"Science, Faculty of"@en . "Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Schreiber, Dorothee"@en . "2009-12-02T01:03:44Z"@en . "2004"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "My study deals with the controversy over salmon farming as a problem in the sociology of knowledge. I demonstrate the reality of social constructs of salmon farming by locating knowledge within people's everyday, lived experience. By thinking with and against one another, people are able to recreate the conditions under which salmon farming is possible in the first place. At the same time, the interactions through which these meanings about farmed salmon are constructed take place in historically unique and culturally specific contexts. I find that the things of salmon farming are continuous with the patterns of social action and interaction in which people are enmeshed. I try to understand the relationship between power and knowledge by looking to people's interests and activities for the basis of their understanding of salmon aquaculture. My study focuses largely on the relationship between two First Nations groups, the Namgis and the Ahousaht, and the salmon farming companies operating in their territories. I examine how the colonial conflict over modes of production reappears in the controversy over salmon farming, and how farmed salmon is constructed by salmon farmers through the exercise o f colonial power. In particular, I explain the techniques used by salmon farmers to exercise control over natural resources and over opposing environmentalist and Native forces."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/16113?expand=metadata"@en . "12459642 bytes"@en . "application/pdf"@en . "T H E S O C I A L C O N S T R U C T I O N O F S A L M O N F A R M I N G I N B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A : P O W E R , K N O W L E D G E , A N D P R O D U C T I O N b y D O R O T H E E S C H R E I B E R B . A . , Dar tmouth Co l l ege , 1995 M . S c , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 2000 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y i n - T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (Department o f Resource Management and Env i ronmen ta l Studies) W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A February 2004 \u00C2\u00A9 Dorothee Schreiber, 2004 A B S T R A C T M y study deals w i t h the cont roversy over s a lmon fa rming as a p r o b l e m i n the s o c i o l o g y o f k n o w l e d g e . I demonstrate the real i ty o f soc ia l constructs o f s a lmon fa rming by loca t ing k n o w l e d g e w i t h i n peop le ' s everyday, l i v e d exper ience. B y t h i n k i n g w i t h and against one another, people are able to recreate the condi t ions under w h i c h sa lmon fa rming is poss ib le in the first p lace . A t the same t ime, the interactions through w h i c h these meanings about fa rmed sa lmon are constructed take p lace in h i s to r i ca l ly unique and cu l tu ra l ly speci f ic contexts. I f i n d that the things o f sa lmon fa rming are cont inuous w i t h the patterns o f soc ia l act ion and interact ion i n w h i c h people are enmeshed. I try to understand the re la t ionship between p o w e r and k n o w l e d g e by l o o k i n g to people ' s interests and act ivi t ies for the basis o f their unders tanding o f sa lmon aquaculture. M y study focuses la rge ly on the re la t ionship between two F i r s t Na t i ons groups, the N a m g i s and the Ahousah t , and the sa lmon fa rming companies operat ing i n their territories. I examine h o w the c o l o n i a l conf l i c t over modes o f p roduc t ion reappears i n the cont roversy over sa lmon fa rming , and h o w farmed sa lmon is constructed by sa lmon farmers through the exerc ise o f c o l o n i a l power . In par t icular , I exp la in the techniques used by sa lmon farmers to exerc ise con t ro l over natural resources and over oppos ing envi ronmenta l i s t and N a t i v e forces. T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Abs t r ac t i i T a b l e o f Contents . . i i i L i s t o f F igures i v A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s v Chapte r 1: In t roduct ion 1 Chapte r 2: M e t h o d s 36 Chapte r 3: T h e f raming o f fa rmed f ish: product , e f f ic iency , and technology 48 Chapte r 4: Identi ty and the Legga t t Inqu i ry 74 Chapte r 5: O u r weal th sits on the table: food , s a lmon f a n n i n g , and resistance 112 Chapte r 6: F r o m fish to c o m m o d i t y : s a lmon fa rming and the p roduc t ion o f heritage 137 Chapter 7: Na tu ra l - soc i a l hybr ids in the f ish f a rming industry 161 Chapter 8: S a l m o n fa rming and the p roduc t ion o f p lace 179 Chapter 9: T h e p roduc t ion o f numbers : f igu r ing , ca lcu la t ing , and record-keep ing as techniques o f p o w e r 210 Chapte r 10: C o n c l u s i o n s 239 B i b l i o g r a p h y 250 F i g u r e 1 259 L I S T O F F I G U R E S F i g u r e Page 1 V a n c o u v e r Is land and the adjacent m a i n l a n d , d i v i d e d r o u g h l y 259 into abor ig ina l language groups. T h e two study locat ions , A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y , as w e l l as the locat ions o f the Legga t t Inqu i ry , are indica ted . iv A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S T h e s ingle i n d i v i d u a l w h o had the mos t to dp w i t h this thesis ever seeing the l igh t o f day is p robab ly L e s L a v k u l i c h , d i rector o f the Resource M a n a g e m e n t and E n v i r o n m e n t a l Studies graduate p rog ram at U B C , and for the f ina l 6 months o f m y degree, m y supervisor . H e p r o v i d e d u n w a v e r i n g encouragement throughout a l l the ups and downs o f the past three years, and a lways had though t -p rovok ing and interest ing comments - despite the fact that this is not his research area. In add i t ion , D o u g Ha r r i s and Gas ton G o r d i l l o generous ly agreed to become a part o f m y commi t t ee rather late i n the process. B o t h spent innumerab le hours read ing and re-reading chapters, were a lways ava i lab le w h e n I needed help , and p r o v i d e d ins igh t fu l and useful c r i t i c i sms and comments that he lped m e th ink more c lea r ly about what I was d o i n g . M a r t y W e i n s t e i n , w h o w o r k s for the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , and also served on m y commit tee , had a great deal o f useful p rac t i ca l advice , and he lped to constant ly r e m i n d m e o f the rea l - l i fe context i n w h i c h controversies over abor ig ina l access to resources are be ing p l a y e d out.. \" T h e N u u - c h a h - n u l t h and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people l i v i n g on the reserves at A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y w e l c o m e d me as a v i s i to r into their commun i t i e s , and pat ient ly answered a l l o f m y questions regard ing their territories and their l ives . F r o m the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , B r i a n W a d h a m s f rom the M u s g a m a g w T r i b a l C o u n c i l , and Robe r t M o u n t a i n f rom the K w a k i u t l Te r r i t o r i a l F i sher ies C o m m i s s i o n ( K T F C ) spent a great deal o f t ime h e l p i n g m e understand the issues sur rounding s a lmon f a rming . T h e i r passionate v i ews about the impacts o f the s a lmon f a rming indust ry on N a t i v e fisheries are the m a i n reason I became so interested i n the abo r ig ina l and ( p o s t -c o l o n i a l context o f this and other disputes. T h e days I spent on the K T F C pat rol boat were p robab ly the mos t interest ing, fun, and in format ive o f m y entire research exper ience. James S w a n , and espec ia l ly D a r r e l l C a m p b e l l , h e lped m e get pe rmis s ion to do research i n Ahousah t , and eagerly supported m y project. R o d S a m was inva luab le i n f i nd ing the people I needed to ta lk to and a c c o m p a n y i n g m e on in te rv iews . V e r a L i t t l e , w h o runs the guesthouse i n Ahousah t , her daughter Pat t i , and her son - in - l aw R o b , f i l l e d me i n on a l l the reserve goss ip and made m e feel at h o m e whenever I s tayed there. I must also thank the staff at the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , i n par t icular A n i t a Peterson, for a l l o w i n g m e to spend a week in their off ice i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r , and g i v i n g m e access to m a n y o f their f i les . B o t h the U B C F a c u l t y o f Graduate Studies ( in the f o r m o f a U n i v e r s i t y Graduate F e l l o w s h i p and the K a t h l e e n and C e c i l M o r r o w Scho la r sh ip ) , and A q u a N e t ( in the f o r m o f t ravel funds and a research-assistantship) p r o v i d e d the fund ing that made m y study poss ib le . I rea l ly appreciated the encouragement , d is t ract ion, and rea l i ty-checks p r o v i d e d by m y friends and f a m i l y , par t icu la r ly by M a r t i n R o b i l l a r d , w h o s u r v i v e d the exper ience o f shar ing 4 0 0 square feet o f l i v i n g space w i t h a very stressed-out vers ion o f myse l f . v C H A P T E R 1. I N T R O D U C T I O N S A L M O N F A R M I N G A N D T H E ( P O S T ) C O L O N I A L C O N T E X T S i m o n Lucas , hereditary chief in Hesquiaht, co-chair o f the B C A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , former chair of the Nuu-chah-nulth Tr iba l C o u n c i l , and generally a w e l l -k n o w n Nat ive leader i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a made the fo l lowing statement on September 24, 2002, at the opening of the B C A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ' s F i s h Fa rming and Envi ronment Summit : I have been th inking for a few days now about the conference that's happening now, and th inking about i t ' s just a few short years ago that our people saw the greatest change that began i n a place cal led Yuquot , where Captain C o o k landed. A n d the people from there said that f rom that landing they knew that change was going to come, some changes were going to affect our people, and our people had that v i s ion about the change that was going to impact the l ives of great-great-grandchildren; and here we are today. Another man that spent a great deal of t ime in Yuquot , k n o w n as Fr iend ly C o v e , was John Jewitt. A s you know, history tells you that the Mowachah t people slaughtered off the sailboat and its crew, and the reason that John Jewitt - the reason his life was spared was that he was to tell why his mates were slaughtered... So we have seen some s low changes and some extreme changes in our lifetime. So we ' re here to talk about the future. W h a t is that - how are we going to handle the future in our hands along wi th the changes that are coming forth? W h a t S i m o n Lucas points out very clearly is that in order to talk about salmon farming at a l l , we must locate the industry in both t ime and space. B y launching directly into a discussion of the ways in which the past is relevant to the present controversy over fish farming, S i m o n Lucas seems to acknowledge the continued colonia l context of this industry. S i m o n L u c a s ' tribe, Hesquiaht, inhabits the peninsula that forms the southern edge of N o o t k a Sound, where Captain C o o k landed in search o f supplies that fateful day in 1778. Since then, salmon farmers have landed in the region, and the entire territory represented by the Nuu-chah-nulth (\"all a long the mountains\") Tr iba l C o u n c i l o f western 1 Vancouver Island is dotted wi th ocean net pen sites. I focus i n this thesis on salmon farming in the Ahousaht territory of northern Clayoquot Sound, just south o f the Hesquiahts and Mowachahts encountered by Capta in C o o k and his crew. Di rec t ly across the mountains that form the backbone o f Vancouver Island are the Namgis , one of a group o f K w a k w a l a speaking tribes inhabit ing the northeastern part o f the Island. The Namgi s , though now restricted to a tiny reserve at Ale r t B a y , once had command o f the entire N i m p k i s h V a l l e y and part o f Johnstone Strait. In fact, the same Nuu-chah-nulth people who directed Captain C o o k ' s ship to \"go around - ' N o o t k a ' \" the point to f ind safe harbor in the inlet were invo lved in a lucrative overland trade wi th the Namgis . The European fur trade was slower in coming to Namgi s territory than to the Nuu-chah-nul th and other people of the outer coasts o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , but by 1792, the N a m g i s had obtained muskets and other European commodit ies by trading them wi th the Nuu-chah-nulth for ooligan grease. 1 M a n y such \"grease trails\" traversed Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , sometimes far into the interior. Oo l igan grease is a valuable o i l rendered from fish that return to spawn in only a few large rivers on the mainland o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . Today, a l l ooligan runs are in cri t ical condit ion, and many members o f the N a m g i s Firs t Na t ion blame, i n part, the presence o f fish farms in and around Knigh ts and K i n g c o m e Inlets for the continued decline in the ool igan fisheries there. The N a m g i s First Na t ion is currently experiencing the highest concentration o f fish farms anywhere i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , and their ocean territories, and those o f the adjacent tribes o f the Broughton Arch ipe lago , qu i ck ly became another focus o f this study (see figure 1 for an overview of reserve and town locations). 2 Salmon farming appeared in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a in the early 1970s, but at that time it was restricted to a few smal l operations on the Sunshine Coast. Problems wi th toxic algal blooms and poor water circulat ion plagued these early attempts at raising salmon in net pens, and by the m i d 1980's the industry had moved to the northeastern and northwestern coasts of Vancouver Island. It was only after At lant ic salmon were introduced into netcage operations that the industry, and a market crash in 1989, dur ing wh ich many salmon farming companies went bankrupt, that the industry began to expand qu i ck ly and in earnest. B y 1991, the salmon aquaculture industry held 173 tenures. 2 In the meantime, the troubled w i l d fishery had been undergoing considerable re-organization, and new license l imitat ion schemes that started wi th the D a v i s P lan of 1968 continued after the recommendations of the Pearse C o m m i s s i o n in 1982. The f ishing industry was los ing vessels, and becoming increasingly capitalized. The salmon farming industry too had changed, from smal l , family-operated netcages to large, capital-intensive, and global ized operations. Today , over 80% of fish farms are held by five corporations, on ly one of wh ich is Canadian-owned. 3 Throughout the 1990s, environmentalists and other local people, particularly Nat ive people, began expressing serious concerns about the impact o f salmon farming operations on w i l d fisheries and coastal habitats. A l though a brief morator ium on the industry i n 1986 had been lifted fo l l owing D a v i d Gi l l e sp ie ' s inquiry in 1986, new environmental concerns over the rapid expansion of the industry led to a provincia l morator ium on further netcage aquaculture expansions in 1995. A 16-month long Sa lmon Aquacul ture R e v i e w began, and Nat ive people f rom throughout the salmon farming regions in Nuu-chah-nul th and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w territories were invi ted to make submissions. F r o m the beginning, 3 aboriginal people, l ike environmentalists, have been suspicious o f this industry and c la ims that they w o u l d benefit f rom it. The R e v i e w ' s report recommended proceeding \"wi th caution,\" and whi le it d id not recommend a dramatic change i n salmon aquaculture practices, it d id not lift the moratorium on permits for new netcage sites either. 4 However , when the B C Libera ls took power o f the provincia l government i n 2001, the morator ium was lifted, and the application process for new sites and site relocations was streamlined. A s of this wri t ing , there are 121 licensed marine salmon farms i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . M o s t o f the sites are now concentrated in the bays, inlets, and channels between the northeastern coast o f Vancouver Island and the adjacent mainland. Th i s area, between roughly C a m p b e l l R i v e r i n the south and Port Hardy in the north coincides wi th the traditional territory o f the K w a k w a l a speaking peoples. The si t ing o f 25 fish farms in the Broughton Arch ipe lago alone is o f special concern to the Namgi s First Na t ion , and the Musgamagw-Tsawate inuk Tr iba l C o u n c i l has been actively w o r k i n g to get fish farms out of that area. The Nuu-chah-nulth people have also been heavi ly impacted by fish farming, and fish farming sites extend from the northernmost boundary o f their language area, K y u k u t , to Port Renfrew at the southern boundary. The Ahousaht First Na t ion , its present-day reserve at Ahousaht , and its traditional territory, Clayoquot Sound, is located at roughly the midpoint of the Nuu-chah-nulth coastline. O v e r the years, Ahousaht has had an ambivalent relationship wi th the local fish farming industry, and currently there are around 16 sites in Ahousaht territory alone (though not al l of them are presently i n operation). The appearance of this new industry on the coast of Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a cannot be properly understood without considering the changes that began wi th contact and continue to the present day. A b o r i g i n a l people are often invi ted to give presentations at publ ic 4 forums about issues of c o m m o n concern l ike forestry, health care, education, and salmon farming. Afterwards, they are thanked for their presentations, but it is clear that others in the audience usually do not know what to make of what they have just heard. W h e n M i c h a e l Marke r , for example, told the faculty at Western Washington Univers i ty that there are many stories told by L u m m i s and other Indian people about the terrible conditions for Nat ive people at the school in the 1970s, and that these stories must be considered in the universi ty 's attempts to attract more Nat ive Amer icans , the dean told h i m \"around here, we don' t spend a lot of t ime dwel l ing on the past. W e are more interested in the present and the future. W e l ike to think pos i t ive .\" 5 What this response denies, M a r k e r says, is the fact that from a Coastal Sal ish perspective, \"the past is a l i v i n g and resonant part o f the present,\" or, as his friend from M u s q u e a m said: \"that history is more a part o f the present than it ever was in the past.\" 6 B o t h the distant and the recent past take on new guises in the present day, and the damage exerted by colonia l power continues to be felt i n the context o f salmon farming. Shawn A t l e o , a hereditary chief (ha 'wi ih) f rom Ahousaht , said at the F i s h F a r m i n g and Envi ronment Summi t that his father was always very careful to ensure that I was alert to . . . how these changes have occurred to our people, the movements of colonizat ion. The thoughts that were beginning to spring up in the 1500s in Spain, when reports were being sent back by the early explorers about these people, these Indians. . . H e ' s always been very careful that I understand the tremendous force o f colonizat ion, not as it pertains necessarily to At lant ics [Atlantic salmon], but as it pertains to m y people and the movement across the Amer icas . Here, Shawn A t l e o is making a direct connection, not just between early co lon ia l i sm and the present, but also between colonizat ion by an exotic and possibly invasive species, 5 Atlant ic salmon, into the rivers and streams of Clayoquot Sound, and the movement of strangers into First Nations lands. F o r thousands o f years, Nat ive communit ies were f lourishing, S i m o n Lucas and others point out, but recently, dur ing the past 150 or so years o f contact, the abundance o f resources has been interrupted. It is only by contrast wi th the past that the present dearth of resources can be ful ly understood: In our tribe several years ago we had an archaeological d ig , and they went down 5,000 years and decided to quit because it was consistent. Seventy-five bones of different kinds of fish. A l l the clams there in the case wi th the remains o f our people, cedar bark. O n l y thing that they found was a slight hint of arthritis. Everyone of the skeletons had perfect teeth. John Jewitt, as S i m o n Lucas pointed out, was we l l aware of the great abundance of dried salmon, smoked salmon, herring, and other fish products that were available before Europeans became interested in these resources: \" I f you read John Jewitt 's writ ings, h e ' l l tell you that he l i ved among people where there was . . . dried salmon, herring, in the same place that they were l i v i n g . \" In fact, S i m o n Lucas told me, \"when Captain C o o k visi ted a c h i e f s house in Mowachah t , he couldn ' t believe the amount o f smoked, dr ied fish that was in there.\" B y the t ime John Jewitt was taken captive by the M o w a c h a h t tribe, the trade for sea otter pelts was already we l l established on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The first prolonged contact wi th Europeans had come in 1778, wi th the arr ival o f Captain C o o k , and by 1785, the first trading ship had arrived in N o o t k a Sound . 8 F o r a t ime, the Mowachah t became powerful intermediaries between the Europeans and other Nat ive groups. Nevertheless, there remained the constant threat o f being taken over by the newcomers. In the account of his captivity, John Jewitt writes o f one day i n 1803 when gunfire from the Nat ives caused two ships that had arrived in N o o t k a Sound to turn around. 6 \" O u r C h i e f soon regretted having fired upon them, for he feared that they w o u l d inform other vessels and prevent them from coming to trade wi th h i m . \" 9 B y the 1830s, however, the sea otter populations o f the outer coast o f Vancouver Island had been more or less completely depleted. Trade wi th Europeans f rom that point on largely bypassed the Nuu-chah-nulth people, and shifted to other locations. The K w a k i u t l , as they were cal led at the time, now k n o w n as the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w , were able to inject themselves as intermediaries in the new land-based fur-trade. Furs from the interior were supplied to European traders on the coast through the coastal K w a k w a l a -speaking people. Th i s per iod o f relative freedom from colonia l rule came to an abrupt end i n 1849, when the Hudson B a y Company became entrusted wi th the task of establishing permanent settlements in the area. In the decades that fo l lowed, the colonia l Indian Adminis t ra t ion gained a foothold throughout Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , 1 0 and in 1881, the K w a w k w e l t h Indian A g e n c y was established in Aler t B a y . B y the time Indian agencies were being established throughout Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , the alienation o f lands and fishing locations was already we l l underway, and government commiss ions and agents began al lot ing the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w to restricted reserves. The Nuu-chah-nul th of the west coast of Vancouver Island fared no better; they came under the control of the Wes t Coast A g e n c y in Port A l b e r n i . C o l e Har r i s ' map o f the area just to the south o f Ahousaht show that the reserves la id out by reserve commiss ioner O ' R e i l l y i n 1882 confined the aboriginal people of the region to t iny spots o f land scattered along the coast, that were intended as f ishing stations but d i d not secure access to the f ishing grounds. 1 1 M u c h o f the good land at the head o f the inlets had already been pre-empted by settlers, and O ' R e i l l y was u n w i l l i n g to return it to the Nuu-chah-nulth. The reserve 7 corarnissioners, who worked on allocating reserves between 1876 and 1890, inc luding Sproat, Anderson , and O ' R e i l l y , nevertheless thought that their work had guaranteed exclusive Nat ive fisheries. B u t wi th the support of the province, and sometimes the D o m i n i o n , cannery owners and logging companies were increasingly able to use the fisheries laws to justify their exclusive use o f the salmon f isher ies . 1 2 The Hudson B a y C o m p a n y ' s settlement o f For t Rupert was established in 1849, near what is today Ale r t B a y , and it qu ick ly became a regional center o f economic and social activity. The establishment of Fort Rupert reinforced the middleman role o f the K w a k i u t l s , and it provided the incentive for the four extended lineage groups, k n o w n thereafter as the the Fort Rupert Confederacy, to drive out the previous communit ies near Fort Rupert. The decades between 1849 and 1921 are often described as the \"potlatching years.\" D u r i n g this period, Nat ive people in the region enjoyed great economic and cultural prosperity despite the cultural repression and hardship that had to be endured in order to take advantage of changed conditions. The institution o f the feasting, or potlatch system, is central to all Northwest Coast aboriginal societies. Na t ive people, particularly those l i v i n g in and around Ale r t B a y , often mention the ban against the potlatch in connection wi th their fight against salmon farming, and many o f the older people remember when the ban was sti l l in effect. In fact, one historian has suggested that the struggle over the potlatch illustrates the contact experience in a m i c r o c o s m . 1 3 The particular circumstances o f the Fort Rupert K w a k w a k a ' w a k w a l lowed the potlatch to take on new and extravagant forms. The number, frequency, and types o f goods that were given away increased dramatically. F o r example, the amount of standard, Hudson B a y C o m p a n y woolen blankets distributed at the largest potlatch before 1849 was 8 only 320, but by 1909, this number had grown to 18 ,000 . 1 4 The variety of goods expanded too, and European commodit ies replaced many o f the traditional potlatch gifts. B o t h lay and missionary authorities condemned the potlatch, for it seemed to them to exempli fy wastefulness, a lack of understanding of thrift and finance, and laziness during the many days required to attend or give potlatches. 1 5 A m o n g anthropologists, there has been a great deal o f disagreement over the meaning of the potlatch. Some, l ike Drucker , were convinced that potlatching was the hallmark of a h ighly ranked and prestige-centric society, others, l ike Codere, thought that potlatching was a form of \"fighting with property,\" whi le st i l l others, l ike Boas , bel ieved potlatching to be an interest-bearing investment i n proper ty . 1 6 E v e n missionaries and government agents were frequently unclear about what it actually was they were forbidding, and this confusion led to legal and practical difficulties in enforcing the ban against the potlatch. A t the root o f the Euro-Canadian complaints over the potlatch seemed to be a discontentment with the seasonal and spatial patterns o f production and consumption that went along with the potlatch. One missionary, for example, wrote in a letter to Ottawa that \"once winter was over and the Indians had squandered their summer earning, they were ' compel led to leave their homes and roam about in their canoes in search of food, and thus neglect cul t ivat ing their lands and sending their chi ldren to s c h o o l . ' \" 1 7 S imi la r ly , George D a w s o n , the geologist and amateur ethnographer, wrote in 1885 that the potlatch led to a waste of property, and \"saving but to no good resul t .\" 1 8 Potlatching prevented aboriginal people from becoming farmers, and f rom abandoning seasonal rounds and engaging ful ly in wage labor. He len Codere, an anthropologist who worked extensively among the K w a k i u t l , said that in most cases, the missionaries and Indian agents had no real understanding of the 9 meaning of the pot la tch . 1 9 A c c o r d i n g to Codere, the potlatch a l lowed people to maintain and validate their rights to particular names, and the rights and privi leges that accompany those ranked positions. Thus an endless series of accumulating, distributing, and receiving property has always characterized K w a k i u t l social l ife, and the capitalist economy could , at least to some extent, be exploi ted in support o f long-standing social and economic traditions. H a d the colonia l administrators at the time understood the close relationship between resources, production, and the potlatch, they may have felt even more threatened by the systems o f governance and power embedded wi th in the institution o f the potlatch. The potlatch is evidence of the great surplus Northwest Coast people were able to generate through their systems of production, and anthropologists have tended to comment on the ways in wh ich the people they encountered on the coast were \" lav i sh ly suppl ied\" with 20 resources. Franz Boas identified the numaym, or \"house group\" as the basic socio-pol i t ical body o f K w a k w a k a ' w a k w society, as we l l as the basic unit of p roduc t ion . 2 1 F o r nobles, membership i n a numaym indicated descent f rom a c o m m o n ancestor, but for al l others (the commoners and slaves), the house group was not a kinship unit as such. Instead, membership was control led through the bestowal o f names that belonged to the numaym, and this bestowal took place at potlatches. These names were the basis o f people 's social identities, because they described distinctions o f rank and privi lege. The highest ranking individuals o f the numayms, the \"chiefs\" had control over particular resource procurement sites, and over the labor o f lower-ranking individuals . A t potlatches, n u m a y m chiefs materialized the weight o f their name by g iv ing out goods, thereby affirming to their challengers their continued right to ho ld that name . 2 2 Seen from wi th in the framework of 10 \"resource management,\" this system ensured that the owners of resources were accountable stewards of the resource, and that long-term sustainability was not sacrificed for short-term personal g a i n . 2 3 W i t h the inf lux of European trade goods, and wi th access to new sources of wealth that d id not depend on acquiring high-ranking names, the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w intensified their potlatch system in an attempt to accommodate new conditions whi le hold ing on to the o l d ways. The onslaught of new diseases l ike smal lpox and tuberculosis brought about drastic population decline, and more potlatching positions than ever before became available. E v e n people to w h o m certain positions were formerly inaccessible began to participate i n the potlatching system. A s a result of this individual iza t ion , the or iginal cosmologica l relationships between chiefs and the animal wor ld , wh ich in the past had legitimated the authority of the rul ing class, was no longer the basis for expla ining material success . 2 4 In fact, nine N i s h g a chiefs, who felt robbed o f their names and title by potlatchers against whose displays o f wealth they cou ld no longer defend themselves, openly condemned the potlatch tradition, saying that it was actually part o f a \"system of unjust corruption by wh ich 'our names, f ishing streams, and hunting grounds are taken 25 away from us . ' \" A t the same time that the traditional power of chiefs over resources and labor was greatly reduced, however, the potlatching system provided incentives for people to stay and contribute the labor to the numaym. In 1885, the potlatch was outlawed, and remained outlawed until a revised version of the Indian A c t in 1951 omitted the clause pertaining to the potlatch. Th i s repression o f the potlatch traditions is often remembered by Nat ive people l i v i n g in Ale r t B a y , who for the past several decades have been struggling for access to land and resources and the 11 abil i ty to take control o f their o w n l ives. A s A r t D i c k pointed out at the Leggatt Inquiry into salmon farming, and during other meetings about salmon farming, \"i t a l l started with the banning o f the potlatch - and every Nat ive in here better start be l iev ing that because i f we don't , our voices are going to fall apart.\" In spite of the law forbidding it, potlatching continued, and in December of 1921, D a n Cranmer held a legendary potlatch on V i l l a g e Island - some say it was the \"biggest ever.\" The regalia confiscated and sold by Indian Agent W . M . H a l l i d a y was repatriated in the 1980s, and today, the \"Potlatch C o l l e c t i o n \" is housed i n the U 'mista Cul tura l Centre, a museum run by the N a m g i s First Nat ion . Th i s col lect ion has become a symbol o f pol i t ical resistance for people l i v i n g on the reserve in Ale r t B a y , and it serves as a constant reminder o f the contrast between the rights and territories held i n the past, and the present-day, post-contact realities of l ife. O f the forty-nine people convicted o f having participated in D a n Cranmer ' s potlatch, twenty-two were sentenced to prison terms. D o n a l d Angermann , the local R C M P sergeant, who also handled the prosecution, pressed for severe sentences, and it was only in exchange for the \"voluntary\" surrender o f potlatch regalia and gifts, and a signature on an agreement to stop potlatching, that most were given suspended sentences. A l l the others were sent to a prison farm in Vancouver for two months. Har ry M o u n t a i n was one o f the 17 people who refused to sign the agreement and give up their wealth, and his great-grandson, B r i a n Wadhams , st i l l l ives in Ale r t B a y and carries on his great-grandfather's tradition of resistance and pol i t ical act ivism. In fact, the presence of fish farms in Namgi s territory reminds B r i a n Wadhams of the oppression suffered during the potlatch ban: \" Y o u know, when I look back at m y grandfather, m y great grandfather, Har ry M o u n t a i n , I understand the struggles and the fights and why he went to prison to protect the way of life 12 for us that we are witnessing today. A n d for us to give up a l l the struggles they went through, I just don' t know what he w o u l d say to me today .\" 2 6 B r i a n Wadhams and other members o f the M u s g a m a g w Tr iba l C o u n c i l travel often to V i c t o r i a and Ottawa to speak to poli t icians and government bureaucrats, and are preparing to take their grievances to court. B r i a n Wadhams frequently visits the fish farms in the Broughton Archipe lago , and inspects the sites, asks questions, and carefully monitors the salmon farming around his fami ly ' s f ishing spots and c l am beaches. H e continues to do this even as the industry is steadily expanding. Har ry Moun ta in and the other K w a k w a k a ' w a k w charged wi th i l l ega l ly potlatching spent around $10,000 on legal fees, and even though they lost their case, they w o u l d not, as B r i a n Wadhams said, \"g ive up all the struggles they went through.\" In fact, the events of the winter o f 1921-22 only strengthened the resolve to defy the potlatch ban. A s soon as Herbert M a r t i n came back from prison, for example, he went directly to the ool igan fishery at K n i g h t ' s Inlet, where he gave a \"grease potlatch,\" at wh ich he distributed 4,000 gallons o f ool igan o i l , \"to cleanse those that were put i n prison with [ h i m ] . \" 2 7 Just a few months after being released from prison, Har ry Moun ta in and four others formed a delegation and attended a meeting of the A l l i e d Tribes i n Vancouver , but qu ick ly found out that this organization was more interested in questions over aboriginal title than in dealing with potlatch grievances. However , B r i a n Wadhams ' grandfather Har ry surely continued potlatching, and in the Aler t B a y area, potlatching i n the 1920s and 1930s continued even more vigorously than 28 ever before. A t K i n g c o m e Inlet, for example, the G i l f o r d Island bands began overwintering at G w a y i vi l lage, several miles up a r iver that froze in winter and was difficult to access in any case. Surprise was therefore impossible , and potlatchers were left 13 unimpeded by government agents. Potlatching also continued wi th great enthusiasm at V i l l a g e and T u m o u r Islands, and even in the more accessible locations, l ike Ale r t B a y , potlatchers found clever ways of disguis ing their potlatches as \" W h i t e \" celebrations. Because these potlatches depended on income from European sources, the accumulation and distribution of wealth through the potlatch is evidence that Nat ive people on the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a coast p layed a central role i n the production o f fish and other coastal resources even after contact. The colonia l context enabled Nat ive people to adjust their o w n forms o f economic and social life to new realities, but it also greatly restricted their access to resources and to participate in their o w n economies. A s the Firs t Nations were increasingly assimilated into Euro-Canadian forms of production, cultural repression and cultural assimilation became possible, through potlatch bans, residential schools, restrictions on cit izenship and movement, and other co lonia l techniques. A s C o l e Harr is has pointed out, the surveillance of Nat ive people at missions, in schools, and particularly, on reserves, was directly l inked to colonia l attempts at constituting Nat ive people as agrarian producers or wage laborers . 2 9 B u t Na t ive people also resisted, and continued their potlatch traditions and seasonal rounds. Nat ive people 's knowledge about who they are and how to make a l i v i n g was, and is , therefore inseparable f rom their struggles to rec la im their lands and resources. W h e n Europeans first encountered Nat ive people, and for thousands of years prior, production on the Northwest Coast was organized in a seasonal round. In both K w a k w a k a ' w a k w and Nuu-chah-nulth territories, the arrival o f particular fish species was anticipated at certain times and places. Win te r was a sacred time, but as soon as fish began once more to enter into the nearshore environments, people w o u l d disperse f rom their 14 winter vil lages to other, less sheltered, vi l lage sites. F o r the Nuu-chah-nul th , the appearance o f the herring heralded the arrival o f spring. One Ahousaht elder, Peter Webster, remembers that Before the herring was due to arrive, the fami ly m o v e d from Cloo th -P i ch to Yarks i s , the vi l lage of the Kelsemat on the east coast o f Vargas Island. F r o m there, especial ly in the Summer, the people moved out to a number o f temporary camps at places such as Ahous and B lunden Island. In a l l , there were eight places people cou ld l ive during the Summer and others such as Bare Island that cou ld be visited. W h i l e staying in these places the people hunted seal and collected sea food such as sea urchins, mussels, and chitons. O n Bare Island, we collected sea gu l l eggs and gooseneck clams. A t the end o f summer the families w o u l d return to Ya rks i s to gather together for the trip to O-in-mi- t is in September to start the cyc le over aga in . 3 0 After the herring had spawned, Peter Webster says, the herring cou ld be used as bait to t rol l for spring salmon. B o t h spring salmon and coho cou ld be caught in the summer at either Yarks i s or one of the other Vargas Island camps such as Ahous . C h u m salmon was abundant in the fal l in B e d w e l l Sound, when the Ahousats camped at O- in-mi- t i s , Bear R ive r . Her r ing spawn was also important, and in M a r c h or early A p r i l , when spawning 31 was about to begin, entire trees were submerged to gather the eggs. In K w a k w a k a ' w a k w territory, the seasonal round was similar , except that there, the ool igan was the first fish to arrive after the long winter. The relative importance of various food items varied between and wi th in the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w and Nuu-chah-nulth regions. In some areas, halibut seemed to be almost more important than salmon, whereas in others, it was not pursued at a l l . The Ahousahts in particular are known to have been great whalers. The particular combinat ion o f seafoods harvested by any one group appears to have been a function o f abundance, rights of access to f ishing spots, and the avai labi l i ty o f salmon. After contact, First Nat ions people on the coast were able to incorporate new economic activities into their seasonal rounds. Starting i n the m i d 1870s, cannery work 15 provided a source o f employment for both men and women during the summer months. B o t h Nuu-chah-nulth and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w traveled to several canneries on the Fraser R ive r , but by 1880, canneries had also appeared at and around Ale r t B a y . Nat ive people were able to continue to fish for salmon for their o w n purposes, because coho, pink, and chum were in l ow demand by canneries, and were abundant after the seasonal peak o f sockeye and commerc ia l f i s h i n g . 3 2 However , new regulations had already begun to severely restrict Na t ive rights to fish as formerly. The only treaties to ever be formal ly negotiated prior to the alienation o f land were the so-called Douglas treaties. Governor James Douglas entered into agreements over land and vi l lage sites wi th 14 aboriginal groups on Vancouver Island in the early 1850s, on behalf o f both the Hudson ' s B a y C o m p a n y and the C o l o n i a l Off ice i n L o n d o n . B y signing these treaties, Douglas recognized Nat ive title as a burden on C r o w n sovereignty, and the word ing therefore included a clause guaranteeing aboriginal people the right to \"carry on [their fisheries] as formerly .\" W h e n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a fisheries came under the jur isdic t ion o f the D o m i n i o n in 1877, government officials in i t ia l ly exempted Nat ive fisheries, by stating that the C r o w n had a legal obligat ion to protect aboriginal rights to fish. However , i n the years that fo l lowed, the D o m i n i o n increasingly framed Nat ive f ishing as a pr ivi lege, rather than a right, thereby securing the fishery for the benefit o f the canneries . 3 3 In addition to cannery work, Na t ive people worked in sawmil l s , as loggers, p i ck ing hops in Washington state, and a wide variety o f other ac t iv i t ies . 3 4 The Nuu-chah-nulth were i n the business of sel l ing dogfish o i l to logging camps, where it was used on skids to move logs from the forest to the water . 3 5 E v e n today, the yearly calendar is interspersed not orily wi th the opening and c los ing of various commerc ia l f ishing seasons, but wi th 16 production for non-commercia l re-distribution and domestic consumption. Ool igan f ishing at K i n g c o m e R i v e r and in Knights Inlet, the preparation o f ool igan grease, c l am digging, and many other activities continue to the present day. The relative prosperity experienced by the coastal tribes upon first contact wi th Europeans qu i ck ly came to end. Canneries became more consolidated, larger and larger amounts o f capital investment were needed to fish, and Nat ive fishermen remained dependent on f ishing companies for access to licenses, gear and credi t . 3 6 T o make matters worse, local Indian agencies controlled the f inancial matters of Na t ive people, inc luding the distribution o f credit, for much o f the 2 0 t h century. 3 7 Today, the right to fish is determined by the abil i ty to pay for a license, and not by residence in a coastal communi ty or by membership in a First Nat ions group. B o t h the D a v i s P lan o f 1968 and the M i f f l i n P lan of 1996 shut out smaller-scale fishers, decreased the avai labi l i ty of cannery rental boats, and a l lowed for both the pyramiding of licenses and an increase in overal l catching power . 3 8 Chr is C o o k , who is K w a g i u l t h and president o f the Nat ive Brotherhood o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a pointed out that salmon farming takes place in a context o f greatly reduced \"financial opportunities in f ishing:\" \" A l l the years that I have travelled . . . I have been so proud that we are the richest tribe in this w o r l d because o f our f ishing opportunities and the ocean. Today , I 've never seen so much poverty as I travel up and down the coast .\" 3 9 Nat ive people became subject to the same regulations as other Canadians wi th regard to f ishing and other types of natural resource production. Th i s assimilationist approach was based on a definit ion of the Indian as a particular type o f person that stood i n direct contrast to European settlers. Indian status was regulated by the Indian A c t , and until recently, Na t ive women who married non-Nat ive men lost their legal status as aboriginal. 17 Pr ior to the 1960s, on ly Indians who were considered sufficiently \" c i v i l i z e d , \" who had relinquished any pre-existing rights to land, and who had cut ties wi th their home communi ty were granted the right to vo te . 4 0 In 1969, the federal government put out a \"Statement o f the Federal Government o f Canada on Indian P o l i c y , 1969,\" wh ich envis ioned cultural assimilation as the ultimate solution to the \"Indian problem.\" This \" W h i t e Paper of 1969,\" as it is often cal led, was vehemently rejected by Nat ive groups throughout Canada, because it c la imed that aboriginal people 's problems stemmed from their unique legal and constitutional status. Perhaps the most scathing aboriginal response to the Whi t e Paper can be found i n H a r o l d Card ina l ' s Unjust Society, in wh ich he points out that Nat ive culture cannot be shoved into the past: \"the cultural heritage o f Indians is ingrained in the historic question o f Indian treaties and Indian rights. Wi thout this basic recognit ion, the Indian cultural heritage can never be really appreciated by the non-Indian Canadian socie ty .\" 4 1 A s w i l l become evident in the chapters that fo l low, Nat ive people at Ahousaht and Aler t B a y are sti l l cut off from their resources, and are struggling wi th how best to posit ion themselves pol i t ica l ly and cultural ly to regain access to land and fisheries. Dan ie l C lay ton has argued that representations of the land and its inhabitants were real ized in material form during the re-settlement o f Vancouver Island 4 2 The emergence o f the salmon farming industry in the same area several hundred years later suggests that resource extraction and production in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a is st i l l part o f a colonia l legacy o f knowledge about nature, indigenous people, and natural resources. M y thesis takes a look at how farmed salmon is social ly constructed in this colonia l context. In particular, I show how the physical construction o f farmed salmon relies on the participation o f First Nations people and local 18 environmentalists, who are wrapped up in complex networks of power not entirely o f their own making . I make the connection between power, knowledge and production by suggesting that salmon farmers are at the center o f a web o f social relations and are posit ioned in a way that makes them localizers, rather than people who are themselves localized. Th i s fol lows from Bruno La tour ' s discussion about how power relations are exhibi ted wi th in otherwise seamless webs o f interaction s imply by virtue o f certain people having the power to bring back people, places, things, and events back to the center o f calculat ion, where they are then made combinable, transferable, and manipula table . 4 3 The circulat ion o f knowledge about salmon farming therefore takes place wi th in the material contexts and productive relations in wh ich people are invo lved . T o use the imagery o f L a t o u r , 4 4 \"go ing away,\" \"crossing other people 's paths\" and \"coming back\" again al lows salmon farmers to gain a k i n d o f mastery over a set of social relations. Thus, the strategies of surveillance and techniques o f knowledge used by salmon farmers have to be negotiated wi th in the context of resistance and the pre-existing struggles Nat ive people and environmentalists are invo lved in . In this thesis, I want to examine how the colonia l conflict over modes o f production reappears i n the controversy over salmon farming. B y being specific about the First Nations territories wi th in wh ich salmon farming takes place, I show that the controversy over salmon farming is in many ways continuous wi th past struggles over the means and modes o f production. F i s h production, whether by aquaculture, fish weirs, seines, or otherwise, requires knowledge to both enable and legitimate it. L i k e the canneries of days past, salmon farming companies exercise tremendous power over how fish production is to 19 be understood. This thesis therefore takes a close look at the techniques salmon farmers use to exercise control over natural resources and over opposing environmentalist and Nat ive forces. B u t Ahousaht and Namgi s people are not merely reacting to imposed knowledge. L i k e the other participants in the controversy, they are actively checking, adjusting, and manipulat ing understandings created by others. The social interactions through wh ich meaning about farmed salmon are created are only possible because o f the productive activities in wh ich people are involved . The material conditions o f fish farming therefore remain in the forefront o f m y analysis o f how farmed salmon is socia l ly constructed i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . I argue that the continued colonia l context o f fish farming is what is at issue in many o f the debates over salmon farming, and that the physical colonizat ion of marine resources coincides with the colonizat ion o f people 's knowledge. In the controversy over salmon farming, co lonia l categories o f Indian-ness constantly resurface. Comments l ike those by K e n Brooks , a b io log ica l consultant for salmon farming companies, are common: W e are transitioning from buffalo hunting to feeding people using intensive cult ivat ion. . . . If you stand in the way, and think you ' re going to stop this industry, you ' re just going to get run over, because i t ' s an evolutionary process and we are going - the w o r l d is going to produce more and more of its seafood i n intensive systems. 4 5 This idea \u00E2\u0080\u0094 that salmon farming as a mode o f production constitutes \"progress\" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 can be heard at vir tual ly any occasion at wh ich salmon fanners are present. However , as w i l l become evident later in the thesis, both salmon farmers and environmentalists are continual ly shifting their definitions of who they are relative to aboriginal people. Some fish farmers have tried to convey their concern for the environment to me by point ing out 20 that Whi t e salmon farmers and Firs t Nations fishers are essentially the same: \" W e ' r e really not that different. F o r both of us, the w i l d stock is our biggest concern,\" one production manager told me. S imi l a r ly , Otto Langer, the director of the marine conservation program at the D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion referred at one publ ic lecture to a l l people who l ive on the Northwest coast, First Nations and Whites , as the \"salmon people:\" \" W e are the salmon people.\" The term, \"salmon people\" is used frequently by Nat ive people to describe their long-standing cultural relationship to the salmon. A t other times, white environmentalists posit ion themselves in direct opposition to First Nat ions people: The traditional [First Nations] culture means that you look after one another, and their leaders, traditional chiefs, hereditary chiefs, were chosen for their abil i ty to be responsible for future generations. Th is is so contrary to, you know, 'pi l lage the landscape for now and make a few people r ich so they can have a b i g truck. ' Socia l equity [in Euro-Canadian society] is really s k e w e d . 4 6 The constantly shifting terrain of Firs t Nations, salmon farmer, and environmentalist identities is a theme that w i l l continue through much o f the rest o f this thesis, and chapter 4 deals specifical ly with the identity strategies o f the aboriginal witnesses at the Leggatt Inquiry into salmon farming. Not ions o f sameness and difference a l low individuals to constitute themselves as belonging to particular groups, so that they can engage wi th fish in particular ways. T H E C A S E O F S A L M O N F A R M I N G I N B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A : I N T E R V I E W S , O B S E R V A T I O N S , A N D A Q U A L I T A T I V E M E T H O D Th i s study is about the particular case of salmon farming around Vancouver Island, Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , a place where there is a large aboriginal population, an active environmentalist communi ty , and where resource industries predominate. B u t beyond that, 21 what exactly is it a case of? In other words, where are the l imits of this case, and how can I k n o w what is and is not part o f the case of fish farming i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a ? This thesis concerns i tself wi th a number o f things that do not appear to have much direct connection to the controversy over salmon farming: Firs t Nations identity, the construction o f pharmaceutical molecules injected into farmed fish, First Nat ions ' understandings of salmon-as-food, and the landscapes of change in wh ich fish farming takes place, to name just a few. G i v e n m y focus on the role o f knowledge in activity, it is not surprising that I w o u l d venture far and wide wi th in the social l ife surrounding fish farming to gather the pieces needed to construct the particular case of salmon farming. B y fo l l owing knowledge through to its purposes and consequences, I began to understand farmed fish as the social product of interaction between employees, production managers, regulators, environmentalist opponents, skeptical First Nations fishers, and the non-human \"things\" they mobi l i ze in their activities. In fact, H a c k i n g points out that \"one o f the reasons social construction theses are so hard to nai l down is that, i n the phrase 'the social construction o f X , ' the X may imp l i c i t l y refer to entities of different types, and the social construction may in part invo lve interaction between entitites o f the different types .\" 4 7 In the end analysis, salmon farming represents a particular type o f production that comes about when a network of people think and act wi th and against one another. B y getting others to do things - by exercising power \u00E2\u0080\u0094 material things change form, value, and location, and are turned into products. Th i s process o f production involves a web of interconnected people, groups, and institutions that I attempt to give some coherence to in this thesis. 22 I began m y study at an arbitrary point i n this social matrix, by examining the most publ ic pronouncements, in newspaper advertisements, press releases, promotional brochures, and other materials, both for and against salmon farming. This resulted in chapter 3, w h i c h deals wi th the framings and counter-framings of farmed salmon by proponents and opponents o f the industry. I found that the meaning o f farmed salmon was to be found i n relationships between people, rather than in the thing itself. Frames o f efficiency and production are recreated in hegemonic ways by an audience that actively adjusts, manipulates, and re-interpretes routine knowledge. Furthermore, I discovered that the landscape in wh ich fish farming takes place is understood as fragmented and that \"hyper-real\" shifts i n the boundaries between signs and things point to an industry that is entirely embedded wi th in complex and wide-ranging social networks. M o s t importantly, I found that, even whi le focusing entirely on the things of salmon farming, m y case w o u l d have to be constructed out of diverse and convoluted social elements. Th i s realization is typical for qualitative research, where, as R a g i n points out, \"researchers probably w i l l not k n o w what their cases are until the research, inc luding the task o f wr i t ing up the results is vir tual ly completed. W h a t it is a case o / w i l l coalesce gradual ly . . . .\" The Leggatt Inquiry into salmon farming, held in October of 2001, revealed that salmon farming is an activity, l ike al l activities, that takes place on ly because people can f ind \"good reasons\" for doing so. B y look ing at these vocabularies o f motive, I found that First Nat ions ' people 's identities were central to their opposit ion to, and in a few cases their involvement wi th , fish farming. M y findings, based on transcripts o f the inquiry, are presented in Chapter 4. The inquiry showed me that I must, above a l l , get people to speak in their o w n words about the context in wh ich they experience salmon farming and farmed 23 salmon. It was shortly after attending Stuart Leggatt ' s inquiry into salmon farming that I began conduct ing interviews with people o f the Namgi s Firs t Na t ion l i v i n g on the reserve at Ale r t B a y , and representatives from the companies that farm i n their territories. I later expanded m y study to the Ahousaht First Na t ion , environmentalist organizations opposed to salmon farming, and other salmon farming companies operating in the area. I requested and received permission f rom the Behaviora l Research Ethics B o a r d at the Univers i ty o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a to conduct these interviews. Because qualitative cases are developed through research, rather than remaining at a l l times external to the conduct of research, the way quantitative cases d o , 4 9 I decided to conduct open-ended interviews. In these interviews, I asked people about salmon farming as I understood the case o f salmon farming at the time. This meant that I d i d not have a pre-determined list o f questions but rather that I had a list o f topics I wanted to discuss. These topics were constantly evo lv ing over the course of the study and each interview required that I reformulate questions based on what I thought I already knew. I tried to fo l low in the tradition o f interpretive interactionism, where research is conducted from the point o f v iew o f the person experiencing the p r o b l e m . 5 0 Th i s approach to research assumes not only that the language o f ordinary people can be used to explain their experiences, but also that careful attention should be pa id to context. In do ing so, it replaces the \" w h y \" question wi th the \" h o w \" question: how is social experience constructed by interacting individuals? I wanted those I interviewed to tell me what k i n d o f \"case\" they thought salmon farming was, because I bel ieved that their l i ved experience w o u l d elucidate the meaning o f salmon and farmed salmon i n th ickly contextualized ways. 2 4 I interviewed environmentalists from each o f the local or regional organizations actively opposed to salmon farming as it is currently practiced. In addition to ta lking to production managers and/or biologists work ing for the salmon farming companies headquartered in C a m p b e l l R i v e r and Tof ino , I also spent a week observing and w o r k i n g wi th salmon farmers at two ocean net pen sites. I spoke wi th workers and site managers as they went about their routine, everyday activities on the farm site, and I participated in simple tasks l ike grading (sorting) fish and pu l l ing nets. M y stay in the office o f the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a Sa lmon Farmers ' Associa t ion ( B C S F A ) gave me insight into the ways i n wh ich the salmon farming industry and the farmed product are promoted wi th in the context of g rowing environmentalist and aboriginal opposit ion. I also attended an aquaculture trade show, the Aquacul ture Paci f ic Exchange, held in Campbe l l R i v e r in 2002. There, I was able to talk wi th representatives from companies sel l ing all sorts o f salmon farming equipment, f rom vaccines and medications to underwater cameras and nets. In the fal l o f 2002, the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ( B C A F C ) organized a large forum that brought prominent industry, environmentalist, and First Nat ions figures together to debate pub l ic ly the current state of salmon farming in the province. These discussions, as w e l l as the other, smaller publ ic forums that took place from time to t ime, provided me wi th valuable insights into the patterns o f interaction through wh ich farmed salmon becomes defined. I focused on the Firs t Nat ions ' people in the two areas wi th the highest density o f salmon farms in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a : (1) the Ahousaht First Na t ion o f Clayoquot Sound, on the west coast o f Vancouver Island, and (2) the Namgis Firs t Na t ion o f Ale r t B a y , just off o f northern Vancouver Island. I chose informants haphazardly based on lists of individuals 25 provided by the band administration, whi le at the same time also seeking out individuals that had spent t ime as workers on the local salmon farms. O n a number o f different occassions, I accompanied the fisheries guardians from the K w a k i u t l Terr i tor ial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n as they inspected f ishing spots, c l am beaches, migrat ion routes for particular runs of salmon, and the plethora of salmon farms that dot this landscape. Th i s organization is based i n Ale r t B a y , but monitors the bays, inlets, and beaches that make up the traditional territories o f al l K w a k ' w a l a speaking people. A l though there is no comparable institution in Nuu-chah-nulth territory, some employees of the Ahousaht band administration's fisheries office took me out on their boat for a first hand look at fish farming sites. In September o f 2002, the Ahousaht Firs t Na t ion entered into a \"protocol agreement\" wi th Paci f ic Nat iona l Aquaculture, and they staged an official ceremony, complete wi th speeches by Ahousaht leaders and company representatives. M y pattern o f sampling incidents and events fo l lows the advice of Strauss and C o r b i n , who suggest that this k ind o f theoretical sampling (rather than pre-determined, numerical sampling) aims to max imize opportunities for the comparison o f events and concepts as they arise during the research. 5 1 Instead o f sampl ing persons, I made an attempt to sample happenings that were relevant to the struggle for control over salmon farming places in the two salmon farming hotspots I have identified. A l though the number o f interviews I d i d was in some ways arbitrary, I continued to conduct interviews, and to return for second and third times to many o f m y interviewees, unti l I thought I cou ld create constructs o f fish farming as those I have studied l ive and experience that industry. Chapters 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 try to fo l low E l y ' s suggestion that i n developing themes, we should present in miniature the essense o f what we have seen and heard over time. 26 Al though other chapters cou ld have been written, I believe that the ones I d i d write present people's experiences as unified and mult i- layered whi le f i rmly anchoring the analysis in the first-hands ways i n w h i c h those experiences are had. F o r example, chapter 5 deals wi th the ways in wh ich understandings of food enable First Nat ions ' people in Ale r t B a y and Ahousaht to oppose what they understand to be the threats salmon farming poses to their land, their people, and their understandings. In that chapter, I show how for many Ahousaht and Namgi s people, w i l d salmon as \"good food\" condenses a whole lot o f understandings not directly related to the consumption of food. B y constructing farmed fish, \"whiteman's food,\" in opposition to w i l d f ish, or \"traditional food ,\" people are able to resist fish farming and gain control over the context in wh ich fish farming is evaluated. However , the farmed-salmon-as-commodity is the place where taken-for-granted meanings meet those meanings designed to sel l farmed fish. Chapter 6 therefore explains how the provinc ia l salmon farmers' association appropriates particular versions o f Firs t Nat ions ' experience, only to commodi fy those meanings and give them away as their own . Wha t is desirable about farmed salmon (the product) appears to always be a step beyond what salmon farmers have already captured. Th i s fear o f los ing control, of los ing a connection to reality, also becomes evident in chapter 7. There I deal wi th the ways in wh ich salmon farmers, whi le t rying to radical ly separate nature and society, actually create hybr id worlds in wh ich things l ike chemicals and equations can change their goals and courses of action. Chapter 8 deals wi th how environmentalists, First Nat ions ' people and members o f the industry act in and through the physical places in wh ich salmon farming takes place. I explore the ways in w h i c h the shifting and transitory forces that shape landscapes are 2 7 directly understood through experiences of place and placelessness. A s investment touches down on coastal Vancouver Island, marine landscapes become completely revamped, and relations o f power become evident through these rearrangements. Numbers , l ike places and the other \"things\" o f salmon farming, appear themselves to be social actors, in that they can create a variety o f social outcomes. In chapter 9,1 focus on the measurements and standards that populate the controversy over fish farming. Instead of treating these numbers as objective indicators o f truth, I look to the ways in wh ich people create, use and replace numbers as ways of structuring people 's possible fields o f action. In al l of m y chapters, I attempt to deal wi th the problem of how controversy over the fish farming industry i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a has come about. I try to arrange the results so that they refine an image of what k i n d of thing fish farming is and how it got that way, rather than l ook ing to variables and causes. I found that m y chapters a l lowed me to understand the ind iv idua l cases o f m y informants and the particular case o f salmon farming in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a by mak ing connections between personal troubles and publ ic issues, or between history and biography, as recommended by M i l l s and D e n z i n . 