towards real c o m m u n i t i e s , but instead towards m y t h i f i e d , simulated, and nostalgic c o m m u n i t i e s and lifestyles. B a u d r i l l a r d argues that w h e n the real is n o longer available i n its previous f o r m , nostalgia takes over.  A s a result, myths about the o r i g i n o f things are  proliferated and turn into signs o f reality. W h e n c o m m u n i t i e s are c o n c o c t e d instead o f real, aquaculture can l i k e w i s e be imagineered to b l e n d into this i d y l l i c setting. In this f r a m i n g o f aquaculture, meanings really are just "values:" manageable signs and simulations that stand apart f r o m actual social practice.  THE TECHNOLOGIZED F A R M E D FISH A l t h o u g h we on the one hand appear to have replaced natural selection, our methods o f p r o d u c i n g and selling farmed fish have on the other hand p l a c e d us conceptually w i t h i n a system o f supplies and demands that w e have s o c i a l l y constructed as natural and b e y o n d our control. In this construction, we are just l i k e animals i n nature, i n that w e compete w i t h other groups for the ability to g r o w as i n d i v i d u a l s and as a population. T e c h n o l o g y , then, is l i k e the much-needed mutation that a l l o w s us to increase the efficiency o f our p r o d u c t i o n process over that o f other groups. S p e c i a l i z e d scientific and technical k n o w l e d g e is brought to bear on hazards that range f r o m unforeseen t o x i c algal b l o o m s to feeding regimes that waste fish f o o d and m o n e y . T h e B C S F A boasts that "veterinarians use a number o f tools to keep s a l m o n healthy, i n c l u d i n g routine health testing, vaccinations and various h a n d l i n g , feeding and density strategies" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, A u g u s t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . W e seem to assume that it is n o r m a l for the n u m b e r o f externalities resulting f r o m the f a r m i n g o f s a l m o n to be carefully brought under i n c r e a s i n g l y tighter control. W h e n one method o f control fails, others technologies can be c a l l e d on to save the production process f r o m i n e f f i c i e n c y . F o r  63  example, despite the best efforts o f veterinarians, some fish w i l l not remain healthy enough to be turned into product. " W h e n this occurs, veterinarians can prescribe a l i m i t e d number of antibiotics" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, A u g u s t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . T e c h n o l o g y serves as a means o f perfecting farm-raised A t l a n t i c s a l m o n into a finished product through increasing efficiencies. T h i s enables the industry to turn into a "real g r o w t h industry w h i c h is g l o b a l l y c o m p e t i t i v e . " ( B C S F A N e t W o r k information sheet #2). Whereas dominant framings o f technology v i e w it as something that facilitates that m u c h sought-after goal o f efficiency, environmentalist framings s p e c i f i c a l l y reject the tendency o f technology to control nature for human purposes. T e c h n o l o g y is seen as a force that separates the salmon from its natural context. T h e G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e ( F i s h F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #5), for example, contrasts m o d e r n fish f a r m i n g — " b i g agribusiness" — w i t h the l o w technology C h i n e s e aquaculture o f 300 years ago. T h e s a l m o n aquaculture industry "control[s] the w a y our f o o d is g r o w n and distributed"; as a result, "our coastal waters are f o u l e d w i t h more and more open net pens." T r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e aquaculture is l o w i n technology, because it depends on a p o n d that "becomes a perfectly balanced ecosystem ... w i t h different types o f fish feeding o n different parts o f the p o n d . " " A g r i business" conjures up images o f a lifeless and t e c h n o l o g i z e d a n i m a l production facility, one w h i c h has c o m p l e t e l y lost touch w i t h the surrounding environment. H o w e v e r , w h e n the frame o f reference is restricted to the farmed s a l m o n as a dressed, c h i l l e d , and b o x e d product, technology is natural and necessary. A s soon as the production process ceases to organize our t h i n k i n g about fish, technology appears to break up the wholeness and integrity o f nature. O n e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n advertisement, for example, remarks that net-pen bottoms are characterized b y " t w o feet o f silt, a profound l a c k o f diversity, and a  64  disruption to the continuity o f life on the sea f l o o r " (Vancouver Sun, F e b r u a r y 17, 2 0 0 1 , A17). S o m e w h a t unexpectedly however, technology is also sometimes framed b y opponents o f the industry as a w a y that a separate, n o n - h u m a n nature can be protected from the h u m a n processes that threaten to corrupt it. T h e advertisement goes o n to c l a i m that, w h i l e netcage s a l m o n farms can threaten to w i p e out w i l d s a l m o n stocks, technologies such as closed-containment systems are " f u l l y sealed systems f r o m w h i c h no fish, sewage, or antibiotics can escape." C l o s e d containment systems quite literally separate the f a r m i n g o f fish f r o m the rest o f the environment. T e c h n o l o g y therefore appears to fish farm opponents as a menace w h e n it interferes w i t h those elements o f the w o r l d designated as "nature," but as a savior w h e n it prevents us from t a k i n g elements o f that "nature" and transferring them to the h u m a n r e a l m o f production and efficiency. In other w o r d s , counter-framings o f technology see technology as a means o f s a v i n g t e c h n o l o g y f r o m unleashing its o w n capacities. H e r e , technology is no longer justified " r a t i o n a l l y , " i n terms o f the eventual goal o f m a k i n g c o m m o d i t i e s , but i n accordance w i t h the immediate value o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l integrity. O n e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n advertisement praises the countertechnology o f c l o s e d containment b y s a y i n g that " B C can lead the w o r l d i n this technology — i f w e act n o w " (Times-Colonist, O c t o b e r 13, 1999, B l l ) . S i m i l a r l y , the G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e advocates land-based aquaculture facilities i n part because "such technology . . . w o u l d a l l o w farms to cut d o w n on feed costs ..." (Fish F a r m F i a s c o Factsheet #5). S A L M O N FARMING FRAMES A N D T H ESTRUCTURING OF PERCEPTION I suggest that hegemonies - values that lie largely i n the uncontested r e a l m — define what it actually is that requires framing. T h e y are based on a type o f m o r a l  65  leadership that originates i n dominant social groups but are actively recreated b y masses o f people. In this w a y , consent is not the result o f d o m i n a t i o n i n the traditional sense, but rather the result o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r n a l i z i n g and actively creating societies i n accordance 9  with hegemonic principles.  1  S i n c e these principles are actively created b y people, rather  than i m p o s e d i n a heavy-handed w a y , the type o f consent they are able to p r o v i d e is constantly subject to interference.  22  S i m i l a r i t i e s between the understandings o f  aquaculturalists and environmentalists arise because both must m a k e use o f the same set o f ideas i n order to be understood b y any other group. T h e alliances between s a l m o n farmers and environmentalists are fleeting and fragile, and s a l m o n farmers must c o n t i n u o s l y reproduce their k n o w l e d g e i n order to gain acceptance for this industry. T h e concepts o f product, efficiency, and t e c h n o l o g y therefore dominate framings o f aquaculture, but these concepts are contested and are the site o f intense struggle. These meanings manifest themselves i n a particular v o c a b u l a r y — one that centres around efficiency, technology, and productivity. I argue that "nature" is therefore apprehended through these elements o f rationality, rather than directly, as a distinct entity. In the case o f aquaculture, "progress" and " e f f i c i e n c y " legitimate e c o n o m i c a l l y dominant modes o f p r o d u c t i o n , particularly careful control over harvestable natural resources. R a t i o n a l i t y provides a set o f standardized motives that are r e c o g n i z e d b y others as " g o o d reasons" for f a r m i n g fish. S o m e opponents o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry, however, do not a l w a y s recreate these constructions i n their framings o f aquaculture, and instead m a k e use o f other, o p p o s i n g constructions. C o m m o n - s e n s e and hyper-real k n o w l e d g e o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g are brought together b y m o v e m e n t actors i n the contexts o f products, efficiency, and  66  technology. M y observation that concepts o f rationality are closer to the experience o f m o v e m e n t actors than are concepts o f either "nature" or "society," suggests that aquaculture is indeed a h y b r i d i n L a t o u r ' s sense o f the w o r d .  2 3  A n analysis o f s a l m o n  f a r m i n g forces us to deal w i t h the fish-in-itself, and h o w it is produced through techniques and narratives o f efficiency, and not w i t h mere representations o f the fish. L a t o u r ' s concept o f h y b r i d i t y encourages us to take seriously our i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h things and to interpret that i n v o l v e m e n t — w h i c h often manifests itself as a technology or a f o r m o f material production — as a f o r m o f social interaction. T h e w a y s i n w h i c h environmentalists and s a l m o n farmers construct fish f a r m i n g does not bracket nature off, but creates fish that are simultaneously social, narrated, and scientific. F a r m e d fish are too m u c h l i k e c o m m o d i t i e s to be entirely b i o l o g i c a l , and yet their production is too f u l l o f naturalized efficiencies to be purely social. M u c h l i k e D o n n a H a r a w a y ' s p r i m a t e s ,  24  the bodies o f  farmed and t e c h n o l o g i z e d A t l a n t i c s a l m o n represent the u n i o n o f the p o l i t i c a l and the p h y s i o l o g i c a l . H a r a w a y focuses on the w a y s i n w h i c h organisms are actually embodiments of sets o f social relations, and suggests that the narratives i n s c r i b e d onto l i v i n g things turn those organisms into social actors i n their o w n right. Instead o f rejecting the scientific aspects o f farmed fish, w e s h o u l d l o o k to h o w those fish are p h y s i c a l l y constructed for clues to h o w they become tools i n the production o f our social w o r l d s . F r o m an industry perspective, people and fish are turned into the generic products of growth and progress; for some environmentalists too, simulations depend on the construction o f s a l m o n as a visual and aesthetic product that is part o f a D i s n e y - f i e d landscape o f animals. T h e hyper-real addition to this c o m m o n - s e n s i c a l f r a m i n g o f aquaculture takes the process o f fish f a r m i n g and turns it into a m o d e l that sets an e x a m p l e  67  for nature — it is already more efficient, more rational, than anything nature c o u l d ever provide. A t the same time, constructions o f e c o l o g y — trophic levels and energy f l o w s — become connected w i t h the functioning o f an e c o n o m i c m a c h i n e that outputs fish as products. B u t fish are crafted into p r e m i u m products for the marketplace through a strictly m o n i t o r e d process, and are thus set apart f r o m nature. T h i s rearrangement o f constructions surrounding fish and products makes understandable the i m p l o s i o n o f m e a n i n g that occurs at the l e v e l o f the sign. Rather than creating n e w and r e v e a l i n g constructions, the simulated w a y i n w h i c h fish f a r m i n g tends to be framed dissolves the m e a n i n g o f fish into something that satisfies not hunger, but e c o n o m i c demands exerted by nameless and faceless forces. E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t framings can directly challenge concepts o f efficiency i n our dealings w i t h s a l m o n b y p o i n t i n g out the hyper-real similarities between escaped s a l m o n on the coast and escaped cattle i n cities. G i v e n this context o f shifting m e a n i n g , it is not unexpected that pro-industry framings deflect this harsh aura o f m a c h i n e - l i k e efficiency through a hyper-real nostalgia for a s l o w and s i m p l e life. F i s h f a r m i n g therefore makes use o f both c o m m o n - s e n s i c a l and imagineered k n o w l e d g e . T h i s is because fish f a r m i n g is i n fact a natural-social " c o l l e c t i v e , " and k n o w l e d g e o f that c o l l e c t i v e takes indirect and c o n v o l u t e d paths f r o m the real to the hyper-real and back again. A c c o r d i n g to L a t o u r , shifts i n the boundaries between signs and things can result i n shifts i n meaning, w h i c h i n turn a l l o w us to construct our natural-social 25  collectives.  T h i s m a y e x p l a i n our f i n d i n g that i n the controversy over fish farming,  c o m m o n sense and hyper-reality are i n constant negotiation w i t h one another. L i k e a frame's matting, signs and simulations can lead people towards certain elements that m a y otherwise have passed unnoticed i n the o n g o i n g talk and advertising about s a l m o n farming.  68  T h u s , the hyper-real part o f aquaculture frames relies on the h e g e m o n i c k n o w l e d g e o f the m a i n frame but is able to h i g h l i g h t certain signs f r o m the stream o f events and controversies surrounding aquaculture. CONCLUSION T h i s chapter suggests that an awareness o f the performance aspects o f environmental framings m a y a l l o w people to l i v e more astutely i n a w o r l d o f b u r g e o n i n g controversy o v e r natural resource issues. Just l i k e performances, frames can o n l y c o n v e y their intended meanings i f the framer makes use o f a b o d y o f institutionalized, s o c i a l l y available sign-equipment. In a performance, a "front" serves to define the situation b y p l a c i n g actions w i t h i n a socially-understood c o n t e x t .  26  E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s and s a l m o n  farmers perform for the p u b l i c their frames o f aquaculture, i n that they put f o r w a r d i d e a l i z e d versions o f environment, i n d i v i d u a l s , and c o m m u n i t y that fit entirely w i t h i n s o c i a l l y accredited k n o w l e d g e about h o w things are. L i k e performances, frames are w a y s o f t a l k i n g and acting that present particular versions o f a situation a n d are sometimes interpreted as realistic depictions o f reality. W h e n this occurs, the p o w e r fish farmers or environmentalists w i e l d comes not from their o w n k n o w l e d g e , but f r o m the context, or k n o w l e d g e , that the o p p o s i n g parties b r i n g to the dispute. F r a m i n g is therefore a carefully nuanced process i n w h i c h even m i n o r errors i n i m p r e s s i o n management m a y shatter the faith that an audience places i n a set o f constantly c h a n g i n g ideas. T h i s problematic arises because social actors can never k n o w for sure the structure o f k n o w l e d g e r e s i d i n g i n a group, even i f they themselves are members o f that group. M y interpretations have therefore attempted to demonstrate the degree to w h i c h aquaculture promoters and opponents must have access to routine k n o w l e d g e , and get  69  people to participate i n the things " e v e r y b o d y k n o w s , " before their reasons become believable. T h i s theory o f p o w e r is i n line w i t h that o f B a r n e s ,  27  w h o argues that society, b y  virtue o f b e i n g a distribution o f k n o w l e d g e , is an ordered array o f powers. N e i t h e r hegemonies nor hyper-realities are directly apprehended, yet both guide the reader o f advertisements i n c o m i n g to their o w n c o n c l u s i o n . T h r o u g h hyper-reality, c o m m o n s e n s i c a l ideas are brought into n e w contexts and become represented b y signs, yet at the same time, the models present i n the c o l l e c t i v e i m a g i n a t i o n are shaped b y taken-for-gran ted meanings. Part o f the tension between the hegemonic and hyper-real meanings o f f a r m e d s a l m o n m a y be due to the apparent confusion about whether nature is "more l i k e u s " or whether w e are "more l i k e i t . " In both cases, nature is constructed as a " t h i n g " out there that needs to be distinguished i n some w a y f r o m s o c i e t y .  28  It appears that the layers o f  m e a n i n g through w h i c h fish f a r m i n g is framed a l l o w for the coexistence o f c o n f l i c t i n g constructions about what sort o f " t h i n g " nature is. B e c a u s e signs are refracted b y other signs i n hyper-real w a y s , farmed s a l m o n can, for e x a m p l e , at the same time be "products" (visual and p h y s i c a l ) and " w i l d , " without any apparent contradiction. T h i s is because even environmentalist framings o f s a l m o n seem to f i n d it difficult to escape f r o m the k n o w l e d g e that s o c i a l l y constructed animals and ecologies are more perfectly real and "natural" than any instance o f s a l m o n f o u n d i n nature. C u l t u r a l l y available k n o w l e d g e therefore offers both constraints and opportunities to framers o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g . W h e n frames are interpreted as actively constructed and negotiated phenomena, rather than as static "things," then the frame expands so that the t h i n g b e i n g framed, i n this case, farmed salmon, actually becomes part o f the frame. In part, this is because farmed  70  fish are s o c i a l l y constructed as part o f ourselves, our c o m m u n i t i e s , and our nature, and have no existence outside o f these constructions.  E r v i n g G o f f m a n , The Presentation A n c h o r , 1959). I  of Self in Everyday  Life ( G a r d e n C i t y , N Y : D o u b l e d a y  2  R o b e r t D . B e n f o r d and D a v i d A . S n o w , " F r a m i n g processes and social movements: an o v e r v i e w and assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 6 1 1 - 6 3 9 . W i l l i a m A . G a m s o n and A n d r e M o d i g l i a n i , " M e d i a discourse and p u b l i c o p i n i o n on nuclear power: a constructionist approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 137. 4  P a t r i c k G . C o y and L y n n e M . W d e h r l e , " C o n s t r u c t i n g identity and oppositional  k n o w l e d g e : the f r a m i n g practices o f peace m o v e m e n t organizations d u r i n g the Persian G u l f w a r , " Sociological  Spectrum  16 (1996): 2 8 7 - 3 2 7 .  A a r o n D o y l e , B r i a n E l l i o t t , and D a v i d T i n d a l l , " F r a m i n g the forests: corporations, the B . C . Forest A l l i a n c e , and the m e d i a , " i n Organizing Dissent: Contemporary Social Movements in Theory and Practice, ed. W i l l i a m K . C a r r o l l (Toronto: G a r a m o n d Press, 1997), 2 4 0 - 2 6 8 . 5  Robert D . B e n f o r d , " A n i n s i d e r ' s critique o f the social m o v e m e n t f r a m i n g perspective," Sociological Inquiry 67/4 (1997): 4 0 9 - 4 3 0 . 6  C l i f f o r d Geertz, " F r o m the native's point o f v i e w : on the nature o f anthropological understanding," i n Interpretive  Social Science:  A Reader, P a u l R a b i n o w and W i l l i a m M .  S u l l i v a n , ed. ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1979), 2 2 5 - 2 4 1 , p. 228. 8  E r v i n g G o f f m a n , Frame Analysis  9  C . W r i g h t M i l l s , "Situated actions and vocabularies o f m o t i v e , " i n Power,  People:  The Collected  ( C a m b r i d g e : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974). Politics  and  Essays of C Wright Mills ( N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press,  1963), 4 3 9 - 4 5 2 . R i k Scarce; Fishy Business: Salmon, Biology, and the Social Construction (Philadelphia: T e m p l e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000). 1 0  of  Nature  T i m o t h y W . L u k e , " T h e A r i z o n a - S o n o r a desert m u s e u m : i m a g i n e e r i n g southwestern environments as hyperreality," Organization and Environment 10/2 (1997): 1 4 8 - 1 6 3 , p.156. I I  71  Jean B a u d r i l l a r d , Simulacra and Simulation ( A n n A r b o r : U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n Press, 2000). 1 3  D a v i d Demeritt, " V i s i o n s o f agriculture i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " BC Studies 108 (1995-6): 29-59, p. 29.  1 4  M a x W e b e r , Economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology V o l u m e 1, C l a u s  W i t t i c h a n d Guenter R o t h , translators. ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1968). R a y m o n d M u r p h y , Rationality and Nature: A Sociological Inquiry into a Changing Relationship ( B o u l d e r : W e s t v i e w Press, 1994). 1 5  P h i l M c N a g h t e n a n d John U r r y , " T o w a r d s a s o c i o l o g y o f nature," Sociology 2 9 / 2 (1995): 203-220. 