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Making crime count : a study of the institutional production of criminal justice statistics Haggerty, Kevin Daniel 1998

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MAKING CRIME COUNT: A STUDY OF THE INSTITUTIONAL PRODUCTION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE STATISTICS by KEVIN DANIEL HAGGERTY B.A., C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y 1990 M.A. Centre of Criminology, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS DOCTOR OF PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y 1998 © Kevin Daniel Haggerty, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) A b s t r a c t O f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s provide us w i t h some of our most important i n s i g h t s i n t o crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. S o c i o l o g i s t s , however, have g e n e r a l l y not examined the i n s t i t u t i o n s which produce these s t a t i s t i c s . ^Making Crime Count' addresses t h i s lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s (CCJS), which i s Canada's sole source f o r n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . To do so i t employs a methodological combination of focused i n t e r v i e w s , p a r t i c i p a n t observation and documentary a n a l y s i s . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s has f o s t e r e d a d i s t i n c t i v e approach to the governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . A form of ^ a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e ' has emerged whereby crime i s i n c r e a s i n g l y understood as a s t a t i s t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y r a t h e r than a moral f a i l i n g . At the same time, c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s render c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s amenable to governmental s t r a t e g i e s that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce i t s s t a t i s t i c s , I draw from contemporary work i n the s o c i o l o g y of science which emphasizes the r o l e of complex knowledge networks i n the production of s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s . Within the Centre's xknowledge network' assorted elements and i n s t i t u t i o n s must be a l i g n e d . We document the ways i n which the CCJS i s i n c o n t i n u a l n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h the p o l i c e i n order to secure data f o r the ^uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's c o n t r o v e r s i a l 1990 proposal to c o l l e c t race/crime data i s a l s o explored as an example of the power and p o l i t i c s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being a p o l i t i c a l , they are o c c a s i o n a l l y engaged i n micro-p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s i n order to produce t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s . We document the r o l e that d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s p l a y i n shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s are c o l l e c t e d , there can be n e g o t i a t i o n s over how they should be p u b l i c i z e d . The s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n employed by the CCJS i s u l t i m a t e l y i n f l u e n c e d by o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s , audience c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and epistemic concerns. The o v e r a l l r e s u l t s of t h i s research u n d e r l i n e the importance f o r authors w r i t i n g on ^governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge i s produced. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Ab s t r a c t i i Table of Contents i i i L i s t of Tables v L i s t of Figures v i Acknowledgments v i i I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 The Study 8 Chapter O u t l i n e 14 Chapter One The CCJS and Governmentality 20 The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s 22 Governance 32 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Governance 45 Governing C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e 53 Di s c u s s i o n 61 Chapter Two Networks and Numbers 65 I n t r o d u c t i o n 65 Actor Networks 7 6 Networks of C r i m i n a l Knowledge 85 C r i t i q u e s of O f f i c i a l Crime S t a t i s t i c s 95 P o l i c e Organizations 111 P o l i c e O f f i c e r s 125 Center of C a l c u l a t i o n 140 Black Boxes 150 Summary 154 Chapter Three Counting Race 157 R a c i a l Numbers 160 Objections and J u s t i f i c a t i o n s 166 Background 168 C r i t i q u e s of Race/Crime Data 174 A Pragmatic Retreat from Pragmatism 189 A b o r i g i n a l Data 199 The Return of Race? 218 Di s c u s s i o n 220 iv Chapter Four P o l i t i c s and Numbers 225 In t r o d u c t i o n 225 P o l i t i c s 228 Trustworthy Knowledge 231 Agenda S e t t i n g 248 J u r i s d i c t i o n a l P o l i t i c s 252 J u s t i c e Index 290 Conclusion 300 Chapter Five Disseminating Knowledge 302 Juristats 303 W r i t i n g Science 314 The Media 331 P u b l i c Discourse 347 Summary 352 Summary and Conclusion 355 Making Crime Count 355 Conclusion 373 B i b l i o g r a p h y 378 V L i s t of Tables Table Page 1 I n d i v i d u a l s Interviewed by Occupation 10 L i s t of Figures Figure 1 J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the CCJS vi Page 2 6 Acknowledgments This study has r e l i e d upon i t s own ^knowledge network.' My only regret i s that I am r e s t r i c t e d to a s i n g l e page i n which to acknowledge the many people that made my work p o s s i b l e . I would immediately l i k e to thank the s t a f f at the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s . I n d i v i d u a l s a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Centre went out of t h e i r way to make my research both productive and enjoyable. The i n d i v i d u a l s I interviewed were generous w i t h t h e i r time and per c e p t i v e i n t h e i r i n s i g h t s . I owe a deep debt of g r a t i t u d e to Brenda Began, M i r e l l e Cohen, Sara E l i e s e n , Joy Horan, Chantelle Marlor, C e l i n e Q. Mauboules and L i l i Yee who commented on chapters d r a f t s or provided other forms of a s s i s t a n c e . Others i n d i v i d u a l s deserve s p e c i a l mention. Aaron Doyle's quiet confidence i n my a b i l i t i e s as a scholar has been tremendously empowering and r e a s s u r i n g . I have been both enlightened and refreshed by the many hours I have spent w i t h Mike P o l l e x t a l k i n g about the power and importance of ideas. Dean Barry has been un b e l i e v a b l y generous and p a t i e n t with h i s a s s i s t a n c e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n matters r e l a t e d to computers. Margaret Baskette has been a good f r i e n d and of tremendous a s s i s t a n c e as a guide through UBCs a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o m p l e x i t i e s . The s t a f f at UBC's i n t e r -l i b r a r y loans were i n v a l u a b l e and deserve to be recognized as the most e f f i c i e n t component of UBC's l i b r a r y system. Paul Champ was a wonderful last-minute copy-editor. The comments, c r i t i c i s m s and encouragement from Tom Kemple and N e i l Guppy have made my arguments t i g h t e r and more comprehensible. My r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Richard E r i c s o n goes w e l l beyond h i s r o l e as a wonderful s u p e r v i s o r . He has proved to be a great f r i e n d , and mentor. I f there i s any merit to the arguments i n t h i s study, they can be a t t r i b u t e d to h i s i n f l u e n c e on my l i f e and my work. This research was f i n a n c i a l l y a s s i s t e d by the S o c i a l Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Award #752-94-1861, and from a U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Graduate Sch o l a r s h i p . When funds were t i g h t , the ^Bank of Haggerty' generously a s s i s t e d w i t h my finances and, as always, provided me w i t h t h e i r the love and support. F i n a l l y , the part that Karen Lavoie plays i n my i n t e l l e c t u a l and personal l i f e cannot be confined to a few sentences. I t i s to her that t h i s work i s dedicated. 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n When you can measure what you are speaking about and express i t i n numbers you know something about i t , but when you cannot measure i t , when you cannot express i t i n numbers, your knowledge i s of a meagre and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y k i n d ; i t may be the beginning of knowledge, but you have s c a r c e l y i n your thoughts, advanced to the s t a t e of science, whatever the matter may be. ( S i r W i l l i a m Thomson, Lord K e l v i n 1889: 73) To Amake crime count' r e f e r s to the myriad processes i n v o l v e d i n the transformation of crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n t o something amenable to being counted. Contemporary d i s c u s s i o n s of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e f r e q u e n t l y i n v o l v e an exchange of s t a t i s t i c a l trends, r a t e s and i n d i c e s which o f t e n draw us i n t o apparently i r r e s o l v a b l e debates over the meaning of these i n d i c a t o r s . Neglected i n t h i s crush of numbers i s the f a c t that the s t a t i s t i c s themselves are a s o c i a l accomplishment, a product of i n s t i t u t i o n a l regimes and processes. To date however, the o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r making crime count have r e c e i v e d l i t t l e c r i t i c a l s o c i o l o g i c a l or c r i m i n o l o g i c a l s c r u t i n y . Such neglect i s e s p e c i a l l y curious given the monumental importance of such s t a t i s t i c s to p u b l i c discourse, academic i n q u i r y and p r a c t i c e s of governance. C e r t a i n l y o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s have no been completely ignored by the academy. In f a c t , nothing could be f u r t h e r from the t r u t h : o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , e x e m p l i f i e d by those i n d i c a t o r s on crime and j u s t i c e produced by S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the B r i t i s h Home O f f i c e and the U.S. Department of J u s t i c e , are a mainstay of s e v e r a l s o c i o l o g i c a l and c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s . A n a l y s t s r o u t i n e l y examine and d i s s e c t the s t a t i s t i c a l trends documented by these agencies. For them, the numbers are approximations of events i n the r e a l world. The e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l stance of such authors i s p o s i t i v i s t , t r u s t i n g i n the r e l a t i v e v e r a c i t y of the numbers. A second approach to such s t a t i s t i c s has been to c a l l the representativeness of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i n t o question, emphasizing the di v e r s e methodological reasons why the p o s i t i v i s t t r u s t i n the v e r a c i t y of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i s unwarranted. A t h i r d approach to the study of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s f o l l o w s from S i r Leon Radzinowicz's p i t h y observation that ^crime s t a t i s t i c s are l i k e French bathing s u i t s : what they r e v e a l i s h i g h l y suggestive but what they hide i s v i t a l . ' Concealed from both the p o s i t i v i s t and c r i t i c a l approaches to o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i s an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s i n v o l v e d i n 3 t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n . The c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t approach employed i n t h i s s t u d y f o c u s e s on the e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c means by whi c h o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s a r e produced and the t e c h n i q u e s employed t o have them a c c e p t e d as b e i n g t r u e o r a c c u r a t e . What f o l l o w s i s an i n q u i r y i n t o some o f the background p r o c e s s e s i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f o f f i c i a l numbers on crime and d e v i a n c e . I t i s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . W h i l e one w i l l u n d o u b t e d l y e n c o u n t e r p e o p l e who p r o c l a i m t h a t o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s a r e ^ s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s , ' t h i s o f t e n t a k e s the form o f a s h o r t h a n d d i s m i s s a l o f the v a l u e o f a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f numbers w i t h which an i n d i v i d u a l d i s a g r e e s . I n c o n t r a s t , I t a k e i t t o be the p o i n t o f s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t a n a l y s i s t o e x p l o r e i n d e t a i l t h e s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c means by which t r u t h s a re produced, r a t h e r t h a n a s i m p l e r h e t o r i c a l d e v i c e t o s l i g h t t he v a l u e o r u t i l i t y o f a p a r t i c u l a r form o f knowledge. To a c c o m p l i s h t h i s g o a l i n r e l a t i o n t o how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s produced, I conducted a s t u d y o f t h e Canadian C e n t r e f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s (CCJS), as i t i s w i t h i n t h i s sub-component o f S t a t i s t i c s Canada where n a t i o n a l numbers on crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e a r e accumulated. 4 Philosopher Ian Hacking has estimated that h i s h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s of nineteenth century European p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s c o n s t i t u t e the ^ d u l l e s t of subjects' (1986: 222) . I f we are to grant them t h i s dubious d i s t i n c t i o n , s u r e l y a study of a contemporary s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n would come a clo s e second. For readers accustomed to the Anuts, s l u t s and p e r v e r t s ' of t r a d i t i o n a l c riminology and s o c i o l o g y of deviance, there i s apt to be l i t t l e immediate appeal to a study of s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, such an aversion ignores both the s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and p e c u l i a r a t t r a c t i o n s of such i n s t i t u t i o n s . Much of what we know about the p o l i c e , courts and c o r r e c t i o n s i s a r e s u l t of the work of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l agencies. Any e f f o r t which can shed l i g h t on how o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are produced w i l l i n e v i t a b l y have repercussions on how we understand these more conventional components of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The CCJS and comparable o r g a n i z a t i o n s are a l s o engaging objects of study i n t h e i r own r i g h t . S t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are o c c a s i o n a l l y embroiled i n p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s and are permeated by t h e i r own p o l i t i c s of t r u t h . Studying them o f f e r s o p p o r t u n i t i e s to r e f l e c t upon a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of t h e o r e t i c a l concerns, i n c l u d i n g the nature of power, the production of auth o r i z e d 5 t r u t h s , the c r e a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t i e s , the a u t h o r i t y of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , and techniques of governance. This study i s a l s o informed by the burgeoning l i t e r a t u r e prompted by Mic h e l Foucault's (1991) suggestive observations on 'governmentality'(see, Rose and M i l l e r 1992; B u r c h e l l , Gordon and M i l l e r 1991; Barry, Osborne and Rose 1996). What d i s t i n g u i s h e s these works from more t r a d i t i o n a l s t u d i e s of government i s that 'governance' i s approached as a p r a c t i c a l problem-solving a c t i v i t y conducted by both s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e agencies. Alan Hunt (1996: 411) s u c c i n c t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s governance as being 'exercised where a r e l a t i v e l y p e r s i s t e n t set of p r a c t i c e s s e l e c t and construct some s o c i a l object that i s acted on i n such a way as to r e s t r a i n , l i m i t and d i r e c t the a c t i v i t i e s of the s e l e c t e d objects of governance.' A host of d i f f e r e n t techniques i s employed i n such attempts to manage the p o p u l a t i o n and f o s t e r p r a c t i c e s of self-management among the c i t i z e n r y . S t a t i s t i c a l forms of knowledge p l a y a prominent r o l e i n p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance. Before any p a r t i c u l a r object can be governed, i t s d i s t i n c t i v e form, i n c l i n a t i o n s and tendencies must f i r s t be known. Aggregate s t a t i s t i c s of the p o p u l a t i o n are one of the most u s e f u l ways to garner an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n , and, as a r e s u l t , s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges have become a key ''condition of 6 p o s s i b i l i t y ' f o r governmentality. While the u l t i m a t e aim of any p a r t i c u l a r governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n might be to modify l e v e l s of wealth, h e a l t h , happiness or s e c u r i t y , the extent and d i r e c t i o n of such transformation are e s s e n t i a l l y unknowable without s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . Governance t h e r e f o r e r e l i e s upon a massive s t a t i s t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e to monitor s o c i a l change and to chart transformations brought about through r e f o r m i s t i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Such s t a t i s t i c s are produced i n myriad ^centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' where the development of common c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s allows f o r the production of standardized forms of knowledge and techniques of c o n t r o l at a di s t a n c e . Despite the f a c t that many authors have acknowledged the importance of s t a t i s t i c s to p r a c t i c e s of governance (Rose 1991; Hunt and Wickham 1994; Rose and M i l l e r 1992), l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n has been d i r e c t e d at the i n s t i t u t i o n a l p roduction of such knowledge. This i s unfortunate, as attempts to understand how governance i s e x e r c i s e d must have an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the knowledge upon which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are based. This study of the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s addresses the r e l a t i o n s h i p between governance and knowledge by focusing on the CCJS as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n which produces s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s 7 conducive to s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing both i n d i v i d u a l s and systems. N a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s are the c l o s e s t t h i n g to a set of o f f i c i a l f a c t s i n Canadian c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . As the author of these f a c t s , the Centre i m p l i c i t l y assumes the mantle of science. I t i s a c u r i o s i t y about t h i s s c i e n t i f i c s t a t u s which i s p a r t i a l l y the impetus f o r t h i s study. The CCJS i s a k i n to a s c i e n t i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n or l a b o r a t o r y i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l t r u t h s . Acknowledging t h i s 'family resemblance' allows us to examine the Centre through the lens(ses) o f f e r e d by the s o c i o l o g y of science. Authors w r i t i n g i n the l a t t e r t r a d i t i o n have argued that the u n i v e r s a l t r u t h s of science are a c t u a l l y h i g h l y l o c a l i z e d accomplishments, a r r i v e d at through the use of a host of s t e r e o t y p i c a l l y s c i e n t i f i c as w e l l as ' e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c ' resources and procedures. The ensuing pages concentrate on e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c f a c e t s i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. In p a r t i c u l a r , I draw from a c t o r -network theory as e x e m p l i f i e d by the work of Latour (1987), C a l l o n (1986) and Law (1987), to argue that the Centre's a b i l i t y to produce s t a t i s t i c a l t r u t h s i s r e l a t e d to how i t has been able to f a s h i o n a complex knowledge network comprised of a heterogeneous mixture of component p a r t s . A s e r i e s of contingent a l l i a n c e s between i n d i v i d u a l s , 8 technologies and i n s t i t u t i o n s have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n and around the Centre, and i t i s these li n k a g e s which all o w numbers on crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to be c o l l e c t e d and disseminated. This study i s o l a t e s s e v e r a l s p e c i f i c p r a c t i c e s f o r examination from w i t h i n the Centre's broader knowledge network. These inc l u d e the development of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people, events and processes, ongoing p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s , s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n and r h e t o r i c , a l l of which p l a y a p a r t i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Centre's t r u t h s . The Study The quote from Lord K e l v i n which heads t h i s chapter i s one of the most famous statements on the r o l e of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i n science, and h i s admonition to q u a n t i f y has a p e c u l i a r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h i s study. On the one hand, the importance of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n to both the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l sciences i s undeniable. Numbers are a powerful o b j e c t i f y i n g technology that provide a common language to communicate about v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t phenomena. I t i s t h i s power which makes r e f l e c t i o n on the way that s t a t i s t i c s are produced a l l the more e s s e n t i a l . That s a i d , I do not f o l l o w h i s admonition to q u a n t i f y , o p t i n g i n s t e a d to employ a methodological mix that combines focused i n t e r v i e w s , p a r t i c i p a n t observation and document a n a l y s i s to garner an 9 a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the operations of the CCJS. Consequently, i f we are to apply Lord K e l v i n ' s r e s t r i c t e d v i s i o n of knowledge production to the study at hand, we can only conclude that the knowledge produced i s of a 'meagre and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y kind.' I t i s a 'beginning of knowledge,' and a beginning which features curious paradoxes. Q u a l i t a t i v e methods are used to explore how crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e are rendered q u a n t i t a t i v e . As a study of a sub-component of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g pages are s t r i k i n g l y devoid of s t a t i s t i c s . F i n a l l y , t h i s study i s curious by v i r t u e of the f a c t that i t i s subject to a l l of the i r o n i c and r e f l e x i v e paradoxes inherent i n an e n t e r p r i s e that purports to produce knowledge about the production of knowledge. In t h i s t e x t the most immediately apparent data source i s the verbatim quotes taken from taped i n t e r v i e w s w i t h people a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Centre. Seventy-nine i n t e r v i e w s were conducted w i t h a t o t a l of s i x t y - t h r e e i n d i v i d u a l s . As Table 1 i n d i c a t e s , the m a j o r i t y of those interviewed were employees of the CCJS, wi t h the l a r g e s t grouping of 'analysts and other personnel' c o n s i s t i n g of an array of program managers, s t a t i s t i c a l o f f i c e r s , heads of operations, program c h i e f s , t e c h n i c a l o f f i c e r s , survey managers, and systems a n a l y s t s , to name a few job designations. 10 Respondents were assured of t h e i r c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y and are not p e r s o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d i n the t e x t . Some respondents a l s o requested that p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n s or j u r i s d i c t i o n s not be s p e c i f i c a l l y named and these requests have been honored. TABLE 1.1 I n d i v i d u a l s Interviewed by Occupation N J L _ Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics Executive D i r e c t o r 1 1.6 Chiefs of Program Areas 4 6.3 Senior A n a l y s t s 7 11.1 Ana l y s t s & other Personnel 19 30.2 Information O f f i c e r s 3 4.8 Marketing O f f i c e r 1 1.6 Technical A s s i s t a n c e 4 6.3 Personnel Statistics Canada Senior A d m i n i s t r a t o r Senior Methodologist Program Evaluator Justice Initiative Deputy M i n i s t e r s L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Federal Department of J u s t i c e P o l i c e S t a t i s t i c a l Personnel Journalists Academics 1 1.6 1 1.6 1 1.6 3 4.8 4 6.3 4 6.3 3 4.8 2 3.2 3 4.8 Private Software Developers 2 3.2 Total 63 100 Interviews were conducted from June to October of 1996. During that time I worked f u l l - t i m e out of an o f f i c e at the CCJS. Many of the events, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and surveys mentioned i n t h i s manuscript are s p e c i f i c to that p e r i o d or occurred i n the Centre's recent past. As a r e s u l t , respondents at times d i s c u s s surveys which may have subsequently been abandoned, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e v i s e d , and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s which have mutated. While the s p e c i f i c s of such changes are important to understanding the Centre and the knowledge i t produces, I do not b e l i e v e that they d e t r a c t from the l a r g e r p i c t u r e being p a i n t e d by t h i s study, as the emphasis here i s on the general processes at work i n the production of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . While some of the s p e c i f i c s may change, the processes discussed i n t h i s study remain c o n s i s t e n t . Working at the Centre allowed me to augment i n t e r v i e w s w i t h i n f o r m a l conversations. I t al s o provided the opportunity to engage i n p a r t i c i p a n t observation, garnering an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the formal and in f o r m a l h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n the Centre, i t s work r o u t i n e s and the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of many of i t s s t a f f . However, the s p e c i f i c s of some of the tasks accomplished by Centre personnel o c c a s i o n a l l y made t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to p a r t i c i p a n t observation d i f f i c u l t . 12 As a s t a t i s t i c a l agency, much of t h e i r work i s not conducive to p a r t i c i p a n t observation, i n v o l v i n g , as i t o f t e n does, telephone conversations or s o l i t a r y work i n f r o n t of a computer screen. The t h i r d methodological prong of t h i s a n a l y s i s i n v o l v e d the accumulation and a n a l y s i s of an abundance of Centre documents. These in c l u d e d o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s as w e l l as various manuals, reviews, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l . c h a r t s , i n t e r n a l e v a l u a t i o n s , minutes of meetings, newspaper c l i p p i n g f i l e s , and formal and in f o r m a l correspondence. Some of the most b e n e f i c i a l of these resources came from the d e t a i l e d summaries of the meetings of the two committees which oversee the Centre: the J u s t i c e Information C o u n c i l and the L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Committee. Recognizing that a l l such documents are o r g a n i z a t i o n a l accomplishments, and as such can mask as much as they r e v e a l , respondents were f r e q u e n t l y asked to provide a d d i t i o n a l comment on, and background t o , these p u b l i c a t i o n s . Any ethnography of a s i n g l e o r g a n i z a t i o n w i l l undoubtedly face questions about the degree to which i t s f i n d i n g s can be g e n e r a l i z e d to other s e t t i n g s . Given that there has been somewhat of a s o c i o l o g i c a l neglect of the operations of such s t a t i s t i c a l centers of c a l c u l a t i o n , t h i s w i l l remain an e m p i r i c a l question to be addressed i n the due 13 course of time. However, I a n t i c i p a t e that the more general processes I document i n t h i s research w i l l be common to other comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s . Organizations which employ a s i m i l a r ^hunting and gathering' methodology which i n v o l v e s the accumulation of data from the o p e r a t i o n a l systems of other o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i l l employ many of the same processes of s t a n d a r d i z i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , b u i l d i n g networks, m o b i l i z i n g i n s c r i p t i o n s and d e a l i n g w i t h m i c r o - p o l i t i c s which are documented i n the f o l l o w i n g pages i n r e l a t i o n to the CCJS. Such processes are apt to be apparent i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n question i s another component of S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the United Nations, or the R e g i s t r a r ' s O f f i c e of your l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y . The focus of t h i s research i s on the Centre's knowledge production regime, and consequently, the image which emerges i s one that i s b i a s e d towards how Centre s t a f f conceive of the tasks i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. In t h e i r comments they a s c r i b e i n t e r e s t s and agendas to various i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s who might question or resent these imputations. However, f o r the purposes of t h i s study, the question of whether such groups were ^ r e a l l y ' t r y i n g to accomplish X, or were x t r u l y ' motivated by Y, i s of no great methodological s i g n i f i c a n c e . As an e x p l o r a t i o n i n how the Centre produces i t s knowledge, 14 i t w i l l become apparent that such b e l i e f s become r e a l by v i r t u e of t h e i r consequences, as Centre s t a f f work to negate or c a p i t a l i z e on how they understand the d e s i r e s , tendencies and agendas of others. As a f i n a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n , i t should be pointed out that the Centre produces numerous surveys and s t u d i e s . Although many of these stud i e s are mentioned i n t h i s i n q u i r y , reference i s most f r e q u e n t l y made to t h e i r 'uniform crime r e p o r t i n g ' (UCR). Accentuating t h i s survey was perhaps unavoidable given the f a c t that i t i s the Centre's f l a g s h i p . Consequently, many of the examples and anecdotes provided by respondents working i n a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t program areas tended to r e v e r t to a d i s c u s s i o n of the uniform crime r e p o r t s . Again, while the s p e c i f i c s may d i f f e r , many of the same processes documented i n r e l a t i o n to the UCR p e r t a i n to the Centre's other surveys. Chapter O u t l i n e The reader i s introduced to the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s i n chapter one, which commences w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of some of i t s e a r l y h i s t o r y and current o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . As the f o l l o w i n g chapters demonstrate, to understand the Centre's knowledge production e n t e r p r i s e we must appreciate the way i n which i t i n t e r s e c t s w i t h other 15 o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The second h a l f of t h i s chapter s i t u a t e s the Centre i n the context of Foucault's work on governmentality. In so doing, i t h i g h l i g h t s the importance of aggregate forms of knowledge i n r e l a t i o n to l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s of governance. This i n c l u d e s a d i s c u s s i o n of the r o l e that o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s p l a y i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The f i n a l