5 3 The data, as it was f i rmly rooted in people 's first-hand experiences, a l lowed me to use what C l i f fo rd Geertz calls \"experience-near categories.\" 5 4 In this way, I constructed a case that was idiosyncratic yet had something about it that, l ike other good cases, transcends the specifics of the individuals and events involved . It was m y use o f grounded theory that assisted me greatly in the constant back-and-forth conversations with data that are required before one can understand experience in sociological terms. Grounded theory, as developed by Glaser and Strauss is explorative, in the sense that even the process of data col lect ion is control led by the emerging theory. 5 5 I 28 found that open-ended interviews wi th constantly changing sets o f questions best a l lowed me to verify m y findings throughout the course of m y research. B y sensit izing myse l f to the data through questions and comparisons, I tried to create \"condi t ional matrices\" that describe the conditions under wh ich meaningful social action takes place. In this way, I wanted to eliminate the distinction between people 's \" m i c r o \" realities of f ishing, fish farming, work, identity, food, or a sense o f place, and their \"macro\" realities o f the movement o f capital, changing access to resources, taken-for-granted knowledge, co lon ia l i sm, and other relations o f power. In grounded theory, every negative case presents an opportunity to refine the explanation (or the problem) to make it more consistent wi th al l the data. Ver i f ica t ion of theory is part o f its discovery, and this approach towards verification puts grounded theory i n l ine wi th other interpretive approaches. If others do not accept the adequacy of our interpretation, we can only appeal to further interpretation - further attempts to make coherence out of incoherence. 5 6 After a l l , I have not drawn a \"sample\" o f environmentalists, First Nations people, and salmon farmers, whose understandings I c l a i m are representative o f these groups as wholes. In fact, interpretive, qualitative research tends to reject this concept o f val idi ty because it relies on a s imple cause-and-effect universe that is burdened wi th the assumptions of posit ivist ic context independence. Th i s study is about the relationships between meanings, their expressions, relations to other meanings, and the contexts in wh ich those meanings arise. K inche loe and M c L a r e n suggest a concept o f val id i ty in wh ich compar ing the cases of different researchers al lows us to reconfigure what we k n o w in new contexts . 5 7 The traditionalist concept of external val idi ty, they say, assumes a k i n d o f transferability that is inconsistent wi th the ways in wh ich understandings 29 are reached in real life. I have therefore tried to explain how the controversy over salmon farming has come about, not in probabilist ic terms, but by incorporating all that I observed and heard m y informants say and do. This was achieved not by throwing out testimonies that d i d not fit, but rather by constantly redefining what k i n d o f \"case\" the interactions of these people represents. In the last chapter, I argue that what the preceding chapters have in c o m m o n is the problematic of salmon farming as production and farmed salmon as a product. I trace the attempts of salmon farmers to \"b lack-box\" farmed salmon \u00E2\u0080\u0094 to turn farmed salmon into a commodi ty that people take for granted - through to the human and non-human entities they must enroll and negotiate wi th in order to do so. Product ion and commodif ica t ion appear to be the central dynamics in how knowledge about farmed salmon gets created, distributed, and used. The focus on salmon-as-product is in some sense inevitable, because the things o f the production process and the methods employed in salmon farming are not mere context: we can speak o f net pens, feeding machines, f ishing places, food and so on as social constructs because through their use and manipulation, these things entrain people in diverse activities. I suggest that, through production, the fish farm industry physically produces value by th inking wi th and against Firs t Nations and environmentalists. Th is is because places and objects are mob i l i zed in activities through wh ich salmon farming is both promoted and resisted. Just as the pigments fed to farmed fish can create consumer preferences, fish farms can, in certain contexts, destroy former places, rebui ld new ones, and i n the process, render people placeless. Sa lmon farming takes place i n particular kinds o f places, very different f rom those same places as they are inhabited and understood by Firs t Nations 30 people or loca l environmentalists. Farmed fish are not ideas but material things \u00E2\u0080\u0094 products through wh ich people interact. Sa lmon and the production of salmon as food create identities and opportunities for resistance for many First Nat ions ' people, but those same meanings can be appropriated by salmon farming companies who wish to market and sell \"heritage\" fish. Fa rmed salmon is maintained as real because of the ways i n which it and other meaningful objects are turned into products and techniques o f production. He len Codere, \" K w a k i u t l : Tradi t ional Cul ture ,\" in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, ed. W a y n e P . Suttles and W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1978), 359-377, p. 360-361. 2 The D a v i d S u z u k i Foundation, Net Loss: The Salmon Netcage Industry in British Columbia (Vancouver , B C : The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundation, 1996), p. 7. 3 Th i s is according to the Coastal A l l i a n c e for Aquacul ture Reform. See http://www.farmedanddangerous.org/farm_history.htm, accessed November 19, 2003. 4 B r i t i sh C o l u m b i a , Environmenta l Assessment Off ice , Salmon Aquaculture Review (Vic tor ia , B C : Province of Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , 1997). 5 M i c h a e l Marke r , ' \"That history is more a part of the present than it ever was in the past, '\" History of Education Review 28/1(1999): 17-29, p. 27. 6 Marke r , p. 17. This quote is taken f rom an interview wi th S i m o n Lucas , and not from the transcript o f the F i s h F a r m i n g and Environment Summit . Eugene A r i m a and John Dewhirs t , \"Nootkans o f Vancouver Island,\" i n Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, ed. W a y n e P . Suttles and W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1990), 391-411, p. 407. 9 John Jewitt, A Journal Kept at Nootka Sound (New Y o r k : Gar l and Pub l i sh ing Inc., 1976, p.5. 31 1 0 W i l s o n Duff , The Indian History of British Columbia, V o l u m e 1 (Vic to r i a B C : Province o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , 1964), p. 60-69. n C o l e Harr is , Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia (Vancouver : U B C Press, 2002), p. 207-208. 14 12 Douglas C . Harr is , Fish, Law and Colonialism: The Legal Capture of Salmon in British Columbia (Toronto: Univers i ty of Toronto Press, 2001). 1 3 T i n a L o o , \" D a n Cranmer ' s potlatch: law as coercion, symbol , and rhetoric in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , 1884-1951,\" Canadian Historical Review 23/2 (1992): 125-165, p. 128. He len Codere, Fighting with Property (Seattle: Univers i ty o f Washington Press, 1966), p. 94. 1 5 Douglas C o l e , \"The history o f the K w a k i u t l potlatch,\" in Chiefly Feasts: The Enduring Kwakiutl Potlatch ( N e w Y o r k : A m e r i c a n M u s e u m of Natural His tory , 1991), 135-176. 1 6 See the accounts compi led in : T o m McFea t , editor, Indians of the North Pacific Coast (Seattle: Univers i ty o f Washington Press, 1997). 1 7 R e v . Doncke le , quoted in Douglas C o l e and Ira C h a k i n , An Iron Hand Upon the People: The Law Against the Potlatch on the Northwest Coast (Seattle: Univers i ty o f Washington Press, 1990), p. 20. * 1 8 C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 21. 1 9 See note 11 above. 2 0 C o l e , p. 19. 21 Franz Boas , Kwakiutl Ethnography (Chicago: Univers i ty o f Ch icago Press, 1966), pp. 37-76. 22 E r i c W o l f , \"The K w a k i u t l , \" in Envisioning Power: Ideologies of Dominance and Crisis (Berkeley: Univers i ty o f Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1999), 69-131, p. 119. 2 3 M a r t i n Weins te in and M i k e M o r r e l l , Need Is Not a Number (Campbel l R i v e r , B . C . K w a k i u t l Terr i tor ial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , 1994), p. 36. 24 W o l f , p.95. 32 2 5 C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 48. 2 6 F i s h F a r m i n g and Envi ronment Summit , Nor th Vancouver , September 25, 2002. 2 7 Herbert M a r t i n , quoted i n C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 122. 2 8 C o l e and C h a k i n , p. 139-143. 29 C o l e Harr is , Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia (Vancouver: U B C Press, 2002). 30 Peter Webster, As Far As I Know: Reminiscences of an Ahousat Elder (Campbel l R ive r , B . C . : C a m p b e l l R i v e r M u s e u m and Arch ives , 1983), p.33-34. P h i l i p Drucker , The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes (Washington: U n i t e d States Government Pr in t ing Office, 1951), p.41. 31 J . E . M i c h a e l K e w , \"His to ry o f Coastal Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , \" i n Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, ed. W a y n e P . Suttles and W i l l i a m C . Sturtevant (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1990), 159-179, p.163. 3 3 Douglas C . Harr is , Fish, Law and Colonialism: The Legal Capture of Salmon in British Columbia (Toronto: Univers i ty o f Toronto Press, 2001), p. 39-61. 3 4 R o l f Kn igh t , Indians at Work (Vancouver: Newstar B o o k s , 1978). 3 5 Webster, p. 32. 3 6 Kn igh t , p. 83. 37 Helen Codere, \" K w a k i u t l , \" i n Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change, ed. E d w a r d H .Sp ice r (Chicago: Univers i ty o f Ch icago Press, 1961), 431-516, p.489-490. 3 8 G o r d o n Gis lason , E d n a L a m , and M a r i l y n M o h a n , Fishing for Answers: Coastal Communities and the BC Salmon Fisheries (Bri t ish C o l u m b i a Job Protection C o m m i s s i o n / A R A Consul t ing Group , Inc., 1996); Weinste in and M o r r e l l , Need Is Not a Number. 3 9 Leggatt Inquiry, Ale r t B a y , October 4, 2001. 33 4 0 D u f f . p . 4 8 . 4 1 H a r o l d Card ina l , The Unjust Society: The Tragedy of Canada's Indians (Edmonton: M . G . H u r t i g L t d . , 1969), p. 143. 42 D a n i e l C lay ton , Islands of Truth: The Imperial Fashioning of Vancouver Island (Vancouver: U B C Press, 2000), p. 14-16. 4 3 B r u n o Latour , Science in Action (Cambridge, Mass . : Harvard Univers i ty Press, 1987), p. 215-257. 4 4 Latour , p. 220. 4 5 F i s h Fa rming and Environment Summit , September 25, 2002. 4 6 Interview with Les l i e H i l l , environmentalist wi th the B C Conservat ion Society. In this thesis, al l names associated wi th interview material have been changed ( including the names o f companies, societies, or other organizations wh ich the interviewed individuals represented). However , when quotations were part of the publ ic record, as they were at inquiries and other public meetings, I identified^people using their real names. 4 7 Ian H a c k i n g , The Social Construction of What? (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Univers i ty Press, 1999), p. 27. Charles C . Rag in , \"Introduction: cases o f 'what is a case? '\" in What Is A Case? Exploring the Foundation of Social Inquiry (Cambridge: Cambr idge Univers i ty Press, 2000), 1-17, p. 6. 4 9 See note 48, above. 5 0 N o r m a n D e n z i n , Interpretive Interactionism (Newbury Park, Ca l i f . : Sage Publicat ions, 1989). 5 1 A n s e l m Strauss and Juliet Corb in , Basics of Qualitative Research (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publicat ions, 1998). 52 Margo t E l y , Doing Qualitative Research: Circles Within Circles (London: Fa lmer Press, 1991). 5 3 See note 50, above and: C . Wr igh t M i l l s , The Sociological Imagination (Oxford: Oxfo rd Univers i ty Press, 2000 [1959]). 3 4 C l i f f o r d Geertz, \" F r o m the native's point o f v iew: on the nature o f anthropological understanding,\" in Interpretive Social Science: A Reader, ed. Pau l R a b i n o w and W i l l i a m M . Su l l ivan (Berkeley: Univers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1979), 225-241, p.226. Barney G . Glaser and A n s e l m L . Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory (Chicago: A l d i n e Pub. C o . , 1967). Charles Tay lor , \"Interpretation and the sciences of man,\" in-Interpretive Social Science: A Second Look, ed. Paul Rab inow and W i l l i a m M . Su l l ivan (Berkeley: Univers i ty o f Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1987), 33-81. Joe L . K inche loe and Peter L . M c L a r e n , \"Re th ink ing cri t ical theory and qualitative research,\" in Handbook of Qualitative Research, ed. N . K . D e n z i n and Y . S . L i n c o l n (London: Sage Publicat ions, 1994), 138-157. 35 C H A P T E R 2: M E T H O D S T o say that this thesis is about the social construction o f farmed salmon is not terribly informative. Th is became evident early on, when I tried to explain the real purpose of m y study to those I was interviewing. What was I hoping to achieve, they wanted to know? W h y was I going around wi th a tape recorder asking easy questions and getting people to talk casually about salmon? M y answer w o u l d inevitably include the words \" soc i a l \" and \"understandings.\" \" O h , I see, you ' re look ing at people 's attitudes and beliefs!\" \" N o t exact ly,\" I w o u l d say, but it was already too late. T h e y were convinced that I had been sent to separate fact from fict ion, knowledge from beliefs, and attitudes from truth; as far as they were concerned, I was either (a) going to help them, by proving once and for all that their opponents have \"perceptions\" whi le they themselves have \"facts\" or (b) that I was going to harm them by concoct ing an explanation i n wh ich their knowledge is \" soc i a l \" and has no truth value. M u c h o f the confusion demonstrated by m y informants is mirrored in the academic literature about social constructionism. In recent years, the term \"socia l construction\" has come under heavy fire f rom critics in the natural and social sciences alike. Soc ia l constructionism has been t r icky terrain ever since 1996, when the physicist A l a n Soka l publ ished a jargon-laden spoof i n wh ich he argued that gravity is a social and l inguistic construct. T o say that something is socia l ly constructed, be it farmed fish, nuclear waste or climate change is not by any means to deny its reality. Cr i t ics of social constructionism l ike Br i cmon t and S o k a l 1 are quick to accuse social constructionists o f a disinterest and disregard for the concrete and surely k n o w n w o r l d in wh ich we l ive . Th i s is a c r i tc i sm of wh ich social constructionists are keenly aware. W i l l i a m s , for example, is d ismayed that 36 many socio logica l formulations o f environmental problems become mired in relat ivism (any c l a i m to reality is as good as any other) when the purpose of those analyses is to expand environmental consciousness and liberate it f rom constraining social bonds. 2 One way to avo id the pitfalls o f relat ivism, W i l l i a m s says, is to focus on the role o f power i n the construction of environmental problems. That is what I have attempted to do in this thesis. The thesis is therefore about how people understand salmon aquaculture and how their beliefs about fish and the production of fish exist as a system of interaction that is continuous wi th other parts o f social l ife. Instead o f t rying to f ind the beliefs that \"cause\" certain behaviors, I trace out the step-by-step process through wh ich subjective meanings lead to particular courses o f action. Bel iefs about farmed fish and fish farming are publ ic meanings that exist only in interaction between salmon farmers, the Namgis , the Ahousaht , and the local environmentalists. Meanings are constructed socially, and not ind iv idua l ly , and are therefore necessarily embued with power relationships. One o f the individuals who has perhaps done the most to encourage sociologists to be more clear about their use o f the term \"socia l construction\" is Ian H a c k i n g , author o f The Social Construction of What! F o r H a c k i n g , to say that something is socia l ly constructed is to speak against its inevitabil i ty and against the abil i ty o f powerful interests to control people 's understandings about a thing, X : Socia l construction work is cri t ical o f the status quo. Socia l constructionists about X tend to ho ld that: (1) X need not have existed, or need not be at al l as it is. X , or X as it is at present, is not determined by the nature o f things; it is not inevitable. V e r y often, they go further and argue that: (2) X is quite bad as it is. (3) W e w o u l d be much better off i f X were done away wi th , or at least radical ly transformed. 3 37 In this thesis, I ask specif ical ly about the social construction o f farmed salmon and salmon farming, and not about the social construction of knowledge, per se. Instead o f l ook ing for instances o f power i n the places to wh ich it is usually relegated \u00E2\u0080\u0094 attitudes and \" ideologies\" - 1 look for power in the very things that are socia l ly constructed a s objective entities. I consider knowledge, therefore, as something that is a pre-condit ion for the material things of salmon farming and the production, circulat ion, and consumption of those things. Th i s approach is in l ine with the v iew of H a c k i n g , who wrote the fo l l owing precondition for statement (1) above: (0) In the present state o f affairs, X is taken for granted; X appears to be inevi table . 4 Salmon farming and farmed salmon, as activities and things, are taken for granted by all parties i nvo lved in the controversy over the industry, whether they be the production managers of ocean farm sites or the protestors who slice open net pens. Fa rmed salmon are real: you can look at them, count them, medicate them, boycott them, and oppose them. This formulation of reality, however, completely ignores the fact that farmed salmon also have a social l ife. In the current debate about whether the farming o f At lant ic salmon should continue on the coast of Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , and whether it damages the w i l d fish stocks, environmentalists, First Nations people, and salmon farming companies seek to unvei l the farmed salmon, to expose it as it \"really i s . \" F o r at least the past five years, salmon farming opponents and proponents alike have struggled to collect evidence for their posit ion, whi le paying little overt attention to the power dynamics wh ich both shape that struggle and inform its outcome. A study o f the social construction of farmed salmon inevitably deals wi th issues o f power, because the point of social construct ionism is less to describe than to change how we see things, 5 in this case, farmed salmon. 38 TELE I M P O R T A N C E O F A C T I V I T Y Socia l constructions of farmed salmon can be found in the midst o f the activities that surround salmon farming: the actual raising and promotion o f farmed fish, people 's engagement in the nearby \"tradit ional\" w i l d fisheries, and the vehement opposit ion to the industry on the part of environmentalists and many Nat ive people. Another way of formulating what this thesis is about is therefore to say that it asks how knowledge o f farmed salmon and salmon farming gets people to \"do things\", to mobi l i ze human and non-human entities in pursuit of particular ends. H o w do social constructions of salmon farming get people to grow fish, develop net pen sites, buy, oppose, advertise for or against farmed fish, or choose w i l d fish as food? H o w does what people k n o w about farmed fish create the worlds in wh ich First Nations, environmentalists, and salmon farmers l ive? The idea that knowledge is always oriented towards activity is not new. The sociologist of knowledge B a r r y Barnes urges us to reject the popular \"contemplat ive\" mode l of knowledge, in wh ich knowledge is the product of isolated individuals who see reality in vary ing degrees of c lar i ty . 6 Instead, Barnes suggests, al l knowledge has a role in activity and is developed and modif ied in response to the need for manipulat ion, prediction, or control . Because knowledge is used by particular people to achieve certain ends, an analysis o f the social construction of salmon farming can unmask the connection between knowledge, purposes, and the means to achieve those purposes. A c t i v i t y impl ies a social matrix, a social context wi th in wh ich meanings and the actions and interactions imp l i ed by those meanings exist. Soc ia l construct ionism speaks against inevitabi l i ty, and it does so because \"the matrix of rules, practices and material infrastructure i n wh ich [a construction] is embedded are not inevitable at a l l . \" 7 W h e n we 39 talk about the social construction of salmon farming and farmed salmon, we are ta lking about the idea of salmon farming as it is manifest in siting criteria, vaccines, feeding machines, aboriginal fisheries guardian patrols, boycotts, protocol agreements, and so on. In other words, it is the context o f salmon farming that constructs farmed salmon as we k n o w it. The \" idea\" o f salmon farming has no existence outside the sheer materiality of this industry and the people who work in it and oppose it. A t the same time, the matrix can construct farmed salmon as a certain type o f fish, and salmon farmers, environmentalists, and First Nat ions people as certain types o f people. In this way, the social matrix is not a passive background to farmed salmon, but interacts wi th and shapes farmed fish and the fish farming industry. The power to engage in salmon farming, and the power used to oppose the industry, is therefore diffuse and sometimes difficult to recognize. K n o w l e d g e appears in unexpected places: in logbooks f i l led wi th numbers, at net-pen sites, and even in the fish themselves (as for example in a farmed salmon prepared \"Nat ive style\" by the salmon farmers' association). A l though m y study is indeed about the social construction o f farmed salmon, it is also about place, food, identity, f ishing, numbers, and other things and relations that make up the social context in wh ich salmon farming takes place. M y analysis treats these elements of the social matrix as real, active entities that do not merely sit passively in the background. I try to demonstrate that power works through the networks of knowledge that constitute the salmon farming industry, and its opponents and supporters. Th is study looks at how constructions o f farmed salmon a l low people to \"act wi th and against one another in diversely organized groups, and whi le doing so . . . [to] think Q with and against one another.\" Th i s does not mean that there is a \"group m i n d , \" but rather 40 that salmon farming and opposit ion to salmon farming takes place because individuals l ive in an intersubjective wor ld . It is a wor ld they share with others - a l i fewor ld - wh ich , fo l lowing A l f r e d Shutz, is not just a wor ld given to individuals by social circumstances, but a w o r l d actively interpreted and manipulated by them. 9 The social constructions that arise through the controversy over salmon farming can only be accessed through the words and actions o f individuals , and yet, those constructions are socially, and not individually constructed. A s Weber points out, \"it is a monstrous misunderstanding to think that an ' indiv idual i s t ic ' method should involve what is in any conceivable sense an individual is t ic system o f values.\"10 I wanted to k n o w about bel ief in terms o f what Hammers ley calls \"courses of action.\" 1 1 F o r C . Wr igh t M i l l s , this k i n d o f sociology can be achieved neither through the non-comparative, a-historical, and psychologicst ic tendencies o f publ ic -opin ion research, 12 nor through the development of grand theories removed from any concrete experience. H i s alternative, the sociological imagination, exists at the boundary between individuals and their social structures. Because this form of sociology examines the relationships between private troubles and publ ic issues, it has a supremely liberating function. A s M i l l s points out, a person \"can know his own chances in life only by becoming aware of those o f all individuals in his c i rcumstances .\" 1 3 I decided that on a practical level , a focus on the \" l i f e -wor ld\" o f salmon farmers, local First Nat ions people, and people in environmental organizations opposed to fish farming w o u l d a l low me access to this nebulous realm between people and society. I wanted to know how people experience salmon farming through the everyday, common-sense reality in wh ich they exist. I found that the 41 methodology o f M a x Weber , particularly as it has been explicated by A l f r e d Shutz, and the methods o f the symbol ic interactionists, provided me wi th the means to do so. I d id not include an analysis o f the behavior of the government employees who deal wi th the salmon farming industry. E v e r since the Department of Fisheries and Oceans granted permission in 1984 to two aquaculture companies to import At lant ic salmon eggs, government agencies have been active in promoting salmon aquaculture in the P r o v i n c e . 1 4 Today, site leases are allocated by L a n d and Water B C , and even the federal government is heavi ly i nvo lved i n promoting salmon aquaculture in the form of subsidies and regulatory support. One entire branch o f the Department o f Fisheries and Oceans, the Off ice o f Sustainable Aquacul ture , is responsible for helping to streamline technology transfer, training and development, and regulation, and is a self-professed \"enabler\" o f the indust ry . 1 5 The provincia l M i n i s t r y o f Agricul ture , F o o d and Fisheries has recently a l lowed fish farms to be essentially self-regulating under new \"performance-based standards\" that are heavi ly geared towards the k i n d o f conditions known to be good for salmon farming (see the discussion in chapter 9 on this). A l though the role of the provincia l and federal governments is undoubtedly important, I leave aside questions o f bureaucratic power and the role o f government institutions in facil i tating large-scale capitalist production l ike salmon farming. This w o u l d have required an examination of the bureaucracy of both the federal and provinc ia l fisheries departments, and a look at the l inks between investors and those bureaucracies. In this thesis, I am more interested in the mundane and unexamined sources o f power that salmon farmers have accumulated in unexpected places throughout the social network. 42 P H E N O M E N O L O G Y A N D T H E M E A N I N G O F F A R M E D F I S H So far, I have emphasized the importance o f understanding social constructions of farmed salmon in terms o f their role in activity, whether that activity be fish farming, attempting to fish as traditionally in the areas around fish farms, or w o r k i n g towards an environmental awareness o f the fish farming industry. The idea of \"ac t ion\" is central in Weber ' s sociology of understanding: \"In 'act ion ' is inc luded all human behavior when and in so far as the acting ind iv idua l attaches a subjective meaning to it. . . . A c t i o n is social insofar as, by virtue of the subjective meaning attached to it by the acting indiv idual (or individual) , it takes account o f the behavior of others and is thereby oriented in its course .\" 1 6 Fa rmed salmon can be grown, eaten, opposed, cul led , and marketed because people share a w o r l d o f meaning in wh ich they can work wi th and against one another. In this sense, meanings can never s imply be the product o f people 's ind iv idua l minds, but rather the result o f continuous interaction. Phenomenology is a system of interpretation that attempts to get access to the l i fewor ld o f individuals , that social , interactive w o r l d through wh ich meanings and understandings are created. A l though phenomenology originated in phi losophy, in the 17 work o f Husser l and others, its application to sociology has been extensive. The pioneer of phenomenological sociology, A l f r e d Schutz, found a way to use the methodology o f M a x Weber and the search for social actors' subjective meaning. M o s t importantly, the phenomenological approach does away with any apparent contradictions between the \"real\" w o r l d o f things or actions (anchors, f ishing, or m o v i n g net pens) and the experienced wor ld o f individuals (meanings and understandings of identity, fish or work) . Th is is because in order for things to be real in any sense o f the word , they must first present 43 themselves to our experience. Phenomenology is concerned wi th the outside wor ld , but it 1 R gains access to the outer wor ld from the inside of human experience. If ind iv idual experiences are the fundamental bu i ld ing b locks o f social l ife, then what prevents each person from remaining sealed wi th in their o w n ind iv idua l experience? Through his concept of the \" l i f e -wor ld\" , Schutz provides us with a solution to this problem. The l i fe -wor ld is a social wor ld , one that is prestructured for the ind iv idua l , but not one that is in any way deterministic. Ideas, meanings, and understandings exist only when they are actively interpreted, manipulated, and put to use by the individuals that make up social l ife. Th i s type of intersubjectivity is central to phenomenological thought. Rea l i ty is possible because it is buttressed by involvements other than our own . Member s o f a Firs t Na t ion can agree on the \"places\" o f their f ishing grounds; this intersubjective understanding al lows them to fish, to oppose or engage in fish farming, and to plan for the future o f their bays and inlets. S imi l a r ly , we can speculate that on the most basic level , a group o f salmon farmers has a c o m m o n understanding of their fish as a biomass-accumulat ing investment, and that this enables them to engage col lec t ive ly in salmon farming. Soc ia l interaction is made possible by the \"experience o f the w e . \" 1 9 In the \"we-situation,\" environmentalists, salmon farmers, and First Nat ions people can engage in debate over salmon farming in the first place because they experience the experiencing o f the situation by the other. Th is does not mean that an environmentalist 's and a salmon farmer's experience wi th the fish farming industry correspond, but rather that things are said and actions are taken because o f the imagined, pre-constructed reaction o f the other. In this way, social interaction over salmon farming evolves because of a continual re-negotiation o f places, ecology, and economy in which this industry takes place. These 44 negotiations involve relationships o f power, and the production of farmed salmon in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a represents a f ie ld of intense conflict and social struggle. W h i l e the various participants-experience this industry very differently, they are embedded i n networks o f power that make even acts o f resistance dependent on the knowledge o f their opponents. Weber ' s sociology o f understanding gives us a way of getting at the material wor ld of farmed salmon through the experiences o f individuals . The crucial l ink between experience and reality is the actor's intended meaning. O u r understanding should therefore be explanatory, in the sense that it must be more than simple, direct, observational understanding o f social acts. Explanatory understanding o f the actions o f salmon farmers, environmentalists, and Firs t Nations people involves \"p lac ing the act in an intel l igible and more inclus ive context of m e a n i n g \" 2 0 than we w o u l d have been able to achieve through direct observation. This can be accomplished, Webe r suggests, by focusing on motive, \"a complex of subjective meaning which seems to the actor h imsel f or to the observer an adequate ground for the conduct in quest ion.\" 2 1 Proponents and opponents o f salmon farming alike must navigate the social w o r l d o f structures, groups, and organizations so that others can understand their reasons for acting as they do. Soc ia l constructionism guards against the reification of society 's functional units. F o r Berger and L u c k m a n , al l meanings originate in the prototypical face-to-face 22 interaction. Through typifications, social actors can create a c o m m o n sense about reality. Just because these typifications become progressively anonymous, and further from the face-to-face situation, does not mean that they do not remain anchored wi th in interaction. The environmentalist framing of salmon farming in an advertisement, or the pol lut ion regulations for salmon farms, to name just two examples, are based on recurrent patterns of 45 interaction through wh ich the entities l ike \"space,\" \"waste,\" \"responsibi l i ty\" and \"wilderness\" become real. W h i l e a salmon farmer may be capable o f privately doubting the reality of ocean tenures or regulations, he or she must suspend such doubt in order to exist in everyday life. Sampl ing logbooks, reports, and licenses are maintained as real by the actions and thoughts o f this and other salmon farmers. Because meaning impl ies participation, the \"dist inct ion between 'phys ica l ' and 'psychic ' phenomena . . . is entirely foreign to the dis icipl ines concerned with human ac t ion . \" 2 3 Th i s unity o f meaning and action, must not, Schutz says, lead us to believe that subjective understanding involves either sympathetic introspection or grasping the complexit ies o f another's total personality. Instead, we must gain an understanding o f the other's motives, and it is this that I have attempted to do for the salmon farmers, First Nat ions people, and environmentalists I encountered. Jean Br i cmon t and A l a n Soka l , \"Science and sociology o f science: beyond war and peace\" i n The One Culture? A Conversation about Science, ed. Jay. A . Labinger and Har ry C o l l i n s (Chicago: Univers i ty o f Ch icago Press, 2001), 27-47. Jerry W i l l i a m s , \"Knowledge , consequences, and experience: the social construction o f environmental problems\" Sociological Inquiry 68/4 (1998): 476-97. 3 \" Ian H a c k i n g , The Social Construction of What? (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harva rd Univers i ty Press, 1999), p. 6. 4 H a c k i n g , p. 12. 5 H a c k i n g , p. 6. 6 Ba r ry Barnes, Interests and the Growth of Knowledge (London: Routledge, 1977). 7 H a c k i n g , p. 12. 46 K a r l M a n n h e i m , Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, trans. L . W i r t h and E . Shi ls (New Y o r k : Harcourt, Brace & W o r l d , Inc, 1936 [1929]), p. 4. 9 A l f r e d Schutz, On Phenomenology and Social Relations (Chicago: Univers i ty o f Ch icago Press, 1970). M a x Weber , The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A . M . Henderson and T . Parsons (Glencoe, I l l inois : The Free Press, 1947 [1922]), p. 107. 1 1 M a r t y n Hammers ley , The Dilemma of Qualitative Method: Herbert Blumer and the Chicago Tradition (London: Routledge, 1989) p. 46. 1 2 C . Wr igh t M i l l s , The Sociological Imagination (Oxford: Oxfo rd Univers i ty Press, 2000 [1959]). 1 3 M i l l s , p.5. 1 4 The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundt ion , Net Loss: The Salmon Netcage Industry in British Columbia (Vancouver , B C : The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion, 1996), p. 188. 1 5 See www.dfo-mpo.gc.ca/aquaculture/role_e.htm, accessed November 19, 2003. 1 6 Weber , p.88. E d m u n d Husser l , Phenomenology and the Foundations of the Sciences, trans. T e d E . K l e i n and W i l l i a m E . P o h l (Hague: M . Ni jho f f Publishers, 1980). 18 Helmut R . Wagner , Phenomenology of Consciousness and Sociology of the Life-world: An Introductory Study (Edmonton: Univers i ty o f Alber ta Press, 1983). 1 9 See note 9, above. 2 0 Weber , p. 95. 2 1 Weber , p. 98. 22 Peter L . Berger and Thomas L u c k m a n n , The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden C i ty , N Y : Doubleday, 1967). 2 3 Weber , p. 108. 4 7 C H A P T E R 3: T H E F R A M I N G O F F A R M E D F I S H : P R O D U C T , E F F I C I E N C Y , A N D T E C H N O L O G Y I N T R O D U C T I O N Th i s chapter analyzes the framings o f salmon farming as social constructions rather than as objective ways o f interpreting the controversy around this industry. In this controversy, salmon farming in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a has been embroi led in a publ ic relations battle for the past several decades. Environmenta l and industry groups vie for influence over the social construction of fish farming by creating and disseminating compet ing frames. Frames define situations by mak ing them meaningful. T h e y tell us what is going on, by p lac ing an event or issue into a social ly understood context. In an effort to communicate meanings to would-be supporters, both salmon farmers and environmentalists engage actively in the framing o f the industry through advertisements, brochures, and press releases. \"F raming , \" as developed by Goffmann, is a type o f social meaning-giving activity that occurs across a wide range o f phenomena, f rom everyday talk to news occurrences, ceremonies, and make-believe events. 1 Benford and Snow developed the framing perspective through their concepts of \"frame alignment,\" in wh ich they argue that certain pre-existing values and beliefs are invigorated for a particular framing purpose. 2 Indeed, there exists a now r ich literature on the frame analysis of publ ic discourses that examines how meanings come about and become social ly distributed. T o name just a few examples, Gamson and M o d i g l i a n i examined nuclear power in relation to the cultural ly available meanings used in constructing frames 3 ; C o y and Woehr le used frames in their discussion o f 48 the Persian G u l f W a r 4 , and D o y l e found the B G Forest. A l l i a n c e was able to \"greenwash\" the practices of forestry companies by framing the industry in terms of environmentalist values. 5 Recent ly, however, Benford has cri t iqued the framing perspective as leading all too often to the treatment o f frames as \"things,\" rather than as dynamic processes of meaning construction and transformation. 6 In an attempt to focus on meaning, I examine the social processes that are impl ic i t and expl ic i t in the framing activities surrounding the B C salmon aquaculture industry. M u c h l ike C l i f fo rd Geertz 's \"natives,\" opponents and proponents o f aquaculture \"use concepts spontaneously, unselfconsciously, as it were, co l loquia l ly ; they do not, except fleetingly on occasion, recognize that there are any 'concepts ' i nvo lved at a l l . \" In other words, I look for the symbols and meanings by means o f wh ich people create the common-sense context they use to understand salmon farming. In describing the framings o f aquaculture by these different actors, I don't c l a i m to k n o w what it means to \"be\" them, but I am able to get a handle on the symbol ic forms - written words and printed images - through wh i ch they perceive fish farming and attempt to convey such frames to a broader publ ic . Furthermore, m y analysis attempts to stay as close as possible to the ways that environmentalists and salmon farming proponents actually understand salmon and salmon aquaculture, by bu i ld ing m y interpretations around quotes taken directly from advertisements and brochures. o F o l l o w i n g Goffman, I examine \"strips\" of activity, or slices, taken arbitrarily from the stream of advertising about fish farming, that constitute the starting points for our frame analysis o f salmon aquaculture. Th is chapter does not deal wi th the transformation o f frames through time in response to changing meanings or evo lv ing frames. N o r does it 49 tackle the question o f how people actually react to or understand the framings of salmon farming that are presented to them. However , it does offer some ideas on how fish farming frames in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a are actively and social ly constructed in newspaper advertisements and promotional literature by the most publ ic proponents and opponents o f aquaculture. I do not separate these indiv iduals ' own constructions from those they create to persuade others. F o l l o w i n g C . Wr igh t M i l l s , I treat people 's justifications as \"vocabularies o f mot ive\" - answers to anticipated questions about conduct . 9 M o v e m e n t actors' \"mot ives\" therefore are the meanings I am trying to discern. B y cr i t ica l ly questioning and compar ing advertisements, brochures, and press releases, I found that three main categories o f meaning emerged: product, efficiency, and technology. These categories, their properties and dimensions, are detailed in the analysis that fo l lows. F A R M E D F I S H A S P R O D U C T S At lant ic salmon are framed by the industry as a product. The cognit ive transformations that go along wi th this shift from \"an ima l\" to \"product\" extend a pattern o f control over nature already established through other sorts o f interactions wi th the environment. In many ways, farmed salmon have ceased to be fish, both phys ica l ly and conceptually. D u r i n g the process o f becoming more l ike a commodi ty , salmon are phys ica l ly changed from a s w i m m i n g animal to one that is advertised, packaged, and sold. In fact, one Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a Sa lmon Farmers Assoc ia t ion ( B C S F A ) publicat ion describes the process of \"processing and packaging the product.\" It declares: \" l i v e salmon is del ivered to the plant where it is dressed, washed, graded, ch i l l ed , and boxed for the premium fresh market.\" (Ne tWork Information Sheet #3). A s products, fish become generic and interchangeable, to the point where a w i l d and a farmed filet are equivalent: 5 0 In 1995, for example, B C and A l a s k a faced a major crisis due to dwind l ing stocks of w i l d chinook. B y comparison, B C salmon farms produced four times more chinook than the commercia l fishery, and one smal l salmon farm raises more fish than the two nations were arguing over. ( B C S F A , N e t W o r k Information Sheet #4) In the traditional capture fisheries, salmon become products only once they are dressed and sold, but salmon born in stock-enhancement hatcheries are created specif ical ly for the purposes o f improv ing w i l d catches. Aquacul ture goes one step beyond stock enhancement by tightening our grip on the distribution and growth o f fish even further. W i l d salmon, hatchery-raised salmon, and farmed salmon represent three stages i n a process through wh ich fish are increasingly constructed as products. The B C S F A makes this l ink to hatchery salmon expl ic i t in an apparent effort to point out the normali ty of aquaculture: \"In fish farming, salmon are retained for their whole life cyc le , whi le in w i l d stock enhancement programs, they are released for a portion o f their life cyc l e . \" (Ne tWork Information Sheet #2). Th i s framing inverts the assumption o f wildness by naturalizing the fish's captured state. The assumption throughout these framings of farmed fish as \"products\" is that we can exercise control in order to improve upon the products that nature has already made. Recent ly , Scarce found that in hatcheries, salmon are turned into products that research and \"enhance\" themselves. 1 0 H e identified the \" too l ing\" o f salmon in hatcheries and research as a symptom of rationality: a desire to methodical ly control our environment. W i t h i n this framework, actions on nature are not only v iewed as means to an end, but their consequences can be anticipated and carefully taken into account. Fa rmed salmon is not only a product in terms o f the end result \u00E2\u0080\u0094 neatly cleaned, dressed, and boxed fillets \u00E2\u0080\u0094 but also in terms o f the very process that creates those products. One advertisement proclaims that salmon farmers \"produce a p remium food product for an increasingly competi t ive w o r l d market\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver 51 Sun, Augus t 24, 1996, A 7 ) . Here, salmon is a very different sort of product. A l though it is s t i l l a seafood, it is now also a product o f trade and production decisions. Aquacul ture products are not on ly products in the strict, edible, sense of the term, but also i n terms of their role in \"feeding\" the economy. In fact, salmon aquaculture is just if ied on the grounds that \"more than 2,400 workers depend on the sustainable management o f this renewable resource.\" Environmental is ts , too, use the concept o f \"product\" as a point o f departure for their framings o f the aquaculture industry. One Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e publicat ion highlights the metaphorical change that occurs when fish are turned from animals into products. Unde r the heading \"messing wi th mother nature,\" fish farming is placed i n stark contrast to w i l d salmon wh ich are \"one of Nature 's miracles\": \"no one really understands the homing instinct that brings them from thousands o f miles away back to the exact river, stream or creek where they were born\" (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #1). A s soon as fish are accepted as being mysterious and miraculous, we can no longer easily turn them into the carefully crafted, boxed, and marketed products that farmed salmon become i n the frames employed by the industry. In fact, salmon farming is rejected on the grounds that it invades and circumvents nature's o w n processes for g rowing fish: \" l ike factory-raised chickens, farmed salmon are fooled into fattening faster. Some farms use bright lights to confuse them into th inking all day \u00E2\u0080\u0094 and night \u00E2\u0080\u0094 is feeding t ime.\" (Georgia Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #3). Fa rmed salmon are compared to farmed chicken that spend their \"short, miserable l ives\" in \"cruel condit ions\"; \"that's why many consumers spend a little extra money to buy free-range eggs\" (Georgia Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #3). In place o f salmon as a product, the environmentalists here create and attempt to have 52 us respond to nature as a l i v i n g , organic whole. It is this organic solidarity wh ich is presented as an alternative to the more mechanistic solidarity o f the aquaculture industry's 'product ' frame. The Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e , however, describes a coastal environment f i l l ed wi th products. It sees orcas, sea l ions, seals and otters, as we l l as bears and birds as having once abounded at the sites on which salmon farms are now located (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #2). The factsheets are f i l l ed wi th images of clambeds, blue herons and k i l l e r whales, and of native Paci f ic salmon together wi th their predators: grizzl ies and eagles (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheets 1 and 2). A l l these charismatic organisms are part o f a phantasmagoria that represents Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a ' s coastal ocean. A l though merely a s imulat ion, this imagineered nature organizes people's thoughts and activities around aquaculture. S imi l a r ly , L u k e , i n his study o f the Ar izona-Sonora Desert M u s e u m , noted that the museum's depiction of the desert environment is entirely hyper-real, in the sense that it has created a display that is a drastic departure from anything someone might actually encounter in the Sonoran desert. H e explained that \"reality just looks too dry, dead, and deserted to work. But , at man-made sites, l ike the Desert M u s e u m , the Sonoran Desert can be art if icial ly imagineered, l ike Disney land or D i sneywor ld , by concentrating real dirt, fake rock, real animal groups, fake plant communit ies on 12 acres o f artificial caves, trails, cages and habitats.\" 1 1 Just as most visitors to the museum assume that the desert they experience there is real, readers of Georgia-Strait A l l i a n c e factsheets are drawn into the simulated reality o f the ocean. Th i s use o f simulation is possible because we generally l ive 12 in a w o r l d f i l l ed with copies of real things. 53 In some ways, this understanding o f nature is uniquely Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a n . The industrial landscapes of the province are not so much characterized by factories and smokestacks, as they are by degraded \"wilderness\" settings, l ike vast clear-cuts, l og booms, open pit mines, and fish farms. Br i t i sh Columbians are everywhere \"hemmed in by mountains and forest,\" and the intermediate farming landscapes that elsewhere mediate between \"wilderness\" and \" c i v i l i z a t i o n \" are absent in most of the p rov ince . 1 3 The imagineered nature o f the Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e cou ld therefore work to make more accessible and manageable the vast wilderness ci ty dwellers may believe they have at their doorstep. People, l ike animals, can be framed as imagineered products. F o r a period o f time in the late 1990s, the B C Sa lmon Farmers Assoc ia t ion ran a newspaper advertisement that featured a photograph o f a man, wi th the headline: \"Sa lmon farming is a sustainable, h igh-tech industry that al lows me to l ive and work in a coastal communi ty\" (Vancouver Sun, August 24, 1996, A 7 ) . The caption indicates that the man is in fact \"Jamie Br idge , Bio log is t , Sa lmon F a r m Technic ian , Nana imo , B C . \" M o s t l ike ly , this is a real person, wi th a real job , in the real communi ty of Nana imo. Al though this person is pictured, the photograph hides the fact that it has become almost impossible to isolate one instance o f the salmon farmer. Jamie Br idge is a fish farm technician, yet his work seems to be superseded by the industry 's growth potential, o f wh ich he is cited as a mere example. The advertisement describes finfish farm workers ' careers as built up around, and defined by, the \"increasingly competit ive w o r l d market:\" \"today we employ sk i l led workers and advanced aquaculture technology to produce a p remium food product.\" It therefore becomes difficult to determine, in typical post-modern style, whether a human-being is at 54 the center o f what it means to be a salmon farm worker, or whether it is instead \"product ivi ty ,\" \"competit iveness\" and \"expansion\" that are the models of wh ich actual people are the instances: \"Sustaining the health and productivi ty of our farms is one o f the reasons B C salmon farmers need more farm sites.. . . I ' m proud to be a salmon farmer.\" A whole w o r l d o f simulated meaning closes i n on the meaning of farmed salmon. Subject and periphery are no longer distinguishable; whenever they try to locate one example of a fish farmer, the salmon farming proponents are already on the other side in their talk about the nameless and faceless forces of efficiency and control . The common-sensical concepts surrounding fish as products become dissolved in a set of simulated people and activities that are themselves turned into products. In this way, as I w i l l be explain later, common-sensical and hyper-real framings can b u i l d upon and depend upon one another. E F F I C I E N C Y A N D F A R M E D S A L M O N At lant ic salmon are further framed in terms o f the process that creates them. Because it efficiently improves on the workings of nature, fish farming is presented as more natural than nature itself. Ef f ic iency highlights the supposed normali ty o f the process through wh ich farmed salmon are turned into products. A l l the costs and benefits that accrue through the process of producing a particular crop o f salmon are k n o w n and carefully taken into account. Sa lmon farming is agriculture in a wilderness setting: it brings control to the frontier o f a w i l d and otherwise unmanageable nature. The separation of adults worthy of becoming broodstock from those that are not is seen not as an end i n itself, but as the means to an end: \"Veterinarians must ensure opt imal health standards at every stage of the salmon's life cycle . Th i s requires extensive health testing of prospective 55 parents, eggs, juveni le , and mature, market-ready sa lmon\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Augus t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . Instead of letting nature choose wh ich fish get to reproduce, we intervene. Ef f ic iency depends upon human selection acting on the fish at particular times and places. Ef f i c iency seems to have been equated with natural selection, or at the very least, an extension o f natural selection. T o come back to a quotation presented earlier in the context of \"products,\" salmon farmers need to \"produce a p remium food product for an increasingly competi t ive w o r l d market.\" The fact that farmed salmon are profitable is presented as evidence that the fish is a quality product: \"Farmed salmon is a relatively new k i d on the aquaculture b lock, one which has grown to become the leading product in the industry\" ( B C S F A N e t W o r k Information Sheet #4). Here, \" leading\" seems to refer not as much to the physical product, as it does to the rate and price at wh ich that product is sold. In this construction, farmed fish are valuable first and foremost not as f ish, but as contributors to the economic process that again turns those fish into products. Intervention into the life cyc le o f the salmon is carefully planned so as to max imize the probabil i ty that the product w i l l fetch a good price. Sa lmon farming is framed as an efficient, instrumentally rational activity. A s or ig inal ly formulated by M a x Weber to describe the use o f conscious choice and calculation as the means to achieve certain goals, rationality is a powerful structuring force in our soc ie ty . 1 4 It appears to have a particularly strong presence in the case of our relationship with the natural environment. M u r p h y 1 5 suggests that almost al l of contemporary thought wi th regard to nature is guided by the pr inciple o f rationality; indeed this tendency towards the objectification o f nature began when nature and humanity became conceptually separated f rom one another. 1 6 56 The use o f antibiotics, for example, is efficient i n this way. A l t h o u g h antibiotics can be used to get fish through life in c losely crowded pens, they must not end up in the final product. T o this end, salmon farmers c l a i m that veterinarians are special ly hired to assure that \"medicat ion is not present in farmed salmon destined for market\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Augus t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . The selection that occurs in w i l d and human-induced selection becomes fused into one. Sa lmon farmers respond to environmentalist concerns that escaped, farmed, At lant ic salmon w i l l take over the spawning habitat o f w i l d Pacif ic species by point ing to failed, early 20th century attempts at establishing w i l d runs o f At lant ic salmon on the B C coast. Sa lmon farmers consider At lant ic salmon to be poor competitors in nature because our own efforts at establishing them have been unsuccessful: \"Experience has shown that At lant ic salmon are extremely poor competitors. In fact, al l attempts to establish sea-run At lant ic salmon have fa i led\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Ju ly 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . Here, the artificial selection that occurred when sport fishers in the early twentieth century attempted to create w i l d runs of At lant ic salmon i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a is directly equated wi th natural selection. L i k e salmon farmers, environmentalists tend to blame \" ineff ic iency\" when efforts at control fa i l . The D a v i d S u z u k i Foundation laments i n a newspaper advertisement that: \"Norwegian taxpayers had to shell out $100 m i l l i o n to halt one epidemic. Caged salmon in N e w B r u n s w i c k were slaughtered to prevent the spread o f infectious salmon anemia - at a cost to taxpayers o f $10 m i l l i o n \" (Times-Colonist, October 13, 1999, B l l ) . In this framing, salmon farming is inefficient when it detaches the actual cost o f the industry from a production process that is supposed to evaluate al l farm site management decisions relative to the end product. F o r this reason, fish farming is at times framed not as a pollutant to the 57 environment, but as hazardous to \"the economy.\" A c c o r d i n g to the Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e , for example, \"fish farming is a net loss to the provinc ia l economy because it undermines industries l ike tourism and the commercia l f ishery\" (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #4). F r o m an environmentalist perspective, farmed fish is deemed unworthy because it interferes wi th the larger process o f economic efficiency of wh ich it is supposed to be a part. A l though farm-raised salmon are bred, fed, vaccinated, and created on actual farm sites, the fish are not framed as active players i n their o w n production. Instead, they are considered s imply as cogs in an efficient, economic machine whose efficiency is dependent on the design and operation o f that machine. The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion justifies environmental protection in terms o f its contribution to the economic process: \" W e can have job creation that results i n environmental ly safe technology and protection o f our waters and marine resources. It makes no sense, economica l ly or environmental ly, to continue to operate with these outmoded cages that a l low escapes, pol lu t ion, and disease transfer\" ( J im Ful ton , D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion, N e w s Release, A p r i l 6, 1999). In these environmentalist constructions, farmed fish facilitate the movement o f money, products, and work, rather than the movement of nutrients and energy through trophic levels. It is this context wh ich makes the crafting o f salmon as a product understandable. A B C S F A advertisement that features a photograph of the salmon farmer scooping fish out o f a net (Vancouver Sun, Ju ly 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) is a hyper-real s imulation o f efficiency. Despite its headline \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \"how salmon farming puts food on the table in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a \" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 the advertisement does not make the argument that farm salmon al lows people to eat, or to feed themselves and their families. Instead, the model o f eating \u00E2\u0080\u0094 the \"economy\" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 comes first, and serves to make the experience o f eating real: \" W o r l d 58 consumption o f fanned salmon is expected to overtake w i l d salmon by the year 2000. Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a is in an excellent posit ion to benefit f rom this burgeoning demand.\" In this way, we no longer eat, but we satisfy wor ld economic appetites, a far cry f rom a cooked salmon meal on a plate. Nex t to a picture of a dinner plate is the statement: \"Fresh farmed salmon from B . C . waters is now the province 's leading agricultural food export.\" W h e n presented in isolation, the related signs of w o r l d consumption, demand, and industry growth seem distant from farmed salmon. However , i n the context of an advertisement such as this one, these signs become simulations wi th in wh ich the real salmon \u00E2\u0080\u0094 caught, cleaned, cooked and consumed by actual individuals - becomes dissolved. However , this focus on the efficient operation o f the economic machine is questioned at some times by environmentalist framers. The Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e turns its readers' attention to First Nations groups, who they say \" l i v e d in harmony wi th cyc le o f Nature\" for \"thousands o f years\" (Georgia Strait A l l i a n c e , F i s h F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #4). Here, it is \"nature,\" rather than the economy, that is guid ing the production o f fish. A t one level , nature makes its o w n efficient decisions: \"one of the benefits of polyculture is that it creates vir tual ly no waste, because the waste of one fish becomes food for another,\" (Georgia Strait A l l i a n c e F i s h F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #5). However , i n this framing o f nature, salmon is reconstructed as an active player i n its own efficiency. In the fo l lowing description of antibiotic use, efficiency in the creation of market-ready, disease-free fish is cr i t ic ized because it is the result o f doing things to f ish, rather than acting with f ish: \"hundreds of thousands o f farm salmon on the B C coast are being bombarded with powerful antibiotics to prevent disease outbreaks\" (Dav id Suzuk i Foundat ion advertisement, The Province , Ju ly 30, 1997, A l 1). 59 The process o f efficiency therefore brings about fundamental changes i n salmon that are recognized and disputed by at least some environmentalists at particular moments. Just as re l ig ion extends over an ever d imin i sh ing slice o f social l i f e , 1 7 nature is no longer sacred, and aquaculture seems, in these framings, to be m o v i n g towards the profane - that is, towards an arena in w h i c h efficient, ecological forces have freer reign. Environmentalists resist this tendency to see nature as wi thdrawing from the functioning o f the environment. Thus , in some environmentalists ' communicat ions, modern At lant ic salmon culture is contrasted with ancient Chinese aquaculture, where \"the pond becomes a perfectly balanced ecosystem just l ike nature herself, wi th different types o f fish feeding on different parts o f the pond\" (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #5). F i s h are framed, not as pawns in their creation as a product, but as active contributors to their own meaning. A n advertisement decrying the presence o f aquaculture in coastal waters is headlined: \"32,700 escape B C farm,\" and includes a picture of a herd of cattle stampeding down a residential street (Times-Colonist, October 13, 1999, B l l ) . Th is s imulation appears to point to an instance o f the production machine gone awry. Here, efficiency, or rationalized production, is rejected as a proper frame for the salmon aquaculture industry. In this construction, the inputs and outputs of the production process are clearly out of place, and nature is inamenable to the types o f rat ionalized human control needed to produce farmed salmon. Ef f ic iency can also be rejected on the grounds that it fails to recognize that the boundaries o f the efficient system are open to negotiation. In this sense, the scope of the efficiency frame, rather than the efficiency frame itself, is what is contested by environmentalists. Sa lmon farmers appear to confidently k n o w the opportunities and constraints that nature imposes on the production process. Th is knowledge al lows growers 60 to change w i l d breeding into carefully planned broodstock selection, and w i l d growth into meticulously planned feeding regimes, al l wi th reference to the creation of a much sought-after product. However , some opponents of the industry have raised questions about whether \"larger and more efficiently managed\" fish farms, capable o f \"saving costs at each level o f product ion\" ( B C S F A N e t W o r k information sheet #2) are able to account for all externalities. The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundation wonders, in one of its advertisements: \" w i l l the hatchlings [from escaped and spawning At lant ic salmon] displace sockeye, coho, and other native species?... again, nobody knows \u00E2\u0080\u0094 any more than people knew zebra mussels w o u l d run rampant in L a k e Ontar io\" (Times-Colonist, October 13, 1999, B l l ) . Here , it is impl ied , nature cannot be k n o w n i n its entirety, and certainly not w e l l enough to be able to control and predict the effects o f the farming process. That is, it is argued that when the frame o f reference for efficiency is the commodi ty , we may fai l to recognize those effects o f the production process that are external to the commodi ty . The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundation seems to be dealing with a nature that cannot be broken up into parts, either conceptually, in terms of farming processes that are separate f rom the rest o f the ecology, or physica l ly , in terms of net cages: \"the outbreak o f disease c o m m o n to B C salmon farms are something no net can contain\" ( D a v i d Suzuk i Foundation advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Ju ly 16, 1998, A 1 0 ) . E v e n the salmon farming association sometimes backs away from the concept o f efficiency. Instead, the framing becomes almost \"value ra t iona l , \" 1 8 i n that there is a belief in the intrinsic value o f salmon farming. These frames are oriented not towards a set o f (efficient) means used to achieve a goal (salmon production), but rather towards a set of values. Mean ings are abstracted from the rest of the activity, and are consciously regarded 61 as values. F o r example, one advertisement showed a picture o f an underwater photograph of a school of salmon and a silhouette o f a fish farmer standing above, gently scooping them up with a large net (Vancouver Sun, Ju ly 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . The scene is harmonious and peaceful, the scoopnet appears to be s lowly drifting through the water, and the fish are c i r c l ing the net, but not fleeing it. A s imilar image reappears in the B C S F A \"Quest ion and A n s w e r \" brochure, and in both cases seems to evoke nostalgia for s imple harvesting (scoop nets) and l i v i n g off of the sea as a lifestyle. N o pen structures or netting are vis ible , and salmon are seen to be acrobatically and leisurely s w i m m i n g at l o w densities. Such framing of salmon farming is powerful because it embodies a nostalgia for rural l ife, o f humans in harmony wi th nature, and of people re ly ing on nature for its bounty. A nostaglia for a rural life was also prevalent in the early co lonia l period. Th i s movement, k n o w n as Arcad ian i sm, sought to escape the r ig id rationality and moral decay of industrial society, through a renewed interest in country homes, aesthetically pleasing agrarian landscapes, and the moral virtues of the countryside. A s D a v i d Demeri t ! has pointed out, agriculture in the province was always somewhat marginal , and so this ideal was difficult to achieve; however, the discourses around Arcad i an i sm a l lowed for certain truths about agriculture in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a to be sustained. Perhaps this agrarian ideal continues in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a and works to frame the province 's production o f raw, unprocessed commodit ies , l ike trees and fish, in a more favorable l i g h t . 