1 6  E m i l e D u r k h e i m , The Division of Labor in Society ( N e w Y o r k : T h e Free Press, 1984 [1933]). 1 7  1 8  See note 14 above.  1 9  Demeritt, p p . 32-40.  See note 12 above.  A n t o n i o G r a m s c i , The Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings 1916-1935, D a v i d Forgacs, editor, ( N e w Y o r k : N e w Y o r k U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000). 2 1  2 2  2 3  C h r i s t i n e B u c i - G l u c k s m a n n , " H e g e m o n y and consent: a p o l i t i c a l strategy" i n Approaches to Gramsci, A n n e Sassoon, ed., ( L o n d o n : W r i t e r s a n d Readers, 1982), 116126.  B r u n o L a t o u r , We Have Never Been Modern ( C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts: H a r v a r d  U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993), p . 6. 2 4  D o n n a H a r a w a y , Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature ( N e w Y o r k :  R o u t l e d g e , 1991), p . 11. ' 25  B r u n o L a t o u r , Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies ( C a m b r i d g e ,  Massachusetts: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999) p . 187. 2 6  See note 1 above.  72  2 7  B a r r y Barnes,  The Nature of Power ( C a m b r i d g e :  P o l i t y Press, 1988).  28  N e i l Evernden, Press, 1992).  The Social Creation of Nature  ( B a l t i m o r e : Johns H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y  73  C H A P T E R 4. © E N T I T Y A N D E N V I R O N M E N T I N T H E L E G G A T T I N Q U I R Y  INTRODUCTION  In O c t o b e r o f 2 0 0 1 , the Leggatt Inquiry into s a l m o n f a r m i n g traveled to four s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s (Port H a r d y , T o f i n o , A l e r t B a y , and C a m p b e l l R i v e r ) close to the centers o f operation for the finfish aquaculture industry i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . In d o i n g so, it gave 1  l o c a l people, particularly F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people, an opportunity to speak about s a l m o n f a r m i n g using their o w n vocabularies, styles o f speaking, and forms o f k n o w l e d g e . T h e i r 2  testimony, however, was about m u c h more than s a l m o n farming. In fact, most o f the talk at the i n q u i r y focused around people's sense o f place and c o m m u n i t y , and their understandings o f their w a y o f life. In particular, the i n q u i r y brought to light the legal and political context i n w h i c h the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry operates, and m u c h o f the c o l o n i a l context described i n chapter 1 is relevant to this discussion o f identity and s a l m o n farming. T h i s chapter focuses on narratives that i n technical and scientific circles w o u l d probably be considered r a m b l i n g , anecdotal and o f f the t o p i c . M u c h o f the b a c k g r o u n d 3  needed to m a k e sense o f these accounts o f fish f a r m i n g lies hidden i n the c o l o n i a l context o f the industry and the o n - g o i n g struggles o f N a t i v e people i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a for recognition o f their rights to land and resources. In particular, the material practices o f the colonizers seem to produce N a t i v e identities very different f r o m the ones N a t i v e people themselves k n o w about and r e l y on. M y analysis o f the Leggatt Inquiry tries to give v o i c e to the N a t i v e people w h o appeared at the i n q u i r y b y s h o w i n g that w h i l e they are certainly the v i c t i m s o f continued intrusions into their territories and w a y s o f life - and, as I hope to demonstrate, s a l m o n f a r m i n g represents such an intrusion - they are not passive bystanders  74  i n the process. Instead, the aboriginal people w h o spoke about s a l m o n f a r m i n g at the i n q u i r y creatively and strategically e m p l o y e d a variety o f devices that w o u l d help others see the controversy o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g as they themselves d i d . P e o p l e evaluate situations u s i n g particular vocabularies that are k n o w n to be unquestioned explanations for behaviors or attitudes. Therefore, First N a t i o n s ' people m a y 4  encounter resistance or misunderstanding w h e n j u s t i f y i n g their rejection o f fish f a r m i n g to non-First N a t i o n s ' people. T h e theoretical w o r k on h o w people use accounts i n social interaction suggests that at this point, t w o strategies are available to an aboriginal opponent o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g : her or she m a y either (1) reassure the listener about the type o f person they are, as a m e m b e r o f a First N a t i o n , or more rarely (2) s w i t c h identities and p r o v i d e accounts i n line w i t h w h o they think they are expected to be. In the first instance, the witness strives to reset the social stage on w h i c h the drama o f the account is p l a y e d out to reflect an identity m o r e favorable to his situation. In the second instance, testimonies are 5  p l a c e d w i t h i n the context o f an identity that m a y honor o n l y very different types o f accounts. In this w a y , p e o p l e ' s accounts o f their behavior generally reflect a c o m m i t m e n t to b e i n g a particular type o f person b y responding to the expectations associated w i t h that identity.  6  W h i l e I structure m y analysis o f the speakers' identities around these t w o strategies, it w i l l soon become clear that these categories - " a f f i r m i n g " identity and "negotiating" identity - are more f l u i d than is sometimes supposed. I challenge the assumption that " a b o r i g i n a l peoples have yet to significantly affect the construction o f their o w n identities w i t h i n mainstream E u r o - C a n a d i a n contexts." A l t h o u g h N a t i v e people at the Leggatt 7  I n q u i r y seemed to recognize that they were constrained b y outsiders' understandings o f  75  w h o they were, those constraints were transformed into opportunities for resistance. In the course o f interpreting what it means to be aboriginal, the witnesses seemed to be actively selecting, c h e c k i n g , and transforming both the meanings that were ascribed to them b y n o n aboriginal people, and those they had p r e v i o u s l y constructed on their o w n . A s a result, aboriginal people were able to speak about s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n terms o f u n i q u e l y N a t i v e identities. T h i s perspective o n identity is relevant to m u c h o f the recent w o r k on the subject. F r o m the s y m b o l i c interactionist point o f v i e w , identities are generally considered to be s y m b o l s i n their o w n right. These s y m b o l i c identities i m p l y relationships between people  Q that must be negotiated through interaction.  Therefore, identity is never a pre-determined  and stable feature o f the self, but rather something that is always i n progress and constructed w i t h i n discourse. Joane N a g e l , for e x a m p l e , observed that ethnic identification as an A m e r i c a n Indian seems to lie at the boundary between ascribed and self-created identities; indeed identities are the context-specific negotiations that m a k e up these clashes in meaning.  9  In recent years, the D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , along w i t h other environmentalist organizations i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , has raised serious questions about the environmental impacts o f s a l m o n farming. In addition, most coastal F i r s t N a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a seem opposed to or suspicious o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n their territories, though one F i r s t N a t i o n on the north coast, the K i t a s o o / X a i ' x a i s operates its o w n s a l m o n farm. T h e S a l m o n A q u a c u l t u r e R e v i e w , conducted b y the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a government's E n v i r o n m e n t a l Assessment O f f i c e i n 1995, d i d not appear to adequately answer either N a t i v e or E u r o C a n a d i a n people's questions about this new industry. T h e Leggatt Inquiry, although  76  organized and funded b y the S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , was part o f a p u b l i c relations battle o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g that has been r a g i n g for m a n y years. T h e C o a s t a l A l l i a n c e for A q u a c u l t u r e R e f o r m , w h i c h includes the S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , has been t r y i n g to raise p u b l i c awareness over the potential for s a l m o n farms to transmit disease to w i l d , P a c i f i c s a l m o n , and the p o l l u t i n g effects o f h i g h concentrations o f fish and feed at farm sites. In addition, the reality of A t l a n t i c s a l m o n escapes has outraged environmentalists w h o , l i k e m a n y B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s , understand s a l m o n as a part o f the r e g i o n ' s natural heritage and fear for the continued s u r v i v a l o f the w i l d s p e c i e s .  10  B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s , aboriginal and n o n - a b o r i g i n a l alike, are frequently i n v o l v e d i n intense controversies over l o g g i n g , fishing, and m i n e r a l exploration. In 1993, for e x a m p l e , environmentalists took part i n large demonstrations against l o g g i n g practices and c o m m i t t e d acts o f c i v i l disobedience i n C l a y o q u o t S o u n d , o n the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island. In addition, m a n y aboriginal groups i n the p r o v i n c e have been deliberately c h a l l e n g i n g their c o n t i n u e d e x c l u s i o n from, and l a c k o f control over, resources and territories that were never ceded b y treaty or otherwise. These legal challenges, though not a l w a y s successful, have p l a c e d strong pressure on government fisheries regulators to recognize pre-existing N a t i v e r i g h t s .  11  T h e D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , an environmentalist organization w i t h a strong focus on the oceans and sustainable fishing, initiated, organized, and financed Stuart L e g g a t t ' s i n q u i r y . Stuart Leggatt, a retired B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Supreme C o u r t j u d g e , was appointed i n q u i r y c o m m i s s i o n e r . Leggatt's terms o f reference, however, stated that the i n q u i r y was independent and that it p r o v i d e d a much-needed opportunity for people to speak p u b l i c l y about s a l m o n f a r m i n g . Judge Stuart Leggatt not o n l y a l l o w e d these sorts o f personal  77  testimonies, but actively solicited them. In d o i n g so, he f o l l o w e d i n the footsteps o f Judge T h o m a s B e r g e r , w h o led an i n q u i r y into the proposed M a c K e n z i e V a l l e y P i p e l i n e i n 1974. B e r g e r had been interested i n hearing from more than expert witnesses; he wanted to c o m e to grips w i t h different ways o f understanding the environment, and w i t h p e o p l e ' s hopes and fears about their c o n t i n u e d relationship w i t h the l a n d .  1 2  CONTESTED IDENTITY AND NATURE W h e n N a t i v e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s at the Leggatt I n q u i r y spoke about fish f a r m i n g , they tended to emphasize their first-hand k n o w l e d g e o f people, territories, and ways o f m a k i n g a l i v i n g , rather than restricting their explanations to second-hand, scientific "facts." M u c h o f the evidence placed fish f a r m i n g w i t h i n the context o f m e m o r i e s about c o l o n i a l attempts to destroy a w a y o f life. A r t D i c k ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n , hereditary chief, M a m a l i l i k u l l a tribe), said that it a l l started w i t h the b a n n i n g o f the potlatch. A n d then they i m p l e m e n t e d the residential s c h o o l because this government o f ours has a hundred year plan for C a n a d a . . . and N a t i v e s are not i n c l u d e d . . . . T h a t w a s n ' t successful, what other option do they have? T h e y are g o i n g to the very substance that sustained us throughout our history: our f o o d supply. T h e importance o f p e o p l e ' s social lives is a thread that w o v e itself through m u c h o f the o p p o s i t i o n to fish f a r m i n g and appeared to be inseparable from the discourse on the natural lives o f fish and other marine resources. D i s t i n c t i o n s between culture and tradition on the one hand, and e c o n o m y and industry on the other, so often made i n n o n - a b o r i g i n a l society, was not one that was made by any o f the First N a t i o n s ' witnesses at the i n q u i r y . F i s h farmers, on the other hand, t y p i c a l l y talk about c o n t r o l l i n g a valuable yet separate nature such that its "productive potential" can be tapped ( B C S a l m o n F a n n e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n  78  advertisement, V a n c o u v e r S u n , J u l y 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . F o r R o d S a m (Tofino, A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n ) , l i k e m a n y o f the witnesses, people's reliance o n the productive capacity o f the environment is the very thing that makes them h u m a n . T h i s understanding is i n direct contrast to that o f the authors o f the S a l m o n A q u a c u l t u r e R e v i e w , w h o " h a d stated that there is little or no impact to the environment and to humans. B a s i c a l l y stating that F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people aren't human, because we are impacted. Y o u cannot even b e g i n to put a price on the resources w e have lost ( R o d S a m , T o f i n o , A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n ) . " First N a t i o n s ' people have unique w a y s o f understanding their relationship w i t h the environment that are different from their colonizers. H o w e v e r , the huge diversity o f indigenous w a y s o f life calls into question the usefulness o f easy generalizations about N a t i v e environmental understandings. L e v i - S t r a u s s tried to characterize the "savage m i n d " b y s a y i n g that indigenous people operate at a different "strategic l e v e l " o f thought - one that is "adapted to that o f perception and i m a g i n a t i o n . "  13  S o m e contemporary  anthropologists have argued that non-agriculturalists relate to resources differently than agriculturalists,  14  and have a tendency to endow elements o f nature w i t h subjectivity, i n the  same w a y that we (non-aboriginals) endow humans w i t h s u b j e c t i v i t y .  15  These sorts o f  c o n c l u s i o n s p r o b a b l y have more to do w i t h our o w n ( E u r o - C a n a d i a n ) problems i n understanding the nature o f objectivity than w i t h the cultural w o r l d s o f exotic or far-away peoples.  16  In fact, it seems most useful to focus on differences i n these understanding as  they apply to particular social situations at specific times and places. T h o s e w h o testified at the Leggatt Inquiry h i g h l i g h t e d the reliance o f their meanings and understandings o f s a l m o n on contemporary, real, and productive f i s h i n g economies, rather than on vague notions o f traditional values. T h e d i v i d e between the cultural and the  79  e c o n o m i c has been i m p o s e d b y E u r o - C a n a d i a n s because it is a p o w e r f u l w a y o f t e l l i n g First N a t i o n s ' people w h o they are: traditional people w h o k n o w nothing o f e c o n o m y . F o u c a u l t has suggested that p o w e r constitutes people as subjects - that it tells people w h o they are i n relation to each other and the material w o r l d .  1 7  In the particular context o f  B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the appropriation o f First N a t i o n s ' lands b y colonists has gone hand i n hand w i t h the relegation o f First N a t i o n p e o p l e ' s ways o f understanding those lands. F o u c a u l t says that p o w e r is not so m u c h a confrontation between t w o adversaries as it is a question o f government, and as a result, the things w i t h w h i c h i n this sense government is to be concerned are i n fact m e n , but m e n i n their relations, their l i n k s , their i m b r i c a t i o n w i t h those other things w h i c h are wealth, resources, means o f subsistence, the territory w i t h its specific qualities, climate, i r r i g a t i o n , fertility, e t c . 18  W h a t counts as material production - as opposed to social p r o d u c t i o n - determines the types o f access N a t i v e people have to resources i n their territories. T h i s is also the v i e w of B r u c e B r a u n , w h o f o u n d that the c o l o n i a l history o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is b e i n g kept alive through a k i n d o f "silent c o l o n i a l v i o l e n c e " that separates understandings o f N a t i v e people f r o m understandings o f m o d e r n i t y and c u l t u r e .  19  A C C O U N T S : A F F I R M I N G FIRST NATIONS IDENTITY Identity and fishing F i s h i n g appeared to be understood b y First N a t i o n s ' speakers, most o f w h o m had fished a l l their lives, as inseparable from w h o they are as people. F i s h i n g was not just described as an activity a m o n g m a n y others; instead witnesses spoke o f a d y n a m i c and active nature i n w h i c h the continuity o f people is l i n k e d to the renewal o f natural resources. T h i s renewal takes place through use: " O u r access to our traditional foods is a major l i n k to  80  our traditional w a y o f life, and our culture. T o watch this b e i n g destroyed is to witness genocide." ( B i l l C r a n m e r , A l e r t B a y , elected chief, N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) . F i s h are therefore not an entity to be acted on, but with: " T o me, this w i l d fish is w h o w e are, what w e are" (Stan H u n t , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . In this v i e w , f i s h i n g s h o u l d not be v i e w e d s i m p l y as the extraction o f consumables, but as an activity that recreates people and their so-called " t r a d i t i o n a l " k n o w l e d g e , at the same time as it recreates the environment. Speakers talked about h o w , i n their societies, people take care o f the environment not b y s i m p l y t a l k i n g about culture, but b y actively engaging w i t h the material w o r l d so that k n o w l e d g e o f the resources, and the resources themselves, w i l l endure into the future. In m u c h the same w a y that it recreates nature, fishing a l l o w s for continuity i n the identity o f these F i r s t N a t i o n s people despite the drastic changes they have faced o v e r the past century. C o a s t - w i d e b u y b a c k programs, i n d i v i d u a l quotas, and other m o v e s towards the privatization o f c o m m e r c i a l fishing have resulted i n the e l i m i n a t i o n o f a l l but a handful o f s a l m o n licenses i n A l e r t B a y . A l t h o u g h the federal government continues to bracket fisheries o f f from c o m m u n i t y life, the N a m g i s people are c o m m i t t e d to m a i n t a i n i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a w i l d f i s h i n g e c o n o m y for generations to c o m e . T h i s c o m m i t m e n t is expressed i n cultural terms, as something that c o m m a n d s . . . the sacred duty o f stewardship o f the land, sea and air resources for future generations, and the ability to harvest those resources for food, c e r e m o n i a l , and social purposes has been o n g o i n g for years and years for [Native] people ( B i l l C r a n m e r , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . F o r the a b o r i g i n a l people o f northern V a n c o u v e r Island and the adjacent m a i n l a n d , expectations about h o w people s h o u l d behave towards and w i t h natural resources are created not through idle thoughts o f past cultural ideals, but b y fishing - b y b e i n g engaged directly i n the resource o f the present. F i s h i n g makes it becomes difficult to discern where  81  the fish stops and the h u m a n begins. A s M i k e Stadnyk ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) put it, "the s a l m o n fishing industry i s responsible for everything I a m today." T h i s is consistent, even today, w i t h F r a n z B o a s ' documentation o f the metaphorical use i n the Kwakiutl language  20  o f s a l m o n as people:  T h e guests o f a person as w e l l as wealth that he acquires are c a l l e d his ' s a l m o n ' . . . a great m a n y guests a ' s c h o o l o f s a l m o n ' a n d the house o r v i l l a g e o f the host his ' s a l m o n w e i r ' into w h i c h he hauls his guests. W h e n D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l (Tofino, A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n ) t a l k e d about the s u r v i v a l o f fish stocks over m i l l e n n i a , he pointed out the fact that: " S i n c e time i m m e m o r i a l , the A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n managed the fish, the aquatic resources, a n d the environment under their o w n laws, l a w systems. T h e l a w is respected, the fish, aquatic resources a n d a l l its environment surrounding it [are also respected]." T h i s is h o w he introduced h i m s e l f and his testimony. A l l his later c l a i m s were subordinate to this fundamental social fact: his people have a l w a y s managed a