s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter brings these r e f l e c t i o n s on governance and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n to contemporary developments i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . I t examines how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge has f o s t e r e d d i s t i n c t i v e r a t i o n a l i t i e s and technologies of governance that have i n c r e a s i n g l y employed a c t u a r i a l r i s k - b a s e d techniques to manage both i n d i v i d u a l s and systems. Chapter two provides a broad map of some of the means by which the Centre produces i t s s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. I t does so by examining the CCJS i n l i g h t of a s o c i a l understanding of t r u t h , which approaches t r u t h as a s o c i a l accomplishment. The chapter then draws from actor-network theory to h i g h l i g h t how s c i e n t i f i c claims are made stronger (and hence more ^ t r u t h f u l ' ) to the degree which they s u c c e s s f u l l y weave together a host of ^actants' i n t o a l a r g e r whole. Operating from a center of c a l c u l a t i o n , s c i e n t i s t s impute i d e n t i t i e s to various actants, i d e n t i t i e s which must i n t u r n be c o n t r o l l e d to ensure the r o u t i n e 16 operation of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge production. We explore some of the ways i n which the Centre accomplishes t h i s through an examination of t h e i r uniform crime r e p o r t s , focusing on the complex means through which Centre s t a f f work to both ' i n t e r e s t ' and ' c o n t r o l ' the behavior of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Chapter three i s a study of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s i n a c t i o n . I t concentrates on one of the most pervasive but nonetheless contentious ways of c l a s s i f y i n g people: by t h e i r race or e t h n i c i t y . The e v o l u t i o n of the Centre's c o n t r o v e r s i a l 1990 proposal to c o l l e c t crime data by race or e t h n i c i t y i s charted. In so doing, the chapter accentuates the arguments f o r and against such an endeavor and emphasizes how the d e c i s i o n concerning whether or not to c o l l e c t t h i s data was u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l , r e l a t e d to how d i f f e r e n t groups conceived of the pragmatic u t i l i t y or dangers represented by r a c i a l i z e d numbers. Such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems are connected to r a c i a l i z e d forms of governance, as i t i s on the b a s i s of the i d e n t i t y c a t e g o r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d i n myriad surveys and studi e s that governmental s t r a t e g i e s w i l l u l t i m a t e l y operate. P o l i t i c s i s a recurrent theme i n t h i s study, from the m i c r o - p o l i t i c s of network b u i l d i n g to the p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s over race/crime c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . In chapter 17 four t h i s t o p i c i s taken up i n greater d e t a i l i n order to document how, despite the Centre's well-founded d e s i r e to f o s t e r p u b l i c t r u s t by remaining a p o l i t i c a l , t h e i r e n t e r p r i s e i s i n e v i t a b l y imbued w i t h p o l i t i c a l consequences and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . In the Centre's day-to-day r o u t i n e s , p o l i t i c s o f t e n assumes the form of s u b t l e (and o c c a s i o n a l l y not so subtle) attempts to f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s of p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n s and j u r i s d i c t i o n s . This has i n v o l v e d e f f o r t s to suppress some of the Centre's s t u d i e s as w e l l as s t r u g g l e s over who ^owns' the Centre's data. However, i f the Centre's data are to be of value f o r governmental purposes, Centre s t a f f must navigate t h e i r way through such m i c r o - p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e s while maintaining the impression that they stand above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . Chapter f i v e moves from studying how the Centre's knowledge i s produced to how i t i s disseminated. By concentrating on t h e i r main p u b l i c a t i o n , the Juristat, i t documents how i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s and i n t e r e s t s can shape the form and content of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s . The f i n a l form assumed by these p u b l i c a t i o n s i s i n f l u e n c e d by a d e s i r e not j u s t to communicate knowledge, but to do so i n a manner that ensures the claims w i l l be accepted, an aim which i n v e s t s the s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n w i t h epistemic importance. One of the main audiences f o r t h i s knowledge, and a c r u c i a l conduit 18 to wider p u b l i c audiences, i s the media. The second major s e c t i o n i n t h i s chapter discusses the r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and the media, e x p l o r i n g the extent to which we can say that the Centre has been able to p r o s p e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l the media, t y i n g them i n t o the Centre's extended knowledge network and making them the passive reproducers of the Centre's t r u t h s . F i n a l l y , we examine some of the broader s o c i a l consequences of the f a c t that agencies such as the Centre p u b l i c i z e t h e i r data. In p a r t i c u l a r , we explore how the p u b l i c a v a i l a b i l i t y of aggregate crime data has been instrumental i n the production of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c form of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e discourse which we see today. A b r i e f c o n c l u s i o n c o n c i s e l y summarizes the main f i n d i n g s of t h i s study. I t concludes by s i t u a t i n g the a n a l y s i s i n r e l a t i o n to e x i s t i n g approaches to governmentality and encourages a more e m p i r i c a l approach to the examination of governance i n a c t i o n . In summary, t h i s study explores the processes i n v o l v e d i n the production and l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . While o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e have long been a mainstay of both s o c i o l o g y and criminology, Dorothy Smith (1990: 54) c o r r e c t l y emphasizes that 'the s o c i a l f a c t s w i t h which we work are c o n s t i t u t e d p r i o r to our examination by processes 19 of which we know l i t t l e . ' Consequently, t h i s i n q u i r y i s p a r t i a l l y intended to prompt r e f l e c t i o n on the e x t r a -s c i e n t i f i c means by which some of our most rudimentary s o c i o l o g i c a l and c r i m i n o l o g i c a l f a c t s a r r i v e on our desks pre-constructed. In so doing, i t a l s o accentuates that such f a c t s e x i s t not because of t h e i r academic importance, but because they hold out the promise of more r a t i o n a l and e f f e c t i v e governmental programming. To date, authors w r i t i n g on governmentality have accentuated the d i s t i n c t ways i n which the a r t of governance has been conceived across d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s . This i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s an attempt to explore the processes i n v o l v e d i n the production and l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of the knowledges that make governance p o s s i b l e . 20 Chapter 1 The CCJS and Governmentality This chapter introduces the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s and demonstrates i t s importance to the governance of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Included i n the overview of the CCJS i s a d i s c u s s i o n of i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , personnel and e a r l y h i s t o r y . The second h a l f of the chapter s i t u a t e s the Centre i n the context of a burgeoning l i t e r a t u r e i n s p i r e d by Michel Foucault's work on governmentality, i n order to accentuate the r o l e that aggregate knowledges p l a y i n contemporary p r a c t i c e s of governance. Both the form and content of the knowledge produced by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies i n f l u e n c e governmental s t r a t e g i e s aimed at the management of pop u l a t i o n s . This i s because aggregate s t a t i s t i c s f o s t e r a d i s t i n c t i v e understanding of how governance i s conceived and accomplished. Both aggregate s t a t i s t i c s and the governmental s t r a t e g i e s which employ these s t a t i s t i c s r e l y on a massive e n t e r p r i s e of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Whether they d i s t i n g u i s h amongst people, places or events, such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h the objects towards which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are d i r e c t e d and upon 21 which' s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge i s based. Our general overview of governmentality concludes by emphasizing the importance of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s to l i b e r a l governance and the r o l e they p l a y i n shaping popular understandings of the world and ourselves. The f i n a l s e c t i o n explores the r o l e the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s plays i n the governance of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The past few decades have seen transformations i n r a t i o n a l i t i e s and techniques f o r governing c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges about crime trends and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e processes produced by agencies such as the CCJS are important c o n t r i b u t o r s to these changes. S t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about aggregate crime trends f o s t e r s a d i s t i n c t i v e approach towards crime and c r i m i n a l s , one that has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d as ' a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e ' (Feeley and Simon 1994). At the same time, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s about the operations of v a rious c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s has encouraged an a p p r e c i a t i o n that these tenuously connected o r g a n i z a t i o n s a c t u a l l y comprise an interconnected and p o t e n t i a l l y manageable system. 22 The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s The CCJS came i n t o existence i n response to complaints by c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s i n the 1970s that more r e l i a b l e and comprehensive c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s were required. Although p r i o r to the Centre's formation i n 1981 some c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s were c o l l e c t e d out of the J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n of the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s (now S t a t i s t i c s Canada), these were by no means comprehensive and often employed terminology and d e f i n i t i o n s that were incompatible across d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s . In 1971 the f e d e r a l departments responsible for j u s t i c e p o l i c y and administration met to discuss p o s s i b l e ways to improve t h i s data. While the i n i t i a l impetus f o r t h i s endeavor was to meet a federal need f o r s t a t i s t i c s , i t q u i c k l y became apparent that the provinces had comparable needs and that p r o v i n c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e organizations would be the main data source f o r any n a t i o n a l numbers. In 1974 a F e d e r a l / P r o v i n c i a l Advisory Committee on J u s t i c e Information and S t a t i s t i c s was formed to i d e n t i f y and develop mechanisms to help resolve common s t a t i s t i c a l problems i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . While i t was widely believed that a new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l framework was necessary f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of such s t a t i s t i c s , i t proved to be d i f f i c u l t to reach agreement on the precise composition and structure of such an agency. 23 These disagreements prompted eight years of meetings, wrangling and p o l i t i c a l d i s c u s sion before a consensus was reached. The National Project on Resource Co-ordination (NPRC 1980) u l t i m a t e l y recommended that the CCJS be e s t a b l i s h e d as a ' s a t e l l i t e ' of S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The s p e c i f i c s of how t h i s would work i n p r a c t i c e were set out by the Implementation Work Group (IWG 1981) which defined the Centre's s t r u c t u r e , mandate and funding arrangements. Many saw t h i s proposal as a compromise s o l u t i o n that struck a middle ground between those who wanted a completely independent agency and those who thought i t would be best to have the CCJS e n t i r e l y under the mantle of S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The Centre began operations i n 1981 as the primary operational component of the broader 'Justice I n i t i a t i v e ' which i s comprised of federal and p r o v i n c i a l departments with j u s t i c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Canada's system of j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i s shared between twenty-four f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l government departments, wi t h the lead r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the development of t h i s system r e s t i n g w i t h S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The governing body of the I n i t i a t i v e i s the J u s t i c e Information Council (JIC) which i s c h a i r e d by Canada's Deputy M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e , and c o n s i s t s of a l l f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l deputy m i n i s t e r s w i t h j u s t i c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s plus the Chief 24 S t a t i s t i c i a n of Canada. The JIC i s the senior p o l i c y body f o r the Centre and i s re s p o n s i b l e f o r budget reviews, work plan approval, and f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g programs and p r i o r i t i e s . The Centre's other major governing body i s the L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Committee (LOC), which i s ch a i r e d by a member of the JIC and comprised of one departmental o f f i c i a l appointed by each member from the JIC and a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e . This group monitors the Centre's operations, approves i t s plans and i d e n t i f i e s problem areas, and i t has tended to have a more hands-on r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Centre than the JIC. The Centre i s funded by S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the Department of J u s t i c e and the federal S o l i c i t o r General. In 1997/98, i t had a budget of $5.7 m i l l i o n . Although i t i s funded from federal sources, i t s p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n and supervision come from the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l partners. Being a f f i l i a t e d with S t a t i s t i c s Canada not only provides the Centre with f i n a n c i a l resources, but also allows i t to draw from S t a t i s t i c s Canada's i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , t r a i n i n g and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned reputation. I t also means that the CCJS i s subject to many of the rule s and procedures concerning privacy and data handling i n s t i t u t e d by the parent organization. While i t occupies an e n t i r e f l o o r of a 25 S t a t i s t i c s Canada b u i l d i n g i n Ottawa, the Centre has tentacles that run throughout the e n t i r e j u s t i c e system. Organizational charts are n o t o r i o u s l y dry fare, schematically d e p i c t i n g r e l a t i o n s between people and i n s t i t u t i o n s which i n v a r i a b l y have a much more informal and ad hoc q u a l i t y i n p r a c t i c e . The f o l l o w i n g chapters attach f l e s h to the s k e l e t a l connections depicted i n Figure 1, but at t h i s juncture i t i s worth taking a moment to r e f l e c t on the broad contours of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the Centre as displayed i n t h i s diagram. P a r t i c u l a r l y worth r e i t e r a t i n g i s the f a c t that the Centre i s operated out of a federal i n s t i t u t i o n but i s overseen by representatives from the provinces and r e l i e s upon the p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s f o r much of i t s data. The fo l l o w i n g chapters accentuate the i m p l i c a t i o n s of these r e l a t i o n s f o r the types of knowledge the Centre can and cannot produce. I t i s also worth p o i n t i n g out that S t a t i s t i c s Canada i s now i n a s i m i l a r f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l partnership to c o l l e c t education s t a t i s t i c s and has contemplated doing the same f o r health s t a t i s t i c s . The CCJS i s managed by an executive d i r e c t o r who i s responsible to ensure that the Centre meets i t s mandate to: 1. c o l l e c t and present n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s ; 2. conduct s p e c i a l in-depth studies to inform the p u b l i c on high p r i o r i t y n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e issues; and 3. a s s i s t l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n 26 >^ U U o cd t/3 cu o 3 <2 CD t-i la <L> o c Cd * T3 e O T3 S3 cd 1) > td o 3 CD u 3 o o o o cu u "5 CL o cu SZ o 0) C 1 £ o U £ o (A > to o OB ^_ -*—1 CO ' £ < ZJ o o c (0 T > CO CO c s s CD s g X ) 'SZ <s o -a c n to CO 01 CO CD - I < X tn c g u CD » a O co to ZJ to CD o SZ CO m E CO a) o a. to CO CD E3> O W CD CJ i — O t o CD i— t o o o co o CD CO o •S E o o j - i ; o co to o o T J CO CD •a CC o o CO cu £ to 03 t " o -e o o Q - U £ t o a c 5 5 . 2 - S «D CO CO 27 implementing information systems that contribute to the development of n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s and the administration of Canadian j u s t i c e . The Centre i s d i v i d e d i n t o three program branches, all, of which have a bearing on these goals. The Technical Assistance Directorate (TAD) encourages the development of information systems at the l o c a l l e v e l through the p r o v i s i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources and t e c h n i c a l expertise. Integration and A n a l y s i s i s responsible f o r s p e c i a l in-depth studies, and S t a t i s t i c s and Information i s p r i m a r i l y involved i n the development and maintenance of a number of programs of core n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . The S t a t i s t i c s and Information Directorate i s f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o focused program areas f o r law enforcement, courts, c o r r e c t i o n s , l e g a l a i d and j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e . Each area i s responsible f o r a s p e c i a l set of s t a t i s t i c a l products. At the time of my research, the Centre was conducting the f o l l o w i n g surveys: uniform crime r e p o r t i n g (UCR survey); r e v i s e d uniform crime r e p o r t i n g (UCRII survey); homicide survey; prosecutions survey; l e g a l a i d survey; adult c r i m i n a l court survey (ACCS); youth court survey (YCS); courts resources, expenditures, and personnel survey (REP); adult c o r r e c t i o n s survey (ACS); adult and youth c o r r e c t i o n s key i n d i c a t o r report survey (A-KIR); youth custody and community s e r v i c e s survey (YCCS); adult c o r r e c t i o n s 28 resources, expenditures, and personnel survey (REP). These surveys are augmented by s p e c i a l s t u d i e s conducted by the Centre's I n t e g r a t i o n and A n a l y s i s branch. The types of data c o l l e c t e d from these d i f f e r e n t sources can be roughly d i v i d e d i n t o 1. data on the number of cases processed, 2. personal and c a s e - r e l a t e d data, 3. resource, expenditure and personnel data, and 4. q u a l i t a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n s of p o l i c i e s and program d e l i v e r y . While the Centre's mandate includes the c o l l e c t i o n of data on matters of c i v i l law as w e l l as the production of q u a l i t a t i v e s t u d i e s , to date t h e i r main focus has been on the production of q u a n t i t a t i v e s t u d i e s on matters r e l a t e d to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Two important t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n s are i n order at t h i s point. F i r s t , the Centre i s a ' s t a t i s t i c a l ' o rganization, but the types of s t a t i s t i c a l operations i t performs are quite d i s t i n c t i v e . For s t a t i s t i c i a n s , the term ' s t a t i s t i c s ' tends to r e f e r to a numerical d e s c r i p t i o n of a d i s t r i b u t i o n of numbers such as a Chi Squared or Pearson C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t . The numbers on which such operations are performed are frequently derived from a sample of a l a r g e r population. The Centre, i n contrast, does not employ a t r a d i t i o n a l sampling methodology, working instead to acquire t o t a l coverage f o r i t s d i f f e r e n t surveys. I t also does not perform s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of t h e i r data, but sums and 29 reports changes p e r t a i n i n g to various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e processes. The second t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n concerns the fac t that the Centre r e f e r s to i t s products as 'surveys,' which might cause some confusion given that 'surveys' are popularly associated with questionnaires aimed at i n d i v i d u a l s and conducted v i a mail or telephone. Instead, the Centre's surveys draw t h e i r data from d i f f e r e n t operational systems i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s . The means by which the j u r i s d i c t i o n s provide t h i s data v a r i e s across d i f f e r e n t program areas and provinces. For example, many p o l i c e forces send t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s d i r e c t l y to the Centre while i n other provinces a l l of the l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s send t h e i r numbers to a p r o v i n c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l c l e a r i n g house where they are combined and then forwarded to the Centre. The close r e l a t i o n s h i p with the j u r i s d i c t i o n s i s also apparent i n the fa c t that the Centre's program areas have advisory committees comprised of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l representatives who provide operational advice to the Centre's program managers. These groups c o n s i s t of representatives from the A s s o c i a t i o n of Canadian Court A d m i n i s t r a t o r s , the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e , the Heads of Corr e c t i o n s and the D i r e c t o r s of Legal A i d . 30 Approximately 7 0 people work out of the Centre and at times t h i s number has been as high as 130. While these i n d i v i d u a l s have assorted educational backgrounds, most have u n i v e r s i t y degrees i n the s o c i a l sciences or, i n the Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e , computer sciences. One of the immediately s t r i k i n g things about the s t a f f i s that although many are we l l - v e r s e d i n procedures f o r handling and manipulating data, they are not s t a t i s t i c i a n s . Rather than employ in-house s t a t i s t i c a l experts, the Centre draws from the methodological and s t a t i s t i c a l e x p e r t i s e a v a i l a b l e through S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Centre s t a f f o f t e n have an academic understanding of the operation of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system but u s u a l l y have had l i t t l e experience 'on the ground' w i t h p o l i c e , courts or c o r r e c t i o n s . While the Centre has o c c a s i o n a l l y seconded s t a f f from the j u r i s d i c t i o n s , t h e i r a b i l i t y to do so i s complicated by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . There are f i n a n c i a l d i s i n c e n t i v e s to seconding i n d i v i d u a l s from other i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i n d i v i d u a l s who the Centre might be i n t e r e s t e d i n a c q u i r i n g through such a procedure have not always been eager at the prospect of uprooting and r e l o c a t i n g to Ottawa. Most imp o r t a n t l y perhaps, i s the f a c t that h i r i n g s f o r the Centre come through the general S t a t i s t i c s Canada recruitment program. The crux of the 31 S t a t i s t i c s Canada h i r i n g philosophy has been to r e c r u i t people who are s u i t e d to moving through the d i f f e r e n t t o p i c areas w i t h i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada as opposed to seeking out people wi t h a s p e c i f i c subject-matter e x p e r t i s e . Having o u t l i n e d the broad contours of the Centre and the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e , i t i s now worth considering some reasons why t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n warrants d e t a i l e d study. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n does so by employing Michel Foucault's work on ^governmentality' to emphasize the r o l e that s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s have played i n f o s t e r i n g a p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of l i b e r a l governance. Knowledge of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s a c r u c i a l a t t r i b u t e i n the development of s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing populations. S t a t i s t i c s e f f e c t i v e l y b r i n g the objects of governance i n t o existence and allow i n d i v i d u a l s to monitor and evaluate governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Criminal j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s have contributed to recent changes i n the way o f f i c i a l s approach crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . They f o s t e r a form of ^ a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e , ' whereby c i t i z e n s are encouraged to manage t h e i r own c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e through the expertise and commodities o f f e r e d by various state and ex t r a -state i n s t i t u t i o n s . 32 Governance The f o l l o w i n g should not be seen as a comprehensive review of the l i t e r a t u r e on governmentality (see i n s t e a d , B u r c h e l l , Gordon and M i l l e r 1991; Rose and M i l l e r 1992; Barry, Osborne and Rose 1996). Instead, i t concentrates on d e t a i l i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l forms of governance and s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. Foucault's (1991) l a t e r works o f f e r e d a d i s t i n c t i v e approach to the t o p i c of 'government.' In these w r i t i n g s , government i s not confined to the formal trappings of the s t a t e . Instead h i s account of 'government r a t i o n a l i t y , ' or 'governmentality,' amounts to an i n t e r r o g a t i o n of how the p r a c t i c a l a r t of government i s envisioned. Here the concepts of ' r a t i o n a l i t i e s ' and 'technologies' stand out. A ' r a t i o n a l i t y ' of government r e f e r s to 'a way or system of t h i n k i n g about the nature of the p r a c t i c e of government' (Gordon 1991: 3). Thus, r a t i o n a l i t i e s are the changing ways i n which the e x e r c i s e of p o l i t i c a l power i s conceived. P a r t i c u l a r l y important to Foucault was how contemporary governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s seek to combine processes of i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n w i t h processes of t o t a l i z a t i o n . 