1 9 This framing, though it appears in many ways to be a rejection of efficiency, actually packages these sentimental obstacles as items that can be neatly and efficiently handled. The B C S F A has tended to create an abstracted, symbol ic communi ty , and by doing so, it shifted the target of concern about the social implicat ions o f salmon farming 6 2 not towards real communit ies , but instead towards mythif ied, simulated, and nostalgic communit ies and lifestyles. Baudr i l l a rd argues that when the real is no longer available in its previous form, nostalgia takes over. A s a result, myths about the or ig in of things are proliferated and turn into signs o f reality. W h e n communit ies are concocted instead of real, aquaculture can l ikewise be imagineered to blend into this i d y l l i c setting. In this framing of aquaculture, meanings really are just \"values:\" manageable signs and simulations that stand apart f rom actual social practice. T H E T E C H N O L O G I Z E D F A R M E D F I S H Al though we on the one hand appear to have replaced natural selection, our methods o f producing and sel l ing farmed fish have on the other hand placed us conceptually wi th in a system of supplies and demands that we have socia l ly constructed as natural and beyond our control. In this construction, we are just l ike animals i n nature, i n that we compete wi th other groups for the abil i ty to grow as individuals and as a population. Technology, then, is l ike the much-needed mutation that al lows us to increase the efficiency of our production process over that of other groups. Specia l ized scientific and technical knowledge is brought to bear on hazards that range from unforeseen toxic algal blooms to feeding regimes that waste fish food and money. The B C S F A boasts that \"veterinarians use a number o f tools to keep salmon healthy, inc lud ing routine health testing, vaccinations and various handling, feeding and density strategies\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Augus t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . W e seem to assume that it is normal for the number o f externalities resulting from the farming o f salmon to be carefully brought under increasingly tighter control. W h e n one method o f control fails, others technologies can be ca l led on to save the production process from inefficiency. F o r 63 example, despite the best efforts of veterinarians, some fish w i l l not remain healthy enough to be turned into product. \" W h e n this occurs, veterinarians can prescribe a l imi ted number of antibiotics\" ( B C S F A advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Augus t 10, 1996, A 1 5 ) . Technology serves as a means o f perfecting farm-raised At lant ic salmon into a f inished product through increasing efficiencies. Th is enables the industry to turn into a \"real growth industry wh ich is g lobal ly competi t ive.\" ( B C S F A N e t W o r k information sheet #2). Whereas dominant framings of technology v i ew it as something that facilitates that much sought-after goal of efficiency, environmentalist framings specif ical ly reject the tendency o f technology to control nature for human purposes. Technology is seen as a force that separates the salmon from its natural context. The Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #5), for example, contrasts modern fish farming \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \" b i g agribusiness\" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 wi th the l ow technology Chinese aquaculture o f 300 years ago. The salmon aquaculture industry \"control[s] the way our food is grown and distributed\"; as a result, \"our coastal waters are fouled wi th more and more open net pens.\" Tradi t ional Chinese aquaculture is l o w in technology, because it depends on a pond that \"becomes a perfectly balanced ecosystem ... wi th different types o f fish feeding on different parts o f the pond .\" \" A g r i -business\" conjures up images of a lifeless and technologized animal production facil i ty, one wh ich has completely lost touch with the surrounding environment. However , when the frame o f reference is restricted to the farmed salmon as a dressed, ch i l l ed , and boxed product, technology is natural and necessary. A s soon as the production process ceases to organize our thinking about fish, technology appears to break up the wholeness and integrity o f nature. One D a v i d Suzuk i Foundation advertisement, for example, remarks that net-pen bottoms are characterized by \"two feet o f silt, a profound lack o f diversity, and a 64 disruption to the continuity of life on the sea f loor\" (Vancouver Sun, February 17, 2001, A 1 7 ) . Somewhat unexpectedly however, technology is also sometimes framed by opponents o f the industry as a way that a separate, non-human nature can be protected from the human processes that threaten to corrupt it. The advertisement goes on to c l a i m that, whi le netcage salmon farms can threaten to wipe out w i l d salmon stocks, technologies such as closed-containment systems are \" fu l ly sealed systems f rom which no fish, sewage, or antibiotics can escape.\" C l o s e d containment systems quite l i terally separate the farming of fish from the rest o f the environment. Technology therefore appears to fish farm opponents as a menace when it interferes wi th those elements o f the w o r l d designated as \"nature,\" but as a savior when it prevents us from taking elements of that \"nature\" and transferring them to the human realm of production and efficiency. In other words, counter-framings of technology see technology as a means of saving technology from unleashing its own capacities. Here, technology is no longer just if ied \"rat ional ly,\" in terms o f the eventual goal o f mak ing commodit ies , but in accordance with the immediate value o f environmental integrity. One D a v i d S u z u k i Foundation advertisement praises the countertechnology o f closed containment by saying that \" B C can lead the w o r l d in this technology \u00E2\u0080\u0094 i f we act n o w \" (Times-Colonist, October 13, 1999, B l l ) . S imi l a r ly , the Georg ia Strait A l l i a n c e advocates land-based aquaculture facilities in part because \"such technology . . . w o u l d a l low farms to cut down on feed costs ...\" (Fish F a r m Fiasco Factsheet #5). S A L M O N F A R M I N G F R A M E S A N D T H E S T R U C T U R I N G O F P E R C E P T I O N I suggest that hegemonies - values that l ie largely in the uncontested realm \u00E2\u0080\u0094 define what it actually is that requires framing. They are based on a type o f moral 65 leadership that originates in dominant social groups but are actively recreated by masses o f people. In this way, consent is not the result of domination in the traditional sense, but rather the result o f individuals internalizing and actively creating societies in accordance 9 1 with hegemonic principles. Since these principles are actively created by people, rather than imposed in a heavy-handed way, the type o f consent they are able to provide is constantly subject to interference. 2 2 Similar i t ies between the understandings o f aquaculturalists and environmentalists arise because both must make use o f the same set o f ideas i n order to be understood by any other group. The alliances between salmon farmers and environmentalists are fleeting and fragile, and salmon farmers must continuosly reproduce their knowledge in order to gain acceptance for this industry. The concepts of product, efficiency, and technology therefore dominate framings o f aquaculture, but these concepts are contested and are the site of intense struggle. These meanings manifest themselves in a particular vocabulary \u00E2\u0080\u0094 one that centres around efficiency, technology, and productivity. I argue that \"nature\" is therefore apprehended through these elements of rationality, rather than directly, as a distinct entity. In the case of aquaculture, \"progress\" and \"eff ic iency\" legitimate economica l ly dominant modes o f production, particularly careful control over harvestable natural resources. Rat ional i ty provides a set of standardized motives that are recognized by others as \"good reasons\" for farming fish. Some opponents o f the salmon farming industry, however, do not always recreate these constructions in their framings of aquaculture, and instead make use o f other, opposing constructions. Common-sense and hyper-real knowledge o f salmon farming are brought together by movement actors in the contexts o f products, efficiency, and 6 6 technology. M y observation that concepts of rationality are closer to the experience o f movement actors than are concepts of either \"nature\" or \"society,\" suggests that aquaculture is indeed a hybr id in Latour ' s sense of the w o r d . 2 3 A n analysis o f salmon farming forces us to deal wi th the fish-in-itself, and how it is produced through techniques and narratives o f efficiency, and not wi th mere representations o f the fish. La tour ' s concept o f hybridi ty encourages us to take seriously our involvement wi th things and to interpret that involvement \u00E2\u0080\u0094 which often manifests itself as a technology or a form of material production \u00E2\u0080\u0094 as a form of social interaction. The ways in wh ich environmentalists and salmon farmers construct fish farming does not bracket nature off, but creates fish that are simultaneously social , narrated, and scientific. Fa rmed fish are too much l ike commodit ies to be entirely b io log ica l , and yet their production is too fu l l o f naturalized efficiencies to be purely social . M u c h l ike D o n n a Haraway ' s pr imates , 2 4 the bodies o f farmed and technologized At lant ic salmon represent the union of the pol i t ical and the phys io logica l . Haraway focuses on the ways in wh ich organisms are actually embodiments of sets o f social relations, and suggests that the narratives inscr ibed onto l i v i n g things turn those organisms into social actors in their o w n right. Instead o f rejecting the scientific aspects o f farmed fish, we should look to how those fish are phys ica l ly constructed for clues to how they become tools in the production o f our social worlds. F r o m an industry perspective, people and fish are turned into the generic products of growth and progress; for some environmentalists too, simulations depend on the construction of salmon as a visual and aesthetic product that is part o f a Disney- f ied landscape o f animals. The hyper-real addition to this common-sensical framing of aquaculture takes the process of fish farming and turns it into a model that sets an example 67 for nature \u00E2\u0080\u0094 it is already more efficient, more rational, than anything nature could ever provide. A t the same time, constructions o f ecology \u00E2\u0080\u0094 trophic levels and energy f lows \u00E2\u0080\u0094 become connected wi th the functioning o f an economic machine that outputs fish as products. B u t fish are crafted into p remium products for the marketplace through a strictly monitored process, and are thus set apart f rom nature. Th i s rearrangement o f constructions surrounding fish and products makes understandable the implos ion o f meaning that occurs at the level o f the sign. Rather than creating new and revealing constructions, the simulated way in wh ich fish farming tends to be framed dissolves the meaning o f fish into something that satisfies not hunger, but economic demands exerted by nameless and faceless forces. Environmental is t framings can directly challenge concepts of efficiency in our dealings wi th salmon by point ing out the hyper-real similarit ies between escaped salmon on the coast and escaped cattle in cities. G i v e n this context o f shifting meaning, it is not unexpected that pro-industry framings deflect this harsh aura o f machine-l ike efficiency through a hyper-real nostalgia for a s low and simple life. F i s h farming therefore makes use of both common-sensical and imagineered knowledge. Th i s is because fish farming is in fact a natural-social \"col lec t ive ,\" and knowledge o f that col lect ive takes indirect and convoluted paths from the real to the hyper-real and back again. A c c o r d i n g to Latour, shifts in the boundaries between signs and things can result in shifts in meaning, wh ich i n turn a l low us to construct our natural-social 25 collectives. Th is may explain our f inding that in the controversy over fish farming, c o m m o n sense and hyper-reality are in constant negotiation wi th one another. L i k e a frame's matting, signs and simulations can lead people towards certain elements that may otherwise have passed unnoticed in the ongoing talk and advertising about salmon farming. 68 Thus, the hyper-real part o f aquaculture frames relies on the hegemonic knowledge o f the main frame but is able to highlight certain signs from the stream of events and controversies surrounding aquaculture. C O N C L U S I O N Th i s chapter suggests that an awareness of the performance aspects of environmental framings may a l low people to l ive more astutely in a w o r l d of burgeoning controversy over natural resource issues. Just l ike performances, frames can only convey their intended meanings i f the framer makes use of a body of institutionalized, socia l ly available sign-equipment. In a performance, a \"front\" serves to define the situation by plac ing actions wi th in a socially-understood context . 2 6 Environmental is ts and salmon farmers perform for the publ ic their frames o f aquaculture, in that they put forward ideal ized versions o f environment, individuals , and communi ty that fit entirely wi th in social ly accredited knowledge about how things are. L i k e performances, frames are ways of ta lking and acting that present particular versions of a situation and are sometimes interpreted as realistic depictions o f reality. W h e n this occurs, the power fish farmers or environmentalists w i e l d comes not from their own knowledge, but f rom the context, or knowledge, that the opposing parties br ing to the dispute. F r a m i n g is therefore a carefully nuanced process in wh ich even minor errors i n impression management may shatter the faith that an audience places in a set o f constantly changing ideas. Th is problematic arises because social actors can never k n o w for sure the structure o f knowledge residing in a group, even i f they themselves are members o f that group. M y interpretations have therefore attempted to demonstrate the degree to wh ich aquaculture promoters and opponents must have access to routine knowledge, and get 69 people to participate in the things \"everybody knows ,\" before their reasons become believable. Th i s theory o f power is i n l ine wi th that o f Ba rnes , 2 7 who argues that society, by virtue of being a distribution of knowledge, is an ordered array of powers. Neither hegemonies nor hyper-realities are directly apprehended, yet both guide the reader o f advertisements in coming to their own conclusion. Through hyper-reality, commonsensical ideas are brought into new contexts and become represented by signs, yet at the same time, the models present i n the col lect ive imagination are shaped by taken-for-gran ted meanings. Part o f the tension between the hegemonic and hyper-real meanings o f farmed salmon may be due to the apparent confusion about whether nature is \"more l ike us\" or whether we are \"more l ike i t .\" In both cases, nature is constructed as a \" th ing\" out there that needs to be distinguished i n some way from soc ie ty . 2 8 It appears that the layers o f meaning through wh ich fish farming is framed a l low for the coexistence o f conf l ic t ing constructions about what sort o f \" th ing\" nature is. Because signs are refracted by other signs i n hyper-real ways, farmed salmon can, for example, at the same time be \"products\" (visual and physical) and \" w i l d , \" without any apparent contradiction. Th i s is because even environmentalist framings o f salmon seem to f ind it difficult to escape f rom the knowledge that socia l ly constructed animals and ecologies are more perfectly real and \"natural\" than any instance o f salmon found in nature. Cul tura l ly available knowledge therefore offers both constraints and opportunities to framers o f salmon farming. W h e n frames are interpreted as actively constructed and negotiated phenomena, rather than as static \"things,\" then the frame expands so that the thing being framed, i n this case, farmed salmon, actually becomes part o f the frame. In part, this is because farmed 70 fish are socia l ly constructed as part o f ourselves, our communit ies , and our nature, and have no existence outside of these constructions. I E r v i n g Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Garden C i t y , N Y : Doubleday Anchor , 1959). 2 Robert D . Benford and D a v i d A . Snow, \"F raming processes and social movements: an overview and assessment,\" Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639 . W i l l i a m A . Gamson and A n d r e M o d i g l i a n i , \" M e d i a discourse and publ ic op in ion on nuclear power: a constructionist approach,\" American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37. 4 Patr ick G . C o y and L y n n e M . Wdehr le , \"Construct ing identity and opposit ional knowledge: the framing practices of peace movement organizations during the Persian G u l f war,\" Sociological Spectrum 16 (1996): 287-327 . 5 A a r o n D o y l e , B r i a n El l io t t , and D a v i d T i n d a l l , \"F raming the forests: corporations, the B . C . Forest A l l i a n c e , and the media ,\" in Organizing Dissent: Contemporary Social Movements in Theory and Practice, ed. W i l l i a m K . Car ro l l (Toronto: Ga ramond Press, 1997), 240-268 . 6 Robert D . Benford , \" A n insider 's critique of the social movement framing perspective,\" Sociological Inquiry 67/4 (1997): 409-430 . C l i f fo rd Geertz, \" F r o m the native's point o f v iew: on the nature o f anthropological understanding,\" in Interpretive Social Science: A Reader, Paul R a b i n o w and W i l l i a m M . Su l l ivan , ed. (Berkeley: Univers i ty o f Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1979), 225 -241 , p. 228. 8 E r v i n g Goffman, Frame Analysis (Cambridge: Harvard Univers i ty Press, 1974). 9 C . Wr igh t M i l l s , \"Situated actions and vocabularies of mot ive ,\" in Power, Politics and People: The Collected Essays of C Wright Mills (New Y o r k : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press, 1963), 439 -452 . 1 0 R i k Scarce; Fishy Business: Salmon, Biology, and the Social Construction of Nature (Philadelphia: Temple Univers i ty Press, 2000). I I T i m o t h y W . L u k e , \"The Ar izona-Sonora desert museum: imagineering southwestern environments as hyperreality,\" Organization and Environment 10/2 (1997): 148-163, p.156. 7 1 Jean Baudr i l l a rd , Simulacra and Simulation ( A n n Arbor : Univers i ty of M i c h i g a n Press, 2000). 1 3 D a v i d Demerit t , \" V i s i o n s of agriculture in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , \" BC Studies 108 (1995-6): 29-59, p. 29. 1 4 M a x Weber , Economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology V o l u m e 1, Claus W i t t i c h and Guenter Ro th , translators. (Berkeley: Univers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1968). 1 5 R a y m o n d M u r p h y , Rationality and Nature: A Sociological Inquiry into a Changing Relationship (Boulder: Wes tv iew Press, 1994). 1 6 P h i l M c N a g h t e n and John U r r y , \"Towards a sociology o f nature,\" Sociology 29/2 (1995): 203-220 . 1 7 E m i l e D u r k h e i m , The Division of Labor in Society (New Y o r k : The Free Press, 1984 [1933]). 1 8 See note 14 above. 1 9 Demerit t , pp. 32-40. See note 12 above. 2 1 A n t o n i o Gramsc i , The Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings 1916-1935, D a v i d Forgacs, editor, (New Y o r k : N e w Y o r k Univers i ty Press, 2000). 2 2 Christ ine B u c i - G l u c k s m a n n , \"Hegemony and consent: a pol i t ical strategy\" in Approaches to Gramsci, A n n e Sassoon, ed., (London: Writers and Readers, 1982), 116-126. 2 3 B r u n o Latour , We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harva rd Univers i ty Press, 1993), p. 6. 2 4 D o n n a Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature ( N e w Y o r k : Routledge, 1991), p. 11. ' 25 B r u n o Latour , Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harva rd Univers i ty Press, 1999) p. 187. 2 6 See note 1 above. 72 2 7 Ba r ry Barnes, The Nature of Power (Cambridge: Po l i ty Press, 1988). 28 N e i l Evernden, The Social Creation of Nature (Bal t imore: Johns H o p k i n s Univers i ty Press, 1992). 73 C H A P T E R 4. \u00C2\u00A9 E N T I T Y A N D E N V I R O N M E N T I N T H E L E G G A T T I N Q U I R Y I N T R O D U C T I O N In October of 2001, the Leggatt Inquiry into salmon farming traveled to four small communit ies (Port Hardy , Tof ino , A le r t B a y , and Campbe l l R ive r ) close to the centers o f operation for the finfish aquaculture industry in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . 1 In doing so, it gave local people, particularly First Nat ions ' people, an opportunity to speak about salmon farming using their o w n vocabularies, styles o f speaking, and forms o f knowledge . 2 The i r testimony, however, was about much more than salmon farming. In fact, most of the talk at the inquiry focused around people 's sense o f place and communi ty , and their understandings o f their way o f life. In particular, the inquiry brought to light the legal and pol i t ical context in wh ich the salmon farming industry operates, and much of the co lonia l context described in chapter 1 is relevant to this discussion of identity and salmon farming. Th i s chapter focuses on narratives that in technical and scientific circles w o u l d probably be considered rambl ing, anecdotal and off the topic . 3 M u c h o f the background needed to make sense of these accounts o f fish farming lies hidden in the colonia l context o f the industry and the on-going struggles o f Na t ive people i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a for recognition of their rights to land and resources. In particular, the material practices of the colonizers seem to produce Nat ive identities very different f rom the ones Nat ive people themselves k n o w about and rely on. M y analysis o f the Leggatt Inquiry tries to give voice to the Nat ive people who appeared at the inquiry by showing that whi le they are certainly the vic t ims o f continued intrusions into their territories and ways o f life - and, as I hope to demonstrate, salmon farming represents such an intrusion - they are not passive bystanders 74 in the process. Instead, the aboriginal people who spoke about salmon farming at the inquiry creatively and strategically employed a variety o f devices that w o u l d help others see the controversy over salmon farming as they themselves d id . People evaluate situations using particular vocabularies that are k n o w n to be unquestioned explanations for behaviors or attitudes. 4 Therefore, First Nat ions ' people may encounter resistance or misunderstanding when jus t i fying their rejection of fish farming to non-First Nat ions ' people. The theoretical work on how people use accounts in social interaction suggests that at this point, two strategies are available to an aboriginal opponent o f salmon farming: her or she may either (1) reassure the listener about the type o f person they are, as a member o f a First Na t ion , or more rarely (2) switch identities and provide accounts in line wi th who they think they are expected to be. In the first instance, the witness strives to reset the social stage on which the drama of the account is p layed out to reflect an identity more favorable to his situation. 5 In the second instance, testimonies are placed wi th in the context of an identity that may honor only very different types o f accounts. In this way, people 's accounts of their behavior generally reflect a commitment to being a particular type o f person by responding to the expectations associated with that identi ty. 6 W h i l e I structure m y analysis o f the speakers' identities around these two strategies, it w i l l soon become clear that these categories - \"af f i rming\" identity and \"negotiating\" identity - are more f lu id than is sometimes supposed. I challenge the assumption that \"aboriginal peoples have yet to significantly affect the construction of their own identities wi th in mainstream Euro-Canadian contexts.\" 7 A l though Nat ive people at the Leggatt Inquiry seemed to recognize that they were constrained by outsiders' understandings of 7 5 who they were, those constraints were transformed into opportunities for resistance. In the course o f interpreting what it means to be aboriginal , the witnesses seemed to be actively selecting, checking, and transforming both the meanings that were ascribed to them by non-aboriginal people, and those they had previously constructed on their own . A s a result, aboriginal people were able to speak about salmon farming in terms of uniquely Nat ive identities. Th i s perspective on identity is relevant to much of the recent work on the subject. F r o m the symbol ic interactionist point of v iew, identities are generally considered to be symbols in their o w n right. These symbol ic identities i m p l y relationships between people Q that must be negotiated through interaction. Therefore, identity is never a pre-determined and stable feature o f the self, but rather something that is always in progress and constructed wi th in discourse. Joane Nage l , for example, observed that ethnic identification as an A m e r i c a n Indian seems to l ie at the boundary between ascribed and self-created identities; indeed identities are the context-specific negotiations that make up these clashes in meaning . 9 In recent years, the D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion, along wi th other environmentalist organizations in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , has raised serious questions about the environmental impacts of salmon farming. In addition, most coastal First Nat ions i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a seem opposed to or suspicious o f salmon farming in their territories, though one First Na t ion on the north coast, the K i t a s o o / X a i ' x a i s operates its o w n salmon farm. The Sa lmon Aquacul ture R e v i e w , conducted by the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a government 's Envi ronmenta l Assessment Off ice i n 1995, d id not appear to adequately answer either Na t ive or Eu ro -Canadian people 's questions about this new industry. The Leggatt Inquiry, although 76 organized and funded by the Suzuk i Foundation, was part o f a publ ic relations battle over salmon farming that has been raging for many years. The Coastal A l l i a n c e for Aquacul ture Reform, wh ich includes the Suzuk i Foundation, has been trying to raise publ ic awareness over the potential for salmon farms to transmit disease to w i l d , Paci f ic salmon, and the pol lu t ing effects of high concentrations o f fish and feed at farm sites. In addition, the reality of At lant ic salmon escapes has outraged environmentalists who, l ike many Br i t i sh Columbians , understand salmon as a part of the region's natural heritage and fear for the continued survival of the w i l d species . 1 0 Br i t i sh Columbians , aboriginal and non-aboriginal al ike, are frequently invo lved i n intense controversies over logging, f ishing, and mineral exploration. In 1993, for example, environmentalists took part in large demonstrations against logging practices and commit ted acts of c i v i l disobedience in Clayoquot Sound, on the west coast o f Vancouver Island. In addition, many aboriginal groups in the province have been deliberately chal lenging their continued exclusion from, and lack of control over, resources and territories that were never ceded by treaty or otherwise. These legal challenges, though not always successful, have placed strong pressure on government fisheries regulators to recognize pre-existing Nat ive r ights . 1 1 The D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion, an environmentalist organization wi th a strong focus on the oceans and sustainable f ishing, initiated, organized, and financed Stuart Leggatt 's inquiry. Stuart Leggatt, a retired Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a Supreme Cour t judge, was appointed inquiry commissioner. Leggatt 's terms of reference, however, stated that the inquiry was independent and that it provided a much-needed opportunity for people to speak pub l ic ly about salmon farming. Judge Stuart Leggatt not only a l lowed these sorts o f personal 77 testimonies, but actively sol ici ted them. In doing so, he fo l lowed in the footsteps of Judge Thomas Berger, who led an inquiry into the proposed M a c K e n z i e V a l l e y Pipe l ine in 1974. Berger had been interested i n hearing from more than expert witnesses; he wanted to come to grips wi th different ways o f understanding the environment, and wi th people 's hopes and fears about their continued relationship with the l a n d . 1 2 C O N T E S T E D I D E N T I T Y A N D N A T U R E W h e n Nat ive Br i t i sh Columbians at the Leggatt Inquiry spoke about fish farming, they tended to emphasize their first-hand knowledge of people, territories, and ways of mak ing a l i v i n g , rather than restricting their explanations to second-hand, scientific \"facts.\" M u c h o f the evidence placed fish farming wi thin the context o f memories about colonia l attempts to destroy a way of life. A r t D i c k (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Na t ion , hereditary chief, M a m a l i l i k u l l a tribe), said that it al l started with the banning of the potlatch. A n d then they implemented the residential school because this government o f ours has a hundred year plan for Canada . . . and Nat ives are not included. . . . That wasn' t successful, what other option do they have? They are going to the very substance that sustained us throughout our history: our food supply. The importance o f people 's social l ives is a thread that wove itself through much o f the opposi t ion to fish farming and appeared to be inseparable from the discourse on the natural l ives o f fish and other marine resources. Dis t inct ions between culture and tradition on the one hand, and economy and industry on the other, so often made in non-aboriginal society, was not one that was made by any of the First Nat ions ' witnesses at the inquiry. F i s h farmers, on the other hand, typical ly talk about control l ing a valuable yet separate nature such that its \"productive potential\" can be tapped ( B C Sa lmon Fanners ' Assoc ia t ion 78 advertisement, Vancouver Sun, Ju ly 18, 1996, A 1 2 ) . F o r R o d S a m (Tofino, Ahousaht First Nat ion) , l ike many o f the witnesses, people 's reliance on the productive capacity of the environment is the very thing that makes them human. Th i s understanding is in direct contrast to that o f the authors o f the Sa lmon Aquacul ture R e v i e w , who \"had stated that there is little or no impact to the environment and to humans. Bas i ca l l y stating that First Nat ions ' people aren't human, because we are impacted. Y o u cannot even begin to put a price on the resources we have lost ( R o d Sam, Tof ino , Ahousaht Firs t Nat ion) .\" First Nat ions ' people have unique ways o f understanding their relationship wi th the environment that are different from their colonizers. However , the huge diversity o f indigenous ways o f life calls into question the usefulness o f easy generalizations about Nat ive environmental understandings. Levi-Strauss tried to characterize the \"savage m i n d \" by saying that indigenous people operate at a different \"strategic l e v e l \" of thought - one that is \"adapted to that o f perception and imag ina t ion . \" 1 3 Some contemporary anthropologists have argued that non-agriculturalists relate to resources differently than agricultural is ts , 1 4 and have a tendency to endow elements o f nature wi th subjectivity, in the same way that we (non-aboriginals) endow humans wi th subject ivi ty . 1 5 These sorts of conclusions probably have more to do wi th our o w n (Euro-Canadian) problems in understanding the nature o f objectivity than wi th the cultural worlds o f exotic or far-away peoples . 1 6 In fact, it seems most useful to focus on differences in these understanding as they apply to particular social situations at specific times and places. Those who testified at the Leggatt Inquiry highlighted the reliance of their meanings and understandings o f salmon on contemporary, real, and productive f ishing economies, rather than on vague notions of traditional values. The divide between the cultural and the 79 economic has been imposed by Euro-Canadians because it is a powerful way of te l l ing First Nat ions ' people who they are: traditional people who k n o w nothing of economy. Foucault has suggested that power constitutes people as subjects - that it tells people who they are in relation to each other and the material w o r l d . 1 7 In the particular context of Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , the appropriation o f First Nat ions ' lands by colonists has gone hand in hand with the relegation o f First Na t ion people 's ways o f understanding those lands. Foucault says that power is not so much a confrontation between two adversaries as it is a question of government, and as a result, the things wi th wh ich in this sense government is to be concerned are i n fact men, but men i n their relations, their l inks , their imbricat ion wi th those other things wh ich are wealth, resources, means of subsistence, the territory wi th its specific qualities, cl imate, i rr igation, fertility, e tc . 1 8 What counts as material production - as opposed to social production - determines the types of access Nat ive people have to resources in their territories. Th i s is also the v iew of Bruce Braun , who found that the colonial history o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a is being kept al ive through a k i n d of \"silent co lonia l v io lence\" that separates understandings of Nat ive people from understandings o f modernity and cul ture . 1 9 A C C O U N T S : A F F I R M I N G F I R S T N A T I O N S I D E N T I T Y Identity and fishing F i sh ing appeared to be understood by First Nat ions ' speakers, most o f w h o m had fished all their l ives, as inseparable from who they are as people. F i s h i n g was not just described as an activity among many others; instead witnesses spoke of a dynamic and active nature in wh ich the continuity of people is l inked to the renewal o f natural resources. Th i s renewal takes place through use: \" O u r access to our traditional foods is a major l ink to 80 our traditional way o f life, and our culture. T o watch this being destroyed is to witness genocide.\" ( B i l l Cranmer, Ale r t B a y , elected chief, Namgis Firs t Nat ion) . F i s h are therefore not an entity to be acted on, but with: \" T o me, this w i l d fish is who we are, what we are\" (Stan Hunt , A le r t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) . In this v iew, f ishing should not be v iewed s imply as the extraction o f consumables, but as an activity that recreates people and their so-called \"tradit ional\" knowledge, at the same time as it recreates the environment. Speakers talked about how, in their societies, people take care o f the environment not by s imply ta lking about culture, but by actively engaging wi th the material w o r l d so that knowledge o f the resources, and the resources themselves, w i l l endure into the future. In much the same way that it recreates nature, f ishing al lows for continuity in the identity of these Firs t Nations people despite the drastic changes they have faced over the past century. Coast-wide buyback programs, indiv idual quotas, and other moves towards the privatization of commerc ia l f ishing have resulted in the e l iminat ion of a l l but a handful o f salmon licenses in Ale r t B a y . A l though the federal government continues to bracket fisheries off from communi ty life, the Namgi s people are commit ted to maintaining the possibi l i ty o f a w i l d f ishing economy for generations to come. Th i s commitment is expressed in cultural terms, as something that commands . . . the sacred duty of stewardship o f the land, sea and air resources for future generations, and the abil i ty to harvest those resources for food, ceremonial , and social purposes has been ongoing for years and years for [Native] people ( B i l l Cranmer, Ale r t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) . F o r the aboriginal people o f northern Vancouver Island and the adjacent mainland, expectations about how people should behave towards and wi th natural resources are created not through idle thoughts of past cultural ideals, but by f ishing - by being engaged directly in the resource of the present. F i sh ing makes it becomes difficult to discern where 81 the fish stops and the human begins. A s M i k e Stadnyk (Aler t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Nat ion) put it, \"the salmon fishing industry is responsible for everything I am today.\" Th i s is consistent, even today, wi th Franz Bo as ' documentation o f the metaphorical use in the K w a k i u t l l anguage 2 0 of salmon as people: The guests o f a person as we l l as wealth that he acquires are ca l led his ' sa lmon ' . . . a great many guests a ' school of sa lmon' and the house or vi l lage o f the host his 'salmon wei r ' into wh ich he hauls his guests. W h e n Darre l l Campbe l l (Tofino, Ahousaht First Nat ion) talked about the survival o f fish stocks over mi l lennia , he pointed out the fact that: \"Since time immemor ia l , the Ahousaht First Na t ion managed the fish, the aquatic resources, and the environment under their o w n laws, law systems. The law is respected, the fish, aquatic resources and al l its environment surrounding it [are also respected].\" This is how he introduced h imsel f and his testimony. A l l his later c laims were subordinate to this fundamental social fact: his people have always managed and harvested salmon precisely because these fish are so valuable. B y mak ing extensive use o f references to f ishing, Darre l l Campbe l l explained his practical knowledge o f f ishing as itself a cultural resource that integrates present realities with traditional practices. B y expla in ing who they are as fishers, First Nat ions ' witnesses generally sought to create expectations in the listener with regard to fishers' behavior. M a n o Taylor , a c l am digger f rom Ale r t B a y (Namgis First Nat ion) can \"just look at the beach and k n o w what 's there, whether i t 's a butter beach or a littleneck beach.\" H e checks up on the condit ion of c l am beds near fish farms because he \"like[s] to f ind out what our o l d people used to do and where they used to go.\" M a n o T a y l o r is one o f the few seafood harvesters who continues to ho ld a commercia l license in Ale r t B a y , and he argued that it is the practical 82 implicat ions of his knowledge that assure its val idi ty: \" C l a m s , \" as he went on to point out, \"are a renewable resource enjoyed by most people. . . . I don' t k n o w anybody in this r oom [who has eaten] a farmed f ish .\" W h e n a fisher talks about the ocean, their first-hand knowledge is regarded as true not because it is \"cul tural\" , but instead because it was used by generations o f fishers f rom past to present. A r t D i c k (Aler t B a y , Namgis First Nat ion) remembered how he learned about pi t - l ight ing \"as a herring fisherman with [his father] on the mainland thirty-five years ago:\" W e used to pit light. . . . A n d when we d id that we attracted herring plus everything else that l ives in the ocean came to that light. A n d when we made our set to catch these herring, it was quite a c o m m o n occurrence for us to catch 50, 70, 125 spring salmon that were in the areas at the time. W h e n he saw that fish farms were using lights at night, it bothered h im , because he knows \"what happens when the lights get turned on to these little fish that are escaping the rivers and heading out to sea.\" In his presentation, A r t D i c k \"chose not to have a title.\" H e has many \u00E2\u0080\u0094 hereditary chief o f the M a m a l i l i k u l l a people of V i l l a g e Island, a counc i l lo r of the Namgi s First Na t ion , senior fisheries guardian at the K w a k i u t l Terr i tor ial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n -- but instead, he testified \"on behalf o f [his] f ami ly , \" who were the people wi th w h o m he fished and who taught h i m to make a l i v i n g through fishing. L i k e the environment experienced through fishing, the environment i n wh ich fish farming takes place is fundamentally social . W i l l i e M o o n (Aler t B a y , elected chief, Namgi s Firs t Nat ion) found that when outbreaks [of fish disease] erupt [on salmon farms], it is not the fish that are quarantined, but the people: \" W e the Tsawataineuk Nat ion , our travel mode is basical ly by boat. If they have an outbreak in our territory that basical ly means we are quarantined in our communi ty .\" This is because fish farming, l ike tree farming, precludes 83 many other, uniquely Nat ive , economic activities. A c c o r d i n g to A r t D i c k (Aler t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Nat ion): Eve rybody knows the effect that fish farms have on a cultural way o f life o f the Nat ive . U p at the head o f Knigh ts Inlet, where I go to make [ooligan] grease on a yearly basis. . . there's tree farms. W e no longer have access to that land to hunt. K i n g c o m e Inlet is the home o f the W i l l i e M o o n ' s people, the Tsawataineuk, just as Knights Inlet lies in the traditional territory of A r t D i c k ' s ancestors, the M a m a l i l i k u l l a . Bo th these locations are geographically removed from the reserve in Ale r t B a y to wh ich government Indian agents m o v e d many K w a k ' w a l a speaking tribes. However , these two men continue to be \" f rom\" those areas as long as they continue to fish in those inlets, thereby recreating their famil ies ' culture in real and productive ways. A s wi th fishing, fish farming is not considered to be separate f rom social l i fe . Joe Campbe l l (Tofino, band manager, Ahousaht First Nat ion) , for example, observed at the fish farm at Bare B l u f f that: \"The dogfish come around and it creates dependency [on the feed]. Just l ike when there's a free meal , lots o f people go there.\" Ul t imate ly , Joe Campbe l l says, the dependency o f w i l d fish on fish pellets is \"going to be at the cost o f the pub l i c . \" H e wonders whether \"the government [is] going to be liable . . . for any damage to the environment and to the l ives o f [his] people?\" Joe Campbe l l ' s comments relate directly to the economic condit ion o f his communi ty , Ahousaht , where, unl ike Ale r t B a y , wh ich remains more or less steadfastly opposed to any involvement in the industry, as many as 60 people work at, and have s lowly become dependent on, the nearby fish farms and processing plant. In fact, f ish farming is the on ly major employer i n the communi ty besides the band administration. L i k e other aboriginal communit ies along the coast, the l icensing schemes and other governmental fisheries regulations deprived the Ahousaht of 84 commerc ia l access to their adjacent, w i l d fisheries and many Ahousaht work as wage laborers disconnected f rom the f ishing economy. Just as w i l d salmon are k n o w n to be closely intertwined wi th Firs t Nat ions as people, so farmed salmon are thought to represent the beliefs and agendas o f non-aboriginal people. In fact, Nat ive witnesses often described fish farming as part o f a larger program to either exterminate or assimilate aboriginal people, \"This is a l l being done, this genocide of a race, being done under the guise o f farming, under the guise of economic development\" (Art D i c k , Ale r t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) . Here, he is interpreting farmed fish as an extension of the colonizers, just as w i l d salmon are v iewed as an extension of his people. The Namgi s people are particularly sensitized to the cultural violence that comes from attempts at assimilation. V e r a N e w m a n (Aler t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Nat ion) is no longer able to d ig clams because she \"live[s] in a different w o r l d . . . . we are told to get educated.. . we come home wi th an education and we don't get the jobs .\" Wha t V e r a N e w m a n points out very clearly is that her inabil i ty to harvest w i l d marine species is a direct and material consequence o f non-Nat ive intrusions into Nat ive understandings o f people and the environment. In other words, non-Nat ive understandings of f ishing, when imposed on Nat ive people, are more than mere discourse: they do perceptible damage to the l ives of real individuals . W h e n fishing is no longer an option, people are starved o f their l ife and meaning: \"I sit here and I watch our [fishing] boats, I feel l ike c ry ing . I feel l ike our communi ty has just l a id down and d ied\" (ibid). Here, cultural meanings are not understood as mere beliefs or attitudes, but as resources cri t ical to survival . In i t 's U ' m i s t a Cul tura l Center, the N a m g i s 85 Nat ion remembers the potlatch ban of the early 20 century i n a display of the seized and repatriated items. The F a l l 2000 edition o f U ' m i s t a news explains that the center is designed as a place for people to \" inform themselves about the genocide that is our h i s to ry . \" 2 2 Identity and place The aboriginal testimonies at the Leggatt Inquiry were f i l l ed wi th references to the traditional territories o f particular bands and nations. People discussed places in h ighly specific ways, by always associating places wi th their inhabitants. E a c h day 's proceedings were opened by a statement we lcoming the audience and the speakers to a particular territory, thereby letting the non-Nat ive listeners k n o w what sort o f place it was that was hosting the inquiry. Pat A l f r e d (Namgis First Nat ion) introduced the Port Ha rdy meeting by stating that his mother is K w a g i u l t h : She l ives here i n this vi l lage, and the land that you sit on today I welcome you to come share with us on the land o f the K w a k i u t l people, the traditional territory. . . . In fo l lowing the proper protocol , I had to do that scene as you [Judge Leggatt] didn ' t - someone should have explained the protocol . . . they [First Nat ions ' people] should always be there to welcome. Pat A l f r e d went on to explain that \"the first thing you do when you arrive at Port H a r d y \" is \" y o u go and meet the chief and counci l o f that vi l lage because you ' re i n a traditional territory.\" B i l l Cranmer (Namgis First Nat ion) f rom Aler t B a y pointed out that the testimonies given on that day \" w i l l address on ly our territories.\" These we l coming procedures created an environment in which First Nat ions ' meanings o f place, and by extension, people 's meanings o f who they are as people in those places, cou ld permeate the discussions about salmon farming. Consequently, the we l coming speeches gave authority 86 to a way o f common-sense th inking that understands places i n a very different way from salmon farming interests. It is not surprising that the notion of place plays such a central role i n the debate over First Nat ions and salmon farming, given that conflicts over land have always been the primary point o f contention between aboriginal groups and their colonizers. Fhstorical ly, colonizers have failed to recognize the specificity of Firs t Nations notions of place, and \"according to the province, Indians didn ' t need land because they owned everything in the sea, so they gave us [Indians] basical ly ten acres per fami ly o f five as opposed to 350 for every Br i t i sh subject when they allocated land\" (George A l f r e d , A le r t B a y , Namgis First Nat ion) . The colonia l emphasis on space, rather than place, treats fish farms as though they act on a generic coastal environment. A s Bruce Braun has pointed out, non-Nat ive people often construct nature as empty space, wi th only particular actors authorized to speak for it. W h e n nature is understood as a separate object of environmental contemplation and scientific calculat ion, indigenous people come under co lonia l control , and are variously placed i n , around, or outside o f carefully del imited p laces . 2 3 The treatment o f places as homogenous spaces a l lows land to be separated from its original inhabitants and reconfigured in ways that satisfy colonia l agendas. Bruce Braun has discovered such expressions o f place-as-space in the publ ic relations materials publ ished by the forestry company M a c M i l l a n B loede l operating in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . It should come as little surprise therefore, that salmon farming companies in the province construct place in much the same way. 87 C o l e Harr is has noted that in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , the allocation o f reserves, the opening of land to settlers, and the extinguishment of rights of Na t ive usage, custom, and law al l contributed to a particularly oppressive form of colonia l p o w e r . 2 4 B y reorganizing Nat ive space, Nat ive people 's possibili t ies for action became severely constrained. A s a form of discipl inary power, the alienation o f Nat ive people from their land was an attempt to r id people of knowledge about who they were. N o t only do seasonal rounds now lie outside reserve boundaries, but the spatial control o f aboriginal people has given the colonizers the abil i ty to attempt to force aboriginal people to assimilate into mainstream Euro-Canadian culture. A s D a n i e l C lay ton has pointed out, the redefinition o f Nat ive space, particularly its redefinition as C r o w n land, was central to the imper ia l fashioning o f Vancouver I s l and . 2 5 The idea that Nat ive culture cannot be reinvigorated until ancestral lands are restored therefore lies at the center of present-day rights c la ims. F o r many o f the Nat ive people who appeared at the Leggatt Inquiry, salmon farming represents a direct infringement on the right to use and occupy particular ocean territories. Th i s sense o f loss was articulated by Russe l l Kwaksees tahla (Campbel l R ive r , hereditary chief, L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h First Nat ion) who said that \"some o f those areas are our homeland and we don' t want to lose our c l am beaches and fishing reefs et cetera to fish farms.\" These places are not at the frontier, near the edges o f the territorial boundaries, from wh ich resources are extracted and transported back to the center. Instead, homelands are at the center of wealth, and the f ishing spots and other resource-gathering sites that make up these homelands provide people with a way o f life. Witnesses seemed to consider themselves to be at the very center o f places, many of wh ich are now occupied or affected by fish farms, and they saw no difference between physical and cultural marginal izat ion. 88 Robert Joseph (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Na t ion , hereditary chief, Gwawaenuk tribe) explained this marginal izat ion by mak ing reference to his people 's traditional territories: If it does indeed . . . impact our access to these resources we are going to see more and more of our people marginal ized and more and more o f our people m o v i n g into places l ike downtown east side Vancouver and to other places o f poverty l i v i n g on the periphery o f the wealth that other people are accustomed to (Robert Joseph,. Russe l l Kwakseestahla 's presentation began with a statement about the alienation of his people 's lands without treaties, and his past work in a \"society [created] six years ago on f ishing in the commerc ia l f ishing industry and fishing rights for cr i t ical issues wi th L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h people.\" \" W e stil l enjoy 100 percent sovereignty and we o w n 100 percent o f our homelands,\" he said. The present crisis over salmon farming is i n his v iew an extension of \"the crimes against humanity acted upon us by the colonia l pirates and thieves that invaded our homelands.\" Wi thout the wealth of his people 's territories, \"people have suffered since . . . [other] people feel or assume that they have jur isdic t ion in our homeland.\" Chr i s C o o k (Aler t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Nat ion) , as president o f the Nat ive Brotherhood, a fishers' union and the oldest active Nat ive organization in Canada, sees the same thing from a more general point o f v iew. H e emphasized the discrepancy between the \"f ishing opportunities in our ocean\" and the adjacent people 's lack o f access to those riches: \"today, I 've never seen so much poverty as I travel up and down the coast,\" he concluded. The places at wh ich fish farming takes place are not abstract spots that are \"out there\" i n the wilderness; instead they are specific locations that are intimately known. The status o f these places, as places, seems to come from their involvement in the f ishing economy. Sydney Sam, Sr. (Tofino, Ahousaht Firs t Nat ion) was a herring fisherman who discussed the differences between Cypress B a y , \"where there was about three or four 89 farms, wh ich used to be at one time one of the best spawning areas for herr ing\" but wh ich hasn't \"had a spawn there for years n o w \" and Sydney Inlet, \"where there's no farms at a l l \" and \"herring [have] come back.\" Th i s k i n d o f detailed knowledge o f place is central to the \"protocol\" agreement, signed in the fall o f 2002, between the Ahousaht First Na t ion and Paci f ic Nat ional Aquaculture. The agreement recognizes, at least in pr inciple , Ahousaht ' s traditional territories (ha-hoolthee) and the hereditary chiefs who own them (ha 'wi ih) . Ahousaht agreed to a l low the already exist ing salmon farms onto its territories in exchange for influence over sit ing decisions and farming practices. F o r Ahousaht , the consequences o f fish farming are specific and anticipated at named and k n o w n locations: I guess the reason I say local knowledge plays a key role is - a good one is the Bare B l u f f issue. . . . W e told them no, we don't want that farm there [Bare B lu f f ] . Despite our opposit ion, they went and d id it anyway. L o and behold this year what happens? The biggest mortali ty rate you 've ever seen. W e ' r e told 20 feet o f dead fish on the bottom, maybe even more, plus floating fish on top (Darrel l Campbe l l , Tof ino , Ahousaht First Nat ion) . The s igning o f this new agreement may address Dar re l l Campbe l l ' s concerns and cou ld represent a significant attempt by both parties to move the salmon farming company towards an understanding o f fish farming locations as places, rather than mere spaces. Bays , inlets, and other kinds of f ishing spots are not mere background, but are w e l l -k n o w n characters that participate in a social l ife made possible through the harvesting, processing, and consumption of fish. Places invite, a l low, and facilitate a way o f life centered around a f ishing economy, and seem to contain the essence o f what it means to be a First Nat ions ' person. Th i s seems to be true also of northern, interior First Nations in the A r c t i c . Judge Berger, in the report of his inquiry into the proposed M a c K e n z i e V a l l e y Pipel ine , wrote that \"the relationship of the northern Nat ive to the land is st i l l the 90 foundation o f his o w n sense o f identity. It is on the land that he recovers a sense o f who he i s . \" 2 6 W h i l e non-Natives often equate agriculture with place and hunting and fishing wi th the lack o f place, First Nat ions ' people tend to come to the opposite conclus ion: that a way of life based on fishing is c losely tied to locations, whereas agriculture (l ike fish farming) does away wi th the need for specific p laces . 2 7 F inf i sh aquaculture is a form of farming, and At lant ic salmon can be cultivated in waters from C h i l e to Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , assuming that a set of temperature, salinity, and ocean current conditions are met. F i s h farming, l ike agriculture, is tied to places, i n that particular spots are occupied wi th rows o f net pens. F i s h i n g places, on the other hand, are less vis ible to the outsider. Th i s contradiction between the importance o f a place and its outward appearance to non-Natives led Stan Hunt (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) to compare the destruction o f f ishing places to the destruction o f farms. H e used a vocabulary he thought his listeners w o u l d understand, when he said: It's almost akin to you having a farm and you have certain crops that you are planting and then I come in without tel l ing you what I was going to do and uproot everything that you have got and plant something else. That ' s basical ly what these fish farms have done to us. They have absolutely ruined the way we l ived . A s the speakers at the Leggatt Inquiry explained in great detail, places along the coast are not occupied by people as colonizers of a non-human nature. Instead, salmon and people together lay c l a i m to places. Commi tmen t to a homeland precludes people from m o v i n g on to other places because salmon too are constrained to particular rivers, runs, and habitats: \"People have come and gone in our area, and no matter how bad it 's been, we 've sti l l been here . . . we are the salmon people, K w a k w a k a ' w a k w \" ( M i k e Stadnyk, Ale r t B a y , 91 Namgi s First Nat ion) . D a n Smi th of Campbe l l R i v e r ( L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h Firs t Nat ion) , also a K w a k w a k a ' w a k w , concurred: The w i l d stock have a homeland. They have their respective streams, their respective rivers to ensure that they continue. A n d they do not want to be dislocated or disenfranchised or pushed out by the exotic or foreign species that are being introduced. D a n Smi th used the same vocabulary to talk about both b io logica l invasions and the intrusion o f people into his territories. Because there has been \"a desire o f many people to move into these areas, [the traditional territories of the L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h people, they] extended the hand of friendship and hospitality as [their] ancestors had.\" Indeed, Campbe l l R ive r , wi th its abundance o f pulp mi l l s and other industries is the most urbanized o f the four Vancouver Island communit ies visi ted by the inquiry. However , these industries have not made D a n Smi th ' s people wealthy; as he pointed out, \"the legacy that is now l e f t . . . is a legacy o f exploitat ion\". Identity and groups Fisheries that are regulated by local people are considered legitimate because they \"respect the f ishing right o f the Ahousaht First Na t ion , their people, houses and chiefs\" (Darrel l C a m p e l l , Tof ino , Ahousaht First Nat ion) . B u t in practice, Dar re l l Campbe l l said, \" D F O manages the fisheries - there is no respect either for the fish or for the rights o f the First Nat ions\" . Group life is disrupted when \"other people come into [the] area\" and \"make rules and regulations about how things are going to work\" (Stan Hunt , A le r t B a y , Namgis First Nat ion) . The changed rules include decisions about who has rights of access to resources. Tradi t ional ly , A r t D i c k (Alert B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) was able to make ool igan grease at a specific location, his access granted by the owners o f the f ishing spot: \"I 92 thank the Tanakteuk and the people from Knigh ts Inlet to a l low me to do this,\" he said. A r o u n d the same area, there are tree farms in hunting territories to wh ich his people \"no longer have access. . . because someone has decided in their lofty towers that this is what they are going to do\" (ibid). Leaders of bands and organizations in particular expressed a great deal o f anxiety over what fish farming w o u l d do to their people as a whole. Percy W i l l i a m s (Aler t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Na t ion , hereditary chief, Kwicksu ta ineuk tribe), for instance, remarked that the biggest insult that salmon farming brings to his people is its effect on group life: \" O u r territory and our people have endured the worst impact above al l ca l l ing to question our traditional way of life, an issue that we w i l l not tolerate.\" Russe l l Kwaksees tahla (Campbel l R ive r , L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h First Nat ion) spoke of f ishing for f ami ly members who were unable to fish for themselves: \" A couple of years ago I fished at the K a k w e i k e n in Thompson B a y . . . on the Cape Georg ia -1.was'fishing for m y baby brother - we had 35 o f these At lant ic salmon in one catch.\" General ly , the speakers wondered not about their o w n future, but about \"what 's going to happen to us\" (George A l f r e d , A le r t B a y , Namgi s Firs t Nat ion) . Concern about the survival of First Nations as distinct groups of people was c o m m o n among the witnesses at the inquiry. They vo iced great fears that they w o u l d not be able to pass on knowledge about their way of life to their descendants. A s Dar re l l Campbe l l (Tofino, Ahousaht First Nat ion) said, \"the reason we are f ighting here .. . i t 's not for us, i t 's for our chi ldren 's chi ldren.\" It appears as though fish farming is in confl ict wi th f ishing, not only because it constitutes an altogether different form of production, but also because it impl ies a very different type o f cultural reproduction. Dar re l l Campbe l l was dissatisfied 9 3 with the prospect of having to \"go to the C l a m Bucke t in Port A l b e r n i and pay whatever for that little bucket o f c lams\" because his \"li t t le gir l alone can eat twice that amount.\" The combinat ion o f lost f ishing opportunities and the rise o f the salmon farming industry impl ies a great loss o f knowledge. W h e n people are no longer engaged in f ishing, they are unable to teach their chi ldren the things they k n o w about salmon through their everyday involvement wi th the fish. A s a case in point, W i l l i e M o o n (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) described the impacts o f government f ishing regulations: The Dav i s P l an came and took all our licenses away. . . . F i f ty years from now when I talk to m y k i d about a salmon, i t 's just going to be a picture F m going to have to show h im. A n d I don' t think that's what we want as First Nat ions people as that is part o f our everyday life is the salmon. The observation that cultural production, l ike f ishing and other economic activities, and cultural reproduction are dependent on one another and work together to sustain and create images, ideas, and symbols, is also one that has also been made by others. Merchant , for example, notes that when the b io logica l and social manifestations o f production or reproduction come into conflict , the social whole can be transformed in profound w a y s . 