n d harvested s a l m o n precisely because these fish are so valuable. B y m a k i n g extensive use o f references to fishing, D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l e x p l a i n e d his practical k n o w l e d g e o f fishing as itself a cultural resource that integrates present realities w i t h traditional practices. B y e x p l a i n i n g w h o they are as fishers, F i r s t N a t i o n s ' witnesses generally sought to create expectations i n the listener w i t h regard to fishers' behavior. M a n o T a y l o r , a c l a m digger f r o m A l e r t B a y ( N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) can "just l o o k at the beach a n d k n o w what's there, whether i t ' s a butter beach or a littleneck beach." H e checks up o n the c o n d i t i o n o f c l a m beds near fish farms because he "like[s] to f i n d out what o u r o l d people used to do and where they used to g o . " M a n o T a y l o r is one o f the few seafood harvesters w h o continues to h o l d a c o m m e r c i a l license i n A l e r t B a y , a n d he argued that it is the practical  82  i m p l i c a t i o n s o f his k n o w l e d g e that assure its validity: " C l a m s , " as he went on to point out, "are a renewable resource enjoyed b y most people. . . . I d o n ' t k n o w a n y b o d y i n this r o o m [who has eaten] a farmed f i s h . " W h e n a fisher talks about the ocean, their first-hand k n o w l e d g e is regarded as true not because it is " c u l t u r a l " , but instead because it was used b y generations o f fishers f r o m past to present. A r t D i c k ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) remembered h o w he learned about p i t - l i g h t i n g "as a herring fisherman w i t h [his father] on the m a i n l a n d thirty-five years ago:" W e used to pit light. . . . A n d w h e n we d i d that we attracted herring plus e v e r y t h i n g else that lives i n the ocean came to that light. A n d w h e n we made o u r set to catch these herring, it was quite a c o m m o n occurrence for us to catch 50, 70, 125 s p r i n g s a l m o n that were i n the areas at the time. W h e n he saw that fish farms were u s i n g lights at night, it bothered h i m , because he k n o w s "what happens w h e n the lights get turned on to these little fish that are escaping the rivers and heading out to sea." In his presentation, A r t D i c k "chose not to have a title." H e has m a n y — hereditary c h i e f o f the M a m a l i l i k u l l a people o f V i l l a g e Island, a c o u n c i l l o r o f the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , senior fisheries guardian at the K w a k i u t l T e r r i t o r i a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n -- but instead, he testified " o n behalf o f [his] f a m i l y , " w h o were the people w i t h w h o m he fished and w h o taught h i m to m a k e a l i v i n g through fishing. L i k e the environment experienced through fishing, the environment i n w h i c h fish f a r m i n g takes place is fundamentally social. W i l l i e M o o n ( A l e r t B a y , elected chief, N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) found that w h e n outbreaks [of fish disease] erupt [on s a l m o n farms], it is not the fish that are quarantined, but the people: " W e the Tsawataineuk N a t i o n , our travel m o d e is b a s i c a l l y b y boat. If they have an outbreak i n our territory that b a s i c a l l y means w e are quarantined i n our c o m m u n i t y . " T h i s is because fish f a r m i n g , l i k e tree f a r m i n g , precludes  83  m a n y other, u n i q u e l y N a t i v e , e c o n o m i c activities. A c c o r d i n g to A r t D i c k ( A l e r t B a y , Namgis First Nation): E v e r y b o d y k n o w s the effect that fish farms have on a cultural w a y o f life o f the N a t i v e . U p at the head o f K n i g h t s Inlet, where I go to m a k e [ooligan] grease on a yearly basis. . . there's tree farms. W e no longer have access to that l a n d to hunt. K i n g c o m e Inlet is the home o f the W i l l i e M o o n ' s people, the Tsawataineuk, just as K n i g h t s Inlet lies i n the traditional territory o f A r t D i c k ' s ancestors, the M a m a l i l i k u l l a . B o t h these locations are g e o g r a p h i c a l l y r e m o v e d f r o m the reserve i n A l e r t B a y to w h i c h government Indian agents m o v e d m a n y K w a k ' w a l a speaking tribes. H o w e v e r , these t w o men continue to be " f r o m " those areas as l o n g as they continue to fish i n those inlets, thereby recreating their f a m i l i e s ' culture i n real and productive w a y s . A s w i t h fishing, fish f a r m i n g is not considered to be separate f r o m social life. Joe C a m p b e l l ( T o f i n o , band manager, A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n ) , for e x a m p l e , observed at the fish farm at B a r e B l u f f that: " T h e dogfish c o m e around and it creates dependency [on the feed]. Just l i k e w h e n there's a free m e a l , lots o f people go there." U l t i m a t e l y , Joe C a m p b e l l says, the dependency o f w i l d fish on fish pellets is " g o i n g to be at the cost o f the p u b l i c . " H e wonders whether "the government [is] g o i n g to be liable . . . for any damage to the environment and to the lives o f [his] p e o p l e ? " Joe C a m p b e l l ' s c o m m e n t s relate directly to the e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n o f his c o m m u n i t y , A h o u s a h t , where, u n l i k e A l e r t B a y , w h i c h remains more or less steadfastly opposed to any i n v o l v e m e n t i n the industry, as m a n y as 60 people w o r k at, and have s l o w l y become dependent o n , the nearby fish farms and processing plant. In fact, fish f a r m i n g is the o n l y major e m p l o y e r i n the c o m m u n i t y besides the band administration. L i k e other aboriginal c o m m u n i t i e s a l o n g the coast, the l i c e n s i n g schemes and other governmental fisheries regulations d e p r i v e d the A h o u s a h t o f  84  c o m m e r c i a l access to their adjacent, w i l d fisheries and m a n y A h o u s a h t w o r k as wage laborers disconnected f r o m the fishing e c o n o m y . Just as w i l d s a l m o n are k n o w n to be c l o s e l y intertwined w i t h F i r s t N a t i o n s as people, so farmed s a l m o n are thought to represent the beliefs and agendas o f n o n aboriginal people. In fact, N a t i v e witnesses often described fish f a r m i n g as part o f a larger program to either exterminate or assimilate aboriginal people, " T h i s is a l l b e i n g done, this genocide o f a race, b e i n g done under the guise o f f a r m i n g , under the guise o f e c o n o m i c development" ( A r t D i c k , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) . H e r e , he is interpreting farmed fish as an extension o f the colonizers, just as w i l d s a l m o n are v i e w e d as an extension o f his people. T h e N a m g i s people are particularly sensitized to the cultural v i o l e n c e that comes from attempts at assimilation. V e r a N e w m a n ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) is n o longer able to d i g c l a m s because she "live[s] i n a different w o r l d . . . . w e are t o l d to get educated... we c o m e home w i t h an education and we don't get the j o b s . " W h a t V e r a N e w m a n points out very clearly is that her inability to harvest w i l d marine species is a direct and  material  consequence o f n o n - N a t i v e intrusions into N a t i v e understandings o f people and the environment. In other words, n o n - N a t i v e understandings o f fishing, w h e n i m p o s e d o n N a t i v e people, are more than mere discourse: they do perceptible damage to the l i v e s o f real i n d i v i d u a l s . W h e n fishing is n o longer an option, people are starved o f their life and meaning: "I sit here and I watch our [fishing] boats, I feel l i k e c r y i n g . I feel l i k e our c o m m u n i t y has just l a i d d o w n and d i e d " (ibid). H e r e , cultural meanings are not understood as mere beliefs or attitudes, but as resources critical to s u r v i v a l . In it's U ' m i s t a C u l t u r a l Center, the N a m g i s  85  N a t i o n remembers the potlatch b a n o f the early 20 century i n a d i s p l a y o f the seized and repatriated items. T h e F a l l 2000 edition o f U ' m i s t a news explains that the center is designed as a place for people to " i n f o r m themselves about the genocide that is o u r history."  22  Identity a n d place T h e a b o r i g i n a l testimonies at the Leggatt I n q u i r y were f i l l e d w i t h references to the traditional territories o f particular bands and nations. P e o p l e discussed places i n h i g h l y specific w a y s , b y always associating places w i t h their inhabitants. E a c h d a y ' s proceedings were opened b y a statement w e l c o m i n g the audience a n d the speakers to a particular territory, thereby letting the n o n - N a t i v e listeners k n o w what sort o f place it was that w a s hosting the i n q u i r y . Pat A l f r e d ( N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) i n t r o d u c e d the P o r t H a r d y meeting b y stating that his mother is K w a g i u l t h : She lives here i n this v i l l a g e , a n d the l a n d that y o u sit o n today I w e l c o m e y o u to c o m e share w i t h us o n the l a n d o f the K w a k i u t l people, the traditional territory. . . . In f o l l o w i n g the proper p r o t o c o l , I h a d to d o that scene as y o u [Judge Leggatt] d i d n ' t - someone s h o u l d have e x p l a i n e d the protocol . . . they [First N a t i o n s ' people] s h o u l d a l w a y s be there to w e l c o m e . Pat A l f r e d went o n to e x p l a i n that "the first thing y o u do w h e n y o u arrive at Port H a r d y " is " y o u go a n d meet the c h i e f and c o u n c i l o f that v i l l a g e because y o u ' r e i n a traditional territory." B i l l C r a n m e r ( N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) f r o m A l e r t B a y pointed out that the testimonies g i v e n o n that d a y " w i l l address o n l y o u r territories." These w e l c o m i n g procedures created an environment i n w h i c h First N a t i o n s ' meanings o f place, a n d b y extension, p e o p l e ' s meanings o f w h o they are as people in those places, c o u l d permeate the discussions about s a l m o n f a r m i n g . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the w e l c o m i n g speeches gave authority  86  to a w a y o f common-sense t h i n k i n g that understands places i n a very different w a y f r o m s a l m o n f a r m i n g interests. It is not surprising that the notion o f place plays such a central role i n the debate over First N a t i o n s and s a l m o n f a r m i n g , g i v e n that conflicts over l a n d have a l w a y s been the p r i m a r y point o f contention between aboriginal groups and their colonizers. Fhstorically, colonizers have failed to recognize the specificity o f F i r s t N a t i o n s notions o f place, a n d " a c c o r d i n g to the p r o v i n c e , Indians d i d n ' t need l a n d because they o w n e d e v e r y t h i n g i n the sea, so they gave us [Indians] b a s i c a l l y ten acres per f a m i l y o f five as opposed to 350 for every B r i t i s h subject w h e n they allocated l a n d " (George A l f r e d , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First Nation). T h e c o l o n i a l emphasis on space, rather than place, treats fish farms as though they act o n a generic coastal environment. A s B r u c e B r a u n has pointed out, n o n - N a t i v e people often construct nature as e m p t y space, w i t h o n l y particular actors authorized to speak for it. W h e n nature is understood as a separate object o f environmental contemplation and scientific c a l c u l a t i o n , indigenous people c o m e under c o l o n i a l c o n t r o l , a n d are v a r i o u s l y p l a c e d i n , around, or outside o f carefully d e l i m i t e d p l a c e s .  23  T h e treatment o f places as  homogenous spaces a l l o w s l a n d to be separated from its original inhabitants and reconfigured i n w a y s that satisfy c o l o n i a l agendas. B r u c e B r a u n has d i s c o v e r e d such expressions o f place-as-space i n the p u b l i c relations materials p u b l i s h e d b y the forestry c o m p a n y M a c M i l l a n B l o e d e l operating i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . It s h o u l d c o m e as little surprise therefore, that s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies i n the p r o v i n c e construct place i n m u c h the same w a y .  87  C o l e H a r r i s has noted that i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the allocation o f reserves, the o p e n i n g o f l a n d to settlers, and the extinguishment o f rights o f N a t i v e usage, custom, and l a w a l l contributed to a particularly oppressive f o r m o f c o l o n i a l p o w e r .  2 4  B y reorganizing  N a t i v e space, N a t i v e p e o p l e ' s possibilities for action became severely constrained. A s a f o r m o f d i s c i p l i n a r y power, the alienation o f N a t i v e people f r o m their l a n d was an attempt to r i d people o f k n o w l e d g e about w h o they were. N o t o n l y do seasonal rounds n o w lie outside reserve boundaries, but the spatial control o f a b o r i g i n a l people has g i v e n the colonizers the ability to attempt to force a b o r i g i n a l people to assimilate into mainstream E u r o - C a n a d i a n culture. A s D a n i e l C l a y t o n has pointed out, the redefinition o f N a t i v e space, particularly its redefinition as C r o w n land, was central to the i m p e r i a l f a s h i o n i n g o f Vancouver Island.  25  T h e idea that N a t i v e culture cannot be reinvigorated until ancestral  lands are restored therefore lies at the center o f present-day rights c l a i m s . F o r m a n y o f the N a t i v e people w h o appeared at the Leggatt Inquiry, s a l m o n f a r m i n g represents a direct infringement on the right to use and o c c u p y particular ocean territories. T h i s sense o f loss was articulated b y R u s s e l l K w a k s e e s t a h l a ( C a m p b e l l R i v e r , hereditary chief, L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h First N a t i o n ) w h o said that "some o f those areas are o u r h o m e l a n d and w e d o n ' t want to lose our c l a m beaches and fishing reefs et cetera to fish farms." These places are not at the frontier, near the edges o f the territorial boundaries, from w h i c h resources are extracted and transported back to the center. Instead, homelands are at the center o f wealth, and the fishing spots and other resource-gathering sites that m a k e up these homelands p r o v i d e people w i t h a w a y o f life. Witnesses seemed to consider themselves to be at the very center o f places, m a n y o f w h i c h are n o w o c c u p i e d or affected b y fish farms, and they saw no difference between p h y s i c a l and cultural m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n .  88  R o b e r t Joseph ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n , hereditary chief, G w a w a e n u k tribe) e x p l a i n e d this m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n b y m a k i n g reference to his p e o p l e ' s traditional territories: If it does indeed . . . i m p a c t our access to these resources w e are g o i n g to see more and more o f our people m a r g i n a l i z e d and more and more o f o u r people m o v i n g into places l i k e d o w n t o w n east side V a n c o u v e r and to other places o f poverty l i v i n g on the periphery o f the wealth that other people are accustomed to (Robert Joseph,. R u s s e l l K w a k s e e s t a h l a ' s presentation began w i t h a statement about the alienation o f his p e o p l e ' s lands without treaties, and his past w o r k i n a "society [created] six years ago on f i s h i n g i n the c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g industry and fishing rights for critical issues w i t h L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h people." " W e still enjoy 100 percent sovereignty and w e o w n 100 percent o f our homelands," he said. T h e present crisis o v e r s a l m o n f a r m i n g is i n his v i e w an extension o f "the crimes against humanity acted upon us b y the c o l o n i a l pirates and thieves that i n v a d e d our homelands." W i t h o u t the wealth o f his p e o p l e ' s territories, "people have suffered since . . . [other] people feel or assume that they have j u r i s d i c t i o n i n our h o m e l a n d . " C h r i s C o o k ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) , as president o f the N a t i v e B r o t h e r h o o d , a fishers' u n i o n and the oldest active N a t i v e organization i n C a n a d a , sees the same t h i n g f r o m a more general point o f v i e w . H e e m p h a s i z e d the discrepancy between the " f i s h i n g opportunities i n our o c e a n " and the adjacent people's l a c k o f access to those riches: "today, I ' v e never seen so m u c h poverty as I travel up and d o w n the coast," he concluded. T h e places at w h i c h fish f a r m i n g takes place are not abstract spots that are "out there" i n the wilderness; instead they are specific locations that are i n t i m a t e l y k n o w n . T h e status o f these places, as places, seems to c o m e f r o m their i n v o l v e m e n t i n the f i s h i n g e c o n o m y . S y d n e y S a m , Sr. ( T o f i n o , A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n ) was a herring fisherman w h o discussed the differences between C y p r e s s B a y , "where there was about three or four  89  farms, w h i c h used to be at one time one o f the best s p a w n i n g areas for h e r r i n g " but w h i c h hasn't " h a d a spawn there for years n o w " and S y d n e y Inlet, "where there's no farms at a l l " and "herring [have] c o m e back." T h i s k i n d o f detailed k n o w l e d g e o f place is central to the " p r o t o c o l " agreement, signed i n the fall o f 2 0 0 2 , between the A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n and P a c i f i c N a t i o n a l A q u a c u l t u r e . T h e agreement recognizes, at least i n p r i n c i p l e , A h o u s a h t ' s traditional territories (ha-hoolthee) and the hereditary chiefs w h o o w n them ( h a ' w i i h ) . A h o u s a h t agreed to a l l o w the already e x i s t i n g s a l m o n farms onto its territories i n exchange for influence over siting decisions and f a r m i n g practices. F o r A h o u s a h t , the consequences o f fish f a r m i n g are specific and anticipated at n a m e d and k n o w n locations: I guess the reason I say l o c a l k n o w l e d g e plays a k e y role is - a g o o d one is the B a r e B l u f f issue. . . . W e t o l d them no, w e don't want that farm there [Bare B l u f f ] . D e s p i t e our opposition, they went and d i d it a n y w a y . L o and b e h o l d this year what happens? T h e biggest mortality rate y o u ' v e ever seen. W e ' r e t o l d 20 feet o f dead fish on the bottom, m a y b e even more, plus floating fish on top ( D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l , Tofino, Ahousaht First Nation). T h e s i g n i n g o f this new agreement m a y address D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l ' s concerns and c o u l d represent a significant attempt b y both parties to m o v e the s a l m o n f a r m i n g c o m p a n y towards an understanding o f fish f a r m i n g locations as places, rather than mere spaces. B a y s , inlets, and other k i n d s o f fishing spots are not mere b a c k g r o u n d , but are w e l l k n o w n characters that participate i n a social life made possible through the harvesting, processing, and c o n s u m p t i o n o f fish. Places invite, a l l o w , and facilitate a w a y o f life centered around a f i s h i n g e c o n o m y , and seem to contain the essence o f what it means to be a F i r s t N a t i o n s ' person. T h i s seems to be true also o f northern, interior F i r s t N a t i o n s i n the A r c t i c . Judge Berger, i n the report o f his i n q u i r y into the proposed M a c K e n z i e V a l l e y P i p e l i n e , wrote that "the relationship o f the northern N a t i v e to the l a n d is still the  90  foundation o f his o w n sense o f identity. It is on the l a n d that he recovers a sense o f w h o he is."  2 6  W h i l e n o n - N a t i v e s often equate agriculture w i t h place and hunting and fishing w i t h the lack o f place, First N a t i o n s ' people tend to c o m e to the opposite c o n c l u s i o n : that a w a y o f life based on fishing is c l o s e l y tied to locations, whereas agriculture (like fish farming) does a w a y w i t h the need for specific p l a c e s .  