'Technologies' c o n s i s t of those d i v e r s e sets of programs and techniques which are the b a s i s f o r how governments e x e r c i s e power over populations. Foucault provides a set of 33 h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n s to demonstrate some of the d i f f e r e n t ways i n which these r a t i o n a l i t i e s and technologies have been conceived. Commencing i n the s i x t e e n t h century there was a Agenesis of a p o l i t i c a l knowledge that was to place at the centre of i t s concerns the n o t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n and the mechanisms capable of ensuring i t s r e g u l a t i o n ' (Foucault 1997a: 67). This emphasis on populations as the focus of governance continues through h i s genealogy of l i b e r a l i s m and n e o - l i b e r a l i s m . State Reason and P o l i c e Science Foucault's genealogy of governmentality s t a r t s w i t h the concept of raison d'etat,.' or ^state reason,' which arose i n the l a t e 16 t h and e a r l y 17 t h c e n t u r i e s , and i t was around t h i s r a t i o n a l i t y which the a r t of government f i r s t c r y s t a l l i z e d . State reason i s the i n i t i a t i o n p o i n t f o r modern governmentality as an autonomous r a t i o n a l i t y . For the f i r s t time, governance was understood to be r e l a t e d to r a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s which were i n t r i n s i c and immanent to the s t a t e and were no longer subordinate to the M i v i n e , cosmo-t h e o l o g i c a l order of the world' (Gordon 1991: 9). Foucault c o n t r a s t s t h i s w i t h the form of government e x e m p l i f i e d by M a c h i a v e l l i ' s advice to The Prince. The form of governance a r t i c u l a t e d by M a c h i a v e l l i sought to maintain the 34 p r i n c i p a l i t y of the r u l e r , which was conceived of i n terms of the s i z e of the Prince's t e r r i t o r y and number of c i t i z e n s under h i s command. While such forms of governance produced periods of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , the f a c t that i t was embodied i n an i n d i v i d u a l sovereign meant that there was the constant prospect of a dramatic end to any one system of governance. I n v e s t i n g the s t a t e w i t h the governmental r o l e t h e r e f o r e o f f e r e d the advantage that governance became more s t a b l e and f u t u r e - o r i e n t e d , as i t was a task that was now recognized as extending beyond the l i f e - s p a n of any one r u l e r . State reason was l i n k e d to the development of an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e apparatus and the corresponding emergence of d e t a i l e d knowledges about the s t a t e . One form of knowledge i n p a r t i c u l a r stood out: the 'science of p o l i c e . ' I t s genesis can be tr a c e d to the German s t a t e s f o l l o w i n g the T h i r t y Years War (Pasquino 1991). In t h i s context, ' p o l i c e ' does not r e f e r to our contemporary i n s t i t u t i o n , but has a c l o s e r a f f i n i t y to our no t i o n of ' p o l i c y . ' P o l i c e science c o n s t i t u t e d government as an a r t w i t h i t s own d i s t i n c t i v e and i r r e d u c i b l e r a t i o n a l i t y , one that aimed at the p r a c t i c a l governance of the l i v e s of the c i t i z e n r y f o r the purpose of f o s t e r i n g s e c u l a r s e c u r i t y and p r o s p e r i t y . I t was a r a d i c a l departure from the r a t i o n a l i t y of the Pr i n c e , which was 35 concerned w i t h 'holding out' and r e t a i n i n g the Prince's sovereignty. The d e f i n i n g a t t r i b u t e of the science of p o l i c e was i t s ambition and e f f o r t s to produce t o t a l knowledge of the f u n c t i o n i n g of the s t a t e f o r purposes of r e g u l a t i o n . The realm of concerns s p e c i f i c to the s t a t e was so broadly conceived that they extended i n t o every conceivable domain. State knowledge was concerned w i t h an i n f i n i t e number of unforeseeable and contingent circumstances. This p e r i o d saw the b i r t h of the term ' s t a t i s t i c s , ' which had yet to acquire the d i s t i n c t i v e q u a n t i t a t i v e meaning we have of that term today. Instead, i t r e f e r r e d to the 'science of the s t a t e , ' which i n v o l v e d d e s c r i p t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f o r t s focused on almost anything r e l a t e d to the s t a t e (Desrosieres 1990: 200). P o l i c e science t h e r e f o r e amounted to a s e r i e s of 'endless l i s t s and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ' (Gordon 1991: 10) which a r t i c u l a t e d myriad decrees about the proper way to conduct one's l i f e . Rather than being a t o t a l i t a r i a n form of c o n t r o l , i t attempted to f o s t e r the utmost happiness i n l i f e , which i n v o l v e d a productive m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of the s t a t e ' s wealth and power - a power which i s now recognized as l y i n g i n i t s p o p u l a t i o n . Pasquino's (1991: 110) account of some of p o l i c e science's s p e c i f i c areas of concern provides a f e e l f o r the breadth of such r e g u l a t i o n s , 36 p e r t a i n i n g as they d i d to the proper conduct and r e g u l a t i o n of r e l i g i o n , customs, h e a l t h , f o o d s t u f f s , highways, t r a n q u i l l i t y and p u b l i c order, science and l i b e r a l a r t s , commerce, manufacture and mechanical a r t s , servants, domestics and nurses, and the poor. T h e o r e t i c a l l y nothing was too mundane to be l e f t beyond the r e g u l a t o r y aims of p o l i c e science, which went so f a r as to p r e s c r i b e the dimensions of saddles and horsecloths as w e l l as provide i n s t r u c t i o n s on what should be eaten and drunk during a wedding f e a s t . State reason i s i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to the a v a i l a b i l i t y and use of knowledge about the s t a t e . However, these ' s t a t i s t i c s ' had yet to become q u a n t i t a t i v e , and i n t h i s respect governance lagged behind the q u a n t i t a t i v e r e v o l u t i o n that was transforming so many other aspects of European l i f e . In The Measure of Reality, Crosby (1997) discusses an epochal s h i f t from a q u a l i t a t i v e to a q u a n t i t a t i v e form of perception i n Western Europe between the l a t e Middle Ages and the Renaissance. I t was t h i s transformation which c o n t r i b u t e d to our contemporary mani f e s t a t i o n s of science, business and bureaucracy. While numbers had been used p r i o r to t h i s p e r i o d , they were o f t e n invoked f o r t h e i r m y s t i c a l q u a l i t y and were decidedly l a c k i n g i n p r e c i s i o n . Commencing i n 1250 there was an a c c e l e r a t i o n i n forms of q u a n t i t a t i v e 37 perception of time ( c l o c k s ) , space (maps), mathematics (decline of Roman numerals and use of A r a b i c numbers), music ( i n t r o d u c t i o n of recorded music), p a i n t i n g ( q u a n t i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p to space and perception) and bookkeeping (double-entry). Some of the s t a t e ' s e a r l i e s t attempts to f o s t e r q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i n v o l v e d the development of standardized weights and measures, an aim they shared w i t h the commercial i n t e r e s t s of the time. Kula (1986) documents how the s t a t e promoted standardized measures f o r bread, land and distance that s l o w l y supplanted the p r e v i o u s l y l o c a l , q u a l i t a t i v e and negotiated measurements. These f i r s t steps l a y the groundwork f o r a new q u a n t i t a t i v e problematic of governance. L i b e r a l i s m and S t a t i s t i c s From i t s i n c e p t i o n , s t a t e reason was subject to c r i t i c i s m s that i t was u n r e a l i z a b l e , that i t s dream of t o t a l knowledge was j u s t t h a t , a dream. Out of such c r i t i q u e s emerged a new ' l i b e r a l ' r a t i o n a l i t y of governance which counseled a do c t r i n e of governance through wise l i m i t s and r e s t r a i n t , arguing that there were boundaries to the s t a t e ' s power to know and intervene. In l i e u of obsessive e f f o r t s to know everything about the popul a t i o n , l i b e r a l governance conceives of subjects as having p r i v a t e r i g h t s and the 38 s o c i a l realm i s seen to be d i v i d e d i n t o a s e r i e s of s e l f -r e g u l a t i n g and r e l a t i v e l y autonomous domains. L i b e r a l i s m conceives of such object-domains as having a kind of qu a s i -nature w i t h t h e i r own s p e c i f i c s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g p r i n c i p l e s and dynamics, e x e m p l i f i e d by the ' i n v i s i b l e hand' of the marketplace. Such domains were seen to be beyond the s t a t e ' s l e g i t i m a t e scope- of d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n . Hence the problematic of l i b e r a l governance i s to develop techniques to continue the r e g u l a t i o n of these ' p r i v a t e ' spheres when minute forms of s t a t e r e g u l a t i o n are i m p r a c t i c a l or impossible. L i b e r a l government th e r e f o r e does not set out what government p o l i c y should be. Instead, i t o u t l i n e s a d i f f e r e n t approach to the p r a c t i c e of governing, an approach wit h an increased r o l e f o r q u a n t i t a t i v e s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of l i b e r a l i s m l i e s i n i t s attempt to r e s o l v e the dilemma of how to govern autonomous domains through a unique combination of knowledge, e x p e r t i s e and the a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of subjects i n t h e i r own government (Rose 1993: 290-91). To do t h i s , l i b e r a l i s m focuses on pop u l a t i o n as the 'ultimate end of government' (Foucault 1991: 100) and r e l i e s on a s e r i e s of knowledges of human conduct deri v e d from the s o c i a l and human sciences. -Governance i s no longer the e x c l u s i v e domain of the s t a t e , 39 but i n v o l v e s a host of e x t r a - s t a t e p r o f e s s i o n a l , e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and r e f o r m i s t agencies who aim to shape the • behavior of c i t i z e n s i n a d e s i r e d d i r e c t i o n (Donzelot 1979). Foucault's h i s t o r i c a l analyses a l t e r n a t e between e x p l o r i n g two poles of power: the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g and the aggregating. He i s able to subsume both of these p r a c t i c e s under the r u b r i c of governmentality as both are concerned wi t h attempts to govern the pop u l a t i o n . The micro-physics of power he d e t a i l s i n Discipline and Punish (1977) are the c l e a r e s t examples of the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g , d i s c i p l i n a r y form of power, while h i s work i n The History of Sexuality, Vol 1 (1978) explores how aggregating forms of bio-power t a r g e t the 'species body.' For Foucault, the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g moment centered on the body as a machine: i t s d i s c i p l i n i n g , the o p t i m i z a t i o n of i t s c a p a b i l i t i e s , the e x t o r t i o n of i t s f o r c e s , the p a r a l l e l increase of i t s usefulness and i t s d o c i l i t y , i t s i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o systems of e f f i c i e n t and economic c o n t r o l s , a l l t h i s was ensured by the procedures of power that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the d i s c i p l i n e s : an anatomo-politics of the human body. The second, formed somewhat l a t e r , focused on the species body, the body imbued wi t h the mechanisms of l i f e and se r v i n g as the b a s i s of the b i o l o g i c a l processes: propagation, b i r t h s and m o r t a l i t y , the l e v e l of h e a l t h , l i f e expectancy and l o n g e v i t y , w i t h a l l the c o n d i t i o n s that can cause these to vary. Their s u p e r v i s i o n was e f f e c t e d through an e n t i r e s e r i e s of i n t e r v e n t i o n s and re g u l a t o r y c o n t r o l s : a b i o - p o l i t i c s of the pop u l a t i o n . The d i s c i p l i n e s of the body and the r e g u l a t i o n s of the popu l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d the two poles around which the o r g a n i z a t i o n of power over l i f e was deployed. (Foucault 1978: 139) 40 I f the s o l i t a r y c r i m i n a l , l o c a t e d i n h i s p r i s o n c e l l and subject to an i n v i s i b l e and p o t e n t i a l l y constant s u r v e i l l a n c e , i s the archetype f o r d i s c i p l i n a r y forms of power, then aggregate s t a t i s t i c s of the po p u l a t i o n are the exemplar f o r bio-power. However, commentators on Foucault's work have had much l e s s to say about bio-power than d i s c i p l i n e . This i s unfortunate given the way i n which aggregate s t a t i s t i c s promote our contemporary approaches to governance. S t a t i s t i c s are c r u c i a l to the p r a c t i c e and p o s s i b i l i t y of governance, and to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l i b e r a l idea that there are autonomous realms which obey t h e i r own i n t e r n a l laws and i n c l i n a t i o n s . As Foucault (1991: 99) observes, the h i s t o r i c a l emergence of s t a t i s t i c s 'gradually reveals that p o p u l a t i o n has i t s own r e g u l a r i t i e s , i t s own rat e of deaths and diseases, i t s c y c l e s of s c a r c i t y , e t c . ; s t a t i s t i c s shows al s o that the domain of po p u l a t i o n i n v o l v e s a range of i n t r i n s i c , aggregate effects... such as epidemics, endemic l e v e l s of m o r t a l i t y , ascending s p i r a l s of labour and wealth.' We can add many things to t h i s l i s t , i n c l u d i n g the aggregate l e v e l s of crime and deviance i n a popu l a t i o n . E a r l y s o c i o l o g i s t s such as Durkheim, Quetelet and Spencer invoked the r e g u l a r i t i e s of s t a t i s t i c s on crime, 41 s u i c i d e and marriage to propose that s o c i e t y could be an object of study i n i t s own r i g h t (Gigerenzer e t . a l 1989: 39; Hacking 1990). This genesis of the s o c i a l sciences i s r e l a t e d to the r i s e of l i b e r a l p r a c t i c e s of governance, as l i b e r a l i s m i s i n t i m a t e l y t i e d to the a u t h o r i t y of such experts. New forms of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge f o s t e r e d new forms of e x p e r t i s e i n the conduct of conduct upon which l i b e r a l governance r e l i e s . For s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , l i b e r a l i s m marked the beginning of what Bauman (1992: 11) r e f e r s to as the i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s ' l e g i s l a t i v e ' r o l e , a c a p a c i t y which 'involved the r i g h t to command the r u l e s the s o c i a l world was to obey,' and whose a u t h o r i t y 'was l e g i t i m i z e d i n terms of a b e t t e r judgment, a sup e r i o r knowledge guaranteed by the proper method of i t s production.' Rather than t a r g e t the minutia of i n d i v i d u a l l i f e , these experts counseled shaping behavior by operating on s t a t i s t i c a l norms and i n t e r v e n t i o n s that worked at the s o c i e t a l l e v e l . Hacking (1990: 119) provides a concise statement of the r o l e of s t a t i s t i c s i n r e l a t i o n to the p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance: We o b t a i n data about a governed c l a s s whose deportment i s o f f e n s i v e , and then attempt to a l t e r what we guess are r e l e v a n t c o n d i t i o n s of that c l a s s i n order to change the laws of s t a t i s t i c s that the c l a s s obeys. This i s the essence of the s t y l e of government that i n the United States i s c a l l e d ' l i b e r a l . ' As i n the nineteenth century, the i n t e n t i o n s of such l e g i s l a t i o n are benevolent. The we who know best change the s t a t i s t i c a l laws that a f f e c t them. 42 One of the d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about the p o p u l a t i o n i s that i t f o s t e r s an approach to governance conceived of i n terms of r i s k management. This i n v o l v e s a form of decision-making based on s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge of the p r o b a b i l i t i e s of fu t u r e dangers and i t attempts to modify the current c o n d i t i o n s to reduce these r i s k s (Ewald 1991). Risk knowledge attempts to c o l o n i z e the future through a p r o b a b i l i s t i c understanding of contemporary s t a t i s t i c a l trends and p r o f i l e s , i t makes p r e d i c t i o n and prevention the operative s t r a t e g i e s of governance. P r e v i o u s l y understood as acts of God, accidents are now recognized as having t h e i r own s t a t i s t i c a l r e g u l a r i t i e s . In the process, accidents and harmful events are transformed i n t o something that i s amenable to a c t u a r i a l techniques of i n t e r v e n t i o n that operate at the l e v e l of the p o p u l a t i o n . Neo-Liberalism The f i n a l moment i n t h i s genealogy of governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s concerns the development of ' n e o - l i b e r a l i s m ' or 'advanced l i b e r a l i s m ' (Rose 1993, 1996; Rose and M i l l e r 1992). Changes to l i b e r a l governmentality have been t r a c e d to the 1970s and the emergence of a host of e x t r a - s t a t e 43 i n s t i t u t i o n s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s which gained greater prominence i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to govern i n d i v i d u a l behavior. These experts employed f i n a n c i a l and accounting techniques that o v e r l a y s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge wi t h c o n s i d e r a t i o n s about cost and e f f i c i e n c y . S i t u a t e d i n dispersed 'centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' these experts e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l at a distance (Latour 1987) through c a l c u l a t i v e regimes such as accounting, c o s t - b e n e f i t a n a l y s i s and a u d i t i n g (Power 1996). In order to do so, common forms of communication, s t a t i s t i c a l measures, u n i t s of count, e t c . , had to be fashioned (Rose and M i l l e r 1992). The o v e r a l l e f f e c t of such changes was t h a t more e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and consumerist forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n were f o s t e r e d as n e o - l i b e r a l i s m forged a v i t a l l i n k between r u l e r s and the p r i v a t e d e c i s i o n -making c a p a c i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s . One of the d e f i n i n g a t t r i b u t e s of n e o - l i b e r a l i s m i s that c i t i z e n s are understood as a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e i r own governance. I n d i v i d u a l s e x i s t w i t h i n a realm of circumscribed freedom. For the i n d i v i d u a l , l i f e i s to be approached as a.project where they are o s t e n s i b l y free to choose from a s e r i e s of e x p e r t l y mediated options that aim to enhance t h e i r h e a l t h , wealth, happiness and s e c u r i t y . As Rose and M i l l e r (1992: 174) a s s e r t , when i t comes to governing populations 'personal autonomy i s not the 44 a n t i t h e s i s of p o l i t i c a l power, but a key term i n i t s e x e r c i s e , the more so because most i n d i v i d u a l s are not merely the subjects of power but p l a y a p a r t i n i t s operations.' To govern i s t h e r e f o r e to s t r u c t u r e , c o n t a i n and define the p o s s i b l e f i e l d of a c t i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l s , while maximizing the r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i n g c a p a b i l i t i e s of the s e l f . I t i s an attempt to manage the c o n d i t i o n s and d e c i s i o n s of a c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l s who transform themselves and t h e i r l i f e choices i n l i g h t of these changed c o n d i t i o n s . N e o - l i b e r a l i s m f o s t e r s a process of 'prudentialism' (O'Malley 1996) whereby i n d i v i d u a l s are expected and encouraged to adopt a c a l c u l a t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the management of t h e i r own personal r i s k p r o f i l e , as governance becomes manifest through the 'regulated choices of i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s ' (Rose 1993: 285). These schematic r e f l e c t i o n s on Foucault's view of governmentality are meant to accentuate the d i f f e r e n t ways i n which the a r t and p r a c t i c e of government has been conceived. I have underscored the way i n which d i s t i n c t i v e governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s are i n t i m a t e l y connected to the use of d i f f e r e n t forms of knowledge about the p o p u l a t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t has s t r e s s e d the degree to which aggregate s t a t i s t i c s f o s t e r p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance conceived as a form of a c t u a r i a l risk-management. Although the above 45 n a r r a t i v e has an e v o l u t i o n a r y q u a l i t y to i t , where one form of governance supplants another, t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the case. Governance i s a problem-solving a c t i v i t y , and d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s to manage the po p u l a t i o n can e x i s t alongside of one another as, f o r example, both l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l s t r a t e g i e s are brought to bear on a s p e c i f i c problem. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Governance A d e f i n i n g feature of Foucault's d i v e r s e oeuvre i s h i s c o n t i n u a l r e t u r n to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between power and knowledge. His work on governance i s no exception, as the above r e f l e c t i o n s make i t c l e a r that d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s f o r governance are based on s p e c i f i c knowledges about the popu l a t i o n to be governed. Such knowledges, and the experts who speak on t h e i r behalf, promise to 'render d o c i l e the unruly domains over which government i s to be exer c i s e d , to make government p o s s i b l e and to make government b e t t e r ' (Rose 1996: 45). At t h i s juncture I want to t u r n our a t t e n t i o n to the importance of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as the of t e n i n v i s i b l e backbone which supports the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The production and reproduction of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e s the contours of the objects of governmental s t r a t e g i e s , rendering them knowable 46 and subject to p o l i t i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n . D i f f e r e n t processes, people and things are opened up to governance by v i r t u e of the terms e s t a b l i s h e d on myriad surveys, censuses and r e p o r t s . While they o f t e n operate unseen as a background process to the production of knowledge, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have t h e i r own d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l powers and p o l i t i c s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s a common p r a c t i c e across d i f f e r e n t sciences and i s c r u c i a l to human c o g n i t i o n more g e n e r a l l y . This does not mean, however, that questions about how the world and i t s component pa r t s should be o f f i c i a l l y d i v i d e d are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and u n c o n t r o v e r s i a l . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f t e n r e v e a l as much, or more, about the assumptions, p r e j u d i c e s , dreams and a s p i r a t i o n s of the c l a s s i f i e r s as they do about the objects of which they speak. The h i s t o r i c a l v a r i a b i l i t y i n how our s c i e n t i f i c models have d i v i d e d up nature and her i n h a b i t a n t s reveals that such d i v i s i o n s are conventions, informed by the theory being employed ra t h e r than the way that the world spontaneously d i v i d e s i t s e l f (Gould 1983). However, the f a c t that we l i v e w i t h i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes of our own s o c i e t y o f t e n makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r us to acknowledge t h e i r conventional s t a t u s . I t i s o f t e n only when confronted w i t h r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t taxonomies that we recognize the c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c i t y of our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Consider Foucault's 47 i n t r o d u c t i o n to The Order of Things where he quotes Borges' s e l e c t i o n from a Chinese encyclopedia where animals are d i v i d e d i n t o those (a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) sucking p i g s , (e) s i r e n s , (f) fabulous, (g) s t r a y dogs, (h) inc l u d e d i n the present c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , (i) f r e n z i e d , (j) innumerable, (k) drawn w i t h a very f i n e camelhair brush, (1) et cet e r a , (m) having j u s t broken the water p i t c h e r , (n) that from a long way o f f look l i k e f l i e s . (Foucault 1970: xv) To our eyes t h i s i s an absurd and laughable way of d i v i d i n g up those e n t i t i e s that f a l l under the heading of 'animal.' The po i n t being, however, that t h i s sense of the absurd deri v e s from our adoption and use of the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes which have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and l e g i t i m a t e d by western b i o l o g i s t s . Some of the cate g o r i e s which we take f o r granted, that we o f t e n seen as found a t i o n a l , t u r n out to be ambiguous or c o n t r o v e r s i a l when subjected to c l o s e r s c r u t i n y . Take, f o r example, that apparently most primary of a l l d i v i s i o n s - the b i n a r y which separates man from woman, male from female. Feminists along wi t h queer t h e o r i s t s and a c t i v i s t s have t r o u b l e d t h i s dualism, r a i s i n g questions about what, e x a c t l y , we mean when we t a l k about 'sex' or 'gender.' Such questions extend beyond the domain of s o c i a l theory. Paul S t a r r (1992: 283) recounts how at l e a s t one San Francisco health-care 48 o r g a n i z a t i o n 'requires s i x categories f o r i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of sex, depending on the p a t i e n t ' s genetic type, b o d i l y type (which may be s u r g i c a l l y a l t e r e d ) , and p r e s e n t a t i o n of s e l f . ' The s t a t e has a c r u c i a l r o l e to p l a y i n the production and reproduction of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . State i n s t i t u t i o n s r e l y upon a massive c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e which serves as the b a s i s f o r our knowledge about various populations and, u l t i m a t e l y , as the b a s i s f o r governance. Unfortunately, authors w r i t i n g i n the governmentality t r a d i t i o n have tended to s l i g h t or ignore the c o n t i n u i n g importance of the s t a t e , p r e f e r r i n g i n s t e a d to concentrate on the various e x t r a - s t a t e agencies which f o s t e r s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing the s e l f . In so doing they ignore how u n t o l d numbers of s t a t e bureaucrats, demographers and s t a t i s t i c i a n s enact o f f i c i a l ways to view and c a t e g o r i z e the world. How i t i s that 'the s t a t e e s t a b l i s h e s and i n c u l c a t e s common forms and c a t e g o r i e s of perception and a p p r e c i a t i o n , s o c i a l frameworks of perc e p t i o n , of understanding or of memory, i n short s t a t e forms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ' (Bourdieu 1994: 13). The s t a t e i s c r u c i a l l y important to such processes because of the way that i t l e g i t i m a t e s c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options and finances the agencies who produce o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems. 49 In any d i s c u s s i o n about c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , an important t h e o r e t i c a l l i n e must be drawn between c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of humans and non-humans. This d i f f e r e n c e must be accentuated because of the f a c t that i r r e s p e c t i v e of the words we use to describe i t , the n a t u r a l world i s l a r g e l y i n d i f f e r e n t to the way i n which i t i s l a b e l e d (Hacking 1997: 15). From one c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system to the next, the t h i n g that we c a l l a goat or an igneous rock remains the same, although a q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s i n order here. While the n a t u r a l world does not transform i t s e l f i n l i g h t of the names assigned to i t by humans, t h i s i s not to say that how humans c l a s s i f y the n a t u r a l world has no bearing on i t s f u t u r e . The terms, metaphors and discourses we employ to d e l i n e a t e 'nature' -which i s i t s e l f an ambiguous and contested c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (Soule and Lease 1995) - f r e q u e n t l y have dramatic consequences. For example, the f a c t that some species of animals have been assigned to that category of e n t i t i e s which, i f consumed i n various ways, provides a boost to human l o n g e v i t y , v i r i l i t y or sexual prowess, has had d i s a s t r o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e i r continued s u r v i v a l . The same i s true f o r animals c l a s s i f i e d as being 'pests' or 'vermin.' The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s we employ to d e l i n e a t e the n a t u r a l world can have dev a s t a t i n g and i r r e v e r s i b l e consequences. 50 C l a s s i f i c a t o r y i n d i f f e r e n c e i s decidedly not the case when i t comes to d e l i m i t i n g types of people. Whether we d i s c r i m i n a t e among peoples by v i r t u e of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y , p r o f e s s i o n , c l a s s , race, e t h n i c i t y or sex, such t y p o l o g i e s can be both c o n t r o v e r s i a l and monumental i n t h e i r long-term i m p l i c a t i o n s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of types of people can be a l i g h t n i n g -rod f o r p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n due to the way i n which aggregate numbers e l i d e i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Governmental s t r a t e g i e s which attempt to ameliorate entrenched i n e q u a l i t i e s r e l a t e d to group membership o f t e n neglect other forms of d i f f e r e n c e i n the process. Such tensions between the i n d i v i d u a l qua i n d i v i d u a l and i n d i v i d u a l as member of a l a r g e r assemblage has introduced a degree of r e f l e x i v i t y i n t o o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p r a c t i c e s . As a r e s u l t , some c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people are encouraged, others t o l e r a t e d as a necessary e v i l , w hile s t i l l others are ex p r e s s l y p r o h i b i t e d . Such d i s t i n c t i o n s have a h i s t o r i c a l component to them, as d i f f e r e n t periods have a l t e r n a t i v e l y f o s t e r e d or r e s t r i c t e d c e r t a i n terms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The terms employed by s t a t e and non-state agencies to d e l i m i t types of people can al s o p l a y an important r o l e i n the production of s u b j e c t i v i t i e s . Our sense of selves - our p o t e n t i a l i t i e s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s - i s informed by the terms 51 a u t h o r i z e d by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies. D i v i s i o n s sanctioned by the s t a t e can s l o w l y be adopted by i n d i v i d u a l s such that they l i v e t h e i r l i v e s and conceive of others according to these authorized d i v i s i o n s . However, s t a t i s t i c a l agencies g e n e r a l l y do not have free r e i g n to employ any set of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that they want. Although s t a t i s t i c a l agencies have o c c a s i o n a l l y been able to o v e r l a y d i f f e r e n t populations w i t h e n t i r e l y novel sets of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s (Anderson 1991, chap. 10), more o f t e n the s o c i a l world sets l i m i t s on which c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s w i l l be acceptable. The ways i n which the s o c i a l world i s c u r r e n t l y ordered, and how people view themselves and t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s , serve to l i m i t the types of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s which w i l l be accepted as being accurate. Consequently, the most e f f e c t i v e c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems are those that connect w i t h the p r o p e r t i e s w i t h which a d i s t i n c t group already i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f (Bourdieu 1991: 135). Ian Hacking (1995, 1997) employs the concept of 'dynamic nominalism' to accentuate the i n t e r p l a y between experience and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . He emphasizes that the c a t e g o r i e s we use to l a b e l and organize people can merge wit h the ' r e a l ' features of i n d i v i d u a l s to the p o i n t that we come to i d e n t i f y w i t h and l i v e our l i v e s through such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Such mergings can evolve s l o w l y over time 52 or proceed at an a s t o n i s h i n g l y r a p i d pace. His (1995) study of the h i s t o r y of what we now c a l l ' multiple p e r s o n a l i t y d i s o r d e r ' i s a t e l l i n g demonstration of how eagerly people can embrace and re-make themselves i n l i g h t of new p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i a g n o s t i c c a t e g o r i e s . C r u c i a l l y , he emphasizes the f a c t that such categories are r e c i p r o c a l l y informed by the ways that people behave and view themselves: The c l a i m of dynamic nominalism i s not that there was a kin d of person who came i n c r e a s i n g l y -to be recognized by bureaucrats or by students of human nature but rath e r that a kind of person came i n t o being at the same time as the kind i t s e l f was being invented. In some cases, that i s , our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and our cl a s s e s conspire to emerge hand i n hand, each egging the other on. (Hacking 1986: 228) We a r r i v e at an understanding of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as being informed by e x i s t i n g s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s while simultaneously being p a r t i a l l y c o n s t i t u t i v e of the types of people i n the world. While one of the most i n t e r e s t i n g a t t r i b u t e s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n v o l v e s those instances where s u b j e c t i v i t i e s and categories become i n t e g r a t e d , i t does not comprise the e n t i r e p i c t u r e . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n can i n v o l v e a process of both a t t r a c t i o n s and r e p u l s i o n s . In some contexts, people and the terms by which they are c l a s s i f i e d do not coalesce. Groups and i n d i v i d u a l s have on occasion s t r i d e n t l y r e s i s t e d and r e j e c t e d new c l a s s i f i c a t o r y o p tions. P o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s have revolved around attempts to r e v i s e e x i s t i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n hopes of having them b e t t e r correspond w i t h people's l i v e d r e a l i t y . Again, s t a t e agencies p l a y an important r o l e i n such processes due to t h e i r a b i l i t y to normalize d i v i s i o n s which are, at root, a r b i t r a r y . As Bourdieu (1991: 133) observes, ' I t i s i n the stru g g l e s which shape the h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l world that the c a t e g o r i e s of per c e p t i o n of the s o c i a l world, and the groups produced according to these c a t e g o r i e s , are simultaneously constructed.' Such c o n f l i c t s b r i n g the p o l i t i c s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t o the p u b l i c s p o t l i g h t . Chapter 3 provides a d e t a i l e d study of the Centre's involvement i n one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s . Governing C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e At t h i s juncture I would l i k e to move from these broad r e f l e c t i o n s on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between governmentality, s t a t i s t i c s and o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n order to examine some of the changes that have taken place i n the governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . In p a r t i c u l a r , I am i n t e r e s t e d i n how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about the po p u l a t i o n and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system have played an important r o l e i n f o s t e r i n g a move away from an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d 54 c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system to one that i s concerned w i t h the management of populations and r e d u c t i o n of r i s k s . One of the dominant p r o j e c t s i n criminology and the so c i o l o g y of deviance has i n v o l v e d the attempt to understand the causes of i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l behavior i n the hopes of e l i m i n a t i n g or reducing crime. An almost i n f i n i t e number of f a c t o r s have been i m p l i c a t e d i n t h i s search f o r causes, but the focus of i n q u i r y has r e g u l a r l y returned to the i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l . Recent m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p o l i c y and discourse mark, i f not the end, c e r t a i n l y a r a d i c a l transformation i n t h i s i n d i v i d u a l i z e d approach to crime. In f a c t , C o l i n Sumner (1994) has gone so f a r as to w r i t e an extended o b i t u a r y f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l attempts to discover and e l i m i n a t e the causes of c r i m i n a l behavior. The emphasis i s now on crime understood as a r o u t i n e s t a t i s t i c a l event w i t h i t s own r e g u l a r i t i e s and p r o b a b i l i t i e s . Outside of those pedophiles and p a t h o l o g i c a l k i l l e r s who continue to be subject to h i g h l y p u b l i c processes of demonization, most crimes are now approached as a 'normal accident.' As accidents, they are seen to be amenable to i n t e r v e n t i o n s aimed at the l e v e l of the aggregate ra t h e r than the i n d i v i d u a l . Garland (1997: 186) has observed how 'viewed en masse, c r i m i n a l events are r e g u l a r , p r e d i c t a b l e , systematic, i n the way that road t r a f f i c accidents are. I t f o l l o w s that 55 a c t i o n upon crime should cease to be p r i m a r i l y a c t i o n upon deviant i n d i v i d u a l s and become i n s t e a d a c t i o n designed to govern s o c i a l and economic r o u t i n e s . ' While the s t a t i s t i c a l r i s k management of crime has i n t e n s i f i e d i n recent decades, t h i s p r o j e c t was inherent i n the e a r l i e s t beginnings of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s (Beirne 1993). From t h e i r i n c e p t i o n , the c o l l e c t i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i n v o l v e d an attempt to manage crime r i s k s through assessing the p r o b a b i l i t i e s of crimes f o r c l a s s e s of people and s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments. As Deflem (1997: 169) observes, since t h e i r development i n eighteenth century Europe, ' c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s was e s s e n t i a l l y d e s c r i p t i o n w i t h a purpose: as r i s k assessment i t c o l l e c t e d i n f o r m a t i o n , and as r i s k management i t p r e d i c t e d the crimes to be expected and prevented. Thus the transformation of crime from danger to r i s k was a c r u c i a l component of c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s . ' In the move towards c r i m i n a l r i s k assessment, our comprehension of the i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l has al s o been transformed. Our approach to c r i m i n a l s has undergone a move from the p a t h o l o g i c a l to the normal. P r e v i o u s l y understood to be somehow d i f f e r e n t from the r e s t of the popul a t i o n , c r i m i n a l s are now viewed as o p p o r t u n i s t i c but r a t i o n a l a c t o r s , i n v o l v e d i n a sober c a l c u l u s of the p o t e n t i a l costs 56 and b e n e f i t s of c r i m i n a l behavior. As a r e s u l t , the c r i m i n a l 'becomes a s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i v i d u a l , understood through h i s or her r e l a t i o n to a p o p u l a t i o n w i t h a recorded stock of experience and an emergent p a t t e r n of b e h a v i o r a l r e g u l a r i t i e s ' (Garland 1997: 182). Although there i s s t i l l a f l o u r i s h i n g i n d u s t r y searching f o r the root i n d i v i d u a l causes of crime, i t appears that the bloom i s w e l l o f f the rose f o r t h i s e n t e r p r i s e , as we move from a concern w i t h i n d i v i d u a l dangerousness to the management of c r i m i n a l r i s k s (Castel 1991). The p o l i c y aim now i s l e s s the n o r m a l i z a t i o n of the deviant than the transformation of the immediate p h y s i c a l environment, so that c o n d i t i o n s which are h i g h l y s t a t i s t i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h crime are modified or e l i m i n a t e d (Cohen 1985). This i s most apparent i n the i n c r e a s i n g l y popular c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s of 'crime prevention through environmental design' (Taylor and Gottfredson 1986; South 1987). Under t h i s r u b r i c , a host of amoral techniques are advocated to 'design out' the p o s s i b i l i t y of crime or reduce i t s s t a t i s t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y . These inc l u d e the use of environmental design s t r a t e g i e s which emphasize t e c h n o l o g i c a l and i n f o r m a l s u r v e i l l a n c e as w e l l as target-hardening. Such techniques range from the p r a c t i c a l to the comical to the deeply d i s q u i e t i n g (see Davis 1990, chap. 4). 57 N e o - l i b e r a l i s m i n v o l v e s s t r a t e g i e s of governance that become manifest i n the v o l u n t a r y a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s who are free to choose from assorted forms of e x p e r t i s e and techniques provided by s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e agencies. In the context of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , there has been the r a p i d emergence of a range of p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y experts and companies who o f f e r advice and commodities f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to consume i n t h e i r attempts to avoid c r i m i n a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Shearing and Stenning 1983; South 1988). A p l e t h o r a of e x t r a - s t a t e experts now advocate on behalf of the c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e of d i f f e r e n t groups (Rock 1986), while s t i l l others concentrate on the r i s k s posed by the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i t s e l f , accentuating the s t a t i s t i c a l over-r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t groups i n terms of t h e i r a r r e s t , c o n v i c t i o n and i n c a r c e r a t i o n r a t e s . Feeley and Simon (1994) have proposed that these broad changes amount to the emergence of a form of ' a c t u a r i a l ' c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by three f a c t o r s : 1) the p o p u l a t i o n i s taken as the appropriate t a r g e t f o r power and i n t e r v e n t i o n ; 2) power i s aimed at prevention and r i s k management; and 3) j u s t i c e i s i n c r e a s i n g l y understood through the r a t i o n a l i t y of the system. One of the most important e x t r a - s t a t e agencies i n v o l v e d i n such p r a c t i c e s i s the insurance i n d u s t r y . As O'Malley 58 (1992) and Reichman (1986) emphasize, the insurance i n d u s t r y i s able to s u b t l y coerce p o l i c y holders i n t o adopting techniques and technologies to improve the s t a t i s t i c a l r i s k p r o f i l e of t h e i r homes and l i f e s t y l e . I t a l s o prompts a form of ' r e s p o n s i b i l i z a t i o n ' (O'Malley 1992) whereby i n d i v i d u a l s are encouraged to adopt a r e f l e x i v e a t t i t u d e about the c r i m i n a l r i s k s they assume i n t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s , r i s k s that can be reduced by the consumption of various forms of s e c u r i t y commodities and e x p e r t i s e . The knowledge developed by the CCJS and comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s i s fundamental to processes of a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e . The aggregate s t a t i s t i c s they produce on trends i n crime and i n c a r c e r a t i o n rates are h i g h l y amenable to governmental s t r a t e g i e s that attempt to modify the c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e of d i f f e r e n t groups and p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n s . On occasion, the Centre has a l s o a c t i v e l y encouraged the use of t h e i r data as a t o o l to r e s p o n s i b i l i z e the c i t i z e n r y . For example, i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r UCR v a r i a b l e f o r 'point of entry' on r e s i d e n t i a l break-ins, the Centre proposed that t h i s knowledge 'could p o s s i b l y i n i t i a t e a p u b l i c awareness campaign by l o c a l law enforcement a u t h o r i t i e s to encourage r e s i d e n t s to secure doors, windows, e t c . when they leave t h e i r homes' (CCJS 1990a: 10). Several n e o - l i b e r a l themes are a l s o a r t i c u l a t e d i n the Centre's c l a i m that the 59 i n t r o d u c t i o n of d e t a i l e d 'property crime' data elements on t h e i r uniform crime rep o r t s can be used f o r 'improving crime prevention programs, developing marketing ideas f o r s e c u r i t y f i r m s , or e v a l u a t i n g the seriousness of s p e c i f i c types of property crime and t h e i r economic costs i n terms of d o l l a r s and property l o s s ' (CCJS 1990a: 13). In t h i s one sentence we see an emphasis on crime prevention as an a c t u a r i a l attempt to r e s p o n s i b i l i z e the p u b l i c , combined wi t h the prospect of c i t i z e n s i n s u r i n g against t h e i r r i s k s of v i c t i m i z a t i o n by employing p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y f i r m s . F i n a l l y , the n e o - l i b e r a l emphasis on an economic r a t i o n a l i t y i s c l e a r i n the concern f o r the f i n a n c i a l costs of crime. S t i l l another way i n which c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are connected w i t h p a r t i c u l a r e f f o r t s to govern c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s the manner i n which they f o s t e r the n o t i o n that c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e can i t s e l f be understood as a system. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to the Centre's knowledge, as many of t h e i r i n d i c a t o r s concern the performance of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e components and sub-components. S t a r t i n g i n the 1970s, the managers of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c r e a s i n g l y recognized, and were o c c a s i o n a l l y coerced i n t o , the need to employ s t a t i s t i c a l r e p resentations of system performance as a t o o l of governance as w e l l as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r resource a l l o c a t i o n . New managerial 60 discourses, increased c a l l s f o r f i s c a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and exponential increases i n computerized computational a b i l i t i e s a l l combined to accentuate the importance of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge as the b a s i s or j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r decision-making. I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a long h i s t o r y i n managing Canadian c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e programs could not help but n o t i c e these transformations i n management s t y l e s . Here a r e c e n t l y r e t i r e d i n d i v i d u a l w i t h more than 40 years experience d e a l i n g w i t h crime s t a t i s t i c s r e f l e c t s on t h i s heightened importance of s t a t i s t i c s i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e : So you can look during the 70's at an i n c r e a s i n g awareness of the need f o r s t a t i s t i c s w i t h i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e community. And r e c o g n i z i n g that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l agency... was becoming much more s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of the manager's welfare. That the manager was becoming much more dependent on having the r i g h t data at the r i g h t time... What we had at the beginning of the 70's was an emerging area of where there were i n c r e a s i n g requirements by the c e n t r a l agencies f o r q u a n t i t a t i v e data; Operational Performance Management Systems... these were b a s i c a l l y c o s t - e f f e c t i v e n e s s t o o l s encouraging the manager to look at r e s u l t s and to q u a n t i t a t i v e l y measure i n order to achieve those r e s u l t s . And to measure those r e s u l t s the emphasis was i n c r e a s i n g l y on measurement. Aggregate s t a t i s t i c s that document the processes i n v o l v e d i n the operation of various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e components, such as t h e i r caseload, p o p u l a t i o n flows and cost-per-case, f o s t e r the impression that the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system can i t s e l f be an object of governance. 61 P o s s i b i l i t i e s are opened up f o r i n t e r v e n i n g i n the operation of these i n s t i t u t i o n s at the system l e v e l . In f a c t , c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are a fundamental f a c t o r i n promoting the impression that the r e l a t i v e l y independent c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s c o n s t i t u t e a coherent and manageable system. D i s c u s s i o n In summary, t h i s chapter has accentuated the importance of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to l i b e r a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s of governance. Aggregate crime s t a t i s t i c s both all o w f o r and encourage a c t u a r i a l techniques to confront crime, which i s now conceived of as a p r o b a b i l i s t i c 'normal accident.' Crime becomes a r i s k which c i t i z e n s , i n the management of t h e i r own l i v e s , are encouraged to t r y to counter through the e x p e r t i s e o f f e r e d by the p o l i c e , the insurance i n d u s t r y , academics and p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y . Rather than a moral f a i l i n g , crime becomes a common but unpalatable event to be planned away. At the same time, aggregate knowledges transform the myriad dispersed and disconnected c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t o a system whose flows, e f f i c i e n c y and costs can be governed from d i s t a n t centers of c a l c u l a t i o n . However, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t i s t i c s and forms of governmental r a t i o n a l i t y should not be read d e t e r m i n i s t i c a l l y . S t a t i s t i c s do not cause the current e x p l o s i o n of a c t u a r i a l forms of 62 governance; r a t h e r , the presence of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i s both a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the r e c o g n i t i o n of the importance of t h i s s t y l e of governance as w e l l as a t o o l which makes l i b e r a l governance p o s s i b l e . In these b r i e f concluding comments I would l i k e to take the opportunity to step back from t h i s account of how the CCJS can be r e l a t e d to governmental forms of a n a l y s i s i n order to h i g h l i g h t two ways i n which t h i s study departs from the p r e s c r i p t i o n s of some authors w r i t i n g on n e o - l i b e r a l i s m . The f i r s t departure from a p u r e l y governmental a n a l y s i s concerns the r o l e of the s t a t e . Authors w r i t i n g on neo-l i b e r a l i s m have been decidedly n o m i n a l i s t about the s t a t e , approaching i t as one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of broader p r a c t i c e s of governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Instead of accentuating the ongoing importance of the s t a t e i n p r a c t i c e s of governance, these w r i t e r s have emphasized the ways i n which myriad e x t r a - s t a t e ' s o c i a l ' (Donzelot 1979) agencies intervene i n e f f o r t s to shape an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f - g o v e r n i n g c a p a c i t y i n d i r e c t i o n s that accord w i t h the d e s i r e s of a u t h o r i t i e s . While I agree that the s t a t e should not be e s s e n t i a l i z e d , I a l s o b e l i e v e that i t i s important to continue to explore the operations of s t a t e agencies, s p e c i f i c a l l y the way i n which the s t a t e i s p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l s u i t e d to c r e a t i n g centers of c a l c u l a t i o n that can e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l from a d i s t a n c e . For 63 example, while the knowledge produced by the CCJS i s used by e x t r a - s t a t e agencies to develop s t r a t e g i e s and technologies to counter crime and enhance s e c u r i t y , we must recognize that t h i s knowledge i s f i r s t and foremost generated f o r use by s t a t e o f f i c i a l s . The CCJS i s funded by the s t a t e to f u l f i l l i t s c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e knowledge requirements. One reason why the Centre's numbers and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people, places and events have been able to acquire a degree of a u t h o r i t y i s because of t h i s s t a t e a f f i l i a t i o n . I t i s a l s o important to recognize that given the complex p o l i t i c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n a l issues i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , i t i s u n l i k e l y that anything but a s t a t e - a f f i l i a t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n would be able to c o l l e c t n a t i o n a l numbers on c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The second way that t h i s study d i f f e r s from a p u r e l y governmental approach concerns the aims of the a n a l y s i s . The focus of s t u d i e s of l i b e r a l i s m or n e o - l i b e r a l i s m have tended to take the form of ' h i s t o r i e s of the present,' that chart the changed r a t i o n a l i t i e s that have l e d up to our contemporary understandings of the s e l f and the aims and p r a c t i c e s of governance. Some an a l y s t s have a r t i c u l a t e d an antipathy towards s o c i o l o g i c a l accounts that attempt to e x p l a i n how d i f f e r e n t systems of governance operate i n p r a c t i c e . N i k o l a s Rose (1993: 288) has suggested that s t u d i e s of government eschew s o c i o l o g i c a l r e a l i s m i n l i e u of 64 a concern to examine how a u t h o r i t i e s have conceived of what i t means to govern and how governance i s made p o s s i b l e . In c o n t r a s t , the approach adopted i n t h i s study i s more s o c i o l o g i c a l , i n that I provide an ethnography of how a p a r t i c u l a r form of knowledge that has become indispensable to l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l forms of governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s created. I t amounts to a concern f o r how the objects of governmental r a t i o n a l i t y i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e are brought i n t o being and rendered v i s i b l e , knowable and ac t i o n a b l e . In so doing, I f o l l o w the admonition by Rose and M i l l e r (1992: 183) that we need to focus our a t t e n t i o n on 'the humble and mundane mechanisms by which a u t h o r i t i e s seek to i n s t a n t i a t e government: techniques of n o t a t i o n , computation and c a l c u l a t i o n ; procedures of examination and. assessment; the i n v e n t i o n of devices such as surveys and p r e s e n t a t i o n a l forms such as t a b l e s . ' The next chapter turns our a t t e n t i o n to some of these humble and mundane components through which governance i s made p o s s i b l e . 65 Chapter 2 Networks And Numbers There i s l i t t l e awareness, except on the p a r t of those d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d , of the ways i n which o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s are produced. (Government S t a t i s t i c i a n s ' C o l l e c t i v e 1979: 130) I n t r o d u c t i o n The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s i s an intermediary, a s t a t i s t i c a l clearing-house that works to produce numbers that serve the p o l i t i c a l and managerial needs of a host of i n s t i t u t i o n s . The knowledge i t generates i s an important component i n the governance of populations and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Authors working i n the governmental t r a d i t i o n have acknowledged the l i n k between p r a c t i c e s of governance and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s i t e s where governmental knowledge i s produced. Frequent mention i s made of d i v e r s e 'centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' i n important works on l i b e r a l governance by N i k o l a s Rose and Peter M i l l e r (Rose and M i l l e r 1992; M i l l e r 1994; Rose 1996). These pieces accentuate the important r o l e that such centers p l a y i n the c r e a t i o n and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the objects towards which governmental p r a c t i c e s are d i r e c t e d . The authors p o i n t out 66 that i n order f o r governmental knowledge to be developed, people working i n such centers must a l i g n a di v e r s e assemblage of humans, o r g a n i z a t i o n s and technologies. I t i s through such networks that forms of 'action at a distan c e ' are made p o s s i b l e and, as Ni k o l a s Rose (1996: 43) has argued, ' i t i s only to the extent that such alignments of div e r s e forces can be e s t a b l i s h e d that c a l c u l a t e d a c t i o n upon conduct across space and time can occur at a l l . ' Despite the r e c o g n i t i o n that centers of c a l c u l a t i o n p l a y an important r o l e i n r e l a t i o n to p r a c t i c e s of governance, there has been l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l research i n t o how such centers operate. This chapter addresses t h i s lacunae by e x p l o r i n g the means by which the CCJS produces i t s numbers on crime. Drawing from the s o c i o l o g y of science, I explore how the Centre employs d i v e r s e resources to a l i g n v a r ious a r t i f a c t s and elements i n t o a complex network. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h i s chapter i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y informed by a c t o r -network theory's (ANT) emphasis on how the production and maintenance of 'knowledge networks' undergirds s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h . Approximately twenty years have passed since the Government S t a t i s t i c i a n s ' C o l l e c t i v e made the statement that heads t h i s chapter, and i t remains e s s e n t i a l l y as true today as when i t was f i r s t pronounced. Despite the f a c t that guidebooks f o r how to produce s t a t i s t i c s abound, we have yet 67 to develop an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. Any randomly s e l e c t e d s o c i a l science methods textbook w i l l o u t l i n e the stock and trade of q u a n t i t a t i v e methodology: procedural d i c t a t e s and cautions f o r how best to produce, j u s t i f y and l e g i t i m a t e surveys, experiments and p o l l s . I f we remain w i t h i n t h i s a r t i f i c i a l l y bounded methodological realm we might be excused f o r conceiving of the processes of survey design, data c o l l e c t i o n , o r g a n i z a t i o n , and maintenance as r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d a f f a i r s , and f o r b e l i e v i n g that knowledge can be produced, and produced c o r r e c t l y , by f o l l o w i n g the r u l e s . Paul Feyerabend, i n h i s a n a r c h i s t i c approach to s c i e n t i f i c methodology, challenges t h i s image of science by famously p r o c l a i m i n g that the only v a l i d methodological d i c t a t e i s 'anything goes' (1993: 19). A l l other attempts to define the r u l e s and procedures f o r producing s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h unduly r e s t r i c t what i s at heart a c h a o t i c e n t e r p r i s e . A 'method' i s simply the means by which something i s accomplished, and when i t comes to the production of o f f i c i a l numbers about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , an in f o r m a l set of methods are employed that extend w e l l beyond the techniques enshrined i n methodology t e x t s . The CCJS's methodology i s a human and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a f f a i r i n v o l v i n g complex i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g o t i a t i o n s , p o l i t i c a l acumen and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l . In reading the 68 production of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e knowledge through the ANT len s , I conceive of the CCJS as a s t a t i s t i c a l l a b o r a t o r y , working to produce authorized f a c t s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Although i t d i f f e r s i n s e v e r a l respects from the i d e a l i z e d image of an experimental l a b o r a t o r y , we can l e a r n a great deal about the Centre by s c r u t i n i z i n g i t i n l i g h t of approximately twenty years of s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of l a b o r a t o r i e s . This s t r a t e g y i s a l s o i n keeping w i t h the admonitions from authors such as K a r i n Knorr Cetina (1995, 1992) that we expand our conception of the types of p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n s which are to count as l a b o r a t o r i e s . M i l l e r and 0'Leary (1994: 470) al s o entreat a n a l y s t s to 'address those p r a c t i c e s that seek to act upon and transform the world i n s p e c i f i c and r e l a t i v e l y bounded l o c a l e s , even i f t h i s takes place outside the l a b o r a t o r y populated by p h y s i c i s t s , chemists, and the l i k e . ' At f i r s t glance i t might appear that the analogy between the Centre and l a b o r a t o r y science i s s t r a i n e d . Some might object that the s t a f f at the CCJS are not s c i e n t i s t s due to the f a c t that they are considerably removed from the d i r e c t observation of the objects of which they speak. However, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n breaks down when we recognize how s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of l a b o r a t o r i e s have accentuated t h a t , l i k e the Centre, l a b o r a t o r y s c i e n t i s t s r o u t i n e l y operate on r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l forms, assays and i n s c r i p t i o n s that a r r i v e 69 at the door of the l a b o r a t o r y p r e - s t r u c t u r e d and standardized (Latour and Woolgar 1979). A l s o , l i k e the Centre, much s c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r y work i s r o u t i n e , l a c k i n g the famous 'Eureka' moment of discovery. In f a c t , the d i v e r s i t y of endeavors which we c a t e g o r i z e as science c r o s s -c u l t u r a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y i s t r u l y astounding. Questions about where the l i n e w i l l be drawn between science and non-science are f r e q u e n t l y contentious and p o l i t i c a l (see, Taylor 1996). For the purposes of t h i s study, I am not concerned whether what goes on w i t h i n the Centre i s ' r e a l l y ' science. Instead, I am proposing that the s i m i l a r i t i e s between s c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r i e s and the p r a c t i c e s of the CCJS are such that i t i s f r u i t f u l to t h i n k about the Centre i n l i g h t of s o c i o l o g i c a l r e f l e c t i o n s on l a b o r a t o r y science. The p a r a l l e l s between l a b o r a t o r y p r a c t i c e s and the Centre's ro u t i n e s w i l l become more apparent i n the f o l l o w i n g pages. However, at t h i s p o i n t i t i s worth accentuating that both e n t e r p r i s e s are i n v o l v e d i n attempts to produce acknowledged f a c t s . In order to accomplish t h i s , a l a b o r a t o r y serves as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n from which e f f o r t s to m o b i l i z e d i s t a n t p l a c e s , people and things are coordinated. L i k e a l a b o r a t o r y , the Centre i s a p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n embedded i n complex webs of technologies, i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l 70 a f f i l i a t i o n s and knowledge flows, a l l of which must be a l i g n e d i n the hopes of producing knowledge. This chapter examines the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Centre's knowledge network by focusing on Canada's two v a r i a n t s of uniform crime r e p o r t i n g : the UCR and UCRII. While the Centre produces numerous surveys and s p e c i a l s t u d i e s , the UCR i s t h e i r f l a g s h i p ; i t i s what people g e n e r a l l y r e f e r to when they t a l k about crime s t a t i s t i c s . The chapter commences w i t h an overview of the s o c i a l understanding of t r u t h which informs t h i s study and then moves on to o u t l i n e the contours of actor-network theory. A f t e r l a y i n g t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l groundwork, we then d e t a i l some of the s p e c i f i c s of the UCR and the c r i t i q u e s which have been l e v e l e d against i t . This i s done i n order to emphasize the extent to which the Centre's knowledge i s open to challenge and how Centre s t a f f c o n t i n u a l l y work to s o l i d i f y t h e i r knowledge i n an e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l l y h o s t i l e environment. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the CCJS and the p o l i c e serves as the focus f o r t h i s examination of the Centre's processes of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. I t in c l u d e s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the way i n which the CCJS has been able to make i t s e l f an indispensable center of c a l c u l a t i o n and the r o l e that other forms of 'black boxed' knowledges p l a y i n t h e i r network. 71 Contested Knowledge One of the agendas of the s o c i o l o g y of science has been to study the processes i n v o l v e d i n producing authorized t r u t h s . The p r e f e r r e d way i n which s c i e n t i s t s account f o r the t r u t h of t h e i r claims has been to invoke some v a r i a n t of a correspondence theory of t r u t h . Such t h e o r i e s operate on the assumption that our observations, i n d i c a t o r s and knowledges are true by v i r t u e of the way that they accord w i t h the s t r u c t u r e and f u n c t i o n i n g of the world - a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c demonstrated most f o r c e f u l l y i n the n a t u r a l sciences through l a b o r a t o r y experiments. Since Thomas Kuhn's S t r u c t u r e of Scientific Revolutions (1962) and K a r l -Popper's (1963) championing of the n o t i o n that s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s are r e l a t e d to the c o n s t r u c t i o n of A f a l s i f i a b l e ' statements, however, correspondence t h e o r i e s have been i n c r e a s i n g l y s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m . One of the most u n r e l e n t i n g of these c r i t i c s has been philosopher Richard Rorty. Taking h i s lead from Wi t t g e n s t e i n , Rorty (1989) argues that our ideas are not true or f a l s e by v i r t u e of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the world, but because of how they accord to the r u l e s f o r producing t r u t h w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c v o c a b u l a r i e s or language games. As c r i t e r i o n - g o v e r n e d discourses, language games provide the r u l e s f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g t r u t h and the types of people authorized to speak the t r u t h (Foucault 1972). As a product of language, t r u t h i s u l t i m a t e l y a human c r e a t i o n . 