2 8 The change for the salmon people from w i l d salmon capture to industrial fish farming seems to be inseparable from changes in the transmission o f knowledge. The arrival o f fish farms to their area signals the imminent incompat ibi l i ty o f a new k i n d o f fish production and social and cultural reproduction that has a l lowed people for generations to teach children about salmon i n relation to dai ly life. A C C O U N T S : N E G O T I A T I N G F I R S T N A T I O N S I D E N T I T Y The preceding sections suggested that First Nat ions ' speakers at the Leggatt Inquiry frequently spoke proudly as aboriginal people whose everyday, common-sense realities 94 attach unique sets o f meanings to fish and people. These accounts were believable because they provided the listener with information about the cultural context i n wh ich the testimonies are good reasons for speaking against salmon farming. The speakers who appeared at these hearings seemed to anticipate discrepancies between the identity under wh ich they oppose salmon farming, and the identity that has been imposed on them by non-aboriginal listeners: \" l i ke we ' re cave men, l ike we 're running around i n the bushes throwing rocks at birds and bears was the v is ion they had o f Indians\" (George Al f r ed , A le r t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) . George A l f r e d also recalled the experience he had i n the early 1970s during meetings wi th forestry companies who wanted access to the traditional territory o f the Namgis . A t that time, the First Nat ion ' s representatives were unable to get their point across to the industry: \"every t ime we came to a meeting they said: 'oh, no, no, you guys got your facts wrong. Th i s is sc i en t i f i c ' Y o u know, ' Y o u guys don't k n o w what you 're ta lking about. '\" A s a result, George A l f r e d used a different identity i n order to strengthen his o w n preferred definit ion of who he is by point ing out to h imsel f that only science w i l l be able to make his testimony believable. H e described this, process and pointed out its transferability to the case o f salmon farming: So we thought, w e l l , okay, w e ' l l go play their game. So we started getting scientific information t rying to fight facts wi th facts, you know. So hopefully we are going to come out ahead on this [salmon farming]. . . . W h e n we saw what happened with open net-pens, w e l l , it wasn' t right. In other words, science may serve to defend aboriginal people 's conceptions o f who they are as people. However , promoting the use o f science to solve resource-related controversies may endanger the abili ty of First Nat ions ' people to maintain the identity o f their particular band. A focus on science can easily cause First Nat ions ' knowledge claims 95 to be dismissed; this is because Nat ive people k n o w that their own oral history is often considered to be the opposite o f \"objective\" science. F o r example, B i l l Cranmer (Aler t B a y , N a m g i s First Nat ion) related his experience sending letters to government ministries who had a hard t ime accepting First Nations accounts: \" A t times replies were received informing us that our concerns d i d not have scientific evidence and were only oral history and the fish farm application w o u l d be approved.\" Witnesses appearing at the inquiry seemed to k n o w that, despite the recent flurry of interest in \" loca l ecological knowledge,\" the ways that loca l people understand their adjacent resources is not considered altogether credible, unless this knowledge can be directly translated into a scientific vocabulary. E v e n expl ic i t attempts to integrate harvesters' loca l knowledge and fisheries science, such as that of R o w e and Fel tham, seem constrained by the constant need to assess the truth o f these alternative understandings o f ecosystem processes through scientific data. Nevertheless, most First Nat ions ' speakers clearly saw the need to have science on their side to support and legitimate their c laims based in traditional knowledge. Chr i s C o o k (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) , for instance, believes that Canada has an obligat ion to First Nat ions ' people to give them access to a science that cou ld help them continue exist ing as distinct people. H e argued that Somebody said here earlier about the fiduciary obligat ion that the government has . . . that they have for m y people. . . . I don' t see Indian Affai rs or the Department o f Fisheries and Oceans saying, ' W e should be g iv ing you money, we should be helping you people to have whatever k i n d o f biologist or whatever you need to help y o u ' . S imi la r ly , R o d S a m (Tofino, Ahousaht First Nat ion) used his knowledge of place as a way of underl ining the need for scientific studies to corroborate his people 's knowledge: \" O u r 96 traditional territory is unique in itself and different f rom each and every other area. That ' s why w e ' v e been asking and pushing for these different studies to be done from industry and government, and i t ' s a s low process.\" Pat A l f r e d (Port Hardy , Namgi s First Nat ion) was also not afraid to assert what he knows about places, and by extension about h imsel f and his people, as a way o f redirecting science so that it can be useful in protecting his identity. H e noted that a D F O study, i n wh ich they \"sent in a dragger to go in to do some test fishery [for fish infected wi th sea lice] in the seine boats,\" was useless because \"none of those test f ishing o f the mainland inlets were actually done where the problem was - they were done outside those places.\" Pat A l f r e d contends that this type o f science stands in contrast to the \"Guard ian P r o g r a m 3 0 within the K w a k i u t l F ishery C o m m i s s i o n wh ich patrols the mainland inlets\" that is the \"eyes and ears o f [his] people.\" Robert Joseph (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) also made a close connection between a science that makes use of Firs t Nations ways o f k n o w i n g about themselves, and the abil i ty o f that science to prevent his people from becoming \"marginal ized.\" H e looked forward to a day \"when we can have a complete dialogue and we have a whole science inc luding traditional knowledge.\" A few witnesses emphasized not only their posi t ion as First Nat ions people, but as types o f individuals that are found on both sides of the Nat ive - non-Nat ive divide . V e r a N e w m a n (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) , for example, came to give her presentation at the Leggatt Inquiry with her 18-month o ld granddaughter G w i n k i l a g . She began her speech with a declaration of her hereditary posit ion - \" F m Gwi tmolas . I come f rom M a m a l i l i k u l l a and ' N a m g i s \" - and she lamented the ways in wh ich her communi ty ' s inabi l i ty to fish has endangered her abil i ty to be a First Nat ions ' person. She d id this by continual ly mak ing 97 reference to her granddaughter, and the fact that she is a grandmother. It is her granddaughter's lost opportunity to take part in and benefit f rom the f ishing industry that caused her distress, not only because her fami ly is aboriginal. She pointed out that \"this young gi r l ' s grandfather doesn't belong in the industry anymore.\" B y emphasizing her role as a grandmother, V e r a N e w m a n appealed even to those who might not k n o w what it means to be a First Nat ions ' person. Apparent ly , \"everybody k n o w s \" that grandmothers stand for care and respect: \"I just see our boats sitting here and I see this communi ty hurting . . . and I just want to leave that statement as a grandmother that 31 we have to start caring and start mayaxala- ing.\" In much the same way, Chr i s C o o k (Aler t B a y , N a m g i s First Nat ion) spoke to the inqui ry as a \"human\", rather than as a member o f his band or o f the Nat ive Brotherhood: \"Th i s is not al l the posit ion o f m y band, m y B o a r d o f the Nat ive Brotherhood, but these are the things that I see as a human being first, but as a Firs t Na t ion . \" Despite the many cases in wh ich switched identities appeared to actually strengthen the speaker's posi t ion as a member o f a First Na t ion , there were a few instances in wh ich individuals seemed to reject outright the meanings that others in their band regarded as indicative of First Nat ions ' status. This appeared to be the case for employees o f salmon farming companies who worked as communi ty l ia ison workers. Heritage Aquacul ture has hired E d D a w s o n (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) to relay information and concerns between the company and various First Nat ions communit ies . H i s v iew is that trade-offs between environment and employment exist, and that fish farming is acceptable as long as the environmental benefits lost do not exceed the benefits gained through employment. \" A t present, I k n o w the employment doesn't mean much compared to our environment, but 98 I 've tried, I 've tr ied,\" he said. Here, E d D a w s o n is mak ing use o f his employers ' assumptions about the incompat ibi l i ty o f culture and economy. Other speakers' understandings d id not separate the ways in wh ich fish cul tural ly and phys ica l ly br ing sustenance to people. Perhaps these conflicts over what it means to be aboriginal are the reason E d D a w s o n has been so unsuccessful at bu i ld ing connections between the industry and his people: \" I ' m also there to really work for our people. People don ' t realize that. People have never used me.\" E l m e r Frank (Tofino, Tla-o-quiaht First Nat ion) , who works as the l ia ison officer for Creative Sa lmon , believes that his people do not have the abil i ty to evaluate whether or not salmon farms should be located in their territory. H e acknowledged that,, \"as T la -o -qu i -aht First Na t ion does not have a full understanding of salmon farms, how they operate wi th in our territory, it w o u l d be inappropriate to have opposit ion to something that we don' t k n o w about.\" Th i s is i n direct contrast to the ways, explained earlier i n this chapter, in w h i c h many Firs t Nat ions ' people talked about fish farming as an activity they understand w e l l in terms of their knowledge of f ish, places, and communi ty . E d D a w s o n and E l m e r Frank rejected the ways in wh ich aboriginal people of their o w n and neighboring bands constructed the relations o f salmon and people, i n favor of other ways of understanding human - non-human relations. I D E N T I T I E S A S A D A P T A B L E S T R A T E G I E S W h e n the vocabularies o f K w a k w a l a and Nuu-chah-nulth witnesses are examined in detail, it becomes difficult to r ig id ly separate the accounts that affirm Nat ive identity as . unique and separate f rom colonia l ly- imposed identity, from those accounts that appear to 99 make use of non-Nat ive expectations about what it means to be aboriginal . The legal language employed by many o f the witnesses may have been cal led forth by the presence of Stuart Leggatt, a retired judge. However , the hearings were held in gymnasiums, and so the physical setting o f the inquiry d id little to remind participants o f a traditional courtroom. A more l ike ly explanation for the \"legalese\" used by the witness is the fact that in recent legal cases, the Nat ive people of Canada have achieved tremendous gains in their struggle for recognit ion o f their rights. Notably , the Supreme Court o f Canada, in their decision in Delgamuukw v. British Columbia in 1997, ruled that aboriginal oral tradition and testimony should be taken into account in First Nations cases. M a n y other court cases also established that there is a duty to consult wi th Nat ive people when their c la ims to rights and title conflict wi th plans for non-Nat ive uses of the land. In some ways, the legal \"tests\" used to determine what constitutes an aboriginal right and whether that right has been infringed upon severely constrains the ways in wh ich Nat ive people can talk about themselves, their lands, and their traditions. However , the Nuu-chah-nulth and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people who spoke at the inquiry seemed to be creatively adjusting, manipulat ing, and re-interpreting the legal tools they had, in order to achieve particular ends. B i l l Cranmer, for example, noted that his First Nat ions ' interest in salmon farming issues stems from the fact that \" A c c o r d i n g to the decision in R. v. Van der Peet,33 there is a test to identify aboriginal rights that can be proven by showing that f ishing in the area has been an integral part of our distinctive culture that existed pr ior to contact and has continued since the time of contact.\" Here, he is setting out an expression o f identity that fo l lows exactly the legal test for establishing an aboriginal right to a fishery or other 100 resource. A l though cla ims made on the basis o f Van der Peet must be able to sustain the scrutiny of non-aboriginal standards about how Nat ive and non-Nat ive societies differ, B i l l Cranmer can make use o f such court decisions in order to get those in power to listen to his people 's appeals to remove fish farms from the territories represented by the M u s g a m a g w Tr iba l C o u n c i l . B i l l Cranmer also pointed out that Nat ive reports of damage from fish farms to eel grass beds, f ishing spots, and fish migrat ion routes were never given a fair hearing, but that wi th the law on consultation emanating from recent B C Cour t of Appea l dec i s ions , 3 4 these c la ims can no longer be ignored. S imi l a r ly , Chr i s C o o k , mentioned earlier i n the context of negotiated identity, makes reference to the \"f iduciary,\" or trust-like obligat ion that Canada has wi th Nat ive people, in order to ca l l on the federal government to dedicate scientists to specific issues o f Nat ive concern. Because expressions o f identity are always directed towards the expectations o f others, it is impossible to distinguish an identity taken on for a particular purpose from a \"real\" identity. In fact, it seems that an awareness o f one's self may only come by directing one's attention outside oneself, and fitting one's self, strategically, into a particular social context. Th i s way o f understanding the relationship between talk and action is consistent wi th C . Wr igh t M i l l s ' theory that reasons, explanations, and c la ims can on ly become social ly relevant when they are verbalized as part of social acts, and that the things that may be talked about are constrained by social ly constructed \"vocabularies o f m o t i v e . \" 3 5 Dar re l l Campbe l l ' s talk of the Ahousaht law systems that predate European occupation, described earlier in the context o f identity and f ishing, represents an attempt to expand Western legal definitions of property. A t the same time, his c la ims of prior occupancy and the pre-101 existence of distinct legal systems are the same sorts of justifications for aboriginal rights used by the Canadian courts. In much the same way, place-based expressions o f aboriginal rights serve to reinforce the cosmologica l relationship between specific places, hereditary units, and resources, in ways that can be voiced by mak ing reference to the same continuity o f use, occupation, and meaning that must be used to prove the existence o f aboriginal title i n court. A r t D i c k described the damage salmon farms have done to his herring and ool igan f ishing spots by expla in ing the ways in wh ich industrial development in the particular places he knows about prevents his people from exercising their right to engage i n traditional activities. Furthermore, the right to fish on the Northwest Coast, once derived from kinship and connections to place, is now based on the abil i ty to pay for a license or quota al location. This source of a right to access fisheries is contrary to many First Nat ions ' members ' understandings of property and fishing rights, and yet the infringement of those rights can be described in Western legal terms. Pat A l f r e d (Port Hardy , Namgis First Nat ion) observed that \"just the w o r d 'lease' i tself f rom the province is an infringement [on his aboriginal r ights]\" because he \"has no access to the beaches on wh ich [his] forefathers dug clams for years and years.\" In this expression of identity, rights are inseparably l inked to the places that make up their aboriginal homelands, and these places, in turn, are intimately t ied to people 's understandings o f themselves. C O N C L U S I O N Stuart Leggatt, in the report he released some months after the hearings, recommended, among other things, that no further expansion o f either new or exist ing open net-cage fish farm sites be a l lowed to take p lace . 3 6 M u c h to the disappointment o f many o f 102 the people who spoke at the inquiry, this recommendation has not been adopted by the provincia l government, and since the inquiry, the dispute over the industry has only intensified. In September o f 2002, Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a ' s new L i b e r a l government lifted a seven-year morator ium on the expansion of the salmon farming industry. However , the province 's First Nations have not been standing id ly by as these events unfold. In the fal l of 2002, for example, when record-low returns of fish to rivers in the Broughton Arch ipe lago made it clear that p ink salmon runs had collapsed, it was the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people l i v i n g in and around Ale r t B a y that put pressure on the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans ( D F O ) to help protect the w i l d species f rom the diseases and parasites harbored by salmon farms. The D F O \"action p lan\" included emptying salmon farms of fish for a few months, along certain paths known to be migratory corridors for w i l d fish, and init iat ing a sea l ice moni tor ing program. . A l though these gains may seem small and incremental, they represent the expenditure of a great deal of effort by band counci ls and other Nat ive organizations. First Nations groups disagree about the best strategies for affecting change. Whereas the Ahousaht Firs t Na t ion has recently become a member o f the B C Sa lmon Farmers ' Associa t ion , and continues to reap employment and other monetary benefits f rom Paci f ic Nat ional Aquacul ture in exchange for a say i n farming operations, the N a m g i s Firs t Na t ion maintains \"zero-tolerance\" for fish farming i n its territories, and is preparing to bring its grievances against the industry to court. In September o f 2002, the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n ( B C A F C ) hosted the first annual F i s h Fa rming and Environment Summit . Because of the high profile of the B C A F C , industry and government representatives appeared at the meeting, and there they were forced, at least to 103 a smal l degree, to be accountable to the Nat ive people i n whose territories salmon is farmed. In these and other ways, Na t ive groups continue to actively engage wi th the forces that threaten their resources, identities, and territories. Sa lmon fanning is understood by many o f the.First Nat ions ' people who appeared at the inquiry as a continued assault on their abil i ty to reconcile who they are and how they understand themselves, wi th their opportunities for fishing, c l amming , or otherwise acting in the real wor ld . Nat ive people rely on resource economies very different f rom the ones Euro-Canadians know. Therefore, understandings of identity are more than mere discourse; imposed identities disempower and do extensive damage to the l ives and economies of Firs t Nations people. A s Douglas Harr is put it: . . .fisheries officials, cannery owners, and f ly fishers, despite their differences, shared a set of cultural assumptions about progress, c iv i l i za t ion , and the law. These shared discourses reproduced a set o f relationships that excluded Nat ive people f rom control of their f isheries . 3 7 Based on the responses o f the inqui ry ' s witnesses to these unstated but unquestioned cultural assumptions, it is clear that salmon farmers too belong in Har r i s ' list. The N u u -chah-nulth and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w identities, wh ich revolve around place, f ishing, and group l ife, can also be understood as inextricable parts o f a subsistence economy. It is wi th some trepidation that I use the w o r d \"subsistence\" here, as the imagined separation between personal consumption and trade is what gave rise to the idea o f the \" food fishery\" in the first place: The Canadian government 's ' invent ion ' o f an Indian food-fishing tradition i n the late nineteenth century, wh ich equated Indian fisheries strictly with subsistence harvesting is a far cry from either the past or present reality o f the commerc ia l importance o f traditional foods for Northwest Coast Nat ive communit ies . Pacif ic coast methods for what anthropologist W a y n e Suttles calls ' cop ing with abundance' . . . inc luded establishing elaborate systems of resource exploitat ion, co-use o f 104 harvesting sites among groups, food preservation and storage, patterns o f specialization, and inter-village and - reg iona l exchange. 3 8 However , the concept o f the \"subsistence\" economy can help further explain the expressions o f identity heard at the Leggatt Inquiry. \"Subsistence\" is best understood in the economic sense, as an integrative activity that rejects the fragmentation o f harvesting activities into their cultural , manual, and biologica l components . 3 9 M a n y of the conflicts between Euro-Canadian and Indian identity that were referred to by the speakers eould be understood as conflicts between a subsistence lifestyle - or at the very least a way of life that combines subsistence with commodi ty production - and the commerc ia l production o f marine resources. Other Nor th A m e r i c a n Nat ive groups also see the subsistence economy as a key marker o f Indian identity. The recent conflicts in W i s c o n s i n over O j ibwe f ishing rights, for example, invo lved a fundamental misunderstanding, on the part o f the anti-treaty rights groups, of the nature o f the subsistence e c o n o m y . 4 0 Th is l ink between identities and modes o f production is possible because production is always practiced by particular types of people, who produce and consume resources i n ways consistent wi th their identity. U n l i k e physical extermination, assimilation has long been considered by Canadians to be a mora l ly acceptable solution to the \"Indian problem.\" A c c o r d i n g to Francis , \"assimilat ion was a po l i cy intended to preserve Indians as individuals by destroying them as a people .\" 4 1 B y suppressing Nat ive economic life, and by assimilat ing Nat ive people into the mainstream market economy, individuals are stripped of their identities and assigned new ones. The appearance o f salmon farming i n First Nat ions territories may therefore constitute an attempt to culturally marginal ize Nat ive people, by forcing them into an economy that prevents them from engaging in the material practices that guarantee their way o f life. Ev idence presented at the Leggatt Inquiry strongly suggests that contemporary 105 First Nat ions ' people are keenly aware of the cultural violence that stems f rom these assimilationist techniques. \"They didn ' t do it to us wi th smal l pox . . . but they are going to do it to us wi th fish farms,\" said V e r a N e w m a n (Aler t B a y , Namgi s First Nat ion) . In their survey o f the K w a k i u t l o f northern Vancouver Island, Weins te in and M o r r e l l found that, despite the fact that people operate i n a m i x e d subsistence-commercial economy, their core understandings of themselves still revolve around the principles of subsistence production. Three o f the features of subsistence production that Weins te in and M o r r e l l identified were (1) the sense that places are specific and not interchangeable; (2) a management theory that is based on reciprocity between fishers and fish, rather than a technical, detached process; and (3) a strong sense that f ishing is for the benefit o f the group. These characteristics of subsistence production correspond quite c losely wi th the themes around wh ich the First Nat ions ' witnesses at the inquiry structured their explanations o f who they were as people, and why those definitions o f themselves were incompatible wi th fish farming. The Firs t Nat ions ' people described here understand themselves as subsistence harvesters that use specific places. Because of the importance of particular places i n their understandings o f how they should interact wi th their environment, it comes as no surprise that First Nat ions ' fishers are oriented towards local ecosystem processes, rather than towards larger, g lobal , and interchangeable units of production. In their v iew, fish farms not only produce fish for sale in markets, but also seek to homogenize places so that they fit a particular set of criteria designed to max imize fish growth. People also saw themselves as \" l i v i n g \" f ishing i n much the same way as the inshore subsistence fishery o f rural Newfoundland encompassed \"a whole culture - one i n wh ich 1 0 6 ecology and economy worked hand in hand.\" This sense of complete engagement with the resource is another aspect of the subsistence economy. F r o m this perspective, people do not see fisheries management as a technical exercise that r ig id ly separates \"resources\" from the social elements o f fishing. Th is implies that places are not so much k n o w n , as embodied and is reminiscent of Palsson's analysis of \"tradit ional\" Icelandic fishers, who, he says, are not \"containers\" that get f i l l ed with traditional ecological knowledge, but rather are active participants i n the places and situations through which they experience their knowledge . 4 3 Simi la r ly , witnesses at the Leggatt Inquiry talked about their fisheries in ways parallel to those in wh ich they talked about who they were as people. A s fishers, they expected their own behavior to be al igned wi th the behavior of the environment. Perhaps it is the diversity o f seasonally and spatially available resources that al lows subsistence harvesters to develop this sense of reciprocity between themselves and fish. Subsistence-type f ishing jo ins fish and people into an entity wi th a c o m m o n fate: what happens to fish also happens to peop le . 4 4 That is not to say that wage employment has not long played, and continues to play, a vi ta l ly important role i n First Na t ions ' economies. In fact, it appears that many First Nat ions ' people use part-time wage employment to subsidize the subsistence harvesters they see themselves as b e i n g . 4 5 First Nat ions ' people who spoke at the inquiry, therefore, tended to oppose fish farming, not because they objected to engaging in wage labor, but because they v iewed fish farming as a direct assault on their identity. Sa lmon aquaculture appeared to constitute, for them, an interaction between fish and people that occurs in pre-structured ways and i n pre-defined environments very different from the ones they know about and identify wi th as their own . U n l i k e subsistence f ishing, i n wh ich stocks that are too smal l to y ie ld a h igh catch per unit 107 effort are left a lone , 4 6 salmon farming does not a l low for either species swi tching or for an adaptive relationship between the environment and the ind iv idua l fisher. Furthermore, the speakers we heard at the inquiry feared that salmon farming w o u l d make it impossible for them to engage directly in the resource. Sa lmon farming is not seen pr imar i ly as a source o f income, but as an activity, s imi lar to other harvesting endeavors, that is about much more than either food or money. A s a consequence, First Nat ions ' people spoke o f direct l inks between the introduction o f fish farms into their traditional territories and the colonia l assumption that First Nat ions ' people and their ways o f life are disappearing. 1 The inquiry was boycotted by the B C Sa lmon Farmers ' Assoc ia t ion , government agencies, and almost all salmon farming companies. A total o f 102 oral submissions were made to Judge Stuart Leggatt. O f those, 71 were from individuals l i v i n g in the communit ies of Ale r t B a y , Port Hardy , Campbe l l R ive r , and Tof ino or in areas surrounding those communit ies. M o s t of those testifying there were members o f First Nations, particularly in Ale r t B a y and Tof ino . Those testifying i n Tof ino were N u u - C h a h - N u l t h , a cultural and l inguist ic grouping o f 15 nations that extends down the west coast o f Vancouver Island and includes the Ahousaht and the T l a -o-quiaht. Individuals testifying i n Port Hardy , Ale r t B a y , or Campbe l l R i v e r were K w a k w a k a ' w a k w . M o r e specific affiliations, as w e l l as any titles, i f any, are inc luded in parentheses after quotations. The towns associated with quotations refer to the places in wh ich the testimonies were made, and not necessarily to the places o f residence of the witnesses. Th i s chapter focuses entirely on testimonies given by Firs t Nat ions ' people at the inquiry. Readers can obtain copies of the verbatim transcript by contacting the court reporting service A l l w e s t Repor t ing L t d at 814 Richards Street, Vancouver B C , V 6 B 3 A 7 . 4 C . Wr igh t M i l l s , \"Situtated actions and vocabularies of mot ive ,\" in Power, Politics, and People: The Collected Essays ofC Wright Mills (New Y o r k : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press, 1963), 439-452. 5 M a r v i n B . Scott and Stanford M . L y m a n , \"Accoun t s , \" in Social Psychology Through Symbolic Interaction, ed. Gregory P . Stone and Harvey A . Farberman (New Y o r k : W i l e y and Sons, 1970), 333-341. 6 Sheldon Stryker, \"Contemporary symbol ic interactionism: a statement,\" in Symbolic Interactionism ( M e n l o Park, C A : Benjamin C u m m i n g Publ i sh ing C o . , 1980), 51-78. 108 7 Richard J. F. Day and Tonio Sadik, \"The B C land question, liberal multiculturalism, and . the spectre of aboriginal nationhood,\" BC Studies 134 (Summer 2002): 5-34, p. 5. Judith A . Howard, \"Social psychology of identities,\" Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 367-393. 9 Joane Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Red Power and the Resurgence of Identity and Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). See reports published by the David Suzuki Foundation, for example: Last Call: A Report of the Pacific Salmon Forests Project, by Terry Glavin, 1998. The Heiltsuk Indian Band, for example, unsuccessfully challenged the government's regulation of its roe-on-kelp fishery in Regina v. Gladstone [1993]. However, the issuance of additional licenses to the band seems to have been a direct result of this campaign. For further details, see: Dianne Newell, '\"Overlapping territories and entwined cultures': a voyage into the northern B C spawn-on-kelp fishery,' in Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. Dianne Newell and Rosemary Ommer (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 121-144. 12 Thomas Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland: The Report of the MacKenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1977), Volume 1. 13 Claude Levi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), Hugh Brody, The Other Side of Eden (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 2000). 5 Valerie L . Kuletz, The Tainted Desert: Environmental and Social Ruin in the American West (New York: Routledge, 1998). T i m Ingold, Hunting and Gathering as Ways of Perceiving the Environment, in Redefining Nature: Ecology, Culture and Domestication, ed. Roy Ellen and Katsuyoshi Fukui (Oxford: Berg, 1996), 117-155. Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 (New York: Pantheon, 1980). Michel Foucault, The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), 93. 1 9 Bruce Braun, \"Buried epistemologies: the politics of nature in (post) colonial British Columbia,\" Annals of the Association of American Geographers 87 (1997): 3-31. 109 20 The K w a k w a k a ' w a k w of northern Vancouver Island and the adjacent mainland were in Boas ' t ime k n o w n as the K w a k i u t l . The K w a k w a k a ' w a k w are speakers o f the language K w a k ' w a l a , and they include, among others, the 'Namgis o f A le r t B a y , the K w a k i u t l o f Port Hardy , and the L a i c h - K w i l - T a c h o f Campbe l l R ive r . 21 Franz Boas , \"Metaphor ica l expression i n the language of the K w a k i u t l Indians,\" in Race, Language and Culture (New Y o r k : The Free Press, 1940), 232-239. 2 2 Zoe E . Speck, \"What Does the U ' m i s t a Cultural Centre Have to Offer Y o u ? , \" U'mista News (Fal l 2001): 14. 23 Bruce Braun , The Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture, and Power on Canada's West Coast (Minneapol i s , Univers i ty o f Minneso ta Press, 2002). 2 4 C o l e Harr is , Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia (Vancouver: U B C Press, 2002). 25 D a n i e l W . C lay ton , Islands of Truth: The Imperial Fashioning of Vancouver Island (Vancouver: U B C Press, 2000). 2 6 Berger, p. 88. 27 See note 14 above. no Caro lyn Merchant , \"The theoretical structure o f ecological revolutions,\" Environmental Review 11/4 (1987): 265-274. 29 Sherrylynn R o w e and George Fel tham, \"Eastport Penninsula lobster conservation: integrating harvesters' loca l knowledge and fisheries science for resource co-management,\" i n Finding Our Sea Legs, ed. Barbara Ne i s and Lawrence Fel t (St. Johns, N F : Institute of Soc ia l and E c o n o m i c Research, 2000), 236-245. 3 0 The Guardian Program of the K w a k i u t l Terri torial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n is funded by the federal Department o f Fisheries and Oceans, in order to help deal wi th the clash between federal fisheries regulations and recent Na t ive legal gains in the areas of self-government and resource rights. 31 A c c o r d i n g to V e r a N e w m a n , the K w a k w a l a word \"mayaxa la\" is roughly the equivalent of the w o r d \"respect\" in Eng l i sh . 32 Delgamuukw v. British Columbia, [1997] 3 S . C . R . 1010. 33 R. v. Van derPeet, [1996] 2 S . C . R . 507. 110 3 4 See the discussion on the law on consultation and the Taku River and Haida Nation cases in Chapter 6. 3 5 See note 4 above. 3 6 Stuart M . Leggatt, Clear Choices, Clean Waters: The Leggatt Inquiry into Salmon Farming in British Columbia (Vancouver , B C : D a v i d Suzuk i Foundat ion, 2001). 37 Douglas C . Harr is , Fish, Law, and Colonialism (Toronto: Univers i ty o f Toronto Press, 2001), p. 205. 38 Dianne N e w e l l , \"Over lapping territories and entwined culture: a voyage into the northern B C spawn-on-kelp fishery\", in Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. Dianne N e w e l l and Rosemary O m m e r (Toronto: University, o f Toronto Press, 1999), 121-144, p.122. T O M a r t i n S. Weins te in and M i c h a e l M o r r e l l , Need is Not a Number: Report of the Kwakiutl Marine Food Fisheris Reconnaissance Survey (Campbel l R ive r , B C : K w a k i u t l Terr i tor ial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , 1994). 4 0 Steven E . S i lvern , \"Nature, territory and identity in the W i s c o n s i n treaty rights controversy,\" Ecumene 2/3 (1995): 267-292. 4 1 Dan ie l Francis , The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver B C : Arsenal Pu lp Press, 1997), p. 201. 4 2 Rosemary E . Ommer , \"Ros ie ' s C o v e : settlement morphology, history, economy, and culture i n a Newfound land outport,\" in Fishing Places, Fishing People, ed. Dianne N e w e l l and Rosemary O m m e r (Toronto: Univers i ty o f Toronto Press, 1999), 17-31, p. 29. 4 3 Palsson, G i s l i , \" F i n d i n g One ' s Sea Legs : Learning , the Process o f Ensk i l lment , and Integrating Fishers and The i r K n o w l e d g e into Fisheries Science and Management ,\" in Finding Our Sea Legs, ed. Barbara Neis and Lawrence Fel t (St. Johns, N F : Institute o f Soc ia l and E c o n o m i c Research, 2000), 26-50. 4 4 See note 37 above. 4 5 See note 12 above. 4 6 Fikret Berkes , \"Indigenous knowledge and resource management systems in the Canadian subarctic,' in Linking Social and Ecological Systems, ed. Fikret Berkes and Caro l F o l k e (Cambridge: Cambr idge Univers i ty Press, 1998), 98-128. I l l C H A P T E R 5. \" O U R W E A L T H S I T S O N T H E T A B L E : \" F O O D , S A L M O N F A R M I N G , A N D R E S I S T A N C E I N T R O D U C T I O N \"It sits on the table, our wealth. . . . I mean, I can go into Safeway and I can go look at a smal l little sockeye for 20 bucks, where i n reality, our tribe alone, we went out and got 12,000 [wi ld sockeye] distributed between our people.\" That 's what D a n C u m m i n g s from the Ahousaht Fisheries Off ice said, in response to m y questions about the differences between farmed salmon and w i l d salmon, salmon farmers and fishers, and net pens and fishing spots. I had come to Flores Island off the west coast o f Vancouver Island to speak to Ahousaht people about how they experienced the effects o f the local salmon farming industry. Certainly, commerc ia l fishers, former fishers, and others from Ahousaht who regularly participate in marine resource harvesting have direct experience wi th the environmental changes brought about by salmon farming. In this chapter, I look at some of the ways in wh ich both commerc ia l and \" food\" 1 fishers who l ive on the reserves at Ahousaht (Ahousaht First Nat ion) and A le r t B a y (Namgis First Nat ion) make sense of the salmon farms that dissect their traditional territories. A s i d e from the sheer physical occupation of particular net-pen sites, salmon farming also appears to have made its presence k n o w n at other nearby sites that many people now avoid altogether for fear of food contamination. In addition, I am told that a number of formerly reliable food gathering areas now y ie ld herring spawn, fish, clams, seabirds and other seafoods i n temporally unpredieatable and spatially patchy ways. W i t h the growth o f the salmon farming industry, farmed At lant ic salmon has become 112 increasingly and readily available as a food product at local grocery stores, despite the fact that both the Namgi s and Ahousaht people continue to rely heavi ly on wild-caught, Paci f ic salmon. The fishermen l i v i n g in Ale r t B a y and Ahousaht provided me with many details about how the distribution and abundance of various species had changed at and around salmon farming sites. I wanted to know how the Ahousaht and N a m g i s ' f ishing activities had been altered in the presence of fish farms'. However , people d id not seem to encourage those lines o f questioning as much as they d id those having to do wi th fish as food. Perhaps it is through an emphasis on food that these fishers tried to convey how severely and immediate ly the salmon farming industry affects not just their ind iv idua l l ives, but those o f al l others i n their communit ies . I became interested in the meaning of farmed salmon as food pr imar i ly because this l ink between sustenance and nature seemed to be \"good to think w i t h \" - a way o f understanding the importance of w i l d salmon runs for cultural continuity. A l though salmon satisfies nutritional requirements, i t ' s meaning can be constructed in a number o f different ways, and its use as a food item that can both resist assimilation and incorporate change merits further analysis. D a n C u m m i n g ' s focus on the wealth derived from the production o f local seafoods attests to the way in wh ich fish, and salmon in particular, is central to the fabric o f social life: \"Weal th to us isn ' t a dollar in our pocket, i t 's defined I guess in other ways, you look at some families, he may not be a r ich man, but he's got a lot of . . . resources.\" Wea l th and fisheries resources have always been closely l inked in K w a k w a l a and Nuu-chah-nulth speaking regions. In both areas, al l resource sites were historical ly owned by house-groups, whose highest ranking members had control over both the labor of other members 113 and the distribution o f the catch. Through the feasting system, sometimes cal led the \"potlatching\" system, stewardship and management of resources was pub l ic ly assessed, and chiefs gave away goods in order to assert their rights to the privi leges and names that gave them control over particular resources (see chapter 1 for a more detailed discussion). The potlatch is the central governing institution o f most Northwest Coast societies, and its ful l meaning is far beyond the scope of this thesis. Outside observers, even those who d id not understand the potlatch system, were struck by the ways in wh ich it seemed to flourish after contact wi th Europeans. Part icularly at Fort Rupert and other locations near Ale r t B a y , the accumulation of wealth for potlatches reached epic proportions, and o ld photographs from around 1910 show mountains o f European goods about to be given away. 3 A m o n g the furniture, sewing machines, wash basins, and other items were also hundreds o f sacks o f flour and boxes of pilot biscuits. In the past, therefore, as today, European foods were directly incorporated in long-standing cultural forms. However , there remains much controversy wi th in and between Firs t Nations about whether salmon farming can enrich modern aboriginal culture by prov id ing another way of producing salmon. M a n y i n these communit ies are suspicious of the fish farming industry, and feel that the growth of salmon farming represents yet one more attempt to assimilate and colonize Firs t Nations people and lands. F A R M E D S A L M O N A S A C U L T U R A L E N C O U N T E R D a n C u m m i n g ' s talk about salmon farming, l ike that o f others in Ahousaht and Aler t B a y , seemed to float between indiv idual experience and shared understandings, the material and the social . In fact, whenever people began talking o f their activities wi th fish, they were already on the other side, speaking about their bands, their communit ies , and 114 their families. I tried to make sense o f this mult i - layered way in wh ich people spoke about eating farmed salmon by abandoning the distinction between ind iv idua l diet and group traditions, and focusing instead on the ways in wh ich particular ways of understanding food provides these First Nat ions ' people with a number o f different strategies for opposing what they understand to be threats to their land, their people, and their knowledge. However , people 's accounts forced me to constantly consider the particular circumstances of people 's ind iv idual l ives, and the ways in wh ich knowledge o f salmon provides people wi th agency and purpose. D o n a l d F o l e y of Ahousaht , for example, said that \"people ca l l it [w i ld fish] our way of l ife, but it isn ' t our way of l ife, it is our way, something that is more who we are. F o r instance, i f m y wife and I can' t get 100 pieces of fish that ' l l sustain us through the winter, F m not going to buy x amount o f beef to substitute.\" Here, F o l e y used his own financial and nutritional situation to convey the immediacy o f his relationship to salmon, despite the fact that this relationship relies on a system of shared knowledge that a l lowed h i m to acquire and process those fish in the first place. Individual accounts o f salmon can give great insight into the encounter between various aboriginal and non-aboriginal understandings of farmed and w i l d salmon. A forty-five minute ride on the Ahousaht Pr ide water taxi takes you from the reserve at Ahousaht , on Flores Island, to Tof ino , on Vancouver Island. Tof ino is a resort communi ty at the edge of Clayoquot Sound where a number o f the salmon farming companies operating in the area have their offices and headquarters. C a r l Haines , the production manager at one of these companies said that, as far as he could see, First Nations people cou ld easily embrace farmed salmon: T h e y [First Nations] started off just sel l ing the salmon to the white people, and pretty soon, taking them into the canneries and they got them into boats. I mean, the meaning 1 1 5 of salmon to First Nat ions have evo lved [over time] just l ike the meaning of salmon to me, f rom the time I was a k i d [trout f ishing on weekends], to the time I was a f ie ld biologist , to the time I was an aquaculturalist. It has changed as w e l l . A s a c h i l d Haines was disappointed by failed f ishing attempts, and as a f ie ld biologist he became frustrated wi th the unpredictabili ty of w i l d salmon stocks. O n l y aquaculture, he told me, cou ld guarantee a good, reliable source o f fish. In his v iew, Nat ive people had for some time been undergoing a natural evolution towards more effective ways of procuring fish. The emergence o f the industrial fisheries, and the recent appearance of salmon farming i n the area have very clearly changed the circumstances under w h i c h w i l d salmon is available. A s described in chapter 1, change has always been part o f Northwest Coast people 's relationship to the fish. A t the same time, these kinds o f formulations of Na t ive post-contact history were strongly rejected by Ahousaht and N a m g i s people who, as described in the pages that fo l low, offered me alternate ways o f understanding the past through talk o f food, salmon, and tradition. I found that non-Nat ive c la ims about the dynamics of change and tradition, l ike those of C a r l Haines , were considered to be direct assaults on the abil i ty o f aboriginal people to define themselves in relation to their past and future. B y c l a iming that there is continuity in meaning about w i l d fish despite change, Na t ive people are asserting ownership over knowledge o f their cultural history - \"what may be taken from the past and what may or must be left behind, and how one is to know -or made to k n o w - the difference.\" 4 C a r l Haines informed me that he \"understandfs] how important salmon has always been [to Ahousaht people], but that [he] also understand[s] that wha l ing was extremely significant to the culture, and that's pretty much gone, the way o f the dodo.\" James Curt is , on the other hand, explained that f ishing, preparing, distributing, and consuming w i l d 116 seafoods is not a fashion, but a way of being that recreates the past whi le envis ioning the future: O u r people use fish a different way [from Whi t e people]. H e [Carl Haines] may eat it, but i t 's l ike , i t 's k i n d o f a trophy thing. I don' t l ike to put it that way, but i t 's l ike this is one that I caught. Whereas R o d can go and say I ' l l get this fish or I got that, but we do more with it than just eat it, w e prepare it for long term, down the road. . Some people do it for sport, luxury, we do it as a way of life. It 's something that m y parents done, R o d ' s parents done, and probably our kids w i l l do. I think i t ' s no comparison. There might be a little bit the same, yeah, we enjoy going to get the fish. K i n d o f our re l ig ion. A l though salmon is certainly a necessity of l ife, and is portrayed as such by James Curt is , it at the same time provides h i m with a way o f expla in ing how the fates o f people and the fates of salmon are completely intertwined. G l o r i a Cranmer Webster, who is Namgi s and lives in Ale r t B a y , writes about her people as the \"Sa lmon People ,\" whose unique w o r l d Whi t e people encountered when they first visi ted the territory in 1792. She describes, for example, the ways in wh ich place names are sti l l f i l l ed wi th references to salmon, and what a fisherman's wife w o u l d say before cutting the first salmon: W e l c o m e , Supernatural One, you Swimmer , you have come to me, you who come every year o f our wor ld , that you come to set us right, that we may be w e l l . Thank you, thank you sincerely, you Swimmer . I ask that you come again next year, that we may meet alive and that you protect me against a l l e v i l , Supernatural One, Swimmer . N o w , I w i l l do what you came here for me to do to y o u . 5 This interdependence of people and salmon continues into the present day. A s G l o r i a Frank, herself Ahousaht , points out in an article on museum culture, the display o f traditional Nuu-chah-nulth food items in glass cases hides the cultural continuity ensured by the continued use of salmon: \"First Nations people still fish . . . and they continue even now to process fish in ways s imilar to those displayed here.\" 6 Except for the exceedingly rare instances in wh ich we are severely deprived o f food to the point o f starvation, the bod i ly \"need\" for nourishment is always cul tural ly mediated. 117 A s a result, the consumption of food is a type o f participation in social l ife, rather than a way o f satisfying bod i ly needs. 7 The meaning of food therefore does not emanate from the food objects themselves, because people act towards food in ways that generations before them have acted. A t the same time, however, our food consumption behaviors are intensely indiv idual . Choos ing and consuming food is a means of interpersonal communicat ion because it has the abil i ty to a l low us to create a sense o f cultural belonging Q to large or smal l social groups. In this way, salmon can become a l i v i n g and dynamic part of the present, and can a l low for knowledge to be reproduced by individuals who make conscious choices about what to harvest, how to preserve it, and generally, what to eat. F o o d consumption preferences and behaviors are not governed by some pre-exist ing \"tendency\" of individuals to choose and prepare foods in ways that are rigidly constrained by either their social situation or their hunger. In fact, eating is a process through which the hungry person moulds his or her act: this actor \"points out to h imsel f various possibili t ies o f action - the selection of different kinds of food, different sources o f food, and different ways of getting to the food . \" 9 The meaning o f food exists somewhere at the boundary between cultural meaning and personal understanding, and it is f rom this point of v iew that I investigate the social construction of salmon as food. A s mentioned earlier, the use o f salmon is not a case o f cul inary fashion consciousness, but goes to the very core of who people are. A t the same time, this reliance on meanings held in c o m m o n does not predetermine people 's ind iv idua l choices. Indeed, aboriginal people have successfully incorporated a variety of new material and non-material entities into their ways o f life. The tensions that arise from the desire to create a life that is at once modern 118 and continuous with the past are evident in the Namgi s and Ahousaht people 's encounter wi th farmed salmon. F O O D A S K N O W L E D G E F o r many o f the people o f Ale r t B a y and Ahousaht , farmed salmon has none o f the characteristics o f good food. Farmed salmon, they said, was'soft, bland, and fell apart in cook ing . W h e n I asked A d a m M o r l i n g (Namgis) , who has been w o r k i n g at a fish farm on and off for several years, about whether farmed fish is different f r o m ' w i l d fish, he replied: \" W e l l , i t ' s just no good. The fish is . . . i f you cook it, you get almost a liter of o i l off it, or more. A n d that's not how you're supposed to get fish anyways.\" Farmed salmon, he said, is unusual because o f the unpredictable ways in wh ich it responds to being processed for food: It's not natural. If i t ' s natural, why w o u l d your hands be so o i l y and all that other stuff. Y o u r hands get stained brown when you touch that [the fish feed]. A n d you know, you cut the fish open, I washed m y hands about seven times and I st i l l had the fish o i l on me. S imi la r ly , M i c h a e l James (Ahousaht) finds that \"it doesn't stay [whole] when you're cook ing i t . . . and it doesn't smell too good.\" F o o d qu ick ly became the focus of most discussions about the impact o f salmon farming. E v e n when centered squarely on the details o f food preparation and consumption, talk o f salmon-as-food seemed to provide a secure vantage point f rom which the environmental and pol i t ical impacts o f this new industry cou ld be discussed. In this way, the controversy over fish farming was framed as a confl ict over the knowledge, and the ways in wh ich people spoke about the relationship between food and communi ty , tradition, and economy made it clear that salmon, l ike other aspects o f material culture, originates in people's thoughts and actions. 119 E v e n those consequences o f fish farming that are often considered to be the domain of toxicologists, chemists, or professional health workers are w e l l k n o w n and wel l understood in terms o f food production. The emphasis on salmon production makes fish farming accessible to individuals , who are able to situate their personal experience wi th in the context of what they already know. Alber t R i l e y (Namgis) , for example, apprehends the high growth rate of farmed fish directly, through its effect on people 's physical w e l l -being, and not through the accounts o f external researchers: Y o u feed it [farmed salmon] and all they eat is chemicals. Y o u go to the supermarket, and all your meat is chemica l ly grown, the vegetables are chemica l ly grown. Where is all this cancer coming from? T o me, i t 's f rom the chemicals . The faster they grow the food, our bodies are s lowly breaking down because o f the chemicals. Here, there is a clear l ink between how fish eat and grow i n the marine environment, and the ways in wh ich people become either weaker or stronger from the food they eat. If eating w i l d fish represents health, then eating farmed salmon represents sickness. Stanley Larson , a hereditary chief from Hesquiaht, just north o f Ahousaht , relates At lant ic salmon, an exotic and possibly invasive species, to the exotic additives, chemicals , and drug residues in people 's bodies: \" W e know for a fact that we have encountered foreign substance to our body, w h i c h was very different from the eating habits that we had.\" Stanley Larson and Alber t R i l e y both present farmed salmon as just one of many European foods that have done damage to the health of Nuu-chah-nulth and K w a k w a k a ' w a k w people. Stanley Larson , in particular, sees the problem wi th fish farming as inseparable from the problem of other h ighly processed foods l ike \"baloney and wieners.\" Indeed, the incidence o f acquired \"sugar diabetes\" among aboriginal people throughout Canada has reached epidemic proportions, and on some reserves most adults 120 over the age of 50. have this disease. 1 0 B y locating the effects o f farmed salmon wi th in the domain o f food and health, environmental damage can be made directly relevant to indiv idual knowledge and experience. M a n y Namgi s and Ahousaht people are afraid for health reasons to eat clams from beaches anywhere near salmon farms: \" W e don't d ig there [around the fish farm] for home use, but commerc ia l fishers don' t care\" (Raymond Thur low, Ahousaht) . Non-abor ig ina l opponents of fish farming have also raised questions about the human health implicat ions o f eating farmed salmon possibly laced wi th medications, persistent organic pollutants, and other toxins. However , the concerns o f First Nat ions people over health seem much broader in scope, and extend to shellfish, fish spawn, marine mammals , seabirds, and other foods more rarely consumed by non-Nat ive people. T h u r l o w , for example, pointed out that to the farm production managers - people who don' t understand c l am beds as food areas -the effects are just not there: \" y o u ' l l hear the b ig bosses at the fish farms saying what they're doing has no effect,\" he added. These kinds of understandings, i n w h i c h individuals require an entire context o f \"eco log ica l \" wel l -being so that they might be healthy, has important consequences for how food is chosen. F i s h that are raised on fish pellets are fed pigments, so that their flesh can acquire the same p ink color as w i l d fish. Th i s bothers R o n Charles (Namgis) , who declared that \"whatever it is [that they're feeding the fish], i t 's certainly something I wouldn ' t eat.\" H e identifies direct ly wi th otters and seals because he can imagine that their relationship to their prey is s imi lar to his own relationship wi th food. M a r i n e mammals are attracted to the net pens, he says, because \"animals, they get hungry, they go anywhere. I think i f I was an otter or a seal, i t 's the easiest place to go, you 've got fish that can' t go anywhere.\" 121 The broad range o f knowledge that was made relevant to m y questions about fish farming made it clear that salmon farming in these communit ies is more than an isolated \"issue.\" The high level o f sk i l l required to recognize environmental phenomena as potential contributors to food quality highlighted the ways in wh ich the effects o f salmon farming become real only once they are experienced and understood on indiv idual terms. Ahousaht and Namgi s people depend on particular food-gathering places for their physical and cultural survival , but salmon farming has forced its way into the landscape o f knowledge i n w h i c h they operate. M i c h a e l James, a fish farm worker f rom Ahousaht , is concerned about the fact that the fish farms in Clayoquot Sound are so close to \"our r ivers\" and \"our beaches.\" M o s t of the aquaculture tenures, he said, are either themselves pr ime fishing locations, or are directly l inked to f ishing areas through fish migratory, spawning, or feeding areas. However , this fact was irrelevant to the very different productive systems of the fish farmers: \" W e ' v e had a meeting [with the company] about i t . . . I guess they're l ike anybody else, they don' t want anything to do with it after the meeting.\" W i l d salmon is part o f an entire network of knowledge that makes it impossible to extract the nutritive, caloric value o f fish f rom its social function. Sa lmon joins together people's ind iv idua l l ives through common knowledge and experience. B y mak ing l inks between food and social l ife, a unique and inalienable context is attached to the \"facts\" presented by outsiders. L i k e museum collections o f First Nat ions ' food, artificats and social customs, \"displayed in ways that had meaning in his [the curator's] w o r l d , \" 1 1 resource managers tend to ignore that the people o f Ahousaht and Ale r t B a y l ive through their fish - that the salmon l inks people to their past, present and future communit ies . A s A d a m M o r l i n g (Namgis) pointed out, 122 Nobody ever did manage the fish. The fish came, the Indians got what they wanted, and the rest went up. ... They [the managers] know they go into the ocean and go in a big circle and come back. That's all they know, they don't know anything about them. But it tastes good other than that\" [emphasis added]. Adam Morling is like many First Nations' people in the region, who, Weinstein and Morrell say, despite clear evidence to the contrary, insist that Native fisheries were 12 unmanaged prior to contact. Perhaps this insistence on the lack of management -\"nobody ever did manage the fish\" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 is a result of the \"legal capture\" 1 3 of aboriginal fisheries, which has allowed First Nations people access to salmon only in the context of concepts of property and ownership very different from the ones that structure their own patterns of resource exploitation. The so-called \"food fishery\" separates subsistence requirements from the rest of social life, and certainly helps to separate aboriginal knowledge about fish production from official rules about where, when, and how many fish may be caught. This narrow definition of the importance of the salmon fisheries to First Nations people in the region exerts strong control over local livelihoods. The people of Namgis and Ahousaht made it clear that attempts at \"incorporating\" their traditional knowledge into these alien systems of management did not fully recognize the central place of salmon in their societies. A focus on the use of salmon in everyday, local contexts, like those surrounding food, makes it harder for outsiders to claim \"traditional ecological knowledge\" for themselves. Rodney Morris (Namgis) was hired by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans as part of the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy, a program designed to \"manage\" aboriginal fisheries by \"educating\" First Nations' people as fisheries managers. There, \"it wasn't part of the job description to look after them,\" Morris said. \"They [fisheries officials] are sitting in their office in Victoria, and they don't know what's going on up 123 here.\" M o r r i s ' context for truth is separate from legal consultation requirements, letters of notification and official sampl ing procedures: People say they 've tried to barbeque the At lant ic salmon over an open pit, but because it 's got no muscle fiber and it 's too fatty, it just fell off the stick. . . . Because we use the sticks over an open pit for our sockeye. . . . Sockeye is really f i rm because i t ' s a strong fish, i t 's been s w i m m i n g for four years so i t ' s got a lot o f muscle. Bu t these Atlant ics they grow so fast, they don' t s w i m around, they got no exercise, they just eat eat eat, that's al l they do. N o , you w o u l d never be able to smoke them the traditional way, barbeque them the traditional way at a l l . Rather than col lapsing salmon farming into \"what 's on paper, and that's the truth,\" true knowledge for M o r r i s is achieved local ly , through continued harvesting and food production and preparation. F O O D A S S H A R E D U N D E R S T A N D I N G K n o w l e d g e surrounding w i l d fish and shellfish, particularly knowledge about how those foods sustain people in everyday life, seems to a l low members of the Ahousaht and Namgi s Firs t Nat ions to posit ion themselves at the very center o f the debate over salmon farming. In this sense, knowledge about fish is a cultural resource that people can draw on and extend into present contexts. However , people were qu ick to point out that their knowledge, unl ike \"traditional ecological knowledge,\" does not represent a nostalgia for pre-contact cultural l ife; in fact, they told me, knowledge of fish as food is actively recreated every time a net is pul led out o f the water, a processing technique is taught to a youngster, or a feast is given. In this way, shared understandings can turn the outside w o r l d into a social w o r l d people can know about, plan for, and act on. Sa lmon is not considered an ind iv idua l lifestyle option; instead, indiv idual choices are layered on top of and condit ioned by the underlying group life based on w i l d salmon. A s a result, very few people from Namgi s and Ahosuaht actually eat farmed salmon, even i f they are themselves 124 employed on a fish farm. Robert F o l e y (Ahoushat), a salmon farm worker, said that \"I grow them, I rear them, but as a personal choice I won ' t eat them. I think i t ' s something you have to aquire as a taste. Because l i v i n g out here, we ' re , I k n o w what sockeye tastes l ike , I know what coho tastes l ike , I know what spring salmon tastes l i k e . \" A l b e i t R i l e y (Namgis) is committed to making sure his understandings get passed on to the next generation by continuing to fish and prepare fish for eating in the traditional ways, even i f this requires a great deal o f effort: It's easy for them [young people] to go to the supermarket. So w e ' v e lost that [fishing culture]. M y fami ly has been very fortunate, w e ' v e never lost it. . . . M y two boys, I send them canned fish, smoked fish, and they k n o w how to do it, they k n o w every t ime they come home we go, we get enough fish to do something wi th it, so they won ' t forget, and they haven't. Older people are carriers of knowledge that l ives on in the younger people, but nowadays, even many elders are not eating the loca l ly available seafoods. This causes R o n Charles (Namgis) a great deal o f concern because \" i f we have nothing w i l d left, I mean, what the heck w o u l d we have left? W e ' d have absolutely nothing. . . . I mean, that's part o f our problem now. There 's not enough o ld people eating what they used to.\" Techniques for catching salmon have changed greatly over the past 150 years, f rom the or iginal salmon weirs and traps to rowboats, gillnets and seines, and f inal ly to gas-powered boats equipped wi th mechanical cranes and winches. N e w methods for processing fish, l ike canning and freezing, have been added to the repertoire of techniques used to preserve salmon. Despite these changes, a certain continuity in knowledge about salmon remains, and this knowledge must continual ly be recreated, i f it is not to be lost. Alber t R i l e y (Namgis) laments what he sees as a great loss o f knowledge: \" Y o u walk down the street, you see how many smokehouses there are on the reserve. That tells you what 's happened to us cul tural ly .