27  F i n f i s h aquaculture is a f o r m o f f a r m i n g , and  A t l a n t i c s a l m o n can be cultivated i n waters f r o m C h i l e to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , assuming that a set o f temperature, salinity, and ocean current conditions are met. F i s h f a r m i n g , l i k e agriculture, is tied to places, i n that particular spots are o c c u p i e d w i t h r o w s o f net pens. F i s h i n g places, on the other hand, are less v i s i b l e to the outsider. T h i s contradiction between the importance o f a place and its outward appearance to n o n - N a t i v e s l e d Stan H u n t ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) to compare the destruction o f f i s h i n g places to the destruction o f farms. H e used a v o c a b u l a r y he thought his listeners w o u l d understand, w h e n he said: It's almost akin to y o u h a v i n g a f a r m and y o u have certain crops that y o u are planting and then I c o m e i n without telling y o u what I was g o i n g to do and uproot everything that y o u have got and plant something else. T h a t ' s b a s i c a l l y what these fish farms have done to us. T h e y have absolutely r u i n e d the w a y we l i v e d . A s the speakers at the Leggatt I n q u i r y e x p l a i n e d i n great detail, places a l o n g the coast are not o c c u p i e d b y people as c o l o n i z e r s o f a n o n - h u m a n nature. Instead, s a l m o n and people together lay c l a i m to places. C o m m i t m e n t to a h o m e l a n d precludes people from m o v i n g on to other places because s a l m o n too are constrained to particular rivers, runs, and habitats: " P e o p l e have c o m e and gone i n our area, and no matter h o w b a d it's been, w e ' v e still been here . . . w e are the s a l m o n people, K w a k w a k a ' w a k w " ( M i k e Stadnyk, A l e r t B a y ,  91  N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . D a n S m i t h o f C a m p b e l l R i v e r ( L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h F i r s t N a t i o n ) , also a K w a k w a k a ' w a k w , concurred: T h e w i l d stock have a  homeland. T h e y have their respective streams, their  respective rivers to ensure that they continue. A n d they do not want to be dislocated or disenfranchised or pushed out b y the exotic or foreign species that are b e i n g introduced. D a n S m i t h used the same v o c a b u l a r y to talk about both b i o l o g i c a l invasions and the intrusion o f people into his territories. B e c a u s e there has been " a desire o f m a n y people to m o v e into these areas, [the traditional territories o f the L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h people, they] extended the hand o f friendship and hospitality as [their] ancestors h a d . " Indeed, C a m p b e l l R i v e r , w i t h its abundance o f p u l p m i l l s and other industries is the most u r b a n i z e d o f the four V a n c o u v e r Island c o m m u n i t i e s visited b y the i n q u i r y . H o w e v e r , these industries have not made D a n S m i t h ' s people wealthy; as he pointed out, "the legacy that is n o w l e f t . . . is a legacy o f e x p l o i t a t i o n " .  Identity and groups Fisheries that are regulated b y l o c a l people are considered legitimate because they "respect the f i s h i n g right o f the A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n , their people, houses and c h i e f s " (Darrell C a m p e l l , T o f i n o , A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n ) . B u t i n practice, D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l said, " D F O manages the fisheries - there is n o respect either for the fish or for the rights o f the First N a t i o n s " . G r o u p life is disrupted w h e n "other people c o m e into [the] area" and " m a k e rules and regulations about h o w things are g o i n g to w o r k " (Stan H u n t , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . T h e changed rules i n c l u d e decisions about w h o has rights o f access to resources. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , A r t D i c k (Alert B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) was able to m a k e o o l i g a n grease at a specific location, his access granted b y the owners o f the fishing spot: "I  92  thank the T a n a k t e u k and the people f r o m K n i g h t s Inlet to a l l o w m e to do this," he said. A r o u n d the same area, there are tree farms i n hunting territories to w h i c h his people "no longer have access... because someone has d e c i d e d i n their lofty towers that this is what they are g o i n g to d o " (ibid). Leaders o f bands and organizations i n particular expressed a great deal o f anxiety over what fish f a r m i n g w o u l d do to their people as a w h o l e . P e r c y W i l l i a m s ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , hereditary chief, K w i c k s u t a i n e u k tribe), for instance, r e m a r k e d that the biggest insult that s a l m o n f a r m i n g brings to his people is its effect on group life: " O u r territory and our people have endured the worst i m p a c t above a l l c a l l i n g to question our traditional w a y o f life, an issue that we w i l l not tolerate." R u s s e l l K w a k s e e s t a h l a ( C a m p b e l l R i v e r , L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h First N a t i o n ) spoke o f fishing for f a m i l y members w h o were unable to fish for themselves: " A couple o f years ago I fished at the K a k w e i k e n i n T h o m p s o n B a y . . . on the C a p e G e o r g i a -1.was'fishing for m y b a b y brother - we had 35 o f these A t l a n t i c s a l m o n i n one catch." G e n e r a l l y , the speakers w o n d e r e d not about their o w n future, but about " w h a t ' s g o i n g to happen to us" (George A l f r e d , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s F i r s t Nation). C o n c e r n about the survival o f First N a t i o n s as distinct groups o f people was c o m m o n a m o n g the witnesses at the i n q u i r y . T h e y v o i c e d great fears that they w o u l d not be able to pass on k n o w l e d g e about their w a y o f life to their descendants. A s D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l ( T o f i n o , A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n ) said, "the reason we are f i g h t i n g here .. .it's not for us, it's for o u r c h i l d r e n ' s c h i l d r e n . " It appears as though fish f a r m i n g is i n conflict w i t h fishing, not o n l y because it constitutes an altogether different f o r m o f production, but also because it i m p l i e s a very different type o f cultural  reproduction. D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l was dissatisfied  93  w i t h the prospect o f h a v i n g to "go to the C l a m B u c k e t i n Port A l b e r n i and pay whatever for that little bucket o f c l a m s " because his "little girl alone can eat t w i c e that amount." T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f lost f i s h i n g opportunities and the rise o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry i m p l i e s a great loss o f k n o w l e d g e . W h e n people are no longer engaged i n f i s h i n g , they are unable to teach their c h i l d r e n the things they k n o w about s a l m o n through their everyday i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the fish. A s a case i n point, W i l l i e M o o n ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) described the impacts o f government f i s h i n g regulations: T h e D a v i s P l a n came and took all our licenses away. . . . F i f t y years f r o m n o w w h e n I talk to m y k i d about a s a l m o n , it's just g o i n g to be a picture F m g o i n g to have to show h i m . A n d I d o n ' t think that's what w e want as F i r s t N a t i o n s people as that is part o f our everyday life is the salmon. T h e observation that cultural production, l i k e f i s h i n g and other e c o n o m i c activities, and cultural reproduction are dependent on one another and w o r k together to sustain and create images, ideas, and s y m b o l s , is also one that has also been made b y others. M e r c h a n t , for example, notes that w h e n the b i o l o g i c a l and social manifestations o f production or reproduction c o m e into conflict, the social w h o l e can be transformed i n p r o f o u n d w a y s .  2 8  T h e change for the s a l m o n people from w i l d s a l m o n capture to industrial fish f a r m i n g seems to be inseparable f r o m changes i n the transmission o f k n o w l e d g e . T h e arrival o f fish farms to their area signals the i m m i n e n t i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f a n e w k i n d o f fish production and social and cultural reproduction that has a l l o w e d people for generations to teach c h i l d r e n about s a l m o n i n relation to d a i l y life.  A C C O U N T S : NEGOTIATING FIRST NATIONS IDENTITY T h e preceding sections suggested that F i r s t N a t i o n s ' speakers at the Leggatt Inquiry frequently spoke p r o u d l y as aboriginal people whose everyday, common-sense realities  94  attach unique sets o f meanings to fish and people. These accounts were b e l i e v a b l e because they p r o v i d e d the listener w i t h information about the cultural context i n w h i c h the testimonies are g o o d reasons for speaking against s a l m o n f a r m i n g . T h e speakers w h o appeared at these hearings seemed to anticipate discrepancies between the identity under w h i c h they oppose s a l m o n f a r m i n g , and the identity that has been i m p o s e d on them b y n o n aboriginal listeners: " l i k e w e ' r e cave m e n , l i k e w e ' r e r u n n i n g around i n the bushes t h r o w i n g rocks at birds and bears was the v i s i o n they had o f Indians" (George A l f r e d , A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . G e o r g e A l f r e d also r e c a l l e d the experience he had i n the early 1970s d u r i n g meetings w i t h forestry companies w h o wanted access to the traditional territory o f the N a m g i s . A t that time, the First N a t i o n ' s representatives were unable to get their point across to the industry: "every time w e came to a meeting they said: ' o h , no, no, y o u guys got y o u r facts w r o n g . T h i s is s c i e n t i f i c ' Y o u k n o w , ' Y o u guys don't k n o w what y o u ' r e t a l k i n g about.'" A s a result, G e o r g e A l f r e d used a different identity i n order to strengthen his o w n preferred definition o f w h o he is b y p o i n t i n g out to h i m s e l f that o n l y science w i l l be able to m a k e his testimony believable. H e described this, process and pointed out its transferability to the case o f salmon farming: S o w e thought, w e l l , okay, w e ' l l go play their game. S o w e started getting scientific information t r y i n g to fight facts w i t h facts, y o u k n o w . S o h o p e f u l l y w e are g o i n g to c o m e out ahead on this [salmon farming]. . . . W h e n w e saw what happened w i t h open net-pens, w e l l , it w a s n ' t right. In other words, science m a y serve to defend aboriginal p e o p l e ' s conceptions o f w h o they are as people. H o w e v e r , p r o m o t i n g the use o f science to solve resource-related controversies m a y endanger the ability o f First N a t i o n s ' people to maintain the identity o f their particular band. A focus on science can easily cause First N a t i o n s ' k n o w l e d g e c l a i m s  95  to be d i s m i s s e d ; this is because N a t i v e people k n o w that their o w n oral history is often considered to be the opposite o f " o b j e c t i v e " science. F o r e x a m p l e , B i l l C r a n m e r ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) related his experience sending letters to government ministries w h o had a hard time accepting First N a t i o n s accounts: " A t times replies were r e c e i v e d i n f o r m i n g us that our concerns d i d not have scientific evidence and were o n l y oral history and the fish farm application w o u l d be approved." Witnesses appearing at the i n q u i r y seemed to k n o w that, despite the recent flurry o f interest i n " l o c a l e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e , " the w a y s that l o c a l people understand their adjacent resources is not considered altogether credible, unless this k n o w l e d g e can be directly translated into a scientific vocabulary. E v e n e x p l i c i t attempts to integrate harvesters' l o c a l k n o w l e d g e and fisheries science, such as that o f R o w e and F e l t h a m , seem constrained by the constant need to assess the truth o f these alternative understandings o f ecosystem processes through scientific data. Nevertheless, most First N a t i o n s ' speakers c l e a r l y saw the need to have science on their side to support and legitimate their c l a i m s based i n traditional k n o w l e d g e . C h r i s C o o k ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) , for instance, believes that C a n a d a has an o b l i g a t i o n to First N a t i o n s ' people to g i v e them access to a science that c o u l d help them continue e x i s t i n g as distinct people. H e argued that S o m e b o d y said here earlier about the fiduciary o b l i g a t i o n that the government has . . . that they have for m y people. . . . I d o n ' t see Indian A f f a i r s or the Department o f Fisheries and Oceans s a y i n g , ' W e s h o u l d be g i v i n g y o u m o n e y , w e s h o u l d be h e l p i n g y o u people to have whatever k i n d o f b i o l o g i s t or whatever y o u need to help you'. S i m i l a r l y , R o d S a m ( T o f i n o , A h o u s a h t First N a t i o n ) used his k n o w l e d g e o f place as a w a y o f u n d e r l i n i n g the need for scientific studies to corroborate his p e o p l e ' s k n o w l e d g e : " O u r  96  traditional territory is unique i n itself and different f r o m each and every other area. T h a t ' s w h y w e ' v e been a s k i n g and pushing for these different studies to be done f r o m industry and government, and i t ' s a s l o w process." Pat A l f r e d (Port H a r d y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) was also not afraid to assert what he k n o w s about places, and by extension about h i m s e l f and his people, as a w a y o f redirecting science so that it can be useful i n protecting his identity. H e noted that a D F O study, i n w h i c h they "sent i n a dragger to go i n to do some test fishery [for fish infected w i t h sea lice] i n the seine boats," was useless because "none o f those test f i s h i n g o f the m a i n l a n d inlets were actually done where the p r o b l e m was - they were done outside those places." Pat A l f r e d contends that this type o f science stands i n contrast to the " G u a r d i a n P r o g r a m  3 0  w i t h i n the K w a k i u t l F i s h e r y C o m m i s s i o n w h i c h patrols the m a i n l a n d inlets" that is the "eyes and ears o f [his] people." Robert Joseph ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) also made a close connection between a science that makes use o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ways o f k n o w i n g about themselves, and the ability o f that science to prevent his people f r o m b e c o m i n g " m a r g i n a l i z e d . " H e l o o k e d f o r w a r d to a day " w h e n w e can have a complete dialogue and we have a w h o l e science i n c l u d i n g traditional k n o w l e d g e . " A few witnesses e m p h a s i z e d not o n l y their p o s i t i o n as First N a t i o n s people, but as types o f i n d i v i d u a l s that are found on both sides o f the N a t i v e - n o n - N a t i v e d i v i d e . V e r a N e w m a n ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) , for example, came to give her presentation at the Leggatt I n q u i r y w i t h her 18-month o l d granddaughter G w i n k i l a g . She began her speech w i t h a declaration o f her hereditary position - " F m G w i t m o l a s . I c o m e f r o m M a m a l i l i k u l l a and ' N a m g i s " - and she lamented the w a y s i n w h i c h her c o m m u n i t y ' s i n a b i l i t y to fish has endangered her ability to be a First N a t i o n s ' person. She d i d this b y c o n t i n u a l l y m a k i n g  97  reference to her granddaughter, and the fact that she is a grandmother. It is her granddaughter's lost opportunity to take part i n and benefit f r o m the f i s h i n g industry that caused her distress, not o n l y because her f a m i l y is aboriginal. She pointed out that "this y o u n g g i r l ' s grandfather doesn't b e l o n g i n the industry a n y m o r e . " B y e m p h a s i z i n g her role as a grandmother, V e r a N e w m a n appealed even to those w h o m i g h t not k n o w what it means to be a First N a t i o n s ' person. A p p a r e n t l y , " e v e r y b o d y k n o w s " that grandmothers stand for care and respect: "I just see our boats sitting here and I see this c o m m u n i t y hurting . . . and I just want to leave that statement as a grandmother that 31  w e have to start c a r i n g and start m a y a x a l a - i n g . "  In m u c h the same w a y , C h r i s C o o k  ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) spoke to the i n q u i r y as a " h u m a n " , rather than as a m e m b e r o f his b a n d or o f the N a t i v e B r o t h e r h o o d : " T h i s is not a l l the p o s i t i o n o f m y band, m y B o a r d o f the N a t i v e B r o t h e r h o o d , but these are the things that I see as a h u m a n b e i n g first, but as a F i r s t N a t i o n . " D e s p i t e the m a n y cases i n w h i c h s w i t c h e d identities appeared to actually strengthen the speaker's p o s i t i o n as a m e m b e r o f a First N a t i o n , there were a few instances i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s seemed to reject outright the meanings that others i n their b a n d regarded as indicative o f First N a t i o n s ' status. T h i s appeared to be the case for employees o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies w h o w o r k e d as c o m m u n i t y l i a i s o n workers. Heritage A q u a c u l t u r e has hired E d D a w s o n ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) to relay i n f o r m a t i o n and concerns between the c o m p a n y and various First N a t i o n s c o m m u n i t i e s . H i s v i e w is that trade-offs between environment and e m p l o y m e n t exist, and that fish f a r m i n g is acceptable as l o n g as the e n v i r o n m e n t a l benefits lost do not exceed the benefits gained through e m p l o y m e n t . " A t present, I k n o w the e m p l o y m e n t doesn't mean m u c h c o m p a r e d to our environment, but  98  I ' v e tried, I ' v e tried," he said. H e r e , E d D a w s o n is m a k i n g use o f his e m p l o y e r s ' assumptions about the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f culture and e c o n o m y . Other speakers' understandings d i d not separate the w a y s i n w h i c h fish c u l t u r a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y b r i n g sustenance to people. Perhaps these conflicts o v e r what it means to be aboriginal are the reason E d D a w s o n has been so unsuccessful at b u i l d i n g connections between the industry and his people: " I ' m also there to really w o r k for our people. P e o p l e d o n ' t realize that. P e o p l e have never used m e . " E l m e r F r a n k (Tofino, Tla-o-quiaht First N a t i o n ) , w h o w o r k s as the liaison officer for C r e a t i v e S a l m o n , believes that his people do not have the ability to evaluate whether or not s a l m o n farms s h o u l d be located i n their territory. H e a c k n o w l e d g e d that,, "as T l a - o - q u i aht First N a t i o n does not have a full understanding o f s a l m o n farms, h o w they operate w i t h i n o u r territory, it w o u l d be inappropriate to have o p p o s i t i o n to something that w e d o n ' t k n o w about." T h i s is i n direct contrast to the w a y s , e x p l a i n e d earlier i n this chapter, i n w h i c h m a n y F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people talked about fish f a r m i n g as an activity they understand w e l l i n terms o f their k n o w l e d g e o f fish, places, and c o m m u n i t y . E d D a w s o n and E l m e r F r a n k rejected the ways i n w h i c h aboriginal people o f their o w n and n e i g h b o r i n g bands constructed the relations o f s a l m o n and people, i n favor o f other ways o f understanding h u m a n - non-human relations.  IDENTITIES A S A D A P T A B L E STRATEGIES W h e n the vocabularies o f K w a k w a l a and N u u - c h a h - n u l t h witnesses are e x a m i n e d i n detail, it becomes difficult to r i g i d l y separate the accounts that affirm N a t i v e identity as  .  unique and separate f r o m c o l o n i a l l y - i m p o s e d identity, from those accounts that appear to  99  m a k e use o f n o n - N a t i v e expectations about what it means to be a b o r i g i n a l . T h e legal language e m p l o y e d b y m a n y o f the witnesses m a y have been c a l l e d forth b y the presence o f Stuart Leggatt, a retired j u d g e . H o w e v e r , the hearings were h e l d i n g y m n a s i u m s , and so the p h y s i c a l setting o f the i n q u i r y d i d little to r e m i n d participants o f a traditional c o u r t r o o m . A more l i k e l y explanation for the "legalese" used b y the witness is the fact that i n recent legal cases, the N a t i v e people o f C a n a d a have achieved tremendous gains i n their struggle for r e c o g n i t i o n o f their rights. N o t a b l y , the Supreme C o u r t o f C a n a d a , i n their decision i n  Delgamuukw v. British Columbia i n  1997,  ruled that aboriginal oral tradition  and testimony s h o u l d be taken into account i n First N a t i o n s cases. M a n y other court cases also established that there is a duty to consult w i t h N a t i v e people w h e n their c l a i m s to rights and title conflict w i t h plans for n o n - N a t i v e uses o f the land. In some w a y s , the legal "tests" used to determine what constitutes an aboriginal right and whether that right has been infringed upon severely constrains the w a y s i n w h i c h N a t i v e people can talk about themselves, their lands, and their traditions. H o w e v e r , the N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people w h o spoke at the i n q u i r y seemed to be creatively adjusting, m a n i p u l a t i n g , and re-interpreting the legal tools they had, i n order to achieve particular ends. B i l l C r a n m e r , for example, noted that his First N a t i o n s ' interest i n s a l m o n f a r m i n g issues stems f r o m the fact that " A c c o r d i n g to the decision i n  R.  v.  