72 One of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of adopting such a p o s i t i o n i s that s o c i o l o g i c a l accounts Of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s must proceed without easy recourse to claims about how science has managed to get nature ' r i g h t . ' S o c i o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l commentators have continued these c r i t i q u e s of correspondence t h e o r i e s by arguing that s c i e n t i f i c observations are i n h e r e n t l y theory-laden, that the t h e o r i e s we employ shape and c o n s t r a i n our observations. In a s i m i l a r v e i n , others have advanced what has become known as the 'underdetermination t h e s i s , ' which holds that d i f f e r e n t explanatory accounts are p o s s i b l e f o r the same sensory experience, a l l o w i n g s c i e n t i s t s to maintain a core theory i n the face of c o n t r a d i c t o r y observations. Evidence does not compel s c i e n t i s t s to adopt a s i n g u l a r and e x c l u s i v e account of what they have witnessed. Rather, the way that s c i e n t i s t s make sense of t h e i r observations and the type of research they conduct can be r e l a t e d to t h e i r hopes, expectations and i n t e r e s t s . This i s a p o i n t that i s r e l a t i v e l y easy to concede i n r e l a t i o n to h i s t o r i c a l s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s which have since been superseded, but i s more d i f f i c u l t to recognize when d i s c u s s i n g c u r r e n t l y a u t h o r i t a t i v e s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s . This study employs a s o c i o l o g i c a l understanding of t r u t h , one which emphasizes the r o l e that s o c i a l r e a c t i o n s p l a y i n the production of t r u t h . Truth i s a consequence of 73 the way that humans r e l a t e to d i f f e r e n t claims. W r i t i n g i n 1907, pragmatist W i l l i a m James (1997: 114) argued that ' t r u t h happens to an idea. I t becomes t r u e , i s made true by events.' Bruno Latour (1987) has advanced a comparable argument f o r how s c i e n t i f i c claims acquire a degree of f a c t i c i t y , emphasizing how the f a t e of a c l a i m depends on how i t i s a l t e r n a t i v e l y adopted or neglected by d i f f e r e n t audiences. Truth i t s e l f i s an end-state, achieved when a c l a i m i s adopted by other groups and agencies and i s no longer subject to attack. This means that science i n v o l v e s attempts to persuade others to adopt various claims, and as claims s t a r t to be accepted as t r u e , the s o c i a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l antecedents to the production of a p a r t i c u l a r f a c t d i s s o l v e and the world seems to simply speak f o r i t s e l f . While t h i s approach has the a i r of a r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n , Latour sees i t as a step away from r e l a t i v i s m . Truth i s not r e l a t i v e to anything e l s e , as f a c t s c l e a r l y e x i s t i n the world and there are things upon which there i s general agreement: ' I f there i s no controversy among s c i e n t i s t s as to the status of f a c t , then i t i s useless to go on t a l k i n g about i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , a b i a s e d or d i s t o r t e d worldview, weak and f r a g i l e p i c t u r e s of the world, u n f a i t h f u l spokesmen' (Latour 1987: 100). In the absence of c o n f l i c t s about a claim's s t a t u s , i t i s 74 undeniably t r u e . Truth i s a r r i v e d at as a consequence of the s e t t l i n g of disputes and as a r e s u l t we cannot appeal to ' t r u t h as the reason why the dispute was s e t t l e d : Knowledge, t r u t h , and r e a l i t y do e x i s t , but not as pure i d e a t i o n a l i t y or p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e e n t i t i e s . Truth and r e a l i t y are the c r i e s of a strong c o a l i t i o n and a p r a c t i c a l l y s u c c e s s f u l actor network. Truth and r e a l i t y are (and have been) a c o n d i t i o n that must be produced and c o n t i n u a l l y maintained (Ward 1996: 137) . Once e s t a b l i s h e d , p a r t i c u l a r t r u t h s are by no means permanent. Long e s t a b l i s h e d s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s can, sometimes wit h b r e a t h t a k i n g speed, d i s s o l v e i n the face of new claims or magnified c r i t i q u e s . As t h i s happens, what were p r e v i o u s l y u n i v e r s a l , impersonal f a c t s again become ass o c i a t e d w i t h the a c t i o n s and claims of p a r t i c u l a r people working i n s p e c i f i c p l a c e s . One of the most important moments i n the e v o l u t i o n of t h i s approach to s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h was Bloor's (1976) c a l l f o r a 'strong program' i n the s o c i o l o g y of knowledge. Bloor implored s o c i o l o g i s t s to go beyond t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l focus on how s o c i a l f a c t o r s have produced f a u l t y , biased or i n c o r r e c t knowledge. Instead, s o c i o l o g i s t s should t u r n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to the more p e r p l e x i n g matter of t r u t h . To p r a c t i c i n g s c i e n t i s t s , the strong program o f t e n has the a i r of the h e r e t i c a l i n that i t seeks to unearth the broader s o c i a l f a c t o r s that shape, i n f l u e n c e or determine whether a c l a i m becomes t r u e . I f i t i s not e x c l u s i v e l y the nature of the world as it is, which makes science t r u e , other e x t r a -s c i e n t i f i c f a c t o r s must account f o r why claims acquire the mantle of t r u t h . Although s t a t i s t i c s has not been a major e m p i r i c a l focus of science s t u d i e s , one c l a s s i c study has used s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge to explore some of the s o c i a l f a c t o r s which can shape the development of true knowledge. Donald MacKenzie's (1981) a n a l y s i s of the development of s t a t i s t i c s i n B r i t a i n between 1865-1930 s t a r t s by documenting how the s t a t i s t i c a l l u m inaries of t h i s time, Galton, Pearson and F i s h e r , were a l l i n v o l v e d i n the eugenics movement. He argues that as p a r t of the emerging p r o f e s s i o n a l middle c l a s s , eugenics would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e to these i n d i v i d u a l s i n that i t emphasized the need f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t i s e i n p o l i t i c a l decision-making while a l s o p r o c l a i m i n g the b i o l o g i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y of t h i s segment of s o c i e t y . MacKenzie then goes on to suggest various ways i n which t h e i r common i n t e r e s t i n eugenics became manifest i n t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l techniques. While i t i s impossible to f u l l y convey the nuances of h i s argument i n t h i s summary, one of h i s more i n t r i g u i n g i n s i g h t s i n v o l v e s the idea that the very n o t i o n of a s t a t i s t i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y bound up w i t h Galton's i n t e r e s t i n eugenics. In p a r t i c u l a r , he d e t a i l s how one of the key questions f o r eugenics was 76 what r e l a t i o n s h i p there might be between the p h y s i c a l and mental a t t r i b u t e s of parents and s i b l i n g s . In e f f e c t , t h i s amounted to a concern f o r the s t a t i s t i c a l dependence of two v a r i a b l e s , and i t was t h i s eugenics concern that 'made the understanding and measurement of s t a t i s t i c a l dependence as a phenomenon in its own right a c e n t r a l goal of s t a t i s t i c a l theory' (MacKenzie 1981: 71). In e f f e c t , MacKenzie tr a c e s the emergence of a now indispensable s t a t i s t i c a l t o o l to the s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s of i t s c r e a t o r . Actor Networks - I d e n t i t y Adoption and Ambivalence More r e c e n t l y , a group of authors working under the r u b r i c of 'actor-network theory'(ANT) or the 'sociology of t r a n s l a t i o n ' (Latour 1987, C a l l o n 1986, Law 1987), have f u r t h e r r a d i c a l i z e d the s o c i o l o g y of science. These authors provide a v i s i o n of science as i n v o l v i n g the complex and contingent inter-weaving of human and non-human components. Adhering to the idea that t r u t h i s a status we confer upon ideas, they accentuate how t r u t h claims e x i s t w i t h i n ' a g o n i s t i c f i e l d s , ' by which they mean that claims are c o n t i n u a l l y subject to c r i t i q u e and o p p o s i t i o n . Opponents or sk e p t i c s of p a r t i c u l a r knowledges or technologies w i l l s i n g l e out any conceivable aspect of a c l a i m i n e f f o r t s to deconstruct i t s v e r a c i t y . Nothing i s excluded out of hand i n such a t t a c k s , i f i t serves to undermine or b r i n g i n t o 77 question the authorized status of a claim, i t i s f a i r game. Some of the things that can be subject to c r i t i q u e i n c l u d e a researcher's methodology, p u b l i c a t i o n v e h i c l e , r h e t o r i c a l s t y l e , r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, funding source, s c i e n t i f i c c r e d e n t i a l s , p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s , personal r e p u t a t i o n , use of technology, and so on. Producing s c i e n t i f i c knowledge i n v o l v e s e f f o r t s to a n t i c i p a t e such dec o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s i n order to circumvent and minimize t h e i r e f f i c a c y (Fuchs and Ward 1994). Science begins to take on the appearance of a b a t t l e between i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s more than an i m p a r t i a l quest f o r t r u t h . While ANT shares the strong program's d e s i r e to i n v e s t i g a t e the e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c i n f l u e n c e s on determinations of t r u t h , i t d i f f e r s i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the explanatory force of broader s o c i a l and/or s t r u c t u r a l phenomena (Callon and Latour 1992; C o l l i n s and Yearley 1992). Appeals cannot be made to 'the economy,' ' c a p i t a l i s m , ' 'classes' or ' i n t e r e s t s , ' i n order to e x p l a i n why claims are accepted as t r u e , as our understandings of such phenomena are themselves contested and constructed, emerging out of each one's s p e c i f i c network (Latour 1993: 95). The s t a b i l i t y we a f f o r d to such e n t i t i e s must, i t s e l f be explained i n l i g h t of the concentration on the production and maintenance of knowledge networks. 78 The seminal t e x t i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n i s Latour and Woolgar's Laboratory Life (1979), which explores the r o l e of the m i c r o s o c i a l c r a f t work of s c i e n t i s t s i n the production of l a b o r a t o r y f a c t s . In t h i s study, an image emerges of science as an ongoing attempt to transform chaos i n t o order, a s t r u g g l e i n which s c i e n t i s t s employ a range of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic resources that are t r a d i t i o n a l l y evacuated from mainstream accounts of science. Phenomena and techniques'are employed which extend w e l l beyond the t e s t tubes, s t a t i s t i c a l analyses and b i o l o g i c a l assays that are science's s t e r e o t y p i c a l stock and trade. As Rouse (1993: 155) observes, ' a l l of the small l o c a l d e c i s i o n s about research m a t e r i a l s , equipment, procedures, funding, personnel, s k i l l development, and the l i k e shape the a c t u a l development of the knowledges that i n v e s t and underwrite the s o r t s of knowledge claims that philosophers t y p i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e . ' The u l t i m a t e aim of s c i e n t i f i c p r a c t i c e i s to produce a form of knowledge that assumes the s t a t u s of a black box. Here 'black boxing' r e f e r s to the way i n which the various contingent, l o c a l , s e m i o t i c , personal and t e c h n o l o g i c a l elements o r i g i n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the production of a f a c t or technology are made to disappear. S c i e n t i f i c claims, which s t a r t o f f as the work of a few i n d i v i d u a l s doing s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s , s l o w l y lose 79 reference to these o r i g i n a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s and simply become tru e . This amounts to a p r o g r e s s i v e f o r g e t t i n g of the networks that make the f a c t s or technologies p o s s i b l e . For s c i e n t i s t s to extend t h e i r t r u t h s to new contexts i t becomes necessary f o r them to negotiate w i t h i n c r e a s i n g numbers of actants. These actants comprise the myriad component p a r t s of a knowledge network and can c o n s i s t of technologies, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , assays, i n s c r i p t i o n s , funding agencies, and so on. I f a c l a i m i s to gain strength and move beyond i t s o r i g i n a t i n g l o c a l contexts, these d i s p a r a t e human and non-human components must be patterned i n t o a l a r g e r complex whole. As Latour (1987: 108) observes, 'the spread i n space and time of black boxes i s p a i d f o r by a f a n t a s t i c increase i n the number of elements to be t i e d together.' John Law (1987) r e f e r s to these e f f o r t s to a l i g n an i n d e f i n i t e number and v a r i e t y of elements as 'heterogeneous engineering.' I t i s important to recognize that none of these d i v e r s e component p a r t s are viewed as being any more or l e s s important than any other. A l l actants must perform t h e i r assigned r o l e s f a i t h f u l l y i n order f o r claims to s t a b i l i z e i n t o t r u t h . Within an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l center such as a l a b o r a t o r y , s c i e n t i f i c actors work to draw together n a t u r a l phenomena, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n d i v i d u a l s and technologies i n t o an o p e r a t i o n a l whole. C a l l o n (1986) has summarized t h i s task as 80 c o n s i s t i n g of processes of 'interressement,' ' t r a n s l a t i o n , ' and 'enrollment.' When discussed i n the a b s t r a c t , these concepts can be confusing given the f a c t that the s p e c i f i c ways i n which they are accomplished are unique to any p a r t i c u l a r knowledge network. In succession, 'interressement' r e f e r s to the processes whereby s c i e n t i s t s d i s t i n g u i s h the types of i d e n t i t i e s that various actants must perform f o r a technology to work or f a c t to emerge. This i s followed by the process of ' t r a n s l a t i o n ' through which s c i e n t i s t s negotiate w i t h the d i f f e r e n t component p a r t s i n an attempt to transform e x i s t i n g i d e n t i t i e s such that new r o l e s are adopted. These t r a n s l a t e d i d e n t i t i e s c o n s i s t of 'the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given by f a c t b u i l d e r s of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and that of the people they e n r o l ' (Latour 1987: 108). In such n e g o t i a t i o n s , s c i e n t i s t s s t r i v e to s i t u a t e t h e i r research or technology as an o b l i g a t o r y p o i n t of passage f o r the f u l f i l l m e n t of the i n t e r e s t s imputed to these d i v e r s e a c t a n t s . S c i e n t i s t s can attempt to s a t i s f y an almost i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y of i n t e r e s t s : o r g a n i z a t i o n s might have an i n t e r e s t i n greater p r e s t i g e or funding, s c i e n t i s t s , might be i n t e r e s t e d i n a c q u i r i n g a new technology that w i l l f u r t h e r t h e i r e x i s t i n g research program, and b i o l o g i c a l e n t i t i e s can be c r e d i t e d w i t h having an i n t e r e s t i n propagating t h e i r species. In a l l of these 81 c o n s t r u c t i o n s , the researchers aim to make themselves indispensable to the f u l f i l l m e n t of these i n t e r e s t s . F i n a l l y , 'enrollment' i n v o l v e s s t a b i l i z i n g and r o u t i n i z i n g these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t in v o l v e s attempts to c o n t r o l r e l a t i o n s and i d e n t i t i e s , and i n t h i s respect e x e m p l i f i e s Foucault's (1980: 131) c l a i m that t r u t h i s 'produced only by v i r t u e of m u l t i p l e forms of c o n s t r a i n t . ' Having t r a n s l a t e d the i n t e r e s t s of e n t i t i e s such that they i d e n t i f y w i t h the knowledge to be produced, s c i e n t i s t s must ensure that they perform t h e i r r o l e s i n a r o u t i n e and p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n . Using various technologies and t a c t i c s , s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are made to assume a mechanical q u a l i t y -to the extant that what were o r i g i n a l l y unstable r e l a t i o n s h i p s s t a r t to behave l i k e machines. I f s c i e n t i s t s are unable to c o n t r o l and s t a b i l i z e these r o l e s , there i s always the r i s k that the component pa r t s w i l l revoke t h e i r w i l l i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n and withdraw from the network. A s e r i e s of 'i n t e r m e d i a r i e s ' are th e r e f o r e employed i n attempts to r o u t i n i z e the i d e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t a c t a n t s . Intermediaries c o n s i s t of anything that passes between actors which serve to define the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them and can in c l u d e such things as t e x t s , technologies, d i s c i p l i n e d human beings, and money. These serve to s t a b i l i z e the behavior of d i f f e r e n t actants and channel t h e i r f u n c t i o n i n g i n the d i r e c t i o n d e s i r e d by the 82 o r c h e s t r a t i n g a c t o r . As such, they give s o c i a l l i n k s shape, consistency and permanence over time. Murdoch (1995: 747) provides a concise summary of these processes of i d e n t i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n and s t a b i l i z a t i o n : In order f o r an actor s u c c e s s f u l l y to e n r o l e n t i t i e s (human and nonhuman) w i t h i n a network, t h e i r behaviour must be s t a b i l i s e d and channelled i n the d i r e c t i o n d e s i r e d by the e n r o l l i n g a c t o r . This w i l l e n t a i l r e d e f i n i n g the r o l e s of the actors and e n t i t i e s as they come i n t o alignment, such that they come to gain new i d e n t i t i e s or a t t r i b u t e s w i t h i n the network. I t i s the intermediaries... which act to bind actors together, 'cementing' the l i n k s . When there i s a p e r f e c t t r a n s l a t i o n , or r e d e f i n i t i o n , of a c t o r s ' i d e n t i t i e s and behaviours then these are s t a b i l i s e d w i t h i n the network. The stronger the network, the more t i g h t l y the various e n t i t i e s (human and nonhuman) are t i e d i n . One of the i n t r i g u i n g i n s i g h t s to emerge from ANT i s that the di v e r s e component p a r t s of a knowledge network are themselves comprised of t h e i r own networks. Anyone who has owned a s l i g h t l y temperamental v e h i c l e w i l l recognize that the assemblage we c a l l a car c o n s i s t s of a number of d i f f e r e n t black boxes that r e q u i r e t h e i r own process of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. I g n i t i o n , s o l e n o i d and f u e l i n j e c t i o n a l l must perform t h e i r p r e s c r i b e d r o l e s i n order f o r the l a r g e r network to operate i n the d e s i r e d manner. The upshot of t h i s view of actor networks i s that i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y impossible to 'map' a l l of the component p a r t s of any p a r t i c u l a r network. Any apparently s o l i d e n t i t y , 83 i n s t i t u t i o n , person or phenomena, that one might p o i n t to as being part of any p a r t i c u l a r network i s i t s e l f the product of i t s own processes of network b u i l d i n g and maintenance. Law (1992: 385) makes the p o i n t n i c e l y when he s t a t e s that ' a l l phenomena are the e f f e c t or the product of heterogeneous networks.' Consequently, the job of the analyst i s not to dep i c t the t o t a l i t y of any p a r t i c u l a r network but to explore the s t r a t e g i e s and techniques by which s c i e n t i s t s t r y to i n t e r e s t and c o n t r o l p a r t i c u l a r l y r e c a l c i t r a n t actants. I t i s through such t r a n s l a t i o n s and ongoing e f f o r t s to c o n t r o l these p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s that the network coalesces i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g whole. The 'actors' of which actor-network theory speaks are the people or i n s t i t u t i o n s who work to a l i g n these d i f f e r e n t i n t e r m e d i a r i e s . The r e c o g n i t i o n that actors a c t i v e l y construct and manipulate the p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s places the issue of power at the f o r e f r o n t of actor-network theory. As s e v e r a l authors have observed, the v i s i o n of power employed by ANT c l e a r l y resonates w i t h that advanced by Foucault (Law 1992; Michael 1996). For ANT, power i s not conceived to be something capable of being possessed by an acto r , but as the outcome of the a s s o c i a t i o n s between a c t o r s . 'Powerful actors speak f o r a l l the e n r o l l e d e n t i t i e s and a c t o r s , and c o n t r o l the means of re p r e s e n t a t i o n ' (Murdoch 1995: 748). Power i s 84 manifest when various e n t i t i e s have been s u c c e s s f u l l y e n r o l l e d i n t o a network. Actor-network theory employs a conception of s c i e n t i s t s c o n s c i o u s l y working to a l i g n d i f f e r e n t r e c a l c i t r a n t actants i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g network. As such, i t works w i t h an understanding of human agency. In f a c t , the image of agency emerging out of ANT has at times almost appeared to reproduce e a r l i e r hagiographic accounts i n which monumental s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o v e r i e s were r e l a t e d to the s p e c i a l s k i l l s or p e r s o n a l i t i e s of t h e i r d i s c o v e r e r s . Latour's (1988, 1983) examinations of Pasteur's e f f o r t s to develop the anthrax vaccine are p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to such a reading. However, t h i s image of a sovereign i n d i v i d u a l working to produce f a c t s by a l i g n i n g d i f f e r e n t component pa r t s through sheer force of w i l l i s a misreading of the r o l e of agency i n ANT. Agency i s i t s e l f seen to be the r e s u l t of complex processes of network b u i l d i n g and maintenance. As Law (1992: 384) observes, 'an actor i s a patterned network of heterogeneous r e l a t i o n s , or an e f f e c t produced by such a network.' The a b i l i t i e s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of agents are the r e s u l t of the networks of people, laws, technologies and a r t i f a c t s i n which they are embedded. Agency, and t h e r e f o r e power, i s precarious and contingent. I f technologies, nature, i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s do not adopt t h e i r a s c r i b e d r o l e s , the l a r g e r 85 network i s unstable and the s c i e n t i s t ' s a b i l i t y to produce f a c t s i s i n doubt. For example, Ca l l o n ' s (1986) study of an attempt to construct a s c i e n t i f i c network among s c a l l o p s , researchers and f i s h e r s i s already recognized as an exemplary ANT study of the processes of i d e n t i t y adoption and r e j e c t i o n . The researchers C a l l o n s t u d i e d sought to narrate the r o l e s f o r these d i f f e r e n t actors such that new forms of knowledge could be produced about the reproductive h a b i t s of the s c a l l o p s of St. Brieuc Bay. From the vantage p o i n t of the researchers, f i s h e r s were represented as being i n t e r e s t e d i n the long-term f i s c a l v i a b i l i t y of the stocks, and the s c a l l o p s were constructed as seeking to perpetuate t h e i r species. The broader s c i e n t i f i c community was represented as an assenting constituency who shared the researchers d e s i r e to increase the knowledge about these s p e c i f i c s c a l l o p s . The s c i e n t i s t s then set about e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r research as an o b l i g a t o r y p o i n t of passage f o r a l l of the concerned p a r t i e s . I f the d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s sought to secure the i d e n t i t i e s imputed to them, they would a l l have to acquiesce to the researcher's program. Networks of C r i m i n a l Knowledge An a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the network b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s that make f a c t s p o s s i b l e i s necessary f o r any understanding of the knowledge s t r u c t u r e on which l i b e r a l governance r e s t s . Frequent reference i s made i n the governmentality l i t e r a t u r e to Latour's work on actor networks. N i k o l a s Rose and Peter M i l l e r i n p a r t i c u l a r have accentuated the degree to which dispersed centers of c a l c u l a t i o n are c r u c i a l to the development of governmental knowledges. This knowledge i s made p o s s i b l e through the production of networks that m o b i l i z e i n s c r i p t i o n s and s t a b i l i z e r e l a t i o n s by embedding them i n various m a t e r i a l forms such as machines, forms and c u r r i c u l a (Rose and M i l l e r 1992: 184; Rose 1996). Rose h i g h l i g h t s the importance of the s p e c i f i c operations of these centers of c a l c u l a t i o n to p r a c t i c e s of governance by observing how 'the composition of such networks i s the c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r " a c t i o n at a dis t a n c e " ' (Rose 1996: 43). Despite acknowledging t h e i r importance, governmentality authors have expended l i t t l e e f f o r t i n unpacking the s p e c i f i c means by which such centers of c a l c u l a t i o n have been able to produce t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e knowledges. In t h e i r e f f o r t s to produce knowledge amenable to e f f o r t s aimed at governing conduct, the Centre imputes i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s to d i f f e r e n t a c t o r s , a process of naming which i s accompanied by ongoing attempts to ensure that they conform to t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s . .The Centre's success or f a i l u r e i n such endeavors i s evident i n the extent to which i t has been able to render i t s e l f i ndispensable to the 87 d i f f e r e n t component p a r t s . What f o l l o w s , then, i s an examination of the power of the Centre - where power means 'desc r i b i n g the way i n which actors are defined, a s s o c i a t e d and simultaneously o b l i g e d to remain f a i t h f u l to t h e i r a l l i a n c e s ' (Callon 1986: 224). As w i l l become apparent, i d e n t i t y adoption and r e j e c t i o n are the extreme poles of a continuum of negotiated r o l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Some actants assume t h e i r new r o l e s almost seamlessly while others are more r e l u c t a n t and s t i l l others f a l l away completely. C r i m i n a l Numbers The uniform crime report (UCR) i s the main r e p o r t i n g v e h i c l e f o r crime i n Canada. From t h i s survey comes the CCJS's most prominent s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r - the annual crime r a t e . While other CCJS surveys may be of greater day-to-day u t i l i t y f o r some managers of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, the UCR i s unquestionably the Centre's f l a g s h i p survey, a status at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y r e l a t e d to the f a c t that i t has tended to re c e i v e considerable media a t t e n t i o n . The o r i g i n a l UCR became o p e r a t i o n a l i n Canada i n 1961 as the f r u i t s of a j o i n t venture between S t a t i s t i c s Canada and Canada's n a t i o n a l p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body, the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e (CACP). I t was intended to be a paper and p e n c i l data c o l l e c t i o n regime that would 88 produce n a t i o n a l crime s t a t i s t i c s as w e l l as common measures of p o l i c e workload. The p o l i c e are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the UCR's c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e . When an o f f i c e r attends an i n c i d e n t , she must f i r s t determine whether a crime has been committed. I f so, she f i l l s out an occurrence report which i s s p e c i f i c to her p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n . The o f f i c e r , or, more r o u t i n e l y , an i n d i v i d u a l i n a s p e c i a l data entry s e c t i o n of the p o l i c e f o r c e , then uses the occurrence report as the ba s i s f o r c l a s s i f y i n g the crime according to the Centre's c r i t e r i a . This i n v o l v e s a l i s t of 108 c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options which are forwarded to the Centre. An important s t r u c t u r a l feature of t h i s survey derives from the f a c t that there i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a one-to-one correspondence between the Criminal Code v i o l a t i o n and the way the event i s coded f o r the UCR. Some events, such as homicide, have t h e i r own UCR v i o l a t i o n code while other v i o l a t i o n codes can in c l u d e a host of v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t crimes. For example, the v i o l a t i o n code f o r 'offenses against p u b l i c order' i n c l u d e s the crimes of treason, a s s i s t i n g a des e r t e r , d u e l i n g , unlawful d r i l l i n g , p i r a c y , and f o r c i b l e confinement. The maximum p e n a l t i e s f o r t h i s d i v e r s e amalgamation of crimes range from summary c o n v i c t i o n to l i f e imprisonment. Because the survey i s s t r u c t u r e d i n t h i s way, f o r some of the v i o l a t i o n codes which subsume a larg e number of Criminal Code offenses such 89 as those f o r 'offenses against p u b l i c order' and 'offenses against the person or r e p u t a t i o n , ' i t i s almost impossible f o r the Centre to disaggregate these numbers to s t a t i s t i c a l l y s c r u t i n i z e the s p e c i f i c crimes being committed. While l o c a l r e p o r t i n g u n i t s would g e n e r a l l y have the a b i l i t y to disaggregate t h e i r own data f o r such trends, the Centre must work w i t h the l a r g e r c a t c h - a l l c a t e g o r i e s . The b a s i c u n i t of count f o r the UCR i s the ' c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t ' and the s p e c i f i c r u l e s f o r what counts as an i n c i d e n t i s a c l e a r demonstration of how the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r u l e s employed by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies are c o n s t i t u t i v e of the objects they d e s c r i b e . For the purposes of the r e v i s e d UCR a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t may i n v o l v e s e v e r a l v i c t i m s , s e v e r a l accused and s e v e r a l v i o l a t i o n s of the law. The r u l e s d i c t a t e that such behaviors w i l l be grouped together as a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t i f 1) they are part of a simultaneous or s e q u e n t i a l a c t i o n that occur at the same pla c e , 2) are p a r t of i n t e r r e l a t e d a c t i o n s over a short p e r i o d of time, or 3) when the same v i o l e n t a c t i o n i s repeated over a long p e r i o d of time against the same v i c t i m ( s ) but only comes to the a t t e n t i o n of the p o l i c e at one p o i n t i n time (Revised UCR Documentation 1991: 5). What t h i s means, f o r example, i s that i f two people break i n t o an apartment and rob i t , t h i s i s counted as one i n c i d e n t , but i f they break i n t o three a d j o i n i n g apartments i t i s counted as three separate 90 i n c i d e n t s . However, i f a man i s a r r e s t e d f o r having committed m u l t i p l e acts of i n c e s t against h i s daughter during the past two years, i t counts as one i n c i d e n t . I w i l l not t r y any f u r t h e r to c l a r i f y the s p e c i f i c s of what types of c r i m i n a l behaviors w i l l count as an ' i n c i d e n t , ' as s p e c i f i c a p p l i c a t i o n s of these r u l e s can be confusing f o r even seasoned p o l i c e o f f i c e r s . S u f f i c e i t to say that the b a s i c u n i t of count f o r the UCR i s cons i d e r a b l y more p r e c i s e than what many people might t h i n k of when they t h i n k about measurements of crime. For