\" 125 W h e n asked how a switch to fish farming w o u l d change his band's abi l i ty to fish, R i l e y replied that \"it [fishing] w i l l be lost, the same way our culture is being lost. Because food, salmon, is our life. That ' s what w e ' v e l i v e d on for years, and our kids I think are going to lose it because they don' t know what we used to k n o w . \" U n l i k e salmon fanning, f ishing al lows people to continue to understand who they are, despite great changes. F o r Francine S imms of Ahousaht , f ishing and eating w i l d fish are absolutely essential to continued cultural reproduction. In fact, eating w i l d fish is the cr i t ical l ink between the reproduction o f fish and the reproduction of meaning: Natural fish, they feed, they recycle, and reproduce each other. The natural one just goes up the r iver until it does its job , its l a id its eggs and the male swims over them and fertilizes them. Just l ike when you teach your kids about f ishing, these fish are doing the same thing. They [the w i l d fish] are reproducing themselves. The w i l d fish has more natural taste and natural vitamins. She knows this about taste because she herself was taught how to fish by her father: \"he w o u l d tell me how to tell the difference between fish that y o u ' d catch. . . . Y o u can tell what 's natural and what 's not. . . . The taste of farmed salmon is different, i t ' s got a very flat taste. Plus , when you're cutting it, wi th the natural f ish, it goes straight down but wi th the farmed fish it starts breaking up as you slide the knife .\" F i s h , as they are k n o w n and understood, reproduce themselves by being harvested, prepared, and eaten. Through this process, people come to understand their current situation and future prospects. E v e n though A d a m M o r l i n g (Namgis) d id a brief stint w o r k i n g on a salmon farm, he finds it impossible to go back to being a fish fanner. It s imply is not compatible with his understanding of the fisherman he has been since he was a youngster. \"It's hard for me to . . . do anything else,\" he says, \"because even when I was the same age as m y daughter, I was fishing, even smaller.\" B u t much of this k i n d o f 126 explanation becomes condensed into statements about food and taste. \"The humpback is the worst fish you can get in w i l d salmon, and it 's a better fish than the At lan t i c , \" he said, but w i l d fish just \"taste good.\" It seems as though through food, ind iv idua l level ways of experiencing salmon intersect wi th the learned, shared, and taken-for-granted meanings that a l low people to create themselves as individuals in the first place. Sa lmon and other fish and shellfish appear to represent the very center of people 's wor ld , and different types o f food are different ways of br inging meaning to one's existence in that wor ld : \"the very core of our life lies out there. . . . L i f e for us is enormous. So when you look at the ocean, there is nothing to ask for from the Creator because he's put it al l there for you, everything we eat\" (Stanley Larson , Hesquiaht) . \" W e are the great people o f the salmon i n our land,\" said Dan ie l M o r r i s (Namgis) . \"It is m y l i fe , \" was how D o n a l d F o l e y (Ahousaht) expressed it, \" i t is part o f who I am.\" The chieftainship o f Stanley Larson , \"represents a domain, that domain has existed for thousands o f years, i t ' s easy to say thousands of years.\" One o f the ways i n wh ich his fami ly demonstrates that it is \"part o f and l inked to those things\" in his domain is by ho ld ing feasts: \"on M a r c h 2 3 r d , m y son is having a feast for his daughter. . . . W h e n she goes out, the w o r l d is going to be told what m y granddaughter is leaving wi th , leaving our house wi th . S h e ' l l always have the rights to use the halibut bank, the right to the salmon that enters our waters, c o d . . . \" Aquaculture, he believes, has come about because \"one o f the things that government haven't been wanting to accep t . . . I represent a domain .\" Th i s talk o f food speaks against the k i n d o f \"traditional ecological knowledge\" that can be removed from local contexts: \"One o f the movements that's happening is traditional ecological knowledge ,\" La r son said, \"but there is also other values that have to be respected i n terms o f the hereditary chiefs, 127 and how they play a major role in terms o f the family , the transfer o f chieftainship to the son, and the k i n d o f display o f resources that is shown and eaten at those kinds of things.\" F O O D A S R E S I S T A N C E K n o w l e d g e surrounding the importance of traditional seafoods l ike salmon, halibut, or c lams is by no means constraining. Ex i s t i ng meanings are applied to the new context of salmon farming, in ways that a l low people to actively shape or reject the growth o f this new industry. W h i l e farmed fish can signify oppression and continued attempts at assimilating First Nations people into Whi t e society, catching, preparing, and eating w i l d fish al lows for resistance, change, and the abili ty of First Nat ions ' people to direct their o w n futures. F o r Robert F o l e y (Ahousaht), food is a way o f understanding and coordinating resource use. A l though he works on a fish farm, he has never eaten farmed fish because \"they do quali ty testing at the plant, and it was such an unnatural smel l for me to smel l that fish because the diet is so different, and again i t 's part o f how do you process food, is it to grow fish fast, or is it to get good qual i ty?\" Understanding salmon i n terms o f its quali ty as food a l lowed Robert F o l e y to formulate his resistance to current fish farm production methods and suggest new ones: It's l ike anything else, i t 's t rying to manage ourselves wi th in the resource instead of t rying to manage the resource. . . . W e can start to pioneer these sorts of quality controls and enhance the fish, maybe we won ' t have to grow so many, w e ' l l be able to sell better fish than what is grown now. H e knows, however, that this type o f knowledge is often \"considered only circumstantial\" by outsiders interested in slotting that knowledge into \"categories o f c l in ica l diagnosis. . . . Y o u have to understand the people who l ive here. . . . They can understand when it happened, w h y it happened\" (Robert Fo ley , Ahousaht) . 1 2 8 Alber t R i l e y (Namgis) is deeply ambivalent about the salmon farming industry. O v e r the years, he has watched his communi ty o f Ale r t B a y lose access to the adjacent fisheries, to the point where he discouraged his sons from trying to become fishermen: \"I didn ' t stress f ishing as a job for the future, to look elsewhere.\" B u t the move f rom w i l d f ishing to fish farming is fundamentally one he rejects: \"I tasted it once, I smel led it, and most of the commercia l fishermen feel the same way I do, they ' l l never touch it. . . . So I can' t see myse l f going out when there's no commerc ia l fish left and maybe go out and buy three, four hundred farm fish, that ' l l never happen.\" In other words, even though people may eventually be forced to work on fish farms and buy farmed fish, does not mean that they w i l l l ike the taste or think o f it as good food. F o o d is the last l ine o f resistance First Nat ions ' people of Ale r t B a y have against fish farms. W h e n Rodney M o r r i s (Namgis) was asked how he thinks his communi ty w o u l d change i f f ishing stopped altogether and everyone began salmon farming instead, he replied: \"nobody w o u l d eat a farmed salmon. N o t around here.\" S imi la r ly , R o n Charles (Namgis) said that even i f w i l d stocks disappeared, farmed At lant ic salmon is \"just something we don' t eat, we wouldn ' t eat. A lot of guys here wouldn ' t even eat it, even the guys who worked on the fish farms wouldn ' t eat i t .\" In comment ing on the agreement in principle between Ahousaht and Paci f ic Nat ional Aquacul ture , D a n C u m m i n g s (Ahousaht) said that \"harsh negotiations\" were needed to \"get to where we are now, \" but that they are on ly a stepping stone for \"where we want to be.\" One o f the ways of getting salmon farmers to understand First Nations people, he said, is by demonstrating [their] wealth, and one o f the ways o f doing that is having a feast. I w o u l d love to see one day when we cou ld have at least half o f al l the aquatic species on the list 129 that R o d and myse l f made spread on a table and done up in our traditional way so we can serve it to you, the people that need to be educated to say that this is just a portion o f what we ' re t rying to protect. Resistance through food is endangered when people no longer have access to the w i l d fisheries that have sustained their knowledge of who they are as people. Rodney M o r r i s (Namgis) for example, pointed out that \"our traditional sockeyes, chums and that, is what we need for our diet. It 's scary around here because we are l imi ted to the amount of food fish we ' re a l lowed to get now, and we see a lot o f our elders dy ing of cancer and diabetes.\" Nevertheless, fish continues to be harvested by Namgis and Ahousaht people, and not eating farmed salmon is an act of defiance in itself. M o r r i s finds that i f fish farming replaced fishing, his people w o u l d \"probably have to learn to accept it, but [he doesn't] k n o w i f they 'd learn to l ike to eat i t . \" Some can put up wi th salmon farming as long as they are able to balance the negative effects o f farmed fish with the positive effects o f w i l d fish. D a n i e l M o r r i s (Namgis) , for example, believes that i n the age o f salmon farming, ool igan is more important than ever, because it can counteract the impacts of farmed fish. \"The ooligans, they go to one place, l ike Knigh ts Inlet or K i n g c o m e Inlet, and you can just imagine . . . what do the ooligans get f rom them [fish farms].\" H e relies on ool igan, especial ly the grease, because \"that's what they use for a l l the things that's wrong wi th our body, from al l the things we eat f rom the Whi t e people, l ike hamburgers, steak, M c D o n a l d ' s , things l ike that.\" That ' s why he is deeply worr ied about non-Natives taking over the ool igan fishery: \"the ool igan, what m y Nat ive people thinks is they should just keep their o w n word to themselves instead of ta lking about it [how good it tastes]. 'Cause some day the government is going to go into it, you k n o w . \" 130 C O N C L U S I O N C l a i m s about what constitutes \"traditional food\" are pol i t ical statements that a l low people to renegotiate their relationship to the past in light o f present circumstances. F o r mi l len ia , w i l d salmon has been important to the physical survival o f Northwest Coast peoples. However , it appears that at this particular moment in t ime, resistance against salmon farming has brought about a heightened awareness o f the value o f salmon as a traditional food. It may be that this awareness of traditional food has been a long-standing reaction to colonial intrusions into aboriginal f ishing rights. B u t ancestral rights to territories take on new meaning and face new challenges i n the context of an industry in wh ich actual ocean spaces have been granted to multinational companies without the approval of the local Firs t Nations people. People ' s ind iv idual experiences wi th t rying to prepare and eat farmed salmon symbol ize the changes they are st i l l undergoing as co lon ized people. It is therefore not surprising that people talk about health, sickness, and harvesting and preparing salmon in the same breath that they describe how a lack of access to w i l d fish endangers their abil i ty to take charge of the changes they experience. S i m o n Lucas , the co-chair o f the Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a A b o r i g i n a l Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , a hereditary chief o f Hesquiaht (near Ahousaht) , and a we l l - known Nat ive leader throughout Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , told the audience at the September 2002 F i s h Fa rming and Envi ronment Summi t that \"we are wealthy from our chiefs because o f their territory. . . . It is because o f the food that we eat that we ' re strong.\" In this way, the Hesquiahts and other coastal First Nat ions can counteract and survive destructive change. B u t he also used ideas of food, health, and sickness to represent the damage his people have sustained. H e reminded the audience that \"we the First Nations people have been impacted by every 131 change that's happened in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , our part o f the wor ld , Vancouver Island and the coastal tribes. W e are now leading in every sickness that's here in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a and Canada.\" However , statements about the importance o f w i l d salmon as a \"traditional food\" are complicated by the attempts of government officials, company representatives and scientists to extract, appropriate and use these understandings of salmon as \"traditional ecological knowledge\" , or \" T E K . \" A l though m y informants d i d not always refer to \"traditional ecological knowledge\" by its name, they spoke to me about the ways in wh ich their understandings were t r iv ia l ized in settings that ranged f rom meetings wi th companies and scientists to jobs with government fisheries agencies. B y constructing salmon farming as a matter o f food, a life-or-death matter by any analysis, the people o f Ahousaht and Ale r t B a y gained control over the context in wh ich the things they were saying had meaning. W h e n fisheries managers look to aboriginal knowledge they are look ing to incorporate local knowledge into bureaucratic systems o f science and management, and the language o f T E K is dominated by verbs l ike \"col lect ,\" \"harvest,\" \"extract,\" and \"use.\" Some fisheries scientists even ask \"ski l l - tes t ing\" questions to acertain the \"trustworthiness o f the subjects' answers\" . 1 4 W h e n knowledge becomes recontextualized into systems of fisheries management, relations o f power shift, and what may seem to be a harmless case o f cultural appropriation can make local people experience a loss of control over decisions that affect their l i v e s . 1 5 The people I interviewed appeared to know al l too w e l l that al l knowledge brings wi th it networks o f context and power, and they spoke o f the relations between foreign foods and the ways in wh ich their communit ies have become pol i t ica l ly disenfranchised. It is only through continued access to and use o f the fisheries resources 132 that any hope for prosperity remains. Outsiders don' t understand, people tended to say, that salmon is a matter of survival and a resource that w i l l always define them as the \"salmon people.\" Indeed, traditional ecological knowledge . . . extend[s] the networks of scientific resource management into the 'outside w o r l d ' of Firs t Na t ion communit ies by rendering the life experiences o f native elders and hunters (through processes of compartmentalization and distil lation) into forms wh ich can be used and interpreted far from these communit ies , in laboratories and centers of ca lcu la t ion . 1 6 First Nat ions ' people i n Ale r t B a y and Ahousaht were sensitized to \"traditional ecological knowledge\" as a technique of power, and their talk of salmon as food made it impossible for me to isolate food from the ways in which knowledge about food is loca l ly produced, maintained and transformed through the passage of time. Because salmon, as they presented it to me, remained f i rmly anchored i n contexts they themselves knew about, it was difficult for me to compartmentalize their understandings into categories of either tradit ionalism or ind iv idua l experience. It may be for that reason that people focused on their band's material culture as itself constituting a social wor ld . People saw their knowledge o f traditional foods as their last l ine o f resistance again intrusion into their territories, but they also perceived it to be their most powerful form of opposit ion. Th is f inding is probably not unique to the First Nat ions o f Vancouver Island. F o r the St6:lo o f Br i t i sh Co lumbia ' s Fraser C a n y o n , wind-dr ied salmon, though no longer a dietary staple, imparts a k ind of strength that comes from shared understandings about food. A s for the Namgis and Ahousaht people, salmon among the Sto: lo has become a symbol of pol i t ical resistance, and w i n d dry ing is consciously regarded as a traditional practice in need of protection. S imi la r ly , among the eastern James B a y Cree, \"whiteman's food\" is symbol ica l ly pol lut ing, in that it is seen to be harmful to a generalized sense o f 133 18 well -being. The Cree word \"miyup immat i s i iu\" , wh ich roughly translates as \"being alive w e l l \" is a declaration of social and pol i t ical wel l -being, and the concept around \"being alive w e l l \" a l lows Cree people to assert themselves in the face o f threats to their land. Resistance to changes in the traditional relationship wi th the land is associated wi th individual wel l -being and notions o f health and prosperity. Ea t ing the right foods by fo l lowing present-day traditional practices al lows the past to directly shape how people constitute themselves both phys ica l ly and culturally. Tradit ions are, after a l l , encounters with other groups and cultures. Features o f any society are important not because they stand on their own , but because they can be contrasted wi th something external. In a book by a group of Nuu-chah-nul th elders interested in combatt ing the suffering brought about by the Indian A c t , the residential school experience and the loss of access to resources, through a revival of the o ld teachings, Moses Smi th o f Ehattesaht (Nuu-chah-nulth, north of Ahousaht) makes the fo l l owing observation: The b ig thing is the traditional use o f our resources. Y e s , that's the thing that we have got to try. Y e s , that's the scary thing to see that some of our traditional food, in no time at a l l , i t ' l l be wiped out. That 's quite a treat when we get home after spending time in urbanized areas to go back and get a good feed of t'uc'up (t'uutsup - sea urchins), the mussels, other seafoods. That ' s quite a concern to al l the f ami l i e s . 1 9 This articulation o f the importance of traditional foods makes it clear that though constructed, traditions are not i n any way \"fake\", and are instead always the very real product of social construction and negotiation wi th in and between groups. F o r that reason, \"the process o f choosing emblematic activities, dispositions, or material artifacts,\" i n this case, the active choice o f w i l d salmon over farmed salmon as food, is not \"dissociable from a history of encounters and from what is at issue in those particular encounters.\" 2 0 The fact 134 that the First Nat ions people I interviewed selected w i l d salmon as part o f both past heritage and present custom, and actively de-selected farmed salmon is therefore not altogether surprising. Once people have made something emblematic by objectifying and naming it, they can then take a stance towards i t . 2 1 I suggest that this also occurs when farmed salmon is named as part of a co lon ized way o f life, and w i l d salmon is named as emblematic o f a First Nat ions way of life. These understandings a l low the named and meaning-f i l led farmed salmon to become a posit ive force in cultural affirmation, rather than an oppressive force of cultural assimilation. Understandings of the differences between w i l d salmon and farmed salmon as food suggest that Ahousaht and Namgis traditions, l ike al l traditions, are not passively carried as cultural baggage, but act ively constructed and deployed to diverse ends. 1 The word \" food\" here refers to the fishery allocated by the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans to First Nations people to fish at certain times and places closed to non-aboriginal fisheries. Th is legal distinction between commercia l and food fisheries creates an artificial \"tradit ional\" fishery that has no precedent in actual Firs t Nations societies. 2 Because I was specif ical ly targeting skippers and deckhands - those directly engaged i n fish harvesting - 1 was on ly able to f ind one woman who had worked on a f ishing boat on any regular basis. W o m e n probably are more knowledgeable about fish preservation and preparation, the subject o f much of this chapter. However , because I d id not discover the ways in wh ich people used food to talk about salmon farming until after I began look ing over the interview transcripts i n detail, m y analysis is l imi ted to the experience of men. The fishermen ranged broadly in age from 35 to 75. The f isherwoman I interviewed in Ahousaht was in her 40s. The competi t ive and extravagant nature o f the potlatch seems to have been a post-contact development. F o r further details on the K w a k w a k a ' w a k w potlatch system, see the discussion in chapter 1, and as w e l l : Douglas C o l e , \"The His to ry o f the K w a k i u t l Pot latch,\" in Chiefly Feasts: The Enduring Kwakiutl Potlatch, ed. A l d o n a Jonaitis (Seattle: Univers i ty o f Washington Press, 1991,135-176. 4 K i r k D o m b r o w s k i , \"To tem poles and tr icycle races: the certainties and uncertainties of Nat ive vi l lage l ife, Coastal A l a s k a 1878-1930,\" Journal of Historical Sociology 8/2 (1995): 136-157, p. 137. 135 5 G l o r i a Cranmer Webster, \"The Sa lmon People o f Ale r t B a y , \" Reprint f rom the Proceedings o f the f 2 t h International Abash i r i Sympos ium, ( I S S N 0918-7715). 6 G l o r i a Frank, ' \"That ' s m y dinner on d isplay ' : First Nations Ref lect ion on M u s e u m Cul ture ,\" BC Studies 125/126 (2000): 163-178, p.164. 7 D a g Osterberg, \" T w o Notes on Consumpt ion ,\" in The Sociology of Consumption, ed. Per Otnes (Oslo: S o l u m For lag , 1988), 13-28. Q Elisabeth Furst, \"The Cul tura l Signif icance o f F o o d , \" in The Sociology of Consumption, ed. Per Otnes (Oslo: S o l u m For lag , 1988), 89-100. 9 Herbert B lumer , Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method (Eng lewood Cl i f f s , N J : Prent ice-Hal l , Inc., 1969) 1 0 T . K u e Y o u n g , Jeff Reading, Brenda E l i a s , and John D . O ' N e i l , \"Type 2 diabetes melli tus in Canada 's First Nations: status of an epidemic in progress,\" Canadian Medical Association Journal 163/5 (2000): 561-566, p.562. 1 1 Frank, p. 169. 1 2 M a r t i n S. Weins te in , and M i k e M o r r e l l , Need is Not a Number (Campbel l R ive r , Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a : K w a k i u t l Terri torial Fisheries C o m m i s s i o n , 1994). 13 Douglas Harr is , Fish, Law, and Colonialism (Toronto: Univers i ty of Toronto Press, 2001). 1 4 Steven M a c k i n s o n , \"Integrating L o c a l and Scientif ic Knowledge : A n E x a m p l e i n Fisheries Science,\" Environmental Management 27 (2001): 533-545. 1 5 Jul ie Cruikshank, The Social Life of Stories (L inco ln : Univers i ty o f Nebraska Press, 1998). 1 6 Paul Nadasdy, \"The Pol i t ics of T E K : Power and the 'Integration' of K n o w l e d g e , \" Arctic Anthropology 36 (1999): 1-18. 17 Carol ine Butler , Regulating Tradition: Sto.io Wind Drying and Aboriginal Rights (Vancouver : Univers i ty o f Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a , M . A . thesis, 1998). 18 N a o m i Ade l son , ' B e i n g A l i v e W e l l ' : Indigenous B e l i e f as Opposi t ion among the Whapmagootu i Cree. (Montreal : M c G i l l Univers i ty , P h . D . thesis, 1992). 1 9 W i l m a Ke i t l ah , Wawaac'akuk yaqwii?itq quu?as - The Sayings of Our First People, (Penticton, B . C . : Theytus B o o k s , 1995), p.234. 20 Nicholas Thomas , \"The Inversion o f Tradi t ion ,\" American Ethnologist 19 (1992): 213-214. 2 1 See note 20 above. 136 C H A P T E R 6. F R O M F I S H T O C O M M O D I T Y : S A L M O N F A R M I N G A N D T H E P R O D U C T I O N O F H E R I T A G E I N T R O D U C T I O N Desp i te the intense cont roversy sur rounding sa lmon f a rming , s a lmon farmers try to se l l their f ish as a \"made i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a \" product - one that is in t imate ly t ied i n to the p r o v i n c e ' s cu l tu ra l heritage. In recent years, researchers have wri t ten about the ways in w h i c h non-abor ig ina ls have used s a lmon to take over supposedly \" d y i n g \" aspects o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ' cul ture i n order to create a sense o f safe and manageable heritage i n a n e w l y c o l o n i z e d l and . 1 P a c i f i c s a lmon have been c o m m o d i f i e d as cu l tu ra l i tems ever s ince an indus t r ia l f ishery first appeared on the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a coast i n the late 1 9 t h century. In those days, f ish were de l ive red to large, busy canneries, where they were p a c k e d into iden t i ca l tins for transport to distant places. C a n n e d sa lmon was homogeneous , mass-produced and dest ined for mass consumpt ion . W e r e i t not for the co lo r fu l , i l lus t ra ted labels a f f ixed to the cans, the predictable , \"ob jec t ive\" features o f these canned sa lmon w o u l d have ove r shadowed their m o r e exot ic and \" m e a n i n g f u l \" attributes. These labels tended to depic t scenes that were p resumably unusual and exc i t i ng to the c i ty dwel le r : s m a l l coastal f i sh ing v i l l ages , the Queen , or an Indian w i t h a feather headdress h o l d i n g a s a l m o n . 2 T h i s suggests that even for canned sa lmon , the f i sh ' s unique \"use-va lue\" and its s tandardized \"exchange-va lue\" c o u l d never be fu l ly separated f rom one another. In fact, \"to become a c o m m o d i t y , a product must be transferred to another, w h o m it w i l l serve as a use-value, by means o f an exchange . \" 3 E v e n i n the mos t mater ia l is t concep t ion o f \" c o m m o d i t i e s \" therefore, objects o n l y acquire va lue through their social 137 use-values, or their va lue for others. In m a n y ways , m y analysis f o l l o w s M a r x ' s v i e w o f the c o m m o d i t y as a soc i a l th ing whose substance embodies re la t ionships between people . I examine the s a lmon-as - commodi ty as it is constructed by the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n ( B C S F A ) . T h e B C S F A promotes a fa rmed fish that is m u c h l i k e the sa lmon processed by canneries: it is r ead i ly marketable , exchangeable and consumable . A s products , A t l a n t i c s a lmon are consistent and mass-produced , and sa lmon farmers use this fact to advertise the qua l i ty o f their f i sh . T h e B C S F A ' s p r o m o t i o n a l brochures are f i l l e d w i t h references to the i m m e n s e vo lumes o f f ish g r o w n on sa lmon farms; the associa t ion boasts, for example , that B r o w n ' s B a y P a c k i n g C o m p a n y o f C a m p b e l l R i v e r \"processes i n excess o f 10 m i l l i o n pounds (4500 tonnes) per yea r\" . 4 S a l m o n are constructed as homogeneous and interchangeable i tems that are va luable because they can be neat ly packaged into anonymous boxes . A s products , fa rmed f ish are c o m m o n p l a c e , routine, and ord inary . H o w e v e r , i n this chapter, I show that l i k e the canneries o f the past, the sa lmon farmers ' associa t ion attempts to de-objectify fa rmed sa lmon by m a k i n g these f ish appear h i g h l y unique. I also show that this w a y o f m a k i n g fa rmed sa lmon appear as a diverse and heteregeneous i t e m is an essential part o f the process o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n . F a r m e d sa lmon holds out the p romise , not just o f the expected and c o m m o n p l a c e , but o f exot ic experiences, such as those dep ic ted on the labels o f s a lmon cans. Cons t ruc t ions o f f ish as altogether new and different i tems creates distance between consumers and A t l a n t i c s a lmon ; the consumer w h o purchases fa rmed sa lmon is not o n l y purchas ing a product but also a cu l tu ra l exper ience o f the sort that 138 one m i g h t expect to get by t rave l ing to remote parts o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s coast, back to pre-contact t imes, or by access ing for a m o m e n t the t echno log ica l sophis t ica t ion o f sa lmon fa rming science. In the pages that f o l l o w , I exp l a in that by d e c o m m o d i f y i n g fa rmed sa lmon , the sa lmon fa rming associat ion lets consumers become tourists o f both F i r s t Na t ions and sc ient i f ic cultures. I suggest that the value o f farmed sa lmon is created by the interact ion o f sa lmon farmers, consumers o f fa rmed f ish , and F i r s t Na t ions people . H o w e v e r , these interactions are i m b u e d w i t h p o w e r re la t ionships , through w h i c h N a t i v e people themselves become produced . In order for fa rmed sa lmon to be ma in ta ined as an exot ic , ind igenous , and \" c u l t u r a l \" i t em, N a t i v e people must be careful ly con t ro l l ed and managed as \"s takeholders .\" B y f o l l o w i n g guidel ines for consul ta t ion w i t h F i r s t Na t ions , and by e m p h a s i z i n g their t echn ica l mastery over nature, s a lmon farmers ga in both l ega l and popula r acceptance for their industry. In this w a y , s a lmon farmers are able to recreate the condi t ions under w h i c h the p roduc t ion o f fa rmed sa lmon is poss ib le i n the first p lace . It therefore becomes d i f f icu l t to separate the m e a n i n g - f i l l e d aspects o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n f rom the brute p h y s i c a l p roduc t ion o f f a rmed sa lmon . T h i s chapter deals w i t h the ways i n w h i c h the B C S F A assigns va lue to sa lmon and s a lmon fa rming . It is based on observat ions o f the day-to-day act ivi t ies o f the staff, as w e l l as on extensive conversat ions w i t h them on long- t e rm projects and issues. T h e mater ia l for this chapter was co l l ec ted du r ing a week spent i n the of f ice o f the B C S F A i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r , on northern V a n c o u v e r Is land i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . I a lso base this analysis i n part on internal , wri t ten documents , p r o v i d e d by the B C S F A , that 139 ch ron ic l e the evo lu t ion o f their relat ions w i t h l o c a l , env i ronmenta l and abor ig ina l communi t i e s . F A R M E D S A L M O N A S A N I N D I A N \" P R O D U C T \" S a l m o n packaged as exot ic culture T h e B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n ' s re la t ionship to F i r s t Na t i ons cul ture begins w i t h its wa l l s , w h i c h are adorned wi th prints o f Nor thwes t Coas t F i r s t N a t i o n s ' art. A s part o f its p u b l i c relations ro le , the associat ion regula r ly donates money , f ish , and other i tems to c o m m u n i t y events, char i ty auctions, or p r o m o t i o n a l events. W h e n the Q u a d r a I s land Recrea t ion Soc ie ty he ld a raffle to benefit the c o m m u n i t y centre 's A d d i c t i o n Project , the B C S F A donated a cedar tray it had bought f r o m a F i r s t Na t i ons artist. In this w a y , sa lmon farmers were able to g ive away, as their own, a p iece o f the F i r s t Na t ions exper ience. S i m i l a r l y , a book i n the off ice c a l l ed \"Feast! Canad i an N a t i v e C u i s i n e for A l l Seasons\" seems to be the source o f m a n y o f the rec ipe cards the associa t ion inc ludes w i t h donations o f f ish . A n interest i n \"e thn ic\" f o o d m a y be an instance o f v i r tua l t ou r i sm made poss ib le by the consumpt ion o f goods. T h i s type o f tour i sm, John U r r y says, compresses t ime and space into r ead i ly consumable objects, and a l l ows people to easi ly evaluate and compare fo rmer ly inaccess ib le exper iences . 5 A sa lmon prepared \"nat ive s ty le\" a l l o w e d guests at the C o a s t Inn 's Q u a l i t y C o u n c i l D i n n e r i n P r i n c e G e o r g e to exper ience a nat ive m e a l i n an o therwise f ami l i a r setting. T h e distance this created between the consumer and the s a lmon ac tua l ly brought this f ish closer to its in tended audience. A s the organizer o f the event wrote i n a thank-you letter to the B C S F A , the d ish was exceed ing ly popular : \" C h e f A i k e n h e a d prepared the sa lmon 'cedar p l ank ' and served it as an appetizer p r io r to the c h i c k e n entree. T h e 140 sa lmon starter was c lea r ly the h igh l igh t o f the m e a l and so m a n y guests inqu i r ed about the product , w e p l aced i t on the m e n u . . . \" Here , the B C S F A is engaged not o n l y i n p h y s i c a l forms o f p roduc t ion , but also i n the s taging o f sa lmon as a cu l tura l experience. Just as fa rmed sa lmon are created as products , so the meanings that sur round F i r s t Na t ions people are careful ly selected, p roduced and packaged for mass consumpt ion . T h i s p a r a d o x i c a l l y a l l ows sa lmon to become wnpackaged - to lose their associations w i t h sh r ink -wrapp ing , bar codes, and s tyrofoam boxes . In other words , the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ' t radit ions appears to be a prerequisi te for at taching new and en t ic ing meanings to the f i sh . F a r m e d sa lmon is va lued as someth ing distant f r o m us, but also as someth ing that w e k n o w about ob jec t ive ly and whose value w e w i s h to b r i n g c loser to ourselves . B y b u y i n g fa rmed sa lmon , the consumer- tour is t can v i c a r i o u s l y become a f u l l m e m b e r o f an imag ina ry c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h these supposedly \" N a t i v e \" meanings have great soc ia l impor tance . F a r m e d sa lmon is a cul tura l p roduc t ion that tells people what to l o o k for and exper ience. In fact, a l l tourist ic experiences are, acco rd ing to M a c C a n n e l l , cu l tura l product ions , because they represent and then consume part icular , i so la ted aspects o f soc ia l l i f e . 6 T h i s e lement o f tour i sm is mos t evident i n the f ish fa rm tours the B C S F A leads for interested members o f the p u b l i c . A s part o f the p l a n n i n g for these tours, employees consu l ted a brochure for a l o c a l \" N a t i v e Her i t age and W i l d l i f e T o u r \" that is advert ised as \" T h e O r i g i n a l \" : \" v i s i t ancient t radi t ional v i l l a g e sites - l is ten to the stories and legends o f the people . . . immerse your se l f i n the coastal nat ive experience: j i g for cod , d i g for c l ams , enjoy an authentic nat ive barbeque.\" T h e B C S F A ' s s a lmon 141 fa rm tours appear to be m o d e l e d on this coastal \"heri tage\" tour. T h e associa t ion ' s p lanned aquaculture tour - dubbed \" T h e O r i g i n a l \" jus t l i k e the l o c a l N a t i v e heritage tour \u00E2\u0080\u0094 promises m u c h more than the oppor tuni ty to \"see a s a lmon fa rm for y o u r s e l f : it a l l ows tourists to t ravel back in t ime and enjoy an \"even ing barbeque on board, j i g g i n g for cod , and ca tch ing a c rab .\" Seafood harvest ing is s t i l l an everyday part o f l i fe i n F i r s t Na t i ons communi t i e s ; however , i n this tour, it is a remnant o f t imes past. T h e popular be l i e f that N a t i v e cul ture needs to be s a lvaged 7 is shared also by these sa lmon fa rming advocates, for w h o m F i r s t N a t i o n s ' understandings exis t in past t imes and i n distant places . T h r o u g h farm tours, the B C S F A offers an \" inv i t a t ion to ' exper ience ' the l and . . . m i n d w i l l i n g but body not able to m a k e a canoe jou rney to remote p laces .\" Here , t ou r i sm supplies an envi ronment i n w h i c h sa lmon f a rming places can be consumed , not l i t e ra l ly , but aesthetical ly, as often occurs i n tou r i sm s i tuat ions . 8 T h e sa lmon fa rm i n this tour is a cu l tu ra l ly and h i s to r i ca l ly e n d o w e d experience, w h i c h though i t se l f a product o f sorts \u00E2\u0080\u0094 the farm tour p rov ides read i ly access ible \" Ind i an\" meanings \u00E2\u0080\u0094 provides context for farmed sa lmon ' s physical consumpt ion . A c c o r d i n g to A p p a d u r a i , things need to be first brought in to situations w h i c h enable them to become commodi t i e s i n the first p l ace . 9 S a l m o n farm-cul ture tours p r o v i d e that c o m m o d i t y context for fa rmed sa lmon . A p p a d u r a i notes that \"the c o m m o d i t y si tuat ion i n the soc ia l l i fe o f a ' t h i n g ' \" shou ld be def ined as \"the si tuat ion in w h i c h i t ' s exchangeabi l i ty (past, present, or future) for some other th ing is its s o c i a l l y relevant fea ture .\" 1 0 In the case o f these sa lmon fa rm tours, supposed F i r s t Na t ions meanings about env i ronment and ways o f l i fe are exchanged for a consumer \"exper ience ,\" an exper ience that can be recreated by p h y s i c a l l y c o n s u m i n g fa rmed f i sh . 142 Stakeholders as packaged Indians The term \"stakeholder\", when used to refer to First Nations people, is politically problematic in Canada, and particularly in British Columbia. In British Columbia, land and ocean territories were never formally ceded to settlers, and the treaty question is a frequent news item. The government of Canada recognizes, at least in theory, that First Nations' people have justifiable claims to the land that predate contact with European settlers. A number of Supreme Court of Canada decisions over the past decade established that there is a \"duty to consult\" when any aboriginal or treaty right is infringed upon. Aboriginal people often resent being called \"stakeholders,\" particularly when they are forced to prove what they have always known through an alien court system. In the case of salmon farming, the industry's association is able to successfully use the law on consultation to produce Native \"stakeholders\" that are manageable and predictable. The provincial government's consultation guidelines for third party dealings with First Nations are particularly telling of the degree to which industrial production requires the commodification of aboriginal people.11 In that document, the province reminds those whose activities might infringe on claims of aboriginal rights that the onus is on First Nations to prove these rights in court. Aboriginal people must therefore self-consciously consider and present their culture as a thing to be scrutinized and dissected. The guidelines, of which the BCSFA surely has a copy, state that \"aspects of aboriginal society that are true of every society, such as eating to survive, 12 do not qualify as aboriginal rights.\" In other words, First Nations practices must be 143 cons idered d i s t inc t ive and unique i n E u r o p e a n terms before they qua l i fy for protec t ion f rom l o g g i n g , f a rming , aquaculture, or other interests. In Delgamuukw, the Supreme C o u r t o f C a n a d a de termined that the depth o f the consul ta t ion must relate to the severi ty o f the inf r ingement on abor ig ina l lands. T w o recent B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a C o u r t o f A p p e a l cases - Haida Nation v. B. C. and Weyerhauser and Taku River Tlingit First Nation v. Redfern Resources et al. - both i n v o l v e d the p r o v i n c i a l issuance o f l icenses for l and and resource extract ion act ivi t ies on c l a i m e d , but not \" p r o v e n \" territories. These cases asserted abor ig ina l rights and tit le by h i g h l i g h t i n g the F i r s t N a t i o n s ' p re -ex is t ing lega l interests. A t the same t ime that the Supreme C o u r t ru l ed i n Delgamuukw that the C r o w n must demonstrate a substantive concern - it must consul t in a w a y that takes abor ig ina l interests ser ious ly - the l aw on consul ta t ion is p r i m a r i l y p r o c e d u r a l . 1 3 Because consul ta t ion is the burden o f the industry or government , and the actual \" p r o o f o f the r ight is the burden o f the N a t i v e people c l a i m i n g that right, proper procedures can faci l i tate as w e l l as prevent infr ingement . Consu l t a t ion procedures do not require that governments or industr ies discuss w i t h , m u c h less agree w i t h , N a t i v e people about h o w the par t icular abor ig ina l r ight is to be unders tood and what that r ight is. In 2001 , the staff o f the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n was p r o u d to say that i t consults w i t h F i r s t Na t ions people . A l t h o u g h the associat ion c o u l d not have ant ic ipated that the duty to consul t w o u l d be extended to resource industries and other \" th i rd part ies ,\" their eagerness to \"consu l t \" was p robab ly a response to long-s tanding c r i t i c i sms that s a lmon fa rming leases alienate abor ig ina l territories and prevent those territories f r o m b e c o m i n g part o f treaty settlements. T h e process through w h i c h 144 Indians become \"s takeholders\" is i t se l f a f o r m o f p roduc t ion , and it a l l ows sa lmon farmers to turn N a t i v e opponents into eas i ly manageable entities. Just as f ish farmers prefer to g r o w the A t l a n t i c species because i t is \" a very pass ive f i s h \" ( L i n d a Stevens) , the B C S F A prefers to consul t o n l y w i t h \"non - r ad i ca l \" Indians. A s stakeholders, F i r s t Na t ions i n d i v i d u a l s are brought into the r e a l m o f \"products ,\" where they are processed into manageable and interchangeable units. D e b b i e O w e n s often talks about the t rouble she has w i t h \" r a d i c a l \" Indians that show up to indus t ry-Fi r s t Na t ions C o m m u n i c a t i o n M e e t i n g s : \"In any group y o u have r ad ica l elements. Somet imes I rea l ly get at tacked.\" B y n a m i n g certain F i r s t Na t i ons people as \" rad ica l s , \" the B C S F A is able to define what it means to be a \" n o r m a l \" Indian. O n l y certain F i r s t Na t ions i nd iv idua l s get to be part o f the process: \"they [Ahousaht] are an ex t remely d i f f i cu l t c o m m u n i t y to negotiate w i th . There is a handful o f real r ad i ca l people , they ' re ex t remely aggressive. T h e y seem more intent on beat ing up the person t a lk ing to them instead o f s ay ing ' le t ' s m o v e f o r w a r d ' \" (Frank L o w r y ) . B y \" m o v i n g f o r w a r d , \" a poin t to w h i c h I w i l l return later on , F i r s t Na t ions people are requi red to adopt a par t icular def in i t ion o f themselves that a l l ows them entry into the consul ta t ive process i n the first place. E v e n before negotiat ions actual ly beg in , the \" r a d i c a l \" Indians are exc luded f rom the p o o l o f raw materials dest ined to become \"s takeholders .\" T h i s is reminiscent o f the exc lu s ion o f certain adult s a lmon f rom b e c o m i n g broodstock; p resumably , the of fspr ing o f those f ish also w o u l d not be \"p roduc t ive\" under the con t ro l l ed condi t ions on sa lmon farms. Just as fa rmed sa lmon leave p rocess ing plants not as f ish , but as careful ly crafted products , abor ig ina l people leave the consul ta t ion process as generic and w e l l managed \"s takeholders .\" A s 145 products , \" Indians\" are amenable , ass imi la ted , and homogenous ; as \"F i r s t N a t i o n s , \" they are exot ic , diverse, and unpredictable . A s carriers o f m e a n i n g about sa lmon , abor ig ina l people can, by themselves be ing t ransformed into products , be a tool i n the const ruct ion o f a n o v e l and unique f i sh . W h e n consul ta t ion takes p lace i n a prede termined w a y and f o l l o w s a strict set o f gu ide l ines , the i n d i v i d u a l that emerges is predictable , presentable, and cont ro l lab le . In fact, the Indian-s takeholder is the type o f person env i s ioned by the sa lmon farmers before even the w e l c o m i n g remarks were made. F o r example , i n p l a n n i n g \" c o m m u n i c a t i o n meet ings\" w i t h F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people , the associa t ion ' s representatives appear to pay an inordinate amount o f attention to the actual s taging o f the meet ing . M e e t i n g organizers are very concerned w i t h h a v i n g the r ight abor ig ina l leader present to f o r m a l l y open these consul ta t ion sessions. Joseph S a m , the president o f the B C S F A , wrote i n a letter to C h i e f John Hende r son o f the C a m p b e l l R i v e r Indian B a n d C o u n c i l about the open ing ce remony to such a meet ing: \"I want to ensure that w e f o l l o w correct p ro toco l for this meet ing , and I w o u l d be honored i f y o u w o u l d agree to w e l c o m e a l l the guests at this mee t ing to your t radi t ional terr i tory.\" T h e associat ion is eager to p roduce meet ings that pass guide l ines for \"consu l t a t ion\" and the \" n o n -inf r ingement\" o f abor ig ina l r ights. A n inv i ta t ion to var ious F i r s t Na t ions leaders to part ic ipate in a B C S F A - F i r s t Na t ions C o m m u n i c a t i o n M e e t i n g i n D e c e m b e r o f 1999 made this clear: \"the two meet ings he ld to date . . . many s o l i d suggestions have been put f o rward by the F i r s t Na t ions i n attendance that w i l l assist us i n a ch i ev ing our goa l o f proper consu l ta t ion .\" T h e s a lmon fa rming associat ion understands its meet ings w i t h 146 F i r s t N a t i o n s ' \"s takeholders\" as f in ished, l ega l ly acceptable products , rather than as o n g o i n g processes through w h i c h new k n o w l e d g e can be created. \"Respect ,\" is a concept used by Firs t Nat ions people throughout coastal B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to denote a complex set o f relationships among people for w h o m ownership , stewardship, phys ica l use, and cultural cont inui ty inhere i n f i sh ing places. A c c o r d i n g to L i n d a Stevens, Fi rs t Na t ions ' \"respect\" is something much s impler and easier to control : \"They [the Firs t Nat ions people] say you have to show respect but the way they're a lways r ipp ing into each other is terrible. One guy accused another o f bas ica l ly prosti tuting h imse l f to the industry.\" The man she described does not have the attributes o f a good stakeholder; he is not an easi ly manageable person that f i l l s a neatly c i rcumscr ibed role. A s in 1 9 t h century paintings o f Indian warriors and ch i e f s , 1 4 F i rs t Nat ions people are constructed as proud and stubborn advocates o f a vanishing and p r imi t ive way o f l ife. A c c o r d i n g to N o r m a n Doug las of the B C S F A , \"a lot o f them [the Firs t Nat ions people] don ' t want to l ook stupid at these meet ings. . . so we have to expla in to them what 's go ing on . \" F rank L o w r y sees the Ahousaht people, in particular, as prisoners o f their o w n environmental noses: \"they cut their noses off to spite their face . . . they seem more intent on beating up the person ta lk ing to them instead o f saying let 's move forward .\" T h i s is why , as stakeholders, Indians get help from the industry i n becoming more l i ke themselves - more natural, and therefore more attuned to the naturalness o f product ion and eff iciency. W h e n the C h i e f o f the T lowi t s i s Na t ion , John M . Smi th , wrote to the B C S F A asking w h y the industry, despite hav ing promised that they w o u l d use loca l vessels and labor power for harvesting, was impor t ing a large, new, N o r w e g i a n boat, L i n d a Stevens expla ined to one o f her colleagues w h y the foreign boat was the \"natural\" 147 choice: \" B y inv i t i ng the C a m p b e l l R i v e r B a n d they w i l l then get to see that the reason y o u had to go to N o r w a y was obvious - for the technology. There real ly is no arguing the need to go there once you have seen the vessel. So impress ive .\" \"Consu l t a t ion\" is therefore the process through w h i c h the Indian-as-stakeholder is manufactured as a pub l i c l y marketable product and the farmed sa lmon is produced as a cul tura l ly colorfu l commodi ty . The romant ic ized, c o m m o d i f i e d Indian, w h o is advanced i n culture but p r imi t ive i n economy, is constructed through a variety of interactions wi th the sa lmon farming association. L i n d a Stevens, for example , wrote to a l l general managers o f sa lmon farms in B C , in fo rming them that a \"cultural awareness feast\" w o u l d be held at the B i g House in C a m p b e l l R i v e r , but that this event w o u l d be complemented by an \" informat ion session on economic development .\" In her construct ion, culture, food, and resources have nothing to do wi th economy or communi ty wel l -be ing . A t the same t ime, the invi ta t ion encourages Firs t Nat ions participants in the event to present their culture to the sa lmon farmers, who can make sense o f it in an economic context. The construction o f the w i l d \"Indian-as-nature\" has been entrenched since the 1 9 t h century, and continues to be used in the present d a y . 1 5 The B C S F A mines Firs t Na t ions ' understandings o f environment as a source o f \"otherness\" on ly to make accessible those same meanings to its customers. B y getting the Firs t N a t i o n in K i t a s o o to open up its o w n salmon farm, Jennifer B o w e n can c l a i m that her industry displays an abor ig inal - l ike responsibi l i ty for \"nature\", as w e l l as a Euro -Canad ian handle on \"economics\" : \"they [First Nat ions people] are starting to get fridges and stoves, they're paint ing their houses . . . they 've got 40 people w o r k i n g i n the processing plant. N o w people are putting up houses and putting i n grass,\" she said. In the B C S F A 1998-1999 C o m m u n i c a t i o n P lan , 148 dealings wi th Fi rs t Nat ions are considered a top pr ior i ty speci f ica l ly because the industry 's unresolved issues \"potential ly undermine publ ic confidence i n the operations o f the industry i f portrayed as a threat to the environment .\" N a n c y Y o u n g , i n ta lk ing about possible advertisements, l i nked the idea of pristine environment wi th that o f native heritage: \" W e c o u l d say, we are i m p r o v i n g the way we are managing our f ish farms. . .to ensure we protect our heritage . . . or . . . B C sa lmon farmers - on our way to becoming a mode l industry . . . through sustaining our priceless heritage.\" M a n y F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people w h o f ind themselves si t t ing across the table f r o m sa lmon farmers at s takeholder meetings reject the const ruct ion o f Indians as w a l k i n g packages o f pr iceless heritage. T h e y seem to object spec i f i ca l ly to the idea that they can be managed as stakeholders and demand \"par t ic ipa t ion on a spec i f i ca l ly structured adv i so ry commi t t ee w h i c h w o u l d respect the i n v o l v e m e n t o f F i r s t Na t i ons as not just another ' s t akeholder ' \" (Na t ive Bro the rhood , in a statement to the associat ion) . T h e K w a k w a l a , L i k w a l a and C o m o x , for example , understand themselves as people w h o k n o w as m u c h about ways o f m a k i n g a l i v i n g , c o m m u n i t y , and e c o n o m y , as n o n -abor ig ina l people . T h e y are a people w h o \"have l i v e d w i t h i n and o n their territories as p r o v i d e d by the Crea tor and as instructed by their N u m a y m s care for the A w e e k n a k ' o l a i n such a manner that the people , their different societ ies, their forms o f governance and each c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n the respect ive territories, cont inue to be sustained\" (statement to the B C S F A ) . T h i s ar t iculat ion is i n sharp contrast to the idea, expressed by L i n d a Stevens i n a letter to Hered i ta ry C h i e f S c o w , that s takeholder meet ings \"can achieve the balance needed for respect o f F i r s t Na t ions and 149 env i ronmenta l values w h i l e ensur ing that w e can p rov ide the jobs needed for our e c o n o m i c future.\" S A L M O N A N D S C I E N T I F I C H E R I T A G E A q u a c u l t u r e as \"advanced cul ture .\" F o r the B C S F A and p robab ly many consumers o f fa rmed f i sh , A t l a n t i c sa lmon embodies meanings associated w i t h the imag ina ry F i r s t Na t i ons person. H o w e v e r , s a lmon also gives the consumer- tour is t access to another k i n d o f i m a g i n e d heritage: science. T h e methods and results o f profess ional scientists become the r aw mate r ia l o f a sc ient i f ic cul tura l exper ience that is offered to the customer- touris t as an exper ience. Sc ience , i m a g i n e d or real , is presented by the sa lmon farmers ' associa t ion as emblemat ic o f a w a y o f l i fe . Joan A l v e r s o n , fo r example , makes regular visi ts to e lementary schools to ta lk about sa lmon fa rming and its re la t ion to \"coas ta l cu l ture .\" She takes a long armloads o f posters ent i t led \"Coas ta l C u l t u r e - F a r m i n g F i s h \" w h i c h depict a cross-sect ion o f a f ish farm, f rom the float house and net pens to an ocean f loor clut tered w i t h sc ient i f ic instruments. In the scene, two divers , a current meter, an underwater camera , and a benthic grab sampler float amongst the sa lmon , s cu lp in , f latf ish, and invertebrates w h i l e a he l icopter hovers overhead. Here , sc ience s ignif ies not jus t f i sh f a rming , but \"coastal cu l ture\" - a w a y o f l i f e in . general . T h e current state o f aquaculture science is offered to the cus tomer as a spectacle o f progress to be consumed as entertainment or educat ion. M u c h l i k e the zoo vis i ts A n d e r s o n desc r ibes 1 6 , s a lmon farm tours get vis i tors to be v i s u a l l y t in t i l la ted by the t r i umph o f reason and domest ica t ion over emot ion and wi ldness . T h e \" sc i en t i f i c \" sa lmon o f netpens are separated f r o m the \" sp i r i t ua l \" s a lmon o f the F i r s t Na t ions 150 heritage tours through electronic instruments, numbers , and chemica l s . T h e al lure o f sc ience and progress is therefore in t imate ly t ied up w i t h the d i s t inc t ion between w i l d , sp i r i tual Indians and their domest icated, \" r a t iona l \" co lon ize r s . W h i l e not a l l consumers o f fa rmed f ish w i l l have the sc ient i f ic k n o w - h o w that makes sa lmon- fa rming poss ib le , anyone can get that exper ience by b u y i n g fa rmed f ish. In the p r o m o t i o n a l v ideo he was prepar ing for the B C S F A , for example , T o m W o o d s suggested that the f o l l o w i n g narrat ion w o u l d promote conf idence i n farmed sa lmon: \"Harves t i ng and Process ing . T h e harvest popula t ion is put on a short starvation reg ime. T h i s reduces the ac t iv i ty o f digestive enzymes and reduces the stress on f i s h . \" T h e B C S F A also has spec ia l ly des igned tours o f sea farm pens to a l l o w vis i tors to be sc ient i f ic tourists in the l i te ra l sense: \"make you r next f a m i l y vaca t ion an enjoyable and educat ional exper ience ,\" Joan A l v e r s o n wrote for a brochure . O n e o f the farm act ivi t ies that is spec i f i ca l ly meant to be seen by farm vis i tors is water qua l i ty testing: \" w e regula r ly check the temperature o f the water, mon i to r the o x y g e n i n the water us ing a d i s so lved o x y g e n meter, and check for harmfu l p l ank ton by c h e c k i n g the turbidi ty o f the water w i t h a S e c c h i d i sk and v i e w i n g water samples under the m i c r o s c o p e , \" she cont inued. . Here , farmed sa lmon are expressions o f an elaborate set o f sc ient i f ic r i tuals that sur round their o w n produc t ion . T h e fascinat ion w i t h aquaculture science appears to relate d i rec t ly to the desperate search by E u r o - A m e r i c a n s for N a t i v e A m e r i c a n roots descr ibed by W a r d C h u r c h i l l . 1 7 Just as re la t ing s a lmon to abor ig ina l cul ture distances fa rmed f ish f r o m the homogeneous product it m i g h t o therwise be, the emphasis on sc ient i f ic \"heri tage\" shifts the focus f r o m automated, mach ine p roduc t ion to a sc ient i f ic \" t r ad i t ion\" o f f ish 151 rear ing that is m u c h l i k e the \" t radi t ions\" o f F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people . T h i s is not altogether surpr i s ing , because groups tend general ly to fashion their understandings o f what makes them dis t inct out o f their p r io r understandings o f what is emblemat i c o f o thers . 1 8 Aquacul ture science as heritage T h e stories to ld by members o f the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n turn science into a heritage that can be c o n s u m e d r ight a long w i t h the f i sh . E v e n though mechanis t i c metaphors o f e f f ic iency and funct ional i ty abound i n the stories that ecosys tem ecologis ts t e l l , 1 9 these stories, l i k e a l l stories, have a con t inued l i fe . T h i s l i fe a l l ows science to be subject ively exper ienced i n the c l a s s room, i n the grocery store, at the d inner table, or on a f ish fa rm tour. O n e o f the adver t i s ing officers at the B C S F A i n v o l v e d i n c o m i n g up w i t h ideas for a ch i ld rens ' i n fo rma t ion expressed to his col leagues the \"need to deve lop a s ingle pamphle t o f info h i g h l i g h t i n g the stages o f a s a lmon ' s l i f e w i t h cor responding pictures to c o l o r . \" T h e ac t iv i ty b o o k des igned for ch i ld ren juxtaposes \"the l i fe c y c l e o f s a l m o n \" w i t h \"the f a rming c y c l e \" . A c c o r d i n g to the booklet , b io logis t s have d i scovered that \"the sa lmon l ife c y c l e begins when adults spawn, despos i t ing fe r t i l i zed eggs i n the g rave l bottoms o f freshwater streams and r ivers , usua l ly the f a l l ; j u v e n i l e sa lmon emerge f rom the g rave l i n the sp r ing , \" and so sa lmon farmers have managed to use these sc ient i f ic facts to c o p y the sc ient i f ic \" l a w s \" o f nature: \" s a l m o n fa rming is based on the sa lmon l i fe cyc l e . F i s h are spawned , eggs incubated and j u v e n i l e f ish reared at freshwater hatcheries, usua l ly loca ted on l a n d . \" In this case, the \" c y c l e o f l i f e \" is a na tura l ized const ruct ion o f s a lmon b i o l o g y that serves as a source o f t radi t ion and as a template for new stories. 152 Stories are con t inuous ly re -dep loyed i n new settings and re invested w i t h new mean ing , and are not so m u c h f in i shed products as soc i a l act ivi t ies that connect people 20 to l i v e d experience. O n c e sc ience is to ld in narrat ive format, it can access m a n y o f the meanings already ex i s t ing in peop le ' s taken-for-granted real i ty , and indeed, become part o f a heritage that grounds people i n a past w h i l e prepar ing them for the future. W h i l e the B C S F A does not hand out its c o l o r i n g books on the \" f a rm c y c l e \" and the \" s a l m o n c y c l e \" to adults, it does a l l o w them to part ic ipate i n f ish fa rm tours. A t the fa rm sites, the B C S F A wants them to see a number o f act ivi t ies and h o w those act ivi t ies relate to the \" fa rm c y c l e . \" T h e f o l l o w i n g excerpt is taken f r o m Jennifer B o w e n ' s script that is read to fa rm vis i tors : Smol t del iveries. Smol ts , smal l fish that are ready to begin their l i fe in salt water are transported f rom the hatchery. T h e y arrive at the farms by boat, either a special smolt de l ivery boat that has large tanks on the deck or w e l l boat, that has water in the holds. B o t h systems circulate water to the fish and supplement it wi th oxygen . Smol t del ivery t ime is an exc i t ing t ime because a new life cyc le on the farm is starting. S i m i l a r l y , \"broods tock so r t ing\" and \"egg takes\" take the p lace o f spawn ing : W h e n the f ish are ready, a crew is ready to take the eggs and mi l t . . . . Samples are taken for disease and screening purposes. The eggs and mi l t are kept sterile and separate. . . . Once the j o b is f inished the eggs, mi l t . . . are taken to the hatchery . . . (fish farm tour script) Here , a sc ience that is p rac t iced i n laboratories, remote f i e ld sites, and descr ibed in scho la r ly publ ica t ions is made accessible to the potent ia l consumers o f fa rmed sa lmon . B y v i s i t i n g a fa rm site, the f ish fa rm tourist is p r o v i d e d w i t h an out-of- the-ordinary oppor tuni ty to v i e w science i n a f i rs thand way . A s areas that are t y p i c a l l y inaccess ib le or c losed to the gaze o f consumers , f i sh farms enable tourists to get a g l i m p s e o f the n o r m a l l y h idden pract ice o f \"h igh- tech\" sc ient i f ic and 153 t e chno log ica l ac t iv i ty . It seems reasonable to th ink that these same tourists, as w e l l as some others w h o have never been to see an actual s a lmon farm, m a y be recreat ing this tourist ic exper ience every t ime they eat a fa rmed sa lmon . Sc ien t i f i c s a lmon fa rming is no longer a distant rea l i ty o f numbers , f igures, and tables, but someth ing that is at the core o f people ' s object ive real i t ies . In this unders tanding o f sc ient i f ic heritage, w e are a l l scientists, and a lways have been part icipants i n ra t ional \"progress .\" P a r a d o x i c a l l y , members o f the B C S F A deny that ' they do any more than present to the p u b l i c untainted science: \"what I l i k e about A n d y [ A n d y T h o m s o n , Depar tment o f F isher ies and Oceans] is that he jus t g ives y o u the in fo rmat ion he 's got, he doesn ' t try to embe l l i sh it or say geez that 's a w f u l \" ( N o r m a n D o u g l a s ) . C O N C L U S I O N In this chapter, I have shown that the commodi f i ca t ion o f farmed fish as a mass-producible and exchangeable i tem relies on the incessant symbo l i c commodi f i ca t ion , de-commodi f i ca t ion , and re-commodif ica t ion inherent in touristic experiences. T h i s f ind ing is consistent wi th M a r x ' s v iew of the commodi ty as a thing that both represents and obscures relationships between peop le . 2 1 Through \"consul ta t ion,\" as \"stakeholders,\" and as heritage items, Indians become contained as manageable and reproducable cultural units, much l i ke the commodi t ies they represent. Th i s development is what subsequently enables sa lmon farmers to c l a i m that their industry is a l igned wi th the interests of Fi rs t Na t ions ' people. Na t ive peoples ' struggles for control over their waters are obscured when sa lmon farmers become endowed wi th the authority to represent, and make decisions about, aboriginal culture. In much the same way, farmed f ish are used to 154 represent touristic, standardized and pre-packaged narratives o f an otherwise inaccessible \"aquaculture science.\" The packaging o f sa lmon farming as \"advanced\" culture obscures the role o f that \"cul ture\" in mass-producing salmon factory-style, i n a way that d iminishes possibi l i t ies for other experiences. W h e n salmon farmers use farmed fish to represent cultural experiences, both Na t ive people and scientific practice are objectified, and at the same time transformed into subjectively desirable, touristic \"backrooms.\" W h a t I mean by \"subject ivi ty\" and \"objec t iv i ty\" in this case is not that \"object iv i ty\" is more true to reali ty than \"subject ivi ty\", but rather that neither the salmon-as-product nor the salmon-as-heritage can exist on its own . The harsh image o f c o m m o d i f i e d sa lmon is deflected by v is ions o f cultural heritage and exo t ic i sm, but Firs t Na t ions ' peoples and scientific cultures are objectif ied i n the process. Fa rmed sa lmon is therefore at the same time both commodi f i ed and ( symbol ica l ly ) decommodif ied . In many ways, this f inding is not surprising. A s S i m m e l (1978 [1900]) has pointed out, things can on ly be valued again as commodi t ies once they are taken out o f the context o f the here-and-now and turned, conceptual ly, into objects that are 22 reassessed. S i m m e l noted that i n assigning value to objects, there is a constant tension between objects that seem to have autonomous signif icance, and the same objects, at other times, that seem subjectively desirable. The desir ing o f objects on the one hand, and the assigning o f objective value to them on the other, are complementary notions that presuppose each other: \"they are two sides o f our relat ionship to objects, w h i c h we ca l l subjectively our desire and object ively their value\". Th i s appears to be exact ly what members o f the B C S F A are do ing in their construction o f farmed sa lmon as an ordinary, 155 mass-produced i tem and as a source o f desirable and new meanings. Appadura i , too, found that \"at any g iven point in t ime what looks l ike a homogeneous, bu lk i tem of extremely l imi t ed semantic range can become very different i n the course o f distr ibution and c o n s u m p t i o n . \" 2 4 H o w e v e r , i n order to accompl i sh this leap i n meaning f rom the ordinary to the extraordinary, the B C S F A must make extensive use o f \"object ive\" reali ty - those meanings o f people and nature that are closer to the taken-for-granted realities i n w h i c h people l i ve . The idea that farmed salmon must be objectif ied i f it is to be subjectified may be what Berger and L u c k m a n n mean when they say that what is taken for granted provides a f ramework through w h i c h things that are not yet k n o w n can be k n o w n in the 25 future. In other words, because we internalize the w o r l d o f nature, Fi rs t Nat ions , and science as objective realities, we become equipped wi th the tools that enable us to externalize our o w n subjective understandings o f farmed sa lmon. L o o k i n g at it another way , this process is a certain technique o f consumpt ion that, as Sassetelli puts it, \"brings the subject to cont inuously re-establish a distance and a space o f difference for h i m or herself i n the pursuit o f such heightened ind iv idua l i ty . \" 2 6 F o r R o o t , this in terna l iza t ion o f other heritages as object ive reali t ies is a s y m p t o m o f the fear of losing a sense of authenticity?1 Because fa rmed sa lmon ra ised i n netpens m i g h t eas i ly be cons idered \" inauthent ic\" , their authentici ty must be reaff i rmed i n the \" b a c k r o o m \" regions sought out by cu l tu ra l tourists. W h a t is eas i ly ava i lab le for touris t ic consumpt ion is never as desirable as that w h i c h is somewhat h idden or r e m o v e d f r o m the t yp i ca l tourist experience, because it is those experiences that are more \"authent ic .