Van der Peet,  33  there is a  test to identify aboriginal rights that can be p r o v e n by s h o w i n g that f i s h i n g i n the area has been an integral part o f our distinctive culture that existed p r i o r to contact and has continued since the time o f contact." H e r e , he is setting out an expression o f identity that f o l l o w s exactly the legal test for establishing an aboriginal right to a fishery or other  100  resource. A l t h o u g h c l a i m s made on the basis o f Van der Peet must be able to sustain the scrutiny o f non-aboriginal standards about h o w N a t i v e and n o n - N a t i v e societies differ, B i l l C r a n m e r can m a k e use o f such court decisions i n order to get those i n p o w e r to listen to his people's appeals to r e m o v e fish farms f r o m the territories represented b y the M u s g a m a g w T r i b a l C o u n c i l . B i l l C r a n m e r also pointed out that N a t i v e reports o f damage f r o m fish farms to eel grass beds, f i s h i n g spots, and fish m i g r a t i o n routes were never g i v e n a fair hearing, but that w i t h the law on consultation emanating f r o m recent B C C o u r t o f A p p e a l decisions,  34  these c l a i m s can no longer be ignored. S i m i l a r l y , C h r i s C o o k , mentioned  earlier i n the context o f negotiated identity, makes reference to the " f i d u c i a r y , " or trust-like obligation that C a n a d a has w i t h N a t i v e people, i n order to c a l l o n the federal government to dedicate scientists to specific issues o f N a t i v e concern. B e c a u s e expressions o f identity are always directed towards the expectations o f others, it is i m p o s s i b l e to distinguish an identity taken o n for a particular purpose f r o m a " r e a l " identity. In fact, it seems that an awareness o f one's self m a y o n l y c o m e b y directing one's attention outside oneself, and fitting one's self, strategically, into a particular social context. T h i s w a y o f understanding the relationship between talk and action is consistent w i t h C . W r i g h t M i l l s ' theory that reasons, explanations, and c l a i m s can o n l y become s o c i a l l y relevant w h e n they are v e r b a l i z e d as part o f social acts, and that the things that m a y be talked about are constrained b y s o c i a l l y constructed "vocabularies o f m o t i v e . "  35  Darrell  C a m p b e l l ' s talk o f the A h o u s a h t l a w systems that predate E u r o p e a n occupation, described earlier i n the context o f identity and f i s h i n g , represents an attempt to e x p a n d Western legal definitions o f property. A t the same time, his c l a i m s o f p r i o r o c c u p a n c y and the pre-  101  existence o f distinct legal systems are the same sorts of justifications for a b o r i g i n a l rights used b y the C a n a d i a n courts. In m u c h the same w a y , place-based expressions o f a b o r i g i n a l rights serve to reinforce the c o s m o l o g i c a l relationship between specific places, hereditary units, and resources, i n ways that can be v o i c e d b y m a k i n g reference to the  same continuity o f  use,  occupation, and m e a n i n g that must be used to prove the existence o f a b o r i g i n a l title i n court. A r t D i c k described the damage salmon farms have done to his herring and o o l i g a n f i s h i n g spots b y e x p l a i n i n g the ways i n w h i c h industrial development i n the particular places he k n o w s about prevents his people from e x e r c i s i n g their right to engage i n traditional activities. Furthermore, the right to fish on the N o r t h w e s t Coast, once d e r i v e d from k i n s h i p and connections to place, is n o w based on the ability to pay for a license or quota a l l o c a t i o n . T h i s source o f a right to access fisheries is contrary to m a n y First N a t i o n s ' m e m b e r s ' understandings o f property and fishing rights, and yet the infringement o f those rights can be described i n W e s t e r n legal terms. Pat A l f r e d (Port H a r d y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) observed that "just the w o r d 'lease' itself f r o m the p r o v i n c e is an infringement [on his a b o r i g i n a l rights]" because he "has no access to the beaches on w h i c h [his] forefathers dug c l a m s for years and years." In this expression o f identity, rights are inseparably l i n k e d to the places that m a k e up their aboriginal homelands, and these places, i n turn, are intimately tied to p e o p l e ' s understandings o f themselves.  CONCLUSION Stuart Leggatt, i n the report he released some months after the hearings, r e c o m m e n d e d , a m o n g other things, that no further expansion o f either n e w or e x i s t i n g open net-cage fish farm sites be a l l o w e d to take p l a c e .  36  M u c h to the disappointment o f m a n y o f  102  the people w h o spoke at the i n q u i r y , this recommendation has not been adopted b y the p r o v i n c i a l government, and since the i n q u i r y , the dispute over the industry has o n l y intensified. In September o f 2 0 0 2 , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s new L i b e r a l government lifted a seven-year m o r a t o r i u m on the expansion o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry. H o w e v e r , the p r o v i n c e ' s F i r s t N a t i o n s have not been standing i d l y b y as these events u n f o l d . In the fall o f 2002, for e x a m p l e , w h e n r e c o r d - l o w returns o f fish to rivers i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o made it clear that p i n k s a l m o n runs had collapsed, it was the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people l i v i n g i n and around A l e r t B a y that put pressure on the federal Department o f Fisheries and Oceans ( D F O ) to help protect the w i l d species f r o m the diseases and parasites harbored b y s a l m o n farms. T h e D F O "action p l a n " i n c l u d e d e m p t y i n g s a l m o n farms o f fish for a few months, a l o n g certain paths k n o w n to be migratory corridors for w i l d fish, and initiating a sea lice m o n i t o r i n g program. . A l t h o u g h these gains m a y seem s m a l l and incremental, they represent the expenditure o f a great deal o f effort b y b a n d c o u n c i l s and other N a t i v e organizations. F i r s t N a t i o n s groups disagree about the best strategies for affecting change. W h e r e a s the A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n has recently b e c o m e a m e m b e r o f the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , and continues to reap e m p l o y m e n t and other monetary benefits f r o m P a c i f i c N a t i o n a l A q u a c u l t u r e i n exchange for a say i n f a r m i n g operations, the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n maintains "zero-tolerance" for fish f a r m i n g i n its territories, and is preparing to b r i n g its grievances against the industry to court. In September o f 2 0 0 2 , the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ( B C A F C ) hosted the first annual F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t . B e c a u s e o f the h i g h profile o f the B C A F C , industry and government representatives appeared at the meeting, and there they were forced, at least to  103  a s m a l l degree, to be accountable to the N a t i v e people i n whose territories s a l m o n is farmed. In these and other w a y s , N a t i v e groups continue to actively engage w i t h the forces that threaten their resources, identities, and territories. S a l m o n f a n n i n g is understood by m a n y o f the.First N a t i o n s ' people w h o appeared at the i n q u i r y as a continued assault on their ability to r e c o n c i l e w h o they are and h o w they understand themselves, w i t h their opportunities for fishing, c l a m m i n g , or otherwise acting i n the real w o r l d . N a t i v e people r e l y on resource economies very different f r o m the ones E u r o - C a n a d i a n s k n o w . Therefore, understandings o f identity are more than mere discourse; i m p o s e d identities d i s e m p o w e r and do extensive damage to the lives and economies  of First  N a t i o n s people. A s D o u g l a s H a r r i s put it: .. .fisheries officials, cannery owners, and f l y fishers, despite their differences, shared a set o f cultural assumptions about progress, c i v i l i z a t i o n , and the l a w . These shared discourses reproduced a set o f relationships that e x c l u d e d N a t i v e people f r o m control o f their f i s h e r i e s . 37  B a s e d on the responses o f the i n q u i r y ' s witnesses to these unstated but unquestioned cultural assumptions, it is clear that s a l m o n farmers too b e l o n g i n H a r r i s ' list. T h e N u u chah-nulth and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w identities, w h i c h r e v o l v e around place, fishing, and group life, can also be understood as inextricable parts o f a subsistence economy. It is w i t h some trepidation that I use the w o r d "subsistence" here, as the i m a g i n e d separation between personal c o n s u m p t i o n and trade is what gave rise to the idea o f the " f o o d fishery" in the first place: T h e C a n a d i a n government's ' i n v e n t i o n ' o f an Indian f o o d - f i s h i n g tradition i n the late nineteenth century, w h i c h equated Indian fisheries strictly w i t h subsistence harvesting is a far cry f r o m either the past or present reality o f the c o m m e r c i a l importance o f traditional foods for N o r t h w e s t C o a s t N a t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s . P a c i f i c coast methods for what anthropologist W a y n e Suttles calls ' c o p i n g w i t h abundance' . . . i n c l u d e d establishing elaborate systems o f resource e x p l o i t a t i o n , co-use o f  104  harvesting sites a m o n g groups, f o o d preservation and storage, patterns o f specialization, and inter-village and - r e g i o n a l e x c h a n g e .  38  H o w e v e r , the concept o f the "subsistence" e c o n o m y can help further e x p l a i n the expressions o f identity heard at the Leggatt Inquiry. "Subsistence" is best understood i n the  economic sense,  as an integrative activity that rejects the fragmentation o f harvesting  activities into their cultural, m a n u a l , and b i o l o g i c a l c o m p o n e n t s .  39  M a n y o f the conflicts  between E u r o - C a n a d i a n and Indian identity that were referred to b y the speakers e o u l d be understood as conflicts between a subsistence lifestyle - or at the very least a w a y o f life that c o m b i n e s subsistence w i t h c o m m o d i t y production - and the c o m m e r c i a l production o f marine resources. O t h e r N o r t h A m e r i c a n N a t i v e groups also see the subsistence e c o n o m y as a k e y m a r k e r o f Indian identity. T h e recent conflicts i n W i s c o n s i n o v e r O j i b w e f i s h i n g rights, for e x a m p l e , i n v o l v e d a fundamental misunderstanding, on the part o f the anti-treaty rights groups, o f the nature o f the subsistence e c o n o m y .  40  T h i s l i n k between identities and  modes o f production is possible because p r o d u c t i o n is a l w a y s practiced b y particular  types  of people, w h o produce and consume resources i n ways consistent w i t h their identity. U n l i k e p h y s i c a l extermination, assimilation has l o n g been considered b y Canadians to be a m o r a l l y acceptable solution to the "Indian p r o b l e m . " A c c o r d i n g to F r a n c i s , " a s s i m i l a t i o n was a p o l i c y intended to preserve Indians as i n d i v i d u a l s b y destroying them as a p e o p l e . "  41  B y suppressing N a t i v e e c o n o m i c life, and b y a s s i m i l a t i n g N a t i v e people into  the mainstream market e c o n o m y , i n d i v i d u a l s are stripped o f their identities and assigned n e w ones. T h e appearance o f salmon f a r m i n g i n First N a t i o n s territories m a y therefore constitute an attempt to c u l t u r a l l y m a r g i n a l i z e N a t i v e people, b y f o r c i n g them into an e c o n o m y that prevents them from engaging i n the material practices that guarantee their w a y o f life. E v i d e n c e presented at the Leggatt I n q u i r y strongly suggests that contemporary  105  First N a t i o n s ' people are k e e n l y aware o f the cultural v i o l e n c e that stems f r o m these assimilationist techniques. " T h e y d i d n ' t d o it to us w i t h s m a l l p o x . . . but they are g o i n g to do it to us w i t h fish farms," said V e r a N e w m a n ( A l e r t B a y , N a m g i s First N a t i o n ) . In their survey o f the K w a k i u t l o f northern V a n c o u v e r Island, W e i n s t e i n and M o r r e l l f o u n d that, despite the fact that people operate i n a m i x e d subsistence-commercial  economy, their core understandings of themselves still revolve around the principles of subsistence production. Three o f the features o f subsistence p r o d u c t i o n that W e i n s t e i n and M o r r e l l identified were (1) the sense that places are specific and not interchangeable; (2) a management theory that is based on reciprocity between fishers and fish, rather than a technical, detached process; and (3) a strong sense that f i s h i n g is for the benefit o f the group. These characteristics o f subsistence p r o d u c t i o n correspond quite c l o s e l y w i t h the themes around w h i c h the First N a t i o n s ' witnesses at the i n q u i r y structured their explanations o f w h o they were as people, and w h y those definitions o f themselves were i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h fish f a r m i n g . T h e F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people described here understand themselves as subsistence harvesters that use specific places. B e c a u s e o f the importance o f particular places i n their understandings o f h o w they s h o u l d interact w i t h their environment, it comes as no surprise that First N a t i o n s ' fishers are oriented towards l o c a l ecosystem processes, rather than towards larger, g l o b a l , and interchangeable units o f production. In their v i e w , fish farms not o n l y produce fish for sale i n markets, but also seek to h o m o g e n i z e places so that they fit a particular set o f criteria designed to m a x i m i z e fish growth. P e o p l e also saw themselves as " l i v i n g " f i s h i n g i n m u c h the same w a y as the inshore subsistence fishery o f rural N e w f o u n d l a n d encompassed " a w h o l e culture - one i n w h i c h  106  e c o l o g y and e c o n o m y w o r k e d hand i n hand."  T h i s sense o f complete engagement w i t h  the resource is another aspect o f the subsistence e c o n o m y . F r o m this perspective, people do not see fisheries management as a technical exercise that r i g i d l y separates "resources" f r o m the social elements o f fishing. T h i s i m p l i e s that places are not so m u c h k n o w n , as  embodied  and is reminiscent o f P a l s s o n ' s analysis o f "traditional" Icelandic fishers, w h o , he says, are not "containers" that get f i l l e d w i t h traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e , but rather are active participants i n the places and situations through w h i c h they experience their k n o w l e d g e .  43  S i m i l a r l y , witnesses at the Leggatt Inquiry talked about their fisheries i n w a y s parallel to those i n w h i c h they talked about w h o they were as people. A s fishers, they expected their o w n behavior to be a l i g n e d w i t h the behavior o f the environment. Perhaps it is the diversity o f seasonally and spatially available resources that a l l o w s subsistence harvesters to develop this sense o f r e c i p r o c i t y between themselves and fish. Subsistence-type f i s h i n g j o i n s fish and people into an entity w i t h a c o m m o n fate: what happens to fish also happens to p e o p l e .  44  That is not to say that wage e m p l o y m e n t has not  l o n g p l a y e d , and continues to play, a vitally important role i n F i r s t N a t i o n s ' economies. In fact, it appears that m a n y F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people use part-time wage e m p l o y m e n t to subsidize the subsistence harvesters they see themselves as b e i n g .  45  F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people  w h o spoke at the i n q u i r y , therefore, tended to oppose fish f a r m i n g , not because they objected to engaging i n wage labor, but because they v i e w e d fish f a r m i n g as a direct assault on their identity. S a l m o n aquaculture appeared to constitute, for them, an interaction between fish and people that occurs i n pre-structured ways and i n pre-defined environments very different from the ones they k n o w about and identify w i t h as their o w n . U n l i k e subsistence fishing, i n w h i c h stocks that are too s m a l l to y i e l d a h i g h catch per unit  107  effort are left a l o n e ,  46  salmon f a r m i n g does not a l l o w for either species s w i t c h i n g or for an  adaptive relationship between the environment and the i n d i v i d u a l fisher. Furthermore, the speakers w e heard at the i n q u i r y feared that salmon f a r m i n g w o u l d m a k e it i m p o s s i b l e for them to engage directly i n the resource. S a l m o n f a r m i n g is not seen p r i m a r i l y as a source o f i n c o m e , but as an activity, s i m i l a r to other harvesting endeavors, that is about m u c h more than either f o o d or m o n e y . A s a consequence, F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people spoke o f direct l i n k s between the introduction o f fish farms into their traditional territories and the c o l o n i a l assumption that F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people and their w a y s o f life are disappearing.  1  T h e i n q u i r y was boycotted b y the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , government agencies, and almost all s a l m o n f a r m i n g companies.  A total o f 102 oral submissions were made to Judge Stuart Leggatt. O f those, 71 were f r o m i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g i n the c o m m u n i t i e s o f A l e r t B a y , Port H a r d y , C a m p b e l l R i v e r , and T o f i n o or i n areas surrounding those c o m m u n i t i e s . M o s t o f those testifying there were members o f F i r s t N a t i o n s , particularly i n A l e r t B a y and T o f i n o . T h o s e testifying i n T o f i n o were N u u - C h a h - N u l t h , a cultural and linguistic grouping o f 15 nations that extends d o w n the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island and includes the A h o u s a h t and the T l a o-quiaht. I n d i v i d u a l s testifying i n Port H a r d y , A l e r t B a y , or C a m p b e l l R i v e r were K w a k w a k a ' w a k w . M o r e specific affiliations, as w e l l as any titles, i f any, are i n c l u d e d i n parentheses after quotations. T h e towns associated w i t h quotations refer to the places i n w h i c h the testimonies were made, and not necessarily to the places o f residence o f the witnesses.  T h i s chapter focuses entirely o n testimonies g i v e n b y F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people at the i n q u i r y . Readers can obtain copies o f the verbatim transcript b y contacting the court reporting service A l l w e s t R e p o r t i n g L t d at 814 R i c h a r d s Street, V a n c o u v e r B C , V 6 B 3 A 7 .  4  C . W r i g h t M i l l s , "Situtated actions and vocabularies o f m o t i v e , " i n Power, Politics, and People: The Collected Essays ofC Wright Mills ( N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963), 439-452.  5  M a r v i n B . Scott and Stanford M . L y m a n , " A c c o u n t s , " i n Social Psychology Through Symbolic Interaction, ed. G r e g o r y P . Stone and H a r v e y A . Farberman ( N e w Y o r k : W i l e y and Sons, 1970), 3 3 3 - 3 4 1 .  6  S h e l d o n Stryker, " C o n t e m p o r a r y s y m b o l i c interactionism: a statement," i n Symbolic Interactionism ( M e n l o Park, C A : B e n j a m i n C u m m i n g P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1980), 51-78.  108  7  Richard J. F. Day and Tonio Sadik, "The B C land question, liberal multiculturalism, and . the spectre of aboriginal nationhood," BC Studies 134 (Summer 2002): 5-34, p. 5.  Judith A . Howard, "Social psychology of identities," Annual Review of Sociology (2000): 367-393. Joane Nagel, American  9  Indian Ethnic Renewal: Red Power and the Resurgence  Identity and Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).  26  of  See reports published by the David Suzuki Foundation, for example: Last Call: A Report of the Pacific  Salmon Forests Project,  by Terry Glavin, 1998.  The Heiltsuk Indian Band, for example, unsuccessfully challenged the government's regulation of its roe-on-kelp fishery in Regina v. Gladstone [1993]. However, the issuance of additional licenses to the band seems to have been a direct result of this campaign. For further details, see: Dianne Newell, '"Overlapping territories and entwined cultures': a voyage into the northern B C spawn-on-kelp fishery,' in Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. Dianne Newell and Rosemary Ommer (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 121-144. 