each s i t u a t i o n deemed to be an i n c i d e n t , the p o l i c e record up to ten data elements, c o n s i s t i n g of the type of offense, clearance type (by charge or otherwise), and persons charged (adults and young o f f e n d e r s ) . These elements are then d i v i d e d i n t o three sets of v a r i a b l e s : number of i n c i d e n t s , number of i n c i d e n t s c l e a r e d (or solved ) , and number of persons charged i n r e l a t i o n to the c l e a r e d i n c i d e n t s . Another noteworthy a t t r i b u t e of t h i s survey i s that due to i t s aggregate nature, a n a l y s t s cannot s t a t i s t i c a l l y i s o l a t e a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t . The Centre receives monthly paper repo r t s c o n t a i n i n g aggregate t a l l i e s of the number of i n c i d e n t s , i n c i d e n t s c l e a r e d , e t c . , from the d i f f e r e n t r e p o r t i n g u n i t s . Consequently, they can only produce numbers r e l a t e d to the volume of cases processed by the p o l i c e and cannot develop a more d e t a i l e d a p p r e c i a t i o n 91 f o r the connections between the crime, the accused and the v i c t i m . The agencies who report UCR data c o n s i s t of Canada's various p o l i c e forces - municipal forces as w e l l as detachments from the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e (RCMP), Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e and Surete du Quebec. Reports are a l s o r e c e i v e d from the m i l i t a r y , customs, and r a i l w a y p o l i c e . With the exception of those crimes that occur w i t h i n Canada's armed forces and are processed by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defense, the UCR amounts to a f u l l census of a l l of the reported crime i n Canada. While the number of r e p o r t i n g u n i t s f l u c t u a t e s w i t h j u r i s d i c t i o n a l amalgamations and separations, as w e l l as w i t h the u n i t of count one employs, there are at l e a s t four hundred forces who send UCR data to the CCJS on a monthly b a s i s . Having such a la r g e number of respondents d i s t i n g u i s h e s the UCR from the other CCJS surveys which have considerably fewer r e p o r t i n g u n i t s , o f t e n r e c e i v i n g o n l y one monthly report from each p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . Other surveys have a l s o had con s i d e r a b l y l e s s success than the UCR i n g e t t i n g a l l of the p o t e n t i a l r e p o r t i n g u n i t s to submit t h e i r data. During the 1980s, Centre s t a f f , i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the p o l i c e community, began to i n v e s t i g a t e the prospect of r e v i s i n g and updating the UCR. Their o b j e c t i v e s were to 1) increase the u t i l i t y of the survey by expanding the number 92 of data elements, 2) improve data q u a l i t y , 3) improve the survey without i n c r e a s i n g respondent burden, and 4) maintain the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y of crime s t a t i s t i c s (CCJS 1990: 3). P r o t r a c t e d c o n s u l t a t i o n s and n e g o t i a t i o n s u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t e d i n the development of the 'revised UCR' (UCRII) which r e l e a s e d i t s f i r s t p r e l i m i n a r y f i n d i n g s i n 1990. This new survey contains more d e t a i l about the v i c t i m , accused and circumstances of the i n c i d e n t than was p o s s i b l e under the o r i g i n a l UCR. T e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y , then, there are now two UCR surveys operating i n the Centre - the o r i g i n a l paper and p e n c i l survey of aggregate crimes, which remains the primary r e p o r t i n g v e h i c l e f o r many Canadian p o l i c e f o r c e s , and the new UCRII incident-based survey which has respondents supply data e n t i r e l y i n machine readable format. The i n t e n t i o n was to have both UCR systems operating c o n c u r r e n t l y f o r a number of years and s l o w l y phase-out the o r i g i n a l UCR as a l l the p o l i c e forces adopted the new UCRII system. The s i n g l e most important transformation i n the new survey i n v o l v e d the move from an aggregate approach to an incident-based s t r u c t u r e , which amounted to p r o v i d i n g each c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t on the new survey w i t h i t s own s t a t i s t i c a l record. I s o l a t e d i n t h i s way, an analyst could manipulate s e v e r a l v a r i a b l e s p o t e n t i a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an i n c i d e n t . Along w i t h t h i s greater f l e x i b i l i t y came the a d d i t i o n of new data v a r i a b l e s . The s p e c i f i c s of what new inf o r m a t i o n should 93 be c o l l e c t e d were the t o p i c of considerable d i s c u s s i o n and n e g o t i a t i o n during lead-up c o n s u l t a t i o n s . U l t i m a t e l y the survey i n c l u d e d new v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d to the accused's sex, age, alcohol/drug consumption and race, although some of these v a r i a b l e s have subsequently been r e v i s e d or abandoned (see chapter 3). V i c t i m s of v i o l e n t crimes were to have t h e i r age, sex, r e l a t i o n s h i p to the accused, alcohol/drug consumption and l e v e l of i n j u r y recorded, as w e l l as an i n d i c a t i o n of the type of weapon that caused the i n j u r y . Other new data elements i n c l u d e d an i n d i c a t i o n f o r the ' d o l l a r value of drugs s e i z e d , ' and ' v e h i c l e type' f o r t r a f f i c v i o l a t i o n s . Without the greater storage, computational and communications a b i l i t i e s provided by computers i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that the Centre would, or could, have embarked on these reforms. The volume of data that would now be coursing through the Centre f o r t h i s survey alone would be massive. In 1996 I was informed that w i t h i n a few years the UCRII would a c t u a l l y have a l a r g e r data h o l d i n g than even Canada's n a t i o n a l census. At that time, approximately one and a h a l f m i l l i o n UCRII t r a n s a c t i o n records were being processed annually. To t h i s t o t a l , roughly 1.5 m i l l i o n annual v i c t i m records and approximately 500,000 accused records can be added. A person i n v o l v e d i n the production of the UCR observed that ' r i g h t now the overall data s t o r e f o r UCRII i s 94 about s i x m i l l i o n records. That i s data going from 1988 to processing f o r 1996... when you have s i x m i l l i o n i n c i d e n t s w i t h 600,000 r e l a t e d v i c t i m s and 1.8 m i l l i o n r e l a t e d accused, i t i s a l o t a l l i n one chunk of space.' Even these dramatic numbers do not approach the eventual s i z e a n t i c i p a t e d f o r the UCRII data h o l d i n g s . In 1994 approximately e i g h t y p o l i c e departments from across the country were supplying data to the UCRII. These forces accounted f o r roughly 30% of the t o t a l reported crime i n Canada (Grainger 1996: 27) . As more forces adopt the UCRII conventions the data holdings w i l l increase d r a m a t i c a l l y . Before proceeding to a d i s c u s s i o n of the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment i n which the Centre operates, a t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s i n order. The name 'uniform crime r e p o r t s ' i s used by both Canada and the United States f o r t h e i r o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . This s i m i l a r i t y i s due to the f a c t that Canada modeled e a r l y i t s e f f o r t s to produce a n a t i o n a l crime survey on the UCR i n the United States, which has been o p e r a t i o n a l since the e a r l y 1930s. Despite t h i s s i m i l a r i t y , there are s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the ways that the two c o u n t r i e s organize t h e i r c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s systems. D i f f e r e n t laws, l e g i s l a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and s t a t i s t i c a l counting r u l e s render cross-border comparisons of crime trends immediately suspect. 95 C r i t i q u e s of O f f i c i a l Crime S t a t i s t i c s This s e c t i o n documents the degree to which the UCR e x i s t s w i t h i n a h o s t i l e e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment. The f a c t s on which governance r e s t s can themselves be q u i t e contentious. To the extent that such c r i t i q u e s threaten the l e g i t i m a c y of the knowledge upon which governance r e s t s , they must be addressed, countered or incorporated. In the 1960s and 70s, phenomenologists o f f e r e d some of the sharpest c r i t i q u e s of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , arguments which are s t i l l invoked whenever crime s t a t i s t i c s are c r i t i c a l l y s c r u t i n i z e d . In a h i g h l y i n f l u e n t i a l a r t i c l e , K i t s u s e and C i c o u r e l (1963) claimed that crime rates are not r e l a t e d to crime per se, but are mediated through the ' o r g a n i z a t i o n a l contingencies which c o n d i t i o n the a p p l i c a t i o n of s p e c i f i c s t a t u t e s to a c t u a l conduct through the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , d e c i s i o n s and a c t i o n s of law enforcement personnel' (137) . They concluded that the r o l e played by p o l i c e o f f i c e r s as primary d e f i n e r s of c r i m i n a l scenarios and as d i f f e r e n t i a l enforcers of c r i m i n a l law serves to weaken the v a l i d i t y of crime data. O f f i c i a l crime rates should consequently be approached predominately as i n d i c a t o r s of the various p o l i c e ' o r g a n i z a t i o n a l processes' (137) that shape the crime r a t e . In the wake of such c r i t i q u e s the range of non-crime f a c t o r s that have been s i n g l e d out as p o t e n t i a l l y having a bearing on crime rates have expanded considerably. The dominant metaphor employed to exemplify such processes i s that of a 'crime f i l t e r ' which screens out c e r t a i n acts from the o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . The no t i o n of f i l t e r i n g out crime i s r e l a t e d to the f a c t that not everything i n the universe of harmful acts r e g i s t e r s i n the o f f i c i a l record. Many commentators have drawn a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t that the s o c i a l harms produced by the wealthy and powerful are d e a l t w i t h outside of the c r i m i n a l law i n various t r i b u n a l s or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e bodies, or e l s e are not d e a l t w i t h at a l l (Reiman 1990). Nor are a l l of those behaviors that could r e c e i v e the o f f i c i a l imprimatur of 'crime' reported to the p o l i c e . Despite Criminal Code d e f i n i t i o n s to the contrary, some v i c t i m s simply do not recognize t r i f l i n g matters or i n t e r - p e r s o n a l disputes as crimes. Indeed, there are a whole range of r o u t i n e c r i m i n a l behaviors i n which 'everyone' seems to be engaged (Gabor 1994), while other crimes are recognized as being outside of the p o l i c e ' s a b i l i t y to do anything about. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , some i n d i v i d u a l s , such as i l l e g a l immigrants or people who are themselves i n v o l v e d i n crime, fear the a u t h o r i t i e s and hence do not report t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n and s t i l l others, such as abused spouses, fear r e p r i s a l s i f they contact the p o l i c e . 97 A c a l l to the p o l i c e i s a l s o no guarantee that an i n c i d e n t w i l l makes i t i n t o the o f f i c i a l record. P o l i c e dispatchers may not view the i n c i d e n t as a serious c r i m i n a l matter or may d i v e r t i t to another o r g a n i z a t i o n (Manning 1988). I f an o f f i c e r does attend the scene, she has considerable d i s c r e t i o n i n the f i r s t instance as to how to proceed with documenting the act (Ericson 1982: 135). For a p o l i c e o f f i c e r , the type and number of charges l a i d i s accomplished w i t h an eye towards the u l t i m a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l consequences of such d e c i s i o n s . Included i n such co n s i d e r a t i o n s are the aim of 'charging up' where many, or more s e r i o u s , charges are l a i d i n order to produce a p o s i t i o n of strength f o r the Crown f o r p o t e n t i a l p l e a n e g o t i a t i o n s (Ericson 1981). How a case i s documented can al s o be r e l a t e d to p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i c t a t e s r e l a t e d to a d e s i r e to improve a force's s t a t i s t i c a l p r o f i l e p e r t a i n i n g to c e r t a i n types of crime. The act of l a y i n g a charge i s a l s o a key d e c i s i o n p o i n t where i n s t i t u t i o n a l racism can be manifest. A l l manner of b i a s and p r e j u d i c e can come i n t o p l a y i n r e l a t i o n to what types of people are s i n g l e d out f o r s c r u t i n y and a r r e s t , and the types of charges they face. Indeed, u n c e r t a i n t y about the r o l e of the p o l i c e as accurate, f a i t h f u l and d i s i n t e r e s t e d recorders of s t a t i s t i c a l data has long been 98 recognized as one of the major f a i l i n g s of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . As S i r J o s i a h Stamp proclaimed i n 1929: The government are very keen on amassing s t a t i s t i c s . They c o l l e c t them, r a i s e them to the n t h power, take the cube root and prepare wonderful diagrams. But you must never forget that every one of t h e i r f i g u r e s comes i n the f i r s t instance from the v i l l a g e watchman, who j u s t puts down what he damn pleases, (quoted i n N e t t l e r 1974: 43) P o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s can d r a m a t i c a l l y i n f l u e n c e crime r a t e s . The geographic l o c a t i o n s and types of offenses that o f f i c e r s are d i r e c t e d to and focus t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on are r e f l e c t e d i n crime rates (Stoddart 1982). One of the few s t u d i e s by the CCJS to examine p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g p r a c t i c e s i n some d e t a i l documents how the formal and inf o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s f o r d e a l i n g w i t h crime can a l s o shape the crime r a t e . In a comparative study of the p o l i c e forces i n Calgary and Edmonton - two c i t i e s viewed as being comparable i n many ways f o r the purposes of crime data - d i f f e r e n t i a l l e v e l s of p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g were found across the two f o r c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n to minor crimes. This v a r i a t i o n was p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to Edmonton's p o l i c y of f u l l e r r e p o r t i n g , but even w i t h such a p o l i c y the authors c a u t i o n that i n Edmonton 'over 10%'of the data i s e i t h e r l o s t or i n e r r o r . This should be kept i n mind when examining UCR data' (CCJS 1990b: 50). 99 The s i t u a t i o n was even more t r o u b l i n g i n Calgary where a considerable number of cases went missing between the i n i t i a l c a l l f o r s e r v i c e and the f i n a l o f f i c i a l documentation, a l o s s that was a t t r i b u t e d to 'the f a i l u r e of p a t r o l o f f i c e r s to complete occurrence reports f o r i n c i d e n t s to which they have been dispatched'(49). A more recent S t a t i s t i c s Canada e v a l u a t i o n of the q u a l i t y of UCRII data r e i t e r a t e s such concerns. I t found that there was considerable v a r i a b i l i t y i n response patterns across d i f f e r e n t p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The author summarizes the f i n d i n g s by c a u t i o n i n g that t h i s 'lack of accurate and c o n s i s t e n t respondent data was very much a data q u a l i t y concern' (Cou l l 1995: 3). V i c t i m i z a t i o n s t u d i e s give us a glimpse of the 'dark f i g u r e ' of crime that does not make i t s way i n t o the o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s (Mayhew et a l . 1994; V i o l e n c e Against Women Survey 1993). Such stud i e s ask groups of randomly sampled i n d i v i d u a l s to recount ways i n which they might have been r e c e n t l y c r i m i n a l l y v i c t i m i z e d , u s u a l l y during the past year. Respondents are encouraged to recount instances of c r i m i n a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n regardless of whether they reported i t to the p o l i c e or even i f they viewed the i n c i d e n t ( s ) as t r i v i a l . While such methodologies have been subject to c r i t i c i s m because they under-represent ' v i c t i m l e s s ' crimes such .as p r o s t i t u t i o n as w e l l as corporate and environmental 100 crimes, they do provide i n s i g h t i n t o the degree to which other types of crimes go unreported. For example, the 1993 S t a t i s t i c s Canada General S o c i a l Survey estimated that 90% of sexual a s s a u l t s , 68% of other a s s a u l t s , and 53% of robberies f o r that year were not reported to the p o l i c e (Johnson 1996: 3). F i l t e r s which serve to depress the l e v e l of o f f i c i a l crime e x i s t alongside other processes that can augment crime rates or introduce other u n c e r t a i n t i e s i n t o the crime data. For example, the media parade of new and r e s u s c i t a t e d s o c i a l problems can i n f l u e n c e crime rates ( G u s f i e l d 1989; H i l g a r t n e r and Bosk 1988). P u b l i c crusades against s p e c i f i c crimes encourage a c o l l e c t i v e v i g i l a n c e that can increase the l e v e l s of reported crime f o r these a c t i v i t i e s and prompt p o l i c e e f f o r t s to t a r g e t such behavior; a c t i o n s that can, i n t u r n , f u r t h e r increase the o f f i c i a l numbers. Laws against impaired d r i v i n g , p r o s t i t u t i o n and the s a l e and possession of n a r c o t i c s provide an apparently l i m i t l e s s resource f o r p o l i c e charging p r a c t i c e s . P o l i c e enforcement s t r a t e g i e s are a l s o r e l a t e d to changing s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . For example, m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s towards, and t o l e r a n c e of, v i o l e n c e can be r e f l e c t e d i n the o f f i c i a l numbers. L e g i s l a t i v e change a l s o has a r o l e to p l a y i n t h i s process. In Canada one of the most important recent l e g i s l a t i v e changes concerns the 1983 m o d i f i c a t i o n s to the rape and 101 indecent a s s a u l t l e g i s l a t i o n which introduced a t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of sexual a s s a u l t s . Increasing l e v e l s of p o l i c e -recorded v i o l e n c e i n Canada have been at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y -a t t r i b u t e d to t h i s change (Kingsley 1996). The above observations by no means c o n s t i t u t e a f u l l a rray of arguments l e v e l e d against o f f i c i a l crime r e p o r t s . Instead, they are intended to provide a sense of the ep i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment i n which Centre employees and t h e i r knowledge claims e x i s t , an atmosphere where t h e i r work i s c o n t i n u a l l y subject to di v e r s e d e c o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . They are not even immune from c r i t i c i s m from t h e i r I n i t i a t i v e p a r t n e r s . One respondent r e c a l l e d how a former l i a i s o n o f f i c e r from the Department of J u s t i c e was p a r t i c u l a r l y aggressive i n h i s d e c o n s t r u c t i v e attempts: 'We used to say that he had more people i n J u s t i c e working to p u l l our reports apart than we had working on them. He had a s t a f f that seemed to work c o n s t a n t l y to c r i t i q u e our rep o r t s . ' Centre s t a f f are i n t i m a t e l y aware of the above c r i t i c i s m s of the UCR data, having h i g h l i g h t e d some of the l i m i t a t i o n s themselves. To p e r s o n a l l y deal w i t h t h i s s i t u a t i o n , some i n d i v i d u a l s narrowly concentrate on the production of crime numbers and set aside questions about the r e f e r e n t i a l i t y of t h e i r data. As a senior a n a l y s t at the Centre observed, 'A lar g e p a r t of our work i s not having to 102 do w i t h the r e a l i t y . We j u s t work w i t h our numbers.' Another member s a i d that f o r most s t a f f at the Centre the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the o f f i c i a l 'crime r a t e ' and the ' r e a l ' l e v e l of crime i s 'a black hole.' S t i l l another confided t h a t : I f anybody got i n t o a s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the UCR data, which i s supposed to be our f l a g s h i p , I t h i n k they would have a heart attack. My own personal o p i n i o n i s t hat the data are crap. For a l l of these reasons. Nobody knows who i s p u t t i n g what i n . The question i s what can you do? To a c e r t a i n extent you are stuck. Such resigned or c r i t i c a l stances were by no means the norm among Centre s t a f f . In f a c t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to c h a r a c t e r i z e the dominant view Centre s t a f f take towards the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r data. Some s t a f f are adamant that the UCR is " a wonderful approximation of the l e v e l of reported crime. Others are more pragmatic, b e l i e v i n g there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l e v e l of reported crime and the 'true' l e v e l of crime but recognize that there are d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a s c e r t a i n i n g the degree of f i t between the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and the r e a l i t y . S t i l l others take the academic c r i t i q u e s of. t h e i r numbers very s e r i o u s l y and are worried about the v a l i d i t y of the UCR data, p a r t i c u l a r l y because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s introduced by the unknown l e v e l s of v a r i a b i l i t y i n p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g p r a c t i c e s . Perhaps the best way i n which to c h a r a c t e r i z e the a t t i t u d e of Centre s t a f f towards the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r data 103 i s t h a t , l i k e many s c i e n t i s t s , they are 'Janus faced' (Latour 1987, 96-99). Speaking through the r e a l i s t s i de of the Janus face they b e l i e v e that t h e i r numbers are d i c t a t e d by the l e v e l of reported crime. Adopting the more c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t side of the Janus face they r o u t i n e l y accentuate the various o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , - s o c i a l and l e g a l f a c t o r s which can a f f e c t the crime r a t e . The choice of which voice to adopt i s r e l a t e d to the context i n which they are speaking. For example, when c a l l e d upon to defend t h e i r numbers they speak of how the numbers are a r e f l e c t i o n of the amount of reported crime i n Canada. During the more day-to-day r o u t i n e s of producing the data, they f r e q u e n t l y mention the various o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , s o c i a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s which can shape the data. The important p o i n t i s to recognize that both voices are speaking the t r u t h , as t h e i r knowledge i s both constructed and r e a l ; i t i s the processes of c o n s t r u c t i o n which allows f o r the r e a l i t y to emerge and s o l i d i f y . Many Centre personnel have developed arguments and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s to provide them w i t h greater confidence that the trends they are r e p o r t i n g are accurate or i n d i c a t i v e of what i s o c c u r r i n g i n the ' r e a l world' of crime. One of the most important of these claims i n v o l v e s the purported r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i o l e n t crime and non-v i o l e n t crime. I t i s argued, or assumed, that many of the 104 above-noted phenomena that can i n f l u e n c e crime data are p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to l e s s s e r i o u s offenses. Where s e r i o u s a s s a u l t s or homicide are concerned the crime f i l t e r i s not so much i n e f f e c t as people are more apt to report s e r i o u s offenses and the p o l i c e are more l i k e l y to record them. At the extreme, to put the matter b l u n t l y , a corpse provides homicide data w i t h an o b j e c t i v e e n t i t y that transcends o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i s c r e t i o n , r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The imagery of a continuum of c e r t a i n t y emerges whereby, as one respondent phrased i t , 'the more serious [an offense] i s , the more l i k e l y i t i s to be r e a l . ' One end of t h i s continuum concerns homicide data where, as another respondent observed, 'you have to have a body. I f anything i s r e l i a b l e , homicide i s . ' Yet a t h i r d interviewee r e i t e r a t e d t h i s common view: The t h i n g about the homicide [data] i s that i t i s the one that we can never be accused of i t being subject to r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a or numbers. A dead body i s a dead body. We can't r e a l l y count that wrong. So the r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a by p o l i c e or to p o l i c e r e a l l y don't impact i t . I t i s a f i n i t e measurement. At t h i s juncture I want to continue e x p l o r i n g the c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l e d against o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s by c o n f r o n t i n g t h i s 'hard case.' While I share some of the assumptions about these numbers being l e s s subject to r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a than other offenses, I w i l l use t h i s example to continue the argument that the Centre's t r u t h 105 claims e x i s t w i t h i n an a g o n i s t i c environment, always subject to p o t e n t i a l d e c o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . Even t h e i r hardest and purportedly most r e l i a b l e numbers are shaped by r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a , changing s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l processes. Every year a percentage of Canadian c i t i z e n s go m i s s i n g and are never seen again. M a r g i n a l i z e d s t r e e t people and p r o s t i t u t e s are p a r t i c u l a r l y at r i s k of urban disappearances. We can assume that some of these people are the v i c t i m s of homicides that never come to the a t t e n t i o n of the p o l i c e . Even when the p o l i c e d iscover a corpse t h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that a cause of death can be determined. Lundsgaarde's (1977) c l a s s i c study of homicide patterns i n Houston documents how i n t e r p r e t a t i v e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n the Coroner's o f f i c e p l a y a r o l e i n cause of death determinations. C o n t r i b u t i n g to such ambiguity are the gray areas a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of s u i c i d e s (Douglas 1967, chap. 12), the d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h burned or decomposed corpses, and the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the amount of o f f i c i a l a t t e n t i o n that d i f f e r e n t types of homicides r e c e i v e . In a study of coroners' determinations of the cause of death, Leadbeatter (1996: 442) concludes that the absence of evidence of a cause of death does not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that i t i s i n f a c t a case of homicide, and perhaps even more 106 i n t e r e s t i n g l y , that 'where there are p a t h o l o g i c a l f i n d i n g s which may be considered s u f f i c i e n t to be a cause of death, the e x c l u s i o n of another p a r t y having brought about the death by a means which leaves no evidence - such as s u f f o c a t i o n w i t h a p i l l o w - i s , again, impossible.' In s t i l l other contexts, o f f i c i a l d i a g n o s t i c r o u t i n e s are abandoned when confronted w i t h a m o r t a l i t y which i s ' c l e a r l y ' not the r e s u l t of homicide. A senior p o l i c e o f f i c e r provides a sense of the degree of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y l a t i t u d e i n v o l v e d i n such processes: You would have the s i t u a t i o n where i t ' s J u l y and the coroner a r r i v e s at the scene where the corpse of a seventy-year-old male has been found. Now, i t ' s hot and the body i s up on the t h i r d f l o o r . The coroner would ask the o f f i c e r i f there was any i n d i c a t i o n of v i o l e n c e or anything out of the or d i n a r y . The o f f i c e r would say, 'No, i t j u s t appears that the guy died.' The coroner would take the death c e r t i f i c a t e and w r i t e i n 'coronary thrombosis' and leave. Not even bothering to go up and look at the body. Now t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s used by S t a t i s t i c s Canada and by h e a l t h p r o f e s s i o n a l s . U l t i m a t e l y i t impacts on a l l kinds of t h i n g s . For a l l we know heart a t t a c k s aren't the l e a d i n g cause of death... we a l l develop our own p r e j u d i c e s and h a b i t s . (Ericson and Haggerty 1997: 243) As i n any other medical examination, coroners' evaluations a l s o contain the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r misdiagnosis and e r r o r . Outside of those instances where a body i s found wi t h a k n i f e p r o t r u d i n g from i t s back, there i s room f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n determining the r o l e of f o u l p l a y i n a person's death. Coroners do have the advantage, however, 107 that they l a r g e l y need not deal w i t h the prospect of t h e i r p a t i e n t seeking a second o p i n i o n or developing symptoms that d r a m a t i c a l l y c o n t r a d i c t the o r i g i n a l d i a g n o s i s . Theirs i s l a r g e l y the f i n a l word i n determining a cause of death. S o c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l change can a l s o a f f e c t homicide r a t e s . During the p e r i o d i n which t h i s research was conducted, p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n was t a k i n g place i n Ontario about 'shaken baby syndrome,' a 'syndrome' which amounts to a c a r e g i v e r shaking a c h i l d so hard that i t r e c e i v e s s e r i o u s i n j u r i e s or even d i e s . Such a c t i o n s are t y p i c a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to a c a r e g i v e r ' s exasperated attempts to stop a c h i l d from c r y i n g . In the mid 1990s 'shaken baby syndrome' was on the cusp of becoming a new s o c i a l problem. An immediately evocative i s s u e , i t had already r e c e i v e d some media a t t e n t i o n and had a respected p u b l i c champion i n the Chief Coroner of Ontario. The Chief Coroner had proclaimed that such behavior was much more frequent than had heretofore been imagined and went so f a r as to p u b l i c l y suggest that the p r e v i o u s l y i n e x p l i c a b l e phenomena of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS, a.k.a. ' c r i b death') was i n many instances the r e s u l t of a parent or guardian shaking a baby. Here an analyst at the Centre recounts h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i t h the Chief Coroner i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s matter: I spoke to the coroner, the Coroner's O f f i c e of Ontario, and they are q u i t e sure that there are a l o t of what are c l a s s i f i e d as SIDS deaths, so that number they t h i n k i s a gross undercount... And then two months 108 ago... he was on TV s t a t i n g h i s o p i n i o n about that and how i n f a n t deaths are going to be more thoroughly-i n v e s t i g a t e d i n the f u t u r e . And they had backed o f f i n the past because of the s t r e n g t h of the SIDS o r g a n i z a t i o n and because i t i s such an emotional t h i n g and such a hard t h i n g f o r f a m i l i e s so they completely backed o f f i f i t looked at a l l l i k e i t could be SIDS death. So they are going to be much more aggressive. The 'more aggressive' i n v e s t i g a t i v e stance of the Coroner's O f f i c e was evident i n new r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s . A person i n the Centre r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o