\" E x c e p t for the instances o f sc ience fa rm tours and F i r s t 156 N a t i o n s ' heritage fa rm tours, this search for b a c k r o o m areas b y consumers o f sa lmon is not p h y s i c a l , but cogn i t ive . In order for differences to be ident i f ied and appropria ted i n the first p lace , they have to be seen as real . T h u s , heritage is appropriated, object i f ied, and turned into someth ing people k n o w about. T h i s process is remin iscen t o f the art o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s early c o l o n i a l area, i n w h i c h paint ings i m p l i e d \"that N a t i v e culture is a quant i f iable th ing, w h i c h . m a y be measured i n degrees o f Tndian-ness ' against def ined forms o f authentici ty, o n l y loca ted i n the past.\" F a r m e d sa lmon can be made more authentic, further f r o m everyday exper ience, o n l y because the cultures used to m a k e sense out o f s a lmon are inc reas ing ly made into objects. F i r s t Na t i ons are turned into stakeholders remin iscen t o f the k inds o f \"products\" made ava i lab le through the mass produc t ion o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon : they are doc i l e , \"non - r ad i ca l , \" homogenous , and spec ia l ize on env i ronmenta l aesthetics. Sc ience too, is reduced to stories, a lmost D i s n e y - f i e d representations o f the \" c y c l e o f l i f e \" and the gadgetry o f sc ient i f ic equipment . T h e \" r ea l \" F i r s t Na t ions person, or \" r e a l \" science, remains as e lus ive as ever, m u c h i n the same w a y as tourists can see \" r ea l \" places and experiences as a lways a step b e y o n d what they can read i ly observe or experience. A p p r o p r i a t i o n is a power fu l dev ice i n the cons t ruc t ion o f new meanings , because it a l l ows the sa lmon farmers ' associa t ion to d i s t inguish what is authentic about both sc ience and F i r s t Na t i ons f r o m what is inauthentic. R o o t observes that the appropr ia t ion o f cu l tura l difference i nvo lves the select ion and abstraction o f cu l tura l 29 traits, and i t is this that a l lows them to be consumed i n the first p lace . She points out that w h i l e tourists i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a are i nv i t ed to g a w k at totem poles in the R o y a l 157 B C M u s e u m f o l l o w e d , b y h igh tea at the adjacent E m p r e s s H o t e l , they are not encouraged by tourist brochures to meet G i t k s a n l and rights act ivists . In m u c h the same w a y , the B C S F A uses fa rmed sa lmon and its associated sc ient i f ic and abor ig ina l meanings to decide what constitutes both sc ience and F i r s t Na t ions cul ture. T h e B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n invi tes its customers to exper ience the \" r ea l \" sc ience o f sa lmon fa rming , yet this science inc ludes fancy water chemis t ry equipment and the t echno log ica l p romise o f i m p r o v i n g on nature 's \" c y c l e s . \" T h i s \"authent ic\" sc ience excludes , for example , a l l o f the sc ient i f ic debates about the disease or i nvas ion potent ia l o f fa rmed A t l a n t i c s a lmon . S i m i l a r l y , \"authent ic\" Indians w e l c o m e sa lmon fa rming as a w a y o f sa lvag ing their supposedly ext inct cul ture - through the preparat ion o f fa rmed sa lmon i n supposedly \" t rad i t iona l\" ways - and as a w a y o f b r ing ing an env i ronmenta l \"aesthetic\" to the industry . \"Inauthent ic\" F i r s t Na t ions people i nc lude those that refuse to turn themselves into stakeholders. M u c h l i k e the tourists w h o c o m e to T i l l i c u m V i l l a g e , a r e p l i c a o f a nat ive v i l l age near Sea t t l e , 3 0 consumers o f fa rmed sa lmon are able to sample Indian cul ture f r o m a safe distance. T h e same is true o f the exper ience these consumers-turned-tourists have w i t h science. Sc ience and F i r s t Na t i ons cul ture are careful ly pre-constructed by promoters o f the sa lmon fa rming industry , o n l y so that consumers can exper ience those cultures every t ime they buy or eat A t l a n t i c s a lmon . 1 G l o r i a F . F rank , ' \" T h a t ' s m y dinner on d i s p l a y ' : a F i r s t Na t ions ref lec t ion on m u s e u m cul ture ,\" BC Studies 125/126 (2000): 163-178; K a t i e N . Johnson and T a m a r a Under ine r , \" C o m m a n d Performances : S tag ing N a t i v e A m e r i c a n s at T i l l i c u m V i l l a g e \" i n Selling the Indian: Commercializing and Appropriating American Indian Cultures, ed. Car te r Jones M e y e r and D i a n a R o y e r , (Tucson : U n i v e r s i t y o f A r i z o n a Press, 2001) , 44 -61 . 158 2 These images can be accessed f r o m the v i sua l records at the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a A r c h i v e s : S a l m o n can labe l \" B l a c k D i a m o n d B r a n d \" [190-], \"Empress B r a n d \" [190-], and \"Indian B r a n d \" [190-]; c a l l numbers 1-51547,1-51546, and 1-51544, respect ive ly . Respec t ive web pages are: h t t p : / / w w w . b c a r c h i v e s . g o v . b c . c a / s n - l D 2 5 9 B 4 / c g i -b in / t ex t2h tml / .v i sua l / img_tx t /d i r_159/ i_51547 . tx t ; h t t p : / / w w w . b c a r c h i v e s . g o v . b c . c a / s n - l D 2 5 9 B 4 / c g i -b in / t ex t2h tml / .v i sua l / img_tx t /d i r_159/ i_51546 . tx t ; and h t t p : / / w w w . b c a r c h i v e s . g o v . b c . c a / s n - l D 2 5 9 B 4 / c g i -b in / tex t2h tml / .v i sua l / img_tx t /d i r_129/e_06125. tx t ; accessed September 11, 2003 . K a r l M a r x , Capital, Volume I in The Marx-Engels Reader, S e c o n d E d i t i o n , ed. R . C . T u c k e r , ( N e w Y o r k : W . W . N o r t o n and C o m p a n y , 1978 [1867]), p. 308. 4 B C S F A N e t W o r k Informat ion Sheet #3. 5 John U r r y , Consuming Places ( L o n d o n : Rou t l edge , 1995), p. 79 . 6 D e a n M a c C a n n e l l , The tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class ( N e w Y o r k : S c h o c k e n B o o k s , 1976). 7 D a n i e l F ranc i s , The Imaginary Indian (Vancouve r , B C : A r s e n a l P u l p Press , 1997), p. 16-43. 8 See note 5 above. 9 A r j u n A p p a d u r a i , \" In t roduct ion: C o m m o d i t i e s and the P o l i t i c s o f V a l u e \" i n The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. A . A p p a d u r a i , (Cambr idge : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1986), 3-63. 1 0 A p p a d u r a i , p. 13. 1 1 P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , Provincial Policy for Consultation with First Nations, October 2002 . A v a i l a b l e on the web at: h t t p : / / s rmwww.gov .bc . ca / c l rg / a l rb / cab ine t /Consu l t a t i onPo l i cyFN.pd f ; accessed September 11, 2003 . 12 Provincial Policy for Consultation with First Nations, p . 6. 13 See \"Deve lopmen t s i n the L a w o f Consu l t a t ion and A b o r i g i n a l P e o p l e , \" prepared by B r a k e r and C o m p a n y , i n the B C A b o r i g i n a l F isher ies C o m m i s s i o n ' s 2 0 0 2 F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t conference p rogram. 1 4 See note 7 above. 159 1 5 M a r c i a C r o s b y , \"Cons t ruc t ion o f the Imaginary Ind i an\" i n Vancouver Anthology: The Institutional Politics ofAart, ed. S. D o u g l a s , (Vancouve r : T a l o n b o o k s , 1991), 267-291 . 1 6 K a y A n d e r s o n , \" A n i m a l s , Sc ience , and Spectacle i n the C i t y \" i n Animal geographies: Place, Politics, and Identity in the Nature-Culture Borderlands, ed. Jennifer R . W o l c h and Jody E m e l ( L o n d o n : V e r s o , 1991), 27-50. 1 7 W a r d C h u r c h i l l , Indians are us? Culture and genocide in native North America ( M o n r o e , M e : C o m m o n Courage Press, 1994). 1 8 N i c h o l a s T h o m a s , \" T h e inve r s ion o f t rad i t ion ,\" American Ethnologist 19/2 (1992), 213-232 . 1 9 V a l e r i e K u l e t z , The Tainted Desert: Environmental and Social Ruin in the American West ( N e w Y o r k : Rou t l edge , 1998). 20 Ju l i e C r u i k s h a n k , The Social Life of Stories: Narrative and Knowledge in the Yukon Territory ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C Press, 1998). 2 1 M a r x , p. 320. 22 G e o r g S i m m e l , The Philosophy of Money ( L o n d o n : Rou t l edge & K e g a n P a u l , 1978 [1900]), p. 61-75 . 2 3 S i m m e l , p. 78. 2 4 A p p a d u r a i , p. 40 . 25 Peter L . Berger , and T h o m a s L u c k m a n n , The Social Construction of Reality (Garden C i t y , N Y : D o u b l e d a y Press, 1967). 2 6 R o b e r t a Sassate l l i , \" F r o m value to consumpt ion : a soc ia l - theore t ica l perspect ive on S i m m e l ' s P h i l o s o p h i e des G e l d e s , \" Acta Sociologia 43 (2000): 207-218 , p. 214. 27 D e b o r a h R o o t , Cannibal Culture: Art Appropriation and the Commodification of Difference (Bou lde r : W e s t v i e w Press, 1996). 2 8 C r o s b y , p .276 . 2 9 See note 27 above. 30 See reference to Johnson and Under ine r , i n note 1 above. 160 C H A P T E R 7: N A T U R A L - S O C I A L H Y B R I D S I N T H E F I S H F A R M I N G I N D U S T R Y I N T R O D U C T I O N I came to the sa lmon farms o f f o f T r i a n g l e Is land, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , to study sa lmon farmers; I wanted to k n o w h o w they thought about fa rmed sa lmon and the business o f sa lmon fa rming . M y w e e k - l o n g observat ion focused on the farm at Fe rnando B a y , and the nearby but larger \"super - fa rm\" at D e s o l a t i o n R o c k s . B y t a lk ing to the workers and site managers on the w a l k w a y s that connect the f loa t ing net pens, I thought I c o u l d get them to speak i n rout ine ways about h o w they raise their f ish . H o w e v e r , fa rmed sa lmon are not s i m p l y pass ive ly contemplated, but are constant ly be ing treated, fed, sampled , sorted by s ize , m o v e d f rom pen to pen, and harvested. L i k e the act ivi t ies o f isola ted, far-away peoples , the act ivi t ies o f s a lmon farmers m a k e sense o n l y f r o m w i t h i n a par t icular cul tura l context. I learned q u i c k l y , for example , w h y some f i sh , c a l l ed \" c u l l s , \" were sacr i f iced to the \"mor t bucke t\" even before they had f in i shed their g rowth , and the impor tance o f a myster ious force ca l l ed the \" f o o d conver s ion ra t io .\" B y the t ime m y stay on the f loa t ing net-pen structure was over , I k n e w I needed to m a k e at least one m o r e stop a long the ne twork o f places, people , pos i t ions , events, and knowledges that m a k e up the sa lmon fa rming industry. Pharamceut ica l s l i k e anti-parasite drugs, anaesthetics, and nut r i t iona l feed addit ives are themselves act ive, w o r k i n g agents that a i d i n a l l sorts o f tasks around the farm site. Whe the r these chemica l s are ant ibiot ics m i l l e d d i rec t ly into the feed, aneasthetics used on f ish be ing sorted, or carotenoids used to dye the f lesh, each m o l e c u l e is a l i t t le worker , m a k i n g its 161 o w n cont r ibu t ion to the fa rm's f ina l output. In order to get to k n o w m o r e about where these chemica l s c o m e f r o m and what they do on the fa rm site, I present m y exper ience at an aquaculture trade show where these substances are advert ised and discussed. T h i s chapter, therefore, is based on m y t ime at t w o nodes a long the sa lmon fa rming ne twork: W e s t Coas t A q u a c u l t u r e ' s f loa t ing net-pen sites and the A q u a c u l t u r e P a c i f i c E x c h a n g e trade show he ld i n C a m p b e l l R i v e r , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . I focus on the process o f s a lmon fa rming and h o w it shapes and is shaped by the \"cu l tu re\" o f sa lmon farmers and their pharmaceut ica l suppliers . M y analysis therefore embarks on the sort o f \"an thropology o f the modern w o r l d \" advocated by B r u n o L a t o u r . 1 M y approach a l l ows m e to l o o k at fa rmed sa lmon as na tura l -socia l co l lec t ives that c o m e about through soc ia l in teract ion. I found that any attempt to extract m e a n i n g out o f s a lmon farmers ' stocks o f cu l tured f ish repeatedly brought m e back to their buckets o f \"mor ts , \" their records o f sampled and w e i g h e d f ish , the no ise o f the generators and automatic feeders, and the arsenals o f c h e m i c a l products needed to p roper ly i m m u n i z e , medicate , mature, spawn, and co lo r fa rmed f ish. A s a result, I focused on the fa rmed fish and the f a rming process, not just as things surrounded by mean ing , but as carriers and creators o f that mean ing . F A R M E D S A L M O N A S B I O M A S S O n e o f the first things I no t i ced after setting foot on a f ish fa rm is the w a y i n w h i c h a l l f i sh f a rming act ivi t ies are geared towards the p roduc t ion o f b iomass . Smol t s are s tocked and main ta ined at densities k n o w n to most ef fect ively shunt feed inputs d i rec t ly into b iomass outputs. F r o m the t ime they are first entered into the water, to 162 the t ime they are harvested and so ld , f i sh are f loa t ing packages o f b iomass : \"the A t l an t i c s w e s tock at 20 k i l og rams a cub ic meter ,\" T e d , the r eg iona l p roduc t ion manager t o l d me. \" W e ' r e at 15 [k i lograms per cub ic meter] for c h i n o o k . \" W o r k e r s at the site too refer to harvest-ready f ish as \"peak b iomass , \" and f ish that w o n ' t p roduce b iomass are done away w i t h to m a k e space for those that do put on b o d y mass: S o m e fish just w o n ' t eat. T h e y sit i n there and waste space for everyone else. W e c a l l them ' c u l l s . ' See, here's a c u l l [holds up a s m a l l f ish] . . . . W h e n t hey ' ve been i n there for this l o n g and they ' re o n l y that b i g , then they ' re a waste o f t ime (George , D e s o l a t i o n R o c k s site). Here , fa rmed f ish are s w i m m i n g b iomass accumulators , and f ish farms are the sites at w h i c h f ish pellets , l oaded by the ton into automatic feeding machines , are conver ted into A t l a n t i c s a lmon f lesh. T h e internal d iges t ive mach ine ry o f the f ish mir rors the b iomass accumula t ion that takes p lace at the l eve l o f the entire f ish farm. Somet imes , as exp l a ined by T e d , the p roduc t ion manager, this mach ine ry fai ls : \" f i sh doesn ' t digest p roper ly , doesn ' t g r o w as fast as the other f ish , it eventua l ly becomes sort o f what w e c a l l a p inhead , it elongates, . . . those are starveouts or pinheads or whatever .\" K n o w l e d g e o f f ish health is comple te ly t ied up w i t h f ish farmers ' interest i n extract ing the largest poss ib le harvestable surplus f r o m the site. L e s i o n s and other signs o f disease m a k e site managers re-evaluate s tock ing densit ies, feed formula t ions , or pen loca t ion , and what s a lmon farmers k n o w about the f l e x i b i l i t y and re la t ive impor tance o f these factors i n turn affects h o w ser ious ly they take any par t icular disease s y m p t o m . T h i s k i n d o f f l e x i b i l i t y is poss ib le because i n d i v i d u a l f ish are d i rec t ly access ible to f ish farm workers and site managers as the units out o f w h i c h the f a rming operat ion is constructed. F i s h are c o m b i n e d w i t h feed pellets at different sizes, t imes, and densit ies i n an effort to make the site a p roduc t ive f ishery at harvest 163 t ime. In this w a y , the par t icular conf igura t ion o f f ish age, s ize , densi ty, drugs, feeding regimes , and other factors is a mater ia l manifestat ion o f the f ish farmers ' knowledge . It becomes d i f f i cu l t to separate where the feeding m a c h i n e ends and the fish begins. A j u m b l e o f vacuum-c leaner l i k e tubing winds its w a y d o w n the f loa t ing w a l k w a y s and into pipes above each net pen. There , pellets are p u m p e d out into pens s tocked w i t h f ish o f k n o w n size, weight , age, and potent ia l for g rowth . T h e careful m o n i t o r i n g and t r ack ing that takes p lace w h i l e f ish are accumula t ing b iomass spins together eco logy , k n o w l e d g e , nut r i t ion , and investment . B o b , the manager o f the Fe rnando B a y site, desc r ib ing the h i g h g rowth \"poten t ia l \" o f smol ts , put it this w a y : A n y growth they put on now they keep t i l l they're mature, any growth that we miss out on, they won ' t put on later. . . . N o r m a l l y there's just one [automatic feeding] machine on a site and i f that broke down w e ' d be real ly scrambl ing . It's also b ig dollars for me because the four tons they [the fish] should have eaten today is x number o f tons o f lost growth, you can calculate it. T h e g rowth o f the capi ta l investment is g rowth i n f ish mass. E v e n the feed has embedded w i t h i n it the potent ia l for a careful ly ca lcula ted m a x i m a l y i e l d . A s the reg iona l p roduc t ion manager to ld me , workers use c u s t o m i z e d \"standard feed gu ide l ines : \" \" i f I have a smolt , i t ' s between 40 and 100 grams, the type o f order is ca l l ed ' S m o l t FTP,' so that's what I order. I f . . . m y f ish are between 100 and 400 grams, I ' m g o i n g to order 'the 100, ' that's what i t ' s c a l l e d . \" T h e feed guide l ines , and the uses to w h i c h par t icular feed formula t ions are put, are meaningless outside o f this context o f p roduc t ion . \"P roduc t iv i ty\" is a term w e l l engrained in the vocabulary o f ecology, and its very def ini t ion centers around the idea that a populat ion actually \"produces\" a continuous output. W h i l e early ecologists \"considered product ivi ty as the m a x i m u m growth and 164 development o f organisms under opt imal condi t ions ,\" those opt imal condi t ions \"for an organism, populat ion, communi ty , or ecoystem can, at best, on ly be approximated after extensive inves t iga t ion .\" 2 O n the fish farm, this opt imal i ty is careful ly constructed as a fragile web o f factors. If these background condit ions ho ld together, farmed fish are seemingly able produce themselves, and product ion appears to merge wi th the w o r l d o f nature. Ocean space, for example , is thought to have a part icular product ive capacity, and knowledge o f this pre-exist ing capacity can be exploi ted by fish farmers to product ive ends. \" W e try to get 10 k g o f fish per meter o f water,\" said Patr ick from the Deso la t ion R o c k s site. \"It a l l depends, l ike , you can start out wi th fish this b ig and grow them out to harvest size i f you on ly put in 4500 . \" T h e food conve r s ion rat io, or F C R , is the p r ima ry w a y i n w h i c h workers are evaluated by their p roduc t ion managers. F i s h f a rm managers w o r r y a great deal about their fa rm's f o o d conve r s ion rat io, about the dangers o f \" i n h e r i t i n g \" a l o w F C R w h e n f ish are transferred to their site, and about the d i f f icul t ies i n l o w e r i n g the F C R w h e n instructed to do so by their \"head o f f i ce . \" T h e food conver s ion rat io is also the ab i l i ty o f f ish pellets to p roduce - to do work - i n an e c o l o g i c a l mach ine that outputs f i sh . G o o d w o r k becomes g o o d science, and f ish farmers ' labor becomes a c r u c i a l e c o l o g i c a l force on the farm site. M a r k , the manager o f the D e s o l a t i o n R o c k s site, says that People l ike to see what an exact science it is now. [The fish farmer] has got a feed prognosis that tells h i m the average weight and how much feed that pen is supposed to take. A lot o f [bad publ ic i ty] comes f rom bad data, l i ke f rom 10 years ago. B a c k then we were getting an F C R [food convers ion ratio] of 3 to 1. O d u m , i n his c lass ic textbook on eco logy , descr ibed e c o l o g i c a l e f f ic iency i n m u c h the same w a y that sa lmon farmers ta lk about the food conver s ion rat io. 165 Rat ios between energy f low at different point a long the food chain . . . are often ca l led ' eco logica l eff iciencies. ' . . . F o r example , poul t rymen may speak o f a 40 per cent eff ic iency i n the convers ion o f ch icken feed to chickens . . . but this turns out to be a ratio of 'wet ' ch icken (worth about 2 K c a l per gm) to dry feed (worth 4+ K c a l per gram). The true growth eff ic iency in terms o f K c a l / K c a l i n this case is more on the order o f 20 per cent. 3 T h e food conver s ion rat io f o l l o w s a pen o f f ish even w h e n it is transferred to another site. M a r k , the manager o f the D e s o l a t i o n R o c k s site k n e w that a sh ipment o f y o u n g f ish he was get t ing f rom a smol t g row-out site w o u l d reduce his p roduc t ion record: \" W e ' r e inher i t ing a l o w F C R f rom that site. W e ' l l never catch up ,\" he said. S o - c a l l e d \" g o o d sc ience\" finds ways to shunt \"was ted\" energy back into the pa thway o f p roduc t ion . In fact, the \" t rophic l e v e l , \" o r i g i n a l l y ar t iculated by L i n d e m a n in 1942, is the site o f p roduc t iv i ty ; p roduc t iv i ty can o n l y take p lace i f the rate energy enters a t rophic l e v e l f r o m the next l o w e r one is greater than the rate at w h i c h it is \"was ted\" through me tabo l i sm , excre t ion or death . 4 A s a t rophic l e v e l , f ish feed is one o f the biggest costs associated w i t h f ish fa rming , and so i t is impor tant that the m o n e y invested i n the care o f f i sh works to p roduce f ish that can be s o l d at a profi t . B o b , the site manager o f the Fe rnando B a y site, \"a lways wanted to have [his] o w n opera t ion ,\" but \"the p r o b l e m is the m o n e y \" : \" Y o u have to go too long wi thou t m o n e y . R i g h t n o w w e ' r e a i m i n g for 14 months to harvest. Y o u ' v e got to feed and care for those f ish wi thou t any m o n e y c o m i n g i n , \" he said. M o n e y , l i k e the f ish feed i t buys , becomes part o f a sys tem o f inputs and outputs. Substances such as medica t ions , nutrients, or pathogens are also managed f rom w i t h i n this f r amework o f inputs and outputs. Ma te r i a l s m o v e between compartments , and i n d o i n g so they create work , energy, b iomass , as w e l l as \"by-produc t s\" that can be 166 r e c y c l e d back into the \" sys tem.\" K y l e (Fernando B a y ) exp l a ined the fo rmat ion o f excess ive amounts o f ke lp i n this w a y : H e [the worker do ing the feeding] has been feeding four tons a day, but when the weather warms up, i t ' l l be up to 8 tons. Eve ry th ing real ly p icks up in the summer and we have a real p rob lem wi th kelp on our nets. So we have to either change them or we have divers that pressure wash the nets underwater. . . . It just floats away. It 's a l l organic. He re , the d iver , the pressure hose, and the ke lp act as a co l l ec t i ve o f p roduc t ion . L a b o r , equipment , and eco logy together separate consumers f r o m producers , and eff ic iencies f r o m inef f ic iencies . E v e n the c o m p a n y ' s Opera t ions M a n u a l suggests that s i t ing data and k n o w l e d g e o f c i r cu la t ion dynamics soc i a l i ze the so -ca l l ed \"organic wastes\" in to a c i v i l i z e d sys tem o f inputs, w o r k , and outputs. T h e env i ronmenta l management sect ion o f the m a n u a l advises its readers that . . .The magnitude o f environmental effects [is] inf luenced by depth, site c i rcula t ion dynamics . . . and loading (quantity and rate o f waste material losses f rom the ove r ly ing operation). . . . O p t i m a l s i t ing o f marine netcages . . . has assisted in our understanding o f the dispersion, accumulat ion , and subsequent ass imila t ion o f these organic wastes through direct measurement (West Coast Aquacul ture , I S O 14001 Envi ronmenta l Management System, Operations and Reference M a n u a l ) . T h i s type o f \"management\" o f so -ca l l ed \"byproduc t s\" is r emin iscen t o f the waste management approach descr ibed i n V a l e r i e K u l e t z ' s study o f nuc lear test ing and rad ioac t ive waste storage i n the A m e r i c a n Southwes t . 5 T h e by-products f rom nuclear reactors, K u l e t z says, were reprocessed and \" c o n s u m e d \" by e c o l o g i c a l research, agr icu l tura l p roduc t ion , and nuclear weapons. T h i s f r amework o f p roduc t ion and consumpt ion , w h i c h continues to be used i n the present day, c l a i m e d that s ince no th ing exists outside the e c o l o g i c a l sys tem o f energy and mater ia l f l ows , rad ioac t ive materials w o u l d eventual ly f i n d their way back to \"nature.\" 167 T h e idea that waste products can be eff ic ient ly managed through reprocess ing, by a sys tem that con t inua l ly produces those same wastes, is also present i n the case o f sa lmon aquaculture. M e d i c a t i o n s , l i k e nutrients, are made part o f this \"na tura l\" c y c l e through con t inued p roduc t ion . T h e \"operat ion con t ro l s\" sect ion o f W e s t Coas t A q u a c u l t u r e ' s manua l , for example , discusses targets for the use o f ant ibiot ics , l i ce treatments, and other medica t ions , w i t h the hope that \"by D e c e m b e r 2002, [the c o m p a n y can] report a 5% reduct ion i n the usage o f therapeutants across a l l p roduc t ion sites (expressed as k g act ive ingredient per tonne f ish p roduc t ion ) . \" H e r e too, the language o f production a l lows such byproducts to be unders tood i n terms o f their a s s imi la t ion into a sys tem that repackages energy and materials . Outbreaks o f disease are interpreted not as p rob lems in t r ins ic to s a lmon fa rming , but as the result o f fai lures to ma in ta in p roper ly p roduc t ive densit ies. Bac t e r i a l k i d n e y disease is \"d i rec t ly related to densi ty, and i t ' s a management issue, the B K D \" (Ted , p roduc t ion manager) . F A R M E D S A L M O N A S M A N A G E D P O P U L A T I O N S A N D I N D I V I D U A L S O n e o f the central p rob lems i n fisheries management is the re la t ionship between the cond i t i on o f the \"uni t s tock\" and the annual \" p r o d u c t i o n \" o f f i sh . O n sa lmon farms, the \"uni t s tock\" is no longer a s l ippery conceptua l entity, but an actual pen o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon that is fed, treated, and harvested. S igns ins ide the f loathouse and on the door o f the feed storage shed r e m i n d workers that \" f i sh f a rming is feeding at R m a x \" R is used by popu la t ion ecologists to mean the per capi ta rate o f popu la t ion increase, but the c o m p l e x and largely u n k n o w n re la t ionship between stock size, f i sh ing effort, and p roduc t ion has l ed to great p rob lems for fisheries managers i n es t imat ing 168 this parameter . 6 U n l i k e sa lmon fanners, fisheries managers can o n l y ga in in format ion about the potent ia l \" m a x i m a l y i e l d \" o f a popu la t ion by expe r imen t ing w i t h different types and rates o f explo i ta t ion . Popu la t i on g rowth rates, b i r th rates, and death rates are se ldom k n o w n for unexp lo i t ed popula t ions . Desp i te the a r t i f i c ia l condi t ions o f the f ish fa rm envi ronment , s a lmon aquaculture appears to exercise cont ro l over y i e l d p rec i se ly because o f its degree o f comple te integrat ion w i t h the capt ive popula t ions o f fa rmed sa lmon . Rec ru i tmen t to the breeding popula t ion , densit ies, and death rates are d i rec t ly access ible to the f ish fa rm manager. O n a sa lmon farm, therefore, it is poss ib le to m o n i t o r and predic t the p roduc t ion o f new biomass w i t h re la t ive ease. T h e methods a l l o w i n g sa lmon farmers to do so are careful ly descr ibed i n W e s t Coas t A q u a c u l t u r e ' s Opera t ion Con t ro l s M a n u a l : \" C a l i b r a t i o n checks [of feeding systems] w i l l be conducted w e e k l y as a m i n i m u m . T h e frequency o f ca l ib ra t ion w i l l be de termined through R m a x analysis , w h i c h w i l l c o n f i r m i f feeding is o p t i m a l for f i sh species, age and water qua l i ty cond i t ions . \" N o t o n l y is the amount o f feed c o n s u m e d by the f ish ca lcu la ted and k n o w n , but the interact ion between f o o d and other factors is taken into account. B o b , f rom the Fe rnando B a y site, exp la ined R m a x this way : It 's the o p t i m u m amount of feed. W e feed the o p t i m u m amount o f feed to get m a x i m a l growth. . . . W e weight sample the fish - we have a camera that sizes them and then you can use a graph to figure out h o w much you need to feed them and how w e l l you d id . In many ways , s a lmon fa rming solves the manager ia l p rob lems presented by the w i l d sa lmon fisheries because it a l l ows for substantial improvements to the \"management\" o f s a lmon as b iomass \"producers\" . U n l i k e the w i l d f ishery, f ish f a rming a l lows the o p t i m a l harvest ing effort that w i l l result i n this m a x i m a l rate o f explo i ta t ion to be eas i ly determined. F i s h f a rming therefore represents the latest stage i n the 169 indus t r i a l i za t ion and cap i ta l iza t ion o f w o r l d f isheries; acco rd ing to B a v i n g t o n , \"[factory freezer trawlers] are the precursor to the m o d e r n indus t r i a l f ish farm, featuring eff icient resource loca t ion and capture under human c o n t r o l . \" 7 A s a result, it is poss ib le for f ish farmers to factor out any f ish behaviors or env i ronmenta l constraints not d i rec t ly related to the p roduc t ion o f n e w biomass . F o r example , f ish farmers regula r ly \"grade\" f ish so that f ish g rowth remains at a l l t imes unconst ra ined by fish densi ty. F i s h are se ined and l i f ted by crane in to a checker , where they are s tunned and then passed underneath meta l bars for s i z ing . L a r g e r f ish are s tocked at l o w e r densities than smal le r f ish , w h i c h are left to g row to harvest s ize. L o u i e (Fernando B a y ) exp l a ined that g rad ing is needed because \" y o u don ' t want to send them d o w n [to the process ing plant] f rom 3.5 k i l o g r a m s a l l the w a y d o w n to 1.5. . . . Idea l ly a l l the f ish i n this pen w o u l d be exac t ly 3.5 k i l o s . \" F i s h f a rming perfects the \" m a x i m u m \" e c o n o m i c y e i l d o f stock assessment b io logis t s , and so p r ice f luctuat ions and sales opportuni t ies actual ly become part o f the eco logy o f f ish f a rming . \"Peak b i o m a s s \" is the result o f f ish f a rming practices that have careful ly ant ic ipated and responded to sales condi t ions : W e ' l l get an order f rom Safeway or Cos tco for 30,000 fish between 6 and 9 pounds and so w e ' l l sort those ones out. There ' s a machine that does that, you have to be careful wi th them though. The smal l ones go back i n [the or ig ina l pen] and we can grow those ones some more. (Bob , Fernando B a y site) Penned A t l a n t i c sa lmon are managed not just as popula t ions , but also as i nd iv idua l s . E a c h f ish is i t se l f a packaged express ion o f op t ima l i ty . C a r e is taken to p rov ide the f ish w i t h the feed type that w i l l result in the largest we igh t ga in per unit t ime. T h i s is a c c o m p l i s h e d by referr ing to a \"feed s ize chart\" that details the pel le t s ize a f ish o f a par t icular species and weigh t shou ld rece ive . F a r m e d f ish are o p t i m a l 170 foragers, that, accord ing to o p t i m a l forag ing theory, shou ld i nc lude i tems i n their diet o n l y i f the t ime requi red to consume them c o u l d not be m o r e prof i tab ly spent searching for other i tems. Cen t r a l to this idea o f op t ima l i ty is the \" h a n d l i n g t ime\" : s m a l l f ish have d i f f i cu l ty hand l ing large pellets , and large f ish expend m u c h energy i n searching for and c o n s u m i n g numerous s m a l l pellets. M a r k , f r o m the D e s o l a t i o n R o c k s site, bu i lds this op t ima l i ty r ight into the feeding reg ime: It 's been thought in the past that you br ing them up s l o w l y [in pellet s ize] . B u t now, i t ' s part of the science o f it that you give them as b i g a pellet as they can eat. T h e y grow better on a bigger pellet, 'cause they can use less energy to get the same amount o f food. T h e f ish he descr ibed are ones that he p h y s i c a l l y constructs as eff icient bits o f forag ing technology. S a l m o n feeding behaviors , as they are unders tood by f ish farmers, become a c ruc i a l force i n the ways fish feeds are produced , marketed , and so ld . In fact, m a n y sa lmon fa rming companies n o w manufacture their o w n f ish feed, and so are able to spec ia l ly formulate the pellets to meet their par t icular p roduc t ion needs. T h i s is remin iscen t o f the ways in w h i c h hatchery-raised fish are not o n l y f igura t ive ly t echno log ized , but have l i te ra l ly become cogs in an indust r ia l m e c h a n i s m o f f ish p roduc t ion . A s R i k Scarce po in ted out, \" w e shou ld not mere ly understand the t oo l ing o f s a lmon as a l ter ing their mean ing , but as i m p o s i t i o n o f new m e a n i n g upon the f ish by o creat ing w h o l e new s a l m o n . \" S A L M O N I D C E L L S : A W O R K P L A C E F O R M O L E C U L E S ? R o c h e V i t a m i n s is a large manufacturer o f astaxanthin, a caro tenoid p igmen t responsible for the reds and p inks characterist ic o f w i l d s a lmon f lesh. A c c o r d i n g to L a r s , a marke t ing specia l is t w i t h R o c h e V i t a m i n s , 171 W e just m i m i c nature, absolutely clean and pure. The fish absorbs carotenoids in much the same way as i n nature. There is no difference between the way y o u produce pigments and carotenoids. Y o u need to differentiate between what nature created and some industr ial process wi th the idea that a tomato should be blue. Here , consumer preference for red sa lmon , and consumer d i sapprova l o f b lue tomatoes, is i t se l f created through carotenoid chemis t ry . In fact, one brochure adver t i s ing the product summar izes the b i o c h e m i c a l process by stating that \"the attachment o f prote in molecu les to the caro tenoid structure can result in the visualization of a variety of colors\" (emphasis added). L a r s ' assistant, A r n e , demonstrated this poin t by s h o w i n g the S a l m o F a n \u00E2\u0084\u00A2 , a stack o f co lo r swatches that range f rom pale p i n k to deep red. Because each strip o f paper is m a r k e d w i t h a \" S a l m o F a n score ,\" the S a l m o F a n gives the p roduc t ion manager a v i sua l and prac t i ca l l i n k between consumer preference l eve l and the concentrat ion o f astaxanthin requi red to reach that degree o f consumer satisfaction. A c c o r d i n g to R o c h e V i t a m i n s , \" i t is important that the different s a lmon g r o w i n g countries are able to ma tch the standard co lo r requirements o f the different markets w o r l d w i d e . F o r different s a l m o n i d species to attain s i m i l a r S a l m o F a n scores, then different levels o f astanxanthin have to be deposi ted i n the f l e sh\" (Roche V i t a m i n s brochure) . T h e S a l m o F a n thereby turns p igment b i o l o g y in to feed management and creates poss ib i l t ies for mass preferences, mass p roduc t ion , and mass consumpt ion . T h e endpoint o f an astaxanthin m o l e c u l e ' s c o n v o l u t e d pa thway is the image reflected i n the eye o f the consumer . As t axan th in is in t roduced into the f ish through its feed. F r o m there, a brochure expla ins , it undergoes \"absorpt ion f rom the intestine, transport i n the b l o o d by l ipopro te in , . . . me tabo l i sm, and attachment to the musc l e fiber. E a c h o f these factors can s ign i f ican t ly inf luence f lesh caro tenoid concentrat ions 172 and co lo r v i s u a l i z a t i o n . \" B u t the powers o f that l i t t le m o l e c u l e must be put to w o r k i n ways that ensure that p igmen t is fed i n quantit ies and at t imes that ensure retention. T h e events that occur at the l eve l o f an i n d i v i d u a l musc l e c e l l are as v i t a l to the p roduc t ion process as p i c k i n g the r ight mesh s ize or de te rmin ing the \" o p t i m a l \" densi ty o f f i sh . P i g m e n t molecu les are be ing w o r k e d on by the m i c r o s c o p i c , ce l lu la r mach ine ry o f that b ioaccumula t i ng machine , the fa rmed sa lmon . Af t e r a l l , \" i t is not poss ib le to p igment dead f i sh ! Therefore, unders tanding the processes that affect f lesh qual i ty and be ing able to predict the general qual i ty o f any one harvest o f f ish is v i t a l l y important to the s a l m o n i d fa rming indus t ry\" (Roche V i t a m i n s brochure) . T h e more pharmaceut ica ls c l a i m to s treamline, objectify and \" sc i en t i ze\" the business o f sa lmon fa rming , the more enmeshed those molecu les become w i t h i n human purposes and desires. F r e d , a representative f rom M a r i c a l , for example , came to the trade show to discuss his c o m p a n y ' s d i scove ry o f the \"supersmol t process ,\" w h i c h , he says, is a \"breakthrough technology that avoids current p roduc t ion constraints\" and \"is the result o f research on a c a l c i u m receptor prote in . . : . T h e y found that the c a l c i u m receptor prote in is the master s w i t c h . \" T h i s prote in , w h i l e appearing to disengage the sa lmon farmer f rom decis ions , ac tual ly displaces questions o f season, water temperature, t i m i n g , and inventory to the ce l lu la r l eve l : \"by dea l ing at a very s m a l l unit o f in fo rmat ion and by understanding h o w those bits are t ransmited, translated and reassembled, w e get results w e never dreamt o f before.\" T h e tools and methods o f sa lmon f a rming are b e c o m i n g not more separate, object ive , and cont ro l lab le , but more in te r twined w i t h the tissues, organs, and cel ls o f fa rmed sa lmon . Instead o f m o v i n g nets, transfering f ish , and adjusting feeding schedules, the w o r k o f 173 f ish p roduc t ion actual ly becomes part o f the \"na tura l\" w o r l d . F r e d expla ins this shift in f a rming practices i n the f o l l o w i n g way : If you wanted to make this r o o m warmer and there was a thermostat, and you d idn ' t k n o w what it was, you might get more bodies i n here, b u i l d a fire, these are al l things you c o u l d do to make it warmer. O r you c o u l d open the drapes to let the sun i n . B u t i f you knew about the thermostat you c o u l d make it warmer by f l ipp ing a swi tch . T h e \" s w i t c h \" he is t a lk ing about here is the c a l c i u m receptor prote in that a l l ows sa lmon farmers to put smolts as sma l l as 15 grams into seawater, but also makes them i m m u n e to accusations that what they are d o i n g migh t be i n any w a y \"unnatura l . \" In this const ruct ion, w o r k is natural , and nature does w o r k . O f a l l the products p romoted at this trade show, I found that S y n d e l ' s O v a p l a n t was the mos t obv ious example o f the m e r g i n g o f nature and w o r k . Ovap lan t is a product that \" induces s p a w n i n g through a s low-release, natural fo rmula t ion . . . . O n c e imp lan ted O v a p l a n t releases pept ide gradual ly , to induce and enhance the n o r m a l matura t ion and s p a w n i n g events i n f i s h \" (Synde l brochure) . T h i s drug a l lows fa rmed sa lmon to become m o r e re l iab le and m o r e s y n c h r o n i z e d than any th ing \"nature\" c o u l d have p rov ided . C O N C L U S I O N T h e materials and actions i n v o l v e d i n s a lmon f a rming have a l l o w e d m e to l aunch into an analysis o f the understandings sa lmon farmers have o f s a lmon and sa lmon fa rming . T h i s approach a l l o w e d considerable ins ight into the ways i n w h i c h sa lmon farmers f i l l their everyday, w o r k i n g , wor lds w i t h mean ing . I found that these construct ions are not the product o f the i n d i v i d u a l m inds o f the sa lmon farmers I encountered du r ing the course o f our observat ions. Instead, those understandings are 174 relevant to an entire sys tem o f p roduc t ion i n w h i c h the sa lmon farms near T r i a n g l e Is land are i n v o l v e d . Therefore , I have focused on the things o f s a lmon fa rming , rather than on the meanings around those things. Smol t s , nets, feeding machines , and medica t ions are not s i m p l y mir rors o f our soc ia l w o r l d , but are ac tual ly tools i n the p roduc t ion o f an efficient, o p t i m i z e d sys tem o f inputs and outputs. T h i s is also the pos i t ion o f D o n n a H a r a w a y , w h o says that rather than reject ing nature as too s o c i a l i z e d or society as too natura l ized, w e must l o o k to the things themselves for their ro le i n creat ing our h y b r i d w o r l d s . 9 In this chapter, I have s h o w n h o w things l i k e p igment molecu les and feed conver s ion rates do not behave i n l a w - l i k e and absolute ways , but are extensions o f sa lmon farmers ' w o r k i n g wor ld s , and actual ly w o r k to create consumer preference, r e l i ab i l i t y , e f f ic iency , and marke tab i l i ty . F a r m e d sa lmon are used to facil i tate the f l o w o f value by conver t ing energy, nutrients, pharmaceut ica ls and w o r k into b iomass , p roduc t ion and m o n e y . T h e h y b r i d business o f na tura l -soc ia l p roduc t ion a l lows for f ish pellets as w e l l as by-products to be \"e f f i c i en t ly\" shutt led through the system. T h e outputs o f this sys tem o f p roduc t ion are u n i f o r m l y s i zed f ish whose f lesh co lo r ranks h igh on the scale o f cus tomer preference. I have focused 'on the techniques and things o f f ish f a rming , w h i c h , i n typ ica l h y b r i d fashion, have the capaci ty to \"na tura l ize\" peop le ' s goals and actions. F i s h farmers are no longer us ing net pen structures to h o l d f ish capt ive, but are s i m p l y manag ing their o w n \"s tock\" o f f i sh . T e c h n o l o g y general ly mediates our percept ions by ex tending and t ransforming our b o d i l y capac i t i e s . 1 0 T h e w o r k e r s k i m m i n g dead f ish o f f the surface is a net-person h y b r i d that adjusts densit ies, plans and contains new growth , m i n i m i z e s disease, and general ly m a x i m i z e s b iomass p roduc t ion . S i m i l a r l y , a 175 c a l c i u m receptor prote in , the \"supersmol t\" prote in , natural izes and renders i n v i s i b l e the h y b r i d nature o f sa lmon fa rming w o r k . O n c e w e rea l ize that s a lmon is manipula ted , fed, and p lanned , because it is consc ious ly regarded as \"b iomass\" or \" y i e l d , \" the connect ions between practices and understandings become clear. A s R o y E l l e n puts it, \"use values are created not o n l y through the expendi ture o f effort, but through the cul tura l t ransformation o f nature. T h u s the at tr ibution o f mean ing cannot eas i ly be separated f rom the existence o f p roduc t ion as a process w h i c h mate r ia l ly changes the e n v i r o n m e n t . \" 1 1 T h i s l o o k at s a lmon farm produc t ion has s h o w n that it is not o n l y \"other\", \" ind igeneous\" societies that translate object ive entitites into cul tura l forms. A s B r u n o L a t o u r points out, ethnographers abroad have tended not to wr i te separate books on k n o w l e d g e , power , and mater ia l culture, and so neither shou ld w e . 1 2 Instead o f i n v o k i n g ma levo len t spiri ts , s a lmon farmers can i n v o k e the equa l ly power fu l and myster ious \" F C R \" , or \"feed conve r s ion rate,\" to exp la in l o w yie lds , or they m i g h t i n v o k e an ecosystem to exp l a in the accumula t ion o f chemica l s that shou ld have been \"absorbed.\" T h e understandings o f sa lmon and env i ronment that s a l m o n farmers use to p roduce a marketable \"produc t\" transcend the l o c a l contexts o f the par t icular sa lmon farms I v i s i t ed . Other resource use and extract ion industries, l i k e f i sh ing and nuclear waste storage, to name jus t two , seem to re ly on m u c h the same type o f e c o l o g i c a l thought as sa lmon fa rming . T h i s is not surpr is ing , g i v e n that a l l these industr ies are part o f the same co l l ec t ive , a co l l ec t i ve i n w h i c h m o n e y is a t rophic l e v e l and n o n -human entities can do \" w o r k \" to produce things. S a l m o n farmers ta lk about ocean currents i n m u c h the same w a y as they talk about the r ise and fa l l o f markets for their 176 fish; low fish prices can be just as much part of the eco-\"system\" as seal predation or episodes of toxic algal growth. Fish who choose a particular pellet size are thought to behave just as \"optimally\" as workers who cull small, slow-growing fish. Nature is therefore not an outside world, but an extension of salmon farmers and their social worlds. Salmon farmers appear to fear that they might lose access to an objective \"reality\" made up of fish, marine food webs, and the cellular processes occuring inside the bodies of fish. Yet at the same time salmon farmers are horrified at the thought that those outside \"things\" might take over their valuable investments in the form of disease, predation, slow growth, or wrongly timed maturation. These sorts of fears are typical, Latour says, of people whose culture tries to radically separate nature and 13 society. The more desperate fish farmers become in their attempts to disentangle the threads that weave together environment and people, the more complicated and convoluted those linkages become. 1 Bruno Latour, Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1999). 2 '\" Robert G. Wetzel, Limnology (Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich College Publishers, 1983), p. 147. Eugene P. Odum, Fundamentals of Ecology, Third Edition (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders Co., 1971), p. 75. 4 R. L. Lindemann, \"The trophic-dynamic aspect of ecology,\" Ecology 23 (1942): 399-418. 5 Valerie Kuletz, The Tainted Desert: Environmental Ruin in the American West (New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 245-282. 6 Ray Hilborn and Carl J. Walters, Quantitative Fisheries Stock Assessment: Choice, Dynamics and Uncertainty (New York: Chapman and Hall, 1992). 177 7 Dean Bavington, \"From jigging to farming,\" Alternatives Journal 27/4 (2001): 16-21. 8 Rik Scarce, Fishy Business: Salmon, Biology, and the Social Construction of Nature (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000), p.90. 9 Donna Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York, Routledge, 1991), p. 11-19. 1 0 Don Ihde, Technology and the Lifeworld (Bloomington- Indiana University Press, 1990). 1 1 Roy Ellen, Environment, Subsistence and System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 252. 12 Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993). 13 See note 1 above. 178 C H A P T E R 8. S A L M O N F A R M I N G A N D T H E P R O D U C T I O N O F P L A C E I N T R O D U C T I O N S a l m o n fa rming takes place at net pen sites and i n i n d i v i d u a l bays, inlets , and regions o f the B C coast that are deeply contested. W h e n it became clear i n the fa l l o f 2002 that p i n k sa lmon were re turning i n record l o w numbers to streams i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , it was the s i t ing o f farms on that par t icular part o f the coast, and not f a rming practices per se, that ra ised the ire o f envi ronmenta l i s t s . S a l m o n farmers had l o n g been push ing for access to addi t ional ocean sites w h e n the m o r a t o r i u m on the spat ial expans ion o f the industry was l i f ted in 2 0 0 1 . In fact, s a lmon farmers see sites as themselves management tools: \"that's w h y there's a push for more leases, . . . i t ' s jus t to manage our sites better\" (Derek W o o d s ) . A l l o f these d iscuss ions over p lace \"take p l ace\" w i t h i n a context o f territories h i s to r i ca l ly o w n e d by par t icular groups o f F i r s t Na t ions people , but to w h i c h others are inc reas ing ly l a y i n g c l a i m . T h e idea that p lace is at the center o f m a n y contemporary soc i a l struggles has been around ever s ince L e f e b v r e , 1 S o j a , 2 and others began to quest ion the t radi t ional d i v i s i o n o f labor between geographers and soc io logis t s . Pa r t i cu la r ly i n the urban landscape, p lace has been seen by these authors to be both p roduced and i t se l f p roduc ing . T h e indus t r ia l parks, ghettos, suburbs, and ne ighborhoods o f ci t ies , w h i l e themselves subject to external constraints, never cease to invent new spaces o f interact ion and new modes o f existence for capi ta l . T h e restlessness seen i n the r ap id expansions , reorganizat ions , and eventual abandonment o f urban areas is n o w also be ing observed i n rura l regions. R u d e l , for example , found that forestry i n remote 179 t rop ica l areas creates an ever -changing pa tchwork o f clear-cuts, regenerat ion, and w o r k e r settlements. S a l m o n fa rming too began i n one area, the Sunsh ine Coast , m o v e d to others on the central and west coasts o f V a n c o u v e r Is land, and add i t iona l ly moves con t inua l ly between i n d i v i d u a l sites. In its w a k e sa lmon f a rming leaves new b i o l o g i c a l and soc i a l arrangements. T h i s chapter focuses first on environmental is ts and then goes on to discuss var ious F i r s t N a t i o n s ' and indust r ia l understandings o f place . C lashes over space represent boundaries between the var ious meanings o f resources, whether those resources are l o c a l c l a m beds or the distant southern ocean habitat o f \"feeder f i sh\" . Therefore , I treat the space o f sa lmon fa rming not as a mere stage on w h i c h the cont roversy over the industry is p l a y e d out. Instead, I take the stance o f E r i c k s e n , that people act toward places based on the mean ing o f those p laces . 4 In this regard, space is an act ive p layer i n soc ia l interact ion, w i t h people act ing i n and through their p h y s i c a l wor lds . Env i ronmenta l i s t s , F i r s t Na t ions , and sa lmon farmers i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a are engaged i n an o n g o i n g conversa t ion between themselves and the ocean envi ronment . E N V I R O N M E N T A L I S T S A N D P L A C E Landscapes o f change F o r m a n y environmental is ts , the issue o f sa lmon fa rming evokes a sense o f a l l -encompass ing dread. There are fears that escaped A t l a n t i c s a lmon w i l l act as m a n y exot ic , in t roduced species have i n the past, by t ak ing over habitat and f ina l ly d i sp l ac ing the P a c i f i c species. A s w e l l , the medica t ions and nutrients i n feed are 180 thought to affect \"huge mar ine environments . Because things are so transferable through the water. O n e mis take and that c o u l d k i l l o f f the ecosys tem o f an entire area\" (Ka te S h a w ) . F o r U l r i c h B e c k , w h o has wri t ten m u c h about the \" r i sk soc ie ty , \" w e l i v e i n a landscape o f anxiet ies, in w h i c h dangers lu rk around every corner and w e can go nowhere wi thou t exper i enc ing an omnipresent sense o f r i sk and d o o m . 5 T h i s state o f affairs, B e c k says, has c o m e about because w e can no longer spat ia l ly escape modern -day r i sks l i k e smog , c l imate change, ecosys tem destruct ion, and the m o v e m e n t o f contaminants through our food chains. Indeed, despite the tons o f fa rmed sa lmon harvested f r o m fish farms every year, and the p romise o f even greater p roduc t ion i n the years to come , this new industry causes m a n y people o f coastal V a n c o u v e r Is land to exper ience great insecur i ty . T h e landscape o f sa lmon fa rming is shif t ing and transitory, because the unstable relat ions between l o c a l people and outside investors become m a p p e d d i rec t ly onto the landscape: T h e y [corporations] are based elsewhere and the shareholders are e lsewhere, so they ' re not accountable l o c a l l y . T h e y have conf idence that they can relocate. O f course, i t ' s more compl i ca t ed than that, but the issue o f not be ing accountable l o c a l l y - a smal le r c o m p a n y doesn ' t have that p r o b l e m . ( M e l a n i e Nords t rom) L a r g e f inanc ia l contexts, represented by oceanic levels o f space, become concentrated i n l oca l areas. O n e o f these areas is the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o - the reg ion w i t h p robab ly the highest densi ty o f sa lmon farms anywhere i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h i s condensat ion o f space is for K a t e S h a w inherent ly unstable and unbalanced. She k n o w s this because she can see what happens when investment touches d o w n i n an area l i k e the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o : 181 I th ink to m e the env i ronmenta l concerns are obv ious i n that w i l d s a lmon are i n the ocean, the huge vast ocean, and they have p rob lems too, they get s ick , but its such a huge area that they have r o o m to d ie off, whereas these f ish are be ing ra ised i n a very concentrated area . . . and it becomes more and m o r e obv ious that that 's a rea l imba lance o f nature. S a l m o n fa rming therefore represents an e c o n o m i c t ransformat ion as m u c h as it represents the d i s loca t ion o f p lace , people , and animals . \"Of ten , [the f ish farms] m o v e a round ,\" w h i c h makes it hard for C a t h y B l a k e to \"keep track\": \"I don ' t have a menta l map o f where the sites are.\" T h e f a rming o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon i n P a c i f i c waters rearranges places w i t h p ro found consequences for people ' s ab i l i ty to act. C a t h y B l a k e sa id that people are \" w a l k i n g into grocery stores i n V a n c o u v e r and say ing I want w i l d s a lmon , and they k n o w when it says A t l a n t i c s a lmon that i t ' s farmed, o b v i o u s l y i t ' s farmed, because w e l i v e i n the P a c i f i c O c e a n , w e don ' t l i v e i n the A t l a n t i c O c e a n , r i gh t ? \" Because \" 9 5 % o f our fa rmed sa lmon f rom B C actual ly go to the States,\" these l o c a l actions can have l i m i t e d mean ing . L a r g e r r eg iona l and even g l o b a l e c o n o m i c conf l ic ts are dramas that are p l a y e d out i n l o c a l contexts: \" instead o f c l o s i n g d o w n the aquaculture, t h e y ' l l just c lose us d o w n . T h e f ishery, the c o m m e r c i a l f ishery, is r ight i n that area.\" These k inds o f spatial invas ions and rearrangements reduce, as L e s l i e H i l l sa id , \" a great deal o f [your] ab i l i ty to maneuver p o l i t i c a l l y . \" E f f e c t i v e l y , other coasts and countries have i nvaded the exper ience o f l o c a l people i n the f o r m o f n e w markets , exot ic species and shifted boundar ies . E v e n far away oceans are intensely k n o w n and are cons idered to be ac t ive part icipants i n soc ia l l i fe . T h i s degree o f felt p r o x i m i t y is not altogether surpr is ing , g i v e n that places once k n o w n to be e lsewhere suddenly crop up i n the most u n l i k e l y o f spots. Eas t becomes west, north becomes south, and the result is destruction, fragmentat ion, and a l ienat ion 182 f r o m places that people fo rmer ly k n e w as their o w n . L a r r y O r t i z , o f the D a v i d S u z u k i Founda t i on , for example , said that the biggest p r o b l e m w i t h feeding f ish pellets to A t l a n t i c s a lmon is that y o u ' r e f i sh ing o f f th i rd w o r l d countries, where they c o u l d p robab ly use the prote in and crop d o w n those oceans, devastate those fisheries to create sa lmon up here. . . . i t ' s also a matter o f concentra t ing tons o f f ish and then b r i n g i n g the contaminants in to a sma l l area. T h e i nve r s ion o f n ight and day, and f o o d and predators, are jus t some o f ways i n w h i c h netpens, f loathouses, and mar ine tenures t ransform places. T h e p r o b l e m begins when \"the l ights attract the w i l d fry, and so they s w i m through the nets, and get c h o m p e d on or infested by A t l a n t i c s . \" F i s h farms also confuse \" c l e a n \" areas w i t h \" d i r t y \" ones, and internal and external places: T h e y [the f ish farmers] are out there i n c lean bays r i n s ing their nets. . . . W e ' v e k n o w about [the medica t ions] for a l o n g t ime. Ivo rmec t in is a sheep l i c e and t i ck d ip , but they feed it to f ish . It 's meant for external use, def in i te ly not meant to be for your use in ternal ly . (Ruth P h i l l i p s ) T o these industry opponents, the coastal B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a landscape becomes fragmented by the same forces o f capi ta l that have a l l o w e d the pos tmodern c i tyscape o f L o s A n g e l e s to be \" l imi t l e s s and constant ly i n mo t ion , never s t i l l enough to encompass , too f i l l e d w i t h 'other spaces ' to be i n fo rma t ive ly desc r ibed . \" 6 B e i n g constant ly i n t ransi t ion is an inescapable part o f contemporary l i f e i n ru ra l coastal areas as i n the c i ty . N e w investment substant ial ly reorders people ' s landscapes o f experience. Z u k i n terms this k i n d o f recurrent innova t ion \"creative destruction,\" because it occurs through the constant reorder ing o f consumpt ion , p roduc t ion , and investment; everywhere there is g rowth a m i d decay, and g l o b a l places are found everywhere and nowhere at the same t i m e . 7 183 M o r e o v e r , the energy o f these places appears never to dissipate. F i s h farms are not on ly the end product o f destruct ion, but themselves unleash new forces o f change. M e l a n i e N o r d s t r o m is concerned about \"the impac t o f h a v i n g a lot o f f ish i n a s m a l l area, and then w h e n there's an outbreak, i t ' s on a scale so b i g that y o u can ' t conta in i t . \" Env i ronmenta l i s t s l i k e her often poin t out that f ish farms t ransform space i n fundamental ways by b reak ing o l d boundaries o f p lace and creat ing new ones. T h r o u g h the devices and techniques they e m p l o y , f ish farmers rearrange places by p l a c i n g an imals , chemica l s , and diseases into new associat ions. These new part i t ions themselves w o r k to create new pathways for m o v e m e n t w i t h i n landscapes. O n e instance in w h i c h this migh t occur is w h e n concentrat ions o f f ish i n net pens infect w i l d f ish pass ing d o w n migra tory routes. In that case, f i sh feed accumulates and magni f ies the contaminants and nutrients f r o m southern oceans i n northern waters o n l y to be dispersed again to l oca l species. A c c o r d i n g to C a t h y B l a k e , the routes taken by investment through the mar ine landscape are m i r r o r e d i n the d iscont inui t ies i n government respons ib i l i ty for sa lmon fa rming : \" A s it is n o w , w e don ' t even have a M i n i s t e r o f E n v i r o n m e n t , w e have a M i n i s t e r o f L a n d , A i r , and Water . . . . T h e bo t tom o f the ocean is p r o v i n c i a l , the water is federal , and beaches and the l and is p r o v i n c i a l . \" T h i s unders tanding o f space utterly fails to address her \" w o r r y about diseased f ish escaping, and then the creatures that depend on those f i sh , and it jus t sort of, it affects the w h o l e c h a i n . \" F i s h farms are thought to conta in w i t h i n them the seeds for spat ia l changes o f the sort in i t ia ted by the s a lmon fa rming industry . F i s h farms, once a product , thereby become a stage on w h i c h other industr ies are acted out: I f y o u don ' t have a w i l d f ishery, y o u don ' t have to w o r r y about se i smic testing. Stolts , in N o r w a y , is an o i l baron. W h y does he want to go b roke d o i n g f ish 184 f a rming here, l o s ing f ish to I H N ? H e wants those indus t r i a l permits . (Ru th P h i l l i p s ) P lace and placelessness T h e sorts o f experiences deta i led above appear to indicate that the consumpt ion o f p lace by f ish f a rming has strong impl i ca t ions for the ways i n w h i c h the industry is unders tood by environmental is ts . T h e new landscape o f coastal B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h inc ludes f ish farms, leaves m a n y people w i t h on ly sha l low opportuni t ies for exper ience. R u t h P h i l i p s lamented that \"people don ' t k n o w the difference between the species - they don ' t k n o w where it comes f rom. Consumers need to k n o w what they ' re be ing fed, h o w they ' re ra ised, and that other stocks are be ing used to feed those f i s h . \" T h o s e w h o promote s a lmon fa rming i n the name o f \" jobs\" , M e l a n i e N o r d s t r o m said, are t h i n k i n g about the industry on what she cal ls a \" super f i c i a l l eve l . . . . It also doesn ' t account for the fact that this c o m p a n y is a mul t ina t iona l and that it w i l l m o v e . . . . It 's not l o n g term stabi l i ty . T h e envi ronment is be ing dest royed for some immedia te f inanc ia l g a i n . \" S a l m o n are impor tant to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s , M e l a n i e N o r d s t r o m said, on ly as icons - icons that c o u l d be f rom anywhere , and refer to a lmost anyth ing . \"I th ink sa lmon as an i c o n has g r o w n i n impor tance as tour i sm has g r o w n . . . . I can see the actual c o m m o d i t y [farmed sa lmon] be ing so ld due to some associa t ion w i t h w i l d sa lmon , but it w o u l d be the result o f c lever marke t ing . . . . T h e y th ink because i t ' s f rom B C i t ' s w i l d and natural B C s a l m o n . \" Icons pre-package fashionable , s tandardized experiences o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a into icons : \"the i c o n for the air is the eagle, the i c o n 185 for the l and is the g r i z z l y , and the i c o n for the water here i n B C is the s a l m o n \" (La r ry O r t i z ) . S a l m o n fa rm s i t ing cr i te r ia turn coastal areas into what R e l p h cal ls \"places o f t echn ique\" 8 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 mere locations that m a y or m a y not be sui table for a par t icular purpose, in this case, s a lmon fa rming . S i t i n g becomes a t echn ica l matter, and acco rd ing to E d B l u m e s , \" [The M i n i s t r y o f Susta inable Resource Managemen t ] is the p r o v i n c i a l min i s t ry that is the one that is setting the guide l ines for s i t ing a l though the actual guidel ines are ac tual ly enforced and interpreted by L a n d and W a t e r B C . \" K a t e S h a w also regula r ly sees f ish farm appl icat ions that have been approved acco rd ing to government s i t ing cr i t ie r ia : \"about 6 months ago a s i t ing issue went through that has abalone i n it . . . and I sa id what about this p iece , and he said , ' they o n l y found one abolone, and w e [p rov inc i a l government] just t o l d them [the s a lmon fa rming company] that they ' re not a l l o w e d to use the beach, that they need to stay out deep. ' W e l l , o f course they ' re g o i n g to use the beach, I mean, h o w do y o u not use the beach?\" L i k e the c i ty planner, the sa lmon farmer can \"us ing his battery o f p r inc ip les and techniques, p roceed to create places i n a w a y that is qui te d i v o r c e d f rom h o w he experiences them; their creat ion is ach ieved ob jec t ive ly and through mass-produc t ion , w h i l e his experiences are direct and i n d i v i d u a l . \" 9 G o v e r n m e n t p l ann ing turns coastal areas into places that are p h y s i c a l l y a l ienated f r o m the exper ience o f those w h o l i v e there: \" T h e p r o v i n c i a l government is l o o k i n g at t ak ing parts o f our foreshore waters, the south coast par t icu lar ly , and m o v i n g them into the agr icul tura l l and reserve. Strengthening the R i g h t to F a r m A c t , I assume to inc lude aquaculture, w o u l d c i r cumven t any loca l input\" ( E d B l u m e s ) . F o r h i m , \"this is a c lear case o f large 186 mul t ina t iona ls c o m i n g i n , not even i n the country , it doesn ' t even matter what country it is , they ' re not f rom the l o c a l area.\" P a r a d o x i c a l l y then, w e can therefore l o o k for the source o f placelessness i n the actual managed and \"s i t ed\" places o f f ish f a rming . H o w e v e r , m a n y environmental is ts l o o k to those same places for a reject ion o f placeless and a reassert ion o f l o c a l places. B y rega in ing more than just a casual , superf ic ia l i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h places , people l i k e K a t e S h a w can r e c l a i m their l o c a l places for themselves: \"I be l i eve that people are gett ing more and more back to eating, wan t ing to k n o w where their f o o d comes f rom, gett ing back in to eat ing natural foods .\" E d B l u m e s does \"grass-roots o r g a n i z i n g a m o n g l o c a l people , i n f o r m i n g people what ' s g o i n g o n \" because \" i f there's any th ing that I be l ieve i n i n this f l a w e d sys tem [government overs ight o f f i sh fa rm sit ing] that w e have, unless y o u change the w h o l e th ing, one o f the things y o u can do w i t h the sys tem is to g i v e more con t ro l to l o c a l people over their resources .\" B e c k m a y be r ight when he says that technocrat ic d iscuss ions h ide the \"relat ions o f d e f i n i t i o n \" and thereby const ra in soc i a l n e g o t i a t i o n . 