12  Thomas Berger, Northern  Valley Pipeline  Frontier,  Northern  Homeland:  The Report of the  MacKenzie  Inquiry (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1977), Volume 1.  13  Claude Levi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967),  Hugh Brody, The Other Side of Eden (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 2000).  5  Valerie L . Kuletz, The Tainted Desert: Environmental  West (New York: Routledge, 1998).  and Social Ruin in the  American  T i m Ingold, Hunting and Gathering as Ways of Perceiving the Environment, in Redefining Nature: Ecology, Culture and Domestication, ed. R o y Ellen and Katsuyoshi  Fukui (Oxford: Berg, 1996), 117-155. M i c h e l Foucault, Power/Knowledge:  (New York: Pantheon, 1980).  Michel Foucault, The Foucault Wheatsheaf, 1991), 93. 1 9  Selected Interviews  and Other Writings  Effect: Studies in Governmentality  1972-1977  (London: Harvester  Bruce Braun, "Buried epistemologies: the politics of nature in (post) colonial British Columbia," Annals  of the Association  of American  Geographers  87 (1997): 3-31.  109  20  T h e K w a k w a k a ' w a k w o f northern V a n c o u v e r Island and the adjacent m a i n l a n d were i n B o a s ' time k n o w n as the K w a k i u t l . T h e K w a k w a k a ' w a k w are speakers o f the language K w a k ' w a l a , and they i n c l u d e , a m o n g others, the ' N a m g i s o f A l e r t B a y , the K w a k i u t l o f Port H a r d y , and the L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h o f C a m p b e l l R i v e r .  21  F r a n z B o a s , " M e t a p h o r i c a l expression i n the language o f the K w a k i u t l Indians," i n ( N e w Y o r k : T h e Free Press, 1940), 232-239.  Language and Culture  Z o e E . Speck, " W h a t D o e s the U ' m i s t a C u l t u r a l Centre H a v e to Offer Y o u ? , " 2001): 14.  2 2  News (Fall 23  U'mista  B r u c e B r a u n , The Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture, and Power on Canada's West Coast ( M i n n e a p o l i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a Press, 2002). C o l e H a r r i s , Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 2002).  2 4  25  Race,  D a n i e l W . C l a y t o n , Islands of Truth: ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 2000).  The Imperial Fashioning of Vancouver Island  Berger, p. 88.  2 6  27  See note 14 above.  no  C a r o l y n M e r c h a n t , " T h e theoretical structure o f e c o l o g i c a l revolutions," 11/4 (1987): 265-274.  Review  Environmental  29  S h e r r y l y n n R o w e and G e o r g e F e l t h a m , "Eastport P e n n i n s u l a lobster conservation: integrating harvesters' l o c a l k n o w l e d g e and fisheries science for resource c o management," i n Finding Our Sea Legs, ed. B a r b a r a N e i s and L a w r e n c e F e l t (St. Johns, N F : Institute o f S o c i a l and E c o n o m i c Research, 2000), 2 3 6 - 2 4 5 . 3 0  T h e G u a r d i a n P r o g r a m o f the K w a k i u t l T e r r i t o r i a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n is funded b y the federal Department o f Fisheries and Oceans, i n order to help deal w i t h the clash between federal fisheries regulations and recent N a t i v e legal gains i n the areas o f selfgovernment and resource rights.  31  A c c o r d i n g to V e r a N e w m a n , the K w a k w a l a w o r d " m a y a x a l a " is r o u g h l y the equivalent of the w o r d "respect" i n E n g l i s h . 32  Delgamuukw v. British Columbia, 33  R. v. Van derPeet,  [1997] 3 S . C . R . 1010.  [1996] 2 S . C . R . 507.  110  3 4  3 5  3 6  See the discussion on the l a w on consultation and the i n Chapter 6.  Taku River and Haida Nation cases  See note 4 above. Stuart M . Leggatt, Clear Choices, Clean Waters: The Leggatt Inquiry into Salmon Farming in British Columbia ( V a n c o u v e r , B C : D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n , 2001).  37 Douglas C . Harris, 2001), p. 205.  Fish, Law, and Colonialism  (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o Press,  38 D i a n n e N e w e l l , " O v e r l a p p i n g territories and e n t w i n e d culture: a voyage into the northern B C spawn-on-kelp fishery", i n Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. D i a n n e N e w e l l and R o s e m a r y O m m e r (Toronto: University, o f T o r o n t o Press, 1999), 121-144, p.122. TO  M a r t i n S. W e i n s t e i n and M i c h a e l M o r r e l l , Need is Not a Number: Report of the Kwakiutl Marine Food Fisheris Reconnaissance Survey ( C a m p b e l l R i v e r , B C : K w a k i u t l Territorial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , 1994).  4 0  4 1  Steven E . S i l v e r n , "Nature, territory and identity i n the W i s c o n s i n treaty rights controversy," Ecumene 2/3 (1995): 267-292. D a n i e l F r a n c i s , The Imaginary Indian: The ( V a n c o u v e r B C : A r s e n a l P u l p Press, 1997), p. 2 0 1 .  Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture  4 2  R o s e m a r y E . O m m e r , " R o s i e ' s C o v e : settlement m o r p h o l o g y , history, e c o n o m y , and culture i n a N e w f o u n d l a n d outport," i n Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. D i a n n e N e w e l l and R o s e m a r y O m m e r (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o Press, 1999), 17-31, p. 29.  4 3  P a l s s o n , G i s l i , " F i n d i n g O n e ' s Sea L e g s : L e a r n i n g , the Process o f E n s k i l l m e n t , and Integrating Fishers and T h e i r K n o w l e d g e into Fisheries S c i e n c e and M a n a g e m e n t , " i n Finding Our Sea Legs, ed. B a r b a r a N e i s and L a w r e n c e F e l t (St. Johns, N F : Institute o f S o c i a l and E c o n o m i c Research, 2000), 26-50.  4 4  See note 37 above.  4 5  See note 12 above.  4 6  F i k r e t B e r k e s , "Indigenous k n o w l e d g e and resource management systems i n the C a n a d i a n subarctic,' i n Linking Social and Ecological Systems, ed. F i k r e t B e r k e s and C a r o l F o l k e ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1998), 98-128.  Ill  C H A P T E R 5. " O U R W E A L T H S I T S O N T H E T A B L E : " F O O D , S A L M O N F A R M I N G , AND RESISTANCE  INTRODUCTION "It sits on the table, our wealth. . . . I mean, I can go into Safeway and I can go l o o k at a s m a l l little sockeye for 20 bucks, where i n reality, our tribe alone, w e went out and got 12,000 [ w i l d sockeye] distributed between our people." T h a t ' s what D a n C u m m i n g s f r o m the A h o u s a h t Fisheries O f f i c e said, i n response to m y questions about the differences between farmed salmon and w i l d salmon, s a l m o n farmers and fishers, and net pens and fishing spots. I had c o m e to F l o r e s Island o f f the west coast o f V a n c o u v e r Island to speak to A h o u s a h t people about h o w they experienced the effects o f the l o c a l s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry. C e r t a i n l y , c o m m e r c i a l fishers, former fishers, and others f r o m A h o u s a h t w h o regularly participate i n marine resource harvesting have direct experience w i t h the environmental changes brought about b y salmon f a r m i n g . In this chapter, I l o o k at some o f the ways i n w h i c h both c o m m e r c i a l and " f o o d "  1  fishers w h o l i v e on the reserves at A h o u s a h t (Ahousaht F i r s t N a t i o n ) and A l e r t B a y ( N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n ) make sense o f the s a l m o n farms that dissect their traditional territories. A s i d e f r o m the sheer p h y s i c a l occupation o f particular net-pen sites, s a l m o n f a r m i n g also appears to have made its presence k n o w n at other nearby sites that m a n y people n o w a v o i d altogether for fear o f f o o d contamination. In addition, I a m t o l d that a number o f f o r m e r l y reliable f o o d gathering areas n o w y i e l d herring spawn, fish, c l a m s , seabirds and other seafoods i n temporally unpredieatable and spatially patchy w a y s . W i t h the growth o f the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry, farmed A t l a n t i c s a l m o n has b e c o m e  112  increasingly and r e a d i l y available as a f o o d product at l o c a l grocery stores, despite the fact that both the N a m g i s and A h o u s a h t people continue to r e l y h e a v i l y on wild-caught, P a c i f i c salmon. T h e fishermen  l i v i n g i n A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t p r o v i d e d me w i t h m a n y details  about h o w the distribution and abundance o f various species had changed at and around s a l m o n f a r m i n g sites. I wanted to k n o w h o w the A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s ' f i s h i n g activities had been altered i n the presence o f fish farms'. H o w e v e r , people d i d not seem to encourage those lines o f questioning as m u c h as they d i d those h a v i n g to do w i t h fish as food. Perhaps it is through an emphasis on f o o d that these fishers tried to c o n v e y h o w severely and i m m e d i a t e l y the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry affects not just their i n d i v i d u a l lives, but those o f all others i n their c o m m u n i t i e s . I became interested i n the m e a n i n g o f farmed s a l m o n as f o o d p r i m a r i l y because this l i n k between sustenance and nature seemed to be " g o o d to think w i t h " - a w a y o f understanding the importance o f w i l d s a l m o n runs for cultural continuity. A l t h o u g h s a l m o n satisfies nutritional requirements, i t ' s m e a n i n g can be constructed i n a number o f different w a y s , and its use as a f o o d item that can both resist assimilation and incorporate change merits further analysis. D a n C u m m i n g ' s focus on the wealth derived f r o m the production o f l o c a l seafoods attests to the w a y i n w h i c h fish, and s a l m o n i n particular, is central to the fabric o f social life: " W e a l t h to us i s n ' t a dollar i n our pocket, it's defined I guess i n other w a y s , y o u l o o k at some families, he m a y not be a r i c h m a n , but he's got a lot o f . . . resources." W e a l t h and fisheries resources have always been c l o s e l y l i n k e d i n K w a k w a l a and N u u - c h a h - n u l t h speaking regions. In both areas, all resource sites were h i s t o r i c a l l y o w n e d b y housegroups, w h o s e highest r a n k i n g members had control over both the labor o f other members  113  and the distribution o f the catch. T h r o u g h the feasting system, sometimes c a l l e d the " p o t l a t c h i n g " system, stewardship and management o f resources was p u b l i c l y assessed, and chiefs gave a w a y goods i n order to assert their rights to the p r i v i l e g e s and names that gave them control over particular resources (see chapter 1 for a more detailed discussion). T h e potlatch is the central g o v e r n i n g institution o f most N o r t h w e s t Coast societies, and its full m e a n i n g is far b e y o n d the scope o f this thesis. Outside observers, even those w h o d i d not understand the potlatch system, were struck b y the w a y s i n w h i c h it seemed to flourish after contact w i t h Europeans. P a r t i c u l a r l y at F o r t Rupert and other locations near A l e r t B a y , the accumulation o f wealth for potlatches reached epic proportions, and o l d photographs f r o m around 1910 show mountains o f E u r o p e a n goods about to be g i v e n away.  3  A m o n g the furniture, s e w i n g machines, w a s h basins, and other items were also  hundreds o f sacks o f flour and boxes o f pilot biscuits. In the past, therefore, as today, E u r o p e a n foods were directly incorporated i n long-standing cultural forms. H o w e v e r , there remains m u c h controversy w i t h i n and between F i r s t N a t i o n s about whether s a l m o n f a r m i n g can enrich modern aboriginal culture b y p r o v i d i n g another w a y o f p r o d u c i n g salmon. M a n y i n these c o m m u n i t i e s are suspicious o f the fish f a r m i n g industry, and feel that the growth o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g represents yet one more attempt to assimilate and c o l o n i z e F i r s t N a t i o n s people and lands.  FARMED SALMON AS A CULTURAL  ENCOUNTER  D a n C u m m i n g ' s talk about s a l m o n f a r m i n g , l i k e that o f others i n A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y , seemed to float between i n d i v i d u a l experience and shared understandings, the material and the social. In fact, whenever people began t a l k i n g o f their activities w i t h fish, they were already on the other side, speaking about their bands, their c o m m u n i t i e s , and  114  their families. I tried to make sense o f this m u l t i - l a y e r e d w a y i n w h i c h people spoke about eating farmed s a l m o n b y abandoning the distinction between i n d i v i d u a l diet and group traditions, and focusing instead on the ways i n w h i c h particular w a y s o f understanding f o o d provides these F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people w i t h a number o f different strategies for o p p o s i n g what they understand to be threats to their land, their people, and their k n o w l e d g e . H o w e v e r , people's accounts forced me to constantly consider the particular circumstances of people's i n d i v i d u a l lives, and the ways i n w h i c h k n o w l e d g e o f salmon provides people w i t h agency and purpose. D o n a l d F o l e y o f A h o u s a h t , for example, said that "people c a l l it [ w i l d fish] our w a y o f life, but it isn't our way o f life, it is our way, something that is more w h o w e are. F o r instance, i f m y w i f e and I c a n ' t get 100 pieces o f fish t h a t ' l l sustain us through the winter, F m not g o i n g to buy x amount o f beef to substitute." H e r e , F o l e y used his o w n financial and nutritional situation to c o n v e y the i m m e d i a c y o f his relationship to s a l m o n , despite the fact that this relationship relies on a system o f shared k n o w l e d g e that a l l o w e d h i m to acquire and process those fish i n the first place. I n d i v i d u a l accounts o f s a l m o n can g i v e great insight into the encounter between various aboriginal and non-aboriginal understandings o f farmed and w i l d s a l m o n . A fortyfive minute ride on the A h o u s a h t P r i d e water taxi takes y o u f r o m the reserve at A h o u s a h t , on F l o r e s Island, to T o f i n o , on V a n c o u v e r Island. T o f i n o is a resort c o m m u n i t y at the edge o f C l a y o q u o t S o u n d where a n u m b e r o f the salmon f a r m i n g companies operating i n the area have their offices and headquarters. C a r l H a i n e s , the production manager at one o f these companies said that, as far as he c o u l d see, F i r s t N a t i o n s people c o u l d easily embrace farmed salmon: T h e y [First Nations] started off just s e l l i n g the s a l m o n to the white people, and pretty soon, t a k i n g them into the canneries and they got them into boats. I mean, the m e a n i n g  115  o f s a l m o n to F i r s t N a t i o n s have e v o l v e d [over time] just l i k e the m e a n i n g o f s a l m o n to me, f r o m the time I was a k i d [trout f i s h i n g on weekends], to the time I was a f i e l d biologist, to the time I was an aquaculturalist. It has changed as w e l l . A s a c h i l d H a i n e s was disappointed b y failed f i s h i n g attempts, and as a f i e l d biologist he became frustrated w i t h the unpredictability o f w i l d s a l m o n stocks. O n l y aquaculture, he t o l d me, c o u l d guarantee a g o o d , reliable source o f fish. In his v i e w , N a t i v e people had for some time been undergoing a natural evolution towards more effective w a y s o f p r o c u r i n g fish. T h e emergence o f the industrial fisheries, and the recent appearance o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n the area have very c l e a r l y changed the circumstances under w h i c h w i l d s a l m o n is available. A s described i n chapter 1, change has always been part o f N o r t h w e s t C o a s t people's relationship to the fish. A t the same time, these kinds o f formulations o f N a t i v e post-contact history were strongly rejected b y A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s people w h o , as described i n the pages that f o l l o w , offered me alternate w a y s o f understanding the past through talk o f food, s a l m o n , and tradition. I f o u n d that n o n - N a t i v e c l a i m s about the d y n a m i c s o f change and tradition, like those o f C a r l H a i n e s , were considered to be direct assaults o n the ability o f aboriginal people to define themselves i n relation to their past and future. B y c l a i m i n g that there is continuity i n m e a n i n g about w i l d fish despite change, N a t i v e people are asserting ownership over k n o w l e d g e o f their cultural history - "what m a y be taken from the past and what m a y or must be left behind, and h o w one is to k n o w or made to k n o w - the difference."  4  C a r l H a i n e s i n f o r m e d me that he "understandfs] h o w important s a l m o n has always been [to A h o u s a h t people], but that [he] also understand[s] that w h a l i n g was extremely significant to the culture, and that's pretty m u c h gone, the w a y o f the d o d o . " James C u r t i s , on the other hand, e x p l a i n e d that f i s h i n g , preparing, distributing, and c o n s u m i n g w i l d  116  seafoods is not a fashion, but a w a y o f b e i n g that recreates the past w h i l e e n v i s i o n i n g the future: O u r people use fish a different w a y [from W h i t e people]. H e [ C a r l H a i n e s ] m a y eat it, but it's l i k e , it's k i n d o f a trophy thing. I d o n ' t l i k e to put it that w a y , but it's l i k e this is one that I caught. W h e r e a s R o d can go and say I ' l l get this fish or I got that, but w e do more w i t h it than just eat it, w e prepare it for l o n g term, d o w n the r o a d . . S o m e people do it for sport, l u x u r y , w e do it as a w a y o f life. It's something that m y parents done, R o d ' s parents done, and p r o b a b l y our kids w i l l do. I think i t ' s n o c o m p a r i s o n . There m i g h t be a little bit the same, yeah, w e enjoy g o i n g to get the fish. K i n d o f our r e l i g i o n . A l t h o u g h s a l m o n is certainly a necessity o f life, and is portrayed as such b y James Curtis, it at the same time provides h i m w i t h a w a y o f e x p l a i n i n g h o w the fates o f people and the fates o f salmon are c o m p l e t e l y intertwined. G l o r i a C r a n m e r Webster, w h o is N a m g i s and lives i n A l e r t B a y , writes about her people as the " S a l m o n P e o p l e , " w h o s e unique w o r l d W h i t e people encountered w h e n they first visited the territory i n 1792. She describes, for e x a m p l e , the w a y s i n w h i c h place names are still f i l l e d w i t h references to s a l m o n , and what a fisherman's w i f e w o u l d say before cutting the first s a l m o n : W e l c o m e , Supernatural O n e , y o u S w i m m e r , y o u have c o m e to me, y o u w h o c o m e every year o f our w o r l d , that y o u c o m e to set us right, that w e m a y be w e l l . T h a n k you, thank y o u sincerely, y o u S w i m m e r . I ask that y o u c o m e again next year, that w e m a y meet alive and that y o u protect m e against a l l e v i l , Supernatural O n e , S w i m m e r . N o w , I w i l l do what y o u came here for m e to do to y o u .  5  T h i s interdependence o f people and s a l m o n continues into the present day. A s G l o r i a F r a n k , herself A h o u s a h t , points out i n an article on m u s e u m culture, the d i s p l a y o f traditional N u u - c h a h - n u l t h f o o d items i n glass cases hides the cultural c o n t i n u i t y ensured by the c o n t i n u e d use o f s a l m o n : "First N a t i o n s people still fish . . . and they continue even now to process fish i n ways s i m i l a r to those d i s p l a y e d here."  6  E x c e p t for the e x c e e d i n g l y rare instances i n w h i c h we are severely d e p r i v e d o f f o o d to the point o f starvation, the b o d i l y "need" for nourishment is a l w a y s c u l t u r a l l y mediated.  117  A s a result, the c o n s u m p t i o n o f food is a type o f participation i n social life, rather than a w a y o f satisfying b o d i l y needs.  7  T h e m e a n i n g o f f o o d therefore does not emanate f r o m the  f o o d objects themselves, because people act towards f o o d i n w a y s that generations before them have acted. A t the same time, however, our f o o d c o n s u m p t i o n behaviors are intensely i n d i v i d u a l . C h o o s i n g and c o n s u m i n g f o o d is a means o f interpersonal c o m m u n i c a t i o n because it has the ability to a l l o w us to create a sense o f cultural b e l o n g i n g  Q to large or s m a l l social groups.  