l l e c t i n g homicide data recounted how i n Ontario The Coroner's O f f i c e has l e g i s l a t e d that any death of i n f a n t s under two years of age would be a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e d by the Coroner's O f f i c e . This has only happened i n the l a s t couple of years. Only i n the past couple of days the Ontario Coroner has s a i d that any death of a c h i l d under f i v e years o l d w i l l be i n v e s t i g a t e d by the Coroner's O f f i c e . ' The Centre i t s e l f has r e c e n t l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t h i s phenomena on i t s homicide survey by adding the o p t i o n 'trauma, i . e . shaken baby syndrome' under the c a t e g o r i e s a v a i l a b l e f o r 'cause of death.' Given the new emphasis and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of procedures f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g such deaths, i t would be a f a i r e s t i m a t i o n that the o f f i c i a l numbers f o r homicides of c h i l d r e n w i l l increase as cases that p r e v i o u s l y would have been neglected r e c e i v e c r i t i c a l s c r u t i n y . Here a member of the Centre a n t i c i p a t e s j u s t such a development: 109 I t i s hard to p r e d i c t , but i t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e that a l o t of deaths could have been a t t r i b u t e d to accident or Sudden Infant Death Syndrome when i n f a c t they could have been homicides... What i n the past could have been decided as being the r e s u l t of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome or a c c i d e n t a l , now because of the coroner's involvement i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g these types of deaths we would uncover more. Cumulatively, these examples underscore the extent to which even the Centre's hardest numbers have p l i a b l e borders. Within the c u l t u r e of the Centre, such p u r p o r t e d l y hard numbers serve the added r h e t o r i c a l f u n c t i o n of propping up the r e l i a b i l i t y of UCR data a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l e s s s e r i o u s crimes. One way i n which t h i s i s done concerns those s i t u a t i o n s where both types of data appear to be i n d i c a t i n g analogous trends. For example, during the e a r l y and mid 1990s, Canada witnessed a small but steady d e c l i n e i n crime r a t e s f o r both v i o l e n t offenses (which some Centre s t a f f r e f e r r e d to as 'hard data') and non-violent offenses (soft data). The f a c t that the same trend was o c c u r r i n g across d i f f e r e n t types of offenses was used to promote the v a l i d i t y of the s o f t e r numbers on the presumption that both i n d i c e s were r e l a t e d to a s i m i l a r phenomena. A manager of the UCR system made t h i s p o i n t i n d i s c u s s i n g the d e c l i n e i n the crime r a t e f o r l e s s serious offenses: 'We f i n d that a l o t of the trends that we have found i n the recent h i s t o r y of d e c l i n e show up i n those numbers [for v i o l e n t offenses] too. 110 So that adds some confidence that [the d e c l i n e ] i s not s t r i c t l y a f u n c t i o n of l o s s of coverage.' A problem w i t h such an assumption i s that i t presumes a common e t i o l o g y across v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of behavior, some u n i d e n t i f i e d c r o s s - c a t e g o r i c a l cause f o r changes i n the rates f o r t h e f t , a s s a u l t or homicide. While t h i s use of the s t a t i s t i c a l trends f o r harder offenses to b u t t r e s s the s o f t e r crime data d i d not make i t s way i n t o the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s , i t was f r e q u e n t l y invoked i n f o r m a l l y as a way to i n v e s t the s o f t e r data w i t h a greater degree of t r u s t and c e r t a i n t y . Comparable moves were o c c a s i o n a l l y made i n r e l a t i o n to c r o s s - n a t i o n a l comparisons of crime trends. One senior manager confided that he was comforted by the f a c t that the Centre's recent f i n d i n g s about the d e c l i n e i n crime corresponds to trends at the i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l . Again, t h i s i s questionable given the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making c r o s s - n a t i o n a l crime comparisons and the f a c t that one must presume that some common c r o s s - n a t i o n a l i n f l u e n c e on crime rates i s at work. In order f o r s t a t i s t i c s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to be used as a b a s i s f o r governance, they cannot be seen to have a questionable r e l a t i o n s h i p to the object they purport to descr i b e . And one of the i n t e r e s t i n g aspects of the production of crime s t a t i s t i c s i s that the e n t e r p r i s e has not buckled under the sheer weight of the c r i t i q u e s of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . Instead, t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l e f f o r t s have a c t u a l l y remained s t a b l e and, i f anything, become even more entrenched. The ensuing s e c t i o n suggests that such success can be a t t r i b u t e d to processes of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. For a knowledge network w i t h the scope and complexity n e c e s s i t a t e d by the UCR, l i t e r a l l y thousands of heterogeneous components must be a l i g n e d i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g whole. No attempt i s made to provide a comprehensive 'map' of a l l of the components of t h i s network, as the range of actants that comprise t h e i r network i s immense, i n c l u d i n g as i t does computers, deputy m i n i s t e r s , software s p e c i a l i s t s , s t a t i s t i c a l experts, p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , the p u b l i c , court c l e r k s , c h i e f s of p o l i c e , communication systems, and so on. Instead, the emphasis i s on the e f f o r t s to e n r o l l p a r t i c u l a r l y r e c a l c i t r a n t actants and the means through which the Centre's p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s f o r such actants are o c c a s i o n a l l y r e s i s t e d or opposed. P o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s are s i n g l e d out f o r examination as these i d e n t i t i e s have at times proven to be d i f f i c u l t to c o n t r o l and s t a b i l i z e . P o l i c e Organizations The Centre has a complex set of r e l a t i o n s with the p o l i c e . The Centre assumes that the p o l i c e are r a t i o n a l systems managers who d e s i r e methodologically sound n a t i o n a l crime data i n order to compare t h e i r performance w i t h that of 112 other o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Although p o l i c e forces can produce crime data f o r t h e i r own j u r i s d i c t i o n s , t h i s does not help them make n a t i o n a l comparisons due to the d i f f e r e n t accounting p r a c t i c e s across p o l i c e f o r c e s . The Centre has been able to carve out a niche f o r i t s e l f w i t h i n the p o l i c e community by f u l f i l l i n g the promise of p r o v i d i n g n a t i o n a l l y comparable crime data. The presumption that the p o l i c e are committed to having r e l i a b l e data on t h e i r own i n t e r n a l r e p o r t i n g systems i s c r u c i a l l y important to the Centre's own methodology. Confidence i n the accuracy of the data on the p o l i c e ' s systems l i e s behind any f a i t h that the Centre can place i n i t s own data. Given that the Centre employs a methodology that draws i t s numbers from the data on e x i s t i n g o p e r a t i o n a l p o l i c e systems, i t i s important f o r Centre employees to be able to t r u s t that the p o l i c e are doing a good job of c o l l e c t i n g data and maintaining t h e i r systems. For p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s to f u l f i l l t h e i r d e s i r e f o r n a t i o n a l crime data, they must, i n t u r n , provide i n f o r m a t i o n to the Centre. Given that the p o l i c e have been p r o v i d i n g monthly t a b u l a t i o n s of UCR data to the Centre since 1961, t h i s i s now a f a i r l y r o u t i n e e x e r c i s e . However, wi t h the development of the UCRII i n the 1980s, more e f f o r t had to be expended to t r y to b r i n g a l l of the p o l i c e forces i n l i n e w i t h the new r e p o r t i n g and systems requirements. Along w i t h 113 the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e , the Centre became a key advocate of new i d e n t i t i e s f o r both i t s e l f and the p o l i c e . The UCRII was to be a much more inf o r m a t i o n i n t e n s i v e regime, and Centre s t a f f had to overcome r e s i s t a n c e by groups and powerful i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the I n i t i a t i v e who e i t h e r opposed the new survey or who were s k e p t i c a l about the u t i l i t y of a l l t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . A Centre employee who was instrumental i n the development of the UCRII recounts here the s u b t l e lobbying they had to undertake i n order to get these p a r t i e s on-board: One of the challenges... i s we didn't have any microdata surveys at the time. So one of the issues was 'why do you want microdata? Why do you need data at that l e v e l ? You are going to have f i v e m i l l i o n records of informati o n every year? To do s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s ? Give us a break, we don't need a l l of t h i s . I t i s going to be c o s t l y , i n e f f e c t i v e , how do you pla n to do i t ? ' That was a major challenge... We t r a v e l l e d the country e x p l a i n i n g what we were t r y i n g to do, t a l k about the f e a s i b i l i t y of doing i t . Assessing t h e i r systems. B a s i c a l l y g e t t i n g a buy-in. An i d e n t i t y that the Centre had to. f o s t e r i n t h i s regard was that of the computerized p o l i c e f o r c e . While some p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s already employed computers, many had none or used them e x c l u s i v e l y f o r t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems. R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , the d r i v e to computerize may not seem that remarkable, but i n the 1980s i t was s t i l l a serious and r i s k y undertaking f o r many p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s who had to deal w i t h questions about data s e c u r i t y , c o s t s , and the b e n e f i t s of developing a system in-house or of making the move to computers at a l l (Ackroyd et. a l . 1992). The UCRII proposal r e l i e d upon an i d e a l scenario that i n v o l v e d a s e r i e s of f a i r l y r a p i d moves towards computerization f o r Canada's major f o r c e s . One way i n which p o l i c e i n t e r e s t s were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the UCRII system was through s t r a t e g i c appeals to e x i s t i n g p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l concerns. In advocating on behalf of the new UCRII, the Centre tapped i n t o the p o l i c e ' s r e c u r r e n t complaint that they are being overwhelmed wi t h demands to c o l l e c t massive amounts of inf o r m a t i o n f o r a host of d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s (Ericson and Haggerty 1997). Centre s t a f f suggested that the move to e l e c t r o n i c r e p o r t i n g would make p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g systems more r a t i o n a l and would allow f o r greater f l e x i b i l i t y i n terms of what inf o r m a t i o n could be reported, how i t could be formatted, and how e a s i l y system changes could be made. Given the importance of computerization to t h e i r plans, the Centre was not simply going to stand i d l y by and wait f o r p o l i c e forces to develop t h e i r own systems. Instead, they worked wi t h the p o l i c e to secure a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of the future of p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g . The Centre's Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e (TAD) has money a v a i l a b l e to a s s i s t the j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g e l e c t r o n i c i n t e r f a c e s and developing i n f o r m a t i o n systems. While these funds are spread 115 across the d i f f e r e n t surveys and cannot be used to purchase technology, they have helped to e n t i c e p o l i c e forces to adopt the UCRII. A senior analyst i n the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s s e c t i o n recounts how t h i s money has been an important way of i n t e r e s t i n g p o l i c e forces i n moving towards computerized UCRII r e p o r t i n g : F i r s t of a l l , the p o l i c e s e r v i c e s work to encourage going the new, modern automated route, and money i s a v a i l a b l e . So you get t r i a l money f i r s t of a l l . I t would be open to anybody who wants to buy i n t o i t . With p o l i c e s e r v i c e budget cutbacks [the p o l i c e ] want to use t h e i r resources to be f i s c a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e . So i f they can get money to do something, they could. And i f they saw that they are going to have to do i t e v e n t u a l l y anyway, and there are more and more demands upon t h e i r system, then they would have a reason f o r j o i n i n g us. A member of TAD recounted how when he works i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s he reads h i s mandate 'as l i b e r a l l y as p o s s i b l e ' i n order to provide e x t r a e l e c t r o n i c r e p o r t i n g perks and systems b e n e f i t s to the j u r i s d i c t i o n . He does t h i s because ' i t i s those a d d i t i o n a l b e n e f i t s that w i l l help provide f o r buy-in. Without the buy-in you w i l l not get q u a l i t y data. That has been the problem a l l the way along.' Having constructed a complex i d e n t i t y f o r the p o l i c e , the Centre must now work to ensure that they maintain the r o l e s imputed to them. Computer i n t e r f a c e s are u s e f u l i n t h i s regard because they serve to r o u t i n i z e the r e l a t i o n s between the p o l i c e forces and the Centre. Computerized r e p o r t i n g systems serve to 'background' the r e l a t i o n s h i p s 116 between the p o l i c e and the CCJS, meaning that they become i n v i s i b l e and r o u t i n e . As John Law (1991: 174) observes, one of the best ways to s t a b i l i z e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s to embody them ' i n durable m a t e r i a l s : r e l a t i o n s that tend, everything e l s e being equal, to generate e f f e c t s that l a s t , ' and computers are a wonderful way of generating such e f f e c t s . Some p o l i c e j u r i s d i c t i o n s have e s t a b l i s h e d r e p o r t i n g formats that a u t o m a t i c a l l y w r i t e from o f f i c e r s ' e l e c t r o n i c reports to the UCR c a t e g o r i e s so that the o f f i c e r may not even be aware that they are p r o v i d i n g data to S t a t i s t i c s Canada. P r i v a t e software c o n t r a c t o r s who s p e c i a l i z e i n computerized p o l i c e systems have f u r t h e r e d t h i s trend by embedding the Centre's r e p o r t i n g conventions d i r e c t l y i n t h e i r software. Once i n place, the maintenance of these computer systems becomes the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the p o l i c e . Not only must the p o l i c e have computer systems, they must a l s o r a t i o n a l l y and c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y manage these systems. In a d d i t i o n to r e g u l a r maintenance of t h e i r own systems, the p o l i c e must modify the UCRII i n t e r f a c e s and coding conventions as p o l i c e p r a c t i c e s and r u l e s f o r how to c l a s s i f y events and behaviors are r e v i s e d . While these changes were o s t e n s i b l y negotiated w i t h the p o l i c e , i n p r a c t i c e such d i s c u s s i o n s take place w i t h only a l i m i t e d group of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s simply impossible to canvass the opinions of a l l of the i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s i n the 117 p o l i c e community, so groups and i n d i v i d u a l s are made to stand i n f o r these l a r g e r assemblages. Such e f f o r t s to have a small sample represent a l a r g e r grouping i s common to both science and p o l i t i c s . Whether those being represented c o n s i s t of microbes, p a r t y members, or the na t i o n , the l o g i c i s i d e n t i c a l - a small group represents the tendencies and i n t e r e s t s of a l a r g e r assemblage. A l l such groupings can be questioned about the degree to which a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i s really speaking on behalf of the wider whole, which amounts to an e m p i r i c a l question about the degree of 'representativeness' of a spokesperson. Callon's (1986) study of the s c a l l o p s of St. Brieuc Bay mentioned e a r l i e r i s p a r t i a l l y an examination of the f a i l u r e of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . In t h e i r e f f o r t s to breed a p a r t i c u l a r species of s c a l l o p s , these s c i e n t i s t s made the behavior of a small sample of s c a l l o p s represent the breeding behavior of t h e i r e n t i r e species. Likewise, when the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the f i s h e r s union granted t h e i r support to the s c i e n t i s t ' s research, they were a l s o speaking on behalf of a l a r g e r body - the e n t i r e f i s h i n g community. However, as the breeding behavior of the sample s c a l l o p s f a i l e d to extend to the r e s t of the popul a t i o n , and as the f i s h e r s acted i n ways that contravened the d e s i r e s of the f i s h e r s union, the representativeness of both of these groups evaporated. The degree to which any r e p r e s e n t a t i v e speaks on behalf of a 118 wider assemblage i s contingent and always faces the prospect of being undermined by the ac t i o n s of the group pu r p o r t e d l y being represented. As the Centre cannot be expected to p e r s o n a l l y negotiate w i t h the hundreds of Canadian p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l e t alone thousands of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , they too r e l y on proxy groupings who stand i n f o r and a r t i c u l a t e the i n t e r e s t s of the broader p o l i c e community. These o r g a n i z a t i o n s are themselves a s k e i n of l o c a l networks, h e l d together by t h e i r own p r a c t i c e s of t r a n s l a t i o n and i d e n t i t y production. An important agency i n t h i s context i s the P o l i c e Information and S t a t i s t i c s Committee (POLIS) of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e . As the n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l arm of the p o l i c e community, i t i s here where many proposals concerning crime s t a t i s t i c s o r i g i n a t e and develop. A former member of the Centre accentuates the importance of a c q u i r i n g the cooperation of the POLIS committee f o r any proposal r e l a t i n g to crime s t a t i s t i c s : So b a s i c a l l y , a l l these guys are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the l a r g e s t f o r c e s . But they do c a r r y a l o t of weight. I f they say 'abso l u t e l y no' then they w i l l get a l o t of support f o r t h a t . So POLIS i s c r i t i c a l . I t i s almost l i k e the lobby group that you have to get on s i d e . But that i s only h a l f the b a t t l e because you have to get the other 580 forces to agree as w e l l . And you do that by saying 'OK, now we are c o l l e c t i n g these data.' Some forces w i l l say ' f i n e , ' other's w i l l say 'no we won't' other's w i l l say 'we don't have i t . ' So they are j u s t one step. They are a c r i t i c a l p a r t because they give c r e d i b i l i t y to any data c o l l e c t i o n f u n c t i o n you want to do. 119 The t a c t i c s employed to create i d e n t i t i e s v a r i e s w i t h the type of actants one i s d e a l i n g w i t h . Given that many of the e n t i t i e s that the Centre i s engaged wi t h are or g a n i z a t i o n s , t h i s allows them to apply s u b t l e l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l pressure. For example, l e g i s l a t i v e p r o v i s i o n s can compel c i t i z e n s to provide the a u t h o r i t i e s w i t h knowledge about themselves i n c e r t a i n instances, such as when they are ar r e s t e d . A l s o r e s t i n g behind the e n t i r e J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e i s the Statistics Act which re q u i r e s p o l i c e forces to provide crime data. While t h i s Act broadly frames the r e l a t i o n s and o b l i g a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l p l a y e r s , i n p r a c t i c e i t i s seldom e x p l i c i t l y invoked. As. a senior advisor at the Centre observed, 'You would never go to a j u r i s d i c t i o n and say: 'unless you give us these data we are going to pursue you to the l e t t e r of the f e d e r a l law.' I t would be r i d i c u l o u s . ' Regular appeals to the Statistics Act would be a s i g n that r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and the j u r i s d i c t i o n s had d e t e r i o r a t e d to such a degree that the very existence of the I n i t i a t i v e would be i n jeopardy. Resistance by some i n s t i t u t i o n a l actors to comply w i t h the aims of the Centre can at times a l s o be circumvented through i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t appeals to p o l i t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s . For example, such r e s i s t a n c e can be portrayed as c o n t r a d i c t i n g the d e s i r e s of the deputy 120 m i n i s t e r s who s i t on the JIC and have th e r e f o r e approved, or fo r m a l l y consented to, the Centre's data c o l l e c t i o n regime. In p r a c t i c e , the Centre has had va r y i n g degrees of success i n maintaining these i d e a l i z e d p o l i c e i d e n t i t i e s . Actants have tendencies and i n c l i n a t i o n s which are of t e n at odds w i t h new i d e n t i t i e s . Consequently, there are ongoing st r u g g l e s to overcome o p p o s i t i o n to p a r t i c u l a r r o l e s . For example, the Centre's attempts to t r a n s l a t e the p o l i c e ' s i n t e r e s t i n r a t i o n a l forms of management i n t o an i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s have o c c a s i o n a l l y been d i f f i c u l t . Some j u r i s d i c t i o n s recognize the importance of such information, while f o r others the b e n e f i t s are l e s s apparent. A sen i o r member i n v o l v e d i n overseeing the RCMP's o p e r a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l systems was c l e a r l y not s o l d on the advantages of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the UCR: x I f you are asking me how does i t b e n e f i t the RCMP, I don't see any b e n e f i t s r e a l l y coming back that are a l l that s i g n i f i c a n t when compared to the enormous expenditures that we have to put forward.' The Centre's s t r a t e g y of s e l l i n g the UCRII to the p o l i c e w i t h promises about how i t w i l l reduce the p o l i c e knowledge-burden i s al s o r i s k y . In acknowledging and l e g i t i m a t i n g p o l i c e grievances about knowledge burden, the Centre i s a c t u a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g p o l i c e arguments that could be used to undermine subsequent Centre e f f o r t s . The Centre i s i n v o l v e d i n a d e l i c a t e b a l a n c i n g act i n that they seek to 121 c o l l e c t as much inf o r m a t i o n as i s p r a c t i c a b l e while not u p s e t t i n g the p o l i c e who already f e e l put upon by too many knowledge demands. An o f f i c e r i n the RCMP's data records d i v i s i o n accentuated t h i s p o i n t by c a u t i o n i n g that ' I f [Centre personnel] antagonize those departments s u f f i c i e n t l y , and i t does become r e a l l y burdensome, then there i s l i a b l e to be some p o l i t i c a l backlash.' A senior methodologist at S t a t i s t i c s Canada r e i t e r a t e d the p o l i t i c a l r i s k s of c o n t i n u i n g to ask the p o l i c e f o r more and more information: 'There i s a r e a l danger that i f you keep pushing you may not get anything or you w i l l get the whole data f i l e . You have to be p a r t p o l i t i c i a n on t h i s s t u f f . A p r o j e c t manager has to be c a r e f u l what they ask f o r . ' We should not underestimate what a catastrophe i t would be f o r the Centre i f the p o l i c e chose to back out of the UCR. I f you remove the p o l i c e , the e n t i r e system c o l l a p s e s . The UCRII system has a l s o been slowed by the p o l i c e ' s h a l t i n g progress towards computerization, a process that has been hindered by a number of f a c t o r s , not the l e a s t of which i s the f i n a n c i a l expense. A senior member of the Centre's Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e estimated that i t was going to cost the RCMP alone over $80 m i l l i o n to adopt the new UCRII r e p o r t i n g conventions. In times of f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t such costs are p r o h i b i t i v e . As the head of a survey area observed: 122 I don't care what anybody t e l l s you, the bottom l i n e i s that when there are cutbacks, r e - p r o f i l i n g , r e o r g a n i z i n g e t c . , there i s t y p i c a l l y always a h a l f a dozen things that are given higher p r i o r i t y than anything that even rhymes wi t h 'n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . ' The r e s u l t of t h i s slower than a n t i c i p a t e d adoption of p o l i c e computers i s that many p o l i c e forces have a l s o been slow to embrace the UCRII r e p o r t i n g conventions. In 1996 the UCRII r e g i s t e r e d about 46% of the t o t a l volume of recorded crime i n Canada. The RCMP and Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e crime s t a t i s t i c s continue to be g l a r i n g omissions from the survey, and once they come o n - l i n e , the UCRII w i l l account f o r approximately 90% of the volume of crime. As the system developed, however, i t became apparent that i t was going to be exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to get the remaining small forces to adopt the UCRII. In l i g h t of t h i s , a Centre respondent recounted how the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s d i r e c t o r a t e had drawn up a l i s t of p o l i c e forces 'which would account f o r 80% of the crime i n Canada. The l a s t 20% we weren't going to go a f t e r . I t j u s t wasn't c o s t - e f f e c t i v e . So to my mind there has always been t h i s idea that we are not going to go a f t e r them.' This 20% of crime i s l a r g e l y comprised of about 200 smaller r u r a l p o l i c e forces who have been slow to adopt computer technology or are simply u n w i l l i n g to report to the UCRII. The Centre u l t i m a t e l y hopes to b r i n g these forces i n t o the survey, but as a survey manager recounted, ' { t h i s ] won't be i n my l i f e t i m e and probably not i n yours.' Smaller 123 forces continue to provide crime data e x c l u s i v e l y on the o l d aggregate UCR. The o v e r a l l r e s u l t has been a m o d i f i c a t i o n and q u a l i f i c a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l knowledge claims f o r the UCRII. Instead of being able to provide incident-based data f o r a l l of Canada, the data remain q u a l i f i e d by the f a c t that they under-represent crime patterns i n r u r a l Canada which tend to have smaller, non-computerized, p o l i c e f o r c e s . The UCRII was al s o s o l d to p o l i c e forces p a r t i a l l y on the b a s i s of the greater f l e x i b i l i t y that a computerized system would provide. Unfortunately, t h i s too has proved to be e l u s i v e . An i n e r t i a tends to creep i n t o computer systems because of the way that they are t i g h t l y coupled w i t h other o r g a n i z a t i o n a l components of the p o l i c e and the Centre. Even making small m o d i f i c a t i o n s can mean that e n t i r e systems have to be r e - t o o l e d and re-programmed. This has meant that systems are l e s s f l e x i b l e i n p r a c t i c e than t h e i r e a s i l y manipulated e l e c t r o n i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e might suggest. A member of the p o l i c i n g d i r e c t o r a t e accentuated t h i s a t t r i b u t e of the r e p o r t i n g system: When we want to change something that means that the p o l i c e have to change the way that they are doing t h i n g s . With an e l e c t r o n i c i n t e r f a c e , we have a load of i n t e r f a c e s that are out there r i g h t now. Any time we want to make a change then we have to go i n wi t h a software developer and r e - w r i t e programs. A tremendous amount of overhead i s i n v o l v e d . So that becomes a headache. Our e d i t s tend to be very elaborate as w e l l w i t h the micro-data. That means that any changes we make means changes to our e d i t s . So i f we are a c t u a l l y making changes to the fundamental requirements of the survey, the t r i c k l e down e f f e c t i s very b i g . That means 124 we don't do i t very o f t e n . That means the survey becomes qu i t e r i g i d . That i s the r e a l down side of i t . A number of other problems flows from systems r i g i d i t y . P o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s o r i g i n a l l y constructed as re s p o n s i b l e computer system managers have at times neglected t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , or not taken i t as s e r i o u s l y as some members of the Centre would p r e f e r . The computer couplings between the p o l i c e and Centre work best as black-boxes, producing u n y i e l d i n g and automatic r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and p o l i c e f o r c e s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r the Centre, black boxes can als o become unpacked - emerging from the shadows to again have t h e i r i n t r i c a c i e s problematized. One issue that the Centre i s c u r r e n t l y d e a l i n g w i t h i n t h i s regard concerns what one respondent termed ' i n t e r f a c e creep.' P o l i c e o p e r a t i o n a l r e p o r t i n g systems are dynamic, e v o l v i n g over time, which means that ongoing changes must be made to the i n t e r f a c e s to avoid r e p o r t i n g e r r o r s . Some or g a n i z a t i o n s have not maintained t h e i r end of the bargain w i t h due v i g i l a n c e , r e s u l t i n g i n the appearance of obvious e r r o r s i n t h e i r numbers or susp i c i o n s among Centre s t a f f that things might be amiss w i t h t h e i r data. The l i k e l i h o o d that the p o l i c e might not have committed themselves wholeheartedly to the maintenance of computerized i n t e r f a c e s i s perhaps r e l a t e d to the way i n which t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s were o r i g i n a l l y s o l d to them. While the Centre 125 works to impress on the p o l i c e the importance of m a i n t a i n i n g i n t e r f a c e s , the amount of time and labor that must be i n v e s t e d i n t h i s task i s not n e c e s s a r i l y accentuated i n the e a r l y stages of d i s c u s s i o n . There i s a concern that the p o l i c e might balk at t a k i n g on t h i s ongoing maintenance r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i f they knew the extent of the undertaking. An i n d i v i d u a l who e s t a b l i s h e s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l i n t e r f a c e s makes t h i s p o i n t : The b e n e f i t s are easy to come up with, i t i s the costs that are u s u a l l y s o f t - s o l d . Sometimes you have to do t h a t because i f you d i d n ' t s o f t - s e l l the costs you can't overcome the hurdles. Sometimes once you get over the hurdles, even though the costs are high, they w i l l continue w i t h them because i t i s i n p l a c e . An i n e r t i a c a r r i e s i t forward. I f you didn't s o f t - s e l l the beginning you could never get commitment. I t i s an unfortunate t h i n g that you have to do t h a t , but I t h i n k that i s human nature. There are p o l i t i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s to everything. I f you give everybody a l l of the negatives they w i l l use that as an excuse, almost every time, to keep the status quo. That i s not a bad t h i n g i f the status quo i s acceptable. I wish there was some other way. P o l i c e O f f i c e r s The Centre r e l i e s on p o l i c e o f f i c e r s c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y adopting the r o l e of data c o l l e c t o r . In order to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e such an i d e n t i t y the Centre has drawn from and appropriated e x i s t i n g c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the p o l i c e . Such s t r a t e g i c i n v o c a t i o n s and transformations of e x i s t i n g i d e n t i t i e s are one of the best ways to t r a n s l a t e a group i n t o w i l l i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a knowledge network. 