1 0 I f this is the case, then a focus on par t icular p lace lets environmental is ts confront the assumptions that have been s m u g g l e d i n -questions about what constitutes \" p r o o f and w h o bears its burden. E d B l u m e s wants to ask the s a lmon fa rming c o m p a n y that in tended to put 3 farms i n B u t e Inlet: \"whose r i sk are y o u t a lk ing about w h e n y o u ' r e mess ing w i t h our coastal waters?\" F I R S T N A T I O N S A N D P L A C E D i s p l a c e d places The confl icts between Firs t Na t ions ' people and the sa lmon farming industry are continuous wi th the spatial confrontations result ing f rom other settler industries, l ike 187 canneries, mines, ranches and farms. Reserves were originally designed to provide access to fish, but as already discussed in chapter 1, the allotment of reserves seems to have only further prevented aboriginal people from accessing their fishing places. As Douglas Harris has pointed out, the lack of recognition for the territorial nature of aboriginal fishing rights has led the courts to dismiss many First Nations' claims to commercial fisheries.11 The idea that commercial aboriginal fishing is \"without internal 12 limitation\" denies the territoriality of aboriginal people and thereby their own ways of understanding and directing the flow of material benefits from those fishing places. In most cases, fish farm sites are allocated by the provincial government despite the express opposition of the local Native people. With the upswing in aquaculture activity in the Namgis and Ahousaht territories, the connection between the places in which people live and their resources is becoming increasingly eroded. For the aboriginal people living on the reserves in Alert Bay and Ahousaht, salmon farming takes place not in a peripheral wilderness somewhere, but at the very center of their worlds. Even when they are not in their boats, people from these communities viewed salmon farms from their their clam beds, fishing spots, rivers, and streams. Gerry Daniel of Ahousaht would rather have a fish farm closer to the reserve than anywhere near his clam beaches: Well that Millar farm, I don't really like that one there because there's clam beach right beside it. Across it, there's a wild salmon stream, and clam beaches and Rocks Pass has clam beaches all over it. ... If they move it down here [towards the village] a bit, i t ' l l be away from the clam beaches. There used to be mussels, I mean oysters, on that beach. You can see all the clam shells, they're still there. When Rodney Morris, Dorian Hanes, and Barry Whitlock from the Kwakiutl Territorial Fisheries Commission took me out on their boat, it was obvious that they 1 8 8 were at h o m e on the water. A s they drove the boat eas i ly and conf iden t ly through the maze o f l i t t le is lands that m a k e up the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , they po in ted out the f i sh ing areas important to their fami l ies . E v e n spots that were over an hour ' s t ravel f r o m the reserve were k n o w n w i t h great detai l . O n e such spot was near H u m p h r e y ' s R o c k at V i s c o u n t Is land. W e stopped there to investigate the site o f a p roposed f ish fa rm: T h i s is where they want to put a site, and another one r ight over there. The re ' s prawns here, and I ' v e also f i shed for hal ibut here. T h o m p s o n S o u n d has major p i n k and c h u m runs, and they travel r ight through here to get there. Tha t bay over there is where they [the p i n k salmon] a l l hole up before they go in to T h o m p s o n Sound . ( R o d n e y M o r r i s ) T h i s type o f deta i led k n o w l e d g e o f p lace seems to focus on the d i sp lacement o f par t icular places that are w e l l unders tood and w e l l used. Just as in the exper ience o f environmenta l i s t s , the places o f the A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s people are i n a constant state o f change and rearrangement. T h e in f lux o f investment , in the f o r m o f f ish farms, has brought p ro found changes to the l o c a l places: W e l l y o u l o o k at the surf scoters, our people eat hundreds, i f not thousands a year, eh? W h y is i t they used to a l l congregate i n C y p r e B a y ? Y o u used to go there and k n o c k a few over . N o w they ' re outside on M o r p h y I s land and V a r g i s I s land to M o n k ' s I s land when they used to a l l be i n this bay. A n d w h y is there no her r ing spawn i n the f ish fa rm areas? W e k n o w they migra te through the areas, but w h y do they not spawn near a farm? ( D a n C u m m i n g s , Ahousah t ) F i s h i n g is an ac t iv i ty that happens i n places very different f rom those o f f ish f a rming , and so the w i l d f ishery is eas i ly d i sp laced . A l t h o u g h there are s t i l l lots o f \"beaches\" in the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , used by the f ish farmers p r i m a r i l y for storage and anchor ing , the \" c l ambeds\" are d isappear ing. R o d n e y M o r r i s f r o m A l e r t B a y sa id that \" some o f the c l a m diggers [he has] t a lked to sa id that they go to these beaches that used to be p r i m e c o m m e r c i a l c l a m beds, so they can go and d i g . T h e y go there and 189 there's n o t h i n g . \" T o h i m , f ish f a rming has substant ial ly rearranged his places and turned them into places he no longer understands: \" T h e beaches s t ink and have a sewer - l ike s m e l l , and they ' re c lose to the f ish farm. T h e y say that w h e n they f a l l o w out that the water washes out a l l that stuff, but that 's stuff 's gotta go somewhere! It goes to the c l ambeds . \" S i m i l a r l y , f ish are d iver ted to different places: \" O u r f ish pass by those pens,\" sa id R a y m o n d T h u r l o w . \" W e used to get 5000 dog sa lmon and the next year it was 2000 , and 1600 last year. T h e y ' r e not m a k i n g a c o m e b a c k l i k e they used to. The re ' s no more Japanese driftnets and they ' re s t i l l not c o m i n g back . \" B r a u n 1 3 found that F i r s t Na t ions people have become m a r g i n a l i z e d f rom their places spec i f i ca l ly because o f the ways i n w h i c h c o l o n i a l thought depends on two separate goegraphies: one for people , espec ia l ly indigenous people , and one for w i l d and untouched \"nature.\" Whereas the places b e y o n d the reserve boundar ies are for N a t i v e people k n o w n and used cultural landscapes, those same spaces are for f ish farmers an o therwise empty physical landscape f i l l e d w i t h resources w a i t i n g to be used. T h e A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s I spoke w i t h asserted not o n l y their o n g o i n g presence on north and west coast V a n c o u v e r Is land waters, but also po in ted out that technica l landscapes p r i v i l e g e certain representations o f space over others. F o r some l o c a l , abor ig ina l fishers, for example , aquaculture contacts the w i l d f ishery a long the mig ra t i on paths o f w i l d sa lmon , and i n the process forms new associat ions between f i sh , movement , diseases, and people . R o d n e y M o r r i s has observed that \"these f ish farms are, they ' re in direct paths and in bays where a l l the fry and smolts c o m e out o f the streams, where they p o o l up, s choo l up, before they head out to the ocean, and they ' re a lways in there in the pens .\" In this w a y , f ish farms act as 190 a con t inua l reminder to M o r r i s that abor ig ina l territories are be ing o c c u p i e d by outsiders, and genera l ly map out the re la t ionships between f ish farmers and fishers. T h e conf l i c t between the two industries happens at the l eve l o f places: the bays and inlets o f f ish fa rm tenures, migra t ion routes, c l a m beaches, and f i sh ing grounds. S u c h disagreements over what kinds o f places f ish f a rming takes p lace i n are just a sma l l part o f m o r e general conf l ic ts over rights and title. D a n i e l M o r r i s ' ( A l e r t B a y ) c l a m d i g g i n g puts his beach in to conf l i c t w i t h the nearby f ish fa rm: W h a t I ' m w o n d e r i n g about, w h y d i d they m o v e i n , wi thou t p e r m i s s i o n f rom the b i g people , l i k e a b i g c h i e f or someth ing l i k e that. W h y don ' t they talk about it first, before they m o v e i n . A n d that 's h o w I feel . I get a l l wrapped up t h i n k i n g about it, when I go c l a m d i g g i n g for food o f our o w n , and I see a f ish fa rm there, and what k i n d o f c lams w e got n o w , across f rom the f ish farm. I k n o w the po i son c o m e to our beach where w e c l a m d i g . T h e p r o b l e m for M o r r i s , l i k e m a n y others, is that F i r s t Na t ions territories are con t inua l ly be ing remade and reshaped through the inven t ion o f new industr ies: \" W e ' v e been t ry ing to f ight them to get out o f our land, our nat ive land . A l l these years w h e n they first started to m o v e into our land , they were t ak ing over . . . . T h e y m o v e i n too, for crab, seafood a l l that, and they ' re t ry ing to take over t o o . . . \" ( D a n i e l M o r r i s , A l e r t B a y ) . T a k i n g control o f 'creative destruction' , A s ind ica ted by D a n i e l M o r r i s , the a r r iva l o f the f ish f a rming industry is o n l y the most recent o f a series o f waves o f changes that have swept across A h o u s a h t and N a m g i s territories. T h e \"creat ive des t ruc t ion\" o f capi ta l con t inua l ly revamps the landscape by m a k i n g r o o m for new investment . Osca r S i m m s (Ahousaht ) chronic les some o f the changes that have occur red i n his l i fe t ime: 191 I first went out [fishing] when I was 13. I was born i n 1928. It was rea l ly a free country back then, y o u d idn ' t need a l icense or any th ing to get every th ing y o u needed for one dol la r . . . . N o w i t ' s so m u c h red tape, i t ' s the wors t one too, people s tarv ing i n their o w n territory. . . . A N o r w e g i a n bu i l t m y boat i n 1978, and they l i k e to talk about f i sh , same as us, they l i k e to l i v e on f i sh . H e was say ing h o w they inven ted the beam t rawler over there. Those jus t c leaned the bo t tom o f the ocean, they c leaned what the f ish was feeding on, and the w i l d f ish disappeared. In ' 55 is when they inven ted the beam trawler . Af t e r that they started a f ish fa rm . . . M y son was out on a beam trawler, and he sa id there's a l l k inds o f l i n g cods and l i t t le ha l ibut i n there, and the k r i l l was jus t r aked up by the beam trawlers . A n d there used to be a lot o f f ish c a l l ed p i lchards . B u t i n the 1960s, the reduct ion f ishery, they burnt it a l l up to fer t i l ize , m a k e fer t i l izer . O u r h is tory says it disappears every generat ion, and its back n o w . B o t h the A h o u s a h t and the N a m g i s are de termined to not become c o n s u m e d by changes, but rather to take charge o f the direct ions in w h i c h their communi t i e s are be ing pu l l ed . T h i s means that N a t i v e people w i l l not be the ones to c lean up the \"messes\" other industries have left, but rather, that they w i l l themselves be i n charge o f changes to their terri tories. A s B a r r y W h i t l o c k ( A l e r t B a y ) put it: \" T h e y th ink they ' re d o i n g us a favor by re loca t ing , but they jus t leave the damage beh ind . T h e y want to g ive us bas i ca l ly s ix beaches to d i g c lams for food and ce remon ia l purposes .\" F o r many A h o u s a h t people , t ak ing charge o f change means c rea t ive ly us ing the constraints i m p o s e d by sa lmon fa rm investment to r e b u i l d their o w n places: Y e a h , w e l l y o u gotta l o o k at yesterday 's meet ing , and y o u start l o o k i n g at tenures, and a tenure is up for a m i l l i o n dol lars , and then I ' m say ing , okay , do y o u be l i eve i n balance? Y e s I do, he said. O k a y , i f that's the case, then A h o u s a h t has lost out for 11, 12 years where y o u tenure has been, where your fa rm has been, are y o u g o i n g to l o o k at that? A l l o f that d i sp lacement o f food gathering areas, eh? ( D a n C u m m i n g s , Ahousah t ) P laces , even substant ial ly changed places, p rov ide opportuni t ies for people to assert themselves. E v e n though f ish farms dot their mar ine landscape, F i r s t Na t ions people cont inue to fish and c l a m to the best o f their ab i l i ty . H o w e v e r , the f ish f a rming industry substant ial ly l imi t s their par t ic ipa t ion i n the l o c a l resources and people l i k e 192 Char les F o l e y are de termined to take charge o f the spat ial reshaping o f their territories. F i s h farms, he bel ieves , m igh t p rov ide some poss ib i l i t i es for the r e b u i l d i n g o f l o c a l sa lmon stocks. T h i s is w h y he has \"suggested to people to go i n the hatchery business. I f w e can do [grow] our l oca l ch inooks , w e can enhance our l o c a l r ivers w i t h that. I f the f ish farms can set up a hatchery for us, we can run i t . \" Char l e s F o l e y ' s places are def in i te ly not external condi t ions to w h i c h he adapts. O n the contrary, he wants to recreate and reshape the streams, r ivers , and bays that are the d o m a i n o f sa lmon farmers. S i m o n L u c a s sa id at the s ign ing o f the p ro toco l agreement between A h o u s a h t and P a c i f i c N a t i o n a l A q u a c u l t u r e that his people are not afraid o f change, and that, i n fact, they par t ic ipated i n a lot o f change i n one l i fe t ime: \" w e w o r k e d i n canneries a l l up and d o w n the coast, then w e had f ish camps, where w e so ld our f i sh , and then w e started i c i n g our o w n f i sh , g o i n g out, gett ing h i r e d to f i n d the f i s h . \" B u t every t ime, his people were not d i rec t ing or con t ro l l i ng that change. \" W e were strangers i n our o w n l and , \" he says, \"but maybe n o w that's chang ing . \" T h e w a y o f self-determinat ion is f i l l e d w i t h p rob lems . N a t i v e f ish fa rm workers want to take posess ion o f \"creat ive des t ruct ion\"; they want to \"make i t to the top\" but the p r o b l e m is \" y o u got to do this for years, l i k e m e hand l ing the mor t s\" ( M i c h a e l James, Ahousah t ) . H e suggests that by w o r k i n g f r o m w i t h i n , he and other workers can take cont ro l o f the new places be ing created w i t h i n his peop le ' s terri tory: \" L i k e i f w e w o r k together, i t w o u l d make the fa rm run a lot better. It jus t seems l i k e they [white people] don ' t want to get their hands dir ty , and i t seems l i k e that 's a l l w e ' r e g o o d for . \" Char l e s F o l e y , whose son is also a w o r k e r on a f ish fa rm says that \" i f 193 w e m a k e the env i ronment safe for f ish f a rming to be here, there's no th ing w r o n g w i t h that because there's a lways changes be ing made. W e a lways adapt to changes i n our l i v e s . \" R e b u i l d i n g places around people A s w e have seen, places are act ive agents, tools through w h i c h people can ove rcome rearrangements and d is locat ions to their l o c a l places. P laces are not o n l y oppress ive forces o f con t ro l , but agents o f l ibera t ion and creat ive change. In this w a y , places have the capaci ty to supercede the i n d i v i d u a l powers o f either people or the p h y s i c a l envi ronment . T h i s is because the places sur rounding the reserves at A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t are j o in t homelands - the homelands o f people and an imals . F o r G e r r y D a n i e l o f Ahousah t , there is no difference between an impac t on places and an impac t on people . I asked h i m about whether he thought his band ' s agreement w i t h the f ish f a rming c o m p a n y w o u l d lead to greater dependence on the c o m p a n y as an employer , thereby m a k i n g it more d i f f i cu l t for the band adminis t ra t ion to shut d o w n the farms. \" N o , \" he said, \" T h e y ' d put their territory before that. Protect their terri tory, because that's their fu l l resource, their terri tory, the next generation is coming from thai\" [emphasis added]. F o r F ranc ine S i m m s (Ahousaht ) too, people emerge f r o m places , and the k i n d o f p lace someth ing is - whether or not i t is \" h o m e \" or not - depends on its inhabitants. \" T h e y asked m e to w o r k on a s a lmon f a rm,\" she said , \"but I don ' t want to p rov ide someth ing that i sn ' t real . T h e sa lmon f rom the f ish farm, they have nowhere to go. It 's not the same as natural f i sh w o u l d do. T h e y have a p lace to c a l l home , to go feed i n . \" 194 F o r the N a m g i s people as w e l l as for the A h o u s a h t people , people and places t ransform themselves . in to one another through k n o w l e d g e and use. In one vers ion o f the creat ion story o f the N a m g i s , t o ld by D a n C r a n m e r i n 1930, the Trans former asks G w a ' n a l a l i s i f he w o u l d l i k e to become a r iver . H e agrees, and the Trans former says: \"There , f r iend, y o u w i l l be a r ive r and m a n y k inds o f s a lmon w i l l c o m e to y o u to p rov ide food for your descendants for as l o n g as the days sha l l d o w n i n the w o r l d . A n d so, the m a n G w a ' n a l a l i s became the r iver , G w a ' n i . \" 1 4 Changes i n fo rm between people , their knowledge , and the f ish are also a present-day real i ty . D a n i e l M o r r i s , an elder i n Ahousah t , says that for the sa lmon to c o m e to his l and , he mus t teach the younger generat ion about the f ish and h o w to harvest it. W e don ' t have to go through h igh schoo l and educat ion and a l l that to get the f ish g o i n g through our land . . . . I just sit here and talk to m y younger boys and m y younger grandkids , and a l l that, and I teach them about it , the f i sh ing and the sa lmon , but don ' t ever th ink about this f ish farm. Y e a h , y o u can get jobs for the f ish fa rm w o r k , but no , y o u don ' t learn no th ing out o f that. T h e l and is the p lace where people ' s future, present, and past c o m e together. F i s h , m o v i n g i n and out o f the watersheds, the estuaries and the open ocean b r i n g w i t h them waves o f change. O n e o f these changes, D a n i e l M o r r i s sa id , w i l l c o m e when more escaped fa rmed f ish beg in spawning in nearby r ivers and streams, g radua l ly t ak ing them over , and i n the process, t ak ing over his c o m m u n i t y ' s ancestors and descendants: A n d that 's g o i n g to be more fa rm fish c o m i n g through our l and for our N a t i v e future. A n d w e w o n ' t be here when i t ' s g o i n g to happen, and i t ' s g o i n g to happen to our y o u n g people . A n d it w i l l happen to our s a lmon , to our dead, and the f ish farms tak ing over for the land , the f ish they got.\" H o w e v e r , neither D a n i e l M o r r i s nor the others I i n t e rv i ewed i n A l e r t B a y and A h o u s a h t were ent i rely fatalist ic i n their v i e w o f the reg ion . A great deal o f k n o w l e d g e inheres i n the places that r emain , and that k n o w l e d g e can be put to use i n 195 construct ive , rather than destructive, ways . \" W e w o r k together w i t h it [the s a lm on] , \" sa id D a n i e l M o r r i s . E v e n those w h o w o r k on the sa lmon farms near A h o u s a h t w o r k w i t h places . G e r r y D a n i e l k n o w s there are b i g differences between the l o c a l workers and those w h o are brought i n f r o m the outside. \" Y o u not ice the difference out there w i t h the n o n - A h o u s a h t workers . T h e n o n - A h o u s a h t w o r k e r w i l l wa i t un t i l the fog lifts, whereas the A h o u s a h t w o r k e r w i l l just take o f f and go to his site, he k n o w s where it is . H e k n o w s the compass , he k n o w s the terr i tory.\" B o t h C l a y o q u o t S o u n d and the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o are f i l l e d w i t h f ish spawning , feeding and migra to ry areas; those spots are not mere locat ions , but are n a m e d and k n o w n part icipants i n p roduc t ive ac t iv i ty . Par t i cu la r places are a source o f strength that carries over f r o m his tor ic t imes. D a n C u m m i n g s put it this w a y : \" E d consider ourselves pretty wea l thy w h e n it comes to aquatic resources w e u t i l i ze . . . . I th ink w e shou ldn ' t forget that p r io r to contact o f whi te people there was b loodshed over some o f these territories. I th ink that's w h y w e ' r e so adamant about protect ing them.\" T h i s m a y be i n part because the places his people k n o w p r o v i d e them w i t h l o c a l units o f p roduc t ion over w h i c h they can have cont ro l . F r a n c i n e S i m m s f rom A h o u s a h t has throughout her l i fe m o v e d back and forth between the reserve at A h o u s a h t and the t own o f Por t A l b e r n i . F i n a l l y , she m o v e d back to Ahousah t : \" M y grandmother and grandfather taught us what be longed to us N a t i v e s . \" 196 T H E P L A C E S O F T H E S A L M O N F A R M I N G I N D U S T R Y The construction o f sites T h e net pen sites o f sa lmon fa rming are not so m u c h there, w a i t i n g to be found, as they are constructed by the sa lmon farmers w h o put them to use. In fact, the p roduc t ion managers and c o m p a n y b io logis ts I spoke to began put t ing together the fa rm sites l o n g before the w a l k w a y s and other f loa t ing structures were put into place. T h e fragments that c o m p a n y managers must m o b i l i z e i n order to create a w o r k a b l e f ish fa rm need to be gathered up f rom the env i ronment and then assembled i n ways that further the p roduc t ive ends o f the site. Currents , temperatures, d i s so lved o x y g e n concentrat ions, and sal ini t ies are a l l factors that need to be enc losed and put to w o r k i n a f a rm site, and this process is i t se l f a f o r m o f p roduc t ion . A c c o r d i n g to D e r e k W o o d s , F i n d i n g a site is hard, y o u have to spend a lot o f t ime to research that site, because before y o u ' r e g o i n g to spend the capi ta l , because it costs anywhere f rom t w o and a ha l f to three and a ha l f m i l l i o n dol lars to put a site out there. .... w e have contractors, w e have people here [in the c o m p a n y ] , and that's a l l they do is t ry ing to f ind areas that meet a l l the cr i ter ia . A n d there's huge l ists . A t first, a p roposed f ish fa rm is a b lank slate, an empty net pen into w h i c h the necessary env i ronmenta l factors gradua l ly get dumped . It takes a great deal o f t ime to \" invest igate a l l the cr i ter ia that y o u need, because i f y o u d o n ' t . . . k n o w a lot o f the env i ronmenta l condi t ions that are g o i n g on , then y o u have some troubles t ry ing to g row sa lmon there\" (Derek W o o d s ) . A n appl ica t ion for a new ocean net pen site is g radua l ly \"put together; . . . an appl ica t ion is about two vo lumes , i t ' s about t w o inches t h i c k , . . and then depending on the site, there's a number o f things y o u have to l o o k at\" ( M i c h a e l A y r e s ) . In the process, these \" th ings\" are somet imes m a r k e d not for i n c l u s i o n into a.site, but for e x c l u s i o n f rom a site: \" O n e [thing] is o b v i o u s l y the 197 foreshore and what types o f envi ronments . . . y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at sensis t ive f ish habitat, and y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at species at r i sk to make sure they ' re not there or they ' re an appropriate distance a w a y \" ( M i c h a e l A y r e s ) . C a r l H a i n e s ' ab i l i ty to i nc lude useful env i ronmenta l entities is c o u p l e d w i t h an ab i l i ty to exc lude those he deems destruct ive to his p roduc t ive project: \" Y e s , mother nature w i l l throw p lank ton at us, l o w D O s , but there are ways to mi t iga te .\" A s T e d B o y d put it, \" today a lot m o r e t echnology goes into it, . . . w e l o o k for the things w e want, w h i c h is g o o d f lush ing , w e want g o o d a temperature r eg ime . \" A t one company , records o f mon th ly , w e e k l y , or even da i l y and hou r ly readings o f var ious b i o p h y s i c a l indicators are accumula ted and then entered into a m o d e l . A l t h o u g h R o g e r M a c k i n s o n can \"just l o o k at a p lace that I th ink w o u l d have g o o d f l o w o f water, g o o d f l u s h i n g , \" he can ' t be sure unt i l he cal ls an engineer ing f i r m and \"give[s] them the current data, the w i n d data, those things, b i o p h y s i c a l data, and they take it back and turn it in to their equat ions.\" T h e results, he says, tells h i m whether a site can go into the p roposed loca t ion , and i f so, h o w it shou ld be anchored. A t this point , however , the env i ronmenta l \"factors\" have already been t echno log ized . Currents , for example , are not water-masses pure and s imple , but chartable and predictable movements o f energy through the sa lmon fa rming landscape. T h e y are descr ibed in ways that cor respond c lose ly w i t h the choices sa lmon fa rming companies m a k e i n choos ing what sites and regions to invest i n . S o m e currents w i l l r ip holes i n nets or wash away feed pellets too q u i c k l y , w h i l e others ensure that wastes are dispersed. T h e organiza t ion o f sa lmon fa rming - w i t h its m a n y engineers, oceanographers, veterinarians, and b io logis t s - soc ia l izes the p h y s i c a l env i ronment 198 into manageable and spat ia l ly c o m b i n a b l e factors. P l a n n i n g i n the f o r m o f ca lcu la t ions can counter the force o f these \"na tura l\" factors that threaten the success o f a sa lmon farm. A s a consequence, sa lmon fa rming sites become part o f an integrated, \"organic m a c h i n e \" in m u c h the same w a y as the sa lmon hatcheries R i c h a r d W h i t e describes on the C o l u m b i a R i v e r . 1 5 N o w safely enclosed, those captured factors can be put to w o r k . F o r C a r l Ha ines , harness ing the creat ive potent ia l o f these factors is one o f the mos t appea l ing parts o f s a lmon fa rming . \"The fact that I can use currents and the m o o n to generate tides to create an env i ronment in w h i c h I can g r o w sa lmon , I don ' t have to p u m p a l l that water, to me, is sustainable green t echno logy . \" A n d a l though F i r s t Na t i ons are general ly a factor to be e x c l u d e d - \" w e have to take F i r s t Na t i ons into cons idera t ion , both Indian reserves or t radi t ional c l a m d i g g i n g beds or sacred trees\" (Derek W o o d s ) -the places they k n o w about are also put to w o r k i n the service o f s a lmon fa rming : \" w e ' v e been w o r k i n g w i t h a F i r s t Na t ions group on the N o r t h Coas t , and l o o k i n g at sites and put t ing app l ica t ion together, and our understanding o f sa lmon mig ra t i on areas and sa lmon h o l d i n g areas . . . c o m e a lmost e x c l u s i v e l y f r o m the c o m m u n i t y whose terri tory w e w o r k o n \" ( M i c h a e l A y r e s ) . A t the end of a g rowing cyc le , many mi l l i ons o f fish can be harvested f rom a single net pen site. Th i s observation seems to suggest great success in enc los ing all the relevant factors needed to raise sa lmon in captivi ty. C a r l Haines comments on this direct ly when contrasts sa lmon farming wi th the w i l d fishery: T h e w h o l e l i fe c y c l e o f the sa lmon , w e have more con t ro l over i t i n the sense that i f I m a k e a w r o n g ca lcu la t ion , and I don ' t keep enough b rood f i sh , i t ' s not l i k e a s a lmon r ive r where somebody says, oops, oh , the escapement is w a y too l o w , I guess I shou ldn ' t have let y o u f ish so m u c h . . . . A s l o n g as I ' m d o i n g m y 199 math correc t ly , I can see a l l those f ish , I can count them a l l , I k n o w h o w m a n y b r o o d I ' v e sorted, I have a pretty g o o d idea o f h o w m a n y w i l l mature each year. In the past, s a lmon farmers were at the mercy o f places; they were const ra ined by the characterist ics o f par t icular sites. B u t increas ing ly , the temperatures, w i n d s , sal ini t ies , benthic and other characterist ics can be extracted f r o m their locat ions and m o v e d elsewhere. U s i n g a sys tem o f tarps and diffusers, C a r l Ha ines can keep deoxygena ted water out o f his pen sys tem and p u l l oxygena ted water in to the pens f r o m b e l o w . T h i s and other advances i n f ish f a rming techniques have made f ish f a rming places ever more f i x e d i n space: \"Fi f teen years ago . . . w e w o u l d have been t ry ing to tow cage systems. T h e c razy things w e used to do to try and save f i s h . \" Indeed, s a lmon farms have managed to round up, w i t h i n just a few indus t r ia l fac i l i t ies , a l l the l i fe stages o f the A t l a n t i c sa lmon . In this sense, aquaculture has o n l y extended the spat ia l enclosure o f s a lmon rear ing, mig ra t ion , and s p a w n i n g made poss ib le through the s a l m o n i d \"enhancement\" programs throughout the P a c i f i c Nor thwes t . T a y l o r descr ibed h o w hatcheries i n O r e g o n gradual ly co l l apsed the spatial requirements o f sa lmon by loca t ing hatcheries further downs t ream, creat ing h o l d i n g areas i n w h i c h mig ra t ing f ish w o u l d r emain un t i l matur i ty , and acqu i r ing eggs f rom a few r e m a i n i n g large r i v e r s . 1 6 S a l m o n farms have expanded the geograph ica l reach o f hatcheries to enclose not just s p a w n i n g streams, but also mig ra t i on routes, ocean rear ing areas, and f i sh ing spots. Never theless , these n e w l y constructed sa lmon farms appear to hang i n a fragi le balance o f const ruct ion and deconst ruct ion. W h e n leaks i n the boundaries o f the f ish fa rm arise, it is o n l y further f ragmentat ion that can c o m e to terms wi th the rupture i n the integri ty o f the site. P e r i o d i c a l l y , diseases break out at fa rm sites, and p roduc t ion managers deal w i t h those situations by m o n i t o r i n g - t ak ing 200 \"data\" - at an inc reas ing ly deta i led l eve l . M i c h a e l A y r e s sa id that i f his c o m p a n y ' s sites were faced w i t h infestations o f sea l i ce , he w o u l d be forced to increase his m o n i t o r i n g act ivi t ies : \" I ' m t a lk ing about m o n i t o r i n g our f i sh , so that i f there was, y o u k n o w , a l i m i t set, l i k e number o f l i ce per f i sh , or number o f l i c e per g r am o f f ish , y o u c o u l d then mon i to r and then have a l ook to see at h o w those levels are b u i l d i n g or d e c l i n i n g . \" A l o n g the same l ines , Ju l i e H e n n i n g spends \"ten thousand [dollars] a site gett ing them ana lyzed every year for integri ty o f the sys tem and whatnot, whereas that wasn ' t done ten years ago.\" B y integri ty , she means \"the actual f loa t ing structure that holds the nets in place. T h i s is what causes the most escapes i n the past, is y o u w o u l d get a s torm and it w o u l d break up, or y o u ' d get a rea l ly strong tide and i t w o u l d n ' t be able to handle the tide and the actual sys tem w o u l d f a l l apart.\" T h i s k i n d o f \"analys is for in tegr i ty\" is i n fact happening on the fa rm site a l l the t ime. T h e boundar ies o f fish farms have c o m e to enclose so m a n y factors that those boundaries must constant ly be renegotiated. M a n y o f these factors, as w e l l as their byproducts , must be brought back i n , others t emporar i ly or permanent ly exc luded . T h i s i n v o l v e s , pa radox ica l ly , a cont inual d issect ion o f the integr i ty o f the fa rm site i n the shape o f measurements and numer i ca l analysis on the one hand, and p h y s i c a l compar tmenta l i za t ion on the other. Was te , for example , is released f rom net pens both i n the f o r m o f f ish feces and feed pellets . T h e disjuncture between c l a i m s o f total e c o l o g i c a l enclosure, and the obv ious interest on the part o f f ish farmers to seek out sites w i t h currents that can \" f l u s h \" or \"disperse\" wastes away f r o m the site, is spat ia l ly apparent. F a r m boundaries must enclose waste, disease, and o x y g e n , w h i l e a l l o w i n g those some factors, at other t imes, to t ravel read i ly across net pen or fa rm site 201 boundar ies . In the case o f wastes, T e d B o y d said , there is a \"zone o f i m p a c t \" a round a f ish fa rm where m o n i t o r i n g takes p lace on an ongo ing basis: \" T h e y say y o u need to measure your impac t out x amount o f meters f r o m your site. W h a t they ' re l o o k i n g for is h o w far the impac t reaches away f rom the site \u00E2\u0080\u0094 . . . the government says . . . i f your inputs are this, your f l o w is this and your temperature is this, y o u w i l l have an impac t o f x here an impac t o f y and z there.\" These detai led measurements o f hydrogen sulf ide levels are what Ju l i e H e n n i n g ca l l ed \"ma in ta in ing a l l the legal i t ies o f each lease.\" Place as equivalent to farming space W h e n f ish farmers say, as they often do, that they \"can ' t g r o w f i sh i n a p lace that's not a g o o d p lace for f ish , . . . so it w o u l d be futi le for [them] to destruct [their] o w n f a rming area\" (Roge r M a c k i n s o n ) , they are s i m p l y stating that the places they k n o w about are f a rming places. G i v e n the r ight combina t ion o f p h y s i c a l and b i o l o g i c a l factors, every p lace is a potent ial site o f s a lmon fa rming . De ta i l s o f loca t ion , p r io r use, or sur rounding b i o l o g i c a l or human communi t i e s fade in to the b a c k g r o u n d as s tandardized regulat ions and procedures take over . Sites c o m e w i t h \"user manua l s \" where \"every th ing is ou t l ined , so there's no quest ions. So that the guy or people that are ac tual ly manag ing that site, i t ' s l i k e a manua l , i t ' s bas ica l ly a user m a n u a l for that s i te\" (Derek W o o d s ) . S i m i l a r l y , the cho ice o f hydrogen sul f ide concentra t ion as an ind ica to r o f waste impacts underneath the f ish farms was made spec i f i ca l ly to address the \" w i d e range o f different current speed type sites, l i k e l o w speed, m e d i u m , h igh speed currents, different types o f substrate on the b o t t o m \" ( C a r l 202 Haines ) . O n c e places have been made homogeneous i n this w a y , they can be acted on and m o b i l i z e d as forces i n the p roduc t ion o f fa rmed f ish. It comes as no surprise then, that the management p lan is the opera t ional p l an ; farm \"best management pract ices ,\" w h i l e c l a i m i n g to have general app l i cab i l i t y i n ma in t a in ing the integri ty o f coastal places, are actual ly des igned a round the par t icular kind o f p lace found at f ish farm sites. Sed iment s ampl ing , for example , takes p lace r ight at the t ime at w h i c h fa rmed f ish are most va luable : w i t h our env i ronmenta l m o n i t o r i n g , w i t h our sediment m o n i t o r i n g , I th ink government r ight n o w is ask ing to do it once, def in i te ly 30 days before peak p roduc t ion . . . . P e a k p roduc t ion w o u l d be when the f ish are at their largest that w e want them to be, and when w e ' r e g o i n g to harvest. (Roge r M a c k i n s o n ) F o r T e d B o y d too, a \" h i g h impac ted si te\" is one that c o u l d potent ia l ly destroy his crop o f f i sh through disease. H e is not sure w h y hydrogen sul f ide is used as a p r o x y for damage to the benthos - \"the sulf ide is what turns anaerobic, that 's a l l I k n o w . . . to m e i t ' s ex t remely sc i en t i f i c \" - but he does k n o w that anaerobic condi t ions can negat ive ly affect his f i sh : \" i f y o u have a h igh impac ted site w i t h lots o f anaerobic bacteria, y o u w i l l get a h igher disease l oad ing i n that par t icular p lace . \" E n v i r o n m e n t a l m o n i t o r i n g , Ju l i e H e n n i n g said , is her c o m p a n y ' s biggest cost, after feed. A n d there is g o o d reason for this. O n e o f her c o m p a n y ' s sites seemed to have \" rea l ly g o o d currents,\" but \"un t i l the current meters went i n and w e d i d an analysis o f it, i t ' s a c i rcu la r current, . . . not rea l ly f lush ing o u t . . . w h i c h lowers our p r o d u c t i v i t y \" (Jul ie H e n n i n g ) . M o n i t o r i n g , done i n the name o f env i ronmenta l r e spons ib i l i ty and a l l places, actual ly equates p lace w i t h f ish f a rming place. T h i s was ar t iculated most c lear ly by T e d B o y d , w h o sa id that he considers h i m s e l f a \"prac t ica l , 203 w o r k i n g environmenta l i s t . I care about what happens on s a lmon farms because I a m a sa lmon farmer .\" A s far as sa lmon farmers are concerned, f i sh f a rming places are k n o w a b l e i n e m p i r i c a l and concrete ways , whereas non- fa rming places are theoret ical , abstract, and o n l y vague ly k n o w a b l e . It is the boundaries o f the ocean tenures that c i r cumsc r ibe k n o w l e d g e o f coastal places and d i v i d e what is k n o w n f rom what m a y never be surely k n o w n . D e r e k W o o d s , a p roduc t ion manager, c l a i m e d that because disease transfer is not i n the best interest o f the company , it is imposs ib l e for f ish farms to be located on the mig ra t i on routes o f w i l d sa lmon: \" h o w are y o u g o i n g to m a k e m o n e y o f f a diseased f ish , because they either die or y o u have to spend m o n e y med ica t ing them. . . . Y o u don ' t want them r ight on a migra tory route.\" A t the fa rm site, s a lmon farmers frequently r e m o v e s l o w s w i m m i n g or dead f ish us ing a d ip net. T h i s is h o w D e r e k W o o d s k n o w s that \" i f i t ' s a s l ow s w i m m e r , i t ' s a l i c e co l l ec to r . . . y o u can go out and catch that par t icular f ish w i t h a d ip net, i t ' s g o i n g to be l aced w i t h l i c e . \" F r o m his exper ience on the f ish farm, he extrapolates to the w i l d , where he bel ieves w i l d f ish k i l l o n l y already s ick , s l o w - m o v i n g f i s h . \" T h e envi ronment , i n a l l its general i ty and placelessness, is therefore k n o w n o n l y through the act ivi t ies that take p lace on sa lmon farms. R o g e r M a c k i n s o n c r i t i c i z e d the b io log i s t John V o l p e for gett ing \" in to stuff that he d i d n ' t k n o w anyth ing about. . . . H e got into sediments . . . W e ' r e d o i n g a lot, w e ' r e re loca t ing farms to better sites, .. . n o w y o u can put the systems cross current.\" H a v i n g a f ish fa rm imparts k n o w l e d g e not jus t o f the farm itself, but the env i ronment that has been par t ia l ly or w h o l l y enc losed by that fa rm site. W h i l e Ju l i e H e n n i n g k n o w s that the F i r s t Na t ions i n 204 the area \"see it as their terr i tory,\" she is d isappointed that \"they don ' t want any i n f o r m a t i o n \" f r o m the sa lmon farmers. She compla ins that w h e n she does try to send them \" in fo rma t ion\" , they send it r ight back to her i n protest. L i k e her unders tanding o f the indigenous people i n the area, the exter ior o f the farm is genera l ly an untamed and u n k n o w n set o f fore ign forces that can be k n o w n by w a y o f contrast w i t h the t echnology o f f ish farms: \"because w e test our f ish p r io r to g o i n g into the ocean, they don ' t have it [ I H N disease]. A n d they get i n there and i t ' s an indigenous disease that 's car r ied by herr ing . . . and they ' re a l l a round our sys tem\" (Jul ie H e n n i n g , m y emphasis) . C O N C L U S I O N T h e s a lmon f a rming industry not o n l y produces space i n the f o r m o f net pens, ocean tenures, quarantine areas, and coastal f a rming regions, but it is also itself produced by those very places it c l a ims to have created. M y analysis has s h o w n that it is the interact ive, soc ia l context o f s a lmon fa rming that a l lows places to become act ive agents i n sa lmon fa rming . Indeed, change, destruct ion and reconst ruct ion are persistent themes i n the narratives o f both s a lmon farmers and those F i r s t Na t ions and non-F i r s t Na t ions people w h o act against the industry. A s ind ica ted by the p roduc t ion managers and the head b io logis t s I in te rv iewed , sa lmon fa rming places are put together out o f m e t i c u l o u s l y arranged sets o f env i ronmenta l factors. Factors l i k e l ight , species, currents, bo t tom type and tides are careful ly m a r k e d for i n c l u s i o n or exc lus ion . Fur thermore , net pen structures or f a rming practices integrate w i t h the chosen features to further compar tmenta l i ze the f a rming envi ronment . T h i s process co inc ides perfect ly w i t h the severe spat ial 205 invers ions and d is loca t ions k n o w n by F i r s t Na t ions and environmenta l i s t s a l ike . Whereas for the purposes o f sa lmon farmers, the ocean env i ronment comes pre-fragmented i n the fo rm o f p roduc t ion factors, others recognize the con t inua l extract ion o f these factors f rom those places they f ish and l i v e i n . It is p rec i se ly the places as they are known by fishers, and not as they exis t \"out there\" that p rov ide sa lmon farmers the r aw materials for the const ruct ion o f f ish f a rming places. N o t o n l y do p roduc t ion managers openly admit that sa lmon farms are perfected outputters o f f i shermen ' s \" m a x i m u m e c o n o m i c y i e l d \" , but F i r s t Na t ions fishers not ice that the industry uses up and displaces their f i sh ing spots. In fact, F i r s t Na t ions people spec i f i ca l ly po in t to the sa lmon canneries, the her r ing reduct ion f ishery, and indus t r i a l f i sh ing gear for p r o v i d i n g the m o m e n t u m for this most recent w a v e o f change to their l ives . F i s h f a rming u l t imate ly rel ies on the raw materials present at f i sh spawning , ha tching, mig ra t ion and f i sh ing grounds, and those places must be mi t iga ted so that the p roduc t ive factors present i n those places r ema in intact. W h e n sa lmon farmers m o n i t o r the \"zone o f impac t \" a round their f ish farms, they are not m o n i t o r i n g a b lank, u n k n o w n envi ronment . Instead they are focused on factors l i k e nutr ient and t o x i n levels already k n o w n to encourage disease and a lga l b l o o m s . S a l m o n farmers are r ight to be concerned about their impacts , mos t ly because the const ruct ion o f new spaces m a y set i n m o t i o n forces destructive to their f a rming efforts. Factors that were fo rmer ly dispersed throughout the f i sh ing landscape and are n o w agglomerated i n net pens, and once released, those nutrients, pathogens, or chemica l s c o u l d lead to unpredic table spatial rearrangements. T h i s type o f perpetual change was noted in 206 par t icular by env i ronmenta l opponents o f the s a lmon f a rming industry. T h e p roduc t iv i ty o f f ish f a rming does not end w i t h the output o f s a lmon ; i n fact, they said , the farm is a source popu la t ion for the co lon i za t i on o f r eg iona l streams, a reservoi r o f disease, and an attractant o f f ish popula t ions fo rmer ly part o f other b i o l o g i c a l communi t i e s . S o the boundaries o f the fish farm must encompass a l l that is k n o w n about the envi ronment , by m a r k i n g a l l factors either for i n c l u s i o n , exc lu s ion , or man ipu la t ion . T h i s co inc ides wi th the F i r s t N a t i o n people ' s ways o f t a l k ing about f i sh ing places as part o f a landscape o f k n o w l e d g e . In fact, clashes between F i r s t Na t ions people and f ish farmers seem to often occur at the l e v e l o f places k n o w n , for example , by f ish farmers to be channels w i t h l o w windspeeds u n l i k e l y to damage nets, and by others, as sheltered areas w i t h abundant c l a m beds. T h e placelessness descr ibed by environmenta l i s t s i n t ransformed landscapes therefore related d i rec t ly to the ways i n w h i c h sa lmon farmers seek to create s tandardized sites whose characterist ics are the t echn ica l stuff o f s a lmon fa rming . Industry opponents feel ousted f rom the places they fo rmer ly k n e w and used as the range o f meanings used to understand the env i ronment becomes restr icted to the p roduc t ive mach ine ry o f f ish farms. A s w e saw i n the p reced ing sect ion, f ish farmers read i ly impose their k n o w l e d g e o f sa lmon farms onto the sur rounding envi ronment . D e t a i l e d produc t ive k n o w l e d g e about the dynamics o f p roduc t ion at f i sh fa rm sites is used to argue against the presence o f impacts at other sites. It is important to note, however , that a l though environmenta l i s t s and l o c a l F i r s t Na t ions people are left w i t h what they understand to be mere fragments o f their l o c a l 207 places, they are actively engaged in rebuilding their landscapes. This occurs in large part by understanding the transformations and inversions that have occurred in local places, and by being able to trace investment through time and space. For the Namgis and Ahousaht people in particular, places, even substantially changed places, allow them to assert their continued presence in a cultural landscape of knowledge and use. By understanding how capital has rearranged their landscapes since the time of contact, Native people can take hold of their landscapes and rid themselves of those colonial representations of space that marginalize or exclude them. Similarly, environmentalists are able to expose the large-scale implications of local net pen sites, thereby re-introducing questions about the relations of definition into environmental discourses. In these and other ways, salmon farming continues to re-invent space and provide new theatres for social interaction. 1 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Donald Nicholson-Smith, trans. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991). 2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Edward W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989). Thomas K. Rudel, \"Paths of destruction and regeneration: globalization and forestry in the tropics,\" Rural Sociology 67/4 (2002): 622-636. 4 Ephraim G. Ericksen, The Territorial Experience: Human Ecology as Symbolic Interaction (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980). 5 Ulrich Beck, Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk (Cambridge, England: Polity Press, 1995). 6 Soja, p. 222. Sharon Zukin, Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991). 8 Edward C. Relph, Place and Placelessness (London: Pion, 1976). 208 9 R e l p h , , p . 88. 1 0 See note 5 above. 1 1 D o u g l a s Ha r r i s , \" Indigenous Ter r i to r i a l i ty i n C a n a d i a n Cour t s , i n Empty Box or Box of Treasures: Two Decades of Section 35 (Pent ic ton, B C : Theytus B o o k s , 2003) , 175-194. 1 2 Para . 57 o f R. v. Gladstone, [1996] 4 C . N . L . R . 65 , quoted i n Ha r r i s , note 11 above. 13 B r u c e B r a u n , The Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture and Power on Canada's West Coast ( M i n n e a p o l i s : U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a , 2002) . 1 4 U ' m i s t a C u l t u r a l Soc ie ty , H i s t o r y and Trad i t ions o f the N a m g i s , U'mista News ( F a l l 2001) , p . 7. 1 5 R i c h a r d W h i t e , The Organic Machine ( N e w Y o r k : H i l l and W a n g , 1995). 1 6 Joseph E . T a y l o r , \" P o l i t i c s Is at the B o t t o m o f the W h o l e T h i n g : Spat ia l Re la t ions o f P o w e r i n O r e g o n S a l m o n M a n a g e m e n t , \" i n Power and Place in the North American West, ed. R i c h a r d W h i t e and John M . F i n d l a y (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n Press, 1999), 233-263 . 209 C H A P T E R 9. S A L M O N F A R M I N G A N D T H E P R O D U C T I O N O F N U M B E R S : F I G U R I N G , C A L C U L A T I N G , A N D R E C O R D - K E E P I N G A S T E C H N I Q U E S O F P O W E R Scene 1. A n overheated r o o m i n the basement o f the d o w n t o w n V a n c o u v e r P u b l i c L i b r a r y . T h e p u b l i c fo rum on sa lmon fa rming is w e l l into its th i rd hour, and the presenters are seated fac ing the audience. L i n d a Sams, f r o m M a r i n e Harves t C a n a d a and representing the B C S a l m o n F a r m e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , is seated between B i l l C ranmer , e lected c h i e f o f the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , and John V o l p e , an eco logis t w h o works c lo se ly w i t h the D a v i d S u z u k i Founda t i on . In response to a quest ion f rom the audience about escapes o f fa rmed A t l a n t i c sa lmon into the w i l d , a shout ing match erupts between members o f the panel . John V o l p e reiterates his earl ier statement, that he \"takes i s sue\" w i t h the c l a i m that farmed f ish escape f rom their net pens i n numbers too l o w to have an impac t on w i l d stocks o f P a c i f i c sa lmon . F o r one th ing , he says, the government ' s A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h p rogram, on w h i c h the f ish farmers base their c l a ims o f decreased numbers o f escapes, is a pass ive repor t ing sys tem that stands i n contrast to the act ive survey methods e m p l o y e d by his co l league A l e x a n d r a M o r t o n . L i n d a Sams retorts that escapes have gone d o w n i n numbers i n recent years, and chal lenges h i m to f i n d his h igher numbers in j o u r n a l art icles. T h e adminis t ra tor i n charge o f the A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h p rog ram interjects, e x p l a i n i n g that i n 2 0 0 1 , F i r s t Na t ions workers were \" t ra ined\" to survey r ivers for A t l a n t i c s a lmon , and that \"over 389 ,000 sa lmonids were counted du r ing the surveys, o n l y t w o o f w h i c h were A t l a n t i c s a l m o n . \" 210 Scene 2. K i n g c o m e Inlet, deep in the t radi t ional territory o f the Tsawata ineuk people , n o w l i v i n g on the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n reserve at A l e r t B a y . T w o guardians f rom the K w a k i u t l Te r r i t o r i a l F isher ies C o m m i s s i o n and I are on our w a y back f r o m our c i rcu i t o f the l o c a l f ish farms, and w e ' v e no t i ced a Depar tment o f F i sher ies and Oceans ( D F O ) research vessel , the W a l k e r R o c k , up ahead. W e steer the boat towards the b i g seiner, then stop to watch it. R o d n e y expla ins that, i n response to the co l lapse o f p i n k sa lmon runs i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , D F O is conduc t ing a set o f surveys to mon i to r the abundance o f j u v e n i l e sa lmon and the degree to w h i c h they are infected w i t h sea l i ce . Sea l i c e ep idemics are general ly associated w i t h the presence o f s a lmon farms, and i n past years the area was hard hit w i t h a popu la t ion e x p l o s i o n o f these f ish parasites; this was thought to have infected the p i n k sa lmon t rave l ing a long their migra tory routes. W e wai t for the seiner 's c rew to p u l l up its net, but as predic ted by R o d n e y and D a n i e l , it comes up empty except for a few s t icke lbacks . R o d n e y tells m e that his people never get i nv i t ed to part icipate i n any mean ing fu l w a y i n these mar ine surveys, and that, i n fact, ou tmigra t ing sa lmon congregate i n surface waters c lose to shore. Here , where a c l i f f creates a steep drop-off, the fry are loca ted t w o to three feet f r o m shore, not i n the deeper waters targeted by the seiner: \" T h e y ' r e jus t not gett ing the r ight numbers , \" he says. I N T R O D U C T I O N A l t h o u g h numbers are supposed to be object ive and stand apart f r o m soc ia l pract ice , it appears that counts, ca lcula t ions , standards, and measurements are not sterile, soc i a l l y uninterest ing entities that c i rculate innocen t ly a m o n g proponents and 211 opponents o f sa lmon fa rming . Ques t ions about quanti tat ive survey methods can diver t attention f r o m constant l o w - l e v e l escapes, and co l l apsed p i n k s a lmon numbers can instigate months o f in tens ive n u m e r i c a l m o n i t o r i n g . In fact, numbers have become part o f soc ia l pract ice to such a degree that it is no longer adequate to speak o f the cor rupt ion or mis -use o f numbers . Instead, numbers seem to have become soc i a l actors i n their o w n right. A t the same t ime, questions about the o r i g i n and mean ing o f survey numbers seem ec l ipsed by the p o w e r o f those numbers to a l l o w or d i s a l l o w sa lmon fa rming . F o r example , numbers , when they are co l lec ted , graphed, and tabulated, can create ostentatious d isp lays o f objec t iv i ty . S a l m o n farmers f i l l vo lumes o f l ogbooks every year w i t h numbers gathered du r ing regular, required, and rout ine m o n i t o r i n g . N u m b e r s are supposed to democra t ize decis ions about what k i n d o f \" t h i n g \" sa lmon f a rming is , by h o l d i n g out the p romise o f a c o m m o n denomina tor for a l l to see and use. R o s e , w h o e x a m i n e d the early soc ia l h is tory o f numbers , found that s ince the late 1 8 t h century, numbers have a l l o w e d for a k i n d o f \" s o c i a l mathemat ics\" against w h i c h the general p u b l i c c o u l d evaluate p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . 1 Desp i te the p romise o f their democra t i z ing power , numbers , R o s e found, also severely const ra in peop le ' s poss ib i l i t i es for ac t ion. In the case o f sa lmon fa rming too, the outcomes o f ca lcu la t ion , f igu r ing , and n u m e r i c a l analysis on waste, pollutant , disease, and escape numbers take on an authori ty that can no longer be ach ieved by i n d i v i d u a l s , or even groups o f i n d i v i d u a l s , ac t ing alone. A s a result, people must team up w i t h numbers , because it is the o n l y w a y o f access ing a real i ty that has already been d i sp laced to an outside, distant r ea lm. 212 In recent years, m u c h has been wri t ten about the connec t ion between numbers , expertise, and p u b l i c disputes over env i ronmenta l damage. U l r i c h B e c k , i n par t icular , has suggested that disputes over h o w to judge the tox ic i ty o f the envi ronment , and w h o bears the burden o f p r o o f \u00E2\u0080\u0094 what he cal ls the \"relat ions o f d e f i n i t i o n \" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 are b e c o m i n g more and m o r e in te r twined w i t h the organiza t ion o f modern indus t r ia l p r o d u c t i o n . 2 T h i s p roduc t ion benefits f rom the k inds o f numbers generated through attempts at env i ronmenta l protect ion because those numbers re inforce and h ide the l o g i c o f capi ta l that has made them necessary. Because o l d norms and inst i tut ions are no longer able to cope w i t h the onslaught o f new k inds o f env i ronmenta l destruct ion, numbers become inc reas ing ly necessary, but also inc reas ing ly incapable o f c a l m i n g peop le ' s fears. N u m b e r s have become the gatekeepers o f a real i ty pushed inc reas ing ly to the l imi t s o f ca lcu la t ion . T h e f lurry o f measurement ac t iv i ty around sa lmon fa rming i n recent years seems to have o n l y in tens i f ied the c a l l for further numbers , more \"s tudies\" and more record-keep ing . S u c h developments are confus ing , because as w e try to use numbers to g r o w closer to the \" rea l i ty\" o f f ish f a rming ' s effects, w e use those same numbers to purge f r o m our understandings any th ing that m i g h t indica te subject ivi ty , or the presence o f real , exper i enc ing ind iv idua l s . Perhaps this state o f affairs is a consequence o f our i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h a w o r l d that B r u n o L a t o u r says w e construct as be ing a lways outside us, separate f r o m us, and accessible o n l y through the gaze o f a m i n d otherwise d isconnec ted f r o m a b o d y . 3 It is no wonder , acco rd ing to La tou r , that w e l i v e i n constant fear o f l o s i n g access to such an al ienated, fore ign real i ty . In this chapter, I a m interested i n the ways in w h i c h numbers mediate between the human and 213 non-human entities on either side o f the d i v i d e descr ibed b y La tou r . A s w e have already rejected the contempla t ive m o d e l o f knowledge , i n w h i c h people see real i ty shrouded i n v a r y i n g degrees o f cu l tura l bias, i n favor o f a m o d e l i n w h i c h k n o w l e d g e is a lways or iented towards ac t iv i ty , it is clear that i f w e are to understand numbers , w e must l o o k to people ' s purposes and interests. In this v i e w , numbers can no longer h ide beh ind the supposed bias o f those w h o interpret them, and instead become exposed as the very agents o f interest. T o use the words o f Foucau l t , numbers are used \"for convenien t ends .\" 4 N u m b e r s act not d i rec t ly on people ; therein l ies their supposed \"ob j ec t i v i t y \" and c l a i m to \" rea l i ty . \" Instead ca lcula t ions , equations, and figures can channel , constra in or expand the reali t ies people are able to talk about. I am interested i n numbers as they are tactics created and e m p l o y e d by people to diverse ends. W h i l e issues o f governmenta l regula t ion m a y c o m e up f r o m t ime to t ime i n the f o l l o w i n g sections, this chapter is not about regula t ion and what po l i t i c i ans often term \" r i sk management .\" I have t r ied to get away f r o m the idea, often presented i n the \" r i s k \" literature, that numbers are the d o m a i n o f gove rn ing instut ions, w h o hand ca lcula t ions over to a skept ica l and fr ightened p u b l i c . T h e people I i n t e rv i ewed and heard speak at p u b l i c forums around V a n c o u v e r and V a n c o u v e r Is land were ac t ive ly i n v o l v e d i n negotiat ions over what constitutes k n o w l e d g e over sa lmon fa rming . N U M B E R S A N D V I S I B I L I T Y M o s t o f s a lmon f a rming takes p lace b e l o w the water ' s surface, and is therefore not read i ly v i s i b l e to the casual observer. T h e numbers attached to ocean bot tom, net 214 pens, water masses, and mar ine l i fe , however , make this underwater w o r l d accessible . A c c o r d i n g to D e r e k W o o d s , \" they 've done a lot o f research on these sites and i f y o u p u l l a site out and g ive i t a s ix -mon th f a l l ow t ime, y o u can ' t r ea l ly te l l i n s ix to eight months that a si te 's ever been there.\" A ca lcu la t ion o f b iod ive r s i ty seems to be the p r ima ry w a y i n w h i c h s a lmon farmers \"see\" change underneath their net pens. B i o d i v e r s i t y indicators calculate the re la t ive abundance and var ie ty o f organisms i n a par t icular area. In sa lmon fa rming , D e r e k W o o d s says, \" y o u change b iod ive r s i ty under your pens, but y o u don ' t w i p e out or bas i ca l ly clear-cut under your pens.\" C lea rcu t h i l l s ides are a c o m m o n sight i n B C , a v i s u a l manifestat ion o f the dramat ic consequences o f large-scale forestry. In the case o f sa lmon fa rming , numbers act as gatekeepers, d e c i d i n g when and to what degree people \"see\" damage. W h i l e a clearcut is equated w i t h an ocean bot tom i n w h i c h the d ivers i ty ind ica tor has d ipped d o w n to zero, s i m p l y \"changed ,\" non-zero b iod ivers i ty , as ind ica ted by D e r e k W o o d s (above), is more or less i nv i s i b l e . N u m b e r s general ly seem to determine what entities are present and therefore need to be taken into account. B y master ing cer tain sets o f ca lcu la t ions , sa lmon farmers can therefore en ro l l numbers to open and c lose w i n d o w s onto their industry. T h i s strategy is m i r r o r e d i n the site approva l process. F i s h farmers are requi red to comple te a lengthy appl ica t ion , part o f w h i c h requires companies to quant i fy the presence or absence o f var ious organisms. \" Y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at sensi t ive f ish habitat and y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at species at r i sk to make sure they're not there or they ' re an appropriate distance a w a y \" [ M i c h a e l A y r e s , emphasis added]. In this same f ramework , the conf l i c t between F i r s t Na t ions and s a lmon f a rming act ivi t ies can be 215 swi f t ly and techn ica l ly evaluated. F i r s t N a t i o n s ' people are measurable i n this w a y because they are understood, i n t yp i ca l c o l o n i a l f a sh ion 5 as ex i s t ing as sparsely dis t r ibuted pockets o f \"cu l tu re\" i n an otherwise empty and pure ly physical landscape. F o r D e r e k W o o d s too, F i r s t Na t ions presence is ind ica ted by \"reserves\" and \"sacred trees,\" both discrete entities whose presence is detectable o n l y w i t h i n a certain number o f meters. B y des ignat ing mar ine landscapes as natural , rather than cu l tu ra l areas, h i s to r ica l use and occupa t ion and present-day c l a ims to tit le and rights are rendered i n v i s i b l e by the technical i t ies o f measurement and ca lcu la t ion . Instead o f d i sp l ac ing \" s o c i a l , \" \" env i ronmen ta l , \" or \" c u l t u r a l \" questions to the rea lm o f technica l i ty , as is somet imes c l a i m e d i n the s o c i o l o g y o f sc ience literature, numbers already are s o c i a l i z e d entities. S i n g l e variables l i k e contaminant , waste, or d ivers i ty indicators can concentrate power i n just a few d e c i m a l places . Measurements c o m e to consti tute real i ty not i n any abstract w a y , but in the sense that sa lmon farmers and their opponents act d i rec t ly on those numbers , and not on \"the things themselves\" ( w h i c h seem to be o f o n l y secondary impor tance) . In the D a v i d S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n ' s press release o f January 8, 2001 , J i m F u l t o n cal ls p u b l i c l y for \"safe- level standards\" for contaminants s i m i l a r to those i n Great B r i t i a n . There , he says, \" a contaminants expert i n B r i t i a n ' s F o o d Standards A g e n c y adv i sed that adults shou ld eat a m a x i m u m o f one por t ion o f fa rmed sa lmon a week because it m a y conta in contaminants l i k e P o l y c h l o r i n a t e d B i p h e n y l s ( P C B s ) . \" T o m a k e matters even more d i f f i cu l t for the s a lmon fa rming industry , about a year later, the S u z u k i Founda t i on w i d e l y p u b l i c i z e d a study w h i c h s h o w e d that farmed sa lmon conta ined ten t imes more P C B s than w i l d f ish . A g a i n s t this the sa lmon fa rming industry c o u l d do no th ing but offer their o w n 216 numbers . W h e n I spoke to V a l e r i e K i m m i n s f r o m P a c i f i c M a r i c u l t u r e Products , she offered the f o l l o w i n g explanat ion: T h e y ' l l t e l l y o u that fa rmed sa lmon contains ten t imes more P C B s than w i l d sa lmon . T h e y found . . . 0.056 parts per m i l l i o n i n 4 farmed f ish . . . but what they don ' t t e l l y o u is what y o u w o u l d need to be unsafe, and that's 2.0 p p m . W h a t matters is the concentra t ion . . . w e n o w apply a factor to each, a conjoiner , and that determines h o w m u c h is i n foods. In this case, a s i m p l e n u m e r i c a l factor, a \"conjo iner , \" as V a l e r i e K i m m i n s cal ls it, has re-captured the exper ience o f those w h o oppose sa lmon fa rming . In this sense, numbers are a lways suscept ible to host i le take-overs by other, newer , numbers that can t ransform real i ty through s imp le m u l t i p l i c a t i o n , addi t ion , or subtract ion. T h e idea that numbers shou ld be used ex tens ive ly , to m o n i t o r a l l aspects o f not o n l y p roduc t ion but also env i ronmenta l damage, was one that was w e l c o m e d by a l l the p roduc t ion managers I met. B y and large, env i ronmenta l standards are n u m e r i c a l tools that s a lmon farmers need for g r o w i n g f ish. Records o f l i ce loads o n f ish m a k e parasite outbreaks access ible to the d rug k n o w n as S l i c e , and hydrogen sul f ide concentrat ions under net pens warns sa lmon farmers o f i m p e n d i n g f ish die-offs . S a l m o n farmers can often get a handle on c o m p l e x i t y by f i l te r ing it through s ingle var iables ; they can then tend to s i m p l i f i e d , n u m e r i c i z e d things. John V o l p e , an eco logis t w h o w o r k s c lo se ly w i t h the D a v i d S u z u k i Founda t i on , and w h o spoke at a p u b l i c f o r u m on sa lmon fa rming , t a lked e x p l i c i t l y about the ways i n w h i c h sa lmon farmers n u m e r i c a l l y s i m p l i f y their envi ronment . H i s account dispersed m u c h o f the authori ty fo rmer ly concentrated i n hydrogen sulf ide measurements: T h e assumpt ion is that there is a homogeneous b a c k g r o u n d l eve l o f sulf ide against w h i c h w e can set standards. . . . A t what poin t does waste reach a threshold l eve l? T h e B C government has imp lemen ted someth ing ca l l ed \"performance based standards.