In this w a y , s a l m o n can b e c o m e a l i v i n g and d y n a m i c part  of the present, and can a l l o w for k n o w l e d g e to be reproduced b y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o m a k e conscious choices about what to harvest, h o w to preserve it, and generally, what to eat. F o o d c o n s u m p t i o n preferences and behaviors are not governed b y some preexisting "tendency" o f i n d i v i d u a l s to choose and prepare foods i n w a y s that are  rigidly  constrained b y either their social situation or their hunger. In fact, eating is a process through w h i c h the hungry person m o u l d s his or her act: this actor "points out to h i m s e l f various possibilities o f action - the selection o f different kinds o f f o o d , different sources o f food, and different ways o f getting to the f o o d . "  9  T h e m e a n i n g o f f o o d exists somewhere at  the boundary between cultural m e a n i n g and personal understanding, and it is f r o m this point o f v i e w that I investigate the social construction o f s a l m o n as food. A s mentioned earlier, the use o f s a l m o n is not a case o f c u l i n a r y fashion consciousness, but goes to the very core o f w h o people are. A t the same time, this reliance o n meanings h e l d i n c o m m o n does not predetermine p e o p l e ' s i n d i v i d u a l choices. Indeed, a b o r i g i n a l people have successfully incorporated a variety o f n e w material and non-material entities into their w a y s o f life. T h e tensions that arise f r o m the desire to create a life that is at once m o d e r n  118  and continuous w i t h the past are evident i n the N a m g i s and A h o u s a h t people's encounter w i t h farmed s a l m o n .  FOOD AS KNOWLEDGE F o r m a n y o f the people o f A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t , farmed salmon has none o f the characteristics o f g o o d food. F a r m e d salmon, they said, was'soft, bland, and fell apart i n c o o k i n g . W h e n I asked A d a m M o r l i n g ( N a m g i s ) , w h o has been w o r k i n g at a fish farm on and o f f for several years, about whether farmed fish is different f r o m ' w i l d fish, he replied: " W e l l , i t ' s just n o g o o d . T h e fish is . . . i f y o u c o o k it, y o u get almost a liter o f o i l off it, or more. A n d that's not h o w y o u ' r e supposed to get fish a n y w a y s . " F a r m e d s a l m o n , he said, is unusual because o f the unpredictable ways i n w h i c h it responds to b e i n g processed for food: It's not natural. If i t ' s natural, w h y w o u l d your hands be so o i l y and all that other stuff. Y o u r hands get stained b r o w n w h e n y o u touch that [the fish feed]. A n d y o u k n o w , y o u cut the fish open, I w a s h e d m y hands about seven times and I still had the fish o i l on me. S i m i l a r l y , M i c h a e l James (Ahousaht) finds that "it doesn't stay [whole] w h e n y o u ' r e c o o k i n g i t . . . and it doesn't s m e l l too g o o d . " F o o d q u i c k l y became the focus o f most discussions about the impact o f s a l m o n farming. E v e n w h e n centered squarely on the details o f f o o d preparation and c o n s u m p t i o n , talk o f salmon-as-food seemed to provide a secure vantage point f r o m w h i c h the environmental and p o l i t i c a l impacts o f this new industry c o u l d be discussed. In this w a y , the controversy over fish f a r m i n g was framed as a conflict over the knowledge, and the ways i n w h i c h people spoke about the relationship between f o o d and c o m m u n i t y , tradition, and e c o n o m y made it clear that s a l m o n , l i k e other aspects o f material culture, originates i n people's thoughts and actions.  119  E v e n those consequences o f fish f a r m i n g that are often considered to be the d o m a i n of toxicologists, chemists, or professional health workers are w e l l k n o w n and w e l l understood i n terms o f f o o d production. T h e emphasis on s a l m o n production makes fish f a r m i n g accessible to i n d i v i d u a l s , w h o are able to situate their personal experience w i t h i n the context o f what they already k n o w . A l b e r t R i l e y ( N a m g i s ) , for example, apprehends the h i g h g r o w t h rate o f farmed fish directly, through its effect on p e o p l e ' s p h y s i c a l w e l l being, and not through the accounts o f external researchers: Y o u feed it [farmed salmon] and a l l they eat is c h e m i c a l s . Y o u go to the supermarket, and a l l y o u r meat is c h e m i c a l l y g r o w n , the vegetables are c h e m i c a l l y g r o w n . W h e r e is all this cancer c o m i n g from? T o me, it's f r o m the c h e m i c a l s . T h e faster they g r o w the food, our bodies are s l o w l y breaking d o w n because o f the chemicals. H e r e , there is a clear l i n k between h o w fish eat and g r o w i n the marine environment, and the w a y s i n w h i c h people become either w e a k e r or stronger f r o m the f o o d they eat. If eating w i l d fish represents health, then eating farmed s a l m o n represents sickness. Stanley L a r s o n , a hereditary c h i e f from Hesquiaht, just north o f A h o u s a h t , relates A t l a n t i c s a l m o n , an exotic and p o s s i b l y i n v a s i v e species, to the exotic additives, c h e m i c a l s , and d r u g residues i n p e o p l e ' s bodies: " W e k n o w for a fact that w e have encountered foreign substance to our b o d y , w h i c h was very different from the eating habits that we h a d . " Stanley L a r s o n and A l b e r t R i l e y both present farmed s a l m o n as just one o f m a n y E u r o p e a n foods that have done damage to the health o f N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people. Stanley L a r s o n , i n particular, sees the p r o b l e m w i t h fish f a r m i n g as inseparable from the p r o b l e m o f other h i g h l y processed foods l i k e "baloney and wieners." Indeed, the i n c i d e n c e o f acquired "sugar diabetes" a m o n g aboriginal people throughout C a n a d a has reached e p i d e m i c proportions, and on some reserves most adults  120  over the age o f 50. have this d i s e a s e .  10  B y locating the effects o f farmed s a l m o n w i t h i n the  d o m a i n o f f o o d and health, environmental damage can be made directly relevant to i n d i v i d u a l k n o w l e d g e and experience. M a n y N a m g i s and A h o u s a h t people are afraid for health reasons to eat c l a m s f r o m beaches anywhere near s a l m o n farms: " W e don't d i g there [around the fish farm] for home use, but c o m m e r c i a l fishers d o n ' t care" ( R a y m o n d T h u r l o w , A h o u s a h t ) . N o n - a b o r i g i n a l opponents o f fish f a r m i n g have also raised questions about the h u m a n health i m p l i c a t i o n s o f eating farmed s a l m o n p o s s i b l y l a c e d w i t h medications, persistent organic pollutants, and other toxins. H o w e v e r , the concerns o f First N a t i o n s people o v e r health seem m u c h broader i n scope, and extend to shellfish, fish spawn, marine m a m m a l s , seabirds, and other foods more rarely c o n s u m e d b y n o n - N a t i v e people. T h u r l o w , for e x a m p l e , pointed out that to the farm production managers - people w h o d o n ' t understand c l a m beds as f o o d areas the effects are just not there: " y o u ' l l hear the b i g bosses at the fish farms s a y i n g what they're d o i n g has n o effect," he added. These kinds o f understandings, i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s require an entire context o f " e c o l o g i c a l " w e l l - b e i n g so that they m i g h t be healthy, has important consequences for h o w food is chosen. F i s h that are raised on fish pellets are fed pigments, so that their flesh can acquire the same p i n k c o l o r as w i l d fish. T h i s bothers R o n C h a r l e s ( N a m g i s ) , w h o declared that "whatever it is [that they're feeding the fish], it's certainly something I w o u l d n ' t eat." H e identifies d i r e c t l y w i t h otters and seals because he can i m a g i n e that their relationship to their prey is s i m i l a r to his o w n relationship w i t h food. M a r i n e m a m m a l s are attracted to the net pens, he says, because "animals, they get hungry, they go anywhere. I think i f I was an otter or a seal, it's the easiest place to go, y o u ' v e got fish that can't go anywhere."  121  T h e b r o a d range o f k n o w l e d g e that was made relevant to m y questions about fish f a r m i n g made it clear that s a l m o n f a r m i n g i n these c o m m u n i t i e s is m o r e than an isolated "issue." T h e h i g h level o f s k i l l required to recognize environmental phenomena as potential contributors to f o o d quality h i g h l i g h t e d the ways i n w h i c h the effects o f salmon f a r m i n g b e c o m e real o n l y once they are experienced and understood on i n d i v i d u a l terms. A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s people depend on particular food-gathering places for their p h y s i c a l and cultural s u r v i v a l , but salmon f a r m i n g has forced its w a y into the landscape o f k n o w l e d g e i n w h i c h they operate. M i c h a e l James, a fish farm w o r k e r f r o m A h o u s a h t , is concerned about the fact that the fish farms i n C l a y o q u o t S o u n d are so close to "our r i v e r s " and "our beaches." M o s t o f the aquaculture tenures, he said, are either themselves p r i m e fishing locations, or are directly l i n k e d to fishing areas through fish migratory, s p a w n i n g , or feeding areas. H o w e v e r , this fact was irrelevant to the very different productive systems of the fish farmers: " W e ' v e had a meeting [with the c o m p a n y ] about i t . . . I guess they're l i k e anybody else, they d o n ' t want anything to do w i t h it after the m e e t i n g . " W i l d salmon is part o f an entire n e t w o r k o f k n o w l e d g e that makes it i m p o s s i b l e to extract the nutritive, c a l o r i c value o f fish f r o m its social function. S a l m o n j o i n s together people's i n d i v i d u a l lives through c o m m o n k n o w l e d g e and experience. B y m a k i n g l i n k s between f o o d and social life, a unique and inalienable context is attached to the "facts" presented b y outsiders. L i k e m u s e u m collections o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ' f o o d , artificats and social customs, " d i s p l a y e d i n w a y s that had m e a n i n g i n his [the curator's] w o r l d , "  1 1  resource managers tend to ignore that the people o f A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y l i v e through their fish - that the s a l m o n links people to their past, present and future c o m m u n i t i e s . A s A d a m M o r l i n g ( N a m g i s ) pointed out,  122  Nobody ever did manage the fish. The fish came, the Indians got what they wanted, and the rest went up. ... They [the managers] know they go into the ocean and go in a big circle and come back. That's all they know, they don't know anything about them. But it tastes good other than that" [emphasis added].  Adam Morling is like many First Nations' people in the region, who, Weinstein and Morrell say, despite clear evidence to the contrary, insist that Native fisheries were 12  unmanaged prior to contact.  Perhaps this insistence on the lack of management -  "nobody ever did manage the fish" — is a result of the "legal capture"  13  of aboriginal  fisheries, which has allowed First Nations people access to salmon only in the context of concepts of property and ownership very different from the ones that structure their own patterns of resource exploitation. The so-called "food fishery" separates subsistence requirements from the rest of social life, and certainly helps to separate aboriginal knowledge about fish production from official rules about where, when, and how many fish may be caught. This narrow definition of the importance of the salmon fisheries to First Nations people in the region exerts strong control over local livelihoods. The people of Namgis and Ahousaht made it clear that attempts at "incorporating" their traditional knowledge into these alien systems of management did not fully recognize the central place of salmon in their societies. A focus on the use of salmon in everyday, local contexts, like those surrounding food, makes it harder for outsiders to claim "traditional ecological knowledge" for themselves. Rodney Morris (Namgis) was hired by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans as part of the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy, a program designed to "manage" aboriginal fisheries by "educating" First Nations' people as fisheries managers. There, "it wasn't part of the job description to look after them," Morris said. "They [fisheries officials] are sitting in their office in Victoria, and they don't know what's going on up 123  here." M o r r i s ' context for truth is separate f r o m legal consultation requirements, letters o f notification and official s a m p l i n g procedures: P e o p l e say t h e y ' v e tried to barbeque the A t l a n t i c s a l m o n over an open pit, but because it's got n o m u s c l e fiber and it's too fatty, it just fell o f f the stick. . . . B e c a u s e we use the sticks over an open pit for our sockeye. . . . S o c k e y e is really f i r m because i t ' s a strong fish, it's been s w i m m i n g for four years so i t ' s got a lot o f muscle. B u t these A t l a n t i c s they g r o w so fast, they d o n ' t s w i m around, they got no exercise, they just eat eat eat, that's all they do. N o , y o u w o u l d never be able to smoke them the traditional w a y , barbeque them the traditional w a y at a l l . Rather than c o l l a p s i n g s a l m o n f a r m i n g into "what's on paper, and that's the truth," true k n o w l e d g e for M o r r i s is achieved l o c a l l y , through continued harvesting and f o o d production and preparation.  FOOD AS SHARED UNDERSTANDING K n o w l e d g e surrounding w i l d fish and shellfish, particularly k n o w l e d g e about h o w those foods sustain people i n everyday life, seems to a l l o w members o f the A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n s to p o s i t i o n themselves at the very center o f the debate over s a l m o n farming. In this sense, k n o w l e d g e about fish is a cultural resource that people can draw on and extend into present contexts. H o w e v e r , people were q u i c k to point out that their k n o w l e d g e , u n l i k e "traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e , " does not represent a nostalgia for pre-contact cultural life; i n fact, they t o l d me, k n o w l e d g e o f fish as f o o d is actively recreated every time a net is p u l l e d out o f the water, a processing technique is taught to a youngster, or a feast is g i v e n . In this w a y , shared understandings can turn the outside w o r l d into a social w o r l d people can k n o w about, plan for, and act o n . S a l m o n is not considered an i n d i v i d u a l lifestyle option; instead, i n d i v i d u a l choices are layered on top o f and c o n d i t i o n e d b y the u n d e r l y i n g group life based on w i l d s a l m o n . A s a result, very few people f r o m N a m g i s and A h o s u a h t actually eat farmed s a l m o n , even i f they are themselves  124  e m p l o y e d on a fish farm. R o b e r t F o l e y (Ahoushat), a s a l m o n farm w o r k e r , said that " I g r o w them, I rear them, but as a personal choice I w o n ' t eat them. I t h i n k i t ' s something y o u have to aquire as a taste. B e c a u s e l i v i n g out here, w e ' r e , I k n o w what sockeye tastes l i k e , I k n o w what c o h o tastes l i k e , I k n o w what spring salmon tastes l i k e . " A l b e i t R i l e y ( N a m g i s ) is c o m m i t t e d to m a k i n g sure his understandings get passed on to the next generation b y c o n t i n u i n g to fish and prepare fish for eating i n the traditional w a y s , even i f this requires a great deal o f effort: It's easy for them [young people] to go to the supermarket. S o w e ' v e lost that [fishing culture]. M y f a m i l y has been very fortunate, w e ' v e never lost it. . . . M y t w o boys, I send them canned fish, s m o k e d fish, and they k n o w h o w to do it, they k n o w every time they c o m e h o m e w e go, we get enough fish to d o something w i t h it, so they w o n ' t forget, and they haven't. O l d e r people are carriers o f k n o w l e d g e that lives on i n the younger people, but n o w a d a y s , even m a n y elders are not eating the l o c a l l y available seafoods. T h i s causes R o n C h a r l e s ( N a m g i s ) a great deal o f concern because " i f we have n o t h i n g w i l d left, I mean, what the heck w o u l d w e have left? W e ' d have absolutely nothing. . . . I mean, that's part o f our p r o b l e m n o w . T h e r e ' s not enough o l d people eating what they used to." T e c h n i q u e s for catching s a l m o n have changed greatly o v e r the past 150 years, f r o m the o r i g i n a l s a l m o n weirs and traps to rowboats, gillnets and seines, and f i n a l l y to gas-powered boats e q u i p p e d w i t h m e c h a n i c a l cranes and w i n c h e s . N e w methods for processing fish, l i k e c a n n i n g and freezing, have been added to the repertoire o f techniques used to preserve s a l m o n . D e s p i t e these changes, a certain continuity i n k n o w l e d g e about s a l m o n remains, and this k n o w l e d g e must c o n t i n u a l l y be recreated, i f it is not to be lost. A l b e r t R i l e y ( N a m g i s ) laments what he sees as a great loss o f k n o w l e d g e : " Y o u w a l k d o w n the street, y o u see h o w m a n y smokehouses there are on the reserve. That tells y o u what's happened to us c u l t u r a l l y . "  125  W h e n asked h o w a s w i t c h to fish f a r m i n g w o u l d change his band's ability to fish, R i l e y replied that "it [fishing] w i l l be lost, the same w a y our culture is b e i n g lost. B e c a u s e food, s a l m o n , is our life. T h a t ' s what w e ' v e l i v e d on for years, and our k i d s I think are g o i n g to lose it because they d o n ' t k n o w what w e used to k n o w . " U n l i k e s a l m o n f a n n i n g , f i s h i n g a l l o w s people to continue to understand w h o they are, despite great changes. F o r F r a n c i n e S i m m s o f A h o u s a h t , f i s h i n g and eating w i l d fish are absolutely essential to continued cultural reproduction. In fact, eating w i l d fish is the critical l i n k between the reproduction o f fish and the reproduction o f m e a n i n g : N a t u r a l fish, they feed, they r e c y c l e , and reproduce each other. T h e natural one just goes up the river until it does its j o b , its l a i d its eggs and the m a l e s w i m s o v e r them and fertilizes them. Just l i k e w h e n y o u teach y o u r k i d s about fishing, these fish are d o i n g the same thing. T h e y [the w i l d fish] are r e p r o d u c i n g themselves. T h e w i l d fish has more natural taste and natural vitamins. She k n o w s this about taste because she herself was taught h o w to fish b y her father: "he w o u l d tell m e h o w to tell the difference between fish that y o u ' d catch. . . . Y o u can tell w h a t ' s natural and what's not. . . . T h e taste o f farmed s a l m o n is different, i t ' s got a very flat taste. P l u s , w h e n y o u ' r e cutting it, w i t h the natural fish, it goes straight d o w n but w i t h the farmed fish it starts b r e a k i n g up as y o u slide the k n i f e . " F i s h , as they are k n o w n and understood, reproduce themselves b y b e i n g harvested, prepared, and eaten. T h r o u g h this process, people c o m e to understand their current situation and future prospects. E v e n though A d a m M o r l i n g ( N a m g i s ) d i d a brief stint w o r k i n g on a s a l m o n farm, he finds it i m p o s s i b l e to go back to b e i n g a fish fanner. It s i m p l y is not c o m p a t i b l e w i t h his understanding o f the fisherman he has been since he was a youngster. "It's hard for m e to . . . do anything else," he says, "because even w h e n I was the same age as m y daughter, I was fishing, even s m a l l e r . " B u t m u c h o f this k i n d o f  126  explanation becomes condensed into statements about f o o d and taste. " T h e h u m p b a c k is the worst fish y o u can get i n w i l d s a l m o n , and it's a better fish than the A t l a n t i c , " he said, but w i l d fish just "taste g o o d . " It seems as though through f o o d , i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l ways o f experiencing salmon intersect w i t h the learned, shared, and taken-for-granted  meanings  that a l l o w people to create themselves as i n d i v i d u a l s i n the first place. S a l m o n and other fish and shellfish appear to represent the very center o f people's w o r l d , and different types o f f o o d are different w a y s o f b r i n g i n g m e a n i n g to one's existence i n that w o r l d : "the very core o f our life lies out there. . . . L i f e for us is enormous. S o w h e n y o u l o o k at the ocean, there is nothing to ask for from the Creator because he's put it all there for y o u , everything w e eat" (Stanley L a r s o n , Hesquiaht). " W e are the great people o f the salmon i n our l a n d , " said D a n i e l M o r r i s ( N a m g i s ) . "It is m y l i f e , " was h o w D o n a l d F o l e y (Ahousaht) expressed it, "it is part o f w h o I a m . " T h e chieftainship o f Stanley L a r s o n , "represents a d o m a i n , that d o m a i n has existed for thousands o f years, i t ' s easy to say thousands o f years." O n e o f the ways i n w h i c h his f a m i l y demonstrates that it is "part o f and l i n k e d to those things" i n his d o m a i n is b y h o l d i n g feasts: " o n M a r c h 2 3 , r d  m y son is h a v i n g a feast for his daughter. . . . W h e n she goes out, the w o r l d is g o i n g to be t o l d what m y granddaughter is l e a v i n g w i t h , l e a v i n g our house w i t h . S h e ' l l always have the rights to use the halibut bank, the right to the salmon that enters our waters, c o d . . . " A q u a c u l t u r e , he believes, has c o m e about because "one o f the things that government haven't been w a n t i n g to a c c e p t . . . I represent a d o m a i n . " T h i s talk o f f o o d speaks against the k i n d o f "traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e " that can be r e m o v e d f r o m l o c a l contexts: " O n e o f the movements that's happening is traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e , " L a r s o n said, "but there is also other values that have to be respected i n terms o f the hereditary chiefs,  127  and h o w they p l a y a major role i n terms o f the f a m i l y , the transfer o f chieftainship to the son, and the k i n d o f d i s p l a y o f resources that is s h o w n and eaten at those k i n d s o f things."  