126 While we cannot e s s e n t i a l i z e a s i n g l e p o l i c e c u l t u r e (Chan 1996), we can s a f e l y g e n e r a l i z e that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i d e a l l y conceive of p o l i c i n g as i n v o l v i n g e f f o r t s to augment p u b l i c s a f e t y and s e c u r i t y by apprehending c r i m i n a l s and processing them through the l e g a l system. The Centre t r i e s to i n t e r e s t p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n the p r a c t i c e of data accumulation by equating data c o l l e c t i o n w i t h crime f i g h t i n g . For example, the Centre has produced a t r a i n i n g video f o r p o l i c e o f f i c e r s e n t i t l e d 'Crime S t a t i s t i c s : Your S i l e n t Partner.' The video commences wit h a voice-over i m p l o r i n g p o l i c e o f f i c e r s : 'No matter what part of the country you l i v e i n , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are a l l f i g h t i n g the same war, the war against crime. One of the ways to help f i g h t that war i s through the c o l l e c t i o n and use of crime s t a t i s t i c s . ' This i s a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d attempt to t r a n s l a t e i n t e r e s t s : i f p o l i c e o f f i c e r s want to catch c r i m i n a l s and make the s t r e e t s safe, they w i l l submit t h e i r data i n the r e p o r t i n g conventions r e q u i r e d by the Centre. Much of the ensuing video demonstrates how an o f f i c e r ' s data are used by p o l i c e management to ta r g e t s p e c i f i c crimes and problem areas, which w i l l u l t i m a t e l y l e a d to reductions i n crime. Such e f f o r t s to d i s c i p l i n e o f f i c e r s i n t o a regime of conscientious c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are c r u c i a l . The e n t i r e UCR system r e s t s on t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e , as do any governmental s t r a t e g i e s that take modifying the crime r a t e 127 as t h e i r prime o b j e c t i v e . O f f i c e r s must be encouraged, reminded and d i s c i p l i n e d to take t h e i r paperwork s e r i o u s l y i f the ensuing data i s to be of any value. While r h e t o r i c a l moves to construct p o l i c e o f f i c e r s as data c o l l e c t o r s are important, other f a c t o r s are of greater s i g n i f i c a n c e . S p e c i f i c a l l y , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are i n t e r e s t e d i n assuming t h e i r d a t a - c o l l e c t i o n r o l e because i t has become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d w i t h i n p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A p o l i c e o f f i c e r ' s data production s k i l l s are r e g u l a r l y monitored and evaluated as a component of promotional d e c i s i o n s . A fundamental aspect of doing good p o l i c e work i s to produce q u a l i t y paperwork. By i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g and monitoring data c o l l e c t i o n standards, the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s doing p a r t of the Centre's work f o r them. Having drawn p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n t o the knowledge network, i t now becomes necessary to c o n t r o l t h e i r a c t i o n s . O f f i c e r s not only have to record occurrences, but they must do so i n a p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n . A system where o f f i c e r s simply provide n a r r a t i v e accounts of what t r a n s p i r e d i s of l i t t l e value to a s t a t i s t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n or to the aims of governance. The s p e c i f i c terms through which governance operates are embedded i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options on standardized forms. The production of governmental knowledge i s rendered p r e d i c t a b l e through these forms by t h e i r a b i l i t y to s t r u c t u r e knowledge i n predetermined formats and 128 c a t e g o r i e s . By using such technologies, c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s can c o n t r o l the d i s t a n t observations and act i o n s of complete strangers. Dorothy Smith (1990) h i g h l i g h t s how s i m i l a r procedures are at work i n r e l a t i o n to the production of s t a t i s t i c s on women w i t h mental i l l n e s s . Smith recounts how these s t a t i s t i c s r e l y on programs to t r a i n p h y s i c i a n s on the proper ways to s l o t i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o p a r t i c u l a r 'types' of mental i l l n e s s . I n d i v i d u a l cases are made a c t i o n a b l e according to c r i t e r i a that are imposed through a b s t r a c t systems which s t r u c t u r e p a t i e n t / p h y s i c i a n i n t e r a c t i o n s from a d i s t a n c e . In the process of such o f f i c i a l acts of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the l i v e d r e a l i t i e s of p a t i e n t s are ignored or set aside, much i n the same way that a v i c t i m ' s or an offender's s u b j e c t i v e understanding of a c r i m i n a l event i s removed from the processes of producing crime s t a t i s t i c s . When the p o l i c e take t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s e r i o u s l y , i t o f t e n r e s u l t s i n ongoing exchanges between the Centre and p o l i c e forces to c l a r i f y c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r u l e s . One i n d i v i d u a l i n the Centre's p o l i c e s e r v i c e s s e c t i o n has primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r handling p o l i c e queries about how to record ambiguous s i t u a t i o n s . Since the chaos of the world o f t e n does not conform to the e x i s t i n g c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options, t h i s i n d i v i d u a l spends a great deal of time t r y i n g to c l a r i f y the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n r u l e s f o r ambiguous s i t u a t i o n s . This o f t e n Byzantine c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e o c c a s i o n a l l y moves i n t o the realm of the admittedly b i z a r r e . Consider the case of the p o l i c e o f f i c e r who had requested c l a r i f i c a t i o n on how to score the v i c t i m record f o r a case of 'other sexual a s s a u l t . ' Since t h i s s p e c i f i c case i n v o l v e d an instance of b e s t i a l i t y , the system requirement f o r a v i c t i m record proved to be qu i t e comical. As the Centre's documentation on t h i s instance concludes, the p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r a v i c t i m record 'works great f o r the m a j o r i t y of crimes i n t h i s catch a l l , but becomes a problem when a dog i s i n v o l v e d . I t i s r e j e c t e d when no v i c t i m record i s submitted.' The c l a s s i f i c a t o r y f u n c t i o n of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s has been augmented by s i t u a t i n g o f f i c e r s i n a regime of documentary d i s c i p l i n e . Depending on the f o r c e , o f f i c e r s ' r e p o r t s can undergo d e t a i l e d l e v e l s of s c r u t i n y . Their forms are r e g u l a r l y examined by a 'reader' whose job i s to score f i l e s f o r the UCR. I f an o f f i c e r has omitted i n f o r m a t i o n or strayed outside of the o f f i c i a l r e p o r t i n g g u i d e l i n e s , t h e i r forms are returned f o r c o r r e c t i o n . The p o l i c e t r a i n i n g video mentioned e a r l i e r gives a glimpse of such lessons i n d i s c i p l i n e , as two p o l i c e p r o t a g o n i s t s r e f l e c t on the f a c t that t h e i r UCR report about a break and entry had been returned to them because i t was improperly done, one o f f i c e r admonishes h i s partner and the viewing audience, 'I t h i n k 130 i t ' s time we s t a r t e d t a k i n g a l i t t l e b i t more care f i l l i n g those things out.' I t i s assumed that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s resent and r e s i s t t h e i r r o l e as informat i o n recorder, hence the need f o r documentary d i s c i p l i n e . Overcoming r e s i s t a n c e i s one f u n c t i o n of computer systems that a u t o m a t i c a l l y t r a n s l a t e an o f f i c e r ' s use of Criminal Code c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n t o the S t a t i s t i c s Canada format. In forces where such technology does not e x i s t , p o l i c e personnel have to be t r a i n e d to c l a s s i f y according to the UCR r u l e s . I n d i v i d u a l p o l i c e forces are res p o n s i b l e f o r p r o v i d i n g t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n , w i t h some o c c a s i o n a l a s s i s t a n c e from the Centre. The t r a i n i n g , or la c k thereof, of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l personnel i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s p e c i f i c s and p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the Centre's surveys has been an ongoing concern w i t h i n the I n i t i a t i v e , as i s evident from these minutes of a 1994 LOC meeting: Data q u a l i t y i s p r i m a r i l y dependent upon s t a f f t r a i n i n g of those i n v o l v e d i n informat i o n c o l l e c t i o n and the implementation of system e d i t checks which i d e n t i f y m issing or erroneous data and provide data q u a l i t y r e p o r t s . The r e a l i t y has been that resources f o r s t a f f t r a i n i n g are o f t e n i n s u f f i c i e n t and system e d i t checks are by-passed to reduce the cost of data input and processing. By now i t should be r e a d i l y apparent that the p r a c t i c e s of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s are a weak po i n t i n the extended UCR network. While the p o l i c e have l a r g e l y been e n r o l l e d , t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s have proven to be d i f f i c u l t to 131 c o n t r o l . However, weak p o i n t s i n a network - places of e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l ambiguity and c o n t e s t a t i o n - tend to f o s t e r new forms of knowledge, p r a c t i c e and r h e t o r i c . The f l u r r y of new p r a c t i c e s and forms of knowledge that emerge at a network's weakest p o i n t i s a common phenomena w i t h i n the sciences (Rouse 1993: 154). In order to c o n t r o l the production of knowledge by the pol'ice, the Centre has i n s t i t u t e d a f a i r l y onerous set of formal and i n f o r m a l procedures to s c r u t i n i z e p o l i c e data. F i l e s are i n i t i a l l y examined to ensure that they are complete and that the data appear reasonable. The data then go through a complex regime of human and t e c h n o l o g i c a l s c r u t i n y , one component of which i s a s e r i e s of computerized ' l o g i c a l e d i t s ' which ensure that a l l of the c r u c i a l data elements are present and that the data are l o g i c a l l y c o n s i s t e n t . Such e d i t s provide s t a f f with a greater degree of t r u s t i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n ' s data while simultaneously reducing the amount of time they have to spend p e r s o n a l l y s c r u t i n i z i n g data f i l e s . The Centre's assumptions about crime rates have some d i s t i n c t l y Durkheimean resonances. Durkheim (1938) conceived of crime as a normal phenomena, something that augments s o c i a l cohesion through p u b l i c r e a c t i o n s to c r i m i n a l behavior. R e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l r a tes of crime and s u i c i d e (Durkheim 1951) are t h e r e f o r e a c t u a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of 132 a 'healthy' s o c i e t y . I t i s only when there are r a d i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s i n s t a t i s t i c a l r a t e s ( i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n ) t h a t we should become alarmed, as such swings are i n d i c a t i v e of broader p a t h o l o g i c a l changes i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . As Durkheim (1938: 72) cautions, 'There i s no occasion f o r s e l f - c o n g r a t u l a t i o n when the crime r a t e drops n o t i c e a b l y below the average l e v e l , f o r we may be c e r t a i n that t h i s apparent progress i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h some s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . ' The Centre's o p e r a t i o n a l assumptions echo some of these Durkheimean themes. Centre personnel a l s o assume that crime rates should be r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e year-to-year. They too b e l i e v e that i t i s only the major f l u c t u a t i o n s that must be accounted f o r . As a senior person i n v o l v e d w i t h the UCR s t a t e d , '[W]e assume a c e r t a i n amount of c o n t i n u i t y on the data. So we j u s t t e s t f o r abnormal data. I f something comes up then we take a c l o s e r look at i t . ' In f a c t , i t i s no exaggeration to say that the presumption of normalcy overlays the e n t i r e Centre. The s t a f f ' s working assumption about how c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s should behave informs t h e i r t h i n k i n g about when they should be concerned about p o t e n t i a l problems wi t h t h e i r data. However, contra Durkheim, they do not seek to e x p l a i n s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s by appeal to s t r u c t u r a l changes to the conscience c o l l e c t i v e . Instead, t h e i r aim i s to account f o r dramatic f l u c t u a t i o n s by l o o k i n g f o r the i n f l u e n c e p o l i c e 133 p r a c t i c e s , technology, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and human e r r o r might be having on the data. Centre personnel assume that such e r r o r s w i l l r e s u l t i n s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s that make the data s t r a y from the norm. The p o s s i b i l i t y that e r r o r s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , system f a i l u r e and neglect might a c t u a l l y r e s u l t i n numbers that are i n - l i n e w i t h normal or a n t i c i p a t e d s t a t i s t i c a l trends are beyond the working p r a c t i c e s and conceptual framework of Centre personnel. No e f f o r t i s expended i n t r y i n g to account f o r why numbers remain s t a b l e as s t a b l e numbers are, q u i t e simply, and i n both senses of the word, the norm. The presumption of normalcy i s embedded i n the considerable UCRII t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e employed to tr a c k v a r i a t i o n s i n crime trends over time and across comparably s i z e d p o l i c e f o r c e s . Recently introduced e l e c t r o n i c t o lerance e d i t s a u t o m a t i c a l l y detect and f l a g s t a t i s t i c a l trends that f a l l o utside of user-defined s t a t i s t i c a l standard d e v i a t i o n s . These e d i t s operate by checking how many standard d e v i a t i o n s a p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e s t r a y s from the norm. The po i n t at which these f l u c t u a t i o n s become a problem i s a product of i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s and decision-making. Programmers determine the l e v e l at which the standard d e v i a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n t offenses w i l l be flagged. The standard d e v i a t i o n f o r crimes recognized as having a greater d i s c r e t i o n a r y enforcement component, such 134 as n a r c o t i c s or p r o s t i t u t i o n , i s set higher than f o r other crimes. A n a l y s t s then s c r u t i n i z e the options that the system f l a g s to see i f the data need f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The standard d e v i a t i o n l e v e l s are a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h a r e c o g n i t i o n of a l i m i t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a b i l i t y to respond to these computer-generated cautions. I f they are set too low, a n a l y s t s r i s k being overwhelmed by a f l o o d of r e l a t i v e l y minor s t a t i s t i c a l d e v i a t i o n s . As a respondent who was i n v o l v e d i n developing these e d i t s recounted, ' B a s i c a l l y you say 'how many records can I review?' And then you cut o f f at that p o i n t . ' The use of computerized e d i t s , and the greater r e l i a n c e on computers more g e n e r a l l y , has al s o produced some negative s i d e - e f f e c t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t has introduced a s e r i e s of complex i n t e r a c t i o n s among systems and a greater degree of system i m p e n e t r a b i l i t y . Charles Perrow (1984: 78) uses the concept of ' i n t e r a c t i v e complexity' to designate those systems that have u n f a m i l i a r , unplanned and unexpected sequences, a l l of which are not v i s i b l e or immediately comprehensible. I n t e r a c t i v e complexity makes systems management and t r o u b l e s h o o t i n g d i f f i c u l t because c r u c i a l operations and int e r c o n n e c t i o n s are designed to be hidden from the operator. Such obstacles are exacerbated by the f a c t that system operators have l i m i t e d understanding of some processes and that such systems have u n f a m i l i a r or 135 unintended feedback loops. Consequently, operators are l i k e l y to experience unexpected and mysterious i n t e r a c t i o n s among components, which designers d i d not a n t i c i p a t e and operators cannot recognize. Tendencies such as these were mentioned by some Centre respondents who h i g h l i g h t e d the d i f f i c u l t i e s of monitoring the i n t e r a c t i o n s of computer systems, i n t e r f a c e s and e d i t s . Here a senior person i n v o l v e d i n the production of UCR s t a t i s t i c s gives a sense of the d i f f i c u l t i e s t hat have emerged as t h e i r systems have become more i n t e r a c t i v e l y complex: The systems are what allows us to [produce the UCRII], but i t i s a l s o the systems that make i t that much more d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e things... when you have problems, because there i s such a heavy systems o v e r l a y on the process, they can be much more d i f f i c u l t to f i n d . They can be very i n v i s i b l e . Unless you have a l o t of experience w i t h i t , you w i l l - i f you don't miss i t you w i l l have a heck of a time f i g u r i n g out what caused the problem. I f you do miss i t then you are l o s t . I f you are not that f a m i l i a r w i t h the process and a l l of the i n t r i c a c i e s i t can be r e a l l y d i f f i c u l t to fathom why some data are behaving i n a p a r t i c u l a r way w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r respondent. And a l o t of times the respondent won't know themselves. You have to a l e r t them to i t that there might be a problem here. For someone who i s f a m i l i a r i t could be a two day r e s o l u t i o n process. For someone who i s not, i t could be a two week or two month r e s o l u t i o n process. While i n d i v i d u a l p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are embedded i n a regime of d i s c i p l i n a r y s u r v e i l l a n c e of t h e i r data production, computer systems prompt a d i s c i p l i n i n g of the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i t s e l f . The e d i t checks f o r the UCRII produce 'error r e p o r t s ' when there are problems w i t h an 136 i n d i v i d u a l f i l e . P o l i c e forces r e c e i v e copies of these reports so that they can o s t e n s i b l y c o r r e c t the f i l e i n question, modify t h e i r system, or take greater v i g i l a n c e i n the f u t u r e . In p r a c t i c e , t h i s amounts to a r o u t i n e of d i s c i p l i n a r y s u r v e i l l a n c e of the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n i t s r o l e as data p r o v i d e r . While the percentage of f i l e s that prompt an e r r o r report i s u s u a l l y r e l a t i v e l y low, given the high number of UCRII i n c i d e n t s that some forces submit on a monthly b a s i s , the t o t a l number of e r r o r reports can be p o t e n t i a l l y overwhelming. A senior member of the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s program suggested that perhaps 7% of the records generate a message back to the respondents; but w i t h a respondent such as Toronto which sends the Centre approximately 25,000 records a month, t h i s can amount to an enormous number of returned records. U l t i m a t e l y , the Centre's power to produce crime s t a t i s t i c s i s contingent upon p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n d i s t a n t l o c a t i o n s checking o f f boxes from o f f i c i a l forms i n the p r e s c r i b e d manner. I f a s u f f i c i e n t number of o f f i c e r s refuse to employ some c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , the Centre must work to b r i n g them back i n t o the f r a y or r i s k l o s i n g that p a r t i c u l a r b i t of knowledge and o b s t r u c t i n g any governmental s t r a t e g i e s which might be t i e d to those i n d i c a t o r s . Despite e f f o r t s to background and c o n t r o l p o l i c e UCR r e p o r t i n g f u n c t i o n s , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s s t i l l o c c a s i o n a l l y s t r a y from the i d e n t i t y 137 of data c o l l e c t o r . A recent example of such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y ambivalence concerns the e l i m i n a t i o n of the UCRII v a r i a b l e to record whether a v i c t i m or accused had consumed a l c o h o l or drugs p r i o r to the i n c i d e n t . Despite the f a c t that p r e l i m i n a r y data i n d i c a t e that alcohol/drugs are i n v o l v e d i n a s i g n i f i c a n t number of c r i m i n a l events, i t had become i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent that some key p l a y e r s i n the p o l i c e community were uncomfortable w i t h t h i s data element. Some p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s claimed that the v a r i a b l e was open to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and hence ' s o f t . ' In s i t u a t i o n s where an o f f i c e r has to r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y r e c o n s t r u c t the events preceding an i n c i d e n t , i n c l u d i n g the presence or absence of alcohol/drugs, t h i s s u b j e c t i v e element i s even more pronounced. Despite such concerns, some members of the Centre were astounded that anyone would t h i n k of dropping a data element that appeared to be r e l a t e d to a high number of c r i m i n a l events. A member of the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s d i r e c t o r a t e summarized h i s i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n to t h i s proposal as: 'I was going: 'Come on! This i s the number one t h i n g that happens to the crime that we c o l l e c t ! ' ' Yet another member of the Centre expressed s i m i l a r r e s e r v a t i o n s : I'm not happy wi t h some of the changes that are being proposed r i g h t now. For example, the presence of a l c o h o l i s one data element that i s proposed to be cut l a r g e l y because some of the major, I t h i n k Toronto, has decided not to give us the i n f o r m a t i o n . So i t i s a case where your major respondents are determining what i s 138 going to be reported r a t h e r than the n a t i o n a l standards. The above quote i n d i c a t e s that the Centre i s l o s i n g out on the c o l l e c t i o n of the 'alcohol and drug' v a r i a b l e because of the r e s i s t a n c e of a powerful i n d i v i d u a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . However, there are competing accounts of why the p o l i c e are keen to drop t h i s element. In a d d i t i o n to questions about i t s methodological soundness, p o l i c e r e t i c e n c e a l s o appears to be a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of c l a s h i n g p o l i c e i d e n t i t i e s . The Centre works on the assumption that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s make a simple d e c o n t e x t u a l i z e d determination of alcohol/drug involvement. I t i s an image which ignores the way i n which p o l i c e accounting p r a c t i c e s are o f t e n prospective -a n t i c i p a t i n g the consequences of t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g s . In l i g h t of t h i s , one reason f o r f r o n t - l i n e o f f i c e r r e t i c e n c e to i n d i c a t e alcohol/drug involvement appears to be that they do not want to provide an accused w i t h a p o t e n t i a l way to defend or excuse h i s a c t i o n s : [The p o l i c e ] don't want to be committed to saying that there was a l c o h o l consumption t a k i n g place because i t becomes a reason f o r mens rea as opposed to actus reaus. The i m p l i c a t i o n being that I was drunk and didn't know what I was doing. Or I was under the i n f l u e n c e of a drug and didn't know what I was doing. I t becomes a defence f o r [the accused's] a c t i o n s . So that i s number one why they won't put i t down. Number two i s that they suspect, nine times out of ten, drug usage was t a k i n g place, but they can't prove i t . You 139 can't make them blow i n t o a b r e a t h a l y s e r to prove that they were under the i n f l u e n c e of hash. Authors w r i t i n g on how governance i s e x e r c i s e d have not pa i d s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n to the minutia of network b u i l d i n g i n the a i d of producing governmental knowledge. This i s unfortunate, as the a v a i l a b i l i t y or u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of such knowledge does not simply emerge spontaneously i n response to new governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Rather, governmental p o s s i b i l i t i e s emerge hand-in-hand w i t h s p e c i f i c knowledges, knowledges which are the product of complex processes of network b u i l d i n g . The d i f f e r e n t i a l successes of such e f f o r t s can make governmental knowledge a v a i l a b l e or, at times, f o r e c l o s e on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c e r t a i n p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l data. The example of how the Centre had to abandon e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t data on the r e l a t i o n between crime and alcohol/drugs UCR i s i n s t r u c t i v e ; i t i n d i c a t e s why a s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r that could p o t e n t i a l l y be employed i n attempts to govern the consumption patterns of c i t i z e n s (Hunt 1995) was not produced. Agencies desirous of such knowledge i n order to f o s t e r new s t r a t e g i e s f o r governance would have to do without such data or seek out comparable i n d i c a t o r s from a more s u c c e s s f u l center of c a l c u l a t i o n . Chapter 3 continues to explore t h i s theme of the o c c a s i o n a l u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of 140 governmental knowledge i n the context of e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t race/crime data. Center of C a l c u l a t i o n Governance i s g e n e r a l l y coordinated at a distance from the s p e c i f i c o bjects to be governed. I t works upon representations and becomes i n s c r i b e d i n t e x t s , i n s t r u c t i o n a l r o u t i n e s , communication s t r u c t u r e s . C e n t r a l l o c a l e s provide a s i t e i n which such knowledge can accumulate and be spread out i n t o other networks. At the broadest l e v e l , the CCJS constructs i t s e l f as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n through which a l l other i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s must pass i n order to achieve t h e i r d e s i r e d ends. Three ways i n which Centre s t a f f have accomplished t h i s are by assuming the status of ' i n s i d e r ' , i n v o k i n g the image of the Centre as an 'honest broker', and c o n t r a s t i n g t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l * s t r u c t u r e w i t h that of s t a t i s t i c a l agencies i n other c o u n t r i e s . Centre s t a f f p o r t r a y themselves as doing the b i d d i n g of other agencies or i n s t i t u t i o n s . They work to ensure th a t they can c l a i m the backing of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e or, i n the case of the UCR, that they are a c t i n g upon the wishes of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of C h i e f s of P o l i c e . I n s i d e r s t a t u s i s c r u c i a l l y important i n that i t would be d i f f i c u l t , and probably impossible, f o r an o u t s i d e r to e s t a b l i s h a 141 comparable network to r e p l i c a t e , confirm or dispute the Centre's f i n d i n g s . Being able to c l a i m the cooperation of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the CACP a l s o allows the Centre to p a r t i a l l y d e f l e c t c r i t i c i s m about them being yet another outside agency imposing demands on p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Without t h i s i n s i d e r status i t would be even more d i f f i c u l t to draw the various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s o n - l i n e , as one s t a f f member e x p l a i n s : One of the things that we are c o n s t a n t l y b a t t l i n g w i t h i s t r y i n g to get the p o l i c e o f f i c e r s to know that the i n f o r m a t i o n that we are c o l l e c t i n g i s not something that i s j u s t f o r S t a t i s t i c s Canada. I t i s f o r the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e who wanted n a t i o n a l crime data. In f a c t , i t was the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of C h i e f s of P o l i c e who o r i g i n a l l y came up w i t h the data elements f o r the UCR. But they o f t e n t h i n k that they are j u s t c o l l e c t i n g s t a t i s t i c s f o r S t a t i s t i c s Canada. A second s e l f - c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n r e c u r r e n t l y invoked by Centre personnel i s that of 'honest broker.' I t i s an expression which captures the i d e a l i z e d image the Centre holds of i t s e l f - an o r g a n i z a t i o n that stands above the p o l i t i c a l f r a y i n order to provide unbiased numbers about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . One of the Centre's great successes has been t h e i r a b i l i t y to construct and maintain t h i s image. While t h e i r numbers have o c c a s i o n a l l y been s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m s about methodology and coverage, the Centre i t s e l f i s l a r g e l y seen as non-partisan. Given that by v i r t u e of t h e i r subject matter c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e 142 numbers are i n h e r e n t l y p o l i t i c a l , t h i s a b i l i t y to immunize i t s e l f against accusations of p a r t i s a n s h i p has been an instrumental development. Attending a POLIS meeting i n 1996 I witnessed a p r a c t i c a l expression of the Centre's 'honest broker' s t a t u s . There, a p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e suggested that i n l i g h t of the f a c t that new firearms l e g i s l a t i o n was then making i t s way through Parliament, the Centre should conduct a study of the l e v e l of firearms usage i n c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t s . Such a study would produce trend data that would allow f o r pre and p o s t - l e g i s l a t i o n comparisons of firearms usage. A Centre r e p r e s e n t a t i v e responded that such a study was c u r r e n t l y being done by the Department of J u s t i c e . The o f f i c e r r e p l i e d , 'Yeah, but we want you to do t h i s because you are i m p a r t i a l . ' For t h i s o f f i c e r , and h i s colleagues who nodded i n agreement, numbers emanating from the Department of J u s t i c e were i n h e r e n t l y suspect because of the f a c t that i t was that department which had introduced the firearms l e g i s l a t i o n . While they must c o n t i n u a l l y work to maintain t h i s s t a t u s , the Centre has managed to carve out a niche where they are l a r g e l y u n t a i n t e d by the odor of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a