\" W h a t those levels are is 1300 m i c r o m o l e s [of 217 hydrogen sulfide] is the tr igger l eve l , and then w e ' v e m o v e d to 4 5 0 0 to 6000 m i c r o c m o l e s as a standard l eve l for penalt ies. B u t the mar ine env i ronment is var iab le! B a c k g r o u n d levels vary f r o m 1 to 1000 m i c r o m o l e s i n the presence o f s a lmon farms. Here , numbers offer substantial opportunit ies to sa lmon f a rming opponents . S i m p l e numbers can be c r o w d e d out by m o r e c o m p l e x ones, and it becomes more d i f f i cu l t for s a lmon farmers to act on entities that are n o w const i tuted qui te different ly. T h e current w a y o f measur ing hydrogen sulf ide levels w o r k s , i n the sense that it a l l ows sa lmon farmers to protect their investment o f f ish . It is easy to see h o w the new scheme for measur ing re la t ive sulf ide p roposed by John V o l p e m i g h t not be relevant to the goals and act ivi t ies o f sa lmon fa rming . D e r e k W o o d s , for example , t o l d m e that the fai lure to m o n i t o r and anticipate d i s so lved o x y g e n values i n a par t icular w a y can have drastic consequences: \"sites that have never mi s sed a day o f feeding weren ' t fed for 8 to 12 weeks because o f l o w D . O . ' s [d isso lved o x y g e n l eve l s ] . \" B y en ro l l i ng the r ight numbers , s a lmon farmers get a handle on an o therwise o v e r w h e l m i n g external envi ronment . E X T E R N A L I Z I N G C O N T R O V E R S Y A N D I N T E R N A L I Z I N G E X P E R T I S E I f s a lmon farmers want to act on the env i ronment i n ways that a l l o w them to g r o w f ish , numbers must a lways construct that env i ronment as an external object, as someth ing that can be w o r k e d on i n a predictable and cont ro l lab le fashion. It therefore comes as no surprise that numbers are cons idered by s a lmon farmers to be the d o m a i n o f technica l expertise, sheltered f r o m the vic iss i tudes o f soc ia l pract ice . V a l e r i e K i m m i n s , an employee at the headquarters o f P a c i f i c M a r i c u l t u r e Products , t o l d m e that 218 most people have no idea w e have laboratories. E v e r y farm has a mic roscope , for water and p lank ton analysis . T h e y have no idea h o w sophis t icated w e are. T h e y th ink w e ' r e jus t out there w i t h snowshove ls shove l ing out feed. E v e r y farm has a site l o g , every th ing gets noted d o w n . In other env i ronmenta l controversies , such as those over plant b io techno logy , expert . authori ty is also establ ished by creat ing b inary opposi t ions between \"expert\" and \" l a y \" author i ty . 6 T h i s oppos i t ion conven ien t ly establishes \" ignorance\" as a b a c k g r o u n d cond i t i on on top o f w h i c h technica l k n o w l e d g e is constructed, and a l l ows numbers to be a lways one step b e y o n d any prac t ica l appl ica t ion . W h e n I quest ioned p roduc t ion managers about the details o f hydrogen sulf ide measurements , h o w samples are taken, what the numbers mean , and h o w the numbers are used, I was referred i n every case to outside authorities. R o g e r M a c k i n s o n suggested I talk to \" a guy n a m e d B a r r y Hargraves , w h o is a scientist that's been s tudy ing that stuff,\" jus t as T e d B o y d t o l d m e that he c o u l d \"send [me] to a guy that k n o w s the ins and outs o f that. T o me, i t ' s ex t remely sc ien t i f i c . \" In response to the ex te rna l i z ing tendencies o f the sa lmon farmers, groups l i k e the G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e can pos i t ion themselves to be part o f that external expertise. In a letter hand-de l ivered to the p u b l i c hear ing over the p roposed f ish fa rm site i n B u t e Inlet, L a u r i e M c B r i d e points out that M a r i n e Harves t C a n a d a used incorrec t ca lcula t ions i n quant i fy ing w i n d and current condi t ions at the p roposed site: \"ca lcula t ions i n M a r i n e Harves t ' s appl ica t ion are based on formulas for offshore waters; this inc ludes ca lcu la t ion o f wave p e r i o d (the elapsed t ime between wave peaks) and the w a v e height. H o w e v e r , inshore waters t y p i c a l l y p roduce waves w i t h a shorter wave per iod , w h i c h w o u l d not be ref lected i n the ca lcula t ions used .\" Fur thermore , the letter raises questions about whether measurements presented i n the app l ica t ion are 219 t ruly external to the sa lmon fa rming industry. O n e study, conduc ted by the Depar tment o f F i sher ies and Oceans , and w i d e l y c i ted by the industry, found that ou tmigra t ing p i n k s a lmon were not infested w i t h sea l i c e i n June o f 2001 . T h e G e o r g i a Strait A l l i a n c e c r i t i c i z e d this study by say ing that \" i t ' s hard to a v o i d w o n d e r i n g i f their s a m p l i n g me thodo logy , loca t ion and t i m i n g were des igned to ensure 'no p r o b l e m . ' \" N u m b e r s a l l o w sa lmon farmers to external ize respons ib i l ty to either the numbers themselves , or the \"experts\" w h o co l l ec t and manage those numbers . A t the same t ime, the use o f numbers , regulat ions, and standards genera l ly seems to enable s a lmon farmers to \"manage\" controversy on their o w n terms. In other words , s a l m o n farmers appear to be ex te rna l i z ing k n o w l e d g e about their f i sh and their sites, at the same t ime that they are sp inn ing ever denser ne tworks o f numbers a round their day-to-day act ivi t ies . N u m b e r s are at once in te rna l ized and ex te rna l ized to create ex t remely effective ways o f exer t ing con t ro l over the things o f sa lmon fa rming . D e r e k W o o d s is t y p i c a l a m o n g p roduc t ion managers , w h o say that \"once everyone gets regulat ions i n p lace and k n o w s what the government needs us to do then [sa lmon farmers] w i l l be i n better shape.\" S t ay ing b e l o w \"c r i t i c a l loads\" o f sea l i c e on w i l d s a lmon a l l ows M i c h a e l A y r e s to \" m o v e fo rward wi thout a l l the answers .\" N u m e r i c a l regula t ion therefore becomes part o f the p roduc t ion process. F o r example , when anaerobic condi t ions appear at a fa rm site, and a large d i e -o f f is imminen t , f i sh densit ies are either reduced, or a site is f a l l owed . T h e same thing happens w h e n an ind ica tor o f bo t tom condi t ions , sulf ide condi t ions , reach a threshold l e v e l : . . . they do a grab sample . . . and what they ' re l o o k i n g for is i f there is too m u c h bu i l dup . . . the government says that i f y o u guys have a certain amount o f fish on a fa rm and your inputs are this, you r f l o w is this, and you r temperature is this, y o u w i l l have an impac t o f x , here, and impac t o f y there, and z there. 220 O k a y , i f y o u exceed any o f those impacts , y o u w i l l have to either f a l l o w the site or reduce densi ty on the site, and that's h o w i t ' s current ly done. Regu la t ions w o r k w e l l for s a lmon farmers, because the business o f f a rming sa lmon is so thoroughly embedded i n numbers . N u m b e r s enable s a lmon farmers, not just i n the sense that they g ive them the \"green l i gh t \" to go ahead w i t h their act ivi t ies , but also because s a lmon farmers n o w act more d i rec t ly on the numbers themselves than they ever c o u l d on the \"ac tua l \" currents, nutrients, f i sh , or disease organisms. R o g e r M a c k i n s o n to ld m e that i n order to k n o w h o w m a n y f ish to put in to a par t icular site, his c o m p a n y must r e ly on ca lcula t ions that ensure that other ca lcu la ted numbers , l i ke hydrogen sulf ide concentra t ion, are not exceeded. A s w e have already learned, hydrogen sulf ide acts as an indica tor o f de-oxygenat ion , w h i c h i n turn i m p l i e s that sa lmon farmers are l i k e l y to lose f ish as w e l l as va luable t ime and m o n e y i n site rehabi l i ta t ion . \" T h e y take our current data, our water data, and they put it into a m o d e l that spits out a certain number o f tonnage that w e can stock at the site. . . . h o w m u c h a site can handle bas ica l ly , ca r ry ing capac i ty ,\" M a c k i n s o n exp la ined . W h e n \"an area can ' t handle it [that m a n y f i sh ] , \" he added, \" y o u get p roduc t ion o f hyd rogen sulf ide gas.\" N u m b e r s entangle sa lmon farmers i n ne tworks o f ca lcu la t ion that touch a l l aspects o f the p roduc t ion process. F o r example , as D e r e k W o o d s exp la ined , there are direct l i nks between sa l in i ty , mature rates, gross ing rates, and pr ice : \" I f you r f ish are be ing g r o w n i n a l o w sa l in i ty site, then y o u get a h igher ma tu r ing rate i n your f ish than y o u w o u l d l i k e . . . . It [a mature fish] doesn ' t d e m a n d as h igh a p r i ce as a n ice beaut i ful s i lve r s a lmon . S o then i f y o u have a h igh gross ing site, w e l l then, y o u ' r e not put t ing i n as m a n y p r e m i u m s . \" 221 S A L M O N F A R M E R S A N D C E N T E R S O F C A L C U L A T I O N In recent years, the p rov inc ia l government has m o v e d away f rom prescr ibing how sa lmon farmers should grow fish, towards issuing \"performance-based\" standards. The new requirements, released by the M i n i s t r y of Agr icu l tu re , F o o d , and Fisheries in 2002, force finfish farm operators to keep concentrations o f various chemicals be low specified levels , but a l low otherwise free reign over farming practices. Compan ies are to keep detailed records o f particular chemica l parameters be low and around their net pens, i nc lud ing sulfide concentration, sediment grain size, sediment organic carbon and metal concentration, as w e l l as counts o f benthic animals. E v e r y detail o f sampl ing frequency, sample size, and the rate and quantity o f various a l lowable discharges is carefully enumerated. Sulf ide concentrations on soft bottoms dur ing the product ion cyc le \"at a fac i l i ty sampl ing station on a soft bot tom at or beyond 30 metres from the zero metre station must not be statistically s ignif icant ly greater than 6 000 mic romola r \" ( B C F in f i sh Aquacul ture Waste Con t ro l Regula t ion 2002). If this level is indeed exceeded, further chemica l and b io log i ca l sampl ing is required. These sorts o f regulations are indeed comprehensive, in that every conceivable thing associated wi th f ish fa rming has been in some way enumerated. F o r example, f ish farm operators must report the amount o f dry feed used yearly, so that nutrient discharges can be quantified: \"each dry weight metric tonne o f feed used at the faci l i ty , . . . is equated to an annual discharge at the fac i l i ty o f (i) 186 k g o f suspended sol ids, (i i) 36 k g o f ammonia , and ( i i i ) 8 k g o f nitrogen and nitrates.\" 222 The sa lmon farming industry i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a appears to have fu l ly embraced record-keeping, ca lcula t ion, and standardization not just as a means o f satisfying its opponents, but as an everyday mode o f do ing business. The B C S a l m o n Farmers Assoc ia t ion has worked to ensure that this emphasis on numbers become comple te ly integrated into the mechanics of pen s tocking, feeding, medicat ing, and harvesting. In fact, the association has developed a C o d e o f Pract ice that emphasizes the value o f careful moni to r ing and record-keeping, on everything f rom water temperature to the quantity, t iming , and type o f medications used. The product ion managers and site operators I met were enthusiastic about their new record-keeping activit ies, and eagerly showed me how the moni tor ing program was actually a part o f their farming operation. T e d B o y d , for example , to ld me that in his company, they use a \"f ish g r o w i n g program\" ca l led \"Super ior ,\" w h i c h uses environmental variables to come up wi th a feeding rate cus tomized for each day ' s condit ions: H o w m u c h a m I g o i n g to feed today? I can take this f a rm r ight here, I can go l i k e this, cause our feed, w e spend a lot o f t ime on feed m o n i t o r i n g and feed practices, because i t ' s the number one cost i n our business. . . . O k a y , so this is a pretty standard feed p lan , so they pr int this off, and here 's your env i ronmenta l registrat ion, so they g ive y o u the temperature here, sa l in i ty , o x y g e n , w e don ' t w o r r y about current, sa l in i ty , w e don ' t w o r r y about too m u c h anymore . W i n d , w e m i g h t do a l i t t le bi t o f that, w a v e s ize and air temperature. A n d then there's another one w e use w h e n it gets to be p lank ton season, and then i t ' l l have another one d o w n here and i t ' l l say \"ha rmfu l algaes\" and y o u ' l l f i l l that out. . . . So a f e l l o w goes i n i n the m o r n i n g , and i n cage 105, he ' s got an average weight , he 's got 3,963 f ish in a cage, . . . so here 's the g rowth , . . . so w e k n o w i f the g rowth rate is this . . . y o u shou ld be feeding about a 0.5 S F R , or speci f ic feed rate. A n d w e k n o w that means 60 k i l og rams o f feed. T h i s vocabu la ry o f numeracy permeates the pract ice o f sa lmon f a rming by es tabl ishing a re la t ionship between the f ish undergo ing \" p r o d u c t i o n \" and the external env i ronment o f currents, a lga l b looms , diseases, and sediment chemis t ry . S a l m o n farmers b u i l d 223 networks o f numbers that b r ing env i ronmenta l \"factors\" back to the net pen, where they can be con t ro l l ed and used. B r u n o L a t o u r w o u l d p robab ly c a l l the sa lmon fa rm a \"center o f c a l c u l a t i o n , \" 7 f rom w h i c h netpen site operators can m o b i l i z e entities and translate them into someth ing that can be acted on . T h e numbers accumula ted by sa lmon farmers a l l o w the f ish growers to become fami l i a r w i t h things o therwise distant, unpredictable , or even host i le . B y put t ing env i ronmenta l var iables i n the service o f g rowth rates and feeding rates, f ish farmers can m a k e comparab le f ish farms si ted i n different bays, regions, or even oceans. S a l m o n fa rming , spec i f i ca l ly p roduc t ion and b iomass accumula t ion , is at the center o f the envi ronment d isputed by sa lmon farmers and envi ronmenta l i s t s a l ike . A s a result, s a lmon farmers can speak i n the name o f \"nature,\" because their industry has already t ransformed that \"nature\" into a factory o f careful ly harnessed natural forces. W h a t counts as center and what counts as per iphery has already been establ ished by an industry for w h o m sea l i ce are evaluated i n terms o f f ish b iomass , f a l l ow t ime, veterinary and drug costs, and feed and stock investment . A t the Sea L i c e A c t i o n P l a n M e e t i n g o f Februa ry 1 3 t h , 2003 , John V o l p e , a v o c a l c r i t i c o f B C ' s f ish f a rming industry, suggested that threshold levels for l i ce on p i n k sa lmon be establ ished. B u t sa lmon farmers themselves use these threshold levels , as ind ica ted by V i v i a n Krause , o f M a r i n e Harves t , at the same meet ing. She po in ted out that outside o f the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , her c o m p a n y moni tors m o n t h l y for sea l i c e and treats pens w i t h med ica t ion when l i ce loads reach one g r a v i d female per f i sh , w h i l e at the same t ime m o d i f y i n g this threshold l eve l w h e n temperature, sa l in i ty , and t ime o f year warrant it. In this w a y , she said, farms can \"manage\" sea l i ce popula t ions . M e a n w h i l e , the D a v i d 224 S u z u k i F o u n d a t i o n had been d o i n g some m o n i t o r i n g o f its o w n . Just a few days i n advance o f the Sea L i c e summit , and a week after the technica l mee t ing I just descr ibed, Ot to L a n g e r o f the D a v i d S u z u k i Founda t i on revea led at the U B C Sc ience F o r u m on Sea L i c e that on the north coast, where there are no sa lmon farms, sa lmon are infected w i t h an average o f on ly about 0.01 l i c e per f ish . T h i s , he said , stands i n contrast to the k inds o f numbers o f l i ce found recent ly on p i n k sa lmon i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o . So environmental is ts too are m o n i t o r i n g sea l i ce , but these parasites have already been n u m e r i c a l l y captured by sa lmon farmers and are fu l l y integrated into ne tworks o f use and capi ta l iza t ion . W h e n sa lmon farmers c o m e to meet ings a rmed w i t h recorded numbers , opponents can respond o n l y by f o l l o w i n g the tracks on w h i c h sa lmon f a rming moves , in other words , by offer ing numbers o f l i k e k i n d . Sea l i ce outbreaks must a lways be made relevant to the exper ience o f s a lmon farmers wan t ing to k n o w when to medicate , harvest, or m o v e pens out o f affected areas. D i a n e M o r r i s o n , a veter inar ian w i t h M a r i n e Harves t Canada , c l a ims her technicians m o n i t o r the same external env i ronment as that o f environmental is ts : \" E v e r y o n e i n this r o o m has concerns regard ing f ish diseases, and w e a l l share a c o m m o n concern for the health o f our f i sh , . . . w e a l l want our stocks to be heal thy and produc t ive . O n e o f our differences though is the opportunities we have to address those concerns\" (emphasis added, F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t , September 24, 2002) . She argued that her industry is w e l l p laced , both mate r ia l ly and techn ica l ly , to mon i to r sea l i c e and the condi t ions sur rounding sea l i c e outbreaks. In fact, that in format ion can be used \"to ident i fy pulses or waves o f infestat ion, predict peak t imes for future years, and determine the 225 eff icacy o f our therapeutic treatments.\" Reco rds o f sea l i ce numbers , past and present, can serve f ish farmers w e l l i n des ign ing recipes for s a lmon p roduc t ion . L i c e numbers become fu l ly integrated into decis ions about when to d i v i d e the contents o f a pen into two, w h e n to harvest f ish , h o w m u c h to feed, w h e n to adminis ter a par t icular med ica t ion , and what k inds o f disease loadings can be tolerated. H o w e v e r , D i a n e M o r r i s o n r ema ined si lent on h o w useful louse numbers are to the sa lmon fa rming operat ion, c h o o s i n g instead to focus on the fact that \"on one o f [ M a r i n e Harves t ' s ] farms, our highest count [of sea l ice] ever reported was 0.015 l i ce per g ram o f f i sh , and 0.02 l i c e per g ram is cons idered to be l o w by F i n n S tad and Scot t M c K i n l e y [ two scient is ts] .\" It is unclear what measurements l i k e \"0 .015 l i ce per g r a m \" mean outs ide o f the ni t ty-gr i t ty o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon produc t ion . Never theless , envi ronmenta l i s t opponents o f s a lmon f a rming are c o m p e l l e d to engage w i t h these sorts o f numbers . B r u n o L a t o u r migh t say that this is ev idence that the env i ronmenta l standards used by f ish farmers have been \" b l a c k - b o x e d \" ; those numbers have become indispensable even to f ish f a rming opponents , w h o must m o v e through them en route to their des i red goa l s . 8 Theresa Rothenbush , f r o m the Ra incoas t Conse rva t ion Soc ie ty sa id at the F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t that because she had \"heard a lot about accoun tab i l i ty , \" she too wanted to \"share some numbers . \" C i t i n g numbers f r o m Her i tage A q u a c u l t u r e ' s C l i f f B a y site, she po in ted out that \"they had three t imes the number o f a l l o w a b l e net cages. T h e y dest royed more smolts than were a l l o w e d i n b iomass , . . . and they were w i t h i n meters o f sa lmon-bear ing s tream.\" B i o m a s s ca lcu la t ions are used here to estimate damage to w i l d f ish stocks, but they are also 226 used to calcula te the m a x i m a l yield f r o m fish fa rm sites. S i m i l a r l y , w h e n Ot to L a n g e r wanted to m a k e his audience aware o f the rampant use o f p igmen t addit ives i n f ish feed, he stated that \"about 1 5 % o f the cost o f s a lmon food is i n p igmen t s . \" M a r y - E l l e n W a l l i n g , the new execut ive director o f the B C S a l m o n Farmers A s s o c i a t i o n , stated p u b l i c l y i n a February 24, 2003 press release, that \" w e must fu l ly understand the re la t ionship between w i l d and fa rmed s a l m o n , \" and the \"the B C S F A is w i l l i n g to m a k e a l l relevant data ava i lab le to scientists i n v o l v e d i n these research projects .\" She appeared pleased that the previous weekend ' s f o r u m on sea l i c e had \" iden t i f i ed research gaps and oppor tuni t ies\" and that the d i scuss ion had been so \"p roduc t ive . \" T h i s react ion is unsurpr is ing . T h e cul ture o f numeracy propagated by the s a lmon fa rming industry, par t icu la r ly the use o f s ingle- f igure indica tors , thresholds, and standards, through w h i c h entire realms o f p o l i t i c a l debate are effect ively de-p o l i t i c i z e d and shunted over to the technica l r ea lm , has already thoroughly subdued the outside w o r l d . A C C O U N T - A B I L I T Y S a l m o n farmers k n o w that they are j u d g e d n u m e r i c a l l y , and as a result, they tend to speak enthusias t ical ly and often o f the \"accoun tab i l i t y\" they b r ing to the industry. \" A c c o u n t a b i l i t y \" represents a k i n d o f w i l l i ngnes s on the part o f f ish farmers to m a k e their actions v i s ib l e to others through logbooks or s a m p l i n g records. Recen t ly , m a n y companies have become cer t i f ied as fo l lowers o f the B C S a l m o n Farmers A s s o c i a t i o n C o d e o f Prac t ice , and some are i n the process o f ob ta in ing cer t i f ic ia t ion as \"sustainable businesses\" through I S O 14001. B o t h organizat ions 227 require that businesses ex tens ive ly standardize their pract ices, so that env i ronmenta l impacts can be compared , j udged , and u l t imate ly accepted. In this w a y , debate about the consequences o f f ish f a rming can be c losed even before the numbers themselves are inspected. A s L i n d a Sams po in ted out at the F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t , her c o m p a n y n o w has \"such a g o o d grad ing and s i z i n g and inventory methods . . . that w e are gett ing u n i f o r m s ized f ish c o m i n g out to the farms and we know they are being put in appropriate sized mesh.\" In this w a y , numbers represent a concensus o f a w i d e range o f types o f i nd iv idua l s w h o a l l agree that f ish w i l l not, or shou ld not, be able to escape f rom a par t icular net. In numbers , the engineers, w h o calcula te the net strength needed at a par t icular loca t ion , meet the veterinarians w h o calcula te f ish densi ty, the investors w h o calcula te the g rowth potent ial o f f ish , and the workers w h o feed, separate, and harvest the f i sh . \"There ' s a number o f ind iv idua l s i n v o l v e d that l o o k at s i t ing: . . . p roduc t ion staff, b io logis t s , G I S technicians , business people , engineers, vets and surveyors\" ( M a r k A y r a n t o , O m e g a S a l m o n , F i s h F a r m i n g and E n v i r o n m e n t S u m m i t ) . These useful al l ies are accumula ted i n numbers , and each one o f those al l ies must be d i smis sed separately i f a number is to be rejected. Sc ien t i f i c and t echno log ica l c l a ims are so embedded i n dense ne tworks o f k n o w l e d e that it is near ly imposs ib l e to reject them wi thou t i n turn reject ing a m y r i a d o f studies, pub l ica t ions , inst i tut ions and \"facts.\" W h e n opponents o f f ish fa rming want to ask quest ions about the l eg i t imacy o f par t icular indicators , they are faced w i t h dozens o f profess ionals , each a rmed w i t h their o w n col leagues , literatures, and bodies o f k n o w l e d g e . N u m b e r s therefore represent large ne tworks o f people , and can become power fu l ambassadors i n the case o f env i ronmenta l disputes. T h e force o f truth 228 becomes h idden w i t h i n the digi ts o f s a lmon farmers ' numbers , and f ish f a rming opponents m a y have o n l y re la t ive ly more diffuse forms o f oppos i t ion . E d B l u m e s , for example , t o ld m e that he has a number o f different l ines o f ev idence to suggest that p l a c i n g a f ish fa rm i n B u t e Inlet is a bad idea. H e k n o w s about the currents and weather patterns, the potent ia l for bo t tom fou l ing due to f ish fa rm wastes, and con tamina t ion f rom an t i - fou l ing paints, medica t ions , and other chemica l s . W h e n e v e r he presents his concerns, he says, the fish farmers and their promotors i n the federal government ask for \"data b e y o n d the shadow o f a doubt that there's damage . . . that 's the w a y they th ink .\" Here , the burden o f p r o o f is p laced not on actual people or industries, but on the numbers s a lmon farmers and their h i r ed technic ians can generate and distr ibute. It is therefore no longer \"ac tua l \" envi ronments that are evaluated, but the numbers that act as signs for a real i ty that is n o w useful o n l y as an external reference point . A s the agents o f f ish fa rming companies , numbers can take over and direct the real i ty they are supposed to represent. A c c o r d i n g to T r a c y R e d d o f the S a l m o n C o n s e r v a t i o n Soc ie ty , it is when numbers take over their context i n this w a y that disputes c o m e about: \" T h e s impl i f i ca t ions are where the p rob lems arise, because i t ' s not necessar i ly a s i m p l e issue, that need a lot o f backg round and k n o w l e d g e to understand w h o l e l y w h y . \" O n e s a lmon fa rming c o m p a n y located on the north coast c l a ims i t is a lways vulnerable to a b reak -down i n d ip loma t i c relat ions between its c o m p a n y and the l oca l F i r s t N a t i o n : \"they [the F i r s t Na t ion ] approached us . . . [but] w e are the tenants . . . they can cut the rug out f rom us and send us away . \" L u c k i l y , numbers can be trusted to act as s k i l l e d ambassadors, t e l l i ng N a t i v e people what, i n fact, it is that they are 229 exper i enc ing w i t h regard to env i ronmenta l impacts . In fact, these numbers have been careful ly selected, t rained, and h i red by sa lmon f a rming c o m p a n y to act i n the best interest o f the abor ig ina l popula t ion . P a c i f i c M a r i c u l t u r e Products has taught F i r s t Na t ions people h o w to evaluate damage to the bottoms around f ish farms. N o w , \"they have their o w n m o n i t o r i n g p rogram, where they record the number o f p h y l a , fami l ies , and species .\" \" A f t e r s a lmon f a r m i n g , \" V a l e r i e K i m m i n s p r o u d l y i n fo rmed me, \"they end up w i t h m o r e [species], not less!\" T H E N U M E R I C A L L A N D S C A P E In some ways, the presence o f these new numer ica l representatives is necessary. Numbers increasingly structure aquaculture product ion activit ies. A r t D i c k f rom the N a m g i s Fi rs t N a t i o n addressed the aquaculture companies at the F i s h F a r m i n g Summi t , and expla ined how it was that everywhere he looked , he saw the numbers o f the fish farming industry. H e described the Broughton Arch ipe l ago as a landscape that has become thoroughly embedded wi th numbers: D o c t o r Is land, the newest site i n our territory is a super-site. O n e o f m y col leagues and I boarded that site. . . . Industry is patterned for expans ion . T w o people runn ing that site, a b i g mach ine 15 by 15 by 15 [feet?] t h r o w i n g out 5 tons o f feed a day. T h e four pens o f f i sh , 120,000 [fish] per pen, 35 tons o f feed a week, 140 tons a month . E n v i r o n m e n t a l impac t acco rd ing to y o u , zero. F e c a l content on the bo t tom studies, zero. In this new real i ty , numbers can no longer be d i smissed as mere indust ry propaganda -they are too m u c h i n the forefront o f real i ty . A s A r t D i c k po in ted out, numbers n o w populate his mar ine territories to such a degree that it is imposs ib l e for those numbers to not \" d o \" anyth ing . H o w can 140 tons o f feed a month not have an impact , he wonders? A n d h o w else to descr ibe that real i ty than to refer to the figures sa lmon 230 farmers themselves use when execut ing their p roduc t ion p lans? W h e n negotiat ions over the D o c t o r I s land site first began, A r t D i c k warned o f the presence o f an important s a lmon h o l d i n g area at that spot. \"I t o ld y o u . . . m y grandfather used to wa i t two days, go in and m a k e a set for 20 ,000, 30 ,000 pieces o f p inks , more than enough for our people to s m o k e . \" T h e o n l y w a y those k inds o f s a lmon counts c o u l d have been made relevant to the f ish f a rming industry is i f they had represented the numbers o f f ish i n a net pen, or the number o f escaped sa lmon , or some other measurement o f f ish fa rm produc t ion or loss o f p roduc t ion . T h e number o f f ish caught b y an o l d m a n as part o f his band ' s winter food supply were no longer part o f this new landscape, and so, A r t D i c k said , \"that was tota l ly i gno red . \" Robe r t Joseph, also o f A l e r t B a y and a member o f the G w a w a e n u k tribe at the northern edge o f the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o , f inds that his people \"have been r e m o v e d further f r o m the seats o f authori ty and dec i s ion m a k i n g . . . governments i n far away places decide. Industry decides. Peop le w h o have no re la t ionship to the l a n d . \" S p e a k i n g as a m e m b e r o f the human health panel at the F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t , he was f o l l o w e d by a representative o f the federal food inspec t ion agency, a chemis t , and a scientist co l l abora t ing w i t h s a lmon fa rming companies on a water qua l i ty m o n i t o r i n g p rogram. It was c lear that Rober t Joseph wanted access to a terri tory to w h i c h he had become a stranger, but that this r enewed access w o u l d not necessar i ly c o m e i n terms o f this new, reconst i tuted landscape o f figures and ca lcula t ions . Instead, he spoke at great length o f the ways i n w h i c h damage to the f i sh ing and c l a m i n g areas was \"tantamount to indus t r ia l genoc ide , \" and about the ways i n w h i c h the \" o l d ones\" talk about h o w 231 things were w h e n the w o r l d was very young . \"I want a l l o f y o u to th ink o f those things very carefu l ly as y o u debate a l l o f the science, as y o u debate a l l o f the technica l i t ies . \" T h e A h o u s a h t F i r s t N a t i o n has dec ided that it wants to exerc ise some cont ro l over l o c a l s a lmon fa rming areas by engaging more d i rec t ly i n m o n i t o r i n g and research act ivi t ies . A c c o r d i n g to S h a w n A t l e o , a hereditary c h i e f f r o m Ahousah t , the c o m m u n i t y has n o w \"secured some power , some say i n an industry operat ing i n our territories where we d i d not have a say before.\" These k inds o f arrangements between F i r s t Na t ions groups, eager for some degree o f inf luence , and s a lmon fa rming companies are b e c o m i n g more c o m m o n . L i n d a Sams announced at the F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t that her c o m p a n y ' s arrangement w i t h the K i t a s o o F i r s t N a t i o n is \"p robab ly o f interest to this group because a lot o f our env i ronmenta l management sys tem incorporates F i r s t Na t ions pro tocols , w h i c h actual ly w i l l exceed government regulat ions or code o f prac t ice .\" W h e n abor ig ina l people part icipate by keep ing records and us ing standards, s a lmon farmers m a y ga in great c red ib i l i ty . N u m b e r s can therefore act as vehic les through w h i c h the interests o f sa lmon farmers are d i rec t ly transferred to F i r s t Na t ions part icipants. Steve Cross , w h o works for a number o f different s a lmon fa rming companies d o i n g \"env i ronmenta l assessment w o r k \" was at the F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t \" l o o k i n g for some F i r s t Na t ions par t ic ipants .\" \"I w o u l d l i ke part icipants i n the f i e ld to acquire the animals [shel l f ish] , to process the an imals , to help m e c o o k them and labe l them and acquire the data so every th ing is a shared type o f an eva lua t ion approach .\" \" S o please s ign up after this talk, i f y o u w i l l , \" he sa id enthusias t ica l ly . C r o s s made the c l a i m that his research objectives are a l igned w i t h the worr ies o f F i r s t Na t ions people 232 over damaged c l a m beds: \" M a n y o f the concerns o f F i r s t Na t i ons have been that our beaches are be ing contaminated. . . . [In suspended cul ture o f mussels and c lams] y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at a l ine that can be be attached d i rec t ly to the farm, and y o u ' r e l o o k i n g at p l a c i n g animals r ight against the cages so y o u ' r e gett ing absolute ly worst-case scenar io .\" These records o f contaminant concentrat ions l o c k s a lmon f a rming interests into new packages o f objec t iv i ty , and do away w i t h any need to expl ica te the ro le o f these numbers i n the purposes and act ivi t ies o f sa lmon farmers. Par t i c ipa t ion i n number - tak ing act ivi t ies is b e c o m i n g inc reas ing ly c o m m o n even among those groups, l i k e the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , w h o cont inue to have a \"ze ro-tolerance\" p o l i c y towards fish f a rming . In A p r i l o f 2003 , several o f the guardians at the K w a k i u t l Te r r i t o r i a l F isher ies C o m m i s s i o n were i nv i t ed to w o r k as technicians a longs ide an env i ronmenta l consu l t ing c o m p a n y on the s a m p l i n g o f ou tmigra t ing p i n k sa lmon fry at K a k w e i k a n and G l e n d a l e R i v e r s . A l t h o u g h they were not comple te ly sat isf ied w i t h either the l i m i t e d number o f r ivers sampled , or the s m a l l number o f parameters recorded i n the study, the guardians were able to use the oppor tuni ty to keep addi t iona l records o f p i n k sa lmon s ize, numbers , and cond i t ion . A t certain t imes, then, numbers can appear to be free agents that can be put i n the serv ice o f non- f i sh f a rming interests. A r t D i c k f r o m N a m g i s t o l d the F i s h F a r m i n g S u m m i t that he can no longer get c lams f r o m the beach i n front o f the o l d reserve at V i l l a g e Is land, because the substrate has turned to \" 6 0 % m u d . \" In this way , he made his exper ience d i rec t ly ava i lab le to s a lmon farmers, w h o can recogn ize this fo rmula t ion as o r i g i n a l l y their o w n . In fact, s a lmon farmers rou t ine ly use ocean bo t tom c o m p o s i t i o n to assess current speeds and anchor ing requirements . Never theless , A r t D i c k took samples o f c lams and 233 \"sent them o f f to pr ivate b io logis ts and w e k n o w n o w that they are be ing contaminated as w e l l . \" H e hopes his efforts w i l l force industries to engage i n \"mean ingfu l d i a logue : \" \" T h e Taku and Haida [court cases] n o w say y o u have to accommodate . A n d a long w i t h that is mean ingfu l d ia logue, not jus t i n f o r m i n g us and get t ing our comment s . \" C O N C L U S I O N W e are n o w i n a m u c h better pos i t ion to understand the two scenes presented at the beg inn ing o f this chapter i n terms o f h o w numbers are used by and c i rcu la ted a m o n g the var ious actors i n the cont roversy over sa lmon fa rming . S ea l i ce and escaped A t l an t i c s are o n l y v i s i b l e through numbers , and yet, their counts seem to take over the context i n w h i c h they have mean ing . T h e very fact that these numbers are n o w ava i lab le seems to comple te ly overshadow questions about when , where , and h o w those numbers were col lec ted . T h e sort o f env i ronment descr ibed i n terms o f l ice-per-gram, for example , is relevant o n l y i n terms o f a par t icular ne twork o f relat ions that inc lude anti-parasite drugs, pharmaceut ica l producers , k n o w l e d g e o f s tock ing densit ies, veterinarians, f o o d inspec t ion of f ic ia l s , and so on . T h e abor ig ina l fisheries guardians wa t ch ing the Walker Rock f r o m afar were e x c l u d e d f rom these centers o f ca lcu la t ion that exis t at the nexus o f such networks . W h e r e numbers meet the things, people , and inst i tut ions o f sa lmon fa rming , great p o w e r to define what constitutes \"the env i ronment\" exists. E v e n when N a t i v e people are \" t ra ined\" i n the language o f sa lmon fa rming numbers , as they were i n the case o f the A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h surveys, the use o f numbers seems to o n l y faci l i tate the further m o v e m e n t o f f ish fa rm investment into F i r s t N a t i o n s ' territories. A t the same 234 t ime, the new landscape o f f ish f a rming is so thoroughly \" n u m e r i c i z e d \" that it becomes d i f f icu l t to object to aquaculture p roduc t ion wi thou t referr ing to things l i k e feed conver s ion rates, ant ibiot ic concentrat ions, and escape numbers . Perhaps this state o f affairs has c o m e about because sa lmon farmers act on mode l ed , ca lcula ted , and otherwise t ransformed environments . T h e A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h p rogram q u i c k l y becomes the focus o f m a n y debates over escaped f i sh . A l t h o u g h the p r o g r a m is t echn ica l ly a j o i n t venture between the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments , it is enthusias t ical ly supported by fish f a rming companies , w h o poin t to it as a showpiece o f env i ronmen ta l r e spons ib i l i ty . T h i s degree o f industry support m a y be due i n part to the o v e r w h e l m i n g quanti ty o f numbers generated by this p rogram. E d i f i c e s o f numbers are of tenibui l t up by sa lmon farmers w h e n other l ines o f defense become di f f icul t . In response to concerns over the invas ion o f streams, to w h i c h N a t i v e people h o l d abor ig ina l t i t le, A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h inst igated a F i r s t Na t ions \" m o n i t o r i n g p r o g r a m . \" T h e sheer v o l u m e o f numbers p roduced by this p r o g r a m is staggering. T h e report o f a sno rke l ing survey, for example , d i sp lays counts o f sa lmon fry, a lmost a l l o f w h i c h are zero, i n a 50 c o l u m n by 12 r o w mat r ix . These numbers are supposed to be representative o f the supposedly untouched, pr is t ine envi ronment main ta ined by sa lmon f a rming , but at the same t ime, these numbers are representatives that can m o v e eas i ly across the spaces and t imes i n w h i c h sa lmon fa rming take place. Indeed, these k inds o f numbers p rov ide easy jus t i f ica t ions for the spat ial expans ion o f the industry. T h r o u g h these n u m e r i c a l ambassadors, f ish farmers main ta in con t ro l over env i ronmenta l controversy , by t ransforming env i ronmenta l impacts into numbers , and 235 re- t ransforming them again once those numbers become l o c a l i z e d and v i s i b l e in t ime and space. A l e x M o r t o n , the scientist and act ivis t c i ted by John V o l p e , l ikes to poin t out the over lap between a large escape o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon , and a coho mig ra t i on past the same area. H e r counts o f recaptured A t l a n t i c s are conduc ted based on the conf luence o f par t icular l o c a l e c o l o g i c a l events, and she often uses f ishermen and their gear to generate her samples and counts. T h e A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h p rogram, on the other hand, keeps the issue o f escapes l o c k e d up i n numbers . T h e September 1997 report o f the A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h , for example , reports that a l though \"the greatest number o f A t l a n t i c s a lmon counted i n one r ive r on one day was 40 i n the Z e b a l l o s R i v e r on Oc tobe r 1, 1996,\" this accounts for o n l y \" 5 . 0 6 % o f a l l sa lmonids counted on the r ive r that d a y . \" 9 S i m i l a r l y , the fact that over 2500 A t l a n t i c s a lmon were recovered f r o m coastal waters through the A t l a n t i c S a l m o n W a t c h P r o g r a m i n 1997 was q u i c k l y ec l ipsed by the addi t ional observat ion that \"the med ian fat content for the f ish caught in B C coastal waters was l ower than that w h i c h is t yp ica l i n farm-reared f ish at the t ime o f harvest. . . . T h e reduced l eve l o f fat is correlated w i t h a l o w inc idence o f feeding by the escapees. .Of 133 f ish ana lyzed for s tomach contents, o n l y two (1.5%) conta ined prey i t e m s . \" 1 0 In this w a y , env i ronmenta l crises can be t ransformed into research projects \u00E2\u0080\u0094 opportuni t ies for the p roduc t ion o f new numbers . T h e \" P a c i f i c R e g i o n P i n k S a l m o n A c t i o n P l a n \" was put into p lace i n spr ing o f 2003 , after the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n and l o c a l fishers and environmental is ts expressed outrage over the r ecord l o w returns o f spawning p i n k sa lmon to r ivers i n the B r o u g h t o n A r c h i p e l a g o . T h e presence o f sea l i c e at a var iety o f locat ions and s a l m o n i d species is be ing careful ly recorded through 236 freshwater and mar ine m o n i t o r i n g programs sponsored d i rec t ly by the Depar tment o f F i sher ies and Oceans . T h i s extensive research project, w h i c h i n v o l v e s dozens o f staff members , thousands o f hours o f f i e l d w o r k , and general ly a great deal o f effort, is des igned to re-create the migra t ion o f p i n k s a lmon f r o m the r ivers , through the A r c h i p e l a g o , and out into Heca te Strait and the open ocean. T h e project ' s webpage, updated w e e k l y , offers concerned ci t izens the oppor tuni ty to inspect tables, graphs, and charts f i l l e d w i t h the n u m e r i c a l results o f the s a m p l i n g p r o g r a m . 1 1 T h e A p r i l 22-25 , 2003 report a lone presents eight graphs d i s p l a y i n g the numbers o f f ish o f var ious species caught, examined , and infected w i t h sea l i c e found in beach seines that week. F i r s t Na t ions people , in par t icular the N a m g i s F i r s t N a t i o n , have long fought for, and have f i na l l y w o n , the r ight to part icipate i n these k inds o f s a m p l i n g projects. A t the same t ime, however , the vo ices o f l o c a l F i r s t Na t ions people seem to be d r o w n e d out by numbers \u00E2\u0080\u0094 numbers whose meanings appear to emanate f rom the figures themselves . 1 N i k o l a s R o s e , Powers of Freedom: Reframing Political Thought (Cambr idge : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999), p. 197-232. U l r i c h B e c k , Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk (Cambr idge , U K : P o l i t y Press, 1995), p . 128-145. B r u n o La tou r , Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Cambr idge , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999), p . 1-23. 4 M i c h e l Foucau l t , Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 ( N e w Y o r k : Pantheon, 1980), p . 208 . 5 B r u c e B r a u n , The Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture and Power on Canada's West C o a s t ( M i n n e a p o l i s : U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a Press, 2002) . 6 D e r r i c k Purdue , \"Contes ted Exper t i se : P lan t B i o t e c h n o l o g y and S o c i a l M o v e m e n t s , \" Science as Culture 5/4 (1996): 526-545 . 237 B r u n o La tou r , Science in Action (Cambr idge , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1987), p . 215-257 . See note 6 above. 9 Aquaculture Update, N o . 77 , September 1997. 1 0 Aquculture Update, N o . 83, D e c e m b e r 1998. 1 1 h t tp : / /www-sc i .pac .d fo-mpo.gc .ca /mehsd /sea_ l ice /p ink_sa lmon_e .h tm, accessed M a y 2 1 , 2003 . 238 C H A P T E R 10. C O N C L U S I O N S T H E M A T E R I A L B A S I S O F K N O W L E D G E A B O U T S A L M O N F A R M I N G In this thesis, I have presented many diverse, and occas ional ly conf l i c t ing accounts o f what k i n d o f \" th ing\" salmon farming is . Cr i t i c s often dismiss these sorts o f socia l constructionist analyses as mere curiosi t ies, and look elsewhere for guidance on how to act i n controversial situations. A l t h o u g h some o f the c r i t ic i sms leve l led at social constructionists result f rom a fundamental misunderstanding o f the ways i n w h i c h knowledge is created intersubjectively, others point out the very real gap between what this methodology promises and what it delivers. Jones, for example , knows that constructionists want to direct attention towards an understanding o f the p lura l i ty o f constructions, but she is left wonder ing \"how . . . conv inc ing cases [can be] made for remedial action to prevent environmental problems, and how ' rea l ' are environmental problems when a plural i ty o f perspectives exis ts?\" 1 I suggest that courses o f action are indeed obvious f rom constructionist analyses, but on ly i f those analyses are sensitive to the ways in w h i c h part icular contexts in fo rm experience and structure relations o f power. In m y case study o f sa lmon farming i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I have consc ious ly decided against a l l o w i n g the obvious question \u00E2\u0080\u0094 \"what should we do about sa lmon farming i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ? \" - to invade m y developing understanding o f what k i n d o f \" th ing\" farmed salmon is. Indeed, y i e ld ing to the pressure o f that question w o u l d cave i n to the idea that objective knowledge o f salmon farming is out there, wa i t ing to be discovered through \"unbiased\" analysis. In a post-posit ivist w o r l d , marked by the failure o f pos i t i v i sm to deal wi th social complexi t ies , and a growth i n researchers' c r i t ica l awareness of questions o f exploi ta t ion and power, we can no longer wait for the arr ival o f 239 true knowledge . A s Lather puts it, researchers' \"focus has shifted f rom 'are the data biased? ' to 'whose interests are served by the b i a s ? ' \" 2 It therefore comes as no coincidence that I have centred m y interpretations around the role o f knowledge i n activities and the interests that guide those activities. W h i l e resource managers typ ica l ly attempt to concentrate authority by authorizing a part icular narrative o f what something is and what should be done about it, I have, in typica l post-modern fashion, attempted to disperse authority as w i d e l y as possible, by g i v i n g voice to a variety o f experiences wi th sa lmon fanning . O v e r the course o f m y study, I have learned a great deal about what k i n d o f industry sa lmon farming is, part icularly about how it is constructed through the l i fe -wor lds o f ind iv idua ls acting i n social contexts. I have discovered that i n the case o f sa lmon farming, l ike i n other productive endeavors, it is act ivi ty that mediates between things and people 's knowledge of those things. The social w o r l d is an active w o r l d infused wi th techniques and movement, and not a w o r l d in w h i c h knowledge sits p l ac id ly i n the back o f people 's minds . S o c i a l actors are perpetually p roduc ing and reproducing their b io log ica l and socia l wor lds , and in do ing so, they create continual movement between things on the one hand, and knowledge on the other. It is the locat ion o f these processes in particular contexts that turns these cont inual movements into dynamics o f power. Because o f the ways i n w h i c h reality presents i tself to people as a w o r l d shared by others, a l l i nd iv idua l experiences are ul t imately po l i t i ca l ; conversely, a l l expressions o f power can be located i n the l ives o f ind iv idua l human beings. T h i s synthesis o f social const ruct ionism and material analysis goes against the constructionist approach favored by many environmental sociologists . F o r R i k Scarce, 240 for example , cons t ruct iv ism deals w i th knowledge c la ims and not necessarily, or even properly, wi th reali ty itself. H e sees the \"strong program\" \u00E2\u0080\u0094 w h i c h is his expression for what he sees as a more extreme version o f const ruct iv ism \u00E2\u0080\u0094 as be ing \"gu ided by an idealist ph i losophica l bel ief that ' real i ty ' is a mental construct .\" 3 T h i s lack o f confidence i n the abi l i ty to deal wi th reali ty is not one expressed by the founder o f interpretive soc io logy, M a x Weber . F o r Weber , subjective meanings are our reali ty because they shape our courses o f action by a l l o w i n g us to act on things that are real for us. Webe r points out that soc io logy does not in any way dist inguish between ' physc i a l ' and ' p sych ica l ' phenomena . 4 The so-cal led \"strong constructivists ,\" o f w h i c h T revo r P i n c h and H a r r y C o l l i n s are often ci ted as pr ime examples, maintain that our understanding o f objects are real because we are oriented towards them dur ing real courses o f action that have real consequences. T h i s stance is consistent wi th that o f the fathers o f socia l construt ionism, Berger and L u c k m a n n , who insist that i n order to exist in everyday l i fe , we must suspend doubt about the existence of reali ty and act upon that w h i c h we k n o w . 5 S a l m o n product ion does not act on raw resources or s imple environments, but on k n o w n material entities. The materialist and construedvist approaches to knowledge are therefore not as distant f rom one another as they may sometimes appear. E v e n K a r l M a r x to ld us that i n a l l labor, \"we get a result that already existed i n the imaginat ion o f the laborer at its commencement . \" 6 Humans , M a r x said, participate in Nature ' s product ion, and as a result, products are not merely results, but also essential conditions o f labor.\" K n o w l e d g e is necessari ly part o f product ion, i n that it prepares nature to be w o r k e d on i n a certain way . W h e n product ion managers say (as they have) that we must look to the ocean because we have run out o f land, or that aquaculture represents sophisticated 241 control o f the \"who le system,\" they are d rawing on bodies o f soc ia l ly distr ibuted knowledge . B y mak ing use o f what they k n o w in the context o f particular situations, sa lmon farmers can construct farms, get l icenses, and k n o w what type o f feed to order, among other things. T h i s sort o f knowledge, often described by the sa lmon farmers themselves as \"progress,\" opens up new Indian territories for development, wh i l e marg ina l i z ing aboriginal users and practices. T h e co lon ia l context that permeates modern resource product ion seems continuous through time and space. In Br i t i sh - ru led B u r m a and India and in Dutch- ru led Java, for example, Europeans pract iced a type of \"scient if ic forestry\" that they deemed \"eco log ica l ly g o o d \" and sought to s imultaneously el iminate both competi tor tree species and loca l , alternative forest practices that might \"interfere\" wi th off ic ia l t imber extraction methods. 7 The connections between mater ia l i sm and construct ionism, w h i c h take seriously the constructed reality o f nature, have a l l owed me to gain new insights into farmed sa lmon. Spec i f i ca l ly , it has become clear that the product ion o f farmed sa lmon is the product ion o f value, real and k n o w n . T h i s product ion takes place i n an environment already produced by a knowledge that shapes possibi l i t ies for further action. The context o f f ish farming therefore invades its content, and I have traced the ways i n w h i c h the farmed sa lmon, the net pen, and a l l the other physical i t ies o f sa lmon farming reappear i n unforeseen locations through the social network o f salmon farming. B r u n o La tou r fo l lows the convolu ted paths facts and technologies take through the interests, activities and goals o f various groups, and i n do ing so, he discovers how those facts and technologies actually depend on those interactions for very existence. 8 In much the same way , I devote the rest o f this f inal chapter to a look at how salmon farmers m o b i l i z e other 242 ind iv idua ls and groups i n an attempt to create certain, objective knowledge about farmed sa lmon. In do ing so, I show that sa lmon farmers are not mere exercisers o f power, but that they depend on the things and techniques of others to a id them i n their efforts. S A L M O N F A R M P R O D U C T I O N A S A S E R I E S O F T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I have shown i n this thesis that the sa lmon farming industry, as it is k n o w n and acted on by salmon farmers and salmon farming opponents a l ike , is one that has not on ly been socially constructed, but.also physically constructed. Negotiat ions between salmon farmers and various Firs t Nat ions and environmental is t groups over how farmed sa lmon is to be understood leave their mark on the material characteristics o f the industry. In order for farmed salmon to be produced in the first place, various human and non-human entities must undergo considerable transformation, i n order that they can be acted on, used, and f ina l ly produced. Through these transformations, knowledge is cont inual ly recreated and used. The product ion o f fish farm boundaries In order for sa lmon farming to take place at a l l , the places o f sa lmon farming must first be delineated f rom the surrounding environment. A s I expla ined i n chapter 8, f ish farming places are not so much found as they are made. In fact, it appears that natural factors, l ike oxygen , temperature, and o f course, stocks o f f ish and the prey o f those f ish, are carefully combined and then enclosed in ocean net pens. W h e n desirable entities leak out into the surrounding environment, and undesirable entities leak into the net pen, it is on ly by \"refragmenting\" the site through moni tor ing and the product ion o f numbers (see chapter 9), that those boundaries can be maintained in the long term. In other words, the very existence o f ocean fish farm sites depends on the cont inued relat ionship between 243 those sites and the \"outside\" wor ld . In this way, farm sites can be constructed as homogeneous and manageable entities that stand i n opposi t ion to their surroundings. A s I pointed out in chapter 3, fish farming is , in a sense, agriculture in a wilderness setting, and fish farm sites are act ively constructed by fish farmers as accessible entities that sit on a background of an otherwise inhospitable nature. H o w e v e r , the c l a i m that fish farms are \"unnatural\" has not served environmentalists w e l l , and in fact, seems to reinforce the power fish farmers exert over the environment. T h i s is because the fish farming industry, i n the course o f its activit ies, actually produces nature. Fa rmed fish have been framed as the embodiment o f eff iciency, and thereby as more perfectly natural than nature itself. The rearing and biomass-accumulat ion machinery o f fish farms have perfected the repl icat ion of nature in ways that the \" s a lmon id enhancement,\" or hatchery programs, cou ld have on ly dreamed of. F i s h farm opponents are further prevented from equating fish farms wi th the \"unnatural\" because o f the standardized techniques and numerical standards that are direct ly transferred f rom their industr ial or igins to an assessment o f \"nature\" (see chapter 9). W h a t is considered natural is therefore already produced. In addit ion, as described i n chapter 7, on ly further product ion can ever hope to come to terms wi th , or \"re-naturalize,\" wastes and other by-products by re-absorption into the \"system\". Out o f a l l the f ish farming skeptics I spoke to, it was the Ahousaht and N a m g i s people who most vehemently rejected the modernist assumption that industrial act ivi ty represents a k i n d o f control over, and separation from, the work ings o f nature. A s many Na t ive people pointed out at the Leggatt Inquiry (see chapter 4) , f ish fa rming is a particular type o f act ivi ty in w h i c h particular sorts o f people are engaged. F i s h fa rming is 244 analogous to other product ive activities l ike f i sh ing because it is o n l y once non-human entities are acted on and consc ious ly regarded as objects o f product ion, that \"nature\" comes into be ing i n the first place. Instead o f understanding Na t ive reactions to f i sh fa rming as an expression o f the idea that social and natural wor lds are integrated, the constant intrusion o f the social into talk about fish farming can also be seen as evidence of the human and produced qualit ies o f what is usual ly termed \"nature.\" One Na t ive speaker, described in chapter 4, discussed the ways in wh ich sa lmon disease outbreaks quarantine not f ish , but people onto their reserves. B u t environmental is t opponents o f the fish farming also look to the phys ica l inversions and dislocations o f otherwise \"natural\" places for the source o f their disempowerment (chapter 8). The abi l i ty to b r ing nature to life through act ivi ty therefore highlights the ways in w h i c h knowledge o f nature, and the power to define what constitutes nature and non-nature, lies wi th those people or groups o f people who have control over product ion. In this study, I have shown that sa lmon farmers not on ly can define where the boundaries around nature l ie , but that they are also i n a posi t ion to cont inual ly reproduce the condit ions under w h i c h those boundaries appear fu l ly natural. S a l m o n farmers are able to enrol l the consumers o f farmed salmon as allies in this boundary-making activi ty. A s expla ined in chapter 6, the consumpt ion o f farmed salmon a l lows for the simultaneous manufacture o f an Indian \"experience\" that can be consumed right a long wi th the f ish. T h i s construction o f farmed salmon as a heritage i t em a l lows the t r iumph o f \"reason\" and \"science\" over \"Indian-ness\" and \"wi ldness\" to a id i n so l id i fy ing the boundaries between the fish farm and surrounding areas. In this way, other natures, l ike those k n o w n and understood by Firs t Nat ions and other loca l fishers, become inv i s ib le , because a l l useful 245 elements o f those untamed natures have already been enclosed wi th in the boundaries o f the f ish farm. T h e co lon ia l l y imposed d iv i s ion between the phys ica l landscape o f product ion and the cul tural landscape o f Fi rs t Nat ions , w h i c h I a l luded to i n chapters 4 and 9, denies the existence o f other, non-aquacultural landscapes, and hides the social nature o f fish farm product ion. The transformation from fish pellet to farmed fish product therefore takes place wi th in a context that is i tself produced, and must be cont inual ly reproduced, in order for fish product ion to be sustained. The product ion o f farmed fish from fish pellets T h e transformation o f fish meal into At lan t ic sa lmon biomass that takes place at the farm sites highlights the importance o f context for the product ion process. In the discuss ion i n chapter 3 on eff iciency, it became clear that f ish fa rming is s i m p l y a more extreme expression of the same rationali ty envis ioned by industr ial f i sh ing and sa lmon hatcheries. W i t h the avai labi l i ty o f new types o f broodstock, f ishmeal , anchor ing devices and other materials, the dream of complete control over fish yields c o u l d be real ized. W h i l e sa lmon hatcheries were able to temporal ly condense and spatial ly enclose the migrat ion, spawning and rearing phases of an otherwise w i l d sa lmon 's l i fe , f ish farms have been able, by c l a i m i n g to \" m i m i c \" nature, to complete ly enclose the sa lmon life cyc le . In this way, the f ish 's captured state becomes naturalized, and the farmed salmon appears to be an inevitable consequence o f nature. H o w e v e r , it is on ly by l o o k i n g at the things o f sa lmon farming that we can reveal the constructed nature o f farmed fish and the \"sys tem\" o f w h i c h this industry is supposed to be a part. In chapter 7, for example , the discussion about fish pharmaceuticals as workers highlights the ways i n w h i c h the very things that become part o f farmed sa lmon - l ike pigments or maturation-enhancing 246 compounds - are already social products. It therefore becomes diff icul t to separate the social background o f fish farming f rom the nitty-grit ty o f f ish farm product ion. K n o w l e d g e about farmed f ish, therefore, cannot be separated f rom its context, and it is on ly wi th reference to particular material details that we can appreciate the ful l range of power exercised by knowledge . A s technologies, farmed f ish seem to carry their o w n context wi th in them. B y k n o w i n g the target size o f a particular type o f broodstock, for example , or by us ing a c a l c i u m receptor protein to speed up maturation rates, the outside w o r l d becomes enclosed wi th in the technologized f ish. The death o f the referent, so c o m m o n l y described wi th reference to our post-modern, s imulated w o r l d , and a technique used heavi ly in the \" f raming\" o f sa lmon farming (chapter 3), is also described in chapter 7. T h e pharmaceutical tool Ovaplant , for example, m i m i c s hormone levels so w e l l that it creates a maturation schedule that is even more natural than nature itself. Ano the r technology, the S a l m o F a n , gives farm managers the abi l i ty to choose between a range o f fish pigment levels . In the course o f co lo r ing their sa lmon, sa lmon farmers enrol l objective entities l i ke molecules and molecular pathways in the service o f subjective preference, wh i l e at the same t ime c l a i m i n g that such preferences are entirely objective and natural. The commodi f i ca t ion o f farmed salmon through the continual de-commodif ica t ion and re-commodi f i ca t ion o f scientific expertise, described in chapter 6, is therefore continuous wi th the technologies used to produce farmed fish. A s a fo rm of product ion, aquaculture is becoming increas ingly insulated f rom the unpredicatbi l i ty o f \"outside\" condit ions. B u t contexts o f meaning can both shrink and expand. If formerly \"natural\" product ive forces can be enclosed wi th in ind iv idua l 247 salmon, then farmed salmon can also be understood as models o f product ivi ty , eff iciency, and progress (chapter 3). S a l m o n farmers not on ly feed their f ish , but also advertise their industry by c l a i m i n g to feed \"the economy,\" thereby turning farmed sa lmon into a food that can ease economic hunger. T h i s context a l lows salmon farming to appear as a natural consequence o f \"the wa y things are.\" B y contrasting aquaculture wi th traditional food product ion, as described in chapter 5, Fi rs t Nat ions opponents of salmon farming can regain control over the po l i t i ca l and social context of dispossession that accompanies and enables the sa lmon farming industry. H o w e v e r , some Na t ive proponents of f ish fa rming f ind that the context in wh ich fish farming takes place can be manipulated to offer possibi l i t ies for self-determination and compensation. In chapter 8,1 describe how knowledge about the l inks between people and places in particular can buffer the impact o f creative destruction sweeping across aboriginal landscapes. T h i s mode o f resistance is possible because the material fo rm salmon farming takes is i tself an expression o f a knowledge that consc ious ly regards certain aspects o f the environment as the bu i ld ing b locks o f industry. I have shown that knowledge can take a number o f different forms as it moves through the product ive process. Chapter 9 i n particular describes how knowledge-through-numbers a l lows for the transferability o f feeding and medicat ion regimes across farm sites. Because numbers both embody reali ty and make that reali ty accessible to manipula t ion , they are both context and content. T h e controversy over fish farming \u00E2\u0080\u0094 the social negotiation fish farmers must engage wi th i n order to gain access to materials, labor, and sites - is therefore as much part o f the farmed f ish as the phys ica l product so ld i n stores or resturaunts. Whenever we 248 try to i m m o b i l i z e farmed salmon for the purposes o f unmasking its soc ia l ly constructed character, we are forced to consider the human strategies and interests that constantly change what k i n d o f \" th ing\" we are deal ing wi th . B o t h sa lmon farmers and their opponents are constrained by taken-for-granted knowledge about how things \"are.\" B u t the abi l i ty o f sa lmon farmers to successfully navigate through the knowledge o f environmentalists and many Firs t Nat ions people, and succeed in produc ing farmed sa lmon, suggests that (1) knowledge is a social and col lec t ive , rather than ind iv idua l phenomenon, and (2) that \"knowledge is power\" because it acts direct ly on the actions o f other, less powerful groups. 1 Samantha Jones, \" S o c i a l cons t ruc t ion i sm and the envi ronment : through the quagmi re , \" Global Environmental Change 12 (2002): 247 -251 , p . 248 . Pat t i La ther , Getting Smart: Feminist Research and Pedagogy with/in the Postmodern ( N e w Y o r k : Rou t l edge , 1991), p . 14. 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T h e two study locat ions , A h o u s a h t and A l e r t B a y , as w e l l as the locat ions o f the Legga t t Inqui ry , are indica ted . 259 "@en . "Thesis/Dissertation"@en . "2004-05"@en . "10.14288/1.0091797"@en . "eng"@en . "Resource Management and Environmental Studies"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "The social construction of salmon farming in British Columbia : power, knowledge, and production"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/16113"@en .