FOOD AS RESISTANCE K n o w l e d g e surrounding the importance o f traditional seafoods l i k e s a l m o n , halibut, or c l a m s is b y no means constraining. E x i s t i n g meanings are applied to the new context o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g , i n w a y s that a l l o w people to actively shape or reject the growth o f this new industry. W h i l e farmed fish can signify oppression and continued attempts at assimilating F i r s t N a t i o n s people into W h i t e society, catching, preparing, and eating w i l d fish a l l o w s for resistance, change, and the ability o f First N a t i o n s ' people to direct their o w n futures. F o r R o b e r t F o l e y (Ahousaht), f o o d is a w a y o f understanding and coordinating resource use. A l t h o u g h he w o r k s on a fish farm, he has never eaten farmed fish because "they do quality testing at the plant, and it was such an unnatural s m e l l for me to s m e l l that fish because the diet is so different, and again it's part o f h o w d o y o u process food, is it to g r o w fish fast, or is it to get g o o d q u a l i t y ? " U n d e r s t a n d i n g s a l m o n i n terms o f its quality as f o o d a l l o w e d R o b e r t F o l e y to formulate his resistance to current fish f a r m production methods and suggest new ones: It's l i k e anything else, it's t r y i n g to manage ourselves w i t h i n the resource instead o f trying to manage the resource. . . . W e can start to pioneer these sorts o f quality controls and enhance the fish, m a y b e we w o n ' t have to g r o w so m a n y , w e ' l l be able to sell better fish than what is g r o w n n o w . H e k n o w s , however, that this type o f k n o w l e d g e is often "considered o n l y c i r c u m s t a n t i a l " b y outsiders interested i n slotting that k n o w l e d g e into "categories o f c l i n i c a l diagnosis. . . . Y o u have to understand the people w h o l i v e here. . . . T h e y can understand when it happened, w h y it happened" (Robert F o l e y , A h o u s a h t ) .  128  A l b e r t R i l e y ( N a m g i s ) is deeply ambivalent about the s a l m o n f a r m i n g industry. O v e r the years, he has watched his c o m m u n i t y o f A l e r t B a y lose access to the adjacent fisheries, to the point where he discouraged his sons from t r y i n g to become fishermen: "I d i d n ' t stress fishing as a j o b for the future, to l o o k elsewhere." B u t the m o v e f r o m w i l d fishing to fish f a r m i n g is fundamentally one he rejects: "I tasted it once, I s m e l l e d it, and most o f the c o m m e r c i a l fishermen feel the same w a y I do, t h e y ' l l never touch it. . . . S o I can't see m y s e l f g o i n g out w h e n there's n o c o m m e r c i a l fish left and m a y b e go out and buy three, four hundred farm fish, t h a t ' l l never happen." In other w o r d s , even though people m a y eventually be forced to w o r k on fish farms and b u y farmed fish, does not mean that they w i l l l i k e the taste or think o f it as g o o d food. F o o d is the last l i n e o f resistance First N a t i o n s ' people o f A l e r t B a y have against fish farms. W h e n R o d n e y M o r r i s ( N a m g i s ) was asked h o w he thinks his c o m m u n i t y w o u l d change i f fishing stopped altogether and everyone began s a l m o n f a r m i n g instead, he replied: " n o b o d y w o u l d eat a farmed s a l m o n . N o t around here." S i m i l a r l y , R o n C h a r l e s ( N a m g i s ) said that even i f w i l d stocks disappeared, farmed A t l a n t i c s a l m o n is "just something w e d o n ' t eat, we w o u l d n ' t eat. A lot o f guys here w o u l d n ' t even eat it, even the guys w h o w o r k e d on the fish farms w o u l d n ' t eat i t . " In c o m m e n t i n g on the agreement i n p r i n c i p l e between A h o u s a h t and P a c i f i c N a t i o n a l A q u a c u l t u r e , D a n C u m m i n g s (Ahousaht) said that "harsh negotiations" were needed to "get to where w e are n o w , " but that they are o n l y a stepping stone for "where w e want to be." O n e o f the ways o f getting s a l m o n farmers to understand First N a t i o n s people, he said, is b y demonstrating [their] wealth, and one o f the ways o f d o i n g that is h a v i n g a feast.  I w o u l d l o v e to  see one day w h e n w e c o u l d have at least half o f a l l the aquatic species on the list  129  that R o d and m y s e l f made spread on a table and done up i n our traditional w a y so we can serve it to y o u , the people that need to be educated to say that this is just a portion o f what w e ' r e trying to protect. Resistance through f o o d is endangered w h e n people no l o n g e r have access to the w i l d fisheries that have sustained their k n o w l e d g e o f w h o they are as people. R o d n e y M o r r i s ( N a m g i s ) for e x a m p l e , p o i n t e d out that "our traditional sockeyes, c h u m s a n d that, is what we n e e d for o u r diet. It's scary around here because w e are l i m i t e d to the amount o f f o o d fish w e ' r e a l l o w e d to get n o w , and we see a lot o f our elders d y i n g o f cancer and diabetes." Nevertheless, fish continues to be harvested b y N a m g i s and A h o u s a h t people, and not eating farmed s a l m o n is an act o f defiance i n itself. M o r r i s finds that i f fish f a r m i n g replaced fishing, his people w o u l d " p r o b a b l y have to learn to accept it, but [he doesn't] k n o w i f t h e y ' d learn to l i k e to eat i t . " S o m e can put up w i t h s a l m o n f a r m i n g as l o n g as they are able to balance the negative effects o f farmed fish w i t h the positive effects o f w i l d fish. D a n i e l M o r r i s ( N a m g i s ) , for e x a m p l e , believes that i n the age o f s a l m o n f a r m i n g , o o l i g a n i s m o r e important than ever, because it can counteract the impacts o f farmed fish. " T h e o o l i g a n s , they go to one place, l i k e K n i g h t s Inlet o r K i n g c o m e Inlet, and y o u can just i m a g i n e . . . what do the ooligans get f r o m them [fish farms]." H e relies on o o l i g a n , e s p e c i a l l y the grease, because "that's what they use for a l l the things that's w r o n g w i t h o u r b o d y , from a l l the things we eat f r o m the W h i t e people, l i k e hamburgers, steak, M c D o n a l d ' s , things l i k e that." T h a t ' s w h y he is deeply w o r r i e d about n o n - N a t i v e s t a k i n g o v e r the o o l i g a n fishery: "the o o l i g a n , what m y N a t i v e people thinks is they s h o u l d just keep their o w n w o r d to themselves instead o f t a l k i n g about it [how g o o d it tastes].  ' C a u s e some day the  government is g o i n g to go into it, y o u k n o w . "  130  CONCLUSION C l a i m s about what constitutes "traditional f o o d " are political statements that a l l o w people to renegotiate their relationship to the past i n light o f present circumstances. F o r m i l l e n i a , w i l d s a l m o n has been important to the p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l o f N o r t h w e s t Coast peoples. H o w e v e r , it appears that at this particular moment i n time, resistance against salmon f a r m i n g has brought about a heightened awareness o f the value o f s a l m o n as a traditional food. It m a y be that this awareness o f traditional f o o d has been a long-standing reaction to c o l o n i a l intrusions into aboriginal fishing rights. B u t ancestral rights to territories take on n e w m e a n i n g and face new challenges i n the context o f an industry i n w h i c h actual ocean spaces have been granted to multinational c o m p a n i e s without the approval o f the local F i r s t N a t i o n s people. P e o p l e ' s i n d i v i d u a l experiences w i t h t r y i n g to prepare and eat farmed salmon s y m b o l i z e the changes they are still u n d e r g o i n g as c o l o n i z e d people. It is therefore not surprising that people talk about health, sickness, and harvesting and preparing salmon i n the same breath that they describe h o w a l a c k o f access to w i l d fish endangers their ability to take charge o f the changes they experience. S i m o n L u c a s , the c o - c h a i r o f the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , a hereditary c h i e f o f Hesquiaht (near A h o u s a h t ) , and a w e l l - k n o w n N a t i v e leader throughout B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , t o l d the audience at the September 2 0 0 2 F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t that " w e are wealthy from our chiefs because o f their territory. . . . It is because o f the f o o d that we eat that w e ' r e strong." In this w a y , the Hesquiahts and other coastal First N a t i o n s can counteract and survive destructive change. B u t he also used ideas o f food, health, and sickness to represent the damage his people have sustained. H e r e m i n d e d the audience that " w e the First N a t i o n s people have been i m p a c t e d b y every  131  change that's happened i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , our part o f the w o r l d , V a n c o u v e r Island and the coastal tribes. W e are n o w leading i n every sickness that's here i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and C a n a d a . " H o w e v e r , statements about the importance o f w i l d s a l m o n as a "traditional f o o d " are c o m p l i c a t e d b y the attempts o f government officials, c o m p a n y representatives and scientists to extract, appropriate and use these understandings o f s a l m o n as "traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e " , or " T E K . " A l t h o u g h m y informants d i d not a l w a y s refer to "traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e " b y its name, they spoke to m e about the w a y s i n w h i c h their understandings were t r i v i a l i z e d i n settings that ranged f r o m meetings w i t h companies and scientists to jobs w i t h government fisheries agencies. B y constructing s a l m o n f a r m i n g as a matter o f f o o d , a life-or-death matter b y any analysis, the people o f A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y gained control over the context i n w h i c h the things they were s a y i n g had m e a n i n g . W h e n fisheries managers l o o k to aboriginal k n o w l e d g e they are l o o k i n g to incorporate local k n o w l e d g e into bureaucratic systems o f science and management, and the language o f T E K is d o m i n a t e d by verbs l i k e " c o l l e c t , " "harvest," "extract," and "use." S o m e fisheries scientists even ask " s k i l l - t e s t i n g " questions to acertain the "trustworthiness o f the subjects' answers".  14  W h e n k n o w l e d g e becomes recontextualized into systems o f fisheries  management, relations o f p o w e r shift, and what m a y seem to be a harmless case o f cultural appropriation can m a k e l o c a l people experience a loss o f control over decisions that affect their l i v e s .  15  T h e people I i n t e r v i e w e d appeared to k n o w a l l too w e l l that all k n o w l e d g e  brings w i t h it networks o f context and power, and they spoke o f the relations between foreign foods and the ways i n w h i c h their c o m m u n i t i e s have b e c o m e p o l i t i c a l l y disenfranchised. It is o n l y through continued access to and use o f the fisheries resources  132  that any hope for prosperity remains. Outsiders d o n ' t understand, people tended to say, that s a l m o n is a matter o f s u r v i v a l and a resource that w i l l a l w a y s define t h e m as the " s a l m o n people." Indeed, traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e . . . extend[s] the networks o f scientific resource management into the 'outside w o r l d ' o f F i r s t N a t i o n c o m m u n i t i e s b y rendering the life experiences o f native elders and hunters (through processes o f compartmentalization and distillation) into forms w h i c h can be used and interpreted far f r o m these c o m m u n i t i e s , i n laboratories and centers o f c a l c u l a t i o n .  16  First N a t i o n s ' people i n A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t were sensitized to "traditional e c o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e " as a technique o f power, and their talk o f s a l m o n as f o o d made it i m p o s s i b l e for me to isolate f o o d f r o m the w a y s i n w h i c h k n o w l e d g e about f o o d is l o c a l l y produced, maintained and transformed through the passage o f time. B e c a u s e salmon, as they presented it to me, remained f i r m l y anchored i n contexts they themselves k n e w about, it was difficult for me to compartmentalize their understandings into categories o f either traditionalism or i n d i v i d u a l experience. It m a y be for that reason that people focused on their b a n d ' s material culture as itself constituting a social w o r l d . P e o p l e saw their k n o w l e d g e o f traditional foods as their last l i n e o f resistance again intrusion into their territories, but they also p e r c e i v e d it to be their most powerful f o r m o f opposition. T h i s f i n d i n g is p r o b a b l y not unique to the First N a t i o n s o f V a n c o u v e r Island. F o r the St6:lo o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s Fraser C a n y o n , w i n d - d r i e d s a l m o n , though no longer a dietary staple, imparts a k i n d o f strength that comes f r o m shared understandings about food.  A s for the N a m g i s and A h o u s a h t people, s a l m o n a m o n g the S t o : l o has become a  s y m b o l o f p o l i t i c a l resistance, and w i n d d r y i n g is c o n s c i o u s l y regarded as a traditional practice i n need o f protection. S i m i l a r l y , a m o n g the eastern James B a y C r e e , " w h i t e m a n ' s f o o d " is s y m b o l i c a l l y p o l l u t i n g , i n that it is seen to be harmful to a generalized sense o f  133  18  well-being.  T h e C r e e w o r d " m i y u p i m m a t i s i i u " , w h i c h r o u g h l y translates as " b e i n g alive  w e l l " is a declaration o f social and political w e l l - b e i n g , and the concept around " b e i n g alive w e l l " a l l o w s C r e e people to assert themselves i n the face o f threats to their land. Resistance to changes i n the traditional relationship w i t h the l a n d is associated w i t h i n d i v i d u a l w e l l - b e i n g and notions o f health and prosperity. E a t i n g the right foods b y f o l l o w i n g present-day traditional practices a l l o w s the past to directly shape h o w people constitute themselves both p h y s i c a l l y and culturally. Traditions are, after all, encounters w i t h other groups and cultures. Features o f any society are important not because they stand on their o w n , but because they can be contrasted w i t h something external. In a b o o k b y a group o f N u u - c h a h - n u l t h elders interested i n c o m b a t t i n g the suffering brought about by the Indian A c t , the residential school experience and the loss o f access to resources, through a r e v i v a l o f the o l d teachings, M o s e s S m i t h o f Ehattesaht (Nuu-chah-nulth, north o f A h o u s a h t ) makes the f o l l o w i n g observation: T h e b i g thing is the traditional use o f our resources. Y e s , that's the thing that w e have got to try. Y e s , that's the scary thing to see that some o f our traditional food, in n o time at a l l , i t ' l l be w i p e d out. T h a t ' s quite a treat w h e n w e get h o m e after spending time i n urbanized areas to go back and get a g o o d feed o f t'uc'up (t'uutsup - sea urchins), the mussels, other seafoods. T h a t ' s quite a c o n c e r n to a l l the f a m i l i e s .  19  T h i s articulation o f the importance o f traditional foods makes it clear that though constructed, traditions are not i n any w a y "fake", and are instead a l w a y s the very real product o f social construction and negotiation w i t h i n and between groups. F o r that reason, "the process o f c h o o s i n g emblematic activities, dispositions, or material artifacts," i n this case, the active c h o i c e o f w i l d s a l m o n over farmed s a l m o n as f o o d , is not " d i s s o c i a b l e from a history o f encounters and f r o m what is at issue i n those particular e n c o u n t e r s . "  20  T h e fact  134  that the F i r s t N a t i o n s people I i n t e r v i e w e d selected w i l d s a l m o n as part o f both past heritage and present c u s t o m , and actively de-selected farmed s a l m o n is therefore not altogether surprising. O n c e people have made something emblematic b y objectifying and n a m i n g it, they can then take a stance towards i t .  21  I suggest that this also occurs w h e n  farmed s a l m o n is n a m e d as part o f a c o l o n i z e d w a y o f life, and w i l d s a l m o n is n a m e d as emblematic o f a F i r s t N a t i o n s w a y o f life. These understandings a l l o w the n a m e d and m e a n i n g - f i l l e d farmed s a l m o n to become a positive force i n cultural affirmation, rather than an oppressive force o f cultural assimilation. Understandings o f the differences between w i l d s a l m o n and farmed salmon as f o o d suggest that A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s traditions, l i k e all traditions, are not passively carried as cultural baggage, but a c t i v e l y constructed and d e p l o y e d to diverse ends.  1  T h e w o r d " f o o d " here refers to the fishery allocated b y the federal Department o f Fisheries and Oceans to F i r s t N a t i o n s people to fish at certain times and places c l o s e d to n o n - a b o r i g i n a l fisheries. T h i s legal distinction between c o m m e r c i a l and f o o d fisheries creates an artificial "traditional" fishery that has no precedent i n actual F i r s t N a t i o n s societies.  2  B e c a u s e I was s p e c i f i c a l l y targeting skippers and deckhands - those directly engaged i n fish harvesting - 1 was o n l y able to f i n d one w o m a n w h o had w o r k e d on a f i s h i n g boat on any regular basis. W o m e n probably are more k n o w l e d g e a b l e about fish preservation and preparation, the subject o f m u c h o f this chapter. H o w e v e r , because I d i d not d i s c o v e r the w a y s i n w h i c h people used f o o d to talk about salmon f a r m i n g until after I began l o o k i n g over the i n t e r v i e w transcripts i n detail, m y analysis is l i m i t e d to the experience o f m e n . T h e fishermen ranged broadly i n age from 35 to 7 5 . T h e f i s h e r w o m a n I i n t e r v i e w e d i n A h o u s a h t was i n her 40s. T h e competitive and extravagant nature o f the potlatch seems to have been a post-contact development. F o r further details on the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w potlatch system, see the discussion i n chapter 1, and as w e l l : D o u g l a s C o l e , " T h e H i s t o r y o f the K w a k i u t l Potlatch," in  Chiefly Feasts: The Enduring Kwakiutl Potlatch, ed.  A l d o n a Jonaitis  (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n Press, 1 9 9 1 , 1 3 5 - 1 7 6 . 4  K i r k D o m b r o w s k i , " T o t e m poles and tricycle races: the certainties and uncertainties o f N a t i v e v i l l a g e life, C o a s t a l A l a s k a 1878-1930,"  Journal of Historical Sociology  8/2  (1995): 136-157, p. 137.  135  5  G l o r i a C r a n m e r Webster, " T h e S a l m o n P e o p l e o f A l e r t B a y , " R e p r i n t f r o m the Proceedings o f the f 2 International A b a s h i r i S y m p o s i u m , ( I S S N 0918-7715). t h  6  G l o r i a F r a n k , ' " T h a t ' s m y dinner on d i s p l a y ' : First N a t i o n s R e f l e c t i o n on M u s e u m  C u l t u r e , " BC Studies 125/126 (2000): 163-178, p.164. 7  D a g Osterberg, " T w o Notes on C o n s u m p t i o n , " i n The Sociology of Consumption, ed. P e r  Otnes ( O s l o : S o l u m F o r l a g , 1988), 13-28.  Q E l i s a b e t h Furst, " T h e C u l t u r a l S i g n i f i c a n c e o f F o o d , " i n The Sociology of Consumption, ed. P e r Otnes ( O s l o : S o l u m F o r l a g , 1988), 89-100. Herbert B l u m e r , Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method ( E n g l e w o o d C l i f f s , N J : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1969) 9  1 0  T . K u e Y o u n g , Jeff R e a d i n g , B r e n d a E l i a s , and John D . O ' N e i l , " T y p e 2 diabetes mellitus i n C a n a d a ' s First N a t i o n s : status o f an e p i d e m i c i n progress," Canadian Medical Association Journal 163/5 (2000): 561-566, p.562.  1 1  1 2  F